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THE    ROYAL    NAVY 

A    HISTORY 

FROM  THE   EARLIEST   TIMES   TO    THE  PRESENT 


1 


>rv 


to  the  Pre 


A     History 
From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Present 


By 

VVm.    Laird  Clowes 

Fellovi  of  King's  College,  London ;  Cold  Medallist   U.S.  Naval  Institute  ; 
Hon.  Member  of  the  Royal  United  Service  Institution 

Assisted  by 

Sir  Clements  Markham,  K.C.B.,  P.R.G.S. 
Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  U.S.N. 

Mr.  H.  W.  Wilson 
Col.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the  United  States 

etc. 


Thirty    Photogravures 

and 

Hundreds   of    Full    Page    and    other 
1  (lustrations 

Maps,    Charts 

etc. 


In  Seven   Volumes 
VOL.    VI. 


LONDON 

SAMPSON"    Low,    MARSTOX    AND    COMPANY 


t.  Sun-tan's 


ftaitt,  3E.C. 


1901 


LONDON : 

PRINTED  BY   WILLIAM   CLOWES   AND  SONS,    LIMITED. 
STAMFORD  STREET  AND  CHAltING   CROSS. 


INTRODUCTION   TO   VOLUME   VI. 


WHEN,  in  June,  1899,  I  wrote  the  Introduction  to  Volume  IV.  of 
this  History,  I  announced  that,  at  my  urgent  instance,  the  Pub- 
lishers had  generously  agreed  to  allow  me  to  extend  the  work  from 
five  volumes  to  six.  Since  then  much  has  happened.  It  was 
permissible  to  hope  that  the  remaining  eighteen  months  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  and,  in  fact,  the  concluding  years  of  her  late 
Majesty's  most  glorious  reign,  would  be  spent  in  peace ;  yet  scarcely 
was  Volume  IV.  in  the  hands  of  the  public  ere  there  broke  out  in 
South  Africa  one  of  the  most  troublesome  and  tedious  wars  in  which 
the  British  Empire  has  ever  been  engaged ;  and,  not  long  after- 
wards, it  became  necessary  to  embark  upon  extensive  operations  in 
China.  On  both  scenes  of  action  the  Navy  has  borne  an  onerous 
and  honourable  part,  and  has  done  magnificent  work  which  cannot 
fitly  be  described  save  at  some  length. 

Since,  therefore,  I  am  anxious  to  complete  the  History  up  to  the 
end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  such 
justice  as  I  can  to  the  services  of  the  Navy  as  well  at  the  close  as  at 
the  beginning  and  middle  of  that  eventful  hundred  years,  I  have 
again  induced  my  Publishers,  Messrs.  Sampson  Low,  Marston  & 
Co.,  Ltd.,  to  agree  to  an  extension  of  the  plan  of  the  book.  It  will 
now  consist  of  seven  volumes,  and  will  bring  the  story  up  to  the  end  ' 
of  the  year  1900,  a  date  which,  for  practical  purposes,  is  synchronous 
with  that  of  the  end  of  the  Victorian  era.  This  arrangement  has 
permitted  me  to  deal  at  somewhat  greater  length  than  at  first  I 
deemed  possible  with  all  the  previous  operations  in  China,  with  the 
naval  side  of  the  war  with  Eussia,  and  with  many  minor  affairs 
which  well  deserve  to  be  chronicled  with  some  fulness. 

The  present  volume  is  concerned  with  the  war  with  the  United 
States  in  1812-15,  and  with  the  development  and  work  of  the  Eoyal 


vi  INTBODUCTION    TO    VOLUME    VI. 

Navy  from  that  time  onwards  until  the  conclusion  of  the  war  with 
Russia.  For  it  are  responsible  Colonel  Eoosevelt,  now  President  of 
the  United  States,  Sir  Clements  Markham,  and  myself. 

Colonel  Eoosevelt,  when  he  kindly  promised  to  write  for  me  the 
interesting  and  suggestive  chapter  which  is  to-day  before  the  reader, 
was  not  even  "Vice-President.  He  was  only  President  of  the  Board 
of  Police  Commissioners  of  New  York.  Even  when  he  completed 
the  chapter,  and  corrected  the  proof-sheets  of  it,  he  was  only 
Assistant-Secretary  of  the  United  States'  Navy.  I  feel  it  my  duty 
to  mention  these  facts  in  order  that  I  may  make  clear  to  his 
countrymen,  should  they  be  curious  in  the  matter,  that  although 
the  name  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  affixed  to  the 
chapter,  the  opinions  expressed  in  it  are  those,  rather,  of  a  naval 
administrator  who,  be  it  remembered,  when  little  more  than  a  boy, 
wrote  what  was  then  the  best  American  account  of  the  war  which 
he  now  describes  again,  more  briefly,  it  is  true,  yet  by  the  light 
of  fuller  knowledge.  Since  the  days  of  his  service  in  the  Navy 
Department,  Theodore  Eoosevelt,  already  sportsman,  big-game 
hunter,  zoologist,  and  politician,  has  gained  equal  distinction  as 
a  soldier  and  as  a  statesman.  The  sorrowful  circumstances  which 
in  the  last  few  days  have  led  him  so  suddenly  to  the  Presidency 
must,  I  fear,  confine  his  wonderful  energies  to  one  channel  only  for 
some  time  to  come.  I  am  very  fortunate  in  having  secured,  at  a 
comparatively  quiet  period  of  his  most  active  career,  the  assistance 
of  so  brilliant,  able,  and  busy  a  man. 

In  his  book,  '  The  Naval  War  of  1812,'  published  when  he  was 
but  four-and-twenty,  Theodore  Eoosevelt  dealt  with  the  struggle 
from  the  exclusively  American  point  of  view.  He  has  now  attacked 
the  subject  from  the  more  purely  critical  side ;  and  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  say  that  he  has  produced  a  piece  of  work  which,  while  fair-minded 
and  generous  to  a  degree,  is  as  remarkable  for  its  analytical  insight 
as  for  its  impartial  plain  speaking.  He  indicates  very  clearly  why 
the  United  States  beat  Great  Britain  so  frequently  in  the  earlier 
actions  of  the  war,  and  why,  in  spite  of  American  successes,  the 
Great  Eepublic,  with  a  navy  as  it  was  then  constituted  and 
managed,  could  never  hope  for  decisive  victory.  The  lessons  which 
he  deduces  from  the  history  of  the  war  should  be  as  valuable  to 
Britons  as  to  his  own  people :  and,  believing  as  I  do  in  the  high 
mission  of  the  races  concerned,  I  trust  that  both  may  equally  profit 
by  my  friend's  clear-sighted  conclusions. 


INTRODUCTION   TO    VOLUME    VI.  Vll 

Many  of  the  interesting  American  portraits  which  illustrate 
President  Eoosevelt's  chapter  are  reproduced  from  originals  which 
have  been  most  kindly  lent  me  by  Mr.  Henry  Carey  Baird,  of 
Philadelphia,  to  whose  voluntary  co-operation  I  owe  much. 

Sir  Clements  Markham  contributes  the  two  chapters  which 
describe  the  naval  voyages  and  discoveries  of  1803-15,  and  1816-56. 
In  the  second  of  these  chapters,  the  President  of  the  Boyal  Geo- 
graphical Society  tells,  I  may  remind  the  reader,  of  services  quorum 
parsfuit;  for  although,  perhaps,  the  fact  is  not  generally  remem- 
bered, Sir  Clements  was  for  eight  years  in  the  Navy,  and  was 
himself  with  one  of  the  most  interesting  Arctic  expeditions  of  that 
period. 

For  the  remaining  part  of  the  volume  I  am  alone  responsible. 
The  active  services  of  the  Navy  between  the  years  1816  and  1856 
were,  speaking  generally,  of  a  character  somewhat  different  from 
that  which  chiefly  marks  the  work  of  the  fleet  up  to  the  close  of  the 
Napoleonic  wars ;  but  I  do  not  know  that  they  are  less  interesting, 
or  less  usefully  suggestive.  In  the  forty  years,  British  admirals 
fought  no  great  pitched  battles  with  formidable  foes  ;  and  although 
the  period  is  that  of  Algier,  Navarin,  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  Sebastopol, 
it  is  more  especially  the  period  of  small  wars  with  uncivilised  peoples, 
of  steady,  but  nearly  noiseless,  extension  of  the  Empire,  and  of 
onerous  policing  of  the  ocean.  It  witnessed  the  practical  extinction 
of  piracy,  and  of  the  over-sea  slave  trade ;  and,  in  connection  with 
those  subjects,  there  will  be  found  in  the  following  pages  the  record 
of  many  almost  forgotten  deeds  of  heroism.  It  witnessed  also  many 
scarcely-remembered  exploits  which  were  undertaken  in  defence  of 
British  interests  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  for  the  protection  and 
advancement  of  British  trade.  The  reader  will  perceive,  perhaps 
with  some  surprise,  that  although  the  period  was,  upon  the  whole, 
one  which  it  is  customary  to  call  a  time  of  peace,  scarcely  a  year  of 
it  passed  without  seeing  the  Navy  actively  and  gallantly  engaged  in 
some  corner  of  the  world. 

For  assistance  rendered  to  me  in  connection  with  Chapters 
XLIII.  and  XLIV.,  and  with  the  Appendices,  I  have  gratefully  to 
acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to,  among  others,  Admiral  of  the 
Fleet  the  Et.  Hon.  Lord  John  Hay,  Sir  J.  E.  Commerell,  and  Sir 
A.  McL.  Lyons;  Admirals  Sir  E.  G.  Fanshawe,  Sir  E.  Ommanney, 
Sir  H.  Chads,  the  Kt.  Hon.  Sir  J.  C.  D.  Hay,  Bart.,  Sir  G.  0. 
Willes,  and  Henry  Boys ;  Paymasters-in-Chief  J.  W.  M.  Ashby,  and 


vni  INTRODUCTION  TO    VOLUME    VI. 

R.  R.  A.  Richards ;  Fleet-Paymaster  Frederick  Cleeve ;  and  Chaplain 
the  Rev.  A.  G.  Kealy,  R.N. ;  some  of  whom  are  now,  alas,  no 
more.  1  have  also  to  express  my  gratitude  to  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment, Washington ;  the  Marine-Section  of  the  K.  und  K.  Reichs- 
Kriegs-Ministeriurn  (through  the  courtesy  of  my  old  friend  Captain 
Leopold  Ritter  von  Jedina,  of  the  Aust.-Hung.  Navy) ;  the  Imperial 
Russian  Admiralty ;  and  the  Ministry  of  Marine  in  Paris. 

Once  more  I  have  to  apologise  for  the  delayed  appearance  of  a 
volume,  and  to  beg  both  my  most  patient  and  kindly  Publishers  and 
the  public  to  excuse  it  on  the  ground  of  my  continued  ill-health .  I 
have  personally  undertaken  the  indexing  of  the  previous  five  volumes. 
To  my  regret,  I  have  been  obliged  to  entrust  the  laborious  task  of 
indexing  the  present  volume  to  another  hand ;  but  I  have  been 
fortunate  in  securing  for  the  work  the  services  of  Miss  E.  M.  Samson, 
to  whom  my  thanks  are  due  for  the  manner  in  which  she  has  carried 
out  what  I  know  to  be  a  most  difficult  undertaking. 

AVAL  DU  CREUX,  SABK. 
Sept.  15,  1901. 


ADDENDUM. 

The  following  paragraph,  which  should  have  preceded  the  paragraph, 
on  p.  277,  beginning  "  The  year  1837,"  was  accidentally  omitted 
ivhen  the  copy  was  sent  to  the  printers  :— 

In  spite  of  the  operations  of  Chads,  the  Malays  continued  to 
give  trouble  to  the  Indian  Government,  whose  province  it  then  was 
to  superintend  relations  with  the  tribes  of  the  Archipelago ;  and, 
early  in  1837,  Captain  Eobert  Contart  M'Crea,  of  the  Zebra,  16, 
was  ordered,  in  consequence  of  representations  from  Calcutta,  to 
capture  a  contumacious  Malay  chief,  the  ex-rajah  of  Quedah,  who 
had  taken  refuge  at  Bruas,  on  the  coast  of  Perak,  and  to  convey  him 
as  prisoner  to  Penang.  M'Crea  executed  the  service  in  the  month 
of  April,  but  not  without  difficulty.  His  boats,  which  he  led  in 
person,  had  to  approach  the  chief's  hiding-place  along  a  narrow  and 
tortuous  stream,  both  sides  of  which  were  fringed  with  dense  jungle, 
and  then  to  sustain  a  sharp  action  for  an  hour  and  a  half  with  a 
brig,  and  with  a  strong  and  well-manned  stockade.  The  affair  cost 
heavy  loss  to  the  attackers,  and  still  heavier  to  the  defenders,  but 
was  so  ably  carried  out  that  the  East  India  Company  subsequently 
presented  M'Crea  with  a  piece  of  plate  in  token  of  its  satisfaction. 


CONTENTS. 

VOLUME    VI. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

PAGE 

THK  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1812-1815   .  1 

Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES,  1803-1815.          ...  .     181 

Sir     Clements    B.    Markka m,    K.C.B.,    President    of    tlte    Bot/al 
Geographical  Society. 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 

CIVIL  HISTORY  OP  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,  1816-1856    .  .      184 

W.  Laird  Clowes. 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 

MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,  1816-1856       .  .     222 

W.  Laird  Clowes. 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  XLIV. : 

LIST   OP   H.M.    SHIPS   WRECKED,    FOUNDERED,    BURNT,    TAKEN, 

OR  DESTROYED,  1816-1856  504 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XLV. 

VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES,  1816-1856.          .          .  .  507 

Sir  Clements  B.  MarMam,  K.C.B. 

APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTERS  XLIII.-XLV. : 

LIST  OF  FLAG-OFFICERS  PROMOTED  FROM  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  AVAH 

IN  1815  TO  THE  END  OF  1856  (ACTIVE  LIST  ONLY)    .          .     538 


INDEX     .  55) 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTBATIONS. 


VOLUME  VI. 


PHOTOGRAVURE  PLATES. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  NAVARIN    ......  Frontispiece 

SIR  DAVID  MILNE,  G.C.B.,  ADMIRAL     ....  Facing  p.  224 

DEFEAT   OF  THE  SQUADRON  OF  DOM  MIGUEL  BY  NAPIER  „  264 
THE    HON.    SIR    ROBERT    STOPFORD,    G.C.B.,    G.C.M.G., 

ADMIRAL     ..........  „  322 

SIR  CHARLES  NAPIER  (2),  K.C.B.,  ADMIRAL.          .  „  417 


FULL-PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

SCENE    OF   THE    PRINCIPAL    NAVAL   OPERATIONS    ON    THE 

COAST  OF  NORTH  AMERICA,  1812-15 
THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  U.S.S.  "CHESAPEAKE"  BY  H.M.S. 

"  SHANNON,"  JUNE  IST,  1813  .... 

CAPTURE    OF  THE   U.S.  BRIG  "  ARGUS  "  BY   H.M.  SLOOP 

"  PELICAN,"  AUG.  HTH,  1813         .... 

BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALGIER,  AUG.  27TH,  1816. 
MAP  OF  BURMAH         .          .          .          ... 

THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  CANTON  RIVER      .... 

THE    "  DUKE    OF   WELLINGTON,"    131,    FITTING    OUT    AT 

PORTSMOUTH,  1854        ...... 

SCENE  OF  THE  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  BALTIC  SEA,  1854-55 
THE  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  SEA  OF  Azov,   1855 


Facing  p. 


80 

86 
228 
238 

287 

412 
415 
454 


xiv  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


ILLUSTRATIONS   IN  THE   TEXT. 

PAGE 

DOUGLAS'S  DOUBLE  (REVERSIBLE)  FLINT  LOCK,  FOE  GUNS  OR  MORTARS, 

ca.  1818 2 

ADMIRAL  THE  HON.  SIR  GEORGE  CRANFIELD  BERKELEY,  G.C.B.        .  17 

REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  SALUSBURY  PRYCE  DAVENPORT  (PREVIOUSLY 

HUMPHREYS),  KT.,  C.B.,  K.C.H 19 

AMERICAN     COMMEMORATION     MEDAL     OF    THE     CAPTURE     OF    THE 

"GUERRIERE"    IN    1812 35 

AMERICAN   COMMEMORATION    MEDAL,  BY   SPENCER,  OF   THE    CAPTURE 

OF    THE    "FROLIC,"    IN    1812 39 

CAPTAIN  STEPHEN  DECATUR,  JUN.,  U.S.N.     .....  42 

CAPTAIN  WILLIAM  BAINBRIDGE,  U.S.N.          .....  49 

CAPTAIN  JAMES  LAWRENCE,  U.S.N.        ......  75 

REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  PHILIP  BOWES  VERB  BROKE,  BART.,  K.C.B.       .  77 
PROVO  WILLIAM  PARRY  WALLIS,  XT.  22                  .          .          .          .83 

SIGNATURE  OP  SIR  PROVO  WILLIAM  PARRY  WALLIS,  G.C.B.,  ADMIRAL 

OF  THE  FLEET      .........  83 

COMMANDER  SAMUEL  BLYTH,  R.N.         ......  90 

ADMIRAL  THE  HON.  SIR  ALEXANDER  FORESTER  INGLIS  COCHRANE, 

G.C.B 99 

CAPTAIN  DAVID  PORTER,  U.S.N.  ....                             .  101 

CAPTAIN  ISAAC  CHAUNCEY,  U.S.N.         ...  Ill 

AMERICAN  MEDAL  COMMEMORATIVE   OF  THE  BATTLE  OF   LAKE   ERIE, 

!813  .                                      .          .                   ....  118 

CAPTAIN  OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY,  U.S.N.       .          .  121 

CAPTAIN  THOMAS  MACDONOUGH,  U.S.N.          ...  131 

CAPTAIN  JOSHUA  BARNEY,  U.S.N.          .          .  143 

SIR  JAMES  ALEXANDER  GORDON  (1),  G.C.B.,  ADMIRAL  OF  THE  FLEET  145 

CAPTAIN  LEWIS  WAHRINGTON,  U.S.N.    .  160 

CAPTAIN  JOHNSTON  BLAKELY,  U.S.N.    .          .  162 

CAPTAIN  CHARLES  STEWART,  U.S.N.      .  169 

CAPTAIN  JAMES  BIDDLE,  U.S.N.    .  174 

BADGE  OF  THE  MOST  HONOURABLE  ORDER  OF  THE  BATH  (MILITARY 

CLASSES)      ...  ig-i 

STAR  OF  A  G.C.B.       .          .          .  ,g, 

CIRCULAR   STERN   OF   H.M.S.  "AsiA,"  84,  BUILT  AT   BOMBAY,  1824.  192 


ILL  US  TEA  T10NS.  X  V 

PAGE 

H.M.S.  "  RETRIBUTION,"  10  GUNS,  1641  TONS  (B.M.),  400  H.P.  NOM.     194 
H.M.S.  "TERRIBLE,"  20  GUNS,  1847  TONS  (B.M.),  800  H.P.  NOM.   .     195 
SCREW  versus  PADDLE.          .          .          .        ...          .  .197 

FLAG  OFFICERS'  AND  CAPTAINS'  GOLD  MEDAL,  1794-1815         .          .     213 
NAVAL  WAR  SERVICE  MEDAL,  1793-1815       .          .          .      -  .          .214 
NAVAL  LONG  SERVICE  AND  GOOD  CONDUCT  MEDAL          .          .          .215 
THE  VICTORIA  CROSS  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .221 

STAR  OF  A  K.C.B.       ......'  .     223 

MEDAL  COMMEMORATIVE  OF  THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALGIER,  1816      .     230 
ADMIRAL  SIR  ROBERT  WALLER  OTWAY  (1),  BART.,  G.C.B.        .          .     250 
PLAN  OF  THE  BAY  OF  NAVARIN,  OCT.  20TH,  1827  ....     255 

DETAILED  PLANS  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  NAVARIN        .          .          .      257,  259 
COMMEMORATIVE  MEDAL  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  NAVARIN      .          .          .     261 
H.R.H.  PRINCE  WILLIAM  HENRY,  DUKE  OF  CLARENCE,  ADMIRAL  OF 

THE  FLEET,  LORD  HIGH  ADMIRAL.          .          .          .          .          .271 

ADMIRAL  SIR  HENRY  DUCIE  CHADS,  G.C.B.  .....     274 

THE  CHINA  MEDAL,  1840-42 303 

BOMBARDMENT  OF  ST.  JEAN  D'ACRE,  NOVEMBER  SRD,  1840       .          .     320 
ADMIRAL   OF   THE   FLEET  THE    HON.   SIR   HENRY   KEPPEL,    G.C.B., 

D.C.L.         .'....  ....     324 

THE  BATTLE  OF  OBLIGADO,  1845  .......     340 

ADMIRAL  SIR  JAMES  WHITLEY  DEANS  DUNDAS,  G.C.B.   .          .          .     405 

VICE-ADMIRAL  EDMUND,  LORD  LYONS,  BART.,  G.C.B.,  D.C.L. .          .     408 
SIGNATURE   OP  ADMIRAL   THE   RT.  HON.    SIR   ASTLEY  COOPER   KEY, 

G.C.B.,  F.R.S.     . 414 

BOMARSUND,  1854        .  ......     423 

BOMBARDMENT  OF  SEBASTOPOL  FROM  THE  SEA,  17TH  OCT.,  1854        .     441 

CAPTAIN  SIR  WILLIAM  PEEL,  K.C.B.,  V.C 445 

SIR    WILLIAM    NATHAN    WRIGHTE    HEWETT,    K.C.B.,    V.C.,    VICE- 
ADMIRAL     ..........     447 

CAPTAIN  EDMUND  MOUBRAY  LYONS        ......     457 

REAR-ADMIRAL  THE  HON.  RICHARD  SAUNDERS  DUNDAS,  C.B.  .          .     477 
CRONSTADT,  1855         .........     483 

SWEABORG,  1855 :   PLAN  OF  ATTACK 492 

ADMIRAL  THE  RT.  HON.  SIR  ASTLEY  COOPER  KEY,  G.C.B.,  F.R.S. .     495 
SIGNATURE  OF  SIR  JOHN  EDMUND  COMMERELL,  V.C.,  G.C.B.,  ADMIRAL 

OF  THE  FLEET       .          ...          .         «, .       .          •          .          .     503 
THE  BALTIC  MEDAL    .  506 


XVI  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

ARCTIC  MEDAL  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  507 

SKETCH  MAP  ILLUSTRATING  ARCTIC  DISCOVERY  IN  THE  NINETEENTH 

CENTURY     ..........  509 

REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  WILLIAM  EDWARD  PARRY,  KT.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.  .  512 
REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  FRANCIS  BEAUFORT,  K.C.B.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S., 

HYDROGRAPHER  1829-1855  515 

REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  JAMES  CLARK  Ross,  KT.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.  .  .  525 

CAPTAIN  SIR  JOHN  FRANKLIN,  KT.,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.  .  .  .  528 

SIGNATURE  OF  ADMIRAL  SIR  RICHARD  VESEY  HAMILTON,  G.C.B.  .  536 
SIGNATURE  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JAMES  LLOYD  WHARTON,  K.C.B.,  F.R.S., 

RETIRED  REAR-ADMIRAL  537 


NAVAL     HISTOEY. 

CHAPTEE  XLI. 

THE  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1812-15. 

THEODORE  EOOSEVELT, 

Vice- President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR  :  Causes  of  hostility — -American  unpreparedness — Jefferson's 
peace  policy — Irritation  engendered  by  facilities  for  naturalisation— The  Milan  and 
Berlin  decrees,  and  the  Orders  in  Council — Hardships  brought  about  by  the  edicts — 
Cleveland's  experiences — Basil  Hall's  testimony — British  seamen  in  the  American 
marine — American  seamen  pressed  by  the  British — Berkeley's  order — Aft'air  of  the 
Leopard  and  the  Chesapeake — Jefferson's  "  commercial  war" — Napoleon's  duplicity 
—British  blockade  of  the  American  coasts — -Affair  of  the  President  and  the  Little 
Belt — Declaration  of  war — Indifference  of  the  American  people — British  over- 
confidence — Efficiency  of  the  United  States  navy — Ships  of  the  United  States — 
Tonnage  and  armament — Superiority  of  the  American  frigate — The  American 
personnel — British  seamen  in  the  American  navy — Poorness  of  British  gunnery. 
THE  EARLY  AMERICAN  VICTORIES  :  The  President  and  the  Belvidera — The  Essex 
and  the  Alert — The  Constitution  and  the  Ouerriere — The  Wasp  and  the  Frolic 
— The  I'nited  States  and  the  Macedonian — The  Constitution  and  the  Java — The 
Hornet  and  the  Peacock — American  privateers — Effects  of  commerce-destroying — 
British  discouragement — Admiralty  precautions — Jurien  de  La  Graviere  on  the 
war.  THE  TURN  OF  THE  TIDE  :  The  American  coast  blockaded — Effect  of  the 
blockade — Raids  on  the  coast— Retaliation  by  the  privateers — Failure  of  expecta- 
tions on  both  sides — Fleets  the  true  commerce-destroyers — The  Shannon  and  the 
Chesapeake — The  power  of  good  organisation — The  Pelican  and  the  Aryus — The 
Enterprise  and  the  Boxer — Failure  of  the  attack  on  Norfolk — Outrages  at  Hampton 
— Inadequacy  of  the  American  gunboats — The  Junon  in  Delaware  Bay — Attack 
on  the  Asp — Capture  of  the  Surveyor — Affair  in  the  Stone  River — Capture  of  the 
Lottery — Polkinghorne  and  the  privateers — Cochrane  succeeds  Warren — Cruise 
of  the  Essex — The  Phoeie  and  Cherub,  and  the  Essex  and  Essex  Junior.  THE 
WARFARE  ON  THE  LAKES  :  The  forces  opposed — Lake  Ontario — Defence  of  Sackett's 
Harbour — Capture  of  the  Julia  and  Growler — Chauncey  and  Yeo — The  affair  at 
Big  Sandy  Creek  —A  contest  of  shipbuilding — Lake  Erie— Cutting  out  of  the 
Caledonia — Barclay  and  Perry — Battle  of  Lake  Erie — American  repulse  at 
Macinaw — Capture  of  the  Tig/ess  and  Scorpion — Cutting  out  affair  at  Port  Erie — 
Lake  Champlain — Capture  of  the  Orowler — Macdonough  and  Downie — Battle  of 
Plattsburg  Harbour.  THE  BLOCKADE  AND  THE  CRUISERS  :  Destruction  of  Barney's 
gunboats — Capture  of  Washington — Gordon  at  Alexandria — Repulse  at  Baltimore 
— Lockyer  in  Lake  Borgne — Repulse  at  Fort  Bowyer — The  case  of  the  Erebus — 
Increase  of  American  privateering — The  Chasseur,  of  Baltimore — British  indigna- 
,,  VOL.  VI.  B 


THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

tion — Capture  of  the  St.  Lawrence — The  General  Armstrong — The  Prince  de 
Neu/chatel— Capture  of  the  Frolic— The  Peacock  and  the  Epervier — The  Wasp 
and  the  Reindeer— The  Wasp  and  the  Avon— Loss  of  the  Wasp — The  Endymion 
and  the  President — Capture  of  the  Levant  and  Cyane — Escape  of  the  Constitution 
— The  Hornet  and  the  Penguin — Escape  of  the  Hornet — The  Peacock  and  the 
Nautilus — End  of  the  war — Novel  weapons  in  the  American  navy — A  drawn 
quarrel. 

TT  is  often  difficult  to 
realise  that,  in  a 
clash  between  two  peo- 
ples, not  only  may  each 
side  deem  itself  right, 
but  each  side  may  really 
be  right  from  its  own 
standpoint.  A  healthy 
and  vigorous  nation 
must  obey  the  law  of 
self-preservation.  When 
it  is  engaged  in  a  life 
and  death  grapple  with 
a  powerful  foe,  it  can- 
not too  closely  scan  the 

damage  it  is  incidentally  forced  to  do  neutral  nations.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  just  as  little  to  be  expected  that  one  of  these 
neutral  nations,  when  wronged,  will  refrain  from  retaliation  merely 
because  the  injuries  are  inflicted  by  the  aggressor  as  a  regrettable, 
but  necessary,  incident  of  a  conflict  with  some  one  else. 

This  holds  true  of  the  bickering  war  between  Britain  and 
America  which  closed  the  gigantic  Napoleonic  struggles.  During 
nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  of  tremendous  warfare,  Britain  and 
France  stood  as  opposing  champions  in  a  struggle  which  dwarfed 
all  previous  contests  and  convulsed  the  entire  civilised  world.  As 
has  been  seen,  every  other  nation  of  Europe  was  at  one  time  or 
another  drawn  into  this  struggle,  and  almost  every  other  nation 
sided  now  with  one,  and  now  with  the  other,  of  the  great  central 
pair  of  combatants.  Russia  and  Spain,  Austria  and  Prussia,  Holland 
and  Turkey,  appeared,  now  as  the  subservient  allies,  now  as  the 
bitter  enemies,  of  Eepublican  and  Imperial  France.  The  Island 
Monarchy  alone  never  wavered,  and  never  faltered.  In  the  count- 
less shifting  coalitions  framed  against  France,  there  was  always  one 
unshifting  figure,  that  of  Britain.  Kaiser  and  King,  Tsar  and 


DOUGLAS'S  DOUBLE  (REVERSIBLE)  FLINT  LOCK, 
FOB  GUNS  OB  MOBTABS,  CA.  1818. 
(From  Ch.  Duptn.) 


SCENE   OF   THE  PRINCIPAL    NAVAL   OPERATIONS 
ON  THE  COAST  or  NORTH   AMERICA.  f8fs-f5. 


9 '£_ 


\Tafaxe  page  2. 


1812.]  CAUSES   OF  HOSTILITY.  3 

Cortes,  might  make  war,  or  sue  for  peace ;  but,  save  for  one  brief 
truce,  the  people  of  Britain  never  for  a  moment  relaxed  that 
deadly  strain  of  hostility  which  at  last  wore  out  even  Napoleon's 
giant  strength. 

It  was  a  life  and  death  struggle ;  and  to  win,  Britain  had  to 
spend  her  gold,  her  ships,  and  her  men  like  water.  Where  she  was 
thus  lavish  of  her  own  wealth  and  her  own  blood,  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  she  would  pay  over-scrupulous  heed  to  the  exact 
rights  of  others,  above  all  if  these  rights  were  exercised  seriously 
to  her  own  disadvantage.  While  the  fight  stamped  to  and  fro, 
the  combatants  were  far  too  busy  with  one  another  to  care  whether 
or  not  they  trampled  on  outsiders.  In  the  grim,  relentless,  long- 
drawn  warfare,  neither  side  had  any  intention  of  throwing  away 
a  chance  by  quixotic  over-regard  for  the  rights  of  others  ;  and  both 
sides  were  at  times  seriously  to  blame  for  disregarding  these  rights 
on  occasions  when  to  regard  them  would  not  have  been  quixotic  at 
all,  but  an  evidence  of  sound  common-sense. 

The  scarlet-clad  armies  of  Britain  played  a  great  part  in  the 
closing  years  of  the  struggle,  and  developed  as  their  leader  the  chief 
of  all  the  generals  who  fought  under  or  against  Napoleon.  Never- 
theless it  was  the  Navy  of  Britain,  it  was  the  British  sea  power, 
which  threw  the  deciding  weight  into  the  contest.  The  British 
Navy  destroyed  the  fleets  of  France  and  the  fleets  of  the  Spanish, 
Dutch,  and  Danish  allies  of  France,  and  blockaded  the  French 
ports,  and  the  ports  of  all  powers  that  were  not  hostile  to  the 
French.  In  order  to  man  the  huge  fleets  with  which  she  kept 
command  of  the  seas,  England  was  forced  to  try  every  expedient 
to  gather  sailors ;  and  in  order  to  make  her  blockade  effective  she 
had  to  lay  a  heavy  hand  on  the  ships  of  those  neutral  powers  that 
found  their  profit  in  breaking  the  blockade. 

The  United  States  of  America  was  the  only  neutral  power  which 
at  once  both  tended  to  drain  the  British  Navy  of  a  certain  number 
of  its  seamen,  and  at  the  same  time  offered  in  her  own  seamen 
a  chance  for  that  same  Navy  to  make  good  the  loss.  Moreover, 
it  was  the  one  neutral  nation  which  throve  apace  during  the  years 
of  European  warfare  by  trading  with  the  hostile  powers.  So  long 
as  they  were  not  too  much  harassed,  the  American  merchants  and 
seamen  were  greatly  benefited  by  the  war  in  Europe.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  French  merchantmen  by  the  British  warships,  and  the 
constant  harrying  of  the  British  merchantmen  by  the  French 

B  2 


4  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

privateers,  tended  to  drive  trade  into  neutral  bottoms  ;  and  America 
was  the  only  neutral  nation  prepared  to  profit  greatly  by  this 
tendency.  She  made  the  loss  of  England  her  gain.  Her  merchants 
shipped  cargoes  to  French  ports;  and  her  merchant  captains,  as 
their  trade  grew  apace,  and  as  they  became  short-handed,  welcomed 
eagerly  all  British  seamen,  deserters  or  otherwise,  who  might 
take  service  under  the  American  flag  in  the  hope  of  avoiding 
the  press-gang  and  the  extreme  severity  of  British  naval  discipline. 

The  Americans  were  merely  exercising  their  rights ;  but  naturally 
their  attitude  exasperated  not  only  Britain,  but  also  France.  Each 
of  the  two  main  combatants  was  inclined  to  view  with  suspicion  the 
neutral  who  made  a  cold-blooded  profit  out  of  the  sufferings  of  both. 
Each  took  harsh,  and  often  entirely  unjustifiable,  measures  to  protect 
himself.  Each  in  his  action  was  guided  very  naturally  by  his  own 
interests  as  he  saw  them.  It  was  Britain  with  which  America 
ultimately  came  to  blows,  because  Britain  possessed  far  greater 
power  of  inflicting  injury  ;  but,  according  to  his  capacity,  Napoleon 
showed  a  much  more  callous  disregard  for  American  rights. 

The  British  claimed  the  right  to  forbid  vessels  to  sail  to  or  from 
ports  which  they  announced  as  blockaded,  and  to  search  neutral 
ships  for  contraband  goods.  They  also  acted  upon  the  doctrine  that 
"  once  a  subject,  always  a  subject,"  and  that  their  warships  could 
at  any  time  take  British  sailors,  wherever  found,  on  the  high  seas. 
The  intense  vexation  and  heavy  loss  caused  by  the  right  of  search 
need  not  be  dwelt  upon.  The  impressment  of  American  seamen 
was  an  even  more  serious  business.  Thousands  of  British  sailor- 
men  were  to  be  found  on  American  vessels.  Britain  re-claimed 
these  at  every  opportunity  ;  but  she  did  not  rest  content  with  this. 
Each  British  war  vessel  regarded  itself  as  the  judge  as  to  whether 
the  members  of  the  crew  of  a  searched  vessel  were  British  or 
Americans.  If  the  captain  of  such  a  war  vessel  were  short-handed, 
he  was  certain  to  resolve  all  doubts  in  his  own  favour ;  and,  con- 
sequently, thousands  of  impressed  Americans  served,  sorely  against 
the  grain,  in  British  warships. 

The  whole  situation  was  one  that  could  not  but  provoke  intense 
irritation.  There  was  much  fraud  in  the  naturalisation  of  British 
seamen  as  Americans ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  much 
brutal  disregard  of  the  rights  of  American  sailors  by  British  war- 
ships. The  American  merchant  cared  nothing  for  the  contestants, 
save  that  he  wanted  to  sell  his  goods  where  he  could  get  the  best 


1812.]  CAUSES    OF  HOSTILITY.  5 

price ;  while  the  British  officer  was  determined  that  the  American 
should  not  render  help  to  France.  From  their  respective  stand- 
points, each  nation  had  much  to  say  in  its  own  favour.  Consistently 
with  retaining  her  self-respect,  America  could  not  submit  quietly 
to  the  injuries  she  received.  On  the  other  hand,  Britain  could  not 
afford,  because  of  any  consideration  of  abstract  right,  to  allow  any 
neutral  nation  to  furnish  Napoleon  with  another  weapon.  War  was 
almost  inevitable. 

At  the  time  each  people  as  a  whole  of  course  firmly  believed  that 
its  own  cause  was  entirely  righteous,  and  that  its  opponents  were 
without  any  moral  justification  for  their  acts  ;  though  the  best- 
informed  Englishmen,  those  who  managed  the  councils  of  their 
country,  evidently  felt  at  bottom  an  uneasy  sense  that  their  course  was 
not  entirely  justifiable,  as  was  shown  by  the  too  tardy  repeal  of  the 
Orders  in  Council.  The  difference  in  feeling  caused  by  the  difference 
of  point  of  view  was  illustrated  by  the  attitudes  of  the  British  and 
Americans  towards  one  another  in  1812  and  1862  respectively.  In 
1812  the  bolder  American  merchants  embarked  eagerly  in  the  career 
of  running  cargoes  into  the  ports  of  blockaded  France,  precisely  as 
half  a  century  later  the  British  of  the  stamp  of  Hobart  Pasha 
swarmed  forward  to  command  the  blockade-runners  which  plied 
between  the  British  ports  and  the  ports  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy. At  the  earlier  date  the  Americans  resisted  and  the 
British  upheld  the  right  of  search ;  fifty  years  later  it  was  the 
American,  Wilkes,  who  exercised  the  right,  while  the  British  made 
ready  for  instant  war  unless  the  deed  should  be  disavowed. 

It  was  entirely  natural  that  Great  Britain  should  strive  in  every 
way  possible  to  minimise  the  aid  which  America,  by  the  exercise 
of  her  rights  as  a  neutral,  gave  to  France.  It  was  equally  natural 
that  the  more  reckless  and  overbearing  spirits  among  the  British 
naval  officers,  while  carrying  out  this  policy,  should  do  deeds  that 
were  entirely  indefensible,  and  which  could  not  but  inflame  the 
Americans  to  madness.  No  American  ship  was  safe  from  confisca- 
tion, no  American  seaman  was  safe  from  impressment,  either  on  the 
high  seas,  or  on  the  American  coast ;  and  insult  and  outrage 
followed  one  another  in  monotonous  succession. 

The  nation  which  submitted  without  war  to  such  insults  erred 
on  the  side  of  tame  submission,  not  of  undue  truculence.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  France  was  all  the  time,  according  to  her 
capacity,  behaving  quite  as  badly  as  Great  Britain.  Her  sea  strength 


6  THE   WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

had  been  shattered  by  Britain,  so  she  could  not  do  America 
anything  like  as  much  harm ;  but  no  British  Minister  vied  with 
Napoleon  in  vicious  and  treacherous  disregard  of  the  rights  of  both 
friend  and  foe.  Nevertheless,  France  offered  the  chance  of  making 
money,  and  Britain  did  not.  Britain  could  do  her  own  carrying 
trade,  while  the  carrying  trade  of  France  was  largely  in  American 
•bottoms.  Many  Americans  were  delighted  to  balance  against  the 
insults  and  injuries  they  received  from  the  mighty  combatants,  the 
profits  which  flowed  into  their  coffers  only  because  the  combat  did 
not  cease. 

There  was  but  one  possible  way  by  which  to  gain  and  keep  the 
respect  of  either  France  or  Britain  :  that  was  by  the  possession 
of  power,  and  the  readiness  to  use  it  if  necessary ;  and  power  in  this 
case  meant  a  formidable  fighting  navy.  Had  America  possessed 
a  fleet  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line,  her  sailors  could  have  plied  their 
trade  unmolested  ;  and  the  three  years  of  war,  with  its  loss  in  blood 
and  money,  would  have  been  avoided.  From  the  merely  monetary 
standpoint  such  a  navy  would  have  been  the  cheapest  kind  of 
insurance  ;  and  morally  its  advantages  would  have  been  incalculable, 
for  every  American  worth  the  name  would  have  lifted  his  head 
higher  because  of  its  existence.  But  unfortunately  the  nation 
lacked  the  wisdom  to  see  this,  and  it  chose  and  re-chose  for  the 
Presidency  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  avowed  that  his  "  passion  was 
peace,"  and  whose  timidity  surpassed  even  his  philanthropy.  Both 
Britain  and  America  have  produced  men  of  the  "  peace  at  any 
price"  pattern;  and  in  America,  in  one  great  crisis  at  least,  these 
men  cost  the  nation  more,  in  blood  and  wealth,  than  the  political 
leaders  most  recklessly  indifferent  to  war  have  ever  cost  it.  There 
never  was  a  better  example  of  the  ultimate  evil  caused  by  a  timid 
effort  to  secure  peace,  through  the  sacrifice  of  honour  and  the  refusal 
to  make  preparations  for  war,  than  that  afforded  by  the  American 
people  under  the  Presidencies  of  Jefferson  and  Madison.  The 
"infinite  capacity  of  mankind  to  withstand  the  introduction  of 
knowledge  "  is  also  shown  by  the  fact  that  this  lesson  has  not  only 
been  largely  wasted,  but  has  even  been  misread  and  misinterpreted. 
National  vanity,  and  the  party  spirit  which  resolutely  refuses  to  see 
crimes  committed  against  the  nation  by  party  heroes,  are  partly 
responsible  for  this.  The  cultivation  of  a  political  philosophy  which 
persistently  refuses  to  accept  facts  as  they  are,  and  which  in  America 
is  no  dearer  to  the  unlettered  demagogue  than  to  the  educated, 


1812.]  AMERICAN   UNPREPAREDNESS.  1 

refined  theorist  whose  knowledge  of  political  affairs  is  evolved  in  the 
seclusion  of  his  own  parlour,  has  also  operated  to  prevent  Americans 
from  learning  the  bitter  lessons  which  should  be  taught  from  the 
war  of  1812.  The  wealthy  man  who  cares  only  for  mercantile 
prosperity,  and  the  cultivated  man  who  forgets  that  nothing  can 
atone  for  the  loss  of  the  virile  fighting  virtues,  both  also  forget  that, 
though  war  is  an  evil,  an  inglorious  or  unjustifiable  peace  is  a  worse 
evil.  As  for  England,  she  knows  little  or  nothing  about  the  war, 
and  so  of  course  has  been  equally  blind  to  its  lessons.  In  one  way, 
however,  England  does  not  so  much  need  to  be  taught  these  lessons, 
for  there  are  few  of  her  politicians  or  publicists  of  any  note  who 
fail  to  see  the  necessity  of  her  possessing  a  navy  more  formidable 
than  any  other  navy  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

These  men  had  numerous  prototypes  in  the  first  decade  of  the 
present  century.  The  Federalists,  who  were  crystallised  into  a  party 
under  Washington,  did  have  some  appreciation  of  the  fact  that 
peace  is  worth  nothing  unless  it  comes  with  sword  girt  on  thigh. 
Accordingly,  in  1798  and  1799,  under  the  spur  of  the  quasi-war  with 
France  and  the  depredations  of  the  Moorish  pirates,  the  Federalists 
set  out  to  build  a  navy.  They  only  made  a  beginning.  The  people 
behind  them  were  too  ignorant  and  too  short-sighted  to  permit  the 
building  of  the  great  ships  of  the  line  which  could  alone  decide 
a  war ;  but  they  did  build  half-a-dozen  frigates,  which  were  the  best 
of  their  kind  in  existence.  In  1801,  however,  the  Jeffersonian 
democrats  came  into  power,  and  all  work  on  the  navy  stopped 
forthwith.  Jefferson  hated  and  dreaded  war ;  and  he  showed  the 
true  spirit  of  the  non-military  visionary  in  striving  to  find  some 
patent  substitute  for  war,  or,  if  war  could  not  be  avoided,  then 
some  patent  substitute  for  the  armies  and  fleets  by  which  war  must 
be  fought.  Fatuously  unable  to  learn  the  lesson  taught  by  the 
revolutionary  contest,  he  hoped  to  find  in  levies  of  untrained  militia 
a  substitute  for  a  regular  army.  As  for  the  navy,  he  at  one  time 
actually  hoped  to  supply  its  place  by  a  preposterous  system  of  what 
may  be  called  horse-gunboats,  that  is,  gunboats  which  could  be 
drawn  ashore  and  carried  on  wheeled  vehicles  to  any  point  menaced 
by  a  hostile  fleet.  Men  who  get  discouraged  by  the  attitude  of 
latter-day  politicians  may  draw  some  hope  and  comfort  from  the 
reflection  that  the  nation  actually  lived  through  the  experiment 
of  trying  Jefferson's  ideas.  Nevertheless,  the  trial  of  this  same 
experiment  caused  bitter  loss  and  mortification. 


8  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   VNTTED   STATES,    1812-15.          [1812. 

At  the  present  day  no  student  of  international  law  would  justify 
the  attitude  of  Great  Britain  in  the  quarrel ;  but  the  international 
standard  was  different  among  nations  at  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century;  and,  moreover,  Great  Britain  was  fighting 
for  her  life,  and  nice  customs  curtesy  to  great  crises  as  well  as 
to  great  kings. 

The  United  States  was  still  primarily  a  country  of  dwellers  on 
the  sea-coast.  The  bulk  of  the  population  lay  along  the  Atlantic 
sea-board.  There  were  but  three  states  west  of  the  Alleghanies— 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Ohio;  and  all  three  were  still  frontier 
commonwealths.  From  Salem  to  Savannah  the  men  of  every  sea- 
port city — and  as  yet  there  were  no  cities  of  note  which  were  not 
seaports— looked  upon  foreign  trade  as  the  surest  means  to  wealth 
and  social  distinction.  American  shipwrights  were  already  famous  : 
readers  of  that  delightful  book,  'Tom  Cringle's  Log,'  will  recall 
at  once  the  way  in  which  Scott  speaks  of  the  swift  American 
schooners ;  and  their  full-rigged  ships  also  were  among  the  best 
of  their  kind  on  the  ocean.  Under  the  stimulus  given  by  the 
European  war  to  their  trade  the  merchants  embarked  more  and 
more  eagerly  in  foreign  ventures,  and  ships  were  turned  out  of  the 
yards  in  ever-increasing  numbers.  From  Maine  to  Maryland  there 
was  a  hardy  population  of  sailor-folk,  who  manned,  not  only  the 
merchantmen,  but  also  the  fishing-fleet  and  the  whalers  that  went 
to  the  North  Atlantic  and  the  South  Seas.  Under  the  abnormal 
growth  of  the  American  merchant  marine,  however,  the  growth 
of  the  sailor  population  was  outstripped,  and  it  became  impossible 
to  man  American  ships  purely  with  American  seamen.  Seamen  are 
roving  creatures  at  all  times,  and  in  every  country  they  shift  readily 
from  one  flag  to  another.  Seafarers  from  various  European  states, 
notably  from  Portugal  and  the  Scandinavian  countries,  found  their 
way  in  numbers  aboard  the  American  ships ;  but  it  was  the  sailors 
of  the  British  Islands  who  formed  the  chief  resource  in  making  up 
any  deficiency  in  the  numbers  of  the  native  Americans.  The  needs 
of  Britain's  gigantic  Navy  were  very  great,  and  every  method  was 
resorted  to  in  order  to  keep  level  its  quota  of  men.  Life  on  a 
British  warship  was  hard,  and  the  British  seamen  lived  in  terror 
of  the  press-gang.  Eeaders  of  Marryat's  novels  will  remember 
the  large  part  this  institution  played  in  the  sea  life  of  that  period. 
Wages  on  board  the  American  ships  were  high,  and  the  service  not 
particularly  severe.  In  consequence,  British  seamen  entered  the 


1812.]         BRITISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  AMERICAN  SERVICE.  9 

American  merchant  marine  literally  by  thousands.  The  easy 
naturalisation  laws  of  the  country  were  even  more  easily  circum- 
vented. There  was  very  little  difficulty  indeed  in  any  British 
seaman  getting  naturalisation  papers  as  an  American.  The  captains 
of  British  war  vessels  were  continually  meeting  in  the  American 
ports  scores  of  British  seamen  who  passed  them  by  with  insolent 
defiance,  confident  in  their  possession  of  American  naturalisation 
papers. 

Seeing  that  this  occurred  at  the  very  time  when  American  trading 
ships  were  crippling  their  British  rivals  by  their  competition,  and 
were  furnishing  supplies  to  Britain's  dreaded  and  hated  rival,  the 
anger  alike  of  British  Government  officials,  of  British  merchants, 
and  of  British  naval  officers,  can  be  readily  understood.  It  was 
sufficiently  irritating  to  see  an  American  ship  carry  to  a  French 
port  goods  which  the  British  wished  to  keep  out  of  that  port,  and 
which,  in  happier  circumstances,  might  have  been  in  a  British 
bottom ;  but  it  was  still  more  exasperating  to  know  that  this  very  ship 
might  number  among  her  crew  a  considerable  proportion  of  British 
seamen,  at  a  time  when  the  British  fleets  needed  every  man  they 
could  crimp  or  press.  Moreover,  such  a  system  of  neutral  trade  and 
of  easy  naturalisation  put  a  premium  upon  perjury,  and  the  British 
grew  to  look  with  suspicion  upon  every  statement  of  an  American 
merchant  master,  and  every  paper  produced  by  an  American 
merchant  seaman. 

The  French  had  little  in  the  way  of  a  grievance  against  the 
Americans.  Very  few  French  seamen  served  under  the  American 
flag,  certainly  not  enough  to  be  of  any  consequence  to  the  French 
navy.  The  French  trade  that  was  driven  into  American  bottoms 
would  otherwise  have  been  extinguished.  On  the  other  hand, 
American  merchantmen  performed  a  real  service  to  France  when 
they  entered  the  French  ports.  There  was  one  point,  however,  on 
which  the  American  attitude  was  precisely  as  exasperating  to  France 
as  to  Britain,  and  for  the  same  reason.  As  regards  their  dealings 
with  the  insurgent  negroes  of  Haiti  and  with  the  effort  to  blockade 
the  Haitian  ports,  the  French  stood  toward  the  Americans  just  as 
Britain  stood  toward  them  in  regard  to  France.  In  each  case  the 
American  merchants  showed,  as  might  have  been  expected,  the 
same  desire  to  send  their  cargoes  to  the  people  who  wished  to  pay 
for  them,  without  regard  to  the  rights  or  wrongs  of  any  struggle 
in  which  these  people  might  be  engaged.  The  Americans  sent 


10  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

small  fleets  of  merchantmen  to  carry  goods  to  the  negroes  in  Haiti, 
who  were  engaged  in  a  life  and  death  fight  with  the  French,  just  as 
they  sent  far  larger  fleets  of  merchantmen  to  carry  goods  to  the 
French,  in  their  deadly  grapple  with  the  British ;  and  the  French 
felt  as  aggrieved  in  the  one  case  as  the  British  did  in  the  other. 

But  the  case  of  Haiti  was  exceptional.  Speaking  generally,  no 
harm,  and,  on  the  contrary,  much  good,  resulted  to  France  from 
the  American  neutral  trade.  Nevertheless,  Napoleon  adopted 
toward  the  Americans  a  course  quite  as  brutal  as  the  British 
attitude,  and  more  treacherous.  In  this  he  was  mainly  actuated 
by  a  desire  to  force  the  Americans  into  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  but 
he  was  swayed  by  various  and  complicated  motives  from  time  to 
time— motives  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  discuss  at  proper 
length  here.  The  intentions  of  the  French  people  toward  the 
American  Eepublic,  as  shown  by  the  actions  of  the  French  Emperor, 
were  as  bad  as  could  be. 

The  policy  of  the  two  nations  towards  America  was  promulgated 
in  a  series  of  edicts — those  of  Napoleon  taking  the  form  of  Decrees 
dated  at  Milan,  Berlin,  and  elsewhere  ;  and  those  of  the  advisers 
of  King  George  appearing  as  Orders  in  Council.  At  different 
times  widely  different  interpretations  were  put  upon  every  decree 
and  order,  according  to  the  strenuousness  of  the  American  protest, 
and  the  degree  of  exasperation  of  Britain  or  France.  Napoleon 
in  particular,  whenever  it  suited  him,  interpreted  his  own  decrees 
in  a  sense  directly  opposite  to  their  palpable  purport ;  or,  if  there 
was  a  momentary  gain  in  view,  simply  denied  that  he  had  ever 
issued  them.  In  Britain  the  followers  of  Fox  were  supposed  to 
be  more  friendly  to  America  than  the  followers  of  Pitt.  In  theory 
they  were ;  but  in  practice  the  attitudes  of  the  two  parties  were 
not  materially  different.  The  essential  features  of  the  Orders  in 
Council  were,  that  they  prohibited  American  ships  from  trading  with 
France,  unless  they  first  cleared  from  some  British  port ;  and  they 
declared  the  coast  of  most  of  continental  Europe  to  be  blockaded, 
and  provided  for  the  seizure  of  American  vessels  bound  thither. 
They  also  imposed  similar  restrictions  upon  the  very  lucrative  trade 
of  America  with  the  West  Indian  Islands.  Napoleon's  decrees,  on 
the  other  hand,  provided  that  any  American  vessel  which  touched 
at  a  British  port,  or  submitted  to  search  by  a  British  cruiser,  should 
be  treated  as  hostile,  and  be  confiscated  accordingly.  Each  nation 
asserted  its  right  to  claim  its  own  seamen,  as  a  matter  of  course. 


1812.]  THE  IMPRESSMENT   OF  SEAMEN.  11 

These  two  series  of  edicts,  if  fully  carried  out,  meant  the  absolute 
annihilation  of  the  American  merchant  marine  so  far  as  foreign 
commerce  was  concerned,  for  almost  every  country  in  the  world 
was  engaged  on  one  side  or  the  other  in  the  Napoleonic  struggles. 
In  point  of  intent,  the  action  of  the  French  was  a  little  the  worse ; 
and  some  of  Napoleon's  seizures  of  American  vessels  in  European 
ports  were  marked  by  a  bad  faith  which  made  them  peculiarly 
repulsive.  The  attitude  of  each  nation  amply  warranted  America 
in  declaring  war  on  both.  This  was  the  course  which  was  actually 
proposed  in  Congress,  and  which  should  have  been  followed.  But 
it  was  perhaps  too  much  to  expect  that  the  struggling  transatlantic 
republic,  which,  in  point  of  regular  navy  and  army,  hardly  ranked 
as  a  fifth-class  power,  should  at  the  same  time  throw  down  the 
glove  to  the  two  greatest  empires  of  the  world.  Moreover,  the 
Americans  very  naturally  cared  much  less  what  the  French  and 
British  meant  to  do,  than  what  they  actually  did ;  and  when  it 
came  to  doing,  the  British  were  vastly  better  fitted  than  the  French 
to  carry  out  their  threats. 

French  privateers  and  cruisers  occasionally  mishandled  an 
American  vessel,  and  both  ships  and  cargoes  were  confiscated  when 
in  French  ports,  sometimes  even  on  a  large  scale ;  but  it  was  not 
for  the  self-interest  of  the  French  to  molest  overmuch  the  only 
neutrals  who  could  bring  them  the  goods  of  which  they  stood  in 
need ;  and  there  was  practically  no  trouble  about  the  French  im- 
pressing seamen  from  American  ships,  because  there  were  very 
few  Frenchmen  in  these  ships,  and  those  few  could  not  hope  to 
disguise  their  nationality.  The  American  seaman  was  inclined  to 
look  down  upon  the  French,  but  he  had  not  much  cause  either 
to  fear  or  hate  them. 

With  the  British,  all  this  was  different.  In  the  first  place,  the 
Englishman  cordially  disliked  the  American,  because  the  American 
was  feeding  his  foes,  and  was  robbing  him  both  of  his  men  and  of 
his  trade.  The  fraudulent  naturalisation  of  British  seamen  was 
carried  on  openly  in  most  American  ports ;  and  the  American  flag 
was  used  to  protect,  not  merely  American  skippers  engaged  in  carry- 
ing goods,  which  the  British  said  should  not  be  carried,  to  France, 
but  also  not  a  few  Frenchmen  and  Spaniards,  and  a  larger  number 
of  recreant  Britons,  who  wished  to  share  the  profits  of  the  busi- 
ness. The  British  ships  of  war  were  chronically  undermanned, 
and  every  commander  had  good  reason  to  believe  that  almost  all 


12  THE   WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

American  merchant  vessels  contained  some  British  seamen  to  whose 
service  he  felt  he  was  lawfully  entitled.  It  was  an  article  of  faith 
with  him,  as  with  his  country,  that  he  had  a  right  to  take  these 
seamen  wherever  he  found  them  on  the  ocean.  As  a  rule  he 
disliked,  and  half  despised,  the  Americans ; l  he  was  puzzled  and 
angered  by  the  chicanery  of  fraudulent  naturalisation  papers  and 
the  like  wherewith  they  sought  to  baffle  him ;  and  in  revenge  he 
took  refuge  in  brutality.  He  was  himself  the  judge  as  to  whether 
or  not  he  was  satisfied  in  regard  to  the  nationality  of  any  given 
seaman;  and  he  always  gave  himself  the  benefit  of  the  doubt- 
even  when  there  was  no  doubt.  Not  only  did  he  impress  British 
seamen  who  had  been  fraudulently  naturalised  as  Americans,  but 
quite  as  often  he  impressed  British  seamen  who  had  been  properly 
naturalised  and  were  American  citizens,  and,  even  more  often, 
American  citizens  who  were  such  by  birth,  and  not  merely  by 
adoption.  The  two  peoples  could  not  always  with  entire  certainty 
be  told  apart ;  and  when  the  British  captain  was  short-handed  he 
did  not  endeavour  to  tell  them  apart.  Many  thousands  of  British 
seamen  served  in  the  American  merchant  marine ;  but  there  were 
several  thousand  American  seamen  who  had  been  impressed  into 
British  ships  of  war.  One  of  the  commonest  incidents  of  the  time 
was  for  an  American  merchantman  to  be  left  helpless  on  the  high 
seas,  unable  to  reach  her  port  of  destination,  because  the  majority 
of  the  crew  had  been  taken  off  by  some  British  man-of-war. 

In  one  of  Cooper's  sea  novels,  '  Miles  Wallingford,'  the  action 
of  the  story  centres  upon  the  experience  of  an  American  merchant 
captain  with  a  British  frigate  and  a  French  privateer;  and,  like 
many  another  good  novel,  it  is  as  essentially  true  to  life  as  any 
professed  history.  When  not  long  from  New  York,  the  ship  was 
overhauled  by  a  British  frigate  and  sent  into  a  British  port  as  a 
prize,  on  the  ground  that  she  was  sailing  for  a  German  port  under 
French  influence,  and  that  there  was  some  doubt  as  to  the  cargo 

1  Although  a  feeling  of  dislike  for  one  another  may  have  animated  officers  and 
men  on  both  sides,  such  feeling  was  by  no  means  universal ;  and  there  are  many 
examples  of  warm  private  friendships  having  subsisted  before  the  war  between  British 
and  American  naval  officers,  and  having  been  continued  after  it,  even  in  spite  of 
hostile  meetings  having  occurred  during  the  conflict.  A  notable  example  of  this  kind 
of  friendship  is  to  be  found  in  the  long  and  affectionate  intimacy  which  subsisted 
between  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  U.S.N.,  and  Captain  James  Bichard  Dacres  (2),  E.N.,  an 
intimacy  heightened  rather  than  decreased  by  the  conduct  of  both  on  the  occasion  of 
the  capture  of  the  Guerriere  by  the  Constitution. — W.  L.  C. 


1F12.]  CLEVELAND'S   GRIEVANCES.  13 

papers;  while  most  of  the  crew,  Americans  and  foreigners  alike,  were 
taken  aboard  the  frigate.  By  surprise,  the  remaining  Americans  re- 
captured the  ship  from  the  British  prize  crew,  only  to  have  their  ship 
overhauled  anew  by  a  French  privateer,  and  again  declared  to  be  a 
prize,  upon  the  ground  of  having  been  previously  captured  by  the 
British.  The  Americans  once  more  succeeded  in  regaining  posses- 
sion of  the  vessel ;  but,  having  only  four  hands  with  which  to  work 
her,  she  was  cast  away ;  so  that  the  voyage  ended  with  the  ruin 
of  the  owner  of  the  ship,  and  the  impressment  of  her  entire  crew. 

This  particular  incident  only  occurred  in  a  novel ;  but  it  was  of 
a  kind  which  occurred  hundreds  of  times  in  actual  life.  It  .was 
but  rarely  that  an  American  merchant  captain  of  that  day  did  any 
writing ;  yet  one  out  of  the  very  many  Salem  shipmasters  has  left 
a  record  of  his  ocean  trips  at  the  end  of  the  last  and  the  beginning 
of  the  present  centuries.1  He  usually  owned  the  ship  he  navigated, 
and  her  cargo  also ;  and  he  sailed  at  different  times  to  the  chief 
ports  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  also  to  many  a  coast  where  the  ports 
were  open  roadsteads  and  the  inhabitants  bloodthirsty  savages. 
He  was  able  to  hold  his  own  against  mutineers,  savages,  and 
pirates  ;  but  he  was  twice  brought  to  ruin  by  civilised  France  and 
Great  Britain. 

In  1807,  when  trading  to  the  West  Indies,  after  having  already 
been  repeatedly  searched  by  British  cruisers,  he  was  taken  by 
Rear-Admiral  the  Hon.  A.  F.  I.  Cochrane,  and  his  ship  was  con- 
demned by  a  rascally  little  court  at  Tortola,  whither  he  was  sent 
because  a  more  respectable  court  would  doubtless  have  released  him. 
The  confiscation  of  his  goods  stripped  him  to  the  bone,  so  that  he 
had  to  begin  life  over  again ;  and,  in  writing  of  the  event  in  after 
years,  he  remarked  :  "  Compelled  to  navigate  for  the  support  of  my 
family,  and  deprived  in  consequence  of  superintending  the  education 
of  my  children,  worn  with  anxiety  and  sick  at  heart  with  hope 
deferred,  it  will  be  seen  that  I  was  for  many  years  an  exile  from  all 
that  rendered  life  dear  and  desirable ;  and  this  as  a  consequence  of 
the  robbery  of  my  hard-earned  fortune  by  Admiral  Cochrane." 

Two  years  later  he  again  got  a  ship,  which  he  took  to  Naples, 
whither  he  was  enticed,  with  a  number  of  other  American  merchant- 
men, by  one  of  the  treacherous  proclamations  of  Napoleon.  Having 
got  the  ships  into  his  power,  Napoleon,  acting  through  Murat, 

1  '  Voyages  of  an  American  Navigator.'     By  Richard  J.  Cleveland,  pp.  124,  143. 


14  THE    WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

had  them  all  seized  and  confiscated,  without  even  the  formality  of 
a  trial.  In  comparing  the  two  disasters  the  sufferer  commented 
upon  the  difference  between  them  as  being  of  not  much  more  con- 
sequence than  the  distinction  between  "  the  act  of  the  highwayman 
who  demands  your  money  at  the  muzzle  of  a  pistol,  and  that  of 
the  swindler  who  robs  you  under  the  form  of  law."  The  marvel 
is,  not  that  such  outrages  were  resented,  but  that  they  were  ever 
endured. 

No  better  description  of  the  attitude  of  the  two  parties,  British 
and  American,  toward  one  another  was  ever  given  than  is  contained 
in  the  writings  of  a  most  gallant  British  officer,  Captain  Basil 
Hall,  E.N.  In  1831  he  published  two  little  volumes  of  'Voyages 
and  Travels,'  which  contained  a  chapter  called  "  Blockading  a 
Neutral  Port."  In  this  he  described  what  he  saw  when  a  Midship- 
man on  board  the  50-gun  ship  Leander,  while  she  was  lying  off  New 
York  harbour,  to  carry  out  the  instructions  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment as  to  supervising  the  American  trade  with  France.  I  quote 
at  some  length,  condensing  a  little,  from  his  description  because  it 
is  the  best  ever  given  by  a  responsible  authority  of  what  really 
occurred  under  the  Orders  in  Council ;  and  it  is  written  with  entire 
good  temper  and  truthfulness  :— - 

"  Tl  e  blockading  service  at  any  time  is  a  tedious  one ;  but  upon  this  occasion  we 
contrived  to  enliven  it  in  a  manner  which,  whether  legitimate  or  not,  was  certainly 
highly  exciting,  and  sometimes  rather  profitable,  to  us. 

"With  the  outward  bound  vessels  we  had  little  to  do,  but  with  those  which  came 
from  foreign  parts,  especially  Trom  France,  then  our  bitter  enemy,  we  took  the 
liberty — the  American  said  the  improper  liberty.  The  ships  we  meddled  with,  so  much 
to  the  displeasure  of  the  Americans,  were  those  which,  to  outward  appearance,  belonged 
to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  on  board  which  we  had  reason,  good  or  bad,  to 
suspect  there  was  cargo  owned  by  the  enemy.  Nothing  appears  to  be  so  easy  as  to 
forge  a  ship's  papers  or  to  swear  false  oaths ;  and,  accordingly,  a  great  deal  of  French 
property  was  imported  into  America  in  vessels  certainly  belonging  to  the  United  States, 
but  covered,  as  it  was  called,  by  documents  implying  an  American  or  neutral  right  in 
it.  In  the  very  same  way,  I  suppose,  much  Spanish  property  was  for  a  long  course  of 
years  imported  into  South  America  in  English  bottoms  when  Spain  was  at  war  with 
her  colonies.  England  in  that  case  acted  the  part  of  a  neutral,  and  learned  in  like 
manner  for  tl;e  lucre  of  gain  to  trifle  with  all  the  obligations  of  an  oath.  The  adroit 
neutral,  by  watching  his  time,  can  always  minister  to  the  several  necessities  of  the 
combatants,  sometimes  to  one  and  sometimes  to  the  other,  according  as  the  payment  is 
good  or  bad,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  sure  of  his  own  profit,  reckless  at  whose 
cost.  At  the  same  time  he  must  naturally  lay  his  account  with  provoking  the 
displeasure  of  the  powers  at  war,  who  in  their  turn  will,  of  course,  do  all  they  possibly 
can  to  prevent  the  neutral  from  lending  assistance  to  their  opponents  respectively. 

"  Conflicting  nations  accordingly  have  always  claimed,  and,  when  they  can,  will 
never  cease  to  enforce,  this  right  of  searching  neutral  ships  in  order  to  discover  whether 
or  not  there  be  enemies'  property  on  board. 


1812.]  SUPERVISING  AMERICAN  TRADE.  15 

"  Every  morning  at  daybreak  during  our  stay  off  New  York  we  set  about  arresting 
the  progress  of  all  vessels  we  saw,  firing  off  guns  to  the  right  and  left,  to  make  every 
ship  that  was  running  in  heave  to,  or  wait  until  we  had  leisure  to  send  a  boat  on  board 
'  to  see,'  in  our  lingo,  '  what  she  was  made  of.'  I  have  frequently  known  a  dozen,  and 
sometimes  a  couple  of  dozen,  ships  lying  a  league  or  two  off  the  port,  losing  their  fair 
wind,  their  tide,  and,  worse  than  all,  their  market,  for  many  hours,  sometimes  the  whole 
day,  before  our  search  was  completed.  I  am  not  now  inquiring  whether  all  this  was 
right,  or  whether  it  was  even  necessary,  but  simply  describing  the  fact. 

"When  any  circumstances  in  the  ship's  papers  looked  suspicious,  the  boarding 
officer  brought  the  master  and  his  documents  to  the  Leander,  where  they  were  further 
examined  by  the  Captain ;  and,  if  anything  more  important  was  then  elicited  by  the 
examination  of  the  parties  or  their  papers  to  justify  the  idea  that  the  cargo  was  French 
and  not  American,  as  was  pretended,  the  ship  was  forthwith  detained.  She  was  then 
manned  with  an  English  crew  from  the  ships  of  war  and  ordered  off  to  Halifax,  to  be 
there  tried  in  the  Admiralty  Court. 

"  One  can  easily  conceive  how  this  sort  of  proceeding,  in  every  possible  case,  must 
be  vexatious  to  the  neutral.  If  the  cargo  be  all  the  while,  ban  a  fide,  the  property  of 
the  neutral  whose  flag  it  is  sailing  under,  the  vexation  caused  by  this  interruption  to 
the  voyage  is  excessive.  In  the  event  of  restoration  or  acquittal,  the  owner's  loss,  it  is 
said,  is  seldom,  if  ever,  adequately  compensated  for  by  the  awarded  damages. 

"  We  detained,  at  that  period,  a  good  many  American  vessels  on  the  ground  of 
having  French  or  Spanish  property  on  board.  Three  or  four,  I  remember,  were 
restored  to  their  owners  by  the  decision  of  the  Admiralty  Court ;  and  two  of  them  were 
forcibly  recaptured  by  the  Americans  on  their  way  to  Halifax.  On  board  one  of  these 
ships  the  master  and  the  few  hands  left  in  her  to  give  evidence  at  the  trial  rose  in  the 
night,  overpowered  the  prize  master  and  his  crew,  nailed  down  the  hatches,  and  having 
put  the  helm  up,  with  the  wind  on  land,  gained  the  coast  before  the  scale  of  authority 
could  be  turned. 

"  There  was  another  circumstance,  connected  with  our  proceedings  at  that  time,  of 
still  more  serious  annoyance  to  the  Americans,  and  one  requiring  in  its  discussion  still 
greater  delicacy  of  handling.  I  need  hardly  mention  that  I  allude  to  the  impressment 
of  those  seamen  who  were  found  serving  on  board  American  merchant  ships,  but  who 
were  known  to  be  English  subjects.  It  seems  quite  clear  that,  while  we  can  hold  it, 
we  will  never  give  up  tlie  right  of  search,  or  the  right  of  impressment.  We  may,  and 
ought  certainly  to,  exercise  so  disagreeable  a  power  with  such  temper  and  discretion  as 
not  to  provoke  the  enmity  of  any  friendly  nation.  But  at  the  time  I  speak  of,  and  on 
board  our  good  old  ship  the  Leander,  whose  name  I  was  grieved,  but  not  surprised,  to 
find  was  still  held  in  detestation  three  or  four  and  twenty  years  afterwards  at  New  York, 
I  am  sorry  to  own  we  had  not  much  of  this  discretion  in  our  proceedings ;  or,  rather,  we 
had  not  enough  consideration  for  the  feelings  of  the  people  we  were  dealing  with.  We 
have  since  learned  to  respect  them  more — or,  as  they  prefer  to  express  it,  they  have 
since  taught  us  to  respect  them :  be  it  either  way,  it  matters  not  much ;  and  if  it  please 
the  Americans  more  to  say  they  have  instructed  us  in  this  point  of  good  manners,  than 
to  allow  that  we  have  come  to  a  knowledge  of  better  habits,  well  and  good. 

"  To  place  the  full  annoyance  of  these  matters  in  a  light  to  be  viewed  fairly  by  English 
people :  let  us  suppose  that  the  Americans  and  French  were  to  go  to  war,  and  that 
England  for  once  remained  neutral,  and  that  an  American  squadron  stationed  itself  off 
Liverpool.  If  the  American  ships  were  to  detain  off  the  port,  within  a  league  or  so  of 
the  lighthouse,  every  British  ship  coming  from  France  or  from  a  French  colony ;  and 
if,  besides  looking  over  the  papers  of  these  ships  to  see  whether  all  was  regular,  they 
were  to  open  every  private  letter  in  the  hope  of  detecting  some  trace  of  French  owner- 
ship in  the  cargo,  what  should  we  say  ?  If,  out  of  twenty  ships,  one  or  two  were  to  be 
completely  diverted  from  their  course  from  time  to  time,  and  sent  off  under  a  prize 
master  to  New  York  for  adjudication,  I  wonder  how  the  Liverpool  folks  would  like  it.? 


16  THE   WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

Conceive,  for  instance,  that  the  American  squadron  employed  to  blockade  the  French 
ships  in  Liverpool  were  short-handed,  but,  from  being  in  daily  expectation  of  bringing 
their  enemy  to  action,  it  had  become  an  object  of  great  consequence  with  them  to  get 
their  ships  manned.  And  suppose,  likewise,  that  it  was  perfectly  .notorious  to  all  parties 
that  on  board  every  English  ship,  arriving  or  sailing  from  the  port  in  question,  there 
were  several  American  citizens  calling  themselves  Englishmen,  and  having  in  their 
possession  '  protections '  or  certiBcates  to  that  effect  sworn  to  in  regular  form,  but  all 
known  to  be  false.  If  the  American  man-of-war,  off  the  English  port,  were  then  to  fire 
at  and  stop  every  ship,  and,  besides  overhauling  her  papers  and  cargo,  were  to  take  out 
any  seamen,  to  work  their  own  guns  withal,  whom  they  had  reason,  or  supposed,  or 
said  they  had  reason,  to  consider  American  citizens,  or  whose  country  they  guessed  from 
dialect  or  appearance,  I  wish  to  know  with  what  degree  of  patience  this  would'  be 
submitted  to  on  the  Exchange  at  Liverpool,  or  anywhere  else  in  England. 

"  In  putting  a  parallel  case  to  ours  off  New  York,  and  supposing  Liverpool  to  be 
blockaded  by  the  Americans,  on  the  ground  of  having  to  watch  some  French  ships,  I 
omitted  to  throw  in  one  item  which  is  necessary  to  complete  the  parallel.  In  1804, 
when  we  were  blockading  the  French  frigates  in  New  York,  a  casual  shot  from  the 
Leander  hit  an  unfortunate  ship's  mainboom ;  and  the  broken  spar,  striking  the  mate, 
John  Peirce  by  name,  killed  him  instantly.  The  sloop  sailed  on  to  New  York,  where 
the  mangled  body,  raised  on  a  platform,  was  paraded  through  the  streets  in  order  to 
augment  the  vehement  indignation,  already  at  a  high  pitch,  against  the  English.  Now, 
let  us  be  candid  to  our  rivals,  and  ask  whether  the  Americans  would  have  been  worthy 
of  our  friendship,  or  even  of  our  hostility,  had  they  tamely  submitted  to  indignities 
which,  if  passed  upon  ourselves,  would  have  roused  not  only  Liverpool,  but  the  whole 
country  into  a  towering  passion  of  nationality  ?  " 

The  British  Minister,  Erskine,  laid  the  situation  fairly  before 
his  Government,  writing  to  them  that  American  ill-will  was  naturally 
excited  by  the  "insulting  behaviour"  of  British  captains  "in  the 
very  harbours  and  waters  of  the  United  States,"  while  the  whole 
coast  was  blockaded  as  if  in  time  of  war,  and  every  American  ship 
vigorously  searched  in  sight  of  the  shore.1 

According  to  the  best  estimate,  some  twenty-five  hundred  British 
seamen  were  drawn  annually  into  the  American  merchant  marine ; 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  about  a  thousand  seamen,  supposed  to  be 
British,  but  in  large  part  American,  were  impressed  from  American 
merchantmen  by  British  warships  every  year ;  while  hundreds  of 
these  merchantmen  were  seized  by  British  cruisers,  not  merely  on 
the  high  seas,  but  within  gunshot  of  the  American  coast.  The 
Americans  clamoured  in  anger,  but  took  no  effectual  steps  in  retalia- 
tion. The  seafaring  people  were  willing  to  risk  a  war;  but  the 
merchants  were  not,  for,  after  all,  the  neutral  trade  was  very  remu- 
nerative, and,  inasmuch  as  they  pocketed  the  profits,  they  were  willing 
to  pocket  the  accompanying  insults  and  injuries.  Even  the  outrages 
on  the  coast  met  with  no  more  response  than  the  tedious  protests 
of  diplomacy,  and  an  occasional  outburst  of  indignation  in  some 
.  '  Adams,  iv.  143. 


1812.]  THE  "LEOPARD"    AND    THE  "CHESAPEAKE."  17 

town  which  refused  for  the  moment  to  furnish  provisions  to  a 
peculiarly  offensive  British  frigate.  It  could  hardly  be  deemed  very 
spirited  retaliation,  this  refusal  to  give  green  vegetables  to  the  men 
who  slew  or  imprisoned  American  citizens.  But  finally  something 
occurred  which  really  did  rouse  the  whole  nation,  for  the  British 
suddenly  extended  their  theory  of  the  right  of  search  so  as  to 
include,  not  merely  the  merchant  vessels,  but  the  warships  of  the 
United  States. 


ADMIRAL   THE    HON.    SIR   GEORQE   CEANFIELD   BERKELEY,    O.C.B. 

(.From  Ridley's  lithograph  after  the  portrait  by  Miss  Paye.) 

The  British  ships  on  the  American  coast  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  Vice-Admiral  the  Hon.  George  Cranfield  Berkeley,  who 
was  stationed  at  Halifax.  Desertions  were  rife  from  among  these 
ships,  and,  indeed,  were  not  infrequent  from  the  American  ships 
themselves.  Naturally,  whenever  a  British  ship  was  lying  off  an 
American  port,  the  American  seamen  aboard  her  were  eager  for  a 
chance  to  get  ashore  and  desert ;  and  some  of  the  British  seamen 
were  delighted  to  follow  suit.  In  1807  the  Admiral  issued  an  order 
reciting  the  fact  that  a  certain  number  of  deserters  had  escaped 

VOL.    VI.  c 


18  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1812. 

from  various  British  vessels,  which  he  enumerated,  and  directed  the 
captains  of  the  ships  under  him  to  reclaim  these  deserters  wherever 
found ;  specifically  ordering  them  to  search  even  an  American  man- 
of-war  which  might  be  suspected  of  having  them  aboard.  At  that 
time  a  British  squadron,  including  both  two-deckers  and  frigates, 
lay  off  Norfolk.  When  they  received  the  news,  the  American 
frigate  Chesapeake  was  about  to  put  to  sea.  She  had  aboard  her 
one  of  the  deserters  alluded  to,  and  the  50-gun  ship  Leopard, 
Captain  Salusbury  Pryce  Humphreys,  was  despatched  to  overhaul 
her  and  re-claim  him. 

The  Chesapeake  rated  thirty-eight  guns,  and  on  this  voyage 
carried  forty.  She  was  inferior  in  strength  to  the  Leopard,  about 
in  the  proportion  that  a  38-gun  frigate  was  inferior  to  a  44 ;  that 
is,  the  inferiority  was  not  such  as  to  warrant  her  striking  without 
resistance.  The  Chesapeake  was  under  the  command  of  Captain 
James  Barren  when  she  put  out ;  and,  of  course,  neither  he  nor 
anyone  else  aboard  her  dreamed  that  there  was  the  slightest  fear 
of  attack  from  the  British  ships  which  were  lying  at  anchor  or 
cruising  in  the  harbour.  The  Chesapeake 's  decks  were  lumbered 
up,  and  none  of  her  guns  were  ready  for  action,  for  they  were 
without  gunlocks,  and  could  only  be  fired  by  means  of  slow 
matches,  or  of  firing-irons  previously  heated  in  the  fire.  When 
the  Leopard  approached,  Barron  still  felt  no  suspicion  of  the  errand 
on  which  she  came,  and  he  was  dumbfounded  when  he  was  informed 
of  the  purpose  to  search  his  ship.  It  was,  of  course,  a  proposition  to 
which  no  naval  officer  who  did  not  wish  to  be  hanged  for  cowardice 
or  treason  could  submit ;  and  Barron  refused.  After  a  few  minutes' 
hesitation,  he  began  to  prepare  for  defence ;  but,  long  before  the 
preparations  were  completed,  the  Leopard  opened  fire.  After  sub- 
mitting to  three  broadsides,  which  killed  or  wounded  twenty-one 
men,  the  Chesapeake  struck.  She  had  been  able  to  fire  in  return 
but  a  single  gun,  which  Lieutenant  William  Henry  Allen  discharged 
by  means  of  a  hot  coal  which  he  brought  in  his  hands  from  the 
galley.  The  British  then  boarded  her,  and  took  out  four  deserters 
from  British  ships,  three  of  these  deserters  being  Americans,  and 
only  one  a  British  subject ;  and  the  Chesapeake  returned  to  port  in 
an  agony  of  shame  and  rage.  Captain  Barron  was  court-martialled, 
but  was  acquitted  of  all  charges  save  neglect  to  utilise  fully  the 
short  period  given  him  by  the  Leopard  in  which  to  make  ready 
for  the  fight.  Decatur,  however,  always  considered  him  more 


1812.]  AMERICAN  EXASPERATION.  19 

blameworthy  than  was  shown  by  the  judgment ;  and  in  after  life 
the  quarrel  between  the  two  men  gave  rise  to  a  duel  in  which 
Decatur  was  slain. 

The  event  was  a  terrible  tragedy ;  but  one  touch  of  comedy  was 
supplied  by  Admiral  Berkeley's  letter  approving  the  deed.  In  this 
he  warned  Captain  Humphreys,  of  the  Leopard,  not  to  pay  heed  to 
American  criticism  of  a  feat  which  was  as  lawless  as  any  deed  of 
piracy  ever  committed  on  the  high  seas,  because  he  "must  make 


BEAR-ADMIRAL   SIB   SALUSBUBY    PKYCE    DAVENPOBT   (PBEVIOUSLY  HUMPHBEYS), 

KT.,  C.B.,  K.C.H. 

(.After  Page's  lithograph,  in  the  '  Naval  Chronicle,'  1812,  of  Humphreys  as  a  Post-Captain  ) 

allowances  for  the  heated  state  of  the  pdpulace  in  a  country  where 
law,  and  every  tie  both  civil  and  religious,  is  treated  so  lightly."  1 

Such  an  outrage  convulsed  the  whole  country  for  the  moment, 
and  spurred  to  action  even  Jefferson,  the  most  timid  and  least 
warlike  of  presidents ;  but  Jefferson,  even  when  angry,  was 
utterly  unable  to  uphold  the  honour  or  dignity  of  the  nation  in 
any  dispute  with  a  foreign  power.  Though  he  led  the  people 
wrong,  it  must  be  remembered  that  they  were  more  than  willing  to 
1  Marshall ;  '  Naval  Biography,'  ii.  895. 

c  2 


20  THE    WAR    WITH    THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

follow  his  lead;  for  the  Americans  of  that  day  lacked  national 
feeling,  and  were  possessed  of  a  party  spirit  rendered  more  than 
usually  ignoble  because  of  the  fact  that  the  rival  factions  fought 
under  the  badges  of  France  and  England,  and  considered  all 
American  questions  solely  from  the  standpoint  of  the  foreign  nation 
whose  interests  they  happened  to  champion.  The  President,  the 
Congress,  and  the  people  as  a  whole  all  showed  an  unworthy  dread 
of  the  appeal  to  arms. 

Instead  of  declaring  war,  Jefferson  put  in  practice  one  of  his 
favourite  schemes,  that  of  commercial  war,  as  he  called  it.  In 
other  words,  he  declared  an  embargo  on  all  American  shipping, 
refusing  to  allow  any  of  it  to  leave  American  ports,  and  hoping 
thus  so  to  injure  the  interests  of  England  and  France  as  to  force 
them  to  refrain  from  injuring  America :  a  futile  hope,  rightly 
destined  to  meet  with  the  failure  which  should  attend  the  efforts 
of  men  and  of  nations  that  lack  that  most  elementary  and  needful 
of  all  virtues,  the  orderly  courage  of  the  soldier.  The  temper  of 
Jefferson's  mind,  and  the  extraordinary  military  foolishness  of  the 
American  people  as  a  whole,  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that, 
in  preparing  for  war,  all  he  could  suggest  was  that  the  ships  of  war 
should  be  laid  up  so  as  not  to  tempt  the  enemy  to  capture  them  ; 
and  that  the.  United  States  should  rely  upon  the  worthless  militia 
on  shore,  and  the  flotillas  of  equally  worthless  gunboats  along  the 
coast.1  The  British  Government,  through  Canning,  disavowed 
Berkeley's  act  and  recalled  him,  but  accompanied  the  disavowal 
with  requests  and  demands  in  connection  with  the  Orders  in 
Council  which  were  in  themselves  almost  as  great  insults.  Jeffer- 
eon  could  not  make  his  embargo  work.  It  did  some  damage  to 
Great  Britain  and  France,  but  by  no  means  enough  to  force  either  to 
yield,  while  it  wrought  such  ruin  in  America  as  very  nearly  to  bring 
about  a  civil  war.  It  was  a  mean  and  ignoble  effort  to  avoid  war ; 
and  it  spoke  ill  for  its  promoters  that  they  should  prefer  it  to  the 
manlier  course  which  would  have  appealed  to  all  really  brave  and 
generous  natures.  At  the  very  end  of  his  administration  Jefferson 
was  forced  to  submit  to  the  repeal  of  his  pet  measure,  and  the 
substitution  of  a  non-intercourse  act,  which  merely  forbad  vessels 
to  sail  direct  to  France  or  England  :  a  measure  which,  if  it  ac- 
complished no  more  good,  at  least  did  very  much  less  harm. 

The  British  Government  resolutely  declined  to  withdraw  the 

1  Adams,  iv.  159. 


1812.]  EFFECT   OF  NAPOLEON'S  DECREES.  21 

Orders  in  Council,  or  to  abandon  the  impressment  of  seamen  from 
American  ships ;  but,  inasmuch  as  the  measures  taken  by  the 
American  government  bore  equally  heavily  against  France  and 
Britain,  they  ceased  to  blockade  the  American  ports,  or  to  exercise 
the  right  of  search  on  the  American  coasts  ;  for  they  insisted  that 
America  must  not  favour  France  at  the  expense  of  Britain,  and 
hope  to  escape  retaliation.  An  interminable  diplomatic  wrangle 
followed,  the  British  and  the  French  alike  accusing  the  Americans 
of  favouring  their  opponents ;  and  the  Americans  endeavouring  to 
persuade  each  set  of  combatants  that  its  conduct  was  worse  than 
that  of  the  other,  and  should  be  abandoned.  Finally,  in  1810, 
Napoleon  made  in  the  last  and  worst  of  his  decrees  certain  changes 
which  the  Americans  thought  were  equivalent  to  a  repeal.  Napoleon 
and  his  administrators  were  steeped  in  such  seething  duplicity, 
mendacity,  and  corruption,  that  negotiations  with  the  French  at  that 
period  afforded  a  peculiarly  difficult  problem.  He  allowed  one  set  of 
public  officials  to  issue  mandates  showing  that  the  repeal  of  the 
decrees  was  real,  and  he  permitted  action  to  be  taken  in  accordance 
with  these  mandates ;  while  another  set  of  officers,  or  even  the  same 
set  on  some  other  occasion,  might  ignore  the  alleged  repeal  and 
enforce  the  original  decrees.  Just  prior  to  going  through  the  form 
of  a  pretended  repeal,  he  had  enforced  a  sweeping  confiscation  of 
American  ships  by  an  act  of  gross  treachery,  and  he  evaded  making 
restitution  for  this  ;  while,  later,  one  of  his  squadrons  burned  American 
merchant  vessels  at  sea.  However,  on  the  assumption  that  the 
repeal  of  the  obnoxious  decrees  had  been  declared,  the  American 
government  discontinued  the  operation  of  the  non-intercourse  law  as 
against  France.  Thereupon  the  British  Government,  insisting  that 
the  decrees  had  really  not  been  repealed,  renewed  the  blockade  of 
the  American  coast,  and  there  began  once  more  the  familiar  series 
of  outrages ;  American  ships  being  confiscated,  and  American  sailors 
impressed,  off  the  mouth  of  American  harbours,  and  within  gunshot 
of  the  American  shore.  Even  the  greed  of  gain,  and  the  timidity 
of  the  doctrinaire  politicians  who  believed  in  a  conquest  to  be 
achieved  purely  by  peace,  could  not  withstand  this,  and  the  war  spirit 
rose  steadily  among  the  American  people ;  although  without  that 
accompaniment  of  forethought,  and  of  resolute,  intelligent  prepara- 
tion, the  lack  of  which  tends  to  make  war  spirit  merely  bluster. 

At  the  time  the  conduct  of  the  French  was  in  intention  rather 
worse  than  that  of  the  English,  and  the  damage  which  the  French 


22  THE    WAR    WITH    THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

inflicted  on  the  property  within  their  clutches  was  almost  as  great ; 
but  they  had  made  a  pretence  of  repealing  the  obnoxious  decrees, 
whereas  Great  Britain  positively  declined  to  repeal  the  Orders  in 
Council,  or  to  abandon  the  right  of  impressment.  Moreover,  what 
was  far  more  important,  the  French  were  remote  and  could  not  do 
the  damage  they  wished,  whereas  the  British  warships  were  in  sight 
of  the  American  coast,  and  their  actions  were  the  every-day  theme 
of  indignant  comment.  In  such  circumstances  it  was  inevitable  that 
the  people,  smarting  under  their  wrongs,  should  feel  inclined  to 
revenge  them  against  the  nearer  and  more  obvious  aggressor ;  though 
this  did  not  excuse  the  American  government  for  the  failure  to  take 
a  stand  as  decided  against  France  as  against  Great  Britain. 

In  1811  there  occurred  another  collision  between  armed  ships  of 
the  two  nations.  The  great  frigate,  President,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  John  Eodgers,  encountered  the  British  sloop  of  war  Little 
Belt,  under  the  command  of  Commander  Arthur  Batt  Bingham,  not 
very  far  from  the  scene  of  the  Chesapeake  s  humiliation.  The  en- 
counter took  place  at  night,  under  a  misunderstanding  which  each 
alleged  to  be  the  fault  of  the  other.  Shots  were  exchanged,  and  a 
regular  fight,  lasting  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  took  place,  when  the 
Little  Belt,  which  was  not  of  a  quarter  the  force  of  her  antagonist,1 
was  of  course  silenced,  having  thirty-two  of  her  men  either  killed  or 
wounded.  Not  a  man  was  touched  on  board  the  President.12  Each 
accused  the  other  of  having  fired  the  first  shot  and  brought  on  the 
action.  But,  taking  into  account  the  great  disparity  in  force  between 
the  combatants,  and  the  further  fact  that  Rodgers  carried  a  letter  of 
instructions  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  which,  in  effect,  directed 
him  to  err  on  the  side  of  aggressiveness  rather  than  to  run  any  risk 
of  a  repetition  of  the  Chesapeake  affair,  it  is  difficult  not  to  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  President  was  the  offender.  The  incident 
deeply  exasperated  the  British  captains  along  the  coast,  while  it  put 
the  Americans  in  high  feather.  They  accepted  it  as  an  offset  to  the 
Chesapeake  affair,  and  no  longer  dwelt  much  upon  the  need  of 
redress  for  the  latter. 

All  of  this  really  rendered  war  inevitable ;  but  as  the  American 
government  grew  more,  the  British  Government  grew  less,  ready  to 

1  The  Little  Belt  carried  eighteen  32-pr.  carronades  and  two  9-prs.,  with  a  com- 
plement of  121  men  and  boys;  the  President,  a  "44-gun"  frigate,  seems  to  have 
mounted  thirty-two  24-prs.  and  twenty-four  42-pr.  carronades.— W.  L.  C. 

1  Bodgers's  letter,  May  23rd,  181]  ;  Secretary  Hamilton  to  Rodgers,  June  9th,  1810; 
Bingham's  letter,  May  23rd,  1811. 


1812.]  DELUSIONS   OF  BOTH  SIDES.  23 

appeal  to  the  sword.  Finally,  in  June  1812,  Madison  sent  in  his 
declaration  of  war,  the  two  chief  grievances  alleged  being  the  right 
of  search  and  the  impressment  of  seamen.  Almost  at  the  same 
time,  and  therefore  too  late  to  do  any  good,  the  British  Government 
repealed  the  Orders  in  Council :  a  step  which,  if  taken  a  year  before, 
would  not  only  have  prevented  war,  but  very  possibly  would  have 
made  America  declare  war  on  France. 

Deeply  to  the  national  discredit,  the  American  government  and 
people  had  made  no  adequate  preparation  for  the  conflict  into  which 
they  plunged.  The  statesmen  who  had  been  in  control  of  the 
administration  for  the  last  dozen  years,  Jefferson  and  his  followers, 
were  utterly  incompetent  to  guard  the  national  honour  when 
menaced  by  a  foreign  Power.  They  were  painfully  unable  to  plan 
or  carry  out  proper  measures  for  national  defence.  The  younger 
democratic-republican  leaders,  men  like  Clay  and  Calhoun,  were 
unlike  their  elders  in  being  willing  to  fight,  but  they  had  not  the 
slightest  conception  what  war  meant,  or  how  to  meet  the  formidable 
foe  to  whom  they  had  thrown  down  the  glove.  Instead  of  keeping 
quiet  and  making  preparations,  they  made  no  preparations,  and 
indulged  in  vainglorious  boastings.  Clay  asserting  that  the  militia 
of  Kentucky  alone  would  conquer  Canada ;  and  Calhoun,  that  the 
conquest  would  be  made  almost  without  an  effort.  The  memory  of 
these  boasts  must  have  cost  bitter  mortification  to  the  authors  a 
couple  of  years  later.  The  people  as  a  whole  deserved  just  the 
administrative  weakness  with  which  they  were  cursed  by  their 
chosen  rulers.  Had  Jefferson  and  the  other  leaders  of  popular 
opinion  been  wiser  and  firmer  men,  they  could  have  led  the  people 
to  make  better  preparations  ;  but  the  people  themselves  did  not 
desire  wiser  or  better  leadership.  The  only  party  which  had  ever 
acted  with  dignity  in  foreign  affairs,  or  taken  proper  measures  for 
the  national  defence  and  national  honour,  was  the  party  of  the 
Federalists ;  and  the  Federalists  had  sunk  into  a  seditious  faction, 
especially  in  New  England,  where  discontent  with  the  war  reached 
a  treasonable  pitch  before  it  ended. 

Though  at  the  last  the  British  Government  had  seemed  reluctant 
to  go  into  the  war,  anticipating  no  good  from  it,  no  question  as  to 
the  result  crossed  the  mind  of  any  British  statesman,  soldier  or  sailor. 
The  Morning  Post,  the  organ  of  the  Government,  expressed  the 
general  feeling  when  it  said  in  an  inspired  article  that  "  a  war  of  a 
very  few  months,  without  creating  to  "  (England)  "  the  expense  of  a 


24  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

single  additional  ship,  would  be  sufficient  to  convince"  (America)  "of 
her  folly  by  a  necessary  chastisement  of  her  insolence  and  audacity."  * 
Indeed,  there  was  one  factor  which  both  sides  agreed  at  the  outset 
could  be  neglected,  and  that  was  the  American  navy.  The  British 
could  hardly  be  said  to  have  considered  it  at  all ;  and  American 
statesmen  so  completely  shared  the  British  belief  in  British  in- 
vulnerability at  sea,  that  there  was  a  general  purpose  to  lay  up 
the  American  ships  in  port ;  and  this  course  was  only  prevented  by 
the  striking  victories  with  which  the  navy  opened  its  career. 

The  American  navy  itself  did  not  in  the  least  share  the  feelings  of 
its  friends  and  foes.  The  officers  knew  that  their  ships  were,  on  the 
whole,  better  built  and  better  armed  than  any  foreign  ships  of  their 
classes ;  and  they  had  entire  confidence  in  their  own  training  and 
courage,  and  in  the  training  and  courage  of  the  men  under  them. 
The  navy  had  been  in  existence  only  fourteen  years.  It  was  probably 
fortunate  that  the  service  of  none  of  the  officers  extended  back  to  the 
revolutionary  struggle,  when  the  American  warships  were  really,  for 
the  most  part,  merely  ill-disciplined  privateers.  The  first  experience 
of  the  navy,  in  the  struggle  with  France,  had  been  honourable.  A 
French  frigate  and  corvette  were  captured  in  single  fight,  while  the 
West  Indian  seas  were  almost  cleared  of  French  privateers,  and  no 
American  vessel  was  lost.  Then  came  the  war  with  the  Barbary 
States,  which  lasted  four  years,  and  was  a  still  better  training  school ; 
for  though  it  was  mostly  a  wearisome  blockade,  yet  there  were 
bombardments,  single  ship  encounters — in  which  the  vessels  of  the 
Moorish  pirates  were  captured — and  desperate  cutting-out  expedi- 
tions, in  which  the  Yankee  cutlass  proved  an  over-match  for  the 
Moorish  scimitar.  It  was  in  that  war  that  the  commanders  who 
later  won  distinction  against  the  lords  of  the  sea,  gained  their  first 
experience  of  hard  and  dangerous  fighting,  and  of  commanding  men 
in  action.  They  improved  the  experience  thus  gained  by  careful 
training  in  time  of  peace. 

In  1812  the  American  navy  regarded  itself  with  intelligent  and 
resolute  self-confidence.  The  people  at  large  not  merely  failed  to 
possess  this  confidence,  but  also  showed  criminal  negligence  in 
refusing  to  build  up  a  navy.  The  very  Congress  which  declared 
for  war  actually  voted  down  a  bill  to  increase  the  navy  by  twelve 
battleships  and  twenty  frigates.  The  Federalists  supported  the 
proposition,  but  the  great  bulk  of  the  dominant  party,  though 
1  Morning  Post,  November  12tli,  1807. 


1812.] 


THE  AMERICAN  NAVY. 


25 


clamorous  for  war,  yet  declined  to  take  the  steps  which  alone  could 
have  justified  their  clamour ;  and  in  so  doing  they  represented  only 
too  well  the  people  behind  them.  Their  conduct  was  humiliating 
to  the  national  honour :  it  was  a  crime,  and  it  left  a  stain  on  the 
national  character  and  reputation.  Contempt  is  the  emotion  of  all 
others  which  a  nation  should  be  least  willing  to  arouse ;  and  con- 
tempt was  aroused  by  the  attitude  of  those  Americans  who,  in  1812 
and  before,  refused  to  provide  an  adequate  navy,  and  declined  to  put 
the  country  into  shape  which  should  render  it  fit  for  self-defence. 
There  are  plenty  of  philanthropists  and  politicians  in  the  America 
of  to-day  who  show  the  same  timid,  short-sighted  folly,  and  supine 
indifference  to  national  honour ;  nor  is  the  breed  wholly  lacking  in 
England. 

In  1812  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  exclusive  of  two  or  three 
condemned  hulks  and  a  score  or  so  of  worthless  gunboats,  consisted 
of  the  following  vessels  : — 


RATE. 

fGuss.) 

XAMK. 

CLASS. 

DATE  OF 

llUILDING. 

TONNAGK. 

44 
44 
44 
38 
38 

United  States    .            ... 
Constitution      
President     
Constellation     
Congress 

Frigate 

*» 

n 

1797 
1797 
1800 
1797 
1799 

1576 
1576 
1576 
1265 
1268 

38 
32 
28 
18 
]8 
16 
16 
14 

I'hesapeake  .  .         .... 
Essex      .... 
Adams  
Hornet  
Wasp     
Argus     
Syren     
Nautilus      .            .... 

»> 

Corvette 

Ship-sloop 
»» 
Brig-sloop 

»» 

1799 
1799 
1799 
1805 
1806 
1803 
1803 
1803 

1244 
860 
560 
480 
450 
298 
250 
185 

14 

1803 

185 

12 

12 

Enterprise   
Viper     

Brig 

j) 

1799 
1810 

165 
148 

Tonnage  was  at  that  time  reckoned  arbitrarily  in  several  different 
ways.  One  of  the  tricks  of  naval  writers  of  the  period,  on  both 
sides,  was  to  compute  the  tonnage  differently  for  friendly  and  foreign 
ships,  thus  making  out  the  most  gratifying  disparity  in  size,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  national  vanity.1 

1  The  British  method  of  computing  tonnage  being  different  from  the  American, 
and  even  the  methods  of  measurement  being  different,  it  is  not  possible  to  make  an 
absolutely  accurate  comparison  of  the  tonnage  of  the  combatants.  According  to  the 
British  methods,  the  American  frigates  would  measure  from  100  to  150  tons  less  than 
the  figures  given  above.  I  have  discussed  the  matter  fully  in  the  appendix  to  tuy 
'  Naval  War  of  1812.'  James,  the  British  historian,  is  one  of  the  writers  who,  especially 


26  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

The  four  smallest  brigs  were  worthless  craft  originally  altered 
from  schooners.  The  other  twelve  vessels  were  among  the  best  of 
their  respective  classes  afloat.  At  that  time  there  were  two  kinds  of 
guns  in  use  in  all  navies  :  the  long  gun  and  the  carronade.1  The 
carronade  was  short  and  light,  but  of  large  calibre.  At  long  ranges 
it  was  useless  ;  at  short  ranges,  owing  to  the  greater  weight  of  the 
shot,  it  was  much  more  useful  than  a  long  gun  of  less  calibre. 
American  sloops  and  brigs  were  armed  only  with  carronades,  save  for 
two  long  bow-chasers ;  frigates  were  armed  with  long  guns  on  the 
main-deck,  and  with  carronades  and  two  long  bow-chasers  on  the 
quarter-deck  and  forecastle,  or  what  the  Americans  called  the  spar- 
deck.  The  only  exception  to  this  rule  was  the  Essex,  which  was 
armed  with  forty  32-pr.  carronades  and  six  long  12's.  In  comparing 
the  relative  force  of  any  pair  of  combatants,  the  most  important  item 
is  the  relative  weight  of  metal  in  broadside ;  but,  in  considering 
this,  allowance  must  always  be  made  for  the  difference  between 
carronades  and  long  guns,  the  latter  being,  relatively  to  their  calibre, 
much  more  powerful  and  efficient  weapons.  The  annalist  of  each 
side  usually  omits  all  considerations  of  this  kind  when  they  tell 
against  their  own  people. 

The  only  other  class  of  ocean  vessels  used  by  the  Americans 
during  the  war  may  as  well  be  alluded  to  here.  It  consisted  of  a 
class  of  fine  ship-sloops,  of  509  tons,  each  carrying  twenty-two  guns, 
which  put  to  sea  in  1814. 

Almost  all  the  American  ships  carried  more  guns  than  they  rated. 
The  44-gun  frigate  usually  carried  fifty-four,  consisting  of  thirty 
long  24's  on  the  main- deck,  and  on  the  spar-deck  two  long  bow- 
chasers,  and  either  twenty  or  twenty-two  carronades — 32-pounders 
in  the  Constitution,  and  42-pounders  in  the  President  and  the 
United  States.  The  Constellation,  Congress,  and  Chesapeake  carried 
forty-eight  guns,  twenty-eight  long  18's  on  the  main-deck,  and  on 
the  spar-deck  two  long  18's,  and  eighteen  32-pr.  carronades.  The 
ship-sloops  carried  32-pr.  carronades,  and  long  12's  for  bow-chasers. 
The  brig-sloops  carried  24  or  18-pr.  carronades,  according  to 
their  size. 


in  dealing  with  the  lake  flotillas,  adopts  different  standards  for  the  two  sides  ;  and  his 
latest  editor  has  attempted  to  justify  him,  by  ignoring  the  fact  that  the  question  is, 
not  as  to  the  accuracy  of  James's  figures  by  any  one  standard,  but  as  to  his  using  two 
different  standards  as  if  they  were  the  same. 

1  For  fuller  information  as  to  the  carronade,  see  Vol.  III.,  pp.  330-333. — W.  L.  C. 


1812.]  THE  FRIGATE   CLASSES.  27 

The  British  vessels  with  which  the  American  ships  most 
frequently  came  in  contact  were  the  38-gun  frigates  and  the  18-gun 
brig-sloops.  The  38-gun  frigates  were  almost  exactly  similar  in  size 
and  armament  to  the  American  ships  of  the  same  rate.  The  brig- 
sloops  were  somewhat  less  in  size  than  the  Hornet ;  they  were 
supposed  to  carry  eighteen  guns,  two  bow-chasers  and  sixteen 
32-pound  carronades. 

The  system  of  rating,  like  the  system  of  measuring  tonnage,  was 
thus  purely  artificial.  The  worst  case  of  underrating  in  the  American 
navy  was  that  of  the  Essex,  which  rated  thirty-two  and  carried 
forty-six  guns,  so  that  her  real,  was  44  per  cent,  in  excess  of  her 
nominal  force.  Among  the  British  ships  with  which  the  Americans 
came  in  contact,  the  worst  case  of  underrating  was  the  Cyane, 
which  was  rated  at  twenty-two  and  carried  thirty-three  guns, 
making  a  difference  of  50  per  cent.  The  Wasp  carried  eighteen 
guns,  the  Hornet  twenty.  The  English  brig-sloops  almost  always 
carried  one  light  carronade  beyond  their  rating,  and  sometimes,  in 
addition,  a  light  stern-chaser,  or  two  bow-chasers,  thrust  into  the 
bridle  ports. 

The  conflicts  which  at  the  time  and  afterwards  attracted  most 
attention  were  the  first  three  frigate  fights,  all  of  which  took 
place  between  the  American  44's  and  the  British  38's.  In  each 
case  the  American  ship  was  markedly  superior  in  force.  The 
countrymen  of  each  combatant  tried,  on  the  one  side,  to  enhance 
the  glory  of  the  victory  by  minimising  this  difference  in  force,  and, 
on  the  other,  to  explain  away  the  defeat  by  exaggerating  it.  The 
Americans  asserted,  not  merely  in  their  histories,  but  even  by 
resolutions  in  Congress,  that  the  ships  were  practically  equal  in 
force,  which  a  glance  at  the  figures  given  above  will  show  to  be  an 
absurd  untruth.  The  British,  on  the  other  hand,  sought  consolation 
in  declaring  that  the  American  frigates  were  "  disguised  line-of- 
battle  ships."  This  has  been  solemnly  repeated  at  intervals  to  the 
present  day.  It  is  of  course  pure  nonsense.  The  American  44's 
were  the  finest  frigates  afloat ;  but  there  had  already  been 
24-pounder  frigates,  not  only  in  the  British,  but  also  in  the  French 
and  Danish  navies.  One  of  the  British  frigates  with  which  the 
Americans  came  in  contact  was  the  40-gun  frigate  Endymion.  The 
Endymion,  like  the  Constitution,  carried  long  24's  on  her  main-deck, 
and  32-pound  carronades  on  her  spar-deck.  In  1815  she  had  fifty-one 
guns,  including  a  shifting  24-pound  carronade,  making  a  broadside 


28  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

of  698  pounds.  The  Constitution  that  year  carried  fifty-two  guns, 
and  threw  a  broadside  of  704  pounds.  The  difference  in  weight  of 
metal  was  therefore  just  six  pounds,  or  one  per  cent.,  which  is 
certainly  not  enough  to  mark  the  difference  between  a  40-gun  frigate 
and  a  "  disguised  line-of-battle  ship."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
difference  between  the  force  and  the  rating  was  greater  in  the  case 
of  the  Endymion  than  in  that  of  the  Constitution. 

The  United  States  was  not  the  first  nation  that  invented  the 
heavy  frigate,  but  was  the  first  to  use  it  effectively.  The  French 
24-pounder  carried  a  ball  about  five  pounds  heavier  than  that  of  the 
American  24,  and  the  36-pound  carronade  which  the  French  put 
on  their  spar-decks  carried  a  heavier  ball  than  the  American  or 
British  42-pounder ;  for  the  French  pound  was  about  15  per  cent, 
heavier  than  the  English.  Nevertheless  the  French,  as  well  as  the 
Dutch  and  Danish,  heavy  24-pounder  frigates  had  failed  to  distin- 
guish themselves,  and  had  been  captured  by  the  British  just  as 
easily  as  the  18-pounder  frigates.  In  consequence,  the  belief  was 
general  that  the  18-pounder  frigates  were  really  better  as  fighting 
machines  than  those  with  24-pounders.  The  American  successes 
upset  this  theory,  because  the  Americans  built  heavy  frigates  which 
were  even  better  than  those  built  by  the  French  and  Dutch,  and  put 
into  them  officers  and  seamen  who  were  able  to  handle  and  fight 
them  as  no  frigates  at  that  time  were  handled  or  fought  by  any 
other  nation. 

The  size  and  seaworthy  qualities,  and  the  excellent  armament 
of  the  American  vessels  did  the  utmost  credit,  both  to  those 
who  had  planned  them,  and  to  those  who  had  built  them.  There 
was  one  point  in  which  there  was  a  falling  off  as  compared  with 
the  British.  The  American  foundries  were  not  very  good,  and  in 
consequence  the  guns  were  more  liable  to  accidents ;  and  almost 
all  the  shot  were  of  light  weight,  the  shortage  varying  from  two  or 
three  to  as  much  as  ten  per  cent.  As  a  result,  the  real  weight  of  the 
American  broadside  was  always  somewhat  less  than  the  nominal. 

The  personnel  of  the  American  navy  consisted  of  500  officers, 
but  twelve  of  whom  were  captains,  and  5230  seamen  and  boys,  of 
whom  2346  were  destined  for  the  cruising  war  vessels,  the  remainder 
being  for  service  at  the  forts  and  navy  yards,  in  the  gun-boats,  and 
on  the  lakes.  The  officers  were  almost  exclusively  native  Americans. 
In  the  crews  native  Americans  also  overwhelmingly  predominated ; 
there  were,  however,  a  certain  number  of  foreigners  aboard  almost 


1812.]  THE  NAVIES    COMPARED.  29 

every  vessel,  the  proportion  of  English  being  probably  larger  than 
that  of  any  other  nationality,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Great  Britain 
was  the  country  with  which  the  Americans  were  at  war.  This  pro- 
portion of  foreigners,  and  especially  of  Englishmen,  varied  in  the 
different  ships.  The  captains,  under  instructions  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  got  rid  of  as  many  English  as  possible  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  fearing  lest  they  might  be  reluctant  to  fight  against  their 
countrymen.  A  good  many  remained,  possibly  as  many  as  ten  or 
even  fifteen  per  cent,  of  the  total  in  some  of  the  ships,  but  certainly 
a  smaller  percentage  on  the  average. 

The  British  Navy  was  so  large  as  to  put  all  comparison  between 
it  and  that  of  the  United  States  out  of  the  question.  But  the 
British  Navy  could  not  be  diverted  from  the  use  to  which  it  had 
so  long  been  put.  It  was  a  knife  at  the  throat  of  Napoleon,  and  it 
could  not  be  taken  away.  However,  this  applied  only  to  the  great 
fleets,  and  there  was  no  need  of  great  fleets  for  use  against  America. 
A  few  two-deckers,  and  a  score  or  two  of  frigates  would,  it  was 
believed,  suffice  to  keep  in  check  the  entire  American  navy,  and  to 
blockade  all  the  important  American  ports. 

The  British  Navy  stood  at  the  height  of  its  splendour  and 
triumph,  and  higher  than  any  other  navy  either  before  or  since. 
During  twenty  years  of  almost  uninterrupted  warfare  it  had  cowed 
or  destroyed  the  navies  of  all  other  European  powers.  In  fleet 
action  after  fleet  action  it  had  crushed  to  atoms  the  sea  might  of 
France,  of  Spain,  of  Holland,  and  of  Denmark ;  in  hundreds  of 
single  ship  fights,  in  which  the  forces  engaged  on  each  side  were 
fairly  equal,  the  monotonous  record  of  Britain's  triumphs  had  been 
broken  by  less  than  half-a-dozen  defeats.  The  British  officers  felt 
absolute  confidence  in  their  prowess,  and  they  despised  their  new 
foes.  As  a  whole  they  had  begun  to  pay  less  attention  to  gunnery 
since  Nelson's  death  ;  and  this  lack  of  care  and  their  overwhelming 
pride  and  self-confidence — good  qualities,  but  bad  if  carried  to  excess 
—made  them  less  fit  than  formerly  to  contend  on  equal  terms  for 
the  mastery  of  the  ocean  with  enemies  more  skilful  than  any  they 
had  yet  encountered.  Their  European  antagonists  had  been  com- 
pletely cowed,  and  always  entered  into  a  fight  half  beaten  in 
advance ;  but  in  the  Americans  they  had  to  meet  men  of  a  different 
mettle. 

In  June,  1812,  there  were  half-a-dozen  British  frigates,  and  one 


30  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

old  two-decker,  the  Africa,  64,1  immediately  off  the  American 
coast.  Had  the  American  ships  been  ready  they  could  doubtless 
have  overcome  these,  even  when  collected  into  a  squadron,  as  they 
were  as  soon  as  the  news  of  the  outbreak  of  the  war  became  known. 
Such  a  victory  over  a  squadron  would  have  been  an  incalculable 
benefit  to  the  Americans;  but  the  administration  had  no  thought 
of  such  action.  It  wished  to  lay  up  the  American  frigates  in 
port,  and  was  only  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  urgent  re- 
monstrances of  two  of  the  naval  captains.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  wrote  letters  to  Captain  Isaac  Hull  urging  him  to  act,  even 
against  a  single  foe,  with  timid  caution ;  but  Hull,  fortunately,  was 
willing  to  bear  the  responsibility  which  his  superior  shirked.2 
However,  even  a  bold  administration  could  have  done  little  at  the 
moment.  The  ships  were  not  ready,  and  all  that  could  be  done  was 
to  send  Captain  John  Eodgers  on  a  cruise  with  his  own  frigate,  the 
President,  44,  the  United  States,  44,  Captain  Stephen  Decatur,  the 
Congress,  38,  Captain  John  Smith,  the  Hornet,  18,  Captain  James 
Lawrence,  and  the  Argus,  16,  Captain  Arthur  Sinclair.  Eodgers 
put  to  sea  on  June  21st,  hoping  to  strike  the  West  Indies'  homeward- 
bound  fleet.3  Two  days  out  of  the  port  he  encountered  the  British 
frigate  Belvidera,  36,  Captain  Eichard  Byron  (2).4  Byron  had  been 
informed  of  the  likelihood  of  war  by  a  New  York  pilot  boat ;  and  as 
soon  as  he  made  out  the  strange  ships  he  stood  away  before  the 
wind.  The  Americans  made  all  sail  in  chase,  the  President,  a  very 
fast  ship  off  the  wind,  leading,  and  the  Congress  coming  next. 

At  noon  the  President  was  within  less  than  three  miles  of  the 
Belvidera,  steering  N.E.  by  E.  As  the  President  kept  gaining, 
Byron  cleared  for  action,  and  shifted  to  the  stern  ports  two  long 
18's  on  the  main-deck  and  two  32-pound  carronades  on  the  quarter- 
deck. At  4.30 6  Commodore  Eodgers  himself  fired  the  President's 
starboard  forecastle  bow-chaser ;  the  corresponding  main-deck  gun 
was  next  discharged ;  and  then  Eodgers  fired  his  gun  again.  All 
three  shots  struck  the  stern  of  the  Belvidera,  killing  and  wounding 
nine  men ;  but  when  the  President's  main-deck  gun  was  discharged 

1  The  Africa,  built  in   1781,   was,   in   1812,  flagship  of  Vice-Admiral   Herbert 
Sawyer  (2),  who,  since  1810,  had  been  Commander-in-Chief  on  the  Halifax  station. — 
W.  L.  C. 

2  Ingersoll's  '  Second  War  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,'  i.  377,  381. 

3  Captain  John  Rodgers  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Sept.  1st,  1812. 

4  Brenton,  v.  46. 
6  Cooper,  ii.  151. 


1812.]  ESCAPE   OF  THE  "BELVIDERA."  31 

for  the  second  time  it  burst,  blowing  up  the  forecastle  deck  and 
killing  and  wounding  sixteen  men,  among  them  the  Commodore 
himself,  whose  leg  was  broken.  Nothing  causes  more  panic  than 
such  an  explosion,  for  every  gun  is  at  once  distrusted ;  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  confusion  Byron  opened  his  stern-chaser,  and  killed 
or  wounded  six  men  more.  Had  the  President  pushed  steadily 
on,  using  only  her  bow-chasers  until  she  closed,  she  would  probably 
have  run  abreast  of  the  Belvidera,  which  could  not  then  have  success- 
fully withstood  her ;  but,  instead  of  doing  this,  she  bore  up  and  fired 
her  port  broadside,  doing  little  damage ;  and  this  manoeuvre  she 
repeated  again  and  again ;  while  the  Belvidera  kept  up  a  brisk  and 
galling  fire  with  her  stern-chasers,  and  her  active  seamen  repaired 
the  damage  done  by  the  President's  guns  as  fast  as  it  occurred.1 
Byron  cut  away  his  anchors,  the  barge,  yawl,  gig,  and  jolly-boat, 
and  started  fourteen  tons  of  water,  gradually  shifting  his  course, 
and  beginning  to  draw  ahead,  and  the  President,  which  had  lost 
much  ground  by  yawing  to  deliver  her  broadsides,  could  not  regain 
it.'2  The  upshot  of  it  was  that  Captain  Byron  escaped  and  got 
safely  into  Halifax  on  June  27th,  having  shown  himself  to  be  a 
skilful  seaman  and  resolute  commander.3  Subsequently,  when 
engaged  in  the  blockade  of  the  Chesapeake,  he  proved  himself  to  be 
as  humane  and  generous  to  non-combatants  as  he  was  formidable 
to  armed  foes. 

Eodgers's  squadron  continued  its  cruise,  but  returned  home  two 
months  later  without  accomplishing  anything  save  the  capture  of 
a  few  merchantmen.  When  Byron  brought  the  news  of  the  war  to 
Halifax,  a  squadron  of  ships 4  was  immediately  despatched  to  cruise 
against  the  United  States,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Philip 
Bowes  Vere  Broke,  of  the  Shannon.  Meanwhile  the  Essex,  32,  had 
to  put  to  sea  under  Captain  David  Porter,  after  he  had  in  vain 
implored  the  Navy  Department  to  allow  him  to  change  her  main- 
deck  carronades  for  long  guns.  She  cut  out  a  transport  with  a 
couple  of  hundred  soldiers  from  a  convoy  of  troopships  bound  to 
Quebec,  under  the  protection  of  the  British  frigate  Minerva,  32, 

1  James,  vi.  119. 

2  Sir  Howard  Douglas,  '  Naval  Gunnery,'  419  (3rd  edition). 

3  In  this  affair,  Lieutenants  John  Sykes  (2),  William  Henry  Bruce  (2),  who  was 
wounded,  and  the  Hon.  George  Pryse  Campbell,  and  the  Master,  Mr.  James  Kerr,  of 
the  Belvidera,  specially  distinguished  themselves.     (Byron's  Disp.) — W.  L.  C. 

*  Africa,  64,  Shannon,  38,  Belvidera,  36,  and  j3Solus,  32,  subsequently  reinforced 
by  the  Ouerriere,  38.  The  squadron  left  Halifax  on  July  5th.— W.  L.  C. 


32  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1812. 

Captain  Richard  Hawkins ;  and  she  captured  the  British  ship-sloop 
Alert,  16,1  Commander  Thomas  Lamb  Polden  Laugharne,  after  an 
exchange  of  broadsides,  made  prize  of  eight  merchantmen,  and  then 
returned  to  New  York.2 

On  July  12th  another  ship,  destined  to  become  one  of  the  most 
famous  in  the  American  navy,  put  out  of  the  Chesapeake.  This 
was  the  44-gun  frigate  Constitution,  affectionately  known  as  "  Old 
Ironsides."  She  was  commanded  by  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  than 
whom  there  was  no  better  single  ship  commander  in  the  service. 
Her  crew  was  almost  entirely  new,  drafts  of  men  coming  on  board 
up  to  the  last  moment ;  but  they  were  of  excellent  stuff,  being 
almost  all  native  Americans,  cool,  handy,  intelligent,  and  eager  to 
learn  their  duties.  Under  the  care  of  the  experienced  officers  and 
under-officers  they  were  got  into  shape  as  men-of-war's  men  without 
the  slightest  trouble.  Just  before  starting,  Hull  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  :  "  The  crew  are  as  yet  unacquainted  with  a 
ship  of  war,  as  many  have  but  lately  joined,  and  have  never  been 
on  an  armed  ship  before.  .  .  .  We  are  doing  all  we  can  to  make 
them  acquainted  with  their  duties,  and  in  a  few  days  we  shall  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  any  single-decked  ship."  3 

There  was  need  of  hurry.  On  the  afternoon  of  July  16th,  when 
some  leagues  off  Barnegat,  Hull  sighted  Captain  Broke's  squadron, 
which  had  just  previously  captured  the  American  brig  Nautilus,  14. 
This  squadron  then  consisted  of  the  Shannon,  38,  Captain  Broke, 
the  Belvidera,  36,  Captain  Eichard  Byron,  the  Guerri&rc,  38,  Captain 
James  Eichard  Dacres  (2),  the  Africa,  64,  Captain  John  Bastard, 
and  the  Molus,  32,  Captain  Lord  James  Nugent  Boyle  Bernards 
Townshend.  The  Guerritre  became  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
squadron,  and  the  Constitution  beat  to  action  and  stood  toward  her, 
the  wind  being  very  light.  The  Guerridre  also  stood  toward  the 
Constitution,  but,  early  on  the  17th,  when  only  half  a  mile  away, 
she  discovered  the  rest  of  the  British  squadron  on  her  lee  beam. 
She  signalled  to  these  vessels,  and  they  did  not  answer — a  circum- 

1  The  Alert  was  one  of  twelve  collierB  which  had  been  purchased  into  the  Navy 
in  1804,  and  fitted  with  18-pr.  carronades.    In  1812  two  only  of  these  craft,  the  Alert 
and  the  Avenger,  remained  on  the  list.     In  the  brief  action  the  Alert  had  three  men 
wounded.     Laugharne,  his  Master,  and  his  Purser  were  most  honourably  acquitted  for 
the  loss  of  the  ship;  but  the  first  lieutenant,  Andrew  Duncan,  was  dismissed  the 
service  for  misbehaviour. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Navy  Department  MSS.,  'Captains'  Letters,'  1812,  vol.  ii.,  No.  128,  etc. 

3  Navy  Department  MSS.,  '  Captains'  Letters,'  1812,  ii.  No.  85. 


1812.]  CHASE    OF   THE  "CONSTITUTION."  33 

stance  which  afterwards  caused  a  sharp  controversy  among  the 
Captains ;  whereupon,  concluding  that  they  were  Commodore 
Eodgers's  squadron,  she  tacked  and  stood  away  from  the  Constitu- 
tion some  time  before  discovering  her  mistake.  It  was  now  nearly 
daylight. 

As  morning  broke  all  the  British  ships  were  in  chase  of  the 
Constitution,  heading  eastward.  At  5.30  it  fell  entirely  calm,  and 
Hull  rigged  four  long  24's  aft  to  serve  as  stern-chasers.  At  6  A.M. 
the  Shannon,  the  nearest  frigate,  tried  a  few  shots,  which  fell  short. 
Then  most  of  the  boats  of  the  squadron  were  got  out  to  tow  her, 
and  she  began  to  gain  on  the  American.  Hull  tried  kedging.  All  the 
spare  rope  was  bent  on  to  the  cables  and  payed  out  into  the  cutters, 
and  a  kedge  was  run  out  half  a  mile  ahead  and  let  go ;  whereupon  the 
crew  clapped  on  and  walked  away  with  the  ship,  overrunning  and 
tripping  the  kedge  as  she  came  up  with  the  end  of  the  line.1  Mean- 
while fresh  lines  and  another  kedge  were  carried  ahead,  and  the 
frigate  glided  away  from  her  pursuers.  From  time  to  time  there 
were  little  puffs  of  air,  and  every  possible  advantage  was  taken  of 
each.  At  one  time  the  Guerrikre  opened  fire,  but  her  shot  fell 
short.  Later  in  the  day  the  Belvidera,  observing  the  benefit  which 
the  Constitution  had  derived  from  warping,  did  the  same,  and, 
having  men  from  the  other  frigates  to  help  him,  she  got  near  enough 
to  exchange  bow  and  stern-chasers  ; 2  but  fear  of  the  American  guns 
rendered  it  impossible  for  either  the  Belvidera  or  the  Shannon  to 
tow  very  near. 

The  Constitution  s  crew  showed  most  excellent  spirit,  the  officers 
and  men  relieving  one  another  regularly,  and  snatching  their  sleep  on 
the  decks.  All  through  the  afternoon  and  until  late  in  the  evening 
the  towing  and  kedging  went  on,  the  British  ships  being  barely 
out  of  gunshot.  Then  a  light  breeze  sprang  up,  and,  the  sails  of 
the  Constitution  being  handled  with  consummate  skill,  she  gradually 
drew  away,  and  throughout  the  following  day  continued  to  gain. 
In  the  evening  there  came  on  a  heavy  rain  squall,  of  which  Hull 
took  such  skilful  advantage  that  he  greatly  increased  his  lead.  At 
8.15  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  the  British  ships  gave  up  the 
pursuit.  During  the  three  days'  chase  Hull  had  shown  skill  and 
seamanship  as  great  as  would  be  demanded  by  a  successful  battle, 
and  his  men  had  proved  their  hardihood,  discipline,  and  readiness 

1  Cooper  is  the  best  authority  for  this  chase. 

2  Marshall's  '  Naval  Biography,'  ii.  626. 

VOL.   VI.  D 


34  THE    WAlt    WITH    THE   UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.          [1812 

for  work.  If  they  could  do  as  well  with  the  guns  as  with  the 
sails,  Hull's  confidence  in  his  ability  to  meet  any  single-decker 
was  more  than  justifiable  ;  and  Hull  was  eager  to  try  the  experiment. 
He  did  not  have  long  to  wait. 

The  Constitution  put  into  Boston,  and  on  August  6th  made  sail 
to  the  eastward.  Hull  acted  without  orders  from  the  Department, 
for  the  administration  was  as  yet  uncertain  as  to  whether  it  could 
afford  to  risk  its  frigates  in  action.  But  Hull  himself  wished  for 
nothing  so  much  as  a  chance  to  take  the  risk,  and  he  knew  that, 
not  being  one  of  the  senior  officers,  he  would  speedily  be  superseded 
in  the  command  of  the  Constitution.  Accordingly,  he  sailed,  right 
in  the  track  of  the  British  cruisers,  to  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia, 
where  the  British  fleet  had  its  headquarters.  In  the  afternoon  of 
the  19th,  in  latitude  40°  30'  N.  and  55°  W.,  he  made  out  a  frigate 
bearing  E.S.E.  and  to  leeward.1  She  proved  to  be  his  old  acquaint- 
ance, the  Guerri&re,  under  Captain  James  Richard  Dacres  (2).2  It 
was  a  cloudy  day,  and  the  wind  blew  fresh  from  the  N.W.  The 
Guerrikre  backed  her  maintopsail,  and  waited  for  the  Constitution, 
which  shortened  her  sail  to  fighting  rig,  and  ran  down  with  the 
wind  nearly  aft.  The  Guerrikre  was  on  the  starboard  tack,  and  at 

5  o'clock  she  opened  with  her  weather  guns,  the  shot  falling  short. 
She  then  wore  round   and  fired  her  port   broadside,  the  shot  this 
time  passing  over  the  Constitution.3     As  she  again  wore  to  fire  her 
starboard  battery,  the  Constitution  yawed  a  little  and  fired  two  or 
three   of  her  port   bow-guns.     Three  or  four   times  the  Guerribre 
repeated  this  manoeuvre,  wearing   and   firing   alternate   broadsides 
with  little  or  no  effect ;  while  the  Constitution  yawed  to  avoid  being 
raked,  and  occasionally  fired  one  of   her  bow-guns.     The  distance 
was  very  great,  however,  and  little  or  no  damage  was  caused.     At 

6  o'clock  the  Guerriere  bore  up  and  ran  off  with  the  wind  almost 
astern  on  her  port  quarter  under  her  topsails  and  jib.     The  Constitu- 
tion set  her  main-topgallantsail  and  foresail,  and  at  6.5  P.M.  closed 
within  half  pistol-shot  distance  on  her  adversary's  port  beam.4    Then 
for  the  first  time  the  action  began  in  earnest,  each  ship  firing  as 
the  guns  bore.     By  6.20 5  the  two  were  fairly  abreast,  and  the  Con- 

1  Letter  of  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  Aug.  28th  and  30th,  1812. 

2  Letter  of  Captain  Dacres,  Sept.  7th,  1812. 

3  Navy  Department  MSS.,  '  Logbook  of  Constitution,'  vol.  ii. 

4  '  Autobiography  of  Commodore  Morris,'  p.  164. 

5  6.5  P.M.  by  the  Gfuerriere's  time.— W.  L.  C. 


1812.]          THE  "CONSTITUTION"   AND    THE  "GlfEKXIEItE." 


35 


stitution  shot  away  the  Guerri&re's  rnizenmast,  which  fell  over  the 
starboard  quarter,  knocking  a  big  hole  in  the  counter,  and  brought 
the  ship  round  against  her  helm.  The  British  ship  was  being  cut 


AMERICAN    COMMEMORATION    MEDAL    OF   THE   CAPTURE   OF   THE  "  GUERRIERE  "   IN   1812. 

to  pieces,  while  the  American  had  hardly  suffered  at  all.  The  Con- 
stitution, finding  that  she  was  ranging  ahead,  put  her  helm  aport 
and  luffed  short  round  her  enemy's  bows,  raking  her  with  the 
starboard  guns ;  then  she  wore,  and  again  raked  with  her  port 

D  2 


36  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.          [1812. 

battery.  The  Englishman's  bowsprit  got  foul  of  the  American's 
mizen-rigging,  and  the  vessels  then  lay  with  the  Guerridre's  star- 
board bow  against  the  Constitution  s  port  quarter.1  The  English- 
men's bow-guns  played  havoc  with  Captain  Hull's  cabin,  setting 
fire  to  it ;  and  on  both  sides  the  boarders  were  called  away.  The 
British  ran  forward,  but  Captain  Dacres  relinquished  the  idea  of 
attacking  when  he  saw  the  crowds  of  men  on  the  American's 
decks ; 2  while  the  Constitution  s  people,  though  they  gathered  aft 
to  board,  were  prevented  by  the  heavy  sea  which  was  running. 
Both  sides  suffered  heavily  from  the  closeness  of  the  musketry  fire  ; 
indeed,  it  was  at  this  time  that  almost  the  entire  loss  of  the  Con- 
stitution occurred.  In  the  Constitution,  as  Lieutenant  William  S. 
Bush  of  the  marines  sprang  upon  the  taffrail  to  leap  on  the  Guerriere's 
deck,  a  British  marine  shot  him  dead ;  Charles  Morris,  the  first  lieu- 
tenant, and  John  C.  Alwyn,  the  master,  had  also  both  leaped  on  the 
taffrail,  and  both  were  at  the  same  moment  wounded  by  the  musketry 
fire.  In  the  Guerri&re  almost  all  the  men  on  the  forecastle  were 
picked  off.  Captain  Dacres  himself  was  shot  and  wounded  by  one 
of  the  American  mizentop  men  while  he  was  standing  on  the  star- 
board forecastle  hammocks  cheering  on  his  crew ;  the  first  and 
second  lieutenants,  Bartholomew  Kent  and  Henry  Ready,  and  the 
master,  Robert  Scott,  were  also  shot  down.  The  ships  gradually 
worked  round  until  they  got  clear.  Immediately  afterwards  the 
Guerriere's  foremast  and  mainmast  went  by  the  board,  leaving  her 
a  defenceless  hulk,  rolling  her  main-deck  guns  into  the  water.  At 
6.30  the  Constitution  ran  off  for  a  little  distance,  and  lay  to  until  she 
had  repaired  the  damages  to  her  rigging.  Captain  Hull  then  stood 
under  his  adversary's  lee,  and  the  latter  struck  at  7  P.M.,  just  two 
hours  after  she  had  fired  the  first  shot ;  the  actual  fighting,  however, 
occupied  but  little  over  twenty-five  minutes. 

The  Constitution  was  a  very  much  heavier  ship  than  the 
Guerrikre.  She  carried  thirty-two  long  24's  and  twenty-two 
32-pr.  carronades,  while  the  Guerritre  carried  thirty  long  18's,  two 
long  12's,  and  eighteen  32-pr.  carronades ;  the  Constitution's  crew 
numbered  456  all  told,  while  the  Guerrikre's  numbered  but  282, 
and  10  of  these  were  Americans,  who  refused  to  fight  against 
their  countrymen,  and  whom  Captain  Dacres,  very  greatly  to  his 
credit,  permitted  to  go  below.  Fourteen  of  the  Constitutions  men 

s  Cooper  in  Putnam's  Magazine,  i.  475. 

2  Dacres's  address  to  the  court-martial  at  Halifax. 


1812.]  BRITISH   OVER-CONFIDENCE.  37 

and  79  of  the  Guerri&re's  were  killed  or  wounded.1  The  damage 
done  to  the  Constitution  was  trifling,  while  the  Guerriere  was  so 
knocked  to  pieces  that  she  had  to  be  abandoned  and  burned  by  the 
victors,  who  then  set  sail  for  Boston,  which  they  reached  on 
August  30th.  "  Captain  Hull  and  his  officers,"  wrote  Captain 
Dacres,  "  have  treated  us  like  brave  and  generous  enemies ;  the 
greatest  care  has  been  taken  that  we  should  not  lose  the  smallest 
trifle." 

Earely  has  any  single-ship  action  caused  such  joy  to  the  victors, 
such  woe  to  the  vanquished.  The  disparity  of  force  between  the 
combatants  was  very  nearly  in  the  proportion  of  three  to  two. 
Against  such  odds,  when  there  was  an  approximate  equality  in 
courage  and  skill,  neither  Dacres  2  nor  any  other  captain  in  the 
British  Navy  could  hope  to  succeed.  But  hitherto  the  British  had 
refused  to  admit  that  there  was  or  could  be  any  equality  of  courage 
and  skill  between  them  and  their  foes.  Moreover,  the  disparity 
in  loss  was  altogether  disproportionate  to  the  disparity  in  force.  No 
one  could  question  the  gallantry  with  which  the  British  ship  was 
fought ;  but  in  gunnery  she  showed  at  a  great  disadvantage 
compared  to  the  American,  and  she  was  not  handled  with  as  much 
judgment.  Like  all  the  other  British  captains  on  the  American 
coast,  Dacres  had  been  intensely  eager  to  meet  one  of  the  large 
American  frigates,  and  no  doubt  of  his  success  had  crossed  his  mind. 
British  captains,  in  single-ship  contests,  had  not  been  accustomed 
to  weigh  too  nicely  the  odds  against  them  ;  and  in  the  twenty  years 
during  which  they  had  overcome  the  navies  of  every  maritime 
power  in  Europe  they  had  repeatedly  conquered  in  single  fight 
where  the  difference  in  force  against  them  had  been  far  heavier  than 
in  this  instance.  This  was  the  case  when,  in  1799,  the  British 
38-gun  18-pr.  frigate  Sibyl  captured  the  French  44-gun  24-pr. 
frigate  Forte ;  when,  in  1805,  the  Phoenix,  36,  captured  the 
Didon,  40 ;  when,  in  1808,  the  San  Fiorenzo,  36,  captured  the 
Piedmontaise,  40 ;  and  in  many  other  instances.  The  exultation 
of  the  Americans  was  as  natural  as  was  the  depression  of  the 
British  ;  though  both  feelings  were  exaggerated. 

1  The    Guerriere  lost   15    killed,   including    Lieutenant    Henry    Beady,   and  63 
(6   mortally)  wounded,  including  Captain  Dacres,   Lieutenant    Bartholomew    Kent, 
Master  Robert  Scott,  Master's  Mates  Samuel  Grant  and  William  John  Snow,  and 
Midshipman  James  Enslie. — -W.  L.  C. 

2  Captain  Dacres  was  tried  at  Halifax  on  October  2nd,  and,  with  his  officers  and 
crew,  unanimously  and  honourably  acquitted. — \V.  L.  C. 


38  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

Captain  Hull  owed  his  victory  as  much  to  superiority  of  force 
as  to  superiority  of  skill ;  but  in  the  next  sea  fight  that  occurred 
the  decisive  difference  was  in  skill.  On  October  jjSth  the  American 
18-gun  ship-sloop  Wasp,  Captain  Jacob  Jones,  mounting  sixteen 
32-pr.  carronades  and  two  long  12's,  with  137  men  all  told, 
sailed  from  the  Delaware.  She  went  south-eastward  to  get  into 
the  track  of  the  West  India  vessels;  and  on  the  16th  ran  into  a 
heavy  gale  in  which  she  lost  her  jib-boom,  and  two  men  who  were 
on  it.  On  the  17th  the  weather  had  moderated  somewhat,  and  late 
in  the  evening  she  descried  several  sails  in  latitude  37°  N.  and 
longitude  65°  W.1  These  were  a  convoy  of  merchantmen  guarded 
by  the  British  18-gun  brig-sloop  Frolic,  carrying  sixteen  32-pr. 
carronades,  two  long  6's  and  two  12-pr.  carronades,  with  a  crew  of 
110  men.  She  was  under  the  command  of  Commander  Thomas 
Whinyates,  and  had  also  suffered  in  the  gale  of  the  16th,  in  which 
her  mainyard  had  been  carried  away.2  The  morning  of  the  18th  was 
almost  cloudless,  and  the  Wasp  bore  down  on  the  convoy  under 
short  fighting  canvas  ;  while  the  Frolic  hauled  to  the  wind  under 
her  boom-mainsail  and  close-reefed  foretopsail,  the  merchantmen 
making  all  sail  to  leeward.  At  11.30  A.M.  the  action  began,  the  two 
ships  running  parallel  on  the  starboard  tack  within  sixty  yards 
of  one  another,  the  Wasp  firing  her  port  and  the  Frolic  her  star- 
board guns.  By  degrees  the  ships  fell  off  until  they  were  almost 
before  the  wind.  There  was  a  heavy  sea  running,  which  caused 
the  vessels  to  pitch  and  roll ;  and  the  two  crews  cheered  loudly 
as  the  ships  wallowed  through  the  water.  Clouds  of  spray  dashed 
over  both  crews,  and  at  times  the  muzzles  of  the  guns  were  rolled 
under ; 3  but  in  spite  of  the  rough  weather  the  batteries  were  well 
served.  The  Frolic  fired  far  more  rapidly  than  the  Wasp,  delivering 
three  broadsides  to  her  opponent's  two,  and  shooting  while  on  the 
crests  of  the  seas.  The  shot,  in  consequence,  tended  to  go  high.  In 
the  Wasp  the  captains  of  the  guns  aimed  with  skill  and  precision,  as 
the  engaged  side  of  their  ship  was  getting  down.  They  therefore 
fired  into  their  opponent's  hull ;  so  that,  though  they  fired  fewer 
shots,  a  much  larger  proportion  hit.  Four  minutes  after  the  action 
began,  the  Wasp's  maintopmast  was  shot  away  and  fell  with  its  yard 

1  Letter  of  Captain  Jones,  Nov.  24th,  1812.     The  American  letters  can  generally 
be  found  in  '  Niles's  Register.' 

2  Captain  Whinyates'  letter,  Oct.  18th,  1812. 

3  '  Niles's  Register,'  iii.  324. 


1812.] 


THE  "FROLIC"   AND    THE  "WASP." 


39 


across  the  port  foretopsail  braces,  rendering  the  head-yards  un- 
manageable. Ten  minutes  later  the  gaff  and  mizen-topgallantmast 
came  down ;  and  twenty  minutes  after  the  action  had  begun,  every 
brace  and  most  of  the  rigging  was  shot  away,  so  that  it  was  almost 


AMERICAN  COMMEMORATION  MEDAL,  BY  SPENCER,  OF  THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE 
"FROLIC,"  IN  1812. 

impossible  to  brace  any  of  the  yards.  But  while  the  Wasp  suffered 
thus  aloft,  the  Frolic  was  suffering  far  more  heavily  below.  Her  gaff 
and  her  head  braces  were  shot  away,  and  her  lower  masts  wounded  ; 
but  her  hull  was  cut  to  pieces.  The  slaughter  was  very  great 


40  THE    WAR    WITH    THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

among  her  crew ;  nevertheless,  the  survivors  fought  on  with  splendid 
courage.  Gradually  the  Wasp  forged  ahead,  while  the  two  vessels 
drew  closer  together,  so  that  at  last  the  Americans  struck  the 
Frolic's  side  with  their  rammers  in  loading.  The  Frolic  then  fell 
aboard  her  antagonist,  her  jibboom  coming  in  between  the  main  and 
mizen-rigging  of  the  Wasp,  and  passing  over  the  heads  of  Captain 
Jones  and  Lieutenant  James  Biddle  as  they  stood  near  the  capstan. 
The  brig  was  raked  from  stem  to  stern ;  and  in  another  moment 
the  Americans  began  to  swarm  along  the  Frolic's  bowsprit,  though 
the  roughness  of  the  sea  rendered  the  boarding  very  difficult.  A 
New  Jersey  sailor,  Jack  Lang,  was  the  first  man  on  the  bowsprit. 
Lieutenant  Biddle  then  leaped  on  the  hammock  cloth  to  board  ;  but 
one  of  the  midshipmen  who  was  following  him  seized  his  coat-tails 
and  tumbled  him  back  on  deck.  At  the  next  swell  he  succeeded  in 
getting  on  the  bowsprit  behind  Jack  Lang  and  another  seaman,  and 
he  passed  them  both  on  the  forecastle ;  but  there  was  no  one 
to  oppose  him.  Not  twenty  of  the  British  were  left  unhurt,  and 
most  of  those  were  below.  The  man  at  the  wheel  was  still  at 
his  post,  doggedly  attending  to  his  duty,  and  two  or  three  more 
were  on  deck,  including  Captain  Whinyates  and  Lieutenant  Frederick 
Boughton  Wintle,  both  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not 
stand  without  support.  It  was  impossible  to  resist  longer,  and 
Lieutenant  Biddle  lowered  the  flag  at  12.15,  after  three-quarters  of 
an  hour's  fighting. 

A  minute  or  two  afterwards  the  Frolic 's  masts  went  by  the 
board.  Every  one  of  her  officers  was  wounded,  two  of  them  mor- 
tally.1 The  Wasp  lost  but  ten  men,  chiefly  aloft.  Nevertheless, 
the  desperate  defence  of  the  Frolic  in  the  end  accomplished  the 
undoing  of  her  foe,  for  in  a  few  hours  a  British  74,  the  Poictiers, 
Captain  John  Poo  Beresford,  hove  in  sight,  and  captured  both  victor 
and  vanquished,  the  Wasp  being  too  much  cut  up  aloft  to  make  her 
escape. 

The  two  ships  were  of  practically  equal  force  :  in  broadside  the 
British  used  ten  guns  to  the  American's  nine,  and  threw  a  few 
pounds  more  weight  of  metal,  while  they  had  twenty-five  fewer 
men.  The  disparity  in  loss  was  enormous.  The  Frolic  was 

1  The  Frolic  went  into  action  with  110  men  and  boys  all  told  on  board.  Of  these, 
15  were  killed  and  47  wounded,  besides  some  who  were  slightly  hurt.  Among  the 
wounded  were  Commander  Whinyates,  Lieutenants  Charles  M'Kay  (mortally),  and 
Frederick  Boughton  Wintle,  and  Master  John  Stephens  (mortally). — W.  L.  C. 


1812.]  CRUISE   OF   THE  "UNITED   STATES."  41 

desperately  defended ;  no  men  in  any  navy  ever  showed  more 
courage  than  Captain  Whinyates  and  his  crew.  The  battle  was 
decided  by  gunnery,  the  coolness  and  skill  of  the  Americans,  and 
the  great  superiority  in  the  judgment  and  accuracy  with  which 
they  fired,  giving  them  the  victory.  Their  skill  was  rendered 
all  the  more  evident  by  the  extreme  roughness  of  the  sea,  which 
might  have  been  expected  to  prevent,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  Frolic, 
actually  did  prevent,  very  great  accuracy  of  aim.  In  forty-five 
minutes  the  American  ship  cut  her  antagonist  to  pieces,  conquering 
a  foe  who  refused  to  admit  defeat  until  literally  unable  to  return 
a  blow. 

On  October  8th  Commander  Eodgers  left  Boston,  on  his  second 
cruise,  with  the  President,  United  States,  Congress,  and  Argus. 
Three  days  out  they  separated.  The  President  and  Congress  cruised 
together,  nearly  crossing  the  Atlantic,  but  did  nothing  more  than 
capture  a  dozen  merchantmen,  though  they  twice  chased  British 
frigates— once  the  Nymphe,  38,1  once  the  Galatea,  36. 2  They 
returned  to  Boston  on  December  31st.  The  Argus  got  in  about 
the  same  time,  having  herself  been  chased  for  three  days  by  a 
British  frigate.3  She  had  to  start  her  water  and  cut  away  her 
boats  and  anchors  to  escape ;  but  she  kept  her  guns,  and  during 
the  chase  actually  succeeded  in  taking  and  manning  a  prize,  though 
the  delay  allowed  the  pursuer  to  get  near  enough  to  open  fire  as 
the  vessels  separated. 

The  fourth  ship  of  Eodgers's  squadron  met  with  greater  luck. 
This  was  the  frigate  United  States,  44,  Captain  Stephen  Decatur. 
She  was  a  sister  ship  to  the  Constitution,  but  mounted  42-pr. 
carronades  instead  of  32's,  and  had  a  crew  of  478  officers  and  men  all 
told.  On  October  25th,  in  latitude  29°  N.  and  longitude  29°  30'  W., 
she  descried  a  sail  on  her  weather-beam,  twelve  miles  distant.4  This 
was  the  British  38-gun  frigate  Macedonian,  Captain  John  Surmam 
Garden.  Unlike  the  Guerriere,  which  had  been  captured  from  the 
French,  she  was  a  new  oak-built  ship,  rather  larger  than  any  of  the 
American  18-pr.  frigates.  She  carried  a  crew  of  301  men  all  told. 
Her  armament  was  like  the  Guerriere  s,  except  that  she  had  two 

1  Captain  Farmery  Predam  Epworth.     The   Nymphe  was  sighted  and  chased  on 
October  10th.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Captain  Woodley  Losack.     The  Galatea  was  sighted  on  October  31st. — W.  L.  C. 

3  Letter  of  Captain  Arthur  Sinclair,  Jan.  4th,  1813. 
1  Letter  of  Captain  Decatur,  Oct.  30th,  1812. 


42  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1812. 

long  18's  fewer  on  the  main-deck,  and  two  long  9's  extra  on  the 
spar-deck.  Like  the  Guerriere,  she  had  an  18-pr.  carronade  extra, 
so  that  she  presented  twenty-five  guns  in  broadside,  throwing 
547  pounds  of  shot ;  while  the  United  States  had  twenty-seven  guns 
in  broadside,  throwing  nominally  846  pounds  of  shot,  although 
owing  to  the  short  weight  of  metal  the  actual  broadside  was  probably 
under  800. 


CAPTAIN    STEPHEN    DECATUB,   JUN.,    U.8.N. 
(From  A.  B.  Dura/id's  engraving  of  the  portrait  by  T.  Sulhj.) 

The  Macedonian  was  reputed  to  be  a  crack  ship.  Captain 
Garden  had  exercised  every  care  to  gather  a  crew  of  picked,  first-rate 
men.  He  had  also  taken  every  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  all  the 
shiftless  and  slovenly  seamen.  Both  he  himself  and  his  first 
lieutenant,  David  Hope,  were  merciless  disciplinarians,  and  kept 
the  crew  in  order  by  the  unsparing  use  of  the  lash,  in  which  they 
seemed  positively  to  delight.  They  were  feared  even  more  than 


1812.]      THE  "MACEDONIAN"   AND    THE  "UNITED   STATES."  43 

they  were  hated,  and  the  discipline  of  the  ship  was  seemingly 
perfect ;  but  they  made  the  men  under  them  detest  the  service.1 

Lieutenant  Hope  said  afterwards  that  the  state  of  discipline  on 
board  was  excellent ;  and  that  in  no  British  ship  was  more  attention 
paid  to  gunnery.2  The  results  of  the  action  showed,  however,  that 
the  discipline  was  that  of  a  martinet,  and  that  in  intelligence  and 
judgment  the  gunners  of  the  Macedonian  could  not  compare  with 
those  in  the  United  States,  where  the  sailors  were  admirably  drilled, 
and  yet  were  treated  so  humanely  that  the  captured  crew  speedily 
wished  to  enlist  among  them. 

Captain  Garden  knew  nothing  of  the  defeat  of  the  Guerriere,  and 
was  most  anxious  to  engage  the  United  States.  Once,  while  at 
Norfolk  before  the  war,  he  and  Decatur  had  met  and  joked  one 
another  as  to  which  ship  would  win  if  they  met  in  battle.  The 
Macedonian  s  people;  were  entirely  confident  of  victory,  although 
among  the  crew  there  was  a  generally  expressed  wish  that  the 
antagonist  were  a  French,  instead  of  an  American,  frigate,  because 
they  knew  that  they  could  whip  the  French,  and  they  had  learned 
from  the  Americans  on  board  that  the  Yankee  frigates  carried  heavy 
metal. 

Of  these  American  seamen  there  was  a  considerable  number 
among  the  crew  of  the  Macedonian.  A  British  seaman,  who  served 
long  on  the  Macedonian,  in  writing  out  his  reminiscences  in  after- 
life, gave  a  vivid  picture  of  how  they  happened  to  be  on  board.  In 
one  place  he  described  the  work  of  the  press-gang  at  a  certain  port, 
adding  "  among  (the  impressed  men)  were  a  few  Americans ;  they  were 
taken  without  respect  to  their  protections,  which  were  often  taken 
from  them  and  destroyed  ;  some  were  released  through  the  influence 
of  the  American  Consul ;  others,  less  fortunate,  were  carried  to  sea, 
to  their  no  small  chagrin."  When  the  ship  was  at  Norfolk,  as  already 
mentioned,  the  sailors  were  denied  all  liberty  to  get  on  shore  for  fear 
lest  they  should  desert.  "  Many  of  our  crew  were  Americans  ; 
some  of  these  were  pressed  men  ;  others  were  much  dissatisfied  with 
the  severity,  not  to  say  cruelty,  of  our  discipline ;  so  that  a  multitude 

1  '  Thirty  Years  from  Home,  or  a  Voice  from  the  Main-deck,  being  the  Experience  of 
Samuel  Leech,'  fifteenth  edition,  1847,  pp.  89,  99,  etc.      Leech  was  an  Englishman 
who  was  a  sailor  in  the  Macedonian ;  he  afterwards  entered  the  United  States  service, 
with  others  of  the  Macedonian's  crew.    He  belonged  to  the  British  Nonconformist  type, 
which  has  so  many   points  in  common  with  the   average   American   citizen.      His 
rambling  reminiscences  are  by  no  means  without  value. 

2  Marshall's  '  Navy  Biography,'  ii.  1018. 


44  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

of  the  crew  were  ready  to  give  leg-bail,  as  they  termed  it,  could  they 
have  planted  their  feet  on  American  soil."  l  Before  going  into  action 
some  of  these  Americans  requested  permission  not  to  fight  against 
their  countrymen ;  but  Captain  Garden,  unlike  Captain  Dacres, 
refused  to  grant  this  permission,  and  ordered  them  to  the  guns 
under  penalty  of  death.  One  or  two  of  them  were  killed  in  the 
action.  The  crew  of  the  United  States  was  mainly  composed  of 
native  Americans,  but  among  the  foreigners  on  board  there  were 
a  number  of  Englishmen,  as  well  as  many  Americans,  who  had 
served  in  the  British  fleet.2  All  did  their  duty  equally  well. 

As  soon  as  it  was  evident  what  the  United  States  was,  the 
Macedonian  beat  to  quarters,  the  bulkheads  were  knocked  away, 
the  guns  were  cast  loose,  and  in  a  few  minutes  all  was  ready.  In 
the  excitement  of  the  battle  the  men  forgot  their  wrongs,  real  and 
fancied,  and  went  into  action  in  good  spirits  ;  and  throughout  the 
fight  they  continued  to  cheer  heartily.  The  junior  midshipmen  were 
stationed  below  on  the  berth-deck  with  orders  to  shoot  any  man 
who  ran  from  his  quarters  ;  and  the  captain  exhorted  the  men  to 
show  fidelity  and  courage,  quoting  Nelson's  famous  words,  "  England 
expects  every  man  to  do  his  duty." 3 

The  Macedonian  then  bore  down  toward  the  United  States, 
which  stood  toward  her  with  the  wind  a  little  forward  of  the  port- 
beam.  Captain  Garden,  from  over-anxiety  to  keep  the  weather- 
gage,4  hauled  by  the  wind,  and  passed  far  to  windward  of  the 

1  Leech,  pp.  80,  102. 

2  "  That  Britons  were  opposed  to  Britons  in  the  Macedonian  action  is  no  less  true 
than  lamentable.     Most  of  her  gallant  defenders  recognised  old  shipmates  in  the  British 
Navy  among  those  who  had  fought  under  the  American  flag.     We  have  already  stated 
that  a  quarterm aster  discovered  his  first  cousin  in  the  person  of  a  traitor     Two  other 
seamen  met  with  brothers  from  whom  they  had  been  long  separated  ;  and  Mr.  James, 
in  his  '  Naval  History,'  informs  us  that  an  officer's  servant,  a  young  lad  from  London, 
named  William  Hearne,  found  his  own  brother  among  the    United  States'  crew.  .  . 
It  is  also  worthy  of  remark  that  many  of  the  guns  on  board  the   United   States   were 
named  after  British  ships,  and  some  of  our  most  celebrated  naval  commanders.    Captain 
Garden,  observing  'Victory'  painted  on  the  ship's  side  over  one  port,  and  'Nelson 
over  another,  asked  Commodore  Decatur  the  reason  of  so  strange  an  anomaly.     He 
answered :  '  The  men  belonging  to  those  guns  served  many  years  with  Lord  Nelson, 
and  in  the  Victory.     The  crew  of  the  gun  named  '  Nelson  '  were  once  bargemen  to  that 
great  chief.  .  .  .'  "—Marshall :    '  Nav.  Biog.'  ii.  1019.     But  it  does  not  necessarily 
follow  that  men  who  had  served  with  Nelson  were  British  subjects;  and  it  is  admitted 
on  both  sides  that  before  1812  very  many  Americans  had  served  with  honour  in  the 
British  Navy.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Leech,  127,  etc. 

4  Sentence  of  court-martial   held  on   board  the  San  Domingo,  74,  at  Bermuda, 
May  27th,  1813. 


1812.]  SURRENDER    OF   THE  "MACEDONIAN."  45 

American.  Decatur  eased  off  and  fired  a  broadside,  which  fell 
short ;  he  then  held  his  luff,  and,  the  next  time  he  fired,  his  long 
main-deck  guns,  the  only  ones  used,  told  heavily.  The  Englishman 
responded  with  his  long  18's,  but  soon  found  that  at  long  bowls  the 
American  had  the  advantage,  not  only  in  weight  of  metal,  but  also  in 
rapidity  of  fire,  for  the  broadsides  of  the  United  States  were  delivered 
almost  twice  as  fast  as  those  of  the  Macedonian.1  Captain  Garden 
soon  altered  his  mind  and  tried  to  close ;  but  he  had  lost  his  chance 
by  keeping  his  wind  in  the  first  place,  and,  when  he  bore  up  and 
down  with  the  wind  on  his  port-quarter,  he  exposed  himself  to  heavy 
punishment.  The  United  States  at  10.15  A.M.  led  her  maintopsail 
aback  and  used  her  whole  port  broadside.  The  British  ship  replied 
with  her  starboard  guns,  hauling  up  to  do  so,  while  the  American 
alternately  eased  off  and  came  to,  keeping  up  a  terrific  fire.  The 
guns  of  the  Macedonian  caused  some  damage  to  the  American's 
rigging,  but  hardly  touched  her  hull,  while  Garden's  ship  suffered 
heavily  both  below  and  aloft,  and  her  decks  began  to  look  like 
slaughter-pens.  The  British  sailors  fought  like  tigers  —  some 
stripped  to  the  shirt,  others  to  the  naked  skin.  Those  who  were 
killed  outright  were  immediately  thrown  overboard.  One  man,  who 
was  literally  cut  almost  in  two  by  a  shot,  was  caught  as  he  fell  by 
two  or  three  of  his  shipmates,  and,  before  the  last  flicker  of  life 
had  left  him,  was  tossed  into  the  sea.  Lieutenant  Hope  showed 
that,  though  a  cruel  task-master,  he  at  least  possessed  undaunted 
courage.  He  was  wounded,  but  as  soon  as  the  wound  was  dressed 
returned  to  the  deck,  shouting  to  the  men  to  fight  on ;  and  he  alone 
advised  against  striking  the  flag,  preferring  to  see  the  ship  sink 
beneath  him.2  The  Macedonian  gradually  dropped  to  leeward,  while 
the  American  forereached  until  the  firing  ceased.  Finding  herself 
ahead  and  to  windward,  the  United  States  tacked  and  ranged  up 
under  the  Macedonian's  lee,  at  11.15,  when  the  latter  struck  her 
colours,  an  hour  after  the  action  began. 

The  United  States  had  suffered  very  little.  Some  of  her  spars 
were  wounded,  and  the  rigging  was  a  good  deal  cut  up ;  but  her  hull 
had  not  been  touched  more  than  two  or  three  times.  As  the  ships 
were  never  close  enough  to  be  within  fair  range  of  grape  and 
musketry,  only  a  dozen  of  her  men  were  killed  and  wounded.  The 
Macedonian,  on  the  other  hand,  had  received  over  a  hundred  shots 

1  James,  vi.  169.  2  Leech,  131. 


46  THE    WAS    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

in  her  hull ;  her  mizenmast  and  her  fore  and  maintopmasts  were 
shot  away,  and  on  the  engaged  side  all  her  carronades  but  two, 
and  two  of  her  main-deck  guns,  were  dismounted,  while  one 
hundred  and  four  '  of  the  crew  were  either  killed  or  wounded.2 

When  the  Americans  came  on  board  to  take  possession,  the  British 
crew,  maddened  by  the  sight  of  their  dead  comrades,  heated  with 
the  fury  of  the  battle,  and  excited  by  rum  they  had  obtained  from 
the  spirit-room,  evinced  a  tendency  to  fight  their  captors.  But  the 
latter  showed  so  much  good  humour,  and  set  to  work  with  such 
briskness  to  take  care  of  the  wounded  and  put  the  ship  to  rights, 
that  the  two  crews  soon  became  the  best  of  friends,  and  ate,  drank, 
sang,  laughed,  and  yarned  together  with  hearty  goodwill.  A  rather 
unexpected  result  was  that  the  majority  of  the  captive  crew  soon 
showed  a  disposition  to  enlist  in  the  American  navy,  especially  when 
they  found  out  how  much  more  kindly  the  seamen  were  treated  in 
the  American  ships.  The  Americans,  however,  not  only  refused  to 
enlist  them,  but  also  kept  close  guard  over  them  to  prevent  their 
escape,  as  it  was  wished  to  send  them  to  England  in  a  cartel  to 
exchange  for  American  prisoners.3  However,  in  one  way  or  another 
most  of  them  managed  to  get  away,  a  few  only  venturing  to  enlist 
in  the  American  navy,  as  death  would  naturally  be  their  portion  if 
they  were  recaptured  and  recognised  by  the  British. 

Decatur  discontinued  his  cruise  to  take  back  his  prize  to 
the  United  States.  He  reached  New  London  in  safety,  and  the 
Macedonian  became  part  of  the  American  navy. 

In  this  fight  the  Macedonian's  only  superiority  over  the  United 
States  was  speed.  In  force  she  was  very  much  inferior,  about  in 
the  proportion  of  three  to  two,  so  that  only  marked  superiority  in 
seamanship  and  gunnery  could  have  given  her  the  victory.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  however,  the  superiority  was  the  other  way.  Decatur 
handled  his  ship  faultlessly,  and  William  Henry  Allen,  first  lieu- 
tenant of  the  United  States,  had  trained  the  men  to  the  highest 

1  The   killed  numbered   38,   including  Boatswain  James  Holmes,  Master's  Mate 
Thomas    James    Nankivel,   and    Mr.   Dennis    Colwell,   schoolmaster.      Among    the 
68  wounded  were  Lieutenants  David  Hope  and  John  Bui  ford,  Master's  Mate  Henry 
Roebuck,  Midshipman  George  Greenway,  and  Mr.  Francis  Baker,  first-class  volunteer. 
Captain  Garden  and  his  officers  and  men,  upon  trial  for  the  loss  of  the  ship,  were  most 
honourably  acquitted,  the  court  specially  commending  Garden's  gallantry,  and  the  good 
conduct  and  discipline  of  all  concerned. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Captain  Garden's  Letter,  Oct.  28th,  1812. 

3  Leech.     He  is  the  authority  for  most  of  the  incidents  of  the  action,  as  seen  from 
the  Macedonian. 


1812.]  DEFECTIVENESS    OF  BRITISH   GUNNERY.  47 

point  of  efficiency  in  the  use  of  the  guns.  The  gun  practice  of  the 
Macedonian  s  crew  was  apparently  poor,  but  this  was  probably  as 
much  the  fault  of  the  Captain  as  of  the  gunners,  for  he  first  kept 
off  too  far,  so  as  to  give  all  possible  advantage  to  the,24-pounders  of 
the  Americans,  and  then  made  his  attack  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
allow  his  skilful  adversaries  to  use  their  guns  to  the  best  advantage. 
The  Macedonian  was  bravely  fought,  and  was  not  surrendered  until 
there  was  no  hope  of  success  left.  Still,  the  defence  was  not  so 
desperate  as  that  of  the  Essex,  nor  indeed  did  the  ship  lose  so 
heavily  as  the  Java  or  Chesapeake.  Captain  Garden  had  bravely 
encountered  heavy  odds,  for  during  the  preceding  twenty  years  the 
traditions  of  the  British  Navy  had  taught  him  that  it  was  possible 
to  win  against  such  odds.  This  had  been  proved  scores  of  times  in 
single  fight  at  the  expense  of  the  French,  the  Spaniards,  the  Dutch, 
the  Danes,  and  the  Turks.  But  only  a  real  superiority  in  skill  could 
have  warranted  the  effort.  An  eminent  British  officer,  Sir  Howard 
Douglas,  sums  up  the  action  very  justly,  though  he  ascribes  wholly 
to  inferior  gunnery  what  should  be  in  part  ascribed  to  lack  of 
judgment  on  the  side  of  the  commanding  officer.  He  says  : — 

"As  a  display  of  courage  the  character  of  the  service  was  nobly  upheld;  but  we 
would  be  deceiving  ourselves  were  we  to  admit  that  the  comparative  expertness  of  the 
crews  in  gunnery  was  equally  satisfactory.  Now,  taking  the  difference  of  effect  as 
given  by  Captain  Garden,  we  must  draw  this  conclusion — that  the  comparative  loss  in 
killed  and  wounded  (104  to  12),  together  with  the  dreadful  account  he  gives  of  the 
condition  of  his  own  ship,  while  he  admits  that  the  enemy's  vessel  was  in  comparatively 
good  order,  must  have  arisen  from  inferiority  in  gunnery,  as  well  as  in  force." 

Elsewhere  the  same  writer  comments  upon  the  dangers  to  which 
encounters  with  skilful  opponents  exposed  captains  who  had  been 
led  by  repeated  triumphs  over  men  of  inferior  discipline  and  ability 
to  feel  that  defeat  was  out  of  question,  and  to  "  contemn  all 
manoeuvring  as  a  sign  of  timidity."  It  was  the  old  lesson  of  the 
ill  effects  of  over-confidence,  complicated  by  the  effects  of  follow- 
ing under  wrong  conditions  the  course  which  a  great  man  had 
followed  under  right  ones.  Timid  manoeuvring  was  an  error, 
especially  in  the  presence  of  an  unskilful  or  inferior  foe ;  and  it  was 
to  such  manoeuvring  that  Nelson  alluded  when — or  if — he  said, 
"  Never  mind  manoeuvring — go  at  them."  Nelson  knew  very  well 
when  to  manoeuvre  and  when  not  to,  and  his  own  genius  and  the 
skill  of  his  captains  and  seamen  enabled  him  to  defy  heavy  odds. 
But  it  was  a  very  different  thing  for  would-be  imitators  of  Nelson's 


48  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

tactics  who  lacked  his  genius,  and  who  had  to  encounter  superiority 
in  skill  as  well  as  superiority  in  physical  force. 

On  October  26th  '  the  Constitution,  Captain  William  Bainbridge 
and  the  Hornet,  Captain  James  Lawrence,  sailed  ;  and,  after  cruising 
to  and  fro,  arrived  off  San  Salvador  on  December  13th.  There 
they  found  a  British  ship  of  twenty  guns,  the  Bonne  Citoyenne, 
Captain  Pitt  Burnaby  Greene,  almost  exactly  of  the  Hornet's  force, 
and  Lawrence  challenged  her  captain  to  single  fight,  the  Con- 
stitution giving  the  usual  pledges  not  to  interfere.  The  challenge 
was  refused,  for  a  variety  of  reasons  ;  among  others,  because  the 
Bonne  Citoyenne  was  carrying  home  half  a  million  pounds  in  specie. 
Leaving  the  Hornet  to  blockade  her,  Bainbridge  ran  off  to  the 
southward. 

At  9  A.M.  on  December  29th,  while  the  Constitution  was  running 
along  the  coast  of  Brazil  about  thirty  miles  off  shore,  in  latitude 
13°  6'  S.  and  longitude  32°  W.,2  she  made  out  the  British  frigate 
Java,  Captain  Henry  Lambert,  inshore  and  to  westward.3  The  Java 
at  once  bore  down  in  chase,  while  the  Constitution  stood  toward 
her  on  the  starboard  tack.4  The  Java  was  of  the  same  strength  as 
the  Guerriere,  except  that  she  had  a  crew  of  about  four  hundred 
men,5  and  carried  two  long  guns  less,  and  two  carronades  more.1' 
The  Constitution  had  sent  ashore  two  of  her  carronades,  and  had  four 
hundred  and  seventy-five  men  in  her  crew. 

The  Java  was  much  the  swifter  ship,  for  the  weak  point  in  all 

1  James  says  that  the  Constitution  and  Hornet  left  Boston   on   October  30th. — 
W.  L.  C. 

2  James  (vi.  126)  gives  the  time  of  sighting  as  2  P.M.  (an  obvious  error),  and  the 
position  as  lat.  13°  6'  S.,  long.  30°  W.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Letter  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  Jan.  3rd,  1813. 

*  Letter  of  Lieutenant  Henry  Ducie  Chads,  Deo.  31st,  1812. 

6  James  explains  that  on  August  17th,  1812,  the  Java,  38  (ex.-Renommee),  had 
been  commissioned  at  Portsmouth  to  carry  to  Bombay  the  newly-appointed  governor, 
Lieut.-General  Hislop  and  a  supply  of  stores ;  and  says  that  her  ship's  company 
included  about  60  raw  Irish  landsmen,  and  50  disaffected  seamen  from  the  Coquette,  18, 
besides  a  considerable  number  of  Marine  Society  boys — in  all,  397  persons  of  every 
description,  mainly  inexperienced.  She  had  sailed  from  Spithead  on  November  12th, 
in  charge  of  two  Indiamen,  and,  on  December  12th,  had  captured  the  American 
merchantman  William,  into  which  she  had  put  a  prize  crew  of  20,  all  told.  The 
Indiamen  had  afterwards  parted  company,  and  the  Java  had  put  into  San  Salvador 
for  water.— W.  L.  C. 

6  See  Roosevelt's  'Naval  War  of  1812,'  p.  126,  for  full  discussion  of  the  figures 
given  above.  The  official  accounts  contradict  one  another  flatly.  The  reason  for  the 
great  number  of  men  aboard  the  Java  was  because  she  was  carrying  part  of  the  crews 
for  three  other  British  ships. 


1812.] 


THE  "JAVA"   AND    TEE  "CONSTITUTION." 


49 


the  American  44's  was  their  lack  of  speed.  In  point  of  physical  force 
the  combatants  stood  more  nearly  on  an  equality  than  in  either  of 
the  other  frigate  duels,  the  odds  being  about  five  to  four,  or 
rather  less — odds  which  were  a  heavy  handicap  to  the  Java,  but 
which  were  not  such  as  to  render  the  contest  by  any  means  hopeless 
if  the  weaker  party  were  even  slightly  superior  in  skill  and  fighting 
efficiency. 


.  CAPTAIN   WILLIAM   BAINBRIDGE,   U.S.N. 

(From  G.  Parker's  engraving,  after  the  -portrait  by  J.  W.  Janls) 

The  Constitution  stood  away  from  the  land  towards  the  S.E., 
while  the  Java  made  sail  on  a  parallel  course  to  windward,  and 
gained  rapidly.  At  half-past  one  the  Constitution  shortened  her 
canvas  to  fighting  rig,  and  ran  easily  off  on  the  port  tack.  The  Java 
also  shortened  sail,  and  came  down  off  the  wind  toward  her 
adversary's  weather  quarter.  The  colours  of  the  two  ships  floated 
from  every  mast  in  proud  defiance,  the  decks  were  cleared  to  fighting 
trim,  and  the  men  stood  ready  at  quarters.  At  2  P.M.  they  opened 

VOL.   VI.  E 


50  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

fire  at  long  range,  the  British  with  the  lee  and  the  Americans  with 
the  weather  guns.  The  firing  was  very  spirited,  and  at  the 
beginning  the  ships  suffered  about  equally,  for  the  first  broadside 
of  the  Java  was  well  aimed,  killing  and  wounding  several  of  the 
Constitution's  crew.  The  Englishman  kept  edging  down  until  he 
got  well  within  range  of  grape  and  musketry.  Being  swifter,  he 
soon  forereached,  intending  to  wear  across  his  antagonist's  bow  and 
rake  him;  but  Bainbridge  anticipated  the  movement,  and  himself 
wore  in  the  smoke.  The  two  antagonists  again  ran  off  side  by  side, 
with  the  wind  on  their  starboard  beams,  the  Englishman  still 
a-weather,  and  steering  freer  than  the  Constitution,  which  had  luffed 
to  close.1  The  action  went  on  at  pistol-shot  distance  ;  but  in  a  few 
minutes  the  Java  again  forged  ahead  out  of  the  weight  of  her 
adversary's  fire,  and  then  kept  off  as  before ;  and,  as  before,  the  Con- 
stitution avoided  this  by  wearing,  both  ships  once  more  coming  round 
with  their  heads  to  the  east,  the  American  still  to  leeward.  The 
Java  kept  the  advantage  of  the  wind,  and  still  forereached  a  little ; 
and  she  sought  to  rake  the  Constitution  as  the  latter  from  time  to 
time  luffed  in  the  endeavour  to  close  ;  but  after  the  first  broadside 
or  two  her  gunnery  had  fallen  off.  Most  of  the  loss  which  she 
inflicted  was  inflicted  early  in  the  action. 

Bainbridge,  finding  that  his  foe  outsailed  him,  and  that  he  was 

therefore  constantly  in  danger  of  being  raked,  set  the  Constitution's 

foresail  and  mainsail,  and  came  up  close  on  the  Java's  lee  beam. 

The  weight  of  his  fire  then  told  heavily,  and  among  other  losses  the 

Java's  jib-boom  and  the  end  of  her   bowsprit  were  carried   away. 

The  Constitution  in  her  turn  forged  ahead,  and  again  wore  on  the 

smoke.     The  Java  hove  in  stays,  but  the  loss  of  her  headsail  made 

her  fall  off  very  slowly ;    and  the  American  frigate,  passing  across 

her  stern  two  cable-lengths  away,  raked  her  heavily.     As  the  Java 

fell  off  she  replied  with  her  port   guns,  and  the  two  vessels  bore 

up,  and  ran  off  with  the  wind  nearly  aft,  the  Java  still  to  windward. 

She  was   suffering   heavily,  and  the  Constitution  very  little.     The 

ships  were  well  within  musketry  range,  and  the  British  lost  many 

men  by  the  fire  from  the  American  topmen,  and  still  more  from  the 

round  and  grape ;  but  the  crew  showed  no  signs  of  flinching,  and 

fought  on  like  tigers.     Captain  Lambert  saw  that  he  was  beaten  at 

the  guns,  and  tha.t  he  was  being  cut  to  pieces  both  below  and  aloft ; 

,2  Navy  Departmental  MSS.,  Log  of  Constitution. 


1812.]  SURRENDER    OF   THE  "JAVA."  51 

and  he  resolved  to  try  boarding.  The  helm  was  put  a-weather,  and 
the  Java  came  down  for  the  Constitution's  main-chains.  The 
boarders  and  Marines  gathered  in  the  gangways  and  on  the  fore- 
castle, the  boatswain  having  been  ordered  to  cheer  them  with  his 
pipe  that  they  might  make  a  clean  spring.1  But  boarding  was  a 
hazardous  experiment  to  try  against  an  enemy  not  already  well 
beaten  at  the  guns.  As  the  Java,  came  down,  the  Americans  raked 
her  with  terrible  effect,  taking  out  her  foremast  and  maintopmast. 
The  stump  of  the  Java's  bowsprit  caught  in  the  Constitution's 
mizen-rigging,  and  she  was  raked  again,  while  the  American  marines 
and  toprnen,  by  their  steady  fire,  prevented  any  effort  to  board. 

Finally  the  ships  got  clear ;  and  once  again  they  ran  off  abreast. 
Again  the  Constitution  forereached,  and,  wearing,  luffed  up  under 
the  Java's  quarter,  raked  her  with  the  starboard  guns,  and  wore 
again,  recommencing  the  action  with  her  port  battery.  Once  more 
the  vessels  were  abreast,  and  the  action  went  on  as  furiously  as  ever, 
the  Java  refusing  to  acknowledge  defeat.  The  wreck  of  her  top- 
hamper  lay  over  her  starboard  side,  taking  fire  every  few  minutes  ; 
and  at  that  time  her  able  and  gallant  commander  was  mortally 
wounded  by  a  ball  fired  by  one  of  the  American  maintop  men.2 
Lieutenant  Henry  Ducie  Chads  then  took  the  command,  though 
painfully  wounded.  The  British  sailors  continued  to  fight  with  un- 
daunted resolution,  cheering  lustily;  but  nothing  could  stand  against 
the  cool  precision  of  the  Yankee  fire.  The  decks  of  the  Java  looked 
like  a  slaughter-house ;  one  by  one  her  masts  fell ;  her  guns  were 
silenced ;  and  she  lay  a  sheer  hulk  on  the  water,  when,  at  4.5  P.M., 
the  Constitution,  thinking  that  her  adversary  had  struck,  ceased 
firing  and  passed  out  of  action  to  windward.  There  she  spent 
an  hour  in  repairing  damages  and  securing  her  masts ;  then,  in 
practically  as  good  condition  as  ever,  she  stood  towards  her  foe, 
who  struck  his  flag. 

The  American  ship  had  suffered  but  little  either  in  hull  or  aloft, 
and,  after  an  hour  of  repairs,  was  again  in  good  fighting  trim. 
Thirty-four  of  her  crew  were  killed  or  wounded,3  for  the  Java  had 
been  more  skilfully  handled  and  more  stubbornly  fought  than  either 
the  Guerrttre  or  the  Macedonian.  The  British  ship  was  a  riddled  and 

1  Minutes    of    court  -  martial    held    on    board    H.M.S.     Gladiator,    Portsmouth, 
April  23rd,  1813. 

2  Report  of  the  Surgeon  of  the  Java. 

3  Report  of  the  Surgeon  of  the  Constitution. 

E   2 


52  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

dismasted  hulk.  "The  Java  sustained  unequalled  injuries  beyond 
the  Constitution,"  ran  the  statement  of  one  of  her  officers.1  One 
hundred  and  twenty-four  of  those  on  board  her  were  killed  or 
wounded.2  Captain  Bainbridge  reported  that  the  Java  was  "  ex- 
ceedingly well  handled  and  bravely  fought,"  and  paid  a  deserved 
tribute  to  the  worth  and  bravery  of  Captain  Lambert ; 3  while 
Lieutenant  Chads  in  his  report  stated  that  "  our  gallant  enemy 
has  treated  us  most  generously,"  and  Lieutenant- General  Hislop 
presented  Bainbridge  with  a  handsome  sword.  Owing  to  the  dis- 
tance from  home,  the  Java  was  destroyed,  and  the  Constitution 
presently  returned  to  the  United  States. 

The  fight  was  remarkable  because  of  the  rather  complicated 
nature  of  the  manoeuvres,  and  the  skill  with  which  they  were 
performed.  As  regards  the  tactical  ability  with  which  the  ships 
were  handled,  there  was  nothing  to  choose  ;  and  certainly  no  men 
could  have  fought  more  gallantly  than  the  Java's  crew ;  but  there 
was  a  very  great  difference  in  the  comparative  efficiency  of  the 
two  crews  as  fighting  machines,  especially  in  gunnery.  The  differ- 
ence in  the  damage  done  was  utterly  out  of  proportion  to  the 
difference  in  force.  Probably  the  material  of  the  Constitution's  crew 
was  slightly  better  than  that  of  the  Java,  for  the  seafaring  folk  from 
among  whom  it  was  recruited  were  peculiarly  handy  and  resourceful, 
and  they  enlisted  freely  in  the  American  ships,  regarding  the  quarrel 
as  peculiarly  their  own ;  while  the  British  frigates  were  manned  by 
pressed  men  from  many  different  sources,  who  were  full  of  fight,  but 
who  had  little  cause  to  love  their  task-masters.  The  main  reason 
for  the  difference  in  fighting  efficiency,  however,  was  that  one  crew 

1  '  Naval  Chronicle,'  xxix.  432. 

2  The  Java  went  into  action  with  a  crew  of  377  all  told,  including  supernumeraries, 
20  others  having  been  sent  on  board  the  William.    Of  these,  22  were  killed,  and 
102   wounded.      Among    the    killed  were  Master's  Mates    Charles   Jones,   Thomas 
Hammond,  and  William  Gascoigne,  Midshipmen  William  Salmond  and  Edward  Keele, 
and  Clerk  (supernumerary)  Thomas  Joseph  Matthias.     Among  the  wounded  were 
Captain  Henry  Lambert  (who  died  on  January  4th,  1813),  Lieutenant  Henry  Ducie 
Chads,  Master  Batty  Robinson,  Second  Lieutenant  David  Davies,  E.M.,  Boatswain 
James  Humble,  and  four  Midshipmen,  besides,  among  the  supernumeraries,  Commander 
John   Marshall,   Lieutenant  James   Saundere,   Master's   Mate   William   Brown,    and 
General  Hislop's  aide-de-camp.     Midshipman  Keele,  who  was  only  thirteen  years  of 
age,  was  not  killed  outright,  but  died  in  a  few  hours.     Mr.  Humble  lost  a  hand,  and 
had  a  wound  near  the  elbow,  but,  after  having  a  tourniquet  put  on,  returned  to  his 
duty.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Captain  Henry  Lambert  had  received  his  post  commission  on  April  10th,  1805. 
— W.  L.  C. 


1813.]  THE  "PEACOCK"    AND    THE  "HORNET."  53 

had  been   carefully  trained,  and  the  other  had   not.      The  Java's 
crew  had  been  on  board  her  six  weeks,  and,  when  the  Constitution 
fought  her  first  battle,  the  crew  had  been  on  board  her  only  five 
weeks  ;  but  the  Constitution's  crew  from  the  very  beginning  were 
incessantly  practised  in  firing,  both  with  blank  cartridges  and  also 
at  a  target ;  whereas  the  Java,  during  the  entire  six  weeks,  had  fired 
but  six  broadsides,  all  of  blank  cartridges,  and  her  crew  had  been 
exercised  only  occasionally  even   in  pointing  the  guns.     Thus  the 
Americans  were  trained  to  shoot  with  a  precision  entirely  foreign  to 
their  opponents.    Moreover,  they  were  better  trained  to  play  different 
parts,  so  that,  for  instance,  the  sudden  loss  of  a  gun  captain  did  not 
demoralise  the  rest  of  the  crew,  who  were  able  immediately  to  supply 
his  place  from  among  themselves.     The  petty  officers,  also,  among 
the  Americans  were  better  paid  than  in  the  British  ships,  and  were 
of  a  better  class ;  and  the  American  officers  showed  greater  zeal  and 
intelligence  in  getting  their  men  into  order,  and  in  drilling  them  in 
the  essentials,  never  losing  sight  of  the  fact  that  efficiency  in  fighting 
was  the  first   consideration,  to  which   all   considerations  of   show 
came  second. 

The  Hornet  continued  to  blockade  the  Bonne  Citoyenne  until 
January  24th,  1813,  the  latter  still  refusing  to  fight  and  jeopardise 
the  treasure  she  had  on  board.  Then  the  Montagu,  74,1  arrived, 
and  the  Hornet,  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  stood  out  to  sea.  She 
made  a  few  prizes,  one  of  much  value.  On  February  24th,  1813,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Demerara  Eiver,  Captain  Lawrence,  being  near 
shore,  discovered  a  man-of-war  brig  lying  at  anchor ;  and  while 
beating  round  Caroband  bank  in  order  to  get  at  her,  he  discovered 
another  man-of-war  brig  edging  down  on  his  weather  quarter.2 
Both  were  British.  The  one  at  anchor  was  the  Espiegle,  of  sixteen 
32-pr.  carronades,  and  two  6  prs.,  Commander  John  Taylor  (1) ;  the 
other  was  the  Peacock,  Commander  William  Peake,  which  for  some 
unknown  reason  had  exchanged  her  32-pr.  carronades  for  24's.3 
She  had  left  the  Espiegle's  anchorage  that  morning  at  ten  o'clock. 
The  Hornet  at  once  turned  to  attack  the  newcomer,  being  anxious 
to  get  rid  of  her  before  her  companion  inside  the  bar  could  corne  to 
her  assistance. 

1  Captain  Manley  Hall  Dixon,  bearing  the  flag  of  Rear-Admiral   Manley  Dixon 
commanding  on  the  Brazilian  station. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Letter  of  Captain  Lawrence,  March  20th,  1813. 

3  James,  vi.  191  (Ed.  1837). 


54  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1813. 

At  4.20  P.M.  the  Peacock  hoisted  her  colours,  and  the  Hornet  beat 

to  quarters  and  cleared  for  action.     Lawrence  kept  close  hauled  to 

get  the  weather-gage.    When  he  was  sure  that  he  could  weather  the 

enemy,  he  tacked  at  5.10  and  stood  toward  her,  hoisting  his  colours. 

The  ship  and  the  brig  were  now  both  on  the  wind — the  Hornet  on 

the  starboard,  and   the  Peacock  on   the   port,  tack.     At  5.25  they 

exchanged  broadsides  as  they  passed  one  another,  but  a  few  yards 

distant,  in  opposite  directions,  the  Americans  firing  their  lee,  and  the 

British  their  weather  guns,  as  they  bore.      The   contrast  in   the 

gunnery  of  the  two  crews  was  almost  absurd.     As  the  British  were 

using  the  weather  battery,  the  guns,  unless   somewhat   depressed, 

were  sure  to  throw  the  shot  high,  and  for  this  the  crews  made  no 

allowance.     Not   a   shot  penetrated   the  Hornet's   hull,  the  entire 

broadside   passing   through  the  rigging.     One  of   her  men  in   the 

mizen-top  was  killed  by  a  round  shot,  and  two  in  the  main-top  were 

wounded ; l  a  few  ropes  were  cut,  the  foremast  was  wounded,  and 

some  holes  were  made  in  the  sails  ;  but  her  fighting  efficiency  was 

not   impaired   in   the   slightest   degree.     On   the   other  hand,   the 

Hornet's  guns,  being  fired  from  the  lee  side  of  the  ship,  naturally 

shot  low,  and  her  men  aimed  as  if  at  drill,  almost  every  shot  striking 

the  Peacock's  hull,  while,  inasmuch  as  the  Peacock  was  heeled  over, 

many  of  them  struck  below  the  water-line,  making  holes  through 

which  the  water  gushed  in  torrents  as  Soon  as  the  brig  was  again 

on  an  even  keel 

When  the  two  vessels  were  clear,  Captain  Peake  put  his  helm 
hard  up  and  wore,  firing  his  starboard  guns;  but  Lawrence  had 
watched  him  closely,  and  himself  bore  up,  and  at  5.35  ran  the  English- 
man close  aboard  on  the  starboard  quarter.  Another  broadside, 
added  to  the  musketry  fire,  did  the  business.  Captain  Peake  fell ; 
and  at  5.39, 2  just  fourteen  minutes  after  the  first  shot,  the  Peacock 
surrendered.  Immediately  afterwards  her  main-mast  went  by  the 
board,  and  she  began  to  settle,  hoisting  her  ensign  union  down  as  a 
signal  of  distress.  Both  vessels  cast  anchor;  and  Lieutenant 
Shubrick,  being  sent  on  board  the  prize,  reported  her  sinking. 
Lieutenant  Connor  was  then  sent  in  another  boat  to  try  to  save 
the  brig ;  but  though  the  captors  threw  the  guns  overboard,  plugged 
the  shot  holes,  and  worked  the  pumps,  the  water  gained  so  rapidly 

1  Navy  Departmental  MSS.,  Logbook  of  Hornet,   Wasp,  and  Argus,  1809-1813. 

2  British   accounts,   and  James,   make  the  action   to   have  lasted   from  5.25  to 
5.50  P.M.— W.  L.  C. 


1813.]  SINKING    OF  THE  "PEACOCK."  55 

that  the  attempt  was  abandoned,  and  the  Hornet's  officers  used  what 
remained  of  the  fading  tropical  twilight  in  removing  the  wounded 
and  prisoners.  Just  as  dark  fell  the  brig  suddenly  sank,  in  water 
which  was  so  shallow  that  her  foretop  remained  above  the  surface. 
There  was,  of  course,  much  confusion.  Three  of  the  Hornet's  men 
and  nine  prisoners  went  down  with  the  Peacock.  Four  other 
prisoners  lowered  the  stern-boat  and  escaped  unobserved  to  the  land, 
while  four  more  saved  themselves  by  running  up  the  rigging  into 
the  foretop.  Lieutenant  Connor  and  the  rest  of  the  Hornet's  men 
who  were  on  board,  and  the  remainder  of  the  Peacock's  crew,  who 
had  not  been  shifted,  escaped  by  jumping  into  the  launch  which 
was  lying  on  the  booms,  and  paddling  her  towards  the  ship  with 
pieces  of  boards. 

Seven  of  the  Hornet's  men  and  six  of  the  Peacock's  were  on 
the  sick  list,  leaving^fit  for  action  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  of  the 
former,1  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  of  the  latter.2  The 
Hornet  carried  twenty,  and  the  Peacock  nineteen3  guns,  each 
presenting  ten  in  broadside ;  but,  as  already  mentioned,  the  Peacock's 
carronades  were  24's,  and  the  Hornet's  32's.  There  was  a  very  real 
disparity  in  force,  but  in  this  particular  instance  the  disparity  in 
force  in  no  way  affected  the  result.  The  Peacock's  guns  simply  did 
not  hit,  so  that  their  calibre  was  a  matter  of  no  possible  consequence. 
The  Hornet  was  hardly  scratched,  and  lost  but  three  men,  all  aloft ; 
while  the  Peacock  was  sunk  in  fourteen  minutes,  nearly  one-third  of 
her  crew  being  killed  or  wounded.4  She  was  bravely  fought,  but 
her  gunnery  was  phenomenally  bad.  It  appears  that  she  had  long 
been  known  as  "  the  yacht  "  on  account  of  the  tasteful  arrangement 
of  her  deck.  The  breechings  of  the  carronades  were  lined  with  white 
canvas,  and  nothing  could  exceed  in  brilliancy  the  polish  upon  the 
traversing  bars  and  elevating  screws.5  Of  course,  a  slovenly  ship 
does  not  often  make  a  good  fight,  for  slovenliness  is  an  indication  of 
laziness,  carelessness,  and  inefficiency ;  but  man — and  above  all  the 
fighting  man — shall  not  live  by  neatness  alone,  nor  yet  merely  by 

1  Letter  of  Lieutenant  Connor,  April  26th,  1813. 

2  Letter  of  Lieutenant  Frederick  Augustus  Wright,  April  19th,  1813. 

3  According  to  James,  the  Peacock  mounted  only  sixteen  24-pr.  carronades,  and 
two  long  6-prs.,  and  had  nine,  not  ten,  guns  in  broadside. — W.  L.  C. 

4  Of  her  crew  of  122  men  and  boys,  the  Peacock  had  five  killed,  including  Com- 
mander Peake,  a  Commander  of  January  21st,  1806,  and  33  wounded,  three  mortally. — 
W.  L.  C. 

6  James,  vi.  194  (Ed.  1837). 


56  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

precision  in  the  performance  of  duties  not  connected  with  the  actual 
shock  of  arms.  Commander  Peake  had  committed  the  not  un- 
common mistake  of  confounding  the  incidents  and  the  essentials  of 
discipline. 

Throughout  the  fight  the  Espiegle  was  but  four  miles  distant,1 
and  was  plainly  visible  from  the  Hornet ;  but  for  some  reason,  which 
never  was  fully  explained,  her  Commander  did  not  observe  anything, 
and  knew  nothing  of  the  action  until  the  next  day.  Lawrence,  of 
course,  took  it  for  granted  that  he  must  know,  and  would  shortly 
come  out ;  and,  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  new  sails  had  been 
bent  on,  and  the  decks  cleared,  so  that  the  Hornet  was  again  ready 
for  action.  She  was  then,  however,  overcrowded  with  people  and 
short  of  water,  and,  as  the  Espiegle  showed  no  signs  of  coming  out,2 
the  Hornet  stood  for  home,  which  she  reached  in  March.  On  their 
arrival  at  New  York  the  officers  of  the  Peacock  published  a  card 
expressing  their  appreciation  of  the  way  in  which  they  and  their 
men  had  been  treated.  The  note  ran  in  part,  "  We  ceased  to  con- 
sider ourselves  prisoners,  and  everything  that  friendship  could  dictate 
was  adopted  by  you  and  the  officers  of  the  Hornet  to  remedy 
the  inconvenience  we  would  otherwise  have  experienced  from  the 
unavoidable  loss  of  the  whole  of  our  property  and  clothes  owing 
to  the  sudden  sinking  of  the  Peacock."  3 

So  far  the  American  navy  had  achieved  success  beyond  what 
any  one  could  have  either  hoped  for  or  dreaded,  and  the  British 
government  had  paid  dearly  for  its  contemptuous  disregard  of  the 
power  of  the  United  States  at  sea.  It  was  utterly  unprepared  for 
the  skill  and  energy  shown  by  the  Americans.  More  ships  of  the 

1  Upon  this  point  there  is,  however,  a  conflict  of  evidence.     Lieutenant  Frederick 
Augustus  Wright,  of  the  Peacock,  testified  that  the  Espiegle  "  was  not  visible  from  the 
look-outs  stationed  at  the  Peacock's  mastheads  for  some  time  previous  to  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action."  James,  too,  says  (vi.  194,  ed.  1837)  :  "  The  wreck  of  the  Peacock  was 
visible  for  a  long  time  after  the  action,  and  bore  from  Point  Spirit,  which  is  about  six 
miles  to  the  eastward  of  the  entrance  to  Demerara  river,  N.E.  by  E. ;  making  the 
distance  between  the  Espiegle   and  Peacock,  during  the  action,  nearly  24  miles." — 
W.  L.  C. 

2  Commander  John  Taylor  (1),  of  the  Espiegle,  was  tried  at  Portsmouth,  in  1814, 
on  various  charges,  and  was,  in  consequence,  dismissed  the  service ;  but  though  the 
charges  included  a  count  of  having  failed  in  his  duty  when  he  was  in  pursuit  of  the 
Hornet,  it  was  held  that  that  particular  charge  was  not  proved.     Commander  Taylor 
was  reinstated,  as  "  the  junior  Commander,"  in  1817.     (Marshall,  iv.,  pt.  iii.  537,  and 
the  Navy  Lists.)— W.  L.  C. 

8  This  and  the  other  letters  are  given  in  full  in  '  Niles's  Register '  for  this  and  the 
following  months. 


1813.]  AMERICAN  PRIVATEERS.  57 

line  and  frigates  were  gradually  assembled  on  the  American  coast ; 
but,  during  the  first  eight  months  or  thereabouts,  no  effective 
blockade  was  established,  and  the  American  cruisers  slipped  in 
and  out  as  they  wished.  The  British  picked  up  a  couple  more 
American  brigs,  the  Viper  and  the  Vixen,1  and  captured  many 
American  merchantmen,  but  this  was  all. 

The  offensive  powers  of  the  Americans  were  displayed  not  merely 
in  the  use  of  their  regular  war-vessels,  but  in  the  careers  of  the 
privateers.  The  mere  declaration  of  war  with  Great  Britain  meant 
the  destruction  for  the  moment  of  the  major  part  of  the  foreign 
trade  of  America ;  and  the  more  daring  spirits  who  had  formerly 
gone  into  this  trade  at  once  turned  to  the  business  of  privateering. 
The  American  privateers  swarmed  out  into  the  Atlantic,  and 
especially  round  the  West  India  Islands,  the  trade  with  which  was 
at  that  period  very  profitable  to  England.  At  times,  in  the  past, 
the  French  privateers  had  inflicted  very  great  damage  upon  British 
trade,  but  the  British  men-of-war  had  so  completely  gained 
the  upper  hand  of  their  adversaries  that  very  few  French  ships, 
public  or  private,  were  left  at  sea.  The  activity  and  success  of 
the  American  privateers,  therefore,  took  the  British  government 
and  the  British  mercantile  interest  completely  by  surprise.  Hun- 
dreds of  merchantmen  were  captured  in  the  Atlantic,  and  in  the 
West  Indies  the  privateers  cut  vessels  out  of  harbours  protected 
by  batteries,  and  landed  to  plunder  the  plantations.  The  island  of 
Jamaica  was  for  some  time  practically  blockaded  by  them.  At  first 
the  British  warships  could  do  little  with  them ;  and  the  merchants 
cried  out  bitterly  because  of  the  failure  to  protect  them. 

As  rapidly  as  possible  the  British  naval  authorities  gathered  the 
swiftest  frigates  and  sloops  to  employ  against  these  cruisers ;  and 
there  resulted  a  process  of  natural  selection  so  severe  that  the  type  of 
privateer  soon  became  altered.  At  the  outset  almost  any  craft  was 
used ;  but  Before  the  first  year  of  the  war  had  closed  all  the  small  and 
slow  vessels  were  captured  or  shut  up  in  port,  and  a  peculiar  species 
of  craft  was  developed.  She  was  of  large  size,  with  a  numerous 
crew,  so  as  to  man  the  prizes,  and  was  armed  with  one  heavy  gun, 
or  "  long  torn,"  and  several  lighter  pieces  for  use  at  close  quarters. 

1  The  Viper,  16,  Lieut.  J.  D.  Henby,  was  captured  on  January  17th,  1813,  by  the 
Narcissus,  32,  Capt.  John  Richard  Lumley.  The  Vixen,  12,  Lieut.  Geo.  U.  Read,  had 
been  taken  on  the  previous  November  22nd,  by  the  Southampton,  32,  Capt.  Sir  James 
Lucas  Yeo.— W.  L.  C. 


58  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

She  was  sometimes  a  schooner,  and  sometimes  a  brig  or  a  ship,  but 
always  built  on  fine  lines,  and  with  extreme  lightness,  so  as  to 
possess  astonishing  speed.  There  were  no  more  beautiful  craft  in 
existence  than  these  graceful,  venomous,  swift-sailing  privateers ; 
and  as  commerce  destroyers  they  had  not  then  their  equals  in  the 
entire  world.1 

The  first  nine  months  of  the  war  ended  with  the  balance  entirely 
in  favour  of  the  Americans.  Even  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities 
the  British  had,  scattered  along  the  American  coast  and  among  the 
West  India  Islands,  three  or  four  times  as  many  ships  as  there 
were  in  the  American  navy,  and  to  those  there  had  been  added 
many  others,  including  heavy  two-deckers ;  but  they  had  not 
settled  down  to  any  definite  plan  for  seriously  interfering  with  the 
cruises  of  the  regular  warships,  or  for  sweeping  the  privateers  from 
the  seas.  The  American  ttade  had  suffered  severely ;  but  so  had 
the  British.  Infinitely  more  important,  however,  than  such  material 
suffering,  short  of  actual  crippling,  were  the  shame  and  smart  felt 
by  the  British  public  at  the  American  naval  victories.  Commerce 
destroying  was  annoying  and  vexatious,  and  it  might  prove  suffi- 
ciently serious  to  incline  an  already  disheartened  combatant  to 
peace;  but  no  amount  of  destruction  of  commerce  could  cripple  a 
thoroughly  resolute  antagonist,  nor,  giving  heart  to  the  nation 
which  inflicted  the  loss,  make  it  thrill  with  that  warlike  pride  and 
determination  to  conquer  which  do  so  much  toward  winning  victory. 
The  two  prime  objects  to  be  attained  in  successful  warfare  are  to 
cripple  the  antagonist  and  to  give  heart  and  confidence  to  one's 
own  side.  The  first  object  could  not  be  attained  by  the  little 
American  navy,  for  it  was  powerless  to  inflict  appreciable  damage 
to  the  colossal  sea  might  of  England ;  but  the  second  object  it  could 
and  did  achieve.  On  land  the  American  attempts  to  invade  Canada 
resulted  in  humiliating  disasters,  and  the  effects  of  the  victorious 
sea  fights  were  very  great  in  offsetting  the  mortification  and  depres- 
sion which  those  disasters  caused. 

In  England  the  sea  fights  caused  as  much  excitement  as  in 
America,  though  of  a  wholly  different  kind.  Neither  the  British 
government  nor  the  British  people,  and  least  of  all  the  British 

1  Adams,  vols.  vii.  and  viii.,  has  treated  better  than  any  other  historian  the  careers 
and  importance  of  the  privateers.  If  he  could  have  seen  Mahan's  book  before  writing 
his  own,  he  would  doubtless  have  laid  more  stress  on  the  unsatisfactory  results  of  trying 
to  substitute  commerce  destroyers  for  fighting  ships. 


1813.]  BRITISH  DEJECTION.  59 

Navy,  had  dreamed  it  possible  that  on  sea  they  would  suffer  any 
serious  annoyance  from  America.  The  prowess  of  the  American 
frigates  and  sloops,  the  hawk-like  predatory  speed  of  the  American 
privateers,  and  the  energy  displayed  by  men-of-warsmen  and 
privateersmen  alike,  were  so  many  disagreeable  surprises.  The 
material  loss  to  the  merchants  was  heavy,  whereas  the  material 
loss  to  the  navy  was  trifling,  so  far  as  affecting  Great  Britain's 
naval  strength  was  concerned.  Nevertheless,  it  was  this  last  loss 
which  infinitely  outweighed  the  other,  as  was  inevitable  and  proper 
with  a  proud,  self-confident,  and  warlike  nation.  In  seven  months 
Great  Britain  had  suffered  from  the  infant  navy  of  the  United 
States,  in  five  single-ship  contests,  severer  moral  loss  than  she 
had  suffered  in  all  the  single-ship  contests  of  the  preceding  twenty 
years'  warfare  with  the  nations  of  Europe. 

Such  a  result  was  almost  paralysing,  and  naturally  produced 
inordinate  boastfulness  and  self-exaltation  on  the  one  side,  and 
bitter  shame  and  anger  on  the  other.  The  victors,  the  greater  to 
exalt  their  glory,  sought  to  minimise  the  difference  of  force  in 
their  favour,  and  insisted  that  the  contending  ships  were  practically 
on  an  equality  ;  which  was  not  only  absurdly  untrue,  but  a  discredit 
to  their  own  intelligence,  for,  of  course,  it  was  highly  to  the  credit 
of  America  to  have  built  ships  more  efficient  than  any  then  afloat. 
The  vanquished,  to  extenuate  their  defeats,  attributed  them  entirely 
to  the  difference  in  force,  and  enormously  exaggerated  this,  crying 
out  that  the  American  44's  were  "  disguised  74's,"  and  that  building 
them  was  a  characteristic  piece  of  "Yankee  cunning"  to  lure  brave 
British  captains  into  unequal  combat.  The  attention  paid  in 
Parliament  and  in  the  London  press  to  these  victories  was  a 
sufficient  tribute  to  their  importance.  The  Times,  smarting  under 
the  need  to  lay  stress  upon  a  difference  in  force  which  British 
seamen  had  been  accustomed  to  disregard,  wrote, 

"  Good  God !  that  a  few  short  months  should  have  so  altered  the  tone  of  British 
sentiment!  Is  it  true,  or  is  it  not,  that  our  Navy  was  accustomed  to  hold  the 
American  in  utter  contempt  ?  Is  it  true,  or  is  it  not,  that  the  Ouerriere  sailed  up  and 
down  the  American  coast  with  her  name  painted  in  large  characters  on  her  sails,  in 
boyish  defiance  of  Commodore  Rodgers  ?" 

Eighty-five  British  ships  were  on  the  American  station  at  the 
beginning  of  hostilities. 

"  We  have  since  sent  out  more  line-of-battleships  and  heavier  frigates.  Surely  we 
must  now  mean  to  smother  the  American  Navy.  A  very  short  time  before  the  capture 


60  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1813. 

of  the  Guerriere,  an  American  frigate  was  an  object  of  ridicule  to  our  honest  tars.  Now 
the  prejudice  is  actually  setting  the  other  way,  and  great  pains  seem  to  be  taken  by  the 
friends  of  ministers  to  prepare  the  public  for  the  surrender  of  a  British  74  to  an 
opponent  lately  so  much  contemned." 

The  Pilot,  the  chief  maritime  authority,  gave  full  expression  to 
the  feelings  with  which  the  British  public  generally  regarded  these 
events  : — 

"  The  public  will  learn,  with  sentiments  which  we  shall  not  presume  to  anticipate, 
that  a  third  British  frigate  has  struck  to  an  American.  This  is  an  occurrence  which 
calls  for  serious  reflection — this,  and  the  fact  stated  in  one  paper  of  yesterday,  that 
Lloyd's  List  contains  notice  of  upwards  of  five  hundred  British  vessels  captured  in  seven 
months  by  the  Americans,  five  hundred  merchantmen,  and  three  frigates !  Can  these 
statements  be  true,  and  can  the  English  people  hear  them  unmoved  ?  Any  one  who 
had  predicted  such  a  result  of  an  American  war  this  time  last  year  would  have  been 
treated  as  a  madman  or  a  traitor.  He  would  have  been  told,  if  his  opponents  had 
condescended  to  argue  with  him,  that  long  ere  seven  months  had  elapsed  the  American 
fiag  would  be  swept  from  the  seas,  the  contemptible  navy  of  the  United  States 
annihilated,  and  their  maritime  arsenals  rendered  a  heap  of  ruins.  Yet  down  to  this 
moment  not  a  single  American  frigate  has  struck  her  flag.  They  insult  and  laugh  at 
our  want  of  enterprise  and  vigour.  They  leave  their  ports  when  they  please,  and 
return  to  them  when  it  suits  their  convenience ;  they  traverse  the  Atlantic ;  they  beset 
the  West  India  Islands;  they  advance  to  the  very  chops  of  the  Channel;  they  parade 
along  the  coasts  of  South  America ;  nothing  chases,  nothing  intercepts,  nothing  engages 
them  but  to  yield  them  triumph." 

Canning,  in  open  Parliament,  expressed  the  bitter  anger  felt  by 
the  whole  governing  class.  He  stated  that  the  loss 'of  the  frigates 
had  affected  the  country  as  it  could  be  affected  only  by  the  most 
violent  convulsions  of  nature,  and  he  returned  to  the  subject  again 
and  again,  saying,  "  It  never  entered  into  my  mind  that  the  mighty 
naval  power  of  England  would  be  allowed  to  sit  idle  while  our 
commerce  was  swept  from  the  surface  of  the  Atlantic."  And  again, 
"  It  cannot  be  too  deeply  felt  that  the  sacred  spell  of  the  in- 
vincibility of  the  British  Navy  was  broken  by  these  unfortunate 
captures." 

Most  significant  of  all  was  the  fact  that  the  Admiralty  issued 
an  order  forbidding  the  18-pounder  frigates  thereafter  to  do  battle 
with  the  American  24-pounder  frigates.  This  was  not  a  confession 
of  inferiority,  as  has  been  said  by  some  American  writers ;  but  it 
was  distinctly  a  renunciation  of  any  claim  of  superiority.  The 
American  44  was  no  more  superior  to  the  British  38-gun  frigate 
than  the  French  74  was  to  the  English  74,  for  the  main-deck  battery 
of  the  French  two-decker  carried  a  gun  which  threw  a  shot  weighing 
forty- three  English  pounds,  whereas  the  main-deck  guns  of  the 


1813.]  COMMENTS    OF  JURIEN  DE  LA    GRAVIERE.  61 

British  ships  of  the  line  were  only  32's.  The  difference,  therefore, 
was  greater  in  favour  of  the  French  ships  of  the  line,  as  compared 
with  their  British  opponents,  than  the  difference  between  the  victor 
and  the  vanquished  in  the  famous  single-ship  duels  of  1812.  The 
victories  of  Nelson  and  Jervis  had  been  gained  against  odds  much 
greater  than  those  encountered  by  the  frigates  which  succumbed  to 
the  Constitution  and  the  United  States.  Time  and  again,  moreover, 
the  British  had  won  against  odds  as  great,  or  greater,  in  single 
combat.  The  French  18-pounder  gun  threw  a  shot  weighing 
twenty-one  pounds  English ;  whereas,  owing  to  the  short  weight  of 
the  American  shot,  the  American  24-pounder  usually  threw  but  a 
little  over  twenty-two ;  so  that,  as  compared  with  the  old  opponents 
whom  the  British  frigate  captains  had  so  often  vanquished,  their 
new  American  foes  threw  but  one  and  one-half  pound  more  metal 
from  each  gun  of  the  main  battery. 

The  difference  in  the  size  and  stoutness  of  the  ships,  in  the 
numbers  of  the  crews,  and  in  the  calibre  of  the  guns  accounted  for 
much  in  the  result,  but  it  by  no  means  accounted  for  all ;  and  in  the 
two  sloop  actions  it  was  of  little  or  no  moment.  The  other  element, 
which  entered  quite  as  decisively  into  the  contest,  was  the  superior 
efficiency  of  the  Americans,  especially  in  gunnery.  The  British  had 
grown  over-confident  and  careless.  They  had  learned  to  lean  over- 
much upon  what  Canning  called  "the  sacred  spell  of  the  invinci- 
bility of  the  British  Navy,"  and  they  needed  to  learn  the  lesson  that 
this  sacred  spell  can  always  be  readily  broken  by  any  opponent  who, 
with  equal  courage,  shows  superiority  in  skill,  and  especially  in  cool 
forethought  and  preparation.  Superiority  in  courage  and  skill 
combined  can  wrest  victory  from  great  odds,  and  no  amount  of 
skill  will  atone  for  the  lack  of  daring,  of  unflinching  resolution,  and 
of  dogged  capacity  to  stand  punishment ;  but  where  courage  is 
equal,  skill  will  always  win ;  and  where  courage  and  skill  are  both 
equal,  then  the  side  which  has  the  best  ships  and  guns  will  over- 
whelm the  other,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  flags  under  which  the 
combatants  fight. 

The  best  commentary  on  the  five  victories  thus  far  described 
is  that  given  by  the  French  Admiral,  Jurien  de  La  Graviere : 
and  it  is  significant  of  the  profound  impression  they  created  that, 
in  a  work  devoted  to  the  gigantic  naval  battles  of  the  fleets  that 
fought  under  and  against  Nelson,  a  French  admiral,  to  whom  the 
contest  between  the  British  and  the  Americans  had  no  other 


62  THE    WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1813. 

interest  than  the  lesson  it  taught,  should  have  devoted  so  much 
space  to  these  duels,  singling  them  out  above  all  the  other  single- 
ship  contests  of  the  twenty-five  years'  war. 

"  When  the  American  Congress  declared  war  on  England  in  1812,"  he  says,1  "  it 
seemed  as  if  this  unequal  conflict  would  crush  her  navy  in  the  act  of  being  born  ; 
instead,  it  but  fertilised  the  germ.  It  is  only  since  that  epoch  that  the  United  States 
has  taken  rank  among  maritime  powers.  Some  combats  of  frigates,  corvettes,  and 
brigs,  insignificant  without  doubt  as  regards  the  material  results,  sufficed  to  break  the 
charm  which  protected  the  standard  of  St.  George,  and  taught  Europe  what  she  could 
have  already  learned  from  some  of  our  combats,  if  the  louder  noise  of  our  defeats  had 
not  drowned  the  glory,  that  the  only  invincibles  on  the  sea  are  good  seamen  and  good 
artillerists. 

"The  English  covered  the  ocean  with  their  cruisers  when  this  unknown  navy, 
composed  of  six  frigates  and  a  few  small  craft  hitherto  hardly  numbered,  dared  to 
establish  its  cruisers  at  the  mouth  of  the  Channel,  in  the  very  centre  of  the  British 
power.  But  already  the  Constitution  had  captured  the  Guerriere  and  Java,  the 
United  States  had  made  a  prize  of. , the  -Macedonian,  the  Wasp  of  the  Frolic,  and  the 
Hornet  of  the  Peacock.  The  honour  of  the  new  flag  was  established.  England, 
humiliated,  tried  to  attribute  her  multiplied  reverses  to  the  unusual  size  of  the  vessels 
which  Congress  had  had  constructed  in  1799,  and  which  did  the  fighting  in  1812.  She 
wished  to  refuse  them  the  name  of  frigates,  and  called  them,  not  without  some 
appearance  of  reason,  disguised  line-of-battle  ships.  Since  then  all  maritime  powers 
have  copied  these  gigantic  models,  as  the  result  of  the  war  of  1812  obliged  England 
herself  to  change  her  naval  material ;  but  if  they  had  employed,  instead  of  frigates, 
cut-down  74's,  it  would  still  be  difficult  to  explain  the  prodigious  success  of  the 
Americans.  .  .  . 

"  In  an  engagement  which  terminated  in  less  than  half  an  hour,  the  English  frigate 
Guerriere,  completely  dismasted,  had  fifteen  men  killed,  sixty- three  wounded,  and 
more  than  thirty  shot  below  the  water-line.  She  sank  twelve  hours  after  the  combat. 
The  Constitution,  on  the  contrary,  had  but  seven  men  killed  and  seven  wounded,  and 
did  not  lose  a  mast.  As  soon  as  she  had  replaced  a  few  cut  ropes  and  changed  a  few 
sails,  she  was  in  condition,  even  by  the  testimony  of  the  British  historian,  to  take 
another  Guerriere.  The  Unifed  States  took  an  hour  and  a  half  to  recapture  the 
Macedonian,  and  the  same  difference  made  itself  felt  in  the  damage  suffered  by  the  two 
ships.  The  Macedonian  had  her  masts  shattered,  two  of  her  main-deck  and  all  her 
spar-deck  guns  disabled,  more  than  a  hundred  shots  had  penetrated  the  hull,  and  over 
a  third  of  the  crew  had  suffered  by  the  hostile  fire.  The  American  frigate,  on  the 
contrary,  had  to  regret  but  five  men  killed  and  seven  wounded ;  her  guns  had  been 
fired  each  sixty-six  times  to  the  Macedonian's  thirty-six.  The  combat  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Java  lasted  two  hours,  and  was  the  most  bloody  of  these  three 
engagements.  The  Java  only  struck  when  she  had  been  razed  like  a  sheer  hulk  ;  she 

had  twenty-two  men  killed  and  one  hundred  and  two  wounded. 

****** 

"  This  war  should  be  studied  with  unceasing  diligence  ;  the  pride  of  the  two  peoples 
to  whom  naval  affairs  are  so  generally  familiar  has  cleared  all  the  details  and  laid  bare 
all  the  episodes  ;  and  through  the  sneers  which  the  victors  should  have  spared,  merely 
out  of  care  for  their  own  glory,  at  every  step  can  be  seen  the  great  truth,  that  there 

is  only  success  for  those  who  know  how  to  prepare  it. 

****** 

"  It  belongs  to  us  to  judge  impartially  these   marine  events,  too  much  exalted 
1  '  Guerres  Maritimes,'  ii.  284  (edition  of  1881). 


1813.]  THE   TURN  OF  THE   TIDE.  63 

perhaps  by  a  national  vanity  one  is  tempted  to  excuse.  The  Americans  showed  in  the 
war  of  1812  a  great  deal  of  skill  and  resolution;  but  if,  as  they  have  asserted,  the 
chances  had  always  been  perfectly  equal  between  them  and  their  adversaries,  if  they 
had  only  owed  their  triumphs  to  the  intrepidity  of  Hull,  Decatur,  and  Bainbridge, 
there  would  be  for  us  but  little  interest  in  recalling  the  struggle.  We  need  not  seek 
lessons  in  courage  outside  of  our  own  history.  On  the  contrary,  what  is  to  be  well 
considered  is  that  the  ships  of  the  United  States  constantly  fought  with  the  chances 
in  their  favour,  and  it  is  on  this  that  the  American  Government  should  found  its  true 
title  to  glory.  .  .  .  The  Americans  in  1812  had  secured  to  themselves  the  advantage 
of  a  better  organisation  (than  the  English)." 

After  speaking  of  the  heavier  metal  and  greater  number  of  men 
of  the  American  ships,  he  continues  : — 

"  And  yet  only  an  enormous  superiority  in  the  precision  and  rapidity  of  their  fire 
can  explain  the  difference  in  the  losses  sustained  by  the  combatants. 

"  The  American  fire  showed  itself  to  be  as  accurate  as  it  was  rapid.  On  occasions 
when  the  roughness  of  the  sea  would  seem  to  render  all  aim  excessively  uncertain, 
the  effects  of  their  artillery  were  not  less  murderous  than  under  more  advantageous 
conditions. 

"  Nor  was  the  skill  of  their  gunners  the  only  cause  to  which  the  Americans  owed 
their  success.  Their  ships  were  faster ;  the  crews,  composed  ef  chosen  men,  manoeuvred 
with  uniformity  and  precision ;  their  captains  had  that  practical  knowledge  which  is 
only  to  be  acquired  by  long  experience  of  the  sea ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
the  Constitution,  when  chased  during  three  days  by  a  squadron  of  five  English  frigates, 
succeeded  in  escaping,  by  surpassing  them  in  manoeuvring  and  by  availing  herself  of 
every  ingenious  resource  and  skilful  expedient  that  maritime  science  could  suggest.  .  . . 
To  a  marine  exalted  by  success,  but  rendered  negligent  by  the  very  habit  of  victory, 
the  Congress  only  opposed  the  best  of  vessels  and  most  formidable  of  armaments." 

Throughout  the  year  1812,  and  the  beginning  of  the  year  1813, 
Britain  had  made  no  effective  use  whatever  of  her  tremendous 
power  at  sea,  so  far  as  the  United  States  was  concerned.  She 
had  suffered  from  overweening  self-confidence  in  her  own  prowess, 
and  from  overweening  contempt  for  her  foe.  During  the  first 
year  of  war  the  utter  futility  of  the  American  land  attacks  on 
Canada  could  fairly  be  matched  by  the  utter  inefficiency  of  the 
efforts  of  the  British  both  to  destroy  the  little  American  navy,  and 
to  employ  their  own  huge  Navy  so  as  to  make  it  a  determining 
factor  in  the  struggle.  But  by  the  spring  of  1813  this  was  changed. 
The  British  were  a  practical  people,  and  they  faced  facts — thereby 
showing  capacity  to  turn  these  facts  to  their  own  advantage.  The 
dream  of  British  naval  invincibility,  the  dream  that  the  British 
warships*  could  win  against  any  reasonable  odds,  was  a  pleasant 
dream,  and  the  awakening  was  extremely  disagreeable.  Neverthe- 
less, a  dream  it  was,  and  the  British  recognised  it  as  such,  and  acted 
accordingly,  with  the  natural  result  that  thereafter  the  Americans 


64  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

suffered  more  than  the  British  at  sea.  The  18-pounder  frigates 
were  forbidden  to  engage  single-handed  the  24-pounder  frigates  of 
the  Americans,1  and  where  possible  they  were  directed  to  cruise  in 
couples,  or  in  small  squadrons,  so  as  to  be  able  with  certainty  to 
overpower  any  single  antagonist,  great  or  small.  No  sufficient  steps 
were  taken  to  bring  the  average  standard  of  fighting  efficiency, 
especially  in  gunnery,  up  to  the  American  level,  and  in  consequence 
there  were  some  defeats  yet  in  store ;  but  the  best  captains  in  the 
British  Navy  were  already  as  good  as  any  to  be  found  in  America, 
or  anywhere  else,  and  it  was  now  the  turn  of  the  Americans  to 
suffer  from  over-confidence,  while  the  British,  wherever  possible, 
made  dexterous  use  of  their  superior  forces.  After  this  period  no 
British  frigate  was  captured,  while  three  American  frigates  surren- 
dered, one  to  an  opponent  of  superior  fighting  efficiency,  and  the 
other  two  to  superior  forceT^kilfully  used.  The  American  sloops 
did  better,  but  even  their  career  was  chequered  by  defeat. 

The  important  factor  on  the  British  side  was  the  use  of  the 
Navy  to  blockade  the  American  coast.  When  war  was  declared, 
the  Napoleonic  struggle  was  at  its  height,  and  the  chances  seemed 
on  the  whole  to  favour  Napoleon.  But,  by  the  spring  of  1813,  the 
Grand  Army  had  gone  to  its  death  in  the  snowclad  wastes  of  Eussia, 
and  Wellington  had  completely  bested  the  French  marshals  in 
Spain,  so  that  it  was  merely  a  question  of  time  as  to  when  he 
would  invade  France.  In  Germany  the  French  were  steadily  losing 
ground ;  and  all  the  nations  of  Europe  were  combining  for  the 
overthrow  of  that  splendid,  evil,  and  terrible  genius  before  whom 
they  had  so  long  cowered.  Britain  could,  therefore,  afford  to  turn 
her  attention  to  America  in  earnest.  As  yet  she  could  not  spare 
adequate  land  forces,  but  she  could  and  did  spare  a  sufficiency  of 
battleships,  frigates,  and  sloops  to  make  a  real  blockade  of  the 
American  coast.  After  May  1813  the  blockade  was  complete  from 
New  York  southward.  In  the  autumn  it  was  extended  further  east ; 
but  it  was  not  until  the  following  year  that  it  was  applied  with  the 
same  iron  severity  to  the  New  England  coast,  for  the  British 
government  hoped  always  that  the  seditious  spirit  in  New  England 
would  manifest  itself  in  open  revolt. 

After  the  blockade  had  been  once  established,  commerce  ceased  ; 
and  the  only  vessels  that  could  slip  out  were  the  fast-sailing  privateers 

1  The  order  recites  that  they  are  "  forbidden  to  engage  "  and  are  to  "  retreat "  from 
such  a  foe. — '  The  Croker  Papers,'  i.  44. 


1813.]  INADEQUACY   OF   THE  AMERICAN  NAVY.  65 

and  regular  cruisers,  whose  captains  combined  daring,  caution,  and 
skill  in  such  equal  proportions  as  to  enable  them  to  thread  their 
way  through  the  innumerable  dangers  that  barred  the  path.  The 
privateers  frequently  failed,  and  even  the  regular  cruisers  were  by 
no  means  always  successful ;  while  the  risks  were  too  great  for 
merchantmen  habitually  to  encounter  them.  Georgia  touched 
Florida,  and  so  could  do  a  little  trade  through  the  Spanish 
dominions ;  and  the  northern  New  England  coast  lay  open  for 
some  time  to  come  ;  but  elsewhere  the  ships  rotted  at  the  ports, 
though  the  shipwrights  found  employment  in  building  the  swift 
privateers,  and  the  sailor-folk  in  manning  them. 

The  white-sailed  British  frigates  hovered  in  front  of  every 
seaport  of  note,  standing  on  and  off  with  ceaseless,  unwearying 
vigilance  by  day  and  night,  in  fair  weather  and  foul,  through  the 
summer  and  through  the  winter.  In-4he  great  estuaries  fleets  rode 
at  anchor,  or  sailed  hither  and  thither  menacing  destruction.  No 
town,  large  or  small,  could  deem  itself  safe ;  and  every  great  river 
was  a  possible  highroad  for  the  entrance  of  the  enemy.  There  was 
not  a  strip  of  the  American  coast  over  which  the  Americans  could 
call  themselves  masters,  seaward  of  the  point  where  the  water  grew 
deep  enough  to  float  a  light  craft  of  war. 

The  one  lesson  which  should  be  most  clearly  taught  by  this  war 
is  the  folly  of  a  nation's  relying  for  safety  upon  anything  but  its  own 
readiness  to  repel  attack ;  and,  in  the  case  of  a  power  with  an 
extended  seaboard,  this  readiness  implies  the  possession  of  a  great 
fighting  navy.  The  utter  failure  of  Jefferson's  embargo  and  his 
other  measures  of  what  he  termed  "peaceable  coercion,"  teach  their 
part  of  the  lesson  so  plainly  that  it  would  seem  impossible  to 
misread  it;  but  the  glory  won  by  their  little  navy  has  tended  to 
blind  Americans  to  the  fact  that  this  navy  was  too  small  to  do 
anything  except  win  glory.  It  lacked  the  power  to  harm  anything 
but  Britain's  pride,  and  it  was  too  weak  to  parry  a  single  blow 
delivered  by  the  British  along  the  coast,  when  once  they  realised 
that  their  task  was  serious,  and  set  about  it  in  earnest.  Twenty 
ships-of-the-line,  as  good  of  their  kind  as  were  the  frigates  and 
sloops,  would  have  rendered  the  blockade  impossible,  even  if  they 
had  not  prevented  the  war ;  and,  judged  merely  from  the  monetary 
standpoint,  they  would  have  repaid  to  the  nation  their  cost  a  thou- 
sand times  over  by  the  commerce  they  would  have  saved,  and  the 
business  losses  they  would  have  averted.  As  it  was,  the  Americans 

VOL.   VI.  F 


66  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

were  utterly  powerless  to  offer  any  effective  resistance  to  the  British 
blockade ;  for  it  is  too  late  to  try  to  build  a  fleet,  or  take  any 
other  effective  steps,  when  once  the  war  has  begun.  The  nerveless 
administration  at  Washington  did  not  even  take  steps  to  defend  the 
capital  city. 

It  is  the  fashion  to  speak  of  the  people  as  misrepresented  by  the 
politicians ;  but  in  this  case  certainly  the  people  deserved  just  the 
government  they  had.  Indeed,  it  is  curious  and  instructive  as  well 
as  melancholy  to  see  how  powerless  the  Americans  as  a  whole  were 
to  make  good  the  shortcomings  of  which  they  had  been  guilty  prior 
to  the  declaration  of  war.  It  is  especially  instructive  for  those 
Americans,  and  indeed  those  Englishmen,  who  are  fond  of  saying 
that  either  country  needs  no  protection  merely  because  it  cannot  be 
directly  invaded  by  land,  and  who  try  to  teach  us  that  the  immense 
reserve  strength  which  each  nation  undoubtedly  possesses  can  be 
immediately  drawn  on  to  make  good  any  deficiencies  in  preparation 
at  the  outbreak  of  a  war.  This  is  much  like  telling  a  prize-fighter 
that  he  need  not  train  because  he  has  such  an  excellent  constitution 
that  he  may  draw  on  it  to  make  good  defects  in  his  preparation  for 
the  ring.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that,  in  naval  matters  especially, 
nothing  can  supply  the  lack  of  adequate  preparation  and  training 
before  the  outbreak  of  war.  The  lead  which  is  lost  at  the  beginning 
cannot  be  regained  save  by  superhuman  effort,  and  after  enormous 
waste  of  strength.  It  is  too  late  to  mature  plans  for  defence  when 
the  enemy  is  close  at  hand,  for  he  continually  breaks  up  and  renders 
abortive  the  various  little  movements  which,  if  given  time,  would 
become  formidable.  There  is  more  chance  of  remedying  defective 
preparation  on  land  than  on  sea,  merely  because  the  fighting 
machinery  for  use  on  the  sea  is  so  delicate  and  complicated  that 
ample  opportunity  must  be  given,  not  merely  to  produce  it,  but  to 
learn  to  use  it  aright.  This  was  true  in  the  days  of  the  American 
and  French  Eevolutions  ;  it  is  infinitely  truer  now,  when  the  fleets 
of  Eodney  and  Nelson  have  been  left  as  far  behind  modern  navies 
as  they  stood  ahead  of  the  galleys  of  Alcibiades  and  Hanno. 

The  failure  of  the  Americans  to  devise  any  adequate  measure  for 
breaking  the  British  blockade  is  partially  due  to  this  fundamental 
difficulty  in  making  preparations  when  the  time  for  preparation  has 
passed.  There  was  also  a  curious  supineness  among  the  people  as  a 
whole,  which  was,  if  anything,  even  more  noticeable  among  those 
States  which  were  clamorous  for  war  than  among  those  which,  to 


1813.]  LACK   OF  PUBLIC  SPIRIT  IN  AMERICA.  67 

their  deep  discredit,  clamored  for  peace.  Virginia  and  the  Southern 
States  did  not  falter  in  their  determination  to  continue  the  war, 
and  the  New  England  States  betrayed  an  utter  lack  of  patriotism 
in  their  councils,  and  greatly  hampered  the  national  government  in 
its  feeble  efforts  to  uphold  the  national  honour.  Nevertheless, 
astounding  to  relate,  the  New  England  States  actually  did  more 
than  the  South  Atlantic  States  in  the  war  itself,  and  this,  not 
because  they  did  so  much,  but  because  the  South  Atlantic  States 
did  so  little.  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  were  the  typical  States 
of  their  two  sections,  and  Massachusetts  gave  more  men  and 
more  money  to  carry  on  the  war  than  did  Virginia,  apart  from 
furnishing  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  sailors  who  manned  the 
war  ships  and  privateers,  while  Virginia  furnished  hardly  any.  Not 
even  the  continual  presence  of  the  British  at  their  very  doors  could 
rouse  the  Virginians  to  respectable  resistance ;  and  the  Marylanders 
were  not  much  better.  It  was  in  the  Chesapeake  that  the  main  part 
of  the  blockading  fleet  lay ;  it  was  along  the  shores  of  that  great  bay 
that  the  ravages  of  the  British  were  most  severely  felt ;  yet  the 
Virginians  and  Marylanders,  during  the  two  years  when  the  enemy 
lay  on  their  coasts,  insulting  them  at  will,  never  organised  any 
attack  whatsoever  -upon  them,  and  took  inadequate  and  imperfect 
measures  even  for  defence.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  nation 
was  yet  in  the  gristle,  and  that  its  awkward  strength  was  useless,  as 
it  could  not  be  concentrated  or  applied  to  any  one  object.  There 
was  no  public  training,  and  indeed  no  public  feeling,  which  could 
put  at  the  disposal  of  the  national  government  large  bodies  of  dis- 
ciplined men  sufficient  for  effective  use  to  a  given  end ;  and  the  men 
in  control  of  the  national  government  had  been  bred  in  a  political 
school  which  on  its  administrative  side  was  so  silly  that  they  could 
not  have  used  this  power  even  had  it  been  given  them.  New  York 
and  Philadelphia  were  never  directly  menaced  during  the  war ;  but 
once  or  twice  they  thought  they  were,  and  the  way  in  which  they 
proposed  to  meet  the  danger  was  by  setting  the  citizens  to  labour  on 
earthworks  in  the  neighbourhood,  each  profession,  trade,  or  associa- 
tion going  out  in  a  body  on  some  one  day — the  lawyers  on  one  day, 
the  butchers  on  another,  the  United  Irishmen  on  another,  and  so  on 
and  so  on.  This  conception  of  the  way  to  perform  military  duty 
does  not  require  comment ;  it  would  be  grossly  unfair  to  compare  it 
with  the  attitude  even  of  unwarlike  mediseval  burghers,  for  after  all 
the  mediaeval  burghers  had  some  idea  of  arms,  and  the  shop-keepers, 

F  2 


68  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1813. 

day-labourers,  and  professional  men  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
had  not. 

Where  such  was  the  conception  of  how  to  carry  on  the  war, 
there  is  small  cause  for  wonder  that  the  war  was  allowed  to  carry 
on  itself  pretty  much  as  it  pleased.  Had  the  people  displayed  the 
energy,  the  resolution,  and  the  efficiency  which  their  descendants  on 
both  sides  showed  half  a  century  later  in  the  Civil  War,  no  amount 
of  courage  or  of  military  sagacity  on  the  part  of  the  British  could 
have  prolonged  the  contest  for  any  length  of  time.  But  there  was 
no  such  showing.  No  concerted  or  resolute  effort  was  made  by  the 
people  as  a  whole.  Individual  shipbuilders  and  contractors  showed 
great  energy  and  capacity.  Individual  ship-captains  at  sea,  in- 
dividual generals  on  land,  did  remarkably  well,  showing  military 
aptitude  of  a  high  order  :  and  every  such  commander,  by  sea  or  by 
land,  was  able  to  make  the  seamen  or  the  troops  under  him  formid- 
able and  well-disciplined  fighters  in  an  astonishingly  short  space  of 
time ;  for  the  Americans,  whether  afloat  or  on  shore,  were  cool, 
hardy,  resolute,  and  fertile  in  resources  and  expedients.  But  no 
commander  ever  had  more  than  a  small  squadron  or  a  diminutive 
army  with  which  to  work,  for  the  great  mass  of  the  Americans 
did  nothing  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close.  The  task,  about  which 
the  people  as  a  whole  refused  seriously  to  concern  themselves,  and 
which  the  government  lacked  decision  and  character  to  perform, 
was  left  to  the  shipwrights,  to  the  seafaring  folk,  to  the  admirably 
trained  officers  of  the  little  regular  navy,  and,  on  shore,  to  such 
commanders  and  troops  as  the  campaigns  themselves  gradually 
developed  :  and  all  acted  more  or  less  independently  of  one  another, 
or  with  only  such  concert  as  their  own  intelligence  demanded. 

The  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  America  by  the  British  blockade 
was  exceedingly  effective,  but  it  was  silent,  and  so  historians  have 
tended  to  forget  it.  They  have  chronicled  with  pride  or  regret, 
according  to  their  nationality,  the  capture  of  an  occasional  British 
by  an  American  sloop,  but  they  have  paid  little  heed  to  the  ceaseless 
strain  on  the  American  resources  caused  by  the  blockade.  Its  mere 
existence  inflicted  a  direct  material  loss  to  the  American  people  a 
hundredfold  greater  than  the  entire  American  navy  was  able  to  inflict 
on  Great  Britain  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  its  gallant  career 
in  this  war.  The  very  fact  that  the  workings  of  the  blockade  were 
ceaseless  and  almost  universal  makes  it  difficult  to  realise  their 
importance.  It  told  heavily  against  the  coasting  trade,  though 


1813.]  BLOCKADE    OF   THE  AMEUICAN   COASTS.  69 

less  heavily  than  against  foreign  commerce ;  and  it  revived  an  almost 
archaic  industry,  that  of  the  waggoners,  who  travelled  slowly, 
parallel  with  the  coast-line,  to  carry  with  an  infinitely  greater  labour 
and  expense  the  goods  that  had  formerly  gone  in  the  sloops  and 
schooners.  The  return  to  this  primitive  method  of  interchange 
implied  much  of  the  suffering  of  primitive  times,  for  it  meant  that 
one  part  of  the  country  might  lack  the  necessaries  of  which  another 
part  possessed  an  over-abundance.  As  soon  as  the  blockade  was 
established  it  created  the  widest  inequalities  in  the  prices  of  com- 
modities in  different  parts  of  the  country.1  Flour  cost  nearly  three 
times  as  much  in  Boston  as  in  Richmond,  and  rice  four  times  as 
much  in  Philadelphia  as  in  Charleston,  while  imported  articles  like 
sugar  rose  five-fold  in  price.  Exports  practically  ceased  by  the 
close  of  1813.  In  that  year  they  amounted  to  but  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  New  York  as  against  over  twelve  million  in  the 
year  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  while,  during  the  same 
period,  Virginia's  original  exports  of  five  million  dollars  fell  off  to 
twenty  thousand.  The  import  duties  diminished  with  even 
greater  rapidity,  until  finally  they  could  only  be  raised  in  New 
England.  The  ruin  was  widespread.  As  yet  the  people  of  the 
United  States  were  not  manufacturers,  but  small  farmers,  traders, 
and  seafarers.  The  trader  of  the  towns  saw  all  his  trade  destroyed, 
and  could  give  no  employment  to  the  sailors  who  had  formerly 
worked  for  him ;  while  the  farmer  grew  crops  which  could  not  be 
moved  to  any  remunerative  market,  so  that  no  ready  money  came 
in  to  him ;  and  yet  for  whatever  he  needed,  save  what  he  himself 
produced,  he  had  to  pay  five  times  as  much  as  formerly. 

The  coast  dwellers  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  forced  to 
experience,  not  merely  the  weight  of  the  blockade,  but  also  actual 
physical  contact  with  the  enemy.  Another  British  squadron  lay  in 
the  Delaware,  and  forays  were  made  here  and  there  along  the  coast. 
New  York  was  blockaded,  but  very  little  was  done  save  to  put  a  stop 
to  commerce.  There  was  another  squadron  at  Nantucket,  with  Sir 
Thomas  Masterman  Hardy,  Nelson's  flag  captain,  as  commodore. 
Hardy's  ships  closed  southern  New  England  to  the  world,  but 
they  did  very  little  in  the  way  of  attacking  or  harassing  the 
coast  itself,  for  Hardy,  one  of  the  most  gallant  captains  who  ever 
lived,  a  man  who  had  won  his  spurs  in  the  greatest  sea  fights  of 
all  time,  and  who  prided  himself  on  his  ability  to  meet  armed 

1  Adams,  vii.  263. 


70  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

foes  in  battle,  felt  impatient  at  mere  marauding,  and  countenanced 
it  with  reluctance. 

The  directly  opposite  policy  was  pursued  in  Chesapeake  Bay. 
There  Admiral  Sir  John  Borlase  Warren  was  in  command,  but  the 
chief  work  was  done  by  Bear- Admiral  Sir  George  Cockburn. 
Cockburn  organised  a  few  of  the  lightest  ships  of  Warren's  fleet, 
and  some  captured  schooners,  into  a  flotilla  with  which  he  could 
penetrate  at  will  the  creeks  and  rivers.  He  was  a  capable,  brave, 
energetic  man,  hating  his  foes  and  enjoying  his  work;  and  he 
carried  out  with  scrupulous  fidelity  the  order  to  harass  the  American 
coast.  Not  merely  did  he  attack  any  militia  that  might  from  time  to 
time  assemble,  but  he  also  destroyed  towns  and  hamlets,  and  worked 
widespread  havoc  throughout  the  country  that  lay  within  striking 
distance  of  tide-water.  Houses  were  burned,  farms  plundered,  stores 
pillaged,  and  small  towns  destroyed,  while  the  larger  places,  and  even 
Baltimore,  were  thrown  into  a  panic  which  caused  the  inhabitants 
to  neglect  their  business,  but  did  not  cause  them  to  take  such 
efficient  measures  for  self-defence  as  the  exercise  of  reasonable 
forethought  would  have  demanded.  Usually  Cockburn  and  his 
followers  refrained  from  maltreating  the  people  personally,  and 
most  of  the  destruction  they  caused  was  at  places  where  the 
militia  made  some  resistance  ;  but,  when  plundering  once  began, 
it  was  quite  impossible  for  the  officers  to  restrain  some  of  the  very 
men  who  most  needed  restraint. 

The  people  were  of  course  greatly  exasperated  at  the  marauding, 
and  the  American  newspapers  far  and  near,  and  most  American 
writers  then  and  afterwards,  were  loud  in  their  denunciation  of  the 
Bear -Admiral  and  his  methods.  Exactly  how  far  these  were  or  were 
not  defensible,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  It  is  of  course  a  mere  matter 
of  convention  to  discriminate  between  the  destruction  of  private 
property  on  sea  and  on  land.  Armed  vessels,  British  and  American, 
destroyed  or  captured  any  private  property  of  the  enemy  which  they 
could  find  afloat ;  and  if  there  were  sufficient  cause,  or  if  there  were 
an  object  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  attained,  the  combatants 
were  certainly  warranted  in  destroying  such  property  ashore. 
Cockburn's  course  was  in  many  respects  the  same  as  that  of 
Sheridan's  at  one  crisis  in  the  Civil  War ;  and  there  was  certainly 
little  in  it  to  warrant  the  warmth  of  the  execrations  heaped  upon 
him  by  his  foes — which  were  indeed  somewhat  in  the  nature  of  a 
tribute  to  his  efficiency.  At  the  same  time  it  may  be  admitted  that 


1813.]  AMERICAN  COMMERCE-DESTROYERS.  71 

his  work  was  not  of  the  kind  in  which  the  best  type  of  fighting 
man  would  find  any  pleasure,  or  which  he  would  carry  on  longer 
than  was  absolutely  necessary ;  and  for  some  of  the  revolting 
details  there  was  small  excuse.  There  is  room  for  question 
as  to  whether  the  comparatively  trifling  loss  inflicted  on  the 
Americans  did  much  beyond  irritating  them.  It  certainly  failed 
to  cow  them,  though  equally  certainly  it  failed  to  rouse  them  to 
effective  resistance. 

In  short,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  course  followed  by 
Cockburn  reflected  any  particular  credit  upon,  or  caused  much,  if 
any,  benefit  to,  the  British  side.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  however, 
of  the  discredit  attaching  to  the  Americans  for  their  conduct.  A 
people  which  lets  its  shores  be  insulted  with  impunity  incurs,  if 
not  greater  blame,  at  least  greater  contempt,  than  the  people  which 
does  the  plundering.  If  here  and  there  Cockburn  burned  a  hamlet 
or  two  which  he  ought  to  have  spared,  his  offence  was  really  small 
when  compared  with  the  disgrace  brought  on  the  American  name 
by  the  supineness  shown  by  the  people  of  the  threatened  neighbour- 
hoods. They  did  nothing  effectively  of  any  kind  for  their  own 
defence.  Indeed,  for  the  most  part  they  did  nothing  at  all,  except 
gather  bodies  of  militia  whenever  there  was  an  alarm,  and  so  keep 
the  inhabitants  constantly  worried  and  harassed  by  always  calling 
them  to  arms,  and  yet  merely  providing  almost  worthless  defenders. 
And  the  nation  as  a  whole  was  as  much  to  blame  as  the  States 
directly  menaced. 

The  retaliation  of  the  Americans  took  the  form  of  privateering. 
By  the  time  the  blockade  began  to  be  effective,  the  American 
privateers  had  developed  into  a  well-recognised  type.  Small  vessels 
had  been  abandoned.  Brigs  and  ships  were  common,  and  so  were 
schooners  of  large  size.  Everything  was  sacrificed  to  speed ;  and 
the  chief  feature  of  the  armament  was  the  single  long-range  gun, 
fitted  to  bring- to  a  fleeing  merchantman  at  a  considerable  distance. 
The  privateers  thus  had  neither  the  armament  nor  the  build,  not 
to  speak  of  the  discipline,  which  would  have  enabled  them  to  with- 
stand regular  men-of-war  of  the  same  size  in  close  action,  although 
the  crews  were  large,  the  better  to  man  the  prizes.  In  other  words, 
the  privateer  was  a  commerce  destroyer  pure  and  simple,  built  to 
run  and  not  to  fight ;  although,  even  as  a  commerce  destroyer, 
she  was  less  effective  than  a  government  vessel  would  be,  because 
she  was  built  to  make  money  in  a  particularly  risky  species  of 


72  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

gambling ;  and  so,  instead  of  destroying  prizes,  she  sought  to  send 
them  in,  with  the  result  that  nearly  half  were  recaptured  when  once 
the  British  began  to  make  their  blockade  effective.  A  good  many 
privateers  went  out  from  the  ports  of  the  Southern  States,  and 
Baltimore  was  a  famous  centre  for  them  ;  but  the  great  majority 
sailed  from  the  New  England  and  Middle  States. 

The  ravages  of  these  privateers  were  very  serious.1  The  British 
trade  suffered  heavily  from  them,  much  more  than  from  the  closing 
of  the  American  ports — the  argument  upon  which  Jefferson  had 
placed  so  much  reliance  in  his  vain  effort  to  bring  Britain  to  terms. 
In  fact,  the  closing  of  the  American  ports  by  the  war  made  com- 
paratively little  difference  to  England,  because  it  was  almost  im 
mediately  accompanied  by  the  opening  of  the  trade  with  continental 
Europe.  The  crushing  disasters  that  befell  Napoleon's  great  army 
in  Russia  meant  the  immediate  relaxation  of  his  system  in  the 
Baltic ;  and  after  he  was  driven  out  of  Germany,  toward  the  close  of 
1813,  all  the  German  ports  were  again  thrown  open  to  the  British 
merchants,  so  that  their  trade  grew  by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  the 
loss  of  the  American  market  was  far  more  than  made  good  by 
the  gain  of  markets  elsewhere.  After  the  overthrow  of  France,  in 
the  spring  of  1814,  England  was  left  without  an  enemy,  except- 
ing the  United  States,  and  her  commerce  went  where  it  pleased, 
unharmed  except  by  the  American  privateers. 

When  she  was  thus  left  free  to  use  her  vast  strength  solely 
against  America,  it  seemed  inevitable  that  the  latter  should  be  over- 
thrown. But,  in  the  war  of  1812,  what  seemed  probable  rarely  came 
to  pass ;  and  the  failures  on  both  sides  caused  the  utmost  astonish- 
ment at  the  time,  and  are  difficult  to  fully  explain  now.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  the  general  opinion  in  America  was  that 
Canada  would  speedily  be  conquered ;  and  the  general  opinion  in 
Europe  was  that  the  United  States'  navy  would  be  brushed  from 
the  sea,  and  that  the  American  privateers  would  be  got  under  just 
as  those  of  France  had  been  got  under.  Neither  expectation  was 
fulfilled.  During  the  first  two  years  the  Americans  made  no  head- 
way in  the  effort  to  conquer  feebly-held  Canada.  When,  in  1814, 
Britain  turned  her  undivided  attention  to  an  enemy  which  with 
one  hand  she  had  held  at  bay  for  two  years,  the  inevitable  out- 

1  Adams,  in  his  'History,'  gives  the  best  account  both  of  the  blockade  and  the 
privateers.  The  details  of  some  of  the  voyages  of  the  latter  are  preserved  in  Coggeshall's 
'  History  of  American  Privateers.' 


1813.]  THE  LESSONS    OF   THE  PRIVATEERS.  73 

come  seemed  to  be  her  triumph ;  yet  she  in  her  turn  failed  in  her 
aggressive  movements  against  the  United  States  just  as  America 
had  failed  in  her  aggressive  movements  against  Canada,  and  her 
giant  Navy  proved  unequal  to  the  task  of  scourging  from  the  seas 
the  American  men-of-war  and  privateers.  Contrary  to  her  ex- 
perience in  all  former  wars  with  European  powers,  she  found  that 
the  American  privateers  were  able  to  operate  far  from  their  base, 
and  to  do  great  damage  without  any  great  fighting  navy  to  back 
them  up ;  and  as  the  war  progressed  they  grew  ever  bolder  in  their 
ravages  round  the  coasts  of  the  British  Isles  themselves. 

There  are  two  lessons,  which  at  first  sight  seem  contradictory, 
to  be  learned  from  the  history  of  the  privateers  in  this  war.  In 
the  first  place,  their  history  does  teach  that  very  much  can  be 
accomplished  by  commerce  destroying,  if  more  directly  efficient 
methods  cannot  be  used.  The  American  privateers  rendered  in- 
valuable service  to  their  country  by  their  daring,  and  the  severity 
of  their  ravages.  In  those  days  sailing  vessels  were  not  hampered 
as  vessels  would  be  hampered  under  like  conditions  in  the  days 
of  steam ;  they  did  not  need  coaling  stations,  and  there  was 
much  less  danger  of  their  getting  out  of  repair.  The  American 
privateer  was  a  faster  ship  than  any  previously  seen  on  the  waters, 
and  she  was  more  daringly  and  skilfully  handled  than  any  ships 
of  her  kind  had  ever  been  handled  by  Europeans.  She  could 
usually  overtake  any  merchantmen,  and  usually  escape  any  man- 
of-war.  Of  course,  in  the  end  she  was  almost  certain  to  encounter 
some  man-of-war  from  whom  she  could  not  escape ;  but  this  might 
not  be  until  after  several  profitable  voyages  ;  and  though,  on  the 
average,  privateering  was  a  business  in  which  the  losses  equalled 
the  gains,  yet  the  chances  of  success  were  as  great  as  the  risks, 
and  it  was  a  kind  of  gambling  which  appealed  peculiarly  to  adven- 
turous spirits.  The  commerce  destroying  put  a  severe  strain  on 
the  British  mercantile  and  seafaring  communities. 

Nevertheless,  admitting  and  emphasising  all  this  does  not  mean 
the  admission  that  privateering  was  the  way  in  which  America 
could  best  have  used  her  strength.  The  privateers  did  great  and 
real  damage  to  England,  and  though  at  first  they  caused  more 
irritation  than  alarm,  they  inflicted  such  punishment  upon  the 
merchants  and  the  seamen  as  materially  to  increase  the  disposition 
of  the  British  for  peace.  But  what  they  accomplished  cannot  be 
compared  with  what  was  accomplished  by  the  British  Navy.  The 


74  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1813. 

American  privateers  harassed  the  commerce  of  England,  but  the 
British  blockading  fleet  destroyed  the  commerce  of  America.  The 
ravages  of  the  one  inclined  the  British  people  to  peace ;  but 
the  steady  pressure  of  the  other  caused  such  a  bitter  revolt  against 
the  war  in  parts  of  America  as  nearly  to  produce  a  civil  conflict. 
The  very  success  of  the  privateers  was  a  damage  to  the  American 
navy,  for  all  the  seamen  wished  to  enlist  on  board  them  instead  of 
on  board  the  regular  ships  of  war.  Eegular  ships  were  better 
commerce  destroyers,  and,  above  all,  battleships  would  have  ac- 
complished far  more,  had  the  energies  of  the  nation  been  turned 
towards  their  production  instead  of  to  the  production  of  private 
armed  ships.  In  the  coast  towns  the  number  of  seamen  who  served 
on  board  the  privateers  could  have  manned  scores  of  fast  govern- 
ment vessels  built  on  the  same  lines ;  and,  as  these  vessels  would 
not  have  tried  to  save  their  prizes,  they  would  have  inflicted  more 
damage  on  the  enemy.  Undoubtedly  this  would  have  been  an 
advantage  so  far  as  it  went ;  and  perhaps,  after  the  outbreak  of  the 
.war,  it  was  too  late  to  try  to  build  a  great  fighting  fleet.  But  in 
reality  what  was  needed  was  an  infinitely  more  radical  change. 
The  substitution  of  the  government  commerce  destroyer  for  the 
privateer  would  have  done  some  good,  but  it  could  not  have 
accomplished  anything  decisive.  What  was  needed  was  the  substi- 
tution for  all  these  commerce  destroyers  of  a  great  fighting  fleet. 
Such  a  fleet  by  its  mere  existence  would  doubtless  have  prevented 
the  war.  It  would  certainly,  if  handled  as  well  as  the  frigates, 
sloops,  and  privateers  were  handled,  have  prevented  a  blockade, 
even  if  war  had  been  declared ;  and  American  commerce,  instead 
of  being  destroyed  outright,  would  merely  have  suffered  heavily, 
just  as  the  British  commerce  suffered.  The  men  employed  in  the 
privateers  would  have  manned  enough  ships  of  the  line  to  have 
brought  all  this  about.  A  fighting  fleet  would  have  prevented 
the  losses  and  humiliations  which  the  commerce  destroyers  were 
utterly  powerless  to  avert.  Moreover,  it  would  have  done  more 
real  and  lasting  damage  than  the  commerce  destroyers  could 
possibly  do.  Commerce  destroying  was  a  makeshift.  It  was  a 
very  useful  makeshift,  and  much  good  came  from  the  way  in  which 
it  was  utilised ;  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  it  was  only  a 
makeshift,  and  that  the  commerce  destroyers  were  in  no  sense 
satisfactory  substitutes  for  great  fighting  ships  of  the  line,  fitted 
to  wrest  victory  from  the  enemy  by  destroying  his  powers,  both  of 


IBIS.]  THE  "CHESAPEAKE:'  75 

offence  and  defence,  and  able  to  keep  the  war  away  from  the  home 
coasts. 

The  reverses  which  the  British  Navy  had  encountered  in  all  the 
earlier  sea  fights  were  mortifying  to  a  degree.  It  was  now  the  turn 
of  the  Americans  to  suffer  similar  mortifications.  Perhaps  the  chief 
cause  of  the  British  disasters  had  been  an  ignorant  self-confidence 
combined  with  an  equally  ignorant  contempt  of  the  enemy,  which 
rendered  the  British  indifferent  to  odds,  and  indifferent  also  to  that 
thorough  training  which  could  alone  make  their  ships  into  efficient 
fighting  machines.  The  same  undue  self-confidence  and  undue 
disregard  for  the  prowess  of  the  enemy  were  now  to  cause  the 


CAPTAIN   JAMES   LAWEENCE,    U.S.K. 
(From  an  engraving  by  Edwin.) 

Americans  the  loss  of  one  of  their  frigates  and  the  death  of  one  of 
their  most  gallant  captains. 

In  May,  1812,  Captain  James  Lawrence,  the  commander  of 
the  Hornet,  was  promoted  to  the  command  of  the  Chesapeake,  38, 
which  was  being  fitted  out  at  Boston.  Her  crew  had  just  been 
discharged,  and,  as  she  was  regarded  as  an  unlucky  ship,  and  as 
there  had  been  much  dissatisfaction  over  their  failure  to  get  prize 
money,  many  of  the  crew  refused  to  re-enlist,  preferring  to  ship 
in  some  of  the  numerous  privateers.  A  few  of  the  Constitution's 
old  crew  came  on  board,  and  those,  and  the  men  who  had  been  in 
the  Chesapeake  during  her  former  voyage,  were  excellent  material. 
The  rest  were  raw  hands,  including  an  unusually  large  number  of 


76  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

foreigners.  About  forty  of  these  were  British.  There  were  also 
a  number  of  Portuguese,  one  of  whom,  a  boatswain's  mate,  almost 
brought  about  a  mutiny  among  the  crew,  which  was  only  pacified 
by  giving  the  men  prize  cheques.  The  last  draft  of  the  new 
hands  was  not  only  entirely  untrained,  but  also  came  on  board  so 
late  that  when  the  ship  was  captured  their  hammocks  and  bags 
were  still  lying  in  the  boats  stowed  over  the  booms.  A  man  like 
Lawrence  would  speedily  have  got  such  a  crew  into  shape.  A  cruise 
of  a  very  few  weeks  would  doubtless  have  enabled  him  to  put  the 
ship  in  as  good  trim  as  the  Hornet  was  when  under  his  command. 
But  she  was  in  no  condition  to  meet  an  exceptionally  good  frigate 
before  she  was  eight  hours  out  of  port.  Even  his  officers,  with 
one  exception,  were  new  to  the  ship,  and  the  third  and  fourth 
lieutenants  were  not  regularly  commissioned  as  such,  but  were  only 
midshipmen,  acting  for  the  first  time  in  higher  positions.  Lawrence 
himself  was  of  course  new  to  both  the  officers  and  the  crew. 

In  such  circumstances  it  was  clearly  his  duty  to  try  to  avoid  an 
encounter  with  the  enemy  until  his  ship  should  be  in  good  condition 
to  fight.  Unfortunately  for  him,  however,  his  experiences  in  the 
war  had  given  him  the  same  unreasonable  feeling  of  superiority  over 
his  foes  as  the  latter  had  themselves  felt  a  year  earlier.  He  had 
spent  three  weeks  in  blockading  a  sloop-of-war,  the  Bonne  Citoyenne, 
which  was  of  equal  force  with  his  own,  and  which  yet  resolutely 
declined  to  fight.  He  had  captured  another  sloop-of-war  which 
was,  it  is  true,  inferior  in  force,  but  which  was  also  infinitely 
inferior  in  point  of  fighting  efficiency ;  and  this  capture  had  been 
made  in  spite  of  the  presence  of  another  sloop-of-war,  which,  never- 
theless, did  not  venture  out  to  attack  him.  He  had,  as  he  deemed, 
good  ground  to  believe  that  his  foes  were  so  much  inferior  in 
prowess  as  to  make  success  almost  certain.  Indeed,  had  the  frigate 
which  he  was  about  to  attack  been  no  more  formidable,  as  regards 
the  skill  of  her  captain  and  the  training  of  her  crew,  than  the  ships 
which  the  Americans  had  hitherto  encountered,  Lawrence's  conduct 
might  very  possibly  have  been  justified  by  the  result. 

But  the  British  frigate  Shannon,  38,  which  was  then  cruising 
off  Boston  harbour,  was  under  Captain  Philip  Bowes  Vere  Broke, 
who  had  commanded  her  for  seven  years,  and  who  was  one  of  the 
ablest  captains  in  the  British  service.  A  British  naval  historian 
has  explained  why  it  was  that  the  Shannon  proved  herself  so  much 
more  formidable  than  her  sister  frigates. 


1813.]  PHILIP  BOWES    VERB  BROKE.  77 

"  There  was  another  point  in  which  the  generality  of  the  British  crews,  as  compared 
with  any  one  American  crew,  were  miserably  deficient:  that  is,  skill  in  the  art  of 
gunnery.  While  the  American  seamen  were  constantly  firing  at  marks,  the  British 
seamen,  except  in  particular  cases,  scarcely  did  so  once  in  a  year ;  and  some  ships  could 
be  named  on  board  which  not  a  shot  had  been  fired  in  this  way  for  upward  of  three 
years.  Nor  was  the  fault  wholly  the  captain's.  The  instructions  under  which  he  was 
bound  to  act  forbade  him  to  use,  during  the  first  six  months  after  the  ship  had  received 
her  armament,  more  shots  per  month  than  amounted  to  a  third  in  number  of  the  upper- 
deck  guns ;  and  after  these  six  months  only  half  the  quantity.  Many  captains  never 
put  a  shot  in  the  guns  till  an  enemy  appeared ;  they  employed  the  leisure  time  of  the 
men  in  handling  the  sails  and  in  decorating  the  ship." 


BEAR-ADMIRAL   SIR    PHILl?   BOWES    VEKE    BKOKE,    BAET.,    K.C.B. 
(.From  Bloods  lithograph  after  a  portrait  painted  about  1814,  ichen  Broke  teas  a  Post-Captain.) 

Captain  Broke  was  not  one  of  this  kind. 

"  From  the  day  on  which  he  had  joined  her,  the  14th  of  September,  1806,  the 
Shannon  began  to  feel  the  effect  of  her  captain's  proficiency  as  a  gunner,  and  zeal  for 
the  service.  The  laying  of  the  ship's  ordnance  so  that  it  may  be  correctly  fired  in  a 
horizontal  direction  is  justly  deemed  a  most  important  operation,  as  upon  it  depends  in 
a  great  measure  the  true  aim  and  destructive  effect  of  every  future  shot  she  may  fire. 
On  board  the  Shannon,  at  her  first  outfit,  this  was  attended  to  by  Captain  Broke  in 

person By  draughts  from  other  ships,  and  the  usual  means  to  which  a  British 

man-of-war  is  obliged  to  resort,  the  Shannon  got  together  a  crew ;  and  in  the  course  of 
a  year  or   two,  by  the  paternal  care  and  excellent  regulations  of  Captain  Broke,  an 


78  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

undersized,  not  very  well  disposed,  and,  in  point  of  age,  rather  motley  ship's  company 
became  as  pleasant  to  command  as  they  would  have  been  dangerous  to  meet."  ' 

The  Shannon's  guns  were  all  carefully  sighted  ;  and,  moreover, 
"  every  day,  for  about  an  hour  and  a  half  in  the  forenoon,  when 
not  prevented  by  chase  or  the  state  of  the  weather,  the  men  were 
exercised  at  training  the  guns,  and  for  the  same  time  in  the  after- 
noon in  the  use  of  the  broad-sword,  pike,  musket,  etc.  Twice  a 
week  the  crew  fired  at  targets,  both  with  great  guns  and  with 
musketry ;  and  Captain  Broke,  as  an  additional  stimulus  beyond  the 
emulation  excited,  gave  a  pound  of  tobacco  to  every  man  that  put 
a  shot  through  the  bull's-eye."  He  would  frequently  have  a  cask 
thrown  overboard,  and  suddenly  order  some  one  gun  to  be  manned 
to  sink  the  cask. 

Captain  Broke  had  sent  a  challenge  to  Captain  Lawrence,  ex- 
pressing a  willingness  to  meet  the  latter  in  a  duel  in  any  latitude  and 
longitude  he  might  appoint ;  for  Broke  did  not  expect  to  be  given 
the  great  advantage  of  meeting  his  antagonist  just  as  the  latter  was 
leaving  port,  and  before  her  crew  were  in  fighting  trim  ;  and  he 
possessed  a  justifiable  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  ship  which 
he  commanded  to  hold  her  own  in  any  circumstances.  It  may  be 
mentioned  that  this  letter  of  challenge  was  worthy  of  the  gallant 
writer,  being  a  model  of  courtesy,  manliness,  and  candour.  Un- 
fortunately for  Lawrence,  he  never  received  it ;  and  he  stood  out 
to  engage  the  Shannon  at  mid-day  of  June  1st,  1813. 2  Afterwards 
it  was  alleged  that  he  engaged  against  his  judgment ;  but  this  was 
undoubtedly  not  the  case.  The  British  frigate  was  in  sight  in 
the  offing,  and  he  sailed  out  to  attack  her  in  the  confident  hope  of 
victory. 

The  two  ships  were  very  evenly  matched,  but  what  superiority 
there  was  was  on  the  American  side.  The  Chesapeake  carried  fifty 
guns — twenty-eight  long  18's  on  the  gun-deck,  and,  on  the  spar- 
deck  two  long  12's,  one  long  18,  one  12-pr.  carronade,  and  eighteen 
32-pr.  carronades.  There  were  on  board  her  379  men  all  told. 
The  Shannon  carried  fifty-two  guns — twenty-eight  long  18's  on 
the  gun-deck,  and,  on  the  spar-deck,  four  long  9's,  one  long  6, 
three  12-pr.  carronades,  and  sixteen  32-pr.  carronades,  with  a  crew 
of  330  men.  In  guns  the  two  ships  were  practically  equal,  but 

1  James,  vi.  196  (Ed.  1837). 

2  Navy  Department  MSS.,  'Captains'  Letters,'  vol.  xxix.  No.  1;  Lawrence's  letter, 
June  1st,  1813. 


1813.]  THE  "SHANNON"   AND    THE  "CHESAPEAKE."  79 

in  crew  the  Americans  were  superior  by  fifty  men,  which,  in  an 
engagement  at  close  quarters,  ought  to  have  given  them  the 
upper  hand,  if  the  two  crews  had  been  likewise  equal  in  fighting 
capacity.1 

At  noon  the  Chesapeake  weighed  anchor,  stood  out  of  Boston 
harbour,  and  an  hour  later  rounded  the  lighthouse.  The  Shannon 
stood  off  under  easy  sail.  She  reefed  her  topsails,  and  alternately 
hauled  up  and  again  bore  away.  With  her  foresail  brailed  up,  and  her 
maintop-sail  braced  flat  and  shivering,  she  surged  slowly  through 
the  quiet  seas,  while  the  Chesapeake  came  down  with  towering 
canvas,  and  the  white  water  breaking  under  her  bow.  When  Boston 
lighthouse  bore  west,  distant  six  leagues,  the  Shannon  again  hauled 
up,  with  her  head  to  the  south-east,  and  lay-to  under  fighting  canvas, 
stripped  to  her  topsails,  topgallant-sails,  jib,  and  spanker.  The 
breeze  freshened,  and  as  the  Chesapeake,  neared  her  foe,  she  took  in 
her  studding-sails,  topgallant-sails,  and  royals,  got  her  royal  yards  on 
deck,  and  came  down  very  fast  under  topsails  and  jib.  At  5.30  P.M., 
to  keep  under  command  and  be  able  to  wear  if  necessary,  the 
Shannon  put  her  helm  alternately  a-lee  and  a-weather,  first  keeping 
a  close  luff,  and  then  again  letting  the  sails  shiver.  The  Chesapeake 
had  hauled  up  her  foresail ;  and,  with  three  ensigns  flying,  she 
steered  straight  for  the  Shannons  starboard  quarter.  For  a  moment 
Broke  feared  lest  his  adversary  might  pass  under  the  Shannon's 
stern,  rake  her,  and  engage  her  on  the  quarter;  but  the  American 
captain  sought  only  a  yardarm  and  yardarin  action,  to  be  decided  by 
sheer  ability  to  give  and  take  punishment.  He  luffed  up  fifty  yards 
from  the  Shannon's  starboard  quarter,  and  squared  his  mainyard. 
On  board  the  Shannon  the  captain  of  the  14th  gun,  William 
Mindham,  had  been  ordered  not  to  fire  until  it  bore  into  the 
second  main-deck  port  forward.  At  5.50  it  was  fired,  and  then  the 
other  guns  in  quick  succession  from  abaft  forward,  the  Chesapeake 
replying  with  her  whole  broadside.  At  5.53,  Lawrence,  finding  that 
he  was  forging  ahead,  hauled  up  a  little.  The  Chesapeake's  guns 
did  murderous  damage,  but  the  ship  herself  suffered  even  more. 
The  men  in  the  Shannon's  tops  could  hardly  see  the  deck  of  the 
American  frigate  through  the  cloud  of  shivered  and  splintered 
wreck  that  was  flying  across  it.  Man  after  man  was  killed  at  the 
wheel ;  the  fourth  lieutenant,  the  master,  and  the  boatswain  fell ; 

1  Letters  of  Lieutenant  George  Budd  and  Captain  Broke,  and  Brighton's  '  Memoir 
of  Admiral  Broke.' 


80  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

and,  six  minutes  after  the  first  gun  had  been  fired,  the  jib-sheet 
and  foretop-sail  tie  were  shot  away,  and  the  spanker  brails  loosened 
so  that  the  sails  blew  out,  and  the  ship  came  up  into  the  wind 
somewhat.  Her  quarter  was  then  exposed  to  her  antagonist's 
broadside,  which  beat  in  her  stern  ports  and  swept  the  men  from 
the  after-guns.  One  of  the  arms-chests  on  the  quarter-deck  was 
blown  up  by  a  hand-grenade  thrown  from  the  Shannon,  the  smoke 
shrouding  everything  from  sight  for  a  moment.1  Broke  saw  that 
the  Chesapeake  had  stern-way  on  and  was  paying  slowly  off;  so 
he  put  his  helm  a-starboard  and  shivered  his  mizen-topsail,  to 
keep  off  the  wind  and  delay  the  boarding.  But  at  that  moment 
the  Shannon's  jib-stay  was  shot  away  (for  some  of  the  Chesapeake 's 
guns  still  bore),  and,  her  headsails  becoming  becalmed,  she  went  off 
very  slowly.  In  consequence,  at  six  o'clock,  the  two  frigates  fell 
on  board  one  another,  the  Chesapeake' s  quarter  pressing  upon  the 
Shannon's  side  just  forward  of  the  starboard  main-chains ;  and  they 
were  kept  in  this  position  by  the  fluke  of  the  Shannon's  anchor 
catching  in  the  Chesapeake's  quarter  port. 

The  Shannon's  crew  had  suffered  severely,  and  her  decks  were 
running  thick  with  blood ;  but  the  trained  and  seasoned  seamen 
stood  to  their  work  with  grim  indifference.  Broke  ran  forward  as 
the  frigates  ground  against  one  another.  He  saw  that  the  Americans 
were  flinching  from  their  quarter-deck  guns,  and  at  once  ordered  the 
ships  to  be  lashed  together,  the  great  guns  to  cease  firing,  and  the 
boarders  to  be  called.  The  boatswain,  Mr.  Stevens,  who  had 
fought  in  Rodney's  action,  was  foremost  in  fastening  the  frigates 
together,  though,  as  he  finished  his  work,  an  American  seaman 
hacked  his  right  arm  off  with  a  blow  from  a  cutlass. 

All  was  confusion  and  dismay  on  board  the  Chesapeake. 
Lieutenant  Augustus  Charles  Ludlow  had  been  mortally  wounded 
and  carried  below.  Lawrence  himself,  while  standing  on  the 
quarter-deck,  fatally  conspicuous  by  his  full-dress  uniform  and  com- 
manding stature,  was  shot  as  the  vessels  closed  by  Lieutenant  John 
Law  of  the  Royal  Marines.  He  fell  dying,  and  was  carried  below, 
exclaiming,  "Don't  give  up  the  ship" — a  phrase  that  has  since 
become  proverbial  among  his  countrymen.  The  acting  third  lieu- 
tenant, a  midshipman,  who  was  a  devoted  admirer  of  Lawrence, 
helped  to  carry  him  below,  instead  of  remaining  at  his  post  as  he 

1  Navy   Department  MSS.,  "  Captains'  Letters,"  vol.  xxix.  No.  10 ;  Bainbridge's 
letter,  June  2nd,  1833: 


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1813.]  THE  "SHANNON"   AND    THE  "CHESAPEAKE."  81 

should  have  done.1  When  he  returned  it  was  too  late.  Indeed, 
one  or  two  of  the  younger  officers  were  stunned  and  demoralised 
by  the  succession  of  disasters. 

While  the  confusion  was  at  its  height,  Captain  Broke  stepped 
from  the  Shannon's  gangway  rail  on  to  the  muzzle  of  the  Chesa- 
peake's  aftermost  carronade,  and  thence  over  the  bulwark  on  to  her 
quarter-deck,  followed  by  about  twenty  men.  As  the  British  came 
on  board,  the  men  on  the  Chesapeake  s  spar-deck,  who  had  suffered 
more  heavily  than  any  others,  whose  officers  had  all  been  killed 
or  wounded,  and  who  had  not  the  discipline  to  take  unmoved  such 
heavy  punishment,  deserted  their  quarters.  The  Portuguese  boat- 
swain's mate  removed  the  gratings  of  the  berth-deck  and  ran  below, 
followed  by  many  of  the  crew.  On  the  quarter-deck,  almost  the  only 
man  who  made  any  resistance  was  the  chaplain,  Mr.  Samuel  Liver- 
more,  who  advanced,  firing  his  pistol  at  Broke ;  and  Broke  in  return 
cut  him  down  with  a  single  stroke.  On  the  upper-deck  the  only  men 
who  behaved  well  were  the  marines  ;  but  of  their  original  number  of 
forty-four  men,  fourteen,  including  Lieutenant  James  Broom  and 
Corporal  Dixon,  were  dead,  and  twenty,  including  Sergeants  Twin 
and  Harris,  wounded ;  so  that  there  were  left  but  one  corporal  and 
nine  men,  several  of  whom  had  been  knocked  down  and  bruised, 
though  they  were  later  reported  unwounded.  There  was  thus  hardly 
any  resistance,  Captain  Broke  stopping  his  men  for  a  moment  until 
they  were  joined  by  the  rest  of  the  boarders  under  Lieutenants 
George  Thomas  L.  Watt  and  Charles  Leslie  Falkiner.  The  Chesa- 
peake's  mizen-top  men  began  firing  at  the  boarders,  mortally 
wounding  Midshipman  John  Sam  well,  and  killing  Lieutenant  Watt; 
but  one  of  the  Shannon's  long  9's  was  pointed  at  the  top  and  cleared 
it  out,  being  assisted  by  the  British  main-top  men  under  Midshipman 
Cosnahan.  At  the  same  time  the  men  in  the  Chesapeake 's  main-top 
were  driven  out  of  it  by  the  fire  of  the  Shannon's  fore-top  men  under 
Midshipman  William  Smith  (5). 

The  Americans  on  the  main-deck  now  for  the  first  time  learned 
that  the  British  had  boarded,  as  the  upper-deck  men  came  crowding 
down ;  and  Lieutenant  George  Budd  sprang  up,  calling  on  his  people 
to  follow  him.  A  dozen  veterans  tumbled  up  after  him,  and,  as  they 

1  See  minutes  of  court-martial  on  the  loss  of  the  Chesapeake,  given  in  Ingersoll, 
i.  396. 

VOL.   VI.  G 


82  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

reached  the  spar-deck,  Budd  led  them  against  the  British  who  were 
coming  along  the  gangways.  For  a  moment,  under  the  surprise  of 
the  attack,  the  assailants  paused,  the  British  purser,  Mr.  George 
Aldham,  and  Captain's  Clerk,  Mr.  John  Dunn,  being  killed  ;  but  they 
rallied  at  once,  and  the  handful  of  Americans  were  cut  down  or  dis- 
persed, Lieutenant  Budd  being  wounded  and  knocked  down  the  main 
hatchway.  "The  enemy,"  wrote  Captain  Broke,  "fought  desperately, 
but  in  disorder."  Lieutenant  Ludlow,  already  mortally  wounded, 
heard  the  shouts  and  the  stamping  overhead,  and  he  struggled  up  on 
deck,  sword  in  hand.  Two  or  three  men  followed  him ;  but  the  rush 
of  the  boarders  swept  them  away  like  chaff,  and  the  dying  Ludlow 
was  hewn  down  as  he  fought.  On  the  forecastle  a  few  seamen  and 
marines  turned  at  bay.  Captain  Broke  was  still  leading  his  men 
with  the  same  brilliant  personal  courage  which  he  had  all  along 
shown.  Attacking  the  first  American,  who  was  armed  with  a  pike, 
he  parried  a  blow  from  it  and  cut  down  the  man ;  attacking  another, 
he  was  himself  cut  down,  and  only  saved  by  the  seaman  Mindham, 
already  mentioned,  who  slew  his  assailant.  One  of  the  American 
marines  brained  an  Englishman  with  his  clubbed  musket ;  and  so 
stubborn  was  the  resistance  of  the  little  group,  that,  for  a  moment, 
the  assailants  recoiled ;  but  immediately  afterwards  they  closed  in 
and  slew  their  foes  to  a  man.  The  British  fired  a  volley  or  two 
down  the  hatchway,  in  response  to  a  couple  of  shots  fired  up, 
whereupon  all  resistance  came  to  an  end ;  and  at  6.5,  just  fifteen 
minutes  after  the  first  gun  had  been  fired,  and  not  five  minutes  after 
Captain  Broke  had  boarded,  the  colours  of  the  Chesapeake  were 
struck.  Of  her  crew  sixty-one  were  killed  or  mortally  wounded, 
including  her  captain,  her  first  and  fourth  lieutenants,  the  lieutenant 
of  marines,  the  master,  boatswain,  and  three  midshipmen ;  and 
eighty-five  were  severely  or  slightly  wounded,  including  both  her 
other  lieutenants,  five  midshipmen,  and  the  chaplain  :  a  total  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight.  Of  the  Shannon's  men,  thirty-three  were 
killed  outright  or  died  of  their  wounds,  including  her  first  Lieutenant, 
George  Thomas  L.  Watt ;  Purser,  George  Aldham  ;  Captain's  Clerk, 
John  Dunn ;  and  Midshipman  John  Samwell ;  and  fifty  were 
wounded,  including  the  Captain  himself  and  the  Boatswain,  Mr. 
William  Stevens :  total,  eighty-three.  The  Chesapeake  was  taken 
into  Halifax,  where  Captain  Lawrence  and  Lieutenant  Ludlow  were 
both  buried  with  military  honours.  Captain  Broke  was  made  a 


1813.] 


LOSSES    OF   THE   COMBATANTS. 


83 


baronet,  very   deservedly,  and  Lieutenants  Wallis1  and  Falkiner2 
were  both  made  commanders. 

The  battle  had  been  as  bloody  as  it  was  brief.  When  the 
Chesapeake  surrendered,  her  crew  had  suffered  a  much  heavier 
relative  loss  than  the  crews  of  the  Guerriere,  the  Macedonian,  or 


PROVO    WILLIAM   PARRY   WALLIS,   JET.    22. 
(By  permission,  from  an  engraving,  published  in  the  "  Straml  Magazine,"  after  a  portrait  painted  in  1813.) 


SIGNATURE   OF   SIR   PROVO    WILLIAM   PARRY    WALLIS,    O.C.B.,    ADMIRAL   OF   THE   FLEET. 
(From  a  letter  written  to  the  Author  on  June  2nd,  1890,  when  Sir  Prom  was  in  hit  100th  near.) 

even   the  Java.     The   Shannon  had   not   only  suffered   a  heavier 
loss  than  befell  the  victorious  ship  in  any  other  single  ship  duel  of 

1  Prove  William  Parry  Wallis  :  born,  1T91  ;    Lieutenant,  1808  ;  Commander,  1813  ; 
Captain,  1819  ;  Rear-  Admiral,  1851  ;  Vice-  Admiral,  1857  ;  Admiral,  1863  ;  Admiral  of 
the  Fleet,  1877  ;  died  senior  of  that  rank,  and  G.C.B.,  February  13th,  1892,  being  in 
his  hundred  and  first  year.     (Life  by  Bright.)—  W.  L.  C. 

2  Charles   Leslie   Falkiner  :  born,  1791  ;  Lieutenant,   1810  ;    Commander,   1813  ; 
retired  with  the  rank  of  Captain,  1848  ;  succeeded  his  brother  as  a  Baronet  ;  died,  1858 
—  W.  L.  C. 

G  2 


84  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

the  war,  but  had  also  suffered  a  loss  as  severe  as  that  which  had  been 
held  to  justify  the  surrender  of  more  than  one  vessel — the  Argus  and 
the  Epervier,  for  instance,  and  even  the  Guerriere.  The  action  was 
fought  at  such  close  quarters  and  under  such  conditions  that  there 
was  no  room  for  manoeuvring,  and,  so  far  as  the  first  broadside  was 
concerned,  no  room  for  display  of  any  very  great  difference  in  gunnery, 
provided  each  side  was  moderately  efficient.  Beyond  question, 
Broke's  men  were  far  more  skilful  in  the  handling  of  the  guns ; 
but  this  was  only  one  of  the  factors  which  went  to  make  up  the 
victory.  It  was  a  terrific,  punishing  fight,  entered  into  on  conditions 
that  ensured  the  taking  as  well  as  the  giving  of  very  hard  blows. 
Such  a  fight  is  not  merely  a  test  of  pluck  :  it  is  a  test,  above  all 
others,  of  training  and  discipline,  and  of  cool-headed  readiness  to 
repair  injuries  and  take  advantage  of  shifting  opportunities.  The 
heavy  loss  on  board  the  Shannon  did  not  confuse  or  terrify  the 
thoroughly  trained  men,  disciplined  to  place  implicit  reliance  in  their 
leaders.  A  somewhat  greater  loss  on  board  the  Chesapeake  dis- 
heartened the  raw  hands  among  the  crew,  and  created  such  confusion 
that  there  was  no  immediate  readiness  to  remedy  any  temporary 
disaster ;  while  even  the  officers,  being  new  to  one  another  and  to 
the  ship,  and  some  of  them  being  very  young,  were  not  able  to  do 
their  best.  American  writers  have  been  fond  of  saying  that  the 
defeat  of  the  Chesapeake  was  due  to  accident,  especially  to  the  loss 
of  the  jib-sheet  and  foretop-sail  tie,  which  brought  her  up  into  the 
wind,  and  exposed  her  to  a  raking  fire.  This  statement  is  simply 
not  true.  Such  accidents  are  bound  to  occur  in  battle;  and  a  skilled 
captain  and  crew  will  remedy  them  when  they  occur  in  their  own 
ship,  and  will  take  advantage  of  them  when  they  occur  to  the 
enemy.  The  victory  was  not  in  the  slightest  degree  to  be  attributed 
to  accident,1  though  it  may  have  been  slightly  hastened  by  it. 
Trained  skill  and  good  discipline  won,  as  they  had  so  often  won 
before.  There  was  no  lack  of  courage  on  the  defeated  side ;  the 
heavy  death-roll  shows  that.  Nearly  every  American  officer  was 
killed  or  wounded,  and  so  were  three-fourths  of  the  marines,  and 
half  the  veterans  of  the  crew. 

Nor  did  the  boarding  win  the  victory.  When  the  ships  came 
together  the  Chesapeake  was  already  beaten  at  the  guns.  She  had 
been  struck,  all  told,  by  three  hundred  and  sixty-two  shot  of  every 

1  Cooper  is  of  little  use  for  this  action ;  and  the  "  accident "  theory  is  a  favourite 
with  most  American  writers. 


1813.]  JUB1EN  DE  LA    GRAVIERES   COMMENTS.  85 

description,  and  the  Shannon,  by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight. 
Had  the  ships  not  come  together,  the  fight  would  have  been  longer, 
and  the  loss  greater  and  more  nearly  equal ;  but  the  result  would 
have  been  the  same.  The  Chesapeake's  crew  had  been  together  and 
on  board  her  only  as  many  hours  as  the  Shannon  s  had  been  years, 
and  the  result  was  what  might  have  been  foreseen,  when  the 
Captain  of  the  Shannon  had  spent  his  time  to  such  good  advantage 
in  training  his  crew.  It  is  worth  noticing  that  the  only  thoroughly 
disciplined  set  of  men  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  the  marines,  behaved 
with  superb  courage  and  fought  to  the  last,  very  few  of  them 
escaping  entirely  unscathed.  Complaint  was  made  at  the  time 
against  the  Portuguese  and  other  foreigners  among  the  crew,  and 
notably  against  the  Portuguese  boatswain's  mate.  It  appears  that  at 
the  time  of  the  boarding  they  did  not  do  very  well,  the  boatswain's 
mate  in  particular  showing  cowardice ;  but  it  is  idle  to  ascribe  the 
defeat  in  any  way  to  their  action.  The  Chesapeake  was  beaten 
before  the  boarding  took  place ;  and  her  men  had  suffered  too  severe 
a  loss,  and  were  too  demoralised,  to  oppose  successful  resistance  to 
gallant  Captain  Broke  and  his  veterans. 

Admiral  de  La  Graviere  comments  on  this  fight  as  follows,  and 
his  criticism  is  entirely  just : — 

"  It  is  impossible  to  avoid  seeing  in  the  capture  of  the  Chesapeake  a  new  proof  of 
the  enormous  power  of  a  good  organisation,  when  it  has  received  the  consecration  of  a 
few  years'  actual  service  on  the  sea.  On  this  occasion,  in  effect,  two  captains  equally 
renowned,  the  honour  of  two  navies,  were  opposed  to  each  other  in  two  ships  of  the  same 
tonnage  and  number  of  guns.  Never  had  the  chances  seemed  better  balanced ;  but  Sir 
Philip  Broke  had  commanded  the  Shannon  for  nearly  seven  years,  while  Captain 
Lawrence  had  only  commanded  the  Chesapeake  for  a  few  days.  The  first  of  these 
frigates  had  cruised  for  eighteen  months  on  the  coast  of  America;  the  second  was 
leaving  port.  One  had  a  crew  long  accustomed  to  habits  of  strict  obedience ;  the  other 
was  manned  by  men  who  had  just  been  engaged  in  mutiny.  The  Americans  were 
wrong  to  accuse  fortune  on  this  occasion.  Fortune  was  not  fickle— she  was  merely 
logical.  The  Shannon  captured  the  Chesapeake  on  the  1st  of  June,  1813;  but  on  the 
14th  of  September,  1806,  the  day  when  he  took  command  of  his  frigate,  Captain  Broke 
had  begun  to  prepare  the  glorious  termination  of  this  bloody  affair." 

No  single  ship  action  of  the  war  attracted  greater  attention  than 
this,  and  none  reflected  greater  credit  on  the  victor.  After  five  ships 
in  succession  had  been  captured  in  single  fight  by  the  enemy, 
without  one  victory  to  relieve  the  defeats,  Captain  Broke,  in  sight  of 
the  enemy's  coast,  off  the  harbour  of  one  of  his  chief  seaports,  had 

1  '  Guerres  Maritimes,'  ii.  272. 


86  THE    WAS    WITH    THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

captured  single-handed  a  frigate  nominally  of  equal,  and  in  reality  of 
slightly  superior,  force.  He  himself  was  very  badly  wounded,  and 
was  never  again  able  to  go  into  active  service.1  His  victory  was 
celebrated  with  almost  extravagant  joy  throughout  Britain.  The 
exultation  of  the  British  was  as  great  as  had  been  their  previous 
depression.  No  other  British  Captain  has  ever  won  such  honour 
by  a  single  ship  action.  No  other  fight  between  frigates  has  ever 
been  so  enthusiastically  commemorated  by  the  victor's  countrymen. 
Captain  Broke  was  made  a  baronet.  Nelson,  for  the  battle  of  the 
Nile,  was  only  raised  to  the  lowest  rank  of  the  peerage ;  and  fifty 
years  later,  as  we  learn  from  '  Tom  Brown  at  Eugby,'  the  glory  of 
the  Shannon  and  her  commander  was  a  favourite  theme  for  song 
among  British  schoolboys. 

In  America  the  news  of  the  result  caused  widespread  grief  and 
dismay.  A  year  had  made  the  Americans  feel  the  same  unjustifiable 
self-confidence  that  the  British  had  felt  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
and  the  Shannon's  victory  shattered  the  one  as  the  frigate  and  sloop 
actions  of  1812  had  shattered  the  other.  In  each  case  the  exultation 
of  the  victors  was  an  unconscious  expression  of  the  high  esteem  in 
which  they  had  held  the  prowess  of  the  vanquished.  The  excite- 
ment caused  by  the  capture  of  the  Guerriere  was  proof  of  the 
commanding  position  of  the  British  Navy  ;  the  joy  over  the  capture 
of  the  Chesapeake  showed  the  point  to  which  the  prowess  of  the 
Americans  had  raised  the  general  estimate  of  American  ships- 
of-war. 

The  lesson  of  the  Chesapeake  was  not  to  stand  alone.  The 
American  brig  sloop  Argus,  16,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  William 
Henry  Allen,  had  crossed  the  ocean  in  June,  carrying  the  American 
minister  to  France.  On  July  14th,  1813,  she  put  out  again  from 
Lorient,  and  cruised  in  the  chops  of  the  English  Channel,  and  then 
along  the  coast  of  Cornwall  and  into  St.  George's  Channel.  She 
captured  and  burnt  ship  after  ship,  creating  the  greatest  consterna- 
tion among  the  merchants.  The  labour  was  very  severe,  the  men 
getting  hardly  any  rest.  On  the  night  of  August  13th  a  brig  laden 
with  wine  from  Oporto  was  taken,  and  many  of  the  crew  got  drunk. 
At  five  o'clock  on  the  following  morning,  a  large  brig-of-war,  which 
proved  to  be  the  British  brig  sloop  Pelican  under  Commander  John 

1  Philip  Bowes  Vere  Broke :  born,  1776 ;  Lieutenant,  1795  ;  Commander,  1799 ; 
Captain,  1801;  Baronet,  November  2nd,  1813;  K.C.B.,  January  2nd,  1815;  Rear- 
Admiral,  1830;  died,  1841.— W.  L.  0. 


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1813.]  THE  "PELICAN"   AND    THE  "ARQUS."  87 

Fordyce  Maples,1  was  descried   standing   down   under   a   cloud   of 
canvas.     St.  David's  Head  bore  east  five  leagues. 

The  Argus  was  a  very  swift  brig,  with  loftier  masts  and  longer 
spars  than  the  Pelican, though  the  latter  was  considerably  heavier;  and 
she  was  armed  only  with  24-pr.  carronades  as  against  the  32's  of  the 
Pelican.  The  odds  against  her  were  about  the  same  as  they  had  been 
against  the  Peacock  or  the  Java  ;  but  Allen,  who  had  been  Decatur's 
first  lieutenant  when  the  Macedonian  was  captured,  was  as  confident 
of  victory  as  Lawrence  had  been,  and  he  had  no  intention  of  taking 
advantage  of  his  superiority  of  speed  to  avoid  combat.  The  Argus 
shortened  sail  and  waited  until  the  Pelican  was  nearly  aft,  and  but  a 
pistol-shot  off.  Then,  at  6  A.M.,  she  wore  and  fired  her  port  guns,  the 
Pelican  responding  with  her  starboard  battery.2  Immediately  after 
the  beginning  of  the  action  a  round  shot  carried  off  Allen's  leg, 
inflicting  a  mortal  wound ;  but  he  stayed  on  deck  until  he  fainted 
from  loss  of  blood.  Soon  afterwards  the  first  lieutenant,  William 
Henry  Watson,  was  wounded  by  a  grape-shot  and  carried  below ;  and 
the  second  lieutenant,  Mr.  U.  H.  Allen,  was  left  to  fight  the  brig. 
The  firing  was  very  heavy,  especially  from  the  Pelican  ;  but  most  of 
it  went  high,  on  both  sides.  At  6.14  Commander  Maples  bore  up  to 
pass  astern  of  his  antagonist ;  but  Lieutenant  Allen  luffed  into  the 
wind  and  threw  the  maintop-sail  aback  so  as  to  come  square  across 
his  antagonist's  bows.  From  this  position  he  raked  the  Pelican 
with  his  broadside ;  but  the  guns  were  badly  aimed,  and  did  little 
damage.  The  ships  again  ran  off  side  by  side,  the  fire  continuing 
as  furiously  as  ever;  but  the  Argus  began  to  suffer  so  much  in  her 
rigging  that  she  became  unmanageable,  and  fell  off  before  the  wind. 
The  Pelican  then  passed  under  her  stern,  raked  her  heavily,  ranged 
up  on  her  starboard  quarter,  and  raked  her  again  and  again ;  for 
it  was  no  longer  possible  to  handle  her.  The  Argus  suffered 
heavily  aloft :  her  crew  escaped  without  severe  slaughter,  but 
began  to  show  symptoms  of  demoralisation,  not  behaving  as  well 
as  the  gallantry  and  seamanship  of  her  officers  would  seemingly 
have  warranted.  In  a  few  moments  the  Pelican  passed  her  foe's 
broadside,  and  took  a  position  on  her  starboard  bow.  At  6.45, 
three-quarters  of  an  hour  after  the  action  had  begun,  the  brigs  fell 

1  The  Pelican  had  anchored  at  Cork  on  August  12th,  after  a  cruise,  and  had  at 
once  been  ordered  to  sea  again  in  quest  of  the  Argus.    She  Lad,  therefore,  taken 
necessary  stores  on  board,  and  sailed  within  fourteen  hours. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Minutes  of  court  of  inquiry  into  loss  of  Argus,  March  1815. 


88  THE    WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED.  STATES,   1812-15.         [1813. 

together,  and  the  Argus  struck  just  as  the  British  were   about  to 
board.1 

The  Pelican  carried  twenty-one  guns,  including  sixteen  32-pound 
carronades,  four  long  6's,  and  one  12-pound  carronade.  The  Argus 
carried  twenty  guns — eighteen  24-pound  carronades  and  two  long 
12's.2  The  crew  of  the  Pelican  consisted  of  113  men,  the  crew 
of  the  Argus  of  104.  Seven  men  were  killed  and  wounded  in 
the  Pelican,  among  the  killed  being  Master's  Mate  William  Young, 
and  twenty-four  in  the  Argus.  Both  ships  were  tolerably  well 
cut  up.  The  difference  in  force  was  less  than  as  five  to  four ; 
whereas  the  difference  in  loss  was  greater  than  three  to  one.  In 
other  words,  the  Pelican  displayed  superiority  in  efficiency  as  well 
as  superiority  in  weight.  The  Argus  made  a  distinctly  poor  fight. 
She  did  not  inflict  much  damage,  and  though  the  officers  behaved 
well,  most  of  them  being  killed  or  wounded,  the  crew  had  lost  less 
than  a  fourth  of  their  number  when  they  surrendered.  The  Pelican 
herself  did  not  show  to  much  advantage,  her  gunnery  being  poor. 
In  short,  the  action  was  directly  the  reverse  of  that  between  the 
Chesapeake  and  the  Shannon.  Broke  won  because  he  did  even 
better  than  his  gallant  and  skilful  antagonist ;  but  the  Pelican  won, 
although  she  did  poorly,  because  her  antagonist  did  very  badly 
indeed.  The  shortcomings  of  the  Argus  have  never  been  adequately 
explained,  for  her  commander  was  a  man  of  proved  courage  and 
ability.  It  was  afterwards  stated  that  her  powder  was  poor,  and 
that  her  crew  were  over-tired,  and  some  of  them  intoxicated.3  It 
seems  evident  that  Lieutenant  Allen  had  become  over-confident,  and 
had  let  his  men  fall  off  in  their  gunnery,  and  yet  had  engaged  a 
heavier  antagonist  when  his  people  were  worn  out  with  fatigue.4 

1  Letter  of  Maples,  Aug.  14th,  1813. 

2  James  gives  the  armament  of  the  two  brigs  thus : — 

Pelican.  Argus. 


16     32-pr.  cam. 
2     long  6-prs. 


18     24-pr.  carrs. 
2     long  British  12-prs 


1  12-pr.  boat  carr.1 

2  brass  6-prs.1 

Broadside  weight  of  metal,  262  Ibs.  Broadside  weight  of  metal,  228  Ibs. 

1  Not  reckoned  as  part  of  the  broadside.     The  6-prs.  were  in  the  stern  ports,  where  they  inconvenienced  the 
niati  at  the  helm. 

2  The  12-pre.  were  in  her  bridle  ports,  and  not  in  her  broadside.  — W.  L.  C. 

3  Cooper ;  and  minutes  of  court  of  inquiry. 

*  Lieutenant  W.  H.  Allen,  of  the  Argus,  after  having  his  thigh  amputated,  died  at 
Plymouth  on  August  18th,  and  was  buried  there  on  the  21st.  Commander  Maples 
was  posted  on  August  23rd,  as  a  reward  for  his  success.  He  died,  after  retirement 
with  the  rank  of  Rear- Admiral,  in  1847.— W.  L.  C. 


1813.]  THE  "ENTERPRISE"   AND    THE  "BOXER.  89 

The  next  engagement  was  in  favour  of  the  Americans.  The 
only  one  of  the  small  American  gun-brigs  left  was  the  Enterprise, 
Lieutenant  William  Burrows.  Two  bow-chasers  had  been  crowded 
into  her  bridle-ports,  and  she  was  overmanned,  mounting  fourteen 
18-pr.  carronades  and  two  long  9's,  with  a  crew  of  120  men.  She 
was  a  very  lucky  little  vessel,  both  before  and  after  the  engagement 
now  to  be  told,  and,  though  a  dull  sailer,  of  weak  force,  she  managed 
to  escape  capture,  and  in  her  turn  captured  a  number  of  British 
privateers.  One  of  these  privateers,  mounting  fourteen  long  9's  with 
a  crew  of  seventy-nine  men,  showed  fight,  and  only  struck  after 
receiving  a  broadside  which  killed  and  wounded  four  of  her  crew. 
Later,  being  chased  by  a  frigate,  the  Enterprise  had  to  throw  over- 
board all  her  guns  but  two  in  order  to  escape. 

In  the  summer  of  1813  she  was  kept  cruising  off  the  eastern 
coast  to  harass  the  Nova  Scotian  and  New  Brunswick  privateers. 
On  September  5th,  while  standing  along  shore  near  Penguin  Point,  a 
few  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Portland,  Maine,  she  descried  at  anchor 
inside  the  British  gun-brig  Boxer,  Commander  Samuel  Blyth,  of 
about  her  own  size,  but  with  two  carronades  less,1  and  only  sixty- 
six  men  in  crew.  The  Boxer  at  once  hoisted  ensigns,  fore  and  aft, 
and  bore  up  for  the  Enterprise,  which  was  then  standing  in  on  the 
starboard  tack  ;  but,  when  the  two  brigs  were  still  four  miles  apart, 
it  fell  calm.2  At  mid-day  a  breeze  sprang  up  from  the  south-west, 
giving  the  Enterprise  the  weather-gage  ;  and  she  manoeuvred  for  some 
time  before  closing,  in  order  to  try  the  comparative  rates  of  sailing 
of  the  vessels.  At  3  P.M.  Lieutenant  Burrows  hoisted  three  ensigns, 
shortened  sail,  and  edged  away  towards  the  Boxer.  Commander  Blyth 
had  nailed  his  colours  to  the  mast,  telling  his  men  that  they  should 
never  be  struck  while  he  had  life  in  his  body ; 3  and  his  little  brig  was 
steered  gallantly  into  action.  Both  crews  were  in  good  spirits,  and 
they  cheered  loudly  as  the  brigs  neared  one  another.  At  a  quarter- 
past  three,  when  the  two  brigs  were  on  the  starboard  tack  not  a  half 
pistol-shot  apart,  they  opened  fire,  the  Americans  using  the  port, 
and  the  British,  the  starboard  guns.  Both  broadsides  were  very 
destructive,  and  the  two  commanders  fell  at  the  very  beginning  of 
the  action.  Commander  Blyth  was  killed  by  an  18-pound  shot,  which 
passed  through  his  body  while  he  was  standing  on  the  quarter-deck. 

1  The  Boxer,  moreover,  had  two  long  G's,  instead  of  long  9-prs. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Letter  of  Lieutenant  Edward  R.  McCall,  U.S.N.,  Sept.  5th,  1813. 

3  '  Naval  Chronicle,'  xxxii.  462. 


90 


THE    WAIi    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15. 


[1813. 


The  second  in  command,  Lieutenant  David  M'Creery,  continued 
to  fight  the  brig.  At  almost  the  same  time  Lieutenant  Burrows 
fell.  He  had  laid  hold  of  a  gun-tackle  fall  to  help  the  crew  of  a 
carronade  to  run  out  the  gun.  In  doing  so  he  raised  one  leg 
against  the  bulwark,  and  a  canister-shot  struck  his  thigh,  glancing 
into  his  body  and  inflicting  a  fearful  wound.1  In  spite  of  the  pain, 
he  refused  to  be  carried  below,  and  lay  on  the  deck  calling  out  to 
the  men,  and  cheering  them  to  the  fight.  Lieutenant  Edward  E. 


COMMANDER   SAMUEL    BLYTH,   B.N. 
(From  Blood's  portrait  in  the  "Naval  Chronicle"  1814.) 

M'Call  took  command  in  his  place.  After  a  quarter  of  an  hour's 
yardarm  and  yardarm  work,  the  Enterprise  ranged  ahead,  rounded 
to  on  the  starboard  tack,  and  raked  the  Boxer.  She  shot  away  the 
Boxer's  main  topmast  and  topsail-yard ;  but  the  British  crew  kept 
up  the  fight  bravely,  with  the  exception  of  four  men,  who  deserted 
their  quarters  and  were  afterwards  court-martialled  for  cowardice. 
However,  there  was  now  no  chance  of  success.  The  Enterprise  set 
her  foresail,  so  as  to  keep  on  the  starboard  bow  of  the  Boxer,  and 

1  Cooper,  ii.  259. 


1813.]  DEATH   OF  BLYTH.  91 

raked  her  until  she  surrendered,  half  an  hour  after  the  fight  began, 
she  being  then  entirely  unmanageable  and  defenceless.  Lieutenant 
Burrows  would  not  go  below  until  he  had  received  the  sword  of  his 
adversary,  when  he  exclaimed,  "  I  am  satisfied ;  I  die  contented." 

Both  brigs  had  suffered  severely,  especially  the  Boxer,  which 
had  been  hulled  repeatedly.  The  Enterprise  s  injuries  were  chiefly 
aloft.  The  difference  in  loss  of  men  was  less  than  the  difference  in 
damage  to  the  brigs.  Twelve  of  the  Americans  and  twenty-one  of 
the  British  were  killed  or  wounded.  The  British  court-martial  attri- 
buted the  defeat  of  the  Boxer  "  to  a  superiority  in  the  enemy's  force, 
principally  in  the  number  of  men,  as  well  as  to  a  greater  degree  of 
skill  in  the  direction  of  her  fire,  and  to  the  destructive  effects  of  the 
first  broadsides."1  The  main  factor  was  the  superiority  in  force, 
the  difference  in  loss  being  very  nearly  proportional  to  it.  Both 
sides  fought  with  equal  bravery ;  and  the  difference  in  skill,  though 
appreciable,  was  not  marked.  At  a  naval  dinner  given  at  New  York 
shortly  afterwards  one  of  the  toasts  offered  was,  "  The  crew  of  the 
Boxer;  enemies  by  law,  but  by  gallantry  brothers."  The  two 
commanders  were  both  buried  at  Portland  with  all  the  honours 
of  war.2 

The  fight  had  taken  place  so  close  to  the  shore  that  it  could  be 
both  seen  and  heard.  Among  those  who  listened  to  the  guns  was 
Longfellow,  who  long  afterwards  commemorated  the  battle  in  verse. 
Commander  Blyth  was  a  man  of  high  personal  courage,  noted  for  his 
gentleness  and  courtesy.  He  had  been  one  of  Captain  Lawrence's 
pall-bearers,  and,  shortly  before  his  death,  had  been  publicly  thanked 
by  the  militia  commander  of  one  of  the  Maine  districts  for  the 
kindness  and  humanity  which  he  had  shown  to  the  inhabitants. 

The  blockade  of  the  American  coast  as  a  whole  was  far  more 
important  than  any  of  the  single  ship  actions  ;  but  the  incidents  to 
relieve  the  monotony  were  so  few  that  there  is  little  to  chronicle 
beyond  the  fact  of  the  blockade  itself,  and  the  further  fact  that  it 
told  upon  every  article  which  any  American  bought  or  sold,  and  that 
it  put  every  man  to  such  trouble  and  inconvenience,  if  not  to  such 
positive  want,  as  to  cause  formidable  discontent.  It  was  the  mere 
presence  of  the  ships  that  accomplished  this — their  ceaseless  standing 

1  Minutes  of  court-martial  on  board  H.M.S.  Surprise,  Jan.  8th,  1814. 

2  Commander  Samuel  Blyth,  born  in  1783,  had  held  his  rank  since  September  5th, 
1811.     If  my  memory  of  the  spot  serves  me  aright,  a  single  tree  overshadows  the 
graves  of  both  commanders. — W.  L.  C. 


92  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

to  and  fro  off  the  coast  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  harbours.  American 
merchant  vessels  had  been  almost  driven  from  the  ocean,  although 
many  ran  in  and  out  of  the  New  England  ports,  until,  within  the 
closing  months  of  the  war,  the  blockade  was  applied  to  New  England 
also  in  all  its  rigour.  On  the  high  seas  the  British  took  many 
American  ships  ;  but  they  were  mostly  privateers,  or  the  prizes  of 
privateers,  for  there  were  not  many  merchantmen  to  capture.  No 
vigilance  by  the  blockading  squadrons  could  prevent  many  cruisers, 
public  and  private,  built  especially  to  run  and  to  fight,  from  slipping 
out  of  port;  and,  of  the  prizes,  enough  got  in  to  pay  well  in  a  certain 
proportion  of  cases  ;  but  mere  cargo  ships  had  to  undergo  such  risks 
that  they  could  only  be  compensated  for  by  trebling  and  quadrupling 
the  prices  of  the  cargoes.  The  weary  sameness  of  the  blockade  was 
broken  by  occasional  descents  to  harry  the  coast,  or  by  cutting-out 
expeditions  against  gunboats  and  privateers.  Of  course,  these  were 
mere  incidents,  valuable  chiefly  as  relieving  the  monotony  of  the  life, 
though,  in  the  case  of  the  descents,  they  had  a  certain  effect  in 
harassing  and  worrying  the  Americans.  Even  the  damage  done  by 
these  expeditions,  however,  probably  caused  as  much  anger  as 
willingness  to  come  to  terms.  It  was  the  constant  pressure  of 
the  blockade  itself  that  counted,  together  with  the  opportunities 
which  it  offered  for  descents  in  force,  rather  than  the  mere  harrying 
expeditions. 

It  was  early  in  April,  1813,  when  Bear-Admiral  George  Cockburn 
first  began  to  harry  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake  in  earnest.  His 
little  flotilla  was  manned  by  but  four  or  five  hundred  men  ;  yet  he 
stationed  himself  at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  and  supplied  the 
whole  British  fleet  with  provisions  from  American  towns  and  farms; 
and  no  effort  worth  speaking  of  was  made  to  molest  him.  All 
Maryland  was  fiercely  excited  and  angered ;  but  Maryland  had  to 
learn  the  lesson  that,  after  war  has  begun,  it  is  impossible  to  do 
much  by  improvised  means  of  defence  against  a  trained  enemy  who 
can  choose  his  own  point  of  attack.  The  militia  here  and  there 
gathered  for  resistance  ;  but  Cockburn's  veterans,  sailors  and  soldiers, 
dispersed  them  with  the  utmost  ease.  He  destroyed  a  large  cannon 
foundry,  he  burned  all  the  towns  where  there  was  any  resistance, 
and,  early  in  May,  he  brought  back  his  flotilla  to  Sir  John  Borlase 
Warren,  having  had  but  one  man  wounded  during  the  month  which 
he  had  spent  working  his  will  among  the  Marylanders.  The  American 
newspapers  denounced  him  bitterly  as  a  buccaneer  ;  but  they  should 


1813.]  THE  ATTACK   ON  NORFOLK.  93 

have  denounced  even  more  severely  themselves  and  their  political 
leaders.  It  was  a  bitter  disgrace  to  the  American  people  that  they 
should  be  powerless  to  resent  or  repel  such  insults  to  their  shores ; 
and  it  was  a  severe  commentary  on  their  folly  in  having  refused  in 
the  past,  and  even  at  the  time  refusing,  to  organise  the  thoroughly 
trained  forces  by  sea  and  land  which  alone  could  prevent  or  avenge 
such  a  catastrophe. 

This  expedition  showed  that  the  villages  and  country  districts 
were  completely  at  the  mercy  of  the  British.  There  were  three 
towns  of  importance,  Baltimore,  Washington,  and  Norfolk,  which 
were  also  within  striking  distance  of  the  fleet ;  and,  in  June,  Warren 
made  up  his  mind  to  attack  one  of  these.  He  chose  Norfolk, 
because  there  was  the  Portsmouth  Navy  Yard,  and  there  lay  the 
Constellation  frigate.  The  expedition,  however,  miscarried,  although 
the  Admiral  had  at  his  disposal  three  thousand  troops  and  thirteen 
war  vessels.  The  land  forces  became  entangled  among  some  deep 
creeks,  and  re-embarked  without  making  any  serious  effort  to 
carry  out  their  part  of  the  programme.  The  attack  by  the  Navy 
was  made  in  a  division  of  fifteen  boats  with  seven  hundred  men, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Samuel  John  Pechell  of  the  San 
Domingo,  74.  Captain  John  Martin  Hanchett,  of  the  Diadem  frigate, 
led  the  way  in  his  launch.  The  point  chosen  for  attack  was  Craney 
Island,  where  a  battery  of  six  18-prs.  had  been  erected  and  put  in 
charge  of  a  hundred  sailors  and  fifty  marines  from  the  Constellation, 
under  Lieutenants  Neale,  Shubrick,  Saunders,  and  Breckinbridge  of 
that  ship.1  The  water  was  shallow,  and  the  attack  was  not  pushed 
with  the  resolution  ordinarily  displayed  by  the  British  Navy  in  an 
enterprise  of  the  kind.  The  Constellation's  men  reserved  their  fire 
until  the  British  were  close  in,  when  they  opened  with  destructive 
effect.  While  still  more  than  seventy  yards  from  the  guns,  the 
Diadem's  launch  grounded.  Three  of  the  boats  were  sunk  by  shot, 
but  remained  above  water,  as  it  was  so  shallow ;  and,  in  the  heat  of 
the  fight,  some  of  the  Constellation 's  crew,  headed  by  Midshipman 
Tatnall,  waded  out  and  took  possession.2  Some  of  the  crews 
surrendered  and  went  ashore  with  their  captors ;  the  others 
escaped  to  the  remaining  boats,  which  immediately  afterwards 
made  off  in  disorder,  having  lost  ninety-one  men.3  The  assailants 

1  Letter  of  Captain  John  Cansin,  June  23rd,  1813. 

2  '  Life  of  Commodore  Josiah  Tatnall,'  by  Charles  C.  Jones,  p.  17. 

3  James,  vi.  233  [Ed.  1837.] 


94  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

afterwards  strove  to  .justify  themselves  by  asserting  that  the 
bottom  was  covered  with  slime  and  mud  too  deep  to  admit  of 
their  getting  on  shore ;  but  this  was  certainly  not  the  case,  as  it 
did  not  prevent  Tatnall  and  his  companions  from  wading  out  to 
them,  and  from  returning  in  safety  with  the  prisoners.  The 
Americans  suffered  no  loss. 

This  took  place  on  June  22nd,  1813.  Smarting  under  the 
repulse,  Warren,  on  the  25th,  sent  Cockburn,  accompanied  by  a 
land  force  under  Major-General  Sir  Sydney  Beckwith,  to  attack 
Hampton  village.  The  militia  on  that  occasion  gave  Beckwith  a 
rather  stout  fight,  killing  and  wounding  some  fifty  men  before  they 
were  dispersed.  The  town  was  then  taken  and  destroyed  with  cir- 
cumstances of  horrible  outrage.  Lieutenant-Colonel  C.  J.  Napier,  of 
the  102nd  Eegiment,  commanded  Beckwith's  advance,  and  prevented 
his  men  from  joining  in  the  deeds  of  the  "  miscreants,"  as  he  called 
them.  He  wrote,  with  intense  indignation,  that  the  troops  perpe- 
trated with  impunity  "  every  horror — rape,  murder,  pillage — and 
not  a  man  was  punished;"  and  he  blamed  Sir  Sydney  for  not 
hanging  several  of  the  villains.1  Nothing  was  done,  however ; 
an,d  the  affair  caused  bitter  anger  in  America,  leading  to  reprisals 
and  counter-reprisals  on  the  Canadian  frontier.  Although  none  of 
the  offenders  were  punished,  both  Sir  John  Warren  and  General 
Beckwith  took  steps  to  prevent  any  repetition  of  the  outrages, 
dismissing  from  the  service  a  regiment  of  French  deserters  in 
British  pay,  who  were  alleged  to  be  the  chief  offenders.2  During 
the  remainder  of  the  year  Warren  cruised  off  Chesapeake  Bay  and 
at  the  mouth  of  the  lower  Potomac,  keeping  Virginia  and  Maryland 
in  a  state  of  incessant  alarm ;  which  makes  it  all  the  more 
wonderful  that  those  States  were  not  roused  to  take  measures  for 
efficient  defence.  Cockburn  sailed  south  to  harry  the  coast  of 
the  Carolinas  and  Georgia.  Colonel  Napier  went  with  him  to 
North  Carolina  to  take  part  in  the  descents,  and  left  on  record 

1  '  Life  of  General  Sir  Charles  James  Napier,'  i.  221,  225. 

2  James  (vi.  234,  ed.  1837),  while  admitting  that  outrages  were  committed,  makes 
a  feeble  attempt  to  minimise  them  by  quoting  from  the  Georgetown  Federal  Repub- 
lican, of  July  7th,  1813,  the  following:  "The  statement  of  the  women  of  Hampton 
being  violated  by  the  British  turns  out  to  be  false.     A  correspondence  upon  that 
subject,  and  the  pillage  said  to  have  been  committed  there,  has  taken  place  between 
General  Taylor  and  Admiral  Warren.     Some  plunder  appears  to  have  been  committed, 
but  it  was  confined  to  the  French  troops  employed."     If  the  outrages  were  perpetrated 
by  troops  in  British  pay,  Britain  was,  unhappily,  responsible  for  what  occurred ;  and 
Napier's  testimony  puts  the  question  of  outrage  beyond  challenge. — \V.  L.  C. 


1813.]  ATTACK   ON   THE  "JUNON."  95 

his  distaste  for  what  he  called  "a  necessary  part  of  our  job,  viz., 
plundering  and  ruining  the  peasantry  .  .  .  (for)  no  outrages  have 
been  authorised  on  persons,  though  much  on  property,  unavoidably." 

Meanwhile  the  American  gunboats  had  on  one  or  two  occasions 
made  efforts  to  harass  the  British  blockading  squadrons,  with 
ludicrously  futile  results.  The  gunboats  were  sloop  or  schooner- 
rigged,  and  armed  with  one  or  two  long  heavy  guns,  and  occasion- 
ally with  light  carronades  to  repel  boarders.  The  larger  gunboats 
were  useful  in  convoying  parties  of  small  coasting  vessels  from  one 
port  to  another ;  and  they  interfered  with  the  British  boats  and 
tenders,  and  also  kept  privateers  off  the  coast.  The  smaller  gunboats, 
which  were  chiefly  employed  in  attacks  on  the  frigates,  had  been 
built  in  accordance  with  Jefferson's  theory  of  coast  protection,  and 
they  proved  utterly  worthless.  They  trusted  mainly  to  their  sweeps 
for  motive  power,  and  each  was  iisually  armed  with  a  long  12  or 
18-pounder.  They  could  be  used  only  in  an  almost  absolute  calm, 
for  in  any  wind  it  was  not  only  impossible  to  fire,  but  also  difficult 
to  keep  the  boats  right  side  up.  Both  officers  and  men  hated  the 
gunboat  service,  and  were  so  convinced  of  the  uselessness  of  the 
vessels  that  they  made  but  half-hearted  attempts  to  do  anything 
with  them.  The  gunboats  were  much  smaller  and  in  every  way 
inferior  to  the  big  Danish  gunboats,  which,  during  the  same  period, 
did  at  times  efficient  work  on  the  coast  of  Denmark.  That  the 
fault  lay  in  the  boats  themselves,  and  not  in  the  crews  who  manned 
them,  was  proved  by  the  great  gallantry  with  which  the  latter 
afterwards  behaved  at  Bladensburg. 

On  June  20th  fifteen  gunboats  attacked  the  Junon,  38,  Captain 
James  Sanders,  while  she  lay  becalmed  in  Hampton  road.  The 
gunboats  anchored  while  still  at  a  very  long  range,  and  promptly 
drifted  round,  so  that  they  could  not  shoot.  They  then  got  under 
way,  and  gradually  drew  nearer  the  Junon.  A  long-range  cannonade 
followed,  in  which  the  Junon  was  very  slightly  injured,  and  the 
gunboats  suffered  not  at  all ;  but  as  soon  as  a  slight  breeze  sprung 
up,  the  Barrosa,  36,  Captain  William  Henry  Shirreff,  approached, 
and  promptly  drove  off  the  flotilla ;  for  as  soon  as  they  felt  the 
effects  of  the  breeze  the  gunboats  became  useless,  and  could  only 
retire.  The  only  loss  they  suffered  was  one  man  killed  and  two 
wounded,  from  the  Barrosa 's  fire. 

On  that  occasion  the  Junon  did  little  better  than  the  gunboats  ; 
but  she  had  her  revenge  a  month  later.  On  July  29th  she  was 


96  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

in  Delaware  Bay  with  the  ship-sloop  Martin,  18,  Commander 
Humphrey  Fleming  Senhouse,  when  the  latter  grounded  on  the 
outside  of  Crow's  Shoal.  The  frigate  anchored  within  supporting 
distance  ;  and  shortly  afterwards  the  two  ships  were  attacked  by 
a  flotilla  of  ten  American  gunboats.  Besides  the  usual  disadvantages 
of  gunboats,  these  particular  ones  suffered  under  an  additional 
handicap,  for  their  powder  was  so  bad  that  all  of  the  officers  had 
joined  in  a  solemn  protest  to  the  Navy  Department,  and  had 
stated  that  it  was  unfit  for  service.1  The  flotilla  kept  at  a 
distance  which  permitted  an  hour's  cannonading  with  no  damage 
to  anybody,  their  own  shot  failing  to  reach  even  the  brig,  while 
those  of  the  frigate  occasionally  passed  over  them.  During  the 
firing,  gunboat  No.  121,  Sailing-Master  Shead,  drifted  a  mile  and 
a  half  away  from  her  consorts.  This  gave  the  British  an  oppor- 
tunity, of  which  they  took  prompt  advantage.  They  made  a  dash 
for  No.  121  in  seven  boats,  containing  one  hundred  and  forty  men, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Philip  Westphal.  Mr.  Shead 
anchored,  and  made  an  obstinate  defence;  but  at  the  second 
discharge  of  his  long-gun  the  carriage  was  almost  torn  to  pieces, 
and  he  was  reduced  to  the  use  of  small-arms.2  The  British  boats 
advanced  steadily,  firing  their  boat  carronades  and  musketry,  and 
carried  the  gunboat  by  boarding,  though  not  without  a  loss  of  three 
killed  or  mortally  wounded,  and  four  wounded,  while  seven  of  the 
twenty-five  members  of  the  gunboat's  crew  suffered  likewise. 

At  about  the  same  time  the  boats  of  the  British  brig-sloops 
Contest  and  Mohawk,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Kodger 
Carley  Curry,  made  an  attack  on  the  little  gunboat  Asp,  3,  com- 
manded by  Midshipman  Sigourney,  when  she  was  moored  in 
Yeocomico  Creek,  out  of  the  Chesapeake,  on  July  llth.  After  a 
murderous  conflict,  in  which  eleven  Americans,  including  Mr. 
Sigourney,  and  eight  British,  including  Lieutenant  Curry,  were 
killed  or  wounded,  the  British  carried  the  Asp  and  set  her  on  fire. 
However,  the  surviving  Americans,  nine  in  number,  escaped  to  the 
shore,  rallied  under  Midshipman  McClintock,  and,  as  soon  as  the 
British  retired,  boarded  the  Asp,  put  out  the  flames,  and  got  her 
into  fighting  order.3  They  were  not  again  molested. 

1  Navy  Department  MSS.,  '  Masters  Commandants'  Letters,'  1813,  No.  3 ;  enclosed 
in  letter  of  Master-Commandant  Samuel  Angus. 

2  Letter  of  Mr.  Shead,  Aug.  5th,  1813. 

3  Letter  of  Midshipman  McClintock,  July  15th,  1813  ;  also  James,  vi.  236  (Ed.  1837). 


1813.]  BOAT  ATTACKS   IN  CHESAPEAKE  BAY,   ETC.  97 

Shortly  before  this,  on  June  12th,  the  boats  of  the  British 
frigate  Narcissus,  32,  Captain  John  Richard  Lumley,  containing 
fifty  men  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  John  Cririe,  captured 
the  little  cutter  Surveyor,  6,  under  Mr.  William  S.  Travis,  with 
a  crew  of  fifteen  men,  as  she  lay  in  York  Eiver,  out  of  the 
Chesapeake.1  The  struggle  was  brief  but  bloody,  five  Americans 
and  nine  British  being  killed  or  wounded.  Lieutenant  Cririe  led  his 
men  with  distinguished  gallantry,  and  proved  himself  a  generous 
victor,  for  he  returned  Mr.  Travis's  sword  with  a  letter  running : 
"  Your  gallant  and  desperate  attempt  to  defend  your  vessel  against 
more  than  double  your  number  on  the  night  of  the  12th  instant 
excited  such  admiration  on  the  part  of  your  opponents  as  I  have 
seldom  witnessed  .  .  .  and  I  am  at  a  loss  which  to  admire  most — the 
previous  arrangements  on  board  the  Surveyor,  or  the  determined 
manner  in  which  her  deck  was  disputed  inch  by  inch." 

In  January,  1814,  the  little  United  States  coasting  schooner 
Alligator,  of  four  guns  and  forty  men,  Sailing-Master  E.  Bassett, 
was  attacked  by  the  boats  of  a  British  frigate  and  brig,  after  night- 
fall, while  lying  at  anchor  in  the  mouth  of  the  Stone  Eiver,  South 
Carolina.  Two  of  her  men  were  killed  and  two  wounded ;  but  the 
boats  were  beaten  off  with  severe  loss,  one  of  them  being  captured.2 

Besides  these  engagements  with  the  United  States'  armed  vessels, 
boat-parties  from  the  British  two-deckers  and  frigates  destroyed 
many  privateers  and  merchantmen  all  along  the  coast  from  New 
England  to  Georgia,  as  well  as  on  the  high  seas.  Some  of  the 
privateers  showed  fight ;  and  of  them  some  behaved  with  courage 
that  would  have  done  credit  to  any  ship  in  the  regular  navy,  while 
others  betrayed  panic  or  inefficiency  which  would  have  disgraced 
the  worst  ship  in  the  worst  regular  navy  afloat.  In  short,  they  were 
the  militia  of  the  sea,  and  they  could  not"  be  depended  upon  for 
steady  fighting,  though  at  times  their  feats  were  brilliant  to  a 
degree ;  for,  unlike  the  militia  of  the  land,  they  were  trained  to  the 
profession  of  arms,  and  they  followed  by  choice  a  pursuit  of  peril 
and  hazard. 

A  good  example  of  the  wide  variety  in  behaviour  of  the  privateers 
under  similar  circumstances  was  afforded  by  two  incidents  which 
occurred  in  Chesapeake  Bay  early  in  1813.  On  February  8th  nine 
boats,  with  two  hundred  men  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 

1  Letter  of  W.  S.  Travis,  June  16th,  1813. 

2  Letters  of  Bassett,  Jan.  31st,  1814,  and  Commander  J.  H.  Dent,  Feb.  21st,  1814. 

VOL.   VI.  H 


98  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1813. 

Kelly  Nazer,  from  the  four  British  frigates,  Belvidera,  Maids  tone, 
Junon,  and  Statira,  were  sent  against  the  schooner  Lottery,  John 
Southcomb,  master,  a  letter  of  marque  of  six  12-pounder  carronades, 
and  twenty-five  men,  bound  from  Baltimore  to  Bordeaux.  A  calm 
came  on,  enabling  the  boats  to  overtake  the  schooner ;  and  they 
spread  out,  then  closing  in  with  a  rush.  The  schooner1  was 
speedily  carried,  but  only  after  an  obstinate  struggle,  in  which 
Southcomb  and  nineteen  of  his  crew,  together  with  six  of  the 
assailants,  were  killed  or  wounded.  Southcomb,  mortally  wounded, 
was  taken  on  board  the  Belvidera,  where  Captain  Richard  Byron  (2) 
treated  him  with  the  kind  and  considerate  courtesy  which  always 
marked  that  brave  officer's  dealings  with  his  foes ;  and,  when  South- 
comb  died,  his  body  was  sent  ashore  with  every  mark  of  respect  due 
to  a  brave  officer.  Captain  Stewart,  of  the  Constellation,  wrote 
Captain  Byron  a  letter  thanking  him  for  his  generous  conduct.2 

On  March  16th,  1813,  a  smaller  British  division  of  five  boats 
and  one  hundred  and  five  men,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  James 
Polkinghorne,  attacked  the  privateer  schooner  Dolphin,  and  the 
letters  of  marque  Racer,  Arab,  and  Lynx,  mounting  all  told  thirty 
guns,  with  an  aggregate  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men.  Polking- 
horne's  force  was  greatly  inferior :  nevertheless  it  dashed  in  with 
the  utmost  gallantry,  and  the  privateersmen  speedily  became  panic- 
stricken.  The  Arab  and  Lynx  surrendered  at  once.  The  Bacer  was 
carried,  after  a  sharp  struggle  in  which  Polkinghorne  was  wounded ; 
and  her  guns  were  turned  on  the  Dolphin.  Most  of  the  latter's  crew 
jumped  overboard.  A  few  rallied  round  their  captain,  but  they  were 
at  once  scattered  as  the  British  seamen  came  on  board.3  It  was  an 
unusually  brilliant  and  daring  cutting-out  expedition.4 

The  American  gunboats  occasionally  captured  British  privateers, 
and  on  more  than  one  occasion  cut  them  out,  when  they  were 
becalmed  or  at  anchor,  with  boat-parties ;  but  they  did  nothing 

1  The  Lottery  was  added  to  the  Koyal  Navy  as  the  Canso,  16. — W.  L.  C. 

2  The  whole  correspondence  is  given  in  full  in  'Niles's  Register,'  February  and 
March  numbers. 

3  See  Niles  for  this ;  also  James's  '  Naval  Occurrences.' 

4  In  this  affair,  besides  Lieutenant  Polkinghorne,  Lieutenant  William  Alexander 
Brand,  Lieutenant  William  Richard  Flint,  E.M.,  Midshipman  John  Sleigh,  and  7  men 
were  wounded.     In  spite  of  its  gallant  nature,  no  medal  was  ever  granted  for  it.  _   The 
Americans  lost  16  killed  and  wounded.     The  Racer  became  the  Shelburne,  14,  and  the 
Lynx,  the  Musquedobet,  14,  in  the  Eoyal  Navy.     Polkinghorne  was  not  made  a  Com- 
mander until  June  27th,  1814.     He  was  posted  on  August  25th,  1828,  and  died  on 
January  9th,  1839.— W.  L.  C. 


1813-14.] 


SEVERITY  OF  THE  BLOCKADE. 


99 


of  any  especial  note  in  that  way.  They  also  at  times  cut  off 
tenders  to  the  British  war  vessels,  or  interfered  with  the  British 
cutting-out  expeditions. 

In  the  spring  of  1814  the  command  of  the  British  fleet  on 
the  coast  of  North  America  was  given  to  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Alexander 
Forester  Inglis  Cochrane.1  The  main  British  force  continued  to 
lie  in  the  Chesapeake. 

During  1813  and  1814  the  blockade  of  the  American  coast  was 


ADMIRAL   THE    HON.    SIB   ALEXANDER   FORESTElt   INGLIS    COCHRANE,    G.C.B. 
(From  the  portrait  in  Brenton's  History.) 

so  severe  that  only  occasionally  could  American  frigates  get  to 
sea ;  and  those  that  did  get  to  sea  failed  to  accomplish  anything. 
Once  or  twice  one  of  the  American  44's  chased  a  British  18-pounder 
frigate  and  failed  to  come  up  with  her ;  and  once  or  twice  they  were 
themselves  chased  by  a  couple  of  18-pounder  frigates  and  escaped. 

1  Admiral  Sir  John  Borlase  Warren,  whom  Coohraue  superseded,  was  only  sixty- 
one  years  of  age,  but  was  very  infirm.     Cochrane  was  but  fifty-six. — W.  L.  C. 

H  2 


100         THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UKITED    STATES,   1812-15.      [1813-14. 

They  captured  a  few  merchantmen  and  picked  up  one  or  two  small 
British  cruisers,  while  two  or  three  small  American  cruisers,  brigs, 
or  schooners  were  lost  in  the  same  way  ;  but  nothing  of  importance 
happened  to  any  American  frigates,  with  one  exception. 

That  exception  was  the  Essex,  32,  Captain  David  Porter,  which 
spent  most  of  the  year  1813  in  the  Pacific.  The  Essex  had  left  the 
United  States  on  October  28th,  1812.  As  she  expected  to  make 
a  very  long  cruise,  she  carried  an  unusual  quantity  of  provisions,  and 
sixty  more  men  than  ordinarily,  so  as  to  man  any  ships  which  she 
might  capture.  She  cruised  in  the  South  Atlantic  for  two  or  three 
months,  capturing  some  valuable  prizes.  Porter  then  decided  on 
the  very  bold  course  of  doubling  Cape  Horn,  and  striking  at  the 
British  whalers  in  the  Pacific. 

This  was  practically  going  into  the  enemy's  waters,  for  there  were 
no  stations  where  the  Essex  could  refit  in  safety,  while  South  America 
and  South-Eastern  Asia  were  full  of  ports  friendly  to  the  British. 
No  American  frigate  had  ever  before  gone  into  the  Pacific ;  and, 
during  all  the  long  European  warfare,  no  one  of  Great  Britain's 
enemies  had  ventured  to  attack  her  in  the  remote  South  Seas. 

At  the  end  of  the  winter  the  Essex  doubled  the  Horn,  and  sailed 
into  the  harbour  of  Valparaiso.  On  March  20th  she  captured  a 
Peruvian  corsair,  the  Nereyda,  which  had  been  harassing  American 
whalers.  Porter  threw  her  guns  and  small-arms  overboard,  and  sent 
her  into  port.  The  Spanish  colonies  were  at  that  time  in  open 
revolt  against  Spain,  both  sides  bidding  for  the  favour  of  Britain  ; 
and  there  was  lawlessness  throughout  the  South  Seas.  The 
American  whalers  had  been  in  great  danger  of  capture,  but  Porter's 
appearance  saved  them.  He  cruised  hither  and  thither  to  the 
different  islands  and  archipelagoes  most  frequented  by  whaling 
vessels  ;  and,  as  by-play,  he  took  part  in  the  wars  of  the  savages. 
He  saved  all  the  American  whalers,  and  did  not  cost  the  government 
a  dollar,  supplying  everything  from  his  prizes — sails,  guns,  anchors, 
provisions,  medicine,  and  even  money  to  pay  the  officers  and  the 
men.  He  completely  broke  up  the  British  whaling  trade  in  the 
Pacific,  capturing  or  destroying  four  thousand  tons  of  shipping,  and 
making  prisoners  of  four  hundred  men.  One  or  two  of  the  prizes 
he  turned  into  tenders ;  and  these  and  the  boat-parties  had  one  or 
two  smart  skirmishes  in  capturing  such  of  the  whalers  as  were 
armed  letters  of  marque.1 

1  In  Porter's  own  book  this  cruise  is  described  at  length. 


1814.] 


THE  "ESSEX"   BROUGHT   TO   BAY. 


101 


Early  in  January,  1814,  he  returned  to  the  South  American 
coast,  and  again  made  the  harbour  of  Valparaiso.  One  of  the 
captured  whalers,  rechristened  the  Essex  Junior,1  was  in  com- 
pany as  a  tender.  On  February  8th  the  British  frigate  Phcebe,  36, 
Captain  James  Hillyar,  accompanied  by  the  ship-sloop  Cherub,  18, 
Commander  Thomas  Tudor  Tucker,  made  their  appearance  in  the 
harbour.  They  had  been  sent  to  the  Pacific  especially  to  capture 


CAPTAIN   DAVID   PORTEB,   U.8.N. 
(After  a  crayon  portrait  by  J.  Wood.) 

Porter,  to  break  up  the  American  whaling  trade,  and  to  destroy  the 
American  fur-stations  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  When  they 
came  into  the  harbour  Porter  was  afraid  that  they  might  try  to 
carry  the  Essex  out  of  hand  without  regard  to  the  neutrality  laws. 
The  Essex  was  put  in  fighting  trim.  The  Phcebe  came  so  near  her 
—whether  by  accident,  as  Hillyar  asserted,  or  by  design,  as  Porter 
insisted,  cannot  be  said — that  a  collision  seemed  imminent ;  but 

1  Previously  the  Atlantic. — -W.  L.  C. 


102  THE    WAR    WITH  TEE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1814. 

neither  captain  was  willing  to  begin  the  fray,  and  the  peace  of  the 
port  was  not  broken. 

The  British  ships  began  a  blockade  of  the  port  which  lasted  over 
a  month.  Porter  was  anxious  to  meet  the  Phoebe  alone,  and  Hillyar 
was  equally  determined  to  use  the  advantage  which  his  two  ships 
gave  him.  He  was  quite  right  in  refusing  single  combat  except  on 
his  own  terms.  The  Phoebe  was  armed  like  the  Essex  with  forty- 
six  guns ;  but  on  her  main-deck  she  carried  long  18's,  so  that  at  a 
distance  she  could  cut  the  Essex  to  pieces  without  suffering  any 
material  loss  or  damage.  Her  crew  consisted  of  over  three  hundred 
men,  while  that  of  the  Essex  numbered  but  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
five.  But,  on  the  occasions  when  he  sought  a  single  combat,  Porter 
took  the  crew  of  the  Essex  Junior  on  board,  which  gave  him 
sixty  men  additional.  In  such  circumstances  the  widely  different 
armaments  of  the  two  frigates  made  it  difficult  to  foretell  the 
result  of  a  combat  between  them.  In  ordinary  circumstances,  and 
taking  into  account  the  ordinary  chances  and  vicissitudes  of  naval 
warfare,  the  Phoebe's  armament  was  beyond  all  comparison  the 
better ;  but  the  Essex  was  the  swifter  ship,  and  at  close  quarters  her 
carronades  threw,  of  course,  a  greater  weight  in  broadside  than  the 
long-guns  to  which  they  were  opposed,  while,  when  she  had  the  crew 
of  the  Essex  Junior  on  board,  the  complements  of  the  two  ships  were 
about  equal,  while  the  crew  of  the  Essex  had  been  especially  trained 
with  a  view  to  boarding.  If  his  speed  had  enabled  him  to  close, 
Porter  would  have  had  more  than  an  even  chance  of  winning ; 
whereas  he  had  no  chance  at  all  in  action  at  a  distance.  Hillyar 
was  not  in  the  South  Pacific  as  a  naval  knight- errant.  His  busi- 
ness there  was  to  capture  the  Essex.  It  would  have  been  folly  to 
risk  the  result  on  a  doubtful  single  ship  duel,  instead  of  utilising 
his  superiority  in  force,  and  trying  to  get  his  antagonist  at  a  dis- 
advantage. The  Cherub  was  a  small  frigate-built  sloop,  mounting 
twenty-six  guns,  with  a  crew  of  about  160  men.  All  her  guns  were 
carronades,  excepting  two  long  bow-chasers. 

Toward  the  end  of  March  Porter  decided  to  run  out  of  harbour 
on  the  first  opportunity,  so  as  to  draw  away  his  two  antagonists  in 
chase,  and  let  the  Essex  Junior  escape ;  for  Porter  had  satisfied 
himself  that  his  ship  was  faster  than  either  of  the  British  ships. 
After  he  had  come  to  this  conclusion,  the  two  vessels  were  kept 
always  ready,  the  Essex  having  only  her  proper  complement  of 
255  men  on  board. 


1814.]  THE  "PH(EBE"   AND    THE  "ESSEX."  103 

On  March  28th  it  came  on  to  blow  from  the  south,  and  the 
Essex  parted  her  cables.  She  then  got  under  way  and  made  sail, 
Porter  having  determined  to  put  his  plan  in  operation.  The 
British  vessels  were  close  in  with  the  weathermost  point  of  the 
bay,  and  Porter  hauled  up  to  pass  to  windward  of  them.  Just  as  he 
was  rounding  the  outermost  point,  and  when  safety  was  almost 
within  his  grasp,  a  heavy  squall  struck  the  Essex,  and  her  main 
topmast  went  by  the  board.  Porter  then  committed  a  grave  error. 
David  Glasgow  Farragut,1  then  a  midshipman,  and  afterwards  the 
greatest  admiral  of  the  American  navy,  was  on  board  the  Essex  ;  and 
in  after-life  he  always  expressed  the  opinion  that  she  should  have 
run  before  the  wind,  which  had  shifted,  and  have  tried  to  escape 
into  the  open  sea ;  for  Farragut  believed  that,  even  with  her 
topmast  out,  she  would  have  been  faster  before  the  wind  than  the 
Phoebe,  and  certainly  much  faster  than  the  Cherub.  This  at  least 
would  have  given  her  a  chance  to  escape :  otherwise  she  had 
no  chance  at  all.2 

However,  the  Essex  tried  to  get  back  to  the  harbour,  and 
failing,  because  of  her  crippled  condition,  she  anchored,  at  3.40  P.M., 
in  a  small  bay  three  miles  from  Valparaiso,  and  half  a  mile  from 
a  detached  Chilian  battery.  She  was  within  pistol-shot  of  the 
shore,  and  was  as  much  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  neutral  rights 
as  when  in  Valparaiso  harbour ;  but  neutral  rights  have  shifting 
values,  and  Hillyar  had  no  idea  of  letting  his  foe  escape  when 
disabled  and  within  his  grasp. 

The  Phcebe  and  Cherub  bore  down  upon  the  Essex,  covered  with 
ensigns,  union  jacks,  and  motto  flags ;  and  the  Essex  made  ready  to 
receive  them,  her  flags  flying  from  every  mast.3  The  fight  was 
begun  before  the  springs  could  be  got  on  her  cables.  Hillyar  made 
his  attack  with  extreme  caution,  taking  his  frigate  under  the  stern 
of  the  Essex,  while  the  Cherub  took  her  position  on  the  American's 
starboard  bow.  The  action  began  soon  after  four  in  the  afternoon. 
The  Essex's  bow-chasers  speedily  drove  off  the  Cherub,  which  ran 

1  David  Glasgow  Farragut,  born  in  Tennessee,  of  part  Spanish  ancestry,  July  5th, 
1801 ;   gained  undying   fame  as  a   naval  commander  in  the  American  Civil  War, 
1861-65,  notably  at  New  Orleans  and  in  Mobile  Bay ;  was  the  first  officer  to  be  given 
the  rank  of  Admiral  in  the  United  States  Navy ;  visited  Europe,  1867-68 ;  died  in 
New  York,  August  14th,  1870.     Life  by  L.  Farragut,  by  Headley,  and  by  Mahan. — 
W.  L.  C. 

2  '  Life  of  Farragut,'  by  his  son,  Loyall  Farragut,  pp.  37-46. 

3  Letters  of  Captain  Hillyar,  March  30th,  1814,  and  Captain  Porter,  July  3rd,  1814. 


104  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

down  and  stationed  herself  near  the  Phoebe.  The  latter  opened 
with  her  broadside  of  long  18's  from  a  position  in  which  not  one  of 
Porter's  guns  could  reach  her.  Three  times  springs  were  got  on  the 
cables  of  the  Essex,  in  order  to  bring  her  round  until  her  broad- 
side bore  ;  but  in  each  instance  they  were  shot  away.  Three  long 
12's  were  then  got  out  of  the  stern-ports ;  and  with  these  a  brisk  fire 
was  kept  up,  aimed  especially  at  the  rigging  of  the  British  ships. 
A  good  many  of  the  Essex's  crew  were  killed  during  the  first  five 
minutes,  before  she  could  bring  any  guns  to  bear ;  but  afterwards  she 
did  not  suffer  much.  Meanwhile  her  own  long  12's  were  so  well 
handled  that,  after  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  firing,  the  Phosbe  and 
Cherub  were  actually  driven  off.  They  wore,  and  again  began  with 
their  long-guns,  but  found  themselves  at  too  great  range  to  accom- 
plish anything  ;  and  about  half  an  hour  after  the  first  shot  had  been 
fired,  the  British  ships  hauled  out  of  the  fight  for  the  time  being. 
"Our  first  fire  .  .  .  produced  no  visible  effect;  our  second  .  .  . 
was  not  apparently  more  successful ;  and,  having  lost  the  use  of 
our  main-sail,  jib,  and  main-stay,  appearances  were  a  little  in- 
auspicious," wrote  Captain  Hillyar  in  his  official  report. 

The  damages  were  soon  repaired,  and  the  two  ships  stood  back 
for  the  Essex.  The  Phcebe  anchored  off  her  port  quarter,  at  about 
5.35  P.M.,  while  the  Cherub  kept  under  way,  using  her  long  bow- 
chasers.  They  were  out  of  reach  of  Porter's  carronades,  his  long- 
guns  would  not  bear,  and  the  enemy  was  gradually  knocking  the 
Essex  to  pieces  without  suffering  any  damage  in  return.  This  could 
not  be  borne,  and  at  5.50  Porter  severed  his  cable  and  tried  to  close 
with  his  antagonists.  His  rigging  and  sails  were  cut  almost  to 
pieces.  Still,  the  Essex  drove  down  on  her  assailants,  and  for  the 
first  time  got  near  enough  to  use  her  carronades.  After  exchanging 
a  couple  of  broadsides,  the  Cherub  hauled  out  of  the  fight,  and  the 
Phoebe  also  edged  off.  The  latter  now  possessed  the  superiority  of 
sailing,  for  her  foe  was  almost  helpless,  and  so  Hillyar  was  able  to 
choose  his  own  distance.  Again  he  opened  with  his  long  18's,  out 
of  range  of  the  Essex's  carronades.  All  that  Porter  could  do  was 
to  reply  with  his  long  12's.  There  was  no  hope  of  success  left,  but 
the  Essex  was  not  yet  ready  to  surrender. 

From  that  point  on  it  was  a  slaughter  rather  than  a  battle. 
The  carnage  in  the  American  frigate  made  her  decks  look  like 
shambles.  Throughout  the  entire  war  no  ship  on  either  side  was  so 
desperately  defended  as  the  Essex,  taking  into  account  the  frightful 


1814.]  DEFENCE   OF   THE  "ESSEX."  105 

odds  against  which  she  fought ;  indeed,  the  Frolic,  the  Reindeer, 
and  the  Lawrence  were  the  only  ships  which  in  this  respect 
deserved  any  comparison  with  her.  Captain  Hillyar  in  his  official 
report  says,  "  The  defence  of  the  Essex,  taking  into  consideration 
our  superiority  of  force,  and  the  very  discouraging  circumstances  of 
her  having  lost  her  main  topmast,  and  being  twice  on  fire,  did 
honour  to  her  brave  defenders,  and  fully  evinced  the  courage  of 
Captain  Porter  and  those  under  his  command."  A  middle-aged  man, 
cool  and  wary,  he  very  properly  declined  to  expose  his  men  to 
needless  danger ;  but  his  first  Lieutenant,  William  Ingram,  a  hot- 
headed, impulsive  young  fellow,  begged  him  to  close  and  run  Porter 
aboard,  for  it  was  "  deliberate  murder  "  to  lie'  off  at  long  range  and 
use  a  defenceless  foe  as  a  target.  Poor  gallant  Ingram  was  himself 
slain  in  the  fight,  a  splinter  striking  him  in  the  head  as  he  stood  by 
the  rail. 

Midshipman  Farragut  was  naturally  enough  very  much  impressed 
by  his  baptism  of  fire,  and  he  has  preserved  for  us  most  of  what  we 
know  of  what  occurred  on  board  the  Essex  during  the  time  of 
slaughter  that  preceded  her  surrender. 

One  gun  was  manned  three  times,  fifteen  men  being  slain  at  it. 
Its  captain  alone  escaped  without  a  wound.  As  Farragut  stood 
by  another  gun,  he  saw  four  of  its  crew  killed  by  a  single  ball. 
There  were  but  one  or  two  instances  of  flinching.  The  wounded, 
many  of  whom  were  killed  by  flying  splinters  while  under  the 
hands  of  the  doctors,  cheered  on  their  comrades,  and  themselves 
worked  the  guns  until  the  mortal  weakness  came  upon  them.  At 
one  of  the  guns  was  a  young  Scotsman  named  Bissly,  who  had  one 
leg  shot  off  close  to  the  groin.  Using  his  handkerchief  as  a 
tourniquet,  he  said,  turning  to  his  American  shipmates,  "  I  left  my 
own  country  and  adopted  the  United  States  to  fight  for  her.  I 
hope  I  have  this  day  proved  myself  worthy  of  the  country  of  my 
adoption.  I  am  no  longer  of  any  use  to  you  or  to  her,  so  good- 
bye !  "  With  these  words  he  leaned  on  the  sill  of  the  port  and  threw 
himself  overboard.  Among  the  very  few  men  who  flinched  was  one 
named  William  Eoach.  Porter  sent  one  of  his  midshipmen  to  shoot 
him,  but  he  was  not  to  be  found.  He  was  discovered  by  a  man 
named  William  Call,  whose  leg  had  been  shot  off  and  was  hanging 
by  the  skin,  and  who  dragged  the  shattered  stump  all  round  the  bag- 
house,  pistol  in  hand,  trying  to  get  a  shot  at  the  fellow.  A  singular 
feature  of  Roach's  cowardice  was  that  on  previous  occasions  he  had 


106  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1814. 

shown  much  courage.  He  could  fight  well  when  there  was  a  hope 
of  victory,  but  he  flinched  in  the  awful  hour  of  disaster.  Lieutenant 
J.  G.  Cowell  had  his  leg  shot  off  above  the  knee,  and  his  life  might 
have  been  saved  had  it  been  amputated  at  once  ;  but  the  surgeons 
had  already  rows  of  wounded  men  waiting  for  them,  and  when  it 
was  proposed  to  him  that  he  should  be  attended  to  out  of  order,  he 
replied,  "  No,  doctor,  none  of  that — fair  play's  a  jewel !  One  man's 
life  is  as  dear  as  another's.  I  would  not  cheat  any  poor  fellow  out  of 
his  turn." 

Finding  it  hopeless  to  try  to  close,  Porter  stood  for  the  land, 
intending  to  run  the  Essex  ashore  and  burn  her.     But  when  she  had 
drifted  close  to  the  bluffs,  the  wind  suddenly  shifted,  took  her  flat 
aback,  and  paid  her  head  off  shore,  exposing  her  to  a  raking  fire.     At 
that   moment  Lieutenant   John   Downes,  commanding   the   Essex 
Junior,  pulled   out  in  a  boat,  in  spite  of  the  cannonade,  to  see  if 
he   could   do   anything.     Three   of   the   men   with   him,  including 
an  old  boatswain's  mate  named  Kingsbury,  had  come  out  expressly 
"  to  share  the  fate  of  the  old  ship " ;  so  they  remained  on  board, 
and  in  their  places  Lieutenant  Downes  took  some  of  the  wounded 
ashore  under   a  heavy  fire.     The  shift   of   the  wind   gave   Porter 
a  faint   hope   of   closing  ;    and  once  more  the  crippled  and  riddled 
Essex  was   headed  for  her  foes.      But   Hilly ar  put  his   helm   up 
to  avoid  close  quarters.     The  battle  was  his  already,  and  he  was 
too  good  an  officer  to  leave  anything   to  chance.     Seeing   that  he 
could  not   close,  Porter  had  a  hawser  bent   on   the  sheet-anchor, 
which   he   let   go.     This   brought  the  ship's  head   round,  keeping 
her   stationary ;    and,   from   such   of    her    guns   as   were   not   dis- 
mounted and  had  men  enough  left  to  man  them,  a  broadside  was 
fired  at  the  Phoebe.     The  wind  was  now  very  light,  and  the  Phoebe, 
whose  masts   were    seriously   wounded,    and    which    had    suffered 
much  aloft,  beside  receiving  a  number  of   shot  between  wind  and 
water,  thus   being  a  good  deal  crippled,  began   to  drift   slowly  to 
leeward.     Porter  hoped  that  she  would  drift  out  of  gunshot ;    but 
even  this  chance  was  lost  by  the  parting  of  the  hawser,  which  left 
the  Essex   at   the   mercy  of   the   British   vessels.     Their   fire  was 
deliberate  and   destructive,  and  could  only   be  occasionally  replied 
to  by  a   shot   from  one   of   the  American's   long   12's.     The   ship 
caught  fire,  and  the  men  came  tumbling  up  from  below  with  their 
clothes  burning.    To  save  the  lives  of  some  of  them  they  were  ordered 
to  jump  overboard ;  and  others,  thinking  it  a  general  order,  followed 


1814.]  SURRENDER    OF    THE  "ESSEX."  107 

suit,  leaping  into  the  sea  and  trying  to  swim  to  the  land.  Some 
failed,  and  were  drowned.  Others  succeeded  :  among  them  being  one 
man  who  had  sixteen  or  eighteen  pieces  of  iron  in  his  leg,  scales 
from  the  muzzle  of  a  gun.  The  old  boatswain's  mate,  Kingsbury, 
was  one  of  those  who  escaped  by  swimming  to  shore,  though  he 
was  so  burned  that  he  was  out  of  his  inind  for  several  days. 

The  frigate  had  been  cut  to  pieces  above  the  water-line,  although, 
from  the  smoothness  of  the  sea,  she  was  not  harmed  enough  below  it 
to  reduce  her  to  a  sinking  condition.  The  carpenter  reported  that 
he  alone  of  his  crew  was  fit  for  duty :  the  others  were  dead  or 
disabled.  One  of  the  lieutenants  had  been  knocked  overboard  by  a 
splinter  and  drowned.  He  had  as  a  servant  a  little  negro  boy,  who, 
coming  on  deck  and  hearing  of  the  disaster,  deliberately  leaped  into 
the  sea  and  shared  his  master's  fate.  Another  of  the  lieutenants 
was  also  knocked  overboard,  but  was  not  much  hurt,  and  swam  back 
to  the  ship.  The  only  commissioned  officer  left  on  duty  was 
Lieutenant  Decatur  McKnight.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  fifty-five 
men  on  board,  fifty-eight  had  been  killed,  sixty-six  wounded,  and 
thirty-one  drowned,  while  twenty-four  had  succeeded  in  reaching 
shore.  Only  seventy-six  men  were  left  unwounded,  and  many  of 
them  had  been  bruised  or  otherwise  injured.  Porter  himself  had 
been  knocked  down  by  the  windage  of  a  passing  shot.  Farragut  had 
been  acting  as  powder-boy,  messenger,  and  everything  else.  While 
he  was  on  the  ward-room  ladder,  going  below  for  gun-primers,  the 
captain  of  the  gun  directly  opposite  the  hatchway  was  struck  full  in 
the  face  by  an  18-pounder  shot,  and  tumbled  back  on  him.  They 
fell  down  the  hatch  together,  Farragut  being  stunned  for  some 
minutes.  Later,  while  standing  by  a  man  at  the  wheel,  an  old 
quarter-master  named  Francis  Bland,  a  shot,  coming  over  the  fore 
yard-arm,  took  off  the  quarter-master's  right  leg,  carrying  away  at 
the  same  time  one  of  Farragut's  coat-tails. 

Nothing  remained  to  be  done  ;  and  at  twenty  minutes  past  six  the 
Essex  surrendered.  The  Phoebe  had  lost  four  killed,  and  seven 
wounded ;  the  Cherub,  one  killed,  and  three,  including  Commander 
Tucker,  wounded ;  or  fifteen  all  told. 

Captain  Porter  in  his  letter  spoke  very  bitterly  of  Hillyar's 
violation  of  the  neutrality,  and  sneered  at  his  excessive  caution 
before  and  during  the  fight.  Most  American  writers,  including  even 
Farragut,  have  repeated  the  denunciations  and  the  sneers.  Captain 
Hillyar  did,  of  course,  break  the  neutrality  laws  in  circumstances 


108  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES.   1812-15.          [1814. 

which  made  their  violation  peculiarly  irritating  ;  for  he  paid  respect 
to  them  so  long  as  Porter  was  in  good  fighting  trim,  and  broke  them 
the  minute  the  enemy  was  crippled  and  could  be  attacked  with  safety. 
But  as  yet  respect  for  international  law  does  not  stand  on  a  level 
with  respect  for  the  law  of  one's  own  land ;  and  the  chief  thing  to 
be  considered  is  whether  the  irritation  caused  by  the  violation  of 
neutrality  will  compensate  for  the  advantage  gained.  In  this  case 
the  capture  of  the  Essex  certainly  compensated  for  any  injury  done 
to  the  feelings  of  Chili ;  and  the  circumstances  in  which  the 
violation  of  neutrality  took  place,  though  not  creditable,  were  no 
more  discreditable  than  those  which  attended  the  capture  of  the 
Confederate  steamer  Florida  by  a  Northern  cruiser  in  the  American 
Civil  War. 

Before  the  action  Hillyar  seems  to  have  been  rather  over-cautious, 
showing,  perhaps,  too  much  hesitation  about  engaging  the  Essex 
without  the  assistance  of  the  Cherub.  The  Essex  was  the  faster 
ship ;  and  this  over-caution  would  have  resulted  in  her  escape  had  it 
not  been  for  the  accident  which  caused  the  loss  of  her  top-mast. 
But,  in  the  action  itself,  Hillyar's  conduct  was  eminently  proper.  It 
would  have  been  foolish,  by  coming  to  close  quarters,  to  forego  the 
advantage  which  his  entire  masts  and  better  artillery  gave  him. 
He  treated  his  prisoners  with  the  utmost  humanity  and  kindness. 
Says  Sir  Howard  Douglas,  "  The  action  displayed  all  that  can  reflect 
honour  on  the  science  and  admirable  conduct  of  Captain  Hillyar  and 
his  crew,  which,  without  the  assistance  of  the  Cherub,  would  have 
insured  the  same  termination.  Captain  Porter's  sneers  at  the 
respectful  distance  the  Phoebe  kept  are  in  fact  acknowledgments 
of  the  ability  with  which  Captain  Hillyar  availed  himself  of  the 
superiority  of  his  arms." 

Following  the  defeat  of  the  Essex  came  the  destruction  of  the 
American  fur-posts  on  the  Columbia,  and  of  what  was  left  of  the 
American  whaling  trade  in  the  South  Seas.  The  Essex  had  made  a 
romantically  daring  cruise,  and  had  ended  her  career  by  an  exhibition 
of  fighting  which,  for  dauntless  courage,  could  not  be  surpassed.  She 
had  inflicted  much  damage  on  her  foes,  and  had  given  great 
temporary  relief  to  American  interests ;  but  the  fact  remained  that 
her  cruise  ended  in  disaster,  and  in  the  sweeping  of  the  American 
flag  from  the  Pacific.  It  is  a  very  old  truth,  though  one  which 
many  legislators  seem  slow  to  learn,  that  no  courage  and  skill  on 
the  part  of  sea-officers  can  atone  for  insufficiency  in  the  number, 


1812-15.]  AFFAIRS    ON   THE   GREAT  LAKES.  109 

and  inefficiency  in  the  quality,  of  ships.  To  do  permanent  damage 
to  British  interests  in  the  Pacific,  or  anywhere  else,  the  Americans 
would  have  needed,  even  aside  from  a  fleet  of  battle-ships,  a  goodly 
number  of  frigates  as  formidable  as  those  with  which  they  won  their 
early  victories. 

Besides  the  ocean  ones,  both  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  possessed  inland  seaboards  ;  for  the  boundary  line  between 
the  United  States  and  Canada  traversed  the  extreme  northern  end  of 
Lake  Champlain,  and  went  along  the  middle  of  Lakes  Ontario,  Erie, 
Huron,  and  Superior.  These  inland  waters  were  the  scenes  of 
important  naval  engagements — important,  that  is,  in  their  effects, 
though  they  were  waged  between  diminutive  flotillas.  East  of  Lake 
Champlain  practically  to  the  ocean,  and  westward  of  it  nearly  to 
Lake  Erie,  stretched  a  wooded  wilderness,  impassable  for  armies. 
In  consequence,  the  effort  to  invade  either  territory  had  to  be  made 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  one  of  the  lakes ;  and  the  control  of  the 
latter  was  important  to  the  success  of  any  offensive  operations 
whatsoever,  and  was  indispensable  to  their  success  if  they  were  to 
be  conducted  on  a  large  scale. 

The  naval  warfare  on  the  lakes,  therefore,  differed  in  several 
points  from  the  naval  warfare  on  the  ocean.  On  the  lakes,  the 
success  of  a  sea  fight  might,  and  did,  determine  the  success  or  the 
failure  of  military  operations  the  outcome  of  which  would  have 
great  weight  upon  the  result  of  the  war  ;  whereas,  on  the  ocean,  no 
success  which  the  American  warships  could  win  could  possibly  have 
any  other  than  a  moral  effect.  In  the  next  place,  on  the  lakes 
special  flotillas  had  to  be  constructed,  so  that  there  the  enormous 
British  preponderances  in  sea-might  did  not  prevail.  Finally,  the 
crews  themselves  were  made  up  of  more  or  less  heterogeneous 
elements ;  and  there  was  little  difference  between  them  in  point 
of  skill. 

The  country  around  Lake  Champlain  was  reasonably  well  settled 
on  both  the  Canadian  and  American  sides,  though  very  remote 
from  the  centres  of  population.  Both  sides  of  Lake  Erie  were 
still  chiefly  wooded  wilderness.  On  Lake  Ontario  the  Canadian 
side  had  been  longer  settled,  and  was  more  thickly  populated  than 
the  American.  Moreover,  it  was  easier  of  access,  for  the  great  river 
St.  Lawrence  connected  it  with  the  sea.  The  American  outposts, 
however,  could  keep  up  their  connection  with  the  coast  districts 


110  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1812. 

only  through  the  Mohawk  Valley,  which  in  its  upper  part  merged 
into  a  forest  that  stretched  to  the  lakes  unbroken,  save  by  occasional 
clearings  and  squalid  log  hamlets,  while  the  roads  were  very  bad. 
On  Lake  Champlain  both  sides  were  entirely  unprepared.  On  Lake 
Ontario  and  Lake  Erie  the  British  were  very  much  ahead.  They 
had  on  Lake  Ontario  a  squadron  of  six  ships,  brigs,  and  schooners, 
mounting  from  eight  to  twenty-two  guns  each ;  while  the  United 
States  had  only  one  brig,  the  Oneida,  of  sixteen  guns.  On  Lake 
Erie  the  British  had  another  squadron  of  six  ships — brigs  and 
schooners  of  from  two  to  seventeen  guns  each . 

It  is  quite  impossible,  and  also  quite  needless,  to  fully  detail  the 
make,  rig,  armament,  and  complement  of  all  the  vessels  employed, 
for  some  of  the  regularly  built  warships,  and  many  of  the  sloops  and 
schooners  purchased  and  used  as  such,  changed  from  time  to  time,  not 
only  in  their  rig,  their  armament,  and  their  complement,  but  even  in 
their  names.  Drafts  of  men  from  the  regular  navies  of  both  nations 
were  soon  sent  up  to  the  lakes ;  but  there  were  not  enough  regular 
men-of-wars'  men  to  man  the  ships  on  either  side,  and  the  deficiency 
was  supplied  by  the  use  of  Canadian  and  American  lake  sailors,  of 
militia,  and  of  regular  troops.  One  result  of  this  mixed  character 
of  the  force  was  that  the  superiority  in  training,  and  especially  in 
gunnery,  shown  by  the  American  on  the  ocean  was  not  shown  by 
the  American  on  the  lakes.  There  was  little  in  the  lake  actions  to 
show  any  difference  in  skill,  as  regards  either  the  management  of  the 
sails  or  the  handling  of  the  guns ;  and  in  daring,  resolution,  and 
courage  there  was  also  a  practical  equality.  It  was  largely  a  test 
of  the  comparative  merit  and  energy  of  the  shipwrights.  As  the 
operations  on  the  three  lakes  were  entirely  independent  of  one 
another,  they  can  be  considered  separately. 

Lake  Ontario  was  the  body  of  water  on  which  the  largest 
squadrons  were  gathered  by  both  sides,  and  the  land  in  its  neigh- 
bourhood was  the  centre  of  operations  in  the  Canadian  campaigns ; 
and,  accordingly,  this  lake  should  have  been  the  scene  of  the  most 
important  and  decisive  actions.  Such  was  not  the  case,  however, 
largely  owing  to  the  extremely  cautious  nature  of  the  two  men  who 
respectively  commanded  the  British  and  the  American  squadrons 
when  they  were  finally  put  into  fighting  trim. 

In  1812,  when  the  war  broke  out,  the  Canadian  squadron  of  six 
ships,  mounting  about  eighty  guns,  was  under  the  command  of  a 


1812.] 


HOSTILITIES    ON  LAKE    ONTARIO. 


Ill 


provincial  officer  named  Earle,  who  was  not  in  the  British  regular 
service.  The  American  brig  Oneida,  16,  Lieutenant  Melancthon 
Thomas  Woolsey,  was  stationed  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  the  American 
headquarters  on  the  lake,  which  was  protected  by  a  little  battery 
mounting  one  long  32-pounder.  On  July  15th  Earle' s  squadron 
made  a  feeble  attack  on  the  harbour.  Woolsey  landed  some  of  the 
Oneida  s  carronades,  and  beat  off  the  attack  without  much  difficulty, 
the  long  32  being  the  gun  most  used.  On  the  retreat  of  the  Canadian 


CAPTAIN    ISAAC    CHAUNCEY,    U.8.N. 
(From  D.  Edwin's  engraving,  after  the  portrait  by  J.  Wood.) 

flotilla,  Woolsey  prepared  to  take  the  offensive.  By  capture  and 
purchase  he  procured  six  schooners,  in  which  he  mounted  twenty- 
four  long  guns. 

In  September,  1812,  Captain  Isaac  Chauncey  arrived  to  sup- 
plant him  in  the  supreme  command.  A  party  of  ship-carpenters, 
officers,  and  seamen,  with  guns,  stores,  etc.,  followed  him  to  the 
harbour ;  and  preparations  were  at  once  made  to  build  some  efficient 
ships.  Meanwhile  Chauncey  took  the  lake  with  the  little  squadron 


112          THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.      [1812-13. 

already  prepared  by  Lieutenant  Woolsey.  The  Canadian  flotilla  was 
of  double  his  force,  but,  as  already  said,  it  really  formed  only  a  species 
of  water  militia,  and  was  not  capable  of  making  head  against  regular 
seamen  of  the  United  States  navy,  just  as  at  the  same  time  the 
American  militia  proved  unable  to  make  head  against  the  British 
regulars  on  land.  Chauncey  not  only  chased  the  Canadian  squadron 
off  the  lake,  but  also  attacked  it  when  it  took  refuge  under  the 
batteries  of  Kingston,  which  was  the  naval  headquarters  on  the 
Canadian  side.  No  serious  results  followed  on  this  attack,  any  more 
than  on  the  previous  attack  on  Sackett's  Harbour ;  but  it  was  note- 
worthy that  it  should  have  been  made  at  all,  when  the  attacking 
force  was  so  greatly  inferior. 

During  the  winter  both  sides  made  preparations  for  the  warfare 
in  the  spring.  The  lake  service  was  very  unpopular  with  the 
Americans,  so  that  it  proved  difficult  to  get  men  to  volunteer  for  it 
at  all.  The  only  way  they  were  persuaded  to  come  was  by  inducing 
them  to  serve  under  officers  whom  they  liked,  and  who  went  with 
them.  In  the  British  service  this  particular  difficulty  was  not  en- 
countered, as  men  could  be  sent  wherever  the  Admiralty  ordered  ; 
but  the  demands  of  the  great  ocean  fleets  were  so  stringent  that  it 
was  hard  to  spare  men  for  the  service  on  these  remote  inland  waters. 
However,  by  May,  1813,  five  hundred  British  seamen  had  been  sent  up 
under  Captain  Sir  James  Lucas  Yeo.  Two  ships  were  being  built  at 
Sackett's  Harbour  by  the  Americans,  and  two  others,  of  twenty-four 
guns  each,  by  the  British  at  York  and  Kingston,  at  opposite  ends  of 
the  lake.  Thanks  to  the  energy  of  Mr.  Henry  Eckford,  the  head 
builder,  the  work  on  the  American  side  was  pushed  with  greater 
rapidity,  and  larger  and  somewhat  better  ships  were  built.  In 
addition  to  the  new  ships,  Sir  James  kept  the  five  best  of  the  original 
Canadian  squadron,  and  Chauncey  kept  the  Oneida,  and  purchased 
a  dozen  schooners.  When  the  two  squadrons  were  completely 
ready,  Chauncey  had  a  great  superiority  in  long-guns  and  Sir 
James  in  carronades.  In  smooth  weather,  therefore,  when  Chauncey 
could  choose  his  distance,  he  possessed  much  advantage ;  but 
whereas  all  the  British  ships  were  regularly  built  for  men-of-war, 
and  sailed  well  in  rough  weather,  Chauncey's  schooners  were 
without  bulwarks,  and  were  rendered  so  top  heavy  by  their  guns 
that,  in  a  sea-way,  the  latter  could  not  be  used  at  all. 

In  the  spring  of  1813  the  Americans,  thanks  to  the  energy  with 
which  their  shipwrights  had  worked,  were  able  to  take  the  lake  first. 


1813.]  BRITISH  REPULSE  AT  SACKETTS  HARBOUR.  113 

On  April  27th  Chauncey's  squadron  joined  in  the  attack  on  York, 
whither  he  convoyed  some  1700  troops  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Pike.  The  attack  was  successful :  the 
24-gun  ship,  which  had  been  almost  completed,  was  burned, 
many  military  and  naval  stores  were  destroyed,  and  the  10-gun 
brig  Gloucester  was  captured  and  taken  back  to  Sackett's  Harbour.1 

On  the  27th  of  May  Chauncey's  squadron  again  took  part,  with 
Colonel  Scott  of  the  land  forces  (which  were  conveyed  in  troop- 
ships and  in  the  craft  which  had  been  captured  at  York),  in  a 
successful  attack  on  Fort  George.2  The  result  of  this  attack  was 
that  the  British  troops  evacuated  the  entire  Niagara  frontier, 
thereby  enabling  Captain  Oliver  Hazard  Perry  to  get  into  Lake  Erie 
with  five  small  vessels  which  became  the  nucleus  of  the  American 
force  on  that  water.  Up  to  that  time  they  had  not  been  able  to 
get  past  the  British  batteries  into  the  lake. 

These  attacks  on  York  and  Fort  George  had  been  well  executed ; 
but  no  great  fighting  capacity  was  needed,  the  assailants  being  in 
very  much  greater  force  than  the  assailed.  Hitherto  the  British 
flotilla  had  not  been  strong  enough  to  interfere  with  the  Americans, 
though  the  largest  American  ship  was  still  in  the  dock  at  Sackett's 
Harbour  ;  but,  at  about  the  time  when  Chauncey's  squadron  was  at 
Fort  George,  the  British  ship  which  had  been  built  at  Kingston  was 
launched,  and  this  made  the  British  squadron  superior  in  strength 
for  the  moment.  Sir  James  Lucas  Yeo,  together  with  Sir  George 
Prevost,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  land  forces  in  Canada, 
decided  to  strike  a  blow  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  and  destroy  the  big 
American  ship  there,  so  ensuring  their  superiority  in  force  on  the  lake 
for  the  remainder  of  the.  season.  On  May  27th  they  embarked,  and 
on  the  following  day  captured  some  boats  which  were  transporting 
troops  to  Sackett's  Harbour.  On  the  29th  Sir  George  and  Sir 
James  made  their  attack  on  the  harbour,  which  was  defended  by 
General  Jacob  Brown.  The  defences  of  the  port  consisted  merely  of 
the  one-gun  battery  and  a  block-house.  The  attack  resulted  in  a 
rather  bloody  repulse,  though  at  one  time  it  seemed  on  the  point 
of  succeeding.3  The  attacking  force  was  relatively  very  much 

1  Letter  of  Chauncey,  April   28th,  1813;   Lossing'B  'Field-Book  of  the  War  of 
1812,'  p.  581. 

2  Chauncey's  letter,  May  29th,  1813 ;  James's  '  Military  Occurrences,'  i.  151. 

3  The  British,  however,  succeeded  in  burning  the  Gloucester,  10,  which  had  been 
captured  at  York. — W.  L.  C. 

VOL   VI.  I 


114  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.  [1813. 

weaker  than  were  the  Americans  at  Fort  George  and  York,  but  it 
was  certainly  strong  enough  to  have  succeeded  if  properly  handled  ; 
and  the  failure  caused  much  recrimination  between  the  followers 
of  Sir  James  and  Sir  George.1 

During  June  Yeo  kept  the  lake  undisputed,  and  actively  co- 
operated with  the  British  army  in  the  operations  which  resulted 
in  the  humiliating  repulse  of  the  American  General  Wilkinson's 
expedition  into  Canada.  In  July  Chauncey  once  more  took  the 
lake,  his  new  ship  being  ready.  Throughout  August  and  September 
the  two  squadrons  were  facing  one  another  on  the  lake,  each  com- 
mander manoeuvring  with  a  caution  that  amounted  to  timidity.  In 
smooth  water  and  with  all  the  ships  in  action,  Chauncey  undoubtedly 
possessed  the  superiority  in  force  ;  but  on  the  8th  of  August  he 
received  a  severe  lesson  as  to  the  unseaworthiness  of  his  schooners, 
for  the  two  largest  went  to  the  bottom  in  a  heavy  gust  of  wind, 
their  guns  breaking  loose  when  they  heeled  over.  Moreover,  as 
the  ships  were  of  widely  different  types,  it  was  only  possible  to  get 
them  all  into  action  by  causing  one  half  of  the  squadron  to  tow  the 
other  half. 

On  August  10th  there  occurred  the  one  encounter  in  which 
either  side  can  be  said  to  have  shown  anything  approaching  to 
brilliancy  ;  and  all  the  credit  must  be  given  to  the  British.  Yeo, 
after  two  days  of  cautious  manoeuvring,  finally  made  a  night  attack 
on  Chauncey's  squadron.  Chauncey,  partly  owing  to  his  own 
blunder  and  partly  to  the  blunder  of  two  of  his  schooners,  the 
Julia  and  Growler,  allowed  the  latter  to  be  cut  off,  and  they  were 
both  of  them  captured  by  Yeo,  who  deserved  great  praise.2 

For  the  next  six  weeks  the  skirmishes  on  the  lakes  continued, 
each  commander  in  his  official  letters  stoutly  maintaining  that  he 
was  chasing  the  other.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Yeo  was  determined 
only  to  fight  in  heavy,  and  Chauncey  only  in  light  weather.  On 
September  llth  a  long-range  skirmish  occurred  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Genesee  River.  The  heavy  guns  of  the  American  schooners 
gave  their  side  the  advantage  in  this  affair,  but  nothing  decisive 
resulted.3 

On  September  28th  the  squadrons  again  came  into  contact  near 

1  Letter  of  Adjutant- General  Baynes,  May  30th,  1813;  James's  'Military  Occur- 
rences,' i.  173. 

2  Letters  of  Yeo,  Aug.  10th,  1813,  and  Chauncey,  Aug.  13th,  1813. 
s  Letters  of  Yeo,  Sept.  12th,  1813,  and  Chauncey,  Sept.  13th,  1813. 


1813.]  THE  AFFAIR   AT   YORK  BAY.  115 

York  Bay.  On  that  occasion  the  Americans  were  to  windward ;  and 
Chauncey  at  last  made  up  his  mind  to  try  a  real  fight.  But  Yeo 
succumbed  with  very  little  resistance.  The  American  vessels 
suffered  hardly  at  all.  Chauncey  led  his  squadron  in  the  Pike, 
much  the  heaviest  vessel  in  either  squadron.  Yeo's  ship,  the 
Wolfe,  speedily  had  her  main  and  mizen  top-masts  shot  away  ; 
whereupon  Yeo  crowded  all  sail  forward,  and  hastily  got  out  of 
the  combat,  leaving  his  retreat  to  be  covered  by  the  Royal  George, 
Captain  William  Howe  Mulcaster.  Mulcaster  luffed  across  the 
Wolfe's  stern,  and  stood  the  brunt  of  the  action  until  his  com- 
modore was  in  safety,  when  he  himself  followed  suit,  having 
lost  his  fore  topmast.  For  an  hour  the  American  ships  followed, 
and  then  relinquished  the  pursuit  when  the  British  were  running 
into  the  entirely  undefended  port  of  Burlington  Bay,  whence  escape 
would  have  been  impossible.1  The  only  loss  inflicted  by  the  British 
guns  had  been  to  the  American  schooner  TompJcins,  under  Lieu- 
tenant Bolton  Fitch,  who  shared  with  Captain  Mulcaster  what 
there  was  of  glory  in  the  day.  The  fight,  or  skirmish,  such  as  it 
was,  was  decisive  in  so  far  as  concerned  any  further  attempts  by 
Yeo  to  keep  the  lake  that  season,  for  thereafter  his  squadron 
remained  in  Kingston,  part  of  the  time  blockaded  by  Chauncey. 
But  Chauncey  deserved  no  credit  for  the  action.  He  possessed  an 
undoubted  superiority  in  force,  and  his  opponents  made  very  little 
resistance,  so  that  the  victory  was  cheap ;  and  his  conduct  in 
abandoning  the  pursuit  and  thereby  losing  the  fruits  of  the  victory 
was  inexplicable.  He  did  not  order  his  swifter  vessels  to  cast  off 
the  slower  ones  which  they  were  towing,  so  he  could  not  overtake 
the  fleeing  enemy ;  and  he  did  not  follow  them  into  the  open  road- 
stead where  they  sought  refuge.  He  afterwards  alleged  that  he 
feared  to  make  the  attack  in  Burlington  Bay  lest  the  wind  should 
blow  up  to  a  gale  and  drive  both  squadrons  ashore ;  and  that  he 
hoped  to  be  able  to  make  another  attack  at  a  more  suitable  time. 
Such  excuses  simply  serve  to  mark  the  difference  between  the  com- 
mander who  allows  caution  to  degenerate  into  irresolution,  and  the 
bold  leader  of  men.  Chauncey  had  missed  the  great  opportunity  of 
his  life. 

In  1814  the  contest  degenerated  into  one  of  shipbuilding  merely. 

1  Letter  of  Chauncey,  Sept.  28th,  1813 ;  Brenton,  ii.  503.  Unfortunately,  the 
British  Admiralty  had  at  that  time  adopted  the  rule  of  not  publishing  official  accounts 
of  defeats,  so  there  is  no  printed  letter  of  Yeo's. 


116  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

The  shipwrights  under  Yeo  and  Chauncey  began  to  build  huge 
frigates  and  to  lay  down  battleships,  while  the  schooners  were 
no  longer  included  in  the  cruising  squadrons.1  Chauncey  had  re- 
captured the  Julia  and  the  Growler  in  a  successful  attack  upon  some 
British  transports.  The  Growler,  however,  was  again  captured 
on  May  3rd,  1814,  when  Yeo,  who  took  the  lake  first,  began  a 
successful  attack  on  Oswego,2  the  British  troops  being  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Fischer.3  Yeo  then  blockaded 
Sackett's  Harbour.  On  May  30th  he  sent  an  expedition  of  six 
boats  with  seven  guns  and  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  under 
Commanders  Stephen  Popham  and  Francis  Brockell  Spilsbury,  to 
attack  an  American  convoy  under  Captain  Woolsey  which  was 
bringing  up  guns  and  cables  for  the  new  American  frigates.  Woolsey 
ran  into  Big  Sandy  Creek,  eight  miles  from  the  harbour,  where 
he  was  joined  by  some  militia  and  a  company  of  light  artillery, 
under  Major  Appling.  The  British  force  was  absurdly  inadequate 
for  the  duty  to  which  it  was  assigned ;  Americans  had  every 
advantage  of  position,  and  outnumbered  the  attacking  party. 
Woolsey  and  Appling  arranged  an  ambush,  and,  with  the  loss  of 
only  one  man  slightly  wounded,  killed4  or  captured  the  entire 
body  of  assailants.5 

On  July  6th  Yeo  raised  the  blockade,  and,  for  six  weeks,  nothing 
was  done  except  that  Lieutenant  Francis  Gregory,  U.S.N.,  twice 
led  daring  and  successful  cutting-out  expeditions,  in  one  of  which 
he  captured  a  British  gunboat,  and  in  the  other  destroyed  a  14-gun 
schooner  which  was  nearly  ready  for  launching.  In  August,  Com- 


1  On  April  15th,  there  were  launched,  by  the  British,   at   Kingston,  the   Prince 
Regent,  58,  and  the  Princess  Charlotte,  42.     On  May  1st  the  Americans,  at  Sackett's 
Harbour,  launched  the  Superior,  62,  and  on  June  llth,  the  Mohawk,  48. — W.  L.  C. 

2  In  the  capture  of  Oswego,  the  British  lost  18  killed  and  64  wounded,  among  the 
former  being  Captain  William  Holtoway,  R.M.,  and  among  the  latter  Captain  William 
Howe   Mulcaster,   Commander   Stephen   Popham,   and    Lieutenant   Charles   William 
Griffith  Griffin.     The  American  loss  was  6  killed,  38  wounded,  and  25  missing.     Three 
schooners  and  seven  guns  were  carried  away  by  the  victors,  and  a  schooner  and  six 
guns  were  destroyed. — W.  L.  C. 

8  Yeo's  letter,  May  17th,  1814. 

*  The  attacking  party  consisted  of  180  seamen  and  Royal  Marines.  It  lost 
18  killed  and  50  badly  wounded,  among  the  latter  being  Lieutenants  Thomas  S.  Cox 
and  Patrick  M'Veagh,  R.M.  Popham's  official  letter  ended :  "  The  exertions  of  the 
American  officers  of  the  rifle  corps  commanded  by  Major  Appling,  in  saving  the  lives 
of  many  of  the  officers  and  men  whom  their  own  men  and  the  Indians  were  devoting 
to  death,  were  conspicuous,  and  claim  our  warmest  gratitude." — W.  L.  C. 

s  Letters  of  Woolsey  and  Appling,  June  1st  and  May  30th,  1814. 


1814.]  TACTICS    OF   YEO   AND    CHAUNCEY.  117 

rnodore  Chauncey's  vessels  having  been  built,  Captain  Yeo  in 
his  turn  promptly  retreated  to  port,  where  he  was  blockaded.  The 
difference  in  force  against  Yeo  was  about  15  per  cent.,  and  he 
declined  to  fight  with  these  odds  against  him.  A  little  later,  in 
October,  his  two-decker,  the  Prince  Regent,  58,  being  completed,  Yeo 
in  his  turn  took  the  lake ;  and  the  equally  cautious  Chauncey 
promptly  retired  to  Sackett's  Harbour. 

Chauncey  varied  the  game  by  quarrelling  with  General  Brown, 
alleging  that  the  latter  was  making  a  "sinister  attempt"  to 
subordinate  the  navy  to  the  army.1  He  insisted — wherein  he  was 
quite  right — that  his  proper  objective  was  the  enemy's  fleet,  and 
that  he  could  best  serve  the  army  by  destroying  the  British  vessels. 
This  was  true  enough  ;  but  the  timid  and  dilatory  tactics  employed 
by  both  Chauncey  and  Yeo  were  such  as  to  render  it  certain  that 
neither  would  ever  inflict  a  serious  blow  on  the  other,  for  neither 
would  fight  unless  the  odds  were  largely  in  his  favour ;  and  when 
such  was  the  case,  he  could  not  persuade  his  opponent  to  meet  him ; 
so  that  the  best  either  could  do  was  to  assist  the  army  in  the  way 
against  which  Chauncey  protested.  Both  Chauncey  and  Yeo  were 
good  organisers :  each  in  turn  assisted  the  land  forces  on  his  side 
more  or  less  by  getting  control  of  the  lake;  but,  towards  the  end, 
the  contest  became  almost  farcical,  for  it  was  one  of  ship-building 
merely,  and  the  minute  either  party  completed  a  new  ship  the 
other  promptly  retired  into  harbour  until  able  in  turn  to  com- 
plete a  larger  one. 

On  Lake  Erie  the  course  of  events  was  very  different,  for  the 
commanders  on  that  sheet  of  water  displayed  none  of  the  extreme 
and  timid  caution  which  characterised  the  two  commodores  on 
Lake  Ontario. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  British  squadron  on  Lake 
Ontario  consisted  of  the  Queen  Charlotte,  16,  Lady  Prevost,  12, 
Hunter,  10,  Caledonia,  2,  Little  Belt,  2,  and  Chippeway,  2.  These 
were  all  manned  by  Canadians,  and,  like  the  vessels  on  Lake 
Ontario,  were  not  part  of  the  British  regular  Navy,  but  formed  a 
species  of  water  militia.  The  American  navy  was  not  represented 
on  Lake  Erie  at  all ;  but  Hull's  army  at  Detroit  had  fitted  out  a 
small  brig,  the  Adams,  armed  with  six  6-pounders,  which  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  British  when  Hull  and  his  army  were  captured 

1  Niles,  vii.  12,  vi. 


118  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1812. 

by  the  gallant  British  General  Brock.  The  Detroit,  ex  Adams,  was 
then  put  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Rolette,  K.N.,  assisted  by  a 
boatswain,  and  was  provided  with  a  crew  of  fifty-six  men.  She  was 
in  company  with  the  Caledonia,  a  small  brig  mounting  two  guns, 
with  a  crew  of  twelve  Canadians  under  Mr.  Irving.  In  all  the 
fighting  on  the  upper  lakes  the  bulk  of  the  British  crews  was 
composed  of  Canadians  and  of  British  soldiers ;  whereas  on  Lake 
Ontario  the  ships  were  manned  by  British  sailors  from  the  fleet. 

The  Detroit  and  the  Caledonia,  carrying  a  very  valuable  cargo 
of  furs  and  about  forty  American  prisoners,  moved  down  the  lake, 
and  on  October  7th,  1812,  anchored  under  the  guns  of  the  British 
Fort  Erie. 


AMERICAN    MEDAL   COMMEMORATIVE    OP   THE   BATTLE   OF   LAKE   ERIK,    1813. 

Commander  Jesse  D.  Elliott,  U.S.N.,  had  already  been  sent  to 
Lake  Erie  to  construct  a  naval  force.  On  the  very  day  on  which 
the  two  brigs  came  to  anchor  under  the  British  fort  the  first 
detachment  of  the  American  seamen,  fifty-one  in  number,  arrived 
at  Black  Rock,  on  the  American  side,  where  Elliott  was  stationed. 
They  had  no  arms ;  but  sabres,  pistols,  and  muskets  were  supplied 
by  the  commander  of  the  land  forces,  who  also  detailed  seventy 
soldiers  under  Captain  Towsen  to  act  with  Elliott,  the  total  force 
being  124. *  On  the  9th,  Elliott,  acting  with  great  promptness 
and  decision,  left  in  two  large  boats,  one  under  his  own  command, 
the  other  under  Towsen,  intending  to  cut  out  the  British  vessels. 
After  two  hours'  rowing  the  boats  reached  the  brigs.  Elliott 

1  Letter  of  Elliott,  Oct.  5th,  1812  ;  Lossing,  p.  385. 


1812-13.]  AFFAIRS    ON  LAKE  ERIE.  119 

took  his  own  boat  alongside  the  Detroit  and  boarded  her  before 
the  surprised  crew  knew  their  danger,  though  there  was  a  scuffle 
in  which  one  American  was  killed  and  one  wounded.  The  noise 
roused  the  Canadians  in  the  Caledonia,  and  they  made  more 
resistance  to  the  other  boat.  However,  it  was  too  late,  and  the 
Caledonia  was  carried  with  a  rush,  all  twelve  of  the  Canadians 
being  cut  down  or  made  prisoners.  Five  of  the  Americans  were 
killed  or  wounded.  The  Caledonia  was  brought  back  in  safety  to 
the  American  side,  but  the  Detroit  had  to  be  destroyed. 

This  ended  the  naval  operations  of  1812  on  Lake  Erie,  except 
that  the  American  Commander  Angus,  with  eighty  sailors,  took  part 
in  one  of  the  abortive  attacks  made  by  the  American  General  Smith 
on  some  of  the  British  batteries.  Late  in  the  winter  Commodore 
Oliver  Hazard  Perry  arrived  and  took  command. 

Commander  Eobert  Heriot  Barclay  (actg.),  E.N.,  was  appointed 
commander  of  the  British  forces  on  Lake  Erie,  in  May,  1813.  He 
began  to  build  a  20-gun  ship  at  Amherstburgh.  Some  seventy 
sailors  from  the  British  Navy  were  sent  to  him,  and  there  were 
about  twice  that  number  of  Canadian  sailors  already  in  the  flotilla. 
The  remainder,  at  least  half,  of  his  men  were  soldiers  sent  from  the 
British  army  on  shore. 

Perry  began  the  construction  of  two  20-gun  brigs  at  Presqu'- 
isle,  now  Erie.  Over  one-half  of  the  men  who  manned  his  squadron 
were  seamen  from  the  regular  navy  on  the  Atlantic  coast ;  about 
a  third  were  soldiers  and  marines  ;  and  about  a  tenth  were  volunteers 
from  among  the  frontiersmen  around  the  lake. 

The  crews  and  vessels  on  both  sides  were  of  the  order  of  make- 
shifts, although  the  splendid  courage  and  efficiency  with  which  the 
men  fought  was  a  sufficient  proof  that  there  was  no  difficulty  in 
bringing  such  material  up  to  the  highest  standard ;  for  the  British 
and  American  seamen  from  the  ocean,  the  American  and  Canadian 
frontiersmen  and  lake  sailors,  and  the  soldiers  from  both  armies, 
who  formed  the  crews,  offered  fine  fighting  stuff. 

The  lake  vessels  were  very  much  shallower  than  those  used  for 
the  deep  seas.  Their  tonnage  was  estimated  arbitrarily,  on  the 
supposition  that,  like  the  ordinary  ocean  vessels,  they  were  deep 
in  a  given  proportion  to  their  length  and  breadth.  If  allowance 
were  made  for  the  shallowness  of  the  lake  vessels,  their  tonnage 
would  be  of  course  very  much  less.  Thus,  making  such  allowance, 
the  British  20-gun  ship  built  by  Barclay,  which  he  christened 


120  THE    WAS    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.          [1813. 

the  Detroit,  was  of  only  305  tons,  while,  if  estimated  in  the  usual 
manner,  it  was  of  490.  The  two  brigs  Lawrence  and  Niagara, 
which  Perry  was  building,  were  similarly  of  either  300  or  480  tons. 
However,  the  tonnage  was  really  a  matter  of  small  moment  in  war 
vessels,  except  to  indicate  the  size  above  the  water-line,  for  they 
carried  no  cargoes ;  so  that  the  tonnage  of  the  lake  vessels  may  as 
well  be  reckoned  as -though  it  were  a  case  of  ordinary  ocean  vessels. 
Beckoning  thus,  Barclay's  second  ship,  the  Lady  Charlotte,  was 
of  400  tons ;  his  third,  the  Lady  Prevost,  of  230 ;  and  his  fourth, 
the  Hunter,  of  180  tons.  On  the  American  side  the  Caledonia, 
like  the  Hunter,  was  of  180  tons,  and  the  largest  schooner,  the 
Ariel,  of  112.  The  other  schooners  and  sloops  on  both  sides  were 
of  from  70  to  95  tons  apiece. 

The  two  American  brigs  and  the  British  ship  were  completed 
in  August.  Until  their  completion  the  British  squadron  was 
superior  in  force,  and  Barclay  kept  up  a  close  blockade  of  the  harbour 
of  Erie,  where  there  was  a  bar  having  on  it  less  than  seven  feet 
of  water.  This  bar  prevented  the  British  from  going  in,  but  it 
also  prevented  the  two  American  brigs  from  getting  out  so  long  as 
the  enemy  was  off  the  harbour.  Finally  Barclay,  early  in  August, 
was  obliged  to  be  away  for  a  couple  of  days ;  and  Perry  by  great 
exertions  managed  to  get  the  two  brigs  across  the  bar  without  their 
guns,  which  were  put  in  later.1  Soon  afterwards  the  Detroit  joined 
Barclay's  squadron,  and  the  captains  made  ready  for  battle. 

Barclay's  squadron  was  so  inferior  in  force  that  he  would  not 
have  been  justified  in  risking  action  if  it  could  have  been  avoided. 
But  there  was  no  alternative.  The  control  of  Lake  Erie  virtually 
decided  the  control  of  the  disputed  territory  around  the  Detroit 
Eiver.  Moreover,  Barclay  was  so  short  of  provisions  that  he  had 
to  bring  matters  to  a  head.  On  September  10th,  1813,  the  two 
squadrons  came  together. 

Perry  had  nine  vessels,  the  brigs  Lawrence,  Niagara,  and 
Caledonia,  the  schooners  Ariel,  Scorpion,  Somers,  Porcupine,  and 
Tigress,  and  the  sloop  Trippe.  Their  total  tonnage  was  1671,  and 
their  total  crews  amounted  to  532  men ;  but  sickness  had  been  so 
prevalent  that  only  about  416  were  fit  for  duty.  In  his  vessels 
fifty-four  guns  were  mounted,  fourteen  of  which  were  on  pivots. 
In  the  action  his  broadside  weight  of  metal  was  896  pounds ; 
288  of  which  were  thrown  from  long-guns.  The  Lawrence  and 

1  Cooper,  ii.  389. 


1813.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE  Ell  IE.  121 

Niagara  were  large  men-of-war  brigs,  armed  in  the  usual  manner 
with  eighteen  32-pr.  carronades,  and  two  long  1'2's  apiece.  The 
smaller  vessels,  in  addition  to  two  or  three  light  carronades,  carried 
long  32's,  24's,  and  12's.  Barclay's  squadron  consisted  of  six  vessels, 
the  ships  Detroit  and  Queen  Charlotte,  the  brig  Hunter,  the  schooners 
Lady  Prevost,  and  Chippeway,  and  the  sloop  Little  Belt.  The 
aggregate  tonnage  was  1460 ;  the  aggregate  of  the  crews  summed  up 


CAPTAIN    OLIVER   HAZARD   PERRY,    U.S.N. 
(.From  S.  Freeman's  engraving,  after  the  portrait  by  J.  W.  Jarvis.) 

to  about  440  men.1  The  total  number  of  guns  was  sixty-three,  five 
being  on  pivots.  The  total  broadside  weight  was  459  pounds, 
of  which  195  were  from  long  guns ;  for  many  of  Barclay's  guns 
were  of  very  small  calibre,  including  long  2's,  4's,  and  6's,  and 
12-pr.  carronades. 

1  James  (vi.  250,  ed.  1837)  puts  the  numerical  strength  of  Barclay's  command  at 
only  345  men,  including  80  Canadians,  and  240  soldiers  of  the  Newfoundland  and  41st 
regiments. — W.  L.  C. 


122  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

The  difference  in  number  of  men  between  the  two  squadrons 
was  not  very  material.  Both  had  scratch  crews,  made  up  of  regular 
seamen,  of  lake  seamen,  of  British  regulars,  and  a  few  Indians  in 
Barclay's  squadron,  and  American  militia  and  a  few  negroes  in 
Perry's.  In  tonnage  Perry  was  superior  by  just  about  what  would 
be  indicated  by  the  possession  of  three  extra  schooners.  The 
decisive  difference  was  in  the  armament.  In  weight  of  broadside 
the  superiority  of  the  Americans  in  long-gun  metal  was  nearly  as 
three  to  two,  and  in  carronade  metal  it  was  greater  than  two  to  one. 
The  ship  Detroit  mounted  chiefly  long  guns,  and  was  on  the  whole 
probably  rather  superior  to  either  of  Perry's  big  brigs.  The  Queen 
Charlotte  was  greatly  inferior  to  either.  The  smaller  vessels  lacked 
the  long  guns  which  made  the  small  American  vessels  formidable. 
In  smooth  water  and  at  a  distance  the  long  guns  of  Perry's  smaller 
vessels  gave  his  squadron  a  very  marked  advantage ;  in  a  brisk 
breeze  his  two  big  brigs  should  have  been  almost  a  match  for  the 
entire  British  squadron. 

When,  at  daylight  on  September  10th,  Perry  discovered  Barclay's 
squadron  he  was  at  anchor  at  Put-In  Bay.  As  soon  as  the  ships 
were  made  out,  Perry  got  under  way  and  bore  down  toward  them, 
having  the  weather  gage.  Barclay  lay  to  in  close  column,  the 
Chippewatj  ahead,  followed  by  the  Detroit,  the  Hunter,  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  the  Lady  Prevost,  and  the  Little  Belt.1  Perry  went  down 
with  the  wind  off  his  port  beam,  and  made  the  attack  in  column 
ahead  obliquely.  The  Erie  and  Scorpion  led  the  line  a  little  ahead, 
and  on  the  weather  bow,  of  Perry's  ship  the  Lawrence.  Next  came 
the  Caledonia,  and  after  her  the  "Lawrence's  twin  sister,  the  Niagara, 
under  Captain  Jesse  D.  Elliott,  whom  Perry  had  superseded,  and 
who  showed  by  his  actions  that  he  felt  no  particular  zeal  in  helping 
Perry  to  gain  glory.  The  Niagara  was  followed  by  the  Somers,  the 
Porcupine,  the  Tigress,  and  the  Trippe  in  that  order.2 

The  winds  were  light  and  baffling,  and,  as  the  American  ships 
came  down,  they  formed  a  straggling  and  irregular  line  which 

1  The  British  vessels  were   commanded  as   follows :    Chippeway,  Master's   Mate 
J.  Campbell ;  Detroit,  Commander  Robert  Heriot  Barclay  ;  Hunter,  Lieutenant  George 
Bignell;     Queen    Charlotte,    Commander    Robert    Finuis    (acting);     Lady    Prevost, 
Lieutenant  Edward  Wise  Buchan.     The  commander  of  the  Little  Belt  is   unnamed 
in  Barclay's  letter  of  September  12th  to  Yeo.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Letters  of  Captain  Barclay  and  Lieutenant  Inglis,  Sept.  12th  and  10th,  1813  ; 
of  Captain  Perry,  Sept,  llth,  12th,  and  13th.     Lossing  gives  some  valuable  matter ;  so 
does  Ward  in  his  '  Naval  Tactics,'  and  James  in  his  '  Naval  Occurrences.' 


1813.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE  ERIE.  123 

approached  at  an  angle  of  about  fifteen  degrees  to  the  line  of 
Barclay's  squadron,  which  was  in  much  better  and  more  compact 
order.  At  a  quarter  to  twelve  the  Detroit  opened  the  action  with 
her  long  24's.  Her  first  shot  fell  short ;  her  second  crashed 
through  the  Lawrence ;  whereupon  the  Scorpion  replied  with  her 
long  32.  Ten  minutes  after  the  Detroit  had  first  fired,  the 
Lawrence,  which  had  shifted  her  port  bow-chaser  into  the  place 
of  one  of  the  carronades  on  her  starboard  side,  opened  with  both 
her  long  12's.  At  noon  she  tried  her  carronades,  but  the  shot  fell 
short.  Shortly  afterwards  the  action  became  general  on  both  sides, 
though  the  rearmost  American  vessels  were  still  so  far  away  that 
they  were  themselves  not  exposed  to  any  danger  at  all,  and  only 
the  longest  guns  occasionally  reached.  The  Lawrence  was  steadily 
nearing  Barclay's  line,  Perry  making  every  effort  to  close ;  but  it  was 
half  an  hour  after  the  Detroit  had  opened  before  the  Lawrence  got 
to  the  close  quarters  necessary  for  the  effective  use  of  her  carronades. 
Throughout  this  half-hour  Barclay's  leading  ships  had  concentrated 
their  fire  on  Perry's  vessel,  and  so  the  Lawrence  had  suffered  a 
good  deal ;  though  the  schooners  Scorpion  and  Ariel  had  been 
pounding  away  with  their  long  guns  to  help  her. 

For  some  time,  therefore,  the  action  at  the  head  of  the  line  was 
in  favour  of  the  British.  The  sides  of  the  Detroit  were  dotted  with 
marks  of  shot  that  did  not  penetrate,  partly  because  of  the  long 
range,  partly  because  the  Americans  in  this  action  seemed  to  show 
a  tendency  to  overload  their  carronades.  There  was  a  carronade  in 
the  Scorpion  which  upset  down  the  hatchway  as  soon  as  it  got  hot ; 
and  one  of  the  long  guns  on  the  Ariel  burst.  On  the  other  side,  the 
Detroit  had  her  own  diffkmlties.  There  were  no  locks  for  her  guns, 
thanks  to  the  hurry  with  which  she  had  been  prepared,  and  they  had 
to  be  discharged  by  flashing  pistols  at  the  touch-holes.  Nevertheless, 
Barclay  fought  her  to  perfection,  and  the  trained  artillerists  among 
his  seamen  and  soldiers  aimed  the  guns  so  well  that  Perry  had  his 
hands  full.  The  Caledonia  came  down  beside  the  Lawrence,  helping 
to  divert  the  attention  of  the  Hunter  and  the  Queen  Charlotte  from 
her.  But  Elliott  handled  the  Niagara  poorly.  He  did  not  follow 
Perry  to  close  quarters,  but  engaged  the  Queen  Charlotte  at  a  distance 
which  rendered  the  carronades  of  both  vessels  useless.  In  fact,  the 
only  effective  fighting  at  the  rear  of  the  lines  was  that  done  by  the 
four  American  gun-vessels  astern  of  the  Niagara.  Each  of  these 
had  a  long  32  or  24,  of  which,  on  such  smooth  seas,  she  could  make 


124  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

good  use  against  the  Lady  Prevost,  Queen  Charlotte,  and  Hunter ; 
the  latter  having  an  absurd  armament  of  little  guns  which  threw  a 
broadside  of  thirty  pounds  all  told.  Both  Commander  Finnis,  of  the 
Queen  Charlotte,  and  his  first  lieutenant,  Thomas  Stokoe,  were  killed 
early  in  the  action.  Her  next  in  command,  the  Canadian  lieutenant 
Irvine,  finding  that  he  could  make  no  effective  answer  to  the  long 
guns  of  the  schooners,  drew  forward  and  joined  in  the  attack  on  the 
Lawrence  at  close  quarters.  The  Niagara  was  left  practically 
without  any  antagonist,  and,  at  the  end  of  the  line,  the  fight  became 
one  at  long  range  between  the  Somers,  Tigress,  Porcupine,  and  Trippe 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  Lady  Prevost,  and  Little  Belt  on  the 
other.  The  Ladij  Prevost's  armament  consisted  chiefly  of  12-pr. 
carronades.  She  made  a  noble  fight,  but  such  an  armament  at  long 
range  in  smooth  water  was  utterly  useless  against  the  heavy  guns 
of  the  schooners.  Her  commander,  Lieutenant  Buchan,  and  her 
first  lieutenant,  Francis  Eolette,  were  both  seriously  wounded,  and 
she  was  greatly  cut  up,  and  began  to  fall  to  leeward. 

The  fight  at  the  head  of  the  line  was  waged  with  bloody 
obstinacy  between  the  Scorpion,  Ariel,  Lawrence,  and  Chesapeake 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Caledonia,  Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte,  and 
Chippeway  on  the  other.  Instead  of  pairing  in  couples,  the  ships 
on  each  side  seemed  to  choose  the  largest  opponents  as  special 
targets.  The  Americans  concentrated  their  fire  on  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  and  Detroit ;  while  the  British  devoted  their  attention 
mainly  to  the  Lawrence,  which  had  already  suffered  severely  while 
working  down  to  get  within  range  of  her  carronades.  The  Queen 
Charlotte  was  soon  almost  disabled.  The  Detroit  was  also  pounded 
practically  to  a  standstill,  suffering  especially  from  the  raking  fire 
of  the  gun-boats.  Barclay  was  fighting  her  himself  with  the 
utmost  gallantry ;  but  he  was  so  badly  wounded  that  he  was  at  last 
obliged  to  quit  the  deck.  His  first  Lieutenant,  John  Garland,  was 
also  wounded  mortally ;  but  Lieutenant  George  Inglis,  to  whom  the 
command  was  turned  over,  continued  the  fight  as  gamely  as  ever. 

Meanwhile  the  Lawrence  was  knocked  to  pieces  by  the  combined 
fires  of  her  adversaries.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  three  men  who 
had  been  fit  for  duty  when  she  began  the  action,  eighty-three  were 
killed  or  wounded.  As  the  vessel  was  so  shallow,  the  ward-room, 
which  was  used  as  the  cockpit  into  which  the  wounded  were  taken, 
was  mainly  above  water,  and  the  shots  came  through  it  continually. 
Many  of  the  wounded  were  killed  or  maimed  while  under  the  hands 


1813.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE  ERIE.  125 

of  the  surgeons.  The  first  lieutenant,  Yarnall,  was  hit  three  times, 
but  refused  to  leave  the  deck,  and  fought  the  ship  to  the  last.  The 
only  other  lieutenant  on  board,  Brooks,  of  the  marines,  was 
mortally  wounded.  Every  brace  and  bowline  was  shot  away,  and 
the  hull  was  so  riddled  that  it  looked  like  a  sieve.  One  by  one  the 
guns  on  the  engaged  side  were  dismounted,  while  the  men  were 
shot  down  until  they  could  not  man  even  the  guns  that  were  left. 
However,  the  slaughter  of  four-fifths  of  his  crew  before  his  eyes  did 
not  daunt  Perry  in  the  least.  When  there  were  no  men  left  to 
serve  the  last  three  or  four  guns,  he  called  down  through  the  skylight 
for  one  of  the  surgeon's  assistants.  The  call  was  repeated  and  obeyed, 
until  all  those  officers  had  been  used  up.  Then  he  shouted  down, 
"  Can  any  of  the  wounded  pull  a  rope  ?  "  and  three  or  four  of  them 
hobbled  up  on  deck  to  help  him  lay  the  last  guns.  Finally,  Perry 
himself  was  left  with  only  the  purser  and  chaplain,  and  by  their  aid 
he  fired  a  final  shot ;  and,  immediately  afterwards,  the  gun  which 
he  had  used,  the  only  one  left,  was  disabled. 

Meanwhile  Mr.  Turner  in  the  Caledonia,  having  put  his  helm 
up,  had  passed  the  Lawrence  and  run  into  the  British  line,  where 
he  engaged  at  half  pistol-shot  distance,  though  his  little  brig  was 
absolutely  without  quarters. 

Perry's  vessel  lay  an  unmanageable  hulk  on  the  water,  while  the 
shot  ripped  through  her  sides,  and  there  was  not  a  gun  that  could  be 
fired  in  return  ;  but  Perry  had  not  the  slightest  intention  of  giving 
up  the  fight.  He  had  gone  into  the  battle  flying  on  his  flag 
Lawrence's  dying  words,  "  Don't  give  up  the  ship " ;  and  he 
intended  to  live  up  to  the  text.  The  Niagara  was  at  that  time  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  to  windward  of  the  Lawrence  on  her  port-beam. 
She  was  steering  for  the  head  of  Barclay's  line,  and  was  almost 
uninjured,  having  taken  very  little  part  in  the  combat,  and  never 
having  been  within  a  distance  that  rendered  her  carronades  of  any  use. 
Perry  instantly  decided  to  shift  his  broad  pennant  to  her.  Leaping 
into  a  boat  with  his  brother  and  four  seamen,  he  rowed  to  the 
fresh  brig,  having  literally  been  hammered  out  of  the  Lawrence  by 
the  pounding  which  he  had  received  for  two  hours  and  a  half.  As 
soon  as  he  reached  the  Niagara,  he  sent  Elliott  astern  to  hurry  up 
the  three  rearmost  schooners  ;  for  the  sloop  Trippe,  on  her  own 
account,  had  steered  straight  for  the  British  line,  and  was  very  near 
the  Caledonia.  The  Laiorence,  having  but  fourteen  sound  men  left, 
struck  her  colours ;  but  the  action  began  again  before  possession 


126  THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1813. 

could  be  taken  of  her,  and  she  drifted  astern  out  of  the  fight.  At  a 
quarter  to  three  the  schooners  had  closed,  and  Perry  bore  up  to 
break  Barclay's  line,  the  powerful  brig  to  which  he  had  shifted  his 
broad  pennant  being  practically  unharmed ,  as  indeed  were  his  rear- 
most gun-vessels. 

The  British  ships  had  fought  till  they  could  fight  no  longer. 
The  two  smallest,  the  Chippeway  and  Little  Belt,  were  not  much 
damaged ;  but  the  other  four  were  too  disabled  either  to  fight  or  to 
manoeuvre  effectively  so  as  to  oppose  fresh  antagonists.  However, 
they  answered  as  best  they  could,  with  great  guns  and  musketry,  as 
the  Niagara  stood  down  and  broke  the  British  line,  firing  her  port 
battery  into  the  Chippeway,  Little  Belt,  and  Lady  Prevost,  and  her 
starboard  battery  into  the  Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte,  and  Hunter, 
raking  on  both  sides.  The  Detroit  and  Charlotte  had  been  so  cut 
up  aloft,  almost  every  brace  and  stay  being  shot  away,  that  they 
could  not  tack,  and  tried  to  wear ;  but  they  fell  foul  of  one  another, 
and  the  Niagara  luffed  athwart  their  bows,  firing  uninterruptedly, 
while,  under  their  sterns,  the  Caledonia  and  the  schooners  stationed 
themselves  so  close  that  some  of  their  grape-shot,  passing  over  the 
British  vessels,  rattled  through  Perry's  spars.  The  Lady  Prevost 
had  sagged  to  leeward,  an  unmanageable  wreck.  Barclay  had  done 
everything  in  the  power  of  man  to  do.  The  first  and  second  in 
command  of  every  one  of  his  six  vessels  had  been  either  killed  or 
wounded  ;  and  at  three  o'clock  his  flag  was  struck.  The  Chippeway 
and  Little  Belt  tried  to  escape,  but  were  overtaken  and  brought-to 
by  the  Trippe  and  the  Scorpion,  the  commander  of  the  latter,  Mr. 
Stephen  Champlin,  firing  the  last  shot  of  the  battle,  as  he  had 
likewise  fired  the  first  on  the  American  side. 

None  of  the  American  ships  had  suffered  severely,  excepting  the 
Lawrence,  to  whose  share  over  two-thirds  of  the  total  loss  had 
fallen.  In  breaking  the  line,  however,  the  Niagara  had  suffered 
somewhat;  and  the  Caledonia,  Ariel,  Scorpion,  and  Trippe  had  come 
in  for  some  of  the  pounding.  All  told,  twenty-seven  men  had  been 
killed  and  ninety-six  wounded,  three  mortally.  The  British  loss 
amounted  to  forty-one  killed  and  ninety-four  wounded,  chiefly  in 
the  Detroit  and  Queen  Charlotte.  Barclay's  letter  is  a  model  of  its 
kind  for  generosity  and  manliness,  stating  matters  precisely  as 
they  were.  He  needed  no  justification,  for  the  mere  recital  of 
the  facts  was  proof  enough  of  his  gallantry  and  skill.  In  his  letter 
he  stated,  "  Captain  Perry  has  behaved  in  the  most  humane  and 


1813.]  PRAISE    OF  BARCLAY.  127 

attentive   manner,  not  only  to  myself  and  officers,  but   to  all   the 
wounded."  ' 

The  victory  was  decisive,  giving  the  Americans  complete  control 
of  the  upper  lakes ;  and  it  was  very  important  in  its  effects,  putting 
an  end  to  any  effort  to  wrest  from  them  the  supremacy  on  the 
western  frontier.  Perry  and  the  American  shipwrights  are  en- 
titled to  high  praise  for  the  energy  and  forethought  with  which 
they  prepared  the  squadron.  Moreover,  Perry  showed  the  most 
determined  courage  and  great  fertility  in  resource,  which  enabled 
him  not  merely  to  destroy,  but  also  to  annihilate  his  enemy ;  and 
he  deserved  the  credit  he  received.  Both  sides  displayed  the  same 
dogged  courage ;  but,  on  the  whole,  Barclay  and  his  captains  un- 
questionably showed  superior  skill  in  the  actual  fighting.  The 
disposition  of  the  American  line  was  such  that  it  was  brought  into 
action  by  fragments.  Captain  Elliott  did  not  fight  the  Niagara  well ; 
and  four  of  the  American  gunboats  were  kept  so  far  astern  as  to 
prevent  their  being  of  much  use  at  first,  so  that  the  brunt  of  the 
action  fell  on  the  Lawrence,  even  during  the  early  part  of  the  action, 
when  the  fighting  was  at  long  range  and  her  carronades  were  useless. 
Perry,  towards  the  end,  showed  ability  to  use  his  force  to  the  best 
advantage,  and  his  own  ship  was  faultlessly  handled  and  fought ; 
but  some  of  his  captains  did  not  support  him,  nor  one  another,  as 
they  should  have  done.  Whether  through  his  fault  or  through  his 
misfortune,  he  failed  to  get  from  them  the  full  co-operation  which 
he  should  have  received. 

Barclay's  dispositions,  on  the  contrary,  were  faultless ;  and  the 
British  captains  supported  one  another,  so  that  the  disparity  in 
damage  done  was  not  equal  to  the  disparity  in  force.  Barclay  could 
not  arrange  his  ships  so  as  to  be  superior  to  his  antagonists.  In  any 
circumstances,  whether  in  rough  water  or  in  smooth,  the  Americans 
were  the  more  formidable  in  force.  All  that  he  could  do  he  did. 
Perry,  in  making  his  attack,  had  shown  the  same  headlong  energy  as 
he  had  previously  shown  in  preparing  his  squadron,  and  he  behaved 
with  that  indomitable  determination  not  to  be  beaten,  than  which, 
after  all,  there  is  no  greater  merit  in  any  fighter,  afloat  or  ashore. 

1  Lieutenant  Robert  Heriot  Barclay  had  his  Commander's  commission  confirmed  on 
November  19th,  1813,  ere  news  of  the  disaster  reached  the  Admiralty.  He  was  tried 
at  Portsmouth  for  the  loss  of  his  flotilla  on  September  16th,  1814,  and  was  "most 
fully  and  honourably  acquitted."  He  was  posted  on  October  14th,  1824,  and  died  on 
May  12th,  1837.— W.  L.  C. 


128  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.    [1813-14. 

The  superior  force  of  the  Americans  had  been  brought  into  action  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  head  of  the  line  was  crushed  by  the  inferior 
force  opposed  ;  but,  when  literally  hammered  out  of  his  own  ship, 
Perry  had  brought  up  her  powerful  twin  sister,  and  overwhelmed  the 
shattered  hostile  squadron,  pushing  the  victory  with  such  energy 
that  all  the  opposing  ships  were  captured.  In  other  words, 
Providence,  as  so  often  before,  declared  in  favour  of  the  heavier 
battalions,  when  those  battalions  were  handled  with  energy  and 
resolution.  The  victory  was  due  to  heavy  metal,  as  in  many 
another  sea  fight  between  far  greater  forces.  Like  the  victories  of 
La  Hougue  and  of  Camperdown,  waged  between  huge  armadas,  this 
combat  between  the  little  lake  flotillas  shows,  what  certainly  ought 
not  to  need  showing,  that  energy  and  forethought  in  preparing  a 
superior  force,  and  energy  and  courage  in  using  it,  will  ensure 
victory  if  the  skill  and  bravery  on  both  sides  be  equal,  or  even  if 
there  be  a  slight  advantage  in  skill  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

The  destruction  of  Barclay's  squadron  left  the  Americans  un- 
disputed masters  of  the  upper  lakes ;  but  exactly  as  they  had  begun 
their  career  by  a  cutting-out  expedition,  which  enabled  them  to 
acquire  the  nucleus  of  their  squadron,  so  now  they,  in  their  turn, 
suffered  by  a  couple  of  cutting-out  expeditions,  in  which  the  British 
performed,  at  their  expense,  two  really  brilliant  feats,  though  on  a 
small  scale.  Neither  feat  was  of  weight  enough  to  interfere  with 
the  American  supremacy,  but  both  exploits  reflected  great  credit 
on  the  victors,  and  caused  much  mortification  to  the  vanquished. 

In  July  1814  Captain  Arthur  Sinclair,  U.S.N.,  sailed  into  Lake 
Huron  with  five  of  Perry's  smaller  vessels.  He  attacked  the  fort  at 
Macinaw,  but  was  repulsed,  and  then  destroyed  the  British  block- 
house on  the  Nattagawassa,  together  with  an  armed  schooner ; l  but 
the  crew  of  the  schooner,  under  Lieutenant  Miller  Worsley,  E.N., 
escaped  up  the  river.  Sinclair  then  departed  for  Lake  Erie,  leaving 
the  Scorpion,  under  Lieutenant  Turner,  and  the  Tigress,  under 
sailing-master  Champlin,  to  keep  a  watch  on  the  river.  The  two 
commanders  •  grew  very  careless,  and  paid  the  penalty ;  for  the 
Indians  brought  word  to  the  British  that  the  two  American  vessels 
were  in  the  habit  of  stationing  themselves  far  apart,  and  it  was 
at  once  resolved  to  attempt  their  capture.  Accordingly,  the  effort 
was  made  with  four  boats,  one  manned  by  twenty  seamen,  under 
Lieutenant  Miller  Worsley,  the  other  three  by  seventy-two  soldiers, 
1  This  schooner  was  the  Nancy,  belonging  to  the  North-West  Company. — W.  L.  C. 


1814.]  CUTTING-OUT  AFFAIRS    ON  LAKE  HURON.  129 

under  Lieutenants  Bulger,  Armstrong,  and  Eaderhurst,  of  the  army. 
Two  light  guns  accompanied  the  expedition.  After  twenty-four 
hours'  search  the  party  discovered  one  vessel,  the  Tigress,  late  on 
the  evening  of  September  3rd.  It  was  very  dark,  and  the  British 
were  not  detected  until  they  had  come  within  fifty  yards. 
Champlin  at  once  fired  his  long-gun  at  them ;  but,  before  it  could 
be  reloaded,  the  four  boats  had  run  him  on  board,  two  on  the 
starboard  and  two  on  the  port  side.  The  gunboat  had  no  boarding 
nets,  and  the  assailants  outnumbered  the  crew  by  more  than 
three  to  one,  but  there  was  a  sharp  struggle  before  she  was 
carried.  Of  the  twenty-eight  men  on  board  her,  three  were  killed 
and  five  wounded,  including  Champlin  himself,  whose  hurt  was 
very  severe.  Of  the  assailants,  the  loss  was  still  heavier,  for  it 
included  two  killed  and  a  dozen  wounded,  one  of  whom  was  Lieu- 
tenant Bulger.  The  latter  showed  himself  prompt  to  recognise 
courage  in  others,  in  addition  to  exhibiting  it  by  his  own  acts. 
In  his  letter  he  wrote,  "  The  defence  of  this  vessel  did  credit  to 
her  officers,  who  were  all  severely  wounded."  l 

Forty-eight  hours  afterwards  the  Scorpion  rejoined  her  consort, 
entirely  ignorant  of  what  had  occurred.  She  anchored  two  miles 
from  the  Tigress,  and,  in  the  dawn,  the  latter,  with  the  American 
ensign  and  pennant  still  flying,  ran  her  on  board.  The  first  notice 
her  crew  of  thirty  men  had  was  a  volley  which  killed  two,  and 
wounded  two  others ;  and  she  was  carried  without  resistance.  No 
one  had  time  even  to  seize  his  arms.2 

This  was  an  exceedingly  creditable  and  plucky  enterprise.  At 
almost  the  same  time  an  even  more  daring  cutting-out  expedition 
took  place  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Erie.  The  three  American  schooners, 
Ohio,  Somers,  and  Porcupine,  each  with  thirty  men,  under  Lieu- 
tenant Conkling,  were  anchored  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake  to  flank 
the  works  at  fort  Erie.  Several  British  vessels 3  were  lying  •&&• 
thr,  fort,  in  the  Ontario  waters,  and  their  officers  determined  to 
make  an  effort  to  carry  the  American  gunboats  by  surprise.  On 
the  night  of  August  12th  Commander  Alexander  Dobbs  and  Lieu- 
tenant Copleston  Eadcliffe,  with  seventy-five  seamen  and  Marines, 

'  Letter  of  Lieut.  A.  H.  Bulger,  Sept.  7th,  1814. 

2  For   these   services   Lieutenant   Miller  Worsley   was    made    a  Commander  on 
July  13th,  1815.     He  died,  still  in  that  rank,  on  May  2nd,  1835.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Including    the    Char-well,   Commander    Alexander    Dobbs,    Netley,  Lieutenant 
Copleston  Kadclifte,  and  Star—  W.  L.  C. 

VOL.   VI.  K 


130         THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.        [1813-14. 

made  the  attempt.1  Aided  by  some  militia,  they  carried  a  gig 
and  five  bateaux  twenty-eight  miles  overland  to  Lake  Erie,  launched 
them,  and  rowed  toward  the  gunboats.  At  about  midnight  the 
look-out  in  the  Sowers  discovered  and  hailed  them.  They  answered, 
"provision  boat,"  which  deceived  the  officer  on  deck,  as  such 
boats  were  passing  and  repassing  every  night.  In  another  moment 
they  drifted  across  his  hawser,  cut  his  cables  and  ran  him 
on  board.  The  two  men  on  deck  were  shot  down,  and,  before 
the  others  could  get  up,  the  schooner  was  captured.  In  another 
moment  the  British  boats  were  alongside  the  Ohio,  Lieutenant 
Conkling's  own  vessel.  The  sound  of  the  firing  had  awakened  his 
people,  and,  disordered  though  they  were,  they  attempted  resistance, 
and  there  was  a  moment's  sharp  struggle ;  but  Conkling  himself, 
and  the  only  other  officer  on  board,  sailing-master  Gaily,  together 
with  five  seamen,  were  shot  or  cut  down,  and  Dobbs  carried  the 
gunboat  sword  in  hand.  Lieutenant  Kadcliffe  was  killed,  however, 
and  seven  British  seamen  and  Marines  were  killed  or  wounded. 
Dobbs  then  drifted  down  stream  with  his  two  prizes,  the  Porcu- 
pine being  too  demoralised  to  interfere.  It  was  a  very  bold  and 
successful  enterprise,  reflecting  the  utmost  credit  on  the  victors.2 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Americans  had  the  supremacy  on 
Lake  Champlain,  possessing  two  little  sloops,  each  mounting  eleven 
small  guns,  and  six  row-galleys,  mounting  one  gun  each,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Sidney  Smith.  On  June  3rd,  1813,  Smith 
took  his  two  sloops  to  the  Sorrel  Eiver,  the  outlet  of  the  lake,  where 
he  saw  three  British  row-galleys,  each  mounting  one  long-gun.  The 
wind  was  aft,  and  he  imprudently  chased  the  row-galleys  down  the 
river  to  within  sight  of  the  first  British  fort.  The  river  was  narrow, 
and  the  infantry  at  the  fort  promptly  came  to  the  assistance  of  the 
galleys,  and  began  to  fire  on  the  sloops  from  both  banks.  The 
sloops  responded  with  grape,  and  tried  to  beat  back  up  the  stream, 
but  the  current  was  so  strong  and  the  wind  so  light  that  no  head- 
way could  be  made.  The  row-galleys  turned  and  began  to  fire  with 
their  long  24's,  while  the  light  guns  of  the  sloops  could  not  reach 

1  James,  in  his  'Naval  Occurrences,'  gives  the  best  account  of  this  expedition  ;  the 
American  historians  touch  very  lightly  on  it ;  precisely  as,  after  the  first  year  of  the 
war,  the  British  authorities  ceased  to  publish  official  accounts  of  their  defeats. 

2  Alexander  Dobbs,  born  in  1784,  was  a  Commander  of  February  14th,  1814,  and 
was  ]x>sted  on  August  12th,  1819.     He  died  at  Milan  in  1827.— W.  L.  C. 


1813.]  AFFAIRS    ON  LAKE   CHAMPLA1N.  131 

them  in  return.  After  three  hours'  manoeuvring  and  firing,  a  shot 
from  one  of  the  galleys  struck  the  Eagle  under  her  starboard 
quarter  and  ripped  out  a  whole  plank.  She  sank  at  once,  but  in 
such  shoal  water  that  all  her  men  got  ashore.  The  Growler 
continued  the  fight  alone,  but,  her  forestay  and  main-boom  being 
shot  away,  she  became  unmanageable,  ran  ashore,  and  was 
captured.  Of  the  112  men  on  board  the  two  sloops,  twenty  were 


CAPTAIN    THOMAS    MACDONOUOH,    U.8.N. 
(From  S.  Freeman's  engraving,  after  tJit  portrait  by  J.  W.  Jarvls.') 

killed  or  wounded  and  the  rest  captured.  No  one  was  touched  in 
the  galleys,  but  three  of  the  British  soldiers  ashore  were  wounded 
by  grape.1 

Captain  Thomas  Macdonough  was  in  command  on  the  lake  from 
that  time  onwards,  and  he  set  to  work  to  build  some  new  sloops. 
Until  this  was  done  there  was  nothing  to  interfere  with  the  British. 
They  re-christened  the  captured  Growler  and  Eagle,  Chubb  and 

1  Letter  of  Major  Taylor  (British)  to  General  Stone,  Juae  3rd,  1-H3. 

K   2 


132 


THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15. 


[1814. 


Finch,  and  with  these  and  three  row-galleys  conveyed  an  expedi- 
tion of  about  one  thousand  British  troops,  under  Colonel  Murray, 
which  destroyed  all  the  barracks  and  stores  at  Plattsburg  and  at 
Saranac  on  the  last  day  of  July.  Three  days  later  Macdonough 
completed  three  sloops l  which,  with  his  six  row-galleys,  restored 
to  him  the  command  of  the  lake.  Nothing  more  was  done  during 
1813. 

In  1814,  however,  Lake  Champlain  became  the  scene  of  the 
greatest  naval  battle  of  the  war.  In  August  a  British  army  of 
eleven  thousand  men,  under  Sir  George  Prevost,  undertook  the 
invasion  of  New  York  by  advancing  along  the  bank  of  Lake 
Champlain.  He  got  as  far  as  the  Saranac  River,  where  the 
Americans  had  thrown  up  extensive  earthworks.  To  cover 
Prevost's  flank  it  was  necessary  that  the  British  squadron  on 
the  lake  should  be  able  to  overcome  the  American  squadron.  This 
squadron  was  put  under  the  command  of  Captain  George  Downie. 
Both  Downie  and  Macdonough  were  forced  to  build  and  equip  their 
vessels  with  the  utmost  speed ;  and  the  two  squadrons  2  were  both 
very  deficient  in  stores,  etc.,  some  of  the  guns  of  each  being  without 
any  locks,  so  that  they  had  to  be  fired  by  means  of  pistols  flashed  at 
the  touch-holes.  Captain  Macdonough  took  the  lake  a  couple  of 
days  before  his  antagonists,  and  came  to  anchor  in  Plattsburg  Bay. 
Captain  Downie  moved  out  of  Sorrel  River  on  September  8th ;  and 
on  the  morning  of  the  llth  sailed  into  Plattsburg  Harbour  to  the 
attack.3 

1  President,  12 ;  Preble,  1 ;  and  Montgomery,  9.— W.  L.  C. 

2  The  squadrons  engaged  in  the  action  on  Lake  Champlain,  September  11,  1814: — 


BRITISH. 

AMERICAN. 

Ships. 

Guns. 

Commanders. 

Snips.            Guus.                 Commanders. 

Confiance  . 
Linnet  . 
Chubb  .     .     . 
finch    .     .     . 

37 
16 
11 
11 

Commander  George  Dowuie. 
„          Daniel  Pring. 
Lieutenant  James  M'Ghie. 
William  Hicks. 

Saratoga    . 
Eagle    .     .     . 
Ticonderotja    . 
Preble  .     .     . 

26     '  Captain  Thomas  Macdonougb. 
20            „      Robert  Henley. 
11     '  Lieut.-Com.  .Stephen  Cassiu. 
7 

12  gunboats  or  row-galleys,  mounting  17  guns  and    .  10  gunboats  or  row-galleys,  mounting  lli  guns  and 
carronades  in  all.  carronades  in  all. 

— W.  L.  C. 

3  Official  letters  of  Prevost,  Macdonough,  and  Pring.  Admiral  Codrington's 
'  Memoirs,'  i.  322.  Letter  of  Midshipman  Lea,  Nai-al  Chronicle,  xxxii.  272.  Cooper : 
both  his  '  History,'  and  especially  his  two  articles  in  Putnam's  Magazine.  James's 
'  History '  and  '  Naval  Occurrences.'  The  various  articles  in  Niles's  Register  for 
September  and  October  1814.  Captain  J.  H.  Ward's  'Manual  of  Naval  Tactics.' 
Lossing's  '  Field-book  of  the  War  of  1812,'  i.  868,  quoting  Admiral  Paulding.  Navy 
Dept.  MSS. :  Letters  of  Macdouough  before  the  battle;  Log-book  of  the  Surprise 
(Eagle\  etc.  Roosevelt's  '  Naval  War,'  147  376.  American  State  Papers,  xiv.  572. 


1814.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE   CHAMPLAIN.  133 

The  largest  vessel  of  Downie's  squadron  was  the  ship  Conftance. 
She  was  frigate  built,  of  about  1200  tons'  burden,  and  carried 
on  her  main  deck  thirty  long  24's.  On  her  poop  were  two  32-pr. 
carronades,  and  on  her  top-gallant  forecastle  were  four  32-pr. 
carronades  and  a  long  24  on  a  pivot.  Thanks  to  having  a  furnace, 
she  was  able  to  employ  hot  shot  in  the  battle.  His  next  vessel 
was  the  Linnet,  a  brig  of  350  tons,  mounting  sixteen  long  12's. 
The  Chubb  and  the  Finch  were  of  about  110  tons  each,  carrying 
eleven  light  guns  apiece.  There  were  also  twelve  row-galleys  of 
from  40  to  70  tons  each.  They  carried  seventeen  guns,  long  24's  and 
18's,  and  32-pr.  carronades.  The  crews  aggregated  from  nine 
hundred  to  one  thousand.1  In  all  there  were  sixteen  vessels,  of 
about  2400  tons'  total  burden,  with  a  total  of  ninety-two  guns, 
throwing  a  broadside  of  1192  pounds,  660  of  which  were  from 
long-guns,  and  532  from  carronades. 

Macdonough  had  one  heavy  corvette,  the  Saratoga,  of  734 
tons,  carrying  eight  long  24-pounders,  and  six  42-pr.,  and  twelve 
32-pr.  carronades ;  a  large  brig,  the  Eagle,  of  about  500  tons, 
carrying  eight  long  18's  and  twelve  32-pr.  carronades ;  a  schooner, 
the  Ticonderoga,2  about  the  size  of  the  Linnet,  carrying  eight 
long  12's,  four  long  18's,  and  five  32-pr.  carronades ;  a  sloop, 
the  Preble,  mounting  seven  light  guns,  and  ten  row-galleys  of 
about  the  same  size  as  the  British,  and  mounting  sixteen  guns — 
24's,  18's,  and  12's.  His  aggregate  of  crews  amounted  to  less  than 
nine  hundred  men.3  His  fourteen  vessels  were  of  about  2200  tons,' 
with  eighty-six  guns,  throwing  a  broadside  of  1194  pounds,  only  480 
of  which  were  from  long-guns.  In  tonnage,  number  of  men  in 
crew,  number  of  guns,  and  weight  of  metal  in  broadside,  there  was 
no  great  difference ;  but  Downie  possessed  one  marked  advantage, 
for  most  of  his  pieces  were  long-guns,  whereas  the  weight  of  the 
American  broadside  was  from  carronades.  In  ordinary  circum- 
stances this  made  his  flotilla  much  the  stronger.  Even  under  the 
conditions  in  accordance  with  which  the  battle  was  fought,  the 
range  was  so  long  that  the  carronades  could  not  be  used  with  proper 
efficiency.  Downie  was  almost  as  much  superior  in  strength  to 

1  James  (vi.  340,  ed.  1837),  I  know  nut  upon  what  authority,  puts  the  total  of  the 
British  crews  at  537  ;  and  he  publishes  a  statement,  which  appears  to  be  misleading,  of 
the  comparative  forces  engaged. — -W.  L.  C. 

2  She  had  been  a  steamer,  but  her  machinery  continually  got  out  of  order,  and  she 
was  changed  to  a  schooner. 

6  James  puts  the  American  force  at  950  men.—  \V.  L.  C. 


134  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

Macdonough  as  Chauncey  had  been  to  Yeo  on  Lake  Ontario  in  the 
summer  of  1813,  the  difference  in  armament  of  the  two  squadrons 
being  very  similar  in  each  case.  Macdonough,  having  the  weaker 
force,  chose  his  position  with  such  skill,  and  exercised  such  careful 
forethought,  that  he  more  than  neutralised  the  material  superiority 
of  his  opponents. 

Both  the  squadrons  were  makeshifts.     The  row-galleys  on  both 
sides  were  manned  chiefly  by  soldiers.     The  larger  vessels,  however, 
were  manned  mainly  by  sailors  from  the  regular  navies,  British  and 
American.     The  crews  were  gathered  hastily,  and  had  little  training 
while  on  the  lake,  so  that  they  betrayed  various  shortcomings,  espe- 
cially as   artillerists,  except  in  the  Confiance,  where  Macdonough, 
and   in    the    Linnet,  where  Pring,    had   the   men   at   the   highest 
point  of  efficiency.     The  armaments  of  the  ships  were  of  the  most 
haphazard  description,  carronades  and  long-guns  of  different  calibres 
being  all  jumbled  together.     The  vessels  were  of  every  kind  and  rig. 
The  Americans   had   a  ship,  a  brig,  a  schooner,  a  sloop,  and  two 
kinds  of   row-galleys.     The   British   possessed  a  ship,  a   brig,  two 
sloops,  and  two  kinds  of  row-galleys.     It  would  have  been  exceed- 
ingly difficult  for  either  squadron  to  undertake  any  kind  of  manoeu- 
vring in  any  kind  of  weather,  as  no  two  craft  were  alike  in  speed 
or  handiness.    Indeed,  in  a  seaway,  the  frigate-built  Confiance  would 
have  been  a   match   for   Macdonough's  whole   squadron,  and   the 
Saratoga,  a  heavy  corvette,  for  all  Downie's  squadron   except   the 
Confiance.      In  point  of  fighting   capacity  the   men   who   manned 
the  two  squadrons  were  about  equal,  for  though  some  of  the  British 
accounts  accuse  certain  of  the  British  row-galleys  of  cowardice  in 
the   fight,  the   exhibition   was   probably  due   to   the   disheartening 
circumstances   of    seeing   the    big   vessels   fail,   which,    of    course, 
insured  the  repulse  of  the  open  galleys.     In  some  circumstances  an 
engagement  on  the  lake  would  have  been  very  much  to  Downie's 
advantage,  and  would  have  enabled  him  to  make  good  use  of  his 
superiority  in  force  ;  but  Macdonough,  a  very  cool  and  competent 
commander,  had  the  advantage  of  the  defensive,  and  utilised  it  to 
the  full.     All  he  had  to  do  was  to  hold  Downie  in  check,  whereas 
Downie  had  to  win  a  decisive  victory  if  the  invasion  was  to  be  a 
success. 

Accordingly,  Macdonough  decided  to  await  the  attack  at  anchor 
in  Plattsburg  Bay,  which  is  deep,  and  which  opens  to  the  southward. 
The  lake  being  long  and  narrow,  and  running  north  and  south,  the 


1814.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE   CHAMPLAIN.  135 

winds  usually  blow  up  or  down  it,  while  the  current  sets  northward 
toward  the  outlet.  All  the  vessels  were  flat  and  shallow,  and  beat 
to  windward  with  difficulty.  In  September,  there  are  often  sudden 
and  furious  gales  which  make  it  risky  for  any  squadron  to  lie 
outside  the  bay  until  the  wind  suits ;  whereas,  inside  the  bay, 
the  breezes  are  apt  to  be  light  and  baffling.  A  wind  which  would 
enable  Downie  to  come  down  the  lake  would  render  it  difficult  for 
him  to  beat  up  the  bay ;  and  Macdonough  made  his  arrangements 
accordingly.  He  moored  his  vessels  in  a  north  and  south  line,  out 
of  range  of  the  shore  batteries,  and  just  south  of  the  outlet  of  the 
Saranac.  The  head  of  his  line  was  so  close  to  shore  as  to  render  it 
very  difficult  to  turn  it.  To  the  south  a  flank  attack  was  prevented 
by  a  shoal,  on  which  was  a  small  island  containing  a  hospital,  and 
mounting  one  6-pounder  gun.  The  Eagle  lay  to  the  north  :  then 
came  the  Saratoga,  the  Ticonderoga,  and  the  Preble,  all  at  anchor, 
while  the  galleys,  under  their  sweeps,  formed  a  second  line  forty  yards 
back.  By  this  arrangement  it  was  rendered  impossible  for  Downie  to 
double  the  line,  or  to  anchor  completely  out  of  reach  of  the  American 
carronades  ;  and  his  attack  had  to  be  made  by  standing  in  bows  on. 
Macdonough  realised  thoroughly  that  he  had  to  deal  with  a  foe  of 
superior  physical  force,  and  of  great  courage  and  seamanship,  and  he 
made  every  preparation  possible.  Nothing  was  left  to  chance.  Not 
only  were  his  vessels  provided  with  springs,  but  also  with  anchors  to 
be  used  astern  in  any  emergency,  so  that  they  might  shift  their 
broadsides  when  necessary.  If  one  battery  was  knocked  to  pieces 
he  intended  to  use  the  other.  Macdonough  further  prepared  the 
Saratoga  by  laying  a  kedge  broad  off  on  either  bow,  with  a  hawser 
and  preventer  hawser,  hanging  in  bights  under  water,  leading  from 
each  quarter  to  the  kedge  on  that  side. 

The  morning  of  September  llth  opened  with  a  light  breeze  from 
the  north-east,  and  Downie  *  weighed  anchor  at  daylight,  and  came 
down  the  lake  with  the  wind  nearly  aft,  while  Macdonough's  sailors 
watched  the  upper  sails  of  the  British  ships  across  the  narrow  strip 
of  land  which  formed  the  outer  edge  of  the  bay.  When  he  had 
opened  the  bay,  Downie  hove  to  with  his  four  larger  vessels,  and 
waited  until  the  row-galleys  came  up. 

At  about  half -past   eight2  the  British  squadron  stood  gallantly 

1  Downie,  it  should  be  explained,  was  not  ready,  and  weighed  only  at  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  General  Sir  George  Prevost,  who  desired  his  co-operation. — W.  L.  C. 

"  According  to  the  times  in  the  British  accounts,  Downie  filled  and  made  sail  at 
7.40  A.M.  See  Pring's  letter  of  September  12th  to  Yeo.— W.  L.  C. 


136  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

in  on  the  starboard  tack,  in  line  abreast.  Tbe  Chubb  stood  to  the 
north,  while  next  came  the  Linnet,  both  heading  for  the  Eagle, 
which  they  expected  to  weather,  while  the  Confiance  was  to  be 
laid  athwart  the  hawse  of  the  Saratoga,  and  the  Finch  and  the 
row-galleys  were  to  engage  the  Ticonderoga  and  the  Preble,  with  the 
American  row-galleys  behind  them.  There  were  a  few  minutes  of 
perfect  quiet  as  the  distance  between  the  two  squadrons  lessened, 
the  men  waiting  under  great  nervous  tension  for  the  moment  of 
action.  Then  the  Eagle  fired  her  long  18's,  but  prematurely,  for 
the  shots  fell  short.  Soon  afterwards  the  Linnet,  in  her  turn,  fired 
her  long  12's  at  the  Saratoga,  but  these  shots  also  fell  short,  except 
one  that  struck  a  hencoop  which  happened  to  be  on  board  Mac- 
donough's  vessel.  There  was  a  gamecock  inside,  and  when  the 
coop  was  knocked  to  pieces  he  jumped  up,  clapped  his  wings,  and 
crowed  lustily.  To  the  nervously-expectant  sailors  it  seemed  a 
good  omen.  They  laughed  and  cheered,  and,  immediately  afterwa.rds, 
Macdonough  himself  fired  one  of  his  long  24's.  His  aim  was  good, 
and  the  ball  ranged  the  length  of  the  Confiance,  killing  and  wounding 
several  men.  All  the  American  long-guns  opened,  and  those  of 
the  British  galleys  replied. 

The  Chubb  and  the  Linnet  escaped  nearly  unscratched,  and 
anchored  on  the  Eagle's  beam,  for  both  the  Saratoga  and  the  Eagle 
devoted  their  attention  chiefly  to  the  Confiance.  The  latter  frigate 
stood  steadily  in  without  replying  to  the  American  fire,  but  she  was 
terribly  cut  up,  losing  both  her  port  bow  anchors  ;  and  she  suffered 
much  in  her  hull.  She  ported  her  helm,  and  came  to  while  still 
about  four  hundred  yards  from  the  Saratoga.  Downie  came  to 
anchor  in  grand  style,  making  everything  tight,  and  then  delivered 
a  well  aimed  and  terribly  destructive  broadside  into  the  Saratoga. 
Two  or  three  of  the  British  galleys  took  part  in  the  attack  on 
the  head  of  the  American  line,  where  there  were  also  five  or  six 
of  the  American  row-galleys.  Meanwhile  the  Finch,  under  her 
sweeps,  led  the  remaining  British  row-galleys  to  the  attack  of 
the  Ticonderoga,  where  the  four  or  five  weakest  of  the  American 
row-galleys  were  also  stationed. 

At  the  foot  of  the  line  the  British  effort  was  to  turn  the  American 
flank.  At  first  the  fighting  was  at  long  range,  but  gradually  the 
assailants  closed.  On  both  sides  there  was  great  variety  in  the 
individual  behaviour  of  the  galleys,  some  being  handled  with  the 
utmost  courage,  and  others  rather  timidly,  as  was  not  unnatural,  for 


1814.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE   CHAMPLA1N.  137 

the  men  in  them  were  not  used  to  their  work,  nor  to  act  with  one 
another ;  and  the  attack  of  each  depended  upon  who  its  commander 
happened  to  be.  Moreover,  as  they  were  open  boats,  it  was  easy  to 
inflict  very  heavy  slaughter  among  the  closely-crowded  crews.  The 
British  galleys  which  took  part  in  the  attack  on  the  Ticonderoga  and 
the  Preble  were  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Christopher  James 
Bell,  and  were  well  handled.  Two  or  three  of  them  hung  back,  as 
did  those  at  the  head  of  the  line,  where  it  was  impossible  to  expect 
them  to  make  head  against  the  Saratoga  and  the  Eagle  ;  but  where 
Bell  himself  led  them,  they  followed  him  with  the  utmost  determina- 
tion. About  an  hour  after  the  discharge  of  the  first  gun,  the  Finch 
got  close  to  the  Ticonderoga,  only  to  be  completely  crippled  by  the 
broadsides  of  the  latter.  Half  her  crew  were  killed  or  wounded ; 
and  she  drifted  helplessly  away,  grounding  near  Crab  Island,  where 
she  surrendered  to  the  patients  in  the  hospital.  At  about  the  same 
time  the  Preble,  011  the  American  side,  was  forced  out  of  line  by 
the  British  gunboats,  and  drifted  ashore  out  of  the  fight.  The 
American  gunboats  in  that  part  of  the  line  also  gave  way.  Two  or 
three  of  the  British  row-galleys  had  already  been  so  roughly  handled 
by  the  long-guns  of  the  Ticonderoga  that  they  made  no  further 
effort  to  come  within  effective  range,  so  that,  at  the  foot  of  the  line, 
the  fight  became  one  between  the  Ticonderoga,  under  Lieutenant- 
Commander  Stephen  Cassin,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  remaining 
British  gunboats,  under  Lieutenant  Bell,  on  the  other.  Bell's  attack 
was  most  resolute,  and  the  defence  of  the  American  schooner  was 
equally  obstinate.  Cassin  walked  the  quarterdeck,  paying  no 
heed  to  the  balls  singing  round  him,  while  he  scanned  the  move- 
ments of  the  galleys,  and  directed  his  guns  to  be  loaded  with  canister 
and  bags  of  bullets  when  the  British  tried  to  board.  He  was  well 
seconded  by  his  officers,  especially  by  a  young  midshipman  named 
Hiram  Paulding.  When  Paulding  found  that  the  matches  of  his 
division  were  defective,  he  fired  his  guns  by  flashing  pistols  at  the 
touch-holes  during  the  remainder  of  the  fight.  Bell's  galleys  were 
pushed  to  within  a  boat-hook's  length  of  the  schooner ;  but  her 
fire  was  so  heavy  that  they  could  not  get  alongside,  and  one  by  one 
they  drew  off,  so  crippled  by  the  slaughter  that  they  could  hardly 
man  the  oars. 

At  the  head  of  the  line  the  advantage  had  been  with  the  British. 
The  Chubb,  however,  was  too  light  for  the  company  she  was  in,  and 
•speedily  suffered  the  fate  of  the  Preble  and  the  Finch,  being  driven  out 


138  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.          [1814. 

of  the  line.  Her  cable,  bowsprit,  and  main-boom  were  shot  away, 
and,  when  she  drifted  inside  the  American  ships,  she  was  taken  pos- 
session of  by  a  midshipman  from  the  Saratoga.  The  Linnet,  which 
was  remarkably  well  handled  by  her  captain,  Daniel  Pring,  paid  no 
attention  to  the  American  gunboats,  directing  her  whole  fire  against 
the  Eagle.  The  Eagle  was  a  much  heavier  vessel,  but  she  was  also 
partially  engaged  with  the  Confiance ;  and,  moreover,  the  Linnet 
was  fought  with  the  utmost  courage  and  skill.  After  keeping  up  a 
heavy  fire  for  a  long  time,  the  Eagle's  springs  were  shot  away,  and 
she  hung  in  the  wind,  unable  to  answer  the  Linnet  with  a  single 
shot.  Accordingly,  she  cut  her  cables,  started  home  her  topsails, 
and  ran  down  between,  and  in  shore  of,  the  Saratoga  and  Ticon- 
deroga,  where  she  again  came  to  anchor  and  opened  fire  on  the 
Confiance.  The  Linnet  was  then  able  to  give  her  undivided  attention 
to  the  American  row-galleys.  After  she  had  driven  them  off  she 
sprang  her  broadside  so  as  to  rake  the  Saratoga. 

The  Saratoga  had  already  suffered  heavily.  The  first  broadside 
of  the  Confiance 's  double-shotted  long  24's  had  crashed  into  her  hull 
with  a  shock  which  threw  half  her  people  on  the  deck,  knocking 
down  many,  and  either  killing  or  crippling  them.  Her  first  lieutenant,. 
Peter  Gamble,  was  among  the  slain,  being  killed  just  as  he  knelt 
down  to  sight  the  bow-gun.  Macdonough  himself  worked  like  a 
tiger  in  pointing  and  handling  his  favourite  piece.  While  bending 
over  to  sight  it  the  spanker-boom  above  his  head  was  cut  in  two  by 
a  round  shot.  It  fell  on  him,  and  knocked  him  senseless  for  two  or 
three  minutes.  Leaping  to  his  feet,  he  again  returned  to  the  gun. 
Immediately  afterwards  a  round  shot  took  off  the  head  of  the  captain 
of  the  gun,  and  drove  it  into  Macdonough's  face  with  such  force  as. 
to  knock  him  to  the  other  side  of  the  deck. 

The  broadsides  of  the  Confiance,  however,  grew  steadily  less. 
effective.  Her  guns  had  been  levelled  to  point-blank  range  at  first, 
but  the  quoins  were  loosened  by  the  successive  broadsides,  and,  as. 
they  were  not  properly  replaced,  her  shot  kept  going  higher  and 
higher  s^o  as  to  pass  over  the  enemy.  Very  soon  after  the  beginning 
of  the  action  the  gallant  Downie  was  slain,  a  shot  from  the- 
Saratoga  throwing  one  of  the  long  24's  off  its  carriage  against  his- 
right  groin.  His  death  was  instantaneous,  though  the  skin  was  not, 
broken. 

No  ships  could  bear  the  brunt  of  such  a  battle  without  suffering. 
After  a  few  minutes,  the  fire  from  both  the  Confiance  and  the 


1814.]  THE  BATTLE   OF  LAKE   CHAMPLAIN.  139 

Saratoga  began  to  decrease.  One  by  one  the  guns  were  disabled,  and 
the  lack  of  complete  training  among  the  crews  showed  itself  in  the 
way  in  which  each  side  helped  to  disable  its  own  battery.  The 
American  sailors  overloaded  their  carronades,  cramming  their  guns 
until  the  last  shot  reached  the  muzzle.  The  British  on  board  the 
Confiance  made  an  even  worse  showing.  They  became  demoralised 
by  the  confusion  and  slaughter,  and  spoiled  one  or  two  of  the  guns 
by  ramming  the  wadding  and  round  shot  into  them  without  any 
powder,  or  by  putting  in  two  cartridges  of  powder  and  no  shot. 
When,  however,  the  Linnet  was  able  to  devote  herself  exclusively 
to  the  Saratoga,  the  latter  began  to  get  rather  more  than  she 
wanted.  Macdonough  had  his  hands  full,  with  the  frigate  on  his 
beam,  and  the  brig  raking  him.  Twice  the  Saratoga  was  set  on 
fire  by  the  hot  shot  of  the  Confiance ;  one  by  one  her  long-guns 
were  disabled  by  the  enemy's  fire ;  and  her  carronades  either  suffered 
from  the  same  cause,  or  else  were  rendered  useless  by  over- 
charging. At  last  only  one  carronade  was  left  in  the  starboard 
battery ;  and  on  firing  it  the  gun  flew  off  the  carriage  and  fell 
down  the  main  hatch.  This  left  the  Saratoga  without  a  single 
gun  which  she  could  fire,  and,  though  the  Confiance  had  been 
almost  as  roughly  handled,  the  British  ship  still  had  a  few  port 
guns  that  could  be  used.  On  both  sides  the  unengaged  batteries, 
the  starboard  battery  of  the  Confiance  and  the  port  battery  of  the 
Saratoga,  were  practically  unharmed. 

The  British  victory  would  now  have  been  secure  had  not  Mac- 
donough provided  in  advance  the  means  for  meeting  just  such  an 
emergency. 

The  anchor  suspended  astern  of  the  Saratoga  was  let  go,  and 
the  men  hauled  in  on  the  hawser  that  led  to  the  starboard  quarter, 
bringing  the  ship's  stern  up  over  the  kedge.  The  ship  then  rode 
by  the  kedge,  and  by  a  hawser  that  had  been  bent  to  a  bight  in  the 
stream  cable.  In  that  position  she  was  exposed  to  a  raking  fire 
from  the  Linnet,  and  suffered  much  from  the  accuracy  of  Pring's 
long  12's.  By  hauling  on  the  line,  however,  the  ship  was  at  length 
got  so  far  round  that  the  aftermost  gun  of  the  port  broadside  bore 
on  the  Confiance.  The  men  had  been  sent  forward  to  keep  them  as 
much  out  of  harm's  way  as  possible.  Enough  were  now  called  back 
to  man  the  piece,  and  they  at  once  began  a  brisk  and  accurate  fire. 
Again  the  crew  roused  on  the  line  until  the  next  gun  bore,  and  it, 
too,  was  manned,  and  opened  with  effect  on  the  Confiance.  Then 


140  THE    WAN    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1814. 

the  ship  hung,  and  would  go  no  farther  round.  But  Macdonough 
was  not  at  the  end  of  his  resources.  The  hawser  leading  from  the 
port  quarter  was  got  forward  under  the  bows,  and  passed  aft  to  the 
starboard  quarter.  The  Saratoga  gradually  yielded  to  the  strain, 
and,  a  minute  later,  her  whole  port  battery  opened  with  fatal  effect. 
The  Confiance,  meanwhile,  had  also  attempted  to  round.  The 
springs  of  the  British  ships  were  on  the  starboard  side,  and  so,  of 
course,  could  not  be  shot  away  as  the  Eagle's  were ;  but  as  the 
Confiance  had  nothing  but  springs  to  rely  on,  her  efforts  did  little 
beyond  forcing  her  forward ;  and  she  hung  with  her  head  to  the 
wind.  She  could  not  stand  the  pounding  of  the  fresh  battery. 
Over  half  her  crew  were  killed  or  wounded  ;  all  but  three  or  four 
of  the  guns  on  the  engaged  side  were  dismounted ;  her  stout 
masts  looked  like  bundles  of  splinters  ;  and  her  sails  were  in  shreds 
and  tatters.  Nothing  more  could  be  done,  and  the  Confiance  struck 
about  two  hours  after  she  had  fired  her  first  broadside.  Without 
pausing  a  minute  the  Saratoga  again  hauled  on  her  starboard 
hawser  till  her  broadside  was  sprung  to  bear  on  the  Linnet,  and 
the  ship  and  brig  began  a  brisk  single  fight ;  for  the  Eagle,  in  her 
then  berth,  could  not  fire  at  the  Linnet,  and  the  Ticonderoga  was 
driving  off  the  British  galleys.  The  shattered  and  disabled  state 
of  the  Linnet's  masts,  sails  and  yards  rendered  it  utterly  hopeless 
for  Pring  to  try  to  escape  by  cutting  his  cable ;  and  most  men 
would  have  surrendered  at  once.  But  Pring  kept  up  a  most 
gallant  fight  with  his  greatly  superior  foe,  hoping  that  some  of 
the  gunboats  would  come  and  tow  him  off.  Meanwhile  he  had 
despatched  to  the  Confiance  a  lieutenant,  who  returned  with  news 
of  Downie's  death.  The  British  gunboats  had  been  driven  half 
a  mile  off,  and  were  evidently  in  no  state  to  render  aid  to  any 
one ;  so,  after  having  maintained  the  fight  single-handed  for 
fifteen  minutes,  until,  from  the  number  of  shot  between  wind  and 
water,  the  lower  deck  was  flooded,  the  plucky  little  brig  hauled 
down  her  colours,  and  the  fight  ended  a  little  over  two  hours  and 
a  half  after  the  first  gun  had  been  fired.  Not  one  of  the  American 
vessels  had  a  mast  that  would  bear  canvas,  and  the  captured  British 
vessels  were  in  a  sinking  condition. 

The  British  row-galleys  had  drifted  to  leeward,  and  they  now 
pulled  slowly  off.  The  American  row-galleys  were  in  no  position 
to  interfere  with  their  retreat,  which  was  not  molested. 

The  battle  had  been  bloody  and  destructive.     The  Confiance  had 


1814.]  PRAISE    OF  MACDONOUGH.  141 

been  struck  in  the  hull  one  hundred  and  five,  and  the  Saratoga 
fifty-five  times ;  about  two  hundred  men  were  killed  or  wounded 
on  the  American  side,  and  over  three  hundred  on  the  British.1 
This  does  not  include  those  who  were  merely  knocked  down,  or 
bruised,  or  grazed  by  flying  splinters ;  indeed,  an  officer  of  the  Con- 
fiance  reported  that  at  the  close  of  the  action  there  were  not  five  men 
in  her  who  were  unhurt.  Macdonough  appreciated  the  gallantry 
of  his  adversaries,  and  at  once  returned  the  British  officers  their 
swords ;  and  Pring,  the  senior  British  officer  left,  expressed  in  his 
official  letter  his  acknowledgment  of  the  generosity,  courtesy,  and 
humanity  with  which  Macdonough  had  treated  himself  and  his  men. 
Pring,  and  Cassin  of  the  Ticonderoga,  shared  with  Macdonough  the 
honour  of  the  day. 

This  lake  fight  decided  the  fate  of  the  invasion  of  Sir  George 
Prevost,2  who  retired  at  once  with  his  army.  Macdonough  had 
performed  a  most  notable  feat,  one  which,  on  the  whole,  surpassed 
that  of  any  other  captain  of  either  navy  in  this  war.  The  conse- 
quences of  the  victory  were  very  great,  for  it  had  a  decisive  effect 
upon  the  negotiations  for  peace  which  were  then  being  carried  on 
between  the  American  and  the  British  commissioners  at  Ghent.  The 
Duke  of  Wellington,  who  had  been  pressed  to  take  command  of 
the  British  army  in  Canada,  advised  against  any  prolongation  of  the 
war,  if  it  could  be  terminated  on  the  basis  of  each  nation  being  left  in 
the  position  which  it  had  held  before  the  struggle,  giving  this  advice 
on  the  ground  that  the  failure  of  the  British  to  obtain  control  of  the 
lakes  rendered  it  impossible  to  expect  any  decisive  triumph  of  the 
British  arms.3  Indeed,  in  the  war  of  1812,  the  control  of  the  lakes 
was  the  determining  factor  in  the  situation  on  the  Canadian  border,. 

1  The  Oonfiance  had  41  killed  and  about  60  wounded ;  the  Linnet,  10  killed  and 
14  wounded  ;  the  Chubb,  6  killed  and  16  wounded ;  and  the  Finch,  2  wounded.    There 
were  further  losses  in  the  gunboats. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Prevost's  failure  to  co-operate  with  the  squadron,  as  he  had  undertaken  to  do,, 
was  largely   responsible  for  the  disaster.     Sir  James   Lucas  Yeo  preferred  certain 
charges  against  him  in  consequence;  but  Prevost  died  before  he  could  be  brought 
before  a  court-martial.     See  Mems.  of  C.M.  on  Pring  and  others,  August  28th,  1815. 
— W.  L.  C. 

3  Wellington's  Dispatches,  xii.  224  ;  Supplementary  Dispatches,  i.  426,  and  ix.  438. 
See  Adams,   viii.  102-112,   for   this  battle,   and   ix.   36-41,   for  its   effects  on  the 
negotiations  for  peace. 

In  his  letter  of  November  9th,  written  after  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle 
of  Lake  Champlain,  Wellington  advises  the  Cabinet  that  they  "  have  no  right,  from 
the  state  of  the  war,  to  demand  any  concession  of  territory  from  America,"  and  gives, 
as  the  main  reason,  "  the  want  of  the  naval  superiority  on  the  lakes," 


142  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.          [1814. 

for  at  that  time  the  frontier  between  the  two  countries  nowhere 
passed  through  any  thickly-settled  regions,  except  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  great  bodies  of  water ;  and  the  military  operations 
that  were  undertaken  had  to  be  conducted  with  this  condition  in 
view. 

The  inability  of  America  in  any  way  to  interrupt  the  British 
blockade  of  her  coast  was  now  to  bear  fruit  in  the  disgrace  of 
the  loss  of  the  national  capital.  Of  course,  so  long  as  the  British 
possessed  absolute  control  of  the  sea,  they  could  take  the  offensive 
whenever  and  wherever  they  wished,  and  could  choose  their  own 
point  of  attack,  while  the  American  government  never  knew  what 
point  to  defend.  From  Maryland  to  Georgia  the  militia  were  under 
arms  literally  by  the  hundred  thousand,  and  they  were  less  efficient 
than  one-tenth  the  number  of  regulars.  While  in  the  field  they 
suffered  greatly  from  disease,  so  that  there  was  much  loss  of  life, 
although  there  was  hardly  any  fighting;  and  on  the  few  occasions 
when  it  was  possible  to  gather  them  soon  enough  to  oppose  them 
to  a  British  raiding  party,  they  naturally  showed  themselves  utterly 
incompetent  to  stand  against  trained  regulars.  The  loss  of  life 
and  the  waste  of  wealth  by  the  employment  of  these  militia  in  the 
southern  states,  though  they  were  hardly  ever  used  in  battle,  offset 
many  times  over  the  expense  that  would  have  been  incurred  by 
building  a  fighting  fleet  sufficient  to  prevent  a  blockade,  and  there- 
fore to  obviate  all  the  damage  which  it  cost  during  the  two  years 
when  it  was  in  force — damage  which  the  privateers  only  partially 
avenged,  and  in  no  way  averted. 

Vice-Admiral  Sir  Alexander  F.  I.  Cochrane  had  succeeded  to  the 
command  of  the  British  fleet  on  the  coast  of  North  America  in  the 
summer  of  1814.  Rear-Admiral  George  Cockburn  was  in  command 
in  the  Chesapeake,  whither  Cochrane  himself  sailed  in  August, 
together  with  a  fleet  of  transports  containing  a  small  British  army 
under  Major-General  Robert  Ross.  At  about  the  same  time  Coch- 
rane had  issued  a  general  order  to  the  British  blockading  squadrons, 
instructing  them  to  destroy  and  lay  waste  the  towns  and  districts 
which  they  could  successfully  assail,  sparing  only  the  lives  of  the 
unarmed  inhabitants.  This  was  done  in  alleged  retaliation  for  the 
conduct  of  a  party  of  American  soldiers  on  the  Canadian  boundary, 
who  had  wantonly  destroyed  the  little  town  of  Newark  ;  although  the 
destruction  of  Newark  had  been  promptly  avenged  by  the  destruc- 


1814.]  BARNEY'S  FLOTILLA.  143 

tion  of  Buffalo  and  one  or  two  other  small  American  towns,  while 
the  officer  who  had  ordered  Newark  to  be  destroyed  had  been  court- 
martialled  for  his  conduct.  A  curious  feature  of  Cochrane's  order, 
which  was,  of  course,  grossly  improper,  was  that  it  applied  only  to 
the  Navy ;  and  Boss  showed  by  his  actions  how  strongly  he  dis- 
approved of  it,  for  though  the  Navy  did  a  great  deal  of  plundering 
and  burning,  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  given,  Boss's 


CAPTAIN   JOSHUA   BARNEY,    U.S.N. 
(From  the  portrait  by  Wood.) 

troops  at  first  paid  scrupulous  heed  to  the  rights  of  the  citizens, 
and  in  no  way  interfered  with  private  property.1 

The  first  duty  of  the  fleet  was  to  get  rid  of  Captain  Joshua 
Barney's  flotilla  of  gunboats.  This  flotilla  had  indulged  in  several 
indecisive  long-range  skirmishes  with  various  ships  of  the  blockading 
squadron,  and  it  was  now  forced  to  put  into  the  Patuxent,  where 
it  was  burned  when  Boss  advanced  on  Washington.  Barney's 

1  Adams,  viii.  126. 


144  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

flotilla-men  then  joined  the  motley  forces  gathered  to  defend  the 
capital  city,  and  offered  a  striking  contrast  in  their  behaviour  on 
the  field  of  battle  to  the  rabble  of  militia  around  them,  who  fled 
while  the  sailors  fought.1 

About  the  middle  of  August  Cochrane  and  Boss  were  ready  for 
action.  On  the  20th  Boss's  troops  were  disembarked  on  the  Mary- 
land shore,  some  fifty  miles  distant  from  Washington ;  Cockburn 
proceeding  up  the  Patuxent 2  on  the  Maryland  side.  On  the  23rd 
they  definitely  made  up  their  minds  to  attack  Washington  first  and 
Baltimore  later.  Meanwhile  a  British  squadron,  composed  of  the 
frigates  Seahorse,  38,  Captain  James  Alexander  Gordon  (1),  and  Eury- 
alus,  36,  Captain  Charles  Napier  (2),  with  four  bombs  and  rocket 
ships,  moved  up  the  Potomac.  In  addition  Captain  Sir  Peter 
Parker  (2),  in  the  Menelaus,  38,  was  sent  to  create  a  diversion  above 
Baltimore ;  but  he  happened  to  meet  a  party  of  militia,  who  fought 
well,  for  when  he  landed  at  Bellair  to  attack  them,  on  August  30th, 
he  was  himself  killed  and  his  party  beaten  back,  with  a  loss  of 
forty-one  men.3 

Boss  and  Cockburn  moved  against  Washington,  and,  on  August 
'24th,  encountered  a  huddle  of  seven  thousand  American  militia  at 
Bladensburg.  It  could  not  be  called  an  army.  A  few  companies 
were  in  uniform.  The  rest  were  clad  as  they  would  have  been  clad  in 
the  fields,  except  that  they  had  muskets.  They  were  under  two  or 
three  worthless  generals,  one  named  Winder  being  in  supreme  com- 
mand ;  and  various  members  of  the  cabinet,  notably  Monroe,  accom- 
panied President  Madison  in  riding  or  driving  aimlessly  about  among 

1  '  Biographical  Memoir  of  the  late  Commodore  Joshua  Barney,'  p.  315. 

2  Rear-Admiral  Cockbum  had  under  his  orders  the  armed  boats  and   tenders   of 
the  fleet,  having  on  board  Royal  Marines  under  Capt.  John  Ilobyns,  and  Royal  Marine 
Artillery  under  Captain  James  H.  Harrison.     The  boats  were  under  the  general  super- 
intendence of  Captain   John   Wainwright   (2),  of  the   Tonnant,  and  were  in  three 
divisions,  commanded  as  follows  :  I.  Commanders  Thomas  Ball  Sulivan  and  William 
Stanhope   Badcock ;    II.    Commanders    Rowland    Money   and    Kenelm    Somerville ; 
III.  Commander  Robert  Ramsay.     Following  the  boats,  so  far  as  the  depth  of  water 
permitted,  were  the  Severn,  40,  Captain  Joseph  Nourse,  Hebrus,  42,  Captain  Edmund 
Palmer,  and  Manly,  12,  Commander  Vincent  Newton ;  but  the  frigates  could  not  get 
higher  than   Benedict,  whence  their  Captains,  with   their  boats,  proceeded   to  join 
Cockburn.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Sir  Peter  Parker  (2),  Bart.,  was  eldest  son  of  Vice- Admiral  Christopher  Parker  (2), 
and  was  born  in  1786.     He  was  a  Captain  of  October  22nd,  1805,  and,  in  1811,  had 
succeeded  to  the  Baronetcy  of  his  grandfather,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Peter  Parker  (1). 
In  the  affair  at  Bellair,  near  Baltimore,  14  British  were  killed,  including,  besides  Parker, 
Midshipman  John  T.  Sandes  ;  and  27  were  wounded,  including  Lieutenants  Benjamin 
George  Benyon  and  George  Poe,  R.M.— W.  L.  C. 


1814.]  THE  ACTION  AT  BLADENSBURG.  145 

the  troops.  Not  a  third  of  Eoss's  little  army  was  engaged,1  for 
the  militia  fled  too  quickly  to  allow  the  main  body  of  the  assailants 
to  get  into  action.  As  they  were  running  off  the  field,  however, 
Barney  appeared,  with  his  sailors  from  the  flotilla,  also  on  the  run, 
but  in  the  opposite  direction.  He  had  with  him  about  four  hundred 
and  fifty  seamen  and  marines,  the  latter  being  under  their  own 
officer,  Captain  Miller;  and  he  also  had  a  battery  of  five  guns.  It 
was  a  sufficiently  trying  situation,  for  Barney's  force  was  hopelessly 


SIB   JAMKS   ALEXANDER   GORDON   (1),    G.C.B.,    ADMIRAL   OF   THE   FLEET. 
(From  Blood's  engraving,  alter  a  portrait  painted  about  1813,  when  Gordon  was  a  Post-Captain.~) 

outnumbered  by  the  victorious  troops  whose  attack  he  was  advancing 
to  meet  through  a  throng  of  fugitive  militia ;  but  the  sailors  and 
marines  were  of  excellent  stuff,  and  were  as  little  daunted  by  the 
flight  of  their  friends  as  by  the  advance  of  their  foes.  Again  and 

1  In  the  action  at  Bladensburg  the  British  army  lost  64  killed  and  185  wounded. 
The  Navy  lost  only  1  killed  and  6  wounded.  Among  the  naval  officers  present  were 
Rear-Admiral  George  Cockburn,  Captain  Edmund  Palmer,  Lieutenant  James  Scott  (2), 
of  the  Albion,  Midshipman  Arthur  Wakefield,  Lieutenant  John  Lawrence,  R.M.A.,  and 
Lieutenant  Athelstan  Stephens,  R.M. — W.  L.  C. 

VOL.   VI.  L 


146  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.  [1814. 

again  the  sailors  repulsed  the  troops  who  attacked  them  in  front. 
They  were  then  outflanked,  and  retired,  after  half  an  hour's  fighting, 
a  hundred  of  their  men  having  been  killed  or  wounded.  Both 
Barney  and  Miller  were  wounded  and  captured,  together  with  the 
guns.  One  of  the  British  officers,  writing  afterwards  of  the  battle, 
spoke  with  the  utmost  admiration  of  Barney's  men.  "  Not  only 
did  they  serve  their  guns  with  a  quickness  and  precision  that 
astonished  their  assailants,  but  they  stood  till  some  of  them  were 
actually  bayoneted  with  fuses  in  their  hands ;  nor  was  it  till  their 
leader  was  wounded  and  taken,  and  they  saw  themselves  deserted 
on  all  sides  by  the  soldiers,  that  they  left  the  field."  l  The  victorious 
British  showed  every  attention  to  Barney  and  his  men,  treating 
them,  as  Barney  said,  "  as  if  they  were  brothers."  : 

As  Boss  and  Cockburn  led  their  troops  into  Washington  they 
were  fired  on  from  a  house,  Boss's  horse  being  killed.  They  then 
proceeded  to  burn  the  Capitol  and  the  White  House,  together  with 
various  other  public  buildings.3  Next  day  the  work  of  destruction 
was  completed,4  a  few  private  buildings  sharing  the  same  fate,  while 
Cockburn  took  particular  pleasure  in  destroying  one  of  the  news- 
paper offices,  as  he  seemed  much  to  resent  the  criticism  of  himself 
in  the  American  press.  Having  completed  their  work,  Boss  and 
Cockburn  marched  back  to  the  coast,  leaving  behind  them  most  of 
their  wounded  to  be  cared  for  by  the  Americans. 

Whatever  discredit  attached  to  the  burning  and  plundering  of 
Washington  attached  to  both  Boss  and  Cockburn,  though  Boss 
evidently  disliked  the  work  as  much  as  Cockburn  enjoyed  it.  It  was 
only  an  incident  in  the  general  destruction  undertaken  by  Co'chrane's 
orders.  Washington  was  burned  just  as,  along  the  shores  of  the 
Chesapeake,  hamlets  and  private  houses  were  burned.  The  pretext 
was  that  this  was  done  to  avenge  the  destruction  of  the  public 
buildings  at  York,  and  of  the  town  of  Newark,  in  the  American 
descents  upon  Canada.  The  public  buildings  at  York,  however, 
were  but  partially  destroyed  by  stragglers,  whose  work  was  at  once 
checked  by  the  American  officers  in  command.  The  burning  of 
Newark  had  been  promptly  repudiated  by  the  American  government, 

1  Gleig's  '  Subaltern,'  p.  68.  2  Barney's  report,  Aug.  29th,  1814. 

3  Letters  of  Cockburn,  Aug.  27th,  and  Ross,  Aug.  30th ;  Ingersoll,  ii.  188 ;  James's 
'  Military   Occurrences,'   ii.  495 ;   Am.  State   Papers,  Military  Affairs,  i.  550 ;   Niles, 
September  1814. 

4  The  Americans  themselves   destroyed  the  Argus,  22,  and  a  frigate  which  was 
nearly  ready  for  launching,  in  order  to  save  them  from  capture. — W.  L.  C. 


1814.]  GORDON  IN  THE  POTOMAC.  147 

and,  moreover,  had  already  been  amply  avenged.  The  destruction 
of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington  was  indefensible ;  and  it  was 
also  very  unwise  so  deeply  to  touch  the  national  pride.  The  affair 
had  a  perceptible  effect  in  making  the  country  more  determined  to 
carry  011  the  war.  It  is,  however,  nonsense  to  denounce  the  act  in 
the  language  that  has  so  often  been  applied  to  it.  Cockburn  and 
Boss  undoubtedly  treated  the  capital  of  the  American  nation  in  a 
way  which  justified  an  eager  desire  for  revenge;  but  Americans 
should  keep  the  full  weight  of  their  indignation  for  the  government 
whose  supineness  and  shortsightedness  rendered  such  an  outrage 
possible.  Jomini  has  left  on  record  the  contemptuous  surprise  felt 
by  all  European  military  men  when  a  state,  with  a  population  of 
eight  million  souls,  allowed  a  handful  of  British  soldiers  to  penetrate 
unchecked  to  its  capital,  and  there  destroy  the  public  buildings. 
The  first  duty  of  a  nation  is  self-defence ;  and  nothing  excuses  such 
lack  of  warlike  readiness  as  the  Americans  had  shown.  The  inci- 
dents which  accompanied  the  capture  of  Washington  were  dis- 
creditable to  the  British,  but  the  capture  itself  was  far  more 
discreditable  to  the  Americans. 

Meanwhile  Captain  Gordon's  little  squadron1  worked  its  way 
up  the  Potomac,  and,  on  August  28th,  took  Alexandria,  where  it 
remained  for  four  days,  loading  the  vessels  with  whatever  the  ware- 
houses contained.2  Then  the  squadron  began  its  descent  of  the  river, 
which  was  shoal,  and  very  difficult  to  navigate.  Captain  John 
Rodgers,  with  some  of  the  crews  of  two  new  44's  which  were 
building,  tried  to  bar  his  way,  but  lacked  sufficient  means.  Twice 
Rodgers  attempted  to  destroy  one  of  the  British  vessels  with  fire- 
ships,  but  failed,  and  once,  in  his  turn,  he  repelled  an  attack  by  the 
British  boats.  The  squadron  also  passed,  without  much  damage,  a 
battery  of  light  field-pieces.  On  September  6th  Gordon  silenced  and 
passed  the  last  of  the  batteries,  having  taken  six  days  to  go  down 
from  Alexandria.  He  had  lost  forty-two  men3  all  told,  and  had 

1  Seahorse,  38,  Captain  James  Alexander  Gordon  ;  Euryalus,  36,  Captain  Charles 
Napier  (2) ;  Devastation,  bomb,  Commander  Thomas  Alexander  (2) ;   jffitna,  bomb, 
Commander  Richard  Kenah ;    Meteor,  bomb,  Commander   Samuel  Roberts ;    Erebus, 
rocket-vessel,  Commander  David  Ewen  Bartholomew ;   Fairy,  18,  Commander  Henry 
Loraine  Baker  (joined  with  orders,  after  the  fall  of  Alexandria) ;  and  Anna  Maria, 
dispatch-boat.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Letter  of  Captain  Gordon,  Sept.  9th,  181-1. 

3  Viz.,  1  killed,  including  Lieutenant  Charles  Dickinson  (JFairy),  and  35  wounded, 
including  Captain  Charles  Napier (2),  Commander  David  Ewen  Bartholomew,  Lieutenant 
Reuben  Paine,  and  Master's  Mate  Andrew  Reid. — W.  L.  C. 

L   2 


148  THE   WAR    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

thus  concluded  successfully,  at  a  very  trivial  cost,  a  most  venturesome 
expedition,  which  reflected  great  honour  on  the  crews  engaged  in  it. 

The  very  rough  handling  received  by  Sir  Peter  Parker  (2)  put  a 
check  to  the  marauding  of  the  British  frigates  and  sloops.  As  soon 
as  Gordon  rejoined  him  Cochrane  sailed  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Potomac  to  the  mouth  of  the  Patapsco  River,  on  which  Baltimore 
stands.  Formidable  earthworks  had  been  thrown  up  about  Balti- 
more, however ;  and  to  guard  it  against  attack  by  sea  there  were  good 
forts,  which  were  well  manned  by  men  who  had  at  last  begun  to  learn 
something.  Boss  advanced  against  the  city  by  land,  and  was  killed 
in  a  sharp  encounter  with  a  body  of  militia.  The  troops  found  the 
earthworks  too  strong  to  assault;  the  ships  bombarded  the  forts  with- 
out any  effect ;  and  then  both  the  soldiers  and  the  sailors l  retired.2 
Not  long  afterwards  Cochrane  left  for  Halifax,3  and  the  British 
troops  for  Jamaica,  so  that  operations  in  the  Chesapeake  ceased. 

During  this  time  the  British  Navy  had  protected  an  expedition 
which  overran,  and  held  until  the  close  of  the  war,  a  part  of  the 
Maine  sea-coast,  and  in  September,  1814,  a  large  British  force, 
under  Rear-Admiral  Edward  Griffith,  destroyed  the  American 
corvette  Adams,  28,  which  had  run  up  the  Penobscot  for  refuge. 

After  leaving  Baltimore  the  British  prepared  for  a  descent  on 
New  Orleans,  and  gathered  a  large  fleet  of  line-of-battle  ships, 
frigates  and  small  vessels,  under  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Alexander  F.  I. 
Cochrane,  convoying  a  still  larger  number  of  storeships  and  trans- 
ports, containing  the  troops  under  Major-General  Sir  Edward 
Pakenham.  The  expedition  made  its  appearance  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi  on  December  8th.  The  first  duty  which  fell  to  the 
boats  of  the  squadron  was  to  destroy  five  American  gunboats  which 
lay  in  the  shallow  bayou  known  as  Lake  Borgne.  Accordingly, 
forty-two  launches,  each  armed  with  a  carronade  in  the  bow,  and 

1  In  the  attack  on  Baltimore,  the  600  seamen  who  were  landed  were  under  Captain 
Edward  Crofton,  and  Commanders  Thomas  Ball  Sulivan,  Rowland  Money,  and  Robert 
Ramsay,  and   the   Royal   Marines  under   Captain  John  Robyns.     In   the   affair  of 
September  12th,  when  Major-General  Ross  fell,  the  Navy  lost  7  killed  and  48  wounded, 
among  the  latter  being  Captain  John  Robyns,  R.M.,  Lieutenant  Sampson  Marshall, 
and  Midshipman  Charles  Ogle  (2).      During  a  subsequent  expedition  up  the  Coan 
River,  on  October  3rd,  Commander  Richard  Kenah,  of  the  ^Etna,  was  killed. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Cochrane's  report,  Sept.  17th,  1814. 

s  Cochrane  sailed  for  Halifax  on  September  19th  to  make  preparations  for  the 
New  Orleans  expedition.  On  the  same  day  Rear-Admiral  Cockburn  departed  for 
Bermuda ;  and  on  October  14th,  Rear- Admiral  Pulteney  Malcolm  quitted  the  Chesa- 
peake for  Negril  Bay,  Jamaica. — W.  L.  C. 


1814.]  OPERATIONS  IN  LAKE  BORGNE.  149 

carrying  nine  hundred  and  eighty  seamen  and  Eoyal  Marines  all  told, 
were  sent  off,  under  Commander  Nicholas  Lockyer,1  to  effect  their 
destruction.  The  gunboats  carried  an  aggregate  of  one  hundred 
and  eighty-two  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Thomas 
Ap  Catesby  Jones,  U.S.N.  Each  was  armed  with  one  heavy  long- 
gun,  and  several  light  pieces.2  The  attack  was  made  on  the 
morning  of  December  14th,  1814.3  Jones  had  moored  his  five 
gun-vessels  in  a  head  and  stern  line  in  the  channel  off  Malheureux 
Island  passage,  with  their  boarding  nettings  triced  up,  and  every- 
thing in  readiness ;  but  the  force  of  the  current  drifted  his  own 
boat  and  another  out  of  line,  a  hundred  yards  down.  Jones  had 
to  deal  with  a  force  five  times  the  size  of  his  own,  and  to  escape 
he  had  only  to  run  his  boats  on  shore ;  but  he  prepared  very  coolly 
for  battle. 

Commander  Lockyer  acted  as  coolly  as  his  antagonist.  When  he 
had  reached  a  point  just  out  of  gunshot,  he  brought  the  boats  to  a 
grapnel,  to  let  the  sailors  eat  breakfast  and  get  a  little  rest,  for  they 
had  been  rowing  most  of  the  time  for  a  day  and  a  night,  and  a 
cutting-out  expedition  meant  murderous  work.  When  the  men 
were  refreshed  he  formed  the  boats  in  open  order,  and  they  pulled 
gallantly  on  against  the  strong  current.  At  ten  minutes  past  eleven 
the  Americans  opened  fire,  and,  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  had  the 
firing  all  to  themselves.  Then  the  carronades  and  light  guns  on 
both  sides  were  brought  into  play.  Lockyer  led  the  advance  in  a 
barge  of  the  Seahorse.  The  nearest  gunboat  was  that  of  the 
American  commander.  Accordingly,  it  was  these  two  who  first  came 
to  close  quarters,  Lockyer  laying  his  barge  alongside  Lieutenant 
Jones's  boat.  An  obstinate  struggle  ensued,  but  the  resistance 
of  the  Americans  was  very  fierce,  and  the  barge  was  repulsed,  most 

1  Commander  Nicholas  Lockyer,  of  the  Sophie,  18,  was  assisted  by  Commanders 
Henry  Montresor,  of  the  Manly,  and  Samuel  Roberts,  of  the  Meteor,  bomb,  and  each 
commanded  a  division  of  boats.     The  boats  engaged  were  those  of  the  Tonnant,  Norge, 
Bedford,  Ramillies,  Royal  Oak,  Armide,  Seahorse,  Cydnus,   Trave,   Sophie,  Meteor, 
Belle  Poule,  Gorgon,  Alceste,  and  Diomede.    A  medal  for  the  action  was  granted  in 
1847— W.  L.  C. 

2  Lieutenant  Jones's  account  gives  his  full  force  as  5  gunboats,  mounting  in  all 
three  long  32's,  two  long  24's,  twenty-two  long  6's,  four  12-pr.  carronades,  two  5-in. 
howitzers,  and  twelve  swivels,  and  having  182  men  on  board.      He  had  also  with  him 
the  schooner  Seahorse,  which  he  detached  to  Bay  St.  Louis  before  the  attack,  and  the 
little  sloop  Alligator. — W.  L.  C. 

3  Letters    of    Captain    Lockyer,   Dec.    18th,    1814,    and    of    Lieutenant    Jones  > 
March  12th,  1815. 


150        THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.        [1814-15. 

of  her  crew  being  killed  or  crippled,  while  her  gallant  captain  was 
severely,  and  the  equally  gallant  Lieutenant  George  Pratt  mortally, 
wounded.  Another  boat,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  James 
Barnwell  Tatnall,  grappled  the  gunboat  and  was  promptly  sunk. 
But  the  other  boats  pulled  steadily  up,  and,  one  after  another,  were 
laid  on  board  the  doomed  vessel.  The  boarding-nets  were  slashed 
through  and  cut  away  ;  with  furious  fighting  the  deck  was  gained  ; 
the  American  commander  and  many  of  his  crew  were  killed  or 
wounded,  and  the  gunboat  was  carried.  Her  guns  were  turned 
on  the  second  boat,  which  was  soon  taken,  and  then  the  British 
dashed  at  the  third,  which  was  carried  with  a  rush  after  a  gallant 
defence,  her  commander,  Lieutenant  Robert  Spedden,  being  badly 
wounded.  The  next  gunboat  fell  an  easy  prey,  her  long-gun  having 
been  dismounted  by  the  recoil,  and  the  fifth  then  hauled  down  her 
flag.  Forty-one  of  the  Americans,  and  ninety-four  of  the  British,1 
were  killed  or  wounded. 

A  brigade  of  British  sailors  took  part  in  the  battles  before  New 
Orleans,  and  shared  the  disasters  that  there  befell  the  British  army ; 
but  their  deeds  belong  to  military  rather  than  to  naval  history. 

The  British  Navy  did  not  confine  itself  to  attacks  in  Chesapeake 
Bay  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  On  September  15th, 
1814,  the  Hermes,  20,  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry  William  Percy, 
Carron,  20,  Captain  the  Hon.  Eobert  Churchill  Spencer,  and  18-gun 
brig-sloops  Sophie,  Commander  Nicholas  Lockyer,  and  Childers, 
Commander  John  Brand  Umfreville,  with  a  land  force  of  about  two 
hundred  men,  made  an  attack  on  Fort  Bowyer,  at  Mobile  Point.2 
The  attack  failed  completely.  The  carronades  of  the  ships  were 
unfit  for  such  a  contest,  and  no  damage  was  done  to  the  fort, 
while  the  Hermes  grounded  and  was  burnt,  and  the  assailants 
were  repulsed,  losing  about  eighty  men  all  told. 

Early  in  1815  Rear-Admiral  George  Cockburn  began  to  harry 
the  coast  of  Georgia.  He  gathered  a  great  deal  of  plunder,  and  did 
much  destruction  in  an  expedition  up  the  St.  Mary's  River.  As 

1  The  British  lost  IT  killed  and  77  wounded,  out  of  a  total  of  about  980  engaged. 
Among  the   killed   were    Midshipmen  Thomas   W.  Moore,  John   Mills,  and   Henry 
Syraons;  among  the  wounded  were  Commander  Nicholas  Lockyer,  Lieutenants  William 
Gilbert  Roberts,  John  Franklin,  Henry  Gladwell  Etough,  and  George  Pratt  (mortally), 
and  Lieutenant  James  Uniacke,  R.M.    For  the  gallantry  displayed,  Commander  Lockyer 
was   posted   on  March  29th,  1815,   and  Commanders   Henry  Montresor  and  Samuel 
Roberts  were  similarly  advanced  on  June  13th,  following. — W.  L.  C. 

2  James,  vi.  356  (Ed.  1837). 


1815.]  EFFECTS   OF  THE  BLOCKADE.  151 

usual,  the  militia  were  helpless  to  impede  his  movements  or  relieve 
the  threatened  points.  One  or  two  of  his  boat  attacks  failed ;  and 
the  small  force  of  American  seamen  which  manned  the  little  flotilla 
of  gunboats  in  the  shallow  waters  of  the  South  Atlantic  twice 
themselves  made  cutting-out  expeditions,  in  which  they  captured 
two  boats  of  one  of  his  frigates,  the  Hebrus,  and  the  tender  of 
another,  the  Severn.1  These  little  checks,  however,  were  merely 
sufficient  to  irritate  the  British ;  and  Savannah  was  in  an  agony  of 
well-grounded  fear  lest  she  should  suffer  the  fate  of  Washington, 
when  peace  came,  and  Cockburn  reluctantly  withdrew.  A  dis- 
agreeable incident  occurred  after  the  news  of  peace  had  come.  The 
British  20-gun  sloop  Erebus,  Commander  David  Ewen  Bartholomew, 
came  across  an  American  gunboat,  under  the  command  of  Mr. 
Hurlburt,  and  ordered  her  to  lie  to.  The  gunboat  refused,  where- 
upon the  sloop  gave  her  a  broadside,  and  she  fired  her  only  gun, 
and  struck.2  Afterwards  Bartholomew  apologised,  and  let  the 
gunboat  proceed.  His  gunnery  had  been  bad,  and  none  of  the 
gunboat's  crew  were  hurt.  A  few  months  later,  on  June  30th, 
1815,  a  parallel  incident,  with  the  parties  reversed,  occurred  in 
the  China  Seas,  where  the  American  sloop  Peacock,  22,  met  the 
little  East  India  Company's  brig  Nautilus,  14. 3  The  meeting 
will  be  described  later. 

Thus,  throughout  the  last  year  of  the  war,  the  American  coast 
had  been  blockaded,  and  harassed,  and  insulted  by  harrying  parties, 
as  well  as  by  descents  in  force,  from  the  St.  John's  to  the  Mississippi. 
Virginia,  Maryland,  Maine  and  Georgia  had  been  equally  powerless 
to  repel  or  avenge  the  attacks  from  which  they  had  suffered. 
Alexandria  had  been  plundered  and  Hampton  burned,  the  Georgia 
coast  ravaged  and  part  of  Maine  permanently  held  ;  and  only  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi — and  there,  thanks  solely  to  the  genius  of 
Andrew  Jackson — had  the  invaders  met  a  bloody  and  crushing 
defeat.  Moreover,  the  blockade  was  so  vigorous  that  the  shipping 
rotted  at  the  wharves  of  the  seaports,  and  grass  grew  in  the  business 
quarters  of  the  trading  towns.  Of  course  very  swift  and  very  lucky 
merchant  vessels  now  and  then  got  in  or  out,  but  they  had  to  charge 
for  their  wares  prices  that  would  repay  the  great  risk  of  capture;  and, 

1  Navy  Dept.  MSS.,  Captains'  Letters,  vol.  42,  Nos.  100  and  130. 

2  Ib.,  vol.  43,  No.  125.     Niles's  Register,  viii.  104,  118. 

3  The  Nautilus,  however,  fared  worse  than  Mr.  Hurlburt's  gunboat,  for  she  lost 
6  killed,  and  9,  including  her  commander,   Lieutenant  Charles  Boyce,  wounded. — 
W.  L.  C. 


152  THE    WAli    WITH   THE   UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.          [1815. 

for  an  impoverished  people,  those  prices  were  nearly  prohibitory. 
The  general  suffering  was  very  great,  and  the  people,  instead  of 
realising  that  their  own  shortcomings  were  at  fault,  stormed  at  the 
administration — with  very  good  reason,  it  must  be  confessed.  The 
war  had  really  done  a  great  service ;  but  this  the  people,  naturally 
enough,  failed  to  recognise  at  the  moment ;  and  the  discomfort  and 
humiliation  to  which  they  were  subjected  made  them  long  for  peace. 
For  eight  months  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  had  left  Great  Britain 
free  to  put  her  whole  strength  against  the  United  States.  The  result 
had  by  no  means  come  up  to  her  expectations,  for  her  aggressive 
movements,  at  Plattsburg  Bay  and  at  New  Orleans,  had  met 
with  defeat.  But  the  ceaseless  pressure  of  the  blockade  told  heavily 
in  her  favour.  Every  American  citizen  felt  in  his  pocket  and  on  his 
table  the  results  of  the  presence  of  the  British  warships  off  the 
harbour  mouths. 

No  stringency  of  the  blockade,  however,  could  keep  the  American 
cruisers  in  port.  The  sloops  of  war  and  the  big  privateers  were 
commanded  and  manned  by  men  whose  trade  it  was  to  run  risks  and 
overcome  dangers.  Daringly  and  skilfully  handled,  they  continually 
ran  in  and  out  of  the  ports,  ever  incurring  the  risk  of  capture,  but 
ever  doing  damage  for  which  their  capture  could  not  atone. 

Thanks  to  their  numbers,  and  to  the  fact  that  they  only  fought 
when  they  had  to,  the  privateers  did  more  damage  than  the  sloops 
to  British  commerce.  Like  the  privateers,  the  sloops  cruised,  by 
choice,  right  in  the  home  waters  of  Britain,  but  they  never  went 
after  merchantmen  when  there  was  a  chance  of  tackling  men-of-war ; 
and  the  chief  harrying  of  the  British  commerce  was  left  to  the  men 
who  did  it  for  personal  reasons,  actuated  half  by  love  of  gain  and 
half  by  love  of  adventure. 

The  deeds  of  the  commerce-destroyers  in  this  war  are  very 
noteworthy.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  stringency  of  the  blockade 
of  the  American  coast  increased  steadily,  and  of  the  further  fact  that, 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  war,  the  British  were  able  to  employ 
their  whole  Navy  against  the  Americans,  the  ravages  of  the  American 
cruisers  grew  more  and  more  formidable  month  by  month  until  the 
peace.  The  privateers  were  handled  with  a  daring  and  success 
previously  unknown.  Always  before  this,  in  any  contest  with  a 
European  power,  the  British  Navy  had  in  the  end  been  able  to 
get  the  hostile  privateers  completely  under,  and  to  prevent  any  large 
portion  of  British  trade  from  being  driven  into  neutral  bottoms. 


1814.]  THE  AMERICAN  PRIVATEERS.  153 

France  possessed  treble  the  population  of  the  United  States,  and 
she  had  a  great  fighting  fleet;  while  her  harbours  were  so  near 
the  English  coast  as  to  offer  an  excellent  base  of  operations  against 
British  commerce.  But,  when  the  American  war  broke  out,  Britain 
had  very  nearly  driven  the  French  privateers  from  the  ocean,  and 
had  almost  entirely  expelled  them  from  British  home  waters.  The 
result  was  that,  in  1812,  British  commerce  was  safer  at  sea  than  it 
had  been  during  the  early  period  of  the  French  war.  But  nothing 
of  the  kind  happened  in  the  American  war.  The  boldness  of  the 
privateers,  and  the  severity  of  their  ravages,  increased  every  year. 
In  1814  the  privateers  that  put  to  sea  were  large,  well-built,  formid- 
ably armed,  and  heavily-manned  vessels,  of  about  the  size  of  the 
smaller  sloops  of  war,  and  faster  than  any  other  craft  afloat. 
England  was  near  to  continental  Europe,  and  America  was  divided 
from  her  by  the  broad  Atlantic ;  yet  no  European  nation  ever  sent 
her  privateers  so  boldly  into  British  home  waters  as  did  America. 

Wherever  on  the  ocean  the  British  merchantmen  sailed,  thither 
the  American  privateers  followed.  Their  keels  furrowed  the  waters 
of  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the  China  Seas ;  and  they  made  prizes 
of  vessels  that  sailed  from  Bombay,  Madras,  and  Hong  Kong. 
They  s wanned  in  the  West  Indies,  where  they  landed  and  burnt 
small  towns,  leaving  behind  them  proclamations  that  thus  they  had 
avenged  the  burning  of  Washington.  They  haunted  the  coasts  of 
the  British  colonies  in  Africa ;  they  lay  off  the  harbour  of  Halifax, 
and  plundered  the  outgoing  and  incoming  vessels,  laughing  at  the 
ships  of  the  line  and  frigates  that  strove  to  drive  them  off.  Above 
all  they  grew  ever  fonder  of  sailing  to  and  fro  in  the  narrow  seas 
over  which  England  had  for  centuries  claimed  an  unquestioned 
sovereignty.  They  cruised  in  the  British  Channel  where  they 
captured,  not  only  merchantmen,  but  also  small  regularly  armed 
vessels.  The  Irish  Sea  and  the  Irish  Channel  were  among  their 
favourite  cruising  grounds ;  they  circled  Scotland  and  Ireland ;  one 
of  them  ransomed  a  Scottish  town.  The  Chasseur  of  Baltimore, 
commanded  by  Thomas  Boyle,  cruised  for  three  months  off  the  coast 
of  England,  taking  prize  after  prize,  and  in  derision  sent  in,  to  be 
posted  at  Lloyd's,  a  proclamation  of  blockade  of  the  sea-coast  of  the 
United  Kingdom.1  In  September  1814  the  merchants  of  Glasgow, 
Liverpool,  and  Bristol  held  meetings,  and  complained  bitterly  to 
the  British  Government  of  the  damages  inflicted  upon  them.  The 
1  Coggeshall's  book  is  filled  with  incidents  of  this  kind. 


154  THE    WAH    WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.  [1815. 

Liverpool  meeting  recited  that  some  ports,  particularly  Milford,  were 
under  actual  blockade.  The  merchants,  manufacturers,  shipowners, 
and  underwriters  of  Glasgow  protested  that  the  audacity  of  the 
American  privateers  had  become  intolerable ;  that  they  harassed 
the  British  coasts  ;  and  that  the  success  with  which  their  enterprise 
had  been  attended  was  not  only  injurious  to  British  commerce,  but 
also  humbling  to  British  pride ;  and  they  added  a  significant  comment 
upon  the  damage  which  had  been  done  by  "  a  Power  whose  maritime 
strength  had  hitherto  been  impolitically  held  in  contempt."  The 
rates  of  insurance  rose  to  an  unprecedented  height.  For  the  first 
time  in  history  a  rate  of  13  per  cent,  was  paid  on  risks  to  cross 
the  Irish  Channel.  The  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty,  Mr.  Croker, 
was  forced  to  admit  the  havoc  wrought  even  in  the  Irish  and  Bristol 
Channels,  and  could  only  respond  that,  if  the  merchantmen  would 
never  sail  except  under  the  convoy  of  a  sufficient  number  of 
men-of-war,  they  would  be  safe.  Such  a  statement  was  equivalent 
to  admission  that  no  unguarded  ship  could  safely  go  from  one  British 
port  to  another ;  and  it  sufficed  to  explain  why  the  rate  of  insurance 
on  vessels  had  gradually  risen  to  double  the  rate  which  had  pre- 
vailed during  the  great  war  with  France.1  On  February  llth,  1815, 
the  Times  complained  in  these  bitter  words  of  the  ravages  of 
the  American  sloops  of  war  and  privateers :  "  They  daily  enter 
in  among  our  convoys,  seize  prizes  in  sight  of  those  that  should 
afford  protection,  and  if  pursued  '  put  on  their  sea-wings  '  and  laugh 
at  the  clumsy  English  pursuers.  To  what  is  this  owing?  Cannot 
we  build  ships  ?  ...  It  must  indeed  be  encouraging  to  Mr.  Madison 
to  read  the  logs  of  his  cruisers.  If  they  fight,  they  are  sure  to 
conquer;  if  they  fly,  they  are  sure  to  escape." 

The  privateers  were  not  fitted  to  fight  regular  war-vessels.  As 
a  rule  they  rarely  made  the  effort.  When  they  did  they  sometimes 
betrayed  the  faults  common  to  all  irregular  fighting  men.  Many 
instances  could  be  cited  where  they  ran  away  from,  submitted 
tamely  to,  or  made  but  a  weak  defence  against,  equal  or  even 
inferior  forces.  But  such  was  by  no  means  always  the  case. 
Exceptionally  good  commanders  were  able  to  get  their  crews  into 
a  condition  when  they  were  formidable  foes  to  any  man-of-war  of 
their  weight  in  the  world ;  for,  though  naturally  the  discipline  of 
a  privateer  was  generally  slack,  yet  the  men  who  shipped  on  board 
her  were  sure  to  be  skilful  seamen,  and  trained  to  the  use  of  arms, 

1  Adams,  viii.  200. 


1814.]  THE  "GENERAL   ARMSTRONG."  155 

so  that,  with,  a  little  drilling,  they  made  good  fighting  stuff.  The 
larger  privateers  several  times  captured  little  British  national  vessels, 
cutters  and  the  like.  On  February  26th,  1815,  the  famous  Baltimore 
schooner  Chasseur,  of  fourteen  guns  and  seventy  men,  under  Thomas 
Boyle,  captured  in  fair  fight  the  British  war-schooner  St.  Laivrence, 
Lieutenant  Henry  Cranmer  Gordon,1  of  almost  exactly  the  same 
force,  after  an  obstinate  action.2 

Some  of  the  bloodiest  engagements  of  the  war  were  between 
British  cutting-out  parties  and  privateers.  The  two  most  notable 
cases  were  those  in  which  the  two  famous  New  York  privateers,  the 
Prince  de  Neufchdtel  and  the  General  Armstrong,  were  the  chief 
figures.  Both  were  large  swift  vessels.  The  latter  was  a  brig 
and  the  former  a  brigantine,  and  both  had  committed  exceptionally 
severe  ravages  on  British  commerce,  having  been  unusually  lucky 
in  the  prizes  they  had  made.  As  with  all  of  these  privateers,  it  is 
difficult  to  get  at  full  particulars  of  them,  and,  in  some  accounts,  both 
are  called  schooners.  The  General  Armstrong  was  armed  with  one 
heavy  long-gun  and  eight  long  9's.  The  Prince  de  Neufchdtel 
carried  17  guns,  9's  and  12's,  being  the  larger  vessel  of  the  two. 

On  the  26th  of  September,  1814,  the  General  A  rmstrong  was  lying 
at  anchor  in  the  road  of  Fayal.  Her  master  was  Samuel  Chester 
Reid,3  and  she  had  a  crew  of  ninety  men  on  board.  A  British 
squadron,  composed  of  the  Plantagenet,  74,  Captain  Robert  Lloyd  (2) ; 
Rota,  38,  Captain  Philip  Somerville  (1) ;  and  Carnation,  18,  Commander 
George  Bentham,  hove  in  sight  towards  sundown.  Experience  had 
taught  the  Americans  not  to  trust  to  the  neutrality  of  a  weak  Power 
for  protection  ;  and  Reid  warped  his  brig  near  shore,  and  made  ready 
to  repel  any  attempt  to  cut  her  out.  Soon  after  dark  Captain  Lloyd 
sent  in  four  boats.  He  asserted  that  they  were  only  sent  to  find  out 
what  the  strange  brig  was ;  but  of  course  no  such  excuse  was 

1  The  St.  Lawrence  mounted  twelve  12-pr.  carronades  and  one  long  9,  and  had, 
according  to  James  (vi.  370,  ed.  1837),  51  men  and  boys,  besides  passengers,  on  board. 
She  lost  6  killed  and  18  wounded.     The  Chasseur  mounted  eight  18-pr.  carronades  and 
six  long  9's.     James,  without  specifying  his  authority,  says  that  she  lost  5  killed  and 
8  wounded,  out  of  a  complement  of  115.     O'Byrne  (408),  in  his  notice  of  Lieutenant 
H.  C.  Gordon,  entirely  ignores  the  affair,  and  says  that  Gordon,  after  receiving  his  first 
commission,  on  February  4th,  1815,  never  served  again.     I  cannot  find  any  official 
report  of  the  action. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Letter  of  Boyle,  March  2nd,  1815. 

3  His  father,  while  serving  in  the  British  Navy,  had  been  made  prisoner  by  the 
Americans,  whose  cause  he  had  subsequently  joined.     He  had  in  the  meantime  married 
a  colonial  lady,  Rebecca  Chester.     The  son,  born  in  1783,  survived  until  1861.     He 
was  originally  in  the  U.S.  Navy. — W.  L.  C. 


156  THE    WAI!    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.          [1814. 

tenable.  Pour  boats,  filled  with  armed  men,  would  not  approach 
a  strange  vessel  after  nightfall  merely  to  reconnoitre  her.  At  any 
rate,  after  repeatedly  warning  them  off,  Reid  fired  into  them,  and 
they  withdrew.  He  then  anchored,  with  springs  on  his  cables, 
nearer  shore,  and  made  every  preparation  for  the  desperate  struggle 
which  he  knew  awaited  him.  Lloyd  did  not  keep  him  long  in 
suspense.  Angered  at  the  check  he  had  received,  he  ordered  seven 
boats  of  the  squadron,  manned  by  about  a  hundred  and  eighty  picked 
men,  to  attack  the  privateer.  He  intended  the  Carnation  to  accom- 
pany them,  to  take  part  in  the  attack  ;  but  the  winds  proved  too 
light  and  baffling,  and  the  boats  made  the  attempt  alone.  Under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant  William  Matterface,  first  of  the  Rota, 
they  pulled  in  under  cover  of  a  small  reef  of  rocks,  .where  they  lay 
for  some  time ;  and,  at  about  midnight,  they  advanced  to  the  attack. 
The  Americans  were  on  the  alert,  and,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  boats 
rowing  in  through  the  night,  they  opened  with  the  pivot-gun,  and 
immediately  afterwards  with  their  long  9's.  The  British  replied 
with  their  boat  carronades,  and,  pulling  spiritedly  on  amidst  a 
terrific  fire  of  musketry  from  both  sides,  laid  the  schooner  aboard 
on  her  bow  and  starboard  quarter.  A  murderous  struggle  followed. 
The  men-of-wars'  men  slashed  at  the  nettings  and  tried  to  clamber 
up  on  the  decks,  while  the  privateersmen  shot  down  the  assailants, 
hacked  at  them  with  cutlass  and  tomahawk,  and  thrust  them  through 
with  their  long  pikes.  The  boats  on  the  quarter  were  driven  off ; 
but  on  the  forecastle  the  British  cut  away  the  nettings,  and  gained 
the  deck.  All  three  of  the  American  mates  were  killed  or  disabled, 
and  their  men  were  beaten  back ;  but  Eeid  went  forward  on  the  run, 
with  the  men  of  the  after  division,  and  tumbled  the  boarders  back 
into  their  boats.  This  put  an  end  to  the  assault.  Two  boats  were 
sunk,  most  of  the  wounded  being  saved  as  the  shore  was  so  near ; 
two  others  were  captured  ;  and  the  others,  crippled  from  their  losses, 
and  loaded  with  dead  and  disabled  men,  crawled  back  towards  the 
squadron.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  slight.  Two  were  killed 
and  seven  wounded.  The  fearful  slaughter  in  the  British  boats 
proved  that  they  had  done  all  that  the  most  determined  courage 
could  do.  Two-thirds  of  the  assailants  were  killed  or  wounded.1 

1  The  number  killed  was  34,  inclutling  Lieutenants  William  Matterface  and 
Charles  E.  Norman.  The  number  wounded  was  86,  including  Lieutenant  Richard 
Rawle,  Lieutenant  Thomas  Park,  R.M.,  Purser  William  Benge  Basden,  and  two 
Midshipmen. — W.  L.  C. 


1814.]  THE  "PRINCE  DE  NEUFCHATEL."  157 

The  brig's  long  24  had  been  knocked  off  its  carriage  by  a 
carronade  shot,  but  it  was  replaced  and  the  deck  again  cleared  for 
action.  Next  day  the  Carnation  came  in  to  destroy  the  privateer,  but 
was  driven  off  by  the  judicious  use  of  the  long-gun.  However,  as 
soon  as  the  wind  became  favourable,  the  Carnation  again  advanced. 
Further  resistance  being  hopeless,  the  General  Armstrong  was 
scuttled  and  burned,  and  the  Americans  retreated  to  the  land.1 

The  Prince  de  Neufcliatel  was  attacked  on  October  llth,  1814. 
She  had  made  a  very  successful  cruise,  and  had  on  board  goods  to  the 
amount  of  300,000  dollars,  but  had  manned  and  sent  in  so  many 
prizes  that  only  forty  of  her  crew  were  left,  while  thirty-seven 
prisoners  were  confined  in  the  hold.  At  midday  on  the  llth,  while 
off  Nantucket,  the  British  frigate  Endymion,  40,  Captain  Henry 
Hope,  discovered  her  and  made  sail  in  chase.  Soon  after  nightfall 
it  fell  calm,  and  the  frigate  despatched  her  boats,  with  one  hundred 
and  eleven  men,  under  the  command  of  the  first  lieutenant,  Abel 
Hawkins,  to  carry  the  brigantine  by  boarding.  The  latter  triced 
up  the  boarding  nettings,  loaded  her  guns  with  grape  and  bullets, 
and  made  everything  ready  for  the  encounter.  The  rapid  tide  held 
back  the  boats  as  they  drew  near,  but  they  laid  the  brigantine 
aboard,  and  a  most  desperate  engagement  followed.  Some  of  the 
British  actually  cut  through  the  nettings  and  reached  the  deck, 
but  they  were  killed  by  the  privateersmen  as  fast  as  they  mounted. 
Once  the  boats  were  repulsed ;  again  they  came  on,  but  again  they 
were  beaten  back ;  the  launch  was  captured,  and  the  others  pulled 
back  to  the  frigate.  The  slaughter  had  been  very  heavy,  con- 
sidering the  number  of  combatants.  The  victorious  privateer 
had  lost  seventeen  killed,  and  fifteen  badly,  and  nine  slightly, 
wounded,  leaving  but  nine  untouched.  Of  the  British,  about  half 
were  killed  or  wounded,  including  among  the  former  Lieutenant 
Hawkins  himself,  and,  in  addition,  the  launch  was  taken  with  the 
twenty-eight  men  in  her.2  The  master  of  the  Prince  de  Neufchatel 
was  John  Ordronaux,  a  New  Yorker.  His  name  caused  the  Captain 
of  the  Endymion  to  put  him  down  as  a  Frenchman. 

The  commerce-destroying  exploits  of  the  American  cruisers  had 
a  very  distinct  effect  in  furthering  the  readiness  of  the  British 
to  come  to  terms.  They  helped  to  make  England  willing  to 

1  Letter  of  Captain  S.  0.  Reid,  Oct.  7th,  1814,  and  of  Consul  John  B.  Dabney 
Oct.  5th,  1814.    James,  vi.  349  (Ed.  1837).    Letter  of  Captain  Lloyd ;  Adams,  viii.  202. 

2  Coggeshall's  'History  of  American  Privateers,'  241 ;  James,  vi.  362  (Ed.  1837). 


158         THE    WAR    WITH   THE   UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.        [1814-15. 

accept  a  peace  by  which  neither  side  lost  or  gained  anything.  The 
great  service  rendered  by  the  American  commerce-destroyers  in  the 
war  of  1812  must  not  be  blinked  ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  the  lesson 
it  teaches  must  not  be  misread.  The  swift  cruisers  cut  up  the 
British  trade  terribly,  and  rendered  it  unsafe  even  for  the  British 
coasters  to  go  from  one  port  to  another ;  but  it  cannot  be  too  often 
insisted  that  the  blockading  squadrons  of  Great  Britain  almost 
destroyed  both  the  foreign  and  the  coast  commerce  of  the  United 
States.  The  commerce-destroyers  of  America  did  their  part  toward 
making  the  war  of  1812  a  draw ;  but  the  great  fighting  fleets  of 
England  came  near  making  the  war  a  disastrous  defeat  for  the 
Americans.  The  people  of  the  British  seaports,  especially  the 
merchants  and  ship-owners,  were  sorely  distressed  by  the  war ;  but 
in  America  whole  regions  were  brought  by  the  blockade  into  a  con- 
dition of  such  discontent  with  their  government,  that  they  openly 
talked  treason.  Moreover,  the  privateers,  in  spite  of  their  ravages, 
produced  no  such  effect  on  the  contest  as  the  regular  vessels  of  the 
American  navy.  The  victories  of  the  American  warships  kept  up  the 
heart  of  the  United  States  as  no  privateer  cruiser,  however  successful, 
could  keep  it  up ;  and  Macdonough's  triumph  on  Lake  Champlain 
had  more  effect  on  the  negotiations  for  peace  than  the  burning 
and  plundering  in  the  Irish  Channel. 

The  American  sloops  of  war  were  almost  or  quite  as  swift  as  the 
privateers,  and  were  formidable  fighters  to  boot.  The  smaller  man- 
of-war  brigs  (with  the  exception  of  the  Enterprise)  were  picked  up 
at  different  times  by  British  cruisers,  being  able  neither  to  run  nor 
to  fight.  Of  the  large  sloops  there  were  by  the  spring  of  1814 
four  all  told,  including  the  Hornet,  20,  and  the  newly  built 
Wasp,  Peacock,  and  Frolic,  22.  These  vessels  were  as  successful 
in  breaking  the  blockade  as  the  privateers,  and  more  success- 
ful in  evading  capture ;  and  each  of  them  was  a  menace,  not 
merely  to  the  British  merchantmen,  but  to  all  British  armed  vessels 
less  in  force  than  a  heavy  corvette  or  a  small  frigate.  Like  the 
privateers,  they  cruised  by  preference  on  the  seas  where  the  British 
merchantmen  and  British  armed  vessels  were  most  numerous,  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  British  Islands  being  a  favourite 
haunt. 

The  British  Admiralty  had  at  least  partially  solved  the  problem 
of  meeting  the  American  frigates,  by  providing  that  the  British 
frigates,  which  were  usually  lighter  ships,  should  cruise  in  couples 


1814.]  THE  AMERICAN  SLOOPS.  159 

or  small  squadrons,  and  should  avoid  encounters  with  American 
frigates  of  superior  force ;  but  it  made  no  such  provision  in  the 
case  of  the  sloops,  nor  was  there  any  evidence  of  endeavour  to  make 
better  the  gunnery  of  the  sloops.  In  consequence,  the  various  sloop 
actions  with  which  the  war  closed  ended  as  favourably  for  the 
Americans  as  had  the  early  fights  in  1812.  The  ordinary  British 
sloop  was  the  18-gun  brig.  She  was  not  so  good  a  vessel  as  the 
American  ship-sloop  carrying  twenty  or  twenty-two  guns.  There 
were  corresponding  ship-sloops  in  the  British  Navy ;  but  no  effort 
was  made  to  substitute  them  for  the  brig-sloops,  nor  were  they  so 
employed  as  to  bring  them  into  contact  with  the  Wasp,  the  Hornet, 
and  their  fellows.  Moreover,  the  brig-sloops  proved  on  the  whole 
to  be  far  more  inferior  to  their  opponents  in  skill  than  they  were  in 
force.  The  gunnery  of  the  Americans  showed  itself  to  the  end 
much  better  than  the  gunnery  of  the  British.  The  former  used 
sights  for  their  guns,  and  were  trained  to  try  to  make  each  shot  tell, 
while  even  in  Nelson's  day,  and  still  more  after  his  death,  the 
British  cared  more  for  rapidity  of  fire  than  for  exactness  of  aim. 
They  sought  to  get  so  close  to  their  antagonists  that  the  shots  could 
not  well  miss.  But  a  badly  aimed  gun  has  infinite  capacity  for 
missing,  even  at  close  range. 

The  first  of  the  new  American  sloops  to  get  to  sea  was  the  Frolic,  22, 
so  named  after  the  prize  captured  by  the  old  Wasp  in  1812.  She 
cruised  for  a  couple  of  months  under  Master-Commandant  Joseph 
Bainbridge,  and,  among  other  deeds,  sank  .a  large  Carthagenan 
privateer,  nearly  a  hundred  of  her  crew  of  Spaniards,  West  Indians, 
and  the  like,  being  drowned.  Finally,  on  April  20th,  1814,  she  was 
captured  after  a  long  chase  by  the  British  36-gun  frigate  Orpheus, 
Captain  Hugh  Pigot  (3),  and  the  12-gun  schooner  Shelburne,  Lieu- 
tenant David  Hope.1 

The  Peacock,  22,  Captain  Lewis  Warrington,  sailed  from  New 
York  on  March  12th,  1814.  On  April  29th,  in  latitude  27°  47'  N., 
longitude'  80°  7'  W.,  he  encountered  a  small  convoy  of  merchant- 
men under  the  protection  of  the  British  18-gun  brig-sloop  Epervier, 
Commander  Richard  Walter  Wales.  The  Peacock  had  one  hundred 
and  sixty-six  men  in  crew,  and  carried  two  long  12's  and  twenty 
32-pr.  carronades,  like  the  rest  of  her  class.  The  Epervier  had 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  in  crew,  and  carried  sixteen  32-pr.  and 
two  18-pr.  carronades.  In  broadside  force  the  difference  was  about 
1  The  Frolic  was  added  to  the  Royal  Navy  as  the  Florida.— W.  L.  C. 


160 


THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15. 


[1814. 


five   to   four.      However,  Wales   hauled   up   to   engage,  while   the 
convoy  made  all  sail  away. 

The  Peacock  came  down  with  the  wind  nearly  aft,  while  the 
Epervier  stood  toward  her  close  hauled.  At  10.20  A.M.  they 
exchanged  broadsides,  each  using  the  starboard  battery.  The 
Epervier  then  eased  away,  and  the  two  vessels  ran  off  side  by  side, 
the  Englishman  firing  his  port  guns,  while  Warrington  still  used 
the  starboard  battery,  aiming  at  the  brig's  hull.  The  Epervier  did 


CAPTAIN   LEWIS    WARRINGTON,   U.8.N. 
(From  GlmbredJi  engraving,  after  the  fortrait  by  Juri-tn.) 

practically  no  damage  whatsoever,  while  she  was  heavily  punished 
by  her  adversary.  Commander  Wales's  crew,  moreover,  showed  a 
lack  of  courage  such  as  was  very  unusual  in  the  service,  muttering 
sullenly  that  the  American  was  too  heavy  for  them.  Half  an  hour 
after  close  action  had  begun  most  of  the  guns  on  the  engaged  side  of 
the  Epervier  had  been  dismounted  by  the  Peacock's  shot,  or  owing  to 
defective  breeching-bolts,  or  carelessness  in  the  handling  ;  her  hull  had 
been  struck  forty-five  times  ;  her  masts  were  badly  wounded  ;  there 


1814.]  THE  "REINDEER"    AND    THE  "WASP."  161 

were  five  feet  of  water  in  her  hold ;  twenty-three  of  her  men  were 
killed  or  wounded  ; l  and  she  struck  her  colours.  The  Peacock  had 
lost  hut  two  men,  both  slightly  wounded  ;  and  there  had  been  some 
trifling  damage  aloft ;  but  her  hull  was  not  touched.  In  other 
words,  the  Epervier  was  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  Peacock  hardly 
scratched.2  Warrington  put  a  prize  crew  on  board  the  captured 
brig,  and  brought  her  in  safety  to  the  United  States,  though  on  the 
way  the  vessels  were  chased  by  two  British  frigates.  These  War- 
rington succeeded  in  drawing  after  his  own  ship,  which  was  very 
fast,  and  could,  he  was  sure,  outsail  his  pursuers.  The  event 
justified  his  judgment.  The  Peacock  again  sailed  on  June  4th,  and 
cruised  in  the  mouth  of  the  Irish  Channel,  round  the  west  and 
northern  coast  of  Ireland,  and  finally  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  She 
escaped  from  the  frigates  that  chased  her,  and  captured  fourteen 
merchantmen :  a  record  which  could  have  been  equalled  by  few  of 
the  privateers,  although  the  latter  devoted  themselves  entirely  to 
preying  on  commerce. 

The  Wasp,  a  sister  ship  of  the  Peacock,  and  named  in  honour  of 
the  old  Wasp,  left  Portsmouth,  Virginia,  on  May  1st,  1814,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Johnston  Blakely,  with  a  very  fine  crew  of  one 
hundred  and  seventy-three  men,  almost  exclusively  New  Englanders. 
Her  cruise,  both  because  of  her  signal  daring  and  success,  and  because 
of  the  tragic  mystery  of  her  end,  became  one  of  the  most  famous 
in  the  annals  of  the  American  navy.  She  slipped  through  the 
blockaders  and  ran  right  across  to  the  mouth  of  the  English 
Channel.  There  she  remained  for  several  weeks,  burning  and 
scuttling  many  ships.  Finally,  on  June  28th,  in  the  morning,  she 
made  out  a  sail  which  proved  to  be  the  18-gun  British  brig- 
sloop  Reindeer,  Commander  William  Manners.  The  Reindeer  was 
armed  with  24-pr.  carronades  and  had  a  crew  of  one  hundred  and 
eighteen,  so  that  Manners  knew  that  he  had  to  do  with  a  foe  who 
was  half  as  heavy  again  as  himself.  But  in  all  the  British  Navy, 
rich  as  it  was  in  men  who  cared  but  little  for  odds  of  size  or  strength, 
there  was  no  more  gallant  or  more  skilful  commander  than  Manners, 
nor  were  there  braver  or  better  trained  men  than  those  under  him. 
As  day  broke  the  Reindeer  made  sail  for  the  Wasp  with  the  wind 

1  Among  the  severely  wounded  was  Lieutenant  John  Hackett. — W.  L.  C. 

2  James's  '  Naval  Occurrences,'  243 ;   Navy  Dept.  MSS.,  Letters  of  Warrington 
April  29th  and  June  1st ;    American  State  Papers,  xiv.  427 ;    Memoirs  of  Admiral 
Codrington,  i.  322. 

VOL.   VI.  M 


162  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1814. 

nearly  aft.  The  sky  was  cloudy  and  the  light  breeze  barely  rippled 
the  sea,  so  that  the  vessels  stood  on  almost  even  keels.  All  the 
morning  they  slowly  drew  together,  each  captain  striving  to  get  or 
to  keep  the  weather-gage.  The  afternoon  had  well  begun  before 
the  rolling  drums  beat  to  quarters,  and  it  was  three  o'clock  when 
the  two  sloops  came  into  collision.  The  Wasp  was  running  slowly 
off  with  the  wind  a  little  forward  of  the  port  beam,  brailing  up  her 
mizen,  while  the  Reindeer  closed  on  her  weather  quarter  with  the 
flying-jib  hoisted.  When  but  sixty  yards  apart  the  British  fired 


CAPTAIN   JOHNSTON   BLAKELY,    U.S.N. 
(From   an  engraved  portrait  by    Glmbrede.) 

their  shifting  12-pr.  carronade,  loaded  with  round  and  grape,  into 
the  Wasp.  This  was  the  only  gun  in  either  ship  that  would  bear, 
and  five  times  it  was  discharged,  before,  at  twenty-six  minutes  past 
three,  Captain  Blakely,  finding  that  the  Reindeer  was  not  coming  on 
his  beam,  put  his  helm  a-lee  and  luffed  up,  firing  his  port  guns  from 
aft  forward  as  they  bore.  A  biscuit  could  have  been  tossed  from 
one  vessel  to  the  other  as  the  two  lay  abreast.  The  heavy  metal  of 
the  American  was  too  much  for  the  Reindeer.  Manners  himself 
was  mortally  wounded,  and  was  hit  again  and  again,  but  he 
would  not  leave  his  post,  and  continued  to  cheer  and  hearten  his 
men.  The  vessels  had  come  close  together  ;  and,  putting  his  helm 


1814.]  GALLANTRY  OF  MANNERS.  .  163 

a-weather,  he  ran  the  Wasp  aboard  on  her  port  quarter,  and  called 
the  boarders  forward  to  try  the  last  desperate  chance  of  a  hand  to 
hand  conflict.  But  Blakely  fought  with  the  same  courage  and  skill 
as  were  shown  by  his  antagonist,  and  used  his  greatly  superior  force 
to  the  utmost  advantage.  As  the  vessels  ground  together  the  men 
hacked  and  thrust  at  one  another  through  the  open  port  holes.  The 
Americans  gathered  aft  to  repel  boarders,  the  marines,  cutlassmen 
and  pikemen  clustering  close  to  the  bulwarks,  while  the  topmen 
kept  up  a  deadly  fire.  Then  through  the  smoke  the  British 
boarders  sprang,  only  to  die  or  to  be  hurled  back  on  their  own 
decks,  while  the  Reindeer  s  Marines  kept  answering  the  American 
fire.  As  his  men  recoiled,  Manners,  mortally  wounded,  but  high 
of  heart  and  unconquerable  save  by  death,  sprang,  sword  in  hand, 
into  the  rigging  to  lead  them  on  once  more ;  and  they  rallied  be- 
hind him.  At  that  moment  a  ball  from  the  Wasp's  main-top 
crashed  through  his  head,  and,  with  his  sword  closely  grasped  in 
his  right  hand,  he  fell  back  dead  on  his  own  deck,  while  above  him 
the  flag  for  which  he  had  given  his  life  still  floated.  As  he  fell 
Blakely  passed  the  word  to  board.  With  wild  hurrahs  the 
Americans  swarmed  over  the  hammock  nettings ;  the  wreck  of 
the  British  crew  was  swept  away  by  the  rush ;  and  the  Captain's 
Clerk,  Mr.  Richard  Collins,  the  senior  officer  left,  surrendered  the 
brig,  just  eighteen  minutes  after  the  Wasp  had  fired  her  first  broad- 
side. Twenty-six  of  the  Wasp's  crew  and  sixty-seven1  of  the 
Reindeer's  were  killed  or  wounded.2 

In  neither  navy  was  any  ship  ever  more  bravely  and  more 
skilfully  fought  than  either  the  Wasp  or  the  Reindeer,  and  the 
defeated  side  showed  themselves  heroes  indeed.  In  courage, 
seamanship  and  gunnery,  there  was  nothing  to  choose  between 
the  two  combatants ;  and  the  advantage  lay  with  the  nation  whose 
forethought  had  provided  the  better  ship.  In  all  these  naval  duels 
no  victorious  ship,  except  the  Shannon,  suffered  so  heavy  a  relative 
loss  as  the  Reindeer  inflicted  on  the  Wasp,  and,  before  accepting 
defeat,  the  Reindeer  herself  had  suffered  more  than  any  other 
defeated  ship,  except  the  Frolic. 

1  The  Reindeer  lost  25  killed  and  42  wounded.      Among  the  killed  were  Com- 
mander Manners  and  Purser  John  Thomas  Rarton ;  among  the  wounded,  Lieutenant 
Thomas  Chambers,  Master's  Mate  Matthew  Mitchell,  and  Midshipman  Henry  Hardi- 
man.     Manners  was  a  young  Commander  of  February  7th,  1812,  and  was  an  excellent 
and  idolised  officer. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Letter  of  Captain  Blakely,  July  8th,  1814;  Cooper,  ii.  287;  James,  vi.  294  (Ed.  1837). 

M   2 


164  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,    1812-15.         [1814. 

The  Wasp  burned  her  prize,  and  sailed  into  the  French  port  of 
Lorient  to  refit.  On  August  27th  she  sailed  again,  making  two 
prizes  in  the  first  three  days.  On  the  1st  of  September  she  came 
upon  a  convoy  of  ten  sail  under  the  protection  of  the  Armada,  74, 
bound  for  Gibraltar.  Confident  in  her  speed  and  in  the  seamanship 
of  the  crew,  Blakely  hovered  round  the  convoy,  though  chased  off 
again  and  again  by  the  two-decker,  and  finally  cut  off  and  captured 
a  ship  laden  with  iron  and  brass  cannon,  muskets,  and  other  military 
stores  of  value.  He  was  then  on  a  cruising  ground  traversed  in 
every  direction  by  British  warships  and  merchantmen,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  he  made  out  four  sail,  of  whom  it  after- 
wards turned  out  that  three  were  cruisers,  being  the  British  ship- 
sloop  Tartarus,  20,  and  the  brig-sloops  Avon,  18,  and  Castilian,  18. 
Blakely  soon  became  convinced  that  three  of  the  four  were  hostile 
vessels  of  war.  Nevertheless  he  determined  to  engage  one  of  them 
after  nightfall,  hoping  to  sink  or  capture  her  before  either  of  her 
consorts  could  come  to  her  aid.  It  was  a  very  bold  determination, 
but  it  was  justified  by  the  Wasp's  efficiency  as  a  fighting  machine. 
Blakely  had  less  men  in  crew  than  when  he  fought  the  Reindeer,  but, 
profiting  by  his  experience  with  the  latter,  he  had  taken  on  board  her 
12-pr.  carronade. 

The  three  British  sloops  were  in  chase  of  an  American  privateer 
schooner,  while  the  American  sloop  in  her  turn  chased  them.  The 
privateer  outsailed  her  pursuers,  and  the  latter  gradually  drew  apart 
until  the  headmost,  the  Castilian,  was  nine  miles  distant  from  the 
rearmost,  the  Avon,  when,  late  in  the  afternoon,  the  Wasp  began  to 
approach  the  latter.  The  Avon  was  under  the  command  of  Com- 
mander the  Hon.  James  Arbuthnot.  She  carried  twenty  guns, 
including  sixteen  32-pr.  carronades,  a  light  shifting  carronade,  two 
long  guns  as  bow-chasers,  and  another  light  long-gun  as  stern-chaser. 
Her  crew  numbered  one  hundred  and  seventeen.  The  odds  against 
her  in  point  of  force  were  thus  far  less  than  in  the  case  of  the 
Eeindeer,  being  about  what  they  were  against  the  Epervier,  or  five 
to  four  in  weight  of  broadside.  As  the  Wasp  approached,  the  Avon, 
not  desiring  to  encounter  her  single-handed,  began  signalling  with 
her  lanterns  to  her  consorts  ahead,  and  when  she  met  with  no 
response  she  fired  signal  shots  to  them.1 

Soon  after  9  P.M.  the  Wasp,  steering  free  through  the  darkness, 

1  According  to  some  British  accounts,  the  night-signals  and  the  shots  were 
directed  to  the  Wasp.  James,  297  [ed.  1837].— \V.  L.  C. 


1814.]  THE  "AVON"   AND    THE  "WASP."  165 

got  on  the  weather  quarter  of  the  Avon,  and  the  vessels  exchanged 
hails.  The  action  began  by  the  Wasp  firing  her  12-pr.  carronade, 
and  the  Avon  responding,  first  with  her  stern-chaser,  and  then  with 
her  aftermost  port  guns.  Blakely  put  his  helm  up  lest  his  adversary 
should  try  to  escape,  ran  to  leeward  of  her,  fired  his  port  broadside 
into  her  quarter,  and  then  ranged  up  on  her  starboard  beam.1  A 
furious  night  fight  followed  at  very  short  range.  The  Wasp's  men 
did  not  know  the  name  of  their  antagonist,  but  her  black  hull  loomed 
clearly  through  the  night,  and  aloft  in  her  tops  the  clustered  forms 
of  her  sailors  could  be  seen  against  the  sky.  Four  round  shot  struck 
the  Wasp's  hull,  killing  two  men ;  and  another  man  was  wounded  by 
a  wad.  This  was  all  she  suffered  below,  but  aloft  her  rigging  was  a 
good  deal  cut,  for  the  practice  of  the  Avon  was  bad,  her  guns  being 
pointed  too  high.  The  Wasp's  fire,  on  the  contrary,  was  directed 
with  deadly  precision.  The  Avon's  hull  was  riddled  through  and 
through,  until  there  were  seven  feet  of  water  in  the  hold,  the  lower 
masts  were  wounded,  and  the  standing  and  running  rigging  were 
cut  to  pieces.  Five  of  the  starboard  guns  were  dismounted,  and 
forty-two  of  the  crew  killed  or  wounded.2  Less  than  three 
quarters  of  an  hour 3  after  the  beginning  of  the  action  she  struck 
her  colours. 

While  Blakely  was  lowering  away  the  boat  to  take  possession, 
the  Castilian,  Commander  George  Lloyd  (actg.),  made  her  appear- 
ance, and  soon  afterwards  the  Tartarus  also  approached.4  They  had 
been  recalled  by  the  noise  of  the  cannonade,  and  had  come  up  under 
a  press  of  sail.  When  the  Castilian  came  in  sight  Blakely  again 
called  his  men  to  quarters,  and  made  ready  for  battle ;  but  the 
appearance  of  the  Tartarus  forced  him  to  relinquish  the  idea  of 
fighting.  Accordingly,  the  braces  having  been  cut  away,  the  Wasp 
was  put  before  the  wind  until  new  ones  could  be  rove.  The 
Castilian  followed  her,  but  the  Avon  had  begun  to  fire  minute- 
guns  and  make  signals  of  distress,  and  Commander  Lloyd  deemed 
it  his  duty  to  put  back  to  her  assistance.  He  accordingly  returned 

1  Blakely's  letter,  Sept.  8th,  1814. 

2  The  number  killed  was  10,  including  Lieutenant  John  Prendergast ;  the  number 
wounded  was  32,  including  Commander  Arbuthnot,  Lieutenant  John  Harvey  (4),  and 
Midshipman  John  Travers. — W.  L  C 

3  According  to  the  British  accounts,  the  action  began  at  9.26  P.M.,  and  the  Avon  sur- 
rendered at  10.12  P.M.  ;  but  James  (vi.  298,  ed.  1837)  shows  grounds  for  believing  that 
the  surrender  occurred  at  nearly  11  P.M. — W.  L.  C. 

4  Niks's  Register,  vi.  216. 


166          THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.      [1814-15. 

to  his  consort,  after  firing  his  lee  guns  over  the  weather  quarter  of 
the  Wasp,  cutting  her  rigging  slightly,  but  not  touching  a  man, 
nor  doing  any  other  damage.  He  consoled  himself  by  reporting 
that  if  he  had  been  able  to  attack  the  Wasp  she  would  have  "  fallen 
an  easy  prey  "  to  him,  and  that  he  did  not  doubt  that  his  broadside 
was  "most  destructive."  1  The  Avon  sank  soon  afterwards. 

James  comments  on  this  action  as  follows  :  "  The  gallantry  of 
the  Avon's  crew  cannot  for  a  moment  be  questioned,  but  the  gunnery 
of  the  latter  appears  to  have  been  not  a  whit  better  than,  to  the 
discredit  of  the  British  Navy,  had  frequently  before  been  displayed 
in  combats  of  this  kind.  Nor,  from  the  specimen  given  by  the 
Castilian,  is  it  likely  that  she  would  have  performed  any  better."  2 
As  for  the  Wasp,  she  had  performed  a  most  notable  feat  of  cool 
daring  and  skilful  prowess. 

She  next  cruised  southward  and  westward,  taking  and  scuttling  or 
sending  in  several  prizes,  one  of  much  value.  On  October  9th  she 
spoke  the  Swedish  brig  Adonis,  which  had  on  board  a  couple  of  the 
officers  formerly  of  the  Essex,  on  their  way  to  England  from  Brazil. 
This  was  the  last  that  was  heard  of  the  gallant  Wasp.  How  she 
perished  none  ever  knew.  All  that  is  certain  is  that  she  was  never 
seen  again.  In  all  the  navies  of  the  world  at  that  time  there  were  no 
better  sloop,  and  no  braver  or  better  captain  and  crew. 

The  blockading  squadrons  watched  with  special  vigilance  the 
harbours  containing  American  frigates.  Three  frigates  cruised  off 
Boston,  where  the  Constitution  lay,  and  four  off  New  York,  where 
Decatur  kept  the  President  ready  to  put  to  sea  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity. The  Constitution,  always  a  lucky  ship,  managed  to  take 
advantage  of  a  temporary  absence  of  the  three  frigates  that  were 
watching  her  and  slipped  to  sea.  The  President  made  a  similar 
attempt,  but  fared  badly. 

The  Peacock  and  Hornet  were  lying  with  her,  all  three  intending 
to  start  on  a  cruise  for  the  East  Indies,  where  they  hoped  to  do 
much  damage  to  British  trade.  The  blockading  squadron  off  the 
port  consisted  of  the  Majestic,  56,  Captain  John  Hayes,  with  long 
32-prs.  on  the  main-deck,  and  42-pr.  carronades  on  the  spar-deck, 
the  Endymion,  40,  Captain  Henry  Hope,  carrying  twenty-six  24-prs. 
on  her  main-deck,  and  twenty-two  32-pr.  carronades,  and  two  bow- 
chasers  on  her  spar-deck,  with  a  crew  of  about  three  hundred  and 

1  Letter  of  Lloyd,  Sept.  2nd,  1814 ;  Adams,  viii.  190. 

2  James,  vi.  299  (Ed.  1837). 


1815.]  CAPTURE   OF   THE  "PRESIDENT."  167 

fifty  men ;  and  the  two  38-gun  frigates  Pomone,  Captain  John 
Richard  Lumley,  and  Tenedos,  Captain  Hyde  Parker  (3).  On 
January  14th,  1815,  a  severe  snow-storm  blew  them  off  the  coast. 
Hayes  was  sure  that  the  President  would  take  advantage  of  their 
absence  to  slip  out ;  and  he  shaped  his  course  back  with  a  view  to 
the  course  which  the  escaping  American  would  be  apt  to  take.1 
The  event  justified  his  judgment. 

The  President  had  tried  to  put  to  sea  in  the  gale,  but  she  struck 
on  the  bar,  where  she  beat  heavily  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  springing 
her  masts  and  becoming  so  hogged  and  twisted  that  she  would  have 
put  back  to  port  if  the  storm  had  not  blown  so  furiously  as  to 
render  it  impossible.2  Before  daylight  next  morning,  Sandy 
Hook  bearing  W.N.W.,  fifteen  leagues  distant,  she  ran  into  the 
British  squadron,  and  a  headlong  chase  followed.  During  the  early 
part  of  the  day,  when  the  wind  was  still  strong,  the  powerful 
Majestic  went  better  than  any  of  the  other  ships,  and  fired  occa- 
sionally at  the  President  without  effect.  The  Pomone  towards 
noon  began  to  gain  rapidly,  and  would  have  overtaken  the  President 
had  she  not  been  sent  to  investigate  the  Tenedos,  which  turned  up  in 
an  unexpected  quarter,  and  was  mistaken  for  another  American  ship. 
In  the  afternoon  the  wind  became  light  and  baffling,  and  the  Endy- 
mion  forged  to  the  front  and  gained  rapidly  on  the  President,  which 
was  making  a  large  amount  of  water  in  consequence  of  the  injuries 
which  she  had  received  while  on  the  bar.  For  three  hours  the  ships 
occasionally  interchanged  shots  from  their  bow  and  stern  chasers. 
At  about  half -past  five  the  Endymion  drew  up  close,  and  began  to 
pour  in  her  broadsides  on  the  President's  starboard  quarter,  where 
not  a  gun  of  the  latter  would  bear.  For  half  an  hour  the  President 
bore  the  battering  as  best  she  might,  unable  to  retaliate ;  and  she 
did  not  like  to  alter  her  course,  lest  she  should  lessen  her  chance  of 
escape.  Moreover,  Decatur  expected  the  Endymion  to  come  up 
abeam.  But  Captain  Hope  kept  his  position  by  yawing,  not  wishing 
to  forfeit  his  advantage.  In  this  he  was  quite  right,  for  the 
President  suffered  more  during  the  half-hour  when  she  had  to  endure 
the  unreturned  fire  of  her  opponent  than  during  the  entire  remainder 
of  the  combat.  At  six  o'clock  Decatur  found  his  position  unbearable, 

1  Letters  of  Rear-Adm.  the  Hon.  Sir  Henry  Hotham,  Jan.  23rd,  1815,  and  Captain 
Hayes,  Jan.  17th,  1815. 

2  Letters  of  Decatur,  Jan.  18th  and   March  6th,  1814;    Report  of  court-irartial, 
April  20th,  1815. 


168  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.         [1815. 

and  kept  off,  heading  to  the  south.  The  two  frigates  ran  abreast,  the 
Americans  using  the  starboard,  the  British  the  port,  battery.  Decatur 
tried  to  close  with  his  antagonist,  but  the  latter,  being  both  a  lighter 
and  a  swifter  ship,  hauled  up  and  frustrated  the  attempt.  The 
President  then  endeavoured  to  dismantle  the  British  frigate,  and  thus 
get  rid  of  her.  In  this  she  was  successful.  The  Endymion's  sails 
were  cut  from  her  yards,  and  she  fell  astern,  the  fire  gradually  dying 
away  on  both  sides.  The  last  shot  was  fired  from  the  President.1 
Three  hours  afterwards,  at  eleven  o'clock,  the  Pomone  caught  up 
with  the  President,  and  gave  her  two  broadsides,  which  killed  and 
wounded  a  considerable  number  of  people.  The  Endymion  was  out 
of  sight  astern.  Decatur  did  not  return  the  fire,  but  surrendered, 
and  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Tenedos.  He  delivered  his  sword 
to  Captain  Hayes  of  the  Majestic.  In  the  President  twenty-four 
were  killed,  and  fifty  wounded ; 2  in  the  Endymion  eleven  were 
killed  and  fourteen  wounded.  Two  days  afterwards,  in  a  gale,  all 
three  of  the  President's,  and  two  of  the  Endymion's  masts  went 
by  the  board,  and  the  Endymion,  in  addition,  had  to  throw  over- 
board her  quarter-deck  and  forecastle  guns. 

This  was  an  important  success  for  the  British.  It  was  won  by 
the  vigilance  of  Captain  Hayes,  and  the  foresight  of  the  British  in 
stationing  ample  blockading  squadrons  off  the  harbours  where  the 
American  frigates  lay.  The  Endymion  was  a  much  lighter  ship 
than  the  President,  and  could  not  be  expected  to  capture  her,  for 
the  President  had  a  hundred  more  men  in  crew,  two  more  guns  in 
broadside  on  the  main-deck,  and  42's  instead  of  32's  on  the  spar-deck. 
What  Captain  Hope  could  do  he  did ;  that  is,  hang  on  the  quarter 
of  an  enemy  who  had  no  choice  but  flight,  pouring  in  broadsides 
which  could  not  be  returned,  and  then,  when  he  did  engage,  keep 
up  the  battle  as  long  as  possible,  and  do  as  much  damage  as  he  could, 
before  dropping  out  of  the  combat.  The  relative  loss  is  of  course  no 
criterion  of  the  merits  of  the  fight,  because  the  President  was  trying 
to  escape.  She  did  not  attempt  to  return  the  earliest  and  most 
destructive  broadsides  of  the  Endymion,  and  afterwards  devoted  her 
attention  chiefly  to  the  effort  to  unrig  her  opponent,  while  part  of  her 
loss  was  caused  by  the  two  unreturned  broadsides  of  the  Pomone. 

1  Log  of  Pomone,  '  Naval  Chronicle,'  xxxiii.  370. 

2  Neither  Hope  nor  Hayes  in  his  letter  gives  details  of  the  loss  suffered  by  the 
President.    James  (vi.  365,  ed.  1837),  without  specifying  his  authority,  says  that  the 
President  lost  35  killed  and  70  wounded. — W.  L.  C. 


1815.]  CRUISE   OF   THE  "CONSTITUTION."  169 

So  far  as  the  Endymion  is  concerned,  Decatur  seems  to  have  done 
all  he  could,  and  no  severe  censure  could  be  passed  on  him  for 
surrendering  when  attacked  by  a  fresh  frigate,  with  another  close 
astern.  It  certainly  seems,  however,  that  it  would  have  been  worth 
his  while  to  try  at  least  a  few  broadsides  on  the  Pomone.  A 
lucky  shot  might  have  taken  out  one  of  her  masts,  and  then  he 
would  have  had  a  chance  to  dispose  of  the  Tenedos  and  make  good 


CAFfAIN   CHARLES   STEWART,    U.S.N. 
(After  Goodman's  engraving,  from  a  portrait  hj/  Wood.") 

his  escape.  Of  course  it  was  not  much  of  a  chance,  but  there  were 
plenty  of  captains  in  both  the  British  and  the  American  navies  who 
would  certainly  have  taken  advantage  of  it. 

After  escaping  from  Boston,  the  Constitution,  44,  Captain  Charles 
Stewart,  went  to  Bermuda,  thence  to  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  and  finally 
towards  Madeira.  On  February  20th,  1815,  the  latter  island  bearing 
W.S.W.  60  leagues,  she  encountered  two  British  ships,  the  frigate- 
built  Cijane,  22,  Captain  Gordon  Thomas  Falcon,  and  the  flush- 


170  THE    WAR    WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1815. 

decked  Levant,  20,  Captain  the  Hon.  George  Douglas.  The  Cyane 
carried  twenty-two  32-pr.  carronades  on  her  main-deck,  and,  on  her 
spar-deck,  two  long  6's,  eight  18-pr.  carronades,  and  a  12-pr.  boat 
carronade.  The  Levant  carried  eighteen  32-pr.  carronades,  and  two 
long  9's,  together  with  a  12-pr.  boat  carronade.  The  Cyane  had 
about  170,  and  the  Levant  about  130  in  crew.  The  Constitution 
carried  about  450  men. 

The  two  ships  together  could  not  be  considered  as  powerful 
as  a  38-gun  frigate  like  the  Java  or  the  Guerriere,  which  the 
Constitution  had  already  captured.  Nevertheless  the  two  British 
Captains  very  gallantly,  but  not  very  discreetly,  came  to  the 
conclusion  to  try  their  luck  with  the  Constitution.  Five  years 
earlier  two  such  vessels,  the  Rainbow  and  the  Avon,  had  fought 
a  draw  with  the  French  40-gun  frigate  Nereide,  the  odds  against 
them  being  just  about  as  heavy  as  against  the  Cyane  and  Levant ; 
but  on  this  occasion  the  two  small  craft  had  to  deal  with  a 
much  more  formidable  antagonist  than  any  French  frigate ;  and 
nothing  in  their  own  skill,  or  in  the  events  of  the  preceding 
three  years  of  warfare  with  the  Americans,  warranted  their  making 
the  experiment. 

The  Constitution  came  down  off  the  wind,  while  the  two  ships 
hauled  close  to  the  wind  to  try  to  weather  her,  so  as  to  delay  action 
until  after  nightfall,  when  they  hoped  that  the  darkness  would 
favour  their  manosuvres.  The  frigate  came  down  too  fast,  however, 
and  the  British  stripped  to  fighting  canvas,  and  stood  on  the  starboard 
tack,  the  Levant  a  cable's  length  ahead  of  the  Cyane.  The  Con- 
stitution's long-guns  would  have  enabled  her  to  cut  the  two  craft 
to  pieces  without  damage  to  herself,  as  she  was  to  windward ;  but 
this  would  have  involved  the  risk  of  one  or  the  other  of  them 
escaping ;  and  she  ranged  up  to  windward  of  them,  with  the  Levant 
on  her  port  bow  and  the  Cyane  on  her  port  quarter,  close  enough 
for  the  marines  to  begin  firing  soon  after  the  engagement  began.1 
There  was  a  bright  moon,  but  the  smoke  hung  so  heavily  that  at 
one  time  the  firing  ceased,  the  antagonists  not  being  able  to  distin- 
guish one  another.  There  was  some  dexterous  manoeuvring,  all  three 
ships  endeavouring  to  rake  or  avoid  being  raked,  and  at  6.50  P.M., 
just  forty  minutes  after  the  beginning  of  the  action,  the  Cyane 
submitted  and  was  taken  possession  of. 

1  Letter    of    Captain   Charles   Stewart,   May   20th,   1815;    Log   of   Constitution 
Feb.  20th,  1815  ;  '  Naval  Chronicle,'  xxxiii.  466  ;  Mies,  viii.  219,  303,  383. 


1815.]        CAPTURE   OF   THE  "CTANE"   AND    THE  "LEVANT."       171 

"When  the  prize  had  been  manned,  Stewart  made  sail  after  her 
consort,  which  had  run  off  to  leeward.  Captain  Douglas  had  only 
gone  out  of  the  combat  to  refit,  however,  and,  as  soon  as  he  had  rove 
new  braces,  he  hauled  to  the  wind  and  stood  back  in  search  of  his 
consort,  an  act  of  loyal  gallantry  which  should  not  be  forgotten. 
At  8.50  P.M.1  he  met  the  huge  frigate,  and  passed  under  her 
battery,  the  Constitution  and  Levant  going  in  opposite  directions 
and  exchanging  broadsides.  Finding  that  the  Ci/ane  had  surrendered, 
and  it  being,  of  course,  utterly  impossible  for  a  ship  of  his  force  to 
fight  the  Constitution,  Douglas  crowded  all  sail  to  escape,  but  was 
overtaken  and  captured  half  an  hour  afterwards.  Of  the  302  men 
on  board  the  British  ships,  41  were  killed  or  wounded  : 2  of  the 
451  men  on  board  the  Constitution,  15  were  killed  or  wounded, 
and  she  was  hulled  eleven  times,  more  often  than  by  either  the 
Guerribre  or  the  Java.  She  was  of  such  superior  force  that  only 
a  very  real  inferiority  of  skill  on  her  part  would  have  enabled  her 
enemies  to  make  it  a  drawn  combat.  As  a  matter  of  fact  both  sides 
fought  well ;  but  the  Constitution  captured  her  foes  without  suffering 
any  material  loss  or  damage.  The  gallantry  of  the  two  British 
Captains  was  conspicuous,  but  they  did  not  show  good  judgment  in 
engaging,  for,  as  has  been  said,  there  was  nothing  in  their  experience 
to  justify  the  belief  that  their  conduct  would  result  otherwise  than 
it  did,  that  is,  in  an  easy  victory  for  their  antagonist.3 

Stewart  took  his  prizes  to  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  and 
anchored  in  Porto  Praya  on  March  10th.  A  hundred  of  the 
prisoners  were  landed  to  help  fit  out  a  brig  which  was  taken 
as  a  cartel.  Next  day  the  weather  was  thick  and  foggy,  with 
fresh  breezes,  and  at  noon  the  upper  canvas  of  a  large  vessel  was 
suddenly  made  out,  just  above  the  fog  bank,  sailing  towards  the 
harbour.  Immediately  afterwards  the  canvas  of  two  other  ships 
was  discovered,  and  it  became  evident  that  all  three  were  heavy 
frigates.  In  fact  they  were  the  very  three  ships  which  had  blockaded 
the  Constitution  off  Boston  :  the  Leander,  50,  Captain  Sir  George 
Ralph  Collier,  K.C.B. ;  the  Newcastle,  50,  Captain  Lord  George 

1  The  time  given  in  the  British  accounts  is  8.30  P.M.,  and  the  time  of  striking  at 
10.30  P.M.— W.  L.  C. 

2  The  Levant  had  6  killed  and  16  wounded  ;  the  Cyane,  6  killed  and  13  wounded. 
— W.  L.  C. 

8  Captains  Douglas  and  Falcon  were  tried  on  board  the  Akbar,  at  Halifax,  on 
June  28th,  1815,  for  the  loss  of  their  ships,  and  were  most  honourably  acquitted. — 
W.  L.  C. 


172  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1815. 

Stuart ;  and  the  Acasta,  40,  Captain  Alexander  Eobert  Kerr.1  Captain 
Stewart  knew  that  the  neutrality  of  the  port  would  not  save  him, 
and  that  there  was  not  a  minute  to  lose  if  he  wished  to  escape.  As 
it  was,  only  the  perfect  training  of  his  officers  and  men  enabled  him 
to  get  out.  Signalling  to  his  prizes  to  follow  him,  he  cut  his  cables, 
and,  in  less  than  ten  minutes  from  the  time  when  the  first  frigate  was 
seen,  all  three  vessels  were  standing  out  of  the  harbour,  the  Levant 
being  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Hoffman,  and  the  Cyane  by  Lieu- 
tenant Ballard.  The  prisoners  on  shore  promptly  manned  a 
Portuguese  battery  and  delivered  a  furious,  but  ill-directed  fire  at 
the  retreating  Constitution,  Levant,  and  Cyane.  They  stood  out  of 
the  harbour  in  that  order  on  the  port  tack,  all  to  windward  of  the 
British  squadron.  The  Americans  made  out  the  force  of  the 
strangers  correctly,  and  the  Acasta  discerned  the  force  of  the 
Americans  with  equal  clearness ;  but  the  Leander  and  Newcastle 
mistook  the  two  sloops  for  American  frigates — an  error,  by  the  way, 
which  the  American  Captain  Eodgers  had  once  committed  in  regard 
to  a  couple  of  British  ships  which  he  encountered,  a  sloop  and  a 
little  12-pr.  frigate. 

The  British  ships  made  all  sail  in  chase,  the  Newcastle  and 
Leander  on  the  Constitution's  lee  quarter,  and  the  Acasta  well 
to  windward  of  them.  In  an  hour  the  Cyane  had  fallen  so  far 
astern  and  to  leeward  that  Captain  Stewart  signalled  to  Hoffman 
to  tack  lest  he  should  be  cut  off.  Hoffman  did  so,  and  escaped 
unmolested,  no  British  ship  following  him.  He  took  his  prize 
safely  to  the  United  States.  Half  an  hour  later  the  Newcastle 
opened  on  the  Constitution,  but  the  shot  fell  short.  Though  so 
close,  the  commanders  of  the  two  50-gun  ships  still  apparently 
mistook  the  Levant,  which  was  a  low  flush-decked  sloop,  for  an 
American  frigate.  At  three  o'clock  she  had  sagged  so  as  to  be  in  the 
same  position  as  that  from  which  the  Cyane  had  just  been  rescued. 
Accordingly,  Captain  Stewart  signalled  to  her  to  tack.  She  did  so, 
whereupon  all  three  British  ships  tacked  in  pursuit.  Such  a 
movement  is  inexplicable,  for,  even  had  the  Levant  been  a 
frigate,  the  rearmost  50-gun  ship  alone  would  have  been  enough 
to  send  after  her,  while  the  other  two  should  not  have  abandoned 
the  chase  of  the  Constitution.  It  is  said  that  there  was  a  mistake 
in  the  signalling,  but  the  blunder  was  never  satisfactorily  explained. 

1  Log  of  Constitution,  March  llth,  1815 ;  Letters  of  Lieut.  Hoffman,  April  10th, 
and  of  Lieut.  Ballard,  May  2nd ;  Marshall's  '  Naval  Biography,'  ii.  533. 


1815.]  THE  "PENGUIN"   AND    THE  "HORNET."  173 

At  any  rate,  Stewart  got  off  in  safety,  and,  when  he  learned  of  the 
peace,  returned  to  New  York. 

Meanwhile  Lieutenant  Ballard  took  the  Levant  back  to  Porto 
Praya,  and  anchored  a  couple  of  hundred  yards  from  a  heavy  battery 
on  the  shore.  The  event  justified  the  wisdom  of  Captain  Stewart 
in  not  trusting  to  the  neutrality  of  the  port.  All  three  British 
frigates  opened  upon  the  Levant  as  soon  as  they  got  into  the 
harbour,  while  the  British  prisoners  on  shore  fired  the  guns  of  the 
battery  at  her.  The  Levant  was  at  anchor,  and  did  not  resist ;  and 
the  gunnery  of  her  assailants  was  so  bad  that  not  a  man  in  her 
was  killed  by  the  broadsides  of  the  three  heavy  frigates,  though 
she  was  a  stationary  target  in  smooth  water.  The  chief  effect  of 
the  fire  was  to  damage  the  houses  of  the  Portuguese  town. 

A  week  after  the  President's  effort  to  run  the  blockade  out  of 
New  York,  the  Peacock  and  Hornet  made  the  same  attempt,  with 
more  success.  On  January  22nd  a  strong  north-westerly  gale  began 
to  blow,  and  the  two  sloops  at  once  prepared  to  take  advantage  of 
the  heavy  weather.  They  passed  the  bar  by  daylight  under  storm 
canvas,  the  British  frigates  lying-to  in  the  south-east,  in  plain  sight 
from  the  decks  of  the  sloops.  A  few  days  out  they  parted  company, 
intending  to  meet  at  Tristan  d'Acunha. 

The  Hornet  was  then  under  the  command  of  Captain  James 
Biddle,  and  she  had  on  board  a  crew  of  about  one  hundred  and  forty 
men.1  She  reached  the  island  on  the  23rd  of  March,  and  was  about 
to  anchor,  when  she  made  out  a  strange  sail,  which  proved  to  be  the 
British  brig-sloop  Penguin,  18,  Commander  James  Dickinson  (3), 
with  a  crew  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  men,  she  having  taken 
on  board  twelve  extra  Marines  from  the  Medway,  74.  The  Hornet 
carried  twenty  guns,  all  32-pr.  carronades,  except  two  long  12's  for 
bow-chasers.  The  Penguin  carried  nineteen  guns :  sixteen  32-pr. 
carronades,  two  long  G's  as  bow-chasers,  and  a  12-pr.  carronade. 
The  difference  in  force  was  trifling,  but,  such  as  it  was,  it  was  in 
favour  of  the  Americans. 

The  two  ships  began  action  at  1.40  P.M.,  within  musket-shot  of 
one  another,  running  on  the  starboard  tack,  the  Penguin  to  wind- 

1  Her  muster  rolls,  in  the  Treasury  Department  at  Washington,  show  that  when 
she  left 'New  York  she  had  about  146  officers  and  crew  all  told,  including  20  marines  ; 
but  she  had  manned  a  prize.  The  same  rolls  show  the  names  of  122  prisoners  which 
she  took  out  of  the  Penguin ;  and  ten  of  the  Penguin's  crew  were  killed  in  the  fight  or 
died  immediately  afterwards. 


174  THE    WAll    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.         [1815. 

ward.1  After  a  quarter  of  an  hour  of  close  action  Commander  Dickin- 
son put  his  helm  a-weather  to  run  his  adversary  aboard.  Almost  at 
the  same  moment  he  was  mortally  wounded,  and  the  first  lieutenant, 
James  M'Donald,  endeavoured  to  carry  out  his  intentions.  The 
Penguin's  bowsprit  came  in  between  the  Hornet's  main  and  mizen 
rigging,  but  the  sea  was  very  rough,  and  no  attempt  at  boarding 
was  made.  As  the  Hornet  forged  ahead,  the  Penguin's  bowsprit 


CAPTAIN   JAMES   BIDDLE,    U.f.N. 
(From  Gimbredtfs  engraving,  after  the  portrait  by  J.  Wood.) 

* 

carried  away  her  mizen  shrouds,  stern  davits,  and  spanker  boom, 
and  the  brig  then  hung  on  the  ship's  starboard  quarter,  so  that 
none  of  the  big  guns  could  be  used  on  either  side.  A  British  officer 
called  out  something  which  Biddle  understood  to  be  the  word  of 
surrender.  Accordingly,  he  directed  his  marines  to  cease  firing,  and 
jumped  on  to  the  taffrail,  but  was  himself  at  once  shot  and  wounded 

1  Biddle's  letter,  March  25th,  1815  ;  M'Donald's  letter,  April  6th,  1815 ;  Vice-Adm. 
Tyler  to  Commander  Dickinson,  Jan.  3rd,  1815 ;  James,  vi.  498 ;  Niles,  viii.  345. 


1815.]  CHASE   OF   THE  "HORNET."  175 

rather  severely  in  the  neck  by  two  of  the  Marines  on  the  Penguin's 
forecastle,  both  of  whom  were  killed  in  another  moment  by  the 
marines  of  the  Hornet.  As  the  ships  drew  apart  the  Penguin's  fore- 
mast went  overboard.  Her  hull  was  riddled,  and  most  of  the  guns 
on  her  engaged  side  were  dismounted,  while  thirty-eight  of  her  men 
were  killed  or  wounded.1  Thereupon,  she  struck  her  colours  at 
two  minutes  past  two,  but  twenty-two  minutes  after  the  first  gun 
had  been  fired.  In  the  Hornet  one  man  was  killed,  and  ten  were 
wounded,  chiefly  by  musketry  fire,  for  not  a  round  shot  struck  her 
hull.  Next  day  Biddle  destroyed  his  prize. 

This  was  the  last  regular  action  of  the  war.  In  it  the  British 
displayed  their  usual  gallantry,  but  it  is  astonishing  that  their 
gunnery  should  have  continued  so  bad.  Dickinson  laid  down  his  life 
for  the  flag  which  he  served ;  and  when  a  man  does  that  it  is  difficult ' 
to  criticise  him ;  but  the  gunnery  of  the  Penguin  was  certainly  as  poor 
as  that  of  any  of  the  British  ships  in  1812.  The  Hornet  showed  the 
utmost  efficiency  in  every  way.  There  was  no  falling-off  from  her 
already  very  high  standard  of  seamanship  and  gunnery. 

Next  day  the  Peacock  joined  the  Hornet,  and  on  April  2nd  the 
two  started  for  the  East  Indies.  On  the  27th  of  the  month  they 
made  sail  after  what  they  supposed  to  be  an  Indiaman,  but,  when 
they  got  close,  discovered,  to  their  consternation,  that  she  was  the 
Cormoallis,  74,  Captain  John  Bayley,  bearing  the  flag  of  Rear- 
Admiral  Sir  George  Burlton,  K.C.B.  The  Peacock,  a  very  fast 
vessel,  was  speedily  out  of  danger,  but  the  Hornet  endured  a  forty- 
eight  hours'  chase.2  By  daylight  of  the  29th  the  74  was  within 
gunshot  of  the  sloop,  and  opened  fire  upon  her.  Throughout  the 
early  part  of  the  day  the  Hornet  was  several  times  on  the  very  edge 
of  capture.  More  than  once  she  was  within  fair  range  of  the  74's 
long-guns,  and  the  latter  not  only  used  her  bow-chasers  but  also 
hauled  up  to  deliver  broadsides.  On  each  occasion  Biddle  gained 
a  brief  respite  by  lightening  ship,  throwing  overboard  by  degrees  all 
his  spare  spars,  stores,  anchors,  shot,  boats,  ballast,  and  all  the  guns 
but  one.  The  guns  of  the  Cornwallis  were  very  unskilfully  served, 
and  but  three  shot  got  home.  In  the  afternoon  the  sloop  was  saved 
by  a  shift  in  the  wind,  which  brought  her  to  windward ;  and,  as  it 

1  The  Penguin  had  6  killed,  including  Commander  Dickinson,  4  mortally  wounded, 
and  28  otherwise  wounded,  including  Lieutenant  John  Elwin,  Master's  Mate  John 
Holmes  Bond,  and  Midshipman  John  Noyes.     James  Dickinson  (3)  was  a  Commander 
of  October  21st,  1810.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Biddle's  letter  of  June  10th  ;  Log  of  Hornet. 


176  THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,   1812-15.         [1815. 

blew  fresher  and  fresher,  she  got  further  ahead.  When  day  broke 
the  two-decker  was  hull  down  astern,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  aban- 
doned the  pursuit. 

The  Peacock  rounded  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  captured  four 
great  Indiameii,  very  valuable  prizes.  Then  on  the  30th  of  June, 
in  the  Straits  of  Sunda,  she  fell  in  with  the  East  India  Company's 
cruiser  Nautilus,  a  brig  of  not  half  her  force.1  The  Nautilus  in- 
formed Captain  Warrington  of  the  peace,  but  Warrington  chose  to 
disbelieve  the  information,  and  ordered  the  brig's  commander,  Lieu- 
tenant Charles  Boyce,  I.N.,  to  haul  down  his  colours.  This  the  latter 
refused  to  do  until  a  couple  of  broadsides  had  been  exchanged,  when 
he  surrendered,  having  had  fifteen  men  killed  or  wounded.  The 
Peacock  was  not  even  scratched.  There  was  no  excuse  whatsoever 
for  Warrington's  conduct.  It  was  on  a  par  with  that  of  Commander 
Bartholomew,  of  the  British  sloop  Erebus,  mentioned  above. 

-This  was  the  last  expiring  sputter  of  the  war.  Peace  had  been 
declared  ;  and,  while  Warrington  was  cruising  in  the  far  Indian  seas, 
his  countrymen  at  home  were  building  and  launching  ships  of  the 
line,  and  Decatur  was  preparing  to  lead  a  squadron  against  the 
Moorish  pirates. 

The  United  States'  Navy  ended  the  war  far  stronger  than  it  had 
begun  it ;  and  in  the  list  of  the  United  States'  vessels  for  1815  there 
appeared  two  novel  engines  of  destruction,  the  forerunners  of  their 
kind,  the  heralds  of  the  revolution  which,  fifty  years  later,  opened  a 
new  era  in  naval  warfare.  In  the  United  States'  Navy  List  for 
1815  appeared  the  names  of  the  war-steamer  Fulton,  and  of  the 
Torpedo.  During  the  war  several  efforts  had  been  made  by  the 
Americans  to  destroy  British  vessels  with  torpedoes,  but  nothing  had 
been  accomplished  beyond  making  some  ships  wary  about  venturing 
into  good  anchorage,  especially  in  Long  Island  Sound.  The  Fulton, 
with  her  clumsy  central  wheel  concealed  from  shot  by  a  double  hull, 
with  scantling  so  thick  that  light  guns  could  not  harm  her,  and  with, 
instead  of  broadside  batteries  of  light  guns,  two  100-pr.  columbiads 
on  pivots,  was  the  prototype  of  the  modern  steam  ironclad. 

The   war  had  ended,  and  the  treaty  2  left  matters  precisely  as 

1  '  History  of  the  Indian  Navy,'  by  Charles  Rathbone  Low,  p.  285. 

a  A  convention  was  signed  at  Ghent  on  December  24th,  1814,  but  the  convention 
was  only  a  compromise,  which  left  undecided  all  the  chief  points  upon  which  the  two 
countries  had  been  at  issue,  and  which  reserved  certain  questions  for  future  negotiation. 
As  has  been  seen,  definite  news  of  the  peace  did  not  reach  outlying  stations  until  two 
or  three  months  later. — W.  L.  0. 


1812-15.]  FOLLY   OF  DEFENSIVE    WARFARE.  177 

they  were  before  the  war  began  ;  yet  it  would  be  idle  to  say  that,  for 
either  side,  the  war  was  not  worth  fighting.  To  Great  Britain  it 
was  probably  a  necessary  incident  of  the  Napoleonic  struggle,  for 
neither  the  British  statesmen  of  that  day,  nor  the  people  whom 
they  governed,  realised  either  the  power  or  the  rights  of  the  United 
States.  To  America  it  was  certainly  a  necessary  prerequisite  for 
attaining  the  dignity  and  self-respect  of  a  free  nation.  The  war  left 
enduring  memories  of  glory,  and  courage,  and  love  of  country,  which 
more  than  made  up  for  the  loss  of  blood.  Moreover,  the  war  taught 
certain  lessons  which  should  have  been,  although  perhaps  they 
were  not,  well  pondered  by  the  statesmen  of  the  two  countries,  and 
especially  by  those  who  had,  or  have,  to  do  with  shaping  the  national 
policy  of  either.  Nations  must  be  prepared  for  war :  lack  of  prepara- 
tion, laxness  in  organisation,  invite  disasters  which  can  be  but 
partially  repaired.  The  successes  of  the  American  cruisers  show 
that  no  power  can  afford  to  lull  itself  to  sleep  by  the  dream  of 
invincibility.  A  nation  should  see  that  its  ships  are  of  the  best,  and 
that  the  men  who  man  them  are  trained  to  the  highest  point  of 
efficiency.  The  terrific  pressure  of  the  British  blockade  on  the 
American  coast,  and  the  utter  impotence  of  America  to  break  it, 
show,  what  has  already  been  shown  ten  thousand  times,  that  the 
assumption  of  a  simple  defensive  in  war  is  ruin.  Success  can  only 
come  where  war  is  waged  aggressively.  It  is  not  enough  to  parry 
the  blows  of  the  enemy.  In  order  to  win,  the  foe  must  himself  be 
struck,  and  struck  heavily. 

The  sea-power  of  the  British,  the  unceasing  pressure  of  the 
British  fleet,  very  nearly  made  the  struggle  a  victory  for  Great 
Britain  ;  but  the  triumphs  of  the  American  squadrons  on  the  lakes, 
and  of  the  frigates  and  sloops  on  the  ocean,  and  the  ruthless  harrying 
of  the  British  trade  by  the  American  commerce-destroyers,  inflicted 
such  severe  punishment  as  to  make  the  British  more  than  willing  to 
call  the  fight  a  draw.1 

1  The  history  of  the  Hartford  Convention  is  proof  enough  of  how  near  the  United 
States  were  to  disaster.  The  impression  produced  in  Great  Britain  by  the  prowess  of 
the  American  ships  is  shown  in  a  letter  from  the  British  naval  historian,  William 
James,  to  George  Canning,  in  1827,  when  war  was  once  more  threatened.  "  One 
[merchant]  says,  '  We  had  better  cede  a  point  or  two  than  go  to  war  with  the  United 
States.'  '  Yes,'  says  another,  '  for  we  shall  get  nothing  but  hard  knocks  there ! ' 
'  True,'  adds  a  third,  '  and  what  is  worse  than  all,  our  seamen  are  more  than  half  afraid 
to  meet  the  Americans  at  sea ! '  Unfortunately  this  depression  of  feeling,  this  cowed 
spirit,  prevails  very  generally  over  the  community,  even  among  persons  well-informed 
on  other  subjects,  and  who,  were  a  British  seaman  to  be  named  with  a  Frenchman  or 

VOL.   VI.  N 


178          THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED   STATES,   1812-15.      [1812-15. 

The  man  who  is  anxious  to  learn  the  lessons  of  history  aright, 
and  not  merely  to  distort  them  for  the  gratification  of  his  national 
pride,  will  do  well  to  study  the  differences  in  comparative  prowess 
shown  in  the  single-ship  fighting  of  the  Americans,  British  and 
French,  in  1780,  1798  and  1812  respectively.  Eeaders  of  this 
history,  on  turning  to  the  single-ship  contests  of  the  war  of  the 
American  Eevolution,  will  be  struck  by  the  fact  that  the  British 
ships  were  then  markedly  superior  to  the  American ;  whereas 
the  difference  between  the  former  and  the  French  was  very 
slight.  In  1798,  the  year  in  which  America  had  a  brush  with 
France,  a  great  change  had  taken  place.  At  that  time  America 
had  been  forced  to  make  reprisals  at  sea  against  the  French,  and 
three  single-ship  contests  took  place.  American  ships  won  twice 
against  antagonists  of  inferior  strength  ;  and  in  a  third  case  an 
American  frigate  fought  a  draw  with  a  more  powerful  French 
frigate  which,  some  time  afterwards,  was  captured  by  a  British 
frigate  no  stronger  than  her  former  American  antagonist.  Com- 
pared with  their  relative  position  in  the  preceding  war,  the  French 
had  fallen  very  far  behindhand,  and,  while  the  British  had  kept 
their  position  of  primacy,  the  Americans,  leaping  forward,  had 
passed  the  French,  and  were  close  behind  the  leaders.  In  1812 
the  relative  positions  of  the  English  and  French  remained  un- 
changed ;  but  the  Americans  had  forged  still  further  ahead,  and 
were  better  than  the  British. 

Of  course,  there  had  been  no  change  of  national  character  or 
aptitude  for  the  sea  during  this  period.  The  simple  facts  were 
that,  in  the  war  of  the  American  Eevolution,  the  American  ships 
were  manned  by  officers  and  crews  who  were  without  the  training 
of  a  regular  service ;  and  so,  while  occasionally  individual  ships 
did  exceedingly  well,  they  often  did  very  badly.  The  French 
navy,  on  the  other  hand,  was  at  a  high  point  of  perfection,  with 
excellent  ships,  and  well-trained  captains  and  crews.  Throughout 
that  war,  in  the  single-ship  fighting,  victory  normally  lay  with 
the  heavier  vessel,  whether  she  was  British,  Dutch  or  French. 
In  the  war  of  the  French  Eevolution  all  that  had  changed.  The 
Eevolution  had  destroyed  the  discipline  of  the  French  crews  and 


Spaniard,  would  scoff  at  the  comparison."  (Stapletou's  Correspondence  of  George 
Canning,  ii.  450.)  See  also  Lane-Poole's  '  Life  of  Stratford  Canning,'  i.  302,  to  show 
how  completely  both  sides  accepted  the  fact  that  there  was  to  be  no  repetition  of  the 
grievances,  in  the  way  of  impressment  and  search,  which  had  caused  the  war. 


1812-15.]  THE  NEED    OF  STEADY   TRAINING.  179 

annihilated  the  old  school  of  officers  ;  while  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  it  inspired  the  men  could  not  at  sea,  as  it  did  on  land,  in 
any  way  take  the  place  of  the  lack  of  years  of  thorough  training. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  had  at  last  established  a  regular 
war  navy,  and  their  ships  were  officered  by  men  carefully  trained 
to  their  profession.  During  the  next  dozen  years  the  French, 
constantly  beaten  by  the  British,  were  unable  to  develop  an 
equality  of  prowess  with  the  latter ;  and  the  British,  accustomed 
to  almost  invariable  victory  over  foes  who  were  their  inferiors 
alike  in  gunnery  and  seamanship,  neglected  their  own  gunnery, 
and  sank  into  a  condition  of  ignorant  confidence  that,  even  with- 
out preparation,  they  could  "  pull  through  somehow."  The  small 
American  navy  meanwhile  was  trained  by  years  of  sea  service, 
including  much  scrambling  warfare  with  the  Algerines  ;  and 
the  American  captains,  fully  aware  of  the  formidable  nature  of 
the  foe  whom  they  were  to  meet,  drilled  their  crews  to  as  near 
perfection  as  might  be.  In  such  circumstances,  they  distinctly 
outmatched  their  average  opponents,  and  could  be  encountered 
on  equal  terms  only  by  men  like  Broke  and  Manners. 

The  lesson  from  this  is  so  obvious  that  it  ought  not  to  be 
necessary  to  point  it  out.  There  is  unquestionably  a  great  differ- 
ence in  fighting  capacity,  as  there  is  a  great  difference  in  intelli- 
gence, between  certain  races.  But  there  are  a  number  of  races, 
each  of  which  is  intelligent,  each  of  which  has  the  fighting  edge. 
Among  these  races,  the  victory  in  any  contest  will  go  to  the 
man  or  the  nation  that  has  earned  it  by  thorough  preparation. 
This  preparation  was  absolutely  necessary  in  the  days  of  sailing 
ships  ;  but  the  need  for  it  is  even  greater  now,  if  it  be  intended  to 
get  full  benefit  from  the  delicate  and  complicated  mechanism  of 
the  formidable  war  engines  of  the  present  day.  The  officers  must 
spend  many  years,  and  the  men  not  a  few,  in  unwearied  and 
intelligent  training,  before  they  are  fit  to  do  all  that  is  possible 
with  themselves  and  their  weapons.  Those  who  do  this,  whether 
they  be  Americans  or  British,  Frenchmen,  Germans  or  Russians, 
will  win  the  victory  over  those  who  do  not. 

Doubtless  it  helps  if  the  sailormen — the  sea  mechanics,  as  they 
are  now — have  the  sea  habit  to  start  with  ;  and  they  must  belong 
to  the  fighting  stocks.  But  the  great  factor  is  the  steady,  intel- 
ligent training  in  the  actual  practice  of  their  profession.  Any 
man  who  has  had  to  do  with  bodies  of  men  of  varied  race  origin 

N  2 


180          THE    WAR    WITH   THE    UNITED    STATES,    1812-15.      [1812-15. 

is  forced  to  realise  that  neither  courage  nor  cowardice  is  a  purely 
national  peculiarity.  In  an  American  warship  of  the  present  day, 
the  crews  are  ordinarily  of  mixed  race  origin,  somewhat  over  half 
being  American  born  ;  while  among  the  remainder  there  are  sure 
to  be  Scandinavians,  Germans,  men  from  the  British  Isles,  and 
probably  others,  such  as  French  Canadians  or  Portuguese.  But 
the  petty  officers  are  sure  to  be  drawn  from  all  classes  indiscrimi- 
nately, simply  because  merit  is  not  confined  to  any  one  class ;  and, 
among  the  officers,  those  whose  fathers  came  from  Germany  or 
Ireland  will  be  found  absolutely  indistinguishable  from  their 
brethren  of  old  native  American  origin.  The  Annapolis  educa- 
tion and  the  after-training  have  stamped  the  officers,  and  the 
conditions  of  actual  sea-service  in  modern  ships  under  such 
officers  have  stamped  the  men,  with  a  common  likeness.  The 
differences  of  skill,  courage,  application  and  readiness  will  not  be 
found  to  coincide  with  the  differences  of  race. 

What  is  true  of  the  ships  of  one  sea  power  is  as  true  of 
the  navies  of  all  sea  powers.  No  education  will  fit  a  coward,  a 
fool  or  a  weakling  for  naval  life.  But,  as  a  rule,  the  war  fleets 
of  great  nations  are  neither  commanded  nor  manned  by  cowards, 
fools  and  weaklings ;  and,  among  brave  and  intelligent  men  of 
different  race-stocks,  when  the  day  of  battle  comes,  the  difference 
of  race  will  be  found  to  be  as  nothing  when  compared  with  differ- 
ences in  thorough  and  practical  training  in  advance. 


(      181      ) 


CHAPTEE  XLII. 

VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1803-15. 

SIR  CLEMENTS  E.  MARKHAM,  K.C.B.,  F.E.S. 

Surveying — The  office  of  Hydrographer — Dalrymple's  successors — Barrow's  services  at 
the  Admiralty — Expedition  to  the  Congo. 


D1 


UEING  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  British  Navy  con- 
ferred inestimable  benefit  on  the 
whole  civilised  world  by  dis- 
coveries, by  surveys,  and  by  the 
publication  of  charts.  Discoveries 
came  first,  then  running  surveys, 
and,  finally,  the  surveys  executed 
on  rigorously  accurate  principles, 
and  the  resulting  charts  and  sail- 
ing directions.  This  work  was 
steadily  pursued  both  during  peace 
and  in  war  time,  although  the 
progress  was  naturally  more  rapid 
in  time  of  peace. 

The  need  for  accurate  surveys 
was  first  felt  along  our  own  shores  ; 

and  Mr.  Murdoch  Mackenzie,1  succeeding  his  relation,  Professor 
Mackenzie,  was  head  Marine  Surveyor  to  the  Admiralty  from  1771 
to  1778.  His  charts  of  the  coasts  of  England  were  published  in 
1804.  His  cousin,  Graeme  Spence,2  completed  a  survey  of  the  Scilly 

1  Murdoch  Mackenzie  was  a  Lieut.  R.N.  of  Aug.  oth,  1779,  and  retired  with  the 
rank  of  Commander  on  Jan.  31st,  1814. — -W.  L.  C. 

2  Grame  Spence  was  bound  apprentice  for  seven  years,  in  1773,  to  his  cousin,  to 
learn   surveying ;    and    he   remained  as   assistant  to   Mackenzie  until   1788,   when, 
Mackenzie's  sight  failing,  the  work  of  Marine  Surveyor  fell  into  Spence's  hands.     He 
died   in   1812,  aged  54.      He  was  not  a  commissioned  naval   officer,  though  at  one 
time  he  had  a  Mate  and  a  Midshipman  under  him, — W.  L.  C. 


BADGE  OF  THE  MOST  HONOURABLE 
ORDER  OF  THE  BATH 
(MILITARY  CLASSES). 

Worn,  by  a  G.C.B.,  from  a  red  ribbon  across  the 
right  shoulder ;  by  a  E.C.B.,  round  the  neck! 
by  a  C.S.,  on  the  left  breast. 


182  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1803-1815.  [1808. 

Islands  between  1789  to  1793,  and,  after  retiring  from  active  sea 
service,  was  employed  at  the  Admiralty  from  1803  to  1811.  Mac- 
kenzie and  Graeme  Spence  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  fathers  of  the 
modern  naval  surveying  service. 

But  it  was  not  until  August  12th,  1795,  that  the  Minute  was 
signed,  appointing  the  first  Hydrographer  to  the  Admiralty,  with  the 
duty  of  collecting  and  compiling  information  for  the  improvement  of 
navigation.  The  selection  fell  upon  Alexander  Dalrymple,1  a  retired 
Madras  civilian,  who  had  been  actively  engaged  for  many  years  in 
collecting  materials  and  engraving  charts  of  coasts  and  ports  in  the 
East  Indies,  and  had  been,  since  1779,  hydrographer  to  the  East 
India  Company.  He  had  published  a  valuable  work  on  voyages  in 
the  Pacific,  and  had  even  been  named,  before  Captain  James  Cook, 
to  command  the  Transit  of  Venus  expedition.  But  Dalrymple 
devoted  his  attention  to  the  engraving  of  the  numerous  charts 
which  he  had  collected,  rather  than  to  the  supply  of  the  latest 
information  to  ships ;  and  at  last  the  Admiralty  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  their  Hydrographer  should  be  a  naval  officer.  Dalrymple 
was  asked  to  resign.  He  declined  to  do  so,  and  was  superseded  in 
1808  by  Captain  Thomas  Hurd.2  He  died,  it  is  said  of  a  broken 
heart,  in  the  same  year,  when  the  Admiralty  bought  his  stock  of 
engraved  copper  plates,  one  hundred  and  thirty  in  number. 

Captain  Hurd,  the  second  Hydrographer,  held  that  office  for 
fifteen  years,  from  1808  to  1823  ;  and  he  began  a  system  of  issuing 
regular  supplies  of  charts  to  the  ships  on  each  station.  Nor  was 
active  work  neglected.  In  1811,  Captain  Francis  Beaufort  (1),  in 
the  Frederiksteen,  28,  surveyed  the  coast  of  Karamania ;  and  William 
Henry  Smyth,3  in  the  face  of  great  difficulties,  and  at  first  on  his 
own  responsibility,  made  pioneer  surveys,  between  1813  and  1824, 
of  the  Sicilian  coasts,  the  Adriatic  and  Ionian  Islands,  and  the 
north  coast  of  Africa.  Smyth  formed  a  school  of  surveyors ;  and 
in  the  list  of  officers  trained  by  him  are  such  names  as  Frederick 
William  Beechey,  Thomas  Graves  (6),  Henry  Raper  (2),  and 
William  George  Skyring,4  all  well  known  in  after  years.  The 

1  See  Vol.  IV.  p.  186. 

2  Com.,  1795 ;  Capt,  Ap.  29th,  1802  ;  died  Ap.  30th,  1823.— W.  L.  C. 

3  William  Henry  Smyth,  born  Jan.  21st,  1788 ;  Lieut.,  Mar.  25th,  1813 ;  Com., 
Sept.  18th,  1815;  Capt.,  Feb.  7th,  1824;  retired,  1846;  retired  r.-adm.  1853;  retired 
v.-adm.,  1858;  retired  adui.  1863;  died  Sept.  9th,  1865.— W.  L.  C. 

4  Com.,  Feb.  25th,  1830.     Murdered  while  in  com.  of  jEtna  by  natives  near  Cape 
Roxo,  Dec.  23rd,  1833. 


1814.]  EXPLORATION  OF   THE   CONGO.  183 

coasts  of  the  British  Isles  were  also  re-surveyed  under  the  auspices 
of  Captain  Hurd. 

Mr.  John  Barrow  became  permanent  Secretary  to  the  Admiralty 
in  1804.  He  was  out  of  office  during  the  Grenville  administration, 
but  was  reinstated  in  1807,  and  held  office  continuously  from  that 
time  until  1845,  a  period  of  thirty-eight  years.  He  was  a  steady 
supporter  of  the  surveys,  and  an  ardent  promoter  of  expeditions 
for  discovery  alike  in  the  frigid  and  in  the  torrid  zones ;  while  his 
influence  and  persistence  usually  prevailed  against  indifference  and 
ignorance  in  high  quarters. 

It  was  owing  to  Barrow's  initiative,  aided  by  the  influence  of  Sir 
Joseph  Banks,  that  it  was  resolved,  in  August,  1814,  before  the  war 
was  over,  to  equip  an  expedition  to  explore  the  lower  reaches  of  the 
River  Congo.  The  command  was  entrusted  to  an  officer  who  had 
served  in  the  East  Indies  and  Australia,  and  had  done  good  surveying 
work,  but  who  had  been  a  prisoner  in  France  for  nine  years.  Com- 
mander James  Kingston  Tuckey,  this  accomplished  and  most  ami- 
able man,  commissioned  the  schooner  Congo  on  September  28th, 
1815,  and  sailed  in  company  with  a  transport,  the  Dorothy.  The 
expedition  consisted  of  forty-nine  officers  and  men,  and  four  scientific 
civilians,  and  in  July,  1815,  it  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Congo. 
The  exploring  party,  led  by  Commander  Tuckey,  went  up  the  river 
for  150  miles  in  boats,1  then  marched  round  the  Yellala  rapids  by 
land,  and  reached  the  wide  stream  above,  altogether  280  miles.  But 
in  those  days  the  sanitary  precautions  necessary  in  a  deadly  climate 
were  not  well  understood.  Commander  Tuckey  2  and  five  of  his 
officers  3  died  of  fever,  and  the  Master  brought  the  schooner  home 
with  the  survivors.4  This  disaster  seems  to  have  checked  African 
exploratory  work  for  a  time ;  and  soon,  as  will  be  seen  later,  the 
attention  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  was  turned,  by  their 
Secretary,  to  polar  discovery. 

1  In  this  e\i>edition  steamboats  were  used. — W.  L.  C. 

2  Com.  Tuckey  died  on  Oct.  4th,  1816.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Including  Lieut.  John  Hawkey  (Lieut,  of  May  5th,  1804).— W.  L.  C. 

4  See  '  Nav.  Chron,'  xxxiv.  289,  317,  349,  514;  xxxvi.  57 ;  xxxvii.  86.— W.  L.  C. 


184 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL    NAVY,   1816-1850. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

CIVIL   HISTOEY  OF  THE   ROYAL  NAVY,  1816-1856. 

Administrative  officers  of  the  Navy — Administrative  reforms  under  Sir  James  Graham 
— Admiralty  huildings — Naval  expenditure — 'Seamen,  Boys,  and  Royal  Marines 
voted — Improvements  in  naval  architecture — Typical  sailing-ships  of  the  period — 
The  introduction  of  steam — Engineers — Paddle- steamers — Iron  steamers — Screw- 
steamers — Typical  steamships  of  the  period — The  beginnings  of  armour — Arma- 
ment of  typical  ships  of  the  period — Varieties  of  guns — The  beginning  of  rifled 
guns  and  breechloaders — Rockets — Small-arms — Revolvers — Engines — Training  in 
gunnery — The  Royal  Naval  College — The  personnel — Unemployed  officers — Pro- 
motion and  retirement — Excessive  age  of  officers — Superannuation — The  Royal 
Marines — Continuous  service  men — Scarcity  of  seamen — Rum — The  Navy  List — 
Miscellaneous  innovations — Uniform — Beards  and  moustaches — Seamen's  clothing 
— Excentric  costumes — Medals — The  Victoria  Cross — The  honour  of  the  Flag — 
Flogging — Excentric  punishments — A  happy  commission — Ladies  on  board  ship — 
Reduction  of  the  rum  allowance — The  dining  hour — Excentric  characters — A 
naval  bishop — Mast-heading. 

rriHE  succession  of  the  more  important 
administrative  officers  of  the  Navy 


during    the 
follows : — 


period    1816-1856   was    as 


STAR   OF    A    G.C.B. 


FIRST  LORD  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY.1 
Robert,  Viscount  Melville  (till  1827). 

LORD  HIGH  ADMIRAL. 

May  2,  1827.  H.R.H.  Prince  William  Henry,  Duke 
of  Clarence,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  General  of 
Royal  Marines,  K.G.,  K.T.,  G.C.B.,  G.C.H.,  etc. 


1  For  convenience  of  reference,  the  names  of  the  Prime  Ministers  from  1815  to  1856 
inclusive,  with  the  dates  of  their  accession  to  office,  are  appended  :  June  9,  1812,  Earl 
of  Liverpool ;  Apr.  24,  1827,  George  Canning ;  Sept.  5,  1827,  Viscount  Goderich ; 
Jan.  25,  1828,  Duke  of  Wellington ;  Nov.  22,  1830,  Earl  Grey  ;  July  18,  1834, 
Viscount  Melbourne;  Dec.  26,  1834,  Sir  Robert  Peel;  Apr.  18,  1835,  Viscount 
Melbourne;  Sept.  6,  1841,  Sir  Robert  Peel;  July  6,  1846,  Lord  John  Russell; 
Feb.  27,  1852,  Earl  of  Derby ;  Dec.  28,  1852,  Earl  of  Aberdeen ;  Feb.  10,  1855,  Lord 
Palmerston. 


ADMIIiALTY  OFFICIALS. 


185 


FIRST  LORD  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY  (revived). 

Sept.  19,  1828.  Robert,  Viscount  Melville,  K.T. 

Nov.  25,  1830.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  James  Robert  George  Graham,  Bart.,  M.P. 

June  11,  1834.  George,  Baron  Auckland. 

Sept.  19,  1835.  Gilbert,  Earl  of  Minto,  G.C.B. 

Sept.    8,  1841.  Thomas,  Earl  of  Haddington. 

Jan.  13,  1840.  Edward,  Earl  of  -Ellenborough,  G.C.B. 

July  13,  1846.  George,  Earl  of  Auckland,  G.C.B. 

Jan.  18,  1849.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Francis  T.  Baring,  Bart.,  M.P. 

Mar.    2,  1852.  Algernon,  Duke  of  Northumberland,  Kear-Adm. 

Jan.     5,  1853.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  James  Robert  George  Graham,  Bart.,  M.P. 

Mar.    8,  1855.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Charles  Wood,  Bart.,  M.P. 


SECRETARIES  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY. 


FIRST  SECRETARY. 


Nov.  29,  1830. 
Dec.  24,  1834. 

Apr.  27,  1835. 
Oct.  4,  1839. 
June  9,  1841. 
Sept.  10,  1841. 


Rt,  Hon.  John  Wilson 
Croker,  M.P. 

Hon.  George  Elliot  (3), 
Capt.,R.N.(C.B.,1831). 

Rt,  Hon.  George  R.  Daw- 
son. 

Charles  Wood,  M.P. 

H.  More  O'Ferrall,  M.P. 

John  Parker,  M.P. 

Hon.  Sidney  Herbert,  M.P. 


Feb.         1845.  Rt.   Hon.    H.   T.   Lowry 

Corry,  M.P. 

July  13,  1846.  Henry  G.  Ward,  M.P. 
May  21,  1849.  John  Parker,  M.P. 
Mar.     3,  1852.  Augustus  Stafford,  M.P. 
Jan.     6,  1853.  R.  Bernal  Osborne,  M.P. 

SECOND  SECRETARY. 

•John  Barrow  (Bart.  1835). 
Jan.  28,  1845.  William  Alexander  Baillie 

Hamilton,  Capt.  R.N. 
May  22,  1855.  Thomas  Phinn. 


TREASURER  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Rt.  Hon.  George  Rose, 
M.P. 

Feb.  12,  1818.  Rt.  Hon.  Frederick  John 
Robinson  (Visct.  Gode- 
rich,  1827  ;  Earl  of 
Ripon,  1833). 

Feb.  28,  1823.  Rt.  Hon.  William  Huskis- 
son. 

Sept.  10,  1827.  Rt.  Hon.  Charles  Grant 
(afterwards  Lord  Glen- 

elg). 

Feb.  25,  1828.  Rt.  Hon.  W.  F.  Vesey 
Fitzgerald,  F.R,S.(after- 
wards  Lord  Fitzgerald 
and  Vesey). 

Feb.  25,  1830.  Rt.  Hon.  Thomas  Frank- 
land  Lewis,  F.R.S. 

Dec.  13,  1830.  Rt.  Hon.  Charles  Poulet 
Thompson  (afterwards 
Lord  Sydenham). 


Dec.  27,  1834.  Rt.  Hon.  William,  Vis- 
count Lowther  (after- 
wards Earl  of  Lons- 
dale). 

Apr.  22,  1835.  Rt.   Hon.   Sir    Henry   B. 
Parnell,     Bart,    (after- 
wards Lord  Congleton). 
Sir  Henry  ParnelPs   salary  as   Treasurer 
ceased  on  Sept  30, 1835,  and  he  after- 
wards   became    Paymaster-General. 
The  Navy  Pay  Office  was  abolished 
in  January,  1836. 

CONTROLLER  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Sir  Thomas  Boulden 
Thompson,  Bart.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Feb.  9,  1816.  Sir  Thomas  Byam  Martin, 
Kt.,  K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 
(Vice  -  Adm.,  1819  ; 
G.C.B.  and  Adm.  1830). 


186 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


Nov.  2,  1831.  Hon.  George  Heneage 
Lawrence  Dundas,  C.B., 
Rear-Adm.1 

DEPUTY  CONTROLLER  OF  THE  NAVY. 

William  Shield,  Capt.  R.N. 
Dec.     1,  1815.  Sir  Thomas  Byam  Martin, 
Kt.,  K.C.B.  (till  1816). 
Mar.  13,  1829.  Hon.  Henry  Legge. 
Oct.    21,  1830.  Hon.  Robert  Dundas.1 

Patent  revoked,  June  9,  1832. 

SURVEYORS  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Sir  Robert  Seppings,  Kt. 

June  9,  1832.  William  Symonds,  Capt., 
R.N.  (Kt.,  1836  ;F.R.S., 
1835  ;  C.B.,  1848).2 

Feb.  5,1848.  Sir  Bald  win  Wake  Walker, 
K.C.B.,  Capt,  R.N. 
(Rear-Adm.  1858)  till 
1860,  when  he  was 
made  Controller  of  the 
Navy. 

CHIEF  ASSISTANT  AND  DRAUGHTSMAN 
TO  THE  SURVEYORS. 


July 


(Office  created  by  0.  in  C.  of 
June  17,  1839.) 

1,  1839.  John  Edye. 


CHIEF  CONSTRUCTOR. 
May     4,  1848.  Isaac  Watts. 

COMMISSIONERS  WITHOUT  SPECIAL 
FUNCTIONS. 

Feb.     9,  1816.  James  Bowen  (1),  Capt., 

R.X. 
Jan.   13,  1819.  Hon.     Granville     Anson 

Chetwynd  Stapylton. 
June  11,  1823.     Hon.   Courtenay    Boyle, 

Capt.,  R.N. 

Feb.     3,  1825.  Hon.  Robert  Dundas. 
Apr.  13,  1826.  John  Mason  Lewis,  Capt., 

R.N.1 


CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS  OF 
VICTUALLING. 

John  Clarke  Searle,  Capt., 

R.N. 

Mar.  1822.  Hon.  Granville  Anson 
Chetwynd  Stapylton, 
Col.  (afterwards  Maj.- 
Genl.).1 

SUPERINTENDENT  OF  TRANSPORTS. 

Mar.  1829.  Hon.  Courtenay  Boyle, 
Capt.,  R.N. 

CONTROLLER  OF  THE  VICTUALLING  2  (AND 
OF  THE  TRANSPORT  SERVICE). 

June    9,  1832.  James  Meek. 

Dec.   18,  1850.  Thomas  T.  Grant,  F.R.S. 

STOREKEEPER-GENERAL. 

May     8,  1829.  Robert  Gambler  Middle- 
ton,  Capt.,  R.N. 
June    9,  1832.  Hon.  Robert  Dundas.2 

ACCOUNTANT-GENERAL  OF  THE  NAVY. 

May  8,  1829.  John  Deas  Thomson, 
F.R.S.  (till  July,  1829). 

June  9,  1832.  Sir  John  Thomas  Briggs, 
Kt.2 

Feb.  20,  1854.  Sir  Richard  Madox  Brom- 
ley, K.C.B. 

PHYSICIAN-GENERAL  OF  THE  NAVY.S 

June    9,  1832.  Sir      William      Burnett, 
M.D. 

Title  changed  on  Jan.  25,  1841,  to 

INSPECTOR-GENERAL  OF  NAVAL 
HOSPITALS  AND  FLEETS. 

Jan.   28,  1841.  Sir      William      Burnett, 
M.D. 


1  By  2  Will.  IV.,  cap.  40  (June  1,  1832)  the  Navy  and  Victualling  Boards,  and  the 
offices  of  Commissioners  of  the  Navy  and  Victualling,  and  Controller  of  the  Navy  were 
abolished ;  and  instead,  five  "  Principal  Officers  "  were  appointed,  viz. :  Surveyor  of  the 
Navy,  Accountant-General  of  the  Navy,  Storekeeper-General,  Controller  of  Victualling, 
and   Physician-General.      To  these  departmental  officers  others   were   subsequently 
added.     The  office  of  Controller  of  the  Navy  remained  in  abeyance  from  June  9,  1832, 
until  1860,  when  it  was  revived. 

2  Office  established  by  2  Will.  IV.,  cap.  40. 


ADMIRALTY  OFFICIALS. 


187 


Title  changed  on  Jan.  I,  1844,  to 

DIRECTOR-GENERAL  OK  THE  MEDICAL 
DEPT.  OP  THE  NAVY. 

Jan.     1,1844.  Sir  William  Burnett,  M.D., 

K.C.B.,  R.N. 
Apr.  30, 1855.  Sir  John   Liddell,   M.D., 

F.E.S.,  R.N. 

COMMISSIONERS  (AND,  FROM  1832,  SUPER- 
INTENDENTS) OK  H.M.  DOCKYARDS,  ETC. 

Chatham. 

Sir  Robert  Barlow,  Kt., 
K.C.B.,  Capt.,  R.N. 

Apr.  1,  1823.  Charles  Cunningham, 
Capt.,  R.N.  (till  May  5, 
1829). 

May  i),  1829.  John  Mason  Lewis,  Capt., 
R.N.  (resident  at  Sheer-- 
ness). 

Dec.  1831.  Charles  Bullen.C.B.,  Capt., 
R.N. 

June  9,  1832.  Sir  James  Alexander  Gor- 
don (1),  K.C.B.,  Capt., 
R.N.  (Rear-Adm.  1837). 
Also  of  Sheerness  Yd. 

Apr.     7,  1837.  John  Clavell,  Capt.,  R.N. 

Aug.  24,  1841.  William  Henry  Shirreff, 
Capt,  R.N.  Also  of 
Deptford  Yd. 

Sept.  20,  1846.  Sir  Thomas  Bourchier, 
K.C.B.,  Capt.,  R.N. 

May  5,1849.  Peter  Richards,  C.B.,  Capt., 
R.N. 

June  14,  1854.  Christopher  Wyvill,  Capt., 
H.N. 

Mar.  23,  1856.  George  Goldsmith,  C.B., 
Capt.,  R.N. 

Portsmouth. 

Hon.  Sir  George  Grey, 
Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Capt., 
R.N. 

Jan.  14,  1829.  Sir  Michael  Seymour, 
K.C.B.,  Capt.,  R.N. 

June  28,  1832.  Sir  Frederick  Lewis  Mait- 
laud  (2),  K.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

July  26,  1837.  Hon.  Duncombe  Pleydell 
Bouverie,  Rear-Adm. 

Aug.  4,  1842.  Hyde  Parker,  C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Sept.  27,  1847.  William  Henry  Shirreff, 
Rear-Adm. 


Dec.  15,  1847.  Henry  Prescott.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Oct.  1,  1852.  Arthur  Fanshawe,  C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

Dec.  2,  1853.  William  Fanshawe  Mar- 
tin, Rear-Adm. 

Plymouth  (from  1851  Devonport). 

Robert  Fanshawe,  Capt., 
R.N. 

Dec.  12,  1815  William  Shield,  Capt., 
R.N. 

May  21,  1829.  Charles  Bayne  Hodgson 
Ross,  C.B.,  Capt.,  R.N. 
(Rear  -  Adm.  Jan.  10, 
1837). 

Apr.  1,  1837.  Frederick  Warren,  Rear- 
Adm.  (Vice- Adm.  Nov. 
23,  1841). 

Dec.  16,  1841.  Sir  Samuel  Pyrn,  K.C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

Dec.  17,  1846.  Sir  John  Louis,  Bart.,  C.B., 
Rear-Adm.  (Vice- Adm., 
Oct,  9,  1849). 

Feb.  9,  1850.  Lord  John  Hay,  C.B., 
Commodore,  1st  Class, 
(Rear-Adm.  1851). 

Sept.  8,  1851.  Michael  Seymour  (  2 ), 
Commodore,  1st  Class 
(Rear-Adm.,  May  27, 
1854). 

During  his  absence  as  Cap- 
tain of  the  Fltet  in  the 
Baltic,  there  were  tem- 
porarily appointed  : 
Rear-Adm.  Hon.  Mon- 
tagu Stopford,  Mar.  28, 
1854,  and  Rear-Adm. 
Henry  Eden,  Aug.  8, 
1854. 

Sheernens. 

Hon.  Courtenay  Boyle, 
Capt.,  R.N.  (till  Feb.  1, 
1822). 

From  Feb.  1822  to  May 
1829  there  was  no  Resi- 
dent Commissioner  at 
Sheerness ;  and  from 
1S22  to  1834  the  Yard 
seems  to  hace  been  super- 
intendedbythe  Chatham 
Commissioner.  See 
under  Chatham. 


188 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


June  24,  1834.  Thomas    Fortescue    Ken- 
nedy, Capt.,  R.N. 
Mar.     9,  1838.  Sir  John  Hill,  Kt.,  Capt., 

B.N. 
Dec.  11,  1841.  Sir   Watkin    Owen    Pell, 

Kt.,     K.C.H.,      Capt, 

R.N. 
Dec.  17,  1841.  Peter    Fisher   (1),   Capt., 

.R.N.    (died    Aug.    28, 

1844). 
Sept.  23,  1844.  Richard     Arthur,     C.B., 

Capt.,  B.N. 

Nov.  10,  1846.  David  Price,  Capt.,  R.N. 
Nov.  14,  1850.  Michael    Seymour    (  2  ), 

Capt.,  R.N. 

Sept.  29,  1851.  Charles  Hope,  Capt.,  R.N. 
Apr.     3,1854.  Christopher  Wyvill,  Capt., 

R.N. 
June  16,  1854.  John  Jervis  Tucker,  Capt., 

R.N. 

Gibraltar, 

Isaac  Wolley,  Capt.,  R.N. 

(till  Jan.  9,  1818). 
June  21,  1821.  M.  B.  Mends,  R.N.  (N.O. 

in  Charge). 
Oct.  26,  1829.  John   Slight,  R.N.  (N.O. 

in  Charge). 
Apr.     1,  1833.  John  Davidson  (Clerk  in 

Charge:  died  Aug.  18, 

1842). 
Dec.  17,  1842.  Sir  John  Gordon  Sinclair, 

Bart.,  Capt.,  R.N.  (N.O. 

in  Charge). 
Oct.  16,  1846.  Hon.    George    Grey    (2), 

Capt.,  R.N. 
Dec.  13,  1856.  Frederick   Warden,  C.B., 

Capt.,  R.N. 

Malta. 

Joseph     Larcora,     Capt., 

R.N. 

Jan.    10,  1818.  Isaac  Wolley,  Capt.,  R.N. 
June  11,  1823.  John  Mason  Lewis,  Capt., 

R.N. 
Dec.   15,  1825.  Charles    Bayne    Hodgson 

Ross,  C.B.,  Capt,  R.N. 
Nov.     4,  1828.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  (1), 

K.C.B.,  Capt,  R.N. 
Mar.  13,  1829.  Thomas     Briggs,     Capt., 

R.N.  (Rear-Adm.,  June 

27,     1832  ;     G.C.M.G., 

1833). 


Jan.  6,  1838.  Sir  John  Louis,  Bart., 
Commodore  (Rear-Adm. 
June  28,  1838). 

Mar.  8,  1843.  Sir  Lucius  Curtis,  Bart., 
C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

Mar.  9,  1848.  Edward  Harvey,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Apr.  13,  1853.  Houston  Stewart  (1),  C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

Jan.  18,  1855.  Hon.  Sir  Montagu  Stop- 
ford,  K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

Halifax. 

Hon.  Philip  Wodehouse, 
Capt,  R.N.  (till  Aug. 
12,  1819). 

Ou  July  11, 1832,  a  Naval 
Storekeeper  and  Agent 
Victualler  wasappointed 
to  Halifax. 

Jfydrograplter. 

Thomas  Kurd,  Capt,  R.N. 
Dec.     1,  1823.  William    Edward    Parry, 

F.R.S.,      Capt.,      R.N. 

(actg.  till  Nov.  22, 1825, 

when  he  was  confirmed), 

(Kt,  1829). 
May   14,  1829.  Francis  Beaufort,  F.R.S., 

Capt.,  R.N.  (Rear-Adm. 

on    Oct.   1,   1846,   and 

later  K.C.B.). 
Jan.    29,  1855.  John  Washington,  Capt., 

R.N. 


CONTROLLER  OF  STEAM  MACHINERY,  AND 
THE  PACKET  SERVICE. 

(Office  created  by  0.  in  C.  of 
Apr.  19,  1837.) 

Apr.  24,1837.  Sir  William  Ed  ward  Parry, 

Capt.,  R.N. 
Dec.     2,  1846.  Alexander    Ellice,    Capt., 

R.N. 


CHIEF  ENGINEER,  AND  INSPECTOR  OF 
STEAM  MACHINERY. 

Apr.     6,  1847.  Thomas  Lloyd,  till  18G9. 
Title  abolished,  Feb.  4,  1869. 


ADM [R ALT Y  REFORM.  189 

It  may  be  said,  speaking  generally,  that,  with  slight  changes,  the 
business  of  the  Navy  continued,  until  1832,  to  be  conducted  as  it 
had  been  conducted  during  the  latter  part  of  the  long  French  wars  ; 
and  that  in  1832,  owing  mainly  to  the  reforming  and  constructive 
energy  of  Sir  James  Graham  and  his  assistants  at  the  Admiralty, 
the  existing  system  of  administration  was  introduced.  This  system 
has  since  been  considerably  amplified  and  altered  to  suit  new  con- 
ditions as  they  have  arisen.  Fresh  offices  and  departments  have 
been  created  from  time  to  time,  but  few  modifications  of  any  far- 
reaching  character  were  adopted  between  1832  and  1856.  The 
nature  of  some  of  Sir  James's  reforms  will  be  gathered  from  a  study 
of  the  above  lists,  and  of  the  footnotes  accompanying  them.  By 
way,  however,  of  additional  explanation  of  what  was  done  in  1832, 
Sir  Richard  Vesey  Hamilton1  may  be  quoted. 

"  When,"  he  says,  "  Lord  Grey  took  office  in  1830,  and  Sir  James  Graham  was 
appointed  First  Lord,  it  was  anticipated  that  the  reforms  advocated  by  Earl  St.  Vincent 
would  at  length  he  carried  into  effect.  Various  Boards  of  Admiralty  had  debated 
whether  the  subsidiary  Commissioners  might  not  with  advantage  be  merged  in  the 
Navy  Board.  But  this  was  not  enough  for  the  uew  Cabinet.  It  was  determined  to  do 
away  with  all  divided  control,  and,  abolishing  the  Board  of  Principal  Officers  and 
Commissioners  of  the  Navy,  and  the  Commissioners  for  Victualling,  and  for  the  Care 
of  Sick  and  Wounded  Seamen,  to  concentrate  the  whole  of  the  civil  departments  under 
the  Admiralty  itself,  each  branch  having  an  individual  at  its  head.  Sir  James  Graham 
did  not  mature  his  measures  without  full  and  anxious  inquiry  into  the  organisation  and 
working  both  of  the  civil  departments  and  of  the  dockyards  under  them,  and  he  had 
the  great  advantage  of  the  counsel  and  assistance  of  Sir  John  Barrow,  whose  long  and 
ripe  knowledge  of  our  naval  administration,  then  for  nearly  thirty  years — as  Second 
Secretary  and  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty — peculiarly  fitted  him  to  advise.  The  '  Act 
to  amend  the  Laws  relating  to  the  Business  of  the  Civil  Departments  of  the  Navy,  and 
to  make  other  Regulations  for  more  effectually  carrying  on  the  Duties  of  the  said 
Departments '  (2  Will.  IV.  c.  40) — vesting  in  the  Board  of  Admiralty  the  powers  of  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Civil  Departments — provided,  in  place  of  the  numerous  Con- 
trollers and  Commissioners  of  the  Navy,  of  Victualling,  and  of  Transports — then 
located  at  Somerset  House — for  the  creation  of  five  separate  and  independent  superin- 
tendents of  departments,  under  the  Board  of  Admiralty  collectively,  and  the  Lords  of 
the  Admiralty  individually.  These  new  officials  were  the  Surveyor  of  the  Navy, 
the  Accountant-General,  the  Storekeeper-General,  the  Controller  of  Victualling  and 
Transports,  and  the  Physician  of  the  Navy,  whose  title  was  altered  in  1844  to  that  of 
Director-General  of  the  Medical  Department  of  the  Navy. 

"  By  the  dispositions  thus  taken,  the  Board  of  Admiralty  and  the  subsidiary 
departments  acquired  the  united  and  flexible  character  they  have  to-day,  that  character 
which  they  possessed  before  the  civil  departments  had  attained  their  magnitude  and 
semi-independence,  and  were  yet  closely  in  toucli  with  the  Admiralty,  holding  the 
means — when  they  exercised  them — of  controlling  and  supervising  the  business  for 
which  they  were  responsible.  Once  again  that  close  organisation  for  discussion  of  the 
conduct  of  affairs,  which  fall  often  under  the  care  of  several  branches  of  the  adminis- 


'  Nav.  Admin.,'  21. 


190 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   TEE  EOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


trative  machinery,  had  been  built  up.  Great  as  was  the  advantage  thus  won,  the 
reorganisation  brought  a  further  gain  in  the  considerable  economy  that  was  effected 
through  the  abolition  of  sinecures  and  redundant  posts,  which  the  existence  of  a  com- 
plex set  of  individual  branches  had  involved.  Sir  John  Briggs,  Accountant-General  of 
the  Navy,  prepared,  in  June,  1834,  a  statement  of  the  reductions  that  had  been  effected 
in  the  naval  departments  since  November,  1830,  from  which  it  appears  that  an  economy 
of  £253,342  had  been  made.  But  the  merit  of  the  reorganisation  effected  by  Sir  James 
Graham  is  not  to  be  estimated  by  the  pecuniary  saving  it  made  possible,  but  by  the 
fact  that  it  struck  at  the  root  of  abuses  of  long  and  slow  growth  which  endangered  our 
naval  efficiency.  Sir  John  Barrow,  writing  in  1847,  said  of  the  new  system :  '  On  the 
whole,  I  can  venture  to  say  with  great  confidence,  and  after  the  experience  of  fifteen 
years  since  the  plan  was  put  in  operation,  under  half-a-dozen  Boards  of  Admiralty, 
Whig  and  Tory,  that  it  has  been  completely  successful  in  all  its  parts ;  and  the  proof  of 
it  is  that  no  fault  has  been  found  with  it,  nor  has  any  alteration  of  the  least  importance 
been  required.' "  ' 

About  the  year  1780,  the  offices  of  the  civil  departments  of  the 
Navy  had  been  concentrated  in  Somerset  House,  where  the  Victual- 
ling, Navy  Pay,  and  Transport  branches  were  lodged  on  the  west 
side.  On  the  west  terrace  were  the  official  residences  of  the 
Treasurer  and  Surveyor  of  the  Navy,  of  the  three  Commissioners 
of  the  Navy  Board,  and  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  Victualling 
Department.  The  homes  of  the  civil  departments  of  the  Navy  were 
successively  removed  thence  to  Whitehall  and  Spring  Gardens,  the 
Surveyor's  Department  in  1855,  and  all  the  rest  by  1870. 

The  expenditure  on  the  Navy,  and  the  numbers  of  seamen  and 
Royal  Marines  voted  each  year  from  1816  to  1856,  were  as  follows  : — 


Year. 

Total  Naval 
Supplies  granted. 

Seamen  and  Boys 
voted. 

Koyal  Marines 
voted. 

Total  Numbers 
voted. 

Total  Numbers 
actually  borne. 

£ 

1816 

13,114,345 

24,000 

9,000 

33,000 

35,196 

1817 

7,645,422 

13,000 

6,000 

19,000 

22,944 

1818 

6,547,809 

14,000 

6,000 

20,000 

23,026 

1819 

6,527,781 

14,000 

6,000 

20,000 

23,230 

1820 

6,691,345 

.     15,000 

8,000 

23,000 

23,985 

1821 

6,391,902 

14,000 

8,000 

22,000 

24,937 

1822 

6,480,325 

13,000 

8,000 

21,000 

23,806 

1823 

5,442,540 

16,000 

8,700 

24,700 

26,314 

1824 

5,762,893 

20,000 

9,000 

29,000 

30,502 

1825 

5,983,126 

20,000 

9,000 

29,000 

31,456 

1826 

6,135,004 

21,000 

9,000 

30,000 

32,519 

1827 

6,125,850 

21,000 

9,000 

30,000 

33,106 

1828 

6,395,965 

21,000 

9,000 

30,000 

31,818 

1829 

5,878,794 

21,000 

9,000 

30,000 

32,458 

1830 

5,594,955 

20,000 

9,000 

29,000 

31,160 

1831  ' 

7,221,797 

22,000 

10,000 

32,000 

29,336 

1832  2 

5,045,827 

18,000 

9,000 

27,000 

27,328 

10  months,  to  March  3l6t,  1832.  2  April  1st  to  March  31st  of  next  year. 

1  '  Autob.  Mem.',  424. 


IMPROVEMENTS  IN  NAVAL   ARCHITECTURE. 


191 


Year. 

Total  Naval 
Supplies  granted. 

Seamen  and  Boys 
voted. 

Royal  Marines 
voted. 

Total  Numbers 
voted. 

Total  Numbers 
actually  borne. 

i, 

1833 

4,803,647 

18,000 

9,000 

27,000 

27,701 

1834 

4,716,894 

18,500 

9,000 

27,500 

28,066 

1835 

4,434,783 

17,500 

9,000 

26,601 

26,041 

1836 

4,689,651 

24,700 

9,000 

33,700 

30,195 

1837 

4,930,736 

25,165 

9,000 

34,165 

31,289 

1838 

4,960,911 

25,165 

9,000 

34,165 

32,028 

1839 

5,532,724 

25,165 

9,000 

34,165 

34,857 

f 

26,165(2mos.) 

)                         ( 

35,165  (2  mos.) 

) 

1840 

6,182,247 

28,165  (7  mos.) 

9,000 

37,165  (7  mos.) 

}     37,665 

I 

30,665  (3  mos.) 

)                         1 

39,665  (3  mos.) 

) 

1841 

6,772,969 

32,500 

10,500 

43,000 

41,389 

1842 

7,000,442 

32,500 

10,500 

43,000 

43,105 

1843 

6,579,960 

28,500 

10,500 

39,000 

40,229 

1844 

6,466,019 

25,500 

10,500 

36,000 

38,343 

1845 

7,344,363 

29,500 

10,500 

40,000 

40,084 

1846 

7,920,324 

29,500 

10,500 

40,000 

43,314 

1847 

8,068,985 

29,500      | 

11,000(6  mos.) 
12,000(6  mos.) 

40,  500  (6  mos.) 
41,  500  (6  mos.) 

}     44,969 

1848 

7,955,001 

29,500       { 

12,500(6  mos.) 
13,500(6  mos.) 

42,000(6  mos.) 
43,  000  (6  mos.) 

]•     43,978 

1849 

7,021,724 

28,000 

12,000 

40,000 

39,535 

1850 

6,672,588 

28,000 

11,000 

39,000 

39,093 

1851 

6,543,255 

28,000 

11,000 

39,000 

38,957 

1852 

6,705,746J 

28,  000  (8  mos.) 
33,  000  (4  mos.) 

11,  000  (8  mos.) 
12,  500  (4  mos.) 

39,000(8  mos.) 
45,  500  (4  mos.) 

|     40,451 

1853 

7,197,804 

33,000 

12,500 

45,500 

45,885 

1854 

15,017,591 

48,000 

15,500 

63,500 

61,457 

1855 

19,590,833 

54,000 

16,000 

70,000 

67,791 

From  1832  onwards  the  financial  year  was  computed  in  Calendar  instead  of  in  Lunar 
months,  and  began  on  April  1st,  lasting  till  March  31st  of  the  following  year. 

During  the  wars  with  France  and  her  allies,  and  with  the  United 
States,  the  chief  British  improvements  in  naval  architecture  were 
copied  from  the  best  of  the  prizes  taken  from  the  enemy,  and,  for 
many  years  after  the  peace,  this  plan  was  still  largely  followed. 
Thus,  as  late  as  1845,  there  was  laid  down  at  Devonport  a  Sans- 
pareil  designed  upon  the  lines  of  the  ship  of  the  same  name  captured 
from  the  French  in  1794 ;  although,  it  is  true,  the  vessel  was  never 
actually  launched  as  a  sailing  line-of-battle  ship,  but,  while  yet  upon 
the  stocks,  was  lengthened,  converted  to  a  screw  ship  of  80  guns, 
and  launched  as  such  in  1851.  Modifications  were,  however,  intro- 
duced by  Sir  Robert  Seppings,  who  was  responsible  for  building 
large  ships  with  circular  or  elliptical,  instead  of  square  sterns, 
thereby  giving  them  increased  strength  and  additional  stern  fire; 
and  in  1832  Sir  Eobert  was  succeeded  as  Surveyor  by  an  officer 
who  was  not  content  to  be,  in  any  sense,  an  imitator,  and  who  was 
really  a  great  naval  architect.  This  was  Captain  Sir  William 


192 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


Symonds,  Kt.,  R.N.  In  1825,  Symonds,  then  a  Commander,  was 
permitted  by  the  Admiralty  to  construct  a  corvette  upon  his  own 
lines.  The  Columbine,  18,  was  so  great  a  success  as  to  earn 
Symonds  his  promotion  in  1827.  Nevertheless,  no  further  progress 
might  have  been  then  made  had  not  the  Duke  of  Portland  given 
Symonds  orders  to  build  him  a  yacht.  This  craft,  the  Pantaloon, 
was  presently  purchased  by  the  Admiralty,  and,  being  adapted  as  a 
10-gun  brig,  did  so  extremely  well  that  her  designer  was  at  once 
employed  to  construct  the  Vernon,  50,  Vestal,  26,  Snake,  16,  and 


CIBCULAB   STEUN   OF   H.M.S.    'ASIA,'   84,    BUILT   AT   BOMBAY,    1824. 
FLAGSHIP   AT   NAVABINO. 

(From  an  etching  by  E.  W.  Coolie,  K.A.) 

other  men-of-war  of  various  classes,  and  was  quickly  made  Surveyor. 
In  that  capacity,  he  built,  in  the  ensuing  fifteen  years,  no  fewer  than 
180  vessels.  His  ships  owed  their  superior  speed  and  stability  chiefly 
to  the  improved  form  of  their  bottom,  which  he  made  much  less 
heavy  and  full  than  had  previously  been  usual.  They  were  also 
broader,  roomier,  and  loftier  between  decks  than  their  forerunners, 
and  in  them  the  sailing  Navy  of  England  undoubtedly  found  its 
highest  development.  Among  Symonds's  greatest  triumphs  were 
the  Queen,  110,  Vernon,  50,  and  Pique,  40.  The  solidity  of  his 


TYPICAL   SAILING   MEN- OF- WAR. 


193 


methods  of  construction  was  amply  demonstrated  by  the  last-named, 
which,  on  her  first  commission,  while  returning  from  Canada  in 
1835,  under  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry  John  Eous,  took  the  rocks 
near  Point  Forteau,  Labrador,  and  ground  away  all  her  false  keel,1 
and  much  of  the  outer  skin  of  her  bottom.  Although  she  bumped 
heavily  for  eleven  hours  in  a  violent  sea,  and  afterwards  made  from 
14  to  36  inches  of  water  an  hour,  she  found  her  way  home  unaided, 
in  spite  of  terrible  weather ;  and,  in  twenty-one  days,  she  reached  St. 
Helens.2  It  is  noteworthy  that,  during  his  period  of  office,  not  one 
of  his  vessels  foundered,  though  several  craft  by  other  architects 
were  less  fortunate.  Symonds  also  introduced  a  system  under  which 
the  masts,  yards,  cross-trees,  etc.,  of  men-of-war  were  classified  into 
twenty  "establishments"  or  sizes,  instead  of  into  eighty-eight,  as 
before ;  and  which  was  so  arranged  that  the  spars  became  inter- 
changeable, not  only  as  between  ship  and  ship  of  the  same  class,  but 
also — though,  of  course,  for  different  purposes — as  between  ship  and 
ship  of  different  classes.  Particulars  of  a  few  of  the  most  famous 
sailing  men-of-war  3  of  the  time  are  given  below. 


Launch.              ""p.                Guns. 

Tons. 

Length. 

Beam. 

Depth. 

Designed  by. 

Ft.    ins. 

Ft.     Ins. 

Ft.    ins. 

1839 

Queen  . 

110 

3104 

204     2J 

60    OJ 

23      9 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1833 

Rodney 

92 

2626 

205     6 

54    5i  i  23     1 

Sir'R.  Seppings. 

1835 

Vanguard  . 

80 

2609 

190    0 

57     0 

23     4 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1842 

Cumberland 

70 

2214 

180    0 

54    3 

22     4 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1850 

Nankin 

50 

2049 

185    0 

50  10 

15  10J 

Mr.  Oliver  Lang. 

1845 

Raleigh 

50 

1939 

180    0 

50     1 

16     8 

Mr.  Fincharn. 

1832 

Vernon 

50 

2082 

176     0 

52     8J 

16     5 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1834 

Pique   . 

40 

1633 

160    0 

48  10J 

14     7 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1836 

Inconstant. 

36 

1422 

160     1 

45     5 

13     7 

Capt.  Jno.  Hayes(l). 

1848 

Diamond   . 

28 

1055 

140    0 

42     2 

11     OJ 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1823 

Rainbow    . 

28 

503 

113     9J 

31  11}       8     8J 

Surveyor's  Dept. 

1843 

Eurydice    . 

26 

921 

141     3 

38  10 

8     9 

/R.-Adm.  Hon.  Geo. 
\     Elliot  (3). 

1841 

Spartan     . 

26 

918 

131     0 

40     7}      10     9 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1828 

Cruiser 

18 

384 

100    0 

31    Of  :  12     9J 

Sir  W.  Rule. 

1829 

Larne  . 

18 

463 

113     3 

30  10J 

8    0 

Prof.  Inman. 

1837 

Modeste 

18 

568 

120    0 

33     2J      14     2 

fll.-Adm.  Hon    Geo. 

(     Elliot  (3). 

1824 

Pylades 

18 

433 

110     1 

30     4J       82 

Sir  R.  Seppings. 

1838 

Pilot     . 

16 

485 

105    OJ 

33     6 

14  10 

Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1844     Flying  Fish 

12 

445 

103     1 

32    4J 

14     4J    Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1831      Pantaloon  .        10 

323 

91  10| 

29     4i 

12     8     Sir  W.  Symonds. 

1847 

Britomart  .   '      8 

330 

93    0 

29     3| 

13     5J    Sir  W.  Svmonds. 

1  Her  false  keel  was  on  a  principle  introduced  by  Mr.  Oliver  Lang. 

2  C.M.  Sept.  22nd,  1835.     Naut.  Mag.,  iv.  691,  755.     See  also  model  in  Nav.  Mus. 
at  Greenwich,  showing  state  of  ship  when  docked. 

3  Models  of  all  these  are  at  Greenwich. 

VOL.    VI.  0 


194  CIVIL   HISTORY    OF   THE  HOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Yet,  even  ere  Symonds  and  his  assistants  had  begun  to  introduce 
the  improvements  which  brought  the  sailing  man-of-war  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  perfection,  the  sailing  man-of-war  was  doomed. 
Steam,  as  a  means  of  propulsion  for  ships,  was  used  for  a  consider- 
able period  before  the  Admiralty  became  willing  to  try  its  merits. 
At  length,  however,  the  famous  engineer  Marc  Isambard  Brunei 
persuaded  their  Lordships  that  their  conservatism  must  give  way, 
and  that  the  use  of  steam  must  be  countenanced  in  the  Navy.  In 
consequence,  the  Comet,  a  paddle  wooden  steamer  of  238  tons  and 
90  H.P.  nominal,  was  built  at  Deptford  in  1822 ;  and  presently  the 
somewhat  similar  vessel  Monkey,  of  212  tons  and  80  H.P.  nominal 


H.M.S.  '  RETRIBUTION,'  10  GUNS,  1641  TONS  (B.M.),  400  H.P.  NOM. 

LAUNCHED  AT  CHATHAM,  1844 ;   SOLD,  1864. 
(.Built  of  wood,  after  designs  bij  Sir  W.  Symonds  :  length,  220  ft. :  beam,  40  ft.  6  in. :  depth,  26  ft.  4  in.) 

(373  I.H.P.),  which  had  been  built  at  Eotherhithe  in  1821,  was 
purchased  for  the  use  of  the  service.  These,  and  other  early  steam 
craft,  were  either  tugs,  or  what  would  now  be  called  special  service 
vessels ;  and  the  Admiralty,  although  it  adopted  them,  did  so  half- 
heartedly, and  with  a  bad  grace,  their  construction  not  coming 
within  the  province  of  the  Surveyor  of  the  Navy,  the  design  and 
building  of  them  being  left  to  contractors,  and  there  being  no  regular 
corps  of  engineer  officers  to  manage  them.  In  fact,  for  some  years, 
the  builders  were  expected  to  hand  over  with  the  vessels  the  neces- 
sary engine-room  staff ;  and,  for  a  time,  not  so  much  as  the  names  of 
the  despised  novelties  appeared  in  the  official  Navy  List. 


in  ON   STEAMSHIPS. 


195 


But  the  new  power  soon  forced  itself  into  fuller  recognition.  In 
1832,  the  Surveyor  designed  his  earliest  steamers.1  Until  after  1840, 
however,  few  of  these  were  of  more  than  1000  tons  measurement,  or 
of  very  heavy  armament,  and  all  were  built  of  wood,  and  had  paddles 
as  their  propellers. 

In  the  meantime,  although  the  Admiralty,  as  always,  was  not  in 
the  van  of  the  advance,  further  progress  had  been  made.  Iron 
lighters  were  built  in  England  in  the  first  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century:  the  first  iron  steamboat  was  completed  in  1821:  as  early 
as  1833,  an  iron  steamboat  suitable  for  sea  service  was  in  existence  : 


H.M.S.  'TERRIBLE,'  iiO  GUNS,  1847  TONS  (B.M.),  800  n.r.  NOM. 

LAUNCHED  AT  DEPTFOBD,  1845. 

(Built  of  wood,  after  designs  by  Jfr.  Oliver  tang  :   length,  226.ft. :  beam,  42ft.  6  in  :  depth,  27  ft. 
Engines  by  Haudslau  &  Co.) 

in  1838,  an  iron  steamboat  crossed  the  Atlantic,  though  she  crossed 
it  under  sail :  and  in  1839,  Messrs.  Laird,  of  Birkenhead  began  to 
build  iron  steam  warships  for  the  East  India  Company.  One  of 
these,  the  Nemesis,  of  660  tons,  was  armed  with  two  32-pr.  pivot 

1  The  Nautical  Magazine  of  June,  1833,  says :  "  A  high-pressure  steam-engine, 
with  an  improved  boiler,  by  Mr.  George  Mills,  of  London,  is  now  fitting  for  trial  on 
board  the  Falcon,  an  old  10-gnn  brig,  in  the  basin  at  Sheerness.  In  this  engine  the 
steam  is  raised  by  fire-tubes  passing  through  the  boiler,  which  is  surrounded  at  a  slight 
distance  by  a  double  cylinder,  filled  with  cold  water,  serving  as  a  surface  condenser. 
The  boiler  will  bear  a  pressure  of  at  least  150  Ibs.  on  the  square  inch.  .  .  .  The  Falcon 
is  fitted  with  two  engines  of  50  horse-power  each."  I  cannot  find  any  account  of  the 
trials.  The  boiler  was,  however,  not  adopted. 

O   2 


196  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

guns ;  and,  although  she  drew  but  five  feet  of  water,  she  made  the 
passage  to  India  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  subse- 
quently, under  the  orders  of  Captain  William  Hutcheon  Hall,  E.N., 
rendered  excellent  service  in  China  during  the  operations  of  1841-42. 
The  Admiralty,  however,  did  not  possess  an  iron  steamer  of  any  sort 
until  1840,  when  the  paddle  packet  Dover  was  launched  for  it  at 
Birkenhead.  In  the  same  year  it  acquired  three  small  iron  paddle 
gunboats ;  but  it  hesitated  for  many  years  ere  it  made  up  its  mind 
that,  for  large  craft  as  well  as  for  small,  iron  was  a  trustworthy 
material.  As  early,  nevertheless,  as  1836,  Mr.  John  Laird  had  pro- 
posed to  construct  an  iron  frigate,  and  had  prepared  plans  for  it ; 
and  in  1842  he  actually  launched  an  iron  paddle  frigate,  which  he 
offered  in  vain  to  the  Government,  and  which  he  eventually  sold  to 
Mexico.  At  length,  in  1846,  the  ill-fated  Birkenhead  was  launched 
at  Birkenhead  for  the  Admiralty,  and,  in  1849,  Napier,  of  Glasgow, 
followed  with  the  Simoon,  and  Fairbairn,  of  Millwall,  with  the 
Megcera.  All  these  were  originally  classed  as  steam  frigates,  and 
armed  as  such ;  but  experiments l  made  upon  an  iron  vessel  called 
the  Buby  induced  the  authorities  to  fear  that  such  craft  would  be 
torn  to  pieces  by  the  effects  of  shot;  and  the  ships  were  consequently 
transformed  into  transports,  and  their  armaments  greatly  reduced. 
The  Birkenhead,  of  1400  tons,  was  fitted  with  paddles  ;  the  Simoon, 
and  Megeera  had  screws. 

The  origin  of  the  screw,  as  a  means  of  propulsion  for  ships,  is. 
wrapped  in  some  obscurity.  Early  in  the  century,  one  Dr.  Shorter 
devised  a  plan  for  driving  vessels  through  the  water  by  means  of  a 
circular  fan,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  thought  of  working  his 
propeller  by  steam.  In  1834,  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Francis  Pettitt 
Smith,  a  Hendon  farmer,  son  of  the  postmaster  of  Hythe,  con- 
structed a  model  which  was  propelled  through  the  water  by  means, 
of  a  submerged  screw.  In  1836  he  took  out  a  patent  for  his  inven- 
tion, and  in  1838  he  submitted  his  plans  to  the  Admiralty.  By  that 
time  he  had  associated  himself  with  the  great  Swedish  engineer, 
John  Ericsson ;  and  the  screw  was  applied  to  several  small  experi- 
mental craft,  one  of  which,  though  only  45  feet  long  and  8  feet 
broad,  towed  a  barque  of  630  tons  against  a  strong  tide  at  a  speed  of 
nearly  4'5  knots,  and  later  towed  the  Admiralty  barge,  with  their 
Lordships  on  board,  from  Somerset  House  to  Blackwall,  and  back,  at 
an  average  speed  of  about  10  knots.  Yet  their  Lordships,  who  in- 
1  Naut.  May.,  Sept.  1846,  p.  498. 


THE  INTRODUCTION   OF   THE  SGBEW. 


197 


eluded  Vice- Admiral  Sir  Charles  Adam,  Bear- Admiral  Sir  William 
Parker  (2),  and  Captain  Sir  Edward  Thomas  Troubridge,  curtly 
"  declined  to  entertain  the  project "  of  fitting  screws  to  naval  vessels, 
apparently  under  the  delusion  that  the  screw  was  useful  only  in 
smooth  water.  But  the  performances  of  the  Archimedes,1  a  vessel 
which,  fitted  with  Smith's  screw,  made  the  tour  of  Great  Britain, 
and  steamed  to  Oporto,  Amsterdam,  and  other  places,  caused  the 
Admiralty  to  reconsider  its  decision.  In  1842,  there  had  been  laid 
down  for  the  Navy  at  Sheerness  a  sloop  which  was  originally  named 
the  Ardent.  She  was  ordered  to  be  lengthened  aft,  to  be  fitted  with 


, 

I 


SCREW  versus  PADDLE. 

[The  trial  between  H.M.SS.  Battler  and  Alccto.J 
(From  'La  Bicista  MariUlma.') 

a  screw,  and  to  be  renamed  Rattler;  and  she  was  launched  in  April, 
1843.  Her  after  part  was  of  a  form  very  unsuited  to  assist  the  work 
of  the  propeller,  yet  she  was  so  much  of  a  success  that,  from  the  day 
of  her  trials,  the  future  of  the  screw  in  the  Navy  was  assured.  The 
Battler  was  of  888  tons  measurement,  and  had  engines  of  200  H.P. 
nominal.  In  1845,  she  underwent  some  very  convincing  tests  with 
the  paddle  sloop  Alecto,  a  vessel  of  796  tons  measurement  and  200 
H.P.  nominal.  On  an  eighty  miles'  course,  in  a  calm,  the  screw  beat 

1  Naut,  May.,  1839,  pp.  420,  430.     Her  engines  were  by  Messrs.  Rennie.     See  also 
Naut.  Mag.,  1840,  pp.  453,  529,  671,  735,  744,  812. 


198  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

the  paddle  by  23£  minutes ;  on  a  thirty-four  miles'  course,  in  a 
moderate  breeze,  with  sails  set,  the  screw  was  again  victorious  by 
13  minutes.  On  a  sixty  miles'  course,  against  a  head  sea,  the  Battler 
won  by  40  minutes.  But  the  most  conclusive  experiment  of  all  was 
made  when,  the  two  vessels  being  fastened  stern  to  stern,  and  both 
steaming  their  best,  the  Battler  towed  the  A  lecto  at  the  rate  of  2£ 
miles  an  hour.1  The  form,  pitch,  number  of  blades,  and  other 
details  of  the  screw  remained,  of  course,  to  be  modified  in  accord- 
ance with  practical  experience ;  but  the  general  principles  of  the 
design  of  Smith  and  Ericsson  have  undergone  but  little  change. 

At  first,  already  existing  vessels  belonging  to  the  Navy  were 
fitted  with  the  screw  after  first  having  been  lengthened  and  other- 
wise altered.  Several  very  old  ships  of  the  larger  classes  were  thus 
treated,  among  them  being  the  Ajax,  launched  in  1809,  the  Horatio, 
launched  in  1809,  and  the  Nelson,  launched  in  1814.  The  first  ship 
of  the  line  to  be  designed,  ab  initio,  for  the  screw  was  the  Agamem- 
non, 80,  which  was  laid  down  at  Woolwich  in  1849,  and  launched 
in  1852.  Particulars  of  a  few  typical  steam  men-of-war 2  of  the 
period  1816-1856  are  given  on  p.  199. 

Only  one  other  radical  new  departure  in  naval  construction 
remains  to  be  noticed  here.  It  was  made  at  the  very  end  of  the 
period  now  under  review,  and,  in  1856,  when  it  had  barely  indicated 
its  nature  and  significance,  few  can  have  suspected  whither  it  was 
destined  to  lead.  This  departure  was  necessitated  by  the  fact  that 
the  power  of  the  gun  had  begun  to  grow  greatly.  Fulton,  years 
before,  had  aimed  at  giving  a  steam  war-vessel  such  impenetrable 
scantling  as  should  afford  complete  protection  to  her  crew  in  action ; 
but  he  had  used  only  wood  as  armour.  The  swift  and  tragic  de- 
struction, chiefly  by  shell-fire,  of  the  Turkish  squadron  off  Sinope,  on 
November  30th,  1853,  led  to  the  building,  for  the  purposes  of  the 
war  with  Kussia,  of  vessels  armoured  not  with  wood  but  with  iron. 
The  credit  of  the  invention  is  due  to  France  ;  but,  upon  plans  of  the 
vessels  being  sent  across  the  Channel,  England,  in  1855,  promptly 
followed  suit  by  constructing  the  four  wooden-hulled  armoured 
batteries,  Trusty,  Thunder,  Glatton  and  Meteor,  and  by  adding  to 
them  in  1856  the  iron-hulled  armoured  batteries  Thunderbolt,  Terror, 
Mtna  and  Erebus.3  The  craft  of  the  earlier  type  were  of  about  1540 
tons  measurement,  150  H.P.  nominal,  and  a  speed  of  4'5  knots. 

1  Naut.  Mug  ,  1845,  p.  331.  2  Models  of  all  these  are  at  Greenwich. 

3  Models  of  these  are  at  Greenwich. 


TYPICAL    STEAMSHIPS. 


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I'embroke.  Compt.  1100. 
Desigued  by  the  Surveyor's 
Laid  dowu  as  a  sailiug  shi 
Chatham.  Compt.  850. 

Designed  by  Mr.  J.  Edye  for 
Laid  down  as  a  sailing  shi 
Devouport.  Compt.  700. 
Screw.  Desigued  by  Sun 
Compt.  5t>o. 

Desigued  by  the  Surveyor's 
Screw.  Desigued  by  Mr.  Fi 
Screw.  I>esigiH'd  by  Su 
Compt.  300. 

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I 


200 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


They  carried  fourteen  68-prs.,  95  cwt.  smooth-bore  muzzle-loaders, 
and  a  complement  of  200  men,  and  were  protected  with  4' 5  inch 
iron  plates.  The  vessels  of  the  later  type  were  of  about  1950  tons 
measurement,  200  H.P.  nominal,  and  a  speed  of  5' 5  knots.  They 
carried  each  16  guns  instead  of  14,  but  had  complements  and  armour 
like  the  earlier  batteries.  The  Erebus,  which  may  be  taken  as  a 
type  of  the  whole  class,  was  186  feet  8£  inches  in  length  and  48  feet 
6  inches  broad,  and  drew  8  feet  10  inches  forward  and  8  feet 
11  inches  aft. 

The  armament l  of  some  of  the  ships  which  have  been  named  as 
having  been  constructed  between  1815  and  1856  was,  according  to 
the  original  design,  which,  however,  in  a  few  cases,  was  modified 
later,  as  follows  :•— 

NUMBKK,  NATURE,  AND  POSITION  OF  Guxs. 


DATE. 

SHIP. 

Lower  Deck. 

Middle  Deck. 

Main  Deck. 

Upper  Det-k,  or 
Qr.  Deck  &  F'castle. 

Xo. 

No. 

1 

No.    Prs. 

Weight. 
Cwt. 

No. 

Prs. 

Weight. 
O.t. 

.,..„   I  Diilst  of  Witting- 

a   {    ton,  131.     .     . 

(10 
126 

Sin.         65     V/30 
32              56     H  6 

32             56     > 
Sin.        65    J 

38     32 

42 

/SO 
I  1 

32 
68 

25 
95 

1839      Queen,  110     .      . 

{" 

32              56     1  (26      32               56      (    3(|      .,,, 
Kin.         65     l\  4        *in.         65     / 

41         f14 
I  6 

32 
32 

2.) 
45 

„  _    (St.  Jean  d'Acre, 

(20 

Sin.         65     ) 

(2S      32 

56     ) 

(38 

32 

42 

\    101  .... 

(  16 

32              56     j 

\  8       Sin. 

65     / 

I  1 

68 

95 

1833 

Rodney,  92    .     . 

(26 

38in         56     } 

.. 

(30      32 
i  4       Sin. 

|       56 

36 

32 

42 

1854 

Orion,  91.     .. 

34 

Sin.        65 

..             ..           31      32 

56 

f? 

32 

63 

42 
95 

'   1835 

Vanguard,  80     . 

{28 

38in.         65     } 

{24 

32 
Sin. 

50     > 
65     ) 

24 

32 

42 

1852 

Agamemnon,  80. 

36 

Sin.         65 

34 

32 

56 

[1 

6S 
lOin. 

95 

85 

-  1842 

Cumberland,  70. 

f22 
I  4 

32             56     1 
8ln.         65     J 

.'. 

.. 

(26      32 
(  2       Sin. 

50     ) 
65     ) 

16 

32 

42 

1855 

Shannon,  51  . 

30 

Sin. 

65 

{*? 

32 

68 

56 
95 

1832 

Vernon,  50    . 

•• 

m 

I  6 

32 

8  in. 

56     ) 
65     ) 

22 

32 

45 

1848 

Arrogant,  46.     . 

(16 
U2 

32 

Sin. 

56     ) 
65     ] 

{1 

32 

tS 

32 
95 

-  1834 

Pique,  40. 

1836 

Inconstant,  36    . 

22 

32 

56 

It 

32 

25 

1853 

Tribune,  31   .     . 

20 

32 

56 

32 
lOin. 

42 

85 

'  1823     Rainbow,  28  .     . 

20 

32 

(carr.) 

(\ 

18 
9 

(carr.) 

1848     Diamond,  28.     . 

..         .. 

20 

32 

45 

(I 

32 
8ln. 

25 
56 

I  a 

Sin. 

112 

1844 

Retribution,  10  . 

1  .1 

Sin 

65 

u 

32 

25 

1849 

Tiger,  16  ... 

8        32 

56 

{'. 

loin. 
32 

85 
56 

•  1823 

Cruiser,  IS    . 

.  . 

16 

32 

(carr.) 

a 

6 

1837     Gorgon,  6.     .     . 

..    !      ..      I 

.. 

{  2 

32 

lOln. 

42 

85 

1847     Britomart.  8.     . 

8 

18 

15 

1856 

Albacore,  2    .     . 

(I 

6* 
32 

95 
56 

Numerous   guns  were  used   in  the  naval   service.      Particulars 
1  Particulars  chiefly  from  Off.  Catal.  of  E.  N.  Museum. 


IMPROVEMENTS   IN   QUNNEBY. 


201 


of  the  most  important  of  those  which   are  mentioned  above  are 
appended : l — 


Gux. 

WEIGHT. 

LENGTH. 

CALIBRE. 

CHARGE  OF 
POWDKK. 

PATTERS.                          REMARKS. 

Cwt. 

Ft.  in. 

In. 

Lbs.  oz. 

| 

10  in. 

85 

9    4 

10-0 

12      0 

n       Mm    •.  i          if  For  shell.      Bursting  charge, 
Gen.  Millar  s  1           {    common  shell,  6i  Ibs. 

8  in. 

65 

9     0 

8-05               10       0 

Gen.  Millar's 

Originally  for  shell  (51  lbs.)au.l 
plugged  hollow  Bhot(56  Ibs.) 
only.       Later     as     68-prs. 

Bursting  charge,  2  Ibs.  9  oz. 

68  pr. 

95 

10     0 

8-12               16       0 

fnl  Ttandns's            /Bursting  charge,  for  common 
Col.  Dundas  s           j    8helL  2  lbs_  9  oz 

32  pr. 

56 

9    6 

6-41               10       0 

SirT.  Blomefield'sZ 

32  pr. 

50 

8     0 

6-41 

8      0 

Dickson  &  Millar's 

Bursting  charge,  for  common 

32  pr. 

51) 

9     0 

6-375             8       0 

Monk's  "A"           '/    shell,   1  Ib.   5  oz.  ;  for  dia- 

32  pr. 

45 

8     6 

6-35                 J       0 

Monk's  "  B  " 

phragm,  3  cz.  2  drs. 

32  pr. 

42 

X     0 

6-35               6      0 

Monk's  "  C  " 

32  pr. 

25 

6     0 

6-3                   4       0 

Sir  T.  Blompfleld's      A  bored-np  18-pr. 

32-pr.  carr. 

17 

4     0 

6-25                2     11 

CaiTon  Co.'s 

l  Lt.-Genl.  Wm.  Millar,  Dir.  Genl.  of  Art.,  died  1838. 

»  Genl.  SirThos.  Blomefleld,  Bart.,  Insp.  of  Art.  from  1780  to  his  death  in  1822. 

It  seems  unnecessary  to  say  anything  here  of  the  various  rifled 
and  breechloading  heavy  guns  which  began  to  be  experimented  with 
towards  the  close  of  the  period  under  review.  Some  Lancaster  guns 
—pieces  having  a  twisted  elliptical  bore  of  small  excentricity,  in  lieu 
of  rifling,  to  make  the  projectile  rotate — were  used  before  Sebastopol 
by  the  Naval  Brigade ;  but  they  took  no  permanent  hold  in  the 
service  ;  and  it  may  be  stated  broadly  that,  until  after  1856,  the  British 
Navy's  weapons  afloat  were  exclusively  smooth-bore  muzzle-loaders, 
of  types  not  greatly  differing  from  the  guns  which  had  been  used  at 
Trafalgar. 

Incendiary  rockets,  the  invention  of  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  William 
Congreve,2  in  1805,  had  been  used  afloat  in  Basque  road,  in  1809, 
and  ashore,  at  the  battle  of  Leipzig,  in  1813.  After  1815  they  were 
considerably  improved,  and  became  valuable  auxiliaries,  especially  in 
conflicts  with  semi-civilised  peoples.  The  shrapnel 3  shell,  also,  though 
it  originated  before  the  Napoleonic  wars,  underwent  great  improve- 
ments after  the  peace. 

The  small-arms  used  in  the  Navy  during  the  period  underwent 
far  greater  improvement  than  the  heavy  guns.  The  weapon  in  use 
immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  long  wars  was  a  flint  lock 

1  Chiefly  from  Sir  H.  Douglas,  '  Nav.  Gunnery,'  ed.  of  1855  ;  and  Off.  Cat.  of  Mus. 
of  Art.,  Woolwich. 

2  Succeeded  his  father,  Lt.-Genl.  Sir  W.  Congreve,  Bart.,  as  Cont.  of  the  Royal 
Laboratory :  was  never  in  the  regular  army ;  died  1828. 

3  Lt.-Genl.  Henry  Shrapnel  invented  the  shell  bearing  his  name  in  1792,  and  it 
was  adopted  in  1803.     In  1814  he  was  granted  a  pension  of  £1200  a  year.     He  died 
in  1842. 


202 


CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


musket,  which  was  issued  in  two  lengths,  the  shorter l  being  intended 
for  boat  service.  This  musket,  the  "  Brown  Bess,"  was  altered,  late 
in  the  thirties,  into  a  percussion  musket.  About  the  year  1840,  the 
Brunswick  naval  rifle,  the  first  rifle  used  in  the  service,  was  partially 
introduced.  Then  followed  the  shorter  smooth-bore  percussion 
musket  of  1842,  which,  rifled  with  three  grooves,  was  used  in  the 
Navy.  In  1851,  the  Delvigne-Minie  percussion  rifle  became  the 
Army  weapon,  and  it  was  subsequently  adopted  by  the  Navy,  where 
it  was  not  actually  superseded  by  the  Enfield  2  until  after  1856.  A 
few  particulars  of  these  muzzle-loading  muskets,3  though  they  were 
by  no  means  the  only  types  employed,  may  be  welcome,  and  are 
therefore  given  below : — 


NATURE.                        CALIBRE. 

LENGTH  OF 
BARREL. 

WEIGHT  OF 
MUSKET. 

REMARKS. 

In. 

In. 

I.bs. 

Sea  service  Musket,  co.  1825    .              -763 

37 

10-13 

Flint  lock. 

do.           do.       (short)   .              '753 

24 

8*33 

Flint  lock.    Length  complete,  56  iu: 

Sea  service  "  Brown  Bess  ".     .               -753 

36 

9-4 

Converted  to  percussion. 

Brunswick  naval  rifle,  1840.     .               '796 

33 

11-34 

Grooves,  2.    Twist,  1  in  30  in. 

S.B.  I'ercussion  Musket,  1840  (short)        '753 

30 

8-8 

Charge,  4-5  drachms. 

Percussion  Musket  (Converted)                '758 
Delvigne-Miuie  Percussion  Rifle  '            -702 

30 
39 

8-75 
9-31 

Grooves,  3.    Twist,  1  in  78  in. 
Grooves,  4.    Twist,  1  in  78  in. 

1  Bullet,  670  grs. ;  charge,  68  grs. 

The  old  "  pepper  box  "  revolver  was  used  early  in  the  century  ; 
but  in  1849  Colt's,  and,  in  1851,  Deane  and  Adams's  muzzle- 
loading,  chambered,  percussion-capped  revolvers  were  patented  ;  and 
these,  or  similar  weapons,  were  much  carried  by  officers  during  the 
Crimean  War. 

All,  or  very  nearly  all,  the  earlier  engines  used  for  steam  pro- 
pulsion in  the  Navy  were  of  the  side-lever  type,  and  all  the  boilers 
were  of  the  flue  variety,  working  with  a  pressure  seldom  or  never 
exceeding  from  22  to  30  Ibs.  In  1843,  tubular  boilers  and  oscil- 
lating cylinders  first  received  the  countenance  of  the  Admiralty, 
though  oscillating  engines  had  been  patented  as  early  as  1827.4  In 
the  first  screw  ships  the  engines  were  not  coupled  directly  to  the 
screw  shaft,  but  were  geared  to  it.  When,  however,  the  screw  had 
been  for  a  few  years  applied  to  ships  of  the  line,  it  was  seen  that  it 
was  desirable  to  keep  the  engines,  then  always  horizontal,  as  far  as 
possible  below  the  water-line.  This  led  to  the  coupling  of  the  engines 

1  Length  complete,  4  ft.  8  in 

2  Cal.  0  •  577 ;  in  various  lengths  and  weights,  with  three  or  five  grooves. 

3  From  specimens  in  R.  U.  S.  Mus.,  etc. 

4  By  Joseph  Maudslay. 


GUNNERY   TRAINING.  203 

immediately  to  the  screw  shaft.  More  revolutions  were,  of  course, 
needed  than  had  been  called  for  under  a  system  which  multiplied 
them  by  means  of  cogged  wheels  ;  but  the  use  of  high-pressure 
steam,  introduced  into  the  Navy  in  1853,1  served  to  simplify  the 
problems  thus  created.  For  some  years,  nevertheless,  high-pressure 
steam  found  little  favour  among  naval  engineers.  The  firms 
most  intimately  and  honourably  associated  with  the  somewhat 
difficult  task  of  inducing  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  to  utilise 
steam  as  it  deserved,  were  those  of  Boulton  and  Watt,  Maudslay, 
and  Penn. 

The  events  of  the  war  with  the  United  States,  having  pointedly 
directed  the  attention  of  artillery  experts  to  the  vital  importance  of 
good  gunnery  in  the  Navy,  a  naval  gunnery  school  was  formed 
tentatively  at  Portsmouth  in  1830.  The  origin  of  this  was  due 
chiefly  to  the  persistent  appeals  of  General  Sir  Howard  Douglas  to 
the  Admiralty.  Sir  Howard,  like  Captains  Joseph  Needham  Tayler, 
and  Sir  Philip  Bowes  Vere  Broke,  R.N.,  had  been  instrumental  in 
securing  the  general  fitting  of  sights  to  ships'  guns  in  the  early  years 
of  the  peace,  and  also,  like  Captains  James  Marshall,  and  Thomas 
Hastings,  had  long  taken  a  wide  and  active  interest  in  all  that 
pertained  to  the  development  of  artillery  science.  The  school, 
which  was  lodged  on  board  the  Excellent,  was  entrusted  to  the 
direction  of  Commander  (afterwards  Captain)  George  Smith,  an 
officer  well  known  for  his  own  improvements  in  gunnery  and  for  his 
invention  of  paddle-box  boats.  In  1832,  the  system  of  gunnery 
instruction  thus  introduced  was  extended  and  permanently  estab- 
lished on  board  the  Excellent,  under  Captain  (later  Sir)  Thomas 
Hastings,  who  remained  in  command  until'  August,  1845,  and  who 
was  then  succeeded  by  Captain  Henry  Ducie  Chads.  In  the  mean- 
time, a  school,  on  somewhat  different  lines,  had  been  established  on 
board  the  San  Josef,  at  Devonport,  by  Captain  Joseph  Needham 
Tayler,  while  in  charge  of  the  Ordinary  there  from  1838  to  1841. 
The  present  Devonport  gunnery  establishment  is,  however,  a 
more  modern  institution  than  the  Portsmouth  one,  and  dates  only 
from  August,  1856,  when  Captain  Richard  Strode  Hewlett  assumed 
command  of  the  Cambridge. 

In  1836,  the  Royal  Naval  College  at  Portsmouth,  which  up  to 
that  time  had  been  devoted  to  the  education  of  "  young  gentlemen  " 
for  the  Navy,  was  appropriated  for  the  instruction  of  half-pay  naval 
1  The  engines  of  the  Malacca,  of  that  year,  worked  with  steam  at  CO  Ibs. 


204          CIVIL  HISTORY   OF  THE  EOTAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

officers,  of  all  ranks,  in  the  higher  branches  of  the  science  of  their 
profession.1 

The  final  cessation  of  the  French  and  American  wars  led,  of 
course,  to  the  making  of  enormous  reductions  in  the  employed 
strength  of  the  personnel  and  materiel  of  the  Navy.  In  1813,  there 
were  in  commission  99  ships  of  the  line,  and  495  cruisers,  and 
140,000  seamen  and  Royal  Marines  were  serving.  In  1817,  only 
13  ships  of  the  line  and  89  cruisers  were  in  commission,  and  only 
19,000  seamen  and  Eoyal  Marines  were  voted.  Thus,  within  about 
four  years,  121,000  seamen  and  Eoyal  Marines  must  have  been 
thrown  out  of  Government  employment.  The  majority  of  these,  it 
is  to  be  feared,  fell  into  something  very  like  destitution.  The  fate 
of  the  unemployed  officers  was  only  a  trifle  less  unfortunate,  for  the 
number  of  them  placed  upon  half-pay  was  naturally  nearly  pro- 
portionate. In  1813,  there  were  3285  Lieutenants ;  in  1817,  there 
were  3949  ;  and  very  little  reflection  will  show  that  if  every  one  of 
the  Lieutenants  was  employed  in  1813,  about  3350  must  have  been 
unemployed  in  1817.  This  state  of  affairs  gave  rise  to  much  misery 
throughout  the  country.  The  peace  not  merely  deprived  all  officers 
of  practically  every  chance  of  prize  money,  but  also  suddenly  re- 
duced the  regular  emoluments  of  upwards  of  80  per  cent,  of  them 
in  the  following  proportions  :  Admirals,  from  £5  to  £2  2s. ;  Vice- 
Admirals,  from  £4  to  £1  12s.  6d. ;  Rear-Admirals,  from  £3  to  £1  5s.  ; 
Captains,  from  (in  some  instances)  ±'2  3s.  Wd.  to  14s.  6d.  ;  Com- 
manders, from  16s.  6d.  to  8s.  6d.,  or,  at  best,  to  10s. ;  and  Lieutenants 
to,  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases,  as  little  as  5s.  a  day.  In  no  case 
could  a  half -pay  Lieutenant  expect  to  receive  more  than  7s.,  a  sum 
equal  only  to  £127  15s.  a  year;  and,  unless  he  happened  to  be  high 
up  on  the  list,  the  allowance  available  for  the  support  of  himself  as 
a  gentleman,  and  probably  of  a  wife  and  family  as  well,  was  no  more 
than  £91  5s.  per  annum  ;  nor  was  there  much  prospect  of  a  brighter 
future,  or  even  of  employment. 

"  So  long  as  war  lasted,  there  was  possible  promotion,  at  least  as  far  as  post  rank, 
for  all ;  and,  from  1793  to  1815,  deserving  officers  were  seldom  neglected  for  long  by 
those  with  whom  lay  the  selection.  But  the  very  readiness  of  the  Admiralty  to  reward 
good  service  during  war-time,  led  in  peace-time  to  considerable  hardships,  besides  being 
in  some  instances  distinctly  antagonistic  to  the  public  welfare.  The  promotions  con- 
sequent upon  the  happy  conclusion  of  hostilities,  brought  the  Captains'  list  up  to  883, 
the  highest  point  it  has  ever  attained  since  a  British  Navy  has  existed.  At  the  time 
when  that  maximum  was  reached — it  was  in  1818 — the  senior  Captain  on  the  list  had 


Naut.  Mag.  1836,  p.  311. 


EXCESSIVE  AGE   OF   OFFICERS.  205 

held  that  rank  for  twenty-two  years,  a  period  more  than  long  enough,  consistently  with 
the  best  interests  of  the  service,  to  qualify  for  flag-rank  and  command.  Yet  twenty- 
two  years  was  a  very  short  period  in  comparison  with  the  time  for  which  officers,  who 
at  the  peace  were  Captains  of  medium  or  junior  standing,  had  to  wait  ere  they  attained 
flag-rank.  The  evil  reached  its  height  in  1841.1  In  the  earlier  part  of  that  year,  all 
the  Captains  at  the  head  of  the  list  were  men  who  had  held  post-rank  ever  since  the 
year  after  Trafalgar.  The  senior  one  of  them,  judged  by  the  date  of  his  commission  as 
Captain,  was  about  sixty-eight  years  of  age ;  several  were  over  seventy ;  and  one,  at  least, 
was  as  much  as  seventy-eight.  Yet  it  was  from  among  these  old  gentlemen  that  the 
list  of  Admirals  had  to  be  recruited ;  for  then,  as  now,  promotion  to  flag-rank  went  by 
simple  seniority ;  and,  to  make  matters  worse,  there  was  at  that  time  no  regular  scheme 
of  retirement  for  officers  of  above  the  rank  of  Commander.  The  consequence  was  that 
almost  all  the  Admirals,  besides  a  large  number  of  Captains,  were  too  old  to  be  in  a 
condition  to  render  effective  service  in  their  profession ;  and  the  political  caricaturist 
was  justified,  a  little  later,  in  representing  the  typical  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  period 
as  a  gouty  veteran,  obliged  to  promenade  his  quarter-deck  in  a  bath-chair.  Both  Sir 
John  Chambers  White,  and  Vice- Admiral  Edward  Harvey,  were  seventy-four  when  they 
took  up  the  command  at  the  Nore  ;  Admiral  Bowles  was  seventy-nine  when  he  became 
Port-Admiral  at  Portsmouth  ;  Sir  David  Milne  was  of  the  same  age  when  he  assumed 
the  like  office  at  Devonport ;  and,  even  on  foreign  stations,  Sir  Robert  Stopford  flew  his 
flag  at  seventy-three ;  Sir  Peter  Halkett  at  seventy-two ;  Kear-Admiral  Charles  John 
Austen  (1)  at  seventy-three ;  and  Lord  Dundonald  at  seventy-five.  And,  in  spite  of 
such  facilities  as  existed  in  1841  for  the  retirement  of  officers  of  less  rank  than  that  of 
Post-Captain,  the  active  lists  wrere  still  choked  throughout  with  old  officers,  survivors 
of  the  French  wars.  Of  this  category,  there  were  about  '200  Commanders  and  1450 
Lieutenants  who  had  received  no  promotion  whatsoever  for  a  period  of  twenty-six 
years  or  more.  One  officer  had  been  a  Commander  for  forty-seven  years  ;  another  had 
been  a  Lieutenant  for  sixty  years ;  yet  another  had  been  a  Master  for  sixty-one  years  ; 
and  there  was  a  Purser  with  sixty-four  years'  service  in  that  rank  to  his  credit.  All 
these  officers,  however,  were  set  down  in  the  Navy  List  as  being  fit  for  duty." 3 

During  the  war  with  Eussia,  the  Navy,  all  things  considered, 
disappointed  the  expectations  of  the  country ;  and  it  may  well  be  that 
its  comparative  failure  to  effect  brilliant  results  may  be  traced  in 
some  degree  to  the  excessive  age  of  many  of  the  Flag-officers  and 
Captains,  all  of  whom  were,  of  course,  the  products  of  the  system 
which  has  been  described.  In  1854,  Sir  Charles  Napier  was  sixty- 
eight,  and  Vice-Admiral  James  Whitley  Deans  Dundas  was  a  year 
older ;  and  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  though  only  a  Bear- Admiral,  was 
sixty-four,  while  Rear-Admiral  David  Price  was  of  the  same  age, 
and  Kear-Admiral  Henry  Ducie  Chads  was  sixty-six.  From  officers 
of  such  advanced  life  it  was  perhaps  unreasonable  to  look  for  the 
energy,  activity,  and  mental  suppleness  that  distinguish  capable 
younger  men. 

1  A  Koyal  Commission  to  inquire  into  the  subject  of  promotion  and  retirement  had 
been  appointed  in  1838.     It  reported  in  1840,  making  various  recommendations,  some 
of  which  were  adopted,  one  of  them  being  the  abolition  of  the  rank  of  retired  rear- 
admiral. 

2  Author;  in  'Social  England,'  vi.  14. 


206  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Long  ere  the  days  of  the  Russian  War,  however,  the  Admiralty 
had  made  repeated  efforts  with  the  object  of  doing  something  towards 
clearing  the  congested  lists,  reducing  the  age  of  flag-officers,  and 
accelerating  promotion.  As  early  as  1816,  100  of  the  senior 
Lieutenants  who,  owing  to  age  and  infirmities,  were  assumed  to 
be  incapable  of  further  service,  were  permitted  to  accept  super- 
annuation with  the  rank  of  commander,1  and  a  pension  of  8s.  6d.  a 
day.  This  arrangement  was  a  slight  extension  of  the  very  limited 
scheme  of  superannuation  for  Lieutenants  that  had  been  in  operation 
for  some  years  previously.  In  1827,  for  the  first  time,  some  attempt 
was  made  to  reduce  the  active  flag  list.2  In  1830,  another  Order  in 
Council 3  authorised  the  retirement  of  Lieutenants  who  were  of  suffi- 
cient seniority  to  be  in  the  receipt  of  half-pay  at  7s.  a  day.  The  list 
of  officers  who  took  advantage  of  this  provision  soon  became  a  long 
one ;  yet  the  measure  thinned  the  lower  executive  ranks  only  to  a 
partial  extent,  and,  of  course,  left  untouched  the  upper  ranks,  which 
were  equally  crowded.  A  further  step  was  taken  in  1840,4  when  50 
of  the  senior  Commanders  were  allowed  to  retire  with  the  rank  of 
captain,  and  half -pay  at  10s.  Gd.  a  day.  Still  the  tension  remained 
extreme  until  the  elaboration  of  a  more  general  scheme,  which  was 
published  in  the  London  Gazette  of  September  1st,  1848,  and  became 
part  of  the  Eegulations  under  an  Order  in  Council  of  April  24th, 
1847.  This  provided  that  the  rank  of  retired  rear-admiral 6  should 
be  given  by  seniority,  with  pay  at  the  rate  of  £1  5s.  a  day,  to  such 
Captains  on  the  14s.  6d.  half-pay  list  as  might  apply  for  it ;  and  that 
an  addition  of  7s.  6^.  a  day  should  be  given  to  applicants  by  seniority 
from  the  12s.  6d.  and  10s.  6rf.  half-pay  lists  of  Captains  of  not  less 
than  twenty  years'  standing  and  fifty-five  years  of  age,  officers  from 
both  lists  to  be  permitted  to  assume  the  title  of  retired  rear-admiral 
at  the  period  when,  had  they  remained  upon  the  active  list,  they 
would  have  obtained  the  flag  by  seniority.  The  Order  also  gave 
proportionally  increased  pensions  to  the  widow  of  the  officers 
affected.  The  great  merit  of  this  Order  was  that  it  tended  to 
facilitate  promotion,  and  to  reduce  the  age  of  flag-officers  on  the 
active  list,  though,  from  the  nature  of  the  situation,  it  could  not 
produce  these  results  except  gradually.  A  still  more  effective  Order 

1  0.  in  0.,  Jan.  30th,  1816.  2  0.  in  C.,  June  30th,  1827. 

3  Nov.  1st,  1830.  4  0.  in  C.,  Aug.  10th,  1840. 

6  Which  had  been  abolished  only  a  few  years  earlier  in  pursuance  of  the  lleport 
of  1840. 


CONTINUOUS   SERVICE.  207 

of  June  25th,  1851,  reduced  the  number  of  flag  officers  on  the  active 
list  to  99,  exclusive  of  Admirals  of  the  Fleet ;  reduced  the  number  of 
Captains  on  the  active  list  to  a  permanent  maximum  of  350  ;  placed 
the  number  of  Commanders  on  the  active  list  at  350,  and  the  number 
of  Lieutenants  at  1200 ;  and  made  various  retiring  arrangements  ac- 
cordingly. These  various  Orders,  on  December  20th,  1856,  had  had 
the  salutary  result  of  transferring  to  the  Retired,  or  Reserved  Half-pay 
Lists,  221  flag-officers,  372  captains,  and  449  commanders,  in  addition 
to  officers  who,  having  been  retired,  had  died  before  that  date.  The 
needful  reforms  had  not  even  then  been  completed,  but  an  excellent 
and  very  substantial  beginning  had  been  made  with  them.  The 
number  of  officers  then  actually  remaining  on  the  active  list  was  : 

Admirals     .  .         21  Masters        .  .  336 

Vice-Admirals  .         29  }  Mates  .  .  148 

Rear-Admirals  .         51  ]  Engineers    .  .  119 

Captains      .  .  389  Second  Masters  .  105 

Commanders  .  542  Chaplains    .  .  142 


Naval  Instructors '  51 

Medical  Officers    .  617 

Paymasters .          .  447 

Officers,  R.M.L.I..  423 

Officers,  R.M.A.    .  58 


Lieutenants          .     1138 

i  Besides  those  who  were  also  Chaplains,  and  who  are  counted  as  such. 

It  should  here  be  recalled,  with  regard  to  the  Royal  Marines, 
that  a  fourth,  or  Woolwich  Division,1  of  the  force  had  been  formed 
in  1805, 2  and  that  an  artillery  company  had,  at  about  the  same  time, 
been  added  to  each  division  ;  but  it  should  be  noted  that  it  was  not 
until  1854  that  the  separate  title  of  Royal  Marine  Light  Infantry 
was  conferred,  and  that  the  old  artillery  companies,  by  that  time 
increased  in  number,  were  constituted  a  separate  corps  under  the 
name  of  the  Royal  Marine  Artillery.  This  corps,  with  headquarters 
at  Portsmouth,  was  then  given  a  strength  of  fourteen  companies. 

Continuous  service  for  seamen  in  the  Navy  dates  from  the  issue, 
on  February  14th,  1853,  of  the  report  of  a  Committee  on  Manning 
which  had  been  ordered  on  the  previous  July  26th,  and  from  the 
consequent  promulgation  of  an  Order  in  Council  of  April  1st,  1853. 
The  real  author  of  the  scheme  as  adopted  was  Mr.  Charles  Henry 
Pennell,  then  a  senior  clerk  in  the  Admiralty,  who,  in  1867,  was 
knighted  for  his  services,  and  who  died  in  1898,  aged  ninety-three. 

But,  at  first,  seamen  were  almost  as  difficult  to  obtain  as  they 
had  ever  been.  Lord  Clarence  Paget,  writing  of  his  appointment  to 
the  Princess  Eoyal,  91,  in  October,  1853,  says  :— 

"  There  was  a  scarcity,  indeed  almost  an  absence,  of  seamen.  However,  with 
assistance  of  several  valuable  officers  who  were  appointed  to  the  ship,  and  by  dint  of 


Abolished  in  1870.  2  0.  in  C.,  Aug.  15th,  1805. 


208  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

handbills  and  touting  of  all  sorts,  we  managed  to  enter  at  the  average  of  twenty  to 
thirty  per  week,  such  as  they  were.  Scarcely  any  of  them  had  been  in  a  man-of-war, 
and  consequently  they  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the  management  of  great  guns  and 
muskets.  ...  I  had  named  March  1st  (1854)  as  the  earliest  period  I  could  get  the  ship 
to  Spithead,  but  the  Admiralty  were  so  anxious  to  make  a  show,  that  we  were  forced 
out  on  February  15th ;  and  a  very  pretty  mess  we  made  of  it  ...  But  still  we  could 
not  get  men,  men,  men  !  I  wrote  and  wrote  to  the  Admiralty,  stating  that  if  they  did 
not  assist  me  by  placing  two  hundred  coastguards  on  board,  I  should  be  taken  by  the 
first  Russian  frigate  we  fell  in  with." ' 

Up  to  1823  the  daily  rum  allowance  per  man  in  the  Navy  was 
always  half  a  pint,  and  was  the  cause  of  much  drunkenness.  In 
that  year,  on  commissioning  the  Thetis,  46,  Captain  Sir  John  Philli- 
more  obtained  the  permission  of  the  Admiralty,  subject  to  the  con- 
sent of  the  crew,  to  reduce  the  allowance  to  a  quarter  of  a  pint. 
The  innovation  made  the  people  of  the  Thetis  unpopular  with  those 
of  other  ships,  and  even  led  to  fighting ;  but,  on  the  return  of  the 
Ganges,  84,  from  the  Mediterranean,  her  crew  announced  that  they 
would  not  suffer  the  Thetis's  people  to  be  maltreated,  as  the  innova- 
tion was  most  beneficial.  The  change  enabled  the  men  to  have 
meat  every  day,  and  to  escape  the  two  "  banyan  days  "  per  week, 
on  which  no  meat  had  formerly  been  served  out.  It  also  enabled 
them  to  have  cocoa  and  tea,  and  gave  them  2s.  per  month 
extra  pay.2 

It  is  unfortunately  impossible,  on  account  of  lack  of  space,  to 
follow  here  the  development  and  history  of  the  Packet  Service,3  the 
Coast  Blockade,  the  Coastguard,  the  Impress  Service,  the  Excise 
and  Customs'  Service,  the  Transport  Service,  the  Signal  Station 
Service,  the  Coast  Volunteers,  and  other  organisations  which,  during 
a  part  or  the  whole  of  the  period  now  under  review,  were  connected 
with  the  Royal  Navy.  Indeed,  in  a  work  like  the  present,  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  include  even  a  sufficient  number  of  the  facts 
needful  to  enable  the  reader  to  follow  in  the  broadest  and  most 
general  way  the  gradual  evolution  of  the  fighting  Navy  ;  and,  owing 
to  the  vastness  and  complexity  of  the  subject,  it  has  been  found 
imperative  to  omit  many  details  which,  though  they  are  of  the 

1  Adm.  Lord  C.  Paget,  '  Autobiog.,'  79. 

2  Life  of  Sir  B.  J.  Sulivan,  12. 

8  The  "  Falmouth  Packets,"  first  established  in  1688  for  the  conveyance  of  mails  all 
over  the  world,  were  taken  over  by  the  Admiralty  in  1823,  and  thenceforward  placed 
under  naval  officers.  This  arrangement  continued  until  1853.  In  the  later  part  of  the 
period,  Falmouth  was  abandoned,  and  "  Packet  Stations "  were  established  at  Dover, 
Portpatrick,  Pembroke,  Liverpool,  and  Holyhead.  Steamers  began  to  he  utilised  in 
the  service  in  1830. 


THE  NAVY  LIST.  209 

greatest  interest,  cannot  be  adequately  illustrated  outside  the  covers 
of  special  treatises. 

Until  1814  there  was,  using  terms  in  their  modern  sense,  no 
official  Navy  List.  For  many  years  previously  there  had  been 
published  at  intervals,  on  behalf  of  the  Admiralty,  lists  of  Flag- 
officers,  Captains,  Commanders,  and  Lieutenants.  These,  which 
very  well  printed,  on  the  best  quality  of  thick  paper,  swelled, 
towards  the  close  of  the  long  wars,  to  bulky  volumes,  which  are 
commonly  met  with  in  red  morocco  bindings  and  with  gilt  edges, 
and  which  must  have  been  very  costly.  They  showed  merely  the 
seniority  and  dates  of  commissions  of  officers  of  the  ranks  in 
question,  and  gave  no  other  information  whatsoever.  To  supple- 
ment them,  Mr.  D.  Steel,  a  publisher,  of  Union  Row,  Minories, 
caused  to  be  compiled  and  issued  periodically  a  pamphlet  which,  at 
its  first  appearance,  in  1780,  was  entitled,  '  Complete  List  of  the 
Royal  Navy.'  This  originally  included  nothing  beyond  a  list  of 
ships,  with  the  number  of  their  guns,  the  names  of  their  com- 
manders, and  letters  indicating  whether  the  vessels  were  in  commis- 
sion, out  of  commission,  or  only  in  process  of  building.  It  consisted 
of  no  more  than  a  dozen  very  small  pages,  and  cost  sixpence.  But 
it  quickly  grew ;  and  as  early  as  the  end  of  1781,  it  also  gave  the 
stations  of  ships  in  commission,  and  a  list  of  men-of-war  taken  by 
or  from  the  enemy.  It  next  began  to  chronicle  the  names  of  officers 
of  Commander's  rank  and  upwards  who  from  time  to  time  perished 
in  the  service  of  their  country.  In  1782  it  added  the  date  of  launch 
or  acquirement  to  the  other  information  concerning  each  ship,  and 
gave  lists  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  Commissioners  of  the 
Navy,  etc.,  and  Navy  Agents.  So  it  progressed,  coming  out  monthly 
in  time  of  war  and  quarterly  during  peace,  and,  at  length,  increasing 
its  price  to  a  shilling  for  the  edition  on  common,  and  to  eighteenpence 
for  the  edition  on  fine  paper.  Towards  the  close  of  the  war  it 
contained  an  immense  mass  of  useful  intelligence,  and  extended  to 
sixty  pages  or  upwards  of  closely-printed  matter.  It  then  com- 
prised not  only  the  information  given  in  the  earlier  issues,  but  also 
-lists  of  Flag-officers,  Captains,  Commanders,  Lieutenants,  Masters, 
Surgeons,  and  officers  of  the  Royal  Marines. 

But  Steel's  Navy  Lists,  though  very  accurate  and  trustworthy, 

were  not  official;  and  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  1814  that 

any  list  giving  the  kind  of  information  to  be  found  in  Steel  was 

published  by  authority.     The  Navy  List  which  was  then  begun,  and 

VOL.   VI.  p 


210  CIVIL   BISTORT  OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

which  has  been  continued  to  the  present  time,  seems  to  have  been 
originally  compiled,  under  Admiralty  direction,  by  a  Mr.  Finlaison, 
and  was  issued  by  Mr.  John  Murray,  who  remained  its  publisher  for 
more  than  seventy  years.  The  lists  contain  the  history  of  many 
changes,  showing,  for  example,  as  they  do,  the  gradual  rise  to 
influence  of  the  engineer  officers,  who,  nevertheless,  were  not 
catalogued  by  name  in  them  until  as  late  as  1852.  They  are, 
however,  astonishingly  reticent  on  other  matters  concerning  which 
it  seems  natural  to  consult  them.  Thus,  for  instance,  they  vouch- 
safe no  enlightenment  concerning  an  important  reform  which  was 
made  in  1843,  and  which  transmuted  Masters,  Paymasters  (Pursers), 
Surgeons,  Naval  Instructors,  and  Chaplains  from  Warrant  into 
Commissioned  officers. 

Some  interesting  and  important  Admiralty  Memoranda  or  Orders, 
or  Orders  in  Council  of  the  period,  are  those  of  December  22nd,  1836, 
establishing  the  warrant  rank  of  "  Naval  Instructor  and  School- 
master " ;  July  24th,  1837,  regulating  the  rank  and  pay  of  engineer 
officers,  and  directing  that  they  should  rank  "below  Carpenters"; 
December  6th,  1838,  establishing  ships'  libraries ;  and  March  30th, 
1839,  conferring  upon  seamen  the  right  to  purchase  tobacco  at  a 
shilling  a  pound — the  price  paid  by  them  to  this  day. 

The  lists,  moreover,  enable  us  to  follow  the  alterations  which 
were  made  in  Naval  uniform.  The  earliest  of  these  dates  from 
January  1st,  1825. 

"  Waistcoats  and  knee-breeches  or  white  kerseymere  were  ordered  for  all  grades; 
but  pantaloons  of  blue  cloth,  and  half  boots,  were  also  permitted  to  be  worn.  A 
Master  of  the  Fleet,  and  all  officers  of  civilian  status,  were  assigned  black  grips  to  their 
swords,  and  were  directed  not  to  have  the  blades  blued.  Physicians  and  Secretaries 
were  given  dress  swords  with  rapier  blades.  The  lapels  of  all  these  Warrant  Officers' 
coats  were  to  be  blue,  with  distinguishing  marks  on  collars  and  buttons.  A  Master  of 
the  Fleet  bore  on  his  collar,  and  all  officers  of  his  department  bore  on  their  buttons, 
three  anchors,  the  seal  of  the  Navy  Office.  Physicians  bore  on  their  collars,  and  all 
Medical  officers  on  their  buttons,  an  anchor  with  a  serpent  twisted  round  the  shank 
and  stock,  the  seal  of  the  Sick  and  Hurt  Office.  Pursers  bore  on  their  collars,  and  all 
members  of  the  accountant  branch  on  their  buttons,  two  anchors  and  cables,  crossed 
saltire,  the  seal  of  the  Victualling  Office.  Blue,  instead  of  white  pantaloons,  were 
made  optional  for  junior  officers,  probably  with  a  view  to  save  expense.  Mates  were  . 
given  a  gold  button  and  a  button-hole  of  gold  lace  on  the  stand-up  collars  of  their  coats, 
and  a  narrow  white  edge  to  the  coat.  Midshipmen  were  given  a  white  turn-back  as 
before,  but  their  coats  were  not  edged  with  white.  Mates,  Midshipmen,  Gunners, 
Boatswains,  and  Carpenters  were  assigned  swords  similar  to  those  of  the  Masters,  but 
were  not  confined  to  weapons  of  any  particular  length.  All  officers  were  required  to 
wear  cocked  hats  when  in  full  or  undress,  but,  while  at  sea,  might  wear  round  black 
hats,  with  black  silk  bindings  and  bands,  and  black  buckles,  black  silk  or  leather 


NAVAL    UNIFORM.  211 

cockades  and  loops,  and  distinctive  buttons.  The  cocked  hat  had  previously  been 
worn  as  individual  fancy  suggested  ;  but  in  1825  it  was  so  prescribed  as  to  be  wearable 
'  fore  and  aft '  only,  although,  until  some  years  later,  a  few  perverse  officers  continued 
to  have  their  hats  so  made  that  they  could  be  worn  '  athwart-ships.'  The  full-dress 
coats  of  those  commissioned  officers  who  were  then  of  warrant  rank  had  turned-down 
collars ;  and  their  buttons  bore  no  crown  above  the  anchor.  The  officers  in  question, 
moreover,  were  no  longer  given  knee-breeches.  All  undress  coats  had  fall-down  collars, 
and  lapels  to  button  across  the  chest ;  and  commissioned  officers  were  given  distin- 
guishing stripes  on  their  cuffs,  or  were  rendered  recognisable  by  their  epaulettes  or 
buttons. 

"  In  1827  full-dress  was  abolished,  and  knee-breeches  were  directed  to  be  worn  only 
at  Drawing-Booms.  The  colour  of  coat  collars  was  changed  from  white  to  blue,  and  the 
collars  were  made  to  stand  up.  The  white  cuffs  were  given  a  slashing ;  but  the  cuff 
rings  distinctive  of  flag-rank  were  withdrawn.  In  1831,  full  dress,  with  a  few  changes, 
was  re-established. 

"  In  1833  King  William  altered  the  facings  of  naval  uniform  from  white  to  red, 
and  the  old  colour  was  not  restored  until  1843.  In  1837  a  uniform  was  first  established 
for  Engineers,  who  were  then  all  warrant  officers.  In  1843  it  was  ordered  that  officers 
should  be  distinguished  by  the  disposition  of  their  buttons,  executive  officers  being 
given  a  double-breasted,  and  civilian  officers  a  single-breasted  arrangement,  and  Masters 
having  their  buttons  at  regular  intervals,  Paymasters  theirs  in  twos,  and  Surgeons 
theirs  in  threes.  All  special  devices  were  withdrawn  from  buttons,  except  from  those 
of  the  Engineers,  which  bore  an  engine  surmounted  by  a  crown,  and  were  disposed  in 
groups  of  four.  Black-handled  sword  grips  were  thenceforth  given  only  to  Boatswains, 
.  Gunners,  and  Carpenters. 

"  In  1846  scales,  or  epaulettes  without  bullion,  were  made  permissible  to  be  worn 
on  jackets  at  sea  by  Captains  and  Commanders;  and  Mates  and  Second  Masters  were 
given  single  epaulettes,  with  distinguishing  badges,  to  be  worn  on  the  right  shoulder. 
The  undress  coats  of  executive  officers  were  assigned  pointed  flaps  instead  of  lapels,  and 
a  gold  crown  was  ordered  to  be  worn  over  the  lace  on  caps.  In  1847  scales  for 
Captains  and  Commanders  were  abolished,  and  the  frock-coat  was  established,  to  be 
worn  without  epaulettes,  but,  in  the  case  of  executive  officers,  with  distinctive  cuff 
rings.  Caps  were  not  allowed  to  be  worn  ashore  in  full  or  undress  uniform.  In  185G, 
the  marks  on  the  epaulettes  were  altered ;  Mates  were  given  shoulder-straps  or  scales ; 
Midshipmen  had  dirks  substituted  for  their  swords ;  the  cap-badge  was  introduced ; 
and  mohair  cap-bands  took  the  place  of  gold  cap-lace.  At  the  same  time  the  Engineers' 
distinctive  button  was  withdrawn." 

But,  during  the  time,  as  the  following  extracts  will  show,  there 
was  more  laxity  than  is  now  permitted  : — 

"  Beards  and  moustaches  were  never  seen  in  the  navy  till  Crimean  times.  The 
first  Captain  who  ever  dared  upon  the  innovation  was  Lord  John  Hay,1  in  the  Wasj> ; 
and,  as  to  the  hairy  faces  of  his  gig's  crew  he  added  red  caps,  no  small  sensation  was 
created  .  .  .  The  first  Captain  who  had  the  temerity  to  invade  the  sacred  precincts  of 
the  Admiralty  with  hirsute  'fixings'  was  Captain  Moorsom,2  of  percussion  shell  fame, 
who,  on  his  return  from  the  Black  Sea,  '  repaired '  to  the  sanctum  of  the  First  Sea 
Lord  to  report  himself.  .  .  .  Admiral  Sir  Maurice  Fitzhardinge  Berkeley3  .  .  .  pale 


1  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Lord  John  Hay  (3)  was  Commander  of  the  Wasp,  1852-54. 

2  Constantino  Richard  Moorsom,  born  1792,  died  a  Vice-Admiral  on  the  retired  list 
in  1861. 

3  Later  Lord  Fitzhardinge ;  died  an  Admiral  in  1867. 

p  2 


212  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF  TEE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

with  rage  and  astonishment  .  .  .  was  not  in  a  condition  to  do  more  than  wave  the 
daring  intruder  to  the  door  with  the  cutting  remark :  '  Horseguards  next  door ! ' l 

"  The  late  Admiral  Sir  Alexander  Milne 2  told  me  of  an  eccentric  Captain,  who 
insisted  upon  all  his  officers  wearing  tall  white  beaver  hats — even  Midshipmen  having 
to  go  aloft  in  them."  s 

During  all  this  period,  moreover,  there  was  no  established 
uniform  for  seamen ;  nor  was  anything  of  the  kind  introduced 
until  1857.  The  next  extracts  will  show  what  kind  of  clothing  was 
occasionally  worn  by  men  on  the  lower  deck : — 

"  The  Pursers'  Instructions  of  1824  contain  a  long  list  of  the  various  descriptions 
of  slop-clothing  of  which  a  stock  was  to  be  maintained,  such  as  blue-cloth  jackets, 
knitted  worsted  waistcoats,  blue  cloth  trousers,  duck  trousers  and  frocks,  shirts, 
stockings,  hats,  mitts,  blankets,  and  black  silk  handkerchiefs."  * 

"  The  Captain  of  the  Vernon,  in  1840,  ordered  his  men,  on  fitting  out,  to  wear  red 
serge  frocks,  with  red  woollen  comforters  ;  but,  when  the  ship  had  been  in  commission 
a  short  time,  the  unforeseen  difficulty  of  keeping  up  the  supply  arose,  and  was  eventu- 
ally overcome  by  appropriating  all  the  remaining  red  frocks  to  one  watch,  the  other 
donning  the  blue,  which  were  obtainable  from  the  Purser.  ...  In  the  Blazer,  in  1845, 
the  ship's  company  wore  blue  and  white  striped  guernseys,  with  jackets.  Commander 
Arthur  Parry  Eardley  Wilmot,  of  the  Harlequin,  in  1853,  dressed  his  gig's  crew  as 
harlequins ;  and  in  1854,  Captain  Wallace  Houstoun,  in  the  Trincomalee,  had  all  his 
ship's  company  in  red  shirts  and  fancy  caps."  6 

"  We  embarked  at  the  King's  Stairs  in  the  Dockyard,  where  we  found  the  ship's 
barge,  witli  its  stalwart  crew  dressed  in  white  frocks  and  trousers,  awaiting  us."8 — 
(Amphitrite,  24,  Captain  Thomas  Rodney  Eden,  1847.) 

"  A  year  or  two  after  this  my  father  took  me  to  see  the  review  of  the  Experimental 
Squadron,  which  was  assembled  at  Spithead  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Sir  Hyde 
Parker.  Her  Majesty  reviewed  the  squadron  in  her  yacht  .  .  .  between  two  lines  of 
towering  stately  ships  .  .  .  with  their  yards  manned  by  sailors  all  dressed  in  white."  ' 

"  The  sailors  .  .  .  were  dressed  in  their  best  clothes,  or  Sunday  rig.  .  .  .  This 
consisted  of  a  short  blue  jacket  with  double  rows  of  large  mother  of  pearl  buttons 
placed  very  close  together,  white  frock  with  wide  blue  jean  collar  worn  outside  the 
jacket,  .  .  .  and  immensely  wide  blue  cloth  trousers." 8 — ( Victory,  Captain  Francis 
Price  Blackwood,  1850.) 

"  Very  slack  ideas  prevailed  in  these  times  with  regard  to  uniformity  in  seamen's 
dress.  .  .  .  Captains  of  ships  were  allowed  to  vary  the  uniform  of  their  men  almost 
at  their  pleasure.  As  an  instance  of  this  I  may  mention  that  the  crew  of  the  Caledonia, 
were  allowed  to  wear  a  Scotch  bonnet  with  a  tartan  band,  as  in  character  with  the 
ship's  name."  '• — (Caledonia,  Captain  Thomas  Wren  Carter,  1851.) 

1  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  by  '  Martello  Tower'  (1899),  p.  230. 

2  Born  1806,  died  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  1896. 

3  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  147. 

4  '  Brit.  Fleet,'  506  n. 

5  '  Brit.  Fleet,'  507.     Have  we  in  this  paragraph  a  clue  to  the  origin  of  the  term 
"  blazer,"  as  applied  to  a  striped  jacket  ? 

6  Capt.  C.  Sloane-Stanley  :  '  llemins.,'  9. 

7  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Kemins.,'  11.     But  this  was,  not  after  1847,  but  in  the  summer 
of  1845  ;  and  it  was  not  Admiral  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  but  Eear-Adm.  Hyde  Parker  (3), 
who  commanded. 

8  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Remins.,'  61. 

9  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Retains.,'  168. 


MEDALS. 


213 


"  The  Captain  wore  a  moustache.  Having  commanded  a  ship  in  the  Mediterranean 
on  the  Greek  station,  he  fancied  petticoat  trousers  for  the  crew."1 — (H.M.S.  Tweed, 
Captain  Lord  Henry  John  Spencer  Churchill,  1827.) 

In  these  pages  it  has  been  repeatedly  mentioned  that  during  the 
long  wars  no  medals  were  granted  except  in  a  few  cases  to  Flag- 
officers  and  Captains,  for  any  service,  no  matter  how  distinguished. 
After  a  lapse,  however,  of  upwards  of  thirty  years,  it  was  decided  to 
grant  medals  to  survivors  who  had  participated  in  certain  selected 
actions.  The  selection  was  to  be  made  by  Admirals  Sir  Thomas 
Byam  Martin  and  Sir  Thomas  Bladen  Capell,  and  Bear-Admiral 
Sir  James  Alexander  Gordon,  who,  with  Admiral  Sir  William  Hall 
Gage,2  were  appointed  for  the  purpose  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  a  Gazette  notice  of  June  1st, 
1847.  It  was  at  first  intended  that 
medals  should  be  given  only  for  those 
actions  for  which  gold  medals  had  pre- 
viously been  granted  to  Flag-officers  and 
Captains,  and  of  which  a  complete  list  is 
given  below  ; 3  but  the  scope  of  the  Board 
of  Selection  was  afterwards  extended  by 
a  notice  of  June  7th,  1848 ;  and,  on 
January  25th,  1849,  it  was  announced 
that  medals  were  ready  for  issue  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  recommendations  of 
the  Board.  It  cannot  be  pretended  that 
the  selection  was  well  made.  The  names 
of  officers  who  had  not  been  present  were  set  down  as  having  been 
associated  with  certain  actions ; 4  and  numerous  actions  which 

1  Sir  H.  Keppel,  '  Life,'  i.  f.8. 

"  Gage,  for  some  reason,  did  not  sign  the  lists  which  were  delivered  by  the  Board. 

3  Gold  Medal  actions  : — 


FLAG   OFFICERS    AND   CAPTAINS 
GOLD   MEDAL,    1794-1815. 

(On  the  obverse,    u-ithin  an  oak  an 

'««"•«'  wreath,  u™  me  recipient's 

name,.) 


Lord  Howe's  victory,  June  1st,  1794. 

Battle  of  I'ape  St.  Vincent,  February  14th,  1797. 

Battle  of  Camperdown,  October  nth,  1797. 

Battle  of  the  Nile,  August  1st,  1798. 

Recapture  of  the  ffermione,  October  2.">th,  1799. 

Battle  of  Trafalgar,  October  21st,  1S05. 

Sir  Richard  Strachan's  victory,  November  4th,  1805. 

Battle  off  San  Domingo,  February  6th,  1806. 

Brisbane's  capture  of  Curasoa,  January  1st,  1807. 

Capture  of  the  Thetis  by  the  Amethyst,  November,  10th, 

1808. 
Capture  of  the  Badere  Zaffer  by  the  reuhorse,  July  6th, 

1808. 

4  E.IJ.,  one  "  L.  Purver,"  was  set  down  as  having  commanded  the  Enti'eprenante  .it 
Trafalgar.     It  should  have  been  Lieut.  Robert  Benjamin  Young. 


Capture  of  the  Furieuse    by  the   lionne   ('itnyenne, 

July  oth,  1!<09. 

Capture  of  Banda  Neira,  August  9th,  18:0. 
Haste's  victory  off  Lissa,  March  13th,  1811. 
Capture  of  the  Hivoli  by  the  Victorious,  February  22nd, 

1812. 
Capture  of  the  Chesapeake  by  the  Fhannon,  Jure  1st, 

1813. 
Capture  of  the  Etoile  by  the   Hebrus,   March  27th, 

1814. 
Cnpture  "f  the  President  by  the  Einlymion,  Janu- 

a-y  15th,  is:5. 


214  CIVIL  HISTORY   OF   THE  EOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

might  have  been  justly  included  were  entirely  ignored.  Honour 
was,  however,  tardily  done  to  hundreds  of  gallant  and  deserving 
men ;  and  the  country  cleansed  itself  from  the  reproach  of  having 
been  ignobly  ungrateful  to  those  who  had  fought  so  well  for  its 
liberty  and  its  empire. 

The  ribbon  from  which  this  medal  was  ordered  to  be  worn  was 
white,  with  blue  edges. 

Several  other  naval  medals  were  instituted  during  the  period. 
The  Long  Service  and  Good  Conduct  (Navy)  Medal  was  first 
granted  in  1831.  It  is  worn  suspended  from  a  blue  white-edged 
ribbon.  The  medal  for  Conspicuous  Gallantry  (Navy)  dates  from 
1855,  and  is  worn  from  a  blue  ribbon  which  has  a  white  stripe 


NAVAL   WAR   SERVICE    MEDAL,    1793-1815. 

•  e  (Numerous  clasps  were  granted  with  this.} 

along  its  middle.  Other  special  war-service  medals  were  also  given, 
in  some  instances  with  clasps,  for  Burmah  (1824-26), l  Burmah 
(1852-53), 2  the  Crimea  (1854-56),  and  the  Baltic  (1854-55) ;  and 
there  is  an  Arctic  Medal  for  explorations  between  1818  and  1855. 
In  addition,  the  Navy  shared  in  the  general  service  medals  which 
were  distributed  for  the  operations  in  China  (1839-42),  New  Zealand 
(1845-46),  and  the  Cape  (1850-53).  Certain  late  naval  services,  as, 
for  example,  the  battle  of  Navarino  and  the  bombardment  of  Acre, 
were  rewarded  with  the  Naval  Medal,  1793-1815,  with  appropriate 
clasps. 

The  Victoria  Cross,  instituted  by  Royal  Warrant  of  February  5th, 
1856,  is  conferred  for  exceptional  exhibitions  of  personal  bravery 
and  devotion  in  face  of  the  enemy,  and  is  worn  by  naval  recipients 

1  Indian  medal,  No.  1,  issued  in  1851.  2  Indian  medal,  No.  2. 


THE  HONOUR    OF   THE  FLAG. 


215 


from  a  ribbon  of  dark  blue.  The  first  investiture  of  it  was  held  by 
Queen  Victoria  in  Hyde  Park  on  June  26th,  1857  ;  and  the  first  naval 
men  to  obtain  the  distinction  were,  specifying  their  rank  at  the  time 
of  the  act  for  which  it  was  given  : — 

"  Captain  William  Peel ;  Lieutenants  John  Edmund  Commerell,  Henry  James 
Raby,  George  Fiott  Day,  Cecil  William  Buckley,  John  Bythesea,  and  Hugh  Talbot 
Burgoyue ;  Mates  William  Nathan  Wrighte  Hewett,  and  Charles  Davis  Lucas ;  Mid- 
shipman Edward  St.  John  Daniel ;  Boatswains  Henry  Cooper,  Joseph  Kelkway,  and 
John  Shepherd ;  Boatswain's  Mates  John  Sullivan,  and  Henry  Curtis ;  Quartermaster 
William  Rickard  ;  Captain  of  the  Mast,  John  Ingoueville  ;  Seamen  Joseph  Trewavas, 
Thomas  Reeves,  James  Gorman,  and  Mark  Scholefield ;  Lieutenant  of  Marines  George 
Dare  Dowell ;  Corporal  of  Marines  John  Prettyjohu ;  and  Bombardier  Thomas 
Wilkinson." 

Two   little   episodes    connected   with    the   honour   of    the   flag 
occurred    in    1839,   and    deserve   a    brief    notice.      The    schooner 


NAVAL   LONG   SERVICE    AND   GOOD   CONDUCT    MEDAL. 

Instituted  1831. 
Ribbon :  blue,  with  irhtte  edges. 

Spider,  6,  Lieutenant  John  O'Eeilly  (1),  while  working  up  the 
River  Plate  at  night,  was  fired  into  by  a  French  row-boat, •  her 
leadsman  being  wounded.  News  of  the  affair  was  sent  to  the 
senior  officer  on  the  station,  Captain  Thomas  Herbert,  of  the  Cal- 
liope, 26,  who  at  once  demanded  an  explanation  from  the  French 
senior  officer.  It  was  shown  that  the  offending  boat  had  been  at 
the  time  without  an  officer  on  board ;  and  Herbert  asked  for  an 
inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the  captain  of  the  ship  to  which  she 
belonged,  for  suffering  her  to  be  officerless  while  on  patrol  duty. 
The  French  admiral  offered  to  write  home  for  instructions,  and,  in 
the  meantime,  volunteered  to  indemnify  the  wounded  man.  Herbert 
refused  the  gratuity,  answering :  "  The  British  Government  can 


216  CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

and  will  reward  all  who  suffer  in  its  service."'  A  suitable  ex- 
pression of  regret  was  eventually  accepted. 

The  other  occurrence  took  place  at  Port  Louis,  Mauritius.  In 
the  harbour  there  lay  the  British  merchantman  Greenlaw,  Thomas 
Driver,2  master,  and  the  French  warship  Isere.  On  Saturday, 
September  7th,  the  Isere,  when  dressing  ship,  hoisted  at  her  mizen 
peak,  uppermost,  the  French  flag,  then  the  flags  of  different  nations, 
and  under  all  the  St.  George's  ensign.  Driver  took  upon  himself 
to  resent  this,  and  on  the  following  morning,  having  converted  his 
telegraph  flag  into  a  French  one,  stopped  it  under  his  bowsprit.  A 
boat  from  the  French  ship  went  alongside  him,  and  desired  him 
to  haul  it  down.  He  refused.  On  the  9th,  two  officers  from  the 
Frenchman  challenged  him.  Driver  considered  that  they  were  not 
of  sufficient  rank  to  fight  with  him,  but  offered  to  meet  a  French 
captain  with  pistols.  Thereupon  the  French  complained  to  the 
Governor,  Sir  ~W.  Nicolay,  and  asked  that  Driver  should  not  only 
apologise,  but  also  make  obeisance  on  the  French  quarter-deck. 
After  much  correspondence,  Driver  apologised,  and  the  obeisance 
was  then  not  insisted  upon.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Governor 
obliged  the  French  captain  also  to  apologise ;  but  it  is  satisfactory 
to  be  able  to  add  that  the  incident  led  to  the  adoption,  by  the  navies 
of  all  civilised  Powers,  of  the  principle  that  the  flag  of  a  friendly 
nation  shall  never  be  displayed  on  board  a  man-of-war  of  another 
nation  in  such  a  position  as  to  possibly  suggest  that  the  strange  flag 
is  in  any  way  inferior  in  value  or  dignity  to  the  flag  of  the  ship.3 

Flogging  continued  to  be  a  frequently-awarded  punishment  in 
the  Navy,  especially  in  ships  which  had  been  commissioned  only 
with  difficulty,  and  which  therefore  contained  numerous  landsmen 
of  bad  character.  There  were  also  still  many  severe,  if  not  actually 
brutal,  Captains  in  the  service. 

"  A  week  rarely  passed  at  this  period  without  some  man  receiving  his  three  or  four 
dozen  lashes  at  the  gangway.  The  first  time  I  witnessed  corporal  punishment  I  was 
horror-struck,  and,  after  the  first  minute  or  so,  averted  my  eyes  to  avoid  the  ghastly 
sight ;  but  after  a  time  I  became  so  used  to  seeing  what  was  called  '  scratching  a  man's 
back,'  that  I  could  contemplate  the  spectacle  from  beginning  to  end  without  shrinking. 
The  punishment  of  flogging  was  usually  inflicted  for  crimes  of  insubordination  or 


1  Hants  Telegraph. 

2  Driver's  bitterness  may  in  part  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  he  was  a  survivor 
of  the  old  French  wars— in  fact,  a  Master,  H.N.,  of  Sept.  7th,  1809.     He  returned  to 
active  service  in  the  Navy,  and  died  on  the  eve  of  the  Crimean  war. 

3  Corr.  in  Naut.  Mag.,  Jan.  1840. 


PUNISHMENTS.  217 

drunkenness,  more  often  for  the  latter  than  for  the  former.  It  was  undoubtedly  a  severe 
one,  as  the  discoloured,  raw-beef-hued  appearance  of  the  victim's  back  attested ;  but  I 
never  saw  any  streams  of  blood  or  severe  laceration  of  the  flesh  caused  by  any  flogging 
I  have  ever  witnessed ;  and  I  must  have  seen  some  hundreds  in  my  day.  That  the 
punishment  was  not  considered  degrading  by  the  great  majority  of  the  men  I  am  quite 
certain.  Indeed,  the  young  and  plucky  ones  used  to  consider  it  a  feather  in  their  caps 
to  be  able  to  undergo  their  flogging  without  uttering  a  cry,  and  advanced  themselves 
considerably  in  the  estimation  of  their  shipmates  if  they  took  their  '  four  bag '  like  a 
man.  .  .  .  There  were  no  cells  on  board  ship  in  the  time  I  am  writing  of;  and  offences 
that  are  now  punished  by  confinement  for  ten  days  or  so  in  these  dreadful  little  dens 
were  then  expiated  at  the  gangway  in  as  many  minutes."  * 

Punishments  were  sometimes  as  excentric  as  they  were 
frequent : — 

"  I  have  seen  the  whole  of  a  boat's  crew  spread-eagled  in  the  rigging  for  two  or 
three  hours.  Gags  were  often  used."  (This  applies  to  a  period  subsequent  to  184G.) 
"  I  have  seen  a  troublesome  man  confined  in  a  little  cage  made  of  gratings,  scarcely 
bigger  than  himself,  in  which  he  could  neither  stand  upright,  scarcely  sit,  and  not  lie 
down.  I  have  seen  the  owner  of  a  shore  boat,  detected  in  bringing  spirits  alongside, 
hoisted  up  to  the  mainyard-arm  in.  his  boat,  and  left  to  dangle  there  for  hours." 2 

But  ships  the  commissioning  of  which  did  not  involve  any 
particular  difficulties,  and  which  were  manned  for  the  most  part 
by  people  accustomed  to  discipline,  were  often,  especially  if  com- 
manded by  first-rate  officers,  places  in  which  the  infliction  of 
corporal  punishment  was  quite  exceptional.  H.M.S.  Havannah,  19, 
was  commissioned  in  August,  1855,  with  a  complement  of  240 
officers  and  men.  Her  commander  was  Captain  Thomas  Harvey  (2), 
an  officer  as  well  known  for  his  high  professional  attainments  as  for 
his  tact  and  firmness.  I  have  before  me  his  logs  and  private 
memoranda  from  August,  1855,  to  June,  1859  ;  and  from  these  it 
appears  that  during  the  forty-seven  months,  only  14  men  and  7  boys 
were  flogged  in  the  ship.  The  total  number  of  lashes  inflicted  was, 
on  the  men,  600,  and  upon  the  boys,  336 ;  and  the  greatest  number 
awarded  to  any  culprit  was  four  dozen,  that  being  the  limit  for  such 
summary  punishments,  while  the  least  number  was  30.  It  is 
instructive  to  examine  the  causes  which  induced  Captain  Harvey  to 
act  with  this  severity.  Of  the  men,  3  were  punished  for  having 
been  drunk  and  mutinous  ;  3  for  petty  theft ;  and  3  for  having  been 
drunk  while  on  sentry  duty ;  1  had  disposed  of  his  kit  and  attempted 
to  desert ;  1  had  drawn  a  knife  on  the  sergeant  of  the  guard ;  1 
had  told  the  Master-at-Arms  to  "  Go  to  hell  "  ;  1  had  used  violence 

1  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Ilemins.,'  283.     The  writer  describes  life  in  the  Albion  in  1852. 

2  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  214.     The  same  book  contains  many  other  examples  of 
excentric  punishments. 


218  CIVIL  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

and  insolence  to  the  first  Lieutenant ;  and  1  had  broken  open  and 
used  a  case  of  brandy  which  had  been  entrusted  to  his  charge.  Of 
the  boys,  1  was  flogged  for  stealing ;  1  for  drunkenness  and  insub- 
ordination ;  and  1  for  disobedience  and  mutinous  conduct ;  and 
4  were  punished  for  having  brought  infamous  charges  without  being 
able  to  substantiate  them.  During  the  commission,  which  was 
served  in  the  Pacific,  then  a  very  attractive  station  for  deserters, 
only  37  men  ran. 

A  few  miscellaneous  extracts  illustrative  of  some  social  aspects 
of  the  Navy  in  the  period  under  review  must  end  the  chapter. 

"  I  was  shortly  ushered  out  of  the  cold  into  the  presence  of  Mrs.  Hunn  and  two 
charming  young  ladies.  .  .  .  We  sailed  from  Portsmouth  on  April  12th,  Mrs.  Hunn 
and  my  playfellows  with  us.  ...  On  June  5th,  we  arrived  at  Madeira  .  .  .  here  our 
Captain,  his  wife,  children,  and  gig's  Midshipman  were  entertained." ] — (H.M.S.  Tweed, 
Captain  Frederick  Hunn,  1824.) 

"Had  to  attend  my  Captain  at  a  court-martial  which  caused  an  unusual  sensa- 
tion. .  .  .  The  prisoner  was  Captain  of  the  Ariadne.  He  was  tried  for  having 
purchased  a  negro  slave  at  Zanzibar,  and  taken  her  to  sea.  She  mysteriously  dis- 
appeared oft' the  coast  of  Africa.  .  .  .  He  was  dismissed  the  service."2 — (Portsmouth, 
January,  1826.) 

"  We  sailed  on  the  19th  from  Malta,  having  Mrs.  and  Miss  Duckworth,  the 
Captain's  family,  Mrs.  Mends,  and  Miss  Stiloe  on  board."  * 

"  Powerful,  Avoli,  Gulf  of  Adramyti ;  June  16th,  1840. 

""  You  will  be  surprised  to  hear  we  have  three  ladies  on  hoard,  guests  of  the  Captain  ; 
and  how  they  came  here  I  must  explain.  You  know  there  is  an  order  by  the  Admiralty 
that  no  Captain  or  officer  shall  take  his  wife  to  sea  with  him  ;  but  it  does  not  say  that 

he  may  not  take  any  other  person's  wife  ;  so  Mrs. the  wife  of  the  Captain  of 

the ,  having  got  tired  of  staying  at  Malta  without  ever  seeing  her  husband,  came 

up  to  Smyrna ;  and,  as  he  could  not  take  her  on  board  of  his  own  ship,  Captain  Napier 
kindly  offered  to  take  her  in  his,  and  got  two  English  ladies  of  Smyrna  to  accompany 
her  for  the  trip."  * 

"...  there  was  no  longer  any  necessity  for  me  going  to  the  Admiral's  office 
every  morning — the  Captain,  with  his  wife  and  family,  having  taken  up  their 
residence  on  board." 5 — (Albion,  Capt.  William  James  Hope  Johnstone,  in  Plymouth 
Sound,  1850.) 

"  Presently  the  Captain  came  up,  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  daughters,  who  made 
their  first  appearance  on  deck  after  a  considerable  interval  of  confinement  to  the  cabin."  6 
—(Albion,  Capt.  W.  J.  Hope  Johnstone,  off  Lisbon,  Dec.  29th,  1850.) 

"  Lady  —  — ,  the  Admiral's  wife,  who  was  living  on  board  with  her  husband,  had 
taken  up  a  position  in  the  stern  gallery  to  see  the  race,  and  her  sensitive  ears  were  so 


1  Sir  H.  Keppel,  '  Life,'  i.  27,  33. 

2  Sir  H.  Keppel,  'Life,'  i.  55,  56.     But   the  officer   in   question,  Captain    Isham 
Fleming  Chapman,  was  restored  to  the  service,  from  which  he  did  not  retire  until  1846. 

3  Mids.    James   Francis    Ballard    Wainwright,   from    the    Rodney,   Capt.     Hyde 
Parker  (3),  May  27th,  1838.     MS.  in  Author's  collection. 

4  Letter  of  Lieut.  Robt.  Hilley  Elliot,  in  '  Life  of  Sir  C.  Napier,'  ii.  409. 

5  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Remins.,'  114.  6  II.,  147. 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  NAVAL   LIFE.  219 

shocked  by  the  vigorous  Anglo-Saxon  of  our  men,  that  she  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  and 
made  a  formal  complaint  to  her  husband  of  the  conduct  of  our  boat's  crew,  which 
resulted  in  the  whole  boat's  crew  being  severely  punished  for  giving  way  to  their 
feelings  in  the  presence  of  a  lady.  The  moral  deduced  from  this  in  the  gun-room  was : 
That  ladies  have  no  business  on  board  ship." ] — ;Rear- Admiral  J.  W.  D.  Dundas,  in 
Britannia,  at  Port  Mahon,  May  2-lth,  1852.) 

"  It  will  scarcely  be  believed  that  formerly  each  man's  daily  allowance  was  half 
a  pint  of  rum  mixed  with  three  half  pints  of  water,  in  two  issues,  at  dinner  and  supper ; 
which,  on  the  introduction  of  tea  and  cocoa  into  the  naval  dietary — perhaps  in  the 
thirties — was  reduced  to  a  quarter  of  a  pint,  one  gill;  and  again  in  1850  to  half  that 
quantity  during  dinner,  supper  grog,  for  very  sufficient  reasons,  being  entirely 
abolished."2 

The  fashionable  dining  hour  was  earlier  then  than  now  : — 

"  These  sea  dinners  were  xisually  between  three  and  four  o'clock;  and,  half  an  hour 
or  so  before  the  time,  the  squadron  would  bring  to,  main-topsail  to  the  mast,  as  the 
saying  is,  and  lower  their  lee  quarter  boats,  and  despatch  their  respective  Captains  to 
the  scene  of  the  banquet  on  board  the  flagship."  ! 

Supper  in  the  gun-room  was  at  half-past  six.  Afterwards  the 
seniors  played  cards  there,  and,  at  a  certain  hour,  a  fork  was  stuck 
into  one  of  the  overhead  beams,  this  being  a  signal  for  the  youngsters 
to  withdraw,  and  leave  the  oldsters  to  their  own  devices.  The 
morality  of  the  gun-room  left  much  to  be  desired.  There  was  much 
drunkenness,  and  "  orgies  were  of  almost  nightly  occurrence." 4 

The  Navy  was  still,  as  in  the  days  of  "  Mad  Montagu,"  a  school 
for  excentrics : — 

"  Just  before  our  arrival  in  the  Archipelago,  a  distressing  event  occurred  on  board 

a  corvette,  the  Hind,  commanded  by  Lord .     His  ship  was  anchored  close  to 

the  Greek  camp  at  Salamis,  and  almost  within  sight  of  the  Turkish  stronghold  of 
Athens.  He  invited  the  Greek  chiefs  to  an  entertainment,  and,  being  of  a  jovial  turn, 
the  wine  passed  freely.  He  suddenly  turned  up  the  hands  to  make  sail,  and  told  the 
Greeks  that  he  was  going  to  hand  them  over  to  their  mortal  enemies.  They  made  a 
rush  on  deck,  which  was  full  of  their  armed  retainers,  drew  their  yataghans,  and  set  to 
work  to  cut  away  all  the  ropes.  The  sailors  were  taken  in  a  panic,  and  ran  forward,  so 
that  the  Palikari  had  full  possession  of  the  ship,  and  made  a  wreck  of  the  upper  deck. 
At  length  the  Captain  succeeded  in  persuading  them  that  it  was  only  a  joke,  and  order 
was  restored ;  but  it  cost  him  his  career."  He  was  ordered  home,  and  was-  never 
employed  again.  He  became  years  afterwards  equerry  to  the  Duke  of  Sussex,  who  was 
very  fond  of  him,  as,  indeed,  were  all  who  knew  him." " 


1  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Remins.,'  282. 

2  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  p.  82.     See  p.  208  antea, 

3  Sloane-Stanley,  'Remins.,'  291.     The  C.  in  C.  was  then  (1853)  R.-Adm.  J.  W.  D. 
Dundas. 

4  Sloane-Stanley,  '  Remins.,'  141-143,  146. 

5  I  think  that  Lord  C.  Paget  was  mistaken,  and  that  the  officer  in  question  was 
Lord  Henry  John  Spencer  Churchill,  who  was  appointed  to  the  Hind,  April  25th,  1823, 
posted  August  4th,  1826,  appointed  to  the  Tweed,  May  18th,  1827,  and  died  in  command 
of  the  Druid,  June  3rd,  1840. 

6  Adm.  Lord  C.  Paget,  '  Autobiog.,'  10. 


220  CIVIL  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Nothing,  perhaps,  better  illustrates  the  simple,  self-sufficient, 
self-reliant,  and  withal  excentric  character  of  the  typical  British 
Captain  of  the  period  than  a  story,  the  truth  of  which  has  been 
questioned,  although  without  reason. 

"  I  have  often  been  asked,"  says  Admiral  Sir  B.  J.  Sulivan,1  "if  it  is  true  that  a 
Captain  in  the  Royal  Navy  once  made  a  Bishop  of  his  Chaplain ;  and  I  have  replied  : 
'  Not  only  is  it  true,  but  the  ship2  I  first  served  iu  as  a  Midshipman  was  the  ship  in 
which  it  took  place,  though  I  joined  her  afterwards.'  Her  last  voyage  had  been  to 
take  an  African  regiment  to  the  first  Ashantee  war  ;  and  she  landed  some  officers  and 
men  to  share  in  the  defence  of  Cape  Coast  Castle  and  the  detached  forts.  On  her 
way  home  she  touched  at  St.  Michael's,  one  of  the  Azores.  In  Roman  Catholic 
countries,  in  which  there  were  no  Protestant  cemeteries,  their  dead  had  to  be  buried 
in  gardens.  The  Protestants  of  St.  Michael's  had  purchased  a  piece  of  ground  about 
half  a  mile  outside  the  town,  and  had  enclosed  it  by  a  wall.  When  the  Thetis  arrived, 
a  deputation  called  on  Sir  John  Phillimore,  and  asked  him  to  take  two  petitions  home 
for  them — one  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  requesting  him  to  send  a  Bishop  to 
consecrate  their  ground,  and  another  to  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  asking  him  to 
provide  a  ship  to  take  out  the  Bishop.  Sir  J.  Phillimore  assured  them  that  it  was  quite 
unnecessary,  because  his  Chaplain  would  consecrate  it  for  them.  They  replied  that  it 
must  be  a  Bishop.  He  then  said  he  would  give  his  Chaplain  an  acting  order  as  Bishop. 
I  have  seen  that  '  acting  order.'  It  ran  as  follows :  '  You  are  hereby  requested  and 
directed  to  take  on  yourself  the  office  of  Bishop  of  St.  Michael's,  for  the  purpose  of 
consecrating  a  Protestant  cemetery;  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant. 
Given  under  my  hand,  this  —  day  of  -  — ,  1824.  (Signed)  John  Phillimore, 
Captain ;  N.  Royse,3  Chaplain,  H.M.S.  Thetis.'1  The  cemetery  was  thereupon  consecrated 
with  full  naval  honour." 

The  ship's  band,  sailors,  and  Marines  attended;  and  the  "Bishop," 
on  landing,  was  saluted  with  nineteen  guns. 

And  here  is  one  version  of  the  truth  about  the  abolition  of  mast- 
heading as  a  punishment  for  "  young  gentlemen  "  :— 

"...  Drummond,  a  promising  young  Guardsman,  was  the  cause  of  doing  away 
with  the  mast-heading  of  Midshipmen.  .  .  .  One  day  at  sea,  Ingestrie  sent  a 
Mid  ...  to  say  he  wished  to  speak  to  Drummond,  who  was  playing  backgammon, 
and  delayed  obeying  the  summons  until  he  finished  his  game.  When  he  appeared, 
Ingestrie  told  him  that  on  board  a  man-of-war  orders  must  be  obeyed,  and,  in  joke, 
said  he  would  next  time  send  him  to  the  masthead.  On  which  Drummond  replied  he 
would  see  the  Captain  blowed  first.  Ingestrie  hailed  the  maintop  and  ordered  a  hauling- 
line  to  be  sent  down.  .  .  .  The  story  was  talked  about  in  Malta  as  an  amusing 
joke  ...  but  Lord  Brougham  put  the  question  to  Lord  Auckland  as  to  an  'outrage' 
alleged  to  have  been  committed  by  a  Captain  in  the  Navy.  .  .  .  Subsequently  an  order 
was  issued  from  the  Admiralty  prohibiting  mastheading  as  a  punishment."4 — (H.M.S. 
Tyne,  Captain  Lord  Ingestrie,  1835.) 

'  '  Life  and  Letters,'  14. 

2  Thetis,  46,  commanded  by  Sir  John  Phillimore,  1823-26. 

3  Rev.  Nathaniel  T.  Royse,  Chaplain  of  Dec.  26th,  1823.     He  was  subsequently  in 
the  Forte  and  in  the  Pallas,  but  served  only  for  a  few  years,  and  then  obtained  a  civil 
appointment. 

4  Sir  H.  Keppel,  '  Life,'  i.  170. 


MASTHEADING.  221 

The  reform,  however,  was  more  apparent  than  real : — 

"  '  Mastheading '  of  Marryat's  sort  was  abolished  in  1836 ;  but  we  lived  "  (at.  1850) 
"under  a  distinction  without  a  difference,  for  it  was  all  the  same  to  the  Midshipman, 
whether  he  was  ordered  up  to  the  masthead  '  till  I  call  you  down,'  or  to  look  out  for 
whales,  wrecks,  or  volcanoes." : 


'  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  242. 


THE   VICTORIA    CKOSS. 

(Instituted  by  Royal  Warrant,  Jan.  attft,  1856 :  revised  April  23rd,  1881.) 
Bronze  :  worn  on  a  blue  ribbon  by  the  Navy,  and  on  a  red  by  the  Army. 


(     222     ) 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

MILITABY   HISTOEY   OF   THE    EOYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Commanders-in-Chief  at  home  and  abroad,  1815-1856 — The  Mediterranean  Pirates — 
Bombardment  of  Algier,  1816 — Corsairs  in  the  Channel — Maxwell  at  Bocca  Tigris 
— And  at  Pulo  Leat — The  slave-trade — Lumley  at  Mocha,  1820 — Collier  in  the 
Persian  Gulf — Piracy  in  the  West  Indies — Capture  of  the  Zaragozana — Action 
with  the  Tripoli — Blockade  of  Algier — The  Naiad  at  Bona,  1824 — Phillimore  at 
Cape  Coast  Castle — THE  FIRST  BURMESE  WAR,  1824-26— Affairs  of  Greece- 
Pirates  at  Psara  and  Candia — Irby  and  pirates — Treaty  of  London — The  Battle  of 
Navarin,  1827 — Staines  at  Grabusa — Siege  of  Morea  Castle — The  Naval  Adven- 
turers— Cochrane  in  Chile,  Brazil,  and  Greece — Capture  of  the  Esmeralda — Sar- 
torius — Napier — Battle  of  Cape  St.  Vincent — Pirates  and  slavers — Exploits  of 
Sherer,  M'Hardy,  Downes,  Butterfield,  and  Broughton — Blockade  of  Nanning — 
Special  service  squadrons— Warren's  prizes — Re-occupation  of  the  Falkland  Islands 
— Capture  of  the  pirate,  Panda — Bolton's  prizes — Blackwood  and  Chads  in  the 
Canton  river,  1834 — Vassall  in  the  strait  of  Malacca — The  first  Kaffir  War — The 
Racehorse  at  Para — Bosanquet  at  Mozambique,  etc. — Intervention  against  the 
Carlists — Capture  of  the  Javen  Carolina — Exploits  of  Milne — Drew  in  Canada — 
Sandom  on  the  Lakes — Capture  of  Aden — Capture  of  Kurrachee — THE  FIRST 
CHINA  WAR,  1839-42 — OPERATIONS  ON  THE  COAST  OF  SYRIA,  1840 — Bombard- 
ment of  St.  Jean  d'Acre — Disaster  at  Tongatabu — The  squadron  in  Mexican 
waters,  1838-39 — Capture  of  the  JMercedita  and  Firme — Capture  of  Corisco— 
Exploits  of  Stoll,  Adams,  and  Milne — Denman  at  the  Gallinas — Capture  of  the 
fleet  of  Cartagena — The  Southampton  at  Port  Natal — Keppel  and  the  Borneo 
pirates — Cochrane  in  the  Eastern  Archipelago — Services  of  Mundy  and  Brooke — 
Defeat  of  Sooloo  pirates — The  Conway  at  Tamatave — WAR  IN  THE  PARANA, 
1845-46 — Battle  of  Obligado — Operations  in  New  Zealand,  1845-47 — The  Nicar- 
agua expedition1 — Services  against  pirates  and  slavers — Gallantry  of  Tottenham 
and  of  Lodwick — The  Felicidade — The  Pantaloon  and  a  slaver — Nicolson  off 
Cape  Treforcas — The  Siren  at  Stanchio — Affair  at  Maranhao — The  President  at 
Anjoxa — Chinese  pirates — Exploits  of  the  Scout  and  Columbine — Shap'n'gtzai — 
Services  of  E.  M.  Lyons  and  W.  N.  L.  Lockyer — Hay  and  the  pirates — Capture 
of  the  Unaio — The  pirates  of  the  Seba  river — The  Moorish  pirates — Case  of  the 
Three  Sisters,  the  Joven  Emilia,  and  the  Violet — Farquhar  in  the  Sarebas — The 
Lagos  expeditions,  1851-52 — THE  SECOND  BURMESE  WAB,  1852-53 — Case  of  the 
Cuthbert  Young — O'Callaghan  at  Shanghai — Chinese  pirates,  1854-56 — THE  WAR 
WITH  RUSSIA,  1854-56 — Bombardment  of  Odessa — The  fleets  in  the  Black  Sea — 
Loss  of  the  Tiger — Blockade  of  the  Danube — Death  of  Hyde  Parker — Recon- 
naissance of  Sebastopol — Invasion  of  the  Crimea — Napier  to  the  Baltic — Cruise  of 
Plumridge — And  of  Yelverton — Reconnaissance  of  Kronstadt — Capture  of  Bomar- 
sund — Operations  in  the  White  Sea — Fiasco  at  Petropaulovski — The  Alma — The 
Naval  Brigade  in  the  Crimea — Bombardment  of  Sebastopol — Balaclava — The 


1815-1856.] 


COMMANDERS-IN-  CHIEF. 


223 


hurricane  of  November,  1854— Inkerman— Defence  of  Eupatoria— The  expedition 
to  the  sea  of  Azof— Evacuation  of  the  south  side  of  Sebastopol— Russian  ships 
destroyed— Re-embarkation  of  the  Naval  Brigade— Expedition  to  Kinburn— The 
first  ironclads— Operations  in  the  White  Sea— Operations  in  the  Pacific— Massacre 
at  Hango  Head— Torpedoes  off  Kronstadt— Raids  in  the  Baltic— Attack  on 
Sweaborg— Concluding  operations— Return  of  the  fleets— Treaty  and  declaration 
of  Paris — The  Review  at  Spithead. 


STAR   OF    A    K.C.B. 


"DEFOEE  entering  upon  the  history 
of  the  numerous  naval  operations 
which  were  undertaken  between  1815 
and  the  close  of  the  Kussian  War,  the 
reader  may  be  glad  to  have  laid  before 
him  in  convenient  form  the  following 
list  of  the  officers  who  held  the  principal 
commands-in-chief  at  home  and  abroad 
during  that  period.  It  will  be  useful  for 
purposes  of  reference. 


PORTSMOUTH. 


Apr.  28,  1815.  Sir  Edward  Thornbrough, 
K.C.B.,  Adm. 

May  15,  1818.  Sir  George  Campbell, 
G.C.B.,  Adm. 

Jan.  31,  1821.  Sir  James  Hawkins  Whit- 
shed,  K.C.B.,  Adm. 

Mar.  26,1824.  Sir  George  Martin,  G.C.B., 
Adm. 

Apr.  17,  1827.  Hon.  Sir  Robert  Stopford, 
K.C.B.,  Adm. 

Apr.  23,  1830.  Sir  Thomas  Foley,  G.C.B., 
Adm. 

Jan.  23,  1833.  Sir  Thomas  Williams, 
G.C.B.,  Adm. 

Mar.  28,  1836.  Sir  Philip  Charles  Calder- 
wood  Henderson  Dur- 
ham, G.C.B.,  Adm. 

Apr.  19,  1839.  Hon.  Charles  Elphinstone, 
Fleeming,  Adm. 

Nov.  22,  1839.  Sir  Edward  Codrington, 
G.C.B.,G.C.M.G.,Adm. 

Dec.  26,  1842.  Sir  Charles  Rowley,  Bart., 
G.C.B.,  Adm. 

Sept.  30,  18  J  5.  Sir  Charles  Ogle,  Bart., 
Adm. 

Sept.  13,  1848.  Hon.  Sir  Thomas  Bladen 
Capell,  K.C.B.,  Adm. 

Sept.  13,  1851.  Sir  Thomas  Briggs, 
G.C.M.G.,  Adm. 


Dec.  18,  1852. 
Jan.     1,  1856. 


Jan.     3,  1815. 

Sept.  8,  1817. 
Jan.  25,1821. 
Mar.  24,  1824. 
Apr.  17,  1827. 
Apr.  22,  1830. 
Apr.  27,  1833. 
Apr.  27,  1836. 
Apr.  24,  1839. 
Apr.  21,  1842. 


Sir  Thomas  John  Coch- 
rane,  K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Sir  George  Francis  Sey- 
mour, K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm.  (Adm.,  May  14, 
1857). 

DEVOXPORT. 

Sir  John  Thomas  Duck- 
worth, Bart.,  K.B., 

Adm. 
Viscount  Exmouth,G.C.B., 

Adm. 
Hon.  Sir  Alexander  Inglis 

Cochrane,  K.B.,  Adm. 
Sir  James  Saumarez,  Bart., 

K.B.,  Adm. 
William,  Earl  of  Northesk, 

K.B.,  Adm. 
Sir  Manley  Dixon,  K.C.B., 

Adm. 
Sir  William  Hargood  (1), 

G.C.B.,  G.C.H.,  Adm. 
Lord  Amelius  Beauclerk, 

G.C.B.,  G.C.H.,  Adm. 
Sir  Graham  Moore,  G.C.B., 

G.C.M.G.,  Adm. 
Sir  David  Milne,  G.C.B., 

Adm. 


224      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF   THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

THE  MEDITERRANEAN. 


Apr.  15,  1845.  Sir  John    West,   G.C.B., 

Adm. 
Apr.  17,  1848.  Sir   William   Hall   Gage, 

Kt.,    K.C.B.,     G.C.H., 

Adm. 
Apr.  17  1851.  Sir   John    Acworth   Om- 

manney,  K.C.B.,  Adm. 
May     1,  1854.  Sir    William   Parker  (2), 

Bart,,  G.C.B.,  Adm. 


THE  NORE. 
1815.  Sir       Charles       Bowley, 


1815.  Lord    Exmouth,    K.C.B., 

Adm. 

1818.  Sir  Thomas  Francis  Fre- 
mantle,   G.C.B.,    Rear- 
Adm.       (Vice  -  Adm., 
Aug.  12,     1819). 
1820.  Sir       Graham        Moore, 

K.C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 
1823.  Sir  Harry  Burrard  Neale, 
Bart.,     G.C.B.,     Vice- 
Adm. 

K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm.  Nov.     1,  1826.  Sir    Edward   Codrington, 

1818.  Sir  John  Gore  (2),  K.C.B.,  :  K.C.B.  (G.C.B.   1827), 

Rear-Adm.  Vice-Adm. 

1821.  Sir   Benjamin  Hallowell,      June,        1828.  Sir     Pulteney     Malcolm, 
K.C.B.,  Vice-Adm.  K.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.  1829, 


1824.  Sir      Robert      Moorsom, 

K.C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 
1827.  Hon.    Sir    Henry    Black- 
wood,     Bart.,    K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

July  30,  1830.  Sir  John  Poo  Beresford, 
Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

July  23,  1833.  Sir  Richard  King  (2), 
Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Aug.  16,  1834.  Hon.  Charles  Elphinstone 
Fleeming,  Vice-Adm. 

Feb.  23,  1837.  Sir  Robert  Waller  Otway 
(1),  Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

July  27,  1840.  Sir  Henry  Digby,  K.C.B., 
Vice  -  Adm.  (Adm., 
Nov.  23,  1841). 

Dec.  8,  1841.  Sir  Edward  Brace,  K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

Jan.  13,1844.  Sir  John  Chambers  White, 
K.C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 

Apr.  18,  1845.  Sir  Edward  Durnford 
King,  Kt.,  K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

May  9,  1848.  Hon.  George  Elliot  (3), 
C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 

Jan.  23,  1851.  Hon.  Josceline  Percy, 
C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 

July  1,  1854.  Hon.  William  Gordon, 
Vice-Adm. 


Vice-Adm. 

Mar.  30,  1831.  Hon.  Sir  Henry  Hotham, 
G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

May  3,  1833.  Sir  Pulteney  Malcolm, 
G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Dec.  18,  1833.  Sir  Josias  Rowley,  Bart., 
K.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Feb.  9,  1837.  Hon.  Sir  Robert  Stopford, 
G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  A  dm. 

Oct.  14,  1841.  Sir  Ed  ward  William  Camp- 
bell Rich  Owen,  K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

Feb.  27,  1845.  Sir  William  Parker  (2), 
Bart,,  G.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Jan.  17,  1852.  James  Whitley  Deans 
Dundas,  C.B.,  Rear  and 
Vice-Adm. 

1854.  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  Bart., 
G.C.B.,  Rear  -  Adm.1 
(Vice-Adm.  Mar.  19, 
1857.  Lord  Lyons). 

NORTH  AMERICA. 

1815.  Edward  Griffith  (later 
Colpoys),  Rear-Adm. 

1817.  Sir  David  Milne,  K.C.B., 
Rear-Adm.2 


1  With  temp,  rank  of  Admiral. 

2  Sir   David   Milne  was  appointed  to  North  America  on  May  2,  1816,  but  had 
been  permitted,  before  proceeding  to  his  station,  to  take  part  in  the  Algerine  expedition. 


Adm. 


July 

Aug. 
Fob. 

-July 


Jim. 


•  i 


. 

' 

• 
K.C.H.,  \ 

K.I.',! 

- 

Ad 

(2), 

,     Iv.O.r...    Vice- 
tone 

(1),  !• 

' 

. 
. 

Kt.,      : 
Vice-/ 
Hon.   George    Elliot   (3), 

C.B.,  Vici:-. \clrn. 
23,  1861. 

I'n. 
1,  1H54. 

Wit"- 


Adi 

All!' 

A 

n.,  Vice-Adm. 
'[any  Bun 

- 

K.C.B,  (G.C.B.   18* 

\Am. 
sir     Pulteuey 

K.O.B.,G.C.M.<;;.1829, 
Vice-Adm. 
I 

• 

\"ice- 

. 

\  ice- 

,.lbrd, 
L.K.C.B., 

V 

:':irker   ('.'), 
B:r; 

. 
• 

Duinlan,  C.B.,  Htar  and 

,  Bart., 

r  -  Adm.1 

IS), 

'-  •>        V  •  • 

. \MKK1CA. 

,>-ard     Griffith     (later 

vs),  Rear- Adm. 

1817.  Sir  David  Milne,  K.C.B., 
Itear-Adm.2 


•y  2,  1816,  but.  had 
fine  expedition. 


J 


?rt'  s^f   ™-J 


'ts.i? 


1815-56.] 


COMMANDEES-IN-  CHIEF. 


225 


1819.  Edward  Griffith  (later 
Colpoys),  Hear  -  Adm. 
(Vice-Adm.,  July  19, 
1821). 

1821.  William  Charles  Fahie, 
C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

May  18,  1824.  Willoughby  Thomas  Lake, 
C.B.,  Rear- Adm.  (Vice- 
Adm.,  May  27,  1825). 

Apr.  27,  1827.  Sir  Charles  Ogle,  Bart., 
Rear-Adm. 

Feb.  20,  1830.  Sir  Edward  Griffith  Col- 
poys, K.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Dec.  6,  1832.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  George  Cock- 
burn,  G.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Feb.  12,  1836.  Sir  Peter  Halkett,  Bart., 
Vice  -  Adm.  (Adm., 
Jan.  10,  1837). 

Feb.  11,  1837.  Hon.  Sir  Charles  Paget, 
Kt.,  Vice-Adm. 

Mar.  22,  1839.  Sir  Thomas  Harvey  (1), 
K.C.B.,  Vice-Adm. 

Aug.  17,  1841.  Sir  Charles  Adam,  K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

Dec.  27,  1844.  Sir  Francis  William 
Austen  (1),  K.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

Jan.  12,  1848.  Thomas,  Earl  of  Dun- 
donald,  G.C.B.,  Vice- 
Adm. 

Jan.  13,  185].  Sir  George  Francis  Sey- 
mour, Kt.,  G.C.B., 
Vice-Adm. 

Nov.  23,  1853.  Arthur  Fanshawe,  C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

Nov.  26  1856.  Sir  Houston  Stewart, 
G.C.B.,  Rear  -  Adm. 
(Vice-Adm.,  July  30, 
1857). 


THE  PACIFIC  (TILL  1837,  "  SOUTH 
AMERICA  "). 

1819.  Sir  Thomas  Masterman 
Hardy,  K.C.B.,  Com- 
modore. 

1823.  Sir  George  Eyre,  K.C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 


1826.  Sir  Robert  Waller  Otway, 
K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

Jan.  9,  1829.  Thomas  Baker,  C.B. 
(K.C.B.,  1831),  Rear- 
Adm. 

Jan.  1,  1833.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  (1), 
Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Sept.  16,  1834.  Sir  Graham  Eden  Ha- 
mond,  Bart.,  K.C.B., 
Rear  -  Adm.  (Vice  - 
Adm.,  Jan.  10,  1837). 

Sept.  4,  1837.  Charles  Bayne  Hodgson 
Ross,  C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

May  5,  1841.  Richard  Thomas,  Rear- 
Adm. 

May  14,  1844.  Sir  George  Francis  Sey- 
mour, Kt.,  C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Aug.  25,  1847.  Phipps  Hornby,  C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

Aug.  21,  1850.  Fairfax  Moresby,  C.B., 
Hear-Adm. 

Aug.  17,  1853.  David  Price,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Nov.  25,  1854.  Henry  William  Bruce, 
Rear-Adm. 


THE  EAST  INDIES  AND  CHINA.' 

1816.  Sir  Richard  King  (2), 
Bart.,  K.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

1819.  Hon.  Sir  Henry  Black- 
wood,  Bart.,  K.C.B., 
Rear-Adm. 

1822.  Charles  Grant,  C.B.,  Com- 
modore. 

1825.  Sir  James  Brisbane,  Kt., 
C.B.,  Commodore. 

Dec.  13,  1825.  William  Hall  Gage,  Rear- 
Adm. 

Dec.  20,  1828.  Sir  Edward  William 
Campbell  Rich  Owen, 
K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 

Dec.  16,  1831.  Sir  John  Gore  (2),  K.C.B. 
Vice-Adm. 

May  30,  1834.  Hon.  Sir  Thomas  Bladen 
Capell,  K.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm.  (Vice  -  Adm., 
Jan.  10,  1837). 


1  These  were  not  separated  until  1865. 


VOL.   VI. 


226      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF   THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 


July  26,  1837.  Sir  Frederick  Lewis  Mait- 
land  (2),  K.C.B.,  Rear- 
Adra. 

Feb.  13,  1840.  Hon.  George  Elliot  (3), 
C.B.,  Rear-Adra. 


Apr.     7,  1848.  Sir      Francis      Augustus 


Collier,       Kt., 
Rear-Adm. 


C.B., 


Jan.  14,  1850.  Charles  John  Austen  (1), 
C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 


May  12,  1841.  Sir   William   Parker  (2),  i  Dec.     6,  1852.  Hon.       Sir       Fleetwood 


K.C.B.  (G.C.B.,  1842, 
Bart.,  1844),  Rear  - 
Adm.  (Vice  -  Adm., 
Nov.  23,  1841). 

1844.  Sir  Thomas  John  Coch- 
rane,  Kt.,  C.B.,  Rear- 
Adm. 

June  24,  1846.  Samuel    Hood   Inglefield, 
C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 


Broughton  Reynolds 
Pellew,  Kt.,  C.B., 
Rear  -  Adm.  (Vice- 
Adm.,  Apr.  22,  1853). 

Jan.  19,  1854.  Sir  James  Stirling  (1), 
Kt.,  Rear-Adm. 

Feb.  18,  1856.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  (2), 
K.C.B.,  Rear-Adm. 


During  the  colossal  wars  of  which  Europe  was  the  scene 
between  1793  and  1815,  the  Moorish  pirates,  and  particularly 
those  of  Algier,  carried  on  their  depredations  with  comparative 
impunity,  although  both  St.  Vincent  and  Nelson  checked  their 
insolence  on  more  than  one  occasion,  and  the  American  Commo- 
dore, Stephen  Decatur,  read  them  a  still  sharper  lesson  immediately 
after  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  Much  more,  however,  needed  doing ;  and  in  1816,  after 
renewed  outrages  and  vain  negotiations,  a  formidable  British  ex- 
pedition was  organised  to  bring  the  Dey  of  Algier  to  reason.  Its 
command  was  entrusted  to  Admiral  Lord  Exmouth,  who  sailed  from 
Plymouth  with  his  fleet  on  July  28th,  and  who,  on  arriving  at 
Gibraltar  on  August  9th,  found  there  a  Dutch  squadron,  the  com- 
mander of  which  asked,  and  obtained,  leave  to  co-operate  with  him 
in  the  contemplated  action. 

On  August  14th,  after  some  delay  caused  by  adverse  winds,  the 
combined  fleet  weighed ;  and  on  the  16th  it  was  met  by  the  Pro- 
metheus, 16,  Commander  William  Bateman  Dashwood,  from  Algier, 
with  fugitives,  and  with  the  information  that  part  of  her  crew,  and 
the  British  Consul  had  been  detained  by  the  Moors.  Having  to 
beat  to  windward  for  some  time,  the  fleet  did  not  make  Cape 
Cazzina  until  the  26th,  and  did  not  sight  Algier  till  the  early 
morning  of  the  27th,  when  it  was  very  nearly  calm.  Demands 
for  the  release  of  Christian  slaves,  repayment  of  money  which  had 
been  recently  paid  for  the  freeing  of  slaves,  peace  with  the 
Netherlands,  and  liberation  of  the  imprisoned  British  Consul, 
Mr.  McDonell,  and  the  Prometheus's  people,  were  at  once  sent 


1816.] 


BOMBARDMENT  OF  ALGIER. 


227 


in  by  Lieutenant  Samuel  Burgess,1  while  the  fleet  stood  on  slowly 
with  a  light  sea-breeze,  and  at  length  lay  to  about  a  mile  from  the 
city.  In  the  afternoon,  Burgess  returned  without  the  reply  which, 
it  had  been  promised,  should  be  given  in  two  hours.  The  Admiral 
thereupon  asked  by  signal  whether  all  his  ships  were  ready,  and,  the 
affirmative  flag  being  instantly  hoisted  by  every  vessel,  he  bore  up  to 
the  attack  with  his  fleet  in  an  order  which  had  been  already  pre- 
scribed. The  force  thus  pitted  against  the  powerful  defences  of 
Algier  was  as  follows.  The  general  position  taken  up  by  the  various 
ships  will  be  described  later. 


Ships. 

o 

1 
H 

1  Wounded. 

Commanders. 

First  Lieutenants. 

Round 
Shot 
flred. 

Queen  Charlotte    . 

100 

8 

131 

f  Adm.  Lord  Exmouth,  G.C.B.  (B.)i 
ICapt.  James  Brisbane,  C.B. 

(Peter  Richards  (lst).«            i 
{Frederick    Thomas    Michell> 
1    (2nd).»                                t 

4,462 

Impregnable     .     . 

98 

50 

..„    rR.-Adm.  David  Milne  (B.).z 
ICapt.  Edward  Brace,  C.B. 

IJames      Boyle      Babingtoni 
{    (18*)-6 
(RoVer  Hall  (2nd).                  ) 

6,730 

Superb    .... 

74 

8 

84     Capt.  Charles  Ekins.J 

Philip  Tbickuesse  Horn.' 

4.500 

Minden  .... 

74 

1 

37  i  Capt.  William  Paterson.5 

Joseph  Benjamin  Howell.' 

4,710 

Albion     .... 

74 

3 

15 

Capt.  John  Coode.3 

Robert  Hay.« 

4,110 

Leander  .... 

50 

17 

118 

Capt.  Kdward  Chetham,  C.B. 

Thomas  Sanders.' 

3,680 

Severn     .... 

40 

3 

34 

ICapt.    Hon.    Frederick    William  , 
I    Aylmer.s                                       / 

James  Davies." 

2,920 

Glasgow. 

40 

10 

37 

Capt.  Hon.  Anthony  Maitland.3 

George  M'Phersou." 

3,000 

Granicus 

36 

16 

42     Capt.  William  Furlong  Wise.a 

John  1'arsou." 

2,800 

Hebrus    .     .     .     . 

36 

4 

15 

Capt.  Edmund  Palmer,  C.B. 

(Edward  Holllugworth  Dela-l 
I    fosse."                                 J 

2,765 

i  Heron     .... 

18 

— 

— 

Com.  George  Beutham.4 

Mutine    .... 

18 

— 



Com.  James  Mould.4 

George  Blurton. 

/*romer/t«us  . 

16 

— 

— 

Com.  William  Batemau  Dashwood. 

Charles  Aubrey  Autram. 

Britomart    .     .     . 

10 

— 



Com.  Robert  Riddell. 

David  John  Dickson. 

Cordelia. 

10 

— 

— 

Com.  William  Sargent. 

Heclzebub,  bomb     . 

8 

— 

— 

Com.  William  Kempthorue.4 

George  Pierce. 

Fury,  bomb.     .     . 

12 

— 



Com.  Coustantiue  Richard  Moorsom. 

William  Russell  (3). 

Hecla,  bomb 

12 

— 

— 

Com.  William  Popham. 

George  Vernou  Jackson. 

Infernal,  bomb 

12 

2 

17 

Com.  Hon.  George  James  Perceval. 

John  Foreman. 

(Explosion  vessel). 

— 

Lieut.  Richard  Howell  Fleming.5 

128    690 

a  transport,  a  dispatch  vessel,  gun-vessels,  etc.,  with  Koyal  Sappers  and  Miners,  and  Royal  Rocket  Corps. 


{V.-Ad.   Baron   Tbeod.   Fred,   van 

S 

Melampus    .      .     . 

40 

3 

15 

Capellen. 

J 

Capt.  A.  W.  De  Man. 

f 

f'rederica 
Diana     . 

40 
40 

6 

5 

22 

Capt.  J.  A.  van  der  Straateu. 
Capt.  1'etrus  Ziervogel. 

10,148 

An,  si,  'I     . 

40 

4 

6 

Capt.  W.  A.  van  der  Hart. 

1 

JJageraad 

30 



4 

Capt.  J.  M.  Polders. 

Kendracht 

18 

— 

— 

Capt.  J.  F.  C.  Wardenburg. 

; 

1  Viscount  Exmoutb,  Sept.  21st,  1816. 
-  K.C.B.,  Sept.  21st,  1816. 
3  C.B.,  Sept.  218t.  1816. 


«  1'ost-Captain,  Sept.  16th,  1816. 

5  Commander,  Sept.  17th,  1816. 

6  Commander,  Sept.  16th,  1816. 


The  total  number  of  guns  in  the  Moorish  batteries  has  been 
estimated  at  upwards  of  1000,  of  which  about  80  were  on  the  north 
side,  where  the  shoalness  of  the  water  prevented  any  heavy  vessel 
from  getting  within  range,  about  220  on  the  mole,  about  95  on  the 


Commander,  Sept.  16th,  1816. 


Q  2 


228      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

eastern  sea  front,  and  most  of  the  rest  in  batteries  on  heights  behind 
the  town,  or  in  the  environs.  The  guns  were  chiefly  32,  24,  and 
18-prs.,  but  there  were  also  some  heavier  pieces,  and  several  enor- 
mous mortars. .  In  addition,  there  were  in  port  four  44-gun  frigates, 
five  large  corvettes  of  from  24  to  30  guns,  and  between  thirty  and 
forty l  gun  and  mortar  boats  ;  and  the  garrison  consisted  of  at  least 
40,000  men. 

At  2.35  P.M.  the  Queen  Charlotte  anchored  with  springs  on  her 
cables,  not  more  than  fifty  yards  from  the  mole-head.  She  was 
lashing  herself  to  an  Algerine  brig  which  lay  fast  to  the  pier  there, 
when  a  shot  was  fired  at  her,  followed  by  two  shots  aimed  at  other 
vessels  which  were  advancing  to  their  stations.  Exmouth  humanely 
waved  to  the  crowds  on  shore  to  indicate  that  he  was  about  to  fire, 
and  then  the  flagship  opened,  the  other  ships  of  the  fleet  joining  in 
the  fray  as  soon  as  their  guns  would  bear.  The  general  position 
ultimately  taken  up  by  the  larger  vessels  was,  beginning  from  the 
north,  Impregnable,  Albion,  Minden,  Superb,  and  Queen  Charlotte, 
this  portion  of  the  line  being  roughly  parallel  with  the  external 
contour  of  the  mole ;  and  Leander,  Severn,  and  Glasgow,  this 
portion  lying  parallel  with  the  coast  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Fishmarket  Battery.  The  line  was  continued  to  the  southward  by 
the  Dutch  frigates  Melampus,  Diana,  and  Frederica,  with  the 
Dageraad  and  Amstel  further  out,  and  the  Eendracht  under  way. 
The  Hebrus  and  Granicus  had  been  directed  to  make  themselves 
useful  in  situations  where  opportunity  offered.  The  Hebrus  finally 
took  station  on  the  Queen  Charlotte's  port  quarter,  and  the  Granicus, 
in  an  exposed,  difficult,  and  highly  honourable  position,  between  the 
flagship  and  the  Superb.  The  Mutine  anchored  on  the  port  bow  of 
the  Impregnable,  the  remaining  sloops  keeping,  for  the  most  part, 
under  way.  The  bombs  stationed  themselves  about  two  thousand 
yards  north-east  of  the  mole ;  and  in  their  neighbourhood  were  the 
gun,  mortar,  and  rocket  boats  of  the  fleet,  fifty-five  in  number,  under 
Lieutenant  Frederick  Thomas  Michell  (actg.  Commander),  and 
Lieutenants  John  Davies  (3)2  and  Thomas  Bevans.3 

The  bombardment,  which  was  of  the  fiercest  character,  rapidly 
made  its  effects  felt,  everything  exposed  to  the  close  fire  of  the  ships 
quickly  tumbling  into  ruin.  At  about  4  P.M.  an  Algerine  frigate, 

1  Exmouth's  (lisp,  in  one  place  has  "  between  40  and  50." 

2  Commander,  Oct.  8th,  1816,  for  this  service. 

8  Commander,.  Oct.  16th,  1816,  for  this  service. 


i 

<o       SB 
So       S 


si 


H 
H 


§ 


R 
I 


1816.]  SUBMISSION  OF   THE  DEY.  229 

which  was  moored  across  the  mole,  was  set  on  fire  by  the  crew  of 
the  flagship's  barge,  under  Lieutenant  Peter  Eichards  ;  and,  a  little 
later,  she  drifted  out  in  flames,  the  Queen  Charlotte  shifting  berth  to 
allow  her  to  pass.  A  few  minutes  afterwards  *  the  Impregnable  sent 
word  that  she  had  suffered  very  severely,  and  asked  that  a  frigate 
should  be  despatched  to  divert  some  of  the  enemy's  fire  from  her. 
The  Glasgow  was  assigned  to  this  service,  but,  owing  to  lack  of 
wind,  she  could  not  carry  out  her  mission,  and,  in  attempting  to  do 
so,  got  herself  terribly  mauled.  By  about  7  P.M.,  however,  the  town, 
arsenal,  storehouses,  and  vessels  within  the  mole,  were  burning 
briskly.  Between  8  and  9  P.M.,  further  damage  and  consternation 
were  caused  by  the  explosion  vessel  which,  under  Lieutenant 
Richard  Howell  Fleming,  accompanied  by  Commander  Herbert 
Brace  Powell,  a  volunteer  serving  in  the  Impregnable,  was  run  on 
shore  near  the  battery  northward  of  the  lighthouse,  and  there  blown 
up  soon  after  9  P.M. 

The  engagement  continued  till  about  10  o'clock,  when,  ammuni- 
tion threatening  to  give  out,  and  the  hostile  fire  being  nearly  silenced, 
the  ships,  by  order,  began  to  cut  their  cables  and  springs,  and, 
after  hauling  and  towing,  to  stand  out  before  a  light  air  which  had 
just  sprung  up.  But  not  much  before  2  A.M.  on  the  28th,  had  every 
vessel  come  to  out  of  reach  of  the  guns  of  Algier,  though  not  beyond 
the  bright  glare  which  was  thrown  far  to  seaward  by  the  blaze  in 
the  bay.2  Immediately  afterwards  a  very  violent  thunderstorm  burst 
upon  the  fleet.  At  daylight,  Exmouth  renewed  his  demands  of  the 
previous  morning  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  made  preparations  for 
recommencing  the  bombardment ;  but  they  were  needless.  It  was 
quickly  made  known  that  the  terms  would  be  acceded  to.  Con- 
ferences were  held,  at  some  of  which  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Charles 
Vinicombe  Penrose,  who  arrived  in  the  Ister,  36,  on  the  29th,  was 
present ;  and,  in  the  end,  1083  Christian  slaves  were  freed,  a  promise 
was  given  to  abolish  slave  making,  382,500  dollars,  which  had  been 
paid  by  Naples  and  Sardinia  by  way  of  ransom,  were  restored,  an 
indemnity  of  3000  dollars,  with  an  apology,  was  tendered  to  the 
British  Consul,  and  peace  was  made  with  the  Netherlands.3  On 

1  "  About  sunset."     Exmouth's  disp. 

2  Exmouth  to  Croker,  Aug.  28th,  ]816  (Gazette,  p.  1790).     Logs,  esp.  of  Leander, 
Q.  Charlotte,  Impregnable  and  Superb.     Mids.'  letters  in  Nav.  Citron.,  xxxvi.  289  and 
291.     Salame,  '  Narr.  of  Exped.  to  Algiers.' 

3  Exmouth  to  Croker,  Aug.  30th  and  Sept.  1st,  1816.     Gazette  notice  of  Sept.  28th, 
1816. 


230      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

September   3rd,  at  midnight,  Exmouth  weighed  to  return  home, 
leaving  the  Prometheus  to  attend  upon  the  reinstated  Consul. 

The  numerical  losses  experienced  by  the  ships  engaged  will  be 
found  set  forth  in  the  table  on  p.  227.  The  officers  killed  in  the 
British  fleet  were : 

Master's  Mate  Thomas  Howard  (Superb);  Assistant  Surveyor  Thomas  Mends 
(Albion) ;  Midshipmen  John  Hawkins  (Impregnable),  Robert  C.  Bowen  (Superb),  John 
Jardine  (Albion),  Richard  Calthorp,  —  Lowdon,  and  P.  G.  Hanwell  (Leander),  Robert 
Pratt  (Granicus),  and  George  H.  A.  Pococke  (Hebrus);  Captain  of  Marines  James 
Willson  (Leander) ;  Lieutenants  of  Marines  George  Baxter  (Leander),  and  William 
Moore  Morgan,  and  William  Remfry  (Granicus) ;  and  Lieutenant  of  Marine  Artillery 
John  James  Patrick  Bissett  (Infernal). 

Among  the  officers  wounded  were  : 

Captains  Charles  Ekins,  and  John  Coode ;  and  Lieutenants  Frederick  John  Johnston 
(mortally),  George  Morrison  King,  and  John  Sampson  Jago  (actg.)  (Queen  Charlotte), 
Philip  Thicknesse  Horn,  John  M'Dougall  (3),  and  George  W.  Gunning  (actg.) 
(Impregnable),  Henry  Walker  (1),  and  John  Stewart  Dixon  (Leander),  Edmund 
Williams  Gilbert  (Glasgow),  Henry  Augustus  Perkins  (Granicus),  and  John  Foreman 
(Infernal). 

None  of  the  ships  lost  any  spars,  but  several  had  their  masts 
badly  injured ;  and  the  hulls  of  the  Impregnable  and  Leander  were 


MEDAL    COMMEMORATIVE    OF   THE   BOMBARDMENT   OF    ALGIER,    1816. 
(From  an  original,  lent  bu  H.S.H.  Prince  Louis  of  Battenberg,  G.C.B.,  Capt.  B.AT.) 

very  severely  mauled,  that  of  the  former  being  said  to  have  received 
233  large  shot.  Estimates  of  the  losses  suffered  by  the  Algerines 
put  the  number  killed  and  wounded  at  from  4000  to  nearly  7000. 
The  principal  honours  granted  in  recognition  of  the  victory,  and 
some  of  the  consequent  promotions,  are  set  forth  in  the  table  on 
p.  227.  The  behaviour  of  the  Dutch  contingent  is  reported  to  have 
been  admirable. 


1816.]  MAXWELL  IN  TEE   CANTON  EIVEB.  231 

It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  the  fortifications,  guns,  and 
gunners  of  Algier  in  1816  can  have  been  at  all  up  to  the  European 
standard  of  that  age,  or  even  that  the  defences  were  of  quality  as 
good  as  those  which  Duckworth  had  had  to  encounter  in  the  Dar- 
danelles in  1807.  To  have  placed  comparatively  few  heavy  ships, 
such  as  Exmouth  had,  in  close  conflict  with  first-rate  works, 
mounting  several  hundred  good  guns,  and  manned  by  experienced 
gunners,  would  have  been  little  short  of  madness.  Had  the  de- 
fences been  really  as  powerful  as  a  mere  paper  summary  of  them 
suggests,  a  larger  force  would  have  been  sent  to  reduce  them.  It  is 
certain,  however,  that  the  Algerines  fought  with  far  greater  skill 
than  had  been  expected,  that  the  action  was  an  exceptionally  hot 
one,  and  that  the  success  gained  was  not  easily  won.  For  the 
manner  in  which  the  operations  were  conducted,  Exmouth  richly 
deserved  his  advancement  in  the  peerage. 

Only  international  considerations  had  prevented  the  adoption  of 
much  stronger  measures  against  the  piratical  states  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Algier  had  once  been  a  British  possession ;  and  in  1816 
many  Englishmen  were  of  opinion  that  it  must  again  become  one 
ere  the  evils  of  which  it  was  the  centre  could  be  put  an  end  to. 
That  these  views  were  not  without  some  justification  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  within  a  few  months  of  Exmouth's  lesson  to  the  Alge- 
rines, the  Dey  had  begun  to  restore  his  fortresses  and  to  re-create 
his  navy,  and  that  two  Tunisian  pirates  captured  a  Hamburg  vessel, 
the  Ocean,  in  the  North  Sea,  and  were  chased  in  vain  by  the  Gany- 
mede, 26,  Captain  William  M'Culloch.  The  prize  was,  however, 
eventually  retaken  by  the  Alert,  18,  Commander  John  Smith  (6),  in 
May,  1817.  The  corsairs  were  then  solemnly  warned,  and  escorted 
clear  of  the  Channel.  "  Further,"  says  the  Plymouth  Telegraph  of 
that  day,  "  our  government  cannot  go."  l 

It  was  at  about  the  same  time  that  another  semi-civilised  state 
received  from  Great  Britain  its  first  serious  lecture  on  the  subject  of 
international  courtesy.  In  1815,  Lord  Amherst's  famous  embassy 
to  China  was  decided  upon.  The  mission,  which  sailed  in  February, 
1816,  was  escorted  by  the  Alceste,  46,  Captain  Murray  Maxwell,  C.B., 
and  Lyra,  10,  Commander  Basil  Hall.  During  Lord  Amherst's  pre- 
sence on  Chinese  soil,  Maxwell  occupied  part  of  his  time  in  carrying 
out  some  very  useful  surveys.  When,  on  November  2nd,  1816,  he 
anchored  off  the  island  of  Lin-tin,  he  learnt  that  the  Ambassador  had 
1  Marshall,  'Nav.  Biog.,'  Add.  to  Supp.,  Pt.  II.,  417;  Nav.  Ghron.,  435,  514. 


282       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  BOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

been  dismissed  in  disgrace,  and  that  the  British  Government's  pre- 
sents to  the  Emperor  had  been  contumeliously  refused.  He  desired 
a  pass  to  enable  him  to  proceed  up  the  Canton  Kiver,  where  he 
wished  to  effect  some  necessary  repairs.  Insults  and  evasions  were 
the  sole  answers  vouchsafed  to  him,  and  he  therefore  determined  to 
run  up  without  permission.  At  Bocca  Tigris  he  was  informed  that, 
if  he  advanced,  he  would  be  instantly  sunk.  This  was  in  the  evening 
of  November  13th.  The  river  is  there  about  as  wide  as  the  Thames 
at  London,  but  the  banks  are  high,  and  they  were  then  guarded 
by  works  which  with  those  on  Wangtong  Island,  mounted  110 
guns.  Above,  off  Chuenpee,  was  a  line  of  small  war  junks.  .As 
the  Alceste  did  not  bring  to,  some  blank  cartridges  were  fired  at 
her.  Maxwell  feigned  to  regard  the  firing  as  a  salute,  and,  as  such, 
returned  it.  He  then  anchored,  and,  on  the  following  morning, 
weighed  again  and  passed  the  junks. 

Immediately  afterwards,  both  junks  and  forts  opened  with  shotted 
guns.  Maxwell,  who,  owing  to  the  lightness  of  the  breeze,  was 
obliged  to  anchor  again,  returned  only  a  single  shot,  aimed  at  the 
Chinese  admiral,  and  considerately  fired  it  himself,  so  that,  in  case 
of  the  enemy  demanding  the  man  who  had  fired,  he  might  take  all 
the  responsibility.  Either  the  shot,  or  the  fact  that  the  frigate  had 
anchored,  satisfied  the  Chinese  for  the  moment ;  but  when,  in  the 
evening,  the  Alceste  weighed  once  more  to  run  higher  up,  she  was 
greeted  with  a  heavy  yet  ill-directed  fire  from  both  banks.  Maxwell 
returned  it  coolly,  until,  getting  within  half  pistol  shot  of  the  largest 
battery,  he  delivered  an  entire  broadside,  which  silenced  that  work. 
The  effect  of  this  was  that  resistance  presently  ceased,  and  that,  by 
daylight  on  the  15th,  the  Alceste  found  herself  in  a  secure  anchorage, 
with  no  one  hurt,  and  only  a  couple  of  shot  in  her  hull.  No  further 
insult  was  offered  to  the  flag,  and  all  responsibility  for  the  affair  was 
afterwards  disavowed  by  the  Chinese  authorities,  who,  when  Max- 
well reached  Whampoa,  congratulated  him  effusively.  Lord  Am- 
herst  safely  re-embarked  in  the  river,  and  quitted  it  without  further 
incident,  but  was  unfortunately  wrecked,  on  February  18th,  1817,  on 
a  reef  near  Pulo  Leat,  in  the  Strait  of  Gaspar.  The  Ambassador 
was  enabled  to  reached  Batavia  almost  immediately.  Maxwell, 
having  landed  with  the  greater  part  of  his  officers  and  crew  on  Pulo 
Leat,  there  fortified  himself  against  the  Malays,  who  burnt  the 
remains  of  the  wreck  on  February  22nd.  In  face  of  several  attacks, 
he  maintained  himself,  until,  on  March  3rd,  he  was  relieved  by 


1820.]  LUMLEY  AT  MOCHA.  233 

the  Company's  cruiser,  Ternate,  which  conveyed  the  whole  party 
to  Batavia.1 

Such  further  active  operations  as  were  undertaken  by  the  Navy, 
prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  first  Burmese  War,  were  all  necessitated 
by  the  depredations  of  pirates  and  slavers,2  or  by  the  tyranny  of 
petty  potentates.  Several  of  the  actions  are  worth  recalling. 

In  1820,  in  order  to  obtain  redress  for  injuries  inflicted  on  British 
subjects  by  the  Imaum  of  Sanaa,  in  whose  territories  Mocha  lay,  an 
expedition,  consisting  of  the  Topaze,  46,  Captain  John  Eichard 
Lumley,  several  of  the  East  India  Company's  cruisers,  and  a  bomb 
vessel,  was  sent  by  Bear-Admiral  Sir  Eichard  King  (2),  Bart.,  who 
commanded  on  the  East  India  station ;  and,  although  not  without 
serious  loss,  it  succeeded  at  length  in  placing  the  relations  between 
the  British  and  the  local  authorities  on  a  satisfactory  footing.  The 
expedition  arrived  off  Mocha  on  December  3rd,  and  on  the  4th,  sup- 
posing the  north  fort  to  have  been  abandoned,  Lumley  attempted 
to  take  possession  and  destroy  it.  Unfortunately,  however,  it 
proved  to  be  held  in  force,  and  the  landing  party  was  driven  back 
with  considerable  loss.  On  the  5th,  negotiations  took  place ;  but  the 
repulse  of  the  British  led  the  Dolah  to  presume  too  long  upon  their 
patience ;  and  on  the  26th,  fire  was  opened  on  the  north  fort,  which, 
in  a  few  hours,  was  breached,  taken,  and  blown  up.  Further  nego- 
tiations leading  to  no  satisfactory  results,  the  south  fort  was  similarly 
treated  on  the  30th.  Thereupon  the  local  authorities  submitted  ; 
and,  on  January  15th,  1821,  copies  of  a  treaty  which  had  been 
drawn  up  on  behalf  of  the  Company,  were  returned,  duly  signed, 
to  Captain  Lumley.  During  the  two  bombardments,  the  Topaze 
expended  upwards  of  3500  shot.  Her  loss  consisted  of  Lieutenant 
Eobert  Gordon  Atkinson,  E.M.,  Master's  Mate  C.  P.  Gill,  Midship- 

1  Hall,  'Voyage  to  Corea';  Ellis,  'Journal';  Abel,  ' Narrative ';  M'Cleod,  'Voyage 
of  Alceste' ;  Mins.  of  C.  M.,  Aug.,  1817  ;  Marshall,  ii.  805. 

2  Slave-dealing  by  British  subjects  had  been  abolished  by  the  Act  of  March  25th, 
1807,  as  from  January  1st,  1808.     In  1811  the  offence  had  been  made  punishable  by 
transportation  for  fourteen  years.     In  1824  it  was   declared  to  be  piracy,  and  made 
punishable  with  death.     In  1837  the   punishment  was  reduced  to  transportation  for 
life.    France  agreed  in  1816  to  abandon  the  slave  trade:   Spain  and  Portugal  had 
already,  in  1814,  agreed   to   abandon   it  north   of  the  equator;    and   they  formally 
abandoned  it  altogether,  the  one  in  1817,  the  other  in  1823.     Brazil  likewise  gave  it 
up  under  the  treaties  of  1826  and  1830.     Yet  the  trade  was  secretly  prosecuted.     The 
year   1833   saw  the  complete  emancipation   of  slaves   in   all   British   colonies.     The 
numerous  seizures  of  slavers  were  made,  for  the  most  part,  under  various  treaties  which 
gave  to  the  naval  powers  a  right  of  searching  for  slaves,  of  capturing  and  confiscating 
vessels  engaged  in  the  traffic,  and  of  punishing  participants  in  the  illegal  business. 


234      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

man  Francis  S.  Burnett,  and  5  seamen  and  Marines  killed,  and  20 
people,  including  Lieutenants  William  Moriarty  and  Charles  Mayson 
Moncrieffe  Wright,  wounded.1 

A  similar  expedition  had  been  undertaken  against  the  pirates  of 
Eas-al-Khyma,  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  in  1819,  by  a  military  force 
accompanied  by  a  naval  contingent  under  Captain  Francis  Augustus 
Collier,  in  the  Liverpool,  50.  The  works  were  taken  and  destroyed, 
and  all  the  piratical  vessels  in  port  were  burnt  or  sunk.  In  these 
operations  the  Eden,  26,  Captain  Francis  Erskine  Loch,  and  Curlew, 
18,  Commander  William  Walpole,  participated.2 

In  the  West  Indies,  where  Bear-Admiral  Sir  Charles  Bowley 
commanded,  piracy,  often  more  or  less  intimately  connected  with 
slave  trading,  flourished  exceedingly,  the  principal  offenders  being 
scoundrels  of  Spanish  extraction.  Eowley  determined  to  put  this 
down,  if  possible,  and,  to  that  end,  sent  the  Tyne,  26,  Captain 
William  Mackenzie  Godfrey,  to  cruise  on  the  north  coast  of  Cuba, 
where  many  of  the  pirates  had  their  headquarters.  Attached  to  the 
Tyne,  as  tender,  was  the  small  hired  sloop,  Eliza,  mounting  a  12-pr. 
carronade,  and  having  on  board  Midshipman  George  White  (la), 
and  24  men,  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Hugh  Nurse, 
Mate.  On  September  30th,  1822,  when  the  Eliza  lay  at  anchor  off 
Guajara,  she  was  approached  by  a  suspicious  schooner,  which  proved 
to  be  the  Diableto,  6,  and  a  felucca,  which  proved  to  be  the  Firme 
Union,  5.  Nurse,  who  had  promptly  prepared  to  slip  and  make  sail 
to  close,  was  attacked  at  about  8.30  P.M.  by  the  schooner.  He 
returned  the  fire  from  his  only  gun,  loaded  with  round  and  grape, 
and  mauled  the  enemy  so  severely  that  the  felucca  endeavoured  to 
place  herself  between  the  combatants,  and  to  shelter  her  friend. 
The  manoeuvres  resulted  in  the  Eliza  and  the  Firme  Union  running 
nearly  alongside  one  another.  Nurse  instantly  boarded,  and,  in  five 
minutes,  having  killed  10  of  the  pirates,  and  driven  overboard  most 
of  the  rest,  about  27  in  number,  was  master  of  the  vessel.  On  the 
British  side,  2  seamen  were  killed,  and  the  gallant  Nurse,3  and 
6  men  severely  wounded.  On  the  following  day  an  effort  was 
made  to  follow  the  schooner,  which  had  got  away  during  the  dark- 
ness, but,  unfortunately,  she  could  not  be  found.4 

1  Marshall,  iv.  Ft.  II.,  113 ;   Gazette,  1821,  pp.  939,  2029. 

2  Brenton,  v.  265 ;  Gazette,  1820,  p.  1670. 

3  Nurse  was  made  a  Lieutenant,  Dec.  5th,  1822,  and  a  Commander,  Jan.  26th, 
1828.     He  died  a  Captain  in  1841. 

1  Marshall,  iv.  Pt.  II.,  263 ;  James,  vi.  (1837)  390. 


1823.]  CAPTURE  OF  THE  "ZARAGOZANA."  235 

A  little  later,  Captain  John  Edward  Walcott  took  command 
of  the  Tyne,  and,  with  the  Thracian,  18,  Commander  John  Walter 
Roberts,  under  his  orders,  began  a  careful  and  systematic  examina- 
tion of  the  numerous  creeks  and  inlets  along  the  Old  Bahama 
Channel.  On  March  28th,  1823,  he  learnt  from  an  American 
pilot-boat  that  a  famous  pirate  schooner,  the  Zaragozana,  of  120 
tons,  and  between  70  and  80  men,  was  in  his  neighbourhood.  She 
was  commanded  by  a  desperado  named  Cayatano  Aragonez,  and 
mounted  a  long  18-pr.  swivel,  four  long  9-prs.,  and  eight  small 
swivels.  The  leader,  some  of  whose  people  had  been  hanged  at 
Jamaica  not  long  before,  had  caused  his  crew  to  swear  never  to 
spare  an  Englishman's  life,  and  to  blow  up  their  ship  rather  than 
be  taken.  To  set  a  seal  upon  this  bloodthirsty  compact,  the  mis- 
creants had  immediately  afterwards  tortured  and  murdered  their 
cook,  a  negro  belonging  to  Jamaica.  Walcott  and  Eoberts  sighted 
their  quarry  on  the  31st,  off  Baracoa,  and,  in  order  not  to  alarm 
her,  disguised  their  craft  as  merchant  vessels.  Ere,  however,  they 
could  get  near  her,  the  Zaragozana  detected  them,  and  crowded 
sail  for  the  harbour  of  Mata.  The  British  chased  until  1.30  P.M., 
by  which  time  the  pirate  had  anchored  in  her  port,  and  had  moored 
head  and  stern,  with  her  broadside  across  its  entrance.  She  had 
also  landed  some  men  at  the  harbour's  mouth,  so  that  they  might 
enfilade  any  attack  from  seaward.  The  British  got  out  their 
boats,  which,  as  they  neared  the  enemy,  were  fired  at.  Undeterred, 
nevertheless,  by  the  danger  to  which  they  were  exposed,  their 
crews  pushed  on  for  more  than  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  using 
their  carronades  and  musketry,  and  at  length  boarding  under  a 
storm  of  grape  and  small  arms.  Twenty-eight  pirates,  including 
the  chief,  were  taken,  and  were  subsequently  hanged.  Ten  others 
were  killed.  The  rest  escaped.1  This  little  action  was  a  most 
heroic  one,  but  was  happily  accomplished  without  very  severe  loss, 
only  one  man  being  killed,  and  five  wounded,  on  the  British  side. 
In  his  report,  Captain  Walcott  particularly  praised  the  conduct  of 
Lieutenant  Amos  Plymsell,  first  of  the  Thracian,  who  was  second 
in  command  of  the  boats.2 

As  had  been  suspected  at  the  time  in  England,  the  lesson  given 
in  1816  to  the  Dey  of  Algier  had  not  been  sufficiently  severe  to  be 

1  Probably,  however,  some  of  these  were  drowned,  and,  certainly  sixteen  of  them 
were  afterwards  captured  by  the  Governor  of  Baracoa. 

2  Walcott  to  Rowley,  in  Marshall,  Supp.,  Pt.  IV.,  392;  O'Byrne,  1234. 


236      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

lasting.  After  allowing  his  subjects  to  commit  numerous  outrages 
on  the  high  seas,  His  Highness  filled  up  the  measure  of  his 
iniquities  by  again  violating  the  sanctity  of  the  British  Consulate, 
and  by  seizing  the  persons  of  two  consular  servants.  To  remon- 
strate against  these  proceedings,  the  Naiad,  46,  Captain  the  Hon. 
Sir  Eobert  Cavendish  Spencer,  accompanied  by  the  Cameleon,  12, 
Commander  James  Eyder  Burton,  was  sent  to  Algier,  off  which 
place  she  arrived  in  January,  1824.  He  found  in  the  harbour  two 
Spanish  vessels,  which  had  been  recently  captured  by  one  of  the 
Dey's  cruisers.  Spencer  added  a  demand  for  the  release  of  their 
crews  to  the  other  claims  which  he  had  been  instructed  to  make 
against  the  Moorish  government ;  but,  getting  no  satisfactory  reply, 
he  took  on  board  the  British  Consul  and  his  family,  and,  on  the  31st, 
worked  out  of  the  bay.  While  the  Naiad  and  Cameleon  were  still 
beating  out,  the  latter  sighted  to  windward  a  sail,  which  presently 
proved  to  be  the  Algerine  corvette  Tripoli,  20,  the  same  which  had 
captured  the  Spanish  vessels.  The  Naiad,  hoisting  her  colours, 
fired  a  shot  across  the  stranger's  bows.  The  stranger  replied  with 
a  shot  directed  at  the  Naiad.  Both  British  vessels  at  once  went 
in  chase,  endeavouring  especially  to  cut  off  the  corsair  from  the 
mole.  The  Naiad  was  the  better  sailer,  and,  at  length,  passed 
ahead  of  the  Tripoli,  firing  into  her  and  reducing  her  to  a  wreck. 
The  Cameleon  was  then  close  under  the  enemy's  lee,  and  had 
suffered  somewhat  from  the  shot  of  the  Naiad,  as  well  as  from 
the  broadsides  of  the  pirate.  Spencer,  deeming  that  he  had  suffi- 
ciently punished  the  foe,  stood  out  to  sea,  and  made  the  signal 
of  recall  to  the  Cameleon.  Burton,  however,  chose  to  disregard  it, 
and,  after  some  manoeuvring,  most  gallantly  ran  the  Algerine  on 
board,  and,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  only  45  all  told  in  number, 
drove  her  150  people  below.  He  was  then  about  to  take  the  Tripoli 
in  tow,  when  Spencer,  who  had  wore  round,  passed  within  hail,  and 
ordered  him  to  abandon  the  prize. 

The  Tripoli  was,  of  course,  a  thoroughly  beaten  ship  when  she 
was  boarded.  The  disparity  of  numbers  opposed  to  him  might  well, 
nevertheless,  have  deterred  Burton  from  risking  a  hand  to  hand 
conflict ;  and  high  credit  must  be  assigned  to  him  for  his  bravery. 
He  was  deservedly  promoted  on  February  23rd  following. 

After  this  affair  the  Algerian  coast  was  for  some  time  blockaded 
by  the  ships  of  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Harry  Burrard  Neale ;  and, 
during  the  blockade,  the  Naiad's  boats,  under  Lieutenants  Michael 


1824.]  DEFENCE   OF  CAPE   COAST  CASTLE.  237 

Quin,1  Thomas  Dilke,  and  George  Evans,  very  creditably  destroyed 
an  Algerine  brig  of  war  under  the  fortress  of  Bona,  on  the  night 
of  May  23rd,  1824.  The  brig  was  pierced  for  16  guns,  and  was 
moored  head  and  stern,  protected  by  a  40-gun  battery  only  eighty 
feet  from  her,  but  her  guns,  and  probably  most  of  her  people,  were 
in  the  defences  on  shore,  where  were  also  about  400  soldiers. 
Nevertheless,  the  vessel  was  burnt  as  she  lay,  and  the  assailants 
got  off  with  nothing  worse  than  a  few  contusions.2 

A  squadron  was  afterwards  assembled  with  the  object  of  once 
more  bombarding  Algier ;  but  the  Dey  gave  way  in  time ;  and, 
when  His  Highness  had  signified  his  readiness  to  come  to  terms, 
Sir  Harry  Burrard  Neale  left  Sir  Eobert  Cavendish  Spencer  to  make 
final  arrangements  and  to  conclude  the  treaty. 

In  the  course  of  the  same  year  disturbances  broke  out  on  the 
West  Coast  of  Africa ;  and  the  Thetis,  46,  Captain  Sir  John 
Phillimore,  C.B.,  was  despatched  to  Cape  Coast  Castle,  with  a 
detachment  of  the  Royal  African  Corps,  and  supplies.  From 
July  4th  to  July  llth,  1824,  when  the  enemy  was  finally  defeated, 
the  people  of  the  Thetis,  and  of  the  Swinger,  12,  co-operated  in 
the  defence  of  the  place  against  the  Ashantees.  Among  the  officers 
who  chiefly  distinguished  themselves  during  the  operations  were 
Lieutenants  Andrew  Drew  and  William  Cotesworth,  the  former 
of  whom  was  promoted  on  October  19th  following.3 

Irritation  at  the  presence  and  growing  power  of  the  British  in 
India ;  hatred  of  foreigners  ;  ignorance  of  Britain's  resources ;  and 
greed  of  the  wealth  to  be  obtained  by  the  plunder  of  British 
factories,  were  the  impelling  causes  which  brought  about  the  first 
Burmese  war.  Numerous  aggressions  had  been  committed  upon 
the  frontier  of  the  East  India  Company's  territories ;  and  at  the 
beginning  of  1824  it  was  decided  to  suffer  such  insults  no  longer, 
but  to  attack  the  offenders.  Two  divisions  of  troops  were  accord- 
ingly embarked,  one  at  Calcutta  and  the  other  at  Madras,  and 
placed  under  the  orders  of  General  Sir  Archibald  Campbell ;  and 
the  assistance  of  the  Navy  was  sought.  The  squadron  in  East 
Indian  waters  was  then  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Charles 
Grant,  C.B.,  who  directed  the  Lame,  20,  Commander  Frederick 
Marryat,  and  the  Sophie,  18,  Commander  George  Frederick 

1  Promoted,  Oct.  5th,  1824. 

2  Spencer  to  Neale,  May  24th,  1824,  in  Gazette. 

3  Marshall,  Supp.,  Pt.  L,  249 ;  O'Byrne,  232,  306. 


238       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856 

Eyves  (2),  to  accompany  the  expedition.  At  Marryat's  request, 
the  little  paddle  steamer  Diana,  the  first  ever  seen  in  India,  was 
purchased,, and  added  to  the  force. 

Most  of  the  transports  made  their  rendezvous  at  Port  Corn- 
wallis,  in  the  Andaman  Islands,  by  May  2nd.  The  Liffey,  50, 
Commodore  Grant,  Slaney,  20,  Commander  Charles  Mitchell,  and 
four  of  the  Company's  cruisers  under  Captain  Henry  Hardy, 
(Bombay  Marine),  together  with  numerous  small  craft,  also  joined 
at  various  times.  On  May  5th  the  expedition  proceeded,  a  division 
under  Brigadier  Michael  M'Creagh,  escorted  by  the  Slaney,  being 
presently  detached  against  Cheduba  Island,  another  detachment, 
under  Major  Wahab,  going  to  Negrais,  and  the  main  body 
anchoring  within  the  bar  of  the  Eangoon  Eiver  on  May  10th. 
The  total  strength  of  the  military  force  embarked  at  the  beginning 
of  the  campaign  was  8701  officers  and  men,  of  whom  4077  were 
British. 

At  that  time  the  numerous  waterways  were  practically  the  only 
roads  existing  in  Burmah ;  and  the  chief  waterway  in  the  country 
to  be  attacked  was  the  Irawadi,  of  which  the  Eangoon  river  forms 
one  of  the  mouths.  Eangoon  itself  is  about  twenty-eight  miles 
from  the  sea,  the  stream  opposite  it  having  a  maximum  width  of 
about  700  yards.  The  town  was  fortified  by  means  of  palisades 
and  embankments ;  and  near  the  river  gate  was  a  battery  of  fourteen 
guns.  Just  before  the  arrival  of  the  expedition  the  governor  had 
thrown  the  British  residents  into  prison. 

On  May  llth,  the  Lame,  followed  by  the  Liffey,  led  the  way 
up  the  river ;  and,  at  about  2  P.M.,  the  squadron  anchored  abreast 
of  the  battery,  which  fired  a  few  ill-directed  shot  at  the  Liffey, 
but  was  silenced  in  a  few  minutes.  While  preparations  were 
being  made  to  land  troops,  the  battery  again  opened,  and  was 
again  easily  reduced  to  silence.  The  troops  were  then  landed,  and 
the  town,  which  had  been  deserted,  was  occupied  without  the 
slightest  resistance.  Marshall  believes  that  the  British  flag  was 
first  hoisted  in  Eangoon  by  Lieutenant  Samuel  Thornton,  of  the 
Liffey.  On  May  16th,  a  party  of  troops,  accompanied  by  the 
boats  of  the  Liffey,  under  Lieutenant  James  Wilkinson,  attacked 
and  carried  three  stockaded  posts  higher  up  the  river,  near  Kem- 
mendale,  with  a  loss  to  the  Navy  of  Wilkinson  and  nine  men 
wounded,  and  to  the  army  of  two  killed  and  nine  wounded. 

The  facility  with  which  these  operations  were  carried  out  seems 


240       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

to  have  led  the  Indian  authorities  to  underrate  the  quality  of  the 
resistance  which  the  Burmese  were  prepared  to  offer  to  a  further 
advance.  Commodore  Grant,  on  account  of  a  severe  illness  which 
terminated  his  life  on  July  25th,  departed  in  the  Liffey  for  Penang 
on  May  31st,  and  left  the  naval  command  in  the  Irawadi  to  Captain 
Marryat.  Sir  Archibald  Campbell,  and  probably  the  naval  chiefs 
also,  had  fully  represented  the  difficulties  of  the  country  and  the 
determined  temper  of  the  natives ;  but  the  expedition  was  not 
promptly  reinforced  as  it  should  have  been.  M'Creagh  and  Wahab, 
however,  after  having  successfully  executed  their  missions,  joined 
the  military  commander-in-chief.  The  Slaney,  in  the  course  of 
the  operations  at  Cheduba,  where  she  remained,  lost  one  Boyal 
Marine  killed,  and  Lieutenant  Henry  Bathurst  Matthews  and  four 
men  wounded. 

While  at  Eangoon,  Campbell,  on  June  10th,  sent  a  force  which 
attacked  and  carried  a  stockaded  post  near  Kemmendine,  whence 
fire-rafts  had  been  floated  down  upon  the  British  craft  in  the  river 
below.  On  July  1st  he  dispersed  a  Burmese  command  in  the 
same  neighbourhood,  the  boats  of  the  squadron  co-operating ;  and 
on  July  8th  he  despatched  a  division  against  the  enemy  at  Kum- 
meroot,  while  he  himself,  with  800  men,  and  the  assistance  of  the 
small  craft  and  boats  of  the  squadron,  attacked  the  same  body  of 
the  enemy  from  the  river  above  Kemmendine.  Marryat  was  too 
ill  to  take  an  active  part  in  this  affair,  the  naval  conduct  of  which 
he  entrusted  to  Lieutenant  Thomas  Fraser,  of  the  Larne.  It  was 
completely  successful,  ten  stockades  being  carried,  800  Burmese 
killed,  and  38  guns  captured.  The  naval  loss  was  only  11  men 
wounded. 

In  the  meantime  both  the  troops  and  the  seamen  had  begun 
to  suffer  very  severely  from  cholera,  and  other  diseases  incidental 
to  a  wet  and  hot  climate ;  and  the  Sophie  had  been  despatched  to 
Calcutta  to  obtain  additional  seamen  by  entering  or  impressment, 
and  to  procure  stores ;  while  the  Burmese  leaders,  conscious  that 
the  climate  was  their  best  ally,  refrained  for  a  space  from  hostilities 
on  any  important  scale,  and  concentrated  the  bulk  of  their  army 
at  Donoobew,  about  60  miles  north  of  Rangoon.  Marryat,  in  the 
Larne,  had  to  drop  down  the  river  on  July  13th,  to  recruit  the 
health  of  his  sorely  tried  ship's  company ;  but  he  was  able  to 
return  on  the  27th,  when  he  found  that,  during  his  absence,  his 
first  Lieutenant,  William  Burdett  Dobson,  who  had  been  left 


1824.]  OPERATIONS  IN   THE  DALLA  EIVEB.  241 

behind,  had  led  a  useful  reconnaissance  up  Puzendown  Creek. 
The  same  officer  subsequently  captured  thirty-five  deeply-laden 
cargo  boats. 

In  August  an  expedition  mainly  military,  but  accompanied  by 
a  few  gunboats,  was  detached  from  Eangoon  to  Tenasserim,  where 
it  presently  captured  and  occupied  Tavoy  and  Mergui ;  but  for 
some  time,  owing  to  the  immense  difficulties  of  the  country  and 
climate,  the  operations  in  the  direction  of  Ava  made  very  little 
progress.  Continual  fighting,  however,  went  on.  Campbell  and 
Marryat  made  a  successful  raid  up  the  Syriam  river  in  the  first 
week  in  August ;  and  in  the  second  week  of  the  same  month  a  com- 
posite force  sent  up  the  Dalla  river  under  Lieut. -Colonel  H.  M.  Kelly 
and  Lieutenant  Thomas  Fraser,  K.N.,  behaved  magnificently,  in 
spite  of  the  cowardice  of  the  Bengali  boatmen  who  formed  part 
of  the  crews  of  the  small  craft.  Among  the  naval  officers  who 
most  distinguished  themselves  were  Lieutenant  Fraser,  and  Messrs. 
Eobert  Atherton,  John  Duffill,  George  Winsor,  and  John  Henry 
Norcock.  Late  in  the  month  the  Dalla  natives  reoccupied  some 
of  their  positions,  and,  on  September  2nd,  were  attacked  by 
Marryat,  with  two  mortar-boats  and  several  gunboats,  and  Major 
Bichard  Lacy  Evans,  of  the  Madras  army.  That  night  a  strong 
stockade  which  commanded  the  creek  leading  up  to  Thontai,  the 
capital  of  the  province  of  Dalla,  was  captured ;  but  three  days 
afterwards  the  Burmese,  perceiving  the  importance  of  the  position, 
made  a  desperate  effort  to  retake  it,  with  about  1800  men  and  a 
number  of  large  war  boats.  The  people  on  shore,  and  the  Kitty, 
gun  brig,  were  very  sorely  pressed,  when  Marryat,  with  a  division 
of  boats,  relieved  them,  and  drove  off  the  enemy.  In  these  affairs 
Lieutenant  Thomas  Fraser,  Messrs.  Henry  Hodder,  John  Duffill, 
and  Alexander  Cranley,  E.N.,  and  Eobert  Crawford,  Bombay 
Marine,  gained  honourable  mention  for  their  conduct,  and  Marryat 
evoked  the  highest  praise  from  Evans. 

By  that  time  sickness  had  made  frightful  ravages  ashore  as 
well  as  afloat.  The  European  part  of  the  army  fit  for  service  did 
not  exceed  1500  men ;  about  750  British  soldiers  had  died  of 
disease ;  the  Sophie,  18,  which  returned  to  Eangoon  on  September 
4th,  had  buried  a  quarter  of  her  crew ;  and  scurvy  and  other 
maladies  were  so  rampant  in  the  Lame  that  only  27  of  her  original 
crew  remained,  and  Marryat  had  to  obtain  permission  to  take  her 
to  Penang  to  recruit  the  health  of  the  survivors.  He  left  behind 

VOL.    VI.  R 


242      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

him  Lieutenant  William  Burdett  Dobson,  and  a  few  men,  in  charge 
of  the  armed  transport  Satellite. 

The  death  of  Commodore  Grant  left  Captain  Thomas  Coe,  then 
of  the  Tees,  26,  senior  officer  on  the  East  India  station.  Coe 
assumed  command  of  the  Liffey,  and  promoted  Marryat  into  the 
Tees.  After  Marryat's  departure,  Commander  Henry  Ducie  Chads, 
in  the  Arachne,  18,  who  arrived  off  the  bar  on  September  llth, 
took  naval  command  in  the  Eangoon  river.  The  Arachne  had 
been  sent  from  England  to  relieve  the  Sophie ;  but,  looking  to 
the  state  of  affairs,  Chads,  who  found  her  at  Eangoon,  took  the 
responsibility  of  ordering  her  to  remain. 

Operations  were  renewed  on  September  19th,  when  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell  began  a  movement  up  the  river  upon  a  place  called 
Panlang.  The  expedition,  which  was  entrusted  to  Brig. -General 
Hugh  Fraser  and  Commander  Chads,  returned  to  Rangoon  on 
the  27th,  having  defeated  the  enemy,  taken  several  stockades,  and 
captured  a  number  of  guns.  The  transport  Satellite,  the  steamer 
Diana,  all  the  boats  of  the  Arachne  and  Sophie,  and  many  small 
craft,  co-operated  in  these  proceedings  ;  and  Eraser's  dispatch  made 
special  mention  of  Chads,  Lieutenants  Charles  Keele,  and  John 
Bazely  (3),  and  Messrs.  Stephen  Joshua  Lett,  and  George  Winsor, 
R.N.  The  little  steamer  rendered  great  assistance. 

Another  joint  expedition,  under  Chads  and  Major  Thomas 
Evans,  captured  Than-ta-Bain,  about  thirty  miles  from  Rangoon, 
on  October  7th.  Among  the  naval  officers  mentioned  for  their 
services  on  that  occasion  were  Lieutenants  Augustus  Henry  Kellett, 
George  Goldfinch  (actg.),  and  William  Burdett  Dobson,  and 
Mr.  George  Winsor,  of  the  Sophie,  who  had  charge  of  the  Diana. 
Yet  another  joint  expedition  was  despatched,  under  Lieut. -Colonel 
Henry  Godwin  and  Lieutenant  Charles  Keele,  R.N.,  against 
Martaban,  a  strong  place  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salween,  a  hundred 
miles  eastward  of  Rangoon.  Martaban  was  reached  on  October 
27th,  and  Keele  at  once  destroyed  about  thirty  of  the  enemy's 
war  boats.  On  the  30th,  the  stockade  was  very  gallantly  stormed, 
Keele  being  one  of  the  first  to  enter  it.  The  total  British  loss 
was  only  7  (including  2  seamen)  killed  and  14  (including  4  seamen) 
wounded ;  but  the  success  was  of  great  importance,  for,  with 
Martaban,  16  guns,  600  smaller  firearms,  huge  quantities  of 
ammunition,  a  powder  factory,  and  various  stores  fell  into  British 
hands,  and  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  gun-vessel  Phaeton,  which  had  put 


1824.]  THE  DEFENCE   OF  KEUMENDINE.  243 

into  Martaban  by  mistake,  and  had  been  seized,  was  retaken. 
Her  crew  was  found  in  irons.  Her  commander  had  been  carried 
prisoner  to  Ava.  In  addition  to  Lieutenant  Keele,  Lieutenant  John 
Bazely  (3),  and  Mr.  Lett,  E.N.,  were  highly  praised  in  dispatches. 

By  the  fall  of  Martaban,  the  previous  capture  of  Tavoy  and 
Mergui,  and  the  subsequent  submission  of  Yeh  and  other  places, 
control  was  obtained  of  the  whole  coast  of  Tenasserim,  with  its 
valuable  hinterland.  Large  stores  of  grain  also  became  accessible. 

Little  was  done  during  November ;  but,  in  the  course  of  that 
month,  the  health  of  the  troops  and  seamen  in  the  Rangoon  river 
greatly  improved.  The  temporary  relaxation  of  British  activity 
may  have  suggested  to  the  enemy  that  the  moment  was  favourable 
for  a  grand  attack  on  the  positions  which  had  been  won  by  the 
invaders ;  for,  towards  the  end  of  the  month,  the  main  Burmese 
army,  which,  as  has  been  already  noticed,  had  concentrated  at 
Donoobew,  descended  the  river,  heralding  its  approach  by  floating 
down  scores  of  fire-rafts  and  masses  of  blazing  timber.  Commander 
George  Frederick  Eyves  (2),  who,  in  the  Sophie,  was  stationed  near 
Kemmendine,  pluckily  kept  his  post,  and  disposed  of  many  of  these 
dangers  as  they  arrived  abreast  of  him ;  but  the  risks  of  the 
situation  induced  Eichard  E.  Goodridge,  of  the  Company's  cruiser 
Teignmouth,  to  slip  his  cable,  and  to  move  down  stream,  until  he 
was  ordered  back  by  Eyves.  The  great  attack  on  Kemmendine 
was  made  on  December  1st.  At  the  moment  Eyves  was  senior 
naval  officer,  Chads  having  led  a  reconnoitring  party  to  Pegu  and 
being  still  absent.  Eyves  made  what  he  held  to  be  the  best  dis- 
positions, and,  though  he  had  to  take  station  below  the  threatened 
point,  co-operated  with  the  army,  until  the  return  pf  Chads,  on 
the  morning  of  December  2nd.  In  the  interval,  fighting  was 
furious,  and  the  fort  was  sorely  pressed,  when  there  came  up  the 
river  to  its  assistance  Lieutenant  Kellett  and  Midshipman  Valentine 
Pickey,  followed  soon  afterwards  by  Midshipman  William  Coyde. 
These  had  with  them  boats  and  men  detached  by  Chads  within 
a  few  minutes  of  his -arrival  at  Eangoon.  The  timely  reinforce- 
ment probably  saved  Kemmendine.  In  the  afternoon,  Chads  also 
moved  up  the  Sophie  and  three  gunboats,  and  ordered  the  Satellite, 
under  Dobson,  with  some  men  from  the  Arachne,.to  support  the 
defence  on  the  Dalla  side,  where  the  enemy  had  been  observed  to 
be  throwing  up  works.  On  the  3rd,  the  Burmese  in  the  river 
pressed  their  attack  with  more  determination  than  ever,  and 

E  2 


244      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  Teignmouth,  which  however,  was 
not  seriously  damaged.  More  reinforcements  were  sent  up  by 
Chads ;  and,  that  night,  Eyves,  putting  the  whole  of  his  available 
European  force  into  boats  under  Kellett,  ordered  a  dash  to  be  made 
at  the  Burmese  flotilla.  The  attack  was  made  in  the  early  morning 
of  the  4th,  when  the  moon  had  set.  The  Burmese  remained  steady 
until  the  British  were  within  pistol  shot,  and  then  fled.  Kellett 
drove  ashore  some  of  their  rearmost  boats,  and  Lieutenant  Goldfinch 
took  one  craft  bearing  a  flag,  six  others  being  also  captured.  The 
pursuit  could  not  be  continued  for  more  than  three  or  four  miles, 
as  Kellett  had  a  strong  force  of  the  enemy  up  a  creek  in  his  rear. 

This  valuable  service  was  performed  without  loss.  The  naval 
officers  concerned  in  it  were,  besides  Kellett,  Lieutenant  George 
Goldfinch,  and  Midshipmen  Valentine  Pickey,  William  Coyde, 

Charles  Kittoe  Scott,  and Murray.     Messrs.  William  Lindquist 

and  George  Boscawen,  of  the  Bombay  Marine,  were  also  present. 
The  situation  was  further  relieved  by  the  operations  of  Chads  in 
the  Puzendown  creek  against  the  Burmese  left  and  rear  on  the 
night  of  December  5th  ;  by  the  work  of  the  Satellite  at  Dalla ;  and 
by  the  exertions  of  Kellett,  with  the  Diana,  in  the  Panlang  branch 
of  the  river.  The  enemy  persisted  in  his  attack  on  the  6th,  when 
Chads  sent  his  mortar  vessels  up  to  Kemmendine,  where  they  were 
most  useful ;  and  on  the  7th,  many  fire-rafts  and  large  boats  were 
sent  down  against  the  shipping,  though  without  effect.  Not,  how- 
ever, until  nearly  noon  on  the  7th,  when  the  Burmese  had 
become  very  bold,  were  the  enemy's  positions  subjected  to  a  general 
assault  by  the  army.  They  were  then  carried,  and  their  defenders 
were  routed.  Chads  sent  every  available  man  from  the  Arachne 
to  reinforce  Eyves,  and  to  enable  him  to  intercept  the  retreat ;  but 
the  fugitives  were  too  quick  for  the  British.  It  is  calculated  that 
during  the  week  ending  December  7th,  they  lost  5000  men.  The 
loss  on  the  part  of  the  army  was  26  killed,  and  252  wounded. 

On  the  following  night,  a  successful  combined  assault  was 
made  on  the  Burmese  corps  on  the  Dalla  side  of  the  river,  Chads, 
Kellett,  and  Mr.  Archibald  Eeed,  E.N.,  co-operating,  aided  by  the 
fire  of  the  Satellite.  On  that  occasion,  five  of  the  naval  brigade 
were  wounded. 

The  Burmese  soon  reassembled ;  and  they  renewed  their  attacks 
on  December  13th.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  more- 
over, some  of  their  emissaries  managed  to  set  fire  to.  and  burn 


1824-25.]  THE  ADVANCE    ON  AVA.  245 

down,  about  one-fourth  of  the  town  of  Eangoon.  On  the  15th, 
therefore,  Chads  sent  a  detachment  under  Kellett  up  the  Lyne 
branch  of  the  river.  The  expedition  consisted  of  the  Diana,  towing 
the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  cruiser  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  pinnaces  of 
the  Arachne  and  Sophie  ;  and  it  captured  three  large  war  boats, 
and  about  forty  small  craft,  many  with  useful  cargoes,  besides 
destroying  numerous  fire-rafts.  At  the  same  time,  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell,  with  1300  infantry,  stormed  the  Burmese  stockades  in 
the  same  direction,  and  gained  a  most  brilliant  victory  over  20,000 
of  the  enemy.  The  naval  brigade  had  no  one  hurt. 

•During  the  remainder  of  the  month,  naval  reconnoitring  parties 
went  in  several  directions,  destroying  stores  and  rafts ;  the  army 
was  reinforced  from  Bengal,  Madras  and  Ceylon ;  the  Lame 
returned  from  Calcutta;  and  about  twenty  additional  gunboats 
arrived  from  Chittagong.  It  was  the  turning  point  in  the  war. 
From  that  time  the  Burmese  stood  mainly  on  the  defensive,  and 
almost  entirely  evacuated  the  country  below  Donoobew ;  while 
many  of  them,  realising  that  they  would  not  be  harmed  by  the 
invaders,  returned  to  their  homes  within  the  occupied  territory,  and 
afforded  no  small  assistance,  especially  to  the  commissariat. 

It  was  decided  to  begin  the  advance  towards  Ava,  the  capital, 
early  in  1825  ;  and,  in  preparation  for  this,  Sir  Archibald  Campbell, 
who  could  not,  of  course,  afford  to  leave  any  obstruction  in  his 
rear,  sent  a  combined  expedition,  which  gallantly  captured  the  old 
Portuguese  fort  and  the  stockaded  pagoda  of  Syriam.  The  naval 
contingent,  of  48  officers  and  men,  was  headed  by  Lieutenant 
Charles  Keele,  who  was  the  first  person  into  the  works  at  the 
pagoda. 

As  land  carriage  was  almost  unobtainable,  the  advance  had 
to  be  made  on  lines  parallel  with  the  river  Irawadi,  and  to  be 
accompanied  by  a  flotilla.  Captain  Thomas  Alexander  (2),  in  the 
Alligator,  arrived  at  Eangoon  on  January  22nd,  and,  being  Chads's 
senior,  assumed  the  naval  command.  Under  his  direction,  Chads, 
with  the  Satellite,  Prince  of  Wales,  Diana,  15  row  gunboats,  7 
boats  of  the  squadron,  and  various  canoes,  co-operated  with  Lieut. - 
Colonel  Henry  Godwin  in  securing  control  of  the  Lyne  branch  of 
the  river,  and  in  taking  and  destroying,  on  February  5th,  the 
stockaded  position  of  Than-ta-bain,  commanding  its  banks;  and 
Lieutenants  Kellett  and  Keele  also  cleared  the  Panlang  branch. 
In  these  operations  4  seamen  were  wounded,  and  1  seaman  was 


246       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

drowned.  Thus  free  communication  between  the  Rangoon  river 
and  the  main  stream  of  the  Irawadi  was  assured.  Upon  the  return 
of  the  expedition,  the  regular  advance  commenced  on  February  13th, 
Commander  Eyves  being  left  in  charge  at  Eangoon,  and  the  forward 
movement  being  made  by  way  of  the  Panlang  branch. 

The  naval  flotilla  accompanying  the  army,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Alexander,  consisted  of  the  Diana,  Satellite,  two  mortar- 
boats,  six  gun-vessels,  thirty  armed  row  boats,  all  the  boats  of 
the  squadron  in  the  Eangoon  river,  and  about  sixty  launches,  flats, 
and  canoes,  with,  embarked  in  them,  all  the  disposable  officers  and 
men  of  the  Alligator,  Arachne,  and  Sophie,  and  a  brigade  of  troops 
under  Brig.-General  Willoughby  Cotton,  about  1160  strong.  Parallel 
with  and  a  little  in  the  rear  of  this,  moved  the  main  army  of  about 
2500  men.  A  third  division,  under  Major  Eobert  Henry  Sale,  with 
the  co-operation  of  the  Larne  and  Mercury,  was  detached  with 
directions  to  attack  Bassein,  on  the  western  coast,  and  then  to  join 
the  main  force  at  Donoobew.  A  force  of  about  3800  men  was  left 
at  Eangoon,  under  Brigadier  Michael  M'Creagh.  From  Eangoon, 
Ava  is  600  miles  distant  up  the  Irawadi.  Alexander's  flotilla  sailed 
on  February  16th,  the  Bassein  flotilla  on  the  17th. 

On  the  19th,  a  stockade  at  Panlang  was  carried ;  and  the 
Satellite  was  left  to  protect  the  post,  which  was  also  garrisoned. 
On  March  6th,  the  river  flotilla  sighted  the  pagoda  of  Donoobew  ; 
and  the  place  was  soon  afterwards  summoned  ;  but  in  vain.  A 
first  attack  was  made  on  the  morning  of  March  7th,  and,  with  the 
support  of  the  boats,  a  stockade  was  carried,  though  a  second  work 
beat  off  Cotton  with  heavy  loss,  the  result  of  the  failure  being 
that,  on  the  8th,  the  vanguard  of  the  expedition  dropped  down  to 
Youngyoun,  nine  miles  below  Donoobew.  In  the  affair,  the  naval 
loss  was  2  killed  and  13  wounded.  Sir  Archibald  Campbell  pressed 
on  with  the  main  force  to  support  the  marine  column,  and  on  the 
25th,  took  up  a  position  close  to  the  main  stockade.  There  was 
some  fighting,  especially  on  the  27th ;  but,  the  Burmese  general, 
Bandoola,  having  been  killed  on  April  1st  by  a  shell,  his  troops 
fled,  and  Donoobew  was  easily  taken  possession  of  on  April  2nd. 

On  April  3rd,  Sir  Archibald  Campbell,  always  in  communica- 
tion with  the  marine  column,  advanced  towards  Prome ;  and  at 
Suwarrah,  on  the  12th,  he  was  joined  by  Brigadier  M'Creagh.  The 
neighbourhood  of  Prome  was  reached  on  the  24th,  and,  as  there 
was  no  resistance,  the  place  was  taken  possession  of  on  the  day 


1825.]  THE   CAPTURE   OF  PROME.  247 

following.     A  hundred  guns  were  found  mounted  in  the  stockades. 
The  rainy  season  then  commencing,  the  army  went  into  cantonments. 

In  the  meantime,  Major  Sale's  division,  780  men  strong, 
accompanied  by  the  Lame,  Commander  Frederick  Marryat,1  and 
Mercury  (Bombay  Marine),  Drummond  Anderson,  commander, 
had  attacked  Bassein.  The  expedition  had  arrived  off  the  mouth 
of  the  Bassein  river  on  February  24th,  and  on  the  26th,  had 
advanced,  and  had  been  fired  at  from  two  stockades,  which  had 
been  abandoned  on  the  fire  being  returned.  On  March  3rd,  the 
ships  had  anchored  within  three  miles  of  the  town,  which,  it  was 
found,  had  been  destroyed.  Sale  pushed  up  the  river  for  about 
130  miles ;  but,  as  the  enemy  always  fled  before  him,  he  returned 
to  Bassein  on  the  23rd,  having  lost  but  2  wounded.  Commander 
Marryat  subsequently  received  the  surrender  of  Thingang,  and 
Lieutenant  Thomas  Fraser,  that  of  Pumkayi.  The  result  was 
that  the  enemy  no  longer  owned  a  port  between  Cape  Negrais  and 
Tenasserim. 

During  the  wet  weather,  the  army  lay  nearly  inactive  at  Prome  ; 
nor  did  the  Navy  do  much  in  the  Irawadi.  On  May  1st,  however, 
Lieutenant  James  Wilkinson,  while  on  a  reconnoitring  expedition 
up  the  river,  captured  eight  large  war  boats,  without  having  a  man 
hurt,  although  he  performed  the  service  under  a  fire  from  about 
500  muskets.  After  the  occupation  of  Prome,  Captain  Chads 
returned  to  Eangoon ;  Marryat,  transferred  to  the  Tees,  26,  in 
April,  went  also  to  Rangoon,  and  quitted  the  Eangoon  river  in 
May ;  Eyves  was  invalided ;  Lieutenant  Edward  Blanckley,2  of 
the  Alligator,  was  given  command  of  the  Sophie,  and  soon  after- 
wards left  the  station ;  and  the  only  ships  then  remaining  at 
Eangoon  were  the  Alligator  and  Arachne.  Between  that  town  and 
Prome  a  chain  of  gunboats  kept  communications  open,  and  insured 
the  prompt  forwarding  of  provisions  and  stores  to  the  front. 

The  campaign  of  1825  was  not  resumed  until  late  in  the  year  ; 
for,  although  a  Burmese  leader  named  Memia-Boo,  with  an  army  of 
nearly  20,000  men,  had  advanced  to  Meaday,  and  threatened  Prome, 
an  armistice  was  arranged,  and  negotiations  were  entered  into.  In 
the  meanwhile,  Captain  Sir  James  Brisbane,  Kt.,  C.B.,  of  the 
Boadicea,  46,  which  he  had  left  at  Eangoon,  joined  the  headquarters 
of  the  army,  bringing  with  him  his  ship's  boats.  Eventually  the 

1  Posted,  July  25th,  1825. 

2  Confirmed  as  Com.,  Deo.  10th,  1825. 


248       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

court  of  Ava  declined  all  terms ;  and  the  armistice  ceased  on 
November  3rd. 

The  first  episode  of  the  renewed  hostilities  was  an  unfortunate 
defeat  for  the  British.  Lieut. -Colonel  Eobert  M'Dowall,  of  the 
Madras  Army,  while  attempting,  on  November  15th,  to  dislodge  a 
large  force  of  the  enemy  from  a  position  48  miles  N.E.  of  Prome, 
was  driven  back,  he  himself  and  53  men  being  killed,  and  110 
wounded.  The  Burmese,  with  50,000  men,  then  surrounded  Prome  ; 
though  they  received  a  check  on  November  25th,  when  they 
attacked  Padoung-mew,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  and  were 
repulsed  by  a  small  force  which  was  much  assisted  by  part  of  the 
flotilla  under  Kellett.1 

While  Sir  Archibald  Campbell  was  getting  ready  to  strike  in 
return,  Captain  Alexander  died,  on  November  7th.,  and  was 
succeeded  in  the  command  of  the  Alligator  by  Chads.  On 
the  14th,  the  Champion,  18,  Commander  John  Fitzgerald  Studdert, 
arrived  at  Eangooii. 

On  December  1st,  Sir  Colin  moved  out  in  the  direction  of 
Meaday,  while  Brisbane  and  the  flotilla  began  action  with  the 
enemy  entrenched  on  Nepadee  ridge.  The  advance  was.  steadily 
continued  from  day  to  day,  the  flotilla  capturing  numerous  boats, 
and  the  army  driving  all  before  it.  Commander  John  Francis 
Dawson,2  of  the  Aracline,  fell  in  the  fighting  of  December  2nd, 
and  was  succeeded  in  his  command  by  Lieutenant  Andrew  Baird,3 
of  the  Boadicea. 

When  Meaday  was  sighted,  on  December  17th,  it  was  found 
to  have  been  evacuated.  Sir  Archibald  pressed  on,  and  arrived 
before  Melloone  on  December  29th.  There  he  agreed  to  another 
armistice,  in  order  that  negotiations  might  be  again  entered  upon. 
Immediately  after  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  on  January 
3rd.,  Brisbane  fell  ill,  and  was  obliged  to  proceed  to  Pulo  Penang. 
This  gallant  officer,  who  never  wholly  recovered  his  health,  died 
in  New  South  Wales  on  December  19th,  1826,  when  he  was  on 
his  way  to  the  west  coast  of  South  America,  with  his  broad  pennant 
in  the  Warspite,  76.  His  departure  from  the  Irawadi,  caused  the 
command  there  to  revert  to  Captain  Chads. 

Unfortunately,  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of  peace  did  not  end 
the  war.  The  engagements  entered  into  at  Melloone  were  neither 

1  Com.,  July  25th,  1825.  2  Com.,  Nov.  7th,  1825. 

3  Confd.  as  Com.,  May  25th,  1826. 


1826.]  THE   TREATY   OF   Y AND  ABO  0.  249 

ratified  nor  observed  by  the  court  of  Ava ;  and  hostilities  were 
renewed  on  January  19th,  1826,  when  the  British  opened  a 
bombardment  of  Melloone,  which  the  Burmese  had  undertaken  to 
evacuate.  In  the  coarse  of  the  same  day,  the  town  was  assaulted 
and  taken,  the  assailants  losing  only  9  killed  and  35  wounded. 
In  this  affair  the  naval  officers  employed  were  Captain  Chads, 
Lieutenants  Joseph  Grote,  and  William  Smith  (5),1  and  Mates 
or  Midshipmen  Valentine  Pickey,2  Sydenham  Wilde,3  William 
Hayhurst  Hall,3  George  Sumner  Hand,  George  Wyke,  Stephen 
Joshua  Lett,4  and  William  Coyde. 

Even  the  lesson  thus  taught  at  Melloone  did  not  convince  the 
Burmese  of  the  propriety  of  conceding  British  demands.  A  chief 
picturesquely  known  as  Nie-Wooh-Breen,  or  the  King  of  Hell,  took 
up  a  strong  and  threatening  position  in  the  town  of  Pagahm-mew, 
with  16,000  men.  The  enemy  once  more  tried  to  negotiate,  and 
so  to  gain  time ;  but  Sir  Archibald  advanced  without  delay,  and, 
on  February  9th,  defeated  the  King  of  Hell  with  great  slaughter, 
and  took  his  city,  losing  but  2  killed  and  15  wounded.  This 
convinced  the  court  of  Ava  of  the  necessity  of  surrendering.  A 
sum  of  25  lacs  of  rupees  was  handed  over  at  Yandaboo,  only 
45  miles  from  the  capital,  as  an  earnest  of  good  faith ;  and,  after 
little  more  than  a  fortnight's  discussion,  a  definitive  treaty  was 
signed  on  February  24th.  By  this  instrument  Burmah  agreed  — 

To  abstain  from  all  future  interference  with  the  principality  of  Assam,  and  with 
Cachar,  etc. :  if  required,  to  recognise  Ghumbir  Singh  as  rajah  of  Manipur :  to  cede  to 
Great  Britain  in  perpetuity  Arakan,  Kamri,  Cheduba,  Sandoway,  Yeu,  Tavoy,  Mergui, 
and  Tenasserim :  to  receive  a  British  resident  at  Ava :  to  depute  a  minister  to  reside  at 
Calcutta :  to  reciprocate  the  privileges  granted  to  Burmese  vessels  in  British  ports :  to 
enter  into  a  commercial  treaty :  and  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  one  crore  (10,000,000) 
of  rupees. 

On  March  8th,  the  troops  were  re-embarked  ;  and  by  May  6th, 
the  whole  force,  having  returned  to  Kangoon,  had  been  broken  up. 
The  thanks  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  were  most  deservedly 
voted  to  Sir  James  Brisbane,  and  the  officers,  seamen,  and  Marines 
engaged  under  his  orders,  as  well,  of  course,  as  to  the  army ;  and 
the  gratitude  of  the  country  was  further  evinced  by  the  conferring 
of  the  C.B.  on  Captains  Henry  Ducie  Chads,  and  Frederick  Marryat, 
and  Commander  George  Frederick  Eyves  (2).  There  were  also 

1  Com.,  July  22nd,  1826.  "  Lieut.,  Dec.  23rd,  1826. 

8  Lieut.,  June  22nd,  1826.  4  Lieut.,  Dec.  26th,  1826. 


250       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

numerous  promotions ;  and  in  addition,  both  the  Admiralty  and 
the  East  India  Company  expressed  their  approbation  of  the  zeal 
and  gallantry  displayed  by  the  naval  contingent.  It  had,  indeed, 
been  a  most  arduous  and  difficult  conquest ;  and  one,  be  it  remem- 
bered, which  could  scarcely  have  been  effected  by  any  Power  not 
possessed  of  command  of  the  sea,  and  of  officers  and  men  expert 
in  the  various  problems  of  river  warfare.1 

The  officers  and  men  of  the  Navy  engaged  in  this  war  received 
no  medal  whatsoever  until  1851,  the  general  Naval  Medal,  1793- 


ADMIRAL   SIR    ROBERT    WALLER   OTWAY   (1),    BART.,    G.C.B. 
(From  J.  W.  CooKs  engraving  after  a  family  miniature.) 

1815,  being,  it  must  be  supposed,  considered  to  be  too  great  a 
reward  for  services  of  the  kind.  In  1851,  however,  upon  the  issue 
of  the  medal  known  as  "  India,  No.  1,"  that  decoration,  with  clasp 
for  "  Ava,"  was  distributed  to  the  surviving  officers  and  men  who 
had  served  during  the  Burmese  war  in  the  following  of  H.M. 
ships:  Alligator,  Arachne,  Boadicea,  Champion,  Lame,  Liffey, 
Sophie,  Slaney,  Tamar  and  Tees. 

1  James,  vi.  420-470;  Marshall,  'Narr.  of  Nav.  Ops.  in  Ava'  (1830),  where  are 
the  (lisps. ;  Snodgrass ;  H.  H.  Wilson's  Coll.  (Calcutta,  1827). 


1826-27.]  PIRACY  IN  THE  LEVANT.  251 

Turkish  oppression,  and  a  revival  of  national  spirit  among  the 
Greeks,  provoked  a  general  rebellion  of  the  Greek  provinces  of  the 
Turkish  Empire,  which  broke  out  about  the  year  1821,  and  which 
soon  led  to  frightful  exhibitions  of  savagery  by  both  sides.  In 
western  Europe,  and  especially  in  Great  Britain,  popular  feeling 
was,  upon  the  whole,  much  in  favour  of  the  patriots ;  and  the 
governments  were  strongly  pressed  to  intervene,  and  even  to  assist 
in  driving  the  Mahometans  altogether  out  of  Europe.  The  contest 
grew  more  and  more  bloodthirsty  as  it  progressed ;  and  it  was  but 
natural,  looking  to  the  nature  of  the  warfare,  that  the  Levant 
became  the  scene  of  continual  piracy  and  rapine,  as  well  as  of  the 
more  legitimate  operations  of  hostile  races.  During  the  tenure  of 
the  Mediterranean  command  by  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Harry  Burrard 
Neale,  this  condition  of  affairs  more  than  once  demanded  and 
received  the  active  attention  of  British  naval  officers  on  the  spot. 
Thus,  for  example,  on  April  9th  and  10th,  1826,  Commander 
George  James  Hope  Johnstone,  of  the  Alacrity,  10,  found  it  his 
duty  to  send  his  boats,  under  Lieutenant  Richard  Shepheard  Triscott, 
to  destroy  three  Greek  piratical  vessels  near  the  island  of  Psara. 
Triscott  and  3  seamen  were  severely  wounded,  and  Lieutenant 
John  Wheatley  was  badly  burnt ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  40  of 
the  pirates  were  killed,  and  70  were  made  prisoners  in  a  tower 
under  which  their  vessels  had  sought  protection.1  On  June  18th, 
1826,  two  Greek  misticoes,  which  had  plundered  a  Maltese  vessel, 
were  followed  into  a  passage  between  Candia  and  some  outlying 
rocks  by  the  Sibylle,  48,  Captain  Sir  John  Pechell.  The  position 
was  defended  by  the  crews  of  several  other  misticoes,  which  it  was 
endeavoured  to  cut  out.  In  the  warmly  fought  affair  that  followed, 
Midshipman  J.  M.  Knox  and  12  men  were  killed  outright,  and 
4  officers  (1  mortally),  and  27  men  were  wounded.2  Similarly,  on 
January  3rd,  1827,  Commander  the  Hon.  Charles  Leonard  Irby, 
of  the  Pelican,  18,  falling  in  with  a  piratical  schooner,  the 
Aphrodite,  4,  in  the  gulf  of  Kalamata  captured  her.  On  March  2nd 
following,  the  obstinacy  of  a  Turkish  skipper,  who  refused  to  bring 
to  and  be  examined,  caused  Irby  to  mistake  him  for  a  pirate,  and 
to  send  boats,  which  took  and  destroyed  his  vessel,  killing  2  and 
wounding  4  of  her  crew.  In  this  affair,  Lieutenants  Henry 
Smith  (2),  who  was  badly  injured,  and  Daniel  F,  Grant,  who  was 
also  wounded,  distinguished  themselves.  The  total  British  loss 
1  Marshall,  iv.,  Pt.  II.,  352.  2  U.S.  Journal,  1841,  332. 


252       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

was  2  killed,  and  7  (2  mortally)  wounded.  On  June  13th,  Irby 
was  actually  obliged  to  open  fire  on  the  Greek  town  of  Scardamoula, 
in  order  to  obtain  the  restitution  of  plundered  property  which  lay 
there,  the  governor  being,  apparently,  in  league  with  the  pirates. 
Two  days  later,  the  Pelican's  boats  destroyed  a  pirate  vessel  at 
Petalidion.1 

The  commercial  inconveniences  consequent  upon  such  a  state 
of  things,  the  sanguinary  character  of  the  contest,  and  the  barbarities 
of  the  Turks,  led,  in  1826,2  to  the  signature  at  St.  Petersburg  of  a 
protocol  on  the  affairs  of  Greece ;  and,  in  the  following  year,3  to 
the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  London,  the  parties  to  which  were 
Great  Britain,  France,  and  Eussia,  and  the  objects  of  which  were 
the  pacification  of  Greece,  the  suppression  of  piracy  and  anarchy 
in  the  Archipelago,  and,  more  immediately,  the  enforcement  of 
an  armistice  between  the  belligerents,  to  give  opportunity  for  the 
opening  of  negotiations.  In  December,  1826,  Vice-Admiral  Sir 
Edward  Codrington  was  appointed  to  supersede  Sir  Harry  Burrard 
Neale  in  the  Mediterranean ;  and  the  new  Commander-in-Chief , 
who  reached  his  station  in  February,  instructed  his  Captains 
on  September  8th,  1827,4  that  the  intentions  of  the  Powers  had 
been  formally  signified  both  to  Turkey  and  to  Greece ;  that  Greece 
had  agreed  to  an  armistice,  while  Turkey  had  not ;  and  that,  as  a 
result,  it  became  his  duty  to  see  that  supplies  of  men  and  arms 
destined  against  Greece  should  be  intercepted.  The  work  of 
interception,  he  pointed  out,  must  be  carried  out  with  caution,  and 
must  not  degenerate  into  hostilities,  unless,  indeed,  the  Turks 
should  persist  in  endeavouring  to  force  passages  prohibited  to  them 
by  the  allies.  At  the  same  time,  firmness  was  to  be  employed  ;  and, 
if  absolutely  necessary,  the  prescribed  policy  was  to  be  enforced  by 
means  of  cannon.  This  declaration,  to  the  tenor  of  which  the 
Turks  were  no  strangers,5  and  the  manner  in  which  the  British 
commanders  carried  out  the  instructions,  induced  the  Turks,  on 
September  25th,  to  verbally  accede  to  an  armistice  by  land  and  sea. 

At  that  time  there  lay  in  the  port  of  Navarin  a  Turco-Egyptiaii 

1  Marshall,  iii.,  Pt.  II.,  6 ;  O'Byrne,  1202. 

2  April  4th.     Text  in  '  Codrington,'  501. 

3  July  6th.     Text  in  '  Codrington,'  502.     Addit.  secret  article  in  '  Codrington,'  505. 

4  Letter  in  James,  vi.  473.     It  was  compiled  after  receipt  of  instructions  agreed 
upon  on  July  12th  by  the  plenipotentiaries.     These  are  in  '  Codrington,'  508. 

6  Codrington  to  Turkish  Admiral,  Sept.  19th,  1827 ;  Codrington  to  Ibrahim  Pasha 
Sept.  21st,  1827. 


1827.]  THE   BATTLE    OF  NAVARIN.  253 

fleet1  of  some  force  :  and,  as  the  objects  of  this  were  suspected,  it 
was  closely  watched  by  Codrington.  Navarin  harbour,  in  Messenia, 
is  a  spacious  bay  which  opens  to  the  westward,  but  the  mouth  of 
which,  except  to  the  south-west,  is  almost  completely  filled  by  the 
island  of  Sphagia.2  The  passage  is  there  about  half  a  mile  broad, 
and,  in  1827,  was  flanked,  on  the  south,  by  a  citadel,  behind  which 
lay  the  Turco-Egyptian  army  40,000  strong,  and  on  the  north,  by 
the  island,  by  batteries. 

It  should  be  mentioned  here  that  the  French  Rear-Admiral, 
Henri  de  Rigny,  with  a  squadron,  had  joined  Codrington,  off 
Navarin,  on  September  21st,  and  that  a  Russian  squadron,  under 
Rear-Admiral  Count  Heiden,  joined  on  October  13th,  when  Sir 
Edward,  who  on  the  14th  formally  assumed  command  of  the  com- 
bined forces,  was  off  Zante.  The  constitution  of  the  allied  fleets 
will  be  set  forth  later. 

On  the  day  following  the  conclusion  of  the  verbal  agreement 
above  mentioned,  Codrington  and  de  Rigny  were  preparing  to  put  to 
sea,  when  there  came  off  to  the  British  flagship,  Asia,  a  messenger 
from  Ibrahim  Pasha,  who  commanded  the  Turco-Egyptian  fleet 
and  the  Egyptian  troops  in  the  Morea,  with  word  to  the  effect 
that  his  master,  having  received  intelligence  that  Lord  Cochrane 3 
had  made  a  descent  upon  Patras,  requested  to  be  allowed  to  send 
a  sufficient  force  to  frustrate  his  lordship's  plans.  Codrington 
returned  a  decided  negative,  and  asked  whether  Ibrahim  did  not 
consider  himself  bound  by  the  agreement.  The  messenger,  on 
leaving,  answered  that,  unless  he  should  return  within  an  hour, 
Codrington  was  to  understand  that  the  agreement  of  the  25th  was 
still  in  force ;  and,  as  the  man  did  not  return,  Codrington  and  de 
Rigny  put  to  sea  at  sunset,  leaving  the  Dartmouth,  32,  to  watch 
the  Turco-Egyptian  fleet. 

On  October  2nd,  the  Dartmouth  communicated  to  the  Admirals, 
who  were  in  the  offing,  that  a  strong  detachment  of  the  Turks 
and  Egyptians  had  weighed  and  was  standing  towards  Patras.  The 
blockading  force  obliged  this  division  to  put  back  to  the  southward 
of  Zante ;  and,  on  the  3rd,  when  15  more  Turkish  ships  had  joined, 
and  a  further  attempt  was  made  to  proceed,  the  allied  commanders 
made  representations  which  induced  the  whole  to  steer  for  Navarin. 

1  This  had  left  Alexandria  on  Aug.  6th,  and  had  reached  Navarin  on  Sept.  9th. 

2  The  ancient  Sphacteria. 

3  Afterwards  Admiral  Lord  Dundonald,  then  in  the  service  of  the  Greek  patriots. 


254       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Again  the  Dartmouth  was  left  on  watch  ;  and  again,  on  the  4th, 
she  had  to  report  that  some  vessels  had  sailed  for  Patras.  The 
Asia,  84,  with  the  Dartmouth  and  Talbot,  28,  assisting  her,  inter- 
fered with  their  purpose ;  though  it  is  possible  that  Ibrahim's 
intentions  were  frustrated  rather  by  the  state  of  the  weather  than 
by  the  appearance,  and  warning  guns,  of  the  British  ships.  In 
any  case,  the  allies  were  unable  to  prevent  the  Turco-Egyptians 
from  once  more  entering  Navarin  ;  although  it  had  been  determined 
that  the  vessels  which  had  issued  thence  should,  if  possible,  be  cut 
off  from  the  port,  and  obliged  to  make  for  Alexandria. 

These  events  indicated  that  it  was  useless  for  the  allies  to  confide 
in  the  word  of  the  Turks  and  Egyptians.  On  the  other  hand,  they 
induced  Ibrahim,  on  his  return  to  Navarin,  to  disembark  the  troops 
who  had  been  designed  for  operations  at  Patras ;  and  these  troops 
at  once  began  to  perpetrate  the  most  terrible  barbarities  in  the 
Morea,  neither  women  nor  children  being  spared.  The  three 
admirals  considered  it  to  be  their  duty  not  only  to  see  that 
Ibrahim  should  keep  his  word,  but  also,  so  far  as  might  be,  to 
put  moral  pressure  upon  him  to  stop  the  atrocities.  They  decided 
that  a  blockade  of  Navarin  throughout  the  winter  would  be  difficult, 
expensive,  and  perhaps  useless  ;  and  that,  upon  the  whole,  the  best 
way  of  effecting  their  objects,  and  the  objects  of  the  civilised 
Powers,  would  be  for  them  to  take  their  squadrons  into  Navarin 
Bay,  and  there  anchor  them  in  such  a  position  as  to  make  it 
hopeless  for  the  Turco-Egyptian  fleet  to  attempt  to  disobey  them, 
and  dangerous  for  the  Turco-Egyptian  troops  to  further  violate 
the  convention.  Ibrahim's  ships  were  moored  in  a  semicircle  in 
the  bay,  so  that  no  anchorage  save  a  central  one  remained  for  the 
allies.  The  arrangement  had  been  adopted  at  the  suggestion  of 
certain  French  volunteer  officers  who  were  in  some  of  the  Egyptian 
vessels.  The  larger  ships  and  frigates  formed  the  Turco-Egyptian 
inner  line,  and  the  smaller  craft  were  disposed  beyond  them  so  as 
to  command  the  intervals  between  them.  On  October  18th,  there- 
fore, Sir  Edward  Codrington  issued  the  following  instructions  : — 

"  It  appears  that  the  Egyptian  shipn  in  which  the  French  officers  are  embarked,  are 
those  most  to  the  south-east.  It  is  therefore  my  wish  that  his  Excellency  Kear- 
Admiral  Chevalier  de  Rigny  should  place  his  squadron  abreast  of  them.  As  the  next 
in  succession  appears  to  be  a  ship  of  the  line  with  a  flag  at  the  main,  I  propose  placing 
the  Asia  abreast  of  her,  with  the  Genoa  and  Albion  next  to  the  Asia ;  and  I  wisli 
that  his  Excellency  Rear- Admiral  Count  Heiden  will  have  the  goodness  to  place  his 
squadron  next  in  succession  to  the  British  ships  of  the  line.  The  Russian  frigates  in 


1827.] 


THE  BATTLE   OF  NAVAEIN. 


255 


this  case  can  occupy  the  Turkish  ships  next  in  succession  to  the  Russian  ships  of  the 
line ;  the  English  frigates  forming  alongside  such  Turkish  vessels  as  may  be  on  the 
western  side  of  the  harbour  abreast  of  the  British  ships  of  the  line ;  and  the  French 
frigates  forming  in  the  same  manner,  so  as  to  occupy  the  Turkish  frigates,  etc.,  abreast 
of  the  French  ships  of  the  line.  If  time  permits,  before  any  hostility  is  committed  by 
the  Turkish  fleet,  the  ships  are  to  moor  with  springs  on  the  ring  of  each  anchor.  No 
gun  is  to  be  fired  from  the  combined  fleet  without  a  signal  being  made  for  that  purpose, 
unless  shot  be  fired  from  any  of  the  Turkish  ships ;  in  which  case  the  ships  so 
firing  are  to  be  destroyed  immediately.  The  corvettes  and  the  brigs  are,  under  the 


PLAN   OP   THE   BAY   OF   NAVARIN,    OCT.    20TH,    1827. 
(Cliieflu  from  a  plan  by  Lieut.  John  Harvey  Botelcr,  H.3f.S.  Albion.) 

For  reference  numbers  1  to  27,  see  the  table  on  p.  256. 

28.  Three  Tunisian  frigates,  and  a  brig.  30.  Old  Navarin. 

29.  Town  and  citadel  of  Navarin.  31.  Batteries. 

direction  of  Captain  Fellowes,  of  the  Dartmouth,  to  remove  the  fire-vessels  into  such  a 
position  as  will  prevent  their  being  able  to  injure  any  of  the  combined  fleet.  In  case 
of  a  regular  battle  ensuing,  and  creating  any  of  that  confusion  which  must  naturally 
arise  from  it,  it  is  to  be  observed  that,  in  the  words  of  Nelson,  '  No  Captain  can  do 
very  wrong  who  places  his  ship  alongside  that  of  an  enemy.' " 

The  exact  strength  of  the  Turco-Egyptian  fleet  is,  strange  to 
say,  a  matter  of   some  doubt.      According  to  a  statement  of  the 


256      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Secretary  to  the  Capitan  Bey,  it  consisted  of  65  sail,  including  two 
84's,  one  76,  four  double-banked  64's,  fifteen  48-gun  frigates,  26 
corvettes,  12  brigs,  and  5  fire-vessels ;  and  this  statement  is 
probably  correct :  but  Codrington  sets  its  total  strength  at  89  sail, 
besides  41  transports,  and  makes  it  to  have  comprised  3  ships  of 
the  line,  4  double-banked  frigates,  13  other  frigates,  30  corvettes, 
28  brigs,  6  fire-brigs,  and  5  schooners.  The  number  of  guns 
mounted  in  it  has  been  estimated  at  2240,  and  may  have  been  a 
little  greater.  The  combined  fleet,  which  mounted  1276  guns,  was 
as  follows,  the  names  of  the  commanding  officers,  and  the  number 
of  men  killed  and  wounded  in  the  battle  of  October  20th,  being 
inserted  against  each  ship  for  convenience  of  reference  : — 


Ships. 

piSiS.. 

Guns. 

Commanders. 

Killed. 

Wounded. 

eather  Line. 

i 

Asia      .... 

Genoa   .... 
.Albion  .... 
Glasgow     . 
Cambrian  . 
Dartmouth 
Talbot  .     .     . 
Hose      .     .     . 
Mosquito 

i 

2 
3 
6 

7 
8 
10 
11 

84 

76 
74 
50 
48 
42 
28 
18 
10 
10 

(Vice-Adm.  Sir  Edward  Codriugtou     .     .1 
(Capt.  Edward  Curzon     ...                .  J 
Capt.  Walter  Batlrarst    .     . 
Capt.  John  Acworth  Ommanney  . 
Capt.  Hon.  James  Ashley  Claude  . 
Capt.  Oawen  William  Hamilton,  C.B.     . 
Capt.  Thomas  Fellowes,  C.B.    ... 
Capt.  Hon.  Frederick  Spencer  . 
Com.  Lewis  Davies  1  .                     ... 
Com.  George  Bohun  Martiu2 

19 

26 
10 

1 
6 
6 
3 
2 
1 

57 

33 
50 
2 
1 
8 
17 
15 
4 
3 

f 

t 

Philomel    .     . 

9 

12 

10 
6 

Com.  Viscount  Ingestrie3         .... 
Lieut.  John  Robb      

1 
5 

7 
9 

i 

14 

80 

Capt.  Milins    .     .          

2 

2] 

1 

: 

Trident 
Breslau 

Sirene  .... 

Armide.     .      . 
Alcyone 

15 
13 

16 

17 
18 
19 

74 
84 

60 

42 
10 
6 

Capt.  Morice         .                
Capt.  Botherel  de  La  Hretonniere  . 
/R.-Adm.  Henri  de  Rlguy    1 
I  Capt.  Robert   .                           .     .     .     .) 
Capt.  Hugon   ....          .     . 
Com.  Turpin  ...           

23 

14 
1 
2 

7 
15 

42 

25 
10 
5 

Azof      .... 

20 

74 

(R.-Adm.  Count  de  Heiden  ) 

24 

67 

21 

84 

14 

37 

jj 

_: 

.1 

Tezekeyeel  . 

22 
23 

74 

74 

Capt.  Sviukin  .     .                     .... 

13 
5 

18 
7 

*• 

1 

44 

1 

.- 

fl 

24 

42 

3 

4 

26 

44 

5 

27 

32 

i  Posted  Oct.  21st,  1827.  2  Posted  Apr.  19th,  1828.  s  Posted  Oct.  22ud,  1827. 

For  particulars  of  the  Russian  ships  I  am  indebted  to  the  naval  General  Staff  at  St.  Petersburg. 

The  state  of  the  wind  did  not  allow  of  the  bay  being  entered 
before  October  20th.  On  that  day,  the  weather  being  fine,  and  the 
wind  from  S.W.,  the  combined  squadrons  stood  towards  Navarin 
early  in  the  afternoon.  To  give  no  cause  for  feelings  of  jealousy, 
the  Commander-in-Chief  had  determined  that  the  order  of  sailing 
should  be  the  order  of  battle;  and  the  fleet  went  in,  the  British 
and  French  forming  the  weather,  or  starboard,  and  the  Russians, 
the  lee  line.  At  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  a  boat  from  the  shore 


1827.] 


THE  BATTLE   OF  NAVARIN. 


257 


came  alongside  the  Asia,  the  leading  ship,  with  a  message  to  the 
effect  that,  as  Ibrahim  Pasha  had  not  given  any  order  or  permission 
for  the  allies  to  enter,  it  was  requested  that  they  would  again  put 
to  sea.  Codrington's  reply  was  :  "  I  am  come  not  to  receive  orders, 
hut  to  give  them ;  and,  if  any  shot  be  fired  at  the  allied  fleet,  the 
Turkish  fleet  shall  be  destroyed." 

The  Asia  pursued  her  way,  and  dropped  anchor  close  alongside 
a  ship  of  the  line,  instantly  mooring  with  30  fathoms  on  each 
cable  near  the  flagship  of  the  Capitan  Bey.  The  Genoa  came  next, 
and  was  about  to  place  her  bow  towards  the  bow  of  the  Asia,  when 
she  was  hailed  by  the  Vice- Admiral,  and  desired  to  anchor  with  her 
head  in  the  same  direction  as  that  of  the  flag-ship.  This  she  did, 
placing  herself  near  another  ship  of  the  line.  The  Albion  followed, 


Previous  tt>  fflf 


and  took  station  close  to  a  double-banked  frigate.  In  the  general 
plan,  all  the  ships  are  represented  as  in  their  proper  places  ; 
but  the  action  had  begun,  and  had  continued  for  between  twenty 
and  thirty  minutes,  ere  the  sternmost  of  the  French,  or  the  head- 
most of  the  Russian  ships,  had  anchored  ;  and  nearly  two  hours 
elapsed  before  the  Cambrian,  Glasgow,  and  Constantin  were  able 
to  take  up  their  positions,  the  wind  being  very  light.  Codrington 
entered  cleared  for  action ;  but  his  lower-deck  ports  were  not 
hauled  flat  against  the  ship's  sides,  but  were  kept  square,  as  at 
sea  in  fine  weather.  This  arrangement,  and  the  fact  that  he  did 
not  anchor  his  ships  by  the  stern,  but  ordered  springs  on  the 
ring  of  each  anchor,  indicated  a  certain  readiness  to  engage,  yet 
no  necessary  intention  of  becoming  the  assailant.  At  the  same 
time,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  entry  of  the  allies  could  scarcely 
be  interpreted  save  as  a  provocation  to  hostilities. 

VOL.    VI.  S 


258      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Codrington's  orders  were  in  process  of  being  carried  out ;  and 
the  leading  ships  had  anchored,  some  of  them  even  having  furled 
their  sails,  and  the  Asia's  band  having  been  called  on  deck,  when 
musketry  fire  broke  out  in  the  direction  of  the  Dartmouth.  Some 
of  that  frigate's  boats  had  been  sent  to  the  fireships  on  the  right 
of  the  entrance  to  request  that  those  craft  would  move  further 
away  from  the  stations  taken  up  by  the  allies.  This,  of  course, 
was  scarcely  a  politic  measure,  seeing  that  the  new-comers,  and 
not  the  vessels  already  in  the  bay,  were  obviously  the  cause  of 
any  crowding  that  might  be  objectionable.  The  despatch  of  the 
boats  was,  moreover,  a  measure  likely  to  be  misunderstood  ;  and, 
in  fact,  the  Turks,  supposing  that  force  was  about  to  be  employed, 
opened  fire  and  killed  Lieutenant  George  William  Howe  Fitzroy, 
and  several  seamen.  This  produced  what  Codrington  described 
as  a  "  defensive "  fire  from  the  Dartmouth,  and  from  the  Sirdne. 
Up  to  that  point  musketry  only  was  employed ;  but  at  length  one 
of  the  Egyptian  ships  fired  a  round  shot  at  the  French  flag-ship, 
which  replied ;  and  so,  very  quickly,  the  action  became  general. 
Says  Codrington  : — 

"  The  Asia,  although  placed  alongside  the  ship  of  the  Capitan  Bey,  was  even  nearer 
to  that  of  Moharem  Bey,  the  commander  of  the  Egyptian  ships;  and,  since  his  ships 
did  not  fire  at  the  Asia,  although  the  action  was  begun  to  windward,  neither  did  the 
Asia  fire  at  her.  The  latter,  indeed,  sent  a  message  '  that  he  would  not  fire  at  all ' ; 
and  therefore  no  hostility  took  place  betwixt  our  two  ships  for  some  time  after  the 
Asia  had  returned  the  fire  of  the  Capitan  Bey.  In  the  meantime,  however,  our 
excellent  pilot,  Mr.  Peter  Mitchell,  who  went  to  interpret  to  Moharem  my  desire  to 
avoid  bloodshed,  was  killed  by  his  people  in  our  boat  alongside.  Whether  with  or 
without  his  orders  I  know  not ;  but  his  ship  soon  afterwards  fired  into  the  Asia,  and 
was  consequently  effectually  destroyed  by  the  Asia's  fire,  sharing  the  same  fate  as  his 
brother  admiral  on  the  starboard  side,  and  falling  to  leeward  a  mere  wreck.  These 
ships  being  out  of  the  way,  the  Asia  became  exposed  to  a  raking  fire  from  vessels  in 
the  second  and  third  line,  which  carried  away  her  mizen  mast  by  the  board,  disabled 
some  of  her  guns,  and  killed  or  wounded  some  of  her  crew.  This  narration  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Asia  would  probably  be  equally  applicable  to  most  of  the  other  ships 
of  the  fleet.  The  manner  in  which  the  Genoa  and  Albion  took  their  stations  was 
beautiful ;  and  the  conduct  of  my  brother  Admirals,  Count  Heiden,  and  the  Chevalier 
de  Rigny,  throughout,  was  admirable  and  highly  exemplary.  Captain  Fellowes 
executed  the  part  allotted  to  him  perfectly,  and,  with  the  able  assistance  of  his  little 
but  brave  detachment,  saved  the  Sirene  from  being  burnt  by  the  fire-vessels.  And 
the  Cambrian,  Glasgow,  and  Talbot,  following  the  fine  example  of  Captain  Hugon,  of 
the  Armide,  who  was  opposed  to  the  leading  frigate  of  that  line,  effectually  destroyed 
their  opponents,  and  also  silenced  the  batteries.  This  bloody  and  destructive  battle 
was  continued  with  unabated  fury  for  four  hours ;  and  the  scene  of  wreck  and  devasta- 
tion which  presented  itself  at  its  termination  was  such  as  has  been  seldom  before 
witnessed.  As  each  ship  of  our  opponents  became  effectually  disabled,  such  of  her 
crew  as  could  escape  from  her  endeavoured  to  set  her  on  fire ;  and  it  is  wonderful  how 
we  avoided  the  effects  of  their  successive  and  awful  explosions." 


1827.] 


THE  BATTLE   OF  NAVABIN. 


259 


So  thick  was  the  smoke  in  the  bay  that  the  Bussian  ships,  a 
they  entered,  had  great  difficulty  in  finding  their  way,  and  in  dis- 
tinguishing friend  from  foe.  The  Armide,  going  to  her  station, 
found  the  Talbot  pressed  by  three  ships  of  the  enemy,  and  skilfully 
interposed  herself  between  the  Talbot  and  her  chief  adversary 
while  the  British  cheered  lustily.1  The  Armide,  in  turn,  was 
saved  by  the  Bose  from  an  attack  by  a  Turkish  fire-ship  ;  and  the 
Sirene,  as  stated  in  the  dispatch,  was  similarly  saved  by  the 
Dartmouth.  The  little  Hind,  cutter,  tender  to  the  Asia,  had  been 
detached,  and  returned  as  the  squadron  was  entering  the  bay. 
Without  orders,  Lieutenant  Eobb  took  her  into  the  melee,  and 
fought  her  most  gallantly  and  effectively.  The  Turks  behaved 
with  the  utmost  bravery  and  determination,  but,  having  allowed 


WhenMahtwn.  by  an  4 


\ftun  itif  fir sf  line  was 


the  allies  to  enter  without  opposing  them,  their  fate  was  sealed. 
Either  they  ought  not  to  have  resisted  at  all,  or,  upon  seeing  their 
boat  return  from  the  advancing  Asia  with  an  unsatisfactory  answer 
to  the  message  of  Ibrahim  Pasha,  they  should  have  instantly 
opened  fire  from  every  gun  on  land  and  water  that  would  bear. 
In  the  latter  event,  they  would  undoubtedly  have  derived  immense 
advantage  from  their  horse-shoe  formation,  and  from  the  presence 
of  their  fire-ships  just  within  the  mouth  of  the  bay.  Nor  can 
it  be  urged  that  they  were  unprepared.  The  ships  were  all  at 
quarters,  and  the  guns  had  their  tompions  out,  and  were  loaded 

1  "  Our  work  was  now  easy  enough,  for  by  this  time  the  Russian  frigates  got  to 
their  stations,  and  hammered  away.  One  of  them,  however,  in  passing  our  stern,  sent 
several  shot  into  us,  and  killed  the  old  signalman;  whereupon  Captain  Spencer 
ordered  Grey  "  (Mids.  Hon.  Geo.  (2))  "  and  me,  his  two  aides-de-camp,  to  go  on  board 
and  remonstrate.  We  found,  I  regret  to  say,  that  several  of  the  officers  were  quite 
drunk,  and  the  captain  not  much  better."  Otvvay's  '  Adm.  Lord  Clarence  E.  Paget,'  15. 

S   "2 


260      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

nearly  to  the  muzzles  with  shot  and  scrap  iron.  Owing  to  their 
lack  of  decision  and  promptitude,  they  lost  a  ship  of  the  line, 
three  double-banked  frigates,  nine  other  frigates,  twenty-two 
corvettes,  nineteen  brigs,  a  schooner,  and  five  fire-ships,  and, 
probably,  4000  men,1  without  causing  any  proportionate  degree 
of  damage  to  the  allies.  Codrington,  in  his  General  Order  of 
October  24th,  overrated  the  amount  of  destruction  wrought,  and 
expressed  his  belief  that  "one  frigate  and  fifteen  smaller  vessels" 
were  all  that  remained  in  a  condition  ever  again  to  put  to  sea. 
He  was  mistaken,  doubtless  owing  to  the  fact  that  when  he  was 
in  the  bay  several  vessels  which  were  afterwards  saved,  appeared 
to  be  burnt  or  bilged.  When  the  Pelican,  18,  reconnoitred  the 
scene  on  November  17th,  she  found  there  29  sail  at  anchor,2  in- 
cluding a  ship  of  the  line  and  four  frigates  much  shattered,  besides 
a  ras6,  two  frigates,  five  corvettes,  eleven  brigs,  and  five  schooners 
ready  for  immediate  service.  These  may  not  all  have  been  in  the 
bay  on  October  20th ;  but  the  particulars  serve  to  confirm  the 
general  truth  of  all  accounts  save  the  one  in  Codrington's  General 
Order.  All  agree  that  the  destruction  was  less  than  is  there 
stated. 

The  ships  of  the  combined  squadrons  nearly  all  suffered  con- 
siderably in  hull  as  well  as  aloft.  The  number  of  killed  and 
wounded  has  been  already  set  forth.  In  the  British  squadron 
among  the  officers  killed  were  Captain  Walter  Bathurst,3  of  the 
Genoa,  Lieutenant  George  William  Howe  Fitzroy,  Master  William 
Smith,  of  the  Genoa,  Captains  (R.M.)  George  Augustus  Bell,  and 
Cornelius  James  Stevens,  and  Lieutenant  (R.M.)  Philip  James 
Sturgeon.  Among  the  severely  wounded  was  Commander  John 
Norman  Campbell,4  second  in  command  of  the  Albion.  The 
practice  of  appointing  Commanders  as  "  second  Captains  "  to  large 
ships  was  then  quite  new ;  and  therefore  it  may  be  of  interest 
to  add  that  Commander  Robert  Lambert  Baynes 6  served  in  the 
Asia,  and  Commander  Richard  Dickinson,6  in  the  Genoa,  in  that 
capacity.  All  the  Commanders  and  all  the  first  Lieutenants  of 
ships  engaged  were  promoted  in  consequence  of  the  action.  All 

1  Chevalier :  '  Mar.  Fran?,  de  1815  a  1870,'  48. 

2  Marshall,  Supp.,  Pt.  II.  332. 

3  Capt.  of  Oct.  24th,  1799.     He  was  63  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

4  Posted  Oct.  22nd,  1827. 
6  Posted  July  8th,  1828. 

6  Posted  May  13th,  1828. 


1827.]  STAINES  AT  OB  AS  US  A.  261 

the  Captains  and  Commanders  who  had  not  previously  held  the 
C.B.  were  given  that  honour;  and  Codrington  himself  was  made 
a  G.C.B.  In  addition,  France,  Eussia,  and  Greece  showered  decora- 
tions upon  the  victors.  Yet  a  large  body  of  public  opinion  in 
England  condemned  the  Vice-Admiral's  behaviour  as  rash,  useless, 
and  impolitic;  and  the  battle  was  officially  alluded  to  as  an  "un- 
toward event."  Vice-Admiral  Sir  John  Gore  (2)  was  sent  out  to  Sir 
Edward  with  a  long  list  of  queries  from  the  Admiralty  and  the 
Foreign  Office ;  Ministers,  from  their  places  in  Parliament,  charged 
the  Commander-in-Chief  with  inattention  or  disobedience  to  orders  ; 
and  at  length,  after  the  lapse  of  some  months,  Sir  Edward  was 
recalled,  as  Brenton  says,  either  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Opposition, 
or  as  a  peace  offering  to  the  Sublime  Porte  :  perhaps  as  both.  The 
specific  cause  assigned  for  his  removal  had,  however,  no  reference 


COMMEMORATIVE   MEDAL    OF   THE   BATTLE    OF   NAVARIN. 
(.From  an  original,  kindly  lent  by  H.S.R.  Captain  Prince  Louis  of  Battenberg,  O.C.B.,  S.ff.) 

to  Navarin,  but  arose  out  of  other  circumstances  which  need  not 
here  be  entered  into.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  Codrington  was  in  no 
way  to  blame.1 

Before  he  returned  to  England,  he  was  able  to  strike  a  most 
important  blow  for  the  suppression  of  Greek  piracy  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. The  island  of  Grabusa,  which  had  been  taken  by  the 
Greeks  from  the  Turks,  lies  off  the  western  end  of  Crete,  and, 
being  an  almost  inaccessible  fortified  rock,  with  a  good  though 
small  anchorage,  formed  a  most  admirable  headquarters  for  the 
light  vessels  in  which  the  freebooters  chiefly  pursued  their  trade. 

On  January  31st,  1828,  by  the  Commander-in-Chief's  direction, 
Commodore  Sir  Thomas  Staines,  K.C.B.,  in  the  Isis,  50,  anchored 
off  Grabusa,  with  the  Cambrian,  48,  Captain  Gawen  William  Hamil- 

1  Bourchier,  '  Codrington,'  ii.  passim ;  James  (1837),  vi.  471 ;  Brenton,  ii.  610 ; 
Gazette,  1827,  2320,  etc. 


262      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

ton,  Rattlesnake,  28,  Captain  the  Hon.  Charles  Orlando  Bridgman, 
Zebra,  18,  Commander  Charles  Cotton  (2),  Cameleon,  10,  and  two 
French  corvettes,  and  found  14  Greek  vessels  lying  in  the  port, 
with  an  Austrian  ship,  and  an  Ionian  merchantman,  their  prizes. 
Staines  demanded  the  surrender  of  all  these,  and,  receiving  no 
satisfactory  reply,  fired  into,  and  destroyed  most  of  them.  There 
was  no  resistance.  Unfortunately,  while  the  British  ships  were 
retiring,  the  Isis  and  the  Cambrian  fouled  one  another  in  the 
narrow  channel ;  and  the  latter,  paying  off  on  the  wrong  tack, 
presently  fell  broadside  on  to  a  reef  of  rocks,  where  she  was  lost. 
Her  people  were  saved  ;  but  Commander  Cotton,  of  the  Zebra, 
exerted  himself  so  violently  and  continuously  on  the  occasion  as  to 
bring  on  brain  fever,  from  which  he  died.  The  court-martial  fully 
exonerated  Captain  Hamilton.1 

The  destruction  of  the  Turco-Egyptian  fleet  had  had  the  effect  of 
reducing  the  Porte  to  a  condition  of  powerlessness  at  sea,  but  had 
made  very  little  immediate  difference  to  the  lamentable  state  of 
affairs  on  land,  where  Ibrahim  Pasha  continued  his  career  of  violence 
and  devastation  in  the  Morea.  This  led  France,  in  the  summer  of 
1828,  to  send  a  small  army  to  Greece ;  and  eventually,  Ibrahim  was 
obliged  to  depart  to  Egypt.  Turkey's  hands  were  full,  she  being  at 
war  with  Eussia ;  and  her  positions  in  the  south  of  Greece  sur- 
rendered one  after  another,  until  only  Morea  Castle  remained.  In 
the  siege  of  it  the  French  were  assisted  by  Captain  Edmund  Lyons, 
of  the  Blonde,  46,  and  Captain  the  Hon.  Frederick  Spencer,  of  the 
Talbot,  28,  both  of  whom  served  with  a  naval  brigade  in  the  trenches 
until  the  capitulation  of  the  place  on  November  1st,  1828. 

Mention  has  been  made  above  of  the  interference  of  Lord  Coch- 
rane  in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  Cochrane  was  then  no  longer  in  the 
British  Navy.  In  the  summer  of  1814  he  had  been  convicted  of 
complicity  in  a  sordid  scheme  of  conspiracy  and  fraud,  and  had  in 
consequence  been  imprisoned,  fined,  deprived  of  his  naval  rank,  his 
Knighthood  of  the  Bath,  and  his  seat  in  Parliament.2  Years  after- 
wards, doubts  began  to  be  entertained  as  to  the  justice  of  his 
sentence  ;  and,  these  having  grown,  his  name  was  reinstated  in  its 
proper  place  in  the  Navy  List  in  1830,  he  became  a  Vice-Admiral 
in  1841,  and,  finally,  the  Order  of  the  Bath  was  restored  to  him  in 
1847.  During  the  fifteen  years  or  more  when  he  lay  under  the 

1  Marshall,  Supp.,  Pt.  II.  451 ;  Bourchier,  '  Codrington,'  ii.  188 ;  Mins.  of  C.  M. 

2  'Autobiog.  of  a  Seaman,'  ii.  317,  etc. 


1820.]  COCHHANE  IN  SOUTH  AMERICA.  263 

imputation  of  disgrace,  his  marvellous  energy  and  love  of  adventure 
led  him  to  adopt  the  career  of  a  sailor  of  fortune,  and  won  for  him, 
in  that  capacity,  a  fame  such  as  has  hardly  been  won  by  any  other 
seamen  in  the  whole  course  of  history.1  The  story,  of  course,  does 
not  in  strictness  belong  to  the  annals  of  the  British  Navy ;  but  it  is 
so  closely  connected  with  them,  and  it  reflects  so  much  honour  and 
glory  upon  the  profession  which  produced  the  hero,  that  a  very  brief 
summary  of  it  naturally  finds  a  place  here. 

In  1817,  Lord  Cochrane  accepted  the  request  of  the  revolutionary 
government  of  Chile  to  assume  command  of  its  scanty  naval  force  in 
the  struggle  against  Spain.  After  having  partially  superintended 
the  equipment  of  a  war-steamer  which  was  building  in  London 
for  the  revolutionists,  he  landed  at  Valparaiso  in  November,  1818. 
General  O'Higgins  was  Supreme  Director  of  the  infant  republic, 
and  Admiral  Blanco  Encalada  commanded  the  little  fleet,  which 
consisted  of  a  captured  Spanish  frigate,  a  couple  of  ex-Indiamen, 
the  ex-British  sloop  Hecate,  18,  renamed  Galvarino,  and  two  other 
sloops  or  corvettes.  Cochrane  was  at  once  made  "  Vice-Admiral 
of  Chile,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Naval  Forces  of  the 
Eepublic."  Blanco  most  sensibly  and  patriotically  assented  to  this 
arrangement,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  which  was  at  first  offered  to 
it  by  Commander  Martin  George  Guise,2  E.N.,  and  Lieutenant  John 
Tooker  Spry,3  E.N.,  who  had  already  taken  service  with  the  Chilians. 
The  new  chief  hoisted  his  flag,  on  December  22nd,  in  the  O'Higgins, 
50  (ex-Spanish  frigate  Maria  Isabel),  and  at  once  began  a  most 
extraordinary  series  of  successes.  It  is  not  possible  here  to  follow 
him  through  his  difficulties  and  dangers.  It  will  suffice  to  say  that 
in  spite  of  jealousy,  treachery,  mutiny,  no  pay,  bad  ships,  and  short- 
ness of  supplies  and  ammunition,  he  drove  the  Spanish  navy  from 
the  South  Pacific,  and  was  instrumental  in  perfecting  the  liberation 
not  only  of  Chile,  but  also  of  Peru.  In  the  course  of  his  anti-Spanish 
campaigns,  which  lasted  until  1823,  Cochrane's  most  wonderful 
exploit  was  the  capture  of  the  Spanish  frigate  Esmeralda,  40, 
in  1820. 

In  November  of  that  year,  the  Esmeralda  lay  under  the  batteries 

1  "  He  was  at  this  time,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  the 
greatest  man  afloat.     He  was  tall  and  thin,  of  powerful  build,  with  close-cut  red  hair." 
Keppel,  i.  36. 

2  Com.  K.N.  of  Mar.  29th,  1815.     He  eventually  became  a  vice-admiral  in  the 
Peruvian  service. 

3  Lieut.  R.N.  of  July  17th,  1813. 


264      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

of  Callao,  protected  by  no  fewer  than  300  guns  mounted  on  shore, 
and  manned  by  a  good  and  large  crew,  which  slept  every  night  at 
quarters.  Outside  her  anchorage  was  a  strong  boom,  with  chain 
moorings ;  near  her  were  some  armed  blockships,  and,  covering 
the  whole,  were  twenty-seven  gunboats.  On  the  evening  of 
November  5th,  Cochrane,  who  had  with  him  off  the  port  the 
O'Higgins,  Independencia,  and  Lautaro,  issued  a  proclamation  to 
his  men,  and  called  for  volunteers.  The  narrative  of  what  followed 
is  given  in  Cochrane's  own  words  : — 

"  A  hundred  and  sixty  seamen  and  eighty  marines  were  selected,  and,  after  dark, 
were  placed  in  fourteen  boats  alongside  the  flag-ship,  each  man,  armed  with  cutlass  and 
pistol,  being,  for  distinction's  sake,  dressed  in  white,  with  a  blue  band  on  the  left  arm. 
The  Spaniards,  I  expected,  would  be  off  their  guard,  as,  by  way  of  ruse,  the  other  ships 
had  been  sent  out  of  the  bay  under  the  charge  of  Captain  Foster,  as  though  in  pursuit 
of  some  vessels  in  the  offing — so  that  the  Spaniards  would  consider  themselves  safe 
from  attack  for  that  night. 

"  At  ten  o'clock  all  was  in  readiness,  the  boats  being  formed  in  two  divisions,  the 
first  commanded  by  my  flag-captain,  Crosbie,  and  the  second  by  Captain  Guise — my 
boat  leading.  The  strictest  silence,  and  the  exclusive  use  of  cutlasses  were  enjoined ; 
so  that,  as  the  oars  were  muffled,  and  the  night  dark,  the  enemy  had  not  the  least 
suspicion  of  impending  attack. 

"It  was  just  upon  midnight  when  we  ueared  the  small  opening  left  in  the  boom, 
our  plan  being  well-nigh  frustrated  by  the  vigilance  of  a  guard-boat,  upon  which  my 
launch  had  luckily  stumbled.  The  challenge  was  given,  upon  which,  in  an  under- 
tone, I  threatened  the  occupants  of  the  boat  with  instant  death  if  they  made  the  least 
alarm.  No  reply  was  made  to  the  threat,  and  in  a  few  minutes  our  gallant  fellows 
were  alongside  the  frigate  in  line,  boarding  at  several  points  simultaneously. 

"  The  Spaniards  were  taken  completely  by  surprise — the  whole,  with  the  exception 
of  the  sentries,  being  asleep  at  their  quarters — >and  great  was  the  havoc  made  amongst 
them  by  the  Chileno  cutlasses  while  they  were  recovering  themselves.  Eetreating  to 
the  forecastle,  they  there  made  a  gallant  stand,  and  it  was  not  until  the  third  charge 
that  the  position  was  carried.  The  fight  was  for  a  short  time  renewed  on  the  quarter- 
deck, where  the  Spanish  marines  fell  to  a  man,  the  rest  of  the  enemy  leaping  overboard 
and  into  the  hold  to  escape  slaughter. 

"On  boarding  the  ship  by  the  main  chains,  I  was  knocked  back  by  the  butt  end  of 
the  sentry's  musket,  and,  falling  on  a  thole  pin  of  the  boat,  it  entered  my  back  near  the 
spine,  inflicting  a  severe  injury,  which  caused  me  many  years  of  subsequent  suffering. 
Immediately  regaining  my  footing,  I  reascended  the  side,  and,  when  on  deck,  was  shot 
through  the  thigh ;  but  binding  a  handkerchief  tightly  round  the  wound,  managed, 
though  with  great  difficulty,  to  direct  the  contest  to  its  close. 

"  The  whole  affair,  from  beginning  to  end,  occupied  only  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  our 
loss  being  eleven  killed  and  thirty  wounded,  whilst  that  of  the  Spaniards  was  a 
hundred  and  sixty,  many  of  whom  fell  under  the  cutlasses  of  the  Chilenos  before  they 
could  stand  to  their  arms.  Greater  bravery  I  never  saw  displayed  than  that  of  our 
gallant  fellows.  Before  boarding,  the  duties  of  all  had  been  appointed,  and  a  party 
was  told  off  to  take  possession  of  the  tops.  We  had  not  been  on  deck  a  minute,  when 
I  hailed  the  foretop,  and  was  instantly  answered  by  our  own  men,  an  equally  prompt 
answer  being  returned  from  the  frigate's  maintop.  No  British  man-of-war's  crew  could 
have  excelled  this  minute  attention  to  orders. 

"  The  uproar  speedily  alarmed  the  garrison,  who,  hastening  to  their  guns,  opened 


was 
the 

• 

• 

Cochrai!' 

his  disablem 
of  the  prize 
and  to  move 

frijr 

• 

sternly  repr 
spectacle  of  : 
of  the  ! 
boats  as  th( 

,   tr>   them    '•• 
separately.     Air 

utenant. 
nine's  accoin. 
impossible  to  id< 
they  had  served 

In  conseqUv 
in  which  In 

a,  and  unttn 
the  struggle  whi 

ment  with  o 


I 


na  »-f:vui 
,  or  to  "iecidc  *'l 


of  n  small 

. 

freed  the  Dit  •«•.,, 

war.     Bi 
Coch  .erous  ti- 

admitted 

• 
. 


. 

' 


nd  large  crew,  which  slept  t  . 
vie  boon. 

line   armed   blockships,   and,  cov 
e    twenty-seven    gunboats.      On    the    evening    ol 
Nov.- •  Cochrane,   who   had   with  him  off  the  port  the 

O'H:  ncin,  and  Lautaro,  issued  a  proclamation  to 

his  mr-.,  and  called  for  volunteers.     The  narrative  of  what  followed 
is  giv:  u  in  Cochr,ane's  own  words  : — 

.>c<l  and  sixty  seauw  rines  were  aelectod,  and,  after  dark, 

lag-ship,  i .  nncd  wirh  cut!.> 

•  n/lion's  sak  on  the  left  arm. 

r ships 
'iough  in  |> 
iliemselv, 

"A-  •  s,  the 

;iy  flag-ca  •  ;nd  the  second 

•  use  of  ci  ere  enjoined; 

-•it  the  least 
suspicion  <  I 

"Ir  upon  midnight  i't  in  the.  b 

1  "Jl-nigh  frustrated  '  ^uatd-boat,  \i\ou  uiiich  my 

launcli  .  ily  stumbled.     The  Challenge  was  given,  ujmii  which,  in  an   • 

•mts  of  the  l>put  with  instant  death  if  t.li;  .<:  least 

»larm.     No  niado  to  the  threat,  and  in  a  few  minutes  our  ga|lant  i 

; igato  in  line,  li.  'its  simultaneously. 

,o  taken  coiiijiletely  '  -the  whole,  with  the  exu 

1'iarrers— :•• 

-  not  until  tin'  i 
. 

"On      ,  iiutt  end  of 

iit  suffering. 

the  wound,  managed, 
•.'.•at  diUicii'.' 

A  quarter 
loss    !  i 

•yed  than  that  of  our 

Before  bi>  n*d  boen  appointed,  and  n 

was  t<  ren  on  deck  a  minuto,  when 

'  'I'Oinpt 

•'rued  from  the  i 
. 

•.rmed  the  •.  'ing  to  their  guns,  •'• 


1822.]  COCHRANE  IN  SOUTH  AMERICA.  265 

fire  on  their  own  frigate,  thus  paying  us  the  compliment  of  having  taken  it ;  though, 
even  in  this  case,  their  own  men  must  still  have  been  on  board,  so  that  firing  on  them 
was  a  wanton  proceeding,  as  several  Spaniards  were  killed  or  wounded  by  the  shot  of 
the  fortress;  and  amongst  the  wounded  was  Captain  Coig,  the  commander  of  the 
Esmeralda,  who,  after  he  was  made  prisoner,  received  a  severe  contusion  by  a  shot 
from  his  own  party." 

Cochrane  had  intended,  after  carrying  the  Esmeralda,  to  capture 
every  ship  near  her,  and  had  given  orders  to  that  effect ;  but,  after 
his  disablement,  Captain  Guise  took  upon  himself  to  cut  the  cables 
of  the  prize  ;  and  nothing  then  remained  but  to  loose  her  top-sails, 
and  to  move  out.  The  unwounded  prisoners  numbered  200,  among 
them  being  a  Spanish  flag-officer,  who  had  his  flag  flying  in  the 
frigate.  Cochrane  was  so  little  popular  in  the  British  service  that 
Captain  Thomas  Searle,  of  the  Hyperion,  42,  which  lay  close  by, 
sternly  repressed  all  signs  of  admiration  by  those  in  his  ship  at  the 
spectacle  of  this  magnificent  exploit.  On  the  other  hand,  the  officers 
of  the  U.S.  frigate  Macedonian  quietly  wished  success  to  Cochrane's 
boats  as  they  passed  in,  and  expressly  refrained  from  calling  atten- 
tion to  them  by  hailing.  The  Hyperion  had  hailed  each  one 
separately.  Among  the  officers  who  took  part  in  the  attack  were 
Lieutenants  Esmonde,  Morgell,  Bell  and  Kobertson  ;  but,  as  Coch- 
rane's account  does  not  give  their  Christian  names,  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  identify  them,  or  to  decide  whether,  as  is  most  probable, 
they  had  served  previously  as  British  naval  officers. 

In  consequence  mainly  of  the  thankless  and  treacherous  manner 
in  which  he  was  treated,  Cochrane  quitted  the  service  of  Chile  and 
Peru,  and  entered  that  of  Dom  Pedro,  who  had  then  embarked  upon 
the  struggle  which  resulted  in  the  separation  of  Brazil  from  Portugal. 
He  reached  Eio  de  Janeiro  in  March,  1822  ;  found  the  new  govern- 
ment with  only  the  skeleton  of  a  small  fleet;  rapidly  organised  a 
squadron  ;  and  gained  some  remarkable  successes,  which  practically 
freed  the  Brazilian  coasts  from  the  presence  of  Portuguese  men-of- 
war.  But  again,  owing  no  doubt  in  part  to  his  quarrelsome  nature, 
Cochrane  failed  to  obtain  generous  treatment  at  the  hands  of  his 
employers ;  and  he  indignantly  left  Brazil  in  1825.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  he  had  had  very  much  to  put  up  with,  that  he  had 
served  the  young  empire  with  single-hearted  devotion,  and  that, 
upon  the  whole,  his  brilliant  adventures  in  South  America  cost  him 
much  more  than  he  ever  received  from  the  governments  whose  cause 
he  espoused  to  such  good  effect.1  Dom  Pedro  conferred  upon  him 
1  '  Xarr.  of  Services  in  Chile,  Peru,  and  Brazil,'  2  vols.,  1859. 


266      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

the  title  of  Marques  de  Maranhao.  Among  the  English-named 
officers  who  served  with  him  in  Brazil  were  David  Jowett,  James 
Wallace,1  Thomas  Sackville  Crosbie,2  W.  Jackson,  James  Shepherd,3 
S.  E.  Clewley,  Francis  -Clare,  G.  March,  W.  January,  George  Man- 
son,4  Leonard  Coming,  Francis  Drummond,  Joseph  Fitzcosten, 
C.  Eose,  and  J.  Pascoe  Grenfell,  who  subsequently  rose  to  flag-rank 
in  Brazil.  I  regret  that  I  cannot  identify  the  majority  of  these. 
Lord  Cochrane,  after  a  period  of  rest  in  England,  served  the  cause 
of  Greece  for  about  twelve  months  in  the  years  1827-28 ;  but  his 
exploits  in  the  Levant  were  tame  in  comparison  with  those  in  South 
America. 

Cochrane  was  by  far  the  greatest  of  the  British  sailors  of  fortune 
who,  after  the  conclusion  of  twenty  years  of  war  with  France,  found 
congenial  work  as  the  mercenaries  of  foreign  governments,  or  of 
revolutionary  movements  abroad ;  bat  the  number  of  officers  who 
thus  kept  their  swords  from  wholly  rusting  is  much  larger  than  is 
commonly  suspected.  Two  only,  however,  besides  Cochrane,  need 
special  mention  here,  in  connection  with  what  has  been  written 
above.  These  are  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  George  Eose  Sartorius, 
who,  in  1832,  when  a  Post-Captain  of  eighteen  years'  standing, 
assumed  command,  as  Admiral,  of  the  fleet  of  Dona  Pedro,  of 
Portugal.  His  name  was,  in  consequence,  struck  from  the  Navy 
List,  though  it  was  restored  in  1836.  He  received  for  his  services 
the  title  of  Viconde  de  Piedade.  He  was  succeeded  in  his 
appointment  in  1833  by  Captain  Charles  Napier  (2),  C.B.,  one  at 
least  of  whose  exploits  almost  rivalled  those  of  Cochrane,  and 
must  be  described. 

Into  the  nature  of  the  constitutional  quarrel  between  Doin  Pedro 
and  Dom  Miguel  it  is  unnecessary  to  enter.  When  in  April,  1833, 
Napier  left  England  to  command  the  naval  forces  of  the  former,  he 
was  accompanied  by  Commander  James  Wilkinson,  Lieutenant 
Henry  Frederick  Peake,  Master  Edward  John  Phillips  Pearn,  and 
Lieutenant  Charles  Elers  Napier,  all  of  the  Eoyal  Navy.  To  evade 
the  provisions  of  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act,  each  one  assumed  an 

1  Qy.,  Lieut.  R.N.  of  Oct.  24th,  1807  ? 

2  Lieut.  E.N.  of  Feb.  1st,  1815. 

3  Killed  in  the  war  between  Brazil  and  Buenos  Ayres,  1827.    On  the  side  of  Buenos 
Ayres  in  that  campaign  were  many  English-named  officers,  including  Admiral  Brown, 
Captains  Drummond  (perhaps  the  Francis  Drummond  of  the  text),  and  Granville,  Lieut. 
Ford,  and  Mids.  Attwell  and  Hall. 

4  Qy.,  Lieut.  R.N.  of  Oct.  18th,  1802  ? 


1833.]  NAPIER   IN  PORTUGAL.  267 

alias,  Napier  himself  becoming  Carlos  de  Ponza.1  On  June  8th, 
Napier  received  his  commission  as  Vice-Admiral  and  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Portuguese  Navy ;  and  on  the  llth,  he  hoisted  his  flag 
in  the  Rainha  de  Portugal,  46,  in  Oporto  Koad.  Wilkinson  was  given 
the  posts  of  Commodore,  and  Captain  of  the  Fleet,  with  his  pennant 
in  the  Rainha  de  Portugal ;  Peake  obtained  command  of  the  Donna 
Maria,  42 ;  Pearn  was  made  Master  of  the  Fleet ;  and  young  Napier, 
with  Commander's  rank,  became  Aide-de-camp  to  the  Vice-Admiral. 
Besides  the  Rainha  de  Portugal  and  the  Donna  Maria,  the  Pedroite 
squadron  included  the  Dom  Pedro,  50,  Captain  Goble,2  the  Villa 
Flor,  18,  Commander  Ruxton,  and  the  Portuense,  20,  besides  a  few 
steam  tugs  and  transports.  The  Miguelite  force  was  considerably 
stronger,  comprising  as  it  did  two  vessels  of  the  line,  a  56-gun  ship, 
a  50-gun  frigate,  three  corvettes,  and  several  brigs,  all  ready  for  sea 
in  the  Tagus.  Moreover,  Napier's  ships  were  in  bad  order,  the 
crews  being  "  half-naked  and  undisciplined."  Nevertheless,  after 
some  expeditions  along  the  coast,  the  Vice-Admiral  put  to  sea  from 
Lagos  on  July  2nd,  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  and,  on  the  following 
morning,  sighted  him,  though,  owing  to  various  causes,  he  was  not 
able  to  engage  him  until  the  5th.  The  battle  was  fought  off  Cape 
St.  Vincent.  After  a  brief  but  very  hot  short-range  action,  the 
Rainha  de  Portugal,  46,  boarded  and  carried  the  Nao  Rainha,  74 ; 
and  the  Donna  Maria,  42,  treated  the  Principessa  Reale,  56,  in  a 
similar  manner.  The  Dom  Jodo,  74,  the  Martina  de  Freitas,  50, 
and  a  22-gun  corvette  were  also  taken.  It  was  a  remarkable  victory ; 
yet,  since  nearly  the  whole  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  prizes  sub- 
sequently joined  and  fought  for  the  Pedroite  cause,  it  is  possible  that, 
as  Miguelites,  they  fought  half-heartedly,  though,  at  the  same  time, 
they  lost  heavily.  Napier,  who  was  rewarded  with  the  title  of  Conde 
de  Cabo  Sao  Vincente,  remained  at  the  head  of  the  Portuguese  navy 
after  the  collapse  of  Dom  Miguel,  until  October,  1834,  when  he 
resigned,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  returned  to  England.3  His  name 
had  been  removed  from  the  Navy  List,  but  was  restored  to  it  as 
from  March  9th,  1836. 

After  the  Battle  of  Navarin,  the  Navy  took  no  part  in  any  opera- 
tions on  a  large  scale  until  after  the  outbreak  of  the  first  China  War 

1  See  Vol.  V.,  pp.  522-23. 

2  Qy.,  Thomas  Goble,  a   Lieut.   R.N.   of  Dec.  24th,  1805?    He  was  killed   on 
July  5th,  1833. 

3  '  Life  and  Corr.  of  Napier,'  i.  168,  etc. ;  War  in  Portugal '  (2  vols.,  1836). 


268      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

in  1839 ;  yet  never  was  it  wholly  idle  for  long.  Pirates,  slavers, 
truculent  semi-savages,  and  European  revolutionists  gave  it  plenty 
to  do  in  several  directions  ;  and  there  is  much  to  be  said  concerning 
its  services  in  the  eleven  years  1828-1838,  although  the  period  was 
practically  one  of  peace. 

Lieutenant  Joseph  Sherer,1  who  was  appointed  to  the  Monkey 
on  the  West  Indies  station  in  October,  1828,  and  transferred  to  the 
Nimble,  5,  in  August,  1829,  was  one  of  those  who  made  for  them- 
selves enviable  names  at  that  time.  In  the  Monkey,  a  vessel  of  only 
75  tons,  mounting  one  long  12-pr.  on  a  pivot,  and  carrying  but  26 
men,  he  made  prize,  in  April,  1829,  of  the  Spanish  schooner  Joseplia, 
carrying  one  12-pr.  gun,  a  crew  of  21  men,  and  207  slaves  ;  and,  on 
June  27th  following,  after  a  35  minutes'  action,  of  the  brig  Midas, 
of  360  tons,  mounting  four  long  18-prs.  and  four  medium  12-prs., 
with  a  crew  of  more  than  50  men,  of  whom  1  was  killed  and  3  were 
wounded.  In  her  400  slaves  were  captured.  In  the  Nimble,  in 
November,  1829,  Sherer  took  the  Gallito,  of  one  9-pr.,  with  16 
hands  and  136  slaves  on  board.  He  was,  in  consequence,  made  a 
Commander,  as  from  December  30th,  1829. 2 

The  terror  equally  of  pirates  and  of  slavers  in  the  West  Indies 
was  Lieutenant  John  Bunch  Bonnemaison  M'Hardy,  who,  while 
acting  in  the  Icarus,  10,  Commander  John  George  Graham,  pre- 
vious to  the  receipt  of  his  commission,  had  participated,  under 
Lieutenant  Charles  Croker,  on  August  20th,  1824,  in  the  capture, 
off  Havana,  of  the  pirate  schooner  Diableto,  6,  with  a  complement 
of  55  men.  The  British  boats  employed  had  only  34  all  told 
in  them.  On  January  1st,  1828,  M'Hardy  was  given  command 
of  the  schooner  Pickle,  3,  manned  by  30  men  and  6  boys.  In 
her,  on  June  6th,  1829,  he  fell  in  with  the  famous  slaver  Boladora, 
mounting  two  long  18's  and  two  long  12's,  and  having  60  men, 
besides  armed  negroes,  on  board.  A  good  account  of  what  happened, 
written  by  an  officer  of  the  Pickle,  will  be  found  in  the  Nautical 
Magazine.  It  will  be  sufficient  here  to  say  that,  after  a  close  and 
severe  action  lasting  80  minutes,  in  which  the  enemy  lost  10  killed 
and  14  wounded,  the  little  schooner,  which  herself  had  1  killed 
and  10  (3  mortally)  wounded,  was  successful.  In  this  gallant 
affair,  Mate  William  Newton  Fowell  behaved  with  much  credit. 

1  A  Lieut,  of  1822;  had  served  with  Lyon  in  the  Heda.     He  was  posted  in  1841 
and  died  in  that  rank. 

2  O'Byrne,  1060 ;  Marshall,  iv.  Pt,  II.  348. 


1829-30.]  CAPTURES   OF  SLAVERS.  269 

M'Hardy  was    promoted    to    be   Commander    on   December   20th 
following.1 

Two  other  distinguished  officers  of  the  same  stamp  were  Lieu- 
tenant Henry  Downes,  and  Mate  Edward  Harris  Butterfield.  These 
officers,  and  Mate  Thomas  Philip  Le  Hardy,  were  detached,  in  1829, 
on  a  cruise  in  the  Black  Joke,  of  one  long  18-pr.  and  34  men,  then 
tender  to  the  Sibylle,  48,  Commodore  Francis  Augustus  Collier,  on 
the  West  Coast  of  Africa.  This  little  craft  is  credited  with  having 
captured  no  fewer  than  21  slavers,  with  upwards  of  7000  slaves  in 
them.  Among  them  was  the  Spanish  brig  Providencia,  of  14  guns 
and  80  men ;  the  Brazilian  brig  Vengador,  of  8  guns  and  645  slaves  ; 
the  Buenos  Aires  privateer  Presidente,  of  7  guns  and  97  men,  which, 
with  her  prizes,  the  Hossey,  6,  and  Marianna,  2,  was  boarded  and 
carried  after  a  close  running  fight  of  ten  hours ;  and  the  Spanish 
brig  Almirante,  14  (ten  18's  and  four  long  9's),  with  80  men  and  460 
slaves.  The  last  was  carried  after  an  eleven  hours'  chase  with 
sweeps,  and  an  eighty  minutes'  severe  action,  in  which  the  enemy 
had  15  killed  and  13  wounded,  and  the  British,  3  killed  and  7 
wounded.  For  this  most  dashing  exploit,  Downes  and  Le  Hardy 
were  promoted,  and  Butterfield,  who  had  passed  his  examination  in 
1827,  was  placed  on  the  Admiralty  list,  and  appointed,  in  January, 
1830,  first  Lieutenant  of  the  Primrose,  18. 2  The  Black  Joke  con- 
tinued her  successful  career,  under  Lieutenant  William  Eamsay,* 
and,  on  April  25th,  1831,  boarded  and  carried  the  large  armed 
Spanish  slaver  Marinerito,  of  5  guns  and  77  officers  and  men,  off  the 
Calabar  Eiver,  losing  1  killed  and  7  wounded. 

The  Primrose,  which,  under  Commander  Thomas  Saville  Griffin- 
hoofe,  had  already  distinguished  herself  on  the  same  station,  was, 
in  September,  1830,  commanded  by  Commander  William  Broughton. 
On  the  7th  of  that  month  she  encountered  the  exceptionally  power- 
ful slaver  Veloz  Pasajero,*  which  mounted  20  heavy  guns,  had  a  crew 
of  180  desperadoes,  and  carried  555  slaves  between  decks.  In  the 
hand  to  hand  conflict  which  followed,  Butterfield  again  signalised 
himself,  and,  when  Broughton  had  been  badly  hurt,  succeeded  to 

1  O'Byrne,  698 ;  Naut.  Mag.,  iii.  649. 

2  Gazette,  1829,  710;  O'Byrne,  156,  646.     Downes  wan  made  a  Com.  May  2nd, 
1829,  and  Le  Hardy,  a  Lieut,  on  the  same  day. 

3  Com.,  Aug.  loth,  1831. 

4  Keppel  met  her  skipper,  Jose  Antonio  Barbozo,  still  in  command  of  a  slaver,  in 
1838,  and  describes  him  as  handsome  and  intelligent-looking.     He  had  lost  an  arm  in 
the  action  with  the  Primrose.     Keppel,  i.  239. 


270      MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

the  command.  The  enemy  did  not  surrender  until  she  had  lost 
46  killed  and  20  wounded,  and  caused  a  loss  to  the  British  of 
3  killed  and  13  wounded.  In  1831  Butterfield  commissioned  the 
Brisk,  3,  and  in  her  captured  the  slaver  Prueba,  with  313  slaves  on 
board.  For  his  gallantry  he  was  made  a  Commander  on  March  7th, 
1832,  that  being  the  earliest  possible  date  at  which,  under  the 
regulations,  he  was  eligible  for  promotion.1 

In  the  summer  of  1832,  boat  parties  from  the  Magicienne,  24, 
Captain  James  Hanway  Plumridge,  under  Lieutenants  Frederick 
Hutton  and  the  Hon.  Henry  Keppel,  rendered  useful  service  in  the 
rivers  of  the  Malay  peninsula  by  preventing  the  passage  of  supplies 
by  water  to  the  Bajah  of  Nanning,  who,  for  nearly  two  years  pre- 
viously, had  been  at  war  with  the  East  India  Company.  The 
blockade  assisted  in  bringing  the  war  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion.2 

In  1831-32,  the  course  of  events  on  the  continent  of  Europe 
necessitated  the  employment  of  two  special  squadrons  in  foreign 
waters.  The  situation  created  in  Portugal  by  the  war  between  Dom 
Pedro  and  Dom  Miguel,  and  the  resultant  interference  with  British 
trade,  led  to  the  considerable  strengthening  of  the  force  which,  under 
Bear-Admiral  William  Parker,  in  the  Asia,  84,  Captain  Peter 
Bichards,  lay  in,  or  cruised  off,  the  Tagus.  Several  of  the  rein- 
forcing ships  were  drawn  from  an  Experimental  Squadron  which, 
under  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Pulteney  Malcolm,  was  organised  in  1832, 
chiefly  in  order  to  try  the  rates  of  sailing  of  various  new  types  of 
vessels.  Towards  the  end  of  1832,  the  insistance  of  Holland  in 
defying  the  great  Powers  with  regard  to  the  Belgian  question,  and 
the  active  interference  of  Louis  Philippe  on  behalf  of  his  son-in-law, 
King  Leopold,  who  was  also  a  cousin  of  King  William  IV.,  induced 
Great  Britain  to  join  with  France  in  declaring  a  blockade  of  the 
ports  of  Holland,  and  an  embargo  on  Dutch  shipping,  the  King  of 
the  Netherlands  having  precipitated  matters  by  ordering  British 
and  French  vessels  to  quit  his  ports  within  three  days.  The  French 
contingent  of  the  blockading  fleet  was  under  the  orders  successively  of 
Bear- Admirals  Ducrest  de  Villeneuve,  and  de  Mackau ;  the  British 
was  commanded  by  Sir  Pulteney  Malcolm,  and  consisted  largely  of 
vessels  of  the  Experimental  Squadron.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
blockade,  which  practically  ceased  with  the  capture  of  the  citadel  of 

1  Marshall,  iv.  Pt.  II.  476 ;  O'Byrne,  130,  156 ;  Gazette,  1830,  2451.     Broughton 
was  posted  Nov.  22nd,  1831. 

2  Keppel,  i.  134. 


1832.] 


THE  DUTCH  BLOCKADE. 


Ill 


Antwerp  by  the  French  on  December  23rd,  1832,  Malcolm's  fleet 
was  made  up  of  the — 

Donegal,  74  (flag),  Captain  John  Dick;  Malabar,  74,  Captain  the  Hon.  Josceline 
Percy;  Revenge,  78,  Captain  Donald  Hugh  Mackay;  Spartiate,  74,  Captain  Robert 
Tait ;  Talavera,  74,  Captain  Thomas  Brown ;  Southampton,  52,  Commander  John 
Milligan  Laws  (actg.  Captain) ;  Vernon,  50,  Captain  Sir  Francis  Augustus  Collier  ; 
Cantor,  36,  Captain  Lord  John  Hay  (1) ;  Stag,  46,  Captain  Nicholas  Lockyer ;  Con- 
way,  28,  Captain  Henry  Eden  (1);  Volage,  28,  Captain  Lord  Colchester;  Childeri,  18, 


II.R.H.  PRINCE  WILLIAM  HENRY,  DUKE  OF  CLARENCE, 
ADMIRAL  OF  THE  FLEET,  LORD  HIGH  ADMIRAL. 

(Later  H.M.  King  William  IV.) 
From  a  mezzotint  bu  W.  Ward,junr.,  after  Hie  painting  by  A.  Vtvell. 

Commander  Robert  Deans  (2) ;  Rover,  18,  Commander  Sir  George  Young  (5),  Bart. ; 
Scout,  18,  Commander  William  Hargood  (2);  Dee,  4,  steamer,  Commander  Robert 
Oliver  (2) ;  Shadamanthus,  4,  steamer,  Commander  George  Evans ;  Larne,  18,  Com- 
mander William  Sidney  Smith  (2) ;  Snake,  16,  Commander  William  Robertson  (2) ; 
and  Satellite,  10,  Commander  Robert  Smart. 

All  such  ships  as  were  detained  appear  to  have  been  afterwards 
liberated. 


272      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Among  the  actions  with  slavers  in  1832,  none  were  more  gallant 
than  those  which  were  fought  on  the  West  Indies  station  by  the 
Speedwell,  5,  Lieutenant  William  Warren,  which  captured,  on  April 
6th,  the  Planeta,  on  June  3rd,  the  Aquila,  and  on  June  25th,  the 
Indagadera,  the  three  having  on  board  about  1000  slaves.  The 
Aquila,  brig,  which  was  of  more  than  three  times  the  tonnage  of 
the  Speedwell,  and  which  had  a  crew  of  70  men  on  board,  fought 
doggedly  for  an  hour  within  pistol-range  ere  she  struck.  Warren 
was  promoted  for  these  exploits.1 

In  the  course  of  the  same  year,  the  Clio,  18,  Commander  John 
James  Onslow,  was  detached  by  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Thomas  Baker  (1), 
commanding  on  the  South  America  station,  to  reclaim  possession  of 
the  Maluinas,  or  Falkland  Islands,  which  lapse  of  time  had  en- 
couraged the  Buenos  Aireans  and  others  to  regard  as  wholly  aban- 
doned. Onslow  arrived  at  Port  Egrnont  in  December,  1832, 
formally  exercised  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  surveyed  the  coasts, 
and  ejected  a  Buenos  Aires  garrison  and  the  war  schooner  Sarandi, 
which  he  found  at  Port  Louis,  East  Falkland.  The  reoccupation 
created  some  excitement  and  diplomatic  correspondence ;  but,  of 
course,  it  was  persisted  in.2 

In  May,  1833,  the  Curlew,  10,  Commander  Henry  Dundas 
Trotter,  happened  to  call  at  the  little  frequented  port  of  Antonio, 
Prince's  Island,  on  the  African  coast.  He  there  learned  that  a 
suspicious  craft,  resembling  the  pirate  schooner  Panda,  had  recently 
quitted  the  anchorage.  In  the  previous  autumn,  the  Panda  had 
captured  the  valuable  American  brig  Mexican,  Butman,  master,  and 
had  rifled  her  on  the  high  seas.  The  Curlew  went  in  search  of  her, 
and,  on  June  4th,  tracked  her  to  the  river  Nazareth.  Trotter 
manned  and  armed  three  of  his  boats,  and,  at  the  head  of  forty  men, 
boarded  and  captured  her,  though  not  until  she  had  been  abandoned 
by  her  people.  These  scoundrels  were  taken  prisoners  by  Passall, 
the  chief  of  the  district,  who,  however,  refused  to  give  them  up. 
In  endeavouring  to  force  him  to  do  so,  Trotter  lost  the  Panda,  which 
was  blown  up  by  an  accidental  explosion  of  loose  powder.  This 
catastrophe  cost  the  lives  of  the  Purser,  and  the  Gunner  of  the  Curlew, 
and  of  two  seamen  and  a  boy.  Many  delays  occurred ;  but,  ulti- 
mately, several  members  of  the  pirate  crew  were  laid  hands  on,  and 
sent  in  the  Savage,  10,  Lieutenant  Robert  Loney,  to  Massachusetts, 

1  Jamaica  Oourant,  Aug.  2nd,  1832 ;  O'Byrne,  1253. 

2  Naut.  Mag.,  ii.  614 ;  O'Byrne,  838. 


1834.]  BLACKWOOD   AND    CHADS   AT   CANTON.  273 

where  they  were  tried.  On  June  llth,  1835,  Pedro  Gibert,  the 
Panda's  master,  and  four  of  his  seamen,  were  deservedly  executed  at 
Boston.  The  capture  of  Gibert  and  some  others  was  due  to  the 
courage  and  resource  of  Mate  Henry  James  Matson,  of  the  Curlew, 
who  was  in  consequence  promoted.  Trotter  received  the  thanks  of 
the  Admiralty,  and  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.1 

Lieutenant  Charles  Bolton,  who,  for  twenty  months  following 
February  24th,  1833,  was  in  command  of  the  Nimble,  5,  on  the  West 
Indies  station,  was  another  distinguished  captor  of  slavers.  He  took 
six  heavy  vessels,  having  on  board  a  total  of  1902  negroes.  One  of 
his  toughest  opponents  was  the  Joaquina,  which  did  not  surrender 
until  she  had  had  her  master  and  2  men  killed,  and  was  in  a  sinking 
condition.2 

So  far  as  the  Navy  was  concerned,  the  most  important  event  of 
1834  was  the  brush  which  occurred  in  the  Canton  Eiver  in  the 
autumn  of  that  year.  A  few  months  earlier,  five  ports,  including 
Canton,  had  been  formally  thrown  open  by  China  to  the  general 
trade  of  all  nations.  Soon  after  noon  on  September  7th,  H.M.S. 
Imogene,  28,  Captain  Price  Blackwood,3  and  Andromache,  28, 
Captain  Henry  Ducie  Chads,  which  had  business  up  the  river, 
weighed  from  below  Chuenpee  Point  to  proceed  through  the  narrow- 
passage  known  as  Bocca  Tigris,  or  the  Bogue.  A  stir  was  at  once 
perceived  among  some  war  junks  lying  in  Anson  Bay,  and  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  forts  on  Chuenpee  and  Ty cock-tow  Points. 
After  blank  cartridges  had  been  fired,  the  forts  opened  with  shot, 
which,  however,  fell  short,  or  astern  of  the  ships.  The  junks 
crowded  into  the  shallow  recesses  of  Anson  Bay.  Just  as  the 
frigates  got  within  range  of  the  foe  at  the  Bogue,  the  wind  shifted 
to  north.  The  Andromache  then  stood  towards  Anunghoy  Fort, 
the  eastern  one,  on  one  tack,  while  the  Imogene  stood  towards 
Wangtung  Fort,  the  western  one,  on  the  other.  The  latter  ship 
waited  until  Wangtung  had  fired  several  shots,  and  then  replied. 
The  Andromache  returned  the  fire  of  Anunghoy  with  evident  effect. 
The  forts  were  soon  silenced ;  but  they  reopened  whenever  the 
British  ceased  firing  for  a  minute  or  two.  The  Imogene  received 
several  shots ;  but  the  Chinese  practice  was  bad  ;  and,  although  the 
passage  lasted  for  nearly  an  hour  and  three-quarters,  the  British 

1  O'Byrne,  742;  Naut.  Mag.,  iv.  499;  vi.  1,  179. 

2  O'Byrne,  96 ;  Naut.  Mag.,  iii.  122. 

3  Later  Lord  Dufferin. 

VOL.    VI.  T 


274       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

sustained  very  little  damage.  The  two  frigates,  while  continuously 
tacking,  exposed  themselves  so  much  to  be  raked  that  they  ought  to 
have  been  sunk;  and  a  tender,  the  Louisa,  which  accompanied  them, 
her  commander  sitting  under  an  umbrella  on  deck,  and  manoeuvring 
her  with  great  coolness,  had  most  marvellous  escapes.  Owing  to 
the  state  of  the  wind,  the  ships  anchored  below  Tiger  Island,  where 
they  were  kept  by  calms  or  baffling  airs  until  the  afternoon  of  the 


ADMIRAL    SIR    HENRY   DUCIE   CHADS,   G.C.B. 
{From  a  drawing  made  about  1857,  trftera  Sir  Henry  teas  a  Rear-Admiral.') 

9th.  The  Chinese  occupied  the  interval  in  improving  their  defences  ; 
but,  when  the  frigates,  with  a  fair  breeze,  again  got  under  way,  and 
were  fired  at,  they  returned  the  fire  so  much  more  warmly,  closely, 
and  rapidly  than  on  the  first  occasion,  that  the  forts  were  almost 
knocked  into  ruins,  many  of  their  defenders  perishing.  The  British 
had  but  2  seamen  killed,  and  6  or  7  wounded.  There,  for  the  time, 
the  quarrel  ended ;  and  presently  the  ships  anchored  below  the 
second  bar,  off  Seecheetow.  Explanations  were  made,  and  officials 


1835.]  ACTIONS    WITH  SLAVERS.  275 

were  disavowed  ;  and  so  matters  rested  until  the  reckoning  of  five 
years  later.1 

In  the  course  of  the  same  year,  1834,  the  pirates  in  the  Straits  of 
Malacca  were  dealt  several  severe  blows  by  Commander  Spencer 
Lambart  Hunter  Vassall,  of  the  Harrier,  18,  who,  after  two  serious 
conflicts,  succeeded  in  destroying  the  piratical  settlements  at  Pulo 
Arroa  and  Pulo  Sujee.2  He  may  be  regarded  as  the  beginner  of  a 
work  which,  later,  was  taken  up  more  systematically  by  Henry  Ducie 
Chads  and  Henry  Keppel. 

During  the  first  Kaffir  War,  1834-35,  the  Wolf,  18,  was  able  to 
render  useful  assistance  to  the  military  forces ;  and  her  commander, 
Commander  Edward  Stanley,  received,  in  consequence,  the  public 
thanks  of  Sir  Benjamin  D'Urban,  governor  of  the  Cape. 

The  Buzzard,  10,  Lieutenant  Jeremiah  M'Namara,  signalised 
herself  early  in  1835  by  the  capture,  after  a  forty-five  minutes' 
action,  of  a  large  Spanish  slave  brig,  the  Formidable,  losing  2  men, 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  killing  7.  The  horrors  of  the  middle  passage 
are  well  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  ere  the  prize  could  be  carried 
into  Sierra  Leone,  307  slaves,  out  of  707  originally  in  her,  perished 
from  disease  and  misery.3  Another  important  capture  was  effected 
on  April  8th,  off  Little  Cayman,  by  the  schooner  Skipjack,  5, 
Lieutenant  'Sydney  Henry  Ussher.  This  was  the  Martha,  a  craft 
nearly  three  times  as  big  as  the  Skipjack,  and  carrying  six  Congreve 
18's,  and  two  long  12-prs.,  with  a  crew  of  62  all  told.  The  engage- 
ment between  the  two  vessels  lasted  for  two  hours  and  a  half,  and 
was  followed  by  an  intermittent  running  action  lasting  five  hours 
more.  The  prize  lost  1  of  her  crew  killed  and  8  wounded ;  the  Skip- 
jack, only  1  wounded.  The  Martha  had  originally  taken  790  slaves 
on  board  at  Loango.  When  she  met  the  Skipjack,  forty-three  days 
later,  but  460  survived  ;  and  of  those,  13  were  killed  in  the  action.4 

In  the  summer  of  1835,  during  a  local  insurrection  at  Para, 
Brazil,  the  Racehorse,  18,  Commander  Sir  James  Everard  Home, 
Bart.,  co-operated  with  a  Brazilian  flotilla  in  the  siege  of  the  town, 
and  was  on  several  days  in  action  with  its  batteries.  On  one 
occasion,  Mates  Baldwin  Arden  WTake,  and  Byron  Drury  landed  at 
night,  and  assisted  in  bringing  off  220  fugitives  from  the  midst  of 
the  insurgents,  thus  saving  them  from  massacre. 

1  O'Byrne,  183,  etc. ;  Naut.  Mag.,  iv.  247. 

2  App.  to  Crt.  of  Admlty.,  Mar.  2nd,  1838;  O'Byrne,  1227. 

3  Naut.  Mag.,  iv.  312. 

4  Naut.  May.,  iv.  439. 

T   2 


276       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1850. 

Two  excellent  pieces  of  service  were  done  in  1836  by  Lieutenant 
Charles  John  Bosanquet,  commanding  the  Leveret,  10,  on  the  Cape 
station.  Beaching  Mozambique,  in  September,  he  found  the  place 
in  a  state  of  insurrection,  and  all  the  Portuguese  authorities  under 
arrest.  Landing  at  night  with  his  ship's  company,  and  securing 
the  support  of  a  few  well-affected  people,  he  took  the  insurgents  by 
surprise,  seized  an  84-gun  battery,  obtained  possession  of  the  custom 
house  and  government  offices,  and,  within  three  days,  restored 
tranquillity,  and  re-established  the  ascendency  of  the  Queen  of 
Portugal.  Three  months  later  he  chased  for  800  miles,  and  ulti- 
mately captured  by  boarding,  the  slaver  Diogenes,  mounting  five 
24-prs.,  and  haying  70  people  on  board.  The  prize  was  at  that  time 
within  musket-shot  of  the  battery  above  alluded  to,  and  also  of 
a  Portuguese  frigate.1 

In  1836,  another  Experimental  Squadron  was  organised,  and 
entrusted  to  the  command  of  Bear-Admiral  Sir  Charles  Paget.  The 
cruise  which  followed  was  to  a  large  extent  devoted  to  testing  the 
qualities  of  some  of  the  vessels  newly  constructed  after  the  plans  of  Sir 
William  Symonds,  and  Captain  John  Hayes  (2).  Towards  the  latter 
part  of  the  year,  and  again  in  May,  1837,  the  irreconcilable  attitude 
of  the  Carlists  on  the  north  coast  of  Spain,  and  especially  at  San 
Sebastian  and  Bilbao,  led  to  British  intervention.  Supplies  were 
prevented  from  reaching  them  by  sea ;  and  the  work  of  a  British 
volunteer  legion,  which  was  assisting  the  Government,  was  sup- 
ported. In  these  operations,  which  were  conducted  under  the  orders 
of  Commodore  Lord  John  Hay  (1)  (successively  of  the  Castor,  36, 
Phoenix,  4,  steamer,  and  North  Star,  28),  the  Pique,  36,  Captain  the 
Hon.  Henry  John  Bous,  Castor,  Ringdove,  16,  Commander  William 
Frederick  Lapidge,  and  Salamander,  4,  steamer,  Commander  Sidney 
Colpoys  Dacres,  were  the  vessels  most  actively  engaged.  On  one 
occasion  the  Pique  and  Castor  had  a  considerable  force  of  seamen 
and  Marines  serving  on  shore ;  and  on  another,  the  Carlist  lines 
were  shelled.  In  the  eastern  seas,  between  May  and  October,  the 
boats  of  the  Andromache,  28,  Captain  Henry  Ducie  Chads,  did  some 
good  work  towards  the  repression  of  Malay  piracy.  On  the  West 
Coast  of  Africa,  on  July  22nd,  1836,  Mate  Samuel  Otway  Wool- 
dridge,  who  had  been  lent  from  the  Thalia  to  the  Buzzard, 
distinguished  himself  by  boarding  and  taking,  with  only  5  men, 
the  Portuguese  slaver  Joven  Carolina,  of  two  guns  and  33  men, 

1  O'Byrae.  99. 


1839.]  CAPTURE   OF  ADEN.  277 

and  having  on  board  422  slaves.     He  was  deservedly  promoted  on 
February  6th,  1837. 

The  year  1837  witnessed  the  capture  of  numerous  other  slavers. 
In  the  West  Indies,  the  Snake,  16,  Commander  Alexander  Milne, 
was  particularly  successful,  making  prize,  on  November  23rd,  of 
the  Portuguese  brigantine  Arrogante,  with  406  negroes,  and  on 
December  5th,  of  the  Spanish  schooner  Matilda,  with  529.  The 
Scout,  18,  Commander  Eobert  Craigie,  on  January  llth,  took  a 
Portuguese  vessel  having  no  fewer  than  576  slaves  on  board.  The 
ill-starred  rebellion  in  Canada  did  not  afford  much  work  for  the 
Navy  ;  but  it  enabled  a  naval  officer,  Commander  Andrew  Drew, 
who  happened  to  be  upon  the  spot,  to  distinguish  himself  greatly. 
On  December  29th,  1837,  Drew  most  daringly  cut  out  from  under 
Fort  Schlosser,  on  the  American  side  of  the  Niagara,  the  American 
steamer  Carolina,  which  was  being  useful  to  the  rebels,  and  sent  her 
in  flames  over  the  great  Falls.  For  this  exploit  he  was  thanked  by 
the  Governor  and  two  Houses  of  Upper  Canada,  and  appointed 
commodore  of  the  provincial  marine.  In  that  capacity,  with  his 
broad  pennant  in  the  hired  armed  steamer  Colborne,  he  commanded 
on  Lake  Erie  from  October,  1838,  till  August,  1839.  The  Com- 
modore of  H.M.  ships  on  the  Lakes  in  1838  was  Captain  Williams 
Sandom,  of  the  Niagara,  20,  who  was  able  to  save  the  towns  of 
Brockville  and  Prescott  from  destruction.  When  the  latter  town 
was  attacked,  on  November  13th,  1838,  Sandom's  force,  aiding  the 
troops,  was  instrumental  in  driving  back  the  rebels,  and  forcing 
them  to  surrender.1 

The  year  1839  saw  the  addition  of  the  important  strategical 
position  of  Aden  added  to  the  possessions  of  the  British  crown.  For 
some  time  there  had  been  disputes  ;  but  in  January,  1838,  the  local 
Sultan  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  agree  to  make  certain  territorial 
concessions.  The  Abdella  tribe,  however,  ultimately  declined  to 
carry  out  its  written  promise  to  hand  over  the  town  of  Aden  to  the 
British  ;  and  at  length  it  declared  war,  by  opening  fire  upon  the 
H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  corvette,  Coote,  and  her  boats.  In  the  meantime, 
Bear-Admiral  Sir  Frederick  Lewis  Maitland  (2),  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  the  East  Indies,  had  despatched  an  expedition  under 
Captain  Henry  Smith  (2),  of  the  Volage,  28,  in  support  of  the 
claims  of  his  country.  That  expedition  arrived  off  Aden  on  January 
16th,  1839,  and,  on  the  same  evening,  Smith  received  from  the 

1  Gazette,  1838,  p.  2975. 


278       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Political  Agent  a  letter  setting  forth  what  had  taken  place,  and 
requesting  him  to  take  measures  for  the  immediate  capture  and 
occupation  of  the  place.  The  Agent,  Captain  J.  B.  Haines,  I.N.,  had 
taken  refuge  on  board  the  Coote.  Smith  then  had  with  him  H.M.S. 
Cruiser,  16,  Commander  Richard  Henry  King,  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s 
cruisers  Coote,  and  MaJie,  a  mortar  boat,  and  the  transports  Lowjee 
Family,  Ann  Crichton,  and  Ernaad,  with  troops  from  India,  under 
Major  Baillie. 

"On  the  morning  of  the  18th,"  says  Captain  Smith  in  his  dispatch,  " I  weighed 
with  the  squadron,  to  proceed  to  the  front  of  the  town,  which  I  reached  in  the  after- 
noon, in  company  with  the  Cruiser,  towing  a  mortar  boat,  and  the  Malte,  schooner. 
On  standing  in  towards  the  island  of  Seerah,1  a  fire  was  opened  on  the  ship,  with 
musketry  and  several  large  guns,  when  1  commenced  a  partial  attack.  The  Coote, 
corvette,  and  transports,  not  having  come  up,  I  anchored  for  the  night.  On  the 
morning  of  the  18th,  the  whole  force  having  arrived,  I  made  the  signal  to  prepare  to 
attack,  and  the  troops  to  be  held  in  readiness  for  landing  in  two  divisions.  At  half- 
past  nine  the  Volage  anchored  with  a  spring  on  her  small  bower  cable,  in  four  fathoms 
of  water,  at  about  300  yards'  distance  from  the  lower  battery  on  the  island  of  Seerah. 
At  the  same  time  the  Make  took  up  her  position  to  the  southward  of  the  island.  On 
standing  in  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  of  great  guns  and  musketry  on  us ;  but,  the  ship 
being  laid  so  close  to  the  shore,  the  guns  on  the  heights  were  rendered  useless,  their 
shot  passing  over  us.  At  ten  o'clock  the  Cruiser  anchored,  and  was  of  essential 
service  in  destroying  the  flank  of  the  battery.  During  this  period  a  heavy  firing  was 
kept  up ;  but,  in  a  short  time,  two  of  the  guns  in  the  lower  battery  were  dismounted, 
and  most  of  the  people  were  driven  from  the  remainder.  They,  however,  took  shelter 
behind  the  ruins  of  the  battery,  and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  of  musketry  on  the 
ships;  and,  although  the  lower  battery  was  almost  knocked  to  pieces,  stiil  we  had 
great  difficulty  in  dislodging  the  men.  At  this  period  I  directed  the  fire  to  be  opened 
on  the  round  tower  and  batteries  on  the  heights,  which  were  filled  with  men  armed 
with  matchlocks;  and  in  the  course  of  one  hour  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  this 
tower,  though  60  feet  high,  and  strongly  built,  a  mass  of  ruins.  At  11  o'clock  the 
Coote  anchored  with  the  second  division  of  the  troops  to  the  southward  of  the  island, 
and  opened  her  fire  upon  the  town.  Finding  the  fire  had  not  ceased  from  the  lower 
battery,  I  directed  the  Malie,  schooner,  to  proceed  to  the  end  of  it,  and  endeavour  to 
drive  out  the  men  from  behind  it  by  musketry.  This  service  was  performed  by  her 
commander,  Lieutenant  Daniels,  in  a  most  gallant  manner,  but  1  regret  to  say  that 
Mr.  Nesbitt,  midshipman,  was  severely  wounded. 

"The  fire  having  now  almost  entirely  ceased,  I  gave  directions  for  the  boats  of 
both  divisions  to  land.  Lieutenant  Dobree,8  who  had  charge  of  the  first  division, 
Mr.  Bundle,3  Mate,  and  a  quartermaster  of  this  ship,  were  the  first  on  shore,  and  made 
for  a  68-pounder,  which  had  been  fired  at  us  several  times ;  when  a  matchlock  wan 
fired  at  the  quartermaster  by  a  man  behind  the  gun,  who  was  immediately  cut  down 
by  him ;  and  the  first  British  flag  was  planted  by  Mr.  Bundle.  So  completely  were 
the  enemy  driven  from  all  points,  with  the  exception  of  the  island,  by  the  fire  of  the 
ships,  that  the  whole  of  the  troops  landed  with  the  loss  of  only  two  men  killed  and 
wounded. 


1  Sirah,  opposite  the  town. 

2  Thomas  Peter  Dobree,  promoted  for  this  service,  May  1st,  1839. 
*  Joseph  Sparkhall  Rundle,  Lieut,  for  this  service,  May  1st,  1839. 


1839.]  THE   OPIUM    QUESTION.  279 

"A  partial  firing  was  kept  up  from  the  island,  when  I  directed  Lieutenant  Dobree, 
who  had  returned,  with  two  Mates,  Messrs.  Stewart '  and  Bundle,  with  a  party  of 
seamen,  and  Lieutenant  Ayles 2  with  the  Marines,  amounting  altogether  to  50,  to  land 
and  take  possession  of  it.  This  was  gallantly  accomplished,  the  party  ascending  the 
heights,  spiking  and  dismounting  the  guns,  taking  the  flag  which  had  been  flying 
from  the  tower,  and  making  prisoners  of  139  armed  Arabs,  who  were  conducted  from 
the  island  to  the  main  by  the  party,  and  given  over  into  the  charge  of  Major  Osborne. 
In  an  attempt  to  disarm  the  prisoners,  made  by  the  military,  they  made  a  most 
formidable  resistance ;  and  I  regret  to  say  that  many  lives  were  lost  on  both  sides. 
Mr.  Nesbitt,  a  midshipman  of  the  Malie,  was  the  only  person  hurt  on  board  the 
squadron :  on  the  part  of  the  military,  16  were  killed  and  wounded,  most  of  them 
dangerously ;  and  one  sergeant  has  since  died." 

Captain  Smith  mentions  in  his  dispatch  that  he  believed  the 
place  to  have  been  held  by  more  than  1000  men.  Their  loss  is 
unknown,  but  amounted  certainly  to  upwards  of  50.  The  guns 
captured  in  the  town  and  defences  were  33  in  number,  25  being  in 
battery  ;  and  they  included  one  brass  89-pr.,  one  brass  85-pr.,  one 
brass  68 -pr.,  one  brass  32-pr.,  and  four  18-prs.,  the  rest  being  small.3 
As  only  114  matchlocks  were  taken,  it  is  tolerably  clear  that  the 
Arabs  made  as  good  a  resistance  as  could  be  expected.  The  post, 
which  was  afterwards  formally  purchased  by  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, was  even  then  important  as  a  station  on  the  overland  route 
to  India.  As  a  coaling  port,  especially  since  the  opening  of  the 
Suez  Canal,  it  has  become  immensely  valuable  to  the  Navy,  as  well 
as  to  the  mercantile  marine. 

Early  in  the  same  year  the  troubles  with  Afghanistan  and 
Persia,  and  the  refusal  of  Colonel  Pottinger's  demand  for  a  passage 
through  the  territory  of  Scind  for  the  army  under  Sir  John  Keane, 
led  to  a  slight  outbreak  of  hostilities  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
Gulf  and  the  Arabian  Sea.  On  February  2nd  and  3rd,  in  the  course 
of  the  operations,  Kurrachee  was  captured  by  a  naval  force  under 
Rear- Admiral  Sir  Frederick  Lewis  Maitlaiid  (2),  in  conjunction  with 
troops  from  India.  The  ships  chiefly  engaged  were  the  Wellesley, 
74  (flag),  Captain  Thomas  Maitland,  and  the  Algerine,  10,  Com-i 
mander  William  Sidney  Thomas.  One  of  the  results  of  this  action 
was  the  signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Hyderabad. 

The  next  work  of  the  Navy  was  of  a  much  more  arduous 
character. 

For  several  years  prior  to  1820  India  had  exported  opium  to 
China,  where  the  drug  was  admitted,  subject  to  a  fixed  duty.  In 

1  Robert  Arthur  Stewart,  Lieut,  for  this  service,  May  1st,  1839;  Corn.,  1845. 

2  Lieut.  John  George  Augustus  Ayles,  R.M. 

3  Gazette,  1839,  60'J ;  Kant.  Mag.,  1839,  351. 


280       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

1820,  however,  the  Chinese  Government  issued  a  proclamation 
against  the  trade,  which  thenceforth  became  illicit,  although  it  con- 
tinued to  flourish,  thanks  largely  to  the  willingness  of  most  of  the 
mandarins  to  accept  bribes,  and  to  the  fact  that  not  a  few  of  them 
were  personally  interested  in  the  traffic.  In  1837  stricter  measures 
were  adopted  by  the  government ;  and  foreign  ships  were  ordered  to 
quit  the  coasts  of  China",  and  foreign  merchants  to  leave  Canton 
and  proceed  to  Macao,  which  then,  as  now,  was  Portuguese 
territory.  To  enforce  these  orders,  one  Lin  was  ultimately 
appointed  governor  of  Canton  ;  but  not  until  December  3rd,  1838, 
did  the  Chinese  authorities  begin  to  take  such  active  measures  as 
brought  them  into  conflict  with  their  western  neighbours.  On  that 
day  they  seized  some  smuggled  opium ;  and,  a  little  later,  they 
expelled  from  Canton  the  British  merchant  to  whose  warehouse 
the  opium  was  being  carried.  Riots  and  recriminations  followed ; 
Captain  Charles  Elliot,  R.N.,  Chief  Superintendent  of  British  Trade 
in  China,  had  to  intervene ;  the  river  traffic  was  impeded  ;  and  when, 
on  February  26th,  1839,  the  Chinese  police  executed  in  front  of  the 
foreign  hongs  a  native  accused  of  opium  dealing,  all  the  consuls  in 
the  city  struck  their  flags,  and  H.M.S.  Lame,  the  only  British 
man-of-war  in  port,  though  then  about  to  depart  for  India,  was 
detained  at  the  request  of  the  merchants.  In  March,  Lin  required 
that  all  opium  on  board  ships  in  the  river  should  be  surrendered ; 
and,  pending  compliance  with  his  demand,  he  suspended  the  issue 
of  passports,  and  of  permits  to  foreigners  to  move  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  factories.  On  March  24th,  Captain  Elliot,  who  had  been 
to  Macao,  returned  to  Canton,  and  hoisted  the  British  flag  over  his 
quarters  in  the  British  factory.  He  was  subjected  to  some 
indignities  by  the  Chinese  authorities ;  yet,  in  the  interests  of 
justice,  he  made  arrangements  that  all  opium  then  in  the  river  in 
British  bottoms  should  be  given  up.  Many  thousands  of  chests 
had  been  thus  surrendered,  when,  owing  to  new  demands  and 
insolent  conduct  on  the  part  of  Lin,  delivery  was  suspended  by 
Elliot's  direction.  The  Chinese  appeared  to  give  way,  and  the 
surrender  of  opium  went  on  as  before ;  but,  in  the  middle  of  May, 
Lin's  attitude  and  military  preparations  became  so  threatening  that 
Elliot  formally  warned  British  subjects  that  Canton  was  no  longer 
a  place  in  which  they  could  reside  with  safety  or  honour,  and  that 
they  would  do  wisely  to  withdraw  at  once.  On  May  23rd,  by 
which  date  20,283  chests  of  opium  had  been  handed  over,  Elliot 


1839.]  THE  FIRST   CHINA    WAR.  281 

himself  left  Canton  for  Macao  ;  and  on  the  30th,  he  despatched 
from  Macao  to  Suez  a  fast  clipper  with  news  of  what  had  occurred. 
The  opium,  which  had  been  collected  at  Chunhow,  and  which  was 
said  to  be  worth  £2,500,000,  was  presently  destroyed  by  order  of 
Commissioner  Lin.1 

After  the  abandonment  of  Canton,  the  harbour  of  Hong  Kong 
became  the  chief  rendezvous  for  British •  shipping  in  China.  Lin, 
however,  erected  batteries  to  command  the  anchorage,  and  occupied 
the  Kowloon  peninsula  on  the  north  side  of  the  harbour ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  idle  seamen  got  into  trouble  on  shore.  In 
spite  of  the  situation  thus  created,  Hong  Kong  became  daily  more 
and  more  a  British  centre,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  hostility  of 
the  Chinese  soon  made  it  impossible  for  British  residents  to  remain 
at  Macao,  except  at  the  risk  of  compromising  the  Portuguese 
authorities  there.  Captain  Elliot  removed  from  Macao  to  Hong 
Kong  on  August  23rd,  and,  though  the  town  was  not  formally 
ceded  until  1841,  it  was  thenceforward  practically  British.  Pro- 
vocation and  outrage  continued ;  and  when,  on  August  30th, 
H.M.S.  Volage,  22,  Captain  Henry  Smith  (2),  reached  Macao,  and  at 
once  proceeded  to  Hong  Kong,  her  arrival  was  extremely  welcome. 
On  September  4th,  the  refusal  of  the  Chinese  at  Kowloon  to  permit 
the  transit  of  provisions  across  the  harbour  obliged  Captain  Smith, 
in  concert  with  Mr.  James  Douglas,''2  of  the  Cambridge,  formerly 
of  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  marine,  to  employ  his  boats  to  drive  off  a 
squadron  of  war-junks,  .and  so  to  open  a  passage  for  the  supplies. 
Further  outrageous  action  induced  Elliot  to  call  upon  Smith  to 
proclaim  a  blockade3  of  the  port  of  Canton  as  from  September  llth. 
Negotiations  were  subsequently  entered  into ;  but  Elliot  displayed 
such  unwise  weakness  that  the  Chinese  were  only  encouraged  to 
persist  in  their  implacable  attitude.  At  length,  the  Hyacinth,  18, 
Commander  William  Warren,  having  joined  the  Volage,  Elliot 
stiffened  himself  so  far  as  to  inform  the  Chinese,  on  October  28th, 
that  if  the  British  shipping  lying  below  the  Bogue  were  subjected 
to  more  of  certain  annoyances  which  had  become  intolerable,  re- 
taliatory measures  would  be  adopted.  The  Chinese  admiral,  Kwan, 
returned  first  a  temporising  and  then  an  insulting  answer,  and  on 

1  Ouchterlony's  '  Chinese  War,'  1-20. 

2  Afterwards  Sir  James  Douglas.     The  Cambridge  was  purchased  by  the  Chinese 
government  ere  regular  hostilities  began. 

3  This  was  afterwards  relaxed. 


282       MILITARY  HISTOKY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

November  3rd  got  under  way  with  twenty-nine  junks,  evidently 
intending  to  attack.  Smith  made  a  further  fruitless  attempt  to 
negotiate,  and  then,  with  the  Volage  and  Hyacinth,  opened  fire,  and 
in  a  short  time  won  a  success  which  would  have  been  much  more 
complete  than  it  was,  but  for  the  interference  of  Elliot,  who,  when 
three  junks  had  been  sunk  and  as  many  more  driven  ashore, 
procured  a  cessation  of  the  firing,  alleging  his  desire  to  spare  the 
lives  of  the  Chinese.  Kwan,  on  returning  to  Canton,  was  thus 
able  to  boast  that  he  had  been  victorious ;  and  he  was  rewarded 
accordingly. 

During  the  winter  and  spring,  little  or  nothing  was  done  on 
the  spot  by  the  British,  although  the  Chinese  continued  to  collect 
troops,  to  build  and  arm  forts,  and  to  excite  their  people  against 
the  foreigners.  But  at  home  and  in  India  preparations  were  made, 
for  hostile  action  on  a  larger  scale  than  had  been  possible  when 
two  small  vessels  only  were  available.  Kear-Admiral  Sir  Frederick 
Lewis  Maitland  (2),  K.C.B.,  Comniander-iii-Chief  in  the  East  Indies, 
would,  in  the  ordinary  course,  have  commanded  the  expedition  ; 
but  he  died  on  December  30th,  1839 ;  and  the  direction  of  affairs 
then  passed  temporarily  to  the  surviving  senior  officer  on  the 
station,  Captain  Sir  James  John  Gordon  Bremer.  Bear-Admiral 
the  Hon.  George  Elliot  (3),  C.B.,  and  Captain  Charles  Elliot  were 
appointed  royal  commissione'rs  to  deal  with  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, the  former  having  also  the  command  afloat ;  and,  early  in 
May,  1840,  a  squadron,  having  on  board  about  3600  infantry,1  and 
some  royal  artillery  and  engineers,  was  assembled  at  Singapore, 
where,  however,  Kear-Admiral  Elliot  had  not  yet  appeared. 

In  June  the  squadron  2  proceeded,  and,  on  the  21st,  halted  off  the 
Great  Ladrones  to  communicate  with  Macao.  There  Bremer  declared 
a  blockade  of  the  Canton  river,  to  begin  on  June  28th,  and  thence 
he  went  on  to  the  northern  harbour  of  Chusan,  where  lay  a  few 
war  junks.  He  entered  unopposed ;  but  the  local  authorities, 
pleading  lack  of  power  to  treat,  refused  to  surrender  the  island. 
Accordingly,  at  2  P.M.  on  July  5th,  fire  was  opened  upon  the 
defences  of  Tinghae,  and  upon  the  junks ;  and  in  a  few  minutes 
the  enemy  was  silenced,  and  the  junks  were  driven  ashore  or 

1  Including  H.M.  18th,  26th,  and  49th  Regts.,  the  whole  military  force  being  under 
Col.  Burrell,  18th  Regt. 

2  Then   consisting   of    Wellesley,   74;    Alligator,  28;     Conieay,   28;    Lame,  20; 
Aigerine,  10;  Rattlesnake,  f>;  the  two  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamers  Atalanta,  and  Madagascai , 
and  26  transports  and  storeships.     Other  vessels  joined  soon  afterwards. 


1840.]  BOUSCHIER   AT  AMOY.  283 

reduced  Lo  wrecks.  In  this  affair  the  Wellesley,  74,  Commodore  Sir 
James  John  Gordon  Bremer,  Captain  Thomas  Maitland,  Conway, 
28,  Captain  Charles  Eamsay  Drinkwater  Bethune,  and  Algerine,  10, 
Lieutenant  Thomas  Henry  Mason,  took  the  leading  parts.1  The 
town  and  island  were  then  occupied,  after  some  resistance  had  been 
offered.  Ere  the  fighting  was  quite  over,  Rear-Admiral  Elliot,  in 
the  Melville,  74,  Captain  the  Hon.  Eichard  Saunders  Dundas, 
arrived  on  the  scene  to  assume  command.  In  his  eagerness  to 
participate,  he  ran  ashore  his  ship,  then  in  tow  of  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s 
steamer  Atalanta  ;  and  subsequently  he  had  to  hoist  his  flag  in  the 
Wellesley,  leaving  the  Blenheim,  74,  Captain  Sir  Humphrey  Fleming 
Senhouse,  which  joined  soon  afterwards,  to  heave  down  the  Melville, 
and  to  assist  in  repairing  her. 

In  the  meantime,  letters  addressed  by  Lord  Palmerston  to  the 
advisers  of  the  Emperor  were  sent  in  to  Chinhae,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Ningpo  river,  and  to  Amoy.  At  Chinhae  the  communication 
was  examined  by  the  local  mandarins,  and  returned  as  being  of  a 
nature  too  insulting  for  transmission.  At  Amoy,  on  July  3rd,  the 
mandarins,  besides  refusing  to  receive  the  message,  fired  treacher- 
ously on  an  unarmed  boat  of  the  Blonde ;  whereupon  Captain 
Thomas  Bourchier,  of  that  frigate,  opened  a  heavy  fire,  and  did  not 
desist  until  he  had  reduced  to  silence  all  the  works  on  shore. 
Then,  leaving  on  the  beach  a  copy  of  the  letter,  attached  to  a 
bamboo,  he  rejoined  the  squadron.  A  blockade  of  the  Ningpo  river 
and  of  the  coast  northward  to  the  Yangtsekiang  was  soon  after- 
wards proclaimed ;  and  the  Bear-Admiral,  with  several  vessels,2 
departed  to  the  Gulf  of  Petchili  to  negotiate.  During  the  period  of 
inactivity  that  followed,  disease  ravaged  the  troops  at  Chusan,  there 
being,  between  July  13th  and  December  31st,  no  fewer  than 
5329  admissions  to  hospital,  and  448  deaths  there  among  the 
Europeans  alone.  It  would  have  been  wiser  to  employ  the  force 
to  impress  the  Chinese  with  a  full  sense  of  British  power ;  for  the 
negotiations  were  prolonged,  and,  even  while  they  continued,  the 
Chinese  committed  further  outrages,  which  were  never  properly 
resented  and  punished.  The  Algerine  had  on  one  occasion  to  defend 

1  Among   the  officers   commended   in  Bremer'n   dispatch  were  Captains   Bethune, 
Maitland,  and  Aug.  Leop.  Kuper  (actg.  of  Alligator,  28) ;  Commanders  Henry  Wells 
Giffard  (Cruiser),  and  John  Venour  Fletcher  (Wellesley);   Lieut.  Thos.  Hy.  Mason; 
Master  Win.  Brodie  (comdg.  troojier  Rattlesnake,  28) ;  Mate  C.  E.  Hodgkinson  (comdg. 
•schooner  Young  Hebe);  and  Capt.  Samuel  Bunion  Ellis,  R.M. — Gazette,  1840,  p.  'ilMll. 

2  Iii;luiin3  Wellesley,  Blond:,  Pyladjs,  Volaije,  and  Modeste. 


284      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

herself  against  a  Chinese  battery  at  Chapoo ;  Midshipman  Harvey, 
and  a  seaman  of  the  Conway  lost  their  lives  in  a  foraging  expedition 
at  the  western  end  of  Tsungming ; l  and  on  August  6th,  an  unpro- 
voked attack,  made  upon  a  clergyman  in  Casilha  Bay,  near  Macao, 
brought  about  decided  action  by  Captain  Henry  Smith  (2),  of  the 
Druid,  44,  who,  with  the  Hyacinth,  20,  Larne,  20,  Louisa,  cutter, 
Enterprize,  steamer,  and  boats  containing  120  Marines  under  Lieu- 
tenant William  Eobert  Maxwell,  E.M.,  80  seamen  under  Lieutenant 
George  Goldsmith,  and  180  Bengal  volunteers,  under  Major  Mee, 
assaulted  and  captured  the  Chinese  works  behind  Macao,  spiking 
seventeen  guns,  sinking  two  junks,  and  having  only  four  of  his 
people  wounded. 

At  Amoy,  also,  where  Commander  Augustus  Leopold  Kuper,  of 
the  Alligator,  28,  maintained  a  blockade,  the  threatening  attitude 
of  a  large  fleet  of  war-junks,  led  to  the  destruction  of  several  of 
them,  and  to  other  reprisals.  But  Kuper  had  to  abandon  an 
attempt,  which  he  made,  to  force  the  passage  between  Kolangso 
and  Amoy  harbour ;  and  consequently  the  Chinese  were  left  with 
the  conviction  that  they  had  won  an  important  success.  Nowhere 
were  they  made  to  feel  that  they  were  dealing  with  foes  who  were 
vastly  their  superiors.  Nowhere  were  they  crushingly  and  con- 
vincingly defeated.  A  truce,  however,  was  concluded  on  November 
6th,  1840.  As  early  as  the  21st  of  the  same  month  it  was  violated 
by  the  Chinese,  who,  upon  the  appearance  of  the  steamer  Queen, 
Actg.  Master  William  Warden,  with  a  white  flag,  off  the  Bogue 
Forts,  fired  upon  her  boat.  Warden  retaliated  with  his  68-prs.,  and 
then  rejoined  the  Bear- Admiral,  who  was  in  the  Melville,  74,  at 
Macao.  The  outrage  should  have  been  promptly  and  very  severely 
punished  by  the  Commander-in-Chief :  but  both  the  Elliots,  in  their 
dealings  with  the  Chinese,  who  wanted  only  to  gain  time,  continued 
to  betray  most  regrettable  weakness ;  and  it  must  have  been  with  a 
sense  of  relief  that  on  November  29th,  the  British  merchants  learnt 
that  the  Rear- Admiral,  on  account  of  sudden  and  severe  illness, 
had  resigned  his  command  into  the  stronger  hands  of  Commodore 
Sir  James  John  Gordon  Bremer.  Bear-Admiral  Elliot  quitted 
Chusan  in  the  Volage,  on  December  7th,  1840,  and  returned  to 
England. 

Negotiations  between  Captain  Elliot  and  the  Chinese  com- 
missioner, Keeshen,  dragged  on  until  the  end  of  the  year.  Elliot,. 
1  Since  called  Harvey  Point. 


1841.]  STORMING    OF  CHUENPEE  FORT.  285 

in  the  Wellesley,  lay  at  Lintin,  near  the  forts  of  Chuenpee  and 
the  Bogue,  which  were  almost  daily  strengthened.  The  expe- 
ditionary force  also,  at  this  time,  was  increased,  notably  by  the 
arrival  of  seven  companies  of  the  37th  Madras  Native  Infantry, 
and  of  the  new  H.E.I.  Co.'s  iron  steamer  Nemesis,  Master  William 
Hutcheon  Hall,1  R.N.,  "a  vessel,"  says  Ouchterlony,  "destined  to 
be  very  conspicuous  in  all  the  most  important  achievements  of 
the  war." 

At  length  even  Captain  Elliot  realised  that  he  was  being  trifled 
with,  and  made  a  laughing-stock  of  by  the  Chinese ;  and  it  was 
determined  to  attack  the  approaches  to  Canton.  On  the  morning 
of  January  7th,  1841,  therefore,  about  1400  lioyal  Marines,  and 
troops,  under  Major  Pratt,  of  the  26th  Eegiment,  having  been 
landed  two  miles  south  of  Chuenpee  fort,  pushed  on  against  that 
work,  while  the  Calliope,  Lame,  Hyacinth,  Queen,  and  Nemesis 
dropped  anchor  abreast  of  the  batteries,  and  opened  fire.  The 
fort  was  soon  rushed,  a  landing-party  from  the  squadron  entering 
almost  at  the  same  moment  from  the  sea-front ;  and  the  enemy 
was  driven  away  with  terrible  loss.  On  the  British  side  the  total 
casualties  in  this  affair  were  38  wounded.  Simultaneously,  Captain 
James  Scott,  with  the  Samarang,  Druid,  Modeste,  and  Columbine, 
proceeded  a  little  further  up  the  river,  and  hotly  bombarded  the 
fort  of  Tycocktow,  on  the  right,  or  south  bank,  for  an  hour.  He 
then  landed  Marines  and  small-arms  men,  and,  with  some  little 
difficulty,  cleared  and  occupied  the  works  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet  and  cutlass.  In  the  assault,  Lieutenant  James  Paterson 
Bower,  of  the  Samarang,  was  among  the  wounded. 

That  day  the  Nemesis,  shallow  of  draught,  well-armed,  and  ably 
handled,  did  wonders.  After  shelling  Chuenpee  at  close  range, 
and  pouring  grape  into  the  embrasures  of  the  fort,  she  pushed 

1  William  Hutcheon  Hall  had  entered  the  Navy  in  1811,  and  was  a  Master  of 
May  30th,  1823.  One  of  the  first  British  officers  to  make  a  thorough  study  of  steam, 
he  was  given  command  of  the  Nemesis  in  November  1839,  and,  in  consequence  of  his 
brilliant  services  in  her,  the  Admiralty  procured  an  Order  in  Council  to  enable  it  to 
make  him  a  Lieutenant  on  January  8th,  1841.  The  Admiralty  later  obtained  power 
to  enable  him  to  count  his  time  in  the  Nemesis  as  if  it  had  been  served  in  one  of  H.M. 
ships,  and  made  him  a  Commander,  June  10,  1843,  and  a  Captain,  October  22nd,  1844. 
He  was  the  inventor  of  Hall's  patent  anchor,  and  of  iron  bilge  tanks.  In  1847  he  was 
elected  an  F.R.S.  His  career,  exceptional  though  it  was,  indicates  that  sometimes  at 
least  the  Admiralty  is  willing  to  depart  from  the  rules  of  red-tape  rather  than  neglect 
true  merit.  He  was  made  a  Eear-Adm.  in  1863,  and  a  K.C.B.  in  1867.  In  1869  he 
retired,  and  died  in  1878. 


1841.]  ACTION  NEAR   ANUNGHOY.  287 

on  over  the  shallows  into  Anson's  Bay,  and  there  attacked  eleven 
war  junks  at  anchor.  Her  first  rocket  directed  at  these  set  fire 
to  one  of  the  largest,  which  presently  blew  up  with  all  on  board  ; 
and,  aided  by  boats  from  the  squadron,  Hall  soon  destroyed  all 
the  others. 

The  works  were  dismantled,  the  guns,  97  in  number,  disabled, 
and  the  buildings  and  stores  burnt.  On  the  8th,  the  fleet,  led 
by  the  Blenheim,  74,  Captain  Sir  Humphrey  Fleming  Senhouse, 
advanced  to  attack  the  Bogue  forts  ;  but,  when  the  vessels  got  almost 
within  range  of  Anunghoy,  they  were  met  by  a  Chinese  emissary, 
bearing  a  request  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities ;  and  once  more, 
accordingly,  Captain  Elliot,  as  High  Commissioner,  began  negotia- 
tions. He  should  have  first  razed  to  the  ground  the  forts  between 
him  and  Canton.  On  January  20th,  nevertheless,  he  was  able  to 
announce  that  he  had  concluded  a  preliminary  arrangement,  in 
virtue  of  which  Hong  Kong  was  to  be  ceded  in  perpetuity  to  Great 
Britain,  an  indemnity  of  $6,000,000  was  to  be  paid  in  instalments, 
and  official  intercourse  and  trade  were  to  be  reopened.  Hong 
Kong  was  formally  taken  possession  of  on  the  26th,  under  a  royal 
salute ;  and  the  island  of  Chusan,  at  about  the  same  time,  was 
evacuated.  On  January  27th,  Elliot  proceeded  in  the  Nemesis 
to  a  point  near  Whampoa,  and  resumed  the  conferences,  which, 
he  reported,  were  going  on  "satisfactorily,"  though  he  also  declared 
that  British  merchants  and  others  must  not  yet  think  of  returning 
to  Canton,  save  at  their  own  risk.  More  meetings,  and  more 
procrastination  followed.  The  Chinese,  while  parleying,  brought 
up  fresh  troops,  and  mounted  more  guns  hour  by  hour.  At  length 
Elliot  lost  patience,  and  sent  the  Nemesis  to  demand  an  instant 
ratification  of  the  treaty.  Hall  failed  to  get  it ;  and  hostilities  were 
forthwith  recommenced. 

On  February  20th,  Bremer,  who  had  fallen  down  the  river  after 
January  8th,  again  pushed  up  with  the  fleet  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Anunghoy ;  and,  on  the  23rd,  the  Nemesis,  aided  by  boats  from 
the  Calliope,  Samarang,  Herald,  and  Alligator,  the  whole  under 
Captain  Thomas  Herbert,  broke  up  a  force  which  was  endeavouring 
to  obstruct  a  channel  at  the  back  of  Anunghoy,  carried  a  masked 
battery  and  field-work,  and  spiked  about  80  guns,  without  the  loss 
•  of  a  man.  Of  the  Chinese  about  30  fell. 

"  Up  to  the  present  time,"  says  Ouchterlony,  "  the  ordinary  passage  by  which  vessels 
of  any  considerable  burden  entered  the  Canton  River  was  that  between  the  islands  of 


288      MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

VESSELS  OF  THK  ROYAL  NAVY,  AND  OF  THE  HON.  EAST  INDIA  COMPANY'S 
SERVICE,  ENGAGED  IN  THE  OPERATIONS  IN  CHINA,  1839-42. 


Ships. 

Guns 

Commanders. 

Remarks. 

H.M.  Ships  :— 

•Algerine.     .     . 

10 

Lieut.  'Ihos.  Hy.  Mason. 

(Com.  Juue  8th,  1841.   From  Oct.  10th,  1841, 
(     Lieut.  Win.  lleriot  Maitland. 

•Alligator     .     .     . 

26 

(Com.    Aug.    Leop.    Kuper    (actg. 
I      (  'ant  1 

j  JhYoni'  Jar^4th/in841B1Com'a(CaudCaiptO 

v     *-0F"v- 

'  (    Sam.  Pnkbu  Pritchard. 

*A]nillo,  trp.  s.    . 

46 

Com.  Cbas.  Frederick. 

•Helleisle,  trp.  s. 

72 

Capt.  Juo.  Kingcorue. 

Bentinck,  eurv. 

10 

Lieut.  Rich.  Colliuson. 

Com.  June  18th,  1841.     See  Plover. 

•Blenheim     .     .     . 

72 

(Capt.   Sir  Humph.   Fleming  Seu- 
(     house,  Kt. 

HDieil  in  com.  June  14th,  1841,  Capt.  Thos. 
Herbert  (K.C.B.  Oct.  14th,  1841).    See 

•Monde    .... 

42 

Capt.  Thos.  Bourchier. 

C.B.  Juue  29th,  1841.                   [Calliope. 

Cambrian    .     .     . 

36 

Capt.  Hy.  Dude  Chads,  C.B. 

•Ca  Uiope  .... 

26 

Capt.  Thos.  Herbert. 

/From  June  14th,  1841,  Capt.  Aug.  Leop. 
I    Kuper  (C.B.  Jan.  21st,  1842). 

•Childers.     .     .     . 

16 

Com.  Edw.  Pellew  Halsted. 

•Clio  

16 

(Com.   Edw.    Norwich    Troubridge 

(    (actg.  Capt.). 

•Columbine   .     .     . 

16 

(Lieut.  Thos.  Jordaiue  Clarke  (actg. 
t    Com.). 

(Com.  Juue  3rd,  1840;  Capt.  Juue  8th,  1841, 
i    From  Oct.  16th,  1841,  Com.  Wm.   Hy. 
(    Anderson  Morshead. 

•Conway  .... 

26 

(Capt.     Ch.     Ramsay     Drinkwater 
'     Bethune. 

C.B.  July  29th,  1841. 

•Cornwallis  .     .     . 

72 

(R.-Ad.  Sir  Win.  Parker  (2),  K.C.B. 
U'apt.  Peter  Richards. 

See  Wellesley. 

•Cruiser  .... 

16 

Com.  Hy.  Wells  Uiffard. 

(Capt.  Juue  8th,   1841.    From  Oct.  16th, 
t    1841,  Com.  Jos.  Pearse. 

•IHdo  

18 

Capt.  Hon.  Henry  Keppel. 

•Druid      .... 

44 

Capt.  Hy.  Smith  (2),  C.B. 

•Endymion    . 

44 

Capt.  Hon.  Fredk.  Wm.  Grey. 

•Harlequin   . 

16 

Com.  Lord  Fras.  Jno.  Russell. 

•Hazard  .... 

18 

Com.  Chas.  Bell. 

•Herald    .... 

26 

Capt.  Joseph  Nias. 

C.B.  June  29th,  1841. 

•Hyacinth     .     .     . 

18 

Com.  Wm.  Warren. 

(Capt.  May  6th,  1841.    From  .Aug.  14th, 
I     1841,  Coin.  Geo.  Goldsmith. 

•Jupiter,  trp.  8.  . 

— 

Master  Robt.  Fulton. 

Later,  Master  Geo.  B.  Hofmieteter. 

•Larne     .... 

18 

Com.  Aug.  Leop.  Kuper. 

(From  Jan.    17th,   1840,  Capt.    Pat.  Jno. 
I     Blake. 

Louisa,  tender  . 

— 

Mate  Thos.  Carmlchael. 

Lieut.  June  sth,  1841.    Wrecked,  1841. 

•Melville  .... 

72 

{capt.dH"ri«cTsLuders'Du'u<d^:j 

During  earlier  operations. 

•Modeste  .... 

18 

Com.  Harry  Eyres. 

{^Late^Couf'Rmtdle^urg^s'watsor'841' 

|Capt.  Juue  Sth,  1841  ;  C.B.  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

•A'imrod  .     .     .     . 

20 

Com.  Chas.  Austruther  Barlow. 

<     Later,  Com.  Jos.  Pearse.    Later,  Com. 

|    Fredk.  Hy.  Hastiugs  Glasse. 

•North  Star  .     .      . 

26 

Capt.  Sir  Jas.  Kverard  Hume,  Bt. 

Pelican  .... 

18 

i  MIL  Chas.  Geo.  Elers  Napier. 

Capt.  Nov.  1st,  1841. 

•Plover,  surv.     .     . 

— 

Com.  Rich.  Collinsoii. 

•Pylades  .... 

18 

Com.  Talavera  Vernou  Ansou. 

{CaAVmonds  Tiidal841'     k^"'  C°m'  L°"U 

•Rattlesnake,  trp.  s. 

28 

Master  William  Brodie. 

hied  iu  com.    Later,  Master  Jas.  Spreut. 

•Samarang   . 

26 

Cwpt.  Jas.  Scott. 

C.B.  June  29tu,  1841. 

•Sapphire,  trp.  s.    . 

28 

Master  Geo.  Wni.  Nembhard. 

•Starling,  surv.  cutt. 

6 

Lieut.  Hy.  Kellett. 

Com.  May  Mil,  1841. 

•Sulphur,  surv.  . 

8     ' 

Com.  Kdward  Helcher. 

Capt.  May  6tb,  1841;  C.B.  Oct.  14tb,  1841. 

•fixen,  padd.     .     . 

6 

Com.  Hy.  Boyes. 

(From  June  30th,  1840,Com.Geo.  Aug.  Elliot 

•rolage    .... 

26 

Capt.  Hy.  Smith  (2). 

(actg.  Capt.).  Later,  Capt.  Wm.  Warren, 
and,  on  Aug.  30th,  1841,  Capt.  Sir  Wm. 

Dicksou,  Bart. 

•Wanderer    . 

16 

Com.  Edw.  Norwich  Troubridge. 

Later,  Corn,  stepli.  Grenville  Fremautle. 

•Welletley     .     .     . 

72 

(R.-Ad.  Sir  FreJk.  Lewis  Maitlaud) 
(2),  K.C.B. 
'Capt.  Tlios.  Maitlaud. 

(  From  Juu.  17th,  1840,  Conimod.  sir  J.  J.  G. 
|     Hremer,  Kt.,  C.B.,  with  Capt.  Maitlaud. 
)     Later,  flag  of  R.-Adrn.  Sir-  Wm.  Parker 
1     (2),  (V.-Adm.  Nov.  23rd,  1841). 

Toung  Hebe,  tender 

— 

Mate  Rich.  Robt.  Quin. 

Later,  Lieut.  Wm.  Cotterell  Wood. 

H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  ships  :— 

AtaUtnta.    . 

Auckland,  str.  . 

— 

Com.  R.  Ethersey,  I.N. 

Aurora   . 

Enterjn-ise             .  '. 

Madagascar,  str.    . 



Capt.               Dicey,  I.N. 

Burut  by  accident,  1842. 

Medusa,  str.  .     .     . 

— 

Lieut.  W.  H.  Hewitt,  I.N. 

Nemesis,  str.     .     . 

2 

Master  Wm.  Hutcheou  Hall,  R.N. 

Lieut.  Jan.  Sth,  1841. 

Phlegethon,  str.     . 

« 

Lieut.  Jas.  Johustone  M'Cleverty, 
R.N. 

Pluto,  str.    . 



Lieut.  Juo.  Tudor,  R.N. 

Proserpine,  str. 

i 

Com.  Jno.  Jas.  Hough,  K.N. 

Queen,  str.              .  • 

2 

Actg.  Master  Wm.  Warden,  R.N. 

Sewstris,  str.     . 

4 

Com.  H.  A.  Ormsby,  I.N. 

Tenasserim,  str. 

—     . 

Actg.  Master  A.  P.  Wall,  R.N. 

k  Medals  were  granted  to  these  ships. 


1841.]  THE  FLEET  IN  TEE   CANTON  HIVES.  289 

North  and  South  Wangtung  and  the  peak  of  Anunghoy ' ;  but  it  had  been  for  some 
time  known  that  a  safe  channel  also  existed  to  the  westward ;  and  no  pains  had  been 
spared  to  render  the  latter  as  difficult  and  dangerous  as  possible  by  bringing  the  fire 
of  two  formidable  batterl  s,  of  45  and  40  guns,  to  bear  upon  it :  the  one  constructed  on 
the  western  extremity  of  North  Wangtung,  the  other  on  the  opposite  or  right  bank 
the  river.  Prom  Anunghoy  a  strong  chain  had  been  carried,  right  across  the  eastern 
passage,  to  a  rocky  poin;  near  a  formidable  battery  which  had  for  years  existed  on  the 
eastern  tongue  of  North  Wangtung,  where  its  end  was  made  fast,  the  chain  being  held 
up  to  within  a  few  feet  of  the  water  by  means  of  a  line  of  rafts." 

But  the  Chinese  had  omitted  to  occupy  the  lower  island  lying 
within  point-blank  range  of  North  Wangtung,  to  the  southward ; 
and  there,  on  the  night  of  February  25th,  with  the  assistance  of 
some  seamen,  three  howitzers  were  mounted  in  a  sandbag  battery. 
At  daybreak  on  the  following  morning  they  opened  fire  upon  the 
works  on  North  Wangtung.  Several  hours  elapsed,  owing  to  a 
calm,  ere  the  fleet  was  able  to  move  up,  yet  in  the  interval  the 
Chinese  artillery  failed  to  do  any  harm  to  the  howitzers,  or  their 
gunners.  At  11  A.M.,  however,  the  Blenheim  and  Queen  anchored 
abreast  of  the  large  battery  of  Anunghoy,  and  the  Melville,  passing 
ahead,  brought  up  with  her  port  bow  guns  bearing  on  the  eastern 
battery  of  Wangtung.  By  noon,  the  action  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  river  was  general.  The  Wellesley,  Druid,  and  Modeste  in  the 
meantime  entered  the  western  channel,  and  engaged  the  battery 
on  North  Wangtung,  and  a  fort  and  camp  on  the  opposite  bank ; 
while  the  Calliope,  Herald,  Samarang,  and  Alligator  pressed  on  to 
the  northward  of  the  Chinese  defences,  firing  their  starboard 
broadsides  into  the  lower  Wangtung  battery  as  they  passed.  After 
about  an  hour's  cannonade,  Captain  •  Sir  Humphrey  Fleming 
Senhouse,  with  300  seamen  and  Eoyal  Marines,  landed  under 
Anunghoy,  and  carried  the  works  without  much  trouble.  The 
Chinese  admiral,  Kwan,  was  killed  there.  North  Wangtung  was 
similarly  carried  by  the  troops,  and  many  prisoners  were  taken ; 
and  at  4  P.M.,  when  the  Nemesis,  with  some  of  the  Wellesley's 
boats,  was  sent  against  the  fort  and  camp  on  the  Tycocktow  side, 
those  positions  were  abandoned,  and  occupied  without  resistance. 
The  works  there  and  at  Anunghoy  were  destroyed ;  but  the  North 
Wangtung  works  were  garrisoned,  though  the  Chinese  guns,  being 
almost  useless,  were  disabled  and  thrown  into  the  water. 

While  part  of  the  squadron  remained  at  the  Bogue,  an  advanced 
division,2  under  Captain  Thomas  Herbert,  of  the  Calliope,  moved 

1  See  map,  p.  286. 

2  Calliope,  Nemesis,  Madagascar,  Modeste,  Herald,  Alligator  and  Sulphur. 

VOL.   VI.  U 


290       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

up  with  some  boats  from  the  Wellesley,  and,  on  February  27th, 
attacked  the  enemy's  position  at  Second  Bar,  near  Whampoa,  where 
a  floating  boom  had  been  thrown  across  the  river,  flanked  on  one  side 
by  an  entrenched  camp  containing  2000  troops,  and  on  the  other 
by  the  guns  of  the  Cambridge,  the  old  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  vessel,  which 
had  been  purchased  by  the  Chinese  before  the  outbreak  of  war. 
The  raft  was  cut  through ;  the  enemy  was  driven  off  with  heavy 
loss ;  and  the  Cambridge  was  boarded,  captured,  and  blown  up. 
Herbert  afterwards  anchored  in  Whampoa  reach.  On  March  2nd, 
the  Sulphur,  with  some  boats,  proceeded,  took  a  masked  battery 
on  the  N.E.  end  of  Whampoa  island,  and  occupied  Howqua's 
fort.1  The  Sulphur,  with  the  Herald,  Alligator,  and  Modeste,  then 
anchored  in  the  stream  between  that  fort  and  Napier  island.  On 
the  3rd  there  was  another  brief  suspension  of  hostilities.  It 
was  at  about  that  time  that  Major-General  Sir  Hugh  Gough 
arrived  from  Madras  to  take  command  of  the  military  part  of 
the  expedition. 

By  March  7th,  Captain  Elliot  realised  that  he  was  again  being 
trifled  with ;  and  the  armistice  was  declared  to  be  at  an  end. 
Between  then  and  the  18th,  all  the  enemy's  works  on  the  river 
banks,  as  far  as  the  factories  at  Canton,  and  along  the  deep-water 
branch  passage  known  as  the  Macao  channel,  were,  one  after 
another,  taken  and  destroyed.  Many  junks  also  were  burnt  or 
scuttled.  Yet,  in  the  whole  of  the  operations,  no  one  on  the 
British  side  was  killed  in  action,  and  but  one  man  died  of  his 
wounds.  The  Eoyal  Marines  employed  were  commanded  by 
Captain  Anthony  Blaxland  Stransham,2  who  was  wounded  by  an 
explosion  on  the  17th,  and  was  mentioned  in  dispatches  for  his 
gallantry.  In  these  affairs,  especially  in  some  which  took  place 
on  the  12th  and  13th  in  the  Broadway,  a  western  passage  between 
Macao  and  Whampoa,  the  Nemesis  rendered  very  valuable  service. 
She,  and  the  boats  which  she  had  in  tow,  were  responsible  for  the 
capture  and  destruction  of  no  fewer  than  105  guns,  and  the  burning 
of  nine  junks.  Lieutenant  Hall  displayed  energy  and  resource 
beyond  praise. 

On  March  20th,  Captain  Elliot  announced  that  yet  another 
armistice  had  been  concluded  with  the  imperial  commissioner  Yang, 
who  had  succeeded  Keeshen.  In  consequence  of  this,  all  the 

1  Also  called  Howqua's  Folly. 

2  Died  General  Sir  A.  IB.  Stransham,  G.O.B.,  in  Oct.  1900,  aged  95. 


1841.]  ATTACK   ON  CANTON.  291 

fleet,  except  some  light  craft  of  Captain  Herbert's  division,  returned 
to  Hong  Kong,  where  Sir  Hugh  Gough  busied  himself  in  the 
reorganisation  of  his  small  force,  which  was  sadly  depleted  by 
sickness,  and  by  the  recall  of  the  Bengal  volunteers.  A  little 
later  the  Melville  and  Samarang  sailed  for  England,  and  the 
Madagascar  and  Queen,  the  latter  bearing  Bremer's  broad  pennant, 
went  provisionally  to  Calcutta,  where  plans  for  further  operations 
were  discussed.  Indeed,  it  was  evident  that  the  troubles  were  still 
only  at  their  commencement.  The  edicts  of  the  Chinese  Emperor 
breathed  increasing  animosity ;  fresh  defences  were  thrown  up  at 
Chusan,  Chinhae,  and  Amoy ;  and  near  Chusan  Mr.  Stead,  master 
of  the  transport ..Pestonjee,  was  barbarously  murdered'  by  villagers 
and  soldiers  who  had  been  promised  a  reward  for  the  head  of  any 
British  subject.  At  Canton,  however,  the  situation  seemed  for  the 
moment  to  have  quieted  down,  so  much  so  that  many  merchants 
returned  to  their  hongs ;  and  Captain  Elliot  himself  took  up 
temporary  residence.  But,  upon  getting  trustworthy  news  of 
Mr.  Stead's  murder,  Elliot  sent  the  Columbine  to  Chusan  to 
demand  redress.  That  vessel  had  to  return  without  having  been 
allowed  to  communicate.  She  could  only  report  that  huge  prepara- 
tions for  war  were  going  forward  at  Tinhae.  Elliot  was  at  that 
time  back  at  Hong  Kong.  When  he  returned  to  Canton  on 
May  llth,  he  not  only  discovered  unmistakable  signs  that  the 
Chinese  had  negotiated  only  to  gain  time,  but  also  was  at  last 
persuaded  that  further  parley  was  worse  than  useless,  and  that 
Great  Britain  must  unhesitatingly  put  forth  her  strength  if  she 
would  convince  the  enemy  of  the  necessity  of  submission  and 
improved  behaviour.  He  regained  Hong  Kong  without  delay, 
and,  on  May  19th,  induced  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  cause  the 
whole  of  the  British  forces,  except  the  Druid  and  the  small 
garrisons  of  Hong  Kong  and  North  Wangtung,  to  be  moved  above 
the  Bogue,  which  was  passed  on  the  20th. 

Herbert  was  still  at  anchor  off  the  factories.  On  the  21st  Sen- 
house  took  the  Blenheim  into  the  Macao  passage,  and  anchored  her, 
as  a  kind  of  base,  six  miles  below  Canton.  During  the  day  the 
British  subjects  remaining  in  the  city  quitted  it,  at  Elliot's  desire. 
That  night,  from  the  creeks  above  Shaming,  a  flotilla  of  fire-rafts 
was  let  loose  upon  the  Louisa,  cutter,  and  Aurora,  schooner,  which 
had  just  received  on  board  the  last  of  the  fugitive  merchants ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  batteries,  from  Shaming  to  the  Creek  factory, 

u  2 


292       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

opened,  the  Louisa  and  Aurora  escaping  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Macao  passage  only  because  of  the  enemy's  wretched  aim.  The 
boats  of  the  Herald,  coming  from  Napier's  Eeach,  towed  the  fire- 
rafts  clear;  the  Modeste,  Pylades,  and  Algerine,  from  the  Macao 
passage,  ran  in  and  engaged  some  of  the  batteries ;  and  the  Nemesis 
steamed  close  in  to  the  large  battery  at  Shaming,  and  was  there 
for  some  time  in  difficulties  under  a  heavy  fire,  her  bow  gun  being 
temporarily  disabled,  her  rudder  being  jammed,  and  a  rocket 
hanging  in  a  tube,  and  in  its  explosion  badly  burning  Lieutenant 
Hall.  But  the  Marines,  firing  into  the  embrasures,  disconcerted 
the  Chinese  gunners;  and,  at  length,  the  Nemesis  was  again  in 
full  fighting  trim.  She  had  been  struck  in  many  places,  but  her 
casualties  were  quite  trifling,  and  at  dawn,  having  silenced  the 
Shaming  battery,  she  pushed  on,  with  the  boats  of  the  squadron 
in  tow,  and  destroyed  a  flotilla  of  39  war  junks  and  boats.  In  the 
interval,  first  the  mob  and  then  the  Chinese  soldiery  pillaged  and 
gutted  the  factories.  It  was,  of  course,  necessary  to  effect  a  land- 
ing in  force  in  order  to  check  the  work  of  destruction.  Captain 
Edward  Belcher,  of  the  Sulphur,  was  sent  to  find  a  suitable  point 
for  disembarkation.  He  reported  in  favour  of  a  creek  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  city,  whence  there  was  no  serious  obstacle  to  the  pass- 
age of  troops  and  guns  to  some  forts  crowning  several  eminences 
on  the  north-west.  Upon  the  fall  of  these  forts,  it  would  be 
possible  to  establish  a  battery  which  should  command  the  town, 
and  bring  it  to  reason.  Belcher,  during  his  absence,  destroyed 
28  war  junks  and  row  boats ;  and  he  brought  back  with  him  a 
number  of  decked  craft,  which  proved  most  serviceable  for  the 
business  of  disembarkation. 

On  Her  Majesty's  birthday,  May  24th,  a  royal  salute  having 
first  been  fired,  the  troops  were  landed  in  two  divisions,  and,  after 
a  preparatory  cannonade,  the  four  forts  on  the  heights  were  carried 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  A  naval  brigade,  under  Captain  Thomas 
Bourchier,  participated  in  the  assault,  and,  after  the  storming, 
suffered  somewhat  severely  from  a  heavy  fire  which  burst  out  all 
along  the  northern  ramparts  of  Canton.  All  the  captured  works, 
however,  were  held,  in  spite  of  a  temporary  failure  of  the  ammuni- 
tion supply ;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  following  day,  fifteen  guns 
and  howitzers  were  got  into  position  before  the  walls.  Just  as  the 
batteries  were  ready  to  open  on  the  27th,  it  was  announced  that  the 
enemy  had  proposed  terms,  which  Captain  Elliot  had  accepted.  It 


1841.]  CAPTAIN  ELLIOT'S    WEAKNESS.  293 

was  stipulated  that,  upon  the  withdrawal  of  all  imperial l  troops  to 
a  distance  of  upwards  of  sixty  miles  from  the  city,  and  the  payment 
within  one  week  of  $6,000,000,  and  of  an  indemnity  for  damage 
to  British  property,  the  British  forces  should  retire  without  the 
Bogue,  and  restore  all  the  captured  forts,  which,  however,  were 
not  to  be  rearmed  pending  a  final  settlement.  It  was  not  a  wise 
arrangement.  Canton  had  not  been  occupied,  and  the  provincial 
mandarins  had  not  been  humiliated  as  they  deserved  after  their 
long  course  of  treachery  and  duplicity.  The  British  flag  should 
have  been  hoisted  above  the  city  ere  any  terms  were  listened  to. 
But  Elliot  believed  that  Gough  had  not  sufficient  force  to  hold  the 
place ;  and  so,  as  soon  as  the  Chinese  had  carried  out  their  share 
of  the  undertaking,  the  expedition  fell  down  the  river.  During  the 
armistice,  however,  the  enemy  to  the  west  of  the  city  attacked 
the  British  in  such  force  that  a  catastrophe  was  only  averted  by 
the  unhoped-for  intervention  of  two  companies  of  Eoyal  Marines. 
On  the  following  day,  in  spite  of  Gough's  remonstrances  and 
threats,  a  still  more  formidable  attack  was  imminent,  until  the 
local  authorities,  at  the  last  moment,  dispersed  their  soldiery. 
Thus,  although  the  Chinese  had  lost  heavily 2  in  the  various  engage- 
ments, it  was  open  to  them  to  pretend  that  they  had  not  suffered 
any  decisive  reverse.  This  was  a  dangerous  possibility  ;  and  it 
should  never  have  been  left  to  them.  It  precluded,  indeed,  all 
immediate  prospect  of  a  satisfactory  settlement.  Nor,  in  any  case, 
was  Canton  China. 

The  expedition  retired  to  Hong  Kong,  where,  within  a  few  days 
of  its  arrival,  it  had  to  regret  the  death,  by  fever,  of  Captain  Sir 
Humphrey  Fleming  Senhouse,  who,  in  the  absence  of  Bremer 
elsewhere  on  the  station,  had  most  ably  conducted  the  naval 
portion  of  the  operations  in  the  river.  His  body  was  buried  at 
Macao. 

Captain  Elliot's  management  of  political  affairs  had  long  since 
failed  to  give  satisfaction  at  home.  A  new  era  opened  when  he  was 
recalled,  and  superseded  by  Colonel  Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  who  left 
England  in  May,  in  company  with  Rear-Admiral  Sir  William 
Parker  (2),  who  had  been  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  East 
Indies  and  China  command  occasioned  by  the  death  of  Sir  Frederick 

1  As  distinct  from  provincial. 

2  The  British  loss  in  the  entire  operations  was  less  than  130  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.     The  Chinese  probably  lost  in  all  about  1200  men. 


294      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Lewis  Maitland  (2).  The  two  new  heads  reached  Macao  road  on 
board  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steam  frigate  Sesostris  on  August  3rd,  1841. 
In  the  interim  Elliot  had  made  arrangements  for  the  government  of 
Hong  Kong,  and  had  adjusted  certain  claims  for  indemnity ;  the 
Conivay  and  Calliope  had  been  despatched,  one  to  England  and  the 
other  to  Calcutta,  with  the  bulk  of  the  Canton  ransom  money  ;  and 
Gough's  force  had  been  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  a  battalion 
of  the  55th  Regiment.  Two  bad  typhoons  had  occasioned  much 
damage  to  the  transports  and  men-of-war ;  and,  during  one  of 
them,  on  July  21st,  Elliot,  with  Brerner,  who  had  returned  to  China 
in  the  Queen  with  the  powers  of  joint  plenipotentiary,  had  been 
wrecked  in  the  Louisa,  cutter,  between  Macao  and  Hong  Kong  on  a 
piratical  island,  whence  they  had  escaped  only  upon  undertaking 
to  pay  $3000  for  their  liberation. 

Parker,  Gough,  and  Pottinger  were  men  who  were  not  to  be 
contented  with  half  measures.  It  was  determined  to  strike  a  blow, 
as  soon  as  possible,  to  the  northward ;  and  by  August  20th  the 
fleet J  and  21  transports,  having  on  board  about  2700  troops,2  with 
field  guns  and  rocket  tubes,  being  ready  for  sea,  headed  for  Arnoy. 
Pottinger  accompanied  the  expedition,  after  having  declined  to  open 
negotiations  with  the  provincial  governments,  and  completed  the 
organisation  of  the  administration  of  Hong  Kong.  On  August  24th, 
Arnoy  and  the  neighbouring  fortified  island  of  Kolangsoo  were 
reconnoitred ;  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  strong  Chinese  works 
were  bombarded,  the  Wellesley  and  Blenheim  being  laid  alongside 
the  big  shore  batteries,  the  Druid,  Blonde,  and  light  craft  dealing 
with  Kolangsoo,  and  the  steamers  landing  troops  and  destroying 
junks.  It  does  not  appear  that  even  the  broadsides  of  the  two  74's 
made  much  impression  on  the  batteries,  which  were  admirably 
constructed ;  but,  when  the  troops  assaulted,  there  was  but  little 
resistance ;  and,  on  the  26th,  Amoy  itself  was  occupied,  having  been 
abandoned  in  the  darkness.  The  chief  loss  on  this  occasion  was 
due  to  the  Sesostris  having  towed  under  water  a  boat  full  of  troops. 
The  Amoy  batteries  were  dismantled,  and  about  500  guns  destroyed  ; 
and  the  place  was  evacuated,  a  garrison,  however,  being  left  at 
Kolangsoo.  On  September  4th,  the  expedition  proceeded  for 
Chusaii ;  but  its  progress  was  so  impeded  by  fogs  and  baffling  winds 

1  Wellesley  (flag),  Blenheim,  Druid,  Blonde,  Modeste,  Pylades,  Columbine,  Cruiser, 
Algerine,  Rattlesnake,  Queen,  Sesostris,  Nemesis,  and  Phlegethon. 

2  Including  18th,  49th,  and  55th,  and  part  of  the  26th  British  regiments. 


1841.]  TINGHAE  AND    CHINHAE   TAKEN.  295 

that  great  part  of  it  did  not  make  the  rendezvous  until  towards  the 
end  of  the  month.  As  elsewhere,  the  Chinese  had  immensely 
strengthened  their  defences,  and  near  Tinghae  upwards  of  200  guns 
were  in  battery ;  but  the  whole  line  of  works  was  so  laid  out  as  to 
be  capable  of  being  easily  turned.  On  October  1st,  therefore,  while 
the  attention  of  the  enemy  was  occupied  by  the  ships,  the  troops 
were  landed  on  the  Chinese  right ;  and,  with  some  little  loss,  they 
presently  carried  some  heights  which  dominated  the  whole  position. 
The  forts  were  then  stormed,  and  Tinghae  fell,  not,  unfortunately, 
before  the  Eoyal  Marines  and  the  18th  Eegiment  had  had  a  number 
of  men  hit.  After  the  capture  the  Nemesis  and  Phlegethon  steamed 
round  the  island  of  Chusan  in  order  to  intercept  escaping  junks  or 
boats.  Tinghae  was  garrisoned,  and  the  expedition  1  moved  on  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Ningpo  river  and  to  the  city  of  Chinhae. 

When,  on  October  9th,  a  reconnaissance  was  made,  the  estuary 
was  found  to  be  strongly  fortified,  and  the  channel  blocked  with  a 
double  row  of  piles,  backed  by  a  moored  line  of  junks  and  gunboats. 
On  the  10th,  the  position  was  attacked,  the  army  being  landed  to 
operate  on  the  right  bank,  and  a  naval  force  disembarking  on  the 
left.  The  latter,  after  a  preliminary  cannonade  from  the  squadron, 
captured  Chinhae  without  much  difficulty.  On  the  other  side  of 
the  stream,  the  Chinese  were  caught  between  two  columns ;  and 
something  very  much  like  a  massacre  took  place  ere  the  troops  could 
be  induced  to  cease  firing.  Chinhae  was  held ;  and,  on  the  13th, 
when  a  flotilla  of  light  craft  pushed  up  to  Ningpo,  that  important 
city  was  found  to  have  been  evacuated.  It  promised  to  form  a  good 
winter  headquarters  for  the  expedition,  and  was  occupied  as  such. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Chinese  in  the  Canton  river  having  com- 
mitted infractions  of  the  treaty  of  the  previous  May,  Captain  Joseph 
Nias,  of  the  Herald,  senior  naval  officer  at  Hong  Kong,  took  a  small 
force  up  the  river,  razed  North  Wangtung  fort  to  the  ground,  sank 
or  burnt  a  number  of  junks,  and  shot  a  few  persons  whom  he 
believed  to  have  been  guilty  of  treacherous  conduct.  This  was  in 
October ;  but,  upon  the  withdrawal  of  Nias,  the  Chinese  at  once 
began  to  build  pile  barriers  across  both  the  Macao  passage  and  the 
Junk  river,  and  to  construct  new  batteries.  It  was  at  about  the 
same  time  that  the  transport  Nerbudda,  proceeding  northward  with 
camp-followers  and  a  few  men  of  the  55th  Eegiment,  was  driven 

'  The  ships  then  present  were :  Wellesley,  Blenheim,  Blonde,  Jupiter,  Columbine, 
Bentinck,  Rattlesnake,  Modeste,  Nemesis,  Queen,  Phlegethon,  Sesostris,  and  Cruiser. 


296      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

in  a  leaky  condition  into  a  bay  on  the  coast  of  Formosa,  and  there 
basely  abandoned  by  her  European  crew  and  passengers,  who  made 
off  in  some  of  the  boats,  after  having  destroyed  the  others  and  all 
the  ammunition  that  was  not  taken  away.  The  fugitives  reached 
Hong  Kong,  where  Nias  made  a  prisoner  of  the  dastardly  master 
of  the  transport.  The  Nittirod  was  then  despatched  to  the  scene 
of  the  wreck ;  but  she  arrived  too  late.  The  wretched  Indian 
passengers,  having  been  obliged  to  drift  ashore  on  rafts  and  planks, 
had  there  been  seized  by  the  savage  inhabitants,  and  killed  or  made 
prisoners.  Ultimately,  indeed,  almost  all  of  them  were  murdered, 
though  a  few,  after  the  conclusion  of  peace,  were  sent  to  Amoy 
and  handed  over  to  the  British. 

The  only  further  offensive  operations  of  the  expedition  ere  the 
close  of  1841  were  at  Tsekee,  Yuyao,  and  neighbouring  places  on 
the  Ningpo  river,  where,  in  December,  the  Sesostris,  Nemesis,  and 
Phlegethon  assisted  the  troops  in  the  capture  and  destruction  of 
several  small  Chinese  works ;  but  the  tone  of  the  Imperial  edicts, 
and  the  general  attitude  of  the  mandarins  during  the  winter, 
indicated  that  the  campaign  was  still  far  from  an  end.  Piracy, 
too,  was  a  source  of  much  trouble,  especially  in  the  vicinity  of 
Amoy,  where,  on  one  occasion,  a  boat  of  the  Druid,  Captain  Henry 
Smith  (2),  C.B.,  lost  several  men  by  the  sudden  blowing  up  of  a 
large  junk  at  the  moment  of  boarding. 

The  active  renewal  of  the  campaign  in  the  early  spring  of  1842 
was  the  work  of  the  Chinese.  Gough  was  at  Chusan  conferring 
with  Sir  William  Parker  when,  early  in  the  morning  of  March  10th, 
large  bodies  of  the  enemy  made  a  most  determined  attack  on  Ningpo. 
The  west  gate  was  successfully  defended,  but  the  south  gate  was 
forced,  and  the  city  was  entered  by  the  foe.  The  Chinese  were, 
however,  met  in  the  streets,  and  driven  back,  while,  in  the  river, 
the  Modeste,  Sesostris,  Columbine,  and  Queen  dispersed  some  troops 
which  endeavoured  to  fire  across  the  stream,  and  towed  aside  or 
destroyed  some  fire-rafts  which  were  sent  down  from  above.  The 
attack  was  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  though  the  British  did 
not  have  a  man  killed. 

On  the  same  day,  and  at  the  same  time,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
surprise  Chinha.e,  where  Colonel  Schoedde,  of  the  55th  Eegiment, 
commanded  ;  but  the  Chinese  were  easily  driven  back,  and  the  fire- 
rafts,  which,  there  as  at  Ningpo,  were  floated  down  the  stream,  were 
dealt  with  by  the  boats  of  the  Blonde  and  Hyacinth.  Chusan  was  to 


1842.]  THE  ATTACK   ON   CHAPOO.  297 

have  been  attacked  at  about  the  same  date,  but  news  of  the  pro- 
ject reached  Parker,  who  sent  the  Nemesis  to  Taishan,  where  the 
Chinese,  who  had  gathered  for  the  adventure,  were  dispersed,  and 
several  junks  were  burnt. 

Sir  Hugh  Gough  at  once  returned  to  Ningpo,  and,  learning  that 
there  was  still  a  large  Chinese  army  in  the  neighbourhood,  marched 
out  on  March  13th  with  about  900  men  of  all  arms,  and  with  the 
Sesostris  on  his  flank.  It  was  found,  however,  that  this  particular 
army  had  retired  beyond  reach.  A  second  army,  under  General 
Yang,  was  known,  however,  to  be  at  Tsekee,  across  the  river ;  and, 
Sir  William  Parker,  with  several  additional  ships,  and  bluejackets 
and  Marines,  having  arrived  at  Ningpo  on  March  14th,  an  ex- 
peditionary force  was  embarked  l  on  the  following  morning,  and 
landed  four  miles  from  Yang's  position  on  the  heights  of  Segaon, 
behind  Tsekee.  With  the  troops  was  a  naval  brigade  under  Captain 
Thomas  Bourchier.  Parker  also  was  with  Gough.  After  some 
stubborn  fighting,  a  complete  and,  happily,  a  not  very  expensive 
victory  was  won,  the  Navy's  casualties  numbering  only  fifteen.  Of 
the  enemy,  at  least  450  fell.  It  was  the  most  decided  advantage 
which  had  as  yet  been  gained  by  the  British  since  the  occupation  of 
Chusan,  where,  by  the  way,  a  fresh  attempt  to  burn  the  shipping 
by  means  of  fire-rafts  was  defeated  on  April  14th  by  some  of  the 
boats  of  the  Cornwallis,  Nemesis,  Jupiter,  Hyacinth,  Starling, 
Phlcgethon,  and  Bentinck. 

It  had  been  the  desire  of  the  Commanders-in-Chief  to  follow  up 
their  success  by  an  attack  on  Hangchowfoo,  capital  of  the  province 
of  Che-kiang ;  but  deficient  means  of  supply,  and  difficulties  of 
navigation  prevented  such  a  stroke  from  being  dealt ;  and  it  was 
finally  resolved  instead  to  proceed  to  Chapoo.  Not,  however,  until 
May  6th  was  the  expedition  able  to  leave  Chinhae ;  and,  although 
the  distance  to  be  traversed  did  not  exceed  sixty  miles,  the  fleet  did 
not,  as  a  whole,  make  its  rendezvous  until  May  16th.  In  1840  the 
Algerine,  Lieutenant  Thomas  Henry  Mason,  had  paid  a  flying  visit  to 
the  port,  had  been  fired  upon,  and  had  silenced  the  battery  which  had 
annoyed  her.  She  had  then  had  occasion  to  notice  the  coolness  and 
stubbornness  with  which  the  local  Tartar  gunners  fought  their  pieces . 
Chapoo  still  had  a  Tartar  garrison,  which  occupied  the  N.W.  corner 

1  On  this  occasion  there  were  employed  the  Phlegethon,  Modeste,  Nemesis,  Queen, 
Hyacinth,  Columbine,  Sesostris,  and  boats  of  Cornwallis  and  Blonde,  with  about  350 
seamen  and  Marines  in  the  landing-party. 


298      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

of  the  city  proper,  and  which,  as  will  be  seen,  fully  maintained  its 
reputation  for  tenacity.  The  town  was  reconnoitred  on  the  17th  ; 
and  on  the  18th  all  the  troops  were  landed,  to  the  N.E.  of  Chapoo,  in 
two  columns,  one,  on  the  right,  to  pass  round  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
who  had  taken  up  a  position  on  the  cliffs  to  the  N.E.  of  the  town, 
the  other,  on  the  left,  to  flank  the  Chinese  entrenchments.  A  third 
landing-party,  formed  of  seamen  and  Marines,1  was  put  ashore 
nearer  to  the  town,  and  nearly  due  east  of  it.  The  steamers  in  the 
anchorage  co-operated  by  shelling  the  Chinese.  The  advance  of 
the  two  British  columns,  went  on  without  serious  opposition  until 
it  had  cut  off  from  the  city  about  350  Tartar  troops  who  had  held  a 
position  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  enemy's  line.  These  troops 
quietly  threw  themselves  into  a  joss  house,  and  waited  until  both 
the  British  columns,  and  the  naval  brigade  on  the  attacking  left  had 
unsuspectingly  passed  by  them.  They  might  then  have  escaped, 
had  they  not  been  accidentally  discovered  by  a  small  detached  party 
under  Hall,  of  the  Nemesis.  The  Tartars  opened  a  spirited  fire  upon 
the  few  seamen  and  soldiers.2  It  was  pluckily  returned  until  the 
arrival  on  the  scene  of  a  reinforcing  company  of  the  18th  Regiment ; 
and  then  an  assault  was  made.  But  the  British  were  repelled  by 
the  defenders.  Other  reinforcements  arrived,  a  field-piece  was  turned 
upon  the  building,  and  part  of  the  wall  was  blown  in  by  means  of  a 
50  Ib.  charge  of  powder ;  yet  the  Tartars  fought  on  with  as  much 
determination  as  ever,  though  a  second  breach  was  made,  and  their 
stronghold  was  set  on  fire.  When,  at  length,  after  more  than  three 
hours'  desperate  struggle,  the  place  was  carried,  only  sixty  of  the 
defenders  remained  alive,  and  of  them  many  were  wounded.  The 
occupation  of  Chapoo  itself  was  effected  with  but  small  difficulty. 

Hangchowfoo  was  still  considered  to  be  unapproachable ;  and 
the  expeditionary  force,  re-embarked  on  May  28th.  The  fleet 
headed  northward,  it  having  been  determined  to  deal  a  series  of 
blows  against  the  important  cities  at  the  mouth,  and  along  the  banks, 
of  the  Yangtsekiang.  It  was  a  wise  decision  :  for  never  has  China 
been  thoroughly  intimidated  by  attacks,  no  matter  how  successful, 
against  her  coast  towns  only.  After  various  delays  the  fleet 
anchored  off  Woosung  on  June  13th. 

1  From    Cornwallis,    Starling,   Modeste,  Bentinck,  Blonde,  Sesostris,  Columbine, 
and  Algerine.     A  few  officers  and  men  of  Nemesis,  Phlegethon,  and  Jupiter  were  also 
landed.  . 

2  Chiefly  of  the  18th  and  49th  Regiments,  about  thirty  in  all. 


1842.]  CAPTUliE   OF   WOOSUNO.  '299 

Woosung  lies  not  only  near  the  mouth  of  the  main  Yangtse- 
kiang,  but  also  near  that  of  another  large  river,  the  Woosung,  twelve 
miles  further  up  which  is  the  town  of  Shanghai.  Shanghai,  besides 
being  an  important  naval  station,  had  a  great  trade  with  Nanking, 
the  capital ;  and  the  Commanders-in-Chief  felt  that  it  was  most 
desirable  to  occupy  it.  It  was,  however,  necessary  first  to  force  the 
defences  at  the  mouth  of  the  Woosung  river.  The  water  in  front 
of  these  was  sounded  and  buoyed  on  June  14th  and  15th  by  Com- 
manders Richard  Collinson,  and  Henry  Kellett ;  and,  on  June  16th, 
the  works  on  both  sides  of  the  river  were  bombarded  by  the 
warships,  while  the  transports,  with  the  troops  on  board,  lay  four 
miles  out  in  the  stream.  On  the  north  or  Woosung  bank  of  the 
river  there  was  simply  a  line  of  armed  ramparts,  terminating,  after 
an  upward  course  of  about  three  miles,  in  the  small  fort  of  Powshan. 
There  were  no  flanking  defences.  On  the  south  side  there  was  an 
old  masonry  fort,  supplemented  by  a  line  of  incomplete  earthen 
batteries.  Only  the  first  discharge  of  the  enemy's  guns,  delivered 
as  the  ships  were  anchoring,  produced  much  effect.  A  Marine 
officer,  and  two  men  in  the  Blonde  were  killed  by  it;  and  a  leadsman 
in  the  Phlegetlwn  lost .  both  his  legs,  while  several  vessels  were 
hulled.  After  two  hours'  firing,  towards  the  close  of  which  the 
Chinese  guns  were  nearly  silent,  detachments  of  seamen  and 
Marines  were  landed,  and  all  the  works,  except  Powshan,  were 
cleared  and  occupied  ere  any  of  the  troops  were  disembarked. 
Powshan  was  soon  afterwards  evacuated  ;  so  that  the  whole  of  the 
success,  such  as  it  was,  was  won  by  the  Navy  alone.1  Few  Chinese 
were  killed ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  200  or  250  guns  captured 
were  unmounted  or  useless.  The  British  loss  was  3  killed  and 
20  wounded. 

"  Among  the  curiosities,"  says  Ouchterlony,  "  found  at  Woosung,  were  two  junks, 
fitted  each  with  four  paddlewbeels  about  five  feet  in  diameter,  worked  by  two 
cranks  fitted  on  axles  placed  athwart  in  the  fore  and  aft  parts  of  the  vessel.  They 
were  clumsy  enough,  but  nevertheless  useful  craft  for  transporting  troops  on  smooth 
water." 

The  Chinese  had,  in  fact,  adopted,  independently  or  otherwise,  a 
device  very  similar  to  the  one  which  had  been  employed  by  Sir 
Charles  Napier  (2),  twelve  years  earlier,  to  move  his  frigate,  the 
Galatea,  during  calms. 

1  Ships  engaged :  Cornwallis,  PMegethon,  Modeste,  Nemesis,  Blonde,  Sesostrin, 
Columbine,  Jupiter,  Algerine,  Medusa,  North  Star,  Pluto,  Clio,  and  Tenasserim. 


300       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

On  the  evening  of  the  engagement  the  Dido,  20,  anchored  off 
the  town,  with  a  convoy  of  transports  having  011  board  2500 
additional  men  from  India.  Part  of  the  whole  force  was  at  once 
directed  against  Shanghai,  one  column  marching  along  the  left 
bank  of  the  "Woosung  river,  and  another  going  up  in  light  craft,1 
and  in  steamers  towing  them.  Parker  and  Gough  accompanied 
the  latter  in  the  Medusa.  A  battery,  half-way,  opened  on  a 
reconnoitring  vessel,  but  was  evacuated  as  soon  as  the  main  body 
of  the  flotilla  approached  it.  The  only  real  difficulty  encountered 
on  the  way  up  to  within  half  a  mile  of  Shanghai  was  occasioned  by 
the  grounding  of  the  Sesostris,  which  lost  her  rudder.  Just  below 
the  town,  at  a  right-angled  bend  of  the  river,  was  a  low-lying 
18-gun  battery,  which,  if  it  had  been  properly  manned,  would  have 
occasioned  serious  loss  to  the  vessels,  and  would  have  needed  a 
landing-party  to  capture  it  by  taking  it  in  flank.  It  was,  however, 
easily  silenced  by  a  few  broadsides  from  the  men-of-war,  not  a  man 
in  which  was  hurt.  On  June  18th,  when  the  18th  Eegiment 
reached  the  north  gate  of  the  town,  only  a  few  matchlocks  were 
discharged  at  it,  ere  the  place  was  hastily  abandoned.  On  the 
20th,  Lieutenant  Hall,  in  the  Nemesis,  pushed  fully  sixty  miles  further 
up  the  river  in  search  of  a  channel  to  the  city  of  Soochowfoo. 
Finding  no  signs  of  it,  he  returned  at  a  moment  when,  as  sub- 
sequently appeared,  his  smoke  was  visible  from  the  walls,  and  when, 
but  little  ahead  of  him,  was  a  fleet  of  fugitive  junks  laden  with 
sycee  silver  from  Shanghai  treasury. 

Shanghai  was  evacuated  on  June  23rd,  and  the  troops  and  vessels 
fell  back  to  Woosung.  The  expedition  into  the  Yangtsekiang 
proper  was  then  promptly  organised.  The  European  troops  which 
took  part  in  it  were  the  18th,  26th,  49th,  55th,  and  98th  Eegiments, 
with  some  Eoyal  Artillery  and  Engineers,  the  whole  being  under 
Sir  Hugh  Gough,  Major-Generals  Lord  Saltoun,  Schoedde,  and 
Bartley,  Colonel  Montgomerie,  E.A.,  and  Captain  Pears,  E.E. 
Besides  about  forty  transports,  the  following  vessels  of  the  Eoyal 
Navy  and  H.E.I.  Co.'s  marine  participated  :— 

H.M.S.  Cornwallis,  Blonde,  Calliope,  North  Star,  Dido,  Modeste,  Endymion, 
Clio,  Columbine,  Algerine,  Belleisle,  Apollo,  Sapphire,  Jupiter,  Rattlesnake, 
Plover,  Starling,  and  Vixen,  paddle. 

H.E.I.  Co.'s  Sesostris,  Auckland,  Queen,  Tenasserim,  Nemesis,  Phlegethon,  Pluto, 
Proserpine,  and  Medusa — all  paddle  steamers. 

1  North  Star,  Modeste,  Clio,  and  Columbine. 


1842.]  THE    YANGTSEEIANCt   EXPEDITION.  301 

The  entire  fighting  force  included  about  9000  troops  and  Marines, 
and  3000  seamen. 

After  the  Plover  and  Starling,  convoyed  by  a  steamer,  had  made 
some  soundings  in  the  river,  the  general  upward  movement  was 
begun  on  July  6th.  Progress  was  slow,  owing  to  the  strong 
current  and  the  difficulties  of  navigation,  but  no  serious  opposition 
was  offered  1  until,  on  July  19th,  the  fleet  anchored  safely  abreast 
of  Chingkiang,  the  gate,  as  it  were,  of  the  far-reaching  Grand  Canal, 
and,  as  it  has  been  called,  "  the  very  lungs"  of  China; — the  portal, 
moreover,  of  Nanking,  and  the  chief  port  of  the  Yangtsekiang. 
In  the  stream,  opposite  the  town,  lies  Golden  Island ;  across  the  river, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  northward  prolongation  of  the  Grand  Canal,  is 
Kwangchow.  At  first  it  appeared  that  Chingkiang  was  not  to  be 
defended,  and,  indeed,  that  there  were  no  Chinese  troops  in  its 
neighbourhood ;  but  on  the  20th,  some  fire-rafts,  which  proved 
perfectly  harmless,  were  dropped  down  upon  the  fleet ;  •  and  a 
reconnaissance  showed  that  two  large  entrenched  camps  occupied 
a  low  range  of  hills  to  the  southward.  On  the  21st,  nevertheless, 
the  troops  were  landed,  without  interference,  to  right  and  left  of 
the  city,  which  was  supposed  to  have  been  evacuated.  The  first 
brigade,  under  Lord  Saltoun,  advanced  against  the  entrenched 
camps  in  the  rear  of  the  city,  and  drove  their  defenders  out  of 
them.  In  the  meantime,  Schoedde  on  the.  west,  and  Bartley  on 
the  east,  attacked  the  city  itself.  Both  brigades  encountered  steady 
and  unexpected  opposition  almost  as  soon  as  they  had  landed. 
Schoedde,  who  was  partially  covered  by  the  68-prs.  of  the  Auckland, 
carried  the  nearest  bastion  by  escalade ;  but  had  to  fight  his  way 
thence  step  by  step  onwards  until  he  reached  some  gates,  which  he 
opened,  so  admitting  the  rest  of  his  column.  The  Tartar  defenders 
not  only  fought  stubbornly  in  their  positions,  but  also  charged 
most  gallantly.  Schoedde,  however,  at  length  pushed  his  way 
across  to  within  distance  of  the  east  gate,  which,  after  three  hours' 
struggle,  still  barred  Bartley's  progress.  A  little  later,  Bartley's 
brigade  forced  its  way  in,  and  joined  hands  with  Schoedde's. 
With  Bartley  were  Sir  Hugh  Gough,  Sir  William  Parker,  and 
a  small  naval  brigade  under  Captain  Peter  Richards,  and  Com- 
mander Bundle  Burges  Watson ;  and,  co-operating  with  him,  in 
the  mouth  of  the  Grand  Canal,  were  two  boats  of  the  Blonde, 

1  The  Pluto,  .Nemesis,  and  Modeste  were   fired  at  on  various  occasions;  but  the 
enemy  made  no  stand. 


302      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

under  Lieutenant  Edward  Crouch,  and  Midshipmen  William  Leigh 
Lambert,  Eobert  Jenkins,  and  Henry  Thomas  Lyon.  These  boats 
had  on  board  four  field-pieces  and  howitzers  belonging  to  the  artillery  ; 
and  Crouch  had  been  directed  to  land  them  at  some  favourable  spot. 
Close  to  the  east  gate,  the  boats  were  suddenly  saluted  with  an 
extremely  hot  fire  from  the  lofty  city  wall.  Crouch  and  Lyon, 
besides  no  fewer  than  26  other  people,  were  soon  wounded ;  and, 
as  the  guns  could  not  be  sufficiently  elevated  to  clear  the  top  of 
the  wall,  the  crews  wisely  abandoned  their  boats  and  sought 
cover  among  the  buildings  on  the  further  bank.  At  much  risk 
to  themselves,  they  reassembled ;  and  they  were  at  length  relieved 
by  some  boats  of  the  Cornwallis,  under  Lieutenant  James  Stoddart. 
All  this  had,  of  course,  taken  place  before  the  forcing  of  the  east 
gate.  Stoddart,  with  his  boats,  and  some  of  the  Blonde's  people,  as 
also  a  small  party  from  the  Modeste,  under  Master  John  T.  Forster, 
then  assisted  the  brigade  under  Captain  Eichards  l  and  Commander 
Watson ;  and  a  portion  of  the  little  force  independently  escaladed 
the  wall  just  as  the  east  gate  was  blown  open  by  the  head  of 
Hartley's  column.  The  first  man  up  the  ladder,  a  Marine,  was 
killed,  and  Watson2  was  wounded.  Among  other  naval  officers 
who  distinguished  themselves  during  the  day  were  Captain  Granville 
George  Loch,  who  fell  ten  years  later  in  Burmah,  and  who  acted 
as  volunteer  aide-de-camp  to  Gough,  and  Lieutenants  James  Fitz- 
james  (wounded),  and  George  Henry  Hodgson. 

Even  after  the  gates  had  been  taken,  there  was  still  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  fighting  in  the  streets  and  among  the  houses. 
When  further  resistance  was  hopeless,  many  of  the  Tartar  defenders 
of  the  city  deliberately  slew  their  wives  and  children,  and  then 
committed  suicide.  Their  general,  Hailing,  burnt  himself,  with  all 
his  papers,  in  his  house. 

The  material  and  moral  effects  of  this  blow,  dealt  at  a  spot  about 
150  miles  from  the  sea,  against  the  best  of  the  Tartar  troops,  upon 
the  most  important  waterways  of  China,  and  within  a  short  distance 
of  one  of  the  capitals  of  the  empire,  were  immense ;  and,  within  a 
month  of  the  fall  of  Chingkiang,  it  became  apparent  that  the  long- 
continued  campaign  had  at  length  produced  its  desired  results  upon 
the  minds  of  the  Emperor  and  bis  advisers.  In  the  meantime, 
however,  preparations  were  made  for  a  further  advance  to  Nanking, 

1  C.B.  December  24th,  1842. 

2  Capt.  December  23rd  :  C.B.  December  24th,  1842. 


1842.] 


THE   TREATY    OF  NANKING. 


303 


the  passage  towards  which  had  been  reconnoitred  by  the  Plover ; 
and,  on  July  29th,  Saltoun's  and  Bartley's  brigades  were  re-embarked, 
Schoedde's  being  left  in  cantonments  just  without  the  city. 

Ere  anything  further  could  be  done,  some  mandarins  sought  out 
Sir  Henry  Pottinger  with  news  that  Eleepoo,  an  imperial  High 
Commissioner,  was  on  his  way  from  Soochowfoo  to  treat  for  peace. 
Pottinger  declined  to  stop  operations  before  the  arrival  of  the  Com- 
missioner with  full  powers  to  conclude  an  instant  settlement ;  and 
on  August  1st  and  2nd,  the  Cornwallis  and  some  other  ships  quitted 
Chingkiang,  anchoring  on  the  5th.  off  the  northern  angle  of  the 
walls  of  Nanking.  The  rest  of  the  fleet,  and  the  transports,  all 
reached  the  same  neighbourhood  by  the  8th.  No  opposition  was 
experienced  on  the  way  up  ;  and  over  the  capital  flew  a  white  flag. 


THE   CHINA    MEDAL,    1840-42. 

Ribbon  :  crimson,  with  yellow  edge*. 

Upon  receiving  trustworthy  assurances  that  Eleepoo  was  close  at 
hand,  Pottinger  consented  to  stay  active  operations ;  but,  on  the 
9th,  finding  that  he  was  again  being  trifled  with,  Pottinger  consulted 
with  Parker  and  Gough  for  an  immediate  attack.  The  Cornwallis 
was  moved  into  a  position  more  advantageous  for  using  her  heavy 
broadside ;  the  Blonde  was  towed  up  a  creek,  whence  she  could 
breach  the  walls  preparatory  to  an  assault ;  and  the  army  was  actually 
landed,  and  encamped.  All  this  induced  the  Chinese  to  give  way. 
On  the  13th  they  again  begged  for  delay ;  on  the  18th,  negotiations 
were  so  far  advanced  that  Pottinger  informed  Parker  and  Gough 
that  hostile  movements  might  be  suspended  ;  and  on  the  20th,  the 
Chinese  plenipotentiaries  were  received  in  a  friendly  manner  on 
board  the  Cornwallis.  Pottinger  returned  the  visit  on  the  24th,  in 
company  with  the  two  Commanders-in-Chief ;  another  interview 


304      MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   KAVI,   1816-1856. 

took  place  on  the  26th  within  the  city  ;  and  on  the  29th,  the  treaty 
of  Nanking  was  signed  in  the  cabin  of  the  Cornwallis.  It  was 
arranged  that  China  was  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  $21,000,000 ;  that 
Canton,  Amoy,  Foochow,  Ningpo  and  Shanghai  were  to  be  thrown 
open  to  British  merchants  under  just  and  regular  tariff  regulations  ; 
that  consuls  should  be  appointed  to  reside  at  each  of  those  ports  ; 
that  Hong  Kong  should  be  ceded  in  perpetuity  to  Great  Britain  ; 
that  all  British  prisoners  in  China  should  be  unconditionally  released ; 
that  Chinese  who  had  held  intercourse  with  the  British  should  be 
amnestied ;  and  that  Kolangsoo  and  Chusan  should  be  held  until 
the  indemnity  should  be  paid  and  the  ports  opened. 

Thus,  after  almost  exactly  three  years'  hostilities,  was  peace 
restored.  The  course  of  the  war  proved  that,  in  dealing  with 
China,  sternness  and  firmness  must  be  consistently  employed ;  that 
Chinese  dilatoriness  can  be  cured  only  by  persistent  pressure ;  and 
that  Chinese  policy  can  be  but  little  coerced  save  by  blows  dealt  at 
the  very  gates  of  the  seats  of  government. 

Among  the  honours  granted  in  return  for  services  rendered  by 
the  Navy  during  the  war  may  be  mentioned  the  following : — 

Vice-Admiral  Sir  William  Parker,  Bart.,  to  ba  G.C.B.,  Dec.  2nd,  1842. 

Captain  Thomas  Herbert,  to  be  K.C.B.,  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

Captain  Thomas  Bourchier,  to  be  K.C.B.,  Dec.  24th,  1842. 

Captain  the  Hon.  Richard  Saunders  Dundas,  to  be  C.B.,  June  29th,  1841. 

Captain  James  Scott,  to  be  C.B.,  June  29th,  1841. 

Captain  Charles  Ramsay  Drinkwater  Bethune,  to  be  C.B.  June  29th,  1841. 

Captain  Joseph  Nias,  to  be  C.B.,  June  29th,  1841. 

Captain  Thomas  Maitland,  to  be  C.B.,  June  29th,  1841. 

Captain  Edward  Belcher,  to  be  C.B.,  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

Captain  William  Warren,  to  be  C.B.,  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

Captain  Harry  Eyres,  to  be  C.B.,  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

Captain  Charles  Anstruther  Barlow,  to  be  C.B.,  Oct.  14th,  1841. 

Captain  Augustus  Leopold  Kuper,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  the  Hon.  Frederick  William  Grey,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  Peter  Richards,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  Sir  James  Everard  Home,  Bart.,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  Henry  Kellett,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  Rundle  Burges  Watson,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  William  Henry  Anderson  Morshead,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Captain  Richard  Collinson,  to  be  C.B.,  Jan.  21st,  1842. 

Brev.  Lieut.-Col.  Samuel  Burdon  Ellis,  R.M.,  to  be  C.B.,  Dec.  24th,  1842. 

In  1839-42,  apart  from  the  Chinese  War,  which  has  just  been 
described,  and  from  the  Syrian  operations,  which  will  be  described 
presently,  there  were  several  small  affairs  in  which  the  fleet  had  a 
share. 


1838-39.]  MISCELLANEOUS    OPERATIONS.  305 

At  the  time  of  the  French  operations  in  Mexico,  and  the  capture 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  and  Vera  Cruz  by  Rear-Admiral  Baudin,  in 
1838-39,  British  interests  on  the  coast  were  looked  after  by  the 
following  squadron,  viz.  :  Comwallis,  74,  Vice-Admiral  the  Hon. 
Sir  Charles  Paget,  Captain  Sir  Eichard  Grant;  Edinburgh,  74, 
Captain  William  Honyman  Henderson  ;  Madagascar,  46,  Captain 
Provo  William  Parry  Wallis ;  Pique,  36,  Captain  Edward  Boxer ; 
Andromache,  28,  Captain  Eobert  Lambert  Baynes ;  Vestal,  26, 
Captain  Thomas  Wren  Carter ;  Rover,  18,  Commander  Thomas 
Matthew  Charles  Symonds ;  Modeste,  18,  Commander  Harry  Eyres  ; 
Racehorse,  18,  Commander  Henry  William  Craufurd ;  Snake,  16, 
Commander  Alexander  Milne;  and  Ringdove,  16,  Commander  (actg.) 
the  Hon.  Keith  Stewart  (2).  While  lying  off  Sacrificios,  on 
January  19th,  1839,  during  a  northerly  gale,  the  Madagascar  had 
occasion  to  send  a  cutter,  with  her  Gunner  and  seventeen  men,  to 
pick  up  her  pinnace,  which  had  broken  adrift.  Both  boats  were, 
unfortunately,  swamped  by  a  heavy  sea,  and  eleven  of  the  men  were 
drowned,  the  Gunner  and  the  rest  saving  themselves  only  with  the 
greatest  difficulty.1 

Among  the  minor  actions  of  these  years  should  be  mentioned  the 
capture,  in  1839,  by  the  Crocodile,  26,  Captain  Alexander  Milne,  on 
the  West  Indies  station,  of  the  Spanish  slaver  Mercedita ;  and  the 
cutting  out,  by  the  boats  of  the  Dolphin,  3,  Lieutenant  Edward 
Littlehales,  of  the  Brazilian  slaver  Firme,  off  Whydah,  on  May 
30th,  1841.  This  last  affair  was  a  particularly  brilliant  one.  Mate 
Augustus  Charles  Murray  in  the  gig,  with  five  men,  and  Second- 
Master  John  Fletcher  Rees  in  the  cutter,  with  eight  men,  pulled 
hard  for  two  hours  and  a  half,  engaged  the  Firme,  a  brigantine  of 
170  tons,  and,  after  a  twenty  minutes'  struggle,  boarded  and  took 
her,  losing,  however,  2  killed  and  3  wounded.  For  his  gallantry 
Murray,  who  was  twice  wounded,  was  promoted.2  In  the  mean- 
time, in  charge  of  another  prize  slaver,  the  little  schooner  Dores, 
only  sixty  feet  in  length,  he  made  a  most  adventurous  voyage  from 
near  Accra  to  Sierra  Leone,  with  a  crew  of  two  men  and  two  boys. 
He  suffered  great  hardships  of  all  kinds,  met  with  terrible  weather, 
lost  one  of  his  people,  and  did  not  succeed  in  making  his  port  until 
after  he  had  struggled  with  every  sort  of  difficulty  for  no  fewer  than 

1  Naut.  Mag.,  1839,  309,  314. 

2  Gazette,  1841,  p.  2688.     Promd.  Lieut.,  Oct.  1st,  1841.     Rees  was  also  promd.  to 
be  Master,  Dec.  21st,  1841. 

VOL.    VI.  X 


S06      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

146  days.  The  voyage  was  then  ordinarily  done  in  ten  days.  The 
Wolverine,  16,  Commander  William  Tucker  (3),1  was  another  vessel 
that  was  most  active  in  the  repression  of  the  slave  trade.  She  not 
only  made  several  prizes,  but  also,  in  1840,  captured  the  island  of 
Corisco  by  assault,  and  destroyed  the  slave  factories  there  estab- 
lished. On  this  occasion  the  storming  party,  originally  40  in  number, 
led  by  Lieutenant  Henry  Dumaresq,  lost  10  killed  and  wounded. 
Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Lieutenant  John  Luke  Richard 
Stoll,  who,  in  the  Bonetta,  3,  in  about  twenty-six  months,  ending 
May,  1840,  took  nine  slavers,  three  of  which,  of  superior  force,  were 
captured  fifty  miles  up  the  Congo,  and  one  of  which,  after  a  smart 
resistance,  was  cut  out  of  the  river  Pongos ;  and  of  Commander 
John  Adams,  of  the  Acorn,  16,  who,  among  other  prizes,  took,  on 
July  6th,  1841,  the  notorious  piratical  slaver  Gabriel,  and,  during 
his  commission,  caused  the  condemnation  of  about  3300  tons  of 
shipping.  One  of  the  best  slaver  captures  of  1841  was  that  of  the 
Spanish  schooner  Segundo  Bosario,  which,  with  284  slaves  on  board, 
was  taken  on  January  27th,  on  the  West  Indies  station,  by  the 
Cleopatra,  26,  Captain  Alexander  Milne. 

In  1840,  Sir  E.  Doherty,  governor  of  Sierra  Leone,  learnt  that 
Prince  Mauna,  son  of  King  Siacca  of  the  Gallinas,  a  group  of  islands 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Gallinas  river,  about  160  miles  from  Sierra 
Leone,  had  detained  two  British  subjects  for  a  pretended  debt. 
He  ordered  Mauna  to  surrender  them  to  Commander  the  Hon. 
Joseph  Denman,  of  the  Wanderer,  12,  senior  naval  officer  on  that 
part  of  the  coast,  on  pain  of  having  every  building  in  the  Gallinas 
levelled  with  the  ground.  Denman  not  only  recovered  the  prisoners, 
but  also  induced  Siacca  to  agree  to  a  treaty  in  virtue  of  which 
the  British  forces  destroyed  all  the  factories  of  Spanish  slave  traders 
within  his  dominions,  and  liberated  the  slaves  in  them.  These 
measures  were  strongly  approved  by  the  home  government,  and 
Denman  was  posted  on  August  23rd,  1841,  as  soon,  that  is,  as  the 
full  reports  of  his  proceedings  had  been  received  in  London.  The 
Spanish  slave  dealers,  however,  were  not  equally  satisfied  ;  and  they 
began  suit  for  immense  damages.  The  matter  was  not  settled  until 
1848,  when,  after  long  litigation,  a  jury  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer 
rendered  a  verdict  in  Denman's  favour.2 

Early  in  1842  a  young  naval  officer  had  an  exceptional  opportunity 

1  Posted,  Oct.  26th,  1840, 

2  O'Byrne,  278 ;  Naut.  Mag.,  1848,  p.  163. 


1842.]  CAPTURE   OF   THE   CARTAGENAN  FLOTILLA.  307 

for  demonstrating  his  self-reliance,  his  determination,  and  his  fitness 
for  a  responsible  post  in  difficult  circumstances.  Cartagena,  always 
one  of  the  most  turbulent  states l  of  what  is  now  the  Eepublic  of 
Colombia,  was  at  that  time  little  better  than  a  piratical  oligarchy. 
On  February  6th,  1842,  the  British  brig  Jane  and  Sarah,  and  a 
sloop,  the  Little  William,  at  anchor  in  the  Cartagenan  harbour  of 
Sapote,  were  seized  and  plundered  by  five  Cartagenan  vessels  of  war 
under  the  orders  of  one  General  Carmona,  and  their  crews  and 
passengers,  including  a  Colonel  Gregg,  were  thrown  into  prison. 
The  British  consul  at  Cartagena  endeavoured  in  vain  to  obtain  the 
release  of  these  unfortunate  people.  He  then  communicated  with 
H.M.  brig  Charybdis,  6,  Lieutenant  Michael  de  Courcy  (8),  which 
was  stationed  off  the  coast.  De  Courcy  arrived  off  the  port  of  Carta- 
gena, where  the  Cartagenan  war  vessels  then  lay,  and  at  once  sent 
on  board  the  commodore's  corvette  a  demand  for  the  liberation  of  the 
British  subjects.  The  commodore  was  insulting  and  contemptuous, 
and  refused  to  receive  de  Courcy's  letter.  The  Cartagenans,  more- 
over, had  by  that  time  shot  Colonel  Gregg.  Upon  the  return  of 
his  officer,  de  Courcy  instantly  entered  the  port.  In  spite  of  her 
nominal  rating,  his  brig  had  on  board  only  one  long  gun  and  two 
carronades,  with  a  complement  of  55  all  told.  The  Cartagenan 
flotilla,  on  the  other  hand,  included,  besides  the  commodore's 
corvette,  a  brig  and  three  schooners.  As  the  Charybdis  passed  up 
to  an  anchorage,  she  was  fired  into  by  the  corvette.  De  Courcy 
replied  with  the  greatest  steadiness  and  spirit ;  and,  in  a  short  time, 
the  corvette  struck,  having  lost  her  commodore  and  25  men  killed. 
Scarcely  had  the  prize  been  taken  possession  of  when  the  brig  and 
schooners  came  down  and  furiously  attacked  the  Charybdis  ;  but  the 
British  gunnery  quickly  sank  the  brig,  whereupon  the  schooners 
surrendered.  The  whole  action  occupied  less  than  an  hour;  and,  at 
its  conclusion,  de  Courcy,  instead  of  withdrawing,  anchored  proudly 
in  the  enemy's  port,  there  to  await  the  decision  of  his  Commander- 
in-Chief  concerning  his  captures. 

It  cannot,  of  course,  be  supposed  that  the  seamen  of  one  of  the 
ruffianly  South  American  states  of  that  day  were  worthy  opponents 
for  British  bluejackets,  or  that  their  vessels  were  well  found  ;  yet  the 
victory  was  obtained  against  forces  numerically  much  superior ;  and 
the  loss  suffered  by  the  corvette  indicates  that  the  people  fought 
stubbornly.  De  Courcy's  conduct  was  approved  of,  both  by  the 
1  There  was  a  separatist  revolt  in  Cartagena  as  recently  as  1899-1900. 

x  2 


308      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Commander-in-Chief  and  by  the  Admiralty ;  and  the  gallant  Lieu- 
tenant was  deservedly  promoted.1 

For  many  years  previous  to  1838  there  had  been  a  few  British 
settlers  at  Port  Natal 2 ;  but,  although  the  Cape  government  then 
sent  up  a  small  military  force  as  a  garrison  for  the  district,  it  with- 
drew it  again  in  1839.  Thereupon  the  Boers,  who  had  determined  to 
put  their  ally,  Panda,  on  the  throne  of  Zululand,  and  so  secure  peace 
in  that  quarter,  turned  their  eyes  upon  what  they  presently  called 
the  Republic  of  Natalia.  Numbers  of  them  migrated  from  the  inner 
parts  of  Cape  Colony  to  the  seaboard ;  and,  pretending  to  have 
formed  an  independent  state,  they  asked  the  British  government 
to  recognise  Natalia  as  such,  The  request  was  refused ;  and,  fresh 
native  disturbances  having  broken  out,  and  having  threatened  to  set 
the  borders  of  Cape  Colony  in  a  blaze,  the  Governor  sent  up  a 
detachment  of  the  27th  Eegiment  to  re-garrison  Natal  and  to  keep 
order.  The  Boers  resisted,  and  at  length  defeated  the  troops,  and 
blockaded  them  in  their  fort  at  Durban.  It  was  then  that  Eichard 
King,  a  colonist,  made  his  famous  ten  days'  ride  to  Grahamstown  in 
search  of  succour.  The  result  of  his  appeal  was  that,  reinforce- 
ments having  been  collected  from  Capetown  and  Algoa  Bay,  H.M.S. 
Southampton,  50,  Captain  Thomas  Ogle,  accompanied  by  the  Conch, 
schooner,  William  Bell,  master,  appeared  off  Port  Natal  on  the  night 
of  June  24th,  1842,  with  part  of  the  25th  and  27th  Regiments  on 
board.  On  the  two  following  days  the  frigate  forced  the  entrance 
to  the  port,  and  landed  the  troops.  The  Boers  fled,  and,  being 
followed  up,  submitted  to  Colonel  Cloete  on  July  5th  at  Pieter- 
maritzburg.  In  May,  1843,  Natal  was  formally  annexed  to  the 
British  Crown. 

The  causes  leading  up  to  the  employment  of  the  Navy  on  the 
coast  of  Syria  in  1840  may  now  be  glanced  at. 

On  September  14th,  1829,  the  Ottoman  Porte  had  unwillingly 
signed  the  treaty  of  Adrianople  with  Russia ;  and,  early  in  the 
following  year,  she  had  been  obliged  to  recognise  the  independence 
of  Greece,  and  to  see  the  suzerainty  of  Algier  pass  from  her  to 
France.  During  many  centuries  the  Sultan  had  experienced  no 
harder  blows  from  fortune ;  and  during  many  centuries  he  had  never 
been  less  able  to  resist  the  attacks  and  aggressions  of  foreign  or 

1  Com.,  Feb.  12th,  1842.     Naut.  May.,  1842,  p.  358.     De  Courcy  was  posted 
Sept.  6th,  1852,  and  obtained  flag-rank  on  Oct.  10th,  1867.     Vide  F.O.'s  list. 
3  The  inlet  on  which  stands  Durhan. 


1840.]  OPERATIONS  IN  SYRIA.  309 

nominally  dependent  states ;  for,  in  1826,  he  had  abolished  his 
ancient  corps  of  Janissaries,  and  begun  to  reorganise  his  military 
system ;  and,  amid  the  troubles  and  distractions  of  the  succeeding 
years,  he  had  not  had  opportunity  to  provide  himself  with  a  new 
army. 

It  was  while  he  was  still  thus  almost  powerless  that  Mehernet 
AH,  his  greatest  vassal,  bethought  himself  of  seizing  the  moment 
for  casting  off  allegiance  and  winning  the  independence  of  Egypt. 
Mehernet  Ali  had  a  good  army,  trained  by  ex-officers  of  the  French 
Empire,  plenty  of  arms  and  supplies,  and  a  fleet  which,  though 
manned  chiefly  by  fellahs,  who  were  no  match  for  the  best  European 
seamen,  was  well  built,  after  French  designs,  and  officered,  to  a 
large  extent,  by  Frenchmen.  Sultan  Mahmoud  had  no  naval  force 
so  effective. 

In  1832,  accordingly,  Ibrahim  Pasha,  son  of  Mehemet  Ali,  in- 
vaded Syria,  and  gained  striking  and  repeated  victories,  until  the 
Sultan,  fearful  of  losing  Constantinople  itself,  called  in  the  aid  of 
the  Russians,  who  landed  an  army  in  Anatolia,  and  induced  Ibrahim 
to  stay  his  advance.  Great  Britain  and  France  thereupon  put  pres- 
sure upon  Mahmoud  to  patch  up  a  settlement l  with  his  rebellious 
vassal ;  and  the  Sultan,  convinced  for  the  moment  that  Eussia  was 
his  only  friend,  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Tsar  by  signing 
the  treaty  of  Unkiar-Skelessi,  and  determined  to  await  a  more 
favourable  occasion  for  reducing  Egypt  to  full  obedience. 

But  Egypt  was  not  content  to  wait.  Fresh  difficulties  soon 
arose  between  the  Porte  and  Mehemet  Ali.  This  time,  while 
Great  Britain,  as  well  as  Eussia,  supported  Turkey,  France  gave 
encouragement  to  Egypt.  Hostilities  recommenced  ;  and,  on  June 
29th,  1839,  the  Turkish  army  was  badly  defeated  at  Nesib.  On 
July  1st  Mahmoud  died,  leaving  the  throne  to  Abdul  Medjid,  a 
boy  of  sixteen.  To  increase  the  already  serious  troubles  of  Turkey, 
its  main  fleet,  sent  to  sea  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Egyptians, 
deserted  in  a  body,  and  joined  the  rebels  at  Alexandria.  .It  was  felt 
in  London  that,  in  order  to  prevent  Abdul  from  becoming  a  mere 
dependent  of  Eussia,  some  countenance  must  be  shown  him  in  his 
misfortunes ;  and,  in  consequence,  negotiations  on  the  subject  were 
opened  with  France,  the  result  being  that  an  Anglo-French  fleet  of 
observation,  under  Admiral  Sir  Robert  Stopford  and  Eear-Admiral 
Lalande,  was  presently  anchored  in  Besika  Bay.  But  France  would 
1  Signed  at  Konieb,  May  4th,  1833. 


310       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

go  no  further ;  and  when,  on  July  15th,  1840,  Great  Britain,  Austria, 
Russia,  and  Prussia,  by  treaty,  signed  at  London,  engaged  with  the 
Sultan  to  bring  his  vassal  to  reason,  France  not  only  held  aloof,  but 
also  assumed  a  sulky  and  threatening  attitude,  making  vast  pre- 
parations by  land  and  sea,  as  if  to  oppose  the  Powers,  and  bringing 
Europe  within  measurable  distance  of  a  general  war.  Happily 
France  was  ultimately  so  wise  as  to  reconsider  her  position,  and, 
ere  the  end  of  the  following  year,  to  rejoin  the  European  concert.1 

In  the  meanwhile  the  four  Powers  offered  Mehemet  Ali  that  if, 
within  a  given  time,  he  would  evacuate  Arabia,  Syria,  Crete,  and 
other  possessions  of  the  Porte  which  he  had  occupied,  and  would 
make  certain  additional  concessions,  he  should  be  made  hereditary 
viceroy  of  Egypt,  and  might  hold  St.  Jean  d'Acre  and  some  other 
territories  during  his  life.  If  not,  he  would  be  deprived  of  all  his 
dominions ;  and  the  four  Powers  would  execute  the  sentence.  He 
was  allowed  ten  days  wherein  to  make  up  his  mind  upon  some 
of  the  proposals,  and  ten  days  more  wherein  to  decide  as  to  the 
rest  of  them. 

The  ultimatum  appears  to  have  been  delivered  on  August  9th,  at 
Alexandria,  where  the  Cyclops,  6,  paddle,  Captain  Horatio  Thomas 
Austin,  was  directed  to  await  the  return  of  a  reply.  In  the  harbour 
lay  the  Egyptian  fleet,  and  the  Turkish  squadron  which  had  deserted. 
Mehemet  Ali  declared  on  the  16th  that  what  he  had  won  by  the 
sword  he  would  maintain  by  the  sword,  and  that  he  would  not  with- 
draw his  troops  at  the  bidding  of  anyone ;  yet,  further  grace  having 
been  formally  allowed  him,  it  was  not  deemed  fair  to  commence 
active  operations  so  long  as  any  part  of  the  term  of  grace  remained 
unexpired  ;  and  the  Cyclops  stayed  on  at  Alexandria  to  afford  to  the 
last  a  locus  penitentice.  to  the  hot-headed  viceroy.  In  the  meantime, 
however,  Admiral  Sir  Eobert  Stopford,  Commander-in-Chief  in  the 
Mediterranean,  wrote  on  August  8th,  from  the  Princess  Charlotte,  104, 
off  Mytilene,  to  Captain  Charles  Napier  (2),  C.B.,  of  the  Powerful,  84, 
who  was  off  the  coast  of  Karamania,  directing  him  to  hoist  a  broad 
(blue)  pennant  as  Commodore  of  the  third  class,  and,  taking  under 
his  orders,  besides  the  Powerful,  the  Ganges,  84,  Thunderer,  84, 
Edinburgh,  72,  Castor,  36,  and  Gorgon,  6,  paddle,  to  proceed  to 
Beyrout.2  Napier  received  the  dispatch  on  August  10th,  and,  two 
days  later,  anchored  before  the  town. 

Beyrout  was  chosen  because  it  was  on  the  flank  of  the  Egyptian 

1  By  her  adherence  to  the  treaty  of  July  15th,  1841.        2  Napier,  '  Napier,'  ii.  7. 


1840.]  THE  SYRIAN   OPERATIONS.  311 

advance ;  because  it  was  the  best  port  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Lebanon,  the  semi-independent  inhabitants  of  which,  under  their  own 
chief,  the  Emir  Beschir,  had  recently  rebelled  against  Mehemet  AH  ; 
and  because  it  was  hoped  to  support  and  utilise  the  mountaineers 
against  the  invader.  Beyrout  itself,  however,  was  occupied  by  about 
11,000  men  of  the  Egyptian  army,  and  by  about  4000  Turkish  soldiers, 
who  had  been  landed  from  the  deserting  fleet.  In  military  command 
was  Suleiman  Pasha,1  a  very  capable  French  renegade,  who  had 
served  under  the  first  Napoleon.  His  camp  lay  outside,  and  to  the 
northward  of,  the  town,  the  seaward  defences  of  which,  consisting 
chiefly  of  three  forts,  were  too  old  to  be  of  any  serious  value. 
Stopford,  with  the  major  part  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  remained 
for  the  time  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dardanelles,  firstly  as  a 
protection  to  Constantinople  against  a  coup  de  main  by  Mehemet 
Ali,  secondly  as  a  guard  against  possible  French  interference,  and 
thirdly  as  convoy  for  a  Turkish  squadron  of  men-of-war  and  trans- 
ports, which  was  assembling  to  proceed  to  Cyprus  and  Syria  under 
Captain  Baldwin  Wake  Walker,  E.N.,  who  had  taken  service  as 
an  admiral  with  Turkey.  It  had  been  determined  among  the 
Powers  that  the  naval  part  of  the  task  of  carrying  out  the  decision 
of  the  signatories  should  be  entrusted  to  Great  Britain  and  Austria- 
Hungary  ;  and,  accordingly,  a  small  but  well-found  Austrian  division 
presently  joined  Stopford,  and  put  itself  under  his  orders .  (See 
table,  p.  312.) 

The  brief  campaign  which  followed  was  a  remarkable  illustration 
of  the  military  importance  of  command  of  the  sea.  On  shore  was 
a  triumphant  and,  upon  the  whole,  formidable  army  of  70,000  or 
80,000  men,  pressing  northwards.  At  Alexandria  was  a  large  but  by 
no  means  efficient  Egyptian  fleet,  which,  had  the  sea  been  open 
to  it,  could  have  accompanied  the  left  wing  of  the  advancing  army, 
protected  it,  and  supplied  it.  But  the  sea  was  not  open  to  it.  The 
less  numerous  yet  much  more  efficient  fleet  under  Stopford  not  only 
terrorised  the  Egyptians  into  remaining  under  the  forts  of  Alexandria, 
or  captured  such  vessels  as  ventured  out,  but  also  struck  blow  after 
blow  on  the  flank  of  Mehemet  Ali's  communications,  landed  and 
supported  troops  there,  and,  in  less  than  two  months,  so  imperilled 
the  conquering  army  of  Egypt  that  the  rebellious  viceroy  was  glad 
to  make  terms. 

1  Originally  the  general  was  Abbas  Pasha  ;  but  Suleiman  succeeded  him  ere  actual 
hostilities  began. 


«'512       MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 


SHIPS  OK  THK  ROYAL  NAVY,  ETC.,  EMPLOYED  ox  THE  COAST  OF  SYRIA,  1840. 


Ships. 

a 
'O 

Commanders. 

Ships. 

o 

Commanders. 

Asia    .... 

BelleropTum  .     . 
Benbow     . 

84 
80 

72 

Capt.  Wm.  Fisher. 
Capt.  Chas.  Jno.  Austen  (1). 
Capt.  Houston  Stewart. 

PW«M         fh,r             |  Adm.   Hon.  Sir  Robt.  Stop- 
l  rtncess      i  nar-}  1n.    J     ^.^r<rtti    r-ri^fr1 
j  jt                        \  104    <     lord,  G.C.B.,  G.  C.M.Ir. 

"le-     •     •     •'           ICapt.  Arthur  Fansbawe. 

Cambridge    . 

78     Capt.  Edw.  Barnard. 

(Capt.     Hon.     Wm.    Walde- 

Carysfort. 
Castor.     .     .     . 

26     Capt.  Hy.  Byam  llartin.            ««""»»    •     •     .      '»    j    grave  (2). 
36  ,  Capt.  Edw.  Collier.                      Rodney     ...      92     Capt.  SirThos.Mausell(l),Kt. 

Cyclops,  paild.     . 

6     Capt.  Horatio  Thos.  Austin.        ™       i..,  • 

.  ;  fCom.    Woodford    Jno.    Wil- 

Daphne     .     .     . 

18     Capt.  Jno.  Windham  Dulling.     *"'     !»">P<"IU-- 

\    Hams. 

IHdo    .... 

Edinburgh     . 

18     Capt.  Lewis  Davies,  C.B.            Talbot.      ,     .     . 

26 
84 

Capt.  Hy.  Jno.  Codrington. 
(Capt.  Manr.  Fredk.  Fitzhar- 
(     dinge  Berkeley. 

Ganges 

.    (Capt.    Barrington    Reynolds,     Vesuvius,  padd.  .       4 
(     C.B.                                           Vanguard      .     .      80 

Com.  Thos.  Henderson. 
Capt.  Sir  David  Dunn,  Kt. 

Gorgon,  padd. 

6 

iCapt.  Wm.   Honyman    Hen-     Wazp  ....      16     Com.  Geo.  Mansel. 
i     derson.                                      Zebra  .                   i  16     Com.  Jas.  Jno.  Stopford. 

Hastings  . 

72     Capt.  Jno.  Lawrence. 

(Com.  Hon.  Chas.  Gilbert  Jno. 

Austriau  :* 

tR.-Adm.  Franz  Baron  Ban- 

... 

8    I     lirydone  Elliot. 

Medea    ...      48   <[    diera. 

Hecate,  padd. 

6 

Com.  Jas.  Hamilton  Ward. 

(Com.  Johann  von  Buratovich. 

Hydra,  padd. 

fi    (Com.   Robt.   Spencer  Robin- 
\     son. 

Guerriera  .     . 

49 

(Capt.  H.I.H.  Archduke  Fried- 
(    rich. 

Implacable     .     . 

74     Capt.  Edward  Harvey. 

Lipsia  .     . 

20 

Lieut.  Peter  Madalena. 

Magicienne    .     , 

24     Capt.  Fredk.  Thos.  Michell. 

Clemema    . 

21     Lieut.  Peter  Logotetti. 

Medea,  padd.  . 

4     Com.  Fredk.  Warden. 

Veneto  .     .     . 

17  (  Lieut.  Angustin  Milonopulo. 

Phcenix,  padd.    . 

4 

(Com.  Robt.  Fanshawe  Stop- 
(    ford. 

Xontecuccoli   . 

17 

(Sec.  Lieut.  Ludwig  von  Ku- 
l    driafsky. 

Pijue  .... 

Powerful  . 

36 

84 

Capt.  Edw.  Boxer. 
(Commod.  Chas.   Napier  (2), 
1    C.B. 

Jfarta     Anna,\ 
8tr.     .     .     J 
Arethusa,  schr. 

6 
12 

Sec.  Lieut.  Peter  Manessi. 
Sec.  Lieut.  Anton  Basilisco. 

And  the  Turkish  ships,  an  84,  bearing  the  flag  of  R.-Ad.  Baldwin  Wake  Walker  (Capt.  R.N.) ;  and  a  cutter,  8, 

captured  from  the  Egyptians,  etc. 

*  Here,  Captain  =  Lmlenschiffs-CapitSn  ;  Commander  =  Fregatten-Capitan  ;  Lieutenant  =  Corvetten- 
Ctpttn  :  Second  Lieutenant  =  Linienschiffs-Lieutenant  For  the  names  of  these  officers  1  am  indebted  to  Cape. 
Leopold  Freiherr  v.  Jedina,  Imp.  and  Roy.  Aust,  Hung.  Navy. 

Napier,  as  has  been  said,  anchored  off  Beyrout  on  August  12th. 
He  placed  his  ships  in  such  positions  as  best  to  cover  the  seaward 
forts  and  the  Egyptian  camp.  He  also  opened  communications  with 
the  governor  of  the  place,  with  the  commander  of  the  revolted 
Turkish  troops,  who  were  supposed  to  be  anxious  to  return  to  their 
allegiance,  with  the  British  consul  in  the  town,  and  with  the  Emir 
Beschir,  chief  of  the  Lebanon.  But,  as  the  twenty  days'  grace  had 
not  expired,  he  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  take  decided  action,  although, 
more  than  once,  he  unwisely  made  threats  that  he  would  do  so,  and 
thus,  perhaps,  by  non-performance  of  them,  encouraged  resistance. 
He  did,  however,  detain  several  vessels  that  were  proceeding  up  the 
coast  with  supplies,  and,  among  others,  a  fine  Egyptian  frigate, 
armed  enfltite,  and  bound  for  Scanderoon.  She  was  taken  by  the 
Castor.  A  general  blockade  of  Syria  and  Egypt  was  also  declared. 
Napier  utilised  the  days  of  delay  by  making  reconnaissances  in  the 
Gorgon  at  various  points  where  it  seemed  possible  to  land  troops, 
and  by  visiting  Walker  Bay,  who  was  then  at  Cyprus.  He  was 
joined,  off  Beyrout,  by  the  Magicienne,  24,  paddle,  on  August  19th, 
the  Wasp,  16,  on  August  30th,  the  Revenge,  76,  on  August  31st,  and 


1840.]  THE  SYRIAN   OPERATIONS.  313 

later  by  the  Eenbow,  72,1  Pique,  36,  etc.,  ere,  on  September  7th,  the 
Cyclops  arrived  with  definite  news  of  the  rejection  of  the  ultimatum, 
and  heralded  the  approach  of  the  main  body  of  the  allied  fleets,2 
which  appeared  on  September  9th.  On  September  1st,  too,  there 
reached  Beyrout  a  small  British  force  of  artillery  and  engineers 
under  Colonel  Sir  Charles  Felix  Smith,  E.E.,  who  was  ill  at  the 
time,  and  who  was  unable,  for  several  weeks  afterwards,  to  assume, 
as  had  been  intended,  the  command  of  the  shore  operations. 

Napier  had  always  a  great  repugnance  to  serving  under  anyone's 
orders ; 3  and  he  knew,  of  course,  that  on  the  arrival  of  Stopford, 
that  distinguished  officer  would  be  supreme  afloat.  Recollecting 
with  pleasure  his  own  military  experiences  in  the  Peninsula,  and, 
later,  in  Portugal,  where  he  did  the  work  of  general  as  well  as  of 
admiral,  and  taking  advantage  of  Smith's  illness,  he  came  to  the 
extraordinary  decision  that,  rather  than  be  a  junior  afloat,  he  would, 
if  possible,  be  in  supreme  command  ashore ;  and,  with  that  end  in 
view,  he  induced  Stopford  to  allow  him  provisionally  to  take  Smith's 
place,  "as  no  enemy  was  likely  to  be  met  with  " *  where  he  was 
going.  Stopford,  perhaps,  was  not  sorry  to  get  rid  of  his  brave,  but 
excitable  and  excentric  subordinate.5  Napier,  on  the  other  hand,  had 

1  With  arms  for  the  Lebanon  people,  etc. 

2  The  Implacable,  74,  and  Asia,  84,  being,  however,  left  before  Alexandria. 

3  Napier,  '  Napier,'  ii.  26,  32. 

4  Stopford  to  Napier,  Sept.  8th.     (This  date  is  in  Napier.     It  seems  to  be  an  error 
for  9th,  but  I  have  failed  to  see  the  original.) 

5  A  curious  picture  of  Napier  at  the  time  is  furnished  by  an  extract  from  the  journal, 
dated  Dec.  llth,  1840,  of  Lieutenant  Robert  Hilley  Elliot,  then  of  the  Powerful:  "He 
is,"  says  Elliot,  "  by  no  means  a  great  weight,  perhaps  fourteen  stone,  about  my  own 
weight,  but  stouter  and  broader  built ;  stoops  from  a  wound  in  his  neck  ;  walks  lame 
from  another  in  his  leg  ;  turns  out  one  of  his  feet ;  and  has  a  most  slouching,  slovenly 
gait,  a  large  round   face  with  black  bushy  eyebrows,  a  double  chin,   scraggy   grey 
uncurled  whiskers,  and  thin  hair ;  wears  a  superfluity  of  shirt  collar,  and  small  neck- 
handkerchief,   always   bedaubed  with   snuff,  which  he  takes  in  immense  quantities ; 
usually  has  his  trousers  far  too  short,  and  wears  the  ugliest  pair  of  old  shoes  he  can 
find;   and  altogether  takes  so  little  pride  in   his   dress  that,   I  believe,   you  might 
substitute  a  green  or  black  coat  for  his  uniform  one,  without  his  being  a  bit  the  wiser. 
Still,  he  makes  all  of  us  conform  to  strict  uniform.     This  a  correct  portrait  of  him ; 
but  mind,  you  are  not  to  laugh  at  him,  for  I  do  think  he  is   one  of  the   greatest 
characters  of  the  day ;  and  many  is  the  person  who  has  come  on  board  just  to  have  a 
sight  of  such  a  rum  old  fellow.     He  is  by  no  means  a  pleasant  officer  to  serve  under  ; 
but  one  must  forgive  much  for  the  honour  of  being  commanded  by  such  a  character. 
His  high,  honourable  principles  and  gentlemanly  feelings  are  beyond  dispute ;  yet  he 
is  snappish  and  irritable  at  times ;  but  shines  particularly  at  the  head  of  his  own  table, 
which  is  always  well  found,  and  no  want  of  wine."     His  granddaughter,  Mrs.  Safford, 
tells  me,  moreover,  that  she  recollects  Sir  Charles,  when  upwards  of  seventy,  insisting 
upon  wearing  a  very  "  loud  "  print  shirt,  the  pattern  upon  which  consisted  of  small 
figures  of  ballet  girls,  in  black. — W.  L.  C. 


314      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

no  idea  of  going  where  there  was  no  enemy,  and  had  very  vivid 
dreams  of  again  distinguishing  himself  as  a  soldier.  So  well  did  he 
play  his  cards  that  he  was  permitted  to  land  immediately  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  He  remained  on  shore  for  a 
month,  and,  as  will  be  seen,  rendered  good  service. 

By  the  morning  of  September  9th,  thirty-three  British,  Austrian, 
and  Turkish  warships,  besides  French  and  American  neutrals,  and 
numerous  transports,  were  visible  from  Beyrout ;  and  in  the  after- 
noon all  of  them  lay  at  anchor  before  the  town.  That  evening  the 
Turkish  troops  and  British  Marines l  were  put  on  board  steamers, 
and,  on  the  following  morning,  were  moved  in  an  ostentatious 
manner  to  the  southward,  the  Egyptians  marching  along  the  coast 
to  prevent  them  from  disembarking,  and  being  occasionally  shelled 
by  the  ships.  But  as  soon  as  the  sea-breeze  fairly  set  in,  the  landing 
force  was  rapidly  carried  to  D'jounie  Bay,  about  nine  miles  to  the 
northward,  and  there  put  ashore  without  opposition,  the  Powerful, 
Eevenge,  Thunderer,  Pique,  Castor,  Carysfort,  Daphne,  Wasp,  and 
three  Turkish  vessels  being  at  hand  to  protect  it  in  case  of  need. 
Napier's2  composite  army,  consisting  ultimately  of  British,  Austrians, 
Turks,  and  local  natives,  entrenched  itself.  It  lay  in  a  good 
position,  as  the  only  road  between  it  and  Beyrout  passed  round 
a  projecting  point  two  miles  south  of  the  camp,  and  was  completely 
exposed  to  the  guns  of  the  Eevenge,  which  anchored  off  it.  During 
these  and  the  following  days,  Beyrout  was  frequently  bombarded 
by  the  fleet,  and  its  walls  and  defences  were  demolished ;  but  no 
serious  effort  was  made  to  take  the  town,  as  the  army  was  not  then 
ready  to  occupy  it. 

The  first  serious  fighting  of  the  campaign  occurred  on  September 
llth  at  D'jebel  (otherwise  Gebail),  a  small  fort  or  castle  to  the  north- 
ward, whither  the  Carysfort,  Dido,  and  Cyclops  were  detached,  under 
Captain  Henry  Byam  Martin,  with  a  landing-party  of  220  Marines 
and  150  armed  mountaineers.  The  position,  which  was  held  by 
300  Albanians  in  Egyptian  pay,  was  bombarded  by  the  ships  for 
about  an  hour ;  and  then  100  of  the  Marines,  under  Captain  Charles 
Eobinson,  E.M.,  and  as  many  natives,  were  put  ashore  to  storm  it. 
Unfortunately  the  gallant  Marines,  when  within  thirty  yards  of  the 
fort,  came  unexpectedly  upon  a  crenelled  outwork,  which  had  a  deep 
ditch  in  front  of  it,  and  which  was  completely  screened  from  the 

1  Under  Lt.-Col.  William  Walker,  K.M. 

2  Lieut.  Stephen  Bradley,  of  the  Powerful,  went  with  Napier  as  aide-de-camp. 


1840.]  AFFAIRS  AT  D'JEBEL   AND    TORTOSA.  315 

ships ;  and  they  were  received  with  so  deadly  a  musketry  fire  that 
five  of  the  party  were  killed,  and  eighteen  wounded.  Robinson,  after 
vainly  trying  to  find  another  way  into  the  fort,  had  no  option  but 
to  withdraw.  As  the  party,  which  was  accompanied  by  Captain 
Horatio  Thomas  Austin,  was  retiring,  it  was  perceived  that  a  British 
flag  had  been  left  behind,  flying  from  a  garden  wall  where  it  had 
been  placed  as  a  signal.  Lieutenant  Sidney  Grenfell,  and  a  seaman 
named  Macdonald,  of  the  Cyclops,  volunteered  to  return  and  rescue 
it ;  and,  amid  cheers  from  the  ships,  safely  accomplished  their 
purpose.  In  spite  of  their  temporary  success,  the  Albanians 
abandoned  the  place  during  the  following  night ;  and  it  was 
immediately  occupied,1  whereupon  large  numbers  of  natives  flocked 
to  it  to  obtain  arms.  On  September  15th,  the  Hastings,  Canjsfort, 
and  Cyclops  captured  Batroun  without  much  trouble.  On  the  17th, 
under  direction  of  Captain  Edward  Collier,  Caiffa,  and,  on  the  24th, 
Tyre  (otherwise  Tsour),  were  similarly  taken,  no  loss  being  suffered 
by  the  Castor  and  Pique,  the  only  two  British  ships  employed.  But 
an  attack  upon  Tortosa,  on  September  2Gth,  by  the  Benbow,  Carys- 
fort,  Zebra,  and  landing-parties,  was  disastrous  and  unsuccessful, 
though  it  brought  credit  to  many  engaged,  and  especially  to 
Lieutenants  Edward  Philips  Charlewood,3  and  Lewis  Maitland,3 
and  Midshipmen  John  Charles  Dalrymple  Hay,  and  William 
Houston  Stewart,  who  showed  great  gallantry.  The  attacking 
boats  ran  upon  a  reef  under  fire,  and  could  not  be  got  off  until 
eight  of  their  people  had  been  killed  and  eighteen  wounded.4 

Ere  this,  Stopford  had  more  than  once  shown  an  inclination  to 
recall  Napier  to  the  legitimate  work  of  a  naval  officer,  and  to  leave 
the  conduct  of  the  army  in  the  capable  hands  of  Selim  Pasha,  Omar 
Bey,6  General  Jochmus,  and  Lieut.-Colonel  William  Walker,  E.M. 
But  Napier  always  over-persuaded  his  good-natured  chief,  and,  after 
winning  a  little  action  on  the  Nahr-el-Kelb  on  September  24th,  and 
taking  400  prisoners,  dined  on  the  following  day  with  Sir  Robert, 
and  induced  him  to  entrust  his  subordinate  with  the  direction  of 
an  attack  on  Sidon  by  land  and  sea,  the  Commodore  promising  to 
do  the  business,  and  to  return  within  forty-eight  hours.  For  this 

1  Napier, '  Napier,'  ii.  37,  38,  42. 

2  Com.  Nov.  oth,  1840. 

3  Com.  Feb.  15th,  1841. 

4  Elliot's  journal  in  '  Napier.' 

5  Later,  as  Pasha,  commanding  the  Turkish  army  on  the  Danube,  etc.,  in  the  war 
of  1854-5. 


316       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

expedition  the  Thunderer,  Gorgon,  Cyclops,  Wasp,  Stromboli, 
Hydra,  Guerriera  (Austrian),  and  Gulfideh  (Turkish)  were  told 
off,  with  a  landing  force  of  750  British  Marines  under  Captains 
Arthur  Morrison,  E.M.,  and  James  Whylock,  E.M.,  100  Austrians, 
and  500  Turks. 

Sidoii  was  protected  by  a  moderately  strong  fort  and  citadel,  and 
a  line  of  wall,  held  by  2700  men.  It  was  the  main  depot  for  the 
southern  division  of  the  Egyptian  army,  and  was  full  of  stores  and 
ammunition.  Having  been  in  vain  summoned,  it  was  bombarded 
by  the  ships  for  about  half  an  hour.  Captain  Horatio  Thomas 
Austin  then  landed  with  the  Turks,  but  was  so  hotly  received  that 
it  was  clear  that  the  spirit  of  the  garrison  had  not  been  shaken. 
The  bombardment  was  therefore  renewed  for  a  time  ;  and,  when 
the  wall  had  been  breached,  Napier  himself,  at  the  head  of  part 
of  the  Marines,  tried  to  storm  it.  He  failed;  but  succeeded  in 
breaking  in  at  another  point,  whence,  skirting  the  eastern  wall  as 
far  as  the  upper  gate,  which  he  burst  open,  he  seized  the  citadel. 
At  about  the  same  time  Captain  W.  H.  Henderson,  of  the  Gorgon, 
had  made  a  successful  assault  elsewhere.  Upon  the  whole,  the 
slaughter  was  not  heavy,  nor  were  the  losses  on  the  attacking  side 
very  serious.1  The  whole  garrison  was  captured  ;  and  half  of  it  was 
embarked,  and  so  speedily  despatched,  that  it  reached  Stopford  off 
Beyrout  the  same  evening.  Napier  rejoined  the  Admiral  off  D'jounie 
well  within  the  stipulated  forty-eight  hours.  There  were  numerous 
acts  of  individual  gallantry,  Midshipman  James  Hunt,2  of  the 
Stromboli,  and  Midshipman  Domenico  Chinca,3  of  the  Guerriera, 
being  especially  mentioned  for  the  rivalry  which  each  displayed 
to  be  the  first  to  plant  the  colours  of  his  nation  on  the  walls. 
The  bravery  of  Mate  Arthur  Gumming  (Cyclops),  was  also  noticed 
in  dispatches,  where,  too,  the  services  of  Captains  Henderson 
and  Austin,  Commanders  E.  S.  Eobinson,  W.  J.  Williams,  and 
G.  Mansel,4  and  Captains  (E.M.)  Morrison  and  Whylock  met 
with  various  meeds  of  praise. 

During  all  this  time  there  was  frequent  firing  at  Beyrout,  though, 
for  the  reasons  already  given,  no  attempt  was  made  to  occupy  the 
place.  On  October  2nd,  however,  an  Egyptian  deserter  who  reached 
the  Hastings,  reported  that  the  commander  ashore  had  laid  a  train 

1  The  only  British  officer  killed  was  Lieut.  Charles  Francis  Hockin. 

2  Lieut.  Aug.  12th,  1841.  3  Chinca  was  successful. 
4  Posted  as  from  Sept.  28th,  1840. 


1840.]  ATTACK   ON  BEYROUT.  317 

across  a  bridge  to  the  eastern  fort,  where  lay  a  great  quantity  of 
powder,  and  was  ready  to  blow  it  up  at  any  moment.  The  man 
offered  to  guide  a  party  to  cut  the  train  and  seize  the  ammunition ; 
and  Commander  Henry  Worth,  upon  volunteering  for  the  hazardous 
service,  found  no  lack  of  men  to  join  him.  He  pulled  in  in  a  boat  of 
the  Hastings,  covered  by  the  launch  and  pinnace  of  the  Edinburgh, 
and,  landing  on  the  bridge  in  face  of  a  heavy  musketry  fire,  cut 
the  train,  re-embarked  again,  again  landed,  forced  a  way  into  the 
fort,  thence  threw  sixty  or  seventy  barrels  of  powder  into  the  sea, 
and  brought  away  twenty  others.  Later  in  the  day,  he  made  a 
second  attempt  and  brought  away  some  more.  It  was  a  most 
brilliant  exploit,  which,  in  after  times,  would  have  won  a  Victoria 
Cross.  Nor,  all  things  considered,  was  the  loss  severe.  Midship- 
man —  —  Luscombe,  of  the  Hastings,  was  killed,  and  three  seamen 
and  the  Egyptian  guide  were  wounded.1 

A  little  later  it  was  determined  by  the  Admiral  and  Commodore 
to  capture  Beyrout  by  a  concerted  movement.  On  October  8th. 
part  of  Napier's  troops,  under  General  Jochmus,  occupied  Kornet 
Sherouan  (otherwise  Ornagacuan  2 ) ,  with  a  view  to  the  commence- 
ment of  a  movement  for  intercepting  the  retreat  of  Suleiman  Pasha. 
Napier  himself  went  to  Kornet  Sherouan,  on  the  following  day, 
after  having  written  overnight  to  quiet  Sir  Eobert  Stopford's 
apprehensions  concerning  his  subordinate's  rashness.  The  Princess 
Charlotte  returned  from  D'jounie  to  Beyrout ;  two  other  vessels  took 
up  their  station  ready  to  land  troops  in  St.  George's  Bay ;  and  the 
Bellerophon  lay  near  the  mouth  of  the  Dog  Eiver  with  orders  to 
prepare  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  army.  The  enemy  attacked, 
with  some  temporary  success,  but  was  driven  back.  On  October  10th, 
deterred  by  the  movements  threatening  their  rear,  the  Egyptians 
evacuated  Beyrout  ;  and  Napier  received  from  Stopford  notes 
apprising  him  that  Sir  Charles  Felix  Smith  had  at  length  arrived  to 
take  command  of  the  army,  and  ordering  the  Commodore  to  retire. 
Instead  of  retiring,  Napier  advanced,  attacking  the  enemy  in  front 
with  a  force  led  by  Master  Edward  John  Phillips  Pearn,3  and 
endeavouring  to  turn  his  right  with  a  smaller  force  under  Lieutenant 
Eobert  Duncan4  (Poiverful).  Napier  found  not  Suleiman  but  Ibrahim 
Pasha  himself  in  his  front ;  both  movements  were  checked  ;  and, 

1  Elliot's  journal  in  '  Napier.'  2  So  wrongly  called  in  Napier's  disps. 

3  Who  had  been  with  Napier  in  Portugal.     See  p.  266,  antea. 

4  Com.  Nov.  4th,  1840. 


818      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

when  reinforcements  were  sent  for,  Izzet  Pasha,  who  had  been  left 
at  Kornet  Sherouan,  declined  to  send  them.  At  that  difficult 
moment  the  situation  was  undoubtedly  saved  by  the  mad  and 
infectious  bravery  of  the  Commodore,  who  led  his  staff  on  what 
was  practically  a  forlorn  hope,  carried  the  first  position  in  his  front, 
and  then,  literally  driving  his  troops  onwards,  rushed  the  next 
position,  turned  Ibrahim  out  pell-mell,  took  700  prisoners,  and  so 
won  the  battle  of  Boharsef .  His  victory  probably  saved  him  from 
being  brought  before  a  court-martial  for  direct  and  deliberate  dis- 
obedience to  orders.  In  spite  of  his  victory,  there  should  have  been 
a  court  of  inquiry,  if  nothing  further.  But  Stopford,  one  of  the 
most  kind-hearted  and  forgiving  of  men,  wrote  a  letter  of  generous 
praise  to  his  subordinate,  and  declined  to  assert  himself  in  any  way. 
Napier  then  returned  to  his  duties  afloat.  Next  day  part  of  the 
Egyptian  army  surrendered,  Suleiman,  however,  getting  away  with 
300  horse. 

Napier  had  already  reconnoitred  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  had  been 
fired  at.  He  reconnoitred  again  in  the  early  days  of  October,  going 
thither  in  a  steamer,  and  sounding  in  front  of  the  works,  which 
were  very  strong  towards  the  sea,  and  mounted  130  guns,  and 
about  30  mortars.  The  fortress  had  been  in  the  occupation  of  the 
Egyptians  since  1837,  and  it  had  since  been  continually  strengthened; 
but  it  was  still  far  from  what  Ibrahim  Pasha's  engineers  had  intended 
to  make  it.  Sir  Robert  Stopford,  if  we  may  believe  the  accounts  of 
Napier  and  Elliot,  showed  some  unwillingness  to  attack  it  without 
orders ;  but  at  length  there  came  definite  instructions  from  the 
Admiralty ;  and,  in  accordance  with  them,  on  October  31st,  the 
fleet,  which  still  lay  off  Beyrout,  was  directed  to  take  on  board  a 
large  force  of  troops,  and  to  prepare  for  sea.  On  the  same  evening 
it  sailed,  the  ships,  British,  Austrian  and  Turkish,  including  eight 
of  the  line,  five  frigates,  five  steamers,  and  two  brigs.1 

The  steamers — which,  it  should  be  noted,  first  convincingly 
demonstrated  their  great  utility  in  this  war — preceded  the  squadron, 
and  summoned  Acre  to  surrender.  The  rest  of  the  expedition, 
detained  by  light  winds,  did  not  anchor  off  the  place  until  the 
evening  of  November  2nd.  "The  town,"  says  Elliot,  "is  low, 
standing  on  an  angle  presenting  two  faces  to  the  sea,  both  walled 

1  Princess  Charlotte,  Powerful,  Thunderer,  Eellerophon,  Revenge,  Beribow,  Edin- 
burgh, Pique,  Castor,  Carysfurt,  Talbot,  Hazard,  Phoenix,  Wasp,  and  three  Austrian 
and  three  Turkish  vessels. 


1840.]  BOMBARDMENT  OF  ST.   JEAN  D'ACRE.  319 

and  covered  with  cannon — in  one  place  a  double  tier."  After 
further  soundings  had  been  made  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  it 
was  decided  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  take  the  ships  close  enough 
in  to  breach  the  walls  within  a  reasonable  time.  It  was  therefore 
determined  to  open  a  general  bombardment  of  the  town. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3rd,  the  breeze  was  so  light  that  nothing 
could  be  done  until  about  ten  o'clock,  when,  a  wind  springing  up, 
the  ships  weighed,  and  stood  for  their  assigned  stations.  Stopford 
kept  his  flag  flying  in  the  Princess  Charlotte,  but  went  on  board 
the  Phoenix,  so  as  to  be  able  better  to  superintend  operations,  and 
to  move  to  any  point  where  his  presence  might  be  desirable.  The 
Power/ill  led  in,  and  was  followed  in  order  by  the  Princess  Charlotte, 
Thunderer,  Bellerophon,  and  'Revenge.  Behind  this  first  division 
came  the  second,  led  by  the  Turkish  admiral  (Captain  Baldwin 
Wake  Walker,  E.N.),  and  consisting  of  that  gallant  officer's  own 
ship,  followed  by  the  Benbow,  Edinburgh,  Pique,  Castor,  Hazard, 
Carysfort,  Talbot,  Wasp,  and  the  three  Austrian  and  two  remaining 
Turkish  vessels.  The  first  division  made  its  slow  way  to  the 
western,  and  the  second  to  the  southern  face  of  the  fortress.  The 
positions  taken  up  by  the  various  ships  will  be  seen  on  reference 
to  the  plan  overleaf.  They  did  not,  for  the  most  part,  reach  them 
until  two  o'clock. 

The  advance  was  greeted  with  a  few  dropping  shots  from  the 
batteries ;  but  no  reply  was  made  until  the  ships  were  near  their 
assigned  stations,  and  about  to  anchor  by  the  stern  with  another 
anchor  ahead.  The  fire  then  became  general,  and,  within  a  few 
minutes,  waxed  furious.  The  smoke  began  to  hang  even  before  the 
ships  actually  anchored ;  and  thus  the  defenders,  who  had  wrongly 
supposed  that  their  enemy  would  not  venture  inside  the  shoal,  were 
deceived  as  to  the  exact  stations  of  the  ships,  and  gave  their  guns 
too  great  an  elevation.  This  fact  materially  lessened  the  damage 
and  loss  suffered  by  the  fleet,  and  caused  most  of  the  shot  that 
found  billets  to  take  effect  aloft.  Indeed,  so  confident  were  the 
Egyptians  that  Stopford  would  lie  outside  the  shoal  that,  says 
Elliot,  they  had  "birilt  up  the  lower  part  of  the  embrasures  with 
stones  and  sandbags  for  protection  ;  so  that  they  could  not  depress  " 
their  guns  "  again,  and  were  so  enveloped  in  their  own  smoke, 
as  well  as  ours  blowing  right  in  their  faces,  that  they  scarcely  ever 
got  a  sight  of  us,  and  never  knew  where  they  fired."  l 
1  Napier,  'Napier,'  ii.  95,  116. 


320      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


BOMBARDMENT   OF   ST.   JEAN   D'ACBB,   NOVEMBER    3RD,    1840. 
(From  the  chart  by  Mr.  J.  C.  Brcttdl,  sometime  Engineer-in-Chicf  to  Mehemet  All.) 

REFERENCES  TO  THE  PLAN. 
SHIPS. 


1.  Princess  Chaiiutti 
'2.  Powerful. 

3.  Thunderer. 

4.  Bellerophon. 

5.  Revenge. 

6.  Bcribow. 

1.  Edinburgh. 
8.  Castor. 


(i.  Harem. 
*.  Castle. 

c.  Abdallah  Pasha's  harem. 
(I.  Governor's  divan. 
'•.  Hospital. 

/.  Accountant-general's  di- 
van. 
ij.  Mosque. 


9.  Pique. 

10.  Carijsfort. 

11.  Talbot. 

12.  Hazard. 

13.  Wasii. 

14.  Gorgon. 

15.  Phoenix. 


16.  Stromboli. 

17.  Vesuvius. 

18.  Medea  (Aust.J. 

19.  Guerriera  (Aust.). 

20.  Lipsta  (Aust.). 

21.  Turkish  84  (flag). 

22.  Turkish  cutter. 


h.  Bazaar. 
///.  Stores, 
fc  Mosque. 
1.  Fortified  khan. 
m.  45  brass  field-pieces. 
n.  47  brass  field-pieces. 
o.  Half-moon  battery. 
li.  High  battery. 


q.  Unfinished  -work. 

rr.  Observation  towers. 

ss.  Mortar  batteries. 

tt.  Traverses. 
ivw.  Outer  ditch. 
xx.  Glacis, 
•/i/.  Soundings. 


1840.]  CAPTURE   OF  ST.   JEAN  D'AOBE.  321 

The  Allies  had  midshipmen  at  their  mast-heads  to  direct  and 
correct  the  aim,  and,  whenever  the  smoke  grew  too  thick,  desisted 
for  a  short  time.  Yet  the  bombardment  went  on  with  very  little 
relaxation  for  nearly  three  hours.  A  most  frightful  explosion  then 
flung  half  the  town  into  the  air,  and  shook  every  ship  to  her  keel, 
the  concussion  knocking  down  the  seamen  at  their  guns  half  a  mile 
away.  The  grand  magazine  had  blown  up,  killing,  it  is  believed, 
upwards  of  1200  people,  and  absolutely  wrecking  a  space  of  about 
60,000  square  yards.  This  awful  catastrophe  sounded  the  fate 
of  the  town,  the  firing  from  which  thereafter  weakened,  though 
a  few  guns  were  gallantly  worked  until  the  last.  Towards  sunset 
Stopford  signalled  to  discontinue  the  action.  Napier,  however, 
who  already,  in  consequence  of  a  shift  of  wind,  had  taken  up  a 
position  different  from  the  one  assigned  to  the  Powerful  in  the 
original  plan  of  attack,  was,  as  usual,  a  law  unto  himself,  and 
persisted  with  an  intermittent  fire  until  the  Flag-Lieutenant  brought 
him  orders  to  withdraw.  He  then  had  to  get  a  steamer  to  tow  him 
out  of  gunshot.  His  action  on  this  occasion  brought  on  unpleasant 
friction  with  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  led  the  Commodore  to 
demand  a  court-martial,  which  was  very  properly  refused. 

The  Egyptian  loss  was  heavy,  even  leaving  out  that  caused  by 
the  explosion.  About  three  hundred  people  were  killed  in  the 
batteries,  and  nearly  all  the  guns  on  the  sea  face  were  disabled. 
The  fleet  suffered  very  little  except  aloft,  and  had  but  14  British,1 
and  4  Turks  killed,  and  42  '*  wounded.  The  result  would  have  been 
very  different,  and  probably  very  disastrous,  if  the  Egyptians  had 
not  blocked  up  their  embrasures,  and  made  false  assumptions  as 
to  the  probable  positions  of  the  ships,  and  if  the  explosion  of  the 
main  magazine  had  not  deprived  them  of  most  of  their  powder. 
On  the  day  after  the  action,  a  smaller  accidental  explosion  killed 
a  number  of  Turks  and  a  Marine,  and  wounded  Captain  Edward 
Collier,  of  the  Castor,  and  the  Chaplain  of  the  Princess  Charlotte. 

Soon  after  midnight  Captain  Walker  observed  that  the  enemy 
was  evacuating  the  town,  and  sent  word  to  that  effect  to  Stopford 
and  Napier.  Early  on  the  4th,  therefore,  the  troops,  and  some 
Austrian  marines  were  landed,  and,  uniting  with  5000  men  who  had 
marched  down  from  Beyrout,  took  quiet  possession  of  the  place, 
and  detached  a  strong  force  in  pursuit  of  the  Egyptians,  who  fled  to 

1  Including  Lieutenant  G.  B.  Le  Mcsurier  (Talbot). 

2  Including  Com.  Francis  Decimus  Hastings  (Edinburgh),  posted  Xov.  4,  1840. 
VOL.   VI.  Y 


322      MILITARY  HISTORY   Of   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

the  southward.     The  Pique,  joined  presently  by  the  Stromboli,  was 
left  off  the  fortress,  which  was  garrisoned   by  Sir  Charles  Smith 
with  3000  Turks,  and  250  Marines  under  Lieut. -Colonel  Walker; 
and   it   was   determined   to   detach   Napier   to    take   command   off 
Alexandria.     After  watering  at  Beyrout,  he  quitted  that  port  for 
the  purpose  on  November  15th,  and,  on  the  21st,  joined  the  Rodney, 
Revenge,  Vanguard,  Cambridge,  Carysfort,  and  Medea  on  his  station. 
There,  with  characteristic  independence,  and  without   any  official 
authority,  he   entered   into   negotiations   with   Mehemet   Ali,   first 
using  as  his  emissary  Captain  Sir  Thomas  Mansell,  of  the  Rodney, 
an  old  friend  of  the  Pasha's,  and  then  himself  entering  Alexandria 
in   the   Medea,  and  meeting  Mehemet.      The  result  was   that   on 
November  27th  a  convention  was   signed,  in  virtue   of   which   it 
was  engaged  that  Ibrahim  Pasha  should  evacuate  Syria,  and  that, 
contingent  upon  the  guarantee  to  Mehemet  of  the  hereditary  govern- 
ment  of   Egypt,  the   Ottoman   fleet  should   be  restored.      Napier, 
even    before   the   convention   was   actually   signed,   wrote    to    the 
Admiralty  a  letter  beginning :    "  I  do  not   know  whether  I   have 
done  right  or  not  in  settling  the  Eastern  question,"1  and,  to  his 
wife,  "You  have  seen  me  a  Lord   High  Admiral,  a    Commodore, 
and  a  General.     I  have  now  turned  a  Negotiator,  and  have  made 
peace   with   Mahomet   Ali.  ...     I   shall   either   be   hung   by   the 
Government,  or  made  a   Bishop."        On  November   28th,  a   gale 
drove   the   squadron   from   off    Alexandria,   and   ultimately   caused 
several  ships,  including  the  Powerful,  to   seek   shelter,  in  a  more 
or  less  disabled  condition,  in  Marmorice  Bay,  where,  on  December 
9th,  Stopford,  in  the  Princess  Charlotte,  also  dropped  anchor.     This 
gale,  on  December  2nd,  caused  the  wreck,  off  Mount  Carmel,  of  the 
Zebra,  16,  Commander  Eobert  Fanshawe  Stopford,  and  the  loss  of 
several  of  her  people. 

The  Porte,  the  British  Ambassador  at  Constantinople,  Sir 
Kobert  Stopford,  and  Sir  Charles  Smith,  all  disapproved  strongly 
of  Napier's  action,  and  denied  his  right  to  take  such  a  course; 
but  the  four  Powers  had  already,  on  November  14th,  made  up 
their  minds  that,  if  he  should  prove  tractable,  Mehemet  Ali  should 
be  dealt  with  much  as  Napier  had  dealt  with  him ;  and  ultimately 
the  Convention,  with  slight  modifications,  was  ratified,  Napier, 
who  had  just  previously  been  made  a  Commodore  of  the  first  (red) 
class,  getting  a  K.C.B.  dated  December  4th,  1840,  and,  later,  being 
1  To  Minto  :  Nov.  26th.  2  To  Mrs.  Napier,  Nov.  26th. 


.  %»  4-  : 


. 

command 

• 
' 

.•nit   any  official 
I 

ii  Thomaw  M 

.  Alexandria 
;  L  was    i  < 

.!'   which    it 

•.-liould  <:•  L,  and  th 

•vary  gov> 
lored.      "Napier, 
ihe 

HI  know  whether  I   1> 

t  in  th<  and,  to 

-inulore, 
. 

All.  ...     I    shall    i  itlu-r    I  •  by   the 

n'alp. 
•rom   <.•>$    Alexandria,    and    ultiin::1 

the  }''t.-t'frfiil,  to   seek  in  a  n 

-.,  on  December 

ohor.     ': 

oau»e«:  '  Carmel,  ot  the 

Kohfrt  .topford,  and   the  loh- 

!  Unople, 

.,!,   *n<i  Sir  Charl-*  .proved  stroi 

.  arwl   de0it;ci    1  to    take  such  a 

•   had  <  *  'ivember  14th,  made    up 

,;3met  Ali  should 
;  and  ultimo 
ratified,  Na; 
•>f  the  first  (i 
md,  later,  b< 
...v. 


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i_--^  \^fff,  iSi&ts,  <-t        r*£nw,St 


, 


1840.]  DISASTER   AT   TONQATABU.  328 

thanked  by  Lord  Palmerston  for  his  management  of  affairs  at 
Alexandria,  whither  he  was  sent  to  see  to  the  carrying  out  of  the 
Convention,  with  his  broad  pennant  in  the  Carysfort. 

Among  the  numerous  honours  and  promotions  conferred  upon 
naval  officers  in  respect  of  their  services  during  the  Syrian  campaign 
of  1840  may  be  mentioned  : — 

To  be  K.C.B.,  Captain  Charles  Napier  (•>),  C.B. 

To  be  C.B.,  Captains  Sir  Baldwin  Wake  Walker  (Hon.);  diaries  John  Austen  (1); 
Hon.  William  Waldegrave  (2)  ;•  Maurice  Frederick  Fitzhardinge  Berkeley ;  Edward 
Collier  ;  William  Wilmott  Henderson  ;  Arthur  Fanshawe  ;  Houston  Stewart ;  Edward 
Boxer ;  Henry  Byam  Martin ;  Henry  John  Codrington ;  William  Honyman 
Henderson;  Horatio  Thomas  Austin  ;  and  Lieut.-Col.  William  Walker,  K.NF. 

In  addition,  ten  Commanders  were  posted,  and  three  noted  for 
promotion  upon  becoming  qualified ;  and  great  numbers  of  Lieu- 
tenants and  Mates  were  advanced  a  step  in  rank. 

In  the  course  of  1840,  in  more  distant  seas,  a  bloody  and 
disastrous  affair  had,  meantime,  occurred  at  Tongatabu,  one  of  the 
Friendly  Islands.  A  war  was  raging  between  the  native  Christians 
and  the  rest  of  the  islanders,  and,  to  assist  the  former,  Commander 
Walter  Croker,  of  the  Favourite,  18,  landed  on  June  24th  with  90 
officers,  seamen  and  Marines,  and  joined  a  body  of  1500  natives  in 
the  attack  on  a  fastness  five  miles  from  the  coast.  In  the  act  of 
storming,  the  natives  deserted  ;  and  the  British,  having  suffered  very 
heavily,  were  obliged  to  retire.  Croker  was  killed  ;  and  the  first 
Lieutenant,  Eobert  John  Wallace  Dunlop,  was  desperately  wounded. 
The  second  Lieutenant,  Edward  Pelhain  Brenton  von  Donop,  who 
succeeded  to  the  command,  not  only  carried  off  Croker's  body  under 
a  terrible  fire,  but  also,  finding  that  the  colours  had  been  left  behind 
during  the  retreat,  returned  with  one  man,  and  rescued  them.1  At 
a  later  date  his  gallantry  would  have  won  him  the  Victoria  Cross. 

The  good  work  which  was  done  for  the  suppression  of  piracy  on 
the  coasts  of  Borneo,  and  in  the  Eastern  Archipelago,  in  1843  and 
the  following  years,  was  undertaken  chiefly  at  the  suggestion  of  that 
distinguished  pioneer  and  administrator,  James  Brooke.  Brooke 
had  been  in  the  East  India  Company's  service,  had  fought  in  the 
Burmese  War,  had  been  wounded,  and  had  returned  to  England. 
He  had  subsequently  again  visited  the  Eastern  Archipelago,  and, 
having  satisfied  himself  that  much  might  be  done  there  towards 
developing  the  enormous  resources  of  the  islands,  had  once  more 

1  O'Byrne,  316,  1231. 

Y  2 


324      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

gone  home,  had  purchased  a  142-ton  yacht,  the  Royalist,  and, 
proceeding  to  Sarawak,  in  Borneo,  had  induced  the  Rajah  Muda 
Hassim  to  entrust  him  with  the  government  of  the  province,  which 
he  afterwards  acquired  as  his  own.  In  January,  1843,  Captain  the 
Hon.  Henry  Keppel,  of  the  Dido,  18,  became  senior  naval  officer  in 
the  Straits  Settlements.  On  March  17th,  being  then  at  Singapore, 


ADMIBAL    OF   THE   FLEET   THE    HON.   SIB   HENRY    KEPPEL,   G.C.B.,    D.C.L. 

(From  an  engraving  by  D.  J.  Pound,  after  a  photograph  bij  Mai/all,  laken  about  1863,  when 
Sir  Henry  was  a  Sear-Admiral.) 

Keppel  met  Brooke  at  dinner,  and,  as  he  says,  "  was  initiated  into 
the  mysteries,  depths  and  horrors  of  pirates  in  the  ways  of  the 
Malay  Peninsula."1  After  much  discussion,  the  two  men  agreed 
that  the  only  way  in  which  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil  would 
be  to  destroy  the  piratical  strongholds  in  the  interior  of  Borneo, 
and  not  to  allow  them  again  to  prepare  and  send  forth  their  fleets 
of  prahus. 

1  '  Sailor's  Life,' i.  289. 


1843.]  KEPPEL   IN   THE  ARCHIPELAGO.  325 

On  May  1st,  therefore,  Keppel  embarked  Brooke,  and  sailed  for 
Borneo.  On  the  8th,  he  detached  three  of  his  boats,  under  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Wilmot  Horton,  to  cruise  among  the  islands  to  the  north- 
ward ;  and  these,  guided  by  Brooke,  defeated  six  prahus,  some  or  all 
of  which  belonged  to  the  Eajah  of  Ehio.  The  boats  rejoined  the 
Dido  in  the  Morataba  river,  just  below  the  town  of  Sarawak.1  From 
Sarawak,  Keppel  sent  one  of  Brooke's  Sarawak-built  boats,  the 
Jolly  Bachelor,  armed  with  a  brass  6-pr.,  and  a  volunteer  crew  under 
Lieutenant  James  Hunt,  to  cruise  off  Cape  Datu,  but  on  no  account 
to  land.  Hunt,  however,  did  land  on  May  20th  to  cook  his  provisions, 
and  then  hauled  the  boat  out  to  her  grapnel  near  some  rocks  for  the 
night,  with  her  people,  twenty-two  all  told,  on  board.  At  3  A.M. 
on  the  21st,  be  was  attacked  by  two  large  prahus.  After  a  close 
and  hot  fight,  one,  in  a  sinking  condition,  was  taken.  The  other, 
helped  by  a  third  which  came  to  her  assistance,  got  away,  but  with 
heavy  loss.  Each  of  these  prahus  carried  two  guns,  and  about  fifty 
men.  Hunt,  who  might  well  have  been  censured  for  his  disobedience, 
received  instead  the  thanks  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  and  of  the 
Admiralty.2 

Having  received  from  the  Eajah  Muda  Hassim  a  formal  complaint 
concerning  the  depredations  of  the  pirates  of  Sarebas  and  Sakarran, 
Keppel  and  Brooke  completed  their  preparations.  The  ship's  boats, 
and  others,  were  manned  and  armed  ;  the  Dido  was  anchored  about 
two  miles  inside  the  entrance  of  the  Sarebas  river,3  and,  early  in 
June,  the  flotilla  pressed  up  towards  the  stronghold  of  the  Sarebas 
pirates.  In  the  Dido's  gig  were  Keppel  and  Brooke;  in  the  second 
gig,  Lieutenant  Edmund  Hall  Gunnell ;  in  the  pinnace,  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Wilmot  Horton,  with  Mate  William  Luke  Partridge, 
Assistant-Surgeon  John  Simpson,  M.D.,4  and  Midshipman  Eamsay 
Henry  Hallowes;  in  the  first  cutter,  Midshipman  Edward  Henry 
Hughes  d'Aeth ;  in  the  second  cutter,  Master  James  Edward  Elliott, 
and  Midshipman  Eobert  Jenkins;  and  in  the  Jolly  Bachelor, 
Lieutenant  William  Tottenham,  and  Midshipman  Henry  Wandes- 
ford  Comber.  The  Dido  supplied  eighty  officers  and  men,  and,  in 
addition,  there  were  numerous  volunteers,  and  native  auxiliaries. 

On  June  llth,  a  sudden  turn  of  the  river  brought  the  expedition. 

1  Then  called  Kuching.     The  name  was  altered  in  July,  1844. 

2  '  Sailor's  Life,'  i.  304 ;  O'Byrne,  555. 

3  About  50  miles  N.E.  of  Sarawak. 
*  Died  soon  after  at  Singapore. 


o26      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

opposite  to  a  battery  of  brass  guns,  fronted  by  a  barrier  of  stakes. 
There  were  other  batteries  further  up.  D'Aeth,  in  the  first  cutter, 
and  Keppel,  in  the  gig,  found  a  way  through  almost  simultaneously, 
and,  rushing  up  the  incline,  D'Aeth  captured  the  first  battery  before 
it  had  time  to  fire  its  guns  a  second  time.  He  had  only  three  people 
wounded.  The  neighbouring  town  of  Paddi  was  thereupon  burnt, 
and  the  flying  enemy  was  pursued  up  the  river  towards  Lyai  by 
Horton  and  Brooke,  who  were  presently  followed  by  Keppel. 
Desultory  firing  continued  during  the  night,  and  on  the  12th,  the 
Malays  asked  for  a  truce  and  a  conference.  The  upshot  was  that 
they  agreed  to  abandon  piracy  if  their  lives  were  spared. 

On  the  14th,  Pakoo,1  where  there- was  little  resistance,  suffered 
the  same  fate  as  Paddi.  On  the  17th,  while  the  expedition  was  on 
its  way  to  Reinbas,2  another  stronghold,  it  encountered  a  very 
formidable  barrier  of  stakes ;  but  the  obstacle  was  cut  through,  and 
Kembas  was  also  burnt.3  In  all  these  operations  it  does  not  appear 
that  more  than  eight  people  in  all  were  hurt  on  the  side  of  the 
attacking  force.  The  loss  of  the. pirates  was  very  heavy. 

Keppel,  being  ordered  to  another  part  of  the  station,  was  unable, 
at  that  time,  further  to  carry  out  his  plans.  After  his  departure  two 
traders,  the  Anna  and  the  Young  Queen,  belonging  to,  and  accom- 
panied by,  the  Hon.  James  Erskine  Murray,4  had  occasion  to  enter 
the  River  Cote,  and  anchor  off  Tongarron.  There,  on  February  16th, 
1844,  they  were  treacherously  attacked  by  masked  batteries  and  gun- 
boats, and,  slipping  their  cables,  began  an  almost  hopeless  attempt 
to  fight  their  way  out.  After  thirty-six  hours'  continuous  fighting, 
they  sustained  a  final  and  very  bloody  action  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Cote,  and  so  got  away,  yet  not  until  they  had  lost  Murray  and  two 
others  killed,  and  five  people  wounded.5  At  about  the  same  time 
the  boats  of  the  Wanderer,  16,  Commander  George  Henry  Seymour, 
and  Harlequin,  16,  Commander  the  Hon.  George  Fowler  Hastings, 
attacked  some  piratical  settlements 6  on  the  coast  of  Sumatra,  and 
inflicted  considerable  damage,  though  they  suffered  some  loss.  The 
Dutch  East  Indian  authorities  sent  more  than  one  expedition  against 

1  Up  a  lower  branch  of  the  Sarebas. 

2  Up  yet  another  branch  of  the  Sarebas. 

3  '  Sailor's   Life,'  i.  311-321.      Singapore   Free  Press.     Naut.   Mag.,  1843,   759  ; 
1844,  174.    • 

4  Born  1810 ;  a  Scots  advocate,  3rd  son  of  7th  Baron  Elibank. 
6  Hong  Kong  Gazette. 

6  e.g.,  at  Murdoo,  and  Qunlloo  Battoo. 


1844.]  THE  SAKARRAN  PIRATES.  327 

the  freebooters ;  and,  on  June  3rd  and  4th,  1844,  Captain  Sir 
Edward  Belcher,  C.B.,  of  the  Samarang,  26,  assisted  by  Lieutenants 
Henry  William  Baugh,  and  Thomas  Heard,  taught  a  severe  lesson  to 
some  pirates  off  Gillolo,  who  attacked  them  while  they  were  making 
observations  on  shore,  and  who  wounded  Belcher  and  a  Marine.1 
But  the  Malays  and  Dyaks  became  bolder,  in  spite  of  such  half 
measures  as  were  taken  against  them  ;  and  it  was  not  too  soon  that, 
on  July  29th,  Keppel,  in  the  Dido,  again  entered  the  Eiver  Morataba, 
on  his  way  up  to  Sarawak. 

It  was  determined  first  to  proceed  against  the  pirates  of  Sakarran, 
who  had  not  been  chastised  on  the  previous  occasion.  The  Dido 
was  this  time  aided  by  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamer  Phlegethon.  On 
August  7th,  the  two  vessels  were  in  sight  of  the  fortifications  of 
Patusen,  on  the  Batang  Lupar.  The  Dido  despatched  four  boats, 
besides  the  Jolly  Bachelor,  which  she  officered  and  manned.  The 
Phlegethon  sent  four  boats.  The  Dido's  contingent  numbered  eighty- 
six  all  told,  including  Lieutenants  Charles  Francis  Wade,  and  Edward 
Winterton  Tumour,  Master  Eobert  Calder  Allen,  Mate  Edward  Henry 

Hughes  d'Aeth,  acting-Mate  Eobert  Jenkins,  Midshipman  C 

Johnson,  and  Assistant- Surgeon  Eobert  Beith.  The  forts,  of  which 
there  were  five,  were  shelled  by  the  Phlegethon,  and  then  stormed 
with  great  gallantry,  the  only  British  loss  being  one  man  killed  and 
two  men  wounded.  No  fewer  than  sixty-four  brass  guns,  besides  iron 
ones,  were  found  in  the  place,  which  was  looted  and  burnt.  Hundreds 
of  prahus  were  also  destroyed.  On  the  same  afternoon,  a  stockaded 
post  up  the  river  Grahan  was  evacuated  and  occupied.  Thus  a  very 
serious  blow  was  dealt  at  a  chief  who,  for  twenty  years,  had  been  a 
leading  patron  of  pirates,  but  who  now  found  himself  without  war- 
boats,  guns,  ammunition,  or  shelter  for  his  followers. 

A  day  or  two  later  the  force  was  divided,  Tumour  going  up  the 
Undop  river,  d'Aeth  up  the  Lupar,  and  Wade  and  Brooke  up  the 
Sakarran ;  but,  learning  that  much  opposition  was  in  preparation, 
Keppel  recalled  the  boats  from  the  Lupar  and  Sakarran,  in  order  to 
concentrate  for  an  attack  upon  Seriff  Muller,  a  chief  possessing  a 
town  about  twenty  miles  up  the  Undop,  on  which  stream  Tumour, 
assisted  by  Master  Allen  and  Mate  Comber,  had  already  captured  a 
couple  of  stockades.  Progress  in  the  Undop  was  slow  and  tedious, 
there  being  regular  barriers  as  well  as  felled  trees  to  be  cut  through. 
On  the  morning  of  August  llth,  Wade,  who  had  Brooke  with  him, 
1  Letter  in  Naut.  May.,  1844,  666. 


328      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

joined,  and  by  8  A.M.  the  last  barrier  below  Seriff  Muller's  position 
was  cut  through.  The  town,  however,  was  not  defended,  and  the 
place  was  plundered  and  burnt.  It  was  ascertained  that  the  enemy 
had  retired  twenty-five  miles  further  up  the  Undop,  and  the  tedious 
progress  was  resumed,  only  five  or  six  miles,  however,  being  covered 
before  night,  during  which  d'Aeth's  command  rejoined,  and  completed 
the  strength  of  the  expedition.  The  attack  on  Seriff  Muller  was 
made  on  the  14th.  Part  of  the  position  had  been  taken,  and  the 
force  was  temporarily  halted,  when  Keppel  and  Wade,  exploring  the 
jungle  with  but  seven  men,  suddenly  discovered  in  a  creek  a  number 
of  boats  filled  with  pirates.  The  officers  had  each  a  double-barrelled 
gun,  and  Wade  impetuously  fired  and  dashed  in.  He  was  presently 
followed  by  more  men,  but  he  could  not  wait  for  them  to  collect  in 
strength,  and,  pressing  on,  in  spite  of  Keppel's  efforts  to  check  him, 
was  struck  by  two  balls,  one  of  which  was  fatal.  The  gallant  fellow 
had  himself  brought  up  a  prayer-book  "incase  of  accident."  That 
night  Keppel  read  from  it  Wade's  funeral  service.  On  the  15th,  the 
expedition  returned  to  the  Phlegethon. 

On  August  17th,  the  boats  started  again  on  an  expedition  to 
Karangan,  one  of  the  Sakarran  strongholds.  The  native  auxiliaries, 
who  were  ahead,  came  into  action  with  the  pirates  on  the  19th,  and 
maintained  a  bloody  flight  amid  a  crowd  of  boats  and  rafts  in  the 
river ;  until  the  arrival  of  Keppel  and  Brooke,  and  of  the  second  gig, 
containing  a  rocket  tube  worked  by  Master  Eobert  Calder  Allen, 
drove  the  foe  first  behind  their  barriers,  and  then  in  general  retreat. 
The  losses  of  the  native  allies  were  extremely  heavy,  owing  to  the 
temerity  of  their  leader ;  and  among  the  killed,  31  in  number,  was 
Mr.  Steward,  a  school-fellow  and  life-long  friend  of  Brooke.  Karangan 
itself  was  taken  without  opposition  ;  and  on  the  20th,  the  expedition 
again  dropped  down  to  the  Phlegethon.  On  the  22nd,  off  Patusen, 
that  vessel  was  joined  by  the  boats  of  the  Samarang,  26,  Captain 
Sir  Edward  Belcher,  which,  upon  the  strength  of  reports  that  Keppel 
was  in  serious  difficulties,  had  pushed  up  to  his  assistance.  They 
had  moved  no  less  than  120  miles  in  about  thirty  hours.1  On 
August  23rd,  the  entire  force  was  once  more  at  Sarawak, 

It  was  on  returning  from  this  commission  that  Captain  Keppel, 

finding,  upon  reaching   Portsmouth,  that,  his  wife,  whom  he  had 

not  seen  for  four  years,  was  at  Droxford,  only  thirteen  miles  away, 

and   that   the   Dido  was   ordered   round   to    Sheerness  to   pay  off, 

1  'Sailor's  Life,'  ii.  18;  'Exped.  to  Borneo'  (Lond.  1846), passim. 


1844-45.]  LAXITY   OF   THE  SERVICE.  329 

changed  clothes  with  his  Master,  Kobert  Calder  Allen,  and  made 
that  officer  personate  him,  and  take  the  ship  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames,  Keppel  himself  picking  up  his  wife,  driving  with  her  across 
country  in  a  yellow  post-chaise,  and,  at  Sheerness,  making  a 
clean  breast  of  his  delinquency  to  the  Captain  Superintendent, 
William  Henry  Shirreff,  thanks  to  whose  countenance  he  was  able 
again  to  change  clothes  with  Allen,  after  a  three  days'  absence, 
apparently  without  raising  any  suspicion  in  the  mind  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  Vice-Admiral  Sir  John  Chambers  White,  K.C.B.1 
The  officers  in  those  days  did  not  themselves  always  observe  such 
strict  discipline  as  they  pretended  to  enforce.  But  it  was  an  age  in 
which,  it  is  to  be  feared,  the  entire  service  had  reached  its  lowest 
level  of  efficiency  and  keenness.  Slackness  and  indifference,  indeed, 
must  have  prevailed  to  an  extraordinary  extent,  not  only  afloat,  but 
also  at  the  Admiralty,  where  ships  on  foreign  stations  were  at  times 
absolutely  forgotten  by  the  officials,  and  so  reduced  to  serious  straits. 
For  example,  at  about  the  end  of  1844,  the  Royalist,  10,  reached 
Singapore  from  Port  Essington,  with  the  following  strange  story. 
In  a  period  of  twelve  months  she  had  lost  three  commanding 
officers :  Lieutenant  Philip  Chetwode,  and  acting  Lieutenants 
Gerald  Kingsley  and  Eudo  Wells,  and,  no  official  communication 
whatsoever  having  reached  the  brig  for  upwards  of  a  year  and  a 
half,  the  acting  Second  Master  had  been  obliged  to  promote  himself 
to  keep  the  pennant  flying,  and  then,  in  sheer  desperation,  had  gone 
to  Singapore  without  orders,  both  his  masts  being  sprung,  and  all 
his  gear  so  dilapidated  as  to  be  practically  useless.2  Lieutenant 
Graham  Ogle  had  been  appointed  to  the  Eoyalist  in  April,  1844, 
but  seems  to  have  been  unable  to  discover  her  whereabouts,  and  to 
have  waited  resignedly  for  several  months  at  Hong  Kong,  in  hopes 
that  she  would  turn  up.  Mr.  Charles  Parkinson,  the  acting  Second 
Master,  was  not  confirmed  in  his  self-given  rank. 

In  1845  the  pirates  of  the  Eastern  Archipelago  were  taught 
another  severe  lesson.  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Thomas  John  Cochrane, 
after  having  had  various  conferences  with  Mi.  Brooke,  took  the 
greater  part  of  his  squadron  to  the  mouth  of  the  Brunei  river,  where 
he  anchored  on  August  6th,  and  whence,  with  the  Vixen,  steamer, 
Commander  George  Giffard,  Nemesis  (H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamer),  and 
Pluto,  steamer,  Lieutenant  Frederick  Lane,  a  party  of  150  Marines, 
and  three  or  four  armed  pinnaces,  he  went  up  to  Brunei  to  demand 
1  '  Sailor's  Life,'  ii.  28.  '*  Naut.  Mag.,  1845,  221. 


330      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

the  surrender  of  a  chief  named  Panquera  Usof,  who  had  hehaved  ill 
in  the  matter  of  some  slaves.  As  Usof  did  not  appear,  his  house 
was  bombarded  and  destroyed  on  August  llth,  and  a  landing  party 
of  Marines  brought  off  twenty-one  brass  guns,  and  destroyed  a  powder 
magazine. 

Cochrane  then  moved  round  to  Malluda  Bay,  where  he  arrived 
on  August  17th,  and,  assembling  his  Captains,  communicated  to  them 
his  plans  for  an  attack  on  the  pirate  chief  Seriff  Osman,  whose  head- 
quarters were  in  one  of  the  rivers  at  the  head  of  the  opening. 
Pursuant  to  these  plans,  the  assigned  small-arm  men  and  Marines 
of  the  squadron  were  transferred  to  the  steamers  on  the  morning  of 
the  18th ;  and  these,  with  the  Cruiser,  16,  Wolverine,  16,  and  some 
gunboats  in  tow,  moved  up  as  far  as  the  depth  of  water  would 
permit.  When,  the  Phi  to  having  grounded  in  her  efforts  to  find 
a  further  passage,  it  became  evident  that  such  large  craft  could  not 
be  employed,  the  Bear-Admiral,  whose  flag  was  temporarily  in  the 
Vixen,  ordered  Captain  Charles  Talbot,  of  the  Vestal,  26,  to  put 
what  men  he  could  into  the  boats,  and  to  proceed.  About  340 
bluejackets  and  200  Marines  were  accordingly  embarked  as  follows :— 

In  command :  Ca plain  Charles  Talbot,  Vesttil. 

Second  in  command  :  Com.  Edward  Gennys  Faushawe,  Cruiser. 

In  command  of  landing  party  :  Com.  Henry  Lyster,  Agincourt. 

Second:  Com.  *\Ym.  Jno.  Cavendish  Clifford  (Wolverine). 

Adjutant :  Lieut.  Jas.  Aylmer  Dorset  Paynter  (vlr/incouri). 

Commanding  Koyal  Marines:  Capt.  Saml.  Hawkins,  K.M. 

-Marine  officers :  Lieut*.  And.  Jno.  Buckingham  Hambly,  Hy.  Chas.  Peurose  Dyer,  Jno.  \\"m.  Alex. 

Kennedy,  and  \\'m.  Mansell  Mansell,  1-i.M. 

lioats  of  Agincourt  (4),  Vestal  (3),  Daedalus  (3),  Vixen  (2),  Cruiser  (2),  Wolverine  (2),  Pluto,  and  .femesi.-, 
nmler  Lieutenants  Marcus  Lowther,  John  Heid,  Geo.  JVIorritt,  Crawford  Aitcheson  Denham  Pasco,  Geo.  Gran- 
ville  Randolpb,  Jas.  \Villcox,  Mortimer  Harley  Kodney,  Henry  .Sliauk  Hillyar,  and  Thos.  Heard  (Samarang); 
Mates  Phil.  \Vm.  May,  John  Milwani  Iteeves,  Chas,  Hy  Young,  Geo.  Durbin,  Chas.  Nolloth,  Edward  Frederick 
Dent,  and  Leonard  Gibbard,  etc. 

The  boats  started  up  against  a  strong  breeze,  and  met  with  so  many 
difficulties  that  they  were  obliged  to  anchor  below  the  bar  to  wait 
for  the  tide.  They  crossed  it,  however,  soon  after  10  P.M.,  and 
re-anchored  for  the  night.  At  7  A.M.  on  August  19th,  they  weighed 
again,  Captain  Talbot  presently  going  ahead  to  reconnoitre,  and 
rejoining  five  miles  up  the  river  with  the  information  that  the  next 
bend  would  see  the  boats  in  front  of  the  enemy's  batteries  and 
stockade,  and  that  below  the  works  a  large  boom  had  been  thrown 
across  the  stream.  The  launch  and  second  barge  of  the  Agincourt, 
the  barge  of  the  Vestal,  and  the  launch  of  the  D<zdalus  were  then 
ordered  up  in  line  abreast,  to  anchor  by  the  stern  when  close  to  the 
boom,  and  to  keep  up  a  fire,  while  the  cutters  of  the  Wolverine, 
Dcedalus,  and  Nemesis  were  to  clear  away  the  boom,  supported  by 


1845.]  COOffJfANE  AT  MALLUDA   BAY.  331 

the  Vixen's  and  Vestal's  pinnaces,  the  rest  of  the  boats  forming  a 
reserve.  Ere  these  instructions  could  be  fully  carried  out,  a  flag  of 
truce  was  shown  from  the  fort,  whereupon  Talbot  directed  the  boats 
to  anchor,  and  demanded  unconditional  surrender  in  half  an  hour. 
A  messenger  brought  a  request  from  Osman  for  a  parley  ;  but  Talbot 
refused  any  concessions,  and  moved  several  of  his  boats  up  to  the 
boom,  the  three  cutters  under  Lyster's  direction  at  once  beginning 
to  attempt  to  clear  it.  Another  flag  of  truce  brought  news  that  if 
a  parley  were  agreed  to,  two  of  the  boats  might  go  inside  the  boom  ; 
but  Talbot's  only  reply  was  that  the  half  hour  was  nearly  up,  and 
that,  if  Osman  did  not  surrender,  action  would  commence. 

No  sooner  had  this  flag  withdrawn  than  the  batteries  opened  on 
the  boats,  which  instantly  answered  with  their  12-pr.  carronades, 
but  did  not  seem  to  make  much  impression.  When  the  firing  had 
gone  on  for  about  twenty  minutes,  Lieutenant  Paynter  obtained 
permission  to  land  and  try  the  effect  of  rockets.  These  materially 
assisted  in  disconcerting  the  defenders ;  yet,  as  the  boom  still  held, 
the  boats  could  not  advance.  This  necessitated  the  issue  of  an 
order  for  the  guns  to  husband  their  ammunition.  Not  until  nearly 
an  hour  had  elapsed  did  one  end  of  the  boom  give  way.  Then  the 
boats  went  through  with  a  cheer.  This  was  enough  for  the  pirates, 
who  made  but  little  further  resistance,  and  soon  abandoned  their 
works,  which  were  found  to  be  extremely  strong.  The  chief 
battery,  little  more  than  two  hundred  yards  above  the  boom,  mounted 
one  18-pr.,  two  1'2-prs.,  three  9-prs.,  and  two  6-prs. ;  a  floating 
battery  of  three  long  18-prs.  enfiladed  the  boom ;  and,  for  the  first 
half  hour  or  more,  the  pirates  fired  splendidly.  The  loss  on  the 
British  side  was  6  killed,  and  15,  including  2  mortally,  wounded. 
Mate  Leonard  Gibbard,  of  the  Wolverine,  did  not  long  survive  his 
injuries,  and  Lieutenant  Thomas  Heard,  and  Second  Master  E.  E. 
Pym,  acting,  of  the  Vestal,  were  also  among  the  wounded.  A  party 
under  Commander  George  Giffard,  of  the  Vixen,  afterwards  destroyed 
the  town,  and  brought  off  a  number  of  brass  guns.1 

The  proved  utility  of  the  boom  at  Malluda  Bay,  and  of  other 
booms  which,  about  the  same  time,  had  been  encountered  in  the 
course  of  the  operations  in  New  Zealand,  led,  in  the  summer  of 
1846,  to  the  making  of  a  series  of  experiments  at  Portsmouth  with 
somewhat  similar  obstructions,  chiefly  in  order  to  determine  how 
best  they  might  be  destroyed.  Although  it  was  then  demonstrated 
1  Naut.  Mag.,  1846,  16 ;  Gazette,  1845,  p.  6534. 


332      MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

that  the  explosion  of  charges  in  immediate  contact  with  them  was 
the  most  satisfactory  method,  and  although,  supposing  gunpowder 
to  be  insufficient,  gun-cotton  was  already  then  available,  it  having 
been  introduced  as  a  serviceable  explosive  by  C.  F.  Schonbein  in 
1845,  it  does  not  appear  that  provision  was  made  in  the  Navy,  until 
many  years  afterwards,  for  the  supply  of  charges  and  fuses  proper 
for  the  purpose. 

Operations  against  the  Borneo  pirates  were  resumed  in  the 
summer  of  1846,  when  the  frightful  atrocities  committed  by  the 
Sultan  of  Brunei  against  allies  of  the  British  called  for  notice. 
Bear-Admiral  Sir  Thomas  John  Cochrane  determined  to  ascend  the 
river  to  Brunei,  and  to  deal  with  the  Sultan,  Omar  Ali  Suffudee,  at 
his  own  door.  Having,  therefore,  transferred  his  flag  from  the 
Agincourt,  72,  to  the  steamer  Spiteful,  Commander  William  Mait- 
land,  he  took  in  tow  the  Hazard,  18,  Commander  Francis  Philip 
Egerton,  and  the  Boyalist,  Commander  Graham  Ogle,  and,  preceded 
by  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamer  Phlegethon,  Commander  B.  L.  Boss,  I.N., 
started  up  the  Cherimon  river  on  July  7th,  accompanied  by  Mr. 
Brooke,  some  gunboats,  and  the  boats,  manned  and  armed,  of  several 
ships,  including  the  Agincourt,  Iris,  26,  and  Ringdove,  16.  Two 
batteries  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  were  neither  completed  nor 
garrisoned,  and  were  not  then  interfered  with.  The  town  lay  only 
about  nine  miles  up  the  stream  ;  but  the  channel  presented  so  many 
difficulties  that  the  Hazard  had  to  be  left  aground  on  the  bar,  and 
the  rest  of  the  force  was  unable  to  cross  it  until  the  morning  of 
the  8th. 

Just  below  Pulo  Bungore  five  forts  were  discovered,  "  admirably 
placed,"  as  Cochrane  says,  "  for  denying  a  passage  beyond  them." 
When  the  Phlegethon  was  not  far  from  them,  the  first  of  the 
batteries  opened  a  spirited  fire,  which  was  promptly  returned,  while 
the  boats,  commanded  by  Captain  George  Bodney  Mundy,  of  the 
Iris,  26,  and  Lieutenant  George  Edwin  Patey,  first  of  the  Agincourt, 
cast  off  from  the  steamer,  formed  in  line,  made  good  use  of  their 
guns,  and,  as  soon  as  the  enemy's  fire  had  slackened,  pushed  in  and 
gained  the  bank.  The  people  instantly  rushed  the  steep  ascent  to 
the  fort ;  but  the  work  was  promptly  abandoned.  As  Cochrane  was 
anxious  to  proceed,  he  allowed  Mundy  time  only  to  spike  the  guns, 
throw  them  over  the  walls,  and  blow  up  the  magazine ;  and  then, 
having  given  his  men  their  dinners,  he  weighed  again  and  engaged 
the  next  batteries,  which  were  supported  by  musketry  from  the 


1846.]  OPERATIONS  AGAINST  BRUNEI.  333 

woods  on  one  side  of  the  river.  At  that  point  the  Spiteful  narrowly 
escaped  running  ashore,  and  might  have  suffered  heavily,  had  not 
the  Phlegethon  made  excellent  practice,  not  only  with  her  own  guns, 
but  also  with  a  battery  of  field  guns  which  had  been  placed  in  her 
bows,  and  with  rocket  tubes  posted  on  her  bridge — all  under  the 
direction  of  Lieutenant  James  Alymer  Dorset  Paynter,  of  the  Agin- 
court.  The  result  of  this  was  that  the  Malays  fled  without  waiting 
to  be  attacked  by  the  landing  parties ;  and  the  works,  and  heights 
commanding  the  town  were  presently  occupied  by  the  Marines, 
under  Captain  Samuel  Hawkins,  E.M.  Numerous  brass  and  iron 
guns,  some  being  68-prs.,  were  captured,  and  many  of  them  were 
ultimately  embarked.  There  were  in  all  five  batteries ;  and,  had 
the  enemy  stuck  to  them,  a  very  effective  defence  might  have  been 
made.  The  losses  on  the  side  of  the  attack  were  not  heavy,  only 
two  men  being  killed  and  seven  wounded.  That  evening  Mundy 
destroyed  all  five  forts.  In  his  account  of  the  affair,  Cochrane 
specially  commends  the  conduct  of  Lieutenants  Patey1  and  Paynter,1 
Captain  Hawkins,  E.M.,  Master  James  Edward  Elliott  (Agincourt), 
and  Commander  Ross,  I.N. 

Ascertaining  that  the  Sultan  had  fled,  and  believing  that  he 
might  be  captured,  the  Commander-in-Chief  despatched  Mundy, 
with  the  gunboats,  150  Marines,  some  seamen,  and  some  rocket 
tubes,  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitive.  In  the  meantime  he  destroyed  the 
guns  in  the  unfinished  forts  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  the 
islands  of  Cherimon  and  Coin  Arrang. 

Mundy  moved  up  the  river  on  July  10th,  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Brooke  in  his  capacity  as  her  Majesty's  agent.  He  was  absent 
altogether  for  six  days,  and  destroyed  several  magazines,  besides 
capturing  more  guns ;  but  he  failed  to  find  his  quarry.  He  had  to 
make  his  way  through  most  difficult  swampy  country,  amid  con- 
tinuous heavy  rain,  yet,  in  spite  of  the  terrible  discomforts,  his 
force  behaved  admirably.  He  mentions  with  approval  the  conduct, 
in  very  trying  circumstances,  of  Lieutenants  George  Edwin  Patey, 
Nicholas  Vansittart,  George  Lowcay  Norcock,  Charles  Sydney 
Dunbar,  Edward  Edwin  Morgan,  Edward  Morrell  Mathews, 
Leopold  George  Heath,  Charles  Frankland  Newland,  and  Francis 
Beaufort  Quin ;  Captain  Samuel  Hawkins,  E.M. ;  Mate  John 
Milward  Beeves,  and  other  officers.2 

Cochrane,  upon  quitting  the  coast  of  Borneo,  left  Mundy,  with 
1  Cora.,  July  8th,  1846.  3  Gazette,  1846,  pp.  3438,  3441,  3444. 


334      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

the  Iris,  and  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamer  Phlegethon,  to  take  further 
necessary  measures  against  the  Malays.  On  August  18th,  followed 
by  the  boats  of  the  two  vessels,  and  by  400  native  allies  in  thirty  war 
prahus,  Mundy,  accompanied  by  Brooke,  crossed  the  bar  of  the 
Mambacoot  river  to  proceed  against  Hadji  Samon,  a  powerful  partisan 
of  Omar  AH  Saffudee,  who  had  a  stronghold  up  the  stream.  After 
about  three  hours'  hard  pulling,  the  boats  began  to  be  incommoded 
by  huge  rafts  which  were  sent  down  from  above ;  and,  a  little  later, 
came  upon  a  line  of  bamboo  stakes  supporting  an  immense  boom 
which  had  been  burst,  apparently  by  the  force  of  freshets.  Within 
eighty  yards  of  these  defences  was  a  fort,  which  opened  fire  as  soon 
as  the  head  of  the  flotilla  came  in  sight  of  it.  A  hot  action  ensued  ; 
and  in  ten  minutes  Lieutenant  Alexander  Little  pushed  in  and 
rushed  the  fort,  only  to  find  that  the  swivel  guns  with  which  it 
had  been  armed  had  been  carried  off  into  the  jungle.  The  work, 
however,  was  destroyed,  and  the  ammunition  in  it  was  blown  up. 
A  short  distance  further  on  a  prahu  was  captured,  though  her  crew 
escaped.  In  the  afternoon,  some  miles  higher,  a  masked  battery 
opened  on  the  boats.  Its  fire  was  speedily  silenced,  and  the  enemy 
driven  off.  An  hour  later  the  force  bivouacked  for  the  night,  and, 
early  on  the  19th,  Hadji  Samon's  last  position  was  bombarded  and 
captured,  the  chief,  unfortunately,  getting  away  into  the  jungle, 
though  probably  with  hardly  a  companion.  That  night  the  boats 
returned  to  the  ships,  having  lost,  in  the  course  of  the  expedition, 
only  1  killed  and  14  wounded,  eight  of  the  latter  being  native  allies.1 
The  Congreve  rockets,  on  this  and  other  occasions,  greatly  impressed 
the  native  mind. 

On  July  31st,  a  large  prahu,  fitted  for  sixty  oars,  and  mounting 
a  long  12-pr.  and  two  6-pr.  brass  swivels,  was  captured  by  the 
boats  of  the  Phlegethon,  off  the  mouth  of  the  Tampassuk  river. 
Discoveries  made  at  the  time  of  the  capture  of  this  prize  led  to 
the  destruction  of  the  town  of  Tampassuk,  and  of  all  the  prahus 
in  its  vicinity,  by  Captain  Peter  M'Quhae,  of  the  Dcedalus,  and  a 
force  of  250  seamen  and  Marines.  They  also  induced  the  despatch 
of  an  expedition  against  the  town  of  Pandassan,  under  Captain 
Mundy,  who  took  with  him  150  seamen  and  40  Marines,  besides 
some  Javanese  under  Commander  Eoss,  I.N.  With  the  force 
were  also  Lieutenants  Leopold  George  Heath,  and  George  Lowcay 
Norcock,  B.N.,  and  Lieutenant  George  Gardiner  Alexander,  E.M.A. 
1  Mundy's  letter  in  Naut.  Mag.,  1847,  259. 


1846-47.]  THE  BORNEO   PIRATES.  335 

The  enemy  retreated  skirmishing,  and  the  town,  with  the  prahus 
belonging  to  it,  was  burnt. 

On  August  3rd,  1846,  the  Iris  sighted  three  large  prahus,  and 
ordered  the  Ringdove,  16,  Commander  Sir  William  Legge  George 
Hoste,  Bart.,  and  Royalist,  brig,  Lieutenant  John  Eeid,  to  go  in  chase. 
Keid  got  within  range  of  the  fugitives,  but,  having  a  reef  in  his  way, 
lowered  his  gigs,  under  Mate  Francis  Beaufort  Quin,1  and  Midship- 
man Edward  Hood  Lingard  Bay.  Quin  drove  ashore  and  destroyed 
one  prahu,  and  then  went  to  the  assistance  of  Bay,  whose  most 
formidable  opponent  had  faced  about,  threatening  to  board  him. 
Eay,  however,  judiciously  kept  at  long  range,  and  was  already 
getting  the  better  of  his  adversary  when  Quin  arrived  and  ended 
the  conflict.  The  affair  was  most  gallantly  managed,  and  the 
pirates,  ere  their  craft  was  taken,  lost  heavily.  The  third  prahu 
got  away. 

The  desperate  character  of  these  pirates  is  indicated  by  the  fact 
that,  a  little  later,  the  crew  of  a  captured  prahu,  while  lying  alongside 
the  Ringdove,  rose,  killed  or  wounded  all  the  British  on  board,2  and 
made  off,  only  however  to  be  subsequently  sunk. 

One  of  the  results  of  British  action  in  Borneo  was  a  treaty, 
whereby  the  Sultan  ceded  the  island  of  Labuan,  of  which  Brooke 
was  appointed  the  first  governor.  This  treaty  was  ratified  at  Brunei 
on  May  28th,  1847.  To  lend  solemnity  to  the  affair,  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s 
steamer  Nemesis,  Captain  Wallage,  I.N.,  which  conveyed  Brooke  to 
Brunei  for  the  purpose,  took  thither  also  Commander  Charles  Conrad 
Grey,  of  the  Columbine,  16,  and  Lieutenant  David  M'Dowall  Gordon, 
acting  Commander  of  the  brig  Royalist.  While  absent  upon  this 
service,  the  Nemesis,  then  carrying  Brooke  and  Grey  from  Brunei 
to  Labuan,  and  having  a  cutter  of  the  Columbine  in  tow,  came  upon 
a  fleet  of  Balanini  or  Sooloo  pirates  in  chase  of  a  prahu,  off  Pilong 
Pilongan.  By  1  P.M.  the  pirate  vessels,  eleven  in  number,  having 
quitted  the  chase,  lay  anchored  to  await  attack  along  a  sandy 
beach,  with  their  heads,  which  were  protected  by  musket-proof 
planks,  to  the  sea,  their  sterns,  which  were  made  fast  by  warps 
ashore,  in  the  surf,  and  a  hawser  passed  from  boat  to  boat.  As  the 
steamer  approached,  the  pirates  opened  fire  on  her ;  and  a  hot  action 

1  He  had  been  promoted  to  be  Lieut,  on  June  6th,  1846,  but  had  not  received  his 
commission. 

2  One  of  the  miscreants  also  thrust  a  spear  through  one  of  the  Ringdove's  ports, 
and  mortally  wounded  the  Master. 


336      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   TEE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1850. 

followed  at  a  range  of  two  hundred  yards,  the  Nemesis  being  in  only 
two  fathoms,  and  rolling  heavily  in  a  ground  swell. 

After  a  two  hours'  engagement  the  enemy's  fire  nearly  ceased, 
and  his  prahus  were  seen  to  be  much  damaged.  Commander  Grey, 
taking  the  Columbine's  cutter  and  two  boats  of  the  Nemesis,  then 
made  a  dash  at  the  left  of  the  pirate  position,  while  the  steamer 
poured  in  grape  and  canister  on  the  right  and  centre.  The  Sooloos 
thereupon  cast  loose  the  hawser  which  held  their  prahus  together  ; 
and  some  of  them  pulled  away  to  the  eastward  as  fast  as  the 
damaged  state  of  their  craft  would  allow,  leaving,  however,  two 
prahus  in  possession  of  the  British.  The  Nemesis  pursued,  and 
successively  drove  six  more  prahus  ashore,  where  they  were  tem- 
porarily abandoned.  She  continued  to  chase  the  remaining  three ; 
and,  while  Grey  was  securing  his  two  prizes,  five  out  of  six  of  the 
abandoned  boats  were  remanned,  refloated,  and  very  pluckily  brought 
down  to  attack  Grey's  party.  This  manoeuvre  obliged  the  Nemesis 
to  return,  and,  as  she  did  so,  the  sixth  prahu  on  the  beach  was 
remanned,  and  escaped  with  the  three  to  the  eastward.  Grey  and 
his  boats  were  roughly  handled  ere  the  Nemesis  relieved  the  pressure. 
She  captured  two,  and  Grey  one  of  the  five,  the  other  two  getting 
away  in  the  rapidly  increasing  darkness.  The  enemy,  whose  strength 
was  at  least  500  men,  lost,  probably,  between  80  and  100  killed,  and 
twice  as  many  wounded ;  and  ten  brass  and  five  iron  guns  were 
taken  from  them.  The  British  loss  was  1  killed,  and  7  (2  mortally) 
wounded.1 

During  these  years  naval  operations  of  a  more  regular  character 
had  to  be  undertaken  in  another  quarter  of  the  world.  They  led  up 
to  a  gallant  little  action,  the  great  merits  of  which  have  never, 
perhaps,  been  properly  appreciated.  Indeed,  I  find  it  omitted 
altogether  from  one  well-known  book  which  professes  to  deal  with 
the  active  work  of  the  Navy  during  the  period. 

In  most  parts  of  South  America  the  shaking  off  of  Spanish  rule 
in  the  second  and  third  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  was 
followed  by  a  period  of  active  unrest  which  often  became  positive 
anarchy.  In  the  Argentine,  Don  Juan  Manuel  de  Eosas  at  length 
obtained  almost  unlimited  power,  and  then  turned  his  attention  to 
the  subjugation  of  the  neighbouring  republic  of  Banda  Oriental, 
now  Uruguay,  and  of  its  capital,  Montevideo.  A  renegade  Uru- 
guayan, Oribe,  assisted  by  Eosas,  overran  the  Banda  Oriental,  laid 

1  Naut.  Mag.,  1847,  602. 


1845.]  OPERATIONS  IN   THE  PARANA.  337 

siege  to  Montevideo,  and  defeated  Kiviera,  the  Uruguayan  leader. 
His  cruelties,  however,  caused  the  foreign  residents,  who  were 
perhaps  unwisely  encouraged  by  the  British  consul,  and  by  Commo- 
dore John  Brett  Purvis,  to  resist  his  entry  into  the  city ;  and  the 
siege  continued,  the  Argentine  naval  commander,  Commodore 
Brown,1  an  Irishman,  co-operating,  by  blockading  the  place  with 
a  corvette,  two  brigs,  and  seven  'small  craft.  French  as  well  as 
British  interests  were  seriously  affected  by  this  action.  On  the 
score  of  there  being  a  great  number  of  British  subjects  in  Monte- 
video, Purvis  declined  to  allow  the  blockade,  or  to  permit  any  firing 
upon  the  city  from  seaward ;  but  later,  the  Argentines,  by  seizing 
British  property,  and  by  their  provocative  action  and  non-observance 
of  treaty  engagements,  so  exasperated  the  British  senior  officer,  then 
Sir  Thomas  Sabine  Pasley,  that  Rosas  was  summoned  to  withdraw 
his  troops.  Upon  his  refusal,  in  August  1845,  Brown's  squadron  was 
captured,  and  in  part  handed  over  to  the  Montevideans  ;  Colonia 
was  cleared  of  the  enemy ;  and  it  was  determined  forcibly  to  re-open 
the  navigation  of  the  Parana,  which  had  been  blocked  by  the 
dictator.  First,  however,  a  small  British  force,  consisting  of  the 
Gorgon,  6,  paddle,  Philomel,  8,  Dolphin,  3,  and  Fanny,  schooner, 
was  sent  up  the  Uruguay  River  as  far  as  Paysandu,  to  facilitate  the 
escape  of  such  foreigners  as  might  be  hiding  there.  This  preliminary 
expedition  was  cleverly  navigated  up  and  down  by  Commander 
Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,  of  the  Philomel,  and  is  interesting 
as  having  been  undertaken  in  concert  not  only  with  a  French  force, 
but  also  with  a  motley  flotilla  which  was  commanded  by  the  famous. 
Giuseppe  Garibaldi,  who  was  then  in  the  service  of  Montevideo. 
In  the  meantime,  Rosas  concentrated  his  opposition  at  Punta. 
Obligado,  on  the  Parana,  about  sixty  miles  below  Rosario.  Rear- 
Admiral  Samuel  Hood  Inglefield,  C.B.,  was  at  that  time  the  British, 
and  Eear-Admiral  Laine,  the  French  Commander-in-Chief  on  the 
station ;  and  those  officers,  in  interpreting  the  orders  of  their  respec- 
tive governments,  went,  it  is  now  notorious,  somewhat  beyond 

1  Known  in  Argentine  history  as  Almirantu  Guillermo  (William)  Brown,  born  at 
Foxford,  co.  Mayo,  June  22nd,  1777  ;  died  March  3rd,  1857,  at  Buenos  Aires,  where, 
in  the  public  cemetery,  there  is  a  monument  to  his  memory.  His  name  has  been  given 
to  one  of  the  administrative  divisions  of  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires,  and  to  an 
Argentine  battleship,  launched  in  1880.  He  commanded  the  revolutionary  navy  in 
the  War  of  Independence  in  1814;  and  in  the  war  with  Brazil,  1826-28,  ho  com- 
manded the  improvised  navy  of  Buenos  Aires.  (Letter  to  the  Author  from  H.  E.  Don 
Florencio  L.  Dominguez,  Argentine  Minister  in  London,  Feb.  4th,  1901.) 

VOL.   VI.  2 


338      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

the  intention  of  their  instructions,  though  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted 
that  their  vigorous  measures  were,  upon  the  whole,  beneficial  alike 
to  South  America  and  to  civilisation  generally. 

The  little  international  squadron  told  off  for  forcing  the  passage 
of  the  Parana  was  as  follows : — 


Nov.  20. 

VESSELS. 

GUNS. 

TONS. 

COMMASDEES. 

K. 

W. 

1  Gorgon,  padd.  . 

6 

1111 

Capt.  Chas.  Hotham   ....JO 

3 

_     Firebrand,  padd.  . 

6 

1190 

Capt.  Jas.  Hope    |     1 

1 

.2  )  Philomel    .      .      . 

8 

428 

Com.  Bart.  Jas.  Sulivan  . 

1 

6 

"Z  \  Comux  .... 

18 

492 

Com.  Ed.  Aug.  Inglefield  (actg.)  . 

2 

2 

1  Dolphin 

3 

318 

Lieut.  Reginald  Thos.  Jno.  Levinge 

5 

14 

lFanny,  sch. 

1 

,  , 

Lieut.  Astley  Cooper  Key 

0 

1 

I'San  Martin     . 

8 

200 

Capt.  Fraiifois  Thomas  Trehouart 

10 

25 

•g   1  Fulton,  padd.  . 

2 

650 

Lieut.  Mazeres      

1 

« 

g  (  Expeditive. 

16 

Lieut.  Miniac  

2 

4 

£  I  Pandour    . 

10 

Lieut.  Duparc.      .           ...        2 

10 

\Procida 

4 

Lieut,  de  La  Riviere  ....        0 

0 

1  Taken  from  Commoil.  Hrown. 


The  largest  of  the  above  drew  nearly  seventeen  feet  of  water,  and 
there  were  but  seventeen  and  three-quarter  feet  in  the  shallowest 
parts  of  the  river  that  had  to  be  traversed  in  going  up:  All  the 
British  vessels  were  short  of  their  peace  allowance  of  powder  and 
shot :  not  one  of  them  had  a  rocket  on  board  ;  there  were  only  three 
field-pieces,  without  a  single  shrapnel  shell  for  any  of  them ;  and 
but  70  British  Marines,  under  Captain  Thomas  Hurdle,  R.M.,  accom- 
panied the  expedition.  Looking  to  the  nature  of  the  opposition  to 
be  encountered,  it  is  marvellous  that  a  great  disaster  did  not  follow. 
Rosas  had  caused  to  be  moored  across  the  river,  with  their  heads 
up  stream,  twenty-four  large  hulks,  which  were  held  together  by 
three  chain  cables.  On  the  right  bank,  four  batteries,  all  with  good, 
and  two  with  great  command,  covered  this  formidable  obstruction. 
Nos.  1  and  2  were  below  the  boom  ;  Nos.  3  and  4  above  it.1  No.  1 
mounted  one  long  brass  36-pr.,  one  long  brass  32-pr.,  four  long  brass 
24-prs.,  and  a  rocket-tube.  No.  2  mounted  two  long  brass  32-prs., 
one  long  brass  24-pr.,  and  three  long  iron  18-prs.  At  the  rear  of 
these,  posted  in  a  wood,  were  four  field-pieces.  No.  3  mounted  two 
long  brass  18-prs.,  two  long  iron  18-prs.,  and  four  field-pieces;  and 
No.  4  mounted  seven  short  18-prs.  Above  the  other  end  of  the 
boom,  near  the  left  bank,  were  two  gunboats,  each  mounting  one 

1  See  plan,  p.  340. 


1845.1  THE  BATTLE   OF  OBLIGADO.  339 

gun,  and  the  schooner  Eepublicano,  which  turned  a  broadside  of  six 
guns  towards  the  hulks.  The  river  is  there  about  half  a  mile  broad. 
Near  its  centre,  below  the  barrier,  several  fireships  lay  ready ;  and 
the  enemy,  who  was  in  strength,  had  carefully  marked  his  distances, 
so  as  to  be  able  to  fire  with  the  greatest  possible  effect. 

The  expedition  started  from  off  Martin  Garcia  on  November  8th, 
1845,  but  made  slow  progress.  On  the  way  up  the  people  were 
repeatedly  landed  for  exercise  and  practice.  Of  a  certain  ship's 
company,  it  was  discovered  that  not  one  man  had  been  taught  to 
use  a  musket.1  On,  November  18th,  the  force  anchored  two  miles 
below  Obligado ;  and  that  night  Commander  Sulivan,  and  Lieutenant 
Mazeres  stole  up  the  river  in  their  boats,  and  sounded  close  to  the 
boom  and  batteries.  On  the  19th,  the  position  was  further  re- 
connoitred, and  plans  were  made  for  the  attack.  Sulivan  was  given 
charge  of  the  left  division,  consisting  of  the  Philomel,  Expeditive, 
Fanny,  and  Procida.  Trehouart  himself  took  command  of  the  right 
or  heavier  division,  consisting  of  the  San  Martin,  Comus,  Pandour, 
and  Dolphin;  and  the  steamers  Gorgon,  Firebrand,  and  Fulton 
remained  in  reserve  under  Hotham. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th,  the  left  division  weighed,  and 
moved  up  past  the  right  division,  which  had  lain  overnight  nearer 
to  the  enemy.  As  it  reached  a  point  abreast  of  him,  Levinge,  in 
the  Dolphin,  without  waiting  for  the  rest  of  his  division,  weighed, 
and  ran  up  the  middle  of  the  stream,  thereby  diverting  much  of  the 
enemy's  attention  from  Sulivan's  force,  which,  owing  to  light  breeze 
and  strong  current,  made  but  slow  progress.  Battery  No.  1  opened 
at  9.50  A.M.,  the  first  shot  cutting  away  the  ensign  halliards  of  the 
Philomel,  which,  as  she  advanced,  returning  the  salute,  soon  began 
to  be  badly  knocked  about.  Indeed,  owing  to  damages  received  aloft, 
she  ultimately  had  to  anchor  about  three  hundred  yards  short  of  her 
assigned  position  in  front  of  the  batteries.  The  Fanny  anchored 
near  her.  The  Expeditive  and  Procida,  in  trying  to  get  their 
broadsides  to  bear,  were  swept  a  little  down  stream  ere  they  brought 
up.  Of  the  right  division,  the  Dolphin  pushed  on  alone,  and  at 
length  anchored  within  six  hundred  yards  of  every  gun  of  the 
enemy.  For  a  quarter  of  an  hour  she  was  the  most  advanced 
vessel.  Then  Trehouart,  in  the  San  Martin,  went  gallantly  ahead 
of  her,  and  sensibly  relieved  her  from  the  worst  of  the  fire.  His 
anchor  was  let  go  for  him  by  a  shot  which  cut  the  stoppers ;  but,  by 

1  Sulivan,  72. 

z  2 


340      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1850. 


that  time,  he  was  very  nearly  in  his  assigned  position.  The  Conms, 
following  the  San  Martin,  got  well  up,  but,  while  trying  to  spring 
her  broadside,  was  swept  back  to  a  less  effective  station.  Nor  was 
the  Pandour  able  to  afford  much  assistance  to  Trehouart,  who,  in 
his  small  brig,  occupied  a  post  worthy  of  a  vessel  of  eight  times  the 
force,  and  maintained  it  nobly.  On  her  port  beam,  well  within 
six  hundred  yards  of  her,  were  batteries  1,  2,  and  3 ;  on  her  port 


Scale  of  Yards 
500 


Corra/li 


Wood 


A 
U 


REPUBLICANO 

^? 

OF6GUNS 


iuan'a  track  between 
forts  1&  2  DOLPH 

A 

SAN  MARTINET 


PANDOURJCT 
SAN  MARTIN* 

+  OOLPHIN 


FULTON v 

FIREBRAND^    t 

OOMOH«   ffL , 


1  Long  Brass  36  pdr.      [2 LongBrassSSpds.     ISLong  BrassldpdB.  4.  7Short  18pds. 
\}1    ..        „      31  „     2\1      .,         ,,    24    ,,  sJziong/ron    ,,   ,,      •»  Field  Pieces  in  the 
SLonglron    IS    „       (4  Field  Pieces  Wand. 


H  Long  Brass  36  pdr. 

.)'      ••  •'          31     „        . 

W   „        ,.      ?4ptts. 
(l  Rocket  Tube 


Walker  &  Scnttall sc. 


THE    BATTLE    OF   OBLIGADO,    1845. 
(I'ram  "Life  and  Letters  of  Sir  B.  J.  Sulivan,"  by  kind  permission  of  Mr.  John  Murray.) 

bow  at  little  greater  range  were  the  almost  raking  guns  of  battery  4 ; 
and  from  nearly  ahead  she  was  raked  by  the  Eepublicano  and 
gunboats.  In  a  short  time  she  was  entirely  disabled,  all  her  guns 
that  could  be  brought  to  bear  being  put  out  of  action ;  yet,  even 
when  her  cable  was  shot  away  and  she  began  to  drift,  Trehouart J 
brought  her  up  again,  and  kept  his  station.  Ere  the  other  vessels 
succeeded  in  diverting  from  him  some  of  the  storm  of  shot  to  which 

1  Chevalier  says  that   when   the  San  Martin  drifted,  Trehouart  transferred   his 
pennant  to,  and  pushed  forward  again  in,  the  Expeditive. 


1845.]  THE  BATTLE   OF   OBLI&ADO  341 

he  had  been  exposed,  and  in  partially  silencing  the  batteries,  the 
plucky  Frenchman  had  lost  an  enormous  proportion  of  his  crew 
of  one  hundred  men. 

At  10.50  A.M.  the  enemy  let  loose  ten  fire-vessels,  which,  how- 
ever, drifted  past  the  allies  without  doing  any  harm.  The  light 
wind  still  prevented  the  sailing  craft  from  stationing  themselves 
exactly  as  had  been  intended ;  but  the  arrival  on  the  scene  of  the 
three  steamers,  and  the  aid  which  was  at  once  rendered  to  the 
San  Martin  by  the  Fulton,  afforded  compensation.  The  idea  had 
been  to  keep  the  steamers  in  the  rear  until  the  chain  should  have 
been  cut,  as  it  was  feared  that  their  machinery  would  be  quickly 
damaged  if  they  should  be  long  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire.  But 
Trehouart's  necessity,  and  the  devotion  of  Mazeres  when  his  senior 
officer  appealed  to  him,  upset  all  plans.  Eventually  the  Fulton 
made  her  way  quite  close  to  the  obstruction. 

At  11.30  the  crew  of  the  Republicano  deserted  her  in  the  gun- 
boats, and,  having  set  her  on  fire,  went  to  reinforce  battery  No.  4, 
which,  lying  high,  was  almost  intact.  No.  3  was  then  nearly  silent, 
and  the  field-guns  had  been  withdrawn  from  it  to  the  wood.  Nos.  1 
and  2  had  had  some  guns  silenced,  but  fired  steadily  with  the  re- 
mainder, and  called  up  fresh  guns'  crews  time  after  time.  At  about 
noon,  a  slightly  strengthening  breeze  enabled  the  sailing  craft  to 
weigh,  and  move  nearer  to  the  defences.  At  12.15  the  Republicano 
blew  up.  Still,  however,  the  obstruction  remained  unbroken ;  and, 
as  the  San  Martin  and  Dolphin  had  not  a  boat  that  would  float,  and 
could  not,  therefore,  attempt  to  cut  the  chain,  Captain  Hope,  of  the 
Firebrand,  volunteered  to  do  that  needful  but  terribly  dangerous 
piece  of  work.  He  took  three  boats,  and,  having  picked  up 
armourers  from  the  Dolphin,  pulled  for  a  point  in  the  boom  about 
sixteen  hulks,  and  500  yards,  distant  from  the  batteries.  One 
party,  under  Hope  himself,  attacked  the  chain  cables  that  crossed 
the  deck  of  one  of  the  hulks ;  the  other  two  parties,  under  Lieu- 
tenant William  Henry  "Webb,  Mate  Frederick  Falkiner  Nicholson 
(Dolphin},  and  Midshipman  John  Edmund  Commerell,  severed  the 
riding-cables  of  three  craft.  Although  a  furious  and  concentrated 
fire  was  poured  upon  the  boom,  no  one,  strange  to  say,  was  touched 
by  it ;  and,  in  four  minutes,  the  three  craft  swung  round  in  the 
current,  leaving  a  gap  nearly  a  hundred  yards  wide. 

The  Fulton,  although  she  had  already  fired  away  all  her  shot  and 
shell,  passed  through  at  once  ;  and  she  was  presently  followed  by  the 


342       MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Gorgon  and  Firebrand,  which  then,  for  the  first  time,  got  under  fire. 
They  were  fresh  and  almost  untouched  when,  from  above  the  boom, 
they  began  to  rake  the  batteries.  Hotham  assembled  the  armed 
boats  of  the  squadron  near  the  Gorgon,  and,  after  a  brief  period  of 
natural  indecision,  landed  180  British  seamen,  145  Eoyal  Marines, 
and  a  small  detachment  of  French  seamen.  The  enemy  was  still 
well  posted  in  the  wood,  and  of  unknown  but  certainly  great 
strength  ;  and  battery  No.  4  was  continuing  its  fire.  A  disembarka- 
tion was  rapidly  effected  on  the  beach  below  battery  No.  2  :  five 
guns  in  that  were  spiked  by  Sulivan,  who  entered  it  alone ;  and 
No.  1,  which  had  been  recently  abandoned,  was  occupied  by  parties 
under  Sulivan,  and  Lieutenants  Astley  Cooper  Key,  and  George 
Henry  Richards  (Philomel).  These  detachments  were  at  once  fired 
at  bjr  small-arm  men  hidden  in  the  trees  not  fifty  yards  away  ; 
but  the  enemy  was  silenced  or  driven  off  ere  the  Marines,  under 
Captain  Hurdle,  could  get  up.  All  was  then  practically  over.1  Only 
batteries  1,  2  and  3  were  disabled  by  nightfall :  the  flag  of  Rosas 
then  still  waved  over  No.  4 ;  and  there  was  some  firing  in  the  woods 
near  that  battery.  On  the  following  day,  No.  4  was  entered,  and 
dismantled  without  resistance. 

The  losses  suffered  by  each  ship  engaged  will  be  found  set  forth 
in  the  table  on  p.  338.  On  the  British  side,  the  officers  killed  were 
Lieutenant  Charles  John  Brickdale  (Comus),  and  Clerk  George 
Andrews  (Dolphin).  Among  the  wounded  were  Lieutenant  Charles 
Francis  Doyle 2  (Philomel)  (mortally),  Lieutenant  Astley  Cooper 
Key  (Fanny),  Second  Master  Richard  Henry  Warren  (Dolphin], 
Assistant  Surgeon  John  Gallagher  (Dolphin),  and  Assistant  Clerk 
T Ellstob  (Dolphin).* 

In  consequence  of  this  action,  Hotham  was  made  a  K.C.B.,  and 
Hope  a  C.B. ;  Sulivan  was  posted;  and  Lieutenants  Inglefield, 
Levinge,  Richards,  Doyle,  and  Key  were  made  Commanders.  But 
no  medal  was  ever  granted  for  the  affair,  which,  indeed,  was  prac- 
tically disavowed,  when  Lord  Aberdeen,  a  little  later,  returned  the 

1  The  little  resistance  that  was  offered  ashore  may  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that 
Kosas  hoped  to  entrap  the  squadron  further  up  the  river.     There  were  also  numerous 
desertions. 

2  He  had  nearly  recovered,  when,  having  been  accidentally  given  five  grains  of 
morphine,  he  vomited  so  violently  that  his  wound  reopened,  necessitating  a  fresh 
operation  under  which  he  sank. 

3  Disps. ;    Sulivan,   71 ;    Chevalier,   123 ;    Mackinnon,   '  Steam    Warfare    in    the 
Parana.' 


1845-46.]  THE   SQUADRON   IN    THE  PARANA.  343 

captured  guns  with  an  apology,  after  having  said  in  public  that 
Great  Britain  had  no  right  to  force  Kosas  to  open  the  rivers.  Very 
different  was  the  view  taken  in  France.  The  guns  which  fell  to  the 
French  are  still  to  be  seen  in  Paris :  Trehouart  was  made  a  rear- 
admiral  ;  and  Trehouart  and  Obligado  were  adopted  as  ship-names 
by  the  French  navy. 

After  the  action,  Hope,  with  three  boats,  gallantly  pursued  up 
the  river  the  schooner  Chacabuco,  3,  and  another  vessel  mounting 
two  guns.  Hotham,  anxious  for  the  issue  of  the  business,  sent  the 
Firebrand  and  additional  boats  in  support ;  but,  fortunately,  Hope, 
who  had  but  forty  men  with  him,  delayed  making  an  attack ;  and 
the  enemy,  despairing  of  saving  her,  themselves  blew  up  their 
schooner,  whose  crew  of  two  hundred  took  refuge  on  shore  near 
Rosario. 

The  squadron  advanced  slowly  up  the  Parana ;  and  part  of  it 
reached  Corrientes  on  January  20th,  1846,  without  serious  adven- 
ture. Hotham  himself,  in  the  French  steamer  Fulton,  went  as  far 
as  Asuncion,  the  capital  of  Paraguay.  In  the  meantime,  the  Dolphin 
and  Fanny  had  gone  down  to  Montevideo  for  a  convoy  of  sixty 
merchantmen,  which  was  to  be  brought  up  the  river ;  and  Kosas, 
determined,  if  possible,  both  to  keep  in  the  ships  that  had  already 
gone  up,  and  to  keep  out  all  others,  had  assembled  about  2000  men, 
with  a  dozen  heavy  field-guns,  on  the  flat  summits  of  the  cliffs  of 
San  Lorenzo,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  north  of  Eosario.  These  cliffs 
are  four  miles  long,  and  the  channel,  for  the  whole  of  that  distance, 
passes  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  them.  Nevertheless,  assisted 
by  the  Firebrand,  Dolphin,  Fanny,  and  French  corvette  Coquette, 
the  convoy  from  below  passed  up,  no  one  being  killed,  and  only  two 
men  in  the  Firebrand1  being  wounded,  although  one  of  the  mer- 
chantmen had  as  many  as  thirty-four  shots  in  her,  and  the  Firebrand 
received  two-and-twenty.  Less  formidable  batteries,  near  Tonneloro, 
had  already  been  run  the  gauntlet  of ;  and  both  these,  and  those  at 
Lorenzo,  had  to  be  passed  by  the  Alecto,  5,  paddle,  Commander 
Francis  William  Austen  (2),  which,  with  mails  and  rockets  from 
England,  followed  the  convoy,  and  overtook  it  at  Baxada  de  Santa 
Fe.  At  about  the  same  time  the  French  steamer  Gassendi  joined 
the  force  in  the  upper  waters,  without  having  been  attacked  on 

1  She  was  in  charge  of  that  part  of  the  river,  and  remained  below  the  batteries 
until  some  days  later,  when,  going  up  to  Baxada,  she  was  hulled  eight  times,  and  had 
a  man  killed. 


344      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

her  way.  She  brought  orders  for  the  Philomel  to  return  to  Monte- 
video. 

By  that  time  the  works  at  San  Lorenzo  had  been  strengthened  ; 
and  when,  on  the  evening  of  April  2nd,  the  Philomel  ran  past  them, 
she  only  escaped  severe  damage  by  keeping  within  a  cable's  length 
of  the  cliffs,  so  that  the  shot  passed  over  her. 

The  batteries  were  again  passed  under  fire,  on  April  6th,  by  the 
Alecto;  on  April  21st  by  the  Lizard;  and  on  May  llth  by  the 
Harpy,  1,  paddle,  Lieutenant  Edward  Halhed  Beauchamp ;  these 
vessels  being  employed  in  keeping  up  communications.  The  Alecto 
had  occasion  to  tow  three  heavily-laden  schooners  past  Tonneloro 
against  a  three-knot  current  and  a  head  wind.  For  twenty  minutes 
she  was  almost  stationary  under  a  hail  of  projectiles  from  seven 
18-prs. ;  and  seventy-five  minutes  elapsed  ere  she  was  able  to  get  out 
of  range ;  yet  her  Commander  was  the  only  man  in  her  who  was 
wounded.  The  Lizard,  paddle,  Lieutenant  Henry  Manby  Tylden, 
on  her  way  up,  was  subjected  to  a  hot  fire  from  the  San  Lorenzo 
works  for  very  nearly  two  hours,  and  was  riddled  from  stem  to 
stern,  losing  Clerk  Charles  Barnes,  Master's  Assistant  —  -  Webb,1 
and  two  men  killed  ;  and  four  wounded. 

During  all  this  time  the  return  convoy  was  being  assembled  and 
got  ready  in  the  upper  reaches  of  the  great  river.  It  ultimately 
consisted  of  110  sail  of  merchantmen ;  and  towards  the  middle  of 
May  it  made  rendezvous  at  Baxada  de  Santa  Fe,  where,  on  the 
16th,  it  was  joined  by  Hotham  from  Corrientes.  A  scheme  occurred 
to  Lieutenant  Lauchlan  Bellingham  Mackinnon,  of  the  Alecto, 
whereby  the  passage  of  the  huge  fleet  past  the  batteries  of  San 
Lorenzo  might  be  facilitated  ;  and  this  scheme,  after  examination, 
was  accepted  by  Hotham.  In  pursuance  of  it,  Mackinnon  secretly, 
and  chiefly  by  night,  placed  a  masked  rocket  battery  upon  a  scrub- 
covered  island  which  lay  opposite  the  most  formidable  part  of  the 
batteries.  He  was  ably  assisted  by  Lieutenant  Charles  Loudon 
Barnard,  E.M.A.,  Boatswain  Hamm,  Mr.  Baker,  a  pilot,  twelve 
Marine  Artillerymen,  and  eleven  seamen.  In  the  works  opposite, 
twenty-eight  guns  were  counted.  On  June  4th  there  was  a  fair 
wind,  and  the  convoy,  escorted  by  the  Gorgon,  Firebrand,  Dolphin, 
Fanny,  Lizard,  Harpy  and  Alecto,  as  well  as  by  several  French 
men-of-war,  passed  down,  the  Gorgon,  Fulton,  and  Alecto  leading, 
and  engaging  the  batteries  as  they  got  within  range.  At  a  pre- 
1  Eldest  son  of  Lieut.  Alex.  Webb,  R.N.  (1815),  who  died  in  1847. 


1845.]  BOMBAHDMENT   OF   TAMATAVE.  345 

arranged  moment,  Mackiunon's  party,  the  presence  of  which  had 
been  totally  unsuspected  by  the  enemy,  discharged  a  flight  of  rockets 
with  great  effect,  and,  at  the  same  time,  hoisted  a  British  flag  on 
the  island.  A  hot  rocket  fire  was  kept  up ;  and  so  disconcerting  did 
this  prove  to  be  that,  strange  to  say,  the  entire  convoy  was  enabled 
to  make  the  passage  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.1  Mackinnon 
and  his  gallant  comrades  thereupon  pulled  off  safely  in  their  boat, 
and  rejoined  the  squadron  below  the  works.2 

There  was  little  further  resistance ;  and  although  the  allies  after- 
wards relieved  Montevideo  from  an  attack  by  some  of  the  friends 
of  Eosas,  and,  for  a  time,  occupied  the  city,  the  difficulties  at  issue 
thenceforward  became  the  subject  rather  of  diplomatic  negotiations 
than  of  active  measures.  Many  of  the  advantages  which  had  been 
gained  were,  unfortunately,  sacrificed  or  neutralised  by  the  terms  of 
the  settlement ;  but,  in  spite  of  the  rather  unhandsome  manner  in 
which  the  services  of  the  Navy  on  this  most  creditable  expedition 
were  treated  by  the  Government,  it  must  be  admitted  that  seldom 
have  British  officers,  bluejackets,  and  Marines  deserved  better  of 
their  country. 

In  1810  a  very  able  and  enlightened  ruler,  Eadama  I.,  had  arisen 
in  Madagascar.  He  did  there  something  of  the  work  which  Charle- 
magne did  in  Germany  and  Gaul,  Egbert  in  Saxon  Britain,  and 
Peter  the  Great  in  Eussia.  Unhappily,  he  died  in  1828,  and  his 
power  was  thereupon  usurped  by  one  of  his  wives,  a  woman 
superstitious,  ignorant,  despotic,  and  cruel.  Under  Eadama,  Euro- 
pean influences  had  been  encouraged :  under  his  successor,  the 
policy  of  the  government  was  one  of  "  Madagascar  for  the  Malagasy 
savages;"  and  in  1845,  this  worthless  woman,  Queen  Eanavalona  I., 
endeavoured  to  force  the  European  traders  resident  in  her  dominions 
to  become  her  naturalised  subjects.  This  project  was,  of  course, 
strongly  opposed  by  Great  Britain  and  France,  the  two  nations  most 
immediately  concerned  ;  and,  accordingly,  the  Conway,  28,  Captain 
William  Kelly,  met  the  French  ships  Zelee  and  Berceau,  in  Tama- 
tave  road ;  and  their  commanders  did  their  best  to  induce  the 
Queen,  by  pacific  representations,  to  adopt  a  less  objectionable 
policy.  She  was  intractable,  and  on  June  15th,  after  the  Tamatave 

1  Four  merchantmen,  however,  ran  aground,  and  had  to  be  burnt  to  save  them 
from  capture. 

-  Disps.  (Hotham's  are  very  meagre)  and  Gazette,  1846,  pp.  815,  861,  3210,  3255, 
etc. ;  Mackinnon  ;  Sulivan  (till  he  went  home).  Chevalier  says  nothing  about  events 
subsequent  to  the  battle  of  Obligado. 


346      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  EOYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

forts  had  been  bombarded,  a  party  of  350  men,  under  one  of  the 
French  captains  and  Lieutenant  Albert  Heseltine,  landed  and  ad- 
vanced under  a  smart  fire  against  some  of  the  native  works.  A 
battery  was  captured  and  its  guns  were  spiked,  and  another  outwork 
was  stormed.  This  had  been  supposed  to  be  the  main  fort ;  but,  as 
soon  as  it  was  occupied,  it  was  perceived  that  the  main  fort  was  a 
far  more  formidable  casemated  circular  building  beyond,  mounting 
about  thirty  guns.  The  outwork  was  held  for  more  than  half  an 
hour,  and  a  hot  musketry  fire  was  maintained  from  its  summit ;  but 
the  force  had  no  guns  wherewith  to  breach  the  fort,  and,  as  the  men 
were  falling  fast,  the  position  was  at  length  abandoned.  While  it 
was  being  held,  a  ludicrous  and  rather  childish  quarrel  broke  out 
between  the  allies.  A  flag-staff  standing  on  the  main  fort  was  shot 
through,  and  fell  outwards  between  the  fort  and  the  outwork.  Two 
British  seamen,  and  a  midshipman  and  two  or  three  Frenchmen 
made  a  rush  after  the  fallen  flag,  and  began  a  fierce  struggle  for  it 
under  a  heavy  fire.  They  were  about  to  settle  the  dispute  by  the 
arbitration  of  the  cutlass,  when  Lieutenant  John  James  Kennedy, 
leapt  down  among  the  combatants,  and  with  his  knife  cut  the  flag 
in  twain,  giving  half  to  each  party.  Kennedy  was  subsequently 
wounded.  Several  public  buildings,  and  much  of  the  town,  were 
burnt  by  the  fire  of  the  men-of-war,  which  are  said  to  have  made 
excellent  practice ;  and  on  the  following  day  another  landing-party 
brought  off  such  European  property  as  remained.  The  wounded 
were  all  saved,  but  the  killed  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  their  heads 
were  derisively  exposed  on  the  beach  by  the  Hovas,  stuck  on  the 
ends  of  pikes.  It  was  not  an  entirely  satisfactory  demonstration, 
seeing  that  it  cost  the  British  4  killed  and  11  wounded,  and  the 
French  17  killed,  including  three  officers,  and  43  wounded,  and  since 
its  success  was  by  no  means  convincing.  In  fact,  for  many  years 
afterwards,  European  influence  in  the  island  was  scarcely  able  to 
make  itself  felt  at  all. 

At  about  the  same  time  a  far  finer  native  race  than  the 
Malagasy  came  into  active  opposition  with  the  forces  of  civilisation, 
and  began  a  series  of  struggles  which,  though  very  protracted  and 
very  regrettable,  ended,  twenty  or  thirty  years  later,  in  the  loyal  and 
contented  adhesion  of  the  people  to  the  British  crown. 

The  early  days  of  the  settlement  of  the  great  colony  of  New 
Zealand,  and  especially  of  the  north  island,  which  has  as  its  original 
inhabitants  a  race  of  people  who  are  as  intelligent  as  they  are  war- 


1845.]  THE  FIRST  NEW  ZEALAND    WAR.  347 

like,  were  not  without  grave  troubles.  The  first  governor,  Captain 
William  Hobson,  E.N.,1  placated  the  natives  for  a  season  by  entering 
with  them  into  the  treaty  of  Waitangi,  whereby,  in  return  for  their 
acknowledgment  of  the  Queen's  supremacy,  they  were  guaranteed 
the  exclusive  possession  of  their  lands  so  long  as  they  might  wish  to 
retain  them,  while  they  conceded  to  the  crown  the  exclusive  right 
of  pre-emption  of  any  lands  which  might  come  into  the  market. 
Dying  at  his  post  on  September  10th,  1842,  Hobson  was  succeeded 
by  another  naval  officer,  Captain  Robert  FitzRoy,2  who,  however,  did 
not  reach  the  colony  until  a  year  later.  His  period  of  office  was  very 
stormy.  Natives  who  had  foolishly  traded  off  fine  tracts  of  country 
for  a  few  blankets  and  guns,  realised  that  they  had  been  swindled, 
and  were  anxious  to  regain  their  patrimony  ;  and  there  were  serious 
disputes.  Before  FitzRoy's  arrival  there  was  a  lamentable  massacre 
of  white  settlers  at  Wairu.  This  was  followed  by  two  futile  and 
unpatriotic  attempts  of  the  New  Zealand  Company's  agents  to 
obtain  a  share  in  the  government ;  and  then  came  a  rebellion  of  the 
natives,  and  the  capture  by  the  chief,  Heki,  of  Russell,  or,  as  it  was 
called  in  Maori,  Karorarika.  This  was  on  March  10th,  1845.  In 
aiding  a  detachment  of  the  96th  regiment  to  defend  the  station, 
a  party  from  the  Hazard,  18,  lost  6  men  killed  and  8  people 
wounded,  including  among  the  latter  her  captain,  Commander 
David  Robertson. 

The  victorious  Heki  pressed  his  advantage,  and  began  to  threaten 
Auckland.3  At  that  date,  New  Zealand  was  within  the  limits  of  the 
East  India  station ;  and  the  small  naval  force  on  the  coasts  was 
supplied  by  ships  detached  thither  from  the  command  of  Rear- 
Admiral  Sir  Thomas  John  Cochrane,  Kt.,  C.B.  The  senior  officer 
was  at  first  Commander  Frederick  Patten,  of  the  Osprey,  12,  who, 
however,  was  presently  superseded  by  Captain  Sir  Everard  Home, 
Bart.,  of  the  North  Star,  26.  Home  supplied  a  small  brigade  which, 
in  company  with  a  slender  military  force,  attacked  Heki's  pah,  or 
stronghold.  Unfortunately,  the  British  had  no  guns  ;  and,  although 
Lieutenant  Charles  Randle  Egerton  did  good  work  with  his  rocket 
party,  he  failed  to  set  the  place  on  fire.  During  the  engagement,  a 
sortie  and  flank  attack,  made  by  Heki's  brother  Kawiti,  caused  much 
loss  of  life,  and  led  indirectly  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  expedition. 

1  Posted  July  9th,  1828. 

2  The  meteorologist ;  posted  Dec.  3rd,  1834 ;  died  a  retired  vice-adm.,  Apr.  30th,  1865. 
8  A  map  of  part  of  the  North  Island  of  New  Zealand  will  be  found,  illustrating  the 

more  important  operations  of  1860-64,  in  the  next  volume  of  this  History. 


348      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Military  reinforcements  having  reached  the  island,  a  new  attack 
on  the  pah  was  begun  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Despard. 
Four  6-prs.  were  employed  against  the  defences  during  the  last 
week  of  June,  but  they  produced  little  effect.  On  June  30th,  the 
Hazard's  people,  by  incredible  exertion,  dragged  a  32-pr.  a  distance 
of  15  miles  from  the  sloop,  and  opened  with  it  from  a  commanding 
hill,  yet  failed  to  make  a  breach.  After  a  sortie  had  been  repulsed, 
Desp-ard  ventured  to  attempt  to  storm.  A  most  gallant  struggle 
ensued  ;  but  the  assailants  were  at  length  driven  back  with  terrible 
loss,  among  the  mortally  wounded  being  Lieutenant  George  Phill- 
potts,  of  the  Hazard.  On  July  10th,  nevertheless,  it  was  found 
that  Heki  had  abandoned  his  strong  position  and  retired  into 
the  bush. 

Immediately  afterwards,  Kawiti  began  the  construction  of  a 
much  more  formidable  pah  called  Euapekapeka,  or  the  Bat's  Nest. 
It  was  a  wonderful  work,  with  ravelins,  bastions,  palisades,  ditches, 
bomb-proofs,  and  wells ;  and  within  it  were  a  12-pr.  and  a  3-pr.  It 
stood  on  a  ridge  of  hill,  the  sides  of  which  were  perpendicular  in 
several  places ;  and  it  lay  fourteen  miles  inland  from  the  head  of  the 
river  Kawakawa,  surrounded  by  dense  forest.  By  that  time,  Home 
had  been  superseded  as  senior  naval  officer ;  but,  before  his  superses- 
sion, he  prepared  the  plans  which  were  carried  out  by  his  successor, 
Captain  Charles  Graham,1  of  the  Castor,  36. 

In  December,  1845,  Graham  landed  at  the  head  of  about  340 
officers,  seamen  and  Marines  from  the  Castor,  Baceliorse,  18, 
Commander  George  James  Hay,2  North  Star,  Calliope,  28,  Captain 
Edward  Stanley,  and  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  ship  Elphinstone,  to  assist 
Despard  and  detachments  of  the  58th  and  99th  regiments  in  the 
reduction  of  Euapekapeka.  The  naval  brigade  took  up  two  32-prs., 
and  there  were  other  guns.  Home  was  left  with  a  party  to  hold  a 
pah  comparatively  near  the  river's  mouth  ;  and  the  rest  of  the  force, 
after  three  weeks  of  indefatigable  labour  and  exertion,  amid  torrential 
rains,  posted  a  battery,  shelled  and  rocketed  the  fortress,  and,  on 
January  llth,  1846,  taking  advantage,  it  has  been  asserted,  of  the 
fact  that  the  Christians  among  the  defenders  were  engaged  at  divine 
service,  stormed  and  captured  the  pah,  after  a  four  hours'  deter- 
mined struggle.  The  Navy's  loss  in  the  fight  was  9  men  killed,  and  a 
Midshipman  and  17  men  wounded.  Among  the  officers  favourably 

1  C.B.,  July  27th,  1846. 

2  Posted,  Jan.  llth;  C.B.,  July  27th,  1846. 


1848.]  OPERATIONS  IN  NICARAGUA.  349 

mentioned  were  Lieutenants  Eobert  Jocelyn  Otway,1  first  of  the 
Castor,  Maxwell  Falcon,1  also  of  the  Castor,  Arthur  Eobert  Henry, 
of  the  Racehorse,  and  Charles  Eandle  Egerton,1  and  Alfred  John 
Curtis,  of  the  North  Star.2  Kawiti  fled,  and  ultimately  surrendered 
himself  on  board  the  steamer  Driver,  Commander  Courtenay  Osborn 
Hayes. 

Having  quieted  the  northern  end  of  the  island,  FitzEoy  turned 
his  attention  to  the  southern  part  of  it,  where  the  chiefs  Te 
Eauperaha  and  Eangehaieta  were  on  the  war  path.  The  first  of 
these  was  at  length  captured  in  his  bed,  in  a  stockade  at  Taupo,  on 
July  23rd,  1846,  by  a  party  of  seamen  and  Marines  from  the  Calliope, 
under  Captain  Edward  Stanley,  co-operating  with  Major  Lurt,  of 
the  29th  regiment.  Eangehaieta  was  attacked  in  his  stronghold, 
and,  being  driven  from  it,  retreated  from  position  to  position,  until 
he  realised  the  folly  of  remaining  in  arms.  Desultory  hostilities 
with  other  chiefs,  especially  in  the  Wanganui  district,  continued 
until  1847 ;  but,  ere  that  time,  the  British  forces  in  the  island  had 
been  so  much  strengthened,  and  the  natives  had  suffered  so  greatly, 
that  the  more  influential  chiefs  had  gladly  accepted  the  terms  of 
peace  offered  them  by  Captain  George  Grey,3  of  the  83rd  -Foot, 
FitzEoy's  successor  in  the  governorship.  In  the  later  operations, 
besides  some  of  the  officers  already  mentioned,  Commander  John 
Cochrane  Hoseason,  of  the  Inflexible,  steamer,  and  Commander 
Francis  Philip  Egerton,  then  commanding  the  Hazard,  took  part. 
Their  seamen  and  Marines  rendered  great  assistance  to  the 
troops. 

In  1847-8,  as  on  numerous  other  occasions,  the  unstable  condition 
of  some  of  the  Central  American  republics  led  to  the  perpetration  of 
outrages  on  British  subjects,  and  to  the  interposition  of  British 
naval  officers  in  order  to  secure  redress.  An  important  case  of  the 
land  happened  in  Nicaragua  early  in  1848.  A  certain  Colonel  Salas, 
of  the  Nicaraguan  army,  had  carried  off  two  British  subjects  from 
San  Juan  de  Nicaragua ;  whereupon  the  British  Consul-General  at 
Bluefields  had  asked  the  Commander-in-Chief  on  the  station  to 
afford  support  and  protection  for  British  interests.  Eear-Admiral 
Charles  John  Austen  promptly  sent  to  Bluefields  the  Alarm,  26, 
Captain  Granville  George  Loch,  and  the  Vixen,  6,  paddle,  Commander 

1  Com.,  Jan.  llth,  1846.  *  Gazette,  1846,  pp.  2346,  2348. 

3  K.C.B.,  1848 ;  afterwards  Govr.  of  the  Cape,  and  in  1877-91  Premier  of  New- 
Zealand. 


350      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1850. 

Alfred  Phillips  Byder,  which  arrived  in  the  first  week  of  February, 
and  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  was  understood  that  the 
offending  Colonel  Salas,  whom  it  was  intended  to  bring  to  reason  or 
chastise,  held  a  fort  at  a  place  called  Serapaqui,  thirty  miles  up  the 
river,  which  has  a  very  rapid  current.  The  fort  lay  on  a  sharp  bluff 
about  fifty  feet  above  the  water,  at  the  head  of  a  reach  a  mile  and  a 
half  long,  lined  on  both  sides  with  thick  woods.  Its  rear  was  pro- 
tected by  impenetrable  forests  ;  it  was  believed  to  be  strongly  held, 
and  the  only  possible  landing-place  from  which  it  could  be  entered 
was  above  and  in  rear  of  it ;  so  that  the  batteries  had  to  be  passed 
against  a  five-knot  stream  ere  the  landing-place  could  be  even 
sighted. 

Captain  Loch,  having  under  him  Commander  Eyder,  Lieutenant 
Eobert  Anthony  Edward  Scott,  first  of  the  Vixen,  Lieutenant 
George  Agar  Ellis  Eidge,  and  other  officers,  put  260  men,  including 
some  of  the  38th  Eegiment,  into  twelve  boats,  and,  with  great 
cheerfulness  and  resolution,  set  about  pulling  up  the  river,  in  which 
he  soon  encountered  most  difficult  rapids  and  falls.  The  people 
worked  by  day  and  rested  by  night ;  and,  after  seventy-two  hours  of 
rowing,  towing,  lifting,  and  punting,  arrived  within  a  short  distance 
of  Serapaqui  on  February  llth. 

On  the  following  morning  Loch  and  Eyder,  while  proceeding  in 
their  gigs  to  endeavour  to  communicate  with  Salas,  were  fired  at, 
first  by  two  heavy  guns  at  the  fort,  and  then  by  musketry  from  both 
sides  of  the  river.  It  was,  of  course,  useless  to  make  further  efforts 
for  a  peaceable  solution  ;  and  an  attack  was  at  once  ordered,  the  two 
gigs  leading,  and  being  pretty  closely  followed  by  some  of  the  lighter 
boats.  Progress  was  terribly  slow,  the  current  being  stronger  the 
higher  the  boats  went.  From  both  banks,  moreover,  the  concealed 
enemy  maintained  a  hot  musketry  fire,  which  killed  two  people,  and 
wounded  several,  including  Midshipman  Nicholas  Edward  Brook 
Turner.  It  is  extraordinary  that  more  were  not  hurt,  seeing  that 
some  of  the  boats  were  riddled  with  bullets,  and  that  nearly  all  were 
delayed  by  having  one  or  more  oars  smashed  by  shot.  It  took 
them,  indeed,  one  hour  and  forty  minutes  to  pull  sufficiently  high 
up  to  be  able  to  drop  down  to  the  landing-place  already  mentioned. 
But  when,  led  by  Loch,  the  men  landed  and  charged  with  a  cheer, 
the  Nicaraguans  broke  and  fled  within  ten  minutes.  Denis  Burke, 
a  stoker  of  the  Vixen,  was  one  of  the  first  ashore,  and  had  the 
distinction  of  taking  the  enemy's  colours,  for  which  the  British  flag 


1843-48.]  AFFAIRS  IN  CHINA.  351 

was  soon  substituted.  When  the  pursuit  had  continued  for  about 
thirty  minutes,  Loch  recalled  his  people,  and  employed  them  in 
disabling  the  guns,  in  throwing  them  and  the  captured  arms  into 
the  river,  and  in  burning  the  fort  and  stockades.  The  party 
was  then  re-embarked,  and  taken  back  to  the  ships.  This  little 
expedition  was  admirably  managed,  and  deservedly  brought  a  C.B. 
to  Captain  Loch,1  and  promotion  to  Commander  Byder 2  and  Lieu- 
tenant Scott.3 

After  the  China  War  of  1839-42,  the  duty  of  the  British  Navy  in 
the  China  seas  was  chiefly  restricted 4  to  the  protection  of  legitimate 
trade ;  and  at  each  of  the  five  treaty  ports  a  consul  was  established, 
with  a  man-of-war  to  support  his  authority.  Unfortunately,  although 
opium  was  contraband  in  China,  Indian  policy  required  that  consuls 
and  Captains  should  display  a  benevolent  blindness  to  those  engaged 
in  the  traffic  in  it,  and,  if  such  were  British  subjects,  should  protect 
them  in  their  persons  and  property.  As  China  officially  discouraged 
the  opium  trade,  and,  indeed,  nearly  all  import  trade  with  Euro- 
peans, while  unofficial  China  craved  for  opium  and  welcomed  many 
other  exotic  products,  and  while,  at  the  same  time,  India  did  all 
that  lay  in  its  power  to  sell  its  goods,  contraband  as  well  as  legal, 
a  very  difficult  and  dangerous  situation  was  created. 

In  1843-44  the  outrages  of  alleged  pirates  upon  British  trade 
carried  in  Chinese  bottoms  led  some  of  the  consuls  to  direct  the 
attention  of  their  naval  colleagues  to  the  importance  of  putting 
a  stop  to  the  depredations.  In  consequence,  several  junks  were 
captured,  and  their  crews  handed  over  to  the  Chinese  authorities 
at  Anioy  and  in  the  Min.  While  Keying  remained  Imperial  Com- 
missioner, no  remonstrance  was  offered ;  but  when  Seu  succeeded 
him,  strong  objections  were  made  against  foreign  naval  interference ; 
the  upshot  being  that  on  May  18th,  1844,  by  direct  order  of  the 
ministry  in  London,  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Thomas  John  Cochrane 
directed  that  the  ships  of  her  Majesty  and  the  H.E.I.  Co.  should 

1  May  30th,  1848. 

3  Posted  May  2nd,  1848. 

3  Com.,  July  28th,  1848. 

*  Although,  in  April,  1847,  owing  to  the  helpless  condition  of  the  Chinese 
Government  and  its  apparent  inability  to  carry  out  its  engagements,  a  British  force, 
which  included  the  Espieyle,  12.  Commander  Thomas  Pickering  Thompson,  and  the 
Pluto,  steamer,  Lieutenant  Frederick  Lowe,  with  troops,  was  obliged  to  adopt 
summary  measures  in  the  Canton  river,  and  to  attack  (April  3rd),  capture  (April  5th), 
and  destroy  (April  26th),  the  Bogue  Forts :  work  which  was  accomplished  without 
serious  difficulty. 


352      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF    THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

not  in  future  interfere  with  Chinese  craft,  unless  on  absolutely 
unimpeachable  evidence  of  their  having  molested  some  British 
vessel  or  subject.  The  order  was  amended  on  March  8th,  1845  ; 
but  only  with  a  view  to  make  its  meaning  clearer  and  more  stringent. 
Naval  action  was  thereby  deterred ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  piracy 
correspondingly  increased.  The  Chinese  traders  in  despair  hired 
armed  Portuguese  lorchas  to  accompany  their  fleets ;  and,  for  a 
time,  it  was  only  when  a  convoy  thus  protected  had  been  attacked, 
and  the  deposition  of  the  European  master  of  the  lorcha  was  obtain- 
able, that  naval  officers  thought  themselves  justified  in  making  prize 
of  piratical  junks,  unless,  of  course,  they  had  themselves  actually 
witnessed  a  piratical  act. 

When  Cochrane,  after  completing  his  term  of  command,  re- 
turned to  England,  he  represented  that  the  Navy's  hands  Were 
unwisely  hampered  by  the  order  ;  which,  however,  was  not  repealed 
until  1849,  when  Bear-Admiral  Sir  Francis  Augustus  Collier  held 
command  on  the  East  India  station. 

In  the  interval,  a  few  pirates  only  were  taken  and  condemned. 
On  May  31st,  1848,  the  Scout,  14,  Commander  Frederick  Erskine 
Johnston,  while  on  her  way  to  Foo-chow  in  search  of  such  delin- 
quents, sighted  and  chased  two  piratical  junks  near  Chimmo  Island. 
The  smaller  of  the  two,  carrying  32  men  and  a  2-pr.,  with  numerous 
gingals,  was  taken  without  difficulty.  The  larger  made  a  three 
hours'  running  fight,  and  then  got  into  shoal  water,  whither  she 
was  followed  by  two  boats  under  Lieutenant  John  James  Stephen 
Josling.  These  pulled  alongside  under  a  heavy  fire,  which  killed 
a  seaman,  and  wounded  Josling,  a  Midshipman,  and  four  men ; 
nor  was  the  prize  taken  possession  of  until  the  Scout  had  managed 
to  close  her,  and  until  Johnston,  and  three  more  men,  had  been 
wounded.  This  junk  mounted  four  6-prs.,  and  had  an  immense 
assortment  of  gingals  and  matchlocks.  Soon  after  her  capture  she 
went  down  ;  and  only  36  of  her  crew,  which  had  originally  numbered 
120,  were  secured.  In  this  case  the  evidence  satisfied  the  Chinese 
authorities  at  Amoy ;  and  the  prisoners  were  condemned.1 

There  would  have  been  many  more  captures  but  for  the  strin- 
gency of  the  order ;  for  the  coast  literally  swarmed  with  pirates. 
In  the  early  morning  of  August  24th,  1848,  the  British  brig  Hector, 
which  had  nearly  driven  ashore  in  a  gale  near  Amoy,  was  brought 
out  from  among  a  crowd  of  pirate  boats  by  the  gig  of  the  Colum- 
1  Hay, 'Suppression  of  Piracy' (1889),  9;  China  Mail. 


1848-49.]  CHINESE  FIXATES.  353 

bine,  16,  Commander  John  Charles  Dalrymple  Hay,  under  Hay 
himself,  and  Lieutenant  Henry  Thomas  Lyon ;  but,  as  no  attack 
had  been  actually  made,  and  as  the  order  was  still  unrepealed,  no 
measures  could  be  taken  to  destroy  the  freebooters. 

This  particular  pirate  fleet  afterwards  ran  down  to  Bias  Bay, 
a  few  miles  north-east  of  Hong  Kong,  where  its  leader,  Shap'n'gtzai, 
had  his  dockyard.  The  scoundrel  obtained  his  European  supplies 
through  the  village  of  Wongmakok,  on  the  south  side  of  Hong  Kong 
island.  On  February  25th,  1849,  Captain  d'Acosta,  E.E.,  and 
Lieutenant  Dwyer,  Ceylon  Eifles,  while  out  for  a  walk,  near 
Wongmakok,  were  murdered,  as  iiltimately  appeared,  by  Chuiapoo, 
the  second  in  command  of  the  pirate  fleet  in  Bias  Bay.  Some  of 
these  pirates  afterwards  assassinated  Captain  d'Amaral,  governor 
of  Macao.  They  seem  to  have  been  emboldened  by  an  unpleasant 
incident  which  had  previously  occurred  at  Macao  between  the 
governor,  and  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry  Keppel,  of  the  M wander, 
in  connection  with  the  imprisonment  and  forcible  release  of  a  too 
zealous  British  missionary  named  Summers.1 

In  the  spring  of  1849  the  main  pirate  fleet,  consisting  of  more 
than  seventy  sail,  under  Shap'n'gtzai,  made  its  rendezvous  at 
Tienpakh,  and  ravaged  commerce  and  the  coast  from  Macao  to 
the  Gulf  of  Tongking;  while  another  part  of  it,  forty  sail  strong, 
under  Chuiapoo,  made  its  headquarters  in  Bias  Bay,  and  preyed 
upon  the  trade  between  Hong  Kong  and  Amoy.  The  daring  of  the 
outlaws  was  surprising. 

On  May  30th,  Commander  John  Cochrane  Hoseason,  of  the 
steamer  Inflexible,  being  sent  to  examine  the  Lemma  islands  in 
search  of  pirates  who  had  recently  raided  Hong  Kong  harbour,  was 
fired  at  by  the  enemy  as  he  approached ;  but  his  superior  gunnery 
silenced  the  junks  ;  and  his  boats  ;  under  Lieutenant  William  Everard 
Alphonso  Gordon,  brought  out  eight  of  them.  The  Pilot,  16,  Com- 
mander Edmund  Moubray  Lyons,  was  another  cruiser  which,  having 
sound  evidence  whereon  to  act,  was  able  to  do  useful  service  against 
the  scourge. 

On  May  13th,  1849,  Lyons  chased  six  pirate  junks,  and,  with 
his  boats,  captured  and  destroyed  two.  On  May  25th,  he  destroyed 
a  third,  and  two  days  later,  a  fourth.  On  June  2nd  a  fifth,  and  on 
the  3rd  the  sixth  fell  to  him.  A  little  later,  three  more  of  Chuiapoo's 

1  Jurien  de  La  Gravidre,  in  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes ;  Hay,  '  Suppression  of 
Piracy';  Keppel,  'A  Sailor's  Life,'  ii.  116. 

VOL.   VI.  2  A 


354      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

squadron  having  been  reported  against,  he  went  in  chase,  and,  on 
the  25th,  destroyed  one  in  Eed  Bay,  and  another  off  the  Larnyat 
islands.  All  these  affairs  cost  him  only  three  people  wounded.  In 
consequence,  Chuiapoo,  with  his  division,  returned  to  Bias  Bay. 

On  July  28th  the  ruffians  cut  out  a  salt  boat  from  Hong  Kong 
harbour;  and  at  about  the  same  time,  several  vessels  which  had 
sailed  from  Hong  Kong  for  Singapore  were  reported  missing.  The 
Medea,  steamer,  Lieutenant  William  Nicholas  Love  Lockyer  (actg. 
Commander),  was  therefore  sent  down  the  coast  by  Captain  Edward 
Norwich  Troubridge,  senior  officer  in  China,  to  make  inquiries. 

Beaching  Tienpakh,  on  September  7th,  Lockyer  found  the  inner 
harbour  crowded  with  fifty  heavily  armed  junks,  the  town  deserted 
by.  the  mandarin  for  fear  of  the  pirates,  and  upwards  of  a  hundred 
trading  junks  held  for  ransom.  Lockyer  went  in  in  his  gig,  and 
boarded  a  pirate,  in  which  he  was  entertained  at  tea,  and,  it  would 
appear,  given  some  useful  information,  by  one  Aku,  the  clever 
mistress  of  an  American  master  named  J.  B.  Endicott,  as  to  the 
situation.  He  had  not,  however,  sufficient  facts  on  which  to  act, 
and  he  prepared  to  resume  his  voyage ;  but,  presently  meeting  a 
trader  which  complained  that  her  consort,  with  British  goods  on 
board,  had  been  seized  by  the  pirates  within,  he  returned,  manned 
and  armed  his  boats,  and  proceeded  to  search  for  the  prize  con- 
taining the  British  property.  Five  junks  fired  at  him,  whereupon 
he  attacked  and  boarded,  and,  within  half  an  hour,  made  himself 
master  of  all  five,  losing,  however,  one  man  killed,  and  nine  people 
wounded.  As  the  main  body  of  the  fleet  then  got  under  way  as  if 
to  cut  off  his  boats,  he  burnt  his  prizes,  and  withdrew  to  his  ship. 
She  drew  too  much  water  to  be  able  to  enter  the  harbour ;  and 
the  boats  were  obviously  not  strong  enough  to  contend  with  so 
numerous  a  force.1 

Lockyer  failed  to  gain  news  of  the  ships  which  he  had  been 
detached  in  search  of,  and,  having  gone  back  to  Hong  Kong,  was 
sent  thence  to  Whampoa  to  relieve  the  Columbine.  There  he  saw 
six  junks  which  he  had  noticed  at  Tienpakh,  and  informed  against 
them  ;  but  the  Chinese  authorities  allowed  them  to  weigh  and  make 
off.  When  at  length,  on  September  28th,  the  Chinese  despatched 
five  war  junks  after  the  fugitives,  the  pirates  captured  the  admiral 
and  his  entire  squadron,  massacred  the  crews,  and  roasted  the 
mandarins  and  officers  alive. 

1  Lockyer  to  Troubridge,  Sept.  8th,  1849 ;  Hay,  '  Suppression  of  Piracy.' 


1849.]  CHINESE  PIRATES.  355 

In  the  meantime  Troubridge  had  put  Lieutenant  William  Mould, 
of  the  Amazon,  and  some  seamen  and  Marines,  into  the  trading 
steamer  Canton,1  Charles  Jamieson,  master,  and  had  sent  him  on 
further  search  for  the  missing  vessels.  On  September  9th,  the 
Canton  had  captured  a  pirate  junk,  and  released  a  vessel  which 
had  been  captured  by  her.  Later  on  the  same  day,  Mould  had 
boarded  a  sugar  junk,  which  had  just  been  released  by  Shap'n'gtzai 
on  payment  of  1100  dollars'  ransom.  That  night,  he  had  passed 
through  a  mass  of  junks  which  he  had  afterwards  ascertained  to  be 
the  pirate  fleet.  Early  on  the  10th,  the  Canton  had  entered  Tien- 
pakh,  and,  her  boats  having  been  fired  at  by  three  junks  at  anchor 
there,  she  had  entered  the  port,  burnt  the  junks,  killed  many  of  the 
pirates,  and  taken  11  prisoners,  who  reported  that  Shap'n'gtzai  had 
sailed  on  the  previous  evening.  Mould  had  followed,  first  to 
Nowchow,  and  then  to  Hoihow,  in  Hainan,  where  he  had  learnt 
of  an  engagement  between  the  pirates  and  the  Chinese  admiral 
Hwang.  After  destroying  two  more  junks  off  Mamee,  the  Canton 
had  returned  to  Hong  Kong  on  September  15th,  and  Mould  and 
his  people  had  rejoined  the  Amazon. 

The  Columbine,  and  the  Phlegethon,  of  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  service, 
were  with  the  Amazon  when  the  Canton  returned.  Troubridge  had 
just  been  ordered  to  Singapore,  and,  leaving  Hay  as  senior  officer 
on  the  spot,  he  desired  him  to  carry  out  certain  instructions.  In 
pursuance  of  these,  Hay  searched  various  ports  along  the  coast, 
and  then  ran  over  to  Macao,  and  put  himself  into  communication 
with  the  United  States'  Commodore  Geisinger,  who  was  there  in 
the  Plymouth.  One  of  Geisinger's  officers,  Lieutenant  Thomas 
Jefferson  Page,2  had  captured  two  pirate  junks  which  had  seized 
American  cargoes  ;  and,  as  the  Portuguese  at  Macao  would  not 
receive  the  prizes,  Geisinger  desired  that  the  pirates  should  be 
tried  in  the  Admiralty  Court  at  Hong  Kong.  He  therefore  handed 
over  the  junks  to  Hay,  who  obtained  the  approval  of  Governor 
Samuel  George  Bonham ;  whereupon  the  trial  took  place  on 
October  4th. 

At  the  trial  full  information  came  out  as  to  the  history  and 
proceedings  of  Shap'n'gtzai,  otherwise  Chang-shih-wu-tz,  who  had 
lived  in  Hong  Kong,  under  British  protection,  until  1846,  and  of 
Chuiapoo,  otherwise  Tzeeapo,  who  also  had  lived  in  Victoria  as  a 

1  Of  the  P.  &  0.  Co. 

*  Afterwards  an  admiral  in  the  Argentine  service. 

2  A  2 


356       MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

barber  and  a  collector  of  facts  which  might  be  useful  to  him  in 
his  murderous  profession.  Just  before  the  trial,  Shap'n'gtzai  had 
attacked  and  murdered  a  rival  pirate  and  his  people,  and  had  then 
opened  negotiations  with  the  Chinese  government  with  a  view  to 
entering  the  Chinese  navy  with  his  officers  and  fleet,  and  clearing 
the  seas  of  other  freebooters.  Happily,  the  terms  demanded  were 
too  high;  and  Shap'n'gtzai  had  to  settle  with  the  requirements 
of  justice  in  another  manner.1 

On  September  27th,  1849,  Governor  Bonham  informed  Hay  that 
Chuiapoo  was  ravaging  the  coast  about  ninety  miles  to  the  eastward 
of  Hong  Kong.  No  other  vessel  being  ready,  Hay  went  in  chase  with 
the  Columbine  only.  On  the  night  of  the  28th,  fourteen  pirate  junks 
were  observed  leaving  Tysami,  which  was  in  flames.  Followed  and 
closed,  they  refused  to  heave  to,  and  showed  a  desire  to  fight.  The 
Columbine  anticipated  them  by  pouring  three  broadsides  into  their 
leader,  and  then,  the  breeze  having  fallen,  had  to  manoeuvre  by 
means  of  her  sweeps.  After  a  brisk  action,  the  pirates  made  off  early 
in  the  morning  of  the  29th,  pursued  by  the  sloop.  In  the  chase, 
three  junks,  which  had  suffered  more  than  the  rest,  were  abandoned, 
their  crews  being  distributed  among  the  remaining  eleven.  Towards 
noon,  the  Canton  was  seen  approaching.  She  had  been  chartered 
by  an  American,  Mr.  Watkins,  to  search  for  a  missing  ship ;  and, 
with  Watkins's  cordial  consent,  her  master,  Mr.  Jamieson,  gallantly 
steamed  for  the  pirates.  They  were,  however,  too  strong  for  him, 
and  all  he  could  ultimately  do  was  to  endeavour  to  tow  the  Columbine 
into  action,  but,  receiving  a  shot  through  his  steam  chest,  he  could  not 
accomplish  even  that.  The  Columbine  herself  grounded  while  trying 
to  follow  one  of  the  pirates,  and  had  to  be  towed  off,  but,  when  still 
aground,  she  sent  her  pinnace,  cutter  and  gig,  under  Lieutenant 
James  Henry  Bridges,  who  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Watkins,  after 
the  fugitive.  These  boarded  and  carried  her  after  a  desperate 
struggle.  Seeing  one  of  the  pirates  running  below  with  a  lighted 
joss-stick,  as  if  to  blow  up  the  magazine,  Midshipman  Charles 
Kamsay  Goddard  dashed  after  him,  but,  ere  he  could  come  up  with 
him,  the  fellow  fired  the  powder.  The  explosion  so  seriously  injured 
the  brave  Midshipman  that  he  died  next  day.  Besides  him,  three 
men  were  killed,  and  six  wounded  in  the  attack.2 

1  China  Mail,  Oct.  4th,  Oct.  llth,  1849. 

2  Hay  to  Collier,  Sept.  30th,  1849 ;  Hong  Kong  Register,  Oct.  2nd,  1849 ;  China 
Mail,  Oct.  4th,  1849. 


1849.]  CHINESE  PIRATES.  357 

The  Canton  towed  the  Columbine  to  the  entrance  of  Bias  Bay, 
and  then  proceeded  with  the  wounded  to  Hong  Kong,  where  she 
handed  Hay's  dispatch  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  who  happened 
to  be  there.      Sir  Francis  Augustus  Collier  instantly  ordered   the 
Fury,  steamer,  6,  Commander  James  Willcox,  with  a  strong  detach- 
ment of  seamen  and  Marines  under  Lieutenant  William  Garnham 
Luard,  of  the  flagship  Hastings,   to  go  to   the   assistance  of  the 
Columbine.     She  joined  her  very  early  on  October  1st,  and,  as  soon 
as  the  light  served,  towed  her  to  the  mouth  of  Fanlokong  creek.1 
The  Columbine  anchored  off  the  mouth  of  this  ;  and  Hay,  sounding 
in  his  boat,  piloted  the  Fury  up  it,  and  soon  discovered  fifteen  junks 
in   line,  which  opened  fire   at   about   10  A.M.      The  Fury  replied 
smartly,  and,  in  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  silenced  the  flotilla. 
The  boats  of  both  ships  were  then  sent  in,  and  by  4.30  P.M.,  under 
cover  of  an  occasional  shell,  destroyed  twenty-three  pirate  vessels, 
three  new  junks  on  the  stocks,  and  many  stores   in  the  Typoon 
dockyard,  capturing  also  more  than  two  hundred  guns.     Although 
the  Fury's  hull  was  penetrated  in  thirty-two  places,  but  one  of  her 
people  was  wounded.    Such  was  the  end  of  the  remains  of  Chuiapoo's 
division.2 

On  the  return  to  Hong  Kong  of  the  Columbine  and  Fury, 
Sir  George  Augustus  Collier  desired  Hay  to  take  measures  for 
dealing  in  a  like  manner  with  Shap'n'gtzai's  fleet,  to  the  westward. 
The  Fiery,  and  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s  steamer  Phlegethon,  Commander 
G.  T.  Niblett,  I.N.,  were  put  under  his  orders,  and  he  was  allowed 
a  free  hand. 

The  little  command  left  Hong  Kong  on  October  8th,  and  worked 
along  to  Hoihow,  where,  meeting  admiral  Hwang,  Hay  and  Willcox 
accompanied  that  officer  to  Kiungchau,  the  capital  of  Hainan,  to 
see  Governor  Ho,  in  order  to  obtain  permission  for  Hwang  to  co- 
operate. Permission  was  readily  granted  for  Hwang  and  his  staff 
to  embark  in  the  Fury ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  Hwang's  junks, 
if  they  could  not  keep  up  with  the  British,  were  to  make  rendezvous 
at  Guiechau  island.  The  moral  effect  of  this  association  was  good, 
though  its  fighting  value  was  nothing,  seeing  that  the  junks  were 
not  sighted  again. 

Shap'n'gtzai  was  followed  to  Pakhoi,  thence  to  Chukshan,  and 

1  An  arm  of  Bias  Bay. 

3  Hay  to  Collier,  Oct.  2nd,  1849 ;  Hong  Kong  letter  of  Oct.  30th,  in  Times ;  Friend 
of  China,  Oct.  29th,  1849 ;  Times,  Dec.  22nd,  1849. 


358       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

thence,  still  further  to  the  westward,  into  waters  for  which  there 
were  then  neither  charts  nor  sailing  directions.  The  pirate  had 
hidden  himself  inside  the  bar  in  the  Cua  Keum,  or  Cua  Cam,  one 
of  the  three  mouths  of  the  Red  River,  or  Sangwa,  which  then 
formed  the  boundary  between  China  and  Cochin  China.  From  this 
mouth  numerous  creeks  extend  into  the  other  mouths,  the  Cua  Nam 
Trou  and  the  Cua  Tray  ;  and  all  the  mouths  run  into  one  long,  deep 
lagoon,  which  discharges  over  the  bar  into  the  sea.  Ten  miles  up 
the  Cua  Keum  is  the  town  of  Haiphong,  then  Cochin  Chinese,  and 
not,  as  now,  French.  Shap'n'gtzai  had  threatened  that  place  in 
order  to  obtain  supplies,  so  that  the  local  authorities  wished  well  to 
the  British. 

The  squadron  pushed  slowly  up  through  the  archipelago  of  the 
estuary ;  and,  on  October  18th,  at  Gowtosham,  found  a  suspicious 
junk,  which  the  Phlegethon  destroyed,  and  from  which  a  couple  of 
prisoners  were  taken.  One  of  these  revealed  that  the  pirates  were 
twelve  miles  away  among  the  islands,  and  that  the  destroyed  junk 
had  been  their  look-out  vessel.  On  the  19th,  Hay,  with  Willcox, 
Hwang,  and  an  interpreter,  reconnoitred,  and  satisfied  himself  that 
the  pirates  were  in  the  Cua  Keum,  and  were  preparing  to  attack 
Haiphong.  On  the  20th,  he  saw  them  over  the  islands,  and,  after 
vain  attempts  to  find  a  channel  to  them,  fell  in  with  a  fisherman 
who  volunteered  to  point  one  out.  As  the  squadron  approached, 

"it  was  seen,"  says  Hay,  "that  twenty-seven  of  the  fleet  were  anchored  inshore  of 
the  banks  and  islands  which  lay  opposite  to  the  Cua  Keum.  They  were  anchored 
in  a  line  slightly  concave  to  the  sea  and  river  mouth,  and  extended  about  a  mile  and 
a  half,  with  their  heads  to  the  north,  and  springs  on  their  cables.  The  flagship,  of 
42  guns,  was  twelfth  from  the  van,  and  the  other  twenty-six  seemed  able  to  show 
nine  guns  on  the  broadside.  Two  hundred  and  sixty-four  guns  were  therefore  bearing 
on  the  narrow  entrance.  They  were  anchored  in  close  order,  and  there  was  no  room 
for  more  to  anchor  in  line  at  that  anchorage.  The  islands  and  mud  flats  were  too 
wide  to  make  it  possible  to  shell  them  from  outside.  They  were  too  strong  to  be 
attacked  with  the  Phlegethon  and  boats  alone,  and  when  the  estuary  in  which  they 
were  anchored  was  entered  by  the  squadron,  it  was  too  narrow  to  make  it  practicable 
to  take  advantage  of  accurate  fire  from  a  distance." 

At  about  4.30  on  October  20th,  Hay,  who  was  in  the  Phlegethon, 
led  in,  followed  by  the  Fury,  which  had  the  Columbine  in  tow.  As 
soon  as  the  Phlegethon  was  inside  the  bar,  the  pirates  opened  fire. 
Unfortunately  for  the  enemy,  the  tide,  which  had  just  begun  to  ebb, 
swung  the  pirates  so  that  they  lay  in  a  bow  and  quarter  line,  with 
their  heads  to  the  north-west,  and  their  broadsides  bearing  across 
one  another's  sterns.  Ere  they  could  correct  this,  the  attackers 


1849,]  CHINESE  PIRATES.  359 

seized  the  opportunity  of  placing  themselves  in  positions  of  com- 
parative immunity.  The  Columbine  anchored  about  six  hundred 
yards  from  the  flagship's  quarter ;  the  Phlegethon  engaged  and 
destroyed  the  two  rear  ships,  the  only  ones  whose  guns  bore  upon 
the  Columbine  ;  and  the  Fury  dealt  with  the  van.  When  Hay  had 
destroyed  the  two  ships  mentioned,  he  went  in  his  boat  to  the  Fury, 
which,  he  found,  had  destroyed  the  four  van  ships,  and  was  engaging 
the  next  vessel,  to  the  great  delight  of  admiral  Hwang.  Hay  then 
rowed  on  to  the  Columbine.  As  he  went,  the  pirate  flagship  blew 
up,  and  her  hull  began  to  drift  down  towards  the  sloop,  until  Niblett 
pushed  in  with  the  Phlegethon,  and  towed  the  Columbine  out  of 
danger.  By  nightfall  all  the  twenty-seven  junks  were  entirely 
destroyed ;  but  Shap'n'gtzai  had  saved  himself ;  and  the  island 
between  Cua  Keum  and  Cua  Nam  Trou  was  full  of  fugitives,  while, 
in  a  creek  two  miles  higher  up  were  numerous  pirate  ships  that  had 
not  been  able  to  find  anchorage  on  the  scene  of  the  action ;  and 
still  other  vessels  were  in  the  Cua  Tray.  Nowhere,  however,  were 
more  than  nine  lying  together.  After  service  on  Sunday  the  21st, 
the  Phlegethon,  with  the  Columbine's  boats,  went  into  the  Cua  Tray  ; 
the  paddle-box  boats  of  the  Fury,  under  Lieutenant  George  Hancock, 
entered  one  of  the  creeks  opening  from  the  Cua  Keum ;  and  the  Fury 
and  Columbine  remained  to  blockade  the  river  at  the  point  of  junction 
of  the  various  channels.  In  the  Cua  Tray,  twenty  craft  were 
destroyed ;  Hancock  accounted  for  nine ;  in  all,  thirty  were  taken 
or  sunk  that  day.  On  the  22nd  the  Chinese  authorities  from 
Haiphong  arrived  to  take  possession  of  the  wrecks,  the  guns,  and 
the  fugitives  on  the  islands,  and  to  express  their  gratitude.1  Lieu- 
tenant George  Edward  Serocold  Pearce  Serocold,  of  the  Columbine, 
seems  to  have  been  the  only  person  hurt  on  the  British  side  in  the 
action. 

On  the  23rd  the  squadron  sailed,  the  Phlegethon  being  sub- 
sequently detached  with  news  to  Tienpakh,  and  the  other  two 
vessels,  after  having  called  at  various  places,  anchoring  at  Hong 
Kong  on  November  1st,  to  find  that  the  Commander-in-  Chief,  Sir 
Francis  Augustus  Collier,  had  died  three  days  before.  He  had, 
only  just  before  his  death,  cancelled  the  mischievous  order  of 
March  8th,  1845. 

1  Naut.Mag.,  1852  (Hay's  remarks),  63,  138;  Hay, '  Supp.  of  Piracy,'  etc.  (1889);  B. 
Scott,  '  Account  of  Best,  of  Fleets,'  etc.  (1851) ;  Times,  Jan.  22nd,  1850 ;  Hay  to  Collier, 
Oct.  23rd,  1849. 


360       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

For  their  services  on  these  occasions  Commanders  Edmund 
Moubray  Lyons,1  John  Charles  Dalrymple  Hay,2  and  James  Will- 
cox  3  were  posted  ;  Lieutenants  George  Hancock,4  and  James  Henry 
Bridges 5  were  made  Commanders ;  and  Mates  Ennis  Chambers,6 
Francis  Arden  Close,7  and  Douglas  Walker8  were  made  Lieutenants. 

The  operations  were  exceedingly  well-conducted  throughout ; 
and,  although  it  cannot  be  pretended  that  the  pirates,  when  once 
they  were  brought  to  bay,  were  formidable  or  even  worthy  opponents 
for  British  warships,  it  is  impossible  to  withhold  admiration  for  the 
manner  in  which,  in  defiance  of  the  difficulties  raised  by  the  ministry 
at  home,  the  naval  officers  in  China  not  only  hunted  down  and 
destroyed  the  freebooters,  but  also  gained  from  the  local  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States,  Portugal,  China,  and  Cochin  China 
the  aid  and  support  without  which  they  would  have  been  seriously 
crippled  in  their  proceedings. 

Piracy  was  also  rife  in  many  other  quarters  during  this  period. 
The  Moorish  pirates,  whose  outrages  have  been  mentioned  so  often 
in  these  pages,  continued  their  depredations  well  into  the  second 
half  of  the  nineteenth  century ;  and  they  perpetrated  outrages  not 
only  in  the  Mediterranean  but  also  in  the  Atlantic,  where,  on  one 
particular  occasion,  a  piratical  flotilla  of  several  vessels  was  known 
to  be  cruising  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  it 
was  ever  caught.  A  band  of  Moorish  pirates  was,  however,  severely 
chastised  by  the  Fantome,  16,  Commander  Sir  Frederick  William 
Erskine  Nicolson,  Bart.  The  freebooters  had  captured  a  British 
merchant  brig,  the  Buth,  and  Nicolson  was  sent  from  Gibraltar  in 
pursuit.  Finding  his  enemies  off  Cape  Treforcas  on  May  12th,  1846, 
in  possession  of  the  brig,  which  was  aground  under  cover  of  a  large 
force  drawn  up  on  the  beach,  he  manned  and  armed  his  boats,  and 
sent  his  Master,  Francis  Herbert  Niblett,  with  one  party,  to  get  the 
prize  off,  while  he,  with  another  party,  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
Moors,  and  eventually  drove  them  from  the  shore.  The  brig,  with 
her  valuable  cargo,  was  recovered,  and  very  many  of  the  pirates 
were  slain  ;  but  the  enterprise  cost  the  life  of  Midshipman  Eichard 
Boys,  and  the  wounding  of  eight  people,  including  the  first 
Lieutenant,  John  Sanderson  (2).9  In  this  affair  every  officer  of 

1  Oct.  4th,  1849.  6  Aug.  3rd,  1850. 

2  Jan.  20th,  1850.  6  Jan.  15th,  1850. 
s  April  10th,  1850.  7  May  20th,  1850. 
4  Jan.  24th,  1850.  8  Sept.  2nd,  1850. 

9  Letter  in  Naut.  Mag.,  1846,  p.  373 ;  O'Byrne  pp.  817,  1025. 


1846-51.]  MOORISH  PIRATES.  361 

the  Fantome  was  engaged,  including  the  Surgeon  and  the  Clerk. 
Nicolson  was  posted  as  from  the  day  of  the  action,  and  Sanderson 
was  made  Commander  as  from  the  same  date. 

Later  in  the  same  year,  the  boats  of  the  Siren,  16,  Commander 
Harry  Edmund  Edgell,  under  Lieutenant  Edmund  Moubray  Lyons, 
captured  four  piratical  craft,  with  sixty  men,  near  the  Turkish 
island  of  Stanchio.1 

On  October  31st,  1848,  the  merchant  brig,  Three  Sisters,  left 
Gibraltar  with  a  cargo  for  Malta.  Two  days  later,  while  be- 
calmed off  Cape  Treforcas,  she  was  attacked  by  several  armed  and 
strongly-manned  pulling  boats  from  the  Riff  coast  of  Marocco. 
The  master  of  the  brig,  unable  to  offer  any  resistance,  ordered 
his  crew  into  the  boat  and  abandoned  the  vessel,  making  for  the 
open  sea,  and  being  fired  at  as  he  went.  The  Three  Sisters  was 
towed  by  her  captors  into  a  neighbouring  bay.  The  fugitives  were 
picked  up  by  another  British  brig,  and  carried  back  to  Gibraltar. 
On  the  same  evening  the  steam  sloop  Polyphemus,  Commander 
James  Johnstone  M'Cleverty,  started  thence  on  a  punitive  ex- 
pedition, and,  on  the  following  morning  early,  ran  into  Al  Khoyamich 
bay,  cruising  onwards  towards  Cape  Treforcas.  On  the  morning  of 
November  8th,  upon  opening  Point  Calla  Tremoutana,  she  sighted 
the  prize  ashore  below  some  precipices  and  ravines  which  were 
crowded  with  armed  men,  who  commanded  both  the  Three  Sisters 
and  their  own  boats,  seven  in  number.  There  were  at  least  five 
hundred  of  them.  As  the  Polyphemus  neared  the  brig  the  pirates 
fired  at  her,  and  she  returned  the  compliment  with  grape,  canister, 
and  musketry,  driving  the  foe  to  more  secure  positions.  Lieutenant 
Alan  Henry  Gardner  volunteered  to  go  in  the  cutter,  with  a  hawser, 
weigh  the  brig's  anchor,  and  take  her  in  tow.  He  successfully 
carried  out  his  plan  ;  but,  ere  it  could  be  completed,  the  pirates  got 
a  6-pr.  or  9-pr.  gun  into  a  position  where  the  sloop  could  not 
effectively  reply  to  it,  and,  supporting  it  with  musketry,  wounded 
Lieutenant  Edward  Frodsham  Noel  K.  Wasey,  and  two  seamen.  In 
the  cutter  only  one  man  was  hit. 

M'Cleverty,  perhaps  rightly,  refrained  from  landing  to  burn  the 
pirates'  boats,  as  he  feared  lest  he  could  not  carry  out  the  service 
without  incurring  serious  loss.  It  was,  however,  unfortunate  that 
he  could  not  read  the  offenders  a  severer  lesson,  for  they  were  soon 
again  at  their  old  trade. 

1  Ncmt.  Mag.,  1846,  551. 


362       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL    NAVY,   1816-1856. 

In  1851  they  captured  the  Spanish  vessel  Joven  Emilia ;  and  on 
October  5th  of  the  same  year,  a  murderous  act  of  piracy,  committed 
by  some  of  them  in  Botoya  bay  on  the  brigantine  Violet,  caused 
the  governor  of  Gibraltar  to  send  to  the  spot  the  Janus,  4,  paddle, 
Lieutenant  Richard  Ashmore  Powell.  Powell  departed  on  October 
17th,  arrived  off  the  Riff  coast  on  the  following  day,  and,  though 
seeing  nothing  of  the  Violet,  found  the  Joven  Emilia,  high  on  the 
beach,  entirely  stripped.  He  manned  his  boats  and  proceeded  to 
the  wreck,  where  he  dispersed  a  body  of  Moors,  and  destroyed  some 
of  their  boats.  On  the  19th,  off  Cape  Treforcas,  the  ribs  of  the 
Violet  were  discovered  on  the  beach ;  and,  as  the  Bedouins  in  the 
neighbourhood  fired  at  the  steamer,  the  Janus' s  boats  were  again 
manned  and  armed,  and  a  landing  was  effected  with  the  object  of 
destroying  the  enemy's  coasters.  Unhappily  the  pirates  were  in  too 
great  force  for  the  small  party  to  be  able  to  deal  with  them.  The 
people,  after  a  brisk  fight,  had  to  retire  with  a  loss  of  eight 
wounded,  including  Lieutenant  Powell,  who,  however,  was  solaced 
for  his  hurt  by  being  soon  afterwards  made  a  Commander.1 
There  was  much  talk  at  Gibraltar  of  avenging  this  check,  and 
of  sending  an  overpowering  expedition  against  the  marauders, 
accompanied  by  the  Arethusa  and  Dauntless;  but  although  the 
Janus,  escorted  by  the  Dragon,  6,  paddle,  Captain  Henry  Wells 
Giffard,  returned  early  in  the  following  year  to  survey  the  scene  of 
the  disaster,  and  was  again  fired  at  by  the  Moors,  it  does  not  appear 
that  any  adequate  reprisals  were  ever  carried  out  against  the 
offenders. 

The  good  work  done  among  the  pirates  of  the  Borneo  seas  by 
Keppel,  Cochrane,  Mundy,  Rajah  Brooke,  and  others,  in  1845-47 
had  had  the  effect  of  greatly  reducing  the  number  of  outrages  on 
harmless  traders  and  peaceable  natives,  but  had  not  put  a  complete 
stop  to  them ;  and  in  the  summer  of  1849  advantage  was  taken  of 
the  fact  that  many  pirates  were  known  to  be  then  at  sea,  to  despatch 
against  them  an  expedition  under  Commander  Arthur  Farquhar,  of 
the  Albatross,  16,  who  had  with  him  the  Royalist,  the  H.E.I.  Co.'s 
steamer  Nemesis,  the  steam-tender  Ranee,  and  a  native  flotilla  under 
Rajah  Brooke.  The  force  first  took  up  a  position  across  the  mouth 
of  the  Sarebas  river,  which  was  threatened  with  a  visit  from  the 
freebooters ;  but  on  June  30th,  learning  that  some  pirates  had 
attacked  Palo,  and  gone  thence  into  the  Si  Maring  river,  not  far 

1  Nov.  4th,  1851. 


1849.]  MALAY  FIXATES.  363 

from  him,  Farquhar  made  preparations  for  action.  On  the  evening 
of  the  31st  the  enemy  was  reported  to  be  approaching,  and  the 
squadron  got  under  way,  the  Nemesis  proceeding  to  seaward  to  cut 
off  fugitives,  and  the  rest  of  the  vessels  bearing  down  upon  the  foe. 
Seeing  the  British  tactics  the  pirates  then  made  for  the  Kaluka 
river,  but  were  opposed  by  boats  under  Lieutenants  Arthur  Wihns- 
hurst,  and  Henry  Bryan  Everest.  This  led  to  a  running  action  along 
the  coast,  and,  as  darkness  had  fallen,  it  was  extremely  difficult  to 
distinguish  friends  from  foes.  Numerous  prahus,  however,  were 
sunk,  the  crew  of  one  of  them,  while  in  the  water,  being  fearfully 
cut  up  by  the  paddles  of  the  Nemesis.  In  the  small  hours  of  July  1st 
Farquhar  sent  off  the  Ranee  with  dispatches  for  Brooke,  who  was 
then  in  the  Kaluka,  and  himself  entered  the  Sarebas  river  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  any  of  the  pirates  by  the  Eembas  branch.  Dawn 
showed  the  bay  to  be  a  tangle  of  wreckage.  On  the  left  bank  of  the 
river  more  than  seventy  prahus  were  ashore ;  and  it  was  calculated 
that  of  120  which  had  been  in  the  Si  Maring,  fully  eighty,  with 
nearly  1200  Malays,  had  been  destroyed.  On  the  British  side  only 
a  few  slight  injuries  were  received.  Farquhar1  afterwards  burnt 
other  prahus  and  some  villages  in  the  Sarebas,  and  yet  others  in  the 
Eejang,  and  taught  a  lesson  so  severe  and  wholesome  that  it  was 
not  forgotten  for  many  years.  Nevertheless,  the  operations  were 
adversely  criticised  in  some  quarters  at  home,  and  were  freely, 
though  falsely,  supposed  to  have  been  dictated  by  considerations 
wholly  personal  to  Sir  James  Brooke,  whose  conduct  was  never  done 
full  justice  to  until  long  afterwards. 

It  is  impossible  to  find  space  here  for  mention  of  all  the  other 
gallant  deeds  that  were  done  at  about  this  time  by  the  officers  and 
men  of  vessels  cruising  for  the  repression  of  piracy  and  the  slave 
trade.  Something,  however,  must  be  said  concerning  a  few  of  these 
exploits. 

On  August  13th,  1844,  being  off  Fish  Bay,  on  the  West  Coast  of 
Africa,  in  a  four-oared  gig,  with  but  one  spare  hand,  Mate  John 
Francis  Tottenham,  of  the  Hyacinth,  18,  Commander  Francis  Scott, 
pursued,  and  ultimately  drove  ashore,  a  Brazilian  slave  brig  of  200 
tons,  carrying  two  4-prs.,  and  a  well-armed  crew  of  eighteen,  four  of 
whom  were  wounded  by  the  fire  from  Tottenham's  musket.  For 
this  service,  Tottenham  was  made  a  Lieutenant  on  December  27th 
following.2 

1  Posted,  Oct.  27th,  1849.  2  Gazette,  1844,  pp.  5315-6. 


364      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

On  January  12th,  1845,  Lieutenant  John  Lodwick,  first  of  the 
steam  sloop  Growler,  Commander  Claude  Henry  Mason  Buckle, 
while  away  cruising  in  the  pinnace  on  the  African  coast,  fell  in  with 
a  suspicious  felucca,  which,  on  seeing  the  boat,  hove  to,  though  she 
might  have  escaped  easily.  When  the  pinnace  was  within  thirty 
yards  of  the  stranger,  a  whole  tier  of  musket  barrels  was  thrust  over 
the  bulwarks.  Lodwick  cheered  on  his  men  to  board,  and  the 
felucca,  as  she  opened  fire,  filled  and  went  off.  Lodwick  replied 
with  a  round  shot  and  180  balls  in  a  bag ;  but  his  enemy  was  too 
strong  for  him.  Two  of  his  men  were  shot  dead  ;  Lodwick  himself 
and  two  others  were  severely  wounded ;  six  oars  were  smashed ;  and 
the  pursuit  had  to  be  abandoned,  the  damaged  and  crippled  boat 
being  picked  up  by  the  Growler  as  she  stood  towards  Grallinas.  The 
felucca,  which  was  afterwards  overhauled  and  captured  by  a  steamer, 
had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  fastest  craft  on  the  coast, 
and  had  a  crew  of  seventy  English,  French,  and  American  scoun- 
drels, with  an  English  commander.  Lodwick,  for  his  bravery,  was 
promoted  on  May  1st,  1845. 

On  February  27th,  1845,  the  Wasp,  16,  Commander  Sydney 
Henry  Ussher,  was  cruising  near  Lagos,  when  she  sighted  a  strange 
sail,  and  sent  Lieutenant  Eobert  Douglas  Stupart  in  a  boat  in 
pursuit.  In  the  evening  the  stranger  was  come  up  with,  and  found 
to  be  the  Brazilian  slave  schooner  Felicidade,  with  a  crew  of  twenty- 
eight  men.  All  of  these,  except  the  master  and  one  other  man, 
were  transferred  to  the  Wasp,  and  Stupart,  with  a  Midshipman 
and  fifteen  seamen,  remained  in  charge.  On  March  1st  the 
boats  of  the  Felicidade  captured  another  prize,  the  Echo,  with 
430  slaves  on  board.  Stupart  shifted  to  her,  leaving  the  Mid- 
shipman (Mr.  Harmer),  and  eight  men  in  the  Felicidade;  and  both 
vessels  then  headed  for  Sierra  Leone,  where  they  were  to  have  been 
condemned.  They  unfortunately  separated,  and,  most  of  the  Echo's 
people  having  been  transferred  to  the  Felicidade,  there  was  a  rising 
which  resulted  in  the  murder  of  all  the  Englishmen  in  the  latter 
vessel,  and  the  recapture  of  the  slaver.  She  was,  however,  again 
taken  on  March  6th  by  the  Star,  6,  Commander  Eobert  John 
Wallace  Dunlop,  who,  suspecting  that  there  had  been  foul  play,  took 
the  pirates  to  Ascension,  and  put  Lieutenant  John  Wilson 1  (6)  in 
charge  of  the  prize  to  carry  her  to  Sierra  Leone.  On  the  voyage 
thither,  the  Felicidade  encountered  a  heavy  squall,  which  threw  her 
1  A  Lieut,  of  Feb.  22nd,  1843. 


1844-46.]  ENGAGEMENTS    WITH  SLAVERS.  365 

on  her  beam  ends  and  left  her  water-logged,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that 
the  people  had  literally  to  huddle  together  on  the  gunwale.  They 
had  no  boat,  and  could  not  get  at  their  provisions,  though  they  re- 
peatedly endeavoured  to  dive  for  them.  In  these  straits  they  made 
a  small  raft,  and  embarked,  ten  persons  in  all,  for  a  two  hundred 
mile  voyage,  without  rudder,  oar,  or  compass,  and  with  scarcely  any 
provisions  and  no  water.  This  was  on  March  16th.  They  supported 
themselves  by  catching  rain  water  in  their  little  sail,  and  by  capturing 
four  of  the  numerous  sharks  which  continually  accompanied  them  ; 
but  they  were  not  rescued  until  April  5th,  when  they  were  picked 
up  in  sight  of  land  by  the  Cygnet,  6,  Commander  Henry  Layton. 
Five  of  the  unfortunates  died ;  but  Wilson  and  four  seamen  survived 
and  recovered  their  strength. 

On  May  26th,  1845,  after  a  two  days'  chase,  the  Pantaloon,  10, 
Commander  Edmund  Wilson,  being  then  close  to  Lagos,  came  up 
with  a  large  slave  ship.  Owing  to  a  calm,  the  British  sloop  could 
not  approach  within  about  two  miles.  Wilson,  therefore,  hoisted 
out  his  cutter  and  two  whale  boats,  which  he  placed  under  the 
command  of  his  first  Lieutenant,  Lewis  de  Teissier  Prevost,  his 
Master,  John  Thomas  Grout,  and  his  Boatswain,  Mr.  Pasco.  About 
thirty  seamen  and  Marines  formed  the  attacking  party,  which,  as  it 
neared  the  slaver,  was  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire  of  round,  grape,  and 
canister.  This  was  replied  to  with  musketry.  The  boats  were 
half  an  hour  under  fire  ere  they  could  get  alongside.  Prevost  and 
Pasco  boarded  on  the  starboard,  and  Grout  from  the  cutter  on  the 
port.  Grout  actually  leapt  through  a  gun  port  as  the  gun  was  being 
discharged  through  it,  and  his  seconder  was  blown  into  the  water  by 
the  blast,  but  was  soon  up  again.  There  was  a  most  desperate  hand 
to  hand  fight  on  deck,  and  the  slavers  were  not  overpowered  until 
they  had  lost  7  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  The  prize  was  a 
polacca-rigged  craft  of  450  tons,  carrying  four  12-prs.  and  about  fifty 
people,  and  she  was  a  pirate  as  well  as  a  slaver.  The  British 
loss  was  2  killed  or  fatally  injured,  and  6,  including  Grout  and 
Pasco,  wounded.  Prevost  was  promoted  on  August  30th  following.1 
Unfortunately  there  was  in  those  days  no  means  for  adequately 
rewarding  the  gallantry  of  officers  like  Grout  and  Pasco. 

At  about  the  beginning  of  the  year  1846  an  extraordinary  affair 
happened  at  Maranhao,  in   northern   Brazil.     The  Alert,  6,  Com- 
mander  Charles    John   Bosanquet,   having   captured    a    Brazilian 
1  Naut.  Mag.,  1845,  p.  611 ;  O'Byrne,  925. 


366       MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,  .1816-1856. 

slaver,  containing  between  seventy  and  eighty  slaves,  off  Cabinda, 
despatched  her,  under  Mate  Edward  Frodsham  Noel  K.  Wasey,  to 
Sierra  Leone,  for  adjudication.  By  continuous  bad  weather  she 
was  driven  to  Maranhao,  where  she  arrived  with  seven  feet  of  water 
in  the  hold,  and  in  a  sinking  condition.  While  Wasey  was  on  shore 
endeavouring  to  obtain  protection  for  the  slaves  until  he  could 
procure  another  vessel,  a  party  of  brigands,  disguised  as  Brazilian 
soldiers,  visited  the  prize,  and  invited  crew  and  slaves  to  land,  as 
the  water  was  washing  over  the  decks.  The  crew,  having  no  orders 
to  stir,  refused ;  but  the  slaves  were  taken  ashore,  and  were  never 
afterwards  recovered.1  In  consequence  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
had  managed  his  water-logged  craft,  Wasey  was  promoted  on 
March  10th,  1846,  to  be  Lieutenant. 

Difficulties  with  Arab  chiefs  concerning  the  slave  traffic  between 
Madagascar  and  the  mainland  summoned  the  President,  50,  Captain 
William  Pearce  Stanley,  bearing  the  flag  of  Kear-Adrniral  James 
Kichard  Dacres  (2)  to  the  neighbourhood  in  1847,  and  ultimately 
led  to  an  attack  by  her  boats  on  a  stockaded  position  at  Anjoxa. 
The  fighting,  however,  was  not  of  a  very  serious  description. 

On  July  22nd,  1847,  the  Waterwitch,  10,  Commander  Thomas 
Francis  Birch,  having  the  Rapid,  10,  Commander  Edward  Dixon, 
in  company,  captured  the  Brazilian  slave  brigantine,  Romeo  Primero, 
and  subsequently  sent  her,  under  Lieutenant  Walter  George 
Mansfield,  with  four  seamen,  to  St.  Helena  for  adjudication. 
Mansfield  found  himself  obliged  to  bear  up  for  Sierra  Leone,  and, 
on  August  llth,  four  of  the  slaver  crew  rose  on  him  and  his  men. 
Mansfield,  though  wounded  in  nine  places,  succeeded  in  pre- 
serving the  prize,  but  lost  one  of  his  people  in  the  struggle.  On 
September  1st  he  entered  port.  On  his  recovery  he  was  deservedly 
promoted.2 

In  the  following  year,  Lieutenant  Francis  James  d'Aguilar,  of 
the  Grecian,  16,  Commander  Louis  Symonds  Tindal,  defeated  an 
attempt,  somewhat  similar  to  that  made  at  Maranhao  in  1846,  to 
retake  a  prize  slaver  at  Bahia.  In  this  case,  however,  the  people 
from  the  shore  employed  force,  and  had  to  be  repelled  by  musketry 
fire,  losing  10  killed  and  30  wounded.  D'Aguilar's  prize  crew 
consisted  of  10  men  only,  and  the  officer  and  most  of  his  people 
were  wounded. 

In  1848,  the  Bonetta,  3,  Lieutenant  Frederick  Edwyn  Forbes, 
1  Naut.  Standard,  1846.  2  Com.  Dec.  31st,  1847. 


1847-51.]  ENGAGEMENTS    WITH  SLAVERS.  367 

did  some  specially  good  service  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  capturing 
the  Phoco-foo,  the  Tragas  Millas,  the  Andorimha,  the  Alert,  the 
Louiza,  and  other  slavers,  within  a  short  period. 

In  1849,  the  officer  who  afterwards  became  Admiral  Sir  William 
Graham  gained  his  first  commission  owing  to  the  manner  in  which 
he  distinguished  himself  on  the  occasion  of  the  capture  of  the  armed 
slaver  Unaio  by  the  boats  of  the  steam-sloop  Hydra,  6,  Commander 
Grey  Skipwith,  on  the  south-east  coast  of  America.  In  December 
of  the  same  year,  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  Commodore  Arthur 
Fanshawe,  C.B.,  of  the  Centaur,  6,  steamer,  detached  his  Captain, 
Claude  Henry  Mason  Buckle,  in  the  Teazer,  2,  steamer,  Lieu- 
tenant Jasper  Henry  Selwyn,  with  the  French  steamer,  Rubis,  2, 
on  a  very  successful  expedition  against  the  black  pirates  in  the 
river  Seba.  Unhappily  the  affair  cost  the  life  of  Lieutenant  John 
Crocket,  E.M.A. 

In  the  course  of  1851,  Co9ioco,  a  usurping  king  of  Lagos,  then 
one  of  the  chief  centres  of  the  slave  trade,  became  troublesome  and 
intractable.  After  having  peaceably  received  Mr.  Beecroft,  British 
Consul  at  Fernando  Po,  and  the  British  naval  officers  on  the  station, 
he  had  refused  to  promise,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  his  subjects,  not 
to  favour  the  illicit  traffic,  and  had  also  forbidden  the  boats  of  the 
men-of-war  to  proceed  up  the  river  to  his  town.  Mr.  Beecroft 
determined  to  seek  another  interview  with  the  king ;  and,  in  order 
that  Co9ioco  should  be  under  no  misapprehension  concerning  the 
seriousness  and  solemnity  of  the  British  demands,  he  arranged  that 
the  armed  boats  of  the  squadron  should  accompany  the  mission 
under  a  flag  of  truce.  Accordingly,  a  channel  over  the  bar  was 
surveyed  by  the  Masters  of  the  Waterwitch,  8,  Commander  Alan 
Henry  Gardner,  and  the  Bloodhound,  iron  paddle  steamer ;  and  at 
daylight  on  November  25th,  1851,  the  Bloodhound,  with  a  white 
flag,  preceded  by  Mr.  Beecroft  in  the  Harlequin's  gig,  and  followed 
by  the  armed  flotilla,  started  up  the  river.  The  boats  engaged 
were  :— 

From  Philomel,  8,  Commander  Thomas  George  Forbes  (senior  officer) ;  whaler,  under 
Com.  Forbes;  pinnace,  with  12-pr.  carr.,  under  Lieut.  George  Bell  Williams; 
cutter;  and  second  whaler. 

From  Harlequin,  12,  Commander  Arthur  Parry  Eardley  Wilmot;  gig,  with  Mr. 
Beecroft,  under  Com.  Wilmot;  pinnace,  under  Lieut.  Charles  Feuton  Fletcher 
Boughey ;  cutter ;  and  two  whalers. 

From  Volcano,  5,  paddle,  Commander  Robert  Coote ;  whaler,  under  Com.  Coote ; 
paddle-box  boat,  under  Lieut,  John  Milward  Reeve;  second  paddle-box  boat, 
under  Lieut.  Charles  Aylmer  Pembroke  Vallancey  Robinson ;  cutter. 


368       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

From  Niger,  14,  screw,  Commander  Leopold  George  Heath ;  gig,  under  Com.  Heatli ; 

pinnace,  under  Lieut.  Montagu  Buccleuch  Dunn ;  three  cutters ;  whaleboat. 
From  Waterwitch,  8 ;  whaler,  under  Com.  Gardner;   pinnace,   under   Lieut.  William 

Graham  ;  cutter ;  whaler. 

In  all,  23  boats,  with  250  officers,  seamen,  and  Marines. 

At  the  bar  the  force  was  saluted  with  musketry  fire,  of  which,  how- 
ever, no  notice  was  taken,  the  flag  of  truce  being  kept  flying. 
AVithin  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  town,  the  Bloodhound  grounded  ; 
but  the  boats  kept  on  in  line,  until  they  were  fired  at  from  both 
guns  and  musketry  on  shore.  At  length  the  boats  replied  with 
shrapnel  and  solid  shot,  while  the  Niger,  from  below  the  bar,  threw 
some  shells  at  the  position  whence  the  first  fire  had  proceeded. 
For  nearly  an  hour  the  fire  continued ;  and  then  the  boats  dashed  in 
simultaneously  to  an  assigned  landing-place,  where  their  crews  dis- 
embarked, and,  leaving  about  ninety  officers  and  men  as  a  guard  on 
the  beach,  fought  their  way  into  the  town.  Their  progress  was 
most  hotly  disputed,  especially  after  they  had  entered  the  narrow 
streets  ;  and,  as  the  number  of  natives  opposed  to  them  was  at  least 
five  thousand,  the  attackers  suffered  severely.  Forbes  fired  as  many 
houses  as  he  could ;  and,  despairing  of  being  able  to  accomplish 
more,  retreated  in  good  order,  and  re-embarked.  That  night  he 
refloated  the  Bloodhound,  and,  on  the  following  morning,  returned  to 
the  squadron.  In  this  affair,  which,  though  costly  and  ineffective, 
was  most  bravely  conducted,  the  two  Mates  of  the  Niger,  John 
George  Fitzherbert  Dyer,  and  Henry  Hyde  Hall,  were  killed,  and 
ten  people  were  badly  wounded,  numerous  others  being  hit  by  spent 
balls,  etc.1  The  Niger  took  the  wounded  to  Sierra  Leone,  and 
communicated  with  Commodore  Henry  William  Bruce,  who,  while 
engaged  in  organising  a  further  expedition,  ordered  the  Harlequin  to 
remain  near  Lagos  to  prevent  Co9ioco  from  interfering  with  the 
missionary  establishment  at  Badagry,  which  he  had  previously 
harried,  and  which  had  given  shelter  to  Akitoye,  the  legitimate 
king  of  Lagos. 

Commodore  Bruce  procured  the  co-operation  of  Akitoye,  and 
nearly  five  hundred  of  his  followers,  who  took  up  a  position  near 
the  intended  scene  of  action ;  and  he  intrusted  the  carrying  out  of 
his  plans  to  Captain  Lewis  Tobias  Jones,  of  the  Samson,  6,  paddle, 
and  Captain  Henry  Lyster,  of  his  own  flagship,  the  Penelope,  16, 
paddle.  The  craft  employed  in  the  operations  were  the  Bloodhound, 

1  Forbes  to  Bruce ;  Naut.  Mag.,  1852,  p.  109. 


1851.]  THE  LAGOS   EXPEDITION.  36& 

the  Teazer,  3,  screw,  the  Sealark,  8,  Commander  Edward  Southwell 
Sotheby,  and  the  boats  oi  the  Penelope,  Samson,  Volcano,  and 
Waterwitch.  The  Bloodhound  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Eussell  Patey,  and  the  Teazer  by  Lieutenant  Charles  Tayler 
Leckie ;  and  the  boats  were  under  Commanders  Eobert  Coote, 
Alan  Henry  Gardner,  and  Charles  Farrel  Hillyar.  The  resistance 
that  was  met  with  indicated  how  hopeless  had  been  the  chances  of 
success  upon  the  occasion  of  the  first  attack,  and  how  unwise  Com- 
modore Bruce,  or  the  officer  immediately  responsible,  had  been  to 
permit  a  comparatively  weak  expedition  to  ascend  to  the  town,  even 
though  it  bore  a  flag  of  truce  at  its  head. 

The  squadron  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  December  23rd , 
1851.  On  the  24th,  Captain  Jones  landed  below  the  town,  and  met 
Mr.  Beecroft,  and  Akitoye.  The  25th,  being  Christmas  day,  was- 
spent  quietly,  except  that  the  enemy  amused  himself  by  firing  at  the 
ships,  which  were  well  out  of  range.  On  the  26th,  part  of  the  force 
moved  up  the  river  under  a  brisk  fire  ;  but,  before  anything  could  be 
accomplished,  both  the  Bloodhound  and  the  Teazer,  each  of  which 
had  with  her  a  division  of  boats,  unfortunately  grounded.  As  the 
Bloodhound,  which  was  in  advance,  was  greatly  imperilled,  Lieu- 
tenant Thomas  Saumarez  (2),  with  the  boats  of  the  Samson,  and  some 
Marines  under  Lieutenant  Edward  McArthur,  E.M.A.,was  despatched 
to  attempt  a  landing  and  to  spike  the  guns  which  most  annoyed  the 
little  steamer.  He  made  a  most  gallant  effort,  but,  being  at  length 
wounded  in  three  places,  and  having  Midshipman  Thomas  Eichards. 
killed,  and  10  of  his  people  badly  hit,  he  was  obliged  to  give  the  order 
to  retire.  That  day  little  more  could  be  done  beyond  preventing  the 
enemy  from  sending  their  boats  against  the  stranded  Bloodhound. 
In  the  meantime  an  even  more  vigorous  effort  was  made  to  relieve  the 
Teazer  from  the  fire  of  the  most  troublesome  of  the  guns  on  shore. 
A  considerable  landing  force  was  sent  in  ;  and,  although  received  on 
touching  the  beach  with  a  point-blank  discharge  from  about  1500 
muskets,  the  officers  and  men  pushed  steadily  on,  and  captured  the 
stockade  whence  the  annoyance  had  proceeded.  Captain  Lyster 
led  this  attack,  and  among  those  with  him  who  more  specially 
distinguished  themselves  were  Lieutenant  John  Corbett,  and  Assis- 
tant Surgeons  Michael  Walling,  and  Eobert  Sproule,  M.D.  (acting). 
Corbett  had  the  honour  of  spiking  the  guns. 

Scarcely  had  this  success  been  won  ere  it  was  perceived  that  the 
enemy  had  got  round  to  the  rear  of  the  attacking  party,  and  had 

VOL.    VI.  2    B 


370       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

seized  a  boat,  which  they  were  dragging  off  to  place  her  under  cover 
of  some  still  uncaptured  guns.  There  was  a  slight  confusion  in  re- 
embarking  ;  and,  taking  advantage  of  it,  the  blacks  rushed  forth  from 
the  woods  on  all  sides,  and  poured  in  a  heavy  fire  at  pistol  range. 
Midshipman  F.  E.  Fletcher,  and  many  men  were  killed,  and  more 
were  wounded.  To  make  matters  worse,  some  stupid  or  disaffected 
Kroomen  in  the  Victoria,  a  boat  belonging  to  Mr.  Beecroft,  the 
consul,  let  go  her  anchor  without  orders,  and  brought  her  up  under 
the  very  hottest  of  the  fire.  Lyster  and  Corbett  went  back  to  her 
to  discover  what  had  happened,  and  the  former  ordered  the  cable  to 
be  slipped ;  but,  as  it  was  a  chain-cable,  the  end  of  which  was 
clenched  to  the  boat's  bottom,  it  could  not  so  easily  be  got  rid  of. 
With  the  greatest  coolness  and  gallantry,  Corbett  leant  over  the 
bows,  and  at  length  cut  the  cable  with  a  cold  chisel,  receiving,  how- 
ever, as  he  did  so,  five  new  wounds,  in  addition  to  one  which  he 
had  previously  received  on  shore.  Thus  the  Victoria  was  saved,  and 
carried  off  to  the  Teazer.  Lyster,  while  leaving  her  to  get  into 
his  own  boat,  was  hit  in  the  back.  The  fire  continued  so  hot,  and 
so  many  of  his  people  had  by  that  time  fallen,  that  he  judged  it 
imprudent  then  to  make  further  efforts  to  retake  the  captured  boat ; 
but  another  party,  under  Mate  James  Bower  Balfour,  and  Gunner 
H.  A.  Dewar,  presently  succeeded  in  putting  a  rocket  into  her 
magazine  and  blowing  her  up.  At  sunset,  after  great  exertions,  the 
Teazer  was  got  off  and  anchored  out  of  gunshot. 

This  rescue  of  the  Teazer  was  a  most  costly  affair.  Fifteen 
officers  and  men  of  the  squadron  were  killed  or  mortally  wounded, 
including  Midshipman  F.  E.  Fletcher,  and  Master's  Assistant 
H.  M.  Gillham,  and  no  fewer  than  63  people  were  wounded,  in- 
cluding Captain  Lyster,  Commander  Hillyar,  Lieutenant  Corbett, 
and  Lieutenant  John  William  Collman  Williams,  E.M.  In  addition 
to  the  medical  officers  already  mentioned,  Surgeon  Eichard  Carpenter, 
and  Assistant-Surgeon  John  Barclay,  M.D.,  rendered  most  valuable 
and  devoted  services  to  the  wounded  in  very  difficult  circumstances. 

Soon  after  7  A.M.  on  the  27th,  the  Teazer  steamed  up  towards 
the  still  grounded  Bloodhound,  accompanied  by  her  flotilla  of  boats. 
Captain  Jones,  who  was  in  the  Bloodhound,  ordered  the  boats  which 
were  with  her  to  make  a  diversion,  and  indicated  to  the  Teazer  the 
position  in  which  he  desired  her  to  anchor.  She  anchored  there  at 
8.10  A.M.  A  general  attack  on  the  town  was  soon  afterwards  begun, 
the  rocket  boats,  under  Lieutenant  Edward  Marshall,  making 


1851.]  NEW  DIFFICULTIES    WITH  BURMAH.  371 

splendid  practice,  firing  numerous  houses,  and  at  length  blowing 
up  a  magazine. 

Up  to  that  time  Coote's  and  Gardner's  divisions  of  boats  had  not 
moved  to  the  scene  of  action.  Coote  arrived  at  10.30  A.M.,  and 
Gardner  at  1.45  P.M.  An  hour  later,  Coote,  with  some  gunboats 
and  a  rocket  boat,  was  sent  forward  to  fire  a  few  rounds  at  Co9ioco's 
house ;  and  then,  feeling  that  the  place  was  as  good  as  in  his 
possession,  Captain  Jones  sent  in  to  demand  a  capitulation.  It 
was  Saturday  afternoon.  The  chief  was  therefore  allowed  until 
Monday  morning  to  think  over  his  position.  On  the  Sunday,  how- 
ever, Co9ioco  abandoned  the  town  and  fled  to  the  woods ;  and 
Akitoye,  having  come  up  the  river,  was  formally  installed  as  king 
in  such  buildings  as  had  escaped  destruction.  Only  a  small  British 
party,  under  Coote,  was  that  day  landed.  On  Monday,  the  29th, 
Gardner  landed  with  Coote  and  a  larger  party,  which  embarked  or 
destroyed  fifty-two  guns  of  one  kind  or  another. 

Captain  Jones,  in  his  dispatch  to  the  Commodore,  specially 
mentioned  Captain  Lyster,  Commander  Hillyar,1  Lieutenants  Edward 
Marshall,2  Frederick  Dampier  Eich,  John  Corbett,2  and  Thomas 
Saumarez  (2) ;  Gunner  J.  Cook,  of  the  Samson ;  Boatswain's  Mate 
Charles  Blofield  ;  George  Yule,  E.M.A. ;  Surgeon  Samuel  Donnelly ; 
Paymaster  Thomas  Hockings ;  and  Clerk  Eobert  Henry  Bullen,3 
than  whom  "  no  lieutenant  could  have  done  better." 4 

It  may  be  added  that,  in  1861,  Docemo,  a  subsequent  king  of 
Lagos,  ceded  the  island  and  port  to  Great  Britain,  receiving  in 
return  a  pension  of  £1000  a  year  until  his  death  in  1885. 

The  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Yandaboo  have  already  been 
summarised  in  this  volume.5  It  will  be  recollected  that  in  that 
instrument  Burmah  engaged,  in  1826,  to  receive  a  British  resident 
at  the  court  of  Ava.  No  resident  was  actually  sent  until  1830.  For 
seven  years  after  that  date  the  Burmese  Government  behaved  in 
a  more  or  less  unsatisfactory  manner ;  and,  on  April  16th,  1837, 
Tharrawaddy,  having  seized  the  crown,  repudiated  the  treaty,  and 
obliged  the  resident,  who  was  not  properly  supported  by  the  Indian 
Government,  to  withdraw,  leaving  an  assistant  in  charge.  A  new 
resident  was  appointed  in  1838 ;  but  he  was  not  received ;  and,  in 
1840,  the  establishment  at  Ava  was  broken  up,  the  only  British 

1  Posted,  Feb.  20th,  1852.  s  Paymaster,  Feb.  20th,  1852. 

8  Com.,  Feb.  20th,  1852.  4  Bruce  to  Admiralty ;  Jones  to  Bruce. 

6  See  p.  249. 

2  B  '2 


372      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

representative  remaining  in  Burmah  being  a  Bangoon  merchant, 
who  took  charge  of  letters,  etc.  The  long-suffering  of  the  British 
emboldened  the  Burmese,  who  presently  began  to  commit  various 
tyrannical  acts.  Two,  perpetrated  in  1851,  brought  matters  to  a 
crisis.  A  master  of  a  British  ship  was  illegally  detained  at  Rangoon 
on  a  wholly  baseless  charge  of  having  drowned  his  pilot,  and  was 
obliged  to  purchase  his  freedom ;  and  another  master  was  similarly 
detained  on  a  charge  of  having  murdered  one  of  his  crew,  who 
had,  in  fact,  died  at  sea.1  These  masters,  naturally  and  properly 
indignant,  forced  the  Indian  government  to  take  action;  and 
in  November,  1851,  H.M.S.  Fox,  42,  screw,  Commodore  George 
Bobert  Lambert,  Commander  John  Walter  Tarleton,  with  the 
H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamer  Tenasserim.  sailed  from  Calcutta  to  inquire 
into  the  situation.  Ere  they  anchored  off  Bangoon  on  November  25th, 
they  were  joined  by  H.M.S.  Serpent,  12,  Commander  William 
Garnham  Luard,  and  by  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamer  Proserpine. 

Lambert,  on  his  arrival,  was  informed  of  numerous  additional 
acts  of  oppression  which  had  been  committed  by  the  governor  of 
Bangoon.  The  Commodore  sent  to  India  for  additional  instructions, 
and,  in  the  meantime,  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the  governor,  who, 
on  his  part,  assembled  large  forces,  and  armed  a  Burmese  warship, 
the  Yathunah-gee-7nhon,'2  the  property  of  the  king.  Outrages  con- 
tinued in  the  town;  but  on  January  1st,  1852,  the  King  sent  a 
pacific  message  to  the  Commodore,  and  promised  that  the  governor 
should  be  superseded.  During  this  period  the  force  in  the  river  was 
strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  H.M.S.  Hermes,  6,  paddle,  Commander 
Edmund  Gardiner  Fishbourne,  and  of  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamer 
Phlegethon.  The  Burmese  promises  were  not  carried  out.  Fish- 
bourne,  who  was  sent  ashore  with  some  officers  to  deliver  a 
letter,  was  insulted ;  and,  it  being  evident  that  hostilities  were 
intended,  all  British  subjects  in  Bangoon  were  embarked,  all 
British  merchantmen  in  the  river  were  towed  to  positions  of  safety, 
and  the  Yathunah-gee-mhon  was  taken  possession  of.  Interview 
followed  interview,  and  threat  followed  threat.  On  January  8th, 
Lambert  was  told  that  he  would  be  attacked  if  any  of  his  ships 
attempted  to  move  down  the  river ;  and  on  the  9th,  in  consequence, 
he  sent  a  number  of  merchantmen  to  sea  under  escort,  ordered 

1  The  facts  are   set  forth   in  '  Recent  Operations  at   Rangoon  and  Martaban,'  by 
Rev.  T.  T.   Baker,  R.N.,  H.M.S.  Fox  (1852). 

2  I.e.,  "  precious,  sleek,  excellent  sailing  ship."     Baker. 


1852.]  THE  SECOND   BURMESE    WAR.  373 

the  Proserpine  to  Calcutta  with  dispatches,  and  declared  a  blockade 
of  Eangoon,  Bassein,  and  Martaban.1  Below  the  town  was  the 
Dunnoo  stockade.  On  January  10th,  the  Fox  was  towed  into 
position  abreast  of  it,  and  a  little  later  the  frigate  was  fired  at  from 
the  work.  The  fire  was,  of  course,  returned ;  the  stockade  was 
twice  silenced ;  and  several  war  boats  were  destroyed.  That  day 
the  Hermes  also  was  fired  at  from  another  stockade.  By  the 
morning  of  the  12th,  Lambert  had  withdrawn  his  force  to  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  despatched  the  Phlegethon  to  Martaban. 
He  received  a  letter  full  of  fresh  promises  contingent  upon  the 
restoration  of  the  Yathunah-gee-mhon ;  but  by  that  time,  as  he  felt, 
the  matter  had  passed  out  of  his  hands,  and,  on  the  following  day,  he 
himself  departed  in  the  Hermes  to  take  counsel  with  the  Indian 
government. 

Lambert  returned  on  January  26th,  having  been  unsuccessful  in 
seeing  Lord  Dalhousie,  who  was  at  Simla.  In  his  absence  a  few 
troops  had  reached  Moulmein  in  the  Tenasserim  and  Proserpine, 
which  had  been  sent  for  them  ;  and  most  of  the  blockading  vessels 
had  been  threatened.  On  January  31st,  having  received  dispatches 
from  Calcutta  by  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamer  Fire  Queen,  Lambert 
caused  that  vessel  to  tow  the  Fox  up  towards  Eangoon.  On  the 
way  the  frigate  was  fired  at  from  a  stockade,  and  one  of  her  people 
was  wounded.  The  Fox  retaliated,  but  did  not  stop,  and,  late  in 
the  afternoon,  anchored  off  the  Hastings  shoal  below  the  town. 
The  Fire  Queen,  on  her  way  back,  was  fired  at  from  more  than 
one  point.  The  Tenasserim  also,  proceeding  to  join  the  Commodore, 
was  similarly  treated.  Lambert  then  sent  Lieutenant  William 
Spratt  (actg.)  to  the  town  with  a  letter  enclosing  the  ultimatum  of 
the  Indian  government.  Getting  no  satisfactory  reply,  Lambert 
caused  the  Tenasserim  to  tow  him  back  to  the  river's  mouth,  and 
reported  to  Calcutta  what  had  happened.  On  his  way  down  he  was 
not  fired  at. 

These  preliminary  movements  and  negotiations  are  recounted 
chiefly  in  order  to  show  with  how  much  patience  both  Lambert  and 
the  Indian  government  behaved  in  their  dealings  with  authorities 
who  were  everywhere  hostile.  The  Serpent,  in  the  Bassein  river, 
had  been  fired  at  on  January  18th,  and  had  not  replied.  On 
February  4th,  on  her  way  to  Negrais  island,  she  was  again  fired 
at,  off  Pagoda  Point,  from  a  stockade,  which  Luard  thereupon 
1  For  a  sketch  map  of  the  scene  of  operations,  see  p.  239,  antea. 


374      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

destroyed ;  and  on  the  5th,  the  Burmese  at  Negrais  brought  upon 
their  stockade  a  similar  fate.  But  in  no  case  did  the  British 
commence  action,  and  in  no  case  did  they  interfere  in  any  way 
with  private  property.  At  length,  on  February  20th,  the  Fire 
Queen  brought  dispatches  which  intimated  that  a  large  military 
force  would  be  embarked  in  the  following  month  for  Burmah  at 
Madras  and  Calcutta;  that  Eangoon,  Martaban,  and,  in  certain 
eventualities,  Bassein,  were  to  be  seized  and  held  as  bases  for  the 
contemplated  operations;  and  that,  if  the  Burmese  authorities 
should  not  speedily  come  to  reason,  their  country  must  be  conquered 
and  annexed  to  India.1  Late,  but  not  too  late,  the  Indian  govern- 
ment adopted  a  firm  and  dignified  attitude.  It  afforded,  however, 
a  last  chance  to  the  King  for  saving  his  position.  A  subsidiary 
dispatch,  received  by  Lambert  on  February  26th  by  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s 
steamer  Enterprise,  while  imposing  new  and  more  arduous  con- 
ditions, declared  that  if  these  were  complied  with  by  April  1st, 
Burmah  would  yet  be  spared.  But  the  enemy  continued  to  con- 
centrate troops,  and  maintained  an  increasingly  provocative  attitude. 

On  April  1st,  1852,  therefore,  Bear-Admiral  Charles  John 
Austen  (1),  C.B.,  Commander-in-Chief  in  the  East  Indies,  anchored 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Bangoon  river,  the  vessels  of  the  Eoyal  Navy 
then  assembled  there  being  the  Rattler  (temporary  flag),  Fox, 
Hermes,  Salamander,  Serpent,  and  a  gunboat,  in  addition  to  a 
number  of  vessels  of  the  Indian  marine.  On  the  following  day 
arrived  a  contingent  of  transports  from  Bengal,  bringing  troops 
under  Lieut.-General  Godwin,  C.B.,  military  commander-in-chief ; 
and  on  April  7th  came  the  contingent  from  Madras.  The  total 
number  of  troops,  European  and  Indian,  thus  collected  was  5767, 
inclusive  of  the  18th,  51st,  and  a  battalion  of  the  80th  British 
regiments,  with  eight  guns  and  eight  howitzers. 

Without  waiting  for  the  junction  of  the  Madras  contingent, 
Godwin  at  once  despatched  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamer  Proserpine  to 
Rangoon  to  ascertain  whether  any  reply  to  the  ultimatum  had  been 
received  from  Ava.  She  was  fired  at  from  stockades  on  both  banks 
of  the  stream,  and  was  only  extricated  by  the  excellent  management 
of  her  commander,  Mr.  Brooking,  who  did  not  return  until  he  had 
inflicted  serious  damage  upon  his  assailants.  The  military  commander- 
in-chief  promptly  took  up  the  Burmese  challenge.  On  April  3rd,  the 
British  left  the  Bangoon  river,  appearing  next  day  before  Martaban, 

1  Outline  in  Baker,  30. 


1852.]  THE  SECOSD   BURMESE    WAR.  375 

which  thej'  attacked  on  the  5th.  The  place  was  held  by  5000  men  ; 
but  in  an  hour  and  a  half,  during  which  time  it  was  bombarded  by 
the  ships,  it  was  stormed  by  the  troops,  with  a  loss  of  only  50  men 
wounded.  No  one  on  the  side  of  the  attack  was  killed.  H.M.  ships 
engaged  were  the  Rattler,  Hermes,  and  Salamander.  After  the 
place  had  been  garrisoned,  the  expedition  returned  to  the  Rangoon 
river,1  where,  in  the  interim,  Commodore  Lambert,  with  H.M.S. 
Fox  and  Serpent,  and  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamers  Tenasserim  and 
Phlegethon,  had  been  equally  active.  He  had  proceeded  up  the 
river  on  April  4th,  and  on  the  5th,  detailing  the  Serpent  and 
Phlegethon,  under  Commander  Luard,  to  attack  the  Da  Sylva 
stockade,  had  devoted  his  own  attention  to  two  other  works  near 
Dunnoo.  By  the  evening  all  three  had  been  bombarded,  and 
destroyed  by  landing  parties  of  seamen  and  Marines,  which  were 
re-embarked  without  casualty.2 

The  general  combined  advance  on  Eangoon  began  on  Saturday, 
April  10th,  all  the  ships,  by  the  evening  of  that  day,  being  anchored 
below  the  Hastings  shoal.  On  the  following  morning,  the  shoal  was 
crossed  ;  and  fire  was  at  once  opened  on  the  H.  E.  I.  Co.'s  steamers 
Feroze,  Mozuffer,  and  Sesostris,  which  took  up  positions  between 
series  of  stockades  on  each  bank.  They  replied  briskly,  and,  in 
about  an  hour,  blew  up  the  magazine  of  a  work  which  mounted 
nine  18-prs.,  with  the  result  of  permanently  silencing  those  guns. 
Ere  that  time  the  Fox  also  had  both  broadsides  engaged ;  and  her 
boats  presently  landed  some  seamen  and  Marines,  and  a  company  of 
the  18th  Eegiment.  This  party,  covered  by  the  frigate,  gallantly 
stormed  two  stockades  at  Dalla,  opposite  Eangoon,  and  carried  them 
with  a  loss  of  only  one  man  wounded.  The  Serpent  and  Phlegethon 
then  passed  the  captured  works,  and  anchored  above  Kemmendine, 
to  deal  with  the  war-boats  there  assembled^  and  to  prevent  fire- 
rafts  from  being  sent  down  stream3;  while  parties  from  the  Fox 
and  Rattler  stormed,  carried,  and  burnt  a  third  stockade  on  the 
Dalla  side. 

Early  on  April  12th,  the  troops  were  landed  near  Eangoon,4 
without  opposition  from  the  enemy ;  and  the  Dagon  Pagoda  battery 

1  Godwin's  disp.  of  April  6th. 

3  Lambert  to  Austen,  April  6th. 

s  In  executing  this  service  the  Serpent,  in  an  encounter  with  a  strong  stockade, 
had  Asst.-Surgeon  Chas.  Sproull,  and  7  men  wounded. 

'*  The  city  of  that  day  was  a  mile  and  a  quarter  from  the  river,  the  city  of  the 
previous  war  having  been  destroyed. 


376       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

was  shelled  occasionally.  Late  in  the  day  a  magazine  in  it  blew  up. 
As  the  troops  advanced  they  were  attacked  from  the  jungle,  and 
suffered  much  loss  ere  they  carried  the  White  House  stockade.  On 
the  13th,  desultory  shelling  of  the  town  and  stockades  was  con- 
tinued, and  several  fires  broke  out  in  consequence ;  but  the  storming 
of  the  town  had  to  be  postponed,  owing  to  the  heavy  guns  not 
having  reached  the  army ;  and,  amid  terrible  heat,  Godwin  held  his 
position  until  the  morning  of  the  14th. 

At  5  A.M.  the  whole  force  was  put  in  motion.  The  guns  were 
dragged  into  position  by  about  120  seamen,  under  Lieutenant  John 
William  Dorville,  of  the  Fox,  in  spite  of  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Great 
Pagoda,  and  the  pieces  on  the  city  walls;  and,  at  11  A.M.,  after 
the  eastern  entrance  of  the  Pagoda  had  been  steadily  battered,  a 
.storming  party  under  Lieut. -Colonel  Coote  carried  the  position, 
the  fugitives  from  which,  as  they  fled  by  the  southern  and  western 
gates,  were  mowed  down  by  the  guns  of  the  ships.  The  success  was 
complete,  Eangoon  falling,  and  the  works  at  Kemmendine  bein£ 
abandoned  and  destroyed.  Nor  was  it  very  costly  ;  for  the  army  lost 
only  17  killed  and  132  wounded.  As  for  the  Navy,  it  suffered  very 
little  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  though  it  was  terribly  scourged 
by  cholera.  Among  the  officers  specially  mentioned  in  the  dispatches 
were  Commanders  Fishbourne,  and  Luard,  Lieutenants  George 
William  Eice,  and  Dorville,  Chaplain  Thomas  Turner  Baker,  who 
died  of  cholera,  Surgeon  John  Moolenburgh  Minter,  and  Assistant- 
Surgeon  Thomas  Seccombe.1 

On  the  following  day,  April  15th,  a  determined  attack  was  made 
by  the  enemy  upon  the  little  garrison  at  Martaban,  but  was  easily 
repelled.  Another  attack  was  made  on  May  26th,  when  the  boats 
of  the  Feroze  rendered  good  service  in  driving  back  the  foe.  A  less 
formidable  attempt  upon  the  post  was  made  two  nights  later.2  The 
enemy  did  not,  upon  the  whole,  fight  as  well  as  in  the  campaign  of 
1826.  In  fact,  there  appears  to  have  been  a  strong  Burmese  party 
which  was  quite  ready  to  accept  a  British  annexation  of  their 
country  as  the  price  of  liberation  from  tyranny  and  evil  government. 

On  May  17th  General  Godwin  and  Commodore  Lambert,  with 
a  force  which  included  the  Eoyal  Marines,  and  some  seamen  of  the 
Fox,  embarked  at  Eangoon  in  the  Tenasserim,  Sesostris,  and  Nozuffer, 
and  proceeded  to  the  entrance  of  the  Bassein  river,  where  they  were 

1  Austen  to  Dalhousie,  April  16th;  and  disps.  of  Godwin.     Baker,  61-78. 
a  '  Madras  Art.  Records,'  Aug.  1852. 


1852.]  THE  SECOND   BURMESE    WAR.  377 

joined  by  the  Pluto.  On  the  19th  they  ascended  the  river,  and,  in 
the  afternoon,  anchored  abreast  of  the  town  of  the  same  name.  On 
both  sides  of  the  stream  there  were  large  stockades  ;  but  a  strong 
party  was  at  once  landed,  the  pagoda  was  carried,  and  a  mud  fort, 
in  which  the  Burmese  defended  themselves  with  obstinacy,  was 
attacked.  It  was  at  length  stormed  by  a  detachment,  mainly 
military,  which  was  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  George  William 
Eice,  E.N.  The  chief  stockade  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  was 
then  carried  by  a  party  under  Commander  C.  D.  Campbell,  I.N., 
after  a  hot  struggle.  Among  the  wounded  were  Lieutenant  Eice, 
and  Lieutenant  John  Elliott,  E.M.  The  total  British  loss  in  the 
operations  at  Bassein  was  3  killed  and  31  wounded. 

It  was  determined  next  to  attack  Pegu ;  and  with  that  object, 
Commander  Tarleton,  with  the  Phlegethon,  her  boats,  and  those  of 
the  Fox,  conveying  230  troops,  left  Eangoon  on  June  3rd,  and 
moved  up  the  river,  accompanied  on  the  banks  by  a  small  con- 
tingent of  friendly  natives.  On  the  4th,  as  the  expedition  advanced, 
it  was  greeted  with  musketry  fire  from  the  Pegu  side,  whereupon 
Tarleton  landed  with  the  Fox's  people,  and,  being  joined  by  Com- 
mander G.  T.  Niblett,  I.N.,  with  men  from  the  Phlegethon,  obliged 
the  enemy  to  retire  from  point  to  point.  When,  however,  he  was 
returning  to  his  boats,  he  was  galled  by  a  smart  fire  from  gingals 
and  muskets ;  and,  as  he  was  loath  to  leave  the  Burmese  in  the 
belief  that  he  was  retreating,  he  obtained  the  services  of  a  guide, 
led  his  people  over  a  causeway  which  crossed  the  ditch,  entered  the 
city  of  Pegu,  and  forced  the  enemy  to  take  refuge  in  the  pagoda. 
While  he  was  thus  employed,  Mate  Henry  Eobert  Douglas  M'Murdo, 
who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  boats,  was  attacked,  but,  succoured 
by  the  troops,  succeeded  in  getting  all  his  craft  to  the  other  side  of 
the  river.  The  whole  expedition  was  resting,  in  preparation  for  a 
further  advance,  when  the  Burmese  from  the  pagoda  moved  out  in 
force  as  if  to  assault.  Making  no  longer  delay,  the  British  rushed  at 
them,  and  carried  the  pagoda  without  further  casualty.  The  day's 
work  was  accomplished  with  a  loss  of  but  1  killed  and  3  wounded. 
As  soon  as  the  defensive  works  had  been  destroyed,  the  expedition 
returned  to  Eangoon. 

By  that  time  certain  military  critics  on  the  spot  had  begun  to 
look  askance  on  these  raids  into  the  enemy's  country,  believing,  as 
they  did,  that  such  movements  prevented  the  Burmese  from  concen- 
trating their  forces,  and  so  tended  to  deprive  the  army  of  an  oppor- 


378      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

tunity,  when  it  should  be  ready  to  do  so,  of  striking  a  crushing  and 
decisive  blow.  Commodore  Lambert,  however,  seems  to  have  con- 
sidered that,  under  guise  of  making  a  reconnaissance  alcng  the 
Irawadi,  the  naval  force  might  still  find  opportunities  of  doing 
useful  service.  He  therefore  ordered  Commander  Tarleton  to  take 
under  his  orders  the  Medusa,  Proserpine,  Phlegethon,  Pluto,  and 
Makanuddy,  and  to  ascertain  the  numbers  and  position  of  the 
enemy  up  the  river.  The  flotilla  proceeded  on  July  6th.  At 
Konnoughee,  twenty-five  miles  below  Prome,  it  fired  at  an  armed 
party  on  the  banks,  and  was  heavily  fired  at  in  return,  two  people 
being  wounded.  On  the  night  of  the  7th  the  command  anchored  off 
Meaoung. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  it  weighed  again,  and  moved  on 
until  within  sight  of  a  strongly  fortified  position  near  Akouktoung, 
which  was  held  by  about  ten  thousand  Burmese  under  Bundoola,  in 
order  to  block  the  approach  to  Prome  and  the  capital.  Tarleton  was 
then  entering  what  was  known  as  the  left  or  western  channel  of 
the  river,  the  channel  which  alone  is  usually  navigable  except  at  the 
rainy  season ;  but,  discovering  from  his  native  pilots  that  the  eastern 
or  shallower  channel  was  then  possible,  he  turned  oft'  as  soon  as 
the  enemy  fired  at  him,  and  was  delighted  to  find  that  he  had  two 
fathoms  of  water  where  he  had  expected  to  get  little  more  than  as 
many  feet.  There  he  despatched  ahead  the  Proserpine,  instructing 
Commander  Brooking,  I.N.,  to  do  his  best  to  overtake  a  small 
Burmese  steamer1  which,  he  heard,  had  passed  up  only  the  day 
before  ;  and,  upon  surveying  his  position,  he  realised  that  the  entire 
Burmese  army,  concentrated  in  the  place  which  he  had  turned,  was 
in  his  rear,  and  that  nothing  lay  between  him  and  Prome.  The 
temptation  was  too  great  to  be  resisted.  He  pushed  on,  and  by 
daylight  on  July  9th  was  off  the  city. 

There  being  no  troops  in  the  place,  Tarleton  disabled  and  sank 
the  iron  guns  belonging  to  the  works,  and  embarked  the  brass  ones. 
In  the  afternoon  the  Medusa  reconnoitred  ten  miles  further  up ;  and 
it  became  practically  certain  that  there  were  no  obstacles  of  any 
sort  between  the  expedition  and  the  capital,  Ava,  which  could  have 
been  reached  within  four  days.  Being,  however,  without  orders  to 
capture  the  metropolis,  and,  perhaps,  being  influenced  by  the  talk  of 
the  military  critics  already  alluded  to,  Tarleton  contented  himself 
with  remaining  for  twenty-four  hours  at  Prome,  and  then  returning. 

1  She  was  not  caught. 


1852.]  THE  SECOND   BURMESE    WAS.  379 

As  he  re-entered  the  main  stream,  Bundoola  was  observed  to  be 
in  motion,  as  if  intending  to  follow  the  steamers.  The  British 
opened  fire  on  the  Burmese  troops  and  boats,  between  forty  and  fifty 
of  the  latter  being  taken  or  destroyed,  and  several  valuable  trophies 
captured.  After  nine  days'  absence,  the  flotilla  rejoined  without 
further  adventure.  Its  casualties  were  insignificant.  Lieutenant 
John  Elliott,  R.M.,  was  wounded  severely,  and  two  other  people, 
including  Assistant  Surgeon  Frederick  Morgan,  were  slightly  hit. 

In  August  and  September  reinforcements  and  fresh  supplies  were 
sent  from  India  with  a  view  to  preparing  for  the  general  advance  of 
what  was  styled  the  Army  of  Ava.  In  the  interim,  the  Zenobia, 
and  the  schooner  Pegu  did  some  useful  work  above  Martaban  by  dis- 
persing a  body  of  Burmese  at  Ketturhee,  and  destroying  a  stockade 
and  village.1  The  operations  were  completed  on  September  2nd. 
A  few  days  earlier,  •  Commander  Charles  Frederick  Alexander 
Shadwell,  of  the  Sphinx,  had  gone  up  in  the  Nemesis  to  relieve 
Commander  Tarleton,2  who  had  previously  been  senior  naval  officer 
in  the  Irawadi  ;  and  a  few  days  later,  the  Hastings,  72,  bearing 
Bear-Admiral  Austen's  flag,  was  towed  by  the  Battler  to  the 
Hastings  shoal,  and  anchored  off  Rangoon.3 

Towards  the  end  of  September,  previous  to  which  the  Rear- 
Admiral  had  made  a  personal  reconnaissance  up  the  Irawadi  in 
the  Pluto,  the  forward  movement  began.  Several  of  the  steamers 
grounded,  and  there  was  much  delay.  On  October  7th,  off  the 
island  of  Shouk  Shay  Khune,  there  occurred  another  misfortune,  in 
the  death  of  Rear- Admiral  Austen,4  who,  still  in  the  Pluto,  had  been 
taken  ill  on  the  night  of  the  5th,  and  who,  being  seventy-three  years 
of  age,  had  not  sufficient  strength  to  resist  the  attack. 

From  that  island,  which  is  not  more  than  ten  miles  below  Prome, 
the  flotilla  started  again  at  daybreak  on  October  9th.  Commodore 
George  Robert  Lambert,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  chief  command, 
had  his  broad  pennant  in  the  Fire  Queen ;  and  the  other  vessels  of 
war  employed,  all  belonging  to  the  H.E.I.  Co.,  were  the  Enterprise, 
Mahanuddy,  Sesostris,  Medusa,  Nemesis,  Proserpine,  and  Phlegethon, 
accompanied  by  boats  of  H.M.  ships  Winchester,  Hastings,  Fox,  and 
Sphinx,  under  Captain  George  Granville  Loch,  C.B.,  Commanders 

1  Moulmein  Times. 

2  Posted  Sept.  27th,  1852. 

s  Laurie,  Pegu,  51.     She  left  again  for  Madras  on  Oct.  29th. 
4  His  body  was  ultimately  sent  home  in  the  Sattler. 


380      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Charles  Frederick  Alexander  Shadwell,  and  Edward  Bridges  Bice, 
and  Lieutenants  George  William  Eice,  Henry  Shank  Hillyar, 
Eichard  Bulkeley  Pearse,  Charles  Doyle  Buckley  Kennedy,  William 
Brace  Mason,  and  William  Henry  Edye. 

As  soon  as  the  vessels  neared  the  city,  the  enemy  opened  fire 
upon  them  from  a  couple  of  guns,  supported  by  musketry.  Eeturning 
the  fire,  the  steamers  anchored ;  and  some  of  the  boats,  under  Captain 
Loch,  were  sent  closer  in,  to  clear  the  banks  with  shell  and  canister. 
A  native  gun,  which  was  brought  into  action  abreast  of  the  Fire 
Queen,  was  dismounted  when  it  had  fired  but  one  shot ;  and,  soon 
afterwards,  some  of  the  troops  were  landed  without  difficulty,  the 
rest  being  put  ashore  on  the  next  morning,  when,  with  a  detachment 
of  seamen  and  two  24-pr.  howitzers  under  Commander  Edward 
Bridges  Eice,  they  easily  captured  the  city.  In  the  squadron,  but 
four  people  were  wounded,  two  of  them  being  natives  of  India  The 
army's  loss  was  almost  equally  trifling.1 

At  about  that  time  a  valuable  reinforcement  of  light  river 
steamers  belonging  to  the  H.E.I.  Co.  reached  the  scene  of  opera- 
tions. Of  these,  one,  the  Lord  William  Bentinck,  was  sent  on  a 
reconnaissance  to  Pegu,  and  the  others  the  Nerbudda  and  Damooda, 
carried  up  additional  troops  to  Prome.  Soon  afterwards,  Bundoola, 
having  been  ordered  to  report  himself  in  disgrace  at  Ava,  preferred 
to  take  his  chances  as  a  prisoner  with  the  British,  and,  upon 
surrendering  himself,  was  put  on  board  the  Sesostris,  which  was 
acting  as  depot  and  guardship  off  Prome.  Before  any  further  move- 
ment of  importance  was  attempted,  Commander  Shadwell,  and  the 
military  post  at  Shouk  Shay  Khune,  assisted  by  native  allies,  beat 
off  a  Burmese  attack  with  great  spirit ;  and  other  small  bodies  of 
the  enemy  were  defeated  at  a  place  called  the  White  Pagoda,  at 
Akouktoung,  and  at  a  stockade  opposite  Prome.2 

Pegu,  after  its  capture  in  June,  had  been  evacuated,  as  General 
Godwin  did  not  consider  that  he  had  strength  enough  wherewith 
to  hold  it  at  that  time.  The  next  move  was  one  for  its  recapture  ; 
and  by  the  middle  of  November,  a  force  was  ready  to  proceed  thither. 

1  Lambert  to  Govt,  of  India,  Oct.  llth ;   Godwin  to  the  same,  Oct.  12th,  1852 ; 
Laurie,  77  et  seq. 

2  At  the  White  Pagoda,  near  Prome,  on   Nov.  1st,  Capt.  Loch,  Com.  Frederick 
Beauchamp  Paget  Seymour,  and  Lieuts.  Henry  Shank  Hillyar,  and  Richard  Bulkeley 
Pearse  led  the  naval  "brigade.     One  man  was  wounded.     At  Akouktoung,  on  Nov.  4th, 
the   same  officers  were   present.     Opposite  Prome,  on  Nov.  llth,  when  Loch  again 
commanded,  the  enemy  abandoned  their  strong  work  at  the  first  sign  of  attack. 


1852.]  TEE  SECOND   BURMESE    WAK.  381 

This  quitted  Kangoon  on  the  19th  in  the  Mahanuddy,  Nerbudda, 
Damooda,  and  Lord  William  BentincJc,  the  army  being  under 
Brigadier  Malcolm  M'Neil,  the  naval  arrangements  being  under 
Commander  Shadwell,  and  the  General  himself  accompanying  the 
expedition.  The  neighbourhood  of  Pegu  was  reached  on  the  evening 
of  the  20th,  and,  upon  the  city  being  reconnoitred,  it  was  found  to 
be  held  by  about  four  thousand  men,  with  a  stockade  in  their  front. 
On  the  following  morning,  under  fire  from  the  steamers  and  boats, 
a  landing  was  effected,  Commander  Rowley  Lambert,  of  the  Fox, 
superintending  the  operation  so  far  as  the  guns  were  concerned,  and 
Commander  Frederick  Beauchamp  Paget  Seymour,  as  a  volunteer, 
placing  himself  at  the  disposal  of  the  General.  In  the  advance,  the 
troops  had  to  encounter  a  smart  fire ;  but,  having  refreshed  under 
cover  of  a  wood,  they  presently  charged  across  the  moat,  and  drove 
the  defenders  into  the  pagoda,  whence  they  were  driven  further  with 
but  slight  resistance.  The  army  lost  in  this  affair  6  killed  and  31 
wounded  ;  the  Navy  happily  escaped  without  casualty.  Besides  the 
officers  already  mentioned,  Lieutenants  William  Brace  Mason,  and 
John  Hawley  Glover,  Mate  Charles  Ashwell  Boteler  Pocock,  and 
Assistant  Surgeon  John  Felix  Johnson,  besides  several  of  the 
H.E.I.  Co.'s  naval  officers,  distinguished  themselves.1  A  garrison 
of  430  men  was  left  at  Pegu,  and  the  rest  of  the  expedition  returned 
to  Rangoon. 

Scarcely  had  the  General  departed  ere  Pegu  began  to  suffer 
serious  annoyance  from  the  enemy,  who,  early  in  December,  in- 
vested it  more  or  less  closely,  and  cut  up  a  convoy  of  supplies 
which  had  been  sent  thither.  On  the  8th,  therefore,  Commodore 
Lambert  despatched  from  Rangoon  seven  boats  from  the  Sphinx, 
Fox,  and  Mozuffer,  under  Commander  Shadwell,  with,  in  all,  133 
officers  and  men,  to  endeavour  to  open  communications  with  Major 
Hill,  who  commanded  the  beleaguered  garrison.  On  the  9th,  news 
of  a  somewhat  more  serious  nature  arrived  at  Rangoon,  and  decided 
General  Godwin  to  forward  in  addition  200  European  troops  in 
the  Nerbudda,  with  some  armed  boats  under  Commander  Rowley 
Lambert.  In  the  meantime,  Shadwell,  on  approaching  Pegu  on 
December  10th,  was  met  with  a  very  heavy  fire,  and  obliged  to 
retreat,  having  lost  in  a  short  time  4  men  killed,  and  28  people 
wounded,  including  Mate  Charles  Ashwell  Boteler  Pocock,  and 
Midshipman  Edgar  Cookson.  Returning,  Shadwell  met  the 

1  Laurie,  100,  466. 


382      MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Nerbudda  ;  and,  not  knowing  what  force  of  Burmese  might  be 
at  Pegu,  he  brought  her  back  with  him  to  Eangoon.  Godwin  at 
once  determined  to  go  himself  to  the  threatened  point ;  and  before 
10  P.M.  on  the  llth,  Captain  Tarleton,  with  1050  troops  in  boats 
of  the  Fox,  Sphinx,  Mozuffer,  Berenice,  and  Fire  Queen,  started  for 
Pegu,  being  followed  next  morning  by  the  Mahanuddy  and  Nerbudda, 
with  Godwin  and  400  additional  Europeans.  Among  the  naval 
officers  with  the  expedition  were  Commanders  Lambert,  and  Shad- 
well,  and  Lieutenant  William  Brace  Mason. 

On  the  morning  of  December  13th,  Godwin  having  in  the 
meanwhile  caught  up  Tarleton,  a  landing  of  part  of  the  force  was 
effected  five  miles  below  Pegu,  and  half  a  mile  from  the  first 
stockade,  and  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  put  ashore  early  on  the 
14th,  an  advance  following  immediately,  and  being  accompanied 
by  Shadwell,  with  two  boat  guns  and  75  men  to  drag  them.  Later 
in  the  day,  when  the  enemy  threatened  some  straggling  camp 
followers  on  the  river  bank,  Tarleton  landed  his  whole  available 
force,  and  drove  off  the  foe.  He  was  also  obliged  to  put  the 
Nerbudda  ashore  to  repair  damages  caused  by  her  having  grounded 
on  a  stake.  His  position,  in  short,  was  an  anxious  one,  until,  at 
2  P.M.,  he  learnt  of  the  success  of  the  advanced  force.  The  Navy 
had  one  man  mortally  wounded.1 

General  Godwin  followed  up  the  enemy,  but  without  displaying 
great  activity  or  persistence.  By  proclamation  of  December  30th, 
1852,  the  province  of  Pegu  was  annexed  to  the  Empire,  and  any 
immediate  intention  of  effecting  further  conquests  in  Burmah  was 
formally  abandoned.  The  annexation  was  made  public  at  Eangoon 
on  January  20th. 

It  remained  to  expel  from  the  new  province  such  Burmese  forces 
as  were  still  in  arms  there.  Much  of  that  work  was  done  by  the 
land  forces  alone,  but  the  Navy  co-operated  on  several  occasions. 
With  the  Martaban  expedition,  for  example,  which  set  out  from 
Rangoon  on  January  4th,  1853,  went  Commodore  George  Robert 
Lambert,  with  his  broad  pennant  in  the  Sphinx.  A  more  exclusively 
naval  adventure  was  undertaken  by  Shadwell,  with  the  object  of 
settling  scores  with  a  robber  chieftain  who  oppressed  the  inhabitants 
of  a  district  south  of  Bassein  and  westward  of  Rangoon  ;  but  this 
force,  which  was  absent  from  Rangoon  from  December  24th,  1852, 
to  the  morning  of  January  1st,  1853,  saw  no  fighting. 

1  Godwin  of  Dec.  loth  ;  Tarleton  of  Dec.  16th  ;  Lambert  of  Dec.  18th. 


1853.]  DEATH   OF   OEANVILLE  LOCH.  383 

Unfortunately,  although  the  war  was  over,  one  of  these  sub- 
sequent expeditions  ended  in  a  most  regrettable  disaster,  in  which 
the  naval  service  suffered  severely.  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Donnabew  was  a  notorious  robber  named  Nya  Myat  Toon,  against 
whom  it  became  advisable  to  adopt  stern  measures.  His  stronghold 
lay  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Eangoon.  At  the  beginning  of 
February,  1853,  Captain  George  Granville  Loch,  C.B.,  with  25 
naval  officers,  185  seamen,  and  62  Marines,1  and  Major  Minchin, 
with  300  of  the  67th  Bengal  Native  Infantry,  accompanied  by  two 
3-prs.  from  the  Phlegethon,  were  despatched  from  Rangoon  against 
the  freebooter,  and  landed  near  Donnabew  on  the  2nd. 

On  the  3rd  the  force  marched  along  a  jungle  path,  and  encamped 
for  the  night  in  a  deserted  valley,  where  it  was  occasionally  dis- 
turbed by  distant  shots.  On  the  morning  of  February  4th,  it 
proceeded  about  five  miles  further  along  the  path,  which  terminated 
abruptly  at  a  broad  nullah,  the  lofty  opposite  side  of  which  was 
entrenched  and  fortified.  Suddenly,  ere  the  people,  who  had  been 
marching  two  or  three  abreast,  could  deploy,  or  bring  up  the  guns 
which  were  in  the  rear,  a  most  murderous  fire  was  opened  by  the 
concealed  enemy.  Lieutenant  Charles  Doyle  Buckley  Kennedy,  of 
the  Fox,  was  among  the  first  to  be  shot  down.  The  gallant  Loch 
led  his  men  to  the  attack,  and  made  two  unsuccessful  efforts  to 
cross  the  nullah  and  storm  the  work.  Heading  a  third  attempt,  he 
was  mortally  hit.  Lieutenant  Rowley  Lambert,  son  of  the  Com- 
modore, then  assumed  command,  and  led  two  more  hopeless  rushes, 
receiving  four  balls  through  his  clothes,  yet  remaining  unhurt.  It 
quickly  became  apparent  that  the  force  must  either  retreat  or  be 
annihilated ;  and  a  retreat,  therefore,  was  ordered  along  the  narrow 
path  by  which  the  advance  had  been  made.  Most  of  the  bearers 
and  guides  had  fled,  the  dead  could  not  be  moved,  the  guns  had  to 
be  spiked  and  abandoned  ;  and,  followed  by  an  unrelenting  fire,  the 
party,  its  rear  manfully  covered  by  the  grenadier  company  of  the 
67th,  drew  off  as  best  it  could,  dragging  with  it  its  many  wounded, 
and  toiling  under  a  broiling  sun  without  water.  It  did  not  reach 
Donnabew,  and  the  Phlegethon,  until  twelve  hours  had  elapsed. 
Loch  died  on  the  6th.2  The  Navy  lost  in  all  7  killed  and  52 
wounded,  and  the  troops,  5  killed  and  18  wounded.  Among  the 
officers  wounded  were  Lieutenant  James  Henry  Bushnell,  and 

1  From  the  Fox,  Winchester,  and  Sphinx. 

2  Loch  was  horn  in  1813,  and  was  a  Capt.  of  Aug.  26th,  1841. 


384      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Mates  Hugh  Alan  Hinde,  and  William  Charles  Fahie  Wilson,  of 
the  Winchester,  and  Lieutenant  John  Hawley  Glover,  of  the  Sphinx. 
Lieutenant  Horatio  Nelson,  of  the  Winchester,  was  mentioned  by 
Lambert  among  the  officers  and  men  who  were  of  special  assistance 
in  most  trying  circumstances.1 

The  catastrophe  was  due  to  overweening  confidence,  and  con- 
tempt for  a  desperate  enemy,  resulting  in  neglect  of  proper  pre- 
cautions.2 In  the  breaking  up  of  Nya  Myat  Toon's  followers,  a 
work  which  was  afterwards  accomplished  by  Brigadier-General  Sir 
John  Cheape,  the  Navy  had  little  share,  although  Captain  Tarleton, 
with  a  small  party,  was  present  with  the  expedition. 

The  war  ended  without  the  conclusion  of  the  usual  treaty  of 
peace  between  the  nations  which  had  been  engaged ;  and  not  until 
1862  were  ordinary  relations  resumed  between  the  courts  of  Ava  and 
London. 

The  honours  granted  to  the  Navy  for  its  services  during  the 
arduous  campaign  were  few,  and  were  delayed.  On  December  5th, 
1853,  Commodore  George  Robert  Lambert  was  made  a  K.C.B.,  and 
Captains  John  Walter  Tarleton,  and  Charles  Frederick  Alexander 
Shadwell 3  were  given  the  C.B.  Rowley  Lambert  had  been  deservedly 
made  a  Commander  on  February  7th,  1853.  On  February  25th, 
Lieutenants  John  William  Dorville,  Henry  Shank  Hillyar,  and 
George  William  Rice  (who  died  on  March  18th  following)  ;  Mates 
Hugh  Alan  Hinde,  and  Charles  Ashwell  Boteler  Pocock ;  Second 
Master  Richard  Sturgess ;  and  Assistant  Surgeons  Thomas  Sec- 
combe,  Henry  Slade  and  John  Felix  Johnson,  had  also  received 
promotion.4 

It  has  not  been  possible,  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  to  devote 
much  space  to  the  work  done  during  the  war  by  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  Indian  Navy ;  but  it  should  be  added  here  that  they 
rendered  the  most  valuable  services,  and  always  willingly  and  loyally 
co-operated  with  the  Royal  Navy. 

In  these  years  there  were  almost  innumerable  actions  between 
H.M.  ships  and  Chinese  pirates.  The  conflicts  were  generally  very 

1  Laurie,  226,  and  Disps. ;  Friend  of  India,  Feb.  24th,  1853. 

2  Gen.  Godwin  later  ordered  that,  in  all  combined  naval  and  military  expeditions, 
the  senior  military  officer  should  have  command,  no  matter  the  rank  of  the  senior 
naval  officer  present.     The  questions  thus  raised  were  not  fully  decided  until  many 
years  afterwards. 

3  Posted  Feb.  7th,  1853. 

4  Gazette,  Feb.  28th. 


1853.]  THE  "RATTLER"   AT  NAMQUAN.  385 

bloody,  at  least  on  one  side ;  for  the  pirates  knew  full  well  that,  if 
captured  alive  and  handed  over  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  they 
could  expect  no  mercy,  and  might  look  forward  to  torture  as  well  as 
to  death.  Several  of  the  conflicts,  moreover,  cost  the  loss  of  valuable 
lives  on  the  British  side. 

One  of  the  most  important  occurred  off  Namquan  (lat.  27°  15' ; 
long.  120°  20')  in  1853. 

On  May  5th  of  that  year,  Commander  Arthur  Mellersh,  of  the 
Hat  tier,  6,  screw,  who  was  then  at  Amoy,  was  informed  that  a  fleet 
of  pirates  was  at  anchor  near  Namquan,  and  had  not  only  captured 
a  valuable  convoy  of  junks,  but  also  fired  at  and  driven  off  the 
British  schooner  Spec,  which  had  formed  the  escort.  Mellersh  at 
once  coaled,  and  proceeded  on  the  following  morning  to  the  mouth 
of  the  liiver  Min.  Bad  weather  prevented  him  from  gaining  further 
information  before  the  10th,  when  Second-Master  Alfred  0.  West 
reconnoitred  in  a  cutter,  picked  up  the  Spec,  and  ascertained  that 
the  pirates  were  still  at  Namquan,  waiting  for  their  prizes  to  be 
ransomed.  On  the  llth,  under  cover  of  a  fog,  which  lifted  as  she 
approached,  the  Rattler  suddenly  steamed  right  into  the  enemy's 
fleet.  The  Chinese  cut  their  cables  in  panic ;  but,  finding  that  the 
set  of  the  tide  prevented  them  from  escaping  from  the  harbour,  they 
prepared  for  close  action,  and,  as  soon  as  the  sloop  fired  a  gun, 
opened  their  broadsides  upon  her.  There  were  seven  junks  and 
a  lorcha,  No.  19 ;  and  they  pluckily  bore  up  with  intent  to  board. 
A  shell  from  the  Battler's  8-in.  gun,  fired  by  Lieutenant  George 
Adolphus  Pidcock,  blew  up  the  pirate  admiral,  also  sinking  a  craft 
alongside  of  him ;  whereupon  all  the  other  vessels,  except  the 
lorcha,  ran  for  the  shore  and  beached  themselves.  The  lorcha 
ceased  firing,  and  impudently  hoisted  Portuguese  and  French 
colours. 

Most  of  the  fugitives  who  gained  the  shore  were  promptly 
slaughtered  by  the  waiting  villagers.  The  Rattler's  boats  were  then 
lowered  under  Commander  John  William  Dorville,1  Second-Master 
West,  and  Mates  Eobert  Elliot  and  James  Willcox,  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  abandoned  vessels ;  the  cutter,  however,  under  Lieutenant 

1  Dorville,  who  had  previously  been  first  Lieutenant  of  the  Rattler,  had  been 
promoted  on  the  previous  Feb.  25th,  but  was  still  doing  duty  in  the  sloop.  He  was 
the  author  of  an  interesting  book,  'Cruising  in  Many  AVaters.'  He  retired,  as  a 
captain,  in  18C7,  and  died  in  1894  a  retired  admiral.  Some  of  his  earlier  services  are 
recorded  in  the  Friend  of  China,  Mar.  5th,  1853. 

VOL.   VI.  2   C 


386      MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Pidcock,  dashing  off  in  separate  pursuit  of  a  body  of  pirates  who, 
having  seized  a  peaceful  junk  and  murdered  her  crew,  were  pushing 
up  the  river  in  her  and  another  craft  in  order  to  escape.  Unhappily, 
when  he  got  up  with  the  enemy  and  boarded,  his  small  force  was 
overpowered,  he  and  two  men  being  killed,  and  the  rest  of  his  crew 
driven  off.  Assisted  by  the  country  people,  the  survivors  at  length 
regained  the  liattler,  and  told  their  tale.  Dorville,  West,  and 
Willcox  instantly  started  in  search  of  the  junks  in  the  river,  but  had 
to  return  owing  to  the  darkness ;  nor  was  a  further  search,  made  on 
the  following  morning,  any  more  successful.  From  one  of  the  burnt 
junks  one  hundred  and  seventy  pounds  of  silver  were  recovered. 
Four  of  the  other  junks~were  taken  to  Foochow,  and  the  lorcha  was 
handed  over  to  the  Portuguese  at  Macao.  This  affray  cost  the 
British  an  officer  and  two  men  killed,  and  seven  people  wounded. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  cost  the  pirates  the  loss  of  eight  vessels,  no 
fewer  than  84  guns,1  and  probably  500  lives.  Willcox  was  deservedly 
made  a  Lieutenant  on  January  19th,  1854. 

It  was  in  the  same  year  that  the  British  Navy  first  came  into 
intimate  contact  with  the  Ti-ping  rebels,  in  whose  repression  it  later 
took  an  active  share.  On  March  19th,  1853,  after  a  siege  of  eleven 
days  only,  the  Ti-pings  captured  Nankin,  the  ancient  capital  of 
China,  and  thereby  placed  themselves  in  a  position  of  such  political 
importance  as  to  induce  Sir  George  Bonham,  H.M.  Plenipotentiary, 
to  visit  Nankin  in  order  to  ascertain  the  nature,  principles,  and 
objects  of  the  victorious  revolutionists.  Accordingly,  he  embarked 
in  the  paddle  sloop  Hermes,  6,  Commander  Edmund  Gardiner 
Fishbourne,  and,  after  having  been  fired  at  in  error  by  some  Ti-ping 
forts  at  Chinkiangfoo,  reached  Nankin  at  the  end  of  April,  had 
friendly  communications  with  the  rebel  leaders,  and  arranged  that 
Great  Britain  should  preserve  a  neutral  attitude  with  regard  to 
China's  internal  commotions.2 

As  early  as  1854,  however,  the  Navy  came  into  hostile  collision, 
if  not  with  the  Ti-pings  themselves,  at  least  with  the  troops 
opposed  to  them.  An  ambitious  "house  boy"  named  Aling, 
employed  by  one  of  the  foreign  merchants  at  Shanghai,  raised 
a  force,  proclaimed  himself  general,  and,  allying  himself  with 
the  rebels,  seized  the  walled  Chinese  city  of  Shanghai  which 
lies  alongside  of  the  foreign  settlement  on  the  Yangtsekiang, 

1  Friend  of  China,  and  disps.,  which  Dorville  brought  home. 

2  Fishbourne  :  '  Impressions  of  China.' 


1854.]  O'CALLA&HAN  AT  SHANGHAI.  387 

but  on  the  other  side  of  the  Yangkingpang  creek.  In  rear 
of  the  foreign  settlement  was  a  race-course ;  in  rear  of  the  walled 
city  were  forts  held  by  imperial  troops  who  had  been  sent  to 
oppose  Aling ;  and  between  the  forts  and  the  race-course  were  rice- 
marshes,  swamps  and  alluvial  ground.  The  imperial  troops  got  out 
of  hand,  and  some  of  them  assaulted  an  English  gentleman  and 
lady  on  the  race-course  on  April  3rd.  The  braves  were,  however, 
dispersed  by  some  unarmed  British  and  American  seamen  who 
happened  to  be  ashore  on  liberty.  This  exasperated  the  troops,  who, 
it  was  rumoured,  intended,  by  way  of  revenge,  to  loot  and  burn  the 
foreign  settlement  in  the  course  of  the  following  night;  where- 
upon the  merchants  ashore  asked  for  assistance,  and  the  war- 
ships in  harbour,  H.M.S.  Encounter,  14,  screw,  Captain  George 
William  Douglas  O'Callaghan,  and  Grecian,  12,  Commander  the  Hon. 
George  Disney  Keane,  with  the  U.S.  corvette  Plymouth,  Captain 
John  Kelly,  landed  a  party  which  quickly  mastered  the  small  fort 
lying  nearest  to  the  settlement,  and  killed,  wounded,  or  captured  a 
number  of  Chinamen.  The  Captains  then  ordered  the  imperial 
troops  to  evacuate  the  remaining  forts  by  3  P.M.  on  April  4th.  It 
was  felt  that  the  enemy  would  not  willingly  comply ;  and  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  compelling  him  to  do  so,  it  being  arranged 
that  Kelly,  in  virtue  of  his  seniority,  should  command  the  attacking 
force  of  seamen,  marines,  and  volunteers  from  among  the  foreign 
residents.  Before  the  hour  at  which  the  ultimatum  was  to  expire, 
the  force,  with  guns,  was  ready  in  position  before  the  forts.  At  3 
precisely,  as  the  Chinese  had  not  budged,  the  word  was  given,  and 
a  12-pr.  shrapnel  shell  was  fired  at  the  nearest  work.  The  enemy 
made  little  stand,  most  of  them  fleeing  at  once.  After  sending  in 
one  more  shell,  the  attackers  charged.  The  imperialists  succeeded 
in  firing  only  one  of  their  heavy  guns  ;  but  that  one  killed  three 
people  and  wounded  several,  while  the  storming  party  was  tempor- 
arily checked  at  the  ditch.  Lieutenant  Eoderick  Dew,1  however, 
quickly  pulled  down  a  bamboo  house,  bridged  the  chasm  at  the  rear 
of  the  works,  and  led  the  way  across.  This  decided  the  matter. 
Upwards  of  300  Chinamen  were  killed  ;  the  position  was  occupied  ; 
and  on  the  following  day  a  body  of  coolies  destroyed  the  whole  of 
the  forts.2  On  this  occasion  there  was  very  cordial  good-feeling  and 
co-operation  between  the  British  and  United  States  navies.  The 

1  Prom,  for  this  service,  June  16th,  1854.     He  was  slightly  wounded. 

2  Disps. :  R.-Ad.  Beardslee,  U.S.N.,  in  Harper's  Mag. 

2    C  2 


388      M1L1TAIIY   HISTOllY   OF   THE  HOYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

pleasant  nature  of  the  comradeship,  which  was  destined  to  become 
still  more  pronounced,  especially  in  Chinese  waters,  may  be  gathered 
from  the  fact  that,  a  seaman  of  the  Encounter  having  lost  his  arm 
during  the  firing  of  a  salute  on  July  4th,  1854,  the  anniversary  of 
American  Independence,  the  officers  and  men  of  the  U.S.S.  Susque- 
Inuina  and  Vandalia  spontaneously  subscribed  for  him  the  large 
sum  of  £283.' 

It  would  be  almost  impossible  to  find  space,  in  a  work  like  the 
present,  for  accounts  of  all  the  affairs,  small  and  great,  which  took 
place  between  Her  Majesty's  ships  and  pirates  or  slavers  in  the 
period  under  review.  In  spite  of  the  distractions  caused  by  the 
war  with  Kussia,  the  Navy  was  as  active  as  ever  in  1854-56  in 
striving  for  the  repression  of  these  freebooters. 

In  November,  1854,  the  boats  of  the  Winchester,  50,  Captain 
Thomas  Wilson  (2),  (flag  of  Hear- Admiral  Sir  James  Stirling),  En- 
counter, 14,  screw,  Captain  George  William  Douglas  O'Callaghan, 
and  Spartan,  26,  Captain  Sir  William  Legge  George  Hoste,  Bart., 
were  repeatedly  thus  engaged  in  the  Macao  Eiver.  On  the  2nd  of 
that  month,  the  boats  of  the  Winchester  and  Spartan  destroyed 
some  junks  in  Tymmoon  Bay  ;  on  the  following  day  the  boats  of 
all  three  vessels  were  similarly  employed  off  Tyloo  ;  and,  on  the 
13th  of  the  month,  parties  from  the  same  ships,  and  from  the  Barra- 
cotita,  6,  paddle,  Captain  George  Parker  (2),  and  Styx,  6,  paddle, 
Commander  Frederick  Woollcombe,  carried  a  battery,  and  destroyed 
more  junks  in  Coulan  Bay. 

On  June  25th,  1855,  the  Eacehorse,  14,  Commander  Edward 
King  Barnard,  while  working  up  the  coast  between  Amoy  and 
Foochow,  discovered  and  chased  a  piratical  flotilla.  On  the 
following  morning,  one  of  the  junks,  mounting  6  guns,  was  boarded 
by  the  sloop's  cutter,  and  burnt.  In  the  afternoon  other  junks 
were  engaged  by  the  boats,  one  being  burnt  and  another  taken. 
A  captured  lorcha  also  was  retaken,  and  towed  to  Amoy.  The 
Racehorse  then  went  again  in  search  of  the  pirates ;  and  on  July 
4th,  made  prize  of  a  junk  without  much  resistance,  and  later  sent 
all  her  boats  in  chase  of  a  much  larger  one.  In  the  chase,  the 
sloop's  gig  drew  ahead,  and  pulled  gallantly  alongside.  She  was 
then  overwhelmed  with  a  shower  of  stink-pots,  some  of  which  blew 
up  the  ammunition  in  her.  All  her  people  were  hurled  into  the 
water;  but  they  were  picked  up  by  the  cutter,  seven  out  of  the 
1  Boston  Post,  Nov.  4th,  1854. 


1855.]  AFFAIRS    WITH   CHINESE   PIRATES.  389 

nine,  however,  being  badly  wounded.  While  the  pirates  were 
rejoicing  at  their  temporary  success,  the  stern  of  their  vessel  was 
nearly  blown  out  by  the  bow  gun  in  the  pinnace,  which  had  got 
\ap  in  the  confusion  unobserved.  This  junk  was  run  ashore  by  her 
people  to  prevent  her  from  sinking,  and  was  then  captured  and 
burnt.  Very  many  pirates  were  killed  or  drowned,  and  most  of 
the  survivors  were  taken  prisoners  either  by  the  victors  or  by  the 
villagers  on  shore.  Of  the  Racehorse' 's  people,  two  of  the  un- 
fortunate crew  of  the  gig  subsequently  died  of  their  injuries. 

In  some  of  these  operations  for  the  repression  of  piracy  there 
was  further  active  and  cordial  co-operation  between  the  British  and 
the  American  forces  on  the  China  station.  On  May  28th,  1855,  the 
boats  of  the  Rattler,  11,  screw,  Commander  William  Abdy  Fellowes, 
had  destroyed  some  piratical  junks  at  Samchow  ;  but  the  lesson 
was  lost  on  the  Chinese ;  and,  late  in  July,  a  lorcha  and  three 
trading  junks,  though  under  convoy  of  an  armed  steamer  called  the 
Eaglet,  were  cut  off,  and  carried  into  a  fortified  bay  near  Coulan. 
Commander  Fellowes,  being  appealed  to,  and  having  reconnoitred 
the  place,  went  to  Hong  Kong,  and  invited  the  assistance  of  the 
U.S.  steam  frigate  Powhatan.  This  was  gladly  granted ;  and,  on 
August  3rd,  the  Rattler,  with  three  boats  from  the  Powhatan  under 
Lieutenants  Pegram  and  Rolando,  U.S.N.,  and  with  the  Eaglet  in 
company,  left  the  harbour.  Early  on  the  4th  the  expedition 
steamed  into  the  bay  in  which  the  pirates  had  taken  refuge.  A 
lorcha,  which  had  lain  at  anchor  high  up,  got  under  way  as  if  to 
escape,  and  was  chased  by  the  Rattler's  pinnace,  having  on  board 
Lieutenants  Charles  Joseph  Wrey,  and  Thomas  Harpur  Greer,  and 
Mate  George  Gordon  Lomax,  and  by  the  Powhatan's  cutter.  The 
boats  had,  unfortunately,  got  beyond  recall,  when  the  main  body  of 
the  pirate  flotilla,  numbering,  with  prizes,  36  sail,  was  observed 
at  anchor  further  up  the  passage  whence  the  lorcha  had  started. 
The  Chinese  did  not  move  until  the  Eaglet  had  begun  to  fire 
rockets  and  her  32-pr.,  and  until  the  remaining  boats  of  the 
expedition  rounded  a  point  and  showed  themselves.  The  pirates 
then  weighed  in  a  hurry  and  made  off  in  a  mass,  yawing  to  fire, 
but  being  badly  mauled  by  the  boats'  howitzers.  The  American 
launches,  in  which  were  a  number  of  British  Marines,  presently 
overtook  two  of  the  rearmost  and  largest  of  the  junks,  and  carried 
them,  after  a  hard  struggle,  by  boarding.  Other  junks  were  also 
carried,  Boatswain  James,  of  the  Rattler,  in  that  ship's  whaleboat, 


390      MILITARY  HISTOIIY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

with  five  seamen  and  a  few  Marines,  specially  distinguishing  him- 
self, and  all  the  boats  behaving  most  gallantly.  Fellowes  himself 
managed  to  secure  the  flag  of  the  pirate  leader,  who  was  shot  by 
a  British  Marine. 

Up  to  that  time  there  had  been  no  loss  worth  mentioning.  But 
when  the  Hauler's  first  cutter,  under  Paymaster  Richard  Brownsdon, 
upon  running  alongside  a  large  junk,  received  a  number  of  stink- 
pots, her  crew,  to  escape  the  fumes,  had  to  jump  overboard.  Two 
of  the  people  were  speared  while  in  the  water,  and  a  third  was 
drowned.  Another  junk  blew  up  after  she  had  been  taken,  and  all 
on  board  her,  including  Fellowes  and  Rolando,  were  thrown  into 
the  water,  three  of  her  captors  being  killed  outright.  All  the 
larger  junks  were  secured ;  but,  owing  partly  to  the  time  taken  in 
securing  them,  and  partly  to  the  absence  of  the  pinnace  and  cutter 
in  pursuit  of  the  lorcha,  sixteen  of  the  smaller  ones  got  away.  Ten 
junks,  one  having,  with  other  guns,  a  68-pr.,  and  four  others  having 
32,  24,  and  12-prs.  were  destroyed.  Two  lorchas  and  seven  junks 
that  had  been  captured  by  the  pirates  were  retaken ;  but  two  of 
these  could  not  be  brought  away,  and  had  to  be  burnt.  About  500 
pirates  were  killed,  and  about  1000  made  prisoners,  while  200  guns, 
large  and  small,  were  taken.  The  total  casualties  were :  Rattler, 
4  killed,  7  wounded  ;  Potchatan,  2  killed,  10  (2  mortally)  wounded.1 

On  August  18th  and  19th,  1855,  the  Bittern,  12,  Commander 
Edward  Westby  Vansittart,  engaged  a  piratical  squadron  off  Leotung, 
and  burnt  some  junks  ;  and  on  September  18th,  off  Sheipoo,  in 
company  with  the  hired  armed  vessel  Paoushun,  she  attacked 
twenty-two  heavily  armed  junks,  and  destroyed  the  whole  of  them, 
killing,  it  was  asserted,  no  fewer  than  1200  pirates.  The  Chinese 
vessels  were  prepared,  and  had  all  their  guns  trained  on  the  narrow 
channel  through  which  the  sloop  had  to  approach  them.  Neverthe- 
less, the  British  losses  were  comparatively  slight.  The  Bittern's 
Master,  Mr.  Charles  Turner,  was  killed  on  board  the  Paoushun, 
and  19  people  were  wounded.  Commander  Vansittart  was  deservedly 
posted,  and  Lieutenant  George  Augustus  Cooke  Brooker,  who  was 
wounded,  was  made  a  Commander,  on  January  9th,  1856. 

Piracy  had  long  since  ceased  to  be  the  recognised  national 
pursuit  of  the  North  African  states,  but  was  still  practised  occasion- 
ally by  the  semi-nomadic  Arabs  along  the  southern  Mediterranean 
littoral. 

1  Disps. :  China  Mail. 


1854.]  THE   MOORISH  Pill  ATMS.  391 

On  June  20th,  1854,  the  merchant  brig  Cuthbert  Young,  of  South 
Shields,  was  captured  and  plundered  by  piratical  boats  about  ten 
miles  N.W.  of  Cape  Tres  Forcas,  on  the  Biff  coast.  The  master  and 
some  of  the  crew  escaped  to  Gibraltar.  Captain  the  Hon.  George 
Grey,  (2)  naval  officer  in  charge  there,  ordered  the  Prometheus,  5, 
paddle,  Commander  Edward  Bridges  Kice,  which  arrived  there  on 
the  25th,  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  scene  of  the  outrage.  Rice 
anchored  on  the  26th  off  Alhucemas,  learnt  from  the  Spanish 
governor  of  other  and  similar  enormities  having  been  committed, 
and,  proceeding,  discovered  the  Cuthbert  Young  at  4  P.M.  at  anchor 
in  an  inlet  about  eleven  miles  S.W.  of  Cape  Tres  Forcas.  As  he 
approached  he  was  fired  upon  with  musketry  from  the  neighbouring 
rocks.  Lieutenant  Eugene  Gustave  Francis  Guidobom  Visconti, 
and  a  party  of  seamen,  nevertheless,  made  a  hawser  fast  to  the  brig, 
and  hove  up  her  anchor ;  and  at  6  P.M.  the  Prometheus  backed  out 
with  the  vessel  in  tow,  the  sloop  keeping  up  a  brisk  fire  with  grape, 
canister,  shell,  and  small-arms.  In  his  dispatch,  Commander  Eice 
mentions  with  approval  the  conduct  of  Lieutenants  Visconti,  and 
William  Henry  Edye,  and  says  that  he  had  but  one  man  wounded. 
He  does  not,  however,  say  what  loss  was  inflicted  upon  the  pirates,1 
who  continued  for  many  years  afterwards  to  pursue  their  depreda- 
tions. In  August,  1856,  a  large  body  of  them  near  Melilla  actually 
defeated  with  heavy  loss  a  Prussian  landing-party  from  the  Danzig,  12, 
which  sought  to  chastise  them ;  and  wounded  its  leader,  Admiral 
Prince  Adalbert. 

The  slave  trade,  until  long  after  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  continued  to  flourish,  in  spite  of  the  very  numerous  captures 
made  by  H.M.  cruisers.  The  profits  of  the  traffic,  like  those  of 
blockade-running  during  the  civil  war  in  America,  were  so  large  that 
a  single  successful  venture  often,  it  is  said,  more  than  repaid  an 
owner  for  the  loss  of  two  ships.  Moreover,  the  slavers  had  powerful 
sympathisers  on  both  sid-ss  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  Cormorant,  6,  screw,  Commander  Herbert  Schomberg, 
which  was  commissioned  in  1849  for  service  on  the  south-east  coast 
of  America,  cruised  most  successfully  against  these  craft.  In  the 
summer  of  1850,  after  having  captured  and  destroyed  the  famous 
slaver  liival  in  the  Rio  Frio  by  means  of  her  boats  under  Lieutenant 
Charles  Maxwell  Luckraft,  and  having  quitted  the  river  under  a 
sharp  musketry  fire  from  the  banks,  the  sloop  headed  for  the  bay 
1  Rice  to  Adrnlty.,  June  28tli. 


392      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

of  Paranagua.  On  June  29th  she  passed,  and  exchanged  civilities 
with,  a  14-gun  fort  at  the  entrance,  and  proceeded  upwards,  for  about 
fifteen  miles,  towards  an  island  which  was  a  known  headquarters  of 
the  forbidden  trade.  Off  it  lay  several  large  vessels.  The  Cormorant 
steamed  as  close  to  them  as  possible,  anchored  with  a  spring  on  her 
cable,  and  despatched  two  cutters  and  a  gig,  under  Lieutenants 
Luckraft,  and  Herbert  Philip  de  Kantzow,  Midshipman  Cecil  W- 
Buckley,  and  Assistant-Surgeon  William  Ellis  Hambly,  to  overhaul 
the  suspicious  craft ;  whereupon  two  peaceable  ships,  which  were 
present,  weighed,  and,  in  a  marked  manner,  separated  themselves 
from  the  others.  The  boats  boarded  and  took  possession  of  a  ship l 
and  two  brigs,2  which  were  brought  out  and  anchored  under  the 
sloop's  bow.  A  brigantine,  which  otherwise  would  also  have  been 
taken,  was  sunk  by  her  people.  Not  until  July  1st  was  the 
Cormorant  able  to  weigh  with  her  prizes  in  order  to  quit  the  bay. 
When  she  did  so,  her  progress  was  challenged  by  the  firing  of  an 
unshotted  gun  from  the  fort  already  mentioned.  Schomberg  eased 
and  then  stopped  his  engines ;  but  the  fort  soon  began  firing  in 
earnest.  The  Cormorant  went  to  quarters,  and  presently  proceeded 
at  full  speed,  towing  the  three  slavers,  and,  as  she  passed,  firing  her 
starboard  guns  at  close  range  into  the  Brazilian  work.  She  was 
obliged  to  anchor  inside  the  bar,  where  she  burnt  the  two  brigs. 
Later  in  the  day,  when  the  water  rose,  she  went  to  sea.  In  this 
affair  she  received  five  shots  in  her  hull,  and  had  one  man  killed 
and  two  people  wounded.  Schomberg's  action  was  fully  approved, 
by  Brazil  as  well  as  by  Great  Britain. 

This  taking  of  slave  ships  out  of  Brazilian  ports 3  was  a  measure 
which,  until  shortly  before  this  time,  had  not  been  recognised  as 
lawful,  and  which  had  first  been  put  in  force  in  that  year  by 
Lieutenant  John  Crawshaw  Bailey,  commanding  the  Sharpshooter,  4, 
screw.  On  June  23rd,  1849,  he  had  carried  off  the  slaver  Polka  from 
under  a  battery  at  Macahe,  and,  though  fired  at,  had  escaped  without 
casualty. 

The  Vestal,  26,  Captain  Cospatrick  Baillie  Hamilton,  was  another 
vigilant  and  successful  cruiser.  In  1852,  she  was  refitting  in  Havana, 
when  a  fine  slave  schooner,  the  Venus,  slipped  out  of  port  during 
the  night.  At  dawn,  Hamilton,  who  was  heartily  cheered  by  a 

1  The  Campadora,  ex-Lucy  Ann,  of  Greenpoint. 

2  The  .Donna  Anna,  and  Serea,  noted  slavers. 

3  This  right  was  asserted  by  the  Aberdeen  Act,  of  1845. 


1849-52.]  AFFAIRS  WITH  SLAVERS.  393 

friendly  American  man-of-war  that  lay  near  him,  went  out  with 
extraordinary  promptitude,  chased  the  Venus  through  the  perils 
of  a  tornado  to  within  the  Bahama  reefs,  brought  her  to  by  means 
of  a  well-directed  shot  impelled  by  an  extra  charge  of  powder,  and 
captured  her.  Two  other  slavers  were  then  seen  among  the  reefs. 
The  Vestal  could  not  follow  them,  owing  to  her  considerable  draught 
of  water;  but  Hamilton,  holding  a  pistol  at  the  head  of  the  master 
of  the  Venus,  obliged  that  worthy  to  steer  his  own  craft,  with  a 
British  crew  on  board,  after  the  other  vessels,  and  so  took  both  of 
them.  This  piece  of  service  was  mentioned  in  Parliament,  and 
Hamilton  was  rightly  praised  for  his  quickness  and  resource. 

Off  the  West  African  coast  good  work  was  done  by  the  Alert,  8, 
Commander  Hugh  Dunlop,  especially  in  the  river  Pongos  at  the 
end  of  1849 ;  by  the  Phoenix,  6,  screw,  Commander  George  Wode- 
house ;  and  by  the  Pluto,  3,  screw,  Lieutenant  William  Kynaston 
Jolliffe.  On  April  13th,  1850,  the  Phoenix  chased  a  slaver,  which, 
on  being  pressed,  turned  and  ran  her  on  board,  reducing  her  to  a 
perfect  wreck  aloft.  The  sloop,  however,  lowered  a  boat,  which 
took  possession  of  the  enemy.  The  Phosnix  took  eight  other  slavers 
at  about  the  same  time.  The  Pluto,  on  February  14th,  1850,  took 
the  American  slaver  Anne  D.  Richardson,  in  spite  of  ingenious 
arrangements  which  had  been  made  to  mislead  the  British  as  to  her 
real  character. 

In  1850,  the  natives  about  the  mouth  of  the  Benin  river  were 
guilty  of  numerous  acts  of  piracy  ;  and,  early  in  1851,  the  Jackal, 
paddle,  tender  to  the  Tortoise,  12,  visited  the  locality,  with  Consul 
Beecroft  on  board,  in  order  to  make  remonstrances,  and,  if  possible, 
arrange  matters  peaceably.  While  this  vessel  was  going  to  and 
returning  from  Warree,  one  hundred  miles  up  the  river,  a  factory 
near  the  mouth  of  the  stream  was  attacked  by  the  people  of  Bonbee 
and  Battary.  Beecroft  sent,  therefore,  for  a  larger  man-of-war ; 
and,  on  March  23rd,  the  Archer,  14,  screw,  Commander  James 
Newburgh  Strange,  anchored  off  the  bar,  and,  having  left  two  of  her 
boats  and  twenty  men  under  Lieutenant  Norman  Bernard  Beding- 
feld  of  the  Jackal,  departed  to  pick  up  another  of  her  boats  which 
she  had  left  off  Lagos.  She  returned  on  the  26th,  and,  on  the  27th, 
joined  the  Jackal  off  Factory  Isle.  That  afternoon  Strange  and 
Bedingfeld,  in  their  gigs,  reconnoitred  Bonbee,  and  were  fired  at. 
On  the  28th,  the  place  was  attacked  by  five  boats  of  the  Archer  and 
three  of  the  Jackal,  containing  ninety-two  officers  and  men,  including 


394      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1850. 

fourteen  Kroomen.  Lieutenant  George  Agar  Ellis  Kidge  led  in  in 
the  A  roller's  pinnace  under  a  heavy  musketry  fire.  Below  the  town 
were  three  guns  on  shore  and  five  canoes,  each  mounting  a  3-pr. 
swivel ;  but  these  made  little  serious  opposition,  and  the  place  was 
taken  without  loss  on  the  side  of  the  attack.  On  the  '29th  another 
town  was  taken,  and,  as  the  first  had  been,  was  destroyed.  Again 
there  were  no  casualties.  Further  operations  were  happily  rendered 
unnecessary  by  the  submission  of  the  offenders. 

In  1852,  the  Dolphin,  3,  Lieutenant  Henry  Temple,  had  an 
interesting  encounter  with  negro  pirates  or  slavers  in  the  river 
Congo.  On  June  19th,  an  American  brig,  the  Mary  Adeline, 
grounded  on  attempting  to  pass  up.  The  British  brigantine  tried 
in  vain  to  get  her  off  that  day,  and,  on  the  following  morning, 
discovered  that  the  stranded  vessel  was  surrounded  by  canoes  full 
of  armed  natives,  who  eventually  fired  into  and  tried  to  board  her. 
The  Dolphin  sent  a  boat's  gun,  with  ammunition,  to  the  brig,  and 
herself  opened  fire  with  shot  and  shell,  driving  off  the  canoes,  and 
clearing  the  beach  of  about  three  thousand  persons  who  were 
assembled  there.  In  the  evening,  the  Firefly,  4,  paddle,  Commander 
George  Alexander  Seymour,  arrived.  On  the  21st,  the  natives  again 
attacked,  and  were  dispersed ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  22nd,  the 
Mary  Adeline,  having  been  lightened,  was  at  length  heaved  off. 

On  March  llth,  1853,  in  consequence  of  the  detention  of  a 
British  subject  at  Medina,  on  the  Sierra  Leone  river,  by  the  chief, 
who  was,  moreover,  suspected  of  complicity  in  the  slave  trade,  the 
Teazer,  3,  screw,  tender  to  the  Penelope,  towing  the  boats  of  the 
Linnet,  8,  Commander  Henry  Need,  with  Need  and  Lieutenant 
Frederic  Dampier  Rich  in  command,  proceeded  to  the  Bullom 
shore.  A  party  was  landed  and  marched  up  to  the  town.  Need 
asked  for  the  release  of  the  prisoner,  which  was  refused.  He  then 
retired ;  and,  half  an  hour  later,  the  Teazer  and  boats  opened  fire 
with  such  good  effect  that  the  place  was  presently  abandoned.  After 
some  little  further  negotiation,  the  chief,  Kelch  Moodah,  gave  way. 
On  April  30th  following,  Need  took  three  of  the  Linnet's  boats  up 
the  Pongos  river,  and,  on  the  next  day,  captured  the  Spanish  slave 
brig  Bettona  and  a  slave  schooner. 

An  expedition  undertaken  in  1853  by  a  party  from  the  Thetis,  38, 
Captain  Augustus  Leopold  Kuper,  C.B.,  against  some  troublesome 
Indians  in  Vancouver's  Island,  was  well  managed  and  useful,  but  of 
little  intrinsic  importance. 


1853.1  CAUSES    OF    THE    WAR    WITH  RUSSIA.  395 

The  most  serious  and  protracted  naval  operations  of  the  period 
under  review — those  consequent  on  the  outbreak  of  war  with 
Eussia  in  1854 — have  now  to  be  described.  First,  however,  it  will 
be  well  to  say  something  concerning  the  situation  which  led  to  that 
outbreak. 

In  1851  the  Ottoman  Porte  appointed  a  mixed  commission  for  the 
purpose  of  examining  into  the  long-existing  differences  between  the 
Latin  and  the  Greek  Churches  as  to  the  possession  of  the  Holy 
Places  in  Palestine.  The  commission  ultimately  decided  in  favour 
of  the  Latin  claims ;  and  Russia,  ever  a  staunch  champion  of 
Orthodoxy,  promptly  protested.  The  difficulties  which  thus  arose 
revived  in  the  minds  of  Russian  statesmen  the  idea  of  cutting  up 
the  Turkish  Empire  and  annexing  as  Russia's  share  a  large  and 
rich  portion  which  should  include  Constantinople ;  and  it  seemed 
to  the  Emperor  Nicholas  that  the  moment  wras  favourable  for  the 
pursuit  of  the  project.  Austria  was  bound  to  him  by  ties  of 
gratitude  :  Germany,  and  especially  Prussia,  suffered  still  from  the 
effects  of  the  revolutionary  crisis  of  1848 ;  and  France  was  not  free 
from  domestic  preoccupations.  Great  Britain  remained  to  be 
reckoned  with ;  but  the  Tsar  believed  that  he  could  arrive  at  a 
satisfactory  understanding  with  London.  So  soon,  however,  as  his 
plans  became  known  to  the  cabinet  of  St.  James's,  co-operation  and 
countenance  were  plainly  denied  him ;  nor  did  he  meet  with  better 
success  in  Paris.  Nevertheless,  he  was  unwilling  to  abandon  a 
project,  the  realisation  of  which  appeared  both  glorious  and  facile. 
A  bold  stroke,  he  considered,  might  serve  him  as  well  as  an  alliance. 
He  decided  to  act  ere  the  Powers  should  agree  upon  a  line  of 
common  action,  and,  if  possible,  to  confront  and  confound  their 
opposition  with  his  accomplished  triumph.  On  May  5th,  1853, 
therefore,  Prince  Menschikoff,  at  Constantinople,  demanded  "  sub- 
stantial and  permanent  guarantees  011  behalf  of  the  Orthodox 
Church,"  and  required  that  every  Orthodox  subject  of  the  Sultan 
should  be  placed  forthwith  under  the  protection  of  the  Tsar.  For 
the  Porte,  to  submit  was  to  surrender  its  independence.  On 
May  18th,  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries  were 
broken  off;  and  three  days  later  the  Sultan  was  informed  that 
Russia  purposed  to  occupy  the  Danubian  Principalities  until  such 
time  as  the  Ottoman  government  should  see  fit  to  accept  Menschi- 
koff's  ultimatum  in  its  entirety. 

The  British  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean  was  then  commanded  by 


396      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   HOYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Vice-Admiral  James  Whitley  Deans  Dundas,  C.B.,  who  had  his 
flag  in  the  Britannia,  120,  Captain  Thomas  Wren  Carter.  It  was  at 
once  ordered  to  assemble  at  Malta ;  and  it  was  very  soon  afterwards 
directed  to  proceed  thence  to  Besika  Bay,1  where  it  should  have 
found  awaiting  it  a  French  squadron  under  Vice-Admiral  de  Lassusse, 
who,  011  March  23rd,  had  left  Toulon,  in  the  first  instance,  for 
Salamis.  Lassusse,  unfortunately,  underrated  the  seriousness  of  the 
political  situation,  and,  instead  of  using  his  steamers  to  tow  his  sailing 
ships  to  the  rendezvous,  began  to  make  his  way  slowly  thither  under 
sail  only.  His  late  arrival,  at  a  moment  when  neither  Great  Britain 
nor  France  wholly  trusted  the  good  faith  of  the  other,  created  so 
bad  an  impression  that  he  was  immediately  recalled,  and  super- 
seded by  Vice-Admiral  Ferdinand  Alphonse  Hamelin.  The  allied 
fleets,  when  at  length  they  had  joined  one  another  in  Besika  Bay, 
consisted  of  seven  British  and  nine  French  ships  of  the  line,  and 
eight  British  and  four  French  frigates,  besides  smaller  vessels. 
Neither  of  the  flagships  was  a  steamer;  and  in  large  steamers, 
indeed,  the  British  contingent  was  then  woefully  deficient.  The 
French,  however,  had  with  their  squadron  the  powerful  screw 
90-gun  ship  Napoleon,  which  made  herself  exceedingly  useful  when, 
on  October  22nd,  at  the  invitation  of  the  ambassadors  at  Constan- 
tinople, the  fleet  began  to  move  up  the  Dardanelles. 

The  Eussians  had  entered  the  Danubian  Principalities  at  the 
end  of  July ;  and  the  Sultan,  Abdul  Medjid,  had  been  forced  by 
Turkish  public  opinion  to  declare  war  on  October  4th.  Operations 
began  at  once ;  and,  in  view  of  the  possibility  that,  with  a  fair 
wind,  the  Russian  fleet  from  Sebastopol  might  hazard  a  sudden 
raid  upon  Constantinople,  the  allied  fleets  at  the  end  of  October 
entered  the  Bosphorus,  and  anchored  off  Beikos,  opposite  Therapia. 
In  the  meantime,  the  ambassadors  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Prussia,  meeting  at  Vienna  under  the  presidency  of  the  Austrian 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  tried  in  vain  to  bring  about  a  good 
understanding  between  Russia  and  the  Porte.  Austria  and  Prussia 
effectually  baulked  the  efforts  of  the  other  Powers  to  secure  fair 
play  for  Turkey ;  and  the  Tsar  was  led  to  suppose  that,  so  long  as 
Austria  and  Prussia  inclined  in  his  favour,  Great  Britain  and  France 
would  hesitate  ere  they  took  an  active  part  in  the  quarrel.  Indeed, 
the  work  of  the  conference  at  Vienna  seemed  at  one  moment  to 

1  It  sailed  on  June  8th,  and  arrived  on  the  13th.  Besika  Bay  is  on  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  between  Lemnos  and  Tenedos. 


1853.]  THE  DISASTER   AT  SINOPE.  397 

promise  Eussia  the  attainment  of  her  objects  ;  for  it  was  instru- 
mental in  stopping  the  victorious  advance  of  Omar  Pacha  upon 
Bucharest.  At  that  time  the  Porte  deemed  it  advisable  to  send 
supplies  by  sea  to  its  troops  in  Asia  Minor.  The  business  of  con- 
veying these  was  entrusted  to  Vice-Admiral  Osman  Pacha,  and  a 
sailing  squadron  consisting  of  one  60-gun  ship,  six  frigates,1  three 
corvettes,2  and  two  small  craft.  The  vessels  were,  for  the  most 
part,  weakly  armed,  ill-manned,  and  in  indifferent  order ;  and  they 
were  quite  unfit  to  attempt  any  operation  which  might  expose  them 
to  attack  by  a  division  of  the  well-equipped  Eussian  fleet  from 
Sebastopol.  As  it  happened,  the  Eussian  commanders  in  the 
Black  Sea  had  been  specially  directed  to  prevent  the  shipping  of 
supplies  to  Asia  Minor. 

Osman  put  to  sea  in  the  course  of  November,  and,  soon  after- 
wards, anchored  off  Sinope.  Vice- Admiral  Nakhimoff,3  apprised  of 
his  presence  there,  despatched  from  Sebastopol  three  vessels,  which 
reconnoitred  the  Ottoman  squadron,  ventured  well  within  range  of 
the  feeble  batteries  which  defended  the  roadstead,  and  then  returned 
with  all  speed.  Osman  should  have  been  warned  of  his  danger  by 
the  appearance  and  behaviour  of  the  hostile  scouts,  and  should  have 
sought  refuge  elsewhere ;  but,  trusting  to  the  protection  which  he 
supposed  to  be  afforded  him  by  the  presence  of  the  allied  fleets  in 
the  neighbourhood,  he  remained  where  he  was.  Unfortunately  for 
him,  Dundas  and  Hamelin  had  orders  only  to  defend  Constantinople 
against  an  attack  from  seaward,  and  to  prevent  a  Eussian  disem- 
barkation anywhere  in  its  vicinity.  They  had  no  authority  to  act 
as  convoy  to  Osman ;  and,  unless  they  convoyed  him,  they  could 
not  protect  him.  On  November  30th,  Nakhimoff  appeared  before 
Sinope  with  six  ships  of  the  line,  two  frigates,  and  three  steamers. 
He  had  left  four  other  frigates  in  the  offing,  and  had  stationed  fast 
dispatch  vessels  at  intervals  in  the  direction  of  the  Bosphorus,  so 
as  to  gain  speedy  news  of  any  movement  on  the  part  of  the  allies. 
Summoned  to  surrender  to  superior  forces,  Osman  answered  with 
a  broadside.  In  the  action  which  followed,  the  Turks  fought  with 
most  dogged  bravery  ;  but  their  very  determination  rendered  their 
destruction  the  more  complete.  Few  of  their  inferior  guns  could 

1  Two  of  52,  one  of  50,  one  of  44,  one  of  38,  and  one  of  36  guns. 

2  Two  of  24,  and  one  of  22  guns. 

3  Paul  Stepanovitch  Nakhimoff  (1803-1.855),  sailed  round  the  world  with  Lazareff 
in  1820,  fought  at  Navarin,  and  died  at  Sebastopol  of  a  wound  received  in  the  defence 
of  the  place. 


398      MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,    L816-185C. 

penetrate  the  stout  scantling  of  the  Russian  ships  of  the  line ;  and 
the  gallant  Ottoman  squadron,  while  doing  very  little  damage  to 
the  enemy,  wa&  annihilated.  Nearly  all  the  officers  and  men 
perished  with  their  ships.  A  hundred  or  so  gained  the  shore  by 
swimming,  and  about  as  many  were  taken,  among  the  latter  being 
Osman,  who  was  mortally  wounded. 

The  disaster  of  Sinope  startled  Europe,  discredited  the  Vienna 
conference,  which  had  restrained  Turkey  but  had  failed  to  hold 
back  Eussia,  and,  by  exasperating  public  opinion,  precipitated  the 
active  interference  of  Great  Britain  and  France.  Their  fleets  were 
at  once  directed  to  enter  the  Black  Sea,  and  to  prevent  any  further 
enterprise  of  the  Russian  navy  against  the  Ottoman  flag ;  and  it 
was  decided  that  any  Russian  men-of-war  which  should  refuse, 
when  encountered,  to  return  to  their  ports  should  be  forcibly 
dealt  with.  The  paddle  frigate  Retribution,  28,  Captain  the  Hon. 
James  Robert  Drummond,  was  despatched  to  Sebastopol  to  com- 
municate this  decision  to  the  Russian  authorities.  It  was  foggy 
when  she  arrived  off  the  fortress ;  but  Drummond,  reducing  speed 
and  sounding  carefully,  pushed  on ;  and,  when  the  fog  lifted,  the 
Russians  were  astonished  to  find  him  at  anchor  in  the  centre  of 
their  harbour.  They  declined  to  receive  his  message  until  after  he 
had  shifted  his  berth  to  a  point  out  of  range  of  the  sea  batteries. 
He  therefore  weighed,  and,  while  picking  up  a  new  anchorage, 
contrived,  with  the  assistance  of  his  very  efficient  officers,  to  make 
a  most  useful  plan  of  the  defences.  The  episode  deserves  to  be 
remembered.  When  there  is  any  danger  of  the  outbreak  of  war, 
no  military  port  should  be  left  open  as  Sebastopol  was.  Look-out 
vessels  and  guard-boats  should  render  all  tinsignalled  approach  im- 
possible ;  for  an  unscrupulous  power  might  easily  find  it  to  its 
advantage  suddenly  to  begin  hostilities  during  a  fog,  and  to  win  an 
initial  success  by  blowing  up  in  their  own  harbour  half-a-dozen 
ships  of  its  negligent  enemy. 

The  allied  fleets  entered  the  Black  Sea  on  January  3rd,  1854, 
and  proceeded  to  Sinope,  where  the  wreckage  of  Osman's  squadron 
was  still  visible  in  the  shallows.  From  Sinope  two  divisions,  one  l 
under  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  and  the  other  under  Rear- 
Admiral  Lebarbier  de  Tinan,  convoyed  to  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
a  number  of  Turkish  steamers  laden  with  the  needed  troops  and 

1  Agamemnon,  91,  screw  (flag),  Capt.  Thomas  Matthew  Charles  Symonds;  Hans 
Pureil,  70,  screw,  Capt.  Sidney  Colpoys  Dacres,  and  two  steam  frigates. 


1854.]  DECLARATION   OF   WAR   AGAINST  RUSSIA.  399 

supplies  for  the  garrisons  there  ;  and  Trebizond,  Batoum  and  Fort 
St.  Nicholas  were  successively  visited.  The  divisions  then  returned 
to  Kinope,  whence  the  body  of  the  allied  fleets  withdrew  presently 
to  the  Bosphorus,  only  the  steamships  being  left  to  show  the  flags 
in  the  Blaak  Sea,  where,  in  the  opinion  of  Dundas  and  Hamelin, 
it  was  unwise  to  expose  sailing  vessels  unnecessarily  at  such  a 
season  of  the  year.  A  little  later,  when  Greece  betrayed  an  inclina- 
tion to  interfere  in  the  quarrel  between  Russia  and  the  Porte, 
Lebarbier  de  Tinan  left  Beikos  and  assumed  command  in  the 
Archipelago. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  year  there  had  been  fighting  on  the 
Danube,  where,  at  length,  the  Turks  had  been  driven  back.  The 
Russians  had  180,000  men  in  the  field :  and  it  was  rapidly  becoming 
clear  that  Omar  Pacha,  in  spite  of  the  bravery  of  his  troops,  could 
not  withstand  them.  On  February  27th,  accordingly,  Great  Britain 
and  France  summoned  Russia  to  evacuate  the  invaded  Principalities, 
declaring  that  a  refusal  would  be  considered  a  casus  belli.  The 
Tsar  declined  to  obey ;  and,  on  March  24th,  the  fleets  in  the 
Bosphorus  unmoored,  and  headed  for  the  Bulgarian  coast,  arriving 
off  Kavarna,  near  the  village  of  Baltchick,  on  the  26th.  They  were 
thus  stationed  in  order  to  be  of  assistance  to  the  retreating  Turks. 
War  had  been  regarded  for  some  weeks  as  quite  inevitable,  when, 
on  March  27th,  it  was  formally  declared  against  Russia  by  Great 
Britain  and  France,  the  two  Powers  immediately  afterwards  con- 
cluding with  the  Porte  a  treaty  of  alliance  offensive  and  defensive. 
The  news  of  the  declaration  reached  Dundas  on  April  9th,  and 
Hamelin  on  April  14th.  Before  the  latter  date  the  Furious,  16, 
paddle,  Captain  William  Loring,  had  been  sent  to  Odessa  *  to  bring 
away  the  British  consul ;  and  her  boat,  on  leaving  the  Russian 
coast,  had  been  fired  at  by  the  forts  on  April  6th.2  In  the  mean- 
time, troops  had  begun  to  be  despatched  eastward;  and  on  April  17th, 
the  first  detachments  (French) 3  reached  Gallipoli,  which,  lying  at 
the  eastern  end  of  the  Dardanelles,  had  been  selected  as  a  suitable 
base  for  operations  which  were  to  have  as  their  first  object  the 
defence  of  Adrianople  and  Constantinople.  Dundas  and  Hamelin 
moved  at  once  from  Kavarna  Bay  to  Odessa,  before  which,  on 

1  Odessa  was  already  informally  blockaded  by  the  Retribution,  28,  paddle,  Capt. 
Hoii.  James  Kobert  Drummond,  and  Niger,  14,  screw,  Com.  Leopold  George  Heath. 

2  Disp.  of  Hamelin,  Apr.  10th. 

8  Escorted  by  a  squadron  under  Vice- Admiral  Bruat,  from  Toulon. 


400      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

April  20th,  they  anchored  in  positions  as  close  to  the  town  as  the 
shallowness  of  the  water  would  permit  them  to  take  up.  The 
Furious' s  boat,  when  fired  at  by  the  batteries,  had  been  flying  a 
flag  of  truce.  General  Osten  Sacken,  governor  of  Odessa,  declined 
to  make  reparation  or  satisfactory  explanation  ;  and,  in  consequence, 
it  was  decided  by  the  Admirals  to  bombard  the  place. 

The  situation  of  Odessa  has  been  compared  with  that  of 
Brighton.  The  line  of  cliffs,  however,  upon  which  the  town 
stands,  has  a  slight  inward  curve,  and  forms  a  shallow  bay  with 
a  radius  of  about  three  miles.  The  cliffs  face  N.E.,  and  towards 
the  north  they  fall  away  into  low  sandy  mounds  and  flat  steppes. 
Stretching  out  from  below  them,  at  the  S.E.  end  of  the  town,  is 
the  long  fortified  Quarantine  Mole,  with  a  lighthouse  at  its  ex- 
tremity. Within  the  mole  lay  many  ships  of  all  nations.  Orders 
were  given  that  these  should  be  respected  as  much  as  possible.  The 
military  port  was  protected  by  another  pier  known  as  the  Imperial 
Mole.  The  attacking  force  was  as  follows  : — 


Ships. 

Guns. 

(  'ummaiulevs. 

Samson,  padd.    . 

6 

Capt.  Lewis  Tobias  Jones. 

J* 

Furious,  padd.    . 

10 

Capt.  William  Loring. 

X 

Terrible,  padd.    . 

21 

Capt.  James  Johnstone  McCleverty. 

1 

Tit/er,  padd. 

16 

Capt.  Henry  Wells  Giffard. 

Retribution,  padd. 

28 

Capt.  Hon.  James  Robert  Drummond. 

\Arethusa   . 

50 

Capt.  William  Robert  Mends. 

"o 

Vauban 

20 

Capt.  de  Poucques  d'Herbinghezn. 

§  <  Descartes    . 

20 

Capt.  Darricau. 

p5  {Mogador   . 

.          .   |     28 

Capt.  Warmer  de  Wailly. 

Rocket  boats,  with  24-pr.  rockets,  one  from  each  ship  in  the  offing. 

The  rest  of  the  allied  fleets  lay  off  the  town  at  a  distance  of 
about  three  and  a  half  miles,  the  Sana  Pareil,  70,  screw,  Captain 
Sidney  Colpoys  Dacres,  and  the  Highflyer,  21,  screw,  Captain  John 
Moore  (4),  being,  however,  kept  ready  as  a  reserve. 

At  5  A.M.  on  April  22nd,  signal  was  made  for  the  steamers  and 
boats  in  the  above  list  to  attack  the  works  on  and  near  the  Imperial 
Mole,  which  protected  the  military  port.  The  Samson,1  Tiger, 
Vauban,  and  Descartes,  forming  a  first  division,  led  in,  and  opened 
a  fire  which  was  at  once  returned.  The  four  vessels  circled  off  the 
forts  at  a  range  of  about  2000  yards,  but,  it  would  appear,  effected 

1  The  name  is  uniformly  misspelt  Sampson  in  the  Navy. Lists. 


1854.]  BOMBARDMENT  OF   ODESSA.  401 

little  damage.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Vauban  was  set  on  fire 
by  red-hot  shot  from  the  batteries,  and  was  obliged  to  retire  tem- 
porarily from  the  action.  Thereupon,1  the  Furious,  Terrible,  Retri- 
bution, and  Mogador  were  ordered  to  join  the  three  ships  which 
remained  engaged  ;  and  presently  both  divisions  anchored,  in  hopes 
of  bettering  their  practice.  A  great  improvement  was  at  once 
apparent ;  and,  ere  long,  a  red-hot  shot  from  the  Terrible  blew  up 
a  magazine  on  the  Imperial  Mole,  and  caused  great  devastation. 
The  Vauban,  having  extinguished  the  fire,  soon  rejoined  her 
consorts.  Several  ships  in  the  military  port  burst  into  flames, 
and  were  ultimately  destroyed ;  and,  in  the  confusion,  most  of  the 
British  and  French  merchantmen  which  had  lain  within  the 
Quarantine  Mole  escaped  and  put  to  sea.  The  rocket-boats  did 
much  damage  to  the  storehouses  in  the  dockyard,  and  burnt  most 
of  them.  They  also,  assisted  by  the  steamers,  drove  off  a  Eussian 
field-battery  which  had  suddenly  opened  upon  them  at  close  range 
from  behind  the  shelter  of  some  sheds  on  the  low  shore.  To  make 
a  diversion,  the  Arethusa,  late  in  the  action,  engaged  the  south 
side  of  the  Quarantine  Mole,  and  fought  it  under  sail  until  she  was 
recalled.  The  bombardment  continued  until  5.30  P.M.,  when,  as  it 
was  desired  to  spare  the  town,  which  was  then  threatened  by  the 
advancing  flames,  the  order  was  given  to  cease  fire.  The  French 
appear  to  have  lost  no  men,  except  in  the  Vauban,  where  2  were 
killed  and  1  was  wounded :  the  Terrible,  which  was  much  cheered 
on  her  return  to  the  fleet,  had  2  killed  and  5  wounded :  the  Retribu- 
tion had  3  wounded :  and  the  Samson  had  5  wounded.  Captain 
McCleverty  remained  throughout  on  the  paddle-box  of  his  frigate, 
which  received  twelve  shot  in  her  hull. 

The  allied  squadrons  put  to  sea,  and,  after  having  reconnoitred 
Eupatoria  on  April  28th,  appeared  on  the  following  day  before 
Sebastopol.  Ten  ships  of  the  line,  eight  frigates  or  corvettes,  and 
five  steamers  were  seen  at  anchor  in  the  road ;  and  four  other  ships 
of  the  line,  besides  small  craft,  were  distinguished  in  the  harbour, 
basins,  and  docks.  The  Russians  made  no  sign  of  movement. 

In  the  early  days  of  May  a  British  and  a  French  division,  under 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons  and  Commodore  Vicomte  de  Chabannes  re- 
spectively, were  detached  to  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Black  Sea. 
The  force  consisted  of  the  French  auxiliary  screw  ship  of  the  line 
Charlemagne,  90,  and  the  steam  frigates  Mogador  and  Vauban,  and 

1    At  7  A.M. 

VOL.   VI.  2  D 


402      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

of  the  Agamemnon,  91  (flag),  Captain  Thomas  Matthew  Charles 
Symonds ;  Samson,  6,  Captain  Lewis  Tobias  Jones ;  and  High- 
flyer, 21,  Captain  John  Moore  (4).  All  along  the  eastern  coast  were 
Bussian  military  stations,  most  of  which  served  merely  as  posts  to 
keep  in  check  the  still  unconquered  tribes  of  the  then  recently  occu- 
pied territory  in  the  neighbourhood.  In  the  majority  of  cases,  the 
authority  of  the  Bussian  garrisons  extended  very  little  beyond  the 
range  of  their  guns ;  and  the  places,  in  consequence,  had  to  be  fed 
and  supplied  by  way  of  the  sea.  The  declaration  of  war  by  Great 
Britain  and  France  had,  however,  closed  the  sea  to  Bussian  trans- 
ports, and  had  been  quickly  followed  by  the  evacuation  and  destruc- 
tion of  all  the  stations  except  Anapa,  Soujak  Kaleh,  and  Bedout 
Kaleh.  Of  those  three  posts,  the  two  first  were  too  strong  for 
attack  by  Sir  Edmund  Lyons's  little  squadron.  Enquiries  at  Souk- 
houm  Kaleh,  which  had  been  already  abandoned,  showed  that  the 
Bussians  desired  to  preserve  Bedout  Kaleh  as  long  as  possible  as  a 
doorway  for  supplies  to  their  force  at  Kutais.  Lyons  therefore  left 
Soukhoum  Kaleh  on  the  morning  of  May  18th. 

"As  we  passed  Itedout  Kaleh,"  he  says,  "we  observed  a  body  of  about  1000 
infantry  under  arms,  and  that  the  few  guns  on  the  sea  defences  were  manned.  If  we 
had  opened  our  broadsides  we  could  have  obliged  the  enemy  to  retire ;  but  he  would, 
no  doubt,  have  returned  to  occupy  the  place  on  our  disappearing,  and  I,  therefore,  went 
on  with  the.  squadron  as  fast  as  possible  to  Chourouksoo,  in  hopes  of  inducing  the 
General  commanding  there  to  aid  me  with  a  sufficient  number  to  occupy  and  mam- 
tain  the  place.  .  .  .  He  sent  an  express  to  Selim  Pacha  .  .  .  who  placed  at  rny 
disposal  a  battalion  of  300  infantry  and  three  field-pieces,  which  were  immediately 
embarked.  ...  At  4  p.m."  (on  May  19th)  "  the  squadron  reappeared  off  Eedout 
Kaleh,  where  the  troops  were  disembarked,  under  cover  of  the  steam-vessels,  about  two 
miles  from  the  batteries,  and  at  the  same  time  a  summons  was  sent  to  the  commander 
of  the  Russian  forces  .  .  .  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Maxse.1  .  .  . 
After  a  delay  of  nearly  half-an-hour,  Lieutenant  Maxse  left  the  shore  without  an 
answer;  and  consequently  the  Agamemnon  and  Charlemagne  stood  in,  as  close  as  the 
depth  of  water  would  permit,  and  opened  their  fire  on  the  quarter  occupied  by  the 
Russian  troops,  as  well  as  on  the  sea  defences,  which  tried  an  ineffectual  fire  on  the 
boats.  The  enemy  soon  retired  out  of  reach  of  the  ships'  guns,  ami  the  Turkish  troops, 
advancing  along  the  beach,  took  possession  of  the  batteries,  when  the  firing  ceased."2 

The  retreating  enemy  set  fire  to  the  magazines,  storehouses,  and 
commercial  town,  as  well  as  to  the  neighbouring  villages  of  Poti 
and  Agysoo.  The  allies,  therefore,  were  left  with  only  the  military 
quarter  to  occupy.  This  was  quickly  made  defensible,  and  was  then 
left  in  charge  of  the  Turks,  for  whose  support  the  Samson  was 

1  Frederick  Augustus  Maxse,  Lieut,  of  May  14th,  1852 ;  Com.  March  10th,  1855 ; 
died  an  adm.  on  the  retd.  list  1900. 

2  Lyons  to  Dundas,  May  21st. 


1854.]  LOSS   OF  THE  "TIGER."  403 

detached.  While  on  the  coast  the  combined  divisions  captured 
two  Eussian  brigs  bound  for  Kertch,  with  men  and  munitions  from 
some  of  the  abandoned  fortresses.  Among  the  officers  who  rendered 
good  service  upon  the  occasion,  Sir  Edmund  Lyons  particularly 
mentions  Lieutenant  William  Eue  Eolland,1  first  of  the  Agamem- 
non, who  superintended  the  embarkation  and  disembarkation  of  the 
troops. 

In  the  course  of  this  expedition,  Lyons  and  de  Chabannes  had 
several  conferences  with  the  Circassian  leaders,  and  with  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  famous  patriot  Schamyl ;  and  the  people  along  the 
coast  were  armed  and  were  encouraged  to  co-operate  with  the  allies. 
Unfortunately  the  Circassians  were  disunited,  and  the  Turks  were 
unpopular  among  them ;  so  that  little  good  was  effected  by  the 
negotiations.  The  detached  forces  rejoined  the  fleets  off  Kavarna 
on  May  28th. 

In  the  meantime,  the  main  part  of  the  combined  fleets  had 
cruised,  chiefly  off  Sebastopol,  returning  to  Kavarna  on  May  20th. 
The  ships  had  had  few  difficulties  to  contend  with,  except  such  as 
arose  from  the  state  of  the  weather.  They  had,  however,  been 
seriously  hampered  by  thick  and  persistent  fogs,  and  had,  on  several 
occasions,  narrowly  escaped  damage  by  collision ;  and  fog  was 
actually  responsible  for  the  loss  of  one  vessel,  the  Tiger. 

The  Tiger,  16,  Captain  Henry  Wells  Giffard,  with  the  Niger,  14, 
Commander  Leopold  George  Heath,  and  Vesuvius,  6,  Commander 
Eichard  Ashmore  Powell,  had  been  detached  on  May  llth  to  cruise 
off  Odessa.  Almost  immediately  she  became  separated  from  her 
consorts,  owing  to  the  fog.  Said  Mr.  Henry  Jones  Domville,  her 
Surgeon : 

"On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  at  6  A.M.,  I  was  awoke  by  the  crash  of  the  ship 
going  ashore ;  and,  when  the  dense  fog  cleared  a  little,  we  found  ourselves  about  five 
miles  S.E.  of  Odessa.  Guns  were  fired  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  other  steamers, 
but  without  avail.  About  9  o'clock  the  guns  from  the  shore  commenced  firing.  In 
less  than  ten  minutes  the  Tiyer  was  on  fire  in  two  places,  and  the  Captain  and  others 
were  frightfully  wounded.  We  could  only  use  one  gun,  the  others  having  been  thrown 
overboard,  or  removed,  to  lighten  the  ship.  I  performed  four  amputations  before  I  left 
the  ship,  which  I  did  almost  the  last,  in  care  of  the  wounded.  Poor  Captain  Giffard 
lost  his  left  leg,  and  has  a  severe  wound  in  his  right.  My  knowledge  of  French  proved 
a  great  blessing ;  for  some  of  the  Russian  officers  understood  it ;  and  I  was  able  to  send 
into  the  town  for  medicines,  etc.  ...  A  Midshipman  who  lost  both  his  legs  and  is  a 
relative  and  namesake  of  the  Captain,  died  on  the  beach,  and  one  man  on  the  road.  .  .  ." 

It  should  be  added  that,  immediately  after  having  struck,  the 
1  Com.  Nov.  13th,  1854. 

2  D  2 


404      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Tiger  got  out  her  boats,  and  laid  out  anchors  astern,  in  addition  to 
lightening  herself ;  and  that  she  was  practically  defenceless  when, 
upon  discovering  her  position,  the  Eussians  opened  upon  her  from 
the  heights  at  short  range  with  field-pieces.  She  therefore  had  no 
course  but  to  surrender.  Before  surrendering,  the  survivors  en- 
deavoured to  burn  their  ship.  The  enemy  treated  the  people  very 
well,  and  gave  them  permission  to  remove  their  effects  ;  but,  upon 
the  appearance,  a  few  hours  later,  of  the  Niger  and  Vesuvius,  the 
Russians,  fearing  lest  the  vessel  might  be  recovered,  reopened  fire 
upon  her,  and  succeeded  in  blowing  her  up.  In  trying  to  prevent 
this,  the  Niger  had  three  men  slightly  wounded.  Captain  Giffard 
died  of  his  wounds,  and  was  buried  at  Odessa  with  military  honours 
on  June  2nd.  Fatal  injuries  were  also  received  by  Midshipman 
George  Giffard,  two  seamen,  and  a  second-class  boy  ;  and  three  other 
persons  were  wounded. 

On  June  1st,  Vice-Admiral  Dundas  blockaded  the  mouths  of  the 
Danube.  This  was  the  first  sound  strategical  move  of  the  allied 
commanders  in  the  Black  Sea.  The  attack  on  Odessa  had  been 
merely  a  punitive  operation,  involving  a  certain  amount  of  loss  to 
the  enemy,  but  not  striking  at  his  vitals.  The  raid  to  the  eastward 
was  faultily  conceived,  seeing  that  most  of  the  garrisons  had  been 
withdrawn  safely  before  it  was  attempted,  and  that  it  was  not  pre- 
ceded, as  it  should  have  been,  by  a  rigorous  blockade  of  such  ports 
as  Sebastopol  and  Kertch,  whither,  in  view  of  the  smallness  of  the 
allied  forces  on  the  coast,  many  of  the  fugitive  Russians  were  able 
to  make  their  way  by  sea,  and  whence  those  who  remained  at  Anapa 
and  Soujak  Kaleh  still  had  a  chance  of  drawing  occasional  supplies. 
The  blockade,  on  the  other  hand,  of  the  Danube  mouths,  threatened 
the  communications  of  the  Russians  who  had  been  advancing  south- 
wards, and  who  were  already  held  in  check  before  Silistria  by  Omar 
Pacha  at  Shumla. 

By  the  end  of  May  about  32,000  French  troops,  under  Marshal 
Saint  Arnaud,  and  about  18,000  British,  under  Lord  Raglan,  had 
been  disembarked  at  Gallipoli.  As  has  been  explained,  that  place 
had  been  selected  for  their  concentration  on  account  of  its  proximity 
to  Adrianople  and  Constantinople  ;  but,  by  the  end  of  May,  those 
cities  were  no  longer  in  danger  of  sudden  attack,  and  the  armies  at 
Gallipoli  were,  in  consequence,  useless  in  that  quarter.  Raglan  and 
Saint  Arnaud  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  could  be  best  em- 
ployed if  they  were  transferred  to  Varna ;  and,  at  the  request  of 


1854.] 


BLOCKADE   OF   THE  DANUBE. 


405 


those  officers,  Dundas  and  Hamelin  took  measures  to  facilitate  the 
carrying  out  of  the  movement.  The  ships  of  the  line  were  retained 
off  Kavarna  to  cover  the  projected  landing,  and  to  protect  the  base, 
while  the  steam  frigates  of  the  two  squadrons  were  despatched  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Sebastopol  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  Russian 
fleet,  and  to  prevent  interference  from  that  quarter. 

The   blockade  of   the  Danube  led   to  several  small  encounters 


ADMIRAL    SIR   JAMES    WHITLEY    DEANS   DUNDAS,   G.C.B. 
(From  an  engraving  by  W.  J.  Edwards,  after  a  photograph.) 

between  British  vessels  and  forces  of  the  enemy.  On  June  2nd,  for 
example,  the  Niger,  14,  screw,  Commander  Leopold  George  Heath, 
was  able  materially  to  annoy  the  Russians  on  Lake  Adjalieh ;  and, 
towards  the  end  of  June,  the  works  in  the  Sulina  mouth  were 
bombarded,  and  partially  destroyed,  by  the  Firebrand,  6,  paddle, 
Captain  Hyde  Parker  (4),  and  Vesuvius,  6,  paddle,  Commander 
Richard  Ashmore  Powell.  It  was  then  supposed  that  the  Russians 
had  almost  entirely  abandoned  the  vicinity.  On  July  7th,  Captain 


406      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Parker  pulled  up  the  stream  in  his  gig,  followed  by  a  second  boat 
belonging  to  his  own  ship,  and  by  a  third  containing  Commander 
Powell.  He  seems  to  have  believed  that  no  enemy  was  near  ;  but 
he  was  nevertheless  fired  on  from  a  stockade.  Having  put  back, 
he  again  advanced  with  the  other  boats,  and,  landing,  pluckily  led 
an  attack,  in  the  course  of  which  he  was  shot  through  the  heart. 
Powell,  succeeding  to  the  command,  easily  drove  off  the  enemy. 
Parker,  who  was  much  regretted,  was  but  thirty  years  of  age.  On 
July  17th,  boats  from  the  Vesuvius,  and  the  Spitfire,  5,  paddle, 
Commander  Thomas  Abel  Bremage  Spratt,  went  up  to  the  scene  of 
Parker's  death,  destroying  all  the  stockades.  They  then  pushed  on 
to  the  town  of  Sulina,  which  they  burnt,  leaving  only  the  church 
and  the  lighthouse. 

On  June  llth,  the  Furious,  Terrible,  and  Descartes,  all  com- 
manded as  before,  appeared  off  Sebastopol  and  discovered  in  the 
road  twelve  ships  of  the  line,  four  sailing  frigates,  two  steam  frigates, 
and  various  small  craft.  Certain  vessels  which  had  been  noticed  on 
the  occasion  of  previous  visits  seemed  to  be  absent ;  and,  as  it  was 
imagined  that  the  missing  craft  might  have  proceeded  to  the  Gulf 
of  Perekop,  the  division  went  northward  in  search  of  them.  On  the 
return  of  the  allies,  some  days  later,  the  Prussians  made  an  ingenious 
but  unsuccessful  effort  to  lead  the  three  frigates  into  a  trap,  and  to 
cut  them  off,  but  declined  action  so  soon  as  it  appeared  that  the 
nature  and  object  of  the  ruse  were  detected.  Several  days  afterwards 
the  division  again  offered  battle  to  a  superior  Eussian  squadron  of 
six  steamers  off  Cape  Khersonese,  but  without  result.1  It  was 
observed,  during  the  cruise,  that  the  enemy  had  organised  an 
excellent  look-out  service  along  the  coast,  and  noted  and  reported 
every  movement  of  the  frigates ;  and  it  became  evident  that 
it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  take  the  Eussians  by 
surprise. 

The  transfer  of  the  army  to  Varna  was  effected  without  much 
difficulty.  One  French  division  marched  overland ;  other  divisions 
made  their  way  to  Constantinople  and  embarked  there  for  their 
destination,  going  on  board  the  squadron  of  Vice-Admiral  Bruat, 
which,  towards  the  end  of  June,  anchored  off  Kavarna,  and  thence- 
forward became  part  of  Vice-Admiral  Hamelin's  command.  All  the 
British  troops  were  carried  round  in  hired  transports,  under  the 
convoy  of  Dundas's  squadron,  which  was  thus  left  unencumbered, 
1  Letter  from  the  Tumble's  Engineer,  in  Nolan's  '  Hist,  of  the  War,'  I.  262. 


1854.]  THE   CRIMEA   EXPEDITION.  407 

and  ready  for  action  on  the  voyage.  It  was,  of  course,  much  more 
costly  to  employ  merchantmen  than  to  utilise  the  men-of-war  as 
troopships  ;  but  the  troops  profited  by  having  more  room,  and  some- 
what greater  comfort ;  and  the  naval  officers  and  seamen  enjoyed  the 
immense  advantage  of  having  nothing  to  distract  their  attention  from 
the  fulfilment  of  their  proper  duties. 

No  sooner  had  the  allied  armies  been  assembled  at  Varna  than 
they  learnt  that  the  Russian  Marshal  Paskievich  had  unexpectedly 
raised  the  siege  of  Silistria,  and  had  retired,  leaving  free  the  right 
bank  of  the  Danube.  Thus  the  troops  once  more  found  themselves 
in  a  position  where  they  could  be  of  little  immediate  use.  Yet, 
although  the  Russians  were  withdrawing  from  the  Turkish  provinces 
in  Europe,  the  Tsar  showed  no  inclination  to  treat.  The  question 
then  arose  whether  the  allies  should  remain  in  Turkey,  so  as  to 
protect  it  against  renewed  invasion,  or  should  adopt  a  bolder  policy, 
and  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country,  so  directing,  instead  of 
merely  waiting  upon,  the  course  of  events.  It  was  not  deemed  wise 
to  attempt  to  follow  up  the  retreating  foe  ;  for  south-western  Russia 
had  already  been  the  grave  of  a  far  greater  force  than  Great  Britain 
and  France  were  prepared  to  throw  into  it  in  the  summer  of  1854  ; 
and  it  would  take  many  months  to  collect  the  troops  and  transport 
necessary  for  a  successful  advance  inland  to  the  north-east.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  allies  were  supreme  afloat ;  and  operations  supported 
by  the  fleets  promised  comparatively  easy  victories.  Moreover,  at 
Sebastopol,  a  well-fortified  base,  lay  a  strong  Russian  fleet  which, 
so  long  as  it  was  "  potential,"  was  a  continual  source  of  anxiety  to 
Turkey  and  her  friends.  One  of  the  Russian  steam-frigates,  the 
Vladimir,  indeed,  as  late  as  July,  made  a  daring  cruise  from  Sebas- 
topol, sank  several  Turkish  vessels  off  the  Asiatic  coast,  and  towed 
back  with  her  two  others.  It  was  considerations  such  as  these 
which  led  the  military  leaders  to  decide  upon  the  invasion  of  the 
Crimea.  Dundas  himself  was  opposed  to  the  project;  but  the 
authorities  in  London  and  Paris  adopted  the  proposals  of  the 
generals ;  and  on  July  6th  orders  were  received  that  the  invasion 
should  be  undertaken.  Vast  preparations  of  all  kinds  had  to  be 
made ;  and  on  July  24th,  Vice-Admirals  Dundas  and  Bruat  put  to 
sea  with  a  considerable  force  to  reconnoitre  the  coasts  of  the  Crimea, 
and  to  determine  at  what  point  or  points  the  disembarkation  of  the 
troops  should  be  effected.  The  squadron  was  accompanied  by 
Generals  Brown  and  Canrobert,  representing  respectively  Raglan 


408      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

and    Saint   Arnaud,  and   by  several   engineer  and  artillery  officers 
from  both  armies. 

On  July  25th,  the  military  commission  went  on  board  the 
Fury,  6,  paddle,  Commander  Edward  Tatham,  in  which  Sir  Edmund 
Lyons  hoisted  his  flag,  and,  escorted  by  the  French  steamer  Cacique, 
14,  approached  the  Crimean  coast,  the  squadron  remaining  in  the 


VICE-ADMIRAL     EDMUKD,     LORD    LYONS,     BART.,    G.C.B.,    D.C.L. 

(From  an  engraving  by  D.  J.  Pound,  after  a  photograph  by  Kilburn.) 

offing.  On  the  following  day,  the  shore,  from  Eupatoria  to  Cape 
Khersonese,  was  very  carefully  examined,  special  attention  being  paid 
to  the  beach  near  the  mouths  of  the  Alma  and  the  Katcha,  and 
numerous  soundings  being  made  in  order  to  discover  how  much 
protection  to  the  disembarking  forces  could  be  afforded  by  men-of- 
war  of  deep  draught.  The  reconnoitring  ships  were  ultimately 
joined  by  the  Terrible;  and,  when  off  Sebastopol,  excited  some 
movement  among  the  ships  in  the  road.  These  seemed  about  to 
weigh  and  proceed  in  chase ;  but  they  ceased  their  preparations  so 


1854.]  CHOLERA   IN   THE  FLEETS.  409 

soon  as  they  noticed  the  presence  of  the  combined  squadrons.  The 
commission  returned  to  Varna  in  the  Agamemnon,  which  re-anchored 
off  Baltchick  on  July  28th.  Dundas  and  Bruat  showed  themselves 
on  the  south  coast  of  the  Crimea,  and  their  steamers  entered  the 
bays  of  Balaclava  and  Kaffa  in  order  to  confuse  and  deceive  the 
enemy  ;  but  the  whole  squadron  returned  to  Kavarna  on  the  night 
of  the  30th.  During  its  absence,  Odessa  had  been  reconnoitred  and 
alarmed. 

Up  to  the  beginning  of  July,  the  general  health  of  the  expedition 
had  been  satisfactory.  Cholera  had  then  begun  to  show  itself,  not 
only  in  the  camps  and  hospitals  on  shore,  but  also  in  many  of  the 
transports  which  were  then  arriving  almost  daily  from  France. 
Marshal  Saint  Arnaud  appears  not  only  to  have  failed  to  cope  with 
the  danger  when  it  manifested  itself,  but  also  to  have  courted  it  by 
sending  troops  in  the  hottest  season  of  the  year  to  the  pestilent 
district  of  the  Dobrudscha.  Thousands  of  these  were  brought  back 
in  a  dying  condition  by  the  French  war  steamers,  which  were  de- 
spatched to  their  assistance ;  and  thus  the  fleets  became  seriously 
infected.  In  one  day,  August  10th,  sixty-two  seamen  died  in  the 
Ville  de  Paris,  120,  and  the  Montebello,  120 ;  but,  up  to  that  date, 
the  British  squadron  had  been  comparatively  exempt  from  the 
scourge;  and  Vice-Admiral  Dundas,  in  hope  of  checking  its  progress, 
took  all  his  ships  to  sea  on  August  12th. 

"On  the  morning  of  August  14th  the  crews  were  tolerably  healthy:  before  the 
-close  of  that  day  more  than  5i>  seamen  of  the  Britannia  were  no  more.  Within  three 
days  112  men  of  that  ship  were  consigned  to  the  deep.  .  .  .  The  Admiral  returned 
with  the  fleet  to  Baltchick  Bay,  and  removed  the  remaining  sick  to  the  Apollo  troop- 
ship, Captain  Johnson.1  .  .  .  The  ships  of  the  squadron  were  cleansed  and  fumigated, 
and  thenceforward  the  cholera  disappeared  from  on  board.  Up  to  August  25th,  when 
the  disease  may  be  said  to  have  ceased,  the  French  fleet  must  have  lost  more  than  a 
thousand  seamen.  The  flag-ships  of  the  allied  fleets  had  been  anchored  close  together  ; 
and  in  those  vessels  the  mortality  greatly  exceeded  that  of  the  others.  The  Ville  de 
Paris  lost  140  men,  the  Monttbello  230,  the  Britannia  had  a  total  loss  of  120 ;  of  the 
other  ships,  the  greatest  mortality  was  in  the  Trafalgar,  Albion,  and  Furious." 2 

The  plan  of  the  allied  generals,  if  plan  it  may  be  called,  was  to 
•disembark  an  army  on  the  shores  of  the  Crimea  under  the  protection 
of  the  combined  fleets  ;  to  march  upon  Sebastopol,  beating  or  driving 
back  the  troops  encountered  on  the  way  ;  to  seize  the  place  ;  and  to 

1  The  Apollo,  8,  was  nominally  a  storeship,  and  was  commanded  by  Master  George 
Johnson. 

2  '  British  Fleet  in  the  Black  Sea,'  by  Maj.-Genl.  Wm.  Brereton,  C.B.  (Privately 
.printed,  1856). 


410      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

embark  again.  The  idea,  in  other  words,  was  to  carry  Sebastopol 
by  a  coup  de  main,  which  was  to  be  executed  with  extreme  rapidity 
and  vigour.  But  the  plan  was  based  neither  upon  knowledge  nor 
upon  reason.  "  A  total  want  of  information  existed,  either  as  to  the 
military  strength  of  the  enemy  in  the  Crimea,  or  of  the  land  defences 
of  Sebastopol.  All  that  was  known  with  certainty  was  derived  from 
the  fleets  after  their  repeated  reconnaissances  of  the  harbour,  that 
the  sea  defences  were  enormously  strong,  and  that  the  Russian  fleet 
amounted  to  sixteen  sail  of  the  line,  eleven  war  steam-frigates  .  .  . 
and  other  vessels  of  war."1  Some  time  before,  moreover,  Saint 
Arnaud  had  expressed  his  opinion  that,  safely  to  carry  out  the 
proposed  operation,  the  allies  should  have  100,000  men.  In  August 
they  had  not  half  that  number.  In  addition,  only  half  of  the  British 
battering  train  had  arrived ;  no  part  of  the  French  siege  artillery 
had  reached  Varna ;  and,  while  the  British  were  short  of  means  of 
land  transport,  the  French  were  totally  deficient  in  proper  means 
of  transport  for  troops  by  sea. 

Certainly  Dundas,  and  apparently  Hamelin  also,  fully  realised 
the  difficulties  and  risks  of  the  project.  Each  represented  to  the 
generals  that  it  was  intended  to  land  upon  a  stretch  of  coast 
possessing  no  good  ports,  and  that  the  fleets  would  lie  exposed  to 
the  mercy  of  the  first  of  the  storms  of  autumn  ;  that  the  victualling 
and  supplying  of  the  army  would  be  much  hampered  by  this 
lack  of  good  ports,  and  by  the  dangers  of  navigation  in  the  late 
season  of  the  year ;  and  that,  should  the  army  meet  with  serious 
reverses,  it  would  be  impossible  to  disembark  it  in  face  of  the  enemy, 
without  making  disastrous  sacrifices.  Yet  the  naval  chiefs  co- 
operated loyally  with  their  military  colleagues ;  and  when,  on 
August  26th,  at  a  council  of  war,  it  was  formally  determined  to 
set  out  at  once  upon  the  expedition,  Dundas  stated  that  the  fleet 
was  fxilly  prepared  to  convey  the  army  to,  and  land  it  at,  whatsoever 
point  should  have  been  determined  on  for  the  disembarkation. 

Dundas,  unfortunately,  was  hardly  the  officer  for  a  position  of  so 
much  hard  work  and  responsibility.  In  1854  he  had  been  for  fifty- 
five  years  in  the  Navy,  and,  previous  to  his  advancement  to  flag- 
rank,  he  had  been  a  Post-Captain  for  thirty-four  years.  Of  honour- 
able and  kindly  nature,  but  only  of  moderate  energy  and  ability,  he 
had  been  enabled  by  family  and  political  influences  to  obtain  the 
Mediterranean  command  when,  at  a  time  of  profound  peace,  he  had 

1  Brereton,  e. 


1854.]  THE    VOYAGE   TO    THE   CRIMEA.  411 

sought  for  congenial  occupation  for  an  inadventurous  old  age.  But 
he  had  an  active  and  capable  second  in  Sir  Edmund  Lyons.  Never- 
theless, the  work  of  transportation,  though  it  was  accomplished  with 
success,  was  done  in  a  bungling  and  foolhardy  manner.  The  French 
army  began  its  embarkation  on  August  31st,  and  completed  it  on 
September  2nd.  On  September  3rd,  when  Hamelin  was  ready  to 
sail,  the  British  were  still  unprepared.  The  French,  in  consequence, 
waited  until  the  5th,  when  fourteen  of  their  sailing  vessels,  absolutely 
unconvoyed,  put  to  sea  in  advance.  Until  the  8th,  those  ships  were 
entirely  without  protection,  and  would  have  been  an  easy  prey  to 
any  brace  of  roving  Eussian  steam-frigates.  The  mass  of  the  fleets 
and  transports  did  not  leave  Baltchick  Bay  until  September  7th. 
The  French  embarked  about  28,000  men ;  the  British  about  24,000. 

Says  Brereton, 

• 

"  Transports  sufficient  for  the  latter  were  available ;  but  the  French  army '  had 
necessarily  to  be  embarked  on  board  the  line  of  battle  ships  of  that  nation,  each  of 
which  received  from  1800  to  2000  soldiers  in  addition  to  its  crew,  amounting  to  from 
800  to  1000  seamen.  So  crowded,  indeed,  were  the  line  of  battle  ships  of  our  allies, 
that,  had  the  Russian  fleet,  at  any  time  of  the  voyage  from  Varna,  quitted  their  harbour, 
the  contest  must  have  been  sustained  by  the  English  ships,  of  which  only  one  line  of 
battle  ship,  the  Agamemnon,  was  a  steamer,2  for  the  Satis  Pareil,  though  nominally  a 
screw  vessel,  was  too  defective  in  her  machinery  to  have  been  depended  upon.  Not  a 
gun  could  have  been  fired  from  the  French  line  of  battle  ships ;  in  fact,  their  decks 
were  so  crowded  that  it  was  difficult  even  to  an  individual  to  make  his  way  through 
the  dense  masses  of  soldiers  upon  them.  It  has,  indeed,  been  subsequently  made 
known  that  the  Russian  Admiral  urged  Menschikoff  to  be  permitted  to  engage  the  allied 
fleets  upon  their  voyage.  The  English  naval  Commander-in-Chief  was  fully  alive  to 
the  disadvantage  he  was  under,  and  often  remarked :  '  If  the  Russians  have  the  spirit 
of  mosquitoes,  they  will  now  leave  their  harbour  and  try  the  issue.'  The  convoy 
amounted  to  several  hundred  transports,  full  of  troops,  without  means  of  defence,  and 
depending  upon  the  war  vessels  for  protection." 3 

The  point  originally  selected  for  the  disembarkation  of  the  army 
was  the  mouth  of  the  little  river  Katcha.  On  the  voyage  thither  a 
signal  was  made  from  the  French  flag-ship  to  the  effect  that  Marshal 
Saint  Arnaud,  who  was  very  unwell,  desired  to  confer  with  Lord 
Eaglan  and  Vice-Admiral  Dundas,  who,  in  consequence,  proceeded 
in  the  Caradoc,  2,  paddle,  Lieutenant  Samuel  Hoskins  Derriman,  to 
the  Ville  de  Paris.  While  Eaglan,  who  had  lost  a  leg,  remained 
alongside,  Dundas  visited  the  Marshal,  who  was  too  ill  to  speak,  but 
who  pointed  to  an  unsigned  paper,  which  the  Vice-Admiral  read. 

1  Or,  more  accurately,  the  greater  part  of  it ;   for  the  French  disposed  of  three 
steam  and  forty-nine  sailing  merchantmen. 

2  There  were,  of  course,  numerous  steam  frigates  and  tugs,  etc. 

3  Brereton,  9. 


412      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

This  paper  represented  that  a  landing  at  the  Katcha  would  be  too 
hazardous,  as  the  British  press  and  Parliament  had  made  known  to 
the  enemy  that  it  had  been  fixed  upon  as  the  point  of  disembarka- 
tion, and  as  the  Eussians  were  doubtless  well  prepared  there.  The 
paper  went  on  to  say  that  the  season  was  too  advanced  for  a  siege  of 
Sebastopol.  Dundas  took  it  to  Eaglan,  in  whose  presence  there  was 
much  discussion,  but  who  declined  to  alter  the  decision  at  which  he 
had  arrived  at  Varna.  He,  however,  agreed  that  the  coast  between 
Eupatoria  and  Sebastopol  should  be  again  reconnoitred  with  a  view 
to  determining  whether  a  better  point  than  Katcha  could  be  found 
for  the  landing.1  Accordingly,  while  the  fleet  and  transports  an- 
chored in  twenty-two  fathoms  of  water,  out  of  sight  of  land,  the 
Caradoc,  and  the  Primauguet,  8,  escorted  by  some  steamers  under 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  took  on  board  Lord  Eaglan,  and  representatives 
of  the  staffs  of  both  armies,  sighted  Cape  Khersonese  on  September 
10th,  and  thence  proceeded  to  the  northward.  Little  change  seemed 
to  have  been  made  in  the  situation  at  Sebastopol ;  but  camps  had 
been  established  near  the  mouths  of  the  Katcha  and  Alma,  and  else- 
where ;  and,  after  careful  survey  and  discussion,  it  was  decided  that 
the  landing  place  should  be  Old  Fort,  an  open  beach  about  twelve 
miles  south  of  Eupatoria,  which  was  flanked  by  lagoons,  and  which 
could  be  swept  by  the  fire  of  the  ships.  It  was  also  decided  to  occupy 
Eupatoria,  and  to  garrison  it  with  2000  Turks,  and  two  infantry 
battalions,  one  British  and  one  French. 

In  pursuance  of  these  plans,  the  fleets  and  transports  proceeded. 
On  the  llth,  and  again  early  on  the  12th,  the  French  contingent 
dropped  entirely  out  of  sight ;  but  the  whole  force  anchored 
off  Eupatoria  on  the  12th  and  13th.  The  place,  which  was  not 
defensible,  was  at  once  summoned,  and,  surrendering,  was  taken 
possession  of.2  On  the  14th  and  following  days  the  troops  and 
the  Marines  were  landed  without  opposition,  under  cover  of  the 
guns  of  the  ships,  and  within  sight  of  Sebastopol ;  and,  while  the 
disembarkation  was  in  progress,  a  division  of  frigates,3  with  troops 
on  board,  was  sent  to  the  mouth  of  the  Katcha  to  deter  the  Eussians 
from  advancing  northward.  A  camp  there  was  shelled,  and  its  occu- 
pants were  forced  to  withdraw  out  of  range.  The  advance  southward 

1  Brereton,  12. 

2  It  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Thomas  Saumarez  Brock,  K.N.,  and 
was  held  until  after  the  fall  of  Sebastopol. 

3  Samson,  Fury,  Vesuvius,  and  some  French  steamers. 


1854.] 


THE  LANDING   IN   THE   CRIMEA. 


413 


along  the  coast  began  at  once,  the  fleets  keeping  simultaneously 
within  sight  and  range. 

Long  ere  this  there  had  been  active  naval  operations  in  other 
quarters,  to  which  attention  must  be  temporarily  directed. 

As  soon  as  war  became  imminent,  the  governments  of  Great 
Britain  and  France  resolved  to  take  action  in  the  Baltic.  France 
had  sent  to  the  Levant  nearly  all  her  immediately  available  ships, 
under  Vice-Admirals  Hamelin  and  Bruat,  and  Rear-Admirals  Lebar- 
bier  de  Tinan,  Charner,  and  Bouet-Willaumez ;  and  some  time 
elapsed  ere  she  could  fit  for  sea  another  fleet,  the  command  of  which 
was  given  to  Vice- Admiral  Parseval-Deschenes.  Great  Britain  had 
wider  resources,  and,  as  early  as  March  llth,  1854,  was  able  to 
despatch  from  Spithead  the  following  fleet : 


Ships. 

Guns. 

Commanders. 

Tons. 

H.P.N. 

Crew. 

Duke  of  Wellington,  scr.     . 

.      .131 

.      .        60 

IV.-Ad.  Sir  Charles  Napier  (2),  K.C.B.       I 
<K.-Ad.  Michael  Seymour  (2),  Capt.  ofV 
leapt.  George  Thomas  Gordon.        [Fleet.  ) 
fE.-Ad.  Ueury  Ducie  Cuads.  C.B.  (B).       i 

3700 

1772 

780 
450 

1100 
660 

18 

fR.-Ad.  James  Hauway  Plumridge  (W).  ) 

1412 

560 

280 

91 

U'apt.  George  (iiffard.                                  / 

3129 

400 

860 

2616 

400 

990 

101 

3400 

600 

900 

(JO 

1750 

450 

660 

.               60 

1761 

450 

500 

60 

1747 

450 

600 

Imptrieuse,  scr  

.      .         51 
.      .         46 

Capt.  Rundle  Burges  Watson,  C.B. 
Capt.  Hastings  Reginald  Yflverton. 

2347 
1872 

360 
3dO 

530 
450 

Amphion,  scr  

.      .         34 
31 

Capt.  Astley  Cooper  Key. 

1471 
1570 

300 
300 

320 
300 

Valorous,  padd  

.      .        16 
6 

Capt.  Claude  Henry  Mason  Buckle. 

1255 
1270 

400 
560 

220 
220 

Previous  to  the  departure  of  this  fleet,  the  Masters  of  each  ship 
proceeded  to  the  Baltic  in  the  steam  sloop  Hecla,  6,  Captain  William 
Hutcheon  Hall,  leaving  Hull  on  February  19th,  and  rejoining  Sir 
Charles,  off  Dover,  with  a  mass  of  most  valuable  intelligence.1 

Never  before  had  a  large  force,  composed  exclusively  of  steam- 
vessels,  quitted  England  on  a  hostile  mission.  Large  additions,  of 
sailing  as  well  as  of  steam-vessels,  were  subsequently  made  to  the 
command. 

Although  there  was  no  excuse  for  the  inefficient  condition  2  in 
which  this  by  no  means  very  powerful  fleet  left  England,  there  were 
excellent  reasons  for  its  despatch  with  the  utmost  speed  ;  for  it  had 
become  known  that  in  January  the  Bussian  fleet  in  the  Gulf  of 

1  Disp.  of  Com. 

2  See,  for  example,  'Autob.  of  Lord  C.  Paget,"  78;   Napier,  224;  Sulivan,   120, 
etc.,  etc. 


414      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  KOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Finland  had  been  increased  to  27  sail  of  the  line,  and  that,  in 
addition,  it  included  8  or  10  frigates,  7  corvettes  and  brigs,  9  paddle- 
steamers,  15  schooners  and  luggers,  and  50  or  60  gunboats.  On 
March  10th,  18  of  the  ships  of  the  line  were  at  Cronstadt ;  and 
gigantic  efforts  were  being  made  to  get  some  of  the  best  of  them  to 
Sweaborg  l  through  the  ice.  Napier's  fleet  made  rendezvous  on 
March  19th  in  Wingo  Sound,  on  the  Swedish  coast,  whence  the 
Commander-in-Chief  paid  a  visit  to  the  King  of  Denmark.  From 
Wingo  Sound  the  ships  sailed  on  March  23rd  with  a  northerly  wind, 
and,  on  the  27th,  anchored  off  Kiel,  having  passed  through  the  Belt 
without  pilots,  and  having  been  joined  on  the  way  by  Bear- Admiral 


ADMIRAL   THE   RT.   HON.    SIR   ASTLEY   COOPER   KEY,   G.C.B.,    F.R.S. 

Armar  Lowry  Corry  (W),  in  the  sailing  line  of  battle  ship  Neptune, 
120,  Captain  Frederick  Hutton,  with  two  other  vessels  of  the  line. 

Napier's  instructions  from  the  Foreign  Office  will  be  found  set 
forth  in  the  '  Baltic  Campaign.' 2  He  was  to  take  care  that  no 
Eussian  ship  should  pass  by  him  into  the  North  Sea ;  to  turn  his 
attention  to  the  Aland  Islands ;  not  to  engage  on  any  desperate 
venture ;  if  called  upon,  to  protect  Danish  and  Swedish  territory 
from  attack  by  Eussia ;  and  to  look  into  Eeval  and  other  fortified 
places.  It  appeared  to  him  that  Kjoge  Bay,  near  Copenhagen,  was 
the  best  position  from  which,  without  dividing  his  fleet,  he  might 
watch  both  the  Belts  and  the  Sound,  and  thither,  therefore,  he  pro- 
ceeded, arriving  on  April  1st.  On  the  4th,  after  he  received  from 
London  news  of  the  declaration  of  war,  he  made  the  following  much 
criticised  signal  to  his  command  : — 

"  Lads,  war  is  declared  with  a  numerous  and  bold  enemy.     Should  they  meet  us 

1  Napier,   ii.   223,   224.     The   Russians   believed   that  Cronstadt  would   be  first 
attacked,  and  that  the  forts  there  would  repel  the  ships,  whereupon  the  fresh  vessels  at 
Sweaborg  would  be  able  to  complete  their  discomfiture. 

2  P.  51  et  seg. 


1854.]  THE  FLEETS  IN   THE  BALTIC.  415 

and  offer  battle,  you  know  how  to  dispose  of  them.  Should  they  remain  in  port,  we 
must  try  and  get  at  them.  Success  depends  upon  the  quickness  and  precision  of  your 
tiring.  Also,  lads,  sharpen  your  cutlasses,  and  the  day  is  your  own  ! " 

At  that  period  France  was  represented  in  the  Baltic  by  only  a 
single  vessel,  the  screw  line  of  battle  ship  Austerlitz,  100,  Captain 
Laurencin.1  Some  of  the  British  frigates,  and  such  small  craft  as 
were  available,  were  immediately  detached  to  blockade  Eiga,  Libau, 
and  other  hostile  ports,  and  to  form  a  chain  between  Bornholm  and 
the  south  shore  of  the  Baltic,  in  order  to  intercept  the  enemy's  trade ; 
and  a  flying  squadron  of  steamers,  under  Eear-Admiral  Plumridge, 
was  sent  to  reconnoitre  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Finland.  The 
Commander-in-Chief's  hands  were,  however,  somewhat  tied  by  the 
fact  that  both  troops  and  gunboats  had  been  refused  to  him,  and 
that  he  was  already  in  strained  relations  with  the  Admiralty,  in 
consequence  of  some  expression  which  he  had  made  use  of  at  a 
dinner  at  the  Eeform  Club  before  his  departure ;  of  the  warmth 
with  which  he  had  criticised  the  inefficient  manning  of  the  fleet ; 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  resented  what  he  conceived 
to  be  the  Board's  rude  treatment  of  him. 

The  fleet  weighed  from  Kjoge  Bay  on  April  12th,  and  took  up 
its  cruising  ground  off  Gottska  Sando  2  on  the  15th.  Plumridge 
having  rejoined,  the  eight  battleships,  Duke  of  Wellington,  Edinburgh, 
St.  Jean  d'Acre,  Princess  Eoyal,  Cressy,  80,  screw,  Captain  Eichard 
Laird  Warren,  Hog^le,  Royal  George,  and  CcEsar,  91,  screw,  Captain 
John  Eobb,  with  several  frigates,  proceeded  on  the  16th  towards 
Hango  and  Sweaborg,  while  the  rest  of  the  fleet  was  entrusted  to 
Eear-Admiral  Corry,  and  left  behind.  But  the  prevalence  of  fog 
unnerved  the  Commander-in-Chief,3  who  presently  returned  to  his 
former  cruising  ground,  instead  of  pushing  on  at  once  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Helsingfors.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
Admiralty  at  that  time  refused  to  allow  local  pilots  for  the  fleet, 
although,  as  Napier  urged,  it  would  have  been  more  costly  to  lose 
one  ship  than  to  employ  a  great  number  of  pilots.  It  may  be 
remembered,  too,  that  Napier  was  then  an  old  man,  very  different 
from  the  Napier  of  the  days  when  Ponza  was  captured.  It  may 
even  be  supposed  that  Napier  already  knew,  in  substance,  the 

1  She  did  not,  however,  join  Napier  till  May  1st.      Vide  infra. 

2  A  small  island  not  marked  on  the  accompanying  map,  but  lying  near  the  "  e." 
of  "  Baltic  Sea." 

3  Otway,  '  Paget,'  91. 


416      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

views   which   were  held   at    the   Admiralty,    and   which   were   ex- 
pressed by  Sir  James  Graham,  who,  writing  on  April  10th,1  said  : — 

"  I  rely  on  your  prurience  in  not  knocking  your  head  against  stone  walls  prematurely, 
or  without  the  certainty  of  a  great  success,  or  the  fair  prospect  of  attaining  some  most 
important  object  worthy  of  the  risk  and  of  the  loss,  which,  when  you  attack  fortresses 
with  sliips,  are  serious  and  inevitable." 

Nevertheless  it  looks  as  if  Napier's  return  may  possibly  have 
deprived  his  country  of  the  advantage  and  glory  of  the  capture 
of  part  of  the  Russian  fleet  at  the  beginning,  of  the  war  ;  for  it  has 
never  been  satisfactorily  established  whether,  at  that  time,  the 
enemy's  force  lay  outside  or  inside  Helsingfors.  Giffard,  Plum- 
ridge's  Flag-Captain,  had  seen  it,  at  a  distance,  and  believed  that 
it  was  outside.  And  while  Captain  Bartholomew  James  Sulivan, 
of  the  Lightning,  3,  paddle,  reported  that  one  native  had  told  him 
that  the  Russians  were  inside,  he  also  reported  that  another  native 
had  informed  him  that  they  had  failed  to  get  in  through  the  ice 
at  the  harbour's  mouth.2  If  the  Russians  were  indeed  outside, 
Napier  might  have  taken  or  destroyed  them.  He  afterwards  took 
the  fleet  into  Elgsnabben,  about  forty  miles  from  Stockholm,  where 
the  Austerlitz  joined  on  May  1st.  When,  on  May  5th,  the  fleet 
weighed  from  Elgsnabben,  the  Gulf  of  Finland  was  entirely  free 
from  ice,  and  there  was  no  further  chance  of  catching  the  Russians 
outside  their  ports.  Napier  returned  off  Gottska  Sando,  where,  as 
far  as  can  be  judged,  his  presence  was  useless ;  and  Rear-Admiral 
Plumridge,  with  a  division  of  paddle-vessels,  was  despatched  to 
harass  the  enemy  in  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  where,  althbugh  he  acted 
in  pursuance  of  definite  orders  from  home,  his  wholesale  destruction 
of  property  unfortunately  alienated  the  inoffensive  and  perfectly 
friendly  inhabitants.  The  Amphion,  34,  screw,  Captain  Astley 
Cooper  Key,  Conflict,3  8,  screw,  Captain  Arthur  Gumming,  and 
other  craft,  meanwhile  blockaded  the  Gulf  of  Riga,  where  the  former 
frigate  distinguished  herself  by  capturing  a  number  of  merchant 
vessels  under  batteries. 

Plumridge,  in  the  Leopard,  18,  paddle,  Captain  George  Giffard, 
with  the  Vulture,  6,  paddle,  Captain  Frederick  Henry  Hastings 
Glasse,  Odin,  16,  paddle,  Captain  Francis  Scott,  and  Valorous,  16, 

1  Letter  received  on  Ap.  19th,  Napier,  238. 

2  Otway,  '  Paget,'  92 :  Sulivan,  136. 

3  The  Amphion  and   Conflict  captured  Libau,  on  May  10th,  without  firing  a  shot, 
and  took  all  the  shipping  in  the  port.     On  April    18th,  the    Conflict  had   lost   her 
Captain,  John  Foote,  who  had  been  drowned,  with  four  men,  in  his  gig,  off  Memel. 


17/t^^«  fAj-JLyA*  JkJjfi/., 


• 

•.  of  teaching  th< 

ase   of 

' 

.  • 
will)-. 


il  .  . 

ibligerl    ' 
of  the  foe,  a' 
and  won 
strength, 
ilesti  •    ti 

;./ice  th;1.; 
Other 
trous  Results.     (•- 

William  Hutchcon  II 

i-red  at  iron; 
iy.     He 

• 

•  . 
\ 

. 


:^ 

"^/*" 


1854.]  THE  AFEAIB   AT   GAMLA    CARLEBY.  417 

paddle,  Captain  Claude  Henry  Mason  Buckle,  after  destroying 
vessels  and  storehouses,  etc.,  at  Brahestad  and  Uleaborg,  and 
capturing  several  gunboats,  sent  the  boats  of  the  Vulture  and 
Odin,  on  June  7th,  into  Gamla  Carleby,  where  there  was  a  building 
yard,  to  summon  the  authorities  to  deliver  up  all  the  property 
there  belonging  to  the  Bussian  government.  The  demand  was 
refused ;  and  the  officer  who  had  made  it  was  in  the  act  of  retiring 
to  the  ships,  when  fire  was  opened  upon  him  from  muskets  and  field  - 
pieces,  and  several  of  his  people  were  killed  and  wounded.  As  the 
frigates  drew  too  much  water  to  be  able  to  approach,  nine  of  their 
boats,  manned  and  armed,  carrying  180  officers  and  men,  under 
Lieutenant  Charles  Arthur  Wise,  were  sent  in  in  the  evening  with 
the  object  of  teaching  the  enemy  a  lesson.  The  Bussians,  however, 
had  made  the  best  use  of  the  interval,  and,  collecting  regular 
troops,  had  posted  them  in  favourable  positions  among  the  houses. 
When  near  the  shore,  the  British  boats  were  suddenly  surprised  by  a 
withering  fire  from  both  guns  and  small  arms,  and  quickly  suffered 
considerable  loss.  A  prompt  reply  was  made ;  but  the  enemy  was 
so  concealed  as  to  be  almost  invisible,  and,  after  an  hour's  hot 
action,  it  was  found  necessary  to  withdraw.  The  attacking  force 
was  obliged  to  leave  a  boat,  with  its  gun  and  crew,1  in  the  hands 
of  the  foe,  and,  in  addition,  lost  twenty-six  officers  and  men  killed 
and  wounded.2  The  failure  was  due  to  ignorance  of  the  Bussian 
strength,  and  to  an  exaggerated  estimate  of  the  importance  of  the 
destruction  of  a  few  stores.  Operations  of  the  kind  should  never 
be  attempted  without  adequate  knowledge,  and  due  consideration  of 
the  price  that  may  have  to  be  paid  to  attain  a  given  result. 

Other  vessels  made  raids  of  the  same  kind,  but  with  less  disas- 
trous results.  On  May  19th,  Captain  Hastings  Beginald  Yelverton, 
in  the  Arrogant,  46,  screw,  with  the  Hecla,  6,  paddle,  Captain 
William  Hutcheon  Hall,  while  examining  the  channel  near  Tever- 
minne,  was  fired  at  from  behind  a  sandbank,  but  easily  dispersed 
the  enemy.  He  then  learnt  that  at  Eckness,  eight  miles  to  the 
northward,  lay  three  large  merchantmen  with  cargoes  on  board.  On 
the  following  morning,  the  two  vessels,  the  Hecla  leading,  cautiously 
felt  their  way  thither  through  narrow  and  intricate  passages,  and, 
while  going  up,  were  met  by  a  fire  from  five  field-guns  and  a 

1  This  boat,  under  Mate  Nathaniel  James  Morphy,  had  25  men  on  board. 

2  Including  Lieutenant  Edward  Murray  Winter  Carrington,  Mate  Charles  Frederick 
Herman  Montagu,  and  Mids. Athorpe,  killed. 

VOL.   VI.  2  E 


418      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   TEE  EOYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

mortar.  The  Arrogant,  though  she  ran  aground,  finally  dismounted 
two,  and  the  Hecla  three  of  these,  the  latter  being  brought  off. 
Pushing  on  to  Eckness,  the  two  Captains  came  in  view  of  their 
quarry.  While  Yelverton  engaged  the  defences  and  troops,  the 
Hecla  ran  alongside  the  only  one  of  the  merchantmen  that  was 
afloat,  and,  taking  her  in  tow,  carried  her  off.  On  their  return, 
the  ships  were  met  by  the  Dauntless,  33,  screw,  Captain  Alfred 
Phillips  Eyder,  which  had  been  sent  up  to  ascertain  the  cause  of 
the  firing  ;  but  her  assistance  was  not  required.  They  rejoined  the 
fleet  on  May  21st,  off  Hango  Head.  In  this  affair,  the  Arrogant 
had  2  killed  and  4  wounded ;  and  the  Hecla,  5  wounded,  including 
Captain  Hall,  and  Lieutenant  Offley  Malcolm  Crewe  Head.  Lieu- 
tenant Henry  Vachell  Haggard,  in  addition  to  the  officers  already 
named,  was  specially  mentioned  as  having  distinguished  himself.1 

Two  days  later,  on  May  22nd,  the  Dragon,  6,  paddle,  Captain 
James  Willcox,  was  ordered  to  try  the  effect  of  her  guns  on  Fort 
Gustafvard,  an  island  work,  mounting  31  guns,  south-east  of 
Hango  Head,  the  neighbourhood  of  which  had  previously  been 
partially  examined  and  buoyed  by  Captain  Bartholomew  James 
Sulivan.  The  Dragon  opened  at  a  distance  of  about  1600  yards, 
and  made  excellent  practice;  but  the  enemy  soon  got  the  range 
of  her.  She  should  not  have  been  sent  in  alone  to  engage  so 
powerful  a  fort,  and  presently  the  Vice-Admiral  ordered  her  to  be 
supported  by  the  Magicienne,  16,  paddle,  Captain  Thomas  Fisher, 
and  Basilisk,  6,  paddle,  Commander  the  Hon.  Francis  Egerton  ; 
but  ere  both  of  them  could  be  got  into  position  by  Captain  Sulivan, 
who  had  the  placing  of  them,  the  signal  of  recall  was  made.  The 
Dragon  had  one  man  killed  and  another  wounded,  and,  besides  many 
shot  in  her  hull,  received  one  close  to  her  shell-room  under  water. 
On  the  same  day  the  Hecla  fired  a  few  rounds  into  a  fort  hard 
by  mounting  11  guns,  but  sustained  no  damage.  These  attacks 
were  ill-judged  and  useless.  If  made  at  all,  they  should  have  been 
made  at  long  range,  and  by  overwhelming  force.  Says  Sulivan  : — 

"  I  had  advised  2200  yards,  and  it  was  entirely  his  "  (George  Biddlecombe,  Master 
of  the  Fleet's)  "  own  doing  that  the  distance  was  altered.  The  poor  chief  is  really  too 
shaky,  nervous,  and  borne  down  by  responsibility,  to  have  such  a  charge  on  him.  He 
has  no  plans  or  system  ;  but  the  impulse  of  the  moment  alone  guides  him  ;  and  I  trust 
we  may  have  no  serious  thing  to  do,  requiring  careful  plans  and  system." 2 

Nevertheless,  the  lesson  seems  to  have  made  no  great  impres- 
Yelverton  to  Napier :  Napier  to  Admlty.,  May  20th :  Sulivan,  160.      ~  Sulivan,  158. 


1854.] 


ARRIVAL    OF   THE  FRENCH  FLEET. 


419 


sion  upon  Napier.  In  the  early  days  of  June,  Bomarsund,  the  chief 
fortress  in  the  Aland  Islands,  was  reconnoitred  by  Captain  Sulivan, 
the  surveyor,  in  the  Lightning,  3,  paddle,  with  the  Driver,  6,  paddle, 
Commander  the  Hon.  Arthur  Auckland  Leopold  Pedro  Cochrane, 
and  was  found  to  be  immensely  strong.1  Sulivan  believed  that 
"  an  attack  by  ships  would  be  attended  by  a  loss  and  risk  too  great 
to  warrant  the  attempt,  unless  aided  by  a  sufficient  land-force  to 
assist,  first  carrying  the  tower2  by  assault  or  by  regular  approaches." 
This  view  was  practically  the  one  which  was  ultimately  adopted 
and  acted  upon  ;  but  not,  as  will  be  seen,  until  an  ineffectual  attack 
had  been  made  by  ships  only. 

In  the  meantime  Vice-Admiral  Parseval-Deschenes  had  quitted 
France  on  April  20th  with  eight  sailing  ships  of  the  line,  six  sailing 
frigates,  and  three  steamers,  having  on  board  2500  men  belonging 
to  the  marine  infantry  and  artillery ;  but  he  was  unable  to  join 
Napier,  who  was  then  in  Baro  Sound,  until  June  13th.  The  com- 
bined fleets,  including  all  craft  which  had  then  assembled,  anchored 
together  in  the  Sound,  as  follows  :— 
BRITISH. 


FRENCH. 


Gnus. 
Duke  of  Wellington       .      .      .131 

St.  Jean  d'Acre 101 

Princess  Royal <J1 

Royal  George 120 

James  Watt 91 

Nile 91 

Cfflsar 91 

Majestic 91 

Cressy 80 

Edinburgh 60 

Blenheim 60 

ffogue 60 

\Ajax 60 

/  Neptune 120 

to     St.  George 120 

.3  /  Prince  Regent    .....  90 

Monarch 84 

Boscawen 70 

Cumberland 70 

Penelope 16 


'Inn-. 

90' 
90  3 
100 


/  Inflexible 

Duguesclin 

Tage 

Hercule 100 

Jemmapes 100 

lireslau 90 

Duperre 80 

Trident 80 

Kr.millante 60 

Andromaque 60 

Vengeance 60 

Poursuivante 50 

Virginie 50 

Zenobie 50 

Austerlitz 100 3 

Darien 14 

Phltg&hon 10  3 


Lucifer. 
Souffleur 
Milan  . 


6 
6 
4s 


Mac/icienne 
Basilisk 
Driver     . 
Porcupine 
Pi</my    . 
Lightning,  surv. 
Alban,  surv. . 
Belleisle,  hosp.   . 


16 
6 
6 
8 
3 
3 
4 
6 


1  Flag  of  V.-Ad.  Parseval-Desche'nes. 

2  Flag  of  E.-Ad.  Penauil. 

3  Preceded  V.-Ad.  Parseval-Deschenes. 

.Vote.  Napier  mentions  only  seven  sail  of  the  line, 
omitting  the  lireslait,  which  seems  to  have  joined  a 
little  later  than  the  rest. 


1  '  Baltic  Campaign,'  333. 

1  i.e.,  the  principal  work,  probably.     The  large  fort  mounted  92  guns  in  casemates. 
There  were  also,  however,  three  '  towers,'  each  pierced  for  24  guns.     Sulivan,  169. 

2   E   2 


420      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  110 YAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

On  June  21st,  the  Hecla,  Odin,  and  Valorous,  of  Eear-Admiral 
Plumridge's  squadron,  were  sent  in,  in  spite  of  what  had  already 
happened,  to  shell  the  main  fort  at  Bomarsund.  They  succeeded  in 
burning  part  of  the  wooden  roof  of  the  building ;  but  as  that  existed 
only  to  keep  off  snow  in  winter,  the  damage  done  was  incom- 
mensurate with  the  value  of  the  shot  and  shell  expended.  Below 
the  wooden  roof  the  top  of  the  work  was  bomb-proof.  The  ships 
left  off  firing  for  want  of  shell,  and  retired  with  five  men  wounded. 
It  was  on  that  occasion  that  Mate  Charles  David  Lucas,  of  the 
Hecla,  flung  overboard  a  live  shell  that  fell  on  deck.  He  was 
deservedly  promoted  to  be  a  Lieutenant,  as  from  the  day  of  the 
attack,  for  his  bravery,  and,  later,  became  one  of  the  first  recipients 
of  the  Victoria  Cross.  On  the  same  day,  Plumridge  rejoined 
Napier. 

The  next  movement  of  the  fleets  was  towards  Cronstadt.  On 
June  22nd,  Eear-Admiral  Corry,  with  nine  sail  of  the  line,  a  frigate,1 
and  five  or  six  steamers,  was  left  to  blockade  Sweaborg,  while 
Napier  and  Parseval-Deschenes,  with  twelve  screw,  and  six  sailing 
line  of  battle  ships,  and  nine  smaller  steam-vessels,  weighed  to 
reconnoitre  the  great  Baltic  stronghold. 

From  the  24th  to  the  26th  the  allied  fleets  lay  at  anchor  off 
Seskar  Island,  near  the  eastern  end  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland.  On  the 
latter  day,  while  the  larger  ships  remained  about  eight  miles  off 
Tolboukin  lighthouse,  Captain  Bartholomew  James  Sulivan  was 
given  charge  of  a  flying  squadron  of  three  steamers,2  which  went 
in  to  observe  the  Bussian  fleet  and  batteries,  Captain  Bundle  Burges 
Watson,  in  the  Imperieuse,  with  the  Arrogant  and  Desperate, 
keeping  near  at  hand  as  a  support.  On  the  following  day  Sulivan 
was  joined  by  the  French  steamer  Phlegethon. 

"  There  are,"  wrote  Sulivan,  "  only  sixteen  sail  of  the  line,  and  a  heavy  frigate, 
ready  outside,  and  one  in  the  basin.  There  are  three  more,  as  block-ships,  to  the 
north-east,  not  rigged,  and,  beyond  them,  to  the  north-east,  three  frigates  ready  for 
sea,  and  two  frigates  and  one  corvette  block-ship.  There  is  also  one  two-decker  in 
dock.  .  .  .  They  have  also  in  line  this  evening  thirteen  heavy  gunboats.  .  .  .  Their 
ships  look  rather  shimmy  in  their  appearance  ;  and,  as  they  cannot  evidently  make  up 
more  than  seventeen  or  eighteen  sail  of  the  line,  it  is  impossible  for  them  to  come  out 
Our  English  screw-ships  alone  could  destroy  them.  They  are  all  placed  to  resist  an 
attack,  and  evidently  think  of  nothing  else.  The  channel  is  certainly  formidable,  and 
quite  impregnable."3  

1  Besides  two  French  frigates. 

2  Lightning,  Capt.  B.  J.  Sulivan ;  Magicienne,  Capt.  Thomas  Fisher ;  and  Bulldog, 
Capt.  William  King  Hall. 

3  Sulivan,  189. 


1854.]  PREPARATIONS  AGAINST  BOMARSUND.  421 

Napier's  conclusions,  as  given  to  Sir  James  Graham,  were  :— 

"  Any  attack  on  Cronstadt  by  ships  is  entirely  impracticable.  In  going  in  to  the 
south  the  batteries  are  most  formidable — all  constructed  of  solid  masonry ;  they  are 
three  and  four-deckers  of  stone  instead  of  wood,  and  ships  going  in  would  be  raked  by 
them  the  moment  they  came  under  fire,  and  would  be  sunk  before  they  reached  the 
ships,  which  are  placed  with  their  broadsides  bearing  also  on  the  passage.  ...  I  now 
turn  to  the  north  side  of  Cronstadt.  That  is  certainly  the  weakest  point.  A  landing 
might  be  made  on  the  island  of  any  number  of  men,  and  the  town  besieged :  but  you 
must  expect  the  Russians  will  always  outnumber  you.  If  you  fail,  your  army  would 
be  lost ;  and,  if  you  succeed,  it  would  probably  be  starved  during  the  long  winter.  J 
presume,  therefore,  that  will  not  be  thought  of.  It  may,  however,  be  bombarded." 

Upon  the  whole,  it  was  wisely  decided  not  to  attempt  anything 
of  importance  against  Cronstadt ;  and  it  was  determined,  though 
not  perhaps  with  equal  wisdom,  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  Aland 
Islands. 

During  that  period,  and  for  some  time  afterwards,  the  usefulness 
of  the  British  fleet  in  the  Baltic  was  seriously  hampered  not  only 
by  Napier's  age  and  moral  timidity,  but  also  by  the  relative  im- 
mobility of  the  French  contingent,  which,  so  far  as  its  fighting  ships 
were  concerned,  consisted  almost  exclusively  of  sailing  vessels.  On 
the  one  hand,  it  was  deemed  advisable,  in  the  interests  of  inter- 
national good  feeling,  that  the  French  should,  if  possible,  be  given  a 
share  in  every  adventure.  Indeed,  Parseval-Deschenes  said  that  if 
there  should  be  any  action  while  he  and  his  fleet  were  out  of  the 
way,  "  all  the  paving-stones  in  Paris  would  not  be  enough  to  throw 
at  his  head."  l  On  the  other  hand,  all  movements  were  delayed  by 
the  necessity  which  existed  for  towing  the  great  French  sailing  ships 
of  the  line.  Never,  perhaps,  was  the  immense  importance  of  homo- 
geneity in  a  fleet  more  clearly  illustrated.  Cholera  had  broken  out 
on  board  the  ships,  and,  as  the  waters  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Cronstadt  were  supposed  to  be  "  pestiferous,"  2  the  fleets  withdrew 
to  Baro  Sound,  westward  of  Sweaborg,  where  they  anchored  on 
July  6th.  There  they  waited,  while  Eear-Admiral  Plumridge,  with 
a  slightly  reinforced  squadron,  blockaded  Bomarsund ;  and  while 
10,000  French  troops,  under  General  Baraguay  d'Hilliers,  in  British 
and  French  transports,  were  sent  northwards,  to  be  employed  in 
the  projected  operations.  This  corps  sailed  from  off  Calais  on  July 
22nd.  On  July  18th,  the  combined  fleets  moved  from  Baro  Sound 
towards  Ledsund,  which  was  reached  on  the  21st.  There,  by 
August  5th,  all  transports,  with  troops,  munitions  and  stores,  had 

1  Sulivan,  193.  2  Napier,  ii.  268. 


422      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

assembled  ;  and,  Baraguay  d'Hilliers,  who  had  preceded  his  com- 
mand, having  already  reconnoitred  Bomarsund,  all  was  ready  for 
the  attack. 

The  Aland  Islands  consist  of  a  group  of  280  rocks  and  islets, 
about  200  of  which  are  uninhabited.  They  enclose  a  perfect  laby- 
rinth of  channels  most  difficult  to  navigate.  The  islands  had  been 
Swedish  until  1809,  when  they  had  been  taken  by  Russia,  which,  to 
protect  its  conquest,  had  erected  on  the  largest  of  the  islands,  com- 
manding Lumpar  Bay,  in  the  strait  separating  Aland  from  Presto, 
the  strong  fortress  of  Bomarsund.  The  fortress  itself,  in  1854, 
formed  the  segment  of  a  circle,  having  a  chord  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  length,  and  presenting  to  the  roadstead  a  casemated  battery 
of  120  guns,  in  two  tiers.  The  system  of  defence  was  made  com- 
plete by  a  series  of  works  commencing  on  the  heights  behind,  the 
chief  work  on  the  north  being  Fort  Nottich,  and  the  chief  one  on 
the  west  being  Fort  Tzee,  each  mounting  14  guns.  To  the  south- 
west was  an  unfinished  new  fort,  and,  nearly  south  of  it,  on  Tranvik 
Point,  was  a  7-gun  battery.  The  works  were  continued  across  the 
water,  on  a  chain  of  islets,  to  Presto,  where  stood  another  14-gun 
fort,  nearly  north-west  of  the  main  fortress,  and  somewhat  less  than 
a  mile  distant  from  it.1  All  the  forts  were  of  granite,  with  guns  in 
two  tiers  ;  and  they  were  held  by  about  2500  men.  The  plan  on  the 
opposite  page  will  further  explain  the  nature  of  the  position. 

The  ordinary  channel,  leading  from  the  fleets'  anchorage  at 
Ledsund  to  Lumpar  Bay,  was  commanded  by  the  fire  of  the 
liussians  ;  but  by  the  exertions  of  Captain  Sulivan,  of  the  Light- 
ning, and  of  Commander  Henry  Charles  Otter,  of  the  Allan,  an 
uncommanded  channel  between  Lumpar  and  Ango  Islands  was 
discovered  and  surveyed ;  and  on  July  28th  the  squadron  of  Eear- 
Admiral  Chads 2  was  taken  through  the  sinuous  and  difficult  passage, 
without  the  use  of  buoys  or  marks.  Other  vessels,  both  French  and 
British,  passed  up  later. 

On  August  6th,  the  fortress  was  reconnoitred  within  600  yards. 
On  the  8th,  near  the  southern  extremity  of  Tranvik  Point,  the 
French  army  3  under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  the  Edinburgh 
and  Duperre,  was  landed,  while  a  battalion  of  Eoyal  Marines,  and  90 
British  sappers  and  miners  under  Brig. -General  Jones,  with  2000 

1  '  Baltic  Campaign,'  338  :  Sulivan,  222 :  Chevalier,  233. 

2  Edinburgh,  Hague,  Amphion,  Blenheim,  Ajax. 

3  Keinforced  by  2000  French  marines. 


1854.] 


ATTACK  ON  BOMARSUND. 


423 


French  Marines,  were  simultaneously  disembarked  at  a  point  about 
two  miles  north  of  the  fortress.  On  the  same  day  the  7-gun  battery 
near  the  southern  landing-place  was  attacked  and  destroyed  by  the 
Amphion  and  Phlegethon,  Napier,  with  his  flag  temporarily  in  the 
Bulldog,  watching  the  operations.  The  landing  of  three  short  32-pr. 
naval  guns,  four  field-guns  from  the  ships,  and  a  rocket  tube,  on  the 


Man  % 


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BOMAKSUND,    1854. 
(From  'Life  and  Letters  of  Sir  B.  J.  Sullaan,'  by  kind  permission  of  Mr.  John  Hurray.") 

10th,  was  superintended  by  Bear-Admiral  Chads,  whose  people  had 
to  drag  them  for  four  miles  and  a  half  over  execrable  ground  to  the 
point  which  had  been  selected  as  the  site  for  the  British  battery  (see 
plan).  In  this  arduous  work,  Captains  George  Eamsay  (Euryalus), 
and  Eichard  Strode  Hewlett  (Edinburgh),  and  Commander  George 
William  Preedy  (Duke  of  Wellington),  specially  distinguished  them- 


MILITARY  HISTOBY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

selves.  The  French,  on  Tranvik  Point,  had  fifty  horses  to  help  drag 
their  guns  (four  long  16-prs.,  and  four  13-inch  mortars)  to  their 
station,  450  yards  west  of  Fort  Tzee. 

On  the  10th,  while  passing  the  fortress,  the  Penelope,  16,  paddle, 
Captain  James  Crawford  Caffin,  went  ashore  under  the  enemy's 
fire,  and.  had  to  throw  her  guns  overboard  ere,  much  mauled  by  the 
enemy's  red-hot  shot,  she  could  be  floated  off.  She  was  struck 
twenty-one  times,  and  had  2  men  killed  and  3  wounded.  The  Hecla, 
Gladiator,  Valorous,  and  Pigmy,  with  boats,  went  to  her  assistance, 
and  also  suffered  somewhat.  Happily  no  blame  was  attributed  to 
Captain  Caffin.1 

On  the  llth  more  guns  were  landed  from  the  fleet,  and  sent 
up  to  the  British  battery,  in  charge  of  parties  of  200  men  under 
Lieutenants  Donald  M'Leod  Mackenzie  (Edinburgh),  Thomas  Davies 
(2)  (Hague),  George  Henry  Clarke  (Blenheim),  and  Walter  James 
Pollard  (Ajax)  respectively.  The  French  battery,  being  ready  early 
on  the  13th,  began  firing  without  waiting  for  the  British  ;  and  on  the 
same  evening  Fort  Tzee  was  abandoned.  In  consequence,  General 
Jones's  battery  2  was  turned  against  Fort  Nottich.  It  opened  on 
the  15th  at  950  yards,  and  breached  the  place  in  eight  hours. 
Nottich  then  surrendered.  The  British  naval  loss  was  only  1  killed 
and  1  wounded.  The  enemy  had  6  killed  and  7  wounded :  and 
125  prisoners  were  taken. 

In  the  meantime  Captain  the  Hon.  Frederick  Thomas  Pelham, 
of  the  Blenheim,  had  landed  a  10-inch  pivot  gun,  and  mounted  it 
amid  the  ruins  of  the  7-gun  battery  which  had  been  destroyed  on 
the  8th.  He3  made  excellent  practice  against  the  main  fortress, 
and,  though  he  occupied  a  position  of  some  danger,  escaped  without 
loss.  On  the  16th,  when  the  French  had  established  themselves 
on  Presto  Island,  and  were  nearly  ready  with  the  whole  of  their 
breaching  battery,  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  by  Pelham,  who  was 
supported  by  the  French  mortars  on  shore,  by  the  French  squadron, 
and  occasionally  by  the  10-inch  guns  of  the  Edinburgh,  Ajax,  Arro- 
gant, Amphion,  Valorous,  Sphinx,  and  Driver.  No  great  amount  of 

1  For  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  mishap,  see  Sulivau,  225. 

2  The  battery  was  manned  by  seamen  and  Marine  artillerymen  under  Capt.  William 
Ramsay,  Com.  George  William  Preedy,  Lieuts.  Leveson  Eliot  Henry  Somerset,  George 
Foster  Burgess,  and  Morgan  Singer,  Capts.  (Il.M.)  Henry  Edward  Delacombe,  Thomas 
Dudley   Fosbroke,   William    Lawrence    Sayer,   and    Peter    Brames    Nolloth    (Brev 
Maj.),  etc. 

3  With  Capt.  Pelham  were  Lieut.  Francis  Arden  Close,  and  (actg.)  Mate  Leveson 
Wildman,  both  of  whom  were  favourably  mentioned. 


1854.]  CAPTURE   OF  SOMASSUND.  425 

damage  was  done  to  the  fortress  ;  but  the  officer  in  command,  General 
Bodisco,  perceived  that  his  position  was  desperate ;  and,  at  about 
mid-day,  he  exhibited  a  white  flag.  Captain  William  King  Hall,  of 
the  Bulldog,  and  Commander  de  Surville,  Parseval-Deschenes's  aide- 
de-camp,  with  two  of  the  French  general's  staff,  were  sent  ashore  to 
parley,  and,  as  a  result,  it  was  agreed  that  the  garrison  should  lay 
down  its  arms.  The  capitulation  of  Bomarsund  was  immediately 
followed  by  the  surrender  of  the  fort  of  Presto.  Prisoners  to  the 
number  of  2255  were  taken,  and  were  divided  between  the  allies, 
the  British  share  being  sent  at  once  to  Ledsund,  whence  they  were 
conducted  to  the  Downs  by  Commodore  the  Hon.  Frederick  William 
Grey,  C.B.,  of  the  Hannibal,  90,  screw.1  The  dispatches  announcing 
the  success  were  carried  home  by  Napier's  Flag-Lieutenant,  John 
de  Courcy  Andrew  Agnew,  who  was,  in  consequence,  made  a  Com- 
mander on  August  23rd.  Among  other  promotions  immediately  con- 
sequent on  the  capture  of  Bomarsund  were  those  of  Commanders  the 
Hon.  Arthur  Auckland  Leopold  Pedro  Cochrane  and  Henry  Charles 
Otter,  to  be  Captains,  and  of  Lieutenants  Donald  M'Leod  Mackenzie, 
George  Henry  Clarke,  Thomas  Davies  (2),  and  Francis  Arden  Close, 
to  be  Commanders.  Bomarsund  was  destroyed,  after  Sweden  had 
refused  to  accept  it.'2  Subsequent  movements  on  the  part  of  the 
fleets  caused  the  Russians  to  blow  up  their  fortifications  at  Hango.3 
Directions  were  despatched  to  Napier  on  August  29th,  and  to 
Parseval-Deschenes  on  August  30th,  ordering  a  retirement  from  the 
Baltic.  Napier  had  previously  sent  the  Odin,  Allan,  Gorgon,  and 
Driver  to  reconnoitre  Abo ;  and,  as  he  considered  that  it  might  be 
successfully  attacked,  he  asked  the  French  Vice-Admiral  to  join  him 
in  the  enterprise.  The  latter,  however,  refused,  on  account  of  the 
badness  of  the  weather.  Eeval,  Sweaborg,  and  Hango  were  also 
reconnoitred.  With  respect  to  Sweaborg,  Brig. -General  Jones 
thought  that  it  might  be  taken  by  combined  sea  and  land  opera- 
tions, while  the  French  General  Niel  was  of  opinion  that  the  fleets 
alone  could  render  it  untenable  in  less  than  two  hours.4  On  Sep- 
tember 12th,  Napier  received  from  home  a  dispatch  which  allowed 
him  a  certain  amount  of  discretion  as  to  the  time  of  withdrawal ; 
and  he  at  once  met  Vice-Admiral  Parseval-Deschenes,  and  Eear- 

1  Napier  to  Admlty.,  Aug.  llth,  Aug.  16th  (2):  Naut.  Mag.,  1854,  498:  Napier, 
ii.  282:  Sulivan,  223. 

2  Napier,  291 :  '  Baltic  Campaign,'  395. 

3  Sulivan,  246. 

4  '  Baltic  Campaign,'  419. 


426      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1810-1856. 

Admirals  Penaud,  Chads,  and  Seymour,1  in  order  to  discuss  the  idea 
of  undertaking  further  operations.  It  was  then  decided  unanimously 
that,  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  season,  nothing  could  that  year  be 
attempted  against  Sweaborg  or  any  fortified  Baltic  port,  save  at 
great  risk.  On  September  17th,  by  which  date  some  of  the  French 
ships  had  begun  to  go  home,  Napier  received  a  further  dispatch, 
asking  for  opinions  on  General  Niel's  plan  for  attacking  Sweaborg 
with  ships  alone.  Parseval-Deschenes  saw  no  reason  to  modify  his 
views,  and  declined  to  attend  further  councils  of  war ;  and,  although 
Napier  again  reconnoitred  Sweaborg  on  September  23rd,  and  sent 
home  a  report  '2  which  was  intended  to  facilitate  operations  in  1855, 
he  did  not  attack.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  Parseval- 
Deschenes 3  went  home.  Napier  himself  still  remained,  chiefly  off 
Nargen ;  but,  on  September  27th,  he  sent  part  of  the  fleet,  under 
Plumridge,  to  Kiel. 

British  expectations  had  not  been  satisfied  by  the  work  of  the 
Baltic  fleet  in  1854.  Napier  was,  perhaps,  a  weak  officer  in  his  old 
age,  and  may  have  been  blameworthy ;  but  the  Admiralty  of  that  day 
was  far  weaker,  in  that  it  allowed  itself  to  be  forced  by  disappointed 
public  opinion  into  inviting  the  Commander-in-Chief,  at  that  late 
period,  to  undertake  a  venture  which  he  and  his  colleagues  had 
declared  to  be  unfeasible  a  month  earlier.  On  October  4th,  there 
was  sent  to  him  a  dispatch  recommending  him  to  choose  a  day 
and  opportunity  for  an  attack  on  Sweaborg,  and  containing  the 
following  passages  :— 

"You  anticipate  an  attack  by  the  Russian  fleet,  if  many  of  your  vessels  are  crippled 
or  destroyed.  \\'e  are  always  reminded  that  the  Russians  are  most  unwilling  to 
navigate  the  Gulf  of  Finland  in  line-of-battle  ships  when  autumn  has  commenced ;  and 
Cronstadt  is  always  locked  up  by  ice  fourteen  days  before  Sweaborg  is  closed.  The 
attack,  therefore,  on  Sweaborg  might  be  made  towards  the  end  of  October,  with  least 
danger  of  attack  from  the  Cronstadt  portion  of  the  Russian  fleet.  .  .  .  This  order  is 
founded  on  your  own  last  report.  The  final  decision  must  rest  entirely  on  yourself. 
If  the  attack  on  Sweaborg,  in  present  circumstances,  be  desperate,  it  must  on  no  account 
be  undertaken  by  you.  If,  calculating  the  ordinary  chances  of  war,  and  on  full  con- 
sideration of  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  fortress  and  fleets,  you  shall  be  of  opinion 
that  Sweaborg  can  be  laid  in  ruins,  it  will  be  your  duty,  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
French  Admiral,  not  to  omit  the  opportunity." 

The  responsibility  was  thus  left  to  Napier.     The  Admiralty  had 

1  Rear-Adms.   Plumridge,  and   Henry   Byam   Martin,   C.B.  (who  had   succeeded 
R.-Adm.  Corry),  were  at  the  time  absent  on  detached  service. 

2  Napier,  303. 

3  His  first  service  had  been  in  the  liuceiitaure,  at  Trafalgar.     On  Dec.  2nd,  1854, 
he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Admiral. 


1854.]  THE   YEAR'S    WORK  IN   THE  BALTIC.  427 

been  induced  to  send  him  the  order,  partly  by  popular  clamour,  and 
partly  by  the  receipt  of  an  unfounded  report  that  Sebastopol  had 
fallen  before  an  attack  by  the  Black  Sea  fleet.  Plumridge  had  been 
told  to  hurry  back  ;  Parseval-Deschenes  had  been  directed  to  post- 
pone his  departure ;  when,  on  October  9th,  having  learnt  that 
Sebastopol  had  not  fallen,  the  Admiralty  ordered  Napier  not  to 
attack  Sweaborg.  It  is  scarcely  surprising  that  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  lost  his  temper.1  Having  quitted  Nargen  on  October  19th, 
he  reached  Kiel  on  the  22ud,  leaving  only  a  few  ships  to  the  north- 
ward under  Captain  Bundle  Burges  Watson,  of  the  Imperieuse ;  but 
not  until  December  4th,  when  there  was  danger  of  its  being  frozen 
in,  was  the  fleet  ordered  to  be  wholly  withdrawn  for  the  winter. 
On  December  16th,  Napier  anchored  at  Spithead,  and  on  the  18th 
he  had  a  stormy  interview  with  Sir  James  Graham.  He  was 
immediately,  and  rather  curtly,  directed  to  strike  his  flag ;  nor 
did  he  succeed  in  obtaining  any  public  inquiry  into  his  conduct. 
By  way  of  protest  he  refused  promotion  to  the  highest  class  of 
the  Bath.2 

Such  was  the  first  year's  campaign  in  the  Baltic.  Beyond  the 
destruction  of  Bomarsund,  and  the  blockade  of  Russian  ports,  it 
effected  little  or  nothing.  The  fiasco  may  be  attributed  to  three 
principal  causes — causes  which  also  influenced  the  results  elsewhere. 
Firstly,  the  officers  then  available  for  responsible  commands  were, 
almost  without  exception,  far  too  old  to  sustain  the  anxieties  and 
fatigues  of  naval  warfare  under  steam,  without  rapidly  losing  their 
efficiency.  Secondly,  there  was  at  headquarters  a  conspicuous  lack 
of  information  concerning  the  enemy's  dispositions.  And  thirdly, 
even  had  the  enemy's  dispositions  been  fully  known  to  the  Ad- 
miralty, the  fleet  was  materially  incapable  of  doing  the  peculiar  kind 
of  work  which  the  situation  demanded.  The  commands  of  Napier 
and  Parseval-Deschenes  in  the  north,  and  of  Dundas  and  Hameliii 
in  the  south,  were  made  up  mainly  of  craft  of  the  heaviest  draught 
and  armament,  and  largely  of  sailing  ships  with  necessarily  limited 

1  See  his  letters  of  Oct.  10th  and  27th  to  the  Admiralty. 

2  Napier  to  Sir  Chas.  Wood,  July  5th,  1855 :  to  H.R.H.  Prince  Albert,  t>f  the  same 
date.     Lord  Palmerston,  speaking  on  the  Navy  Estimates,  1855,  took  a  view  different 
from  that  of  Graham.     "  In  my  opinion,"  said  he,  "  it  is  only  due  to  him  (Napier)  to 
say  that  nothing  has  occurred  in  the  course  of  the  last  year  which,  in  the  slightest 
degree,  diminishes  the  high  character  which  lie  has  attained  in  the  service  of  his 
country.  ...     He  secured  the  country  against  all  the  evils  which  might  have  arisen 
if  the  Baltic  fleet  of  Russia  had  been  permitted  to  quit  its  ports  and  scour  the  sea  .  .  .  .' 


428      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-185G. 

powers  of  manoeuvring  in  narrow  waters.  In  the  first  year  of 
the  war,  neither  Great  Britain  nor  France  was  able  to  employ 
light-draught  steam  gunboats,  and  bomb  or  mortar  vessels,  because 
neither  Power  possessed  anything  of  the  sort.  Yet  such  vessels  were 
absolutely  requisite  for  effective  operations  in  the  bays,  and  among 
the  islands,  of  the  Baltic,  and  in  the  shallow  outlying  parts  of  the 
Black  Sea.  In  the  following  years  hundreds  of  craft  of  the  kind 
were  hurriedly  and  wastefully  built  or  purchased.  Scores  of  them, 
nevertheless,  were  not  ready  until  long  after  they  had  ceased  to 
be  pressingly  needed.  Had  there  been  less  ignorance  at  head- 
quarters, and  had  the  allied  navies  been  fully  prepared  for  any  work 
which  might  have  been  thrust  upon  them,  it  is  certain  that  the 
struggle  would  have  been  far  briefer,  far  less  costly,  and  far  more 
decisive  than  it  actually  was. 

On  yet  two  other  scenes  of  action  there  were  operations  of  some 
importance  during  the  summer  of  1854. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  outbreak  of  war,  Captain  Erasmus 
Ommanney,  in  the  Eurydice,  26,  was  despatched  to  the  White  Sea, 
with  the  Miranda,  14,  screw,  Captain  Edmund  Moubray  Lyons, 
and  the  Brisk,  14,  screw,  Commander  Frederick  Beauchamp  Paget 
Seymour.  The  object  in  view  was  a  blockade  of  the  Eussian  ports  ; 
but,  in  order  as  much  as  possible  to  spare  British  and  French 
property  in  neutral  bottoms,  the  blockade  was  not  regularly  enforced 
until  August  1st.  In  the  meantime,  however,  several  Eussian 
merchantmen  were  captured,  and  a  certain  amount  of  damage  was 
done.  Archangel  was  considered  to  be  too  strong  for  attack  by  so 
small  a  force ;  but  on  July  18th,  while  the  Miranda  and  Brisk  were 
rounding  Solovetskoi  island,  it  was  perceived  that  troops  with 
artillery  were  stationed  in  the  woods  there.  A  shot  was  fired  to 
dislodge  them,  and  they  returned  it.  At  midnight  the  vessels 
anchored  off  Solovetskoi  monastery,  where  next  morning  it  was  seen 
that  the  enemy  was  throwing  up  batteries.  After  unavailing 
negotiations,  the  ships  weighed  at  8.20  A.M.,  and  soon  afterwards 
opened  fire.  A  smart  action  followed,  the  Eussians  replying  from 
a  battery,  from  two  towers  of  the  monastery,  and,  with  small-arms, 
from  the  beach.  By  11.20  A.M.  the  enemy  began  to  desert  his 
positions ;  but  he  returned  later,  only  to  be  again  driven  away. 
Fire,  however,  continued  until  6  P.M.,  by  which  time  red-hot  shot, 
shell,  and  musketry  had  silenced  all  opposition.  The  British  loss 
appears  to  have  been  but  one  killed  and  one  wounded.  On  July  31st 


1854'.]  OPERATIONS  IN   THE    WHITE   SEA.  429 

a  landing  was  effected  on  Shayley  island,  where  the  public  buildings 
were  burnt,  and  nine  guns  were  taken  or  destroyed. 

On  August  23rd,  Master  George  Williams,  of  the  Miranda, 
buoyed  the  passage  up  to  Kola ;  and  Lyons  then  took  his  ship  off 
the  town,  and  anchored  her  at  6.30  A.M.  in  five  fathoms.  The 
place,  in  spite  of  its  lonely  and  remote  situation,  was  fortified,  and 
contained  large  storehouses.  Lieutenant  Cecil  William  Buckley, 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  went  to  demand  a  surrender ;  and  very  early 
on  the  24th,  no  answer  having  been  returned,  the  Miranda  opened 
fire,  the  Eussians  briskly  replying. 

"  The  guns,"  says  Lyons  in  his  dispatch,  "  were  shortly  dismounted,  and  the 
battery  reduced  to  ruins;  but,  although  our  shells  burst  well  into  the  loopholed  houses 
and  stockades,  an  obstinate  fire  of  musketry  was  kept  up  from  various  parts  of  the 
town.  This  allowed  me  no  alternative;  and  I  was  obliged  to  destroy  it.  It  was  soou 
in  flames  from  our  shell  and  red-hot  shot,  and  burned  furiously,  being  fanned  by  a 
fresh  breeze.  The  ship,  at  this  time,  became  critically  situated.  The  violence  of  the 
tide  caused  her  to  drag  the  bower  and  stream  anchors,  and  the  two  kedges  laid  out  to 
spring  her  broadside  ;  and,  the  passage  being  too  narrow  for  her  to  swing,  she  grounded 
at  less  than  three  hundred  yards  from  the  burning  town,  fragments  from  which  were 
blown  on  board.  However,  by  keeping  the  sails,  rigging  and  decks  well  wetted  until 
the  ship  was  hove  off,  no  bad  consequences  ensued." 

During  part  of  the  action,  a  landing-party  under  Lieutenant 
John  Francis  Campbell  Mackenzie,  and  actg.  Mate  Charles  William 
Manthorp,  rendered  admirable  service  on  shore.  By  7.30  A.M.  on 
the  24th,  the  work  of  destruction  was  complete.1  In  the  early 
autumn  the  squadron  returned  to  England. 

In  the  China  and  Japan  seas,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the 
Eussian  Eear-Admiral  Poutiatin  had  under  his  orders  the  Pallas,  60, 
Aurora,  44,  and  Dwina,  12.  The  British  force  on  the  station  was 
under  Eear-Admiral  David  Price,  and  consisted  of  the  President,  50 
(flag),  Captain  Eichard  Burridge,  Pique,  40,  Captain  Sir  Frederick 
William  Erskine  Nicolson,  Bart.,  Amphitrite,  24,  Captain  Charles 
Frederick,  Trincomalee,  24,  Captain  Wallace  Houstoun,  and 
Virago,  6,  paddle,  Commander  Edward  Marshall.  The  French 
Eear-Admiral  Febvrier-Despointes  had  at  his  disposal  the  Forte,  60 
(flag),  Eurydice,  30,  Artemise,  30,  and  Obligado,  18.  Poutiatin  was, 
of  course,  helpless  at  sea  against  such  a  force ;  and  therefore  he 
sent  the  Pallas  far  up  the  river  Amur,  and  utilised  her  people  in 
reinforcing  the  weak  garrisons  on  the  littoral.  The  Aurora  and 
Dwina  took  refuge  in  Petropaulovski,  on  the  peninsula  of  Kamt- 

1  Officer's  letter  in  Tyrrell's  '  History,'  i.  201. 


430      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY,   1816-1856. 

chatka,  a  post  against  which  it  was  foreseen  that   the  allies  would 
probably  attempt  operations. 

Price  and  Febvrier-Despointes,  after  having  detached  the  Amphi- 
trite,  Artemise,  and  Trincomalee  to  cruise  for  the  protection  of  trade 
off  the  coasts  of  California,  went  in  search  of  the  Eussians,  and,  on 
August  28th,  sighted  the  shores  of  Kamtchatka.  On  the  following 
day  they  entered  Avalska  Bay,  at  the  head  of  which  lies  Petropaul- 
ovski.  The  Bussians  had  worked  very  energetically  at  the  defences 
of  the  roadstead.  They  had  supplemented  the  pre-existing  fort 
with  numerous  well-placed  works,  and  had  stationed  the  Aurora 
behind  a  sand  spit,1  where  she  could  not  be  reached  so  long  as  the 
batteries  remained  unreduced.  Yet,  although  the  position-  was 
immensely  and  obviously  formidable,  the  allied  commanders  under- 
rated its  strength.  Their  appearance  was  received  with  shots  from 
the  defences ;  and  they  returned  the  fire,  but  from  too  great  a 
distance  for  it  to  be  effective.  On  August  30th,  they  drew  nearer 
in,  and  were  beginning  action,  when  Price,  an  officer  too  old,  perhaps, 
for  his  work,  but  with  a  distinguished  record,  lost  his  head  in  the 
most  unaccountable  way,  and,  retiring  to  his  cabin,  shot  himself. 
The  direction  of  the  British  contingent  devolved  upon  Nicolson ; 
but  the  shocking  event  naturally  led  to  the  suspension  of  operations 
until  the  following  morning,  when  the  attack  was  resumed.  On 
the  31st,  at  8  A.M.  the  President,  Pique,  and  Forte  took  up  positions 
and  opened  fire  on  the  nearest  of  the  defences — three  batteries 
mounting  respectively  three,  five,  and  eleven  guns.  With  the 
assistance  of  a  landing-party  from  the  Virago,  the  3-gun  battery, 
on  the  right,  was  silenced,  its  pieces  were  spiked,  and  the  gun- 
carriages  and  platforms  were  destroyed ;  but,  upon  the  Aurora  dis- 
embarking 200  men  to  retake  the  battery,  the  Virago's  party  was 
withdrawn  to  the  sloop.  Later  in  the  day  the  five-gun  and  the 
eleven-gun  battery  were  silenced  ;  but,  in  the  night,  the  works  were 
all  repaired. 

On  September  2nd  the  body  of  Bear-Admiral  Price  was  taken  in 
the  Virago  to  Tarinski  Bay  for  burial.  During  her  absence,  the 
sloop  picked  up  three  American  seamen,  deserters  from  whalers. 
These  men  volunteered  certain  information — whether  deliberately 
treacherous  or  merely  mistaken  will  never  be  known — and,  in  con- 
sequence of  this,  it  was  decided  at  a  council  of  war  to  attempt  a 
landing  with  the  object  of  seizing  the  town  and  taking  the  batteries 
1  On  the  spit  was  an  11-gun  battery. 


1854.]  REPULSE  AT  PETBOPAULOVSK1.  431 

in  reverse.  Accordingly,  at  about  8  A.M.  on  September  4th,  a  body 
of  700  seamen  and  Marines,  under  Captains  Burridge  and  de  La 
Grand  iere  (Eurydice),  was  disembarked  on  a  low  part  of  the 
peninsula,  after  two  protecting  batteries,  one  of  five  and  the  other 
of  seven  guns,  had  been  silenced  by  the  fire  of  the  President?  Forte, 
and  Virago.  Above  the  landing-place  rose  a  wooded  hill.  The 
Eussians  who  held  it  were  driven  back;  one  of  the  two  batteries, 
which  had  been  abandoned,  was  rendered  useless  ;  and  the  hill  was 
carried,  though  with  difficulty.  But,  on  endeavouring  to  advance 
along  the  summit,  which  was  covered  with  brushwood  and  brambles, 
the  expeditionary  force,  under  the  guidance  of  one  of  the  American 
deserters,  became  a  target  for  Russian  sharpshooters  who  were 
almost  invisible,  and  whose  fire  was  very  deadly.  There  were  many 
casualties.  In  heading  a  charge  against  the  concealed  foe,  Captain 
Charles  Allan  Parker,  R.M.,  fell  dead.  It  was  presently  seen  that 
to  persist  was  to  compromise  the  safety  of  the  column  ;  and  a 
retreat  to  the  shore  was  ordered.  It  was  carried  on  in  much 
confusion.  In  the  course  of  it  there  were  further  losses,  many  of 
which  were  occasioned  by  the  very  rough  nature  of  the  ground  over 
which  the  withdrawal  had  to  be  carried  out.  Ere  their  ships  could 
be  regained,  107  British  and  101  French  had  been  killed  or  wounded, 
among  the  killed  being  Captain  Parker,  R.M.,  and  among  the 
wounded  Lieutenants  Alleyne  Bland,  Edward  Henry  Howard,  George 
Palmer  (3),  and  William  George  Hepburn  Morgan ;  Lieutenants 
(E.M.)  Edward  Gough  M'Callum  and  William  Henry  Clements ; 
Mate  George  Robinson  (3),  and  Midshipman  Louis  Chichester. 
The  survivors  returned  on  board  at  10.45  A.M.,  and  the  ships  at 
once  hauled  out  of  range  to  attend  to  the  wounded  and  to  repair 
damages.2 

The  unfortunate  issue  of  this  attack  seems  to  have  resulted  as 
much  from  the  thoughtless  rashness  of  the  gallant  leaders  as  from 
their  unwise  confidence  in  the  word  of  men  who  were  confessedly 
deserters.  The  spot  chosen  for  a  landing  was  one  of  the  worst  that 
could  have  been  selected,  seeing  that  it  was  commanded  by  a  hill, 
and  that,  upon  occupying  the  hill,  the  landing  party  ceased  to  be 
covered  by  the  fire  of  the  ships.  Nor,  in  all  probability,  would  any 
landing  have  been  attempted,  had  the  allied  commanders  had  proper 

1  While  the  President  was  thus  engaged,  a  Russian  shot  killed  or  wounded  the 
entire  crew  of  one  of  her  main-deck  guns. 

2  Disps. :  Off.'s  letter  in  Naut.  Mag.,  1855,  50;  Tyrrell,  i.  360;  Chevalier,  240. 


432      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   JiOYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

information  concerning  the  strength  and  dispositions  of  the  enemy. 
It  must,  however,  be  added  that,  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  in  their 
way,  both  British  and  French  behaved  with  great  bravery. 

The  combined  squadrons,  while  in  the  neighbourhood,  captured 
and  burnt  a  Russian  transport,  the  Sitka,  10,  and  took  a  small 
schooner,  the  Avatska,  laden  with  stores.  They  quitted  the  coast 
on  September  7th. 

All  the  remaining  naval  operations  of  the  year  1854  took  place  in 
the  Black  Sea. 

The  disembarkation  of  the  allied  armies  at  Eupatoria  has  already 
been  described.  On  September  19th,  flanked  by  the  fleets,  the 
expeditionary  corps  began  its  inarch  along  the  coast  to  the  south 
ward.  At  11  A.M.  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  anchored  off  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Alma.  At  about  5  o'clock  the  army  halted  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Bulganak  in  order  to  bivouac  for  the  night. 
A  strong  Russian  force  was  then  known  to  be  posted  upon  the  left 
bank  of  the  Alma ;  and  it  was  determined  to  attack  it  on  the 
following  morning.  An  officer  who  was  in  the  Eodney  with  the 
fleet  off  the  mouth  of  the  Alma  writes  :— 

"  On  grassy  heights  to  the  southward,  we  saw  a  Russian  army  encamped.  To  the 
north  there  was  a  range  of  low  hills,  the  two  eminences  being  separated  by  an  ex- 
tensive plain  about  four  miles  in  width,  which  was  occupied  by  a  large  force  of  the 
enemy's  artillery  and  cavalry,  who  crossed  the  ravine,  at  the  foot  of  their  position,  in 
which  ran  the  little  river." * 

The  Navy  was  able  to  take  but  very  little  share  in  the  battle 
of  the  Alma,2  which  was  fought  on  September  20th.  The  ships  had 
previously  made  some  endeavour  to  shell  the  rear  of  the  left  of  the 
Russian  position ;  but  the  range  was  too  great  for  much  result  to 
be  produced.  They  afforded,  however,  great  assistance,  by  landing 
parties  for  the  succour  and  removal  of  the  wounded  after  the 
action — a  work  which  lasted  for  three  days.  Dundas  detached  for 
the  purpose  all  the  boats  of  the  fleet,  nearly  all  his  surgeons,  and 
(500  seamen  and  Royal  Marines. 

It  would  have  been  the  desire  of  one  at  least  of  the  allied 
Admirals 3  to  proceed,  immediately  after  the  battle,  to  the  entrance 

1  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  324. 

2  Lieut.  Samuel  Hoskins  Derriman,  commanding  the  Caradoc,  was  attached  to  Lord 
Raglan's  staff  during  the  action  ;  and  Lieut.  Henry  Carr  Glyn,  of  the  Britannia,  was 
also  present  officially  with  the  army. 

3  Uundas  had  this  wish.     Hamelin  believed  that  the  fleets  could  not  enter  until 
Fort  Constantine  should  have  been  taken.     Brereton,  17  ;  Chevalier,  191, 


1854.]  THE  SUSSI'ANS   SINK   THEIB    SHIPS.  433 

of  the  harbour  of  Sebastopol,  and,  if  possible,  to  force  it ;  but  the 
fleets  formed  the  only  base  for  the  forces  which  had  been  landed  ; 
and  it  was  considered  undesirable  to  separate  them  from  it.  As 
soon  as  the  Russians  perceived  that  the  advance  along  the  coast 
had  not  been  checked,  they  took  prompt  measures  to  render  the 
mouth  of  their  port  impassable.  On  the  night  of  September  22nd, 
Captain  Lewis  Tobias  Jones,  C.B.,  of  the  Samson,  6,  paddle,  which, 
with  the  Terrible,  reconnoitred  the  place,  reported  to  Dundas  that, 
outside  the  boom  which  lay  between  Fort  Constantine  and  Fort 
Alexander,  the  enemy  had  moored  five  ships  of  the  line  and  two 
frigates.  These  appeared  to  be  connected  with  one  another  by 
chains  and  cables,  and  were  so  disposed  as  not  to  mask  the  guns  of 
the  works.  Between  the  second  and  third  vessels,  counting  from 
the  southern,  or  Fort  Alexander,  end  of  the  line,  a  narrow  passage 
was  perceived  to  have  been  left  for  entrance  or  exit ;  and  thus, 
although  it  could  be  seen  that  the  whole  of  the  Russian  Black  Sea 
fleet  was  still  in  port,  it  was  made  evident  that  the  enemy  had  not 
entirely  relinquished  the  idea  of  making  a  sally.  The  intention  pro- 
bably was  to  take  advantage  of  any  opportunity  that  might  offer  for 
attempting  a  dash  at  some  of  the  numerous  isolated  craft  which 
were  still  moving  daily  between  Varna  and  the  Crimea. 

On  September  23rd,  however,  when  the  armies,  flanked  by  the 
fleets,  resumed  their  advance  to  the  southward,  the  enemy  took  a 
step  which  indicated  that,  in  spite  of  the  guns  of  Constantine  and 
of  Alexander,  and  the  broadsides  of  the  ships  near  the  boom,  he 
feared  that  his  harbour  might  be  penetrated.  He  sank  all  seven  of 
the  vessels  in  the  channel.  The  step  was,  upon  the  whole,  a  sound 
one.  By  blocking  the  entrance  as  he  did,  he  not  only  freed  himself 
from  all  anxiety  concerning  the  issue  of  a  sudden  attack  from  sea- 
ward, but  also  released  for  the  general  purposes  of  the  defence  about 
15,000  seamen,  including  many  good  gunners,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  he  gained,  for  the  armament  of  the  new  land  forts  which  he 
was  erecting,  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of  heavy  guns.  Later,  the 
allies  themselves  might,  no  doubt,  have  sunk  the  ships  near  the 
boom,  had  they  so  desired  ;  but  to  sink  them  there  would,  of  course, 
have  blocked  the  passage  as  effectually  as  the  Russians  themselves 
blocked  it.  They  would  hardly,  therefore,  have  risked  loss  in  the 
effort.  To  gain  a  real  success  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  the 
allies  would  have  been  obliged  to  capture  the  ships  near  the  boom, 
and,  instead  of  sinking  them  there,  to  tow  them  clear  of  the  passage. 

VOL.    VI.  2   F 


434      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Such  an  operation,  looking  to  the  formidable  nature  of  the  covering 
forts,  would  scarcely  have  been  attempted  ;  but,  so  long  as  the 
vessels  remained  afloat,  there  was  a  bare  possibility  that  it  might 
be.  Had  it  succeeded,  the  defensibility  of  Sebastopol  would  have 
been  seriously  impaired.  The  Eussians,  therefore,  did  wisely  in 
rendering  it  impossible. 

It  had  been  decided  by  the  generals  at  Varna  to  attack  Sebas- 
topol, in  the  first  instance,  from  the  north,  and  to  land  the  necessary 
siege-train  and  supplies  at  the  mouth  of  the  Katcha  ;  but  it  was  soon 
found  that  the  fire  of  the  advanced  Eussian  works  on  the  north 
covered  the  ground  as  far  as  the  Belbek  river,  only  five  miles  south 
of  the  Katcha  ;  and  that  a  great  disembarkation  of  exceedingly 
weighty  material  within  so  short  a  distance  of  the  Eussian  guns 
would  be  a  strategical  mistake.  It  was  therefore  determined  to 
attack  Sebastopol,  in  th«  first  instance,  from  the  south ;  and,  soon 
after  leaving  the  field  of  the  Alma,  the  generals  struck  off  to  the 
eastward  in  order  to  make  the  necessary  turning  movement.  At 
2  A.M.  on  the  24th,  a  message  from  Lord  Eaglan  reached  Dundas, 
who  was  then  off  the  mouth  of  the  Katcha,  to  the  effect  that  the 
armies  were  about  to  march  round  the  head  of  the  harbour  to  the 
southern  side  of  the  town  ;  and  it  was  requested  that  he  would 
detach  a  squadron  to  take  possession  of  Balaclava,  which  was  to  be 
the  point  of  disembarkation  for  the  train  and  stores.  Dundas  at 
once  sent  off  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  with  a  division  of  steamers,  to 
make  the  desired  seizure.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Saint-Arnaud  * 
was  obliged  to  give  way  to  the  illness  from  which  he  had  long 
suffered,  and  to  resign  his  command  to  General  Canrobert. 

Lyons  made  for  Balaclava ;  and  it  was  taken  possession  of 
without  much  difficulty,  as  the  troops  drew  near  it  from  the  north- 
east on  the  26th.2  The  small  deep  bay  was  almost  immediately 
filled  with  British  transports ;  and  when  the  French  Eear-Admiral 
Charner,  in  the  Napoleon,  endeavoured  to  find  an  anchorage  for  his 
huge  flag-ship  and  her  convoy,  he  had  great  difficulty  in  doing  so. 
It  was  at  once  seen  that  Balaclava  harbour  would  not  be  roomy 
enough  to  serve  as  base  for  both  armies.  Moreover,  it  was  at  an 

1  Saint-Arnaud  died  on  Sept.  29th,  1854,  in  his  fifty-third  year. 

2  This  timely  co-operation  of  the  Navy  with  the  Army  was  facilitated  by  the  activity 
and  enterprise  of  Lieut.  Frederick  Augustus  Maxse,  of  the  Agamemnon,  who,  having 
reached  Eaglan's  camp  on  the  Tchernaya  on  the  night  of  the  25th  with  dispatches, 
volunteered  to  return  at  once  to  Lyons  in  the  dark  through  a  hostile  country.     Raglan 
to  Newcastle,  Sept.  28th.     See  also  Maxse's  letter  of  Oct.  25th  in  the  Times. 


1854.]  LANDING    OF   THE   NAVAL   BRIGADE.  435 

inconvenient  distance  from  the  positions  which  had  been  assigned  in 
the  scheme  of  attack  to  the  troops  of  France.  A  French  base  was, 
therefore,  sought,  and  found  in  Kamiesh  Bay,  close  to  Cape  Cher- 
sonese. Ere  the  end  of  the  month  much  siege  material  had  been 
put  ashore  both  at  Balaclava  and  at  Kamiesh ;  and,  on  September 
28th,  impressed  with  the  inadequacy  of  the  armies  for  the  work  in 
hand,  and  relieved  from  much  of  his  anxiety  by  the  manner  in  which 
the  Russians  had  destroyed  seven  of  their  ships,  Dundas,  who,  with 
Hamelin  and  the  bulk  of  both  fleets,  remained  off  the  Katcha, 
issued  an  order  for  the  formation  of  a  naval  brigade  to  serve  ashore 
in  the  batteries.  It  was  directed  that  each  large  ship  should  contri- 
bute 200  officers  and  men,  and  a  contingent  of  lower-deck  or  other 
principal  guns ;  and  that  the  other  war  vessels  should  contribute  in 
proportion.  Each  ship  of  the  line  sent  ashore  all  her  Marines, 
except  a  few  who  remained  for  sentry-duty,  and  all  her  best  seamen- 
gunners,  together  with  deck-awnings,  spare  canvas,  spars,  and  half 
her  ammunition.  In  all,  2400  seamen,  2000  Eoyal  Marines,  and 
50  shipwrights,  with  65  officers,  and  about  140  guns,  were  landed, 
the  command  being  entrusted  to  Captain  Stephen  Lushington,  of 
the  Albion,  90.  Among  other  officers  of  the  brigade  was  Captain 
William  Peel,  of  the  Diamond,  27,  whose  aide-de-camp  was  Mid- 
shipman Evelyn  Wood.  The  first  naval  camp  was  on  a  plain  close 
to  the  Woronzoff  Road,  about  two  and  a  quarter  miles  from  the 
head  of  the  inner  or  Dockyard  Harbour  on  the  south  side  of 
Sebastopol.  The  first  work  of  the  brigade  was  to  drag  up  from 
Balaclava  guns,  waggons  of  ammunition,  and  supplies,  and  to  con- 
struct batteries  and  platforms  for  the  guns.  In  all  these  labours 
the  good  humour,  keenness,  resourcefulness,  and  handiness  of  the 
seamen  were  so  conspicuously  displayed  as  to  excite  the  admiration 
of  both  armies.  Seldom  before  had  the  Navy  had  so  much  to  do 
on  land ;  and  it  seized  the  opportunity  of  making  a  new  reputation 
for  itself. 

In  the  meantime,  on  October  4th,  the  Sidon,  22,  paddle,  Captain 
George  Goldsmith,  and  the  Inflexible,  6,  paddle,  Commander  George 
Otway  Popplewell,  created  a  diversion  in  another  part  of  the  Black 
Sea  by  making  an  attack  on  Fort  Nicolaieff ;  and,  on  November  12th, 
the  Tribune,  31,  screw,  Captain  the  Hon.  Swinfen  Thomas  Carnegie, 
Highflyer,  21,  screw,  Captain  John  Moore  (4),  and  Lynx,  4,  screw, 
supported  a  landing-party  which  destroyed  a  martello  tower  at 
Djemetil,  near  Anapa. 

2  F  2 


436      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

The  cholera  was  not  so  prevalent  in  September  and  October  as  it 
had  been  earlier  in  the  year  in  the  Dobrudscha,  and  off  Varna ;  but  at 
Balaclava,  afloat  as  well  as  ashore,  it  still  caused  much  mortality  ; 
and,  unfortunately,  this  was  in  great  part  due  to  the  almost  total 
neglect  of  sanitary  precautions,  and  to  the  great  discomfort  which 
existed  among  the  troops,  owing  to  the  indifferent  commissariat 
arrangements.  The  defective  organisation  was  to  some  extent 
remedied  as  the  campaign  went  on;  but  few  of  the  many  much- 
needed  reforms  were  effected  until  after  the  severe  winter  of  1854-5 
had  almost  decimated  the  army.  It  had  not  been  expected  that 
Sebastopol  would  hold  out  for  long;  and  no  adequate  provision 
whatsoever  had  been  made  for  the  prosecution  of  one  of  the  most 
arduous  and  protracted  sieges  of  modern  times. 

While  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  opening  of  the 
attack  on  Sebastopol,  there  happened  an  affair  which,  though  in 
itself  trifling,  was  not  without  indirect  importance,  seeing  that  it 
was  generally  interpreted  in  the  allied  fleets  as  a  proof  of  the  defec- 
tive character  of  Russian  gunnery.  On  October  llth,  an  Austrian 
ship,  laden  with  hay  for  the  use  of  the  British  army,  and  bound  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Katcha  for  Balaclava,  was  carried  by  the  current 
so  close  to  the  entrance  of  Sebastopol  harbour  that,  in  order  to  avoid 
going  ashore  there,  she  was  obliged  to  pass  under  the  fire  of  the  forts 
at  a  distance  of  not  more  than  1500  yards.  The  crew,  believing  that 
their  craft  must  inevitably  be  sunk,  took  to  the  boats,  and  escaped, 
as  soon  as  Fort  Constantine  opened.  Presently  the  ship  was  sub- 
jected to  a  perfect  hail  of  shot ;  but,  although  it  is  said  that  between 
400  and  500  projectiles  were  aimed  at  her,  she  was  struck  by  only 
four ;  and  they  did  little  damage.  The  Beagle,  4,  screw,  supported 
by  the  Firebrand,  6,  paddle,  Captain  William  Houston  Stewart, 
approached  the  vessel  as  if  to  tow  her  out ;  whereupon  the  Eussian 
fire  waxed  hotter  than  ever.  The  Firebrand  was  struck,  and  she  and 
the  Beagle,  temporarily  commanded  by  Second  Master  Alexander 
Fraser  Boxer,  did  not  then  persist ;  but,  some  hours  later,  after  the 
Austrian  had  gently  grounded  on  the  shore  of  Chersonese  Bay,  Cap- 
tain Lewis  Tobias  Jones,  in  the  Samson,  with  the  Firebrand,  Beagle, 
and  French  launches,  towed  her  out  in  safety.  While  ashore,  she 
was  guarded  by  a  detachment  of  French  seamen  from  Kamiesh.1 

The  construction  and  arming  of  the  first  siege  batteries  occupied 
a  fortnight ;  and  it  was  not  until  October  16th  that  they  were  ready. 
1  Chevalier,  199 ;  Dundas  to  Admlty.,  Oct.  13th. 


1854.]  THE  FIRST  BOMBARDMENT   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  437 

Vice-Admiral  Dundas  in  the  interim  had  employed  some  of  his 
steam-vessels  in  throwing  shells  at  long  range  into  several  of  the 
Russian  works  along  the  shore ;  but  such  desultory  attacks  had  been 
discontinued  at  the  request  of  Lord  Raglan,  who  believed  that  they 
disquieted  the  army.1  Dundas  had  also  sent  the  Leander,  50,  Captain 
George  St.  Vincent  King,  to  Eupatoria  to  assist  in  the  defence  of 
that  town.  Later  he  sent  thither  as  well  the  Firebrand,  and  the 
Vesuvius,  with  other  vessels. 

On  October  15th,  Vice-Admirals  Dundas  and  Hamelin,  and  the 
Ottoman  naval  commander,  Achmet  Pacha,  met  on  board  the 
Mogador,  where  Hamelin  had  temporarily  hoisted  his  flag,  to 
concert  measures,  in  response  to  the  "  urgent  request "  of  the  allied 
generals,  for  the  co-operation  of  the  fleets  in  the  opening  bombard- 
ment. Dundas  was  unwilling  to  give  this  co-operation.  He  would 
gladly  enough  have  met  a  hostile  fleet ;  but  he  was  strongly  of 
opinion  that  it  was  not  the  business  of  wooden  walls  to  pit  them- 
selves against  stone  ones. 

"  A  naval  attack,"  says  Brereton,  who,  as  Dundas's  guest  at  the  time,  had  the  best 
opportunity  fur  knowing  the  Vice- Admiral's  views,  "must  be  restricted  to  engaging 
the  forts  at  either  side  of  the  harbour.  These  works  are  of  solid  freestone  in  large 
blocks ;  and  on  them  were  mounted  guns  of  heavy  calibre,  firing  from  casemated  tiers 
of  batteries,  and  batteries  en  barbette  upon  their  summits.  Moreover,  they  were  flanked 
by  detached  works  so  placed  as  to  support  the  stone  forts.  If  the  fleets  could  be  ex- 
pected to  damage  them,  the  reciprocal  action  of  the  batteries  defending  the  entrance  of 
the  harbour  might  fairly  be  expected  to  disable  the  ships,  sinking  or  destroying  all,  or 
a  great  number.  A  large  and  still  effective  Russian  fleet  was  within  the  harbour.  In 
the  event  of  the  disaster  adverted  to  as  possible,  if  not  probable,  what  would  be  the 
fate  of  the  army,  should  the  enemy  consequently  become  masters  of  the  sea,  and 
be  enabled  to  cut  off  the  transports  daily  bringing  provisions  to  the  land  forces  ?  As 
regarded  the  English  Admiral,  he  could  not  fail  to  recollect  how  materially  his  strength 
had  been  diminished  by  the  aid  given  to  the  English  army,  amounting  to  one-third  of 
his  crews,  and  one-half  of  his  service  ammunition." 2 

Chevalier,  who  may  be  assumed  to  reflect  the  views  of  Hamelin, 
says :— 

"  Admiral  Hamelin  probably  shared  the  opinion  of  his  colleague ;  but,  looking  to 
the  situation  in  which  the  army  was  placed,  and  especially  to  the  inferiority  of  its 
artillery  as  compared  with  that  of  the  enemy,  he  considered  that  the  navy,  leaving 
ordinary  rules  aside,  ought  to  neglect  nothing  which  might  facilitate  the  task  of  the 
troops.  The  Admiral  also  believed  that,  in  taking  such  a  course,  he  would  be  acting 
in  conformity  with  the  wishes  of  his  officers  and  men.  .  .  .  The  navy,  which  had  not 
yet  found  occasion  to  take  part  in  any  warlike  action  of  great  importance,  was  animated 
by  a  lively  desire  to  have  a  fighting  share  in  the  success  of  the  expedition.  The 
entrance  to  the  port  of  Sebastopol  was  impassable :  the  action  of  the  navy  was 
necessarily  limited  ;  it  could  have  no  other  object  than  to  cannonade  the  works  facing 
the  sea ;  and  that  operation  would  not  bring  about  a  decisive  result ;  but  it  would 

1  Brereton,  22.  •  Brereton,  23. 


438      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

act  as  a  diversion ;  and  it  would  oblige  the  enemy  to  man  his  sea  batteries,  and  so 
reduce  the  number  of  artillerymen  available  for  the  manning  of  the  works  facing 
landwards." 1 

In  short,  while  Dundas's  unwillingness  was  dictated  mainly  by 
reason  and  prudence,  Hamelin's  willingness  arose  mainly  from  a 
deliberate  determination  to  sacrifice  prudential  considerations  to 
considerations  of  general  tactical  policy  and  of  glory.  But  the 
appeal  from  the  military  commanders  was  so  pressing  that  Dundas 
gave  way.  It  was  decided  that  the  ships  should  be  kept  in  move- 
ment, delivering  their  fire  successively ;  and  that  those  not  in  action 
should  form  a  reserve.  All  details  of  the  attack  were  discussed  and 
decided ;  and,  on  returning  to  his  flagship,  Dundas  summoned  his 
Captains  to  assemble  in  the  Britannia,  on  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
to  receive  their  final  instructions.  After  he  had  given  the  instruc- 
tions, he  naturally  supposed  that  all  might  be  considered  as  defini- 
tively arranged  ;  but,  says  Brereton — 

"  Not  so ;  for  at  midnight  of  the  same  day,  October  16th,  Admiral  Dundas  received 
a  visit  from  Admiral  Hamelin,  who,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  former,  stated  that  he 
had  been  directed  by  General  Canrobert,  at  whose  disposal  he  was,  to  alter  the  plan  of 
attack  entirely,  the  new  arrangement  being  that  his  line-of-battle  ships  were  to  anchor 
across  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  and,  from  that  position,  to  bombard  the  batteries. 
The  English  Admiral  was  requested  to  make  a  similar  disposition  of  his  squadron. 
Admiral  Dundas  at  once  expressed  his  dissent  from  the  proposed  new  arrangement, 
strongly  urged  that  the  one  so  fully  decided  upon  should  be  adhered  to,  and  gave  way 
only  upon  its  being  represented  that  the  French  Admiral  was  absolutely  under  the 
control  of  the  military  commander-in-chief,  that  in  any  case  he  must  comply  with  the 
orders  of  that  officer,  and  that  the  question  resolved  itself  into  whether  he  was  to  do 
so  without  the  co-operation  of  the  English  fleet.  There  was  but  one  answer  to  such 
an  appeal." 2 

Chevalier  indicates  that  one  of  the  reasons  which  influenced  the 
French  in  coming  to  the  determination  to  engage  at  anchor  was  that 
the  ships  had  lost  many  men  by  death,  and  many  more  by  invaliding, 
and  that  these  losses  had  never  been  made  good,  while,  in  addition, 
1300  gunners  and  marine  infantry  had  been  landed,  and  guard- 
boats  had  to  be  manned  and  detached  to  take  care  of  the  top-gallant 
masts  and  other  spars  which  were  put  overboard  in  preparation  for 
action.  Thus  the  vessels  were  deemed  to  be  too  short  handed  to 
be  properly  handled  under  way,  or  to  fight  both  broadsides  simul- 
taneously. But  Chevalier  says  nothing  as  to  the  sudden  alteration 
of  plans,  and  leaves  it  to  be  supposed  that  the  decision  to  engage  at 
anchor  was  the  original  one.3  As  for  Hamelin,  he  says,  in  his 
dispatch  of  the  18th,  "  On  the  15th,  the  admirals  of  the  allied 
1  Chevalier,  201.  2  Brereton,  25.  3  Chevalier,  205,  206. 


1854.]  TEE  FIRST  BOMBARDMENT   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  439 

squadrons  met  on  board  the  Mogador,  and  the  arrangements  for 
a  general  attack  were  made  by  common  consent,  and  thereupon 
submitted  to  the  generals  of  the  land  army,  and  most  readily 
accepted  by  them." 

The  alteration  of  plans  obliged  Dundas  to  hold  a  new  and 
hurried  conference  with  his  Captains.  Moreover,  there  was  delay 
consequent  upon  the  necessity  for  bringing  up  vessels,  many  of 
which  had  to  be  towed,  some  from  off  the  Katcha,  where  the  bulk 
of  both  fleets  had  remained  since  the  day  of  the  Alma,  and  others 
from  Kamiesh  and  the  neighbouring  bay  of  Kazatch.  Although, 
therefore,  the  land  batteries  began  to  bombard  the  fortress  at 
6.30  A.M.,  it  was  about  1.30  P.M.  ere  the  large  ships  were  able  to 
join  in.  Until  that  hour  only  a  few  small  craft  fired  independently. 

An  act  of  distinguished  daring  was  performed  in  the  course  of 
the  night  preceding  the  action.  Masters  William  Thomas  Main- 
prise  (Britannia),  Cornelius  Thomas  Augustus  Noddall  (London), 
and  Charles  Eaguenau  Pecco  Forbes  (Samson),  in  boats  with 
muffled  oars,  eluded  the  Russian  guard-boats,  some  of  which  hailed 
them,  and  took  soundings  close  under  the  forts.  They  returned 
safely  with  very  useful  information. 

It  had  been  arranged  among  the  admirals  that  the  French 
should  engage  the  works  at  the  southern,  and  the  British  those 
at  the  northern  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbour.  This  arrange- 
ment gave  to  the  French  ships  as  their  object  Fort  Alexander,  the 
Quarantine  battery,  and  the  adjoining  works,  and,  to  the  British 
ships,  Fort  Constantine,  the  Telegraph  batteries,  and  the  works 
near  them.  But  the  majority  of  the  ships  on  each  side  could  be 
reached  easily  by  the  guns  in  the  batteries  on  the  other.  Midway 
in  the  line,  between  the  British  and  French  fleets,  but  nearest  to 
the  latter,  a  station  was  assigned  to  the  only  two  Turkish  vessels 
that  were  able  to  take  part.  Near  the  centre  of  the  channel,  these 
vessels  were  the  furthest  removed  from  the  forts.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  post  of  honour  to  the  northward,  where  the  works  were 
the  most  formidable,  was  given  to  the  British.  The  French  had 
upon  the  spot  four  steam  ships  of  the  line ;  and  those  of  their  vessels 
which  had  been  lying  at  Kamiesh  were  much  closer  to  the  scene 
of  action,  and  more  readily  reached  it,  than  the  British  contingent, 
which  included  but  two  screw  battleships,  and  most  of  which  had 
to  be  towed  from  the  anchorage  off  the  Katcha.  Some  of  the 
French  ships,  therefore,  were  the  first  to  get  into  action ;  though, 


440      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


when  they  began  firing,  they  did  so  at  long  and  ineffectual  ranges. 
Presently,  however,  some  of  them  got  close  in,  and  fired  at  almost 
point-blank  distance.1  There  was  no  wind  whatsoever.  All  the  ships 
adopted  the  usual  precautions  of  sending  down  top-gallant  masts, 
and  studding-sail  booms,  etc.,  and  of  binding  up  their  yards.  All 
spare  topmasts  and  yards  were  sent  on  board  the  Vulcan.  Special 
precautions  were  adopted  by  many. 

The  vessels  engaged  in  this  first  bombardment  of  the  Sebastopol 
forts  were  as  follows  : — 


BRITISH. 

FRENCH. 

SHIPS. 

GUNS. 

COMMANDERS. 

SHIPS. 

Gcxs. 

COMMAXDEK9. 

E.-Ad.      Sir      Edmund 

Charlemagne,  scr.  . 

90 

Capt.  de  Chabaunes. 

Agamemnon,  scr.   . 

91 

Lyons. 
Capt.       Wm.        Robert 
Mends. 

Mvntebello,  scr. 

120 

(V.-Ad.  Brnat. 
.Capt.  Basstt're. 

Sans  Pareil,  scr.   . 

70 

Capt.     Sidney     Colpoys 
I     Dacres. 

iFriedland    . 

120 

Capt.  Guerin. 

Samson,  padd,  . 

6 

Capt.      Lewis      Tobias 
.    Jones. 

(  Vauban,  20  ... 

Capt.  d'Herbinghem. 

Tribune,  scr.     . 

31 

Capt.       Hon.       Swinfen 
.    Thomas  Carnegie.            i  ViUe  de  Paris  . 

120 

|V.-Ad.  Hamelin. 
<Capt.   Dompierre  d'Hor- 

Terrible,  padd.  . 

21 

'Capt.    James    Johustone 
McClevtrty. 

[Primauguet,  8  . 

1    noy. 
Capt.  Reynaud. 

Sphinx,  padd.    .     . 

6 

'Capt.      Arthur       Parry 
I    Eardley  Wilmot. 

J  Valmy     .... 

120 

(R.-Ad.  Lugeol. 
IC'apt.  Lecointe. 

'Lieut.       John      Proctor 

\Descartes,  20 

Capt.  Darrit-au. 

Lynx,  scr.    . 

4 

.     Luce. 

Albion     .... 

90 

'Com.       Hy.       Downing 

(Henri  IV.     .     .     . 

100 

Capt.  Jehenne. 

Kogers.  t 

< 

Firebrand,  padd.,  6 

(Capt.      Wm.       Houston 
L    Stewart. 

\fanada,  14. 

Capt.  Massin. 

London    .... 
Niger,  scr.,  14. 

90 

Capt.  Chas.  Eden 
(Com.     Leopold     George 
I     Heath. 

NapcHevn,  scr.    . 

92 

(R.-Ad.  Charner. 
K'apt.  Dupouy. 

Arethusa 

50 

(Capt.   Thomas  Matthew 
I    Charles  Symonds. 

Pomone,  scr. 
(Alger 

40 
80 

Capt.  de  Saisset. 

Triton,  padd.,  3. 

Lieut.  Hy.  Lloyd. 

(Magellan,  14     .     . 

Capt.  Kerdraiu. 

[Queen      .... 

116 

/Capt.  Fr&lerick  Thomas 
{     Michell. 

(Marengo.     .     .     . 

80 

Capt.  Martin. 

[Vesuvius,  padd.,  6. 

/Com.  Richard   Ashmore 
(    Powell. 

I 

(Labrador,  14    . 

Capt.  de  Varese. 

V.-Ad.  James   Whilley 

Deans  Duudas,  C.B. 

1  Ville  de  Marseille  . 

80 

Capt.  Laffon-Ladebat. 

R.-Ad.     Hon.    Montagu  1 

Britannia    .     .     . 

120 

Stopford,  Capt.  of  the 

{Panama,  14 

Capt.  Goubin. 

Fleet. 

Capt.     Thomas      Wren 

(Su/ren   .... 

90 

Capt.  Fabre  Lamaurelle. 

Carter. 

Furious,  padd.,  16 

Cape.  William  Loring. 

\Albatros,  14.     .. 

Capt.  Duberuail. 

Trafalgar    . 

120 

Capt.       Henry     Francis 
Greville. 

{Bayard  .... 

90 

Capt.  Borius. 

Retribution,  padd.,) 

(Capt.    Hon.    Jas.    Eobt. 

I 

28.                           / 

1     Drummond. 

(Ulloa,  14      ... 

Capt.  Bandais. 

\  Vengeance    . 

84 

/Capt.  Lord  Edward  Rus- 
1     sell. 

\Highflyer,  scr.,  21  . 

Capt  John  Moore  (4), 

(Rodney    . 

90 

Capt.  Chas.  Graham. 

(Jupiter  .... 

90 

Capt.  Lugeol. 

\KpiteJul,  padd.,  6  . 

(Com.      Augustus      Fre- 
l    derick  Kynaston. 

\Chr.  Colomb,  14     . 

Capt.  Chevalier. 

iBeHerophon  . 
icyclops,  padd.,  6    . 

78 

Capt.  Lord  George  Paulet. 
/Mast.      Robert     Wilson 
{     Roberts. 

Jean  Bart,  ecr.  . 

90 

Capt.  Toucbard. 

Circassian,  padd.  . 

/Actg.  Sec.  Mast.  Edward 
I    Codrington  Hall. 

Spitfire,  padd.,  6  . 

(Com.    Thos.    Abel   Bre- 
l    mage  Spratt. 

Besides  two  Turkish  ships  of  tbe  line. 

JS'o(e.    The  large  vessels  bracketed  with  pmaller  ones  were  towed  by,  or  coupled  broadside  to,  the  latter, 
f  In  absence  of  Capt.  Stephen  Lnshington,  commanding  Naval  Brigade  before  .Sebastopol. 

1  Corr.  of  Morning  Herald. 


1854.]  THE  FIRST  BOMBARDMENT  OF  SEBASTOPOL. 


441 


BOMBARDMENT  OF  SEBASTOPOL 

?i  tfte 

l7™OcTM854. 


Note.    Owing  to  circumstances,  the  Queen's  actual  position  was  that  originally  assigned  to  the  BeUerophon, 
«nd  the  Rodney's  was  that  originally  assigned  to  the  Queen.    Such  was  the  arrangement  at  1 .30  P.M. 


STRENGTH  AND  ARMAMENT  OF  THE  .THREE  PRINCIPAL  SEA-FACE  BATTERIES  AT 
SEBASTOPOL,  AS  ENGAGED  BY  THE  ALLIED  FLEETS,  OCTOBER  ITi'H,  1854. 


Gt'NS. 


WORKS.                 Mix. 

36-prs. 

26-prs.    18-prs.  "/lugi'i  \ 

l-poiid'i-poud' 

5-poudl 
mortars 

TOTAL. 

Of  which 
could  be 
trained  on 
the  ships. 

Quarantine  Fort  .      277 

29 

2 

12 

9 

6 

58 

33 

Fort  Alexander  .   ,  272 

11 

16       4         2 

Hi 

— 

4 

56 

17 

Fort  Constantine  .      470 

— 

50 

34 

4 

6 

94 

23 

40 

66       4         4 

65 

13 

16 

208 

73 

'  The  Russian  poud  equals  36-11  Ibs.  avoird.  The  3-poud  shell  gun  threw,  therefore,  a  projectile  weighing 
about  108  Ibs.,  and  the  5-poud  mortar  a  projectile  weighing  ab'jut  180  Ibs.  The  l.pond  (36-pr.)  aud  f-poud 
(18  pr.)  pieces  were  howitzers. 

See  Todleben,  "Defence  of  Sebastopol " ;  Kinglake,  "Invasion  of  the  Crimea"; 
Owen,  "Modern  Artillery";  Douglas,  "Naval  Gunnery";  R.E.  Journal  of 
Operations. 


442      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Times,  writing  on  the  18th,  said  : — 

"  Yesterday  morning,  about  daybreak,  the  English  and  French  opened  fire  from 
their  batteries  on  the  south  side  of  Sebastopol.  .  .  .  The  paddle-wheel  and  screw 
frigates  lashed  themselves  alongside  the  sailing  line-of-battle  ships,  and  all  was  got 
ready  for  the  fight.  The  French  were  to  occupy  the  right  as  you  enter  the  harbour — 
that  is,  the  southern  side — and  the  English,  the  left,  or  northern  side,  in  one  line,  about 
1500  yards  off.  The  French  got  into  their  places  about  half-past  twelve  o'clock,  and 
immediately  commenced  a  heavy  fire,  which  was  vigorously  returned  from  the 
batteries.  The  distance,  however,  was  certainly  greater  than  originally  contemplated, 
and,  as  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  it  was  over  2000  yards.  By  degrees  the  English  ships 
successively  took  up  their  stations,  passing  in  rear  of  the  French,  and  anchoring  to  the 
left.  The  Agamemnon,  Sans  Pareil,  and  London  .  .  .  however,  took  an  inside  station 
in  advance — perhaps  about  1000  yards  from  Fort  Constantino.  Nothing  could  be  more 
noble  than  the  gallant  way  in  which  the  Agamemnon  and  Sans  Pareil  steamed  in  amid 
a  perfect  hail  of  cannon-balls  and  shells,  preceded  by  a  little  tug-steamer,  the  Cir- 
cassian, commanded  by  Mr.  Ball.  This  little  bit  of  a  cockleshell,  which  looked  as  if 
she  might  have  been  arrested  by  a  fowling-piece,  deliberately  felt  the  way  for  the  large 
ships  till  her  services  were  no  longer  required. 

"  The  firing  soon  became  terrific.  At  the  distance  of  six  miles  the  sustained  sound 
resembled  that  of  a  locomotive  at  full  speed,  but,  of  course,  the  roar  was  infinitely 
grander.  The  day  was  a  dead  calm,  so  that  the  smoke  hung  heavily  about  both  ships 
and  batteries,  and  frequently  prevented  either  side  from  seeing  anything.  From  about 
two  till  dark  (nearly  six)  the  cannonade  raged  most  furiously. 

"  Towards  four  o'clock,  Fort  Constantine,  as  well  as  some  of  the  smaller  batteries, 
slackened  somewhat  in  their  fire  ;  but  towards  dusk,  as  some  of  the  ships  began  to  haul 
out,  the  Russians  returned  to  their  guns,  and  the  fire  seemed  as  fierce  as  ever.  There 
was  one  explosion  just  behind  Fort  Constantine,  which  appeared  to  do  much  damage. 
At  dark,  all  the  ships  returned  to  their  anchorage.  The  change  was  magical  from  a 
hot  sun,  mist,  smoke,  explosions,  shot,  shell,  rockets,  and  the  roar  of  ten  thousand  guns, 
to  a  still,  co61,  brilliant,  starlit  sky,  looking  down  upon  a  glassy  sea,  reflecting  in  long 
tremulous  lines  the  lights  at  the  mast-heads  of  the  ships  returning  amid  profound 
silence." 

Another  correspondent,1  writing  a  little  later,  thus  describes  the 
•slight  effect  produced  : — 

"  We  passed  close  by  the  forts  of  Sebastopol.  We  were  quite  within  range  (though 
the  enemy  never  attempted  to  fire),  and  therefore  with  our  glasses  we  could  see  every 
chink  and  cranny  in  the  fortresses,  which  we  had  ample  time  to  survey.  Every  fort 
towards  the  sea — those  of  Alexander,  and  Paul  on  the  south  side,  and  Nicholas,  and 
Constantine  on  the  north — was  perfectly  covered  from  the  base  to  the  summit  with 
shot  marks.  In  this  there  was  no  difference  between  those  attacked  by  the  English  or 
French,  except  that  Fort  Constantine,  to  the  north,  had  two  of  the  casemated  ports 
knocked  into  one.  It  was  at  the  spot  where  the  Agamemnon  had  been  moored,  anil 
where  her  whole  broadside  had  been  concentrated  with  something  like  effect.  As  far 
as  we  could  judge,  it  seemed  that  the  amount  of  damage  done  to  the  batteries  is  literally 
and  truly  nothing.  Where  several  shots  have  struck  in  the  same  place,  the  granite  is 
splintered  and  broken  away  to  the  depth  of  about  a  foot,  or  even  less.  Where  only  one 
or  two  balls  have  struck,  there  are  mere  whitish  marks,  as  if  the  spot  had  been  dabbed 
with  flour. 

"  To  restore  these  forts  to  their  original  look  would,  of  course,  be  expensive,  because 
unnecessary.  As  forts,  they  are  as  strong  as  if  a  shot  had  never  been  fired  against 

1  Writing  to  the  Morning  Herald. 


1854.]  THE  FLEETS  AND    THE  BOMBARDMENT.  443 

them.  A  very  small  amount  of  money  would  repair  the  actual  damage  done  to  the 
cornices  below  the  embrasures.  The  spots  on  the  walls  below  the  embrasures  are  not 
worth  notice,  for  a  few  inches  of  stone  make  little  difference  in  a  fort  where  the  walls 
are  fourteen,  and  in  some  parts  eighteen  feet  thick.  .  .  .  Owing  to  the  shallowness  of 
the  water,  no  vessel,  French  or  English,  was  enabled  to  approach  nearer  than  750  yards. 
The  great  majority  .  .  .  were  1000  and  1200  yards  off." 

The  position  of  the  Eussian  batteries  on  the  north  and  south 
sides  of  the  harbour-mouth  is  indicated  in  the  plan  on  p.  441.  The 
armament  of  the  principal  works  is  there  also  set  forth. 

Vice-Admiral  Dundas's  dispatch  concerning  the  engagement  is 
very. meagre.  It  declares  briefly  that  the  Agamemnon,  Sans  Pareil, 
Samson,  Tribune,  Sphinx,  and  Lynx,  and  the  Albion,  London,  and' 
Arethusa,  towed  respectively  by  the  Firebrand,  Niger,  and  Triton, 
"  engaged  Fort  Constantine  and  the  batteries  to  the  northward  " ; 
and  that  the  other  sailing  ships,  with  a  steamer  lashed  on  the  port 
side  of  each,  "  gradually  took  up  their  positions,  as  nearly  as  possible 
as  marked  on  the  plan"  appended  to  the  letter;  that  the  action 
lasted  from  about  half -past  one  to  half-past  six  P.M.  ;  that  the 
British  ships  had  lost  44  killed  and  266  wounded ;  and  that — 

"  The  ships,  masts,  yards,  and  rigging  are  more  or  less  damaged,  principally  by 
shells  and  hot  shot.  The  Albion  has  suffered  much  in  hull  and  masts;  the  Rodney  in 
her  masts,  she  having  tailed  on  the  reef,  from  which  she  was  got  off  by  the  great 
exertions  of  Commander  Kynaston,  of  the  Spiteful,  whose  crew  and  vessel  were 
necessarily  exposed  in  performing  this  action ;  but,  with  the  exception  of  the  Albion 
and  Arethusa,  which  ships  I  send  to  Constantinople  to  be  repaired,  I  hope  to  be  able  to 
make  my  squadron  serviceable  in  twenty-four  hours." 

The  dispatch  also  praises  the  ability  and  zeal  of  Bear-Admirals 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  and  the  Hon.  Montagu  Stopford,  and  of  the 
officers  and  men  engaged,  and  bears  witness  to  the  gallantry  and 
skill  of  the  French,  and  to  the  manner  in  which  Achmet  Pacha 
did  his  duty.  It  appears  from  the  other  dispatches,  from  the  logs, 
and  from  independent  accounts  which  have  been  consulted,  that  the 
signal  to  weigh  was  made  to  the  British  squadron  at  10.50  A.M.,  and 
that  the  Agamemnon,  followed  by  the  Sans  Pareil,  led  in.  At 
1.30  P.M.,  the  Agamemnon,  then  closing  the  land,  opened  fire  from 
her  large  pivot  gun  upon  the  Wasp  battery,  which  at  once  returned 
it,  and  which  was  presently  joined  by  Fort  Constantine.  At  2  P.M. 
she  anchored  head  and  stern  in  four  and  three-quarter  fathoms, 
about  750  yards  from  Fort  Constantine,  upon  which  her  broadside 
was  turned.  Five  minutes  later,  the  Sans  Pareil  and  the  London 
anchored  astern  of  her,  and  hotly  engaged  the  Star  Fort,  and 
smaller  works  upon  the  heights.  At  2.20  P.M.,  the  Albion  anchored, 


444      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  XOYAL    NAVY,   1816-1856. 

and  took  off  some  of  the  fire  of  the  Wasp  battery,  subsequently 
tackling  Fort  Constantine.  The  Britannia,  then  about  2000  yards 
from  the  forts,  and  in  fifteen  fathoms,  began  action  at  nearly  the 
same  time ;  and  the  bombardment  then  soon  became  general.  The 
smaller  steamers,  and  especially  the  Terrible  and  the  Samson,  placed 
themselves  inshore  of  the  ships  of  the  line,  and  behaved  most 
gallantly.  The  Arethusa,  having  had  her  rigging  cut  to  pieces, 
many  shot  in  her  hull,  and  23  *  persons  killed  and  wounded,  was 
presently  towed  off  by  her  attendant.  The  Albion,  also,  with  11 
killed  and  71  wounded,  was  obliged  to  haul  out  of  the  fight,  very 
badly  mauled.2  Nearly  at  the  same  moment  the  London,  with 
4  killed  and  18  wounded,  retired.  Lyons,  however,  in  the 
Agamemnon,  though  more  exposed  than  any  other  officer,  did 
not  move.  At  one  time  his  second,  the  Sans  Pareil,  withdrew 
in  consequence  of  having  expended  all  the  ammunition  which  it 
had  been  decided  to  use  on  the  occasion  ;  but  he  called  up  the 
Bellerophon3  to  support  him,  and  sent  to  bring  back  the  Sans  Pareil, 
fighting  on,  and  declaring,  "  I'm  damned  if  I'll  leave  this."  The 
Agamemnon  had  only  4  killed  and  25  wounded ;  but,  owing  to  her 
nearness  to  the  forts,  she  suffered  far  more  aloft  than  in  her  hull. 
She  was  twice  on  fire ;  and,  from  first  to  last,  she  was  hit  240  times. 
The  Rodney,  for  the  reason  mentioned  in  Dundas's  dispatch,  suffered 
still  more  severely  aloft.  The  Britannia,  Trafalgar,  Queen*  and 
Vengeance  were  much  less  injured.  The  last  ship,  the  Bellerophon, 
hauled  off  at  7  o'clock,  with  5  killed  and  16  wounded. 

Among  the  killed  in  the  British  squadron  were  Lieutenant 
Parkhurst  Chase  (Albion),  and  Midshipmen  Charles  Madden  (2) 
(Sans  Pareil),  and  -  -  Forster  (Bellerophon).  Among  the  officers 
wounded  were  Captain  William  Houston  Stewart  (Firebrand), 
Commander  Augustus  Frederick  Kynaston  (Spiteful),  Lieutenants 
Francis  Keginald  Purvis  (Spiteful),  James  Bull,  and  Warren  Hastings 
Anderson  (Sans  Pareil),  Charles  Edward  Stevens  (Albion),  James 
William  Vaughan  (Britannia),  and  Thomas  Lovette  Gaussen 
(Agamemnon),  and  Master  Henry  Paul,  Surgeon  Richard  Denton 

1  Including  5  of  the  Triton's,  who  were  helping  to  serve  her  guns. 

2  She  was  thrice  set  on  fire,  and  would  probably  have  gone  ashore,  but  for  the 
efforts  of  the  tugs. 

3  She  was  ultimately  the  closest  ship  in,  and  succeeded  in  silencing  Wasp  battery. 
Lyons  signalled  to  her,  "  Well  done,  Bellerophon." 

4  The  Queen,  however,  caught  fire,  as  did  also  the  Britannia,  which  last  received 
over  seventy  shots  in  her  hull. 


1854.] 


THE  NAVAL   BlilOADE  ASHORE. 


445 


Mason,  and  Paymaster  Charles  Augustus  Thorne  (all  of  Albion). 
The  French  had  212  people  killed  and  wounded  :  the  Turks,  but 
one  or  two  men  hurt.  The  Eussians  admitted  a  loss  during  the 
day  of  1100  men,1  among  the  killed  being  the  gallant  Admiral 
Korniloff,  who  had  been  the  chief  organiser  of  the  defence  of  the 
fortress. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Naval  Brigade  ashore  did  excellent  service. 


CAPTAIN    SIK    WILLIAM    PEEL,    K.C.B.,    V.C. 
From  a  lithograph  by  J.  H.  Lynch,  after  a  photograph  by  3[rtt.  Verschoylc. 

Up  to  October  20th,  it  lost  12  killed  and  53  wounded.2  It  took  part 
in  the  bombardment  with  some  naval  32-prs.,  a  few  68's  from  the 
Terrible,  a  couple  of  13-inch  mortars,  and  half  a  dozen  Lancaster 

1  A  French  officer,  who  had  previously  been  taken  prisoner,  escaped,  reporting  that 
the  Russians  had  lost  5000  killed,  besides  the  wounded. 

2  Among  the  killed  were  Lieuts.  Cavendish  Bradstreet  Hore  Ruthven  {London}, 
and  George  Herbert  Harris  Greathed  (Britannia);   and,  among  the  wounded,  Capt. 
William  Moorsom  (Firebrand),  Lieuts.  John  Norris  Norman  (Trafalgar),  and  Alfred 

Mitchell  (Diamond),  and  Mate  Thomas  Thehvall  Bullock  (actg.)  (Trafalgar). 


446      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

guns,1  and  it  also  worked  some  of  the  24-prs.  of  the  military  siege  train, 
until  those  guns  were  disabled.  On  October  18th,  Captain  William 
Peel  seized  a  live  shell  which,  with  burning  fuse,  fell  in  his  battery, 
and  flung  it  over  the  parapet.  It  burst  before  it  touched  the  ground 
outside.  At  Lord  Raglan's  desire,  Dundas  reinforced  the  Brigade, 
after  the  bombardment,  with  410  officers  and  seamen,  and  placed 
Commander  Lord  John  Hay  (3),  of  the  Wasp,  14,  screw,  under  the 
orders  of  Captain  Lushington.  At  Eupatoria,  Captain  Brock,  sup- 
ported by  the  Leander,  50,  Captain  George  St.  Vincent  King,  the 
Megcera,  6,  screw,  Commander  John  Ormsby  Johnson,  and  other 
vessels,  held  his  own,  though  threatened,  and  occasionally  attacked, 
by  large  bodies  of  cavalry,  with  guns.2  The  Sidon,  22,  paddle, 
Captain  George  Goldsmith,  and  Inflexible,  6,  paddle,  Commander 
George  Otway  Popplewell,  with  the  French  vessels  Cacique  and 
Caton,  remained  in  Odessa  Bay,  to  prevent  the  Russians  there  from 
communicating  by  sea  with  the  Crimea.3 

The  famous  cavalry  action  at  Balaclava  was  fought  on  October 
25th.  On  the  following  day  the  Russians  made  a  determined  sortie 
against  the  division  of  General  Sir  de  Lacy  Evans.  Their  advance 
threatened  the  right  Lancaster  Battery,  which  was  held  by  actg. 
Mate  William  Nathan  Wrighte  Hewett,  of  the  Beagle,  and  a  party 
of  seamen  ;  and  at  300  yards  they  poured  a  hot  musketry  fire  into 
the  work.  Owing  to  some  error,  word  was  passed  to  spike  the  gun 
and  to  retreat.  Hewett,  doubting  whether  the  order  came  from 
Captain  Lushington,  commanding  the  Brigade,  not  only  stuck  to  his 
post,  but  also,  aided  by  his  men  and  by  some  soldiers,  slewed  his 
gun  round  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy  on  his  flank,  blew  away  the 
parapet  of  the  battery,  and  opened  a  fire  which  materially  assisted  in 
obliging  the  Russians  to  retreat.  Hewett  was  at  once  made  actg. 
Lieutenant,  and  was  afterwards  officially  promoted  as  from  the  day 
of  his  brave  action.  Later,  he  was  given  the  Victoria  Cross. 

On  November  7th,  Vice-Admiral  Dundas  proposed  to  Vice- 
Admiral  Hamelin  to  destroy  the  remaining  storehouses  and  maga- 
zines at  Odessa;  and  preparations  were  being  made  to  that  end 
when  a  dispatch  from  England  arrived,  directing  the  naval 
Commander-in-Chief  not  to  undertake  any  operations  against 

1  Including  two  from  the  Beagle. 

2  In  repelling  one  of  these  attacks,  Lieut.  William  Henry  Pym  (Firebrand),  and 
Mids.  Lord  Edward  Henry  Cecil  (Leander)  distinguished  themselves. 

8  Dundas  to  Admlty.,  Oct.  13th,  18th  and  23rd. 


1854.] 


SORTIE   OF   THE  "VLADIMIlf." 


447 


the  enemy  without  the  concurrence  of  Lord  Eaglan ;  while  on 
the  same  day  Kaglan  and  Canrobert  decided  "  that  the  presence 
of  steam  war-vessels  for  the  purpose  of  bombarding  Odessa  would, 
under  existing  circumstances,  be  much  more  disadvantageous  than 
useful."  l  A  project  of  Dundas's  for  the  occupation  of  Kertch  was 
put  forward  at  about  the  same  time ;  but  could  not  be  carried  out 
owing  to  the  inability  of  the  Generals  to  spare  the  necessary  troops 


SIR    WILLIAM    NATHAN   WRIGHTE    HEWETT,    K.C.B.,    V.C.,    VICE-ADMIRAL. 
Borri  1834  ;  died  1888. 

for  the  operation.  On  the  other  hand,  Dundas  was  urged  from 
home  to  send  some  of  his  steamers  to  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
Gulf  of  Perekop  so  that  their  guns,  by  sweeping  the  western  side  of 
the  isthmus  of  that  name,  might  interfere  with  the  passage  of  troops 
and  supplies  into  the  Crimea  by  that  route.  The  Vice-Admiral  knew 
that  this  'plan  was  impracticable  ;  but,  to  satisfy  the  Admiralty,  he 
detached  the  Spitfire,  5,  paddle,  Commander  Thomas  Abel  Bremage 

1  Par!.  Paper,  ordered  to  be  printed  June  llth,  1855. 


448      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Spratt,  to  take  soundings  near  the  head  of  the  Gulf.  Spratt,  who 
returned  on  December  13th,  reported  that  the  Spitfire,  though  only  a 
small  sloop,  could  not  approach  the  shore  within  twenty  miles,  and 
that  even  her  boats  could  not  approach  it  within  four  miles.  He 
also  reported  that  thirty  miles  east  of  the  isthmus  there  was  a  bridge 
across  a  narrow  part  of  Lake  Sivatch  ;  and  that  across  the  bridge, 
not  across  the  isthmus,  lay  the  chief  military  road  between  Kherson 
and  Simpheropol. 

Towards  noon,  on  December  6th,  some  excitement  was  caused 
by  the  sudden  sortie  from  Sebastopol  of  the  steam  frigate  Vladimir, 
and  the  steam  corvette  Chersonese.  They  came  out  by  the  passage 
which  had  been  left  through  the  line  of  sunken  ships,  and  headed  at 
great  speed  to  the  W.S.W.,  firing  at  the  batteries  on  the  extreme 
left  of  the  French  attack,  and  at  the  French  look-out  vessel  Meg  ere. 
The  latter  was  presently  reinforced  by  the  French  dispatch-vessel 
Dauphin,  and  by  the  Valorous,  16,  paddle,  Captain  Claude  Henry 
Mason  Buckle ;  and,  before  those  craft,  the  Eussians  turned  and 
withdrew,  after  having  made  what  was,  no  doubt,  a  useful  recon- 
naissance. 

There  were  no  other  naval  movements  of  importance  during  the 
year  1854.  On  December  22nd,  his  three  years'  period  of  command 
having  nearly  expired,  Dundas  hauled  down  his  flag  as  Commander- 
in-Chief  in  the  Mediterranean  and  Black  Sea,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  whose  place  as  second  was  taken  by  Bear- 
Admiral  Edward  Boxer,  C.B.  At  about  the  same  time  Vice-Admiral 
Hamelin  was  succeeded  by  Vice-Admiral  Bruat. 

One  unfortunate  occurrence  which  signalised  the  conclusion 
of  Vice-Admiral  Dundas's  command  remains  to  be  chronicled.  On 
November  14th,  1854,  a  hurricane  of  almost  unexampled  violence 
devastated  the  coasts  of  the  Crimea.  In  the  morning  the  sky  was 
clear  and  the  sea  calm,  with  a  light  land  wind  blowing;  but  the 
barometer  stood  at  29 '50.  Part  of  the  fleet  still  lay  off  the  Katcha 
Eiver.  In  Balaclava  Bay,  in  spite  of  the  meteorological  conditions, 
no  special  measures  of  precaution  were  taken,  except  that  the 
Agamemnon  moved  out.  By  10  A.M.  the  storm,  a  furious  blast  from 
the  S.W.,  was  in  full  play.  In  quick  succession  the  transports 
Progress,  Resolute,  Wanderer,  Kenilworth,  Prince,  screw,  Eip  van 
Winkle,  and  other  vessels,  to  the  number  of  thirty-four,  were  lost, 
chiefly  off  Balaclava,  many  of  their  people  perishing.  With  the 
Prince,  which  had  on  board  immense  supplies  of  winter  clothing 


1854.]  THE  NAVAL   BRIGADE  AT  INKEBMANN.  449 

and  hospital  stores,  there  was  lost  Commander  Benjamin  Baynton, 
Admiralty  Agent.  The  warships  Vesuvius  and  Ardent  suffered 
severely,  but  escaped  being  wrecked.  The  other  warships  in  the 
bay  were  still  more  fortunate,  and  rode  out  the  gale  without  great 
damage.  The  storm  was  at  its  worst  for  not  much  more  than  two 
hours,  and  the  weather  moderated  in  the  afternoon,  though  a  high 
sea  still  ran. 

Off  the  Katcha,  fourteen  transports,  of  which  five l  were  British, 
were  totally  lost.  H.M.S.  Samson  fouled  two  of  them,  and  carried 
away  all  her  masts.  The  Turkish  admiral  lost  two  of  his  masts, 
and  H.M.S.  London  was  badly  damaged;  but  comparatively  few- 
lives  were  sacrificed  there.  Off  Eupatoria,2  where  the  anchorage 
was  bad,  the  French  line-of -battle  ship  Henri  IV.  dragged  her  four 
anchors,  or  snapped  their  cables,  and  drove  ashore.  The  Pluton 
met  with  the  same  fate.  The  Russians,  at  the  height  of  the 
tempest,  made  an  attack  upon  the  place,  but  were  driven  off,  thanks 
in  part  to  the  help  rendered  by  the  grounded  ships,  which,  though 
almost  on  their  beam  ends  and  threatening  to  break  up,  gallantly 
opened  fire.  The  Pluton  became  a  total  loss  ;  but  the  Henri  IV. 
long  remained  where  the  waves  had  cast  her,  and  was  used  as  a 
fort  to  defend  the  south  side  of  the  town,  while  some  of  her  guns 
were  landed  and  mounted  in  the  batteries  of  the  place. 

In  the  battle  of  Inkermaim,  fought  on  November  5th,  1854,  six 
hundred  men  of  the  Naval  Brigade  were  present  in  the  field,  the  rest 
being  in  the  batteries.  The  right  Lancaster  battery,  where  (actg.) 
Lieutenant  William  Nathan  Wrighte  Hewett  commanded,  on  the 
extreme  right  of  the  left  attack,  and  where  Lancaster  guns  and 
three  68-prs.  were  mounted,  was  fiercely  but  vainly  assaulted  by  the 
Eussians.  Five  bluejackets,  picking  up  the  rifles  of  disabled  soldiers, 
mounted  the  banquette,  and,  with  extraordinary  heroism  and  cool- 
ness, under  a  storm  of  bullets,  kept  up  a  rapid  fire  against  the 
enemy,  while  other  seamen  below  loaded  and  handed  up  fresh 
weapons.  Two  of  these  gallant  fellows  perished,  but  the  survivors, 
Thomas  Beeves,  James  Gorman,  and  Mark  Scholefield,  were 
deservedly  given  the  Victoria  Cross.  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  who  had 
been  present  at  Balaclava  on  October  25th,  was  also  present  on 
shore  at  Inkermann.  So,  also,  were  Captain  Sir  William  Peel,  and 

1  Pyrenees,  Ganges,  Rodney,  Tyrone,  and  Lord  Raglan. 

2  At  Eupatoria  were  lost  the  British  transports  Her  Majesty,  Asia,  Glendalouglt, 
Harbinger,  and  Georgiana. 

VOL.   VI.  2   G 


450      MILITAUY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

his  aide-de-camp,  Midshipman  Edward  St.  John  Daniel.  They 
joined  the  officers  of  the  Grenadier  Guards,  and  assisted  in  defending 
the  colours  of  that  regiment  when  they  were  in  danger  of  capture 
at  the  Sandbag  Battery.  Both  Peel  and  Daniel,  it  should  be  added, 
won  the  Victoria  Cross ;  and  both  deserved  it  on  more  than  one 
occasion. 

After  Inkermann,  the  British  naval  camp  before  Sebastopol  was 
shifted  to  a  new  site  about  a  mile  and  a  half  more  to  the  left,  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  upper  part  of  the  long  ravine  leading  down  to 
the  head  of  the  Dockyard  or  Inner  Harbour. 

From  February  1st,  1855,  the  blockade  in  the  Black  Sea  was 
formally  renewed,  all  Russian  ports  which  were  not  occupied  by  the 
Allies  being  specified,  or  indicated,  in  the  Gazette  notice  announcing 
the  fact.  Ere  that  time  Omar  Pasha,  with  a  large  Turkish  army, 
had  been  transported  to  the  Crimea,  and  had  undertaken  the  military 
management  of  the  defence  of  Eupatoria.  The  Russians,  strange  to 
say,  delayed  making  any  determined  attack  upon  the  place  until 
after  it  had  been  thus  strengthened  ;  and,  when  they  did  attack, 
they  were  badly  defeated. 

Their  great  effort  to  capture  the  town  began  in  the  early  morning 
of  February  17th,  1855,  and  ended  with  their  retirement  at  about 
10.15  A.M.  Omar  Pasha's  dispatch  on  the  subject  to  Lord  Eaglan 
states  that,  the  Turkish  right  and  centre  being  specially  pressed,  the 
senior  British  naval  officer  was  asked  to  detach  the  Viper  to  co- 
operate with  the  French  steamer  Veloce  and  the  Turkish  steamer 
Schefer  on  the  right ;  that  the  left  was  well  covered  by  the  men-of- 
war  ;  and  that,  in  addition  to  the  Viper,  the  Curaqoa,  Furious,  and 
Valorous  rendered  useful  service.  The  Valorous,  from  the  harbour, 
threw  her  shells  with  great  precision,  and  specially  annoyed  the 
Russian  cavalry ;  the  Furious  landed  a  rocket  party  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  town ;  and  this  body  of  men,  outflanking  the  assaulting 
column  as  it  reached  the  glacis,  greatly  contributed  to  throwing  it 
into  confusion.1 

The  Russians  still  held  Anapa  and  Soujak  Kaleh,  on  the 
Circassian  coast  of  the  Black  Sea ;  and,  although  they  were  care- 
fully watched,  no  attempts  on  a  large  scale  were  made  to  dislodge 
them.  On  February  20-24th,  the  Leopard,  18,  paddle,  Captain 
George  Giffard,  and  boats,  defeated  a  body  of  Russian  troops  at 

1  Omar  to  Eaglan  :  Canrobert's  clisp. :  corr.  of  Daily  News. 


1855.]  THE  RUSSIANS   SINK  MORE  SHIPS.  451 

Anapa,  captured  some  guns  and  stores,  and  destroyed  some  buildings. 
On  March  8th,  the  Viper,  4,  screw,  Lieutenant  Charles  Arthur 
Lodder,  and  a  landing-party  from  her,  destroyed  a  fort,  barracks, 
and  granaries  at  Djemetil,  hard  by ;  and  on  March  13th,  the 
Leopard,  and  Viper,  with  the  Highflyer,  21,  screw,  Captain  John 
Moore  (4),  and  Sivallow,  Commander  Frederick  Augustus  Buchanan 
Craufurd,  engaged  the  works  at  Soujak  Kaleh.  But  sufficient  force 
to  reduce  those  strongholds  could  not  then  be  spared  from  before 
Sebastopol. 

During  all  that  time  but  little  real  progress  was  made  towards 
the  reduction  of  the  great  fortress.  The  Eussians  had  less  valid 
reason  than  ever  to  fear  a  direct  naval  attack :  yet  they  appear,  while 
somewhat  underrating  the  capacity  of  their  military  enemies,  to 
have  strangely  overrated  the  powers  of  the  allied  fleets ;  for,  says 
one  of  Raglan's  dispatches,  on  the  night  of  February  24th  they 
"  sank  three  or  four  more  ships  in  the  harbour,  as  far  within  the 
booms  as  the  first  were  outside  of  them ;  and,  according  to  the  most 
accurate  examination  yesterday,1  there  are  now  four  barriers  or 
impediments  to  the  entrance  of  the  harbour — namely,  two  of  sunken 
ships,  and  two  booms."  A  few  days  later2  they  were  reported  to 
have  sunk  two  additional  ships.  The  new  line  of  obstructions  ran 
between  Forts  Michael  and  Nicholas. 

The  return  in  the  spring  of  comparatively  fine  weather  led  to 
renewed  activity  on  the  part  of  the  attack ;  and,  at  daybreak  on 
April  9th,  a  new  general  bombardment  of  the  besieged  town  was 
opened.  Enormous  quantities  of  ammunition  were  wasted  by  both 
sides ;  and  the  fire  was  kept  up,  with  some  intermissions,  for  twelve 
days,  and  did  not  wholly  die  out  until  about  April  27th  or  28th. 
Very  little  damage  seems  to  have  been  done,  however.  The  allied 
navies  co-operated  on  several  occasions.  The  Eussians  had  so 
greatly  augmented  their  seaward  defences,  especially  on  the  com- 
manding heights  above  the  permanent  forts,  that  the  ships  could 
not  stand  in  to  engage  save  when  the  nights  were  dark ;  and,  even 
then,  as  they  were  obliged  to  direct  much  of  their  fire  by  the  aid  of 
signal  lights  placed  ashore,  great  accuracy  was  scarcely  obtainable. 
On  the  night  of  April  13th,  the  Valorous  had  a  smart  brush  with 
Forts  Constantine  and  Alexander,  and  with  the  Quarantine  Battery, 
and  withdrew  without  having  been  struck ;  and,  on  the  night  of 

1  The  (lisp,  is  dated  Feb.  27th.  2  Disp.  of  Mar.  3rd. 

2  G  2 


452      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

April  2'2nd,  the  British  and  French  flagships,  Eoyal  Albert,  121,1 
screw,  and  Montebello,  120,  screw,  also  stood  in,  but  had  to  desist 
from  their  intended  action  owing  to  an  accident  which  disabled  the 
Frenchman's  machinery.  Upon  the  whole,  it  was  plain  that,  so  long 
as  the  Russian  fleet  remained  in  port — and  it  was  certain  that  it  did 
not  purpose  to  put  to  sea — the  presence  of  immense  naval  forces  off 
Sebastopol  was  almost  entirely  useless ;  and  it  was  this  fact  which 
at  length  determined  the  despatch  of  an  expedition  to  pass  through 
the  Strait  of  Kertch  and  into  the  Sea  of  Azof,  where  the  enemy 
had  large  stores  of  supplies  that  might  be  reached  without  great 
difficulty,  and  where,  in  consequence,  he  could  be  more  effectively 
annoyed.  Lyons  and  Bruat  were,  almost  from  the  first,  strong 
partisans  of  this  expedition.  Eaglan  and  Canrobert  also  believed 
that  it  would  produce  valuable  results ;  but  for  a  long  time  they 
were  unwilling  to  spare  the  troops  which  were  required  to  accom- 
pany it.  On  April  25th,  however,  having  decided  that  they  would 
attempt  no  important  military  operations  before  Sebastopol  until 
on  or  after  May  llth,  they  agreed  with  the  naval  chiefs  to  lend  their 
co-operation ;  and,  accordingly,  on  May  3rd,  12,000  troops  under 
Generals  Sir  George  Brown  and  d'Autemarre,  were  embarked  in  forty 
steamers,  British  and  French.  That  evening  the  flotilla  weighed 
and  headed  for  Eupatoria,  to  deceive  the  Russians .  In  the  night  it 
altered  course. 

"  On  the  5th,"  writes  an  officer  who  was  present,  "  having  arrived  within  twenty 
miles  of  our  destination,  the  Admiral  made  a  general  signal  for  Captains,  with  the 
object,  as  we  supposed,  of  discussing  the  plan  of  attack  ;  so  our  surprise  and  disappoint- 
ment may  be  imagined  when  "  (our  Captain)  "  returned,  looking  very  glum,  with  the 
intelligence  that  General  Canrobert  had  received  a  message  from  Napoleon  which 
obliged  him  to  recall  the  French.  Of  course  the  English  might  have  gone  on  :  but  it 
was  not  thought  prudent  to  act  alone." 2 

The  British,  therefore,  returned,  and  anchored  in  Kamiesh  Bay. 
Canrobert,  there  is  small  doubt,  exaggerated  the  onus  which  was 
laid  upon  him  by  his  instructions  from  Paris ;  and  he  certainly,  by 
recalling  the  expedition  after  it  had  sailed,  ran  serious  risk  not  only 
of  encouraging  the  enemy  but  also  of  disquieting  his  allies.  A  little 
later,  however,  an  Azof  expedition  was  again  allowed  to  set  out, 
and  was  permitted  to  do  its  work  without  interference.  It  may  be 
noted,  meanwhile,  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  message,  in  con- 

1  Lyons  had  transferred  his  flag  to  her  on  Feb.  14th,  1855.     She  was  commanded 
by  Captain  William  Robert  Mends,  C.B. 

2  '  At  School  and  at  Sea,'  402.     See  also  Chevalier,  259. 


1855.]  EXPEDITION   TO    THE   SEA    OF  AZOF.  453 

sequence  of  the  receipt  of  which  the  first  expedition  was  recalled, 
was  one  of  the  earliest  messages  that  passed  over  the  then  newly- 
laid  cable  to  the  seat  of  war.  It  may  also  be  noted  that,  soon  after 
the  laying  of  the  cable,  the  French  military  commander-in-chief, 
who  probably  felt  that  he  could  not  satisfactorily  do  his  work  at  the 
front  while  he  was  subject  to  hourly  dictation  from  Paris,  resigned,1 
and  was  succeeded  by  General  Pelissier.  Still  more  in  naval  than 
in  military  matters  is  it  unwise  for  authorities  at  a  distance  to  seek 
to  direct  in  detail  those  who  are  on  the  scene  of  action.  The  late 
Sir  Geoffrey  Hornby's  opinions  on  this  point,  which  have  been  cited 
in  a  previous  volume,2  seem  to  be  strictly  in  accordance  with  all  the 
lessons  of  the  past. 

The  new  expedition  included  about  7000  French,  5000  Turkish, 
and  3500  British,  with  a  few  Sardinian 3  troops,  the  British  being, 
as  before,  under  Sir  George  Brown ;  and  the  fleet  employed  was 
made  up  of  nine  sail  of  the  line,  and  about  fifty  smaller  vessels,  of 
which  those  named  below 4  formed  the  British  contingent.  Sir 
Edmund  Lyons  and  Vice-Admiral  Bruat  were  themselves  in 
command. 

The  fleet  sailed  from  Kamiesh  Bay  on  May  22nd,  and  reached  a 
point  a  few  miles  below  Kertch  on  the  morning  of  May  24th,  the 
Queen's  birthday.  The  troops  were  quickly  thrown  ashore  near 
Kamiesh  Bournou  and  Cape  Paulovski,  while  some  of  the  lighter 
vessels  pushed  on  towards  Kertch  and  Yenikale.  But  the  Russians 
did  not  await  the  attack.  Taken,  apparently,  by  surprise,  they  blew 
up  their  fortifications  on  both  sides  of  the  strait,  abandoned  about  a 
hundred  guns,  and  retired,  after  having  destroyed  three  steamers, 
and  several  other  heavily-armed  vessels,  as  well  as  large  quantities 
of  provisions,  ammunition  and  stores.  These  results  were  effected 
without  loss  to  the  Allies,  and,  indeed,  practically  without  any 
fighting. 

1  May  18th.  2  See  Vol.  II.,  p.  340  u. 

3  Sardinia  had  cast  in  her  lot  with  the  Allies  since  the  beginning  of  the  year. 

4  Royal   Albert,   121,   scr.   (flag);   Hannibal,   91,   scr.   (flag   of  E.-Ad.   Houston 
Stewart) ;  Algiers,  91,  scr. ;  Agamemnon,  91,  scr. ;  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  101,  scr. ;  Princess 
Royal,  91,  scr. ;  Sidon,  22,  padd. ;   Valorous,  22,  padd. ;  Leopard,  18,  padd. ;   Tribune, 
31,  scr. ;  Simoon,  8,  scr. ;  Furious,  16,  padd. ;  Highflyer,  21,  scr. ;  Terrible,  21,  padd. ; 
Sphinx,  0,  padd. ;  Spitfire,  5,  padd. ;  Gladiator,  G,  padd. ;   Caradoc,  2,  padd. ;  Banshee, 
2,  padd. ;  and  the  following  light  squadron,  viz.,  Miranda,  15,  scr. ;   Vesuvius,  6,  padd. ; 
Curlew,  9,  scr. ;    Swallow,  9,  scr. ;   Stromboli,  C,  p;\dd. ;  Ardent,  5,  padd. ;   Medina, 
4,  padd. ;   Wrangler,  4,  scr. ;    Viper,  4,  scr. ;  Lynx,  4,  scr. ;  Recruit,  6,  padd. ;  Arrow, 
4,  scr. ;  Snake,  4,  scr. ;  and  Beagle,  4,  scr. 


454      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-185C. 

"  There  was,  however,  an  incident  during  the  day  that  called  forth  the  admiration 
of  botli  fleets,  and  which  deserves  to  be  particularly  noticed.  Lieut.  McKillop,  whose 
gun  vessel,  the  Snake.,  was  not  employed,  like  the  others,  in  landing  troops,  dashed  past 
the  forts  after  an  enemy's  steamer,  and,  although  he  soon  found  himself  engaged  not 
only  with  her  but  also  with  two  others  who  came  to  her  support,  he  persevered,  and, 
by  the  cleverness  and  extreme  rapidity  of  his  manoeuvres,  prevented  the  escape  of  all 
three;  and  they  were  subsequently  destroyed  by  the  enemy."' 

The  Snake  had  no  one  hurt,  although  shot  passed  through  her. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  affair  she  was  supported  by  the  Recruit,  and 
other  craft.  Lieutenant  Henry  Frederick  McKillop,  for  his  gallantry, 
was  promoted  to  be  Commander,  as  from  the  date  of  his  exploit,  as 
soon  as  he  had  completed  the  necessary  qualifying  sea  time. 

At  Kertch  and  Yenikale,  about  12,000  tons  of  coal  were  taken  by 
the  Allies,  and  were  of  the  utmost  value  to  them. 

On  May  25th,  Lyons  and  Bruat  despatched  into  the  Sea  of  Azof 
the  light  squadron  specified  in  the  note  011  p.  453,  together  with 
four 2  French  steamers,  the  whole  under  Captain  Edmund  Moubray 
Lyons,  of  the  Miranda,  and  Commander  Beral  de  Sedaiges,  of  the 
Lucifer,  and  ordered  it  to  take  or  sink  as  many  as  possible  of  the 
enemy's  ships  of  war  and  merchantmen,  to  destroy  such  stores  as 
might  be  useful  to  the  Russian  army,  and  to  respect  private 
property. 

"It  was,"  says  Hamilton  Williams,  "like  bursting  into  a  vast  treasure-house, 
crammed  with  wealth  of  inestimable  value.  For  miles  along  its  shores  stretched  the 
countless  storehouses  packed  with  the  accumulated  harvests  of  the  great  corn  provinces 
'  of  Russia.  From  them  the  Russian  armies  in  the  field  were  fed ;  from  them  the 
beleaguered  population  of  Sebastopol  looked  for  preservation  from  the  famine  which 
already  pressed  hard  upon  them." 

Having  entered  the  Sea  of  Azof,  the  flotilla  appeared,  on 
May  26th,  before  Berdiansk,  where  some  coasting-vessels  and  large 
stores  of  grain  were  burnt.  The  Swallow  and  Wrangler  were  then 
detached  to  Genitchi,  to  command  the  entrance  to  the  Putrid  Sea ; 
and  the  Curlew  was  sent  to  cruise  off  the  mouth  of  the  Don,  while 
the  squadron  moved  towards  Fort  Arabat,  off  which  it  arrived  on 
Ma}'  28th.  The  work,  which  mounted  thirty  guns,  engaged  the 
Allies,  who  had  but  one  man  wounded,  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  and 
then  blew  up.  The  strength  of  the  Arabat  garrison,  however,  pre- 
vented a  landing  from  being  attempted.  While  the  French  con- 
tingent returned  to  Kertch  to  coal  there,  the  British  portion  of  the 
flotilla,  having  silenced  the  defenders  of  the  place,  destroyed  much 

1  Lyons  to  Admlty.,  May  26th. 

2  Later  reinforced  by  two  more.     Chevalier,  263. 


456      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

stores  and  many  vessels  at  Genitchi,  on  May  29th,  thanks,  chiefly, 
to  the  exertions  of  a  landing-party  under  Lieutenant  John  Francis 
Campbell  Mackenzie,1  and  to  the  personal  gallantry  of  Lieutenants 
Cecil  William  Buckley,  and  Hugh  Talbot  Burgoyne,  and  Gunner 
John  Eoberts,  who,  to  complete  the  work,  went  .ashore  together, 
and,  without  assistance,  in  presence  of  a  considerable  force  of  the 
enemy,  and  beyond  gunshot  of  their  ships,  fired  certain  vessels  and 
stores  which,  owing  to  a  shift  of  wind,  might  otherwise  have  escaped. 
Each  of  these  three  officers  afterwards  received  the  Victoria  Cross. 
In  the  operations  at  Genitchi,  only  one  British  seaman  was  wounded. 
"  Since  the  squadron  entered  the  Sea  of  Azof,  four  days  ago,"  wrote 
Captain  Lyons,  in  his  dispatch  to  his  father,  "  the  enemy  has  lost 
four  steamers  of  war,2  '246  merchant  vessels,  also  corn  and  flour 
magazines  to  the  value  of  at  least  £150,000."  He  afterwards  esti- 
mated the  amount  of  corn  destroyed  at  sufficient  to  supply  100,000 
men  for  nearly  four  months. 

Having  informed  the  Commander-in-Chief  that  by  June  2nd  or 
3rd  he  should  be  ready  to  begin  operations  in  the  shallower  waters 
of  the  Gulf  of  the  Don,  Captain  Lyons  received,  as  reinforcements, 
the  small  steamers  Danube,  and  Sulina,  and  twelve  launches,  armed 
with  24-pr.  howitzers  and  rockets,  from  the  large  ships  in  the 
Strait  of  Kertch.  These  joined  him  at  Taganrog,  off  which,  at  a 
distance  of  about  eight  and  a  half  miles,  he  anchored  in  eighteen 
feet  of  water  on  the  evening  of  June  1st.  In  the  night,  owing  to  a 
brisk  easterly  wind,  the  water  fell  three  feet,  and  the  squadron,  in 
consequence,  had  to  move  a  mile  and  a  half  further  out.  In  the 
town  were  about  3500  troops,  and  the  place  was  fairly  well  defended. 
On  the  2nd  it  was  reconnoitred  by  the  Recruit,  Lieutenant  George 
Fiott  Day,  which,  very  early  on  the  following  morning,  was  anchored 
1400  yards  from  the  mole  head.  The  town  was  then  summoned  by 
Lieutenant  William  Horton,  who  was  sent  in  under  a  flag  of  truce  ; 
and,  when  the  governor  rejected  terms,  the  Recruit  opened  a  sharp 
fire,  covered  by  which  the  boats,  under  Commander  Cowper  Phipps 
Coles,  of  the  Stromboli,  pulled,  or  were  towed,  towards  the  beach, 
and  plied  their  howitzers  and  rockets  at  point-blank  range  against 
the  Eussians,  who  strove  in  vain  to  steal  down  under  shelter  of  the 
houses,  and  save  their  storehouses  from  being  burnt.  Many  stores 

1  Com.,  in  consequence,  as  from  May  29th,  1855. 

2  These  had  entered  the  Sea  of  Azof  upon  the  approach  of  the  British,  and  had 
there  been  destroyed  by  their  crews. 


1855.] 


OPERATIONS  IN   THE   GULF   OF   TAGANROG. 


457 


were  set  fire  to  by  the  rockets ;  but  the  conflagration  would  have 
been  by  no  means  general  had  not  Lieutenant  John  Francis  Camp- 
bell Mackenzie,  with  a  separate  division  of  boats,  devoted  special 
attention  to  covering  a  four-oared  gig,  manned  by  volunteers,  and 
containing  Lieutenant  Cecil  William  Buckley,  and  Boatswain  Henry 
Cooper.1  These  officers  landed  repeatedly,  and  fired  many  ware- 
houses and  buildings  which  might  otherwise  have  escaped.  Indeed, 


CAPTAIN    EDMUND   MOtJBBAY    LYOJiS. 
(From  ColnagMs  lithograph  bij  J.  H.  I.incfi,  1855.) 

the  blaze  ultimately  took  even  firmer  hold  than  had  been  intended, 
and  involved  the  destruction  of  great  part  of  the  town.  The  attack, 
having  effected  all  its  objects,  ceased  soon  after  3  P.M.  The  only 
British  loss  was  one  man  wounded.2 

On  June  5th  Mariopol,  and  on  June  6th  Gheisk,3  were  taken 
possession  of  without  opposition;  and  all  government  property  in 
them  was  destroyed.  Similar  work  was  done  by  detached  vessels  at 

'  V.C.  for  this  service.  2  Lyons  to  Lyons,  June  3rd. 

3  Eisk  on  the  map. 


458      MILITARY  HISTOliY    OF   THE   110 YAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Temriouk  and  at  Kiten ;  and  the  light  squadron  then  returned  to 
Kertch,  whence  the  Miranda,  Captain  Edmund  Moubray  Lyons, 
went  back  to  her  station  before  Sebastopol.  In  one  of  the  night 
engagements  with  the  forts  there,  on  June  17th,  the  gallant  Captain 
of  the  Miranda  was  severely  wounded.  He  was  sent  to  hospital  at 
Therapia,  and,  though  he  at  first  affected  to  make  light  of  his  injury, 
the  wound  cost  him  his  life  within  a  week.  When  the  light  squadron 
resumed  its  operations  in  the  Sea  of  Azof,  his  place  at  the  head  of  it 
was  taken  by  Commander  Sherard  Osborn,  of  the  Vesuvius. 

In  the  interim,  Vice-Admirals  Lyons  and  Bruat  had  planned 
descents  upon  Soujak  Kaleh  and  Anapa,  the  Kussian  ports  on  the 
Circassian  shore  of  the  Black  Sea.  Ere,  however,  they  could 
complete  their  preparations,  they  learnt  that  both  places  had  been 
evacuated  and  burnt,  and  their  fortifications  destroyed.  All  they 
could  do  was  to  detach  Bear- Admirals  Houston  Stewart,  and  Charner 
along  the  coast  to  show  their  flags.  At  Anapa,  the  Circassians  were 
found  to  be  already  in  possession.  Such  few  Bussian  guns  as  had 
not  been  rendered  useless  were  thrown  over  the  cliffs.  By  June  14th, 
the  whole  of  the  Kertch  expedition,  save  half-a-dozen  vessels  and 
some  troops  that  were  left  to  guard  the  neighbourhood,  had  set  out 
on  its  return  to  Balaclava  and  Kamiesh. 

During  this  absence  of  the  Kertch  squadron  from  before  Sebas- 
topol, Bear-admiral  Edward  Boxer,  C.B.,  died  of  cholera  011  board 
the  Jason.  To  him  was  largely  due  the  improvement  which  had 
been  by  that  time  effected  in  the  arrangements  at,  and  in  the  sanita- 
tion of,  Balaclava. 

He  was  ultimately  succeeded  as  commander  of  that  port  by 
Bear-Admiral  Charles  Howe  Fremantle,  pending  whose  arrival  the 
position  was  held  by  Captain  Cospatrick  Baillie  Hamilton,  of  the 
Diamond,  27.  In  the  general  bombardment  of  Sebastopol  between 
June  6th  and  10th,  and  again  on  June  16th  and  17th,  the  allied 
navies  took  some  part  from  seaward,  and  the  Brigade  ashore,  under 
Captain  Stephen  Lushington,1  earned  the  special  commendation  of 
Lord  Baglan.'2  Besides  working  its  guns,  the  Brigade  supplied 
four  parties,  each  of  60  men,  to  carry  scaling-ladders  and  wool- 
bags  for  the  troops  detailed  to  storm  the  Bedan.  Two  of  these 

1  K.C.B.  July  5th,  1855.     Lushington  attained  flag-rank  on  July  4th,  1855,  and  on 
July  19th  was  succeeded  in  command  of  the  Naval  Brigade  by  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry 
Keppel,  who  assumed  his  duties  two  days  later. 

2  In  addition  to  Capt.  Edmund  Moubray  Lyons  (mortally   wounded),  the   Navy 
afloat  lost  3  killed  and  13  wounded. 


1855.]  THE  'BEAGLE'   AT  AllABAT  SPIT.  459 

parties  were  kept  iii  reserve.  The  others  were  sent  forward,  and 
lost  10  killed,  41  wounded,  and  1  missing.  Among  the  killed  was 
Lieutenant  Thomas  Osborne  Kidd,  of  the  Anglia,  who,  after  the 
repulse,  returning  to  succour  a  wounded  soldier,  was  shot  through 
the  breast.1  Among  the  slightly  wounded  was  the  brave  Captain 
Peel.  On  June  28th  Lord  Raglan  died,  and  was  ultimately  suc- 
ceeded as  military  commander-in-chief  by  General  Simpson. 

In  the  Sea  of  Azof,  Commander  Sherard  Osborn  still  carried 
forward  the  work  of  destruction  that  had  been  begun  so  successfully 
by  Captain  Lyons.  On  June  22nd,  the  boats  of  the  Vesuvius  de- 
stroyed a  vessel,  and  repulsed  a  body  of  Cossacks,  at  Kamieshwa ;  on 
June  24th,  the  vessel  herself  silenced  some  guns  at  Petrovski ;  and 
on  June  27th,  landing-parties  from  the  Vesuvius,  Curlew,  and 
Swallow  destroyed  a  convoy  of  wagons  near  Genitchi,  which  place 
was  the  scene  of  a  more  spirited  affair  on  July  3rd. 

On  that  day,  Lieutenant  William  Nathan  Wrighte  Hewett,  then 
commanding  the  Beagle,  4,  screw,  made  a  careful  examination  of 
the  floating  bridge  which  joined  the  town  to  the  extremity  of  the 
long  spit  of  Arabat,  and  which  thus  formed  part  of  one  of  the 
military  roads  southward  to  the  Crimea.  Determining  to  destroy  it, 
he  despatched  his  gig,  under  Gunner  John  Hailes,  and  a  paddle-box 
boat,  under  Midshipman  Martin  Tracey  (Vesuvius),  covering  their 
approach  with  a  hot  fire  directed  upon  the  troops  which  lined  the 
beach  and  occupied  the  neighbouring  houses.  The  boats  were  riddled 
with  bullets,  the  enemy  being  not  more  than  eighty  yards  from  the 
bridge  hawsers,  which  had  to  be  severed ;  and  two  of  their  people 
were  wounded.  The  actual  work  of  cutting  was  most  coolly  accom- 
plished by  a  seaman,  Joseph  Trewavas,  lent  from  the  Agamemnon. 
This  gallant  fellow,  who  was  slightly  hit,  was  subsequently  given 
the  Arictoria  Cross.  At  about  the  same  time,  the  Weser,  6,  paddle, 
destroyed  some  stores  in  the  neighbourhood.  There  was  afterwards 
a  period  of  bad  weather,  during  which  the  squadron  had  to  seek 
refuge  under  the  spit  of  Berutch,  to  the  north-east ;  but  coaling, 
provisioning,  and  completing  stores  were  proceeded  with ;  and,  as 
opportunity  offered,  fisheries,  guard-houses,  barracks,  and  stores  on 
that  spit,  and  on  the  spit  of  Arabat,  were  destroyed.  The  only 
remaining  floating  bridge  between  Arabat  Spit  and  the  Crimea  was, 
during  that  period,  burnt  by  the  Curlew.  From  two  long  and 

1  He  was  bravely  carried  back  to  the  trenches  by  Mate  Johu  Barker  Barnett,  the 
only  officer  with  him,  and  two  privates,  but  survived  a  very  short  time. 


460      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

interesting  dispatches  from  Osborn,  dated  respectively  July  17th 
and  July  21st,  the  following  passages,  descriptive  of  the  operations 
of  the  week  then  ended,  are  taken  :— 

"A  lull  in  the  weather  enabled  me  to  put  to  sea  on  July  13th  for  a  sweep  round 
the  Sea  of  Azof,  the  Ardent,  Wvser,  and  Clinker  being  left  under  the  orders  of  Lieu- 
tenant Horton  *  to  harass  Genitchi  and  Arabat.  .  .  .  Delayed  by  the  weather,  we  did 
not  reach  Berdiansk  until  July  15th. ...  I  hoisted  a  flag  of  truce,  in  order,  if  possible, 
to  get  the  women  and  children  removed  from  the  town ;  but,  as  that  met  with  no  reply, 
and  the  surf  rendered  landing  extremely  hazardous,  I  hauled  it  down,  and  the  squadron 
commenced  to  fire  over  the  town  at  the  forage  and  corn-stacks  behind  it ;  and  I  soon 
had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a  fire  break  out  exactly  where  it  was  wanted.  ...  It 
became  necessary  to  move  into  deeper  water  for  the  night;  and,  from  our  distant 
anchorage,  the  fires  were  seen  burning  throughout  the  night. 

"  On  the  16th  the  allied  squadron  2  proceeded  to  Fort  Petrovski,  between  Berdiansk 
and  Mariopol.  .  .  .  There  were  evident  symptoms  of  an  increase  to  the  fortifications.  .  .  . 
At  9.30  A.M.,  all  arrangements  being  made,  the  squadron  named  in  the  margin  3  took 
up  their  positions,  the  li-ht-draught  gunboats  taking  up  stations  east  and  west  of  the 
fort,  and  enfilading  the  works  in  front  and  rear,  whilst  the  heavier  vessels  formed  a 
semicircle  round  the  front.  The  heavy  nature  of  our  ordnance  .  .  .  soon  not  only 
forced  the  garrison  to  retire  from  the  trenches,  hut  also  kept  at  a  respectable  distance 
the  leserve  force,  consisting  of  three  strong  battalions  of  infantry,  and  two  squadrons  of 
cavalry.  We  then  commenced  to  fire  with  carcasses,  but,  although  partially  successful, 
I  was  obliged  to  send  the  light  boats  of  the  squadron  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the 
fort  and  batteries,  a  duty  I  entrusted  to  Lieutenant  Hubert  Campion.  .  .  .  Although 
the  enemy,  from  an  earthwork  to  the  rear,  opened  a  sharp  fire  on  our  men,  Lieutenant 
Campion  completed  this  service  in  the  most  able  and  perfect  manner,  without  the  loss 
of  one  man.  .  .  .  Leaving  the  Swallow  ...  to  check  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to 
reoccupy  the  fort  .  .  .  the  rest  of  the  squadron  proceeded  to  destroy  great  quantities  of 
forage,  and  some  most  extensive  fisheries,  situated  upon  the  White  House  Spit,  and 
about  the  mouth  of  the  river  Berda."  .  .  . 

"  On  July  17th,  in  consequence  of  information  received  of  extensive  depots  of  corn 
and  forage  existing  at  a  town  called  Glofira,4  upon  the  Asiatic  coast,  near  Gheisk,  I 
proceeded  there  with  the  squadron.  .  .  .  The  Vesuvius  and  Swallow  were  obliged  to 
anchor  some  distance  off  shore.  I  therefore  sent  Commander  Rowley  Lambert  (Curlew), 
with  the  gunboats  Fancy,  Grinder,  Boxer,  Cracker,  Jasper,  Wrangler,  and  boats  of 
Vesuvius  and  Swalloiv.  .  .  .  Lambert  found  Glofira  and  its  neighbourhood  swarming 
with  cavalry.  .  .  .  He  therefore  very  properly  confined  his  operations  to  destroying, 
upon  Glofira  Spit,  some  very  extensive  corn  and  fish  stores.  .  .  .  Prom  Glofira,  1  next 
proceeded  to  the  Crooked  Spit,  in  the  Gulf  of  Azof,  the  French  squadron  parting 


1  Lieut.  William  Horton,  promtd.  Com.  Aug.  18th,  1855. 

2  It  included  the  two  French  steam  sloops  Milan  and  Mouettc,  under  Capt.  de  Cintre, 
who  put  himself,  though   senior  officer,  at  Osborn's  disposal.     Lyons   to   Admlty., 
July  30th. 

8  Vesuvius,  6,  padd.,  Com.  Sherard  Osborn :  Curlew,  9,  scr.,  Com.  Kowley  Lambert ; 
Swallow,  9,  scr.,  Com.  Frederick  Augustus  Buchanan  Craufurd;  Fancy,  scr.  g.b., 
Lieut.  Charles  Gerveys  Grylls ;  Grinder,  scr.  g.b.,  Lieut.  Francis  Trevor  Hamilton ; 
Boxer,  scr.  g.b.,  Lieut.  Samuel  Philip  Townsend ;  Cracker,  scr.  g.b.,  Lieut.  Joseph 
Henry  Marryat ;  Wrangler,  4,  scr.,  Lieut.  Hugh  Talbot  Burgoyne ;  Jasper,  scr.  g.b., 
Joseph  Samuel  Hudson  ;  and  Beagle,  4,  scr.,  Lieut.  William  Nathan  Wrighte  Hewett. 

*  Properly  Glafirovka. 


1855.]  OSBORN  IN   THE   SEA    OF  AZOF.  461 

company  to  harass  the  enemy  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kamieshwa  and  Obitochna.  The 
squadron  reached  Crooked  Spit  the  same  day  (July  18th);  and  I  immediately  ordered 
Commander  Craufurd,  in  the  Swallow,  supported  by  the  gunboats  Qrinder,  Boxer 
and  Cracker,  and  the  boats  of  Vesuvius,  Curkw,  and  Fancy,  under  Lieutenants 
Grylls,  Rowley  and  Sulivau,1  to  ...  clear  the  spit  .  .  .  and  destroy  the  great  fishing 
establishments  situated  upon  it.  Commander  Craufurd  executed  this  service  with  great 
vigour.  .  .  .  While  this  service  was  being  executed,  I  reconnoitred  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Mious,  fifteen  miles  west  of  Taganrog,  in  H.M.S.  Jasper.  .  .  .  The  shallow 
nature  of  the  coast  would  not  allow  us  to  approach  within  a  mile  and  three-quarters  of 
what  in  the  chart  is  marked  Fort  Temenos.  ...  I  returned  to  the  same  place,  accom- 
panied by  the  boats  of  H.M.S.  Vesuvius  and  Curlew,  and  H.M.  gunboats  Cracker, 
Boxer,  and  Jasper.  .  .  .  When  we  got  to  Fort  Temenos,  and  the  usual  Cossack  picket 
had  been  driven  off,  I  and  Commander  Lambert  proceeded  at  once  with  the  light  boats 
into  the  river.  When  there,  and  immediately  under  Fort  Temenos,  which  stands  upon 
a  steep  escarp  of  eighty  feet,  we  found  ourselves  looked  down  upon  by  a  large  body  of 
both  horse  and  foot,  lining  the  ditch  and  parapet  of  the  work.  Lauding  on  the  opposite 
bank,  at  good  rifle-shot  distance,  one  boat's  crew,  under  Lieutenant  Rowley,2  was  sent 
to  destroy  a  collection  of  launches  and  a  fishery,  whilst  a  careful  and  steady  fire  of 
Minie  rifles  kept  the  Russians  from  advancing  upon  us.  Assuring  ourselves  of  the 
non-existence  of  any  object  worth  hazarding  so  small  a  force  any  further  for,  we 
returned  to  the  vessels,  passing  within  pistol-shot  of  the  Russian  ambuscade.  .  .  .  The 
gig  of  the  Grinder,  under  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  had  a  narrow  escape  upon  the  same  day 
from  a  similar  ambuscade,  at  a  place  called  Kirpe,  ten  miles  east  of  Mariopol.  ...  On 
July  19th,  I  reconnoitred  Taganrog  in  the  Jasper  gunboat.  A  new  battery  was  being 
constructed  on  the  heights  near  the  hospital,  but,  although  two  shots  were  thrown 
into  it,  it  did  not  reply.  .  .  .  To  put  a  stop  ...  to  all  traffic  .  .  .  and  to  harass  the 
enemy  in  this  neighbourhood,  I  have  ordered  Commander  Craufurd  to  remain  in  the 
Gulf  of  Azof  with  two  gunboats."  .  .  . 

On  July  '20th,  the  Beagle,  which  had  been  detached,  rejoined 
Sherard  Osborn,  and  reported  that  a  landing-party  from  her  had 
destroyed  further  stores  and  granaries  in  the  neighbourhood.  A 
few  days  later,  the  Jasper,  screw  gunboat,  Lieutenant  Joseph  Samuel 
Hudson,  having  grounded  on  the  Krivaia,  was,  perhaps  somewhat 
hastily,  abandoned  and  blown  up.  She  was  the  only  craft  that  was 
lost  during  the  whole  of  the  Azof  operations,  although  these  did  not 
cease  until  some  time  after  the  fall  of  Sebastopol.  Before  the  end 
of  July,  the  Ardent  wrought  fresh  destruction  at  Genitchi,  where 
the  enemy  had  built  new  storehouses  ;  and  Sherard  Osborn,  with  his 
flotilla,  paid  another  visit  to  Berdiansk.  On  August  5th,  he  re- 
appeared off  Taganrog,  and  captured  some  guns ;  on  August  6-7th, 
he  destroyed  barracks  and  stores  at  Petrushena ;  on  August  23rd, s 
having  returned  to  Genitchi,  his  ships  shelled  the  camp  and  trenches 
there  ;  on  that  day  and  the  following,  in  spite  of  a  brisk  fire  from 
the  enemy,  he  wrecked  some  stores  at  Kiril  and  Gorelia  ;  on  August 

1  This  was  Lieut.  George  Lydiard  Sulivan  (  Vesuvius). 

2  Lieut.  Charles  John  Rowley  (Curlew). 

3  Sherard  Osborn  was  posted  on  Aug.  18th,  1855. 


462      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

27th,  he  repulsed  the  Russians,  and  did  new  damage,  at  Genitchi 
and  at  Kiril ;  and  on  August  30-81st,  while  the  Weser  and  Cracker 
destroyed  a  bridge  and  government  buildings  in  the  bay  of  Arabat, 
the  Wrangler  and  the  boats  of  the  Vesuvius  burnt  some  depots  of 
supplies  at  Mariopol,  losing  however,  as  prisoners,  two  officers  ;  and 
the  Grinder  made  a  reconnaissance  of  Taganrog  under  fire.  On 
September  13th,  the  Cracker's  boats  destroyed  the  fishing  establish- 
ments and  forage  stores  at  Perebond. 

Towards  the  end  of  September,  operations  in  a  new  direction 
were  undertaken,  the  Azof  flotilla  lending  its  co-operation  to  a  some- 
what similar  force  under  Captain  Robert  Hall,  of  the  Miranda,  15, 
screw,  senior  officer  in  the  Strait  of  Kertch.  This  latter  flotilla 
consisted,  besides  the  Miranda,  of  the  Lynx,  4,  screw,  Arrow,  4, 
screw,  Snake,  4,  screw,  Harpy,  1,  paddle,  and  Snlina,  together  with 
the  French  gunboats  Mitraille,  Alerte,  Alarme,  Bourrasque,  Rafale, 
Mutine,  Stridente,  and  Meurtriere,  under  Commandant  Bouet  ; 
and  it  had  on  board  three  companies  of  the  71st  British  regiment, 
and  six  companies  of  French  infantry.  On  the  peninsula  of 
Taman,  to  the  east  of  the  Strait  of  Kertch,  the  enemy  had 
built  at  Taman  and  Fanagoria  (Fanagorinsk)  barracks  capable  of 
sheltering  a  large  number  of  men,  the  idea  apparently  being  to 
assemble  a  small  army  there  at  the  approach  of  winter,  with  a  view 
to  crossing  the  strait  upon  the  ice,  and  falling  upon  Kertch.  Leaving 
that  place,  the  expedition  arrived  opposite  Taman  at  about  11  A.M. 
on  September  24th,  and  disembarked  the  troops  under  cover  of  the 
fire  of  the  vessels  without  accident.  Taman  was  observed  to  have 
been  abandoned.  The  force  then  advanced  to  Fanagoria,  where  the 
fort  and  buildings  were  occupied.  They  contained  sixty-two  pieces 
of  artillery,  all  of  which  were  rendered  unserviceable.  In  the  mean- 
time a  body  of  about  six  hundred  Cossacks  assembled,  only,  how- 
ever, to  be  scattered  by  shells  from  the  ships.  In  the  following 
night  the  same  force  attempted  a  surprise,  but  found  the  Allies 
alert,  and  so  retired.  All  useful  stores  were  sent  across  to  Kertch, 
the  rest,  with  all  public  buildings,  being  destroyed. 

To  make  a  diversion,  and  to  harass  and  check  the  enemy  at 
Temriouk,  Sherard  Osborn's  Azof  flotilla  entered  Temriouk  Lake  on 
the  morning  of  September  24th,  and  was  joined  by  the  French 
steamers  Milan,  Caton,  and  Fulton.  The  town  could  not  be  reached, 
even  by  the  boats,  owing  to  the  extreme  shallowness  of  the  water  ; 
but  a  body  of  2000  troops  was  detained  in  Temriouk,  and  prevented 


1855.]  OSBORN  IN   THK  SEA    OF  AZOF.  463 

from  moving  towards  Taman ;  and  a  bridge,  across  which  it  might 
have  advanced,  was  hurnt. 

On  October  9th,  Sherard  Osborn  set  out  on  a  series  of  fresh 
raids.  He  was,  however,  temporarily  without  most  of  his  smaller 
gunboats,  which  had  been  withdrawn  by  Lord  Lyons  to  assist  in  the 
operations  against  Kinburn.  On  the  night  of  October  10th,  a  boat 
belonging  to  the  Weser  stole  up  the  Salgir  river,  burnt  some  stacks 
of  corn  and  forage,  and  got  away  without  loss,  though  heavily  fired 
upon  by  Cossacks.  On  October  15th  at  Crooked  Spit,  and  on 
October  18th  at  White  House  Spit,  the  Recruit,  under  fire,  did 
much  damage  among  boats  and  fishing  establishments.  On,  October 
20th,  at  Crooked  Spit,  the  Ardent  destroyed  more  boats,  and  dis- 
persed a  body  of  cavalry.  On  October  24th  a  landing-party,  sup- 
ported by  the  Vesuvius,  wrecked  some  rifle-pits  and  small  vessels  at 
Bieloserai  Spit,  and  scattered  a  weak  force  of  troops.  And  on  the 
same  day,  at  Mariopol,  the  Recruit  wrought  further  destruction. 

At  about  that  time  the  gunboats  which  had  been  temporarily 
detached  to  share  in  the  Kinburn  expedition  rejoined  Sherard 
Osborn,  who,  late  in  the  evening  of  November  3rd,  anchored  with 
his  whole  force,  in  sixteen  feet  of  water,  off  Gheisk-Liman,  with 
designs  against  the  enormous  stores  of  corn,  forage  and  fuel  which 
he  knew  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood.  He  took  all  available  men  out 
of  the  Vesuvius,  which  he  left  in  the  offing ;  and  he  drew  strong 
parties  from  the  Weser,  Curlew,  and  Ardent,  which  remained  in 
charge  of  Lieutenant  John  Francis  Boss  (Weser'),  who  had  orders 
to  close  in  on  the  north  side  of  Gheisk,  and  to  be  prepared  to  co- 
operate. With  the  boats  in  tow  of  the  Recruit,  Lieutenant  George 
Fiott  Day,  Boxer,  Lieutenant  Samuel  Philip  Townsend,  Cracker, 
Lieutenant  Joseph  Henry  Marryat,  Clinker,  Lieutenant  Joseph 
Samuel  Hudson,  and  Grinder,  Lieutenant  Francis  Trevor  Hamilton, 
Sherard  Osborn  departed  at  dawn  on  November  4th,  and,  at  6.30  A.M., 
appeared  off  Vodina,  three  miles  north  of  Glofira.  Commander  John 
James  Kennedy  (Curleio),  covered  by  the  gun- vessels,  was  sent  in  with 
the  boats,  and,  landing,  soon  set  fire  to  numerous  stores.  He  retired 
safely,  just  as  a  force  of  Cossacks  rode  up.  Glofira  was  next  attacked. 
Since  it  had  been  visited  in  the  previous  July  it  had  been  much 
strengthened,  and  larger  supplies  than  ever  had  been  accumulated 
there.  While  the  Recruit,  Grinder,  Boxer,  and  Cracker  opened 
on  the  entrenchments  with  shrapnel,  and  on  the  cornstacks  with 
carcasses,  some  boats  under  Kennedy,  towed  in  by  the  Clinker, 


464      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF  THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

endeavoured  to  outflank  the  defences ;  but  not  until  Lieutenants 
George  Fiott  Day,  and  Hubert  Campion,  supported  by  a  howitzer 
boat  and  two  rocket  boats,  had  been  landed  with  seamen  and 
Marines,  and  had  executed  a  very  gallant  charge,  were  the  defenders 
dislodged  from  their  works,  and  driven  back,  and  all  the  stores  set 
in  flames.  This  landing-party  re-embarked  with  but  one  man 
wounded.  By  that  time,  Lieutenant  Boss  and  the  vessels  off  Gheisk 
were  seen  to  be  engaged.  They  succeeded  in  keeping  off  the  enemy 
while  Commander  Kennedy  burnt  additional  stores.  During  the 
night,  the  fires  extended  over  a  front  of  two  miles. 

Early  on  November  6th,  Sherard  Osborn,  with  the  gunboats  and 
boats,  entered  the  Liman,  the  gunboats,  thanks  to  the  skill  of  actg. 
Master  George  David  Perry  (Vesuvius),  and  Second  Master  William 
Hennessey  Parker  (Recruit),  were  anchored  as  far  in  as  possible  at 
the  east  end  of  Gheisk,  near  which  stores  were  stacked  along  a  front 
of  four  miles.  Covered  by  the  gunboats,  four  separate  parties  were 
landed,  respectively  commanded  by  (1)  Lieutenants  George  Fiott 
Day,  and  Samuel  Philip  Townsend  ;  (2)  Commander  John  James 
Kennedy,  with  Lieutenants  Francis  Trevor  Hamilton,  Hubert 
Campion,  Joseph  Henry  Marryat,  and  Richard  Charles  Mayne 
(actg.)  ;  (3)  Lieutenants  Augustus  Chetham  Strode,  and  Joseph 
Samuel  Hudson ;  and  (4,  from  the  Weser's  division)  Lieutenants 
John  Francis  Boss,  and  Gover  Eose  Miall.  Each  party  met  with 
some  slight  resistance ;  but  each  accomplished  its  object ;  and,  by 
2  P.M.,  the  entire  force  was  re-embarked,  having  lost  only  6  men 
wounded.  Sherard  Osborn  then  burnt  some  stores  at  Glofira  that 
had  escaped  the  conflagration  of  the  4th,  and  returned  to  the 
Vesuvius.  He  says  1  :— 

"  I  despair  of  beiug  able  to  convey  to  you  any  idea  of  the  extraordinary  quantity  of 
corn,  rye,  hay,  wood,  and  other  supplies  so  necessary  for  the  existence  of  Russian 
armies,  both  in  the  Caucasus  and  in  the  Crimea,  which  it  has  been  our  good  fortune  to 
destroy.  .  .  .  Daring  these  proceedings  we  never  had  more  than  200  men  engaged. 
The  enemy  had,  from  the  concurrent  testimony  of  Lieuts.  Ross  and  Strode,  and  from 
my  own  observation,  from  3000  to  4000  men  in  Gheisk  alone." 

This  was  practically  the  end  of  the  operations  in  the  Sea  of  Azof. 
Among  the  honours  and  promotions  consequent  upon  the  good  work 
done  there  may  be  mentioned  :  — 

To  be  C.B.,  Captain  Sherard  Osborn  (Feb.  4th,  1856). 
To  be  Captain,  Commander  Sherard  Osborn  (Aug.  18th,  1855). 
„        Commander  Rowley  Lambert  (Sept.  29th,  1855). 


1  Osboru  to  Lyons,  Nov.  7th. 


1855.]  THE    VALUE   OF   THE   AZOF   OPERATIONS.  465 

To  be  Captain,  Commander  John  James  Kennedy  (Feb.  1st,  1856). 
„  .,         Commander  Cowper  Phipps  Coles  (Feb.  27th,  1856). 

„  .,        Commander  Frederick    Augustus  Buchanan   Craufurd  (May  10th, 

1856). 

To  be  Commander,  Lieutenant  John  Francis  Campbell  Mackenzie  (May  29th,  1855). 
„  „  Lieutenant  William  Horton  (Aug.  18th,  1855). 

„  ,,  Lieutenant  Joseph  Henry  Marryat  (Nov.  5th,  1855). 

Lieutenant  George  Fiott  1  >ay  (Nov.  19th,  1855). 
„  „  Lieutenant  Hubert  Campion  (Dec.  7th,  1855). 

„  „  Lieutenant  William  Cecil  Buckley  (Feb.  27th,  185(5). 

„  ,,  Lieutenants  John    Francis   Ross,   Augustus  Chetham    Strode, 

Charles  Gerveys  Grylls,  and  Hugh   Talbot   Bur- 
goyne  (May  10th,  1856). 

In    addition,  seven  or  eight  Victoria  Crosses  were  won   in  the 
course  of  the  expeditions  to  Kertch  and  the  Sea  of  Azof. 

In  England,  the  work  done  by  Lyons  and  Sherard  Oshorn  was 
the  subject  of  some  unfavourable  criticism  on  the  part  of  certain 
excellent  people  who  professed  to  believe  that  hostilities  could  best 
be  carried  on  by  sparing  the  enemy  as  much  as  possible.  Tender- 
ness in  war  is,  unfortunately,  no  better  than  a  very  refined  form  of 
cruelty.  It  leads  to  a  prolongation  of  resistance,  and  so  to  increased 
sacrifice  of  life  and  treasure  on  both  sides.  Moreover,  it  encourages 
false  hopes.  When  war  has  once  been  entered  upon,  it  should  be 
carried  forward,  like  every  other  work  that  is  to  be  performed 
economically  and  effectively,  with  energy,  thoroughness,  and  un- 
bending sternness.  Even  when  such  a  policy  upon  occasions 
involves  hardship  to  individuals  who  are  not  directly  offensive,  it 
still  tends  to  effect  its  object,  which  is  an  early  attainment  of  a 
definite  result.  No  doubt,  much  private  property,  and  some  civilian 
lives  were  incidentally  destroyed  by  the  Azof  flotilla.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  work  of  that  flotilla,  while  it  deprived  the  Russian  army  of 
many  of  its  most  necessary  supplies,  and  so  crippled  the  military 
power  of  the  Tsar,  also  inclined  the  coast  populations  most  ardently 
to  desire  peace.  In  1855  the  Eussian  people  had  still  less  nominal 
influence  than  they  have  now  upon  the  policy  of  their  rulers ;  yet,  in 
despotisms  as  well  as  in  constitutional  lands,  the  people  have  ever 
been  the  supreme  arbiters ;  and  that  which  they  have  willed  with 
determination  has  almost  invariably  been  the  policy  which  the 
government  has  ultimately  deemed  it  wise  to  pursue.  It  is  foolish, 
therefore,  to  pretend  that  war  is  made  upon  governments  and  not 
upon  peoples,  and  that  distinction  ought  to  be  made  between  the 
two.  Humanity  and  civilisation  demand  that  women  and  children 
VOL.  vi.  2  H 


466      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

should  not  be  wilfully  or  directly  exposed  to  the  actual  ravages  of 
shot  and  shell ;  but  they  demand  also  that  women  and  children,  as 
well  as  men  and  actual  fighters,  should  be  made  to  feel  the  general 
pressure  of  war  as  acutely  as  possible  ;  for  the  sooner  the  majority 
of  a  people  agree  that  the  situation  has  become  intolerable,  the 
sooner  submission  and  peace  will  come. 

Before  Sebastopol,  the  Naval  Brigade  ashore,  and  the  fleet  afloat 
continued  to  afford  grateful  support  to  the  allied  armies.  From  July 
16th  to  July  19th,  there  was  some  bombardment  of  the  forts  from 
seaward,  and  again  from  August  6th  to  August  9th.  In  the  trenches 
there  was  hot  work  almost  continuously.  There  were  almost  daily 
alarms  of  intended  sorties ;  and  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry  Keppel, 
with  his  aide-de-camp,  Lieutenant  Prince  Victor  of  Hohenlohe- 
Langenburg,1  was  kept  fully  employed.  On  August  17th,  the  day 
fifter  the  battle  of  the  Tchernaya,  a  general  bombardment  was  opened 
with  the  object  of  covering  some  advance  of  the  French  approaches. 
The  Russians  replied  with  their  usual  spirit,  and,  besides  disabling 
two  of  the  naval  guns,  killed  Commander  Lacon  Ussher  Hammet, 
of  the  Albion,  and  6  others,  and  wounded  16. 

On  August  '27th,  in  the  course  of  Lord  Stratford  de  Redclifl'e's 
visit  to  the  Crimea,  several  naval  officers,  including  Rear-Admirals 
Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  and  Houston  Stewart,  were  invested  with  the 
insignia  of  the  Bath,  as  evidence  of  Her  Majesty's  approval  of  their 
conduct  at  the  front.  The  recipients  had  been  nominated  on  the 
previous  July  5th,  on  which  occasion  more  naval  appointments  to, 
and  promotions  in,  the  Most  Honourable  Order  had  been  made  than 
on  any  one  date  since  the  enlargement  of  the  Order  in  1815.  The 
number  of  naval  G.C.B.s  thus  conferred  in  a  single  Gazette  was 
four;  of  K.C.B.s,  twelve;  and  of  C.B.s,  no  fewer  than  forty-five. 
Among  the  G.C.B.s  were  Vice-Admiral  Sir  James  Whitley  Deans 
Dundas,  and  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Edmund  Lyons ;  among  the  K.C.B.s, 
Rear-Admirals  Houston  Stewart,  Hon.  Montagu  Stopford,  Henry 
Ducie  Chads,  Michael  Seymour  (2),  Henry  Byam  Martin,  and 
Stephen  Lushington ;  and  among  the  C.B.s,  Captains  Frederick 
Thomas  Michell,  Lord  George  Paulet,  Lord  Edward  Russell,  Sydney 
Colpoys  Dacres,  Thomas  Matthew  Charles  Symonds,  George  St. 
Vincent  King,  Hastings  Reginald  Yelverton,  Bartholomew  James 

1  Afterwards  Admiral  Count  Gleichen.    "  He  shod  his  own  horses,  and,  I  think,  was 
sorry  when  the  war  was  over."     Keppel,  ii.  291. 


1855.]  EVACUATION   OF  SEBASTOPOL   BEGUN.  467 

Sulivan,  George  Giffard,  John  Moore  (4),  William  Peel,  Astley 
Cooper  Key,  William  Moorsom,  William  Eobert  Mends,  William 
Houston  Stewart,  Lord  John  Hay  (3),  and  Richard  Ashmore 
Powell.  In  addition,  a  K.C.B.  and  two  C.B.s  were  given  to  officers 
of  the  Royal  Marines. 

Towards  the  end  of  August,  the  Russians  manifested  an  intention 
of  preparing  for  the  abandonment  of  the  south  side  of  Sebastopol. 
This  circumstance  was  probably  not  without  its  influence  upon 
the  engineer  and  artillery  officers  of  the  allied  armies ;  and  they 
eventually  induced  the  military  commanders-in-chief  to  order  that  a 
general  bombardment  of  the  place  should  be  begun  on  Wednesday, 
September  5th,  kept  up  for  three  days,  and  followed  by  a  vigorous 
assault  upon  the  Malakoff  and  the  Great  Redan,  close  to  which 
the  trenches  had  by  that  time  been  pushed.  Accordingly,  a  heavy 
fire  was  opened  at  daylight  on  the  appointed  day,  and  was 
continued,  with  but  short  periods  of  partial  intermission,  until  the 
morning  of  the  8th.  On  the  evening  of  the  5th,  a  Russian  two- 
decker,  moored  off  the  dockyard  sheers,  burst  into  flame ;  and, 
during  the  night,  she  was  completely  destroyed.  On  the  7th, 
another  Russian  two-decker  was  burnt.  At  noon  on  the  8th,  the 
French  troops  successfully  stormed  the  Malakoff.  The  British 
attack,  made  a  little  later  011  the  Great  Redan,  was  bloodily 
repulsed,  chiefly  because  it  was  made  in  insufficient  force,  and 
because  the  approaches  had  not  been  carried  so  close  to  that  work 
as  to  the  Malakoff.  French  assaults  on  the  Central  Bastion,  and 
on  the  Little  Redan  of  Careening  Bay,  were  also  repulsed.  But 
the  key  to  the  entire  position  had  been  taken ;  and  the  Russian 
commander-iii-chief,  at  about  8  P.M.,  began  to  withdraw  quietly 
from  the  south  side  of  the  fortress  which  he  had  so  long  and  so 
well  defended.  At  midnight  some  British  soldiers  crept  into  the 
Redan,  and  found  it  abandoned.  A  little  later  fires  broke  out  in 
the  town,  followed  by  terrible  explosions.  At  5.30  A.M.  on  the  9th, 
two  of  the  southern  forts  were  blown  up.  By  7  A.M.  the  last  of 
the  Russian  troops  had  crossed  to  the  north  of  the  harbour,  and 
the  bridge  of  boats  over  which  they  had  passed  had  been  dragged 
after  them.  Daylight  showed  that  all  the  men-of-war  in  the 
harbour,  save  one  frigate  and  two  small  steamers,  had  been  sunk 
or  destroyed.  Even  these  three  were  destroyed  by  the  Russians 
on  the  10th  or  llth.  It  had  been  intended  that  the  fleets  should 
take  part  in  the  final  bombardment ;  but  they  were  prevented  by 

2  H  2 


468      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

a  strong  N.W.  gale  from  weighing  to  do  so.     Says   General    Sir 
James  Simpson,  in  his  dispatch  of  September  9th  : — 

"  The  boisterous  weather  rendered  it  altogether  impossible  for  the  Admirals  to  fulfil 
their  intention  of  bringing  the  broadsides  of  the  allied  fleets  to  bear  upon  the  Quaran- 
tine batteries;  but  an  excellent  effect  was  produced  by  the  animated  and  well-directed 
lire  of  their  mortar-vessels,  those  of  Her  Majesty  being  under  the  direction  of  Captain 
\Villcox,1  of  the  Odin,  and  Captain  Digby,2  of  the  Royal  Marine  Artillery.  .  .  .  The 
Naval  Brigade,  under  the  command  of  Captain  the  Hon.  Henry  Keppel,  aided  by  Captain 
Moorsom3  and  many  gallant  officers  and  seamen,  who  have  served  the  guns  from  the 
commencement  of  the  siege,  merit  my  warmest  thanks.  The  prompt,  hearty,  and 
efficacious  co-operation  of  Her  Majesty's  Navy,  commanded  by  Rear-Admiral  Sir 
Kdiiiund  Lyons,  ably  seconded  by  Sir  Houston  Stewart,  has  contributed  most  materially 
to  the  success  of  our  undertaking." 

The  dispatch  of  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  dated 
September  10th,  adds  very  little  to  the  information  given  in  the 
above  extracts.  Captain  James  Willcox  reported  : — 4 

"...  Acting  in  pursuance  of  your  directions,  and  in  conjunction  with  Capt.  Bachm, 
commanding  four  French  mortar-vessels  you  did  me  the  honour  of  placing  under  my 
command,  a  fire  was  kept  up  till  7  P.M.  against  the  Quarantine  Fort  and  outworks,  as 
well  as  upon  Fort  Alexander  and  the  upper  bastions  (where,  near  to  the  latter  place,  a 
large  number  of  the  enemy's  reserve  were  posted),  keeping  their  fire  so  completely 
under  that  only  a  few  shot  and  shell  were  returned,  and  but  few  fired  into  the  French 
batteries  and  works  before  us.  A  small  number  of  carcasses  were  also  successfully 
thrown  into  the  town  and  upper  bastions,  which  produced  a  conflagration  of  some 
extent.  ...  I  am  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  bringing  to  your  notice  the  indefatigable 
and  zealous  conduct  of  Mr.  H.  K.  Leet,5  Mate  in  charge  of  the  Firm,  who,  from  being 
the  senior  officer  of  the  mortar-vessels,  has  always  ably  carried  out  my  instructions ; 
and  I  am  happy  to  bear  testimony  to  the  praiseworthy  conduct  of  Messrs.  J.  B.  Creagh," 
T.  L.  Pearson,7  H.  W.  Brent,8  A.%  F.  Hurt,9  and  Henry  Vaughan,10  Mates  in  charge  of 
the  other  mortar-vessels.  I  have  also  great  pleasure  in  stating  that  no  casualty 
occurred,  and  that  neither  the  mortars  or  vessels  were  at  all  damaged  by  the  heavy 
firing." 

The  mortar-vessels  were  stationed  for  this  service  in  Streletska,  or 
Arrow,  Bay.  Captain  George  Stephen  Digby,  R.M.A.,  in  his  report,11 
made  favourable  notice  of  the  ability  displayed  by  First  Lieutenants 
(R.M.)  Edward  Henderson  Starr,  Henry  Hewett,  Francis  Worgan 
Festing,  William  Pitman,  and  Joshua  Rowland  Brookes. 

1  Capt.  James  Willcox  was  made  a  C.B.,  Feb.  4th,  1856. 

2  Capt.  George  Stephen  Digby,  R.M.A. 

3  Capt.  William  Moorsom,  C.B. 

4  Willcox  to  Lyons,  Sept.  8th. 

6  Henry  Knox  Leet,  Lieut.  Sept.  22nd,  1855. 

6  John  Brasier  Creagh,  Lieut.  Sept.  22nd,  1855. 

7  Thomas  Livingstone  Pearson,  Lieut.  Jan.  5th,  1856. 

8  Harry  Woodfall  Brent,  Lieut.  Jan.  5th,  1856. 

0  Albert  Frederick  Hurt,  Lieut.  June  23rd,  1856. 
10  Henry  Vaughan,  Lieut.  Feb.  22nd,  1856. 
"  Digby  to  Lyons,  Sept.  8th. 


1855.]  SEBASTOPOL    DOCKS  DESTROYED.  469 

The  .Russian  ships  destroyed  from  first  to  last  at  Sebastopol 
were  stated  to  have  been  as  follows  :— 

Sailing  ships  of  the  line :  five  120's,  eight  8-t's,  cue  80. 
Sailing  frigates :  four  60's. 

Sailing  corvettes  and  brigs :  three  20's,  two  18's. 

Sailing  vessels,  miscellaneous:  eight}' -two,  including  sixty-four  gunboats. 
•  -  Steam-vessels :  six  large,  including  the  Vladimir  and  Bessarabia,  and  six  smaller 
The  above  mounted  about  2200  guns. 

By  September  19th,  the  Naval  Brigade  had  been  re-embarked. 
Such  of  the  Eoyal  Marines  as  had  been  landed  were  re-embarked 
early  in  the  following  mouth.  A  little  later,  nearly  all  the  magni- 
ficent naval  works,  including  the  docks,  at  Sebastopol,  were 
destroyed.  A  British  naval  officer  who  examined  them  in  the 
interval  wrote  :— 

"  Walking  round  the  edge  of  Dockyard  Creek,  we  soon  came  to  the  docks.  We 
arrived  suddenly  among  the  wonders  of  Sebastopol ;  and  all  that  we  had  heard  of 
the  glories  of  the  place  faded  away  before  the  magnificent  reality.  First  of  all  we 
inspected  a  dock  where  ships  of  the  largest  size  were  hauled  up  out  of  the  water,  or 
launched  again,  by  means  of  a  cradle,  placed  on  a  tram-road.  This  is  the  work  of  the 
Englishman,  Upton.  Then  we  came  to  the  intended  government  foundry,  whose  walls 
were  rising  to  the  height  of  ten  feet,  over  a  space  of  nearly  twelve  acres.  Part  of  this 
was  obtained  by  cutting  away  the  spur  of  a  mountain.  The  remainder  of  the  hill  was 
upheld  by  a  freestone  wall,  every  stone  beautifully  squared  and  fitted,  to  the  height  of 
350  feet.  .  .  .  We  then  went  to  see  the  famous  docks.  These  consist  of  a  series  of 
locks,  like  canal  locks,  the  upper  end  being  twenty  feet  higher  than  the  entrance  lock, 
which  is  even  with  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  upper  end  has  three  locks  abreast.  Then 
comes  a  compartment  equal  in  area  to  three  ;  then  again  three  more,  the  middle  one  of 
which  is  entered  by  three  other  locks  from  the  harbour;  making  altogether  nine 
chambers,  as  it  were,  and  the  large  space  in  the  middle.  These  are  all  dry,  but  can  be 
filled  with  water  pumped  into  them  by  two  steam  engines.  Each  chamber  is  270  feet 
long,  60  feet  wide,  and  contains  from  25  to  37  feet  of  water  at  pleasure.  A  large  ship 
can  be  floated  into  an  upper  lock  ;  all  the  water  can  then  be  let  off,  and  the  ship  left  in 
her  cradle  as  dry  as  if  on  shore.  The  docks,  with  their  magnificent  masonry  casings  of 
gigantic  granite  blocks,  steam-engines,  and  iron  gates,  with  the  aqueducts  for  bringing 
down  water  from  the  Tchernaya,  cost  £20,000,000  sterling." ' 

After  the  occupation  of  the  south  side  of  Sebastopol  and  the 
complete  destruction  of  the  Russian  fleet,  the  allied  navies  in  the 
Black  Sea  were  left  at  liberty  to  strike  a  blow  at  some  other  part 
of  the  coast.  It  was  not,  however,  until  after  a  council  of  war 
held  on  September  30th  that  the  naval  and  military  commanders- 
in-chief  determined  to  make  an  attack  upon  Kinburn. 

The  fortress  of  Kinburn  occupies  the  western  extremity  of  a 
spit  which  forms  the  southern  boundary  of  a  considerable  basin 
known  as  the  Liman  of  the  Dnieper.  Into  this  basin,  in  addition 

1  Naut.  Mag.,  1855,  606. 


4:70      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

to  the  Dnieper,  flow  the  united  streams  of  the  rivers  Bug  and 
Ingul ;  and,  at  the  junction  of  the  Bug  and  Ingul,  at  some  distance 
from  the  sea,  stands  the  important  naval  arsenal  of  Nicolaief,  while 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Dnieper  is  Kherson,  one  of  the  richest  of 
the  commercial  centres  of  Russia.  The  narrow  channel  into  the 
Linian  passes  between  the  fortress  of  Otchakof  on  the  north,  and 
the  fortress  of  Kinburn  on  the  south,  but  lies  closer  to  the  latter 
than  to  the  former.  Consequently,  the  possession  of  Kinburn  by 
the  Allies  would  completely  close  the  navigation  of  the  Bug  and 
Dnieper.  It  would  also  menace  the  communications  and  rear  of 
the  large  Russian  army  which  was  still  in  the  Crimea. 

In  1855,  the  defences  at  Kinburn  consisted  of  a  citadel  of 
masonry,  with  earthen  parapets,  washed  in  some  places  by  the  sea 
and  in  others  by  the  waters  of  a  deep  ditch,  and  mounting  about 
sixty  guns,  some  in  casemates,  and  some  in  a  barbette  battery  above. 
This  citadel,  which  had  an  all-round  command,  was  supported  by 
two  batteries  placed  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  spit,  on  a  narrow 
strip  of  sand.  The  entire  armament  of  the  works,  according  to 
French  accounts,  was  80  guns  and  20  mortars.  Of  these,  81  pieces 
only  appear  to  have  been  in  position. 

The  expedition,  which  was  commanded  by  Admirals  Lyons  and 
Bruat,  was  a  far  more  powerful  one  than  was  absolutely  necessary 
for  the  contemplated  work.  It  comprised  10  screw  ships  of  the 
line,  with  about  80  other  vessels — frigates,  sloops,  gunboats,  mortar- 
boats,  tenders,  and  transports ;  it  had  on  board  4000  British,  and 
a  rather  larger  number  of  French  troops ;  and  it  is  remarkable 
as  having  included  the  three  French  armoured  floating  batteries 
Tonnante,  Lave,  and  Devastation,  which,  built  for  the  attack  on 
Sebastopol,  had  arrived  on  the  scene  a  few  days  after  the  fall  of 
the  place.  These  batteries  were  constructed  after  plans  which  had 
first  been  advocated  in  1842  by  Captain  Labrousse,  of  the  French 
navy,  and  which,  in  1855,  were  improved  upon  under  the  personal 
superintendence  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  They  were  the  earliest 
armoured  steam-ships ;  and  their  appearance  in  action  marks  the 
first  beginning  of,  perhaps,  the  greatest  revolution  which  has  ever 
been  experienced  in  the  science  of  naval  warfare. 

The  fleets  sailed  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Sebastopol  on 
October  Gth  and  7th,  and  arrived  at  a  rendezvous  off  Odessa  on 
the  8th.  Fogs  and  strong  S.S.W.  winds  prevented  their  appearance 
off  Kinburn  until  the  afternoon  of  the  14th.  Rear-Admiral  Sir 


1855.]  ATTACK   ON  KIN  BURN.  471 

Houston  Stewart  then  transferred  his  flag  from  the  Hannibal,  90r 
screw,  to  the  Valorous,  16,  paddle,  and,  in  pursuance  of  orders, 
stationed  his  division  of  steani-vessels  off  the  entrance  to  the  Lima'n, 
being  assisted  in  his  selection  of  positions  by  Captain  Thomas  Abel 
Bremage  Spratt,  of  the  Spitfire,  5,  paddle.  The  corresponding 
French  division  was  commanded  by  Rear-Admiral  Odet  Pellion. 
The  Commander-in-Chief,  with  the  larger  vessels,  anchored  further 
out.  When  it  became  dark,  the  Cracker,  gunboat,  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Henry  Marryat,  with  two  boats  of  the  Tribune,  and  Masters 
Edward  Wolfe  Brooker1  (additional  of  Spitfire),  and  Thomas  Potter 
(Furious,  but  lent  to  Valorous),  was  sent  to  buoy  the  channel 
between  the  mainland  and  the  end  of  the  spit ;  and,  as  soon  as  he 
signalled  that  the  operation  had  been  effected,  he  was  joined  by  the 
gunboats  Fancy,  Lieutenant  Charles  Gerveys  Grylls,  Boxer,  Lieu- 
tenant Samuel  Philip  Townsend,  and  Clinker,  Lieutenant  Joseph 
Samuel  Hudson,  as  well  as  by  the  French  gunboats  Tirailleusc, 
Stridente,  Meurtriere,  and  Mutine,  which  together  passed  the  forts 
and  anchored  within,  so  as  to  afford  as  much  protection  as  possible 
to  the  right  flank  of  the  troops  upon  disembarkation  taking  place. 
The  enemy  fired  shot,  shell,  and  musketry  at  them  as  they  went  in, 
but  caused  them  no  damage.  Sir  Houston  Stewart,  outside,  was, 
of  course,  left  in  some  doubt  as  to  how  far  the  channel  had  been 
buoyed  for  larger  ships.  At  10  A.M.  on  the  15th,  therefore,  Marryat 
and  Brooker,  in  the  Cracker,  most  gallantly  repassed  the  batteries 
under  a  heavier  fire  than  before,  and  personally  reported  to  the  Bear- 
Admiral  on  the  subject  of  the  difficult  navigation.2  That  morning 
the  troops,  under  the  orders  of  General  Bazaine,  and  Brigadier- 
General  the  Hon.  A.  A.  Spencer,  were  landed  about  three  miles 
to  the  southward  of  the  citadel,  so  as  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the 
Russian  garrison  by  land.  In  the  evening  the  mortar-vessels  tried 
the  ranges  of  their  mortars  against  the  mam  fort.  The  16th  brought 
a  brisk  wind  from  the  southward,  and  a  heavy  swell,  and  prevented 
the  opening  of  a  bombardment ;  but  the  day  was  well  spent  by  the 
troops  ashore. 

At  about  9.30  A.M.  on  the  17th,  there  being  a  fine  northerly 
breeze,  with  smooth  water,  the  French  floating  batteries,  mortar- 
vessels,  and  gunboats,  and  the  Valorous,  16,  paddle,  Captain 

1  Prorntd.  to  be  Lieut.,  Nov.  5th,  1855. 

2  It  would  appear  from  a  passage  in  Sir  H.  Stewart's  disp.  of  Oct.  18th,  that  the 
Grinder,  Lieut.  Francis  Trevor  Hamilton,  went  in  and  took  the  Cracker's  place. 


472      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Claude  Henry  Mason  Buckle,  C.B.  (flag  of  Sir  Houston  Stewart), 
Gladiator,  6,  paddle,  Captain  Charles  Farrel  Hillyar,  Odin,  16, 
paddle,  Captain  James  Willcox,  Lynx,  4,  screw,  Arrow,  4,  screw, 
Viper,  4,  screw,  Beagle,  4,  screw,  Snake,  4,  screw,  and  Wrangler,  4, 
screw,  with  the  mortar-vessels  Eaven,  Magnet,  Camel,  Hardy, 
Flamer,  and  Firm,  took  up  positions  off  the  fort,  and  began  a 
destructive  fire,  which  was  pluckily  returned.  The  Tonnante  and 
her  consorts,  stationed  at  less  than  one  thousand  yards  from  the 
enemy's  guns,  wrought  much  damage,  and  appeared  to  be  them- 
selves quite  invulnerable.  At  noon,  the  Eussian  fire  having  been 
sensibly  reduced,  Sir  Houston  Stewart,  with  the  British  vessels 
above  named,  and  also  with  the  Furious,  16,  paddle,  Captain 
William  Loring,  C.B.,  Sidon,  22,  paddle,  Captain  George  Goldsmith, 
Leopard,  18,  paddle,  Captain  George  Giffard,  C.B.,  Firebrand,  G, 
paddle,  Commander  Edward  Augustus  Inglefield,  Stromboli,  6, 
paddle,  Commander  Cowper  Phipps  Coles,  and  Spiteful,  6,  paddle, 
Commander  Francis  Henry  Shortt,  and  Rear-Admiral  Odet  Pellion's 
division,  passed  through  the  channel.  Each  ship,  as  she  got  within 
range,  engaged  the  forts  from  the  northward,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  the  southern  and  western  faces  of  the  works  were  engaged  by 
Lyons  *  and  Bruat,  whose  ships  took  up  positions  in  the  closest 
possible  order,  with  but  two  feet  of  water  under  the  keels  of  some 
of  them.  Having  anchored  inside,  Stewart  transferred  his  flag 
to  the  Cracker.  The  fire  of  such  enormous  forces  as  were  brought 
against  the  defences  soon  produced  its  effect,  and  the  Eussian 
batteries  gradually  became  silent,  though  they  did  not  haul  down 
their  colours.  Lyons,  from  motives  of  humanity,  suggested  to 
Bruat  to  discontinue  the  action ;  but  the  French  commander-in- 
chief,  prompted,  perhaps,  by  motives  as  humane  in  reality  though 
not  in  appearance,  declined  to  cease  firing  until  the  garrison  should 
surrender.  Lyons,  thereupon,  ordered  his  own  ships  to  discontinue  ; 
and  Bruat,  after  pouring  in  a  protesting  broadside,  also  desisted. 
The  Eussian  General  Kokonovitch,  upon  being  summoned,  sub- 
mitted ;  and  he  and  his  1400  men  presently  marched  out  with  the 
honours  of  war.  He  had  lost  45  killed  and  130  wounded.  The 
British  ships  had  but  two  people  hurt ;  and  even  they  owed  their 

1  With  Sir  B.  Lyons  were  the  Royal  Albert,  121,  scr.  (flag) ;  Capt.  William  Kobert 
Mends ;  Algiers,  91,  scr. ;  Agamemnon,  91,  scr. ;  Princess  Royal,  91,  scr..;  St.  Jean 
d'Acre,  101,  scr. ;  Curafoa,  31,  scr. ;  Tribune,  31,  scr. ;  Sphinx,  6,  padd. ;  Hannibal. 
91,  scr. ;  Dauntless,  31,  scr. ;  and  Terri ble,  21,  paddle. 


L855.]  CAPTURE   OF  KINBURK.  473 

injuries  to  the  bursting  of  a,  guzi  in  the  Arrow.  On  the  following 
morning  the  enemy  blew  up  their  forts  at  Otchakof.1 

The  operations  at  Kinburn  are  remarkable  not  only  because  they 
witnessed  the  first  employment  of  armoured  vessels  in  modern 
warfare,  but  also  because  they  were  among  the  earliest  operations 
on  a  large  scale  in  which  steam-vessels  only  were  employed.  Both 
France  and  Great  Britain  entered  on  the  campaign  against  Russia 
believing  that  sailing  ships  of  the  line  might  still  be  of  some  use. 
Sailing  ships,  accordingly,  figured  in  the  fleets  of  1854  in  the  Baltic 
as  well  as  in  the  Black  Sea  ;  but  the  experience  of  a  very  few  months 
on  each  scene  of  action  determined  that  they  had  ceased  to  be  of 
any  practical  value  for  fighting  purposes.  Thus  may  it  be  said  that 
sails  and  wood  went  out,  and  steam  and  iron  came  in,  in  1855. 

After  the  capture  of  Kinburn,  a  military  reconnaissance  was 
made  in  the  direction  of  Kherson ;  and  Rear-Admirals  Stewart  (in 
the  Stromboli),  and  Odet  Pellion,  with  part  of  their  divisions,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  mouths  of  the  Bug  and  Dnieper.  In  the  former  river, 
on  October  20th,  the  Stromboli,  Cracker,  Spitfire,  and  Grinder  had 
a  slight  engagement  with  a  battery.  In  the  latter,  two  huge  rafts 
of  valuable  timber,  intended  for  the  arsenal  at  Nicolaief,  were 
captured.  Kinburn  was  occupied  by  the  Allies  ;  a  division  of  ships, 
including  the  French  floating  batteries,  was  ordered  to  remain  before 
it  so  long  as  the  sea  should  be  open ;  and  the  rest  of  the  expedition 
returned  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Sebastopol,  where  it  arrived  on 
November  3rd.  During  its  absence  there  had  been  a  slight  brush 
between  the  Allies  and  a  Russian  force  near  Lake  Tougla  on 
October  26th.  A  little  later,  Bruat,  with  part  of  his  fleet,  sailed 
for  Toulon,  where  he  intended  to  winter.  On  the  way  he  was 
struck  down,  as  St.  Arnaud  and  Raglan  had  been,  by  cholera,  and 
he  died  at  sea  on  November  19th.  Lyons  also  quitted  the  Black 
Sea,  chiefly  to  attend  a  great  international  council  of  war  which  was 
held  in  the  winter  at  Paris  for  the  purpose  of  advising  the  allied 
governments  as  to  what  naval  and  military  operations  could  most 
advantageously  be  next  undertaken.  The  council  assembled,  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Emperor,  at  the  Tuileries,  on  January  10th, 
1856,  its  British  members,  in  addition  to  Sir  Edmund  Lyons,  being 
H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  Lord  Cowley,  Rear-Admiral  the 
Hon.  Richard  Saunders  Dundas,  C.B.,  and  Generals  Sir  Richard 

1   Lyons  to  Admlty.,  Oct.  18th ;  Stewart  to  Lyons,  Oct.  18th ;  Bruat's  disp.,  and  • 
order  of  the  day ;  Chevalier,  283  ;  TyrreU,  ii.  .'!13. 


474      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Airey,  and  Sir  Harry  Jones.  No  conclusions  were  ever  arrived  at ; 
for,  soon  after  it  met,  events  began  to  assume  a  pacific  complexion, 
and,  as  early  as  January  10th,1  Russia  paved  the  way  for  a  settle- 
ment by  unconditionally  accepting  certain  proposals  which  had  been 
made  by  Austria  as  preliminaries  of  peace.  In  the  interim,  the 
allied  forces  in  the  Black  Sea  confined  themselves  to  holding  such 
positions  as  they  had  won,  to  repelling  attacks,  and  to  destroying 
captured  works  and  public  buildings.  The  campaign,  indeed,  so  far 
as  the  Navy  was  concerned,  practically  ended  with  the  occupation 
of  Kiiiburn. 

Before  proceeding  to  survey  the  work  of  the  Navy  in  1855  in  the 
Baltic,  it  may  be  well  to  glance  briefly  at  what  was  done  by  the 
fleets  in  that  year  on  two  less  important  stations. 

In  the  White  Sea,  a  squadron,  consisting  of  the  Mceander,  44, 
Captain  Thomas  Baillie,  Phoenix,  8,  screw,  Commander  John 
Montagu  Hayes,2  and  Ariel,  9,  screw,  Commander  John  Proctor 
Luce,  with  the  French  vessels  Cleopdtre,  32,  Cocyte,  6,  and 
Petrel,  4,  blockaded  the  coasts.  The  British  part  of  it  quitted  the 
Downs  on  May  10th,  rounded  the  North  Cape  on  May  31st,  formally 
re-established  the  blockade  on  June  llth,  and  was  joined  a  few  days 
later  by  the  French  contingent.  Early  in  July,  the  Ariel,  des- 
patched to  the  Gulf  of  Meyen,  burnt  a  brigantine  and  two  smaller 
craft,  but  met  with  no  opposition.  She  rejoined  the  Mceander  off 
Cross  Island  on  July  9th.  At  the  same  time,  the  Phoenix  and  Petrel 
cruised  in  the  Gulf  of  Onega.  Two  of  the  Phosnix's  boats  were  fired 
at  near  the  village  of  Liamtsi,  and  the  place  was,  in  consequence, 
bombarded ;  but,  probably,  little  damage  was  done  to  it.  On 
July  12th,  the  Ariel  relieved  the  Phoenix  in  the  Gulf  of  Onega,  and 
the  Phoenix  returned  to  the  Mceander,  off  Archangel.  The  Ariel 
visited  Kio,  Solovetskoi,  Sosiiovia,  Umba,  and  the  Gulf  of  Kandalak. 
Near  Kandalak  her  boats  were  attacked  ;  but  a  landing-party  drove 
off  the  enemy,  and,  under  the  fire  of  the  sloop,  the  town  was  burnt. 
In  this  affair  three  seamen  were  wounded.  On  July  16th,  the 
Mceander  was  at  Kouzemen,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Kandalak. 
A  party  of  sixty  men,  under  Lieutenant  Hugh  Maximilian  Elliot, 
having  been  landed  to  reconnoitre,  met  a  body  of  350  armed  people ; 
but,  as  Captain  Baillie  deemed  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by 

1  Disp.  of  Count  Esterhazy,'  Jan.  16th  :   followed  by  official  Russian  circular  of 
Jan.  19th. 

2  Posted,  July  9th,  1855. 


1855.]  OPERATIONS   IN    THE   PAR   EAST.  475 

attacking,  lie  re-embarked  his  little  force.  The  Phoenix,  in  a  brush 
with  the  enemy  near  Cape  Kerets,  had  a  man  shot  through  the 
head.  The  greater  part  of  the  squadron  reassembled  off  Archangel 
on  July  21st.1  The  British  and  French  commanders  at  first  in- 
tended to  spare  small  local  craft ;  but  when  they  ascertained  that 
these  were  used  for  the  conveyance  of  muskets  up  and  down  the 
coast,  they  changed  their  minds  ;  and  thenceforward  they  prevented 
even  the  smallest  boats  from  moving  out  of  port.  The  squadron  did 
not  quit  the  White  Sea  until  October  9th. 

In  the  Pacific,  Bear-Admiral  Henry  William  Bruce  had  been 
appointed  to  command  in  November,  1854.  During  the  early 
spring  of  1855,  Petropaulovski  was  watched  by  the  Encounter,  14, 
Captain  George  William  Douglas  O'Callagan,  and  Barracouta,  6,2 
Commander  Frederick  Henry  Stirling ;  but  those  vessels  had  to 
keep  at  some  distance  from  the  town ;  and,  on  April  17th,  taking 
advantage  of  snow  and  fog,  the  whole  garrison  of  the  place  embarked 
in  the  men-of-war  Aurora  and  Dwina,  and  four  merchantmen,  and 
escaped  into  the  river  Amur,  while  the  civil  inhabitants  removed 
inland  to  the  village  of  Avatcha.  The  guns  were  carried  away  or 
buried.  Consequently,  when  in  May  the  allied  squadrons,3  under 
Rear-Admirals  Bruce  and  Fourichon,  appeared  before  the  fortress 
with  the  object  of  renewing  the  attack  which  had  failed  in  the 
previous  September,  nothing  but  empty  works  and  deserted  buildings 
was  found.  Two  Americans,  and  their  French  servant,  alone  re- 
mained to  receive  the  visitors ;  and  they  had  hoisted  the  American 
flag.  The  arsenals,  batteries,  and  magazines  were  destroyed  by  the 
Allies ;  but  the  town  was  spared.  A  whaler,  which  was  discovered 
hidden  in  Rakovia  Harbour,  was  burnt,  as,  having  neither  sails  nor 
anchors,  she  could  not  easily  be  taken  away.  While  at  Petro- 
paulovski, Rear-Admiral  Bruce  was  able  to  open  up  negotiations 
with  the  interior,  and  to  effect  the  exchange  of  two  prisoners.  He 
and  Rear-Admiral  Fourichon  then  visited  Sitka.  It  was  not  forti- 

1  COIT.   in    Times,  and    Xaut.  May.     Disps.  of  Baillie,  and  of  Guilbert,   of  the 
Cleopatre. 

2  Both  vessels  had  lieen  detached  for  the  purpose  from  the  East  India  station  hy 
Rear-Adm.  Sir  Jas.  Stirling,  Kt. 

8  Consisting,  in  addition  to  the  Encounter  and  Harracoutn,  of  the  President,  50 
(flag),  Capt.  Richard  Burridge;  Pique,  40,  Capt.  Sir  Frederick  William  Erskine 
Nicolson,  Bart. ;  Trincomalee,  24,  Capt.  Wallace  Houstoun  ;  Dido,  18,  Capt.  William 
Henry  Anderson  Morshead,  C  B. ;  Amphitrite,  24,  Capt.  Charles  Frederick ;  and  Brisk, 
14,  scr.,  Com.  Frederick  Beauchamp  Paget  Seymour ;  with  the  French  vessels  Forte, 
60,  Alceste,  54,  Eurydice,  32,  and  OUigado,  18. 


476      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

fied,  neither  did  it  contain  any  Eussian  men-of-war.  It  was,  there- 
fore, not  attacked.  While  the  Pique,  Barracouta,  and  Amphitrite 
were  left  with  Sir  James  Stirling  to  patrol  the  Sea  of  Okhotsk,  the 
rest  of  the  allied  squadrons  separated,  most  of  the  British  vessels 
going  to  Vancouver  Island,  and  most  of  the  French  to  San  Fran- 
cisco.1 On  August  1st,  the  Barracouta  overhauled  the  Bremen 
brig  Greta,  under  American  colours ;  and,  as  she  had  on  board  277 
seamen,  part  of  the  crew  of  the  Eussian  frigate  Diana,  which  had 
been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Japan  a  few  months  earlier,  she  was 
sent  as  a  prize  to  Hong  Kong,  under  Lieutenant  Eobert  Gibson. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  follow  the  Aurora  and  Dwina  into  the 
Amur,  where  they  were  reported  to  be  very  strongly  posted  behind 
a  bar  on  which  was  only  13  feet  of  water. 

Much  dissatisfaction  was  expressed  in  England  at  this  second 
failure  in  the  extreme  east ;  and  the  commanders  of  the  Encounter 
and  Barracouta  were  freely  blamed  for  what  was  popularly  regarded 
as  negligence  in  allowing  the  two  Eussian  men-of-war  to  escape 
them.2  There  was,  however,  no  public  inquiry  into  the  circum- 
stances ;  and  the  Admiralty  seems  to  have  considered  that  both 
officers  did  their  duty. 

Events  in  the  Baltic  may  now  be  followed  to  their  conclusion 
without  further  interruption. 

Vice-Admiral  Sir  Charles  Napier  had  himself  made  it  impossible 
that  he  could  be  again  ordered  to  hoist  his  flag.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  suppose  that  he  was  culpably  to  blame  for  his  comparative  in- 
activity in  1854,  and  for  his  resultant  fall  from  popularity.  He  was 
an  old  officer,  and  he  had  undoubtedly  lost  much  of  the  dash  and 
nerve  of  his  brilliant  youth.  The  Admiralty,  however,  may  be  held 
to  have  made  a  mistake  in  the  original  appointment.  On  the  other 
hand,  Napier,  in  his  correspondence  and  interviews  with  his  official 
superiors,  had  betrayed  so  much  temper  that  it  was  out  of  the 
question  for  the  Admiralty  to  repeat  the  same  mistake.  The  Baltic 
command  in  1855  was,  therefore,  given  to  Eear-Admiral  the  Hon. 
Eichard  Saunders  Dundas,  C.B.,  who  just  previously  had  held  the 
office  of  second  Naval  Lord ;  and  the  fleet  which  was  entrusted  to 
him,  instead  of  being  composed  partly  of  sailing  and  partly  of  steam 
ships,  was  made  up  wholly  of  steam-vessels,  and  was,  in  every  other 
respect,  much  more  powerful  and  generally  serviceable  than  the 

1  Bruce  to  Admlty.,  June  15th;  July  17th:  Amer.  corr.  in  HI.  Land.  News. 

2  Tyrrell,  ii.  354. 


1855.] 


THE  SECOND   BALTIC   CAMPAIGN. 


477 


Baltic  fleet  of  1854  had  been.  Moreover,  there  were  attached  to  it, 
as  will  be  seen,  numerous  small  craft,  mortar-vessels,  and  gunboats, 
suitable  for  operations  in  narrow  and  shallow  waters ;  and  it  was 
arranged  that  it  was  ultimately  to  be  strengthened  by  the  addition 
to  it  of  five  armoured  floating  batteries,  somewhat  similar  to  those 
which,  as  has  been  already  seen,  the  French  sent  to  the  Black  Sea, 


?*0j      ^wC 


KEAK-ADM.    THE   HON.    K1CHAUU   SAUNDEliS   DUHDAS,   O.B. 
(DiMmon,  delt.  &  nth.) 

and  used  at  the  reduction  of  Kinburn.  These  vessels,  unfortunately, 
could  not  be  got  ready  in  time  for  actual  employment.  A  list,  as 
complete  as  possible,  of  Dundas's  fleet  of  1855  will  be  found  on  the 
following  page. 

The  first  detachment  of  the  command  weighed  anchor  in  the 
Downs  on  March  28th,  and  proceeded.  Great  part  of  the  rest  of  it 
sailed  from  Spithead  on  Wednesday,  April  4th.  The  first  division 
of  the  French  Baltic  Fleet,1  under  Eear-Admiral  Penaud,  quitted 

1   Tourville,  Austerlitz,  Duquesne,  (TAssas,  ami  Aigle. 


478      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE   ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 


SHIPS.            |  !  ** 

e>  1  s 

COMMANDERS.                      SHIPS. 

COMMANDERS. 

o    n 

R.-Ad.  Hon.  R.  S.  Dundas, 
C.B. 

'  Cruiser       .     . 

17     «n    (Com.      Hou.     Geo.     H. 
Donglas. 

1  Duke   of   Wel-\          ^ 
linoton          i 

Commod.  Hon.  Fred.  Thos. 

Harrier 

17    100         „  Hy.  Alex.  Story. 

Pelham. 

Desperate  . 

8  400        „  Rich.  Donning  White. 

Capt.  Hy.  Caldwell. 

Conflict      .     . 

8   400         „  S.  S.  L.  Crofton. 

iR.-Ad.  Michael  Seymour  :    Jlasilisk,  padd. 

6    400          „ 

/.•;«...•.•!'       .        .         90     400 

K'apt.  Wm.  King  Hall. 

Driver,  padd.  . 
1  Locust,  padd.  . 

6   280         „  Alan  Hy.  Gardner. 
3    100 

... 

IR.-Ail.     Robt.     l,ambert 

Porcupine,        > 

"nlrtn"  "m>      f    28  40°  •!             liavues,  C.B. 
ICapt.  Thos.  Fisher. 

padd.  ...  1 
Falcon  . 

3    132 
11    100 

Koyal  George  .    102   400    f    "      l\^J-  Codrin8ton' 

Cuckoo,  padd. 

3   100    {"^rra*118'    Ge°'    E™' 

James  Watt    .      91600    f     »     George  Aug.  Elliot 

I  Princess  Alice,) 

1    120 

W- 

padd.  .      .      .  / 

Orion    .      .     .      91    600 

f    „      Jno.      Elphinstone 

i  flltizer,  m.  v.  . 

.  .      60     Act.-Gnnner  Josiah  Hunt.2 

\             Erskine. 

i  Ilaroctc,  m.  v.. 

60     Boats.  Thos.  Foreman.2 

Ccesar   .     .     .  ,  90   400 
Nile       .     .      .      90    500 

„      .Ino.  Robb. 
„      Geo.  Rodney  Mnndy. 

i  .Wanly,  m.  v.  . 

.  ....    fAct.-Boats.    Jno.    Busau- 
•'      60  11             quet.2 

Cressy  ...     80  400 

„      Itich.  Laird  Warren. 

1  Surly,  m.  v.    . 

..       60 

Colossus     .     .      HI    'luii 

(    „     Robt.  Spencer  Robin- 

i  Gleaner,  g.  b.  . 

4  i  60     Mate  Arch.  Geo.  Bogle.2 

\              son. 

'  I'elter,  g.  b.    . 

4  i  60     Lieut.  Win.  Fredk.  Lee.2 

Illenheim    .     .      60  !450 

(     „      William    Hutcheou 
(-             Hall. 

1  Pincher,  g.  b.  . 
Rub)/,  g.  b.      . 

4     60         „      Keith  Stewart  (    ).= 
4      60 

Hague  ...      60   450 

„      William  Ramsay. 

l  Jiadyer,  g.  b.  . 

.  .      60     Mate  Wm.  Hy.  Cumini?.2 

l  Edinburgh       .      60    450 

I    „      Rich.  Strode  Hew- 
t             lett. 

l  Snapper,  g.  b. 

,„    fLieut.  Arth.  Julian  Vil- 
,  60   (             liers.2 

Ajax      ...      CO    450 
Ffawke  ...      60   200 

„      Fred.  Warden. 
„     Erasmus  Ommanney. 

l  Biter,  g.  b. 

:  .„   /    „      Warren      Hastings 
'"   \             Anderson.2 

i  Cornuallis     .     60   200 

(    „     Geo.  Greville  Wel- 
t            lesley. 

i  Dapper,  g.  b.  . 
Jackdaw    . 

4     60         „      Hy.  Jas.  Grant.2 
..      60 

i  Pembroke  .     .      60   200    f    "      Geo.  ~  Henry    Sey-     1  Magpie,  g.  b.  . 
im°"p      f    i    •  f     '  Reiving,  g.  b. 

2     60        „     Bedford  C.  T.  Pirn.2 
;  go    (Mate      Wm.     Greenhill 

'  llastinns    .     .      60   200    1     "      ''as.  i.-rawiom  i_ai- 

i  .„    (Lieut.     Fred.     Whitefonl 

•  •                   ri    nfin  '(    „      Rundle  Burges  Wat-      Skylark,  g.  b.  . 

4     60    1             Pyrn.s 

>l   3bO    |    '         son,  C.B. 

l  Snap,  g.  b. 

4     60         „     Chas.  Arth.  \Vise.= 

tEuryalus  .     .      51   400         „      Geo.'liamsay. 
'  Arroaant              47   360    f    "      Hastings  Reg.  Yel- 

'  Starling,  g.  b. 

1              verton.                      .  *  Stork,  g.  b. 

4     60         „      Geo.  Jno.  Malcolm.2 

'Amphion    .     .      36   300         „      Astley  Cooper  Key.       Stringer,  g.  b.  . 

..      60 

i  Cossack.     .     .      20  :250 

,,      Edw.  Gennys  Fau- 
shawe. 

i  Thistle,  g.  b.  . 
l  Weazel,  f.  b.  . 

4     60         ,,      David  Spain.  2 
..60         „      Kobt.  Geo.  Craigie.'- 

Pulades                 21   350    /     ••      Edward  Clayton  T.     1  Lark,  g.  h.      . 
D'Eyncourt.             '  1  Rocket,  m.  v.  . 

4     60         „     Mark  Robt.  Pechell  .-' 
60     Boats.  Jno.  Thorns.2 

Esk  ....     21   250         ,,      Thos.  Fras.  Birch.     1  '  Pickle,  m.  v.  . 

..      60     Act.-Boats.  Rich.  Jones.2 

Thrtar  ...      20   250 

„      Hugh  Dnnlop.             >  Mastiff,  m.  v.  . 

..      60     Act.-Gnnner  Rich.  Powell.: 

Archer  ...      13    202 

„      Eiim.  Heathcote.        :  i  Drake,  m.  v.  . 

40              ,,          Jno.  I)ew.2 

iMagmenne,      j    1(.    4QO 

„      Nicholas  Vansittart.    j  ^a™^''InI1'TV' 

.  .      60     Act.-Boats.  Chas.  Ford.2 
.  .      60             „           Rich.  Broad.: 

itfrason,  padd.       6   560    f    "        Wm'  rf     Houston    1  /-orpoise  m.  v. 
1              Stewart.                     i  Redbreast,        i 

..60            „         Charles  Haydon.: 
.  .      60     Act.-Gunner  G.  Taylor.: 

Rulldog,  padd.       6   500    /Com.  Alex.  Crombie  Oor-  :       m.  v..     .     .  l 
non.                            '  *  irrappler,          | 

,„    fAct.-Boats.    Thos.    Haw- 

i  Vulture,  padd.       6  470   {CaP*'  *%£„£*•  IIastmK8 

m   v  .     .       t 

••      60    I             kins.2 
..       60 

l  Growler,  m.  v. 

t            "Win    Jno     Caven- 

Centaur,  padd.       6   540 

(              dish  Clifford. 

i  Hinbad,  m.  v.  . 

.  .  1  .  .      Act.-Gunner  Hy.  Wallace.2 

(lorgon,  padd.  .  1    6   320 

fCom.  Rich.  Borough  Craw-      Lively,  m.  v.  . 
\             ford.                          i  i  Belleisle,  trp.  s. 

.  .     6n     Boats.  Clias.  Blofield.2 
Com.  Jas.  Hosken. 

'  Merlin,  padd.  .       6312 

Capt.  Bar.  Jas.  Sulivan.        i  jKolus,  st.  8.    . 

i  Geyser,  padd.  .       6   280 

Com.  Roderick  Dew.               Perseverance,    ] 

l  Lightning,         \          ' 

Lieut.  James  Carter  Camp-         trp.  8.      .     .  J 

..    360 

padd.  .     .     .  / 

bell 

ft    (Mast.     Rich.     Cossantine 

firefly,  padd.  .       4   220 

Capt.  Hy.  Chas.  Otter.                 lmn°<  PadlL 

••  i140    i              71yer. 

1  Present  at  Sweaborg. 

2  These  officers  commanded  at  the  bombardment  of  Sweaborg.     Jn  some  cases  there  were  changes  before  or 
.utter  that  time. 

Brest  on  April  26th,  but  did  not  effect  its  junction  with  the  British 
until  the  early  part  of  June.1  Ere  that  time,  the  coast  of  Courlaiid 
had  been  formally  blockaded,  and  several  small  operations  had  been 
•carried  out  in  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  where  numerous  vessels  belonging 

1  Chevalier,  273. 


1855.]  ACTIVITY  IN    THE  BALTIC.  479 

to  the  enemy  were  destroyed.  On  May  10th,  the  fleet  made  rendez- 
vous off  Nargen  Island  ;  on  the  following  day  the  Admirals,  in  the 
Merlin,  reconnoitred  Eeval;  and  on  May  12th,  in  the  same  vessel, 
escorted  by  the  Euryalus  arid  Cossack,  they  reconnoitred  Sweaborg. 
Both  Eeval  and  Sweahorg  were  observed  to  have  been  greatly 
strengthened  since  the  autumn  of  1854.  At  the  latter  place,  about 
sixty  fresh  guns  had  been  mounted  in  seven  new  earthworks ;  and  in 
port  were  seen  four  ships  of  the  line,  three  of  which  were  dismantled, 
together  with  a  frigate  and  two  small  steamers.  Eeval  offered  few 
inducements  for  attack.  Any  large  operations  against  Cronstadt 
were  ultimately  felt  to  be  out  of  the  question  in  the  absence  of  the 
armoured  batteries.  There  remained  only  Sweaborg  among  im- 
portant places  which  it  might  be  both  possible  and  worth  while  to 
reduce.  Even  Sweaborg,  after  Dundas  had  looked  at  it,  narrowly 
escaped  being  set  aside  as  a  fortress  too  strong  to  be  attempted  by 
the  fleets.  Sulivan,  however,  steadfastly  declared  that  it  might  be 
reduced  with  the  aid  of  the  gun  and  mortar  boats. 

"  Uundas,  though  very  anxious  to  do  all  that  was  possible,  felt  much  doubt  about 
succeeding  in  this  latter  plan ;  and  much  influence  was  used  in  an  important  quarter  in 
the  fleet  to  convince  him  that  it  could  not  succeed,  and  that  the  small  mortar-vessels 
could  not  safely  lie  at  anchor  under  the  fire  of  such  a  strong  place.  .  .  .  Whilst 
waiting  at  Nargen  for  the  arrival  of  the  mortar-vessels,  it  seemed  probable  that  the 
attempt  would  be  given  up,  and  some  minor  points  on  the  coast  attacked  instead.  On 
one  visit  to  the  flagship,  Sulivan  was  told  by  the  Admiral  that  he  had  decided  not  to 
attempt  it ;  and  it  was  only  after  using  every  argument  to  combat  the  adverse  view, 
and  pressing  his  opinion  also  on  the  French  Admiral,  who  generally  supported  him, 
that  Sulivan  got  Admiral  Dundas  to  alter  his  decision  and  make  xip  his  mind  to  carry 
out  the  plan  ;  but  he  made  this  condition — that  Sulivan  should  agree  to  place  the 
mortar-vessels  3300  yards  from  the  fortress,  instead  of  3000,  as  proposed  by  him.  It 
was  only  after  the  mortar-vessels  had  arrived,  and  he  had  consulted  Captain  Wemyss,1 
of  the  Marine  Artillery,  who  thought  that,  even  at  that  distance,  the  mortars  would  be 
able  to  cover  all  the  fortress,  that  Sulivan  yielded  the  point." 2 

Thus,  the  only  considerable  purely  naval  operation  of  the  second 
campaign  in  the  Baltic  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  never 
undertaken  but  for  the  advocacy  of  Captain  Bartholomew  James 
Sulivan.  But  it  was  not  undertaken  until  comparatively  late  in  the 
season  ;  and  ere  that  many  things  happened. 

Long  before  the  fleets  in  the  Baltic  had  reached  anything  like 
their  intended  strength,  srnall-pox  broke  out  in  some  of  the  ships ; 
and  on  May  16th,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  had  to  leave  Nargen  for 

1  Capt.    John    Maurice    Wemywt,    K.M.A.,    Maj.    in    Army,    Nov.    2nd,    1855, 
C.B.  Jan.  2nd,  1857. 

2  Sulivan,  274. 


480       MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,   1816-185G. 

Faro  Sound,  on  the  Swedish  coast,  in  order  to  land  her  sick.  To 
guard  against  any  sudden  dash  on  the  part  of  the  Russians  at 
Cronstadt,  during  the  absence  of  the  flagship,  the  Euryalus,  Merlin, 
and  Magicienne,  under  the  Captains  named  in  the  table  on  p.  478, 
were  detached  to  cruise  well  to  the  eastward  until  the  19th.  They 
were  not  interfered  with.  Indeed,  the  Russians  never  attempted  to 
utilise  their  ships  as  fighting  machines  during  the  whole  of  the 
war.  On  May  26th,  boats  from  the  Cossack,  20,  Captain  Edward 
Gennys  Fanshawe,  and  EsJc,  21,  Captain  Thomas  Francis  Birch, 
took  and  destroyed  some  vessels  off  Hango  Head,  and  met  with 
little  opposition,  even  from  the  shore.  On  the  same  day,  the  fleet 
moved  up  the  Gulf  of  Finland ;  and  on  the  27th,  the  Merlin  and 
Magicienne  were  detached  to  look  into  Viborg  Bay  and  Bjorko 
Sound.  Off  Biskops  Island,  several  small  craft  were  taken,  and  the 
Magicienne  captured  two  fine  transport  galliots  from  their  convoy,  a 
steamer,  which  cast  them  off  and  abandoned  them  on  the  approach 
of  Captain  Vansittart.  The  Orion,  91,  Captain  John  Elphinstone 
Erskine,  simultaneously  reconnoitred  Cronstadt ;  and  though  she 
lay  throughout  the  night  of  the  27th  within  sight  of  about  eight 
Russian  steamships — four  being  very  heavily  armed  ones — she  was 
not  attacked.  A  more  extensive  reconnaissance  was  made  on 
May  31st  by  the  fleet,  headed  by  the  Euryalus,  Merlin,  and 
Amphion.  Admirals  Dundas  and  Seymour,  upon  closing,  went  on 
board  the  Merlin,  and,  proceeding,  anchored  off  the  lighthouse, 
where  they  landed,  and  whence  they  obtained  a  fine  view.  In  spite 
of  the  fear  of  infernal  machines,  or  stationary  torpedoes,  the  recon- 
naissance was  renewed  on  June  1st,  and  pushed  well  round  to  the 
north-east  side  of  Cronstadt.1  The  Merlin  narrowly  escaped 
grounding,  and  was  for  some  time  in  difficulties  within  range  of 
about  twenty  guns,  but  was  not  fired  at.  Upon  rejoining  the  fleet, 
the  Admirals  found  that  the  .French  division,  under  Rear-Admiral 
Penaud,  had  just  arrived.  Another  reconnaissance  was  made  on 
June  2nd,  and  numerous  soundings  were  taken ;  but  the  more 
Cronstadt  was  looked  at,  the  less  it  was  liked. 

In  the  meantime  the  Cossack,  which  had  visited  the  fleet  off 
Nargen,  had  returned  to  Hango  Head,  with  the  object  of  landing 
three  prisoners  who  had  been  taken  in  the  neighbourhood  in  the 
affair  of  May  26th,  and  four  other  prisoners  who  had  been  captured 
elsewhere.  She  arrived  off  Hango  in  the  morning  of  June  5th,  and, 

3  See  plan  on  p.  483. 


1855.]  THE  "MASSAUJ1E"   AT -HANGO   HEAD.  481 

at  11  A.M.,  sent  in  a  boat  with  a  flag  of  truce,  under  Lieutenant 
Louis  Geneste,  with  orders  to  land  the  prisoners,  to  allow  none  of 
the  ship's  people  to  straggle  from  the  boat,  and  to  return  without 
delay.  Strangely  enough,  however,  three  officers'  stewards  were 
allowed  to  go  ashore.  To  give  them  this  permission  implied,  of 
course,  that  they  might  venture  at  least  so  far  from  the  boat  as 
to  obtain  supplies  from  any  natives  who  might  be  willing  to  sell 
them.  Surgeon  Kobert  Tulloh  Easton  also  accompanied  the  party. 
Upon  reaching  the  beach,  the  boat  was  screened  from  the  ship  by 
some  intervening  islands.  At  4.30  P.M.,  the  boat  not  having 
returned,  Captain  Fanshawe  sent  in  the  first  Lieutenant,  John 
Bousquet  Field,  in  the  gig,  with  another  flag  of  truce ;  and,  as 
neither  craft  had  come  back  at  the  close  of  the  day,  the  Cossack 
and  Esk  were  anchored  in  the  inner  road.  At  about  8.30  P.M.  the 
gig  reappeared,  reporting  that  after  a  long  search  she  had  found  the 
cutter,  hauled  within  a  small  jetty,  and  that  in  her  were  the  bodies 
of  four  of  her  people,  Edward  Thompson,  leading  seaman,  William 
Linn,  Captain's  steward,  Benjamin  Smith,  able  seaman,  and  James 
Cornwell,  ordinary  seaman.  Captain  Fanshawe  ordered  that  the 
ships  should  weigh  at  2.30  A.M.  on  the  6th,  take  up  positions  for 
covering  the  village  and  telegraph-station,  and  send  in  a  demand 
for  the  return  of  the  cutter  and  the  missing  officers  and  men. 
Before,  however,  the  ships  could  weigh,  the  cutter  was  seen  to  be 
coming  out,  in  charge  of  one  dangerously  wounded  man,  who,  upon 
being  brought  on  board,  reported  that,  having  reached  the  jetty, 
Geneste,  Easton,  Master's-Assistant  Charles  Sullivan,  and  the 
prisoners,  had  stepped  ashore  and  advanced,  Geneste  waving  the 
flag  of  truce.1  Immediately  afterwards  a  body  of  Eussian  soldiers, 
headed  by  an  officer  who  spoke  English,  had  appeared,  and,  after 
a  brief  and  angry  parley,  had  opened  fire.  No  resistance  had  been 
made,  and,  according  to  the  survivor,  all  his  companions  had  been 
killed.  It  subsequently  turned  out,  however,  that  only  seven 
people  had  been  killed,  and  that  the  rest,  including  Geneste, 
Sullivan,  and  Easton,  had  been  taken  prisoners,  some  in  a  wounded 
condition.  Captain  Fanshawe  thereupon  opened  fire  at  600  yards 
upon  the  place,  and  continued  until  a  thick  fog  obliged  him  to  cease 
and  haul  off.2 

This  affair  made  a  great  noise  :  but  it  is  only  right  to  recall  that, 

1  Geneste  reported  that  it  was  carried  by  one  of  the  stewards. 

2  Disp.  of  Fanshawe,  June  6th  ;  Report  of  Geneste,  July  8th. 
VOL.   VI.  2   I 


482      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

on  the  Eussiau  side,  it  was  declared,  firstly,  that  no  flag  of  truce  was 
seen,  and  secondly,  that,  even  supposing  that  the  boat  landed  and 
the  party  advanced  under  such  a  flag,  the  whole  proceeding  was 
irregularly  conducted,  and  likely,  therefore,  to  lead  to  such  a  catas- 
trophe as  actually  occurred.  The  Cossack  herself  should  have 
displayed  a  white  flag  during  the  absence  of  her  cutter;  and  she 
ran  some  risk  in  sending  in  a  boat  at  all,  so  long  as  she  did  not 
know  that  the  Eussians  at  Hango  were  willing  to  receive  a  flag  of 
truce  there.  It  is  conceivable  that  it  might  be  inconvenient  and 
even  dangerous  to  a  defending  force  to  allow  a  boat,  under  any 
pretext  whatsoever,  to  approach  a  given  position.  Apart  from  all 
such  questions,  it  may  be  asked  :  what  were  the  stewards  doing 
in  the  boat,  and  why  were  arms  and  the  arms'  chest  taken  with  the 
party  ?  Neither  foragers  nor  muskets  should  have  been  sent  in  in 
such  circumstances.  It  was  at  last  arranged  between  the  belli- 
gerents that  in  future  the  Eussians  should  receive  flags  of  truce 
only  at  Cronstadt,  Sweaborg,  Eeval,  Libau,  Windau,  Tornea, 
and  Wasa ;  and  it  was  understood  on  both  sides  that  vessels 
desiring  to  communicate  must  hoist  a  white  flag  of  large  dimen- 
sions, cast  anchor  beyond  long  range,  and  wait  until  a  boat  from 
the  other  side  should  visit  them  to  receive  the  message.  It  was 
further  accepted,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  no  attempts  to  obtain 
information  or  supplies  under  a  flag  of  truce  ought  to  be  made  in 
any  circumstances.  More  than  one  British  Captain  of  the  time 
appears,  unfortunately,  though,  no  doubt,  unintentionally,  to  have 
been  far  too  careless  of  the  impressions  which  his  methods  of  pro- 
cedure were  likely  to  make  upon  a  wary  and  suspicious  enemy.1 
The  business,  though  in  many  respects  most  regrettable,  had  the 
good  effect  of  rendering  Captain  Fanshawe  and  other  commanders 
more  punctilious. 

On  June  6th  and  7th,  the  Magicienne,  16,  paddle,  Captain 
Nicholas  Vansittart,  destroyed  a  couple  of  galliots,  and  dispersed 
some  small  bodies  of  troops  in  Kansiala  Bay  and  Eavensair  Inlet, 
and  at  Kiskulla. 

On  June  9th,  a  little  accident  which  might  easily  have  had  far- 
reaching  results  happened.  Eear-Admiral  Penaud,  and  a  number 
of  other  officers,  desiring  to  make  as  near  a  survey  as  possible  of  the 
defences  on  the  north  and  north-east  sides  of  Cronstadt,  went  on 
board  the  Merlin,  6,  paddle,  which,  attended  by  the  Firefly,  4, 
Corr.  of  Prince  Dolgorouki  and  Genl.  de  Berg  with  Dundas  :  Sulivan,  299. 


1855.] 


INFERNAL   MACHINES    OFF   CRONSTADT. 


483 


paddle,  Dragon,  6,  paddle,  and  French  corvette  d'Assas,  proceeded 
rather  further  than  she  had  gone  on  any  previous  reconnaissance. 
She  was  fired  at  by  a  distant  Kussiaii  gunboat,  which  probably 
desired  to  tempt  her  to  approach  still  closer  in  that  direction.  She 
turned  off,  however,  and  was  leisurely  steaming  at  about  two  and 
a  half  miles  from  the  island,  the  Firefly  following  her,  and  the 
Dragon  and  d'Assas  keeping  further  out,  when  she  exploded  a  small 
infernal  machine,  or  torpedo.  She  was  not  damaged ;  but  she  was 


•:fj 

'    V.. -e 

I       •'••f..-' 


a.  ',:<•:,  li(t,tt  Harbour 

b.  Middle  Harbour 

'c.  Man  of  War  Harbour 
d.  Ft.Henschikoti 
44  Guns.  4  Tier. 


,"-"'••- /'•"&• •"-•*..- if**.       A 

';-,. - -. A  , £0£  "•--... 

•••/../ \   ;;; -•      ^    *..... 


*'•-.«:   .5 


..  Note.  r/i«  t/ac*  marts 
•'  in  the  water  tothe  north 

Forts  commenced  by  the 
Russians  in  1856  to  protect 
Cronstadt  from  this  side, 

Scale  of  Yards 

OOO      '     O  1OOO        20OO        jOOO 


CRONSTADT,    1855. 

(From  'fife  ami  Letters  of  Sir  If.  J.  flullran,'  l>n  kind  permission  of  Mr.  John  Ntirraii.\ 

stopped,  and  then  went  astern  a  little ;  whereupon  she  struck  a 
second  torpedo,  which  exploded  just  before  her  starboard  paddle-box, 
and  shook  her  very  severely.  The  Firefly,  which,  already  warned 
off,  had  hauled  a  cable's  length  inside  the  Merlin,  exploded  a  third 
machine  under  her  bow.  In  the  Merlin,  mess-traps,  lockers,  plates, 
cups,  glasses  and  bottles  were  smashed  by  the  second  blow,  two 
girders  were  bent  or  broken,  and  some  copper  was  torn  away  ;  but 
the  vessel's  complete  efficiency  was  in  no  wise  impaired.  The 
torpedoes  which  were  thus  encountered  were,  no  doubt,  of  a  type 

2  i  2 


484      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1810-1856. 

the  invention  of  one  Jacobi.  Each  consisted  of  a  cone-shaped  zinc 
vessel,  generally  about  2  feet  deep,  and  15  inches  broad,  moored 
base  upwards.  At  the  bottom  was  a  charge  of  gunpowder.  In  the 
broader  end  were  an  air-chamber  and  the  firing  apparatus.  This 
last  was  a  simple  device  whereby,  upon  anything  impinging  strongly 
ugainst  the  periphery  of  the  upturned  base  of  the  cone,  a  glass  tube, 
containing  acid,  was  broken  in  such  manner  as  to  ignite  a  primer 
placed  below  it  and  communicating  with  the  main  charge.1  The 
machine  worked  fairly  well ;  but  it  was  usually  far  too  small  to  be 
really  dangerous  to  large  ships.  Several  specimens  which  were 
crept  for  and  brought  to  the  surface  were  found  to  contain  as 
little  as  eight  pounds  of  powder.  None  seem  to  have  held  more 
than  thirty-five  pounds  of  it.  Why  very  much  larger  machines 
of  the  same  class  were  not  employed  in  considerable  numbers  is 
a  question  which  has  never  been  satisfactorily  answered.  The 
Vulture,  6,  paddle,  was  struck  by  another  torpedo  on  June  20th ; 
and  on  the  following  day,  in  consequence,  the  ships  then  before 
Cronstadt  began  sweeping  and  creeping  for  the  machines  with  such 
good  results  that,  within  seventy-two  hours,  as  many  as  thirty- 
three  of  the  torpedoes  were  fished  up.  It  is  astonishing  that  the 
work  was  done  without  great  loss  of  life ;  for  extreme  carelessness 
was  often  displayed  in  the  handling  of  these  dangerous  obstructions. 
Eear- Admiral  Seymour,  and  Captain  William  King  Hall,  having 
found  one,  hauled  it  into  their  gig,  and  began  to  play  with  it.  They 
took  it  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  again  played  with  it ;  and 
finally,  carrying  it  on  board  the  Exmouth,  they  played  with  it  on 
the  quarter-deck  once  more*  until  it  exploded,  knocking  down  every- 
one near,  and  wounding  about  half-a-dozen  people,  including 
Seymour,  Captain  Charles  Louis,  E.M.,  and  Flag-Lieutenant 
Richard  Bulkeley  Pearse.  The  Russians,  who  knew  better  what 
they  were  about,  and  were  more  careful,  were  less  fortunate ;  for 
a  torpedo,  exploding  in  one  of  their  boats,  killed  seventeen  men. 
Rear-Admiral  Dundas  himself  nearly  lost  his  sight  through  unwise 
trifling  with  the  firing  apparatus  of  an  empty  infernal  machine.2 

The  repeated  reconnaissances  of  Cronstadt  had  by  that  time 
showed  that  the  place,  in  which  lay  about  twenty-three  sail  of  the 
line,  besides  numerous  frigates,  corvettes,  and  steamers,  and  very 
many  gunboats,  was  too  strong  to  be  successfully  attacked  by  the 

1  One  of  these  machines  is  in  the  museum  of  H.M.S.  Excellent,  at  Portsmouth. 
-  Sulivan,  301-304. 


1855.]  SAIDS  IN   THE  BALTIC.  485 

then  available  forces  of  the  naval  corumanders-in-chief,  who  had  not 
enough  light-draught  gun  and  mortar-vessels,  who  had  no  armoured 
batteries  at  all,  and  who  could  not  bring  their  big  ships  within 
effective  gunshot  of  the  enemy.  Pending,  therefore,  the  arrival  of 
more  force,  and  of  a  decision  as  to  the  point  against  which  the 
whole  should  be  directed,  numerous  small  expeditions  were  des- 
patched against  comparatively  unimportant  places.  On  June  14th, 
the  Basilisk,  6,  paddle,  Commander  Stephen  Smith  Lowther  Crofton, 
appeared  in  Siela  Sound,  between  Dago  and  Osel,  and  destroyed  ten 
boats  laden  with  grain.  On  June  16th,  the  Exmouth,  bearing  the 
flag  of  Rear-Admiral  Seymour,  with  the  Blenheim,  Pincher,  and 
Snap,  parted  company  in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Narva.  On  the  17th,  they  had  a  slight  brush  with  the 
Russian  batteries;  and  on  the  18th,  desiring  to  cut  out  some  coasters 
which  were  seen  in  shore,  Seymour  temporarily  transferred  his  flag 
to  the  Snap,  and,  followed  by  the  Blenheim  and  Pincher,  stood  close 
in.  He  unexpectedly  came  within  sight  of  a  14-gun  sand  battery, 
upon  which  he  opened  at  about  1200  yards.  A  brisk  engage- 
ment followed ;  but  although  the  enemy  suffered  some  loss  and 
had  a  gun  disabled,  no  material  result  was  attained.  The  division 
rejoined  the  fleet,  which  was  then  off  Nargen,  on  the  19th, 
and  with  it  proceeded  to  Seskar,  and  so  to  nearly  its  old  position 
off  Cronstadt,  the  larger  part  anchoring  about  five  miles  north  of 
the  fortress,  and  a  few  vessels,  in  mid-channel,  between  the  light- 
house and  the  mainland.  There  was  no  longer  a  question  of 
attacking  Cronstadt.  It  was  only  desired  to  observe,  and  to 
"contain"  it;  but  more  than  once,  in  the  next  few  weeks,  while 
schemes  for  reducing  Sweaborg  were  being  matured,  shots  were 
exchanged  with  the  forts  and  batteries. 

On  June  20th,  the  Arrogant,  Magicienne,  and  Ruby  destroyed  a 
fort  at  Rotchensalm  in  the  Gulf  of  Finland ; 1  and,  on  the  same  day, 
the  boats  of  the  Conflict  and  Desperate  destroyed  five  coasting  sloops 
off  Pernau,  at  the  north  point  of  the  Gulf  of  Riga.  Two  days  later, 
the  Amphion  had  a  slight  engagement  with  batteries  at  Sandhamn, 
Storholm,  and  Ertholm.  A  more  important  ssrvice  was  performed 
by  Commander  Henry  Alexander  Story,  of  the  Harrier,  17,  which 
formed  one  of  Captain  Frederick  Warden's  division,  employed  in 
the  Gulf  of  Bothnia.  The  navigation  up  to  the  town  of  Nystad 
having  been  previously  made  familiar  to  him  by  Captain  Henry 
1  A  blockade  of  the  coast  of  Finland  had  been  declared  on  June  15th. 


486      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

Charles  Otter,  of  the  Firefly,  Story,  on  June  23rd  and  24th,  destroyed 
no  fewer  than  47  sail,  or  about  20,000  tons,  of  the  enemy's  shipping 
in  that  neighbourhood,  after  having  worked  continuously  in  his 
boats  for  twenty-two  hours.  He  specially  mentioned  in  his  dispatch1 
the  assistance  which  he  had  received  from  Lieutenant  William 
Henry  Annesley.  On  June  27th,  the  Firefly,  4,  paddle,  Captain 
Henry  Charles  Otter,  and  Driver,  6,  paddle,  Commander  Alan  Henry 
Gardner,  of  the  same  division,  destroyed  two  masked  but  unarmed 
batteries  at  Christenestad ; 2  and  on  June  30th,  in  Werolax  Bay,  in 
the  Gulf  of  Finland,  the  Ruby,  gunboat,  Lieutenant  Henry  George 
Hale,  and  boats  of  the  Magicienne,  16,  paddle,  Captain  Nicholas 
Vansittart,  burnt  or  scuttled  twenty-nine  vessels. 

On  July  2nd,  the  Driver,  Commander  Alan  Henry  Gardner,  with 
the  Harrier,  Commander  Henry  Alexander  Story,  appeared  off 
Eaumo,  in  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  and  summoned  the  town.  The 
burgomaster  pulled  out  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and,  having  agreed 
to  give  up  such  vessels  as  lay  in  port,  recommended  Gardner  to  pull 
up  to  the  head  of  the  bay,  where  he  would  find  the  sails  belonging 
to  the  craft  in  question.  The  man  then  went  back.  As  the  vessels 
could  not  be  well  taken  out  while  a  flag  of  truce  was  flying,  Gardner 
hauled  his  down,  and  sent  in  his  boats,  understanding  that  he  was 
to  receive  the  vessels  and  spare  the  town ;  but,  owing  either  to 
misapprehension  or  to  treachery,  the  boats  were  greeted  with  a  cross 
fire,  and  had  to  retreat  with  a  loss  of  two  men  killed  or  mortally 
wounded,  and  three  others  severely  hurt.  The  Driver  covered  the 
retirement,  and  then  threw  shot,  shell,  and  24-pr.  rockets  into  the 
town  for  about  an  hour  and  a  half,  but,  strange  to  say,  failed  to  set 
it  on  fire,  though  it  was  built  of  wood.3 

At  about  that  time  it  was  rumoured  that  the  enemy  was 
strengthening  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Lovisa,  some  miles  to  the 
eastward  of  Helsingfors  and  Sweaborg.  Thither  accordingly  went 
Captain  Hastings  Eeginald  Yelverton  in  the  Arrogant,  47,  screw, 
with  the  Magicienne  and  Ruby.  On  July  4th,  he  anchored  his 
vessels  close  under  Fort  Swartholm,  which  he  found  to  be  a 
modernised  work  capable  of  mounting  122  guns,  and  having  case- 
mated  barracks  for  1000  men.  Guns,  stores,  and  ammunition 
had,  however,  been  removed  by  the  Russians,  who  had  received 

1  Story  to  Warden,  June  24th. 

2  Notes  (by  Otter),  in  Naut.  Mag.,  1855,  465. 

3  Notes  (by  Otter),  in  Naut.  May.,  1855,  470. 


1855.]  GALLANTRY   OF  1XGOUEVILLE  AND   DO  WELL.  487 

intelligence   of    the    British    approach.      The    fort    and    barracks 
were  destroyed.     On  July  5th,  Yelverton,  in  the  Ruby,  reconnoitred 
the  town  of  Lovisa,  and,  with  musketry  and  rocket  fire,  dispersed 
a  body  of  Cossacks.     Landing,  he  burnt  the  government  stores  and 
barracks  in  the  place,  but  spared  the  town,  which,  nevertheless, 
caught  fire   accidentally  during  the  following  night,  and   was,  un- 
fortunately, reduced  to  ashes.1     Yelverton  went  thence  to  Kounda 
Bay,  where  he  dislodged  some  more  Cossacks ;  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Portsoiki,  where  he  destroyed  buildings  and  drove  off  a  few 
troops ;  and  to  Transsund,  off  the  town  of  Viborg,  where  he  arrived 
on  July  13th.     In  the  sound  he  encountered,  chased,  and  exchanged 
shots  with   a    Russian   man-of-war   steamer.     Pushing   on   in   the 
Ruby,  with  the  boats  of  the  Arrogant  and  Magicienne,  he  sighted 
another  steamer  and  three  gunboats,  but  was  suddenly  brought  up 
by  a  sunken  obstruction,  and,  while  examining  it,  was  opened  fire 
upon   from  a  masked  battery  only  about  three  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  from  him.     After  a  short  period  of   natural   confusion,  the 
boats  pulled  steadily  up  to  the  earthwork,  and  maintained  a  spirited 
engagement  with  it  for  upwards  of  an  hour,  but  could  effect  nothing, 
as   the   enemy,  reinforced   by   his   steamers  and   gunboats,  was  in 
greatly  superior  force ;  and  at  length  the  British  had  to  retire  to 
the  ships.     While  the  boats  were  still  under  fire  an  explosion  took 
place   in   the    Arrogant' s    second    cutter,    killing    Mr.    Story,   the 
Midshipman  in  charge  of  her,  and  half  swamping  the  boat,  which 
drifted  under  the  battery.     All  remaining  in  her  would  probably 
have  been  killed  or  taken,  had  not  George  Ingoueville,  one  of  her 
crew,  though  wounded,  jumped  overboard,  with  the  painter  in  his 
hand,  and  towed  her  off.     Her  condition  was  then  seen  from  the 
Ruby,  whereupon  Lieutenant  George  Dare  Dowell,  K.M.A.,  of  the 
Magicienne,  who  happened  to  be  on  board,  calling  for  volunteers, 
jumped   into   the    Ruby's    gig,   was  joined   by   Lieutenant   Henry 
Vachell  Haggard,2  first  of  the  Arrogant,  and  two  men,  and  pulled 
off  under  an  increasingly  hot  fire  to  the  rescue.     The  gallant  little 
party  saved  the  boat  and  her  crew ;  but  the  whole  affair  cost  the 
loss  of  two  killed  and  ten  wounded.3     Ingoueville,  and  Lieutenant 
Dowell  received  the  Victoria  Cross  for  their  bravery  and  initiative. 
While    Captain    Yelverton   was    engaged    in   these   affairs,   the 

1  Yelverton  to  Dundas,  July  8th  ;  Dundas  to  Admlty.,  reed.  July  16th :  Sulivan,  311. 
-  Promtd.  Com.  July  24th,  1855,  for  this  service. 
3  Yelverton  to  Dundas. 


488      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

Lightning,  3,  paddle,  off  Bogskarin  Beacon,  and  the  Basilisk,  6, 
paddle,  in  Siele  Sound,  injured  the  enemy  by  destroying  a  number 
of  salt  boats.  On  July  17th,  the  Basilisk,  in  company  with  the 
Desperate,  8,  Commander  Eichard  Dunning  White,  had  a  smart 
brush  with  batteries  and  gunboats  in  the  Gulf  of  Eiga. 

On  July  19th,  there  began  an  important  series  of  reconnais- 
sances. Admirals  Dundas  and  Penaud  went  on  board  the  Merlin,  6, 
paddle,  Captain  Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,  and,  attended  by  the 
Amphion,  Dragon,  a  gunboat,  and  a  small  French  screw  steamer, 
looked  into  Helsingfors  and  Sweaborg. 

"  The  enemy,"  says  Sulivan,1  "  were  in  the  act  of  sinking  a  two-decker  to  block 
the  western  passage,  one  having  been  sunk  within  a  few  days  in  the  same  passage. 
In  turning  to  come  out  in  one  place,  the  French  screw  astern  of  us  exploded  two 
'  infernals,'  but  nearly  twenty  yards  from  her.  Probably  they  were  exploded  by  wires 
from  the  shore.  .  .  .  The  next  day  we  went  into  Reval,  and  had  a  close  look  at  all 
the  batteries.  .  .  .  The  same  evening  I  was  off  with  two  gunboats  to  examine  all  the 
shores  inside  the  large  islands  of  Dago  and  Osel.  .  .  .  The  next  day,  Saturday,  we 
reached  the  sound  inside  Wormso  Island,  and  I  tried  to  go  to  Hapsal.  ...  It  was  too 
shallow  about  five  miles  off  for  Merlin  to  pass.  .  .  .  But  ...  I  got  both  gunboats 
(drawing  seven  feet)  through.  .  .  .  There  were  no  vessels  and  no  defences.  .  .  ." 

On  July  23rd,  24th,  and  25th,  the  expedition  examined  the 
coasts  of  Dago  and  Osel,  and  then  returned  to  the  rendezvous  off 
Nargen,  calling  on  the  way  at  Odensholm.  Penaud  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  Helsingfors,  and  not  Sweaborg,  its  guardian  fortress, 
ought  to  be  attacked.  Sulivan  induced  Dundas  to  advocate  the 
attack  on  Sweaborg;  and,  in  consequence,  on  July  31st,  the  Merlin 
was  detached  from  the  fleet  to  examine  the  place  more  minutely, 
and  to  buoy  the  approaches  to  it. 

In  the  meantime,  Yelverton,  with  his  division,  then  consisting 
of  the  Cossack,  20,  Captain  Edward  Geunys  Fanshawe,  as  well  as 
of  the  Arrogant,  Magicienne,  and  Ruby,  as  before,  appeared  on 
July  21st  before  the  recently  constructed  batteries  of  Frederiks- 
hamn,  on  the  Finland  coast,  nearly  midway  between  Viborg  and 
Helsingfors.  The  British  opened  fire  a  little  before  10  A.M.,  and 
for  an  hour  and  a  half  there  was  a  brisk  engagement.  The  enemy, 
however,  having  suffered  heavily,  eventually  abandoned  his  guns, 
some  of  which  had  been  dismounted.  The  loss  on  the  attacking 
side  was  only  three  men  wounded,  though  the  ships  were  several 
times  struck.  Part  of  the  town  was  unintentionally  burnt,  and 
the  fort  was  much  knocked  about ;  but,  having  no  troops  with 
him,  and  there  being  a  strong  body  of  Eussian  troops  in  the 

1  Sulivan,  307. 


1855.]  CAPTURE   OF  KOTKA.  489 

immediate  neighbourhood,  Yelverton  did  not  attempt  a  landing, 
and  presently  withdrew.  He  then  reported  that  it  was  desirable 
that  the  island  of  Kotka,  where,  a  month  earlier,  he  had  destroyed 
;i  work,  should  be  again  examined,  as  the  enemy  was  active  there. 
Dundas,  therefore,  reinforced  him  with  the  mortar-vessels  Prompt, 
Pickle,  Rocket,  and  Blazer,  and  with  four  gunboats,  the  latter 
from  the  division  of  Bear-Admiral  Baynes,  who  lay  off  Cronstadt, 
and  the  former  from  the  fleet  off  Nargeii.  These  joined  the 
Arrogant  on  July  26th,  off  Hogland,  and  at  2  P.M.  the  squadron 
anchored  off  Fort  Rotchenholrn. 

"  As,"  says  Yelverton,1  "the  safety  of  our  expedition  rested  chiefly  on  our  investing, 
and  holding  the  entire  possession  of,  the  fortified  island  of  Kotka,  I  determined  upon 
taking  it  at  once.  Accordingly,  I  anchored  the  mortar-vessels  out  of  range,  and,  leaving 
two  gunboats  to  look  after  them,  I  proceeded  with  the  rest  of  the  vessels  to  the  west- 
ward of  Kotka,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  bridge,  so  as  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of 
the  garrison,  and  prevent  their  receiving  reinforcements  from  the  mainland.  Captain 
Vansittart,  of  the  Magicienne,  with  his  accustomed  zeal  and  activity,  threaded  his  way 
at  once  through  the  shoals,  and  destroyed  the  bridge.  As  soon  as  all  the  vessels  had 
anchored,  so  as  to  command  the  great  military  road  leading  from  the  fort  of  Hogfors- 
holm,  and  also  the  channel  dividing  the  island  from  the  main,  I  landed  all  the  Marines, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Samuel  Netterville  Lowder,-  K.M.,  with  Lieutenant 
George  Dare  Dowell,  R.M.A.,  and  Lieutenants  Henry  Colton  Mudge  and  Ponsonby  Ross 
Holmes,  R.M.,  who  took  possession  without  being  opposed,  as  the  garrison  (no  doubt 
apprised  of  our  coming  by  the  telegraphs  along  the  coast)  had  very  recently  evacuated, 
leaving  behind  them  a  large  amount  of  military  stores,  which  have  since  been 
burnt.  .  .  ." 

Three  barracks,  four  stores,  four  magazines,  four  guard-houses 
and  detached  buildings,  six  other  buildings,  and  some  workshops  and 
supplies  were  destroyed,  and  on  the  27th  the  squadron  departed, 
Captain  Fanshawe,  with  the  Cossack,  being  left  in  charge  of  the 
island.  Yelverton,  in  his  dispatch,  specially  mentioned  the  services 
rendered  by  Masters  George  Giles  (Arrogant),  and  George  Alexander 
Macfarlane  (Magicienne),  in  sounding  and  buoying  the  intricate 
channels  on  the  coast.  Indeed,  the  whole  campaign  in  the  Baltic 
was  essentially  a  campaign  of  navigators  and  marine  surveyors,  at 
the  head  of  whom  were  Captains  Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,  and 
Henry  Charles  Otter. 

In  the  Gulf  of  Riga,  on  July  23rd,  Arensburg,  in  the  island  of 
Osel,  was  taken  possession  of  by  a  landing-party  from  the  Archer,  13, 
screw,  Captain  Edmund  Heathcote,  and  Desperate,  8,  Commander 
Eichard  Dunning  White.  On  the  30th,  the  Archer,  with  the 

1  Yelverton  to  Dundas,  July  28th.  The  expedition  alluded  to  was  the  coming 
attack  on  Sweaborg. 


490      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL    XAVY,   1816-1856. 

Conflict,  8,  screw,  dispersed  some  troops,  and  destroyed  some 
public  buildings  at  Windau,  on  the  Courland  coast,  just  outside  the 
limits  of  the  gulf.  And  on  August  6th,  the  Archer  and  Desperate, 
landing  a  detachment  near  Dome  Ness,  destroyed  a  sloop  and 
government  buildings,  and  repulsed  a  body,  of  cavalry. 

In  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  the  smaller  vessels  of  Captain  Warden's 
division  continued  their  activity.  On  July  24th,  the  Harrier,  17, 
screw,  Commander  Henry  Alexander  Story,  and  Cuckoo,  3,  paddle, 
destroyed  part  of  the  town  of  Kaumo,  and  a  quantity  of  shipping. 
The  Firefly,  4,  paddle,  pushed  further  north,  and  on  August  1st 
was  off  Korsoren  beacon.  Getting  out  his  two  paddle-box  boats  and 
his  gig,  Otter  pulled  in  towards  Brandon,  the  seaport  of  Wasa,  cut 
down  a  telegraph  on  a  small  island  in  Korshainn  Fiord,  and  captured 
a  large  barque  laden  with  tar,  returning  early  on  the  following 
morning  to  his  ship.  That  night  he  carried  her  up,  and  anchored 
her  within  four  hundred  yards  of  Brandon,  which  was  then  a  con- 
siderable shipbuilding  centre.  Under  cover  of  the  Firefly's  guns, 
Lieutenant  John  Ward  (4),  with  the  boats,  went  to  examine  the 
magazines  and  storehouses.  Otter  determined  to  burn  them,  but 
agreed  to  await  a  favourable  opportunity,  the  wind  then  blowing 
directly  on  to  the  town,  which  he  had  no  desire  to  damage.  In  the 
course  of  the  day  Lieutenant  Edward  Burstal  *  took  another  prize,  a 
schooner,  and  discovered  two  barques  and  two  brigs  in  a  neigh- 
bouring creek.  In  the  evening,  while  a  working  party  was  trans- 
ferring some  tar  and  deals  to  the  schooner  prize,  a  brisk  musketry 
fire  was  opened  upon  the  party,  and  also  upon  the  Firefly,  and  was 
returned  with  shot  and  shell.  The  schooner  could  not  be  brought 
out,  and  was  abandoned.  A  barque,  however,  was  carried  off, 
thanks  largely  to  the  exertions  of  Second  Master  John  Augustus 
Bull ;  and  the  other  barque  and  the  two  brigs  were  destroyed.  In 
this  affair,  while  the  enemy  had  25  killed  and  many  hurt,  the  total 
British  loss  was  only  2  slightly  wounded.  During  the  continuance 
of  unfavourable  weather,  Cossacks,  with  several  guns,  reinforced 
the  town.  Not  until  the  8th  was  Otter  able  to  attempt  the 
destruction  of  the  magazines  and  storehouses.  He  then  opened 
fire  at  1500  yards,  first  on  a  4-gun  battery,  which  did  not  reply, 
and  then  on  the  buildings,  which,  by  2.30  P.M.,  were  observed  to 
be  burning.  At  about  that  time  Lieutenant  John  Ward  (4) 
volunteered  to  go  in  with  a  paddle-box  boat,  and  attempt  to  cut 
1  Promtd.  Com.  for  this  service,  Sept.  29th,  1855. 


1855.]  PREPARATIONS  AGAINST  SWEABORG.  491 

out  the  abandoned  schooner ;  but,  although  he  made  a  very 
gallant  effort,  he  had  at  length  to  retire  before  overwhelming 
strength,  happily,  however,  without  loss.  At  8  P.M.,  the  conflagra- 
tion ashore  being  obviously  no  longer  in  danger  of  extinction,  Otter 
closed  to  fire  a  few  more  rounds  at  the  still  silent  battery,  and 
then,  since  his  ammunition  was  nearly  expended,  began  to  back 
out.  A  general  and  heavy  fire  was  thereupon  suddenly  directed 
against  him.  His  situation,  in  a  narrow  and  shallow  channel  where 
he  dared  not  turn,  was,  for  more  than  half  an  hour,  extremely 
trying ;  but  at  length  he  drew  slowly  out  of  range.1 

It  has  been  already  said  that,  after  much  discussion.  Admirals 
Dundas  and  Penaud  had  decided  to  attack  the  fortress  of  Sweaborg, 
and  to  spare  the  city  of  Helsingfors.  The  wisdom  of  this  decision 
has  been  often  called  in  question.  Helsingfors,  besides  being  a  very 
wealthy  and  important  place,  challenged  attack,  in  that  it  was 
strongly  fortified.  If  captured,  it  could  not  have  been  occupied, 
seeing  that  the  Allies  had  no  troops  available  for  the  purpose  ;  but,  if 
it  had  been  bombarded  and  destroyed,  its  fate  would  have  been  a 
most  serious  blow  to  the  enemy ;  and  the  discomfort  caused  to  its 
large  population  would,  no  doubt,  have  had  a  salutary  effect  upon 
such  public  opinion  as  then  existed  in  Russia.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  bombardment  of  Sweaborg  affected  neither  the  military  prestige 
of  the  Russian  government  nor  the  pockets  of  influential  Russians  ; 
and,  upon  the  whole,  it  was  a  very  aimless,  if  not  dangerous,  pro- 
ceeding, in  view  of  the  fact  that,  even  had  the  forts  been  entirely 
levelled  with  the  ground,  their  disappearance  would  not  have 
furthered  the  end  to  the  attainment  of  which  Great  Britain  and 
France  had  committed  themselves.  Had  it  been  purposed,  after 
bombarding  Sweaborg,  to  storm,  capture  and  hold  the  works  in 
force  ;  to  use  them  for  operations  against  Helsingfors ;  and  to  use 
Helsingfors  itself  as  a  base  for  a  military  movement  against  Cron- 
stadt  and  St.  Petersburg,  the  attack  would  have  justified  itself. 
There  was,  however,  no  scheme  of  this  kind.  Feeling  in  London 
and  Paris  demanded  that  something  striking  should  be  done  in  the 
Baltic  ;  and  Sweaborg  appeared  to  offer  to  the  Allies  a  magnificent 
target  in  front  of  which  they  might  make  a  noisy  display  for  the 
delectation  of  the  crowd  at  home.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  no  con- 
siderations very  much  sounder  dictated  the  course  which  was  pur- 
sued. The  attack  is,  however,  of  some  interest,  because,  unlike  the 
1  Otter  to  Warden,  Aug.  llth,  1855. 


492      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-l!-'o(i. 


attacks  on  Sebastopol,  it  was  entirely  of  a  naval  character,  and 
because,  in  spite  of  the  huge  strength  of  the  defences,  the  ships  did 
undoubtedly  inflict  a  considerable  amount  of  damage,  while  them- 
selves escaping  almost  scot  free. 


Lanerorn 


I  English  Mortar  Boats 

I   French       do.         do. 
English      do.        do.    2nd.  positioi 
French       do,        do.     do.      do. 


Scale  of  Yards 


5?° 


LANCASTER.       \  ""'  / 

\  2 NO. DAY  J 


'e.CUN  BOATS,    ;      i.'x) 

v--'r'/ 


•       V- 

\  IE.CUN  t 


\ 

i.'-T-'i 

'-—' 


„  Abraham  Holm 

X    {$•  French  Battery  of  5  Mortar 


/^   •  V  0°       -'  /FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH. 

•^a      a  ---------  ""''  „  * 


. 
UN    BOATS  ' 


4.         \' 


ii  BOATS) 


MAQIOlCNNK 


Grohara  ;•'  / 


SWEABORG,  1855.  PLAN  OF  ATTACK. 

NOTE. — The  shaded  portions  indicate  the  area  of  the  conflagrations  caused  by  the  bombardment. 
(From  'Life  and  Letters  of  Sir  B.  J.  Sitlimn,'  by  kind  permission  uf  Mr.  John  Murray.) 

In  1855,  the  congeries  of  fortresses  called  Sweaborg  occupied  part 
of  the  group  of  small  islands  lying  E.S.E.  of  Helsingfors,  the  centre 
of  the  works  being  about  3500  yards  from  the  nearest  part  of  the 
city.  The  islands  are  little  more  than  large  granite  rocks,  and  the 


1855.]  ATTACK   ON  SWEABORG.  498 

works  upon  them  were  to  a  large  extent  excavated  in  the  solid 
stone.  Chief  among  the  fortified  islets  were  Vargon,  in  the  middle, 
Gustafvaard,  East  Svarto,  West  Svarto,  and  Lilla  Svarto.  These, 
which  showed  a  general  front  towards  the  S.W.,  and  most  of  which 
were  interconnected  by  bridges,  or  fortified  stone  piers,  protected  the 
entrance  to  Helsingfors  Bay.  In  two  of  the  intervals  which  separated 
them,  and  which  formed  the  passages  into  the  bay,  lay  ships  of  the 
line,  moored  with  their  broadsides  athwart  the  channel ;  and  in 
the  various  works  were  upwards  of  800  guns,  with  full  garrisons  to 
man  them. 

During  the  first  few  days  of  August,  Captain  Bartholomew  James 
Sulivan,  in  the  Merlin,  was  continuously  engaged  in  superintending 
the  sounding  and  buoying  of  the  waters  immediately  about  the  for- 
tress, and  in  making  plans  and  marking  positions  for  the  attacking 
ships.  On  the  6th,  Dundas,  with  the  British  fleet,  arrived  from  off 
Nargen ;  and,  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  and  morning  of  the 
next,  he  was  joined  by  Penaud,  with  the  French  contingent,  which 
included,  besides  ships  of  the  line,  gunboats,  steamers  and  storeships, 
the  sailing  mortar-vessels  Tocsin,  Foumaise,  Trombe,  Torche,  and 
Bombe.1  A  sufficient  observing  force  remained,  of  course,  near 
Cronstadt.  The  British  contingent  was  made  lip  of  the  vessels 
whose  names  are  prefaced  by  a1  in  the  table  on  page  478.  The 
main  attack  was  to  be  made  by  means  of  the  mortar-vessels,2  ranged 
along  a  curve  on  either  side  of  the  islet  of  Oterhall,  the  French 
occupying  the  centre  of  the  line.  Admiral  Penaud,  soon  after  his 
arrival,  began  to  supplement  this  scheme  by  establishing  a  battery 
of  four  brass  10-inch  mortars  on  Abraham  Holm,  a  rock  about  600 
yards  nearer  than  Oterhall  to  the  fortress;  but  he  was  unable  to 
complete  the  business  until  the  morning  of  the  9th.  Ere  that  time 
all  the  mortar-vessels  had  been  stationed  in  positions,  3900  yards 
from  the  batteries,  whence  they  could  easily  warp  into  action  at 
3600  yards'  range.  This  work  had  been  done  under  direction  of 
Captain  Sulivan,  the  general  management  of  the  flotilla  being  then 
entrusted  to  Lieutenant  the  Hon.  Augustus  Charles  Hobart,  and 
the  management  of  the  mortar-fire  being  committed  to  Captains 
(R.M.A.)  John  Maurice  Wemyss,  Joseph  Edward  Wilson  Lawrence, 
and  George  Augustus  Schomberg.  Behind  the  line  of  mortar-vessels 
were  anchored  the  Euryalus,  Vulture,  Magicienne,  and  Dragon,  as 

1  Each  mounting  two  13-in.  mortars. 

2  Sixteen  British  and  five  French.     The  British  each  nioimteil  one  12-in.  mortar. 


494      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

supports  and  supply  ships ;  and  in  rear  of  these  lay  the  mass  of  the 
combined  fleets.  The  gunboats,  having  been  previously  armed  with 
additional  guns  of  heavy  calibre,  were  removed  from  among  the  ships 
of  the  line,  and  employed  as  will  be  shown  later.  The  Stork  and 
Snapper,  which  were  fitted  with  Lancaster  guns,  were  specially 
entrusted  to  Captain  Eichard  Strode  Hewlett,  of  the  Edinburgh, 
who  had  experience  in  the  use  of  those  weapons. 

Early  on  the  9th,  the  mortar- vessels  warped  in  to  their  assigned 
stations,  and,  soon  after  seven  o'clock,  began  firing.  The  Stork  and 
Snapper,  circling  inside  and  to  the  right  of  the  line  of  mortar-vessels, 
devoted  their  attention  to  a  three-decker  that  lay  across  the  channel 
between  Gustafvaard  and  Bakholmen.  Inside,  and  to  the  left  of 
the  line,  Commander  George  William  Preedy,  with  the  Starling, 
Thistle,  Pelter,  Biter,  and  Badger,  circled  and  bombarded  the 
western  batteries  ;  and,  near  Abraham  Holm,  the  Pincher,  Skylark, 
and  Lark,  under  Captain  George  Ramsay,  the  Vulture,  Snap,  and 
Gleaner,  under  Captain  Frederick  Henry  Hastings  Glasse,  and  the 
Dapper  and  Redwing,  under  Captain  Nicholas  Vansittart,  manoauvred 
in  a  similar  manner.  Further  to  the  N.W.,  ordered  to  keep  Vargon 
church  open  of  Stora  Rantan,  were  the  Magpie  and  Weazel,  under 
Captain  William  Houston  Stewart.  The  Hastings,  Amphion,1  and 
Cornwallis,2  under  Captain  George  Greville  Wellesley,  of  the  ship 
last-named,  were  detached  off  the  south-east  end  of  Sandhamn  to 
seize  every  opportunity  of  engaging  the  enemy  there ;  and  the 
Arrogant,  Cossack,  and  Cruiser  were  sent  to  the  westward  to  occupy 
the  attention  of  the  troops  which  were  posted  on  Drumsio  Island. 
Within  a  short  time,  the  action  became  general  in  every  direction. 

"  A  rapid  tire,"  says  Dundas,  "  of  shot  and  shells  was  kept  up  from  the  fortress  for 
the  first  few  hours  upon  the  gunboats,  and  the  ranges  of  the  heavy  batteries  extended 
completely  beyond  the  mortar- vessels  ;  but  the  continued  motion  of  the  gunboats,  and 
the  able  manner  in  which  they  were  conducted  by  the  officers  who  commanded  them, 
enabled  them  to  return  the  fire  with  great  spirit,  and  almost  with  impunity,  throughout 
the  day.  About  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  tires  began  first  to  be  observed  in  the 
different  buildings,  and  a  heavy  explosion  took  place  on  the  island  of  Vargon,  which 
was  followed  by  a  second  about  an  hour  afterwards  on  the  island  of  Gustafvaard. 
inflicting  much  damage  upon  the  defences  of  the  enemy,  and  tending  greatly  to  slacken 
the  fire  from  the  guns  in  that  direction.  The  advantage  of  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  fire  from  the  mortars  had  been  directed  was  apparent  in  the  continued  fresh  con- 
ilagrations  which  spread  extensively  on  the  island  of  Vargon."3 


1  Amphion  had  3  wounded. 

2  Cornwallis  had  10  wounded. 

3  Dundas  to  Admlty.,  Aug.  13th. 


1855.] 


ATTACK   ON   SWEABOEQ. 


495 


The  explosions  alluded  to,  and  especially  the  second,  which  was, 
in  effect,  a  series  of  explosions  lasting  more  than  two  minutes,  were 
very  severe,  and  are  believed  to  have  cost  the  enemy  a  large  number 
of  lives.  As  sunset  drew  near,  Dundas  recalled  the  gunboats,  in 
consequence  of  the  intricate  nature  of  the  navigation,  and  of  the  fact 
that  more  than  one  of  them  had  grounded  even  in  daylight.  But 
the  French  battery  on  Abraham  Holm  went  on  with  the  bombard- 
ment ;  and,  at  half-past  ten,  the  boats  of  the  fleet,  assembled  under 


ADMIKAI,    THK    BT.    HON.    Sill    ASTLKY    COOl'KU   KKY,   G.C.B.,    F.B.8. 

(From  a  pltotu  by  the  Lofidutt  Strrrtmt'opii-  Co. ) 

Captain  Henry  Caldwell,  began  a  three-hours'  fire  with  rockets  upon 
the  fortress,  causing  new  conflagrations  and  increasing  the  old  ones. 
These  rocket-boats,  about  thirty  in  number,  were  commanded  by 
Lieutenants  Leveson  Eliot  Henry  Somerset,  and  Thomas  Barnard- 
iston  (Duke  of  Wellington),  Charles  Maxwell  Luckraft  (Euryalus)r 
Henry  Bedford  Woolcombe,  and  Cornwallis  Wykeham  Martin 
(Arrogant),  John  Binney  Scott,  and  Francis  Moubray  Prattent 
(Pembroke),  Eobert  Boyle  Miller  (Vulture),  John  Appleby  Pritchard 
(Edinburgh),  John  Bousquet  Field  (Cossack),  Thomas  Stackhouse 


496      MIL1TA11Y  HISTOJIY    OF   THE  ROYAL    NAVY,    1816-1856. 

(Dragon),  Henry  Bartlett  King  (Magicienne),  William  Naper  Corne- 
wall,  and  Francis  Bland  Herbert  (Geyser),  Kobert  Cooper  Tattnall, 
and  Maxwell  Fox  (Cornwallis),  John  Dobree  M'Crea,  and  James 
Graham  Goodenough  (Hastings),  and  Armine  Wodehouse,  and 
Charles  Henry  Clutterbuck  (Amphion),  together  with  junior  officers. 
The  premature  explosion  of  a  rocket  in  the  pinnace  of  the  Hastings 
wounded  two  men  ;  nine  persons  were  also  wounded  by  a  somewhat 
similar  accident  in  the  pinnace  of  the  Vulture,  and  there  were  other 
slight  casualties,  very  few,  however,  of  which  were  due  to  the 
enemy's  fire.  The  boats  of  the  Cornwallis,  Hastings,  and  Amphion 
were  employed,  not  against  the  forts,  but  against  a  frigate  which  lay 
moored  in  Kungs  Sund.  The  vessel  could  not  be  burnt ;  but  Lieu- 
tenant Tattnall,  senior  officer  of  these  boats,  was  praised  by  Captain 
Wellesley  for  the  manner  in  which  he  had  carried  out  orders. 

"  At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  10th,"  continues  Duudas,  "  the  positions  of  the 
several  mortar-vessels  had  been  advanced  within  easier  range,  and  the  gunboats  were 
again  directed  to  engage.  The  three-decked  ship,  which  had  been  moored  by  the 
enemy  to  block  and  defend  the  channel  between  Gustafvaard  and  Bakholmeu,  had 
been  withdrawn  during  the  night  to  a  more  secure  position ;  but  the  fire  from  the 
batteries  was  increased,  and  the  engagement  was  renewed  with  activity  on  both  sides. 
Fires  continued  to  burn  without  intermission "  within  the  fortress,  and  about  noon  a 
column  of  smoke,  heavier  and  darker  than  any  which  had  yet  been  observed,  and 
succeeded  by  blight  flames,  gave  signs  that  the  shells  had  reached  combustible  materials 
in  the  direction  of  the  arsenal." 

The  conflagration  had,  in  fact,  spread  beyond  the  island  of  Vargon, 
and  had  extended  to  East  Svarto,  in  its  rear.  During  the  whole 
night  of  the  10th,  a  heavy  fire  was  kept  up ;  and,  upon  the  recall  of 
the  gunboats  as  before,  divisions  of  mortar-boats  again  proceeded  to 
annoy  the  enemy.  One  division,  directed  by  Captain  George  Henry 
Seymour,  of  the  Pembroke,  was  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenants 
Robert  James  Wynniatt,  and  James  Carter  Campbell  (Exmouth), 
Charles  Maxwell  Luckraft  (Euryalus),  Henry  Bedford  Woolcombe, 
and  Cornwallis  Wykeham  Martin  (Arrogant),  John  Binney  Scott, 
and  Francis  Moubray  Prattent  (Pembroke),  and  Henry  Bartlett 
King  (Magicienne).  The  other  division,  directed  by  Captain  Cald- 
well,  was  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenants  Leveson  Eliot  Henry 
Somerset,  and  Thomas  Barnardiston  (Duke  of  Wellington),  John 
Appleby  Pritchard,  and  William  Hans  Blake  (Edinburgh),  Kobert 
Boyle  Miller  (Vulture),  and  John  Bousquet  Field  (Cossack),  assisted 
by  junior  officers.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  seeing  that  nearly 
every  building  on  Vargon  had  been  destroyed,  and  that  such 


1855.]  EFFECTS   OF   THE  BOMBARDMENT.  497 

buildings  as  remained  standing  on  East  Svarto  were  almost,  if  not 
quite,  out  of  range,  while  the  enemy  scarcely  returned  the  fire,  the 
allied  Admirals  agreed  to  discontinue  the  action  before  daylight  on 
the  llth.  By  that  time,  most  of  the  mortars  had  been  disabled,  and 
two,  if  not  three,  completely  split ; l  and  the  vents  of  some  of  the 
French  guns  employed  in  the  attack  had  fused.  There  were,  un- 
fortunately, no  spare  mortars,  owing  to  lack  of  prevision  at  home. 
There  had,  however,  been  singularly  few  casualties  on  the  side  of 
the  attack,  only  one  man,  it  is  said,  having  actually  lost  his  life. 
The  British  alone  had  expended  in  the  bombardment  about  100  tons 
of  powder,  and  1000  tons  of  projectiles.2 

How  much  injury  was  inflicted  on  the  Eussians  has  never  been 
exactly  ascertained.  Kear-Admiral  Penaud  received,  through  a  spy, 
a  report  to  the  effect  that  the  dockyard,  and  all  the  government 
stores  were  completely  destroyed,  all  the  powder-magazines  blown 
up,  twenty-three  vessels  burnt,  and  2000  men  killed.  Eighteen  or 
nineteen  other  vessels  were  alleged  to  be  severely  damaged.  Eussian 
accounts  make  the  injuries  to  have  been  of  a  less  serious  nature. 
However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  sea-defences  of  the  place 
were  little  the  worse  for  the  'awful  fire  to  which  they  had  been 
subjected,  and  that,  supposing  them  to  have  still  had  ammunition 
available,  they  were  practically  as  strong  as  ever.  Captain  Wel- 
lesley,  who,  as  has  been  seen,  had  been  detached  on  the  9th,  off  the 
south-east  of  Sandhamn,  and  who  had  gallantly  engaged  the  batteries 
there,  likewise  produced  no  appreciable  result.3  Where  there  were 
storehouses,  magazines,  and  government  buildings,  there  were  fires 
and  explosions ;  but  where  there  were  carefully  constructed  forts  and 
batteries,  the  Allies  made  little  or  no  impression.  "  Still,"  says 
Chevalier,  "  these  operations  had  the  effect  of  disquieting  the 
population,  and  of  forcing  the  enemy  to  busy  himself  with  continual 
movements  of  troops."  It  can  scarcely  be  considered  that  the  game, 
which  exposed  numerous  costly  vessels  to  the  risks  not  only  of  red- 
hot  shot  and  of  shell  fire,  but  also  of  intricate  and  imperfectly- 
surveyed  navigation,  was  worth  the  candle.  The  Merlin  herself, 
carrying  the  allied  Admirals  in  on  the  evening  of  the  10th  to  view 

1  "  It  is  a  disgrace  to  our  iron-founders  that  one  old  mortar  of  the  last  war  stood  350 
rounds,  while  all  the  others,  quite  new,  were  unfit  for  use,  or  burst,  after  200  to  250." 
Sulivan,  340. 

2  The  French  mortars  threw  2828  shells,  and  the  French  vessels,  apart  from  the 
mortar-vessels,  1322  shells  and  round  shot.     Chevalier,  278. 

3  Wellesley  to  Dundas,  Aug.  9th. 

VOL.    VI.  2  K 


498      MILITARY  HISTORY  OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

the  damage  which  had  been  done,  piled  up  on  a  rock  in  a  position 
where,  in  full  daylight,  she  might  easily  have  been  hulled  from  the 
shore.  Happily  she  was  got  off,  though  not  till  after  all  firing  had 
ceased.  Captain  Sulivan  was  in  no  wise  to  blame.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  and  Lieutenant  Bichard  Boynton  Creyke l  were  singled 
out  for  special  praise  in  the  dispatches. 

The  allied  fleets  remained  in  view  of  the  scene  of  action  until  the 
morning  of  August  13th,  when  they  sailed  for  Nargen,  the  Merlin 
and  Locust  staying  behind  to  take  up  buoys  and  marks.  A  few  days 
later,  there  being  practically  no  mortars  left  in  a  serviceable  con- 
dition, the  mortar-vessels  were  sent  home.  At  the  same  moment 
the  Sans  Pareil  was  taking  on  board  fresh  mortars  at  Woolwich ; 
but  Dundas  was  not  kept  informed  of  what  was  being  done.  When 
it  became  known  at  Whitehall  that  the  mortar-vessels  were  re- 
turning, a  steamer  was  hastily  despatched  to  meet  them,  and  turn 
them  back  ;  but  ere  they  could  be  re-armed,  the  season  was  too  far 
advanced  for  further  operations  of  importance  in  the  Baltic.  As  the 
Times  said,  a  fleet  costing  about  £30,000  a  day  for  maintenance 
was  reduced  to  impotence,  and  made  a  laughing-stock,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  Government's  omission  to  spend  at  the  right  moment 
"  about  as  much  as  a  man  of  taste  gives  for  three  early  Sevres  vases." 
The  administration  seems  to  have  forgotten  that  ships  cannot 
participate  in  big  engagements  without  expending  weapons  as 
well  as  ammunition.  In  future  naval  wars,  especially  if  they 
be  prolonged,  it  will  be  more  than  ever  necessary  to  have  made 
arrangements  beforehand  for  the  rapid  substitution  of  new  guns 
for  old.  Moreover,  nothing  is  more  dangerous  to  the  moral  of 
a  gun's  crew  than  a  well-founded  suspicion  that  the  piece  has 
already  done  more  work  than  it  was  intended  for,  and  may  burst, 
or  blow  its  breech-block  out,  at  the  next  round.  Yet  it  is  difficult 
to  avoid  using  a  weakened  gun,  when  there  is  nothing  to  take 
its  place. 

From  the  time  of  the  bombardment  of  Sweaborg  until  the 
closing  of  the  navigation  in  November,  the  campaign  in  the  Baltic 
languished ;  but  small  operations  continued  in  various  quarters. 
On  August  10th  for  instance,  the  Hawke,  60,  screw,  and  Des- 
perate, 8,  screw,  had  a  brush  with  some  batteries  and  gunboats 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina ;  and,  on  the  14th,  the  Hawke, 
and  Conflict,  8,  screw,  landed  parties,  destroyed  several  vessels, 
1  Promtd.  Com.,  Sept.  29th,  1855. 


1855.]  SMALL   AFFAIRS  IN   TEE  BALTIC.  499 

and  repulsed  a  body  of  troops  near  Dome  Ness,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Gulf  of  Eiga.  On  August  15th,  the  gunboats  Jackdaw,  and 
Ruby,  with  the  boats  of  the  Pylades,  21,  screw,  captured  four 
craft  under  fire  from  Eussian  troops  in  the  Bight  of  Kossoria ; 
and  on  August  16th,  the  Imperieuse,  51,  screw,  Centaur,  6,  paddle, 
and  Bulldog,  6,  paddle,  had  a  long-range  engagement  with  batteries 
and  gunboats  in  the  vicinity  of  Tolboukin  lighthouse,  off  Cronstadt. 
In  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  where  Eear-Admiral  Baynes  commanded, 
the  Harrier,  17,  screw,  Tartar,  20,  screw,  Cuckoo,  3,  paddle,  and 
French  d'Assas,  sent  their  boats  on  August  17th  up  towards 
Biorneborg,  burnt  seventeen  vessels,  and  obtained  the  surrender 
of  a  small  steamer,  in  spite  of  the  presence  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  about  2000  troops.  On  September  2nd,  the  Porcupine,  3,  paddle, 
with  boats  of  the  Tartar,  made  a  reconnaissance  of,  and  exchanged 
fire  with,  the  batteries  at  Gamla  Carleby  ;  and  on  the  6th,  the 
boats  of  the  Bulldog  made  prize  of  a  couple  of  government  schooners 
off  Biorko.  But  in  none  of  these,  or  similar  affairs,  of  which  there 
were  many,  were  there  any  incidents  calling  for  special  description. 
On  September  12th,  a  number  of  ships,  including  the  Nile,  90, 
screw,  and  Arrogant,  47,  screw,  participated  in  the  destruction 
of  some  transports  under  fire  in  the  Bay  of  Virta  Nemi.  On 
September  18th,  the  boats  of  the  Nile  boarded  and  burnt  some 
vessels  near  Hammeliski. 

On  September  12th,  the  Hawke,  Archer,  Conflict,  and  Cruiser 
received  the  peaceful  surrender  of  Pernau,  in  the  Gulf  of  Eiga ; 
and  on  the  20th,  the  Gorgon,  6,  paddle,  and  her  boats,  exchanged 
shots  with  the  batteries  at  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina,  where,  with 
the  Archer,  Conflict,  and  Desperate,  the  Gorgon  was  again  slightly 
engaged  on  September  27th.  Almost  the  last  service  of  the  Gulf  of 
Eiga  division  seems  to  have  been  rendered,  in  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Eua,  on  October  3rd,  by  the  Archer  and  Desperate,  with 
their  boats.  A  few  small  vessels  and  some  stores  were  destroyed. 
On  September  30th,  the  Conflict,  belonging  to  the  same  division, 
having  quitted  the  gulf,  destroyed  two  boats  and  dispersed  a  body 
of  Cossacks,  near  Libau,  on  the  west  coast  of  Courland.  In  the 
meantime,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  on  September 
26th,  and  again  on  October  5th,  the  Blenheim,  60,  screw,  with 
the  gunboats  Snap,  Stork,  and  Lark,  was  employed  in  the  vicinity 
of  Hango,  and,  besides  rendering  useless  several  telegraph  stations, 
exchanged  shots  with  the  Eckness  forts.  Throughout  the  fleet, 

2  K  2 


500      MILITARY  HISTORY    OF   THE  ROYAL   NAVY,    1816-1856. 

however,  at  that  period,  there  was,  as  Sulivan  says,1  too  much 
of  a  kind  of  unfeeling,  senseless  anxiety  to  fire  at  anything,  for 
the  mere  sake  of  firing,  for  notoriety,  or  for  bringing  about 
a  pretence  of  a  fight,  and  a  consequent  opportunity  for  writing  a 
dispatch  ;  and,  although  most  of  the  above-mentioned  affairs  were 
of  a  very  different  character,  it  would  be  possible  to  cite  others 
which,  besides  being  of  a  paltry  nature,  were  perfectly  useless  to 
the  cause  of  the  Allies,  and  were  effective  only  in  bringing  the  flag 
into  disrepute. 

The  fleet  had  begun  to  return  to  England  in  the  latter  part  of 
September.  The  gunboats,  in  four  divisions,  departed  on  October 
8th  ;  and  only  a  few  ships  of  the  line  and  large  steamers  remained. 
Not  until  the  middle  of  November  did  the  Commander-in-Chief 
himself  make  for  Kiel.  After  he  had  gone  home,  the  last  half- 
dozen  ships  were  withdrawn,  almost  one  by  one,  as  the  advance  of 
winter  rendered  the  blockade  unnecessary.  The  Hon.  Richard 
Saunders  Dundas  was  rewarded  on  February  4th,  1856,  with 
a  K.C.B.  At  the  same  time  the  C.B.  was  conferred  upon  several 
of  the  Baltic  Captains,  including  George  Ramsay,  George  Henry 
Seymour,  George  Greville  Wellesley,  James  Willcox,  and  Henry 
Caldwell.  Batches  of  Baltic  promotions  were  dated  September 
22nd  and  29th,  1855 ;  but  many  most  deserving  officers  were  then 
passed  over,  and  the  omissions  were  to  some  extent  remedied  on 
October  31st,  1855,  and  January  5th,  February  21st  and  22nd, 
and  May  10th,  1856,  when  numerous  further  advancements  were 
made. 

Early  in  1856,2  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Richard  Saunders  Dundas  was 
re-appointed  to  the  Baltic  command  ;  but  the  resumption  of  active 
operations  had  by  that  time  been  rendered  unnecessary  by  the 
progress  which  had  been  made  during  the  winter  in  the  direction 
of  peace.  The  Treaty  of  Paris  was  not  actually  signed  until 
March  30th,  nor  ratified  until  April  27th  ;  but,  long  ere  even  the 
earlier  of  those  dates,  it  had  become  evident  that  the  war  was 
over.  By  the  final  arrangement  it  was  stipulated  that  all  conquests 
made  and  territories  occupied  during  the  hostilities  should  be 
evacuated  as  promptly  as  possible ;  that  the  Sublime  Porte  should 
be  "  admitted  to  participate  in  the  advantages  of  the  public  law 
and  concert  of  Europe "  ;  that  the  independence  and  territorial 
integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  should  be  respected  and  guaranteed 
1  Sulivan,  353,  354.  2  Feb.  18th. 


1856.]  THE    TREATY   OF  PARIS.  501 

by  all  the  parties  to  the  treaty  ;  that  the  Sultan  should  not  be 
interfered  with  in  the  government  of  any  of  his  subjects,  nor  in  the 
internal  administration  of  his  dominions ;  that  the  Black  Sea 
should  be  neutralised,  and  its  ports  thrown  open  to  commerce ; 
that  Russia  and  Turkey  should  neither  establish  nor  maintain 
naval  arsenals  in  the  Black  Sea ;  that  the  navigation  of  the 
Danube  should  be  regulated  by  an  international  commission ;  that 
the  Russian  frontier  in  Bessarabia  should  be  rectified ;  that  the 
principalities  of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia  should  continue  as  before 
under  the  suzerainty  of  the  Porte,  but  with  additional  liberties ; 
that  Servia  should  enjoy  similar  advantages  ;  and  that  the  Russo- 
Turkish  frontier  in  Asia  should  be  settled  by  a  commission.  By 
special  conventions  annexed  to  the  treaty,  it  was  declared  that  the 
Sultan  would  continue  to  exercise  his  ancient  right  to  prohibit 
foreign  ships  of  war  from  entering  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Darda- 
nelles, and  that  he  would  not  permit  them  so  to  enter,  except  for 
the  service  of  the  embassies  and  the  Danube  Commission,  in  time 
of  peace ;  that  Russia  and  the  other  contracting  Powers  would 
agree  and  adhere  to  that  principle ;  that  neither  Russia l  nor 
Turkey  would  maintain  in  the  Black  Sea  more  than  six  steam- 
vessels  (not  to  exceed  55  metres  in  length,  with  a  tonnage  of  800), 
and  four  lighter  steam  or  sailing  vessels  (of  not  more  than  200  tons 
apiece) ;  and  that  the  Aland  Islands  should  not  be  fortified. 

A  "  declaration,"  made,  perhaps  somewhat  needlessly,  by  the 
plenipotentiaries  at  Paris,  and  signed  on  behalf  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  Russia,  Sardinia,  Turkey,  Austria,  and  Prussia,'2  set  forth 
formally  that,  so  far  as  those  Powers  are  concerned  :— 

1.  Privateering  is,  and  remains,  abolished. 

2.  The  neutral  flag  covers  enemy's  goods,  with  the  exception  of 

contraband  of  war. 

3.  Neutral  goods,  with  the  exception  of  contraband  of  war,  are 

not  liable  to  capture  under  enemy's  flag. 

4.  Blockades,  in  order  to  be  binding,  must  be  effective — that  is 

to  say,  maintained  by  a  force  sufficient  really  to  prevent 

access  to  the  coast  of  the  enemy. 

No  indemnity  was  demanded  from  Russia;  no  special  privileges 
whatsoever  were  secured  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  which,  for 
nearly  two  years,  had  poured  forth  blood  and  treasure  like  water ; 

1  Kussia  tore  up  this  Convention  in  1870. 

2  This  declaration  was  subsequently  adhered  to  by  several  other  Powers. 


502      MILITARY  HISTORY   OF   TJIE  ROYAL   NAVY,   1816-1856. 

and,  upon  the  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  never  did  the  unsuccessful 
party  to  a  great  war  escape  more  easily.  But  it  must  be  recollected 
that  the  Allies,  in  spite  of  their  immense  efforts,  had  touched  only 
a  very  little  of  the  extreme  outer  fringe  of  the  huge  empire  of  the 
Tsar.  Sebastopol  had  been  reduced.  Not  even  the  Crimea,  how- 
ever, had  been  conquered ;  and  the  heart  of  Kussia,  in  spite  of  the 
levelling  of  Bomarsund,  the  wreckage  of  buildings  at  Sweaborg,  and 
the  burning  of  stores  and  capture  of  small  craft  in  the  Sea  of  Azof 
and  elsewhere,  was  as  whole  and  sound  as  it  had  been  before  the 
war.  The  result  might  have  been  very  different,  and  better  terms 
might  have  been  exacted  by  the  Allies,  had  the  British  fleet  at  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  been  in  a  more  efficient  condition  than 
it  was,  and  had  younger  men  and  reformed  ideas  guided  its  action . 
There  was  a  time,  early  in  the  campaign,  when  Sebastopol  might 
have  been  seized  by  a  coup  de  main  from  seaward,  probably  without 
either  much  expenditure  or  much  loss  of  life  ;  nor  can  it  be  doubted 
that  if  Great  Britain,  previous  to  1854,  had  properly  developed  her 
screw  navy,  had  availed  herself  of  existing  improvements  in  gunnery1 
and  rifle-manufacture,"  and  had  devoted  proper  attention  to  the 
advocacy,  as  early  as  1842,  by  the  French  Captain  Labrousse,  of 
the  value  of  armoured  vessels,  she  would  have  been  a  much  more 
formidable  enemy  to  Kussia  than  she  actually  proved  herself.  It 
must  not  be  forgotten  that,  but  for  the  false  conservatism  of  her 
administrators,  she  might,  even  in  1854,  have  possessed  a  great 
fleet  of  fast  screw  ships  with  well-protected  machinery,  and  of  fast 
and  heavily  armed  gunboats,  rifled  guns  of  large  calibre,  breech- 
loading  small-arms,  and  floating  batteries  practically  impervious  to 
Russian  projectiles,  even  at  short  range.  With  such  material  at 
her  disposal,  and  with  men  younger  and  more  enlightened  than 
Napier  and  the  Dundases  to  lead  her  fleets,  it  is  possible,  nay 
probable,  that  she  might  have  taken  Cronstadt,  and  even  St. 
Petersburg,  early  in  the  war,  and  so,  by  her  sudden  and  indubitable 
successes,  have  frightened  Russia  into  speedy  submission.  Perhaps 
the  most  valuable  lesson  of  the  war  of  1854-55  was  the  importance 
to  a  naval  power  of  being  able  promptly  to  utilise  the  newest  and 
most  formidable  inventions  that  have  been  produced  by  the  ingenuity 
of  man.  The  lesson,  unfortunately,  has  not  been  thoroughly  learnt 
by  Great  Britain,  even  to  this  day.  The  war,  however,  led  directly 

1  Eifled  heavy  guns  had  been  constructed  and  proved  useful  many  years  earlier. 

2  The  needle-gun  had  been  the  weapon  of  the  Prussian  Array  since  1848. 


1856.]  HE  VIEW  AT  SPITHEAD.  503 

or  indirectly  to  many  naval  reforms,  including  the  introduction  of 
continuous  service  for  seamen,  the  building  of  ironclads,  and  the 
development  of  the  power  of  the  gun. 

On  St.  George's  Day,  April  23rd,  1856,  in  honour  of  the  con- 
clusion of  peace,  and  in  recognition  of  the  work  of  the  Navy, 
Queen  Victoria,  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert,  reviewed  at  Spithead 
a  large  fleet,  most  of  which  had  recently  served  either  in  the  Baltic 
or  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  all  of  which  was  ready  for  a  fresh 
campaign,  if  one  had  been  deemed  necessary.  Her  Majesty,  in 
addition  to  her  personal  suite,  had  with  her  in  the  yacht  Admiral 
Sir  William  Parker  (2),  Bart.,  G.C.B.,  principal  A.D.C.,  Bear-Admiral 
John,  Marquess  Townshend,  A.D.C.,  Rear-Admiral  Sir  Edmund 
Lyons,  G.C.B.,  Rear-Admiral  Jurien  de  La  Graviere,  representing 
the  French  Navy,  and  Mr.  Ralph  Bernal  Osborne,  M.P.,  Secretary 
of  the  Admiralty.  The  vessels  reviewed  were  : — 

Ko.  Guiis.  H.P.N. 

24  Ships  of  the  line     ....         2,02!i  '.1,650 

19  Screw  frigates  and  corvettes*  .  .             407  5,030 

18  Paddle-vessels         .          .  .  127  6,130 

•4  Armoured  floating  batteries  .  .               56  600 

120  Gun-vessels  and  gunboats  .  .             274  8,700 

1  Sailing  frigate         .          .  .  44 

2  Ammunition  ships  . 

1     Hospital  ship          ...  6 

1     Floating  factory     ....  3  140 

50     Mortar  vessels  and  mortar  floats       '.  50 


240  2,996  30,250 

The  command  afloat  was  held  by  Vice-Admiral  Sir  George 
Francis  Seymour,  K.C.B.,  Commander-in-Chief  at  Portsmouth, 
who,  in  the  Royal  George,  102,  led  the  fleet  past  the  Queen's 
yacht,  which  was  anchored  near  the  Nab.  A  number  of  French 
officers  were  entertained  on  board  the  paddle-yacht  Black  Eagle. 
The  Peers  were  in  the  Transit,  screw,  Commander  Charles 
Richardson  Johnson  ;  the  Commons  in  the  Perseverance,  2,  screw, 
Commander  John  Wallace  Douglas  McDonald.  After  the  review 
there  was  a  sham  fight,  and  at  night  the  fleet  was  illuminated. 


SIR   JOHN    EDMUND   COM51EREI.L,    V.C.,    G.C.B.,    ADMIRAL   OF   THE    FLEET. 


(     504     ) 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTEE  XL1V. 


LIST  OF  H.M.  SHIPS  WRECKED,  FOUNDERED,  BURNT,  TAKEN  OR  DESTROYED, 

1816-1856. 
(Steamers  are  indicated  as  such.) 


Year. 

Date. 

H.M.  Ship. 

GJ 

Commander. 
[*  Lost  his  life  on  the                            Remarks, 
occasion.! 
. 

1816 

Feb.    20 

Phfenix  .... 

42 

(Capt.  Chas.  John  Austen) 
1            (!)•                        ) 

Wrecked  near  Smyrna. 

1816 

Sept.    21 

Whiting,  sch.   . 

14 

Lieut.  Jno.  Jackson  (3).        Wrecked  near  Padstow. 

1816 

Nov.     4 

Comus    .... 

32 

(Capt.    Jas.    Juo.    Gordons/Wrecked  off  Cape  Pine,   Xewfound- 
l            Bremer,  C.B.         !;\    land. 

1816 

5 

firiseis    .... 

10 

„      George  Domett. 

Wiecked  near  Pt.  Pedras,  Cuba. 

1816 

it        11 

Tay   .                . 

20 

Saml.  Roberts,  C.B. 

Wrecked  in  G.  of  Mexico. 

1816 
1817 

„       16 

Jan.    21 

Bermuda      .     . 
Jasper     .... 

10 
10 

Com.  Jno.  Pakeuham  (2). 
„      Thomas  Carew  (1). 

Wrecked  near  Tampico  Bar. 
Wrecked  under  Mt.  Batten:  "2  lost. 

1817 

„        21 

Telegraph,  sch.  . 

12 

Lieut.  Jno.  Little  (2). 

Wrecked  under  Mt.  Batten. 

1817 

Feb.    18 

Alceste    .... 

46 

/Capt.    Murray    Maxwell,! 
I              C.B.                          / 

Wrecked  off  Pulo  Leat. 

1817 

Oct.       2 

-1  II  1  ill   , 

16 

Com.  Jeukiu  Jones. 

/Wrecked  off  Tristan  d'Acunha:    55 
I    lost. 

1817 

Dec.      8 

Martin   .... 

18 

„      Andrew  Mitch  ell  (2). 

Wrecked  off  W.  of  Ireland. 

1818 

Shark,  rec.  ship     . 

(Lieut.     Charles     Newtonl 
1            Hunter  (actg.  Corn.)! 

AVrecked  at  Jamaica. 

1819 

June     1 

20 

(Com.     Timothy    Scriveu,) 
I              C.B. 

Wrecked  at  the  C.  de  Verde  Islands. 

1819 

Dec.      5 

Vigilant,  rev.  ends.  ,  14 

Lieut.  Hy.  Nazer.                   Wrecked  near  Torbay. 

1820 

July      6 

f'arron  .... 

2U 

Com.  John  Furueaux.             Wrecked  near  Puri,  India. 

1820 

Oct. 

jHardwiclce,       rev.) 
1    cruis  / 

12 

Lieut.  Saml.  Mottley.             Wrecked  in  Dundrum  Bay. 

1821 

Jan. 

Sprightly,  rev.  cut.        6 

Wrecked  off  Portland. 

1821 

Mar. 

Hemiuda,  sch.  .     ... 

(Foundered  between  Halifax  and  Ber- 

1  {    muda  :  all  lost. 

1822 

Apr.    21 

Confiance     .     .     .  j  18 

I00™'     MoUrg1m"*  Th°maS}    Wrecked  off  Mizen  Head:  all  lost. 

1822 

June   20 

Drake     .... 

10 

/    ,,      Charles     Adolphus)  /Wrecked    off  Newfoundland:     many 
1            Baker.*                 )1    lost. 

1822 

Dec.     14 

Racehorse     ...      18 

I    „      Wm.   Benj.    Suck-i 
I             ling.                        ) 

Wrecked  on  Laugness,  I.  of  Man. 

1823 

Dec.    12 

,47-00  

18 

„      Wm.  Holmes  (2).* 

/Wrecked  off  Belmullet,  W.  of  Ireland: 
»     all  lost. 

1824 

Jan.    25 

Columbine  .     .     .  .  18 

„      Hon.  Chas.  Abbot.       Wrecked  off  I.  of  Sapienza. 

1824 

Feb.    23 

Delight  ....     10 

„      Robt.  Hay.* 

(Wrecked  in  a  cyclone.  Mauritius:  all 
I    lost. 

1824 

Mar.     3 

Dwarf,  cut.  ...      10 

Lieut.  Nicholas  Gould. 

Wrecked  on  the  pier,  Kingstown. 

1825 

Ang.     1 

Fury,  disc,  ship 

4 

Com.      Henry      Parkynsl 
,             Hoppner.                } 

Bilged  in  Regent's  Inlet,  Arctic. 

1825 

Nov.  27 

Partridge    .     . 

10 

Stranded  off  the  Texel. 

1826 

Jan.      9 

Algerine. 

10 

Com.  Charles  Wemyss  (2).* 

/Capsized  in  a  squall,  Mediterranean  : 
i     all  lost. 

1826 

Martin   .... 

20 

Supposed  foundered  off  the  Cape. 

1826 

Ang.   27 

Magpie,  sch. 

5 

(Wrecked  in  Colorados    Road,.  Cuba  : 
\     nearly  all  lost. 

1827 

Jan.    14 

Ximrod  .... 

18 

Com.  Saml.  Sparshott.           !BilSe.d    £  ,Holyheacl   Bay-    (Oot  off 
(    and  sold-  ) 

1827 

Feb.    18 

Diamond      .     .     . 

46 

(In  ordinary).                          Accidentally  burnt  at  Portsmouth. 

1827 

June     6 

Cynthia,  packet     . 

Lieut.  John  White  (2).           Wrecked  off  Barbados. 

1827 

Nov. 

Hearty,  packet. 

10 

1  Supposed  burnt  at  sea  :  all  lost. 

1827 

Redwing 

18 

Com.  Douglas  Chas.  Claver-l  (Supposed  foundered,  W.  Afr.  station: 
ing.-                       1  (     all  lost. 

1828 

Jan.    31 

f'ambrian    .     . 

1 

48 

Capt.  Gaweu  Wm.  Hamil-l    ,, 
^m  ^g                  |    Wrecked  off  Grabusa,  Mediterranean. 

LOSSES   OF   THE  BRITISH  NAVY,    1816-1856. 


505 


Year. 

Date. 

H.M.  Ship. 

o 

Commander. 
[*  Lost  uis  life  on  the 
occasion.] 

Remarks. 

1828 

Apr.    14 

Acorn     .... 

18 

Com.  Edward  Gordon.* 

Wretked  on  Halifax  station  :  all  lost. 

1828 

,.        14 

Contest,  g.  b.     . 

12 

/Lieut.    Edward    Plaggeu-) 
1             borg.»                     j 

Wrecked  on  Halifax  station  :  all  lost. 

1828 

May    15 

Parthian     .     . 

10 

rCom.    Hon.    Geo.    Fredk.] 
I             Hotham.                 j 

W  recked  near  Marabout  Isld.,  Egypt. 

1828 

i,        17 

Union,  sch.  . 

4 

Lieut.  Chas.  Madden. 

Wrecked  off  Rose  Isld.,  W.  Indies. 

1828 

Oct.      11 

Jasper    .... 

10 

Com.  Leonard  Chas.  Rooke. 

Wrecked  off  i-'ta.  Maura. 

1828 

.. 

ftedpole,  packet 

10 

/Sunk  in  action  with  Congress,  a  pirate, 
t    offC.  Frio. 

1823 

Dec.    18 

Xangaroo,8nrv.  ves. 

Master  Auth.  de  Mayue. 

Wrecked  on  Jamaica  station. 

1823 

,, 

Ariel,  packet     .     . 

6 

Supposed  lost  near  Sable  Island. 

1829 

Feb.     17 

Nightingale,  sch.    . 

Lieut.  Geo.  Wood. 

Wrecked  on  the  Shingles. 

1829 

Apr.      3 

Myrtle,  packet  . 

6 

Wrecked  off  Nova  Scotia. 

1829 

Nov.   29 

Success    .... 

28 

Wre-ked  in  Cockbum  Sound. 

1830 

Mar.    10 

Wolf  

18 

Com.  Robt.  Russell  (3). 

Wrecked  off  I.  of  Wijrht. 

1830 

Dec.      5 

Thetis     .... 

46 

Capt.  Saml.  Burgess. 

Wrecked  off  Cape  Frio'. 

1831 

May 

Monkey,  sch. 

3 

Wrecked  on  Tampico  Bar. 

1832 

-• 

Recruit,  g.  b.    . 

ID 

Lieut.  Thomas  Hodges.* 

/Supposed  foundered  off  Bermuda  :  all 
i     lost. 

1833 

Feb. 

Calypso,  packet     . 

6 

„      Richard  Peyton.* 

/Foundered  between  Halifax  and  Eng- 
i     land  :  all  lost 

1833 

.Dec. 

Thais,  packet    ,     . 

/Supposed  foundered  iu  Atlantic:   all 
i    lost. 

1834 

Aug.    27 

Chameleon,  rev.  cut. 

„      John  Pratten.* 

Run  down  off  Dover  by  H.  M.S.  Castor. 

1834 

Dec.      4 

-\imble,  sch.      .     . 

5 

„      Charles  Bolton. 

Wrecked  in  Old  Bahama  Channel. 

1835 

Feb.    27 

Firefly,  sch.      .     . 

3 

f    „      Jas.  Julius  McDon-t 
I            nell.                      / 

Wrecked  off  British  Honduras. 

1835 

liar.    11 

Jackdaw,  sarv.  sch. 

4 

„      Edward  Barnett. 

Wrecked  off  Old  Providence,  Honduras. 

1835 

„      27 

Hound,  rev.  cut.     . 

„      Jno.  Hauler  Helby. 

WreckeJ  in  Weymouth  Bay. 

1835 

May    19 

(.'hallenqer  . 

28 

Capt.  Michael  Seymour(2). 

Wrecked  on  coast  of  Chile. 

1836 

Feb.      5 

Pike,  sch.     .     .     . 

12 

Lieut.  Arthur  Brooking. 

Wrecked  on  Pelican  Reef,  Jamaica. 

1838 

Jan. 

Jiriseis,  packet. 

6 

„      John  Downey.* 

(Sni  posed  foundered  in  Atlantic:  all 

(    lost. 

1838 

Mar.     6 

I'incher,  sch.    . 

5 

„      Thomas  Hope  (1).* 

Capsized  off  the  Owers  :  all  lost. 

{,,      Hon.  Graham  Hayl 

1838 

Apr.    12 

Rapid     .... 

10 

St.  V.  de  Kus  Km.  I 

Wrecked  off  Crete,  Mediterranean. 

naird.*                    | 

1839 

Diligence,  rev.  cut. 

Wrecked  on  coast  of  Ireland  :  46  lost. 

1839 

NOT.   28 

Tribune  .... 

24 

(Capt.  Chas.  Hamlyn  Wil-1 
1             liarns.                     / 

Wrecked  near  Tarragona. 

1840 

July    28 

Buffalo,  st.  ship.    . 

Master  -lames  Wood. 

Wrecked  off  New  Zealand. 

1840 

Oct. 

TaUivera 

72 

(In  Ordinary). 

Accidentally  burnt  at  Plymouth. 

1840 

,, 

Imogene  .... 

26 

(In  Ordinary1). 

Accidentally  burnt  at  Plymouth. 

1840 

Nov.    13 

Fairy,  surv.  ves.    . 

10 

Capt.  Wm.  Hewelt.* 

Wrecked  off  coast  of  Suffolk  :  all  lost. 

1840 

„        28 

Spey,  packet 

Lieut  Robt.  Bastard  James. 

Wrecked  on  Racoon  Key. 

1840 

Dec.      2 

Zebra      .... 

16 

/Com.      Robt.      Fan-hawe) 
I               Stopford.               I 

Wrecked  off  Mt.  Carmel,  Levant. 

1841 

June 

Skipjack,  sch.  . 

5 

Lieut.  Aug.  Chas.  May. 

W  recked  on  the  Caymans, 

1842 

Victor     .... 

16 

Com.  Chas.  Cooke  Otway.* 

fSupposel    foundered    between    Vera 
I    Cruz  and  Halifax  :  all  lost. 

1842 

Sept.    10 

Spitfire,  steamer    . 

2 

Lieut.  Hay  Erskine  Ship-) 
[             ley  Winthrop.        j 

Wrecked  on  Half  Moon  Key,  Honduras. 

1843 

Mar.      4 

Megwa,  steamer    . 

2 

,,      Geo.  Olduiixou. 

Wrecked  on  Bare  Bush  Key. 

1843 

July    24 

Lizard,  steamer 

3 

,,      Chas.  Jas.  I'ostle. 

Run  dowu  by  French  warship  Vrloce. 

1845 
1846 

Apr.    25 
Mar.    11 

Skylark,  packet 
Ospreij    .... 

4  I 
12 

„      Geo.  Morris. 
Com.  Fredk.  Patten. 

Wrecked  on  Kimmeridge  Ledge. 
(Wrecked  off   False    Hokianga,   New 
<     Zealand. 

1847 

Feb.      3 

'Thunderbolt,  steam) 
L     Sloop    .      .      .      .) 

6 

„      Alexander  Boyle. 

Wrecked  on  Cape  Recife,  S.  Africa. 

1847 

Aug.    29 

Snake     .... 

16 

f     ,,      Thos.     Bourmaster) 
Brown.                    i\ 

Wrecked  in  Mozambique  Channel. 

1847 

Dec.    20 

'Avenfff.r,  steam  fri-l 

Capt.    Chas.    Geo.    Elers) 

(Wrecked  ou  Sorelle  Rocks,  Mediter- 

.   gate     .     .     .     ./ 

;             Napier.*                 ) 

ranean  :  246  lost. 

1848 

„      21 

Mutine    .... 

12 

Com.  John  Jervis  Palmer. 

Wrecked  in  the  Adriatic. 

'Capt.  Sir  John  Franklin,) 

1848 

'Erebus,  screw  disc.) 

Kt.  (d.  1847). 

Abandoned  in  Ihe  Arctic  Ice. 

.    ves  J 

„     James       Fitzjamesf 

(d.  1848). 

fraocis        K&wdon  i 

1848 

.. 

Terror,  screw  disc.) 
(    ves  j 

4 

Moira          CrozierJ. 

Abandoned  in  the  Arctic  Ice. 

1850 

Oct.       9 

Adelaide,  tender     . 

(d.  1848).                | 
Lieut.  Jno.  Lyons  Macleod. 

Wrecked  on  Banana  Isld.,  W.  Africa. 

1850 

Nov.   22 

Flamer,  steam  g.  v. 

'» 

Com.   Jas.    Aid  \iorth    St.) 
Leger.                     / 

W  recked  on  coast  of  Africa. 

1851 

May    31 

tlleynard,        steam) 
I    g  v                       ] 

9 

,,      Peter  Cracroft. 

Wrecked  on  Pratas  Shoal,  China  Seas. 

1852 

Feb.    27 

tRirkenhead,   steam)! 
tr.  8  ) 

Master  Robert  Salmoud.* 

Wrecked  off  Ft.   Danger,  S.  Africa: 
436  lost. 

1852 

- 

Investigator,    surv.  ) 
ves  )\ 

•1 

Com.      Robt.     Jno.      Lei 
Mesurier  McClure.  / 

Abandoned  iu  the  Arctic  Ice. 

506 


LOSSES    OF   THE   lilllTlxil    .Y.I  IT,    1816-1856. 


Year.        L>ate. 

II  M.  Ship. 

- 
c 

Command  -r. 
[*  Lost  his  life  on  the                             Remarks, 
occasion.] 

1854     May 

Jasper,  steam  g.  v. 

Lieut.  Cha'.GibbsCrawley.     Burnt  in  the  Channel. 

1854 

Assistance   . 

3 

jCapt.  Sir  Edward  Belcher,  ,    Abandoned  in  the  Arctio  Ice. 

I                        \j.D,                                            } 

1854 

jl'ioneer,  screw  ten-) 
1    der  i 

Com.  Sherard  Osboni.             Abandoned  in  the  Arctic  Ice. 

1854 

Resolute  .... 

S 

Capt.  Henry  Kellett.             {  AS°ned  in  the  Arctk'  lce'   Kecov<L 

1854 

{Intrepid,  screw  teu-l 
\    der  j 

2 

iC°!"'  K,r^Le°P-  McClin-}    Abandoned  in  the  Arctic  Ice. 

1854      May     12 

Tiger,  steam  frigate 

16 

rCapt.   Henry    Wells   Gif-1  (Grounded  under  batteries  near  Odessa: 
(             fard.*                      /  I    takon  and  S'ink. 

1855  !  July 

Jasper,  steam  g.  v. 

3 

(Lieut.  .Joseph  ."ami.  Hud-  1  i  Wrecked  in  the  Sea  of  Azof.    Taken 
1             son.                         j  i    by  Russians. 

1855  : 

Bermuda,  sell.  .     . 

9 

Lieut.  Win.  Cashman.            Wrecked  in  the  W.  Indies. 

1855      Aug.    11 

Wolverine    . 

IS 

Com.  John  Corbett.                 Wrecked  on  Courtowu  Bank. 

1856  | 

Xerbudda     . 

12 

(Com.     Henry    Ashburton)  /Supposed  foundered  0:1  Cape  Station 
I             Kerr»                     I  \    about  July  loth:  all  lost. 

1856      Jan.     29 

Polyphemus,  stejnier 

* 

Wrecked  on  coast  of  Jutland. 

NOTE. — Particulars  of  the  finding  of  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  or  of  the  Court  Martial, 
in  most  of  the  above  cases  will  be  found  in  the  Parliamentary  Eeturns,  Nos.  176,  and 
399,  of  1891  (Navy :  Ships  Lost  otherwise  than  in  Action).  The  Eeturns  in  question 
are,  however,  incomplete,  and,  in  several  cases,  inaccurate,  and  were  the  subject  of  a 
correspondence  between  myself  and  Lord  George  Hamilton,  then  First  Lord. 


THE    BALTIC    MEDAL. 


(     507      ) 


CHAPTEE  XLV. 

VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-56. 

SIE  CLEMENTS  E.  MARKHAM,  K.C.B.,  F.E.S. 

William  Scoresby — Buchan's  voyage — John  Ross  in  Baffin's  Bay — Parry's  first  voyage 
— Parry's  second  voyage — Parry's  third  voyage — F.  W.  Beechey — Franklin's  over- 
land expedition — Patriotism  of  Felix  Booth — Discoveries  of  John,  and  J.  C.  Ross — 
Back's  search  for  the  Rosses — Back's  voyage — Scientific  results  of  Arctic  work — 
Admiralty  surveys — W.  F.  Owen— Clapperton's  travels — The  Niger  expedition — 
P.  P.  King— Robert  FitzRoy— Basil  Hall— R.  Collinson— H.  Kellett— Sir  Edward 
Belcher — F.  P.  Blackwood — Owen  Stanley — Henry  Raper — Sir  Francis  Beaufort 
— J.  C.  Ross,  and  Crozier  in  the  Antarctic — Franklin's  last  voyage — Kellett  in  the 
Pacific — The  long  search  for  Franklin — The  younger  Arctic  voyagers — Surveyors 
in  war  time. 

WO  yearsafter 
the  peace, 
the  well-known 
whaling  master, 
William  Scoresby, 
returned  from  the 
Arctic  regions 
with  the  intelli- 
gence that  so  open 
a  season  had  never 
been  known.  It 
was  hoped  that 

the  next  season  would  find  the  Arctic  seas  equally  clear  of  ice,  and 
Barrow  made  such  good  use  of  the  report  that  it  was  resolved  to 
despatch  two  expeditions  to  the  north  in  1818,  one  to  the  Spits- 
bergen seas,  and  the  other  up  Davis  Strait.  Thus  was  the  era  of 
naval  Arctic  exploration  happily  commenced  with  some  prospect  of 
continuity.  Four  whalers  were  hired,  the  Dorothea,  and  Trent  for 
Spitsbergen,  the  Isabella,  and  Alexander  for  Davis  Strait.  The 


AKCTIC    MEDAL. 

Ribbon  :   white. 


508  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

command  of  the  Spitzbergen  expedition  was  entrusted  to  Commander 
David  Buchan,1  who  had  previously  been  employed  on  the  explora- 
tion of  the  interior  of  Newfoundland.  He  had  Mr.  Arthur  Morell 
as  his  first  Lieutenant.  The  Trent  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
John  Franklin,2  who  had  already  seen  hard  surveying  service  with 
Flinders.  Frederick  William  Beechey,  one  of  Mediterranean 
Smyth's  pupils,  was  his  second  in  command,  and  George  Back, 
who  was  destined,  like  Franklin  and  Beechey,  to  become  a  renowned 
Arctic  explorer,  was  a  Mate  on  board  the  vessel.  It  turned  out  to 
be  a  bad  year,  and  Buchan  was  not  so  successful  as  Phipps  in 
pushing  northward.  Bad  weather  and  much  danger  from  the  ice 
were  encountered  in  very  unseaworthy  vessels,  but  priceless  ex- 
perience of  Arctic  navigation  was  acquired.3 

The  voyage  up  Davis  Strait  was  more  important.  The  leader  of 
this  expedition  was  Captain  John  Ross,4  an  officer  who  had  seen 
much  service  in  the  Baltic  with  Saumarez.  His  more  distinguished 
nephew,  James  Clark  Boss,6  went  with  him  as  a  Midshipman  in 
the  Isabella.  The  Alexander  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
William  Edward  Parry,6  under  whom  was  Lieutenant  Henry 
Parkyns  Hoppner.  The  two  vessels,  Isabella,  and  Alexander, 
passed  north  through  Davis  Strait,  and  sailed  round  Baffin's  Bay, 
the  existence  of  which  had  long  been  doubted.  Boss  thus  re- 
habilitated the  fame  of  the  great  Elizabethan  navigator.  The  result 
of  Ross's  first  voyage 7  was  very  important.  The  whalers  im- 
mediately followed  him  into  the  north  water  of  Baffin's  Bay,  and 
thus  a  lucrative  trade  was  established,  which  continued  to  flourish 
for  many  years.  Ross  also  took  the  deepest  sounding,  and  brought 

1  Com.  Ap.  13th,  1816  ;  Capt.  June  12th,  1823.— W.  L.  C. 

2  John  Franklin  (1),  born  1786  ;  entered  Navy,  1800 ;  Lieut.  Feb.  llth,  1808 ; 
Com.  Jan.  1st,  1821 ;  Capt.  Nov.  20th,  1822 ;  Kt.  1829 ;    K.C.H.  1836  ;   took  com- 
mand of  Erebus  for  Arctic  discovery,  1845  ;  perished  in  the  ice,  June  llth,  1847.     He 
was  a  F.E.S.,  and  a  D.C.L.  (Oxon.)— W.  L.  C. 

3  See   'A   Voyage   of  Disc,   towards   the   N.   Pole,'    by   Capt.  F.  W.    Beechey, 
1843.— W.  L.  C. 

4  Born,  1777  ;  entered  Navy,  1786;  Lieut.  Mar.  13th,  1805  ;  Com.  Feb.  1st,  1812  ; 
Capt.  Dec.  7th,  1818  ;  died  a  Kt.,  C.B.,  and  retired  r.-adm.,  in  1856.— W.  L.  C. 

6  Born,  1800;  entered  Navy,  1812  ;  Lieut.  Dec.  26th,  1822;  Com.  Nov.  8th,  1827 ; 
Capt.  Oct.  28th,  1834 ;  died  a  Kt.  and  retired  r.-adm.  in  1862.— W.  L.  C. 

6  William  Edward  Parry,  born  1790 ;  entered  Navy,  1803  ;  Lieut.  Jan.  6th,  1810  ; 
Com.  Nov.  4th,  1820 ;  Capt.  Nov.  8th,  1821 ;    Actg.  Hydrographer,  Dec.  1st,  1823 ; 
Hydrographer,  Nov.  22nd,  1825,  to  Nov.  10th,  1826,  and  Nov.  2nd,  1827,  to  May  13th, 
1829;    Kt.    1829;   Contr.  of  Steam   Dept.  of  Navy,  1837  to  1846;    F.R.S.,  LL.D., 
(Cantab.)  ;  E.-Adm.  July  30th,  1852 ;  died  July  8th,  1855.— W.  L.  C. 

7  See  'A  Voyage  of  Discovery,'  2  vols.,  1819.— W.  L.  C. 


1818.] 


JOHN  BOSS'S    VOYAGE. 


509 


up  organisms  from  the  greatest  depth,  then  known.  But  he  con- 
ceived that  Smith,  Jones,  and  Lancaster  Sounds,  discovered  and 
named  by  Baffin  at  the  head  of  the  bay,  or  rather  sea,  which  bears 


510  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

his  name,  were  merely  bays.  He  consequently  reported  that  there 
was  no  opening  to  the  westward  from  Baffin's  Bay. 

His  second  in  command,  and  the  other  officers  of  the  Isabella, 
were  of  a  different  opinion.  Lieutenant  Parry  strongly  represented 
that  Lancaster  Sound  opened  upon  a  wide  strait  leading  westward. 
It  was,  therefore,  resolved  that  a  second  expedition  should  be  des- 
patched, under  the  command  of  Parry,  to  endeavour  to  find  a  passage 
from  Lancaster  Sound  to  the  Pacific.  It  consisted  of  two  strongly- 
built  old  vessels,  the  Hecla,  late  bomb,  and  Griper,  late  gun-brig. 
With  Parry,  in  the  Hecla,  were  Frederick  William  Beechey,  Captain 
Sabine,  K.A.,  for  magnetic  observations,  and  James  Clark  Boss. 
The  Griper  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Matthew  Liddon,  with 
Henry  Parkyns  Hoppner  as  his  first  Lieutenant.  The  expedition 
sailed  in  the  spring  of  1819. 

In  the  days  of  sailing  ships,  there  was  great  difficulty  in  passing 
northwards  from  Davis  Strait  to  the  open  water,  found  by  Baffin  and 
by  Boss,  in  the  head  of  Baffin's  Bay.  The  safe  passage  which  was 
made  by  sticking  to  the  land  floe  of  Melville  Bay  usually  caused 
much  delay  ;  while  an  attempt  to  pass  through  the  "  middle  pack  " 
drifting  south  entailed  the  danger  of  being  beset,  and  being  drifted 
out  again  into  the  Atlantic.  Such  an  attempt  could  very  rarely  be 
successful.  Parry,  after  consultation  with  his  ice  masters,  and 
careful  consideration  of  the  circumstances  of  the  season,  resolved  to 
take  the  "  middle  pack."  He  was  right,  and  his  ships  reached  the 
"  North  Water  "  unprecedentedly  early. 

Parry  sailed  triumphantly  into  Lancaster  Sound,  which  had  been 
supposed  by  Boss  to  form  a  bay  surrounded  by  mountains.  Passing 
westward,  he  named  after  Barrow  the  channel  leading  in  the  direc- 
tion which  he  was  instructed  to  take,  seeing  that  the  Secretary  to 
the  •Admiralty  had  been  the  chief  promoter  of  these  voyages.  A 
great  opening  leading  north  was  named  Wellington  Channel,  and 
one  to  the  south  was  called  after  the  Prince  Regent.  Drifting  floes 
of  ice  were  seen,  but  they  offered  slight  obstruction  to  the  Hecla  and 
Griper.  Parry  discovered  islands  on  the  northern  side  of  his  route, 
which  he  named  the  North  Georgian  group,  but  which  have  since 
been  more  appropriately  known  as  the  Parry  Islands,  and  he  reached 
the  far  western  longitude  of  110°.  The  sagacious  leader  saw,  from 
the  nature  of  the  ice,  that  no  further  progress  was  possible,  and  he 
proceeded  to  establish  his  ships  in  the  safe  quarters  of  "  Winter 
Harbour,"  in  Melville  Island. 


1819-23.]  PAKBY'S  DISCOVERIES.  511 

The  first  time  that  disciplined  men-of-war  passed  a  winter  in  the 
Arctic  regions  is  memorable  for  several  reasons.  It  tested  the 
qualities  of  officers  and  men  amid  very  trying  circumstances,  and 
proved  the  adaptability  of  British  seamen  to  novel  and  unaccus- 
tomed service.  While  discipline  was  necessarily  much  relaxed,  no 
advantage  was  taken  of  that  fact ;  and  officers  and  men  worked 
harmoniously  together  to  maintain  and  preserve  health  and  spirits 
by  joining  in  the  occupations  and  amusements  devised  by  their 
leader.  Parry's  first  voyage,  both  as  regards  the  experience  acquired 
during  a  difficult  and  anxious  navigation,  and  the  qualities  brought 
out  in  the  still  more  trying  period  of  the  winter,  showed  the 
immense  value  of  such  service  as  a  training  ground  for  officers 
and  men. 

The  return  of  Parry's  expedition  in  the  autumn  made  a  deep 
impression  on  the  nation.  The  despatch  of  such  voyages  became  a 
settled  policy  for  fully  fifteen  years.  The  great  advantages  to  the  Navy 
were  then  clearly  understood,  and  the  most  captious  acknowledged 
that  the  slight  outlay  which  secured  such  results  was  well  spent. 

The  objects  of  the  Arctic  voyages  of  the  nineteenth  century 
were  not  the  discovery  of  routes  for  commerce,  but  the  attainment 
of  valuable  scientific  results.  Parry  had  ascertained  that  there 
could  be  no  passage  to  the  westward  of  Melville  Island,  owing  to 
the  impenetrable  character  of  the  polar  pack.  He,  therefore, 
turned  his  attention  in  his  second  voyage,  1821-23,  to  the  com- 
pletion of  work  commenced  in  the  eighteenth  century  to  the 
north  of  Hudson's  Bay.  His  ships  were  the  Fury  and  Hecla,  both 
strongly-built  old  bomb  vessels,  the  former  being  his  own  ship,  and 
the  latter  being  under  the  command  of  the  accomplished  George 
Francis  Lyon,1  who  had  just  returned  from  an  African  exploring 
journey.  Parry  had  with  him  several  veterans  of  the  first  voyage — 
'Lieutenants  Henry  Parkyns  Hoppner,  and  Joseph  Nias ;  Alexander 
Fisher  (Surgeon),  and  James  Clark  Boss;  and  some,  such  as  Joseph 
Sherer,  Francis  Eawdon  Moira  Crozier,  and  Edward  Joseph  Bird, 
who  then  made  their  first  acquaintance  with  Arctic  ice,  but  who 
remained  true  to  that  fascinating  branch  of  naval  service. 

In  his  second  voyage,  Parry  performed  the  work  very  thoroughly, 

as   he  always  did.      His  object  was  to  discover  an  outlet  leading 

westward,  to  the  north  of  Hudson's  Bay  ;  and  he  succeeded,  having 

remained  out  for  two  winters,  1821  to  1823.     He  traced  out  "  Hecla 

1  Com.  Jan.  3rd,  1821 ;  Capt.  Nov.  13th,  1823 ;  died  Oct.  1832.— W.  L.  C. 


512  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

and  Fury  Strait,"  which  opened  on  a  previously  unknown  sea,  and 
he  discovered  Melville  Peninsula,  an  important  feature  of  the  north 
coast  of  America.1  In  1824,  the  year  after  Parry's  return,  Lyon 
was  sent,  in  the  Griper,  to  attempt  a  voyage  to  Eepulse  Bay,  but 
the  ice  was  impenetrable,  and  he  failed. 

A    combined    effort   was   organised,    in    1824,    to   complete   the 


REAR-ADMIRAL   SIR   WILLIAM    EDWARD   PARRY,    KT.,   D.C.L.,   F.R.S. 

(.From  the  picture  by  Chas.  Scottowc.) 
[By  permission  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty.] 

discovery  of  the  northern  coast  of  America.  Parry  was  to  make 
the  attempt  to  reach  the  sea  to  the  westward  of  Hecla  and  Fury 
Strait  by  way  of  Barrow's  Strait  and  Prince  Eegent's  Inlet.  He 
commissioned  the  Hecla,  while  his  old  and  tried  companion  Hoppner 
commanded  the  Fury.  Many  of  their  officers  afterwards  became 
well  known  in  the  service.  There  were  Henry  Foster,2  whose 

1  '  Journal  of  a  Second  Voyage,'  etc.     London,  1824. — W.  L.  0. 

2  Henry  Foster,  born  1798 ;  Com.  Nov.  30th,  1827  ;  died  Feb.  3rd,  1831. 


1824-27.]  PASBY'S  LATER    VOYAGES.  513 

scientific  attainments  won  him  honour  from  the  Eoyal  Society, 
James  Clark  Boss,  the  leader  of  the  famous  Antarctic  voyage, 
F.  E.  M.  Crozier  and  E.  J.  Bird,  his  faithful  companions  in  that 
enterprise,  Joseph  Sherer,  so  famous  as  the  capturer  of  slavers, 
Horatio  Thomas  Austin,  who  did  admirable  service  himself  as  an 
Arctic  leader — two  ships  manned  by  men  of  high  promise.  At  the 
same  time  the  Blossom  was  commissioned  by  Commander  Frederick 
William  Beechey,  whose  record  was  a  very  distinguished  one.  As  a 
surveyor  he  was  the  pupil  of  Mediterranean  Smyth.  He  had  been 
first  Lieutenant  of  the  Trent  with  Franklin,  and  of  the  Hecla  in 
Parry's  first  voyage ;  and  had  done  good  service  in  the  Tripoli 
expedition  of  1822,  when  he  explored  Cyrenaica  and  the  Greater 
Syrtis.1  The  Blossom's  work  included  an  examination  of  the 
numerous  islands  east  of  Tahiti,  and  an  attempt  to  meet  Parry's 
expedition  by  way  of  Bering  Strait. 

Franklin,  after  his  command  of  the  Trent,  had  been  employed 
from  1819  to  1822  on  a  land  journey  to  trace  down  the  great  rivers, 
Mackenzie  and  Coppermine,  to  the  Arctic  Sea,  and  to  explore  its 
shores.  He  had  been  accompanied  by  a  naval  Surgeon,  Dr.  John 
Richardson  (2),  and  by  two  Midshipmen,  Hood  and  George  Back. 
The  latter  had  served  with  him  in  the  Trent.  The  story  of  the 
fearful  hardships  and  sufferings  endured  by  these  intrepid  officers 
is  one  of  the  most  absorbing  in  naval  annals.2  Franklin  had 
returned  after  a  three  years'  absence,  but  he  was  allowed  very 
little  rest.  His  second  journey  to  the  Polar  Sea  was  undertaken 
with  the  object  of  co-operating  with  the  expeditions  of  Parry  and 
Beechey. 

Parry  found  the  season  in  Baffin's  Bay  exceptionally  unfavour- 
able. He  was  obliged  to  winter  at  Port  Bo  wen,  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  Prince  Eegent's  Inlet,  where  most  valuable  observations 
were  taken.  But,  soon  after  the  two  vessels  got  out  of  winter 
quarters  in  1825,  the  Fury  was  driven  on  shore  by  the  ice,  on  the 
western  coast,  and  became  a  wreck.  Her  provisions  were  landed  on 
what  has  ever  since  been  known  as  Fury  Beach,  and  the  two  crews 
returned  home  in  the  Hecla.  The  Blossom  discovered  the  north 
coast  of  America  from  Icy  Cape,  the  furthest  point  of  Captain  Cook, 
to  Cape  Barrow,  a  distance  of  126  miles.  Her  commission  extended 

1  See  '  Proceedings  of  the  Exped.  to  explore  the  N.  Coast  of  Africa,'  by  Beechey. 
— W.  L.  C. 

2  See  Franklin's  '  Narr.  of  a  Journey  to  the  Shores  of  the  Polar  Sea.' — W.  L.  C. 

VOL.   VI.  2  L 


514  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

from  1825  to  1828,  during  which  time  Captain  Beechey,  besides  his 
Arctic  discovery,  did  most  valuable  surveying  work  in  the  Pacific. 
Meanwhile,  Franklin,  with  his  well-tried  companion  George  Back, 
reached  the  Polar  Sea  by  Mackenzie  Biver,  and  traced  the  coast 
of  the  continent  westward  as  far  as  Cape  Turnagain.  A  very  short 
gap  was  left  between  Franklin's  and  Beechey's  farthest ;  and  this 
was  subsequently  filled  up  by  Dease,  and  Simpson,  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company's  service. 

While  Sir  Edward  Parry  was  employed  on  his  second  and  third 
voyages  he  held  the  post  of  Hydrographer ;  that  excellent  draughtsman 
Michael  Walker  conducting  the  work  of  the  department  during  the 
absence  of  his  chief  on  active  service.  The  Admiralty  consented  to 
a  third  period  of  absence,  when  the  indefatigable  explorer  submitted 
a  plan  for  attempting  to  reach  the  Pole  from  Spitzbergen,  by  means 
of  two  boats  to  be  dragged  over  the  ice  on  runners,  while  a  ship 
remained  in  a  harbour  on  the  north  coast  of  Spitzbergen  as  a  base 
for  their  operations. 

Sir  Edward  Parry  sailed  on  this  adventurous  enterprise  on  board 
the  Hecla  in  the  summer  of  1827,  accompanied  by  his  old  Arctic 
comrades  Foster,  Crozier,  Boss,  and  Bird.  The  ship  was  safely 
moored  in  Hecla  Cove  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Foster;  and  Parry,  with 
his  other  officers,  landed  the  two  boats  on  the  ice  of  the  Polar  pack, 
and  began  his  northward  journey.  With  much  difficulty  he  reached 
a  latitude  of  82°  45'  N.,  which,  for  the  next  fifty  years,  continued  to 
be  the  most  northern  point  ever  attained  by  man.  But  the  ice-floes 
were  drifting  southward  as  fast  as  the  explorers,  with  all  their 
efforts,  could  make  their  way  northwards.  At  last  the  hopeless 
struggle  was  abandoned,  and  the  expedition  returned  home.1  Parry 
retained  the  appointment  of  Hydrographer  until  1829,  when  he 
was  succeeded  by  Captain  (afterwards  Sir)  Francis  Beaufort. 

During  those  ten  years  of  Parry's  brilliant  Arctic  service,  Captain 
John  Boss  had  been  brooding  over  his  fatal  blunder  in  converting 
Lancaster  Sound  into  a  bay — a  blunder  which  had  ruined  his 
prospects  at  the  Admiralty.  At  last  he  persuaded  a  wealthy  distiller 
named  Felix  Booth  2  to  incur  the  expense  of  fitting  out  a  small 
expedition  to  enable  him  to  rehabilitate  his  reputation  as  an  Arctic 
explorer.  A  small  steam  vessel  called  the  Victory  was  equipped,  and 
Captain  Boss  sailed  for  Baffin's  Bay  in  the  spring  of  1829.  He  was 

1  '  Narr.  of  an  Attempt  to  Reach  the  North  Pole,'  etc.,  1828.— VV.  L.  C. 

2  Later  a  baronet. 


1829-33.]  JOHN  BOSS'S   DISCOVERIES.  515 

so  fortunate  as  to  secure  the  services,  as  second  in  command,  of  his 
nephew,  James  Clark  Ross,  whose  ice  experience  was  equalled  by 
that  of  Parry  alone.  The  second  officer  was  old  Abernethy,  a  very 
able  but  hard-drinking  naval  quartermaster,  who  had  also  served 
with  Parry. 

With  mingled  feelings  of  regret  and  satisfaction  Captain  John 


REAR-ADMIRAL  SIR  FRANCIS  BEAUFORT,   K.C.B.,    D.C.L.,    F.R.S.,    HYDROQRAPHER 

1829-1855. 

(From  the  picture  by  Stephen  Pearce.) 
[By  permission  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty.] 

Eoss  must  have  passed  the  open  portals  of  Lancaster  Sound  which 
he  had  so  confidently  closed  in  1818.  The  Victory  was  navigated 
down  Prince  Regent's  Inlet  for  a  long  distance,  into  a  large  gulf 
with  a  previously  undiscovered  coastline  to  the  west.  The  new  land 
received  the  name  of  Boothia  Felix,  and  the  adjoining  sea  was  called 
the  Gulf  of  Boothia.  The  Victory  was  secured  in  winter  quarters 
in  Felix  Harbour,  the  neighbourhood  of  which  the  ice  never  again 

2  L  2 


516  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

allowed  her  to  leave.  James  Clark  Eoss  made  several  important 
land  journeys,  discovering  Boothia  Isthmus,  the  north  coast  of  King 
William  Island  as  far  as  Cape  Felix,  and  the  western  shore  of 
Boothia  northwards  to  a  point  in  72°  N.  where  he  found  the 
dip  of  the  needle  to  be  nearly  90°.  He  had  discovered  the  North 
Magnetic  Pole. 

The  Victory  had  been  three  years  fast  locked  in  her  winter 
quarters,  and  there  was  no  prospect  of  her  extrication  from  the  ice. 
The  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted ;  and  in  the  summer  of  1832 
the  Bosses  and  their  crew  retreated  northwards  in  the  boats  to  Fury 
Beach.  It  was  a  forlorn  hope.  They  lived  through  the  winter  on 
the  Fury's  provisions,  but  it  was  doubtful  whether  any  of  them  would 
survive  to  return  to  England.  A  long  letter  from  Captain  Eoss  to 
Admiral  Sir  Thomas  Byarn  Martin  is  still  in  existence,  describing 
the  results  of  the  voyage,  but  expressing  but  slight  hope  of  being 
rescued.  In  1833  the  little  party  of  desperate  men  left  Fury  Beach 
in  its  boats,  and  was  eventually  picked  up  by  a  whaler  in  Barrow's 
Strait,  and  brought  home  safely.1 

Great  anxiety  had  been  felt  respecting  the  fate  of  the  missing 
explorers  ;  and  Commander  George  Back,  accompanied  by  Dr.  King, 
led  a  search  expedition  down  the  Great  Fish  or  Back  Eiver,  the 
course  of  which  he  discovered  to  its  mouth  in  the  Polar  Sea. 
Dr.  King  left  a  cache  of  provisions  on  Montreal  Island,  at  the  river's 
mouth,  a  place  which  afterwards  became  famous  as  the  last  point 
reached  by  the  survivors  of  the  Franklin  expedition.2 

The  last  voyage  during  what  may  be  considered  as  the  first 
period  of  modern  Arctic  discovery  was  made  under  the  command  of 
Captain  George  Back,  and  in  compliance  with  the  representations 
of  the  Eoyal  Geographical  Society.  The  object  was  to  attain  the 
position  which  Captain  Lyon  had  vainly  attempted  to  reach,  namely, 
Eepulse  Bay,  by  sea.  Back  also  was  doomed  to  failure.  He  com- 
missioned the  Terror 3  in  1836,  and  secured  a  set  of  officers  of 
exceptional  ability,  several  of  whom  succeeded  in  winning  naval 
laurels  during  their  subsequent  careers.  The  first  Lieutenant,  William 
Smyth,4  who  had  served  with  Beechey  in  the  Blossom,  was  the  future 

1  See  John  Eoss's  'Narr.  of  a  Second  Voyage  in  Search  of  a  N.W.  Passage,'  1835. 
— W.  L.  C. 

2  See  Back's  '  Narr.  of  the  Arctic  Land  Expedition.'— W.  L.  C. 

3  Back  had  been  posted  on  Sept.  30th,  1835.— W.  L.  C. 

4  Wm.  Smyth  was  made  a  Com.  Nov.  15th.  1837,  and  a  Captain  Dec.  25th,  1843. — 
W.  L.  C. 


1836.]  BACK'S    VOYAGE.  517 

explorer  of  the  Amazons,  and  a  most  accomplished  draughtsman. 
In  the  Terror,  too,  were  Lieutenant  Owen  Stanley,  the  well-known 
surveyor  of  Torres  Strait ;  Archibald  McMurdo,  of  Antarctic  fame ; 
Midshipman  Graham  Gore,  who  was  afterwards  among  the  most 
able  of  Franklin's  lost  heroes ;  and  Eobert  John  Le  Mesurier  McClure, 
the  future  discoverer  of  a  north-west  passage.  The  voyage  of  the 
Terror  was  one  of  exceptional  hardship  and  suffering.  Beset  by  the 
ice  off  Southampton  Island,  Back  and  his  gallant  companions  were 
forced  to  winter  in  the  drifting  pack.  During  the  winter  the  ice 
broke  up,  the  ship  was  nipped  and  crushed  between  the  contending 
floes,  and  more  than  once  the  destruction  of  all  on  board  seemed 
imminent.  The  darkness  of  an  Arctic  night  added  to  the  horrors 
of  their  position.  The  Terror  was  in  a  sinking  state  when  she 
crossed  the  Atlantic,  and  it  was  necessary,  on  reaching  the  Irish 
coast,  to  run  her  on  shore  in  Lough  Swilly,  to  prevent  her  from 
going  down.1 

Arctic  service  is  arduous  and  difficult,  but  it  offers  admirable  oppor- 
tunities for  gaining  habits  of  forming  quick  and  right  decisions,  and 
for  cultivating  presence  of  mind,  and  all  the  qualities  that  are  needed 
for  success  in  war.     This  is  its  most  useful  and   important   side. 
Next   in   value   are   its   scientific   results.      Captain    Sabine,    E.A., 
accompanied   the   first   voyages    of    Eoss    and    Parry   to    conduct 
magnetic  observations ;  and  afterwards  the  Griper  was  commissioned 
by  Commander  Douglas  Charles  Clavering  to  take  him  to    Spitz- 
bergen   and   the   east   coast   of    Greenland   to    swing   the   seconds 
pendulum.     It  was  then  that  the  Pendulum  Islands  were  discovered. 
James  Clark  Eoss  discovered  the  North  Magnetic  Pole  ;  and  Henry 
Foster  received  the  Copley  medal  from  the  Eoyal    Society  for  his 
observations  for   terrestrial   magnetism,  refraction,  and  velocity  of 
sound  at  Port  Bowen.    Equally  valuable  results  were  derived  from  the 
diligently  conducted  investigations  relating  to  meteorology,  anthro- 
pology, biology,  and  botany.    Geology  was  then  in  its  infancy.     Nor 
must  the  practical  and  commercial  results  of  Arctic  naval  enterprise 
be  forgotten.     The  whale  fishery  was  confined  to  Davis  Strait  until 
Eoss,  in  1818,  passed  through  Melville  Bay  and  showed  the  way 
into  the  "  North  Water."    The  consequence  of  his  voyage  was  that  the 
whalers  followed  him,  and  a  most  lucrative  fishery  was  established, 
which  nourished  for  more  than  half  a  century.     In  the  same  way 

1  '  Narr.  of  an  Exped.  in  H.M.S.  Terror,'  etc.     Back  was  given  the  Gold  Medal  of 
the  H.G.S.  in  1837,  and  knighted  in  1839.— W.  L.  C. 


518  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

Parry's  third  voyage  was  the  direct  cause  of  the  establishment  of 
a  whale  fishery  up  Prince  Eegent's  Inlet.  Two  young  Lieutenants, 
Joseph  Sherer,  and  James  Clark  Boss,  were  the  first  to  kill  a 
payable  whale  in  that  remote  and  ice-encumbered  sea.  They  led 
the  way. 

The  energy  and  public  spirit  at  the  Admiralty,  which  were  so 
remarkable  with  regard  to  Arctic  enterprise  while  Sir  John  Barrow's 
influence  prevailed,  was  not  wanting  with  reference  to  the  surveying 
operations  of  our  Navy,  during  the  same  period,  in  other  parts  of 
the  world. 

In  August,  1821,  Captain  William  Fitzwilliam  Owen  commis- 
sioned the  Leven,  24,  for  the  survey  of  the  coasts  of  Africa.  He 
had  previously  seen  much  service  in  the  East  Indies,  and  had  been  a 
prisoner  at  Mauritius  for  two  years.  The  Leven  had  a  tender  called 
the  Barracouta,  commanded  by  Commander  William  Cutfield  ;  and  in 
1822  these  two  vessels  executed  a  survey  of  Table  Bay.  Captain 
Owen  and  his  officers  and  men  were  entering  upon  most  arduous 
work  in  a  deadly  climate,  far  more  dangerous  to  life  and  health  than 
service  in  the  Arctic  regions. 

Departing  to  Delagoa  Bay,  the  men,  serving  up  the  rivers  in 
open  boats,  died  in  great  numbers.  The  ships  were  decimated ;  and 
among  the  victims  was  Cutfield,  who  was  succeeded  by  Commander 
Alexander  Thomas  Emeric  Vidal,  with  Lieutenant  Thomas  Boteler 
'as  his  assistant.  The  work  was  resolutely  continued  along  the 
Mozambique  coast,  in  1823,  by  Sofala  and  Quillimane  to  Zanzibar 
and  Mombasa,  and  was  followed  by  the  survey  of  the  Seychelles, 
and  Tamatave.  As  giving  an  idea  of  the  desperate  character  of  this 
service,  more  desperate  than  a  hard-fought  campaign,  it  is  recorded 
that  two-thirds  of  the  officers  of  those  surveying  vessels  fell  victims, 
and  that  half  the  men  died  in  seven  months. 

In  November,  1825,  Captain  W.  F.  Owen  began  the  survey  of  the 
west  coast  of  Africa  at  Walfisch  Bay,  gradually  working  up  to  Sierra 
Leone  and  the  Gambia.  He  returned  home  after  a  service  of  five 
years,  having  traced  thirty  thousand  miles  of  coast,  and  prepared 
eighty-three  charts  and  plans.  When  it  is  considered  that  no  chart- 
room  was  supplied  on  board  the  Leven,  and  that  she  laboured  under 
other  avoidable  disadvantages,  the  amount  of  work  done  by  her 
officers  in  such  a  climate  must  be  regarded  as  prodigious.  Boteler 
died  of  fever  on  the  coast  in  1829,  being  then  Commander  of  the 
Hecla,  surveying  vessel.  Vidal  also  continued  to  work  on  the  west 


1832-41.]  SURVEY    WORK  IN   WEST  AFRICA.  519 

coast  after  the  return  of  the  Leveit ;  and  he  later  surveyed  the  Azores 
on  board  the  Styx  from  1841  to  1845. 

It  is  to  the  Navy  that  are  due  the  original  discoveries  which 
eventually  led  to  the  opening  up  of  the  Soudan.  The  remarkable 
journeys  of  Commander  Hugh  Clapperton,1  R.N.,  from  Tripoli  to 
Kano,  near  which  place  he  died,  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Niger  by  his  servant,  Richard  Lander.  Lieutenant  William 
Allen  (3),  B.N.,  was  the  naval  leader  of  Lander's  Niger  Expedition 
in  June,  1832  ;  but  such  was  the  deadly  character  of  the  climate 
that,  out  of  47  men,  there  were  only  9  survivors,  Allen  being  one. 
A  second  Niger  expedition  went  up  the  river  under  Lieutenant 
Frederick  Bullock.2  A  third,  consisting  of  three  steamers,3  com- 
manded by  Captain  Henry  Dundas  Trotter,  and  Commanders 
William  Allen  (3),  and  Bird  Allen,  was  despatched  in  1841.  Fever 
broke  out  at  the  confluence  of  the  Niger  and  Benue ;  44  men 
died,  and  the  expedition  returned  to  Fernando  Po  in  October, 
1841.  Among  the  victims  was  Bird  Allen,  an  able  and  zealous 
surveyor,  who  had  served  most  of  his  time  in  the  West  Indies.4 

The  preliminary  survey  of  the  east  and  west  coasts  of  Africa  was 
a  grand  work,  intended  to  benefit  not  Great  Britain  only,  but  the  whole 
civilised  world.  Not  less  beneficent  in  its  aim,  certainly  not  less 
difficult  in  execution,  was  the  survey  of  Magellan's  Strait,  and  of  the 
intricate  channels  leading  from  the  Gulf  of  Trinidad.  This  also  was 
undertaken,  and  Commander  Philip  Parker  King  was  selected  for  the 
service,  commissioning  the  Adventure  in  1825.  A  small  vessel  called 
the  Beagle  was  selected  as  tender  to  the  Adventure,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Commander  Pringle  Stokes.  King's  first  Lieutenant  was 
John  Clements  Wickham,  and  he  also  had  with  him  Lieutenant 
William  George  Skyring,  a  disciple  of  Mediterranean  Smyth,  in  the 
Aid.  The  work  was  commenced  in  1826,  and  proceeded  with  in 
the  most  difficult  circumstances,  with  frequent  interruptions  from 
thick  weather  and  gales  of  wind,  in  a  rigorous  climate,  and  amidst 
perilous  navigation.  The  chart  of  the  extraordinarily  intricate 

1  Born  1788 ;  was  pressed  into  the  Navy ;  Lieutenant,  1815 ;  Commander,  1825 ; 
died,  1827.     See  '  KaiT.  of  Travs.  iu  North  and  Central  Africa,'  and  Lander :  '  Records 
of  Capt.  Clapperton's  last  Expedition.' — W.  L.  C. 

2  A  Captain  of  1838.     See  F.  O.  List  in  next  vol.— W.  L.  C. 

*  Albert,    Wilberforcc,   and   Soudan,  specially  built,   by  Lairds,   of  Birkenhead, 
of  iron. 

*  Other  officers  who  succumbed  to  fever  were  Master  George  B.  Harvey ;  Surgeon 
William  Barrett  Marshall;  Asst.-Surgeons  James  Woodhouse,  and  Horatio  Collman ; 
Mate  William  C.  Willie ;  and  Purser  Cyrus  Wakeham.— W.  L.  C. 


520  VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

channels  leading  from  the  Gulf  of  Trinidad  represents  a  master- 
piece of  patient  and  persevering  surveying  by  Skyring,  whose 
memory  is  preserved  on  the  great  expanse  of  inland  water  which 
bears  his  name.  At  length,  worn  out  by  toil  and  overwork,  Stokes, 
of  the  Beagle,  succumbed  in  1828.  Skyring  was  put  in  acting  com- 
mand by  Commander  King,  but  Eear-Admiral  Eobert  Waller  Otway, 
who  was  at  Eio,  superseded  this  hard-worked  man,  and  appointed 
his  own  flag-Lieutenant,  Eobert  FitzEoy,  to  the  Beagle.  Captain 
King x  returned  to  England  in  1830. 

FitzEoy  became  a  very  zealous  surveyor.  He  was  reappointed 
to  the  Beagle  in  1881,  but  the  Admiralty  never  repaid  him  for  the 
cost  of  a  tender  which  he  had  bought,  and  which  was  necessary  for 
the  delineation  of  intricate  channels  and  inlets.  It  was  commanded 
by  Lieutenant  Thomas  Graves  (6).'2  Such  was  the  way  in  which  the 
Admiralty  rewarded  the  zeal  of  its  officers,  leaving  them  several 
thousands  of  pounds  out  of  pocket,  but  accepting  the  work  executed 
through  the  use  of  that  money.  This  treatment  did  not  diminish 
FitzEoy's  zeal.  "Virtue  is  its  own  reward."  The  Beagle  (of  235 
tons)  sailed  in  1831.  FitzEoy  was  assisted  by  such  surveyors  as 
"Wickham,  and  John  Lort  Stokes.  Skyring  went  to  the  west  coast  of 
Africa  in  the  JEtna,  ar.d  was  murdered  by  some  natives  at  the  Caches 
river,  near  Cape  Eoxo,  in  1833.  FitzEoy  was  also  accompanied  by 
the  naturalist  Charles  Eobert  Darwin.3  During  this  voyage  the 
Beagle  surveyed  the  west  coast  of  Patagonia,  the  Falkland  Islands, 
and  the  whole  of  the  west  coast  of  South  America  as  far  as  Guayaquil 
and  the  Galapagos  Islands.  This  was  a  most  important  service  to 
navigation,  as  the  Spanish  charts  were  many  miles  out,  not  only  in 
longitude,  but  also  in  latitude.  Captain  FitzEoy  was  a  most 
amiable  as  well  as  a  zealous  officer,  and  a  good  sailor.  He  was 
afterwards  Governor  of  New  Zealand  from  1843  to  1848,  and  com- 
manded the  Arrogant,  steam  frigate,  in  1849.  His  last  service  was 
the  foundation  of  our  system  of  meteorological  forecasts. 

King  and  FitzEoy  had  several  distinguished  disciples  besides 
Skyring.  Wickham  afterwards  had  command  of  the  Beagle  in  1838, 
surveying  Swan  Eiver  and  part  of  the  north  coast  of  Australia. 
John  Lort  Stokes,  who  was  a  Midshipman  with  FitzEoy,  also 

1  Born  1793;  posted  1830;  retired  1850.— W.  L.  C. 

2  See  '  Narr.  of  a  Ten  Years'  Voyage  of  Disc,  round  the  World,'  by  FitzRoy  and 
King  (L841).— W.  L.  C. 

3  Born  1809 ;  died  1882. 


1815-23.]  BASIL   HALL,   AND   HIS  INFLUENCE.  521 

served  with  Wickham  in  Australia,  succeeding  him  in  the  command 
of  the  Beagle  in  1841.  He  afterwards,  from  1847  to  1853,  made  an 
admirable  survey  of  the  west  coast  of  New  Zealand  in  the  Acheron, 
Graves  did  good  service  in  the  Archipelago  on  board  the  Volage. 
When  Captain-Superintendent  of  the  port  at  Valetta,  he  was 
assassinated  by  a  Maltese  boatman  in  1856.  Owen  Stanley  was  a 
still  more  distinguished  pupil  of  King  and  FitzRoy.  George  Henry 
Eichards,  and  Frederick  John  0.  Evans,  future  Hydrographers, 
were  pupils  of  Stokes  on  board  the  Acheron; 

In  the  period  of  the  earlier  Arctic  voyages  and  African  surveys, 
there  was  an  officer  who,  though  not  himself  a  professed  explorer  or 
surveyor,  exercised  great  and  beneficial  influence  over  those  who 
wished  to  emulate  the  services  of  Parry  and  Owen,  and,  indeed,  over 
the  whole  rising  naval  generation.  Captain  Basil  Hall  *  commanded 
the  Lyra,  1815-17,  when  he  visited  the  Loo  Choo  Islands,  and  was 
in  the  Conway  on  the  west  coast  of  South  America  from  1820  to 
1823.  An  intelligent  observer,  always  anxious  to  increase  his  stock 
of  knowledge  for  the  good  of  the  service,  he  was  also  imaginative 
and  endowed  with  a  strong  sense  of  humour.  But  his  most  valuable 
gift  was  the  power  of  imparting  the  results  of  his  observations  and 
his  ideas  to  others.  Of  his  immediate  disciples  in  the  Conway  were 
Alexander  Bridport  Becher,  the  future  writer  on  the  landfall  of 
Columbus,  and  Henry  Foster,  the  scientific  Arctic  explorer.  But 
among  several  generations  of  naval  officers,  the  name  of  the  author 
of  '  Hall's  Fragments  '  continued  to  be  a  "  household  word." 

We  have  seen  how  Basil  Hall's  most  distinguished  pupil  received 
the  Copley  Medal  for  his  scientific  work  in  the  Arctic  regions.  But 
Foster's  career  was  soon  afterwards  cut  short  by  an  untimely  death. 
After  his  return  from  Spitzbergen,  he  received  command  of  the 
Chanticleer,  a  barque  of  237  tons ;  and  he  had  with  him  Collinson 
and  Austin,  both  future  Arctic  commanders.  She  proceeded  to  the 
West  Indies,  and  Commander  Foster  took  a  series  of  pendulum 
observations  of  the  highest  value.  He  was  drowned  2  in  the  river 
Chagres,  when  measuring  the  difference  of  longitude  between 
Chagres  and  Panama. 

Richard  Collinson,3  the  pupil  both  of  Foster  and  of   Beechey, 

1  Basil  Hall,  born  1788;  Com.  1814;  Capt.  1817;  died,  1844.— W.  L.  C. 

2  On  Feb.  3rd,  1831.     He  was  born  in   1798,  and   was  a  Commander  of  1827. 
— W.  L.  C. 

8  Sir  Richard  Collinson,  born   1811 ;  Com.   1841 ;   Capt.  1842 ;    R.-Adm.  1862 
V.-Adm.  1869  ;  Adm.  1875 ;  died  1883. 


522  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

showed,  in  his  Chinese  service,  the  importance  of  a  thorough 
scientific  training  as  marine  surveyor,  for  at  least  a  proportion 
of  officers  in  every  fleet,  in  time  of  war.  Henry  Kellett l  was 
another  example.  Receiving  his  training  under  Owen  and  Skyring, 
he  was  with  the  latter  officer  when  he  was  killed  on  the  coast 
of  Africa.  Collinson  was  engaged  for  three  years,  in  the  Plover 
and  Young  Hebe,  in  the  survey  of  the  China  coasts,  from  Chusan  to 
Hong  Kong,  including  Formosa  ;  and  Kellett  was  equally  indefati- 
gable in  the  Starling.  Science  was  then,  as  unfortunately  it  is  now, 
despised  and  depreciated  by  ignorance  in  high  places  ;  but  when  the 
war  broke  out  in  China,  scientific  officers  were  found  to  be  indis- 
pensable in  the  persons  of  Collinson  and  Kellett.  It  was  then  that 
Sir  William  Parker  (2)  turned,  for  the  success  of  his  operations,  to 
the  scientific  surveyors.  Collinson  was  appointed  Surveyor  to  the 
Fleet,  and  it  was  Kellett  who  led  the  flagship  up  the  Yangtsze  Kiang 
to  Nankin. 

Sir  Edward  Belcher 2  was  a  trained  surveyor  :  but  an  officer  who 
made  "  a  hell  afloat  "  of  every  ship  he  ever  commanded  cannot  be 
regarded  as  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  service.  Belcher  was  with 
Beechey  in  the  Blossom,  and  he  afterwards  completed  some  of 
Owen's  work  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  on  board  the  JEtna.  He  com- 
manded the  Sulphur  in  China  during  the  first  war,  and  from  1842 
to  1847  he  conducted  important  surveys  in  the  Samarang  on  the 
coast  of  Borneo  and  in  the  Eastern  Archipelago,  as  well  as  on  the 
coast  of  Corea,  and  the  Majico-Sima  Islands.  Belcher  was  severely 
wounded  in  repulsing  an  attack  by  Malay  pirates,  in  the  Strait  of 
Gilolo.  At  the  same  time,  Captain  Francis  Price  Blackwood,3  in 
the  Fly,  was  at  work  on  the  Great  Barrier  Reef,  with  the  Bramble 
as  a  tender.  This  arduous  service  comprised  the  examination  of 
dangerous  reefs  for  a  length  of  a  thousand  miles,  as  well  as  the  coral 
reefs  in  Torres  Strait,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  of  the  coast  of 
New  Guinea.  Blackwood,  in  1844,  erected  on  Raine  Island  a  beacon, 
seventy  feet  high  and  thirty  in  diameter,  as  a  guide  for  vessels 
passing  the  barrier  chain.  Charles  Frederick  Alexander  Shad  well,4 
Blackwood's  first  Lieutenant  in  the  Fly,  was  an  officer  whose  high 

1  Henry  Kellett,  born  1806 ;  Com.  1841 ;  Capt.  1842. 

2  Sir  Edward  Belcher,  born  1799 ;  Com.  1829 ;  Capt.  1841 ;  R.-Adra.  1861 ;  retd. 
v.-adm.  1866 ;  died  a  retd.  adm.  1877.— W.  L.  C. 

3  Francis  Price   Blackwood,  born   1809 ;    Com.   1830 ;    Capt.   1838 ;    died   1854. 
— W.  L.  C. 

4  Shadwell  died  an  Adm.  in  1886,  set.  72.— W.  L.  C. 


SIX   FRANCIS  BEAUFORT.  523 

scientific  attainments  and  pre-eminence  as  a  navigator  and  observer 
were  graced  by  amiable  qualities  which  won  the  affection  of  all  who 
served  under  him. 

Owen  Stanley  l  carried  forward  the  splendid  work  of  Blackwood 
and  Shadwell.  Commencing  his  surveying  career  with  King  in  the 
Adventure,  he  was  in  the  Terror  with  Back  during  her  terrible 
experiences  in  Hudson's  Bay.  Afterwards,  under  Graves  in  the 
Mastiff,  he  conducted  a  survey  up  the  Gulf  of  Lepanto  in  an  open 
boat,  which  he  hauled  across  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  regaining  his 
ship  in  Voula  Bay.  When  in  command  of  the  Britomart,  he 
founded  the  colony  of  Port  Essington,  and,  in  the  "Rattlesnake,  he 
continued  the  surveys  of  New  Guinea,  and  Torres  Strait.  Owen 
Stanley  died  in  the  midst  of  his  work  in  1850 ;  and  his  grave  at 
Sydney  is  near  that  of  another  devoted  officer,  the  late  Commodore 
James  Graham  Goodenough,2  whose  funeral  sermon  was  preached 
by  Owen  Stanley's  brother,  the  late  Dean  of  Westminster.  In 
recording  the  deeds  of  Blackwood,  and  Stanley,  the  less  known  but 
equally  meritorious  labours  of  Charles  Bamfield  Yule 3  must  not  be 
forgotten.  Trained  by  Bullock  on  the  English  coast,  and  by  Skyring 
and  Vidal  in  the  Mtna,  Yule  subsequently  commanded  the  tender 
Bramble,  under  Blackwood,  from  1842  to  1845,  and  afterwards 
under  Owen  Stanley.  He  beat  up  against  the  south-east  trade  from 
Cape  York  to  Sydney,  and  went  through  most  arduous  service  during 
many  years,  but  survived  it  all  to  find  a  more  comfortable  post  in 
the  hydrographic  department  at  home. 

It  naturally  happened  that  some  of  the  naval  surveyors  devoted 
themselves  more  especially  to  the  attractive  study  of  nautical 
astronomy.  Thus  Henry  Baper  (2),4  who  received  his  first  training 
in  the  Adventure,  under  Mediterranean  Smyth,  published  in  1843  the 
best  existing  work  on  the  practice  of  navigation  ;  and,  in  a  later 
generation,  the  studies  of  Sir  C.  F.  A.  Shadwell  resulted  in  the  useful 
tables  which  bear  his  name. 

The  great  work  which  was  done  by  the  Navy  for  the  benefit  of 
navigation  needed  the  fostering  care  and  the  firm  support  of  an 
influential  official  at  the  Admiralty.  Such  a  man  was  Francis 

1  Owen  Stanley,  born  1811 ;  Com.  1839 ;  Cai>t.  1844;  died  1850.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Goodenough,  when  Commod.  on  the  Australian  station  in  the  Pearl,  died  Aug.  20, 
1875,  of  wounds  received  at  the  hands  of  Borne  Polynesian  ielanders. — W.  L.  C. 

3  A  Com.  of  1851.— W.  L.  C. 

4  A   Lieut,  of   1823.     He   was   for  years   Secretary   to   the   Royal   Astronomical 
Society.— W.  L.  C. 


524  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1816-1856. 

Beaufort  (I),1  who  held  the  post  of  Hydrographer  from  1829  to  1855. 
His  difficulties  in  contending  against  and  overcoming  the  obstruction 
of  "  their  Lordships  "  were  very  great.  He  had  a  long  and  hard 
fight  with  dulness  and  ignorance.  "  The  natural  tendency  of  men," 
he  philosophically  remarked,  "is  to  undervalue  what  they  do  not 
understand."  But  his  firmness  and  never-failing  tact  overcame  all 
obstacles.  To  him  alone  is  due  the  credit  of  organising  those  in- 
valuable surveys  in  all  parts  of  the  world  that  were  executed  in  his 
time.  A  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Eoyal  Geographical  Society 
himself,  he  actively  supported  all  the  representations  of  that  body, 
which  were  successful  in  the  cases  of  Back's  voyage  to  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  Wickham's  Australian  survey.  Beaufort's  industry  was 
marvellous.  Having  already  worked  for  three  hours  at  home, 
he  began  office  work  at  9  A.M.,  and  continued  at  it  for  eight  hours. 
Between  1837  and  1847,  he  raised  the  expenditure  in  his  department 
from  £68,517  to  £123,678,  which  is  a  measure  of  the  corresponding 
increase  in  activity  and  in  the  output  of  valuable  work. 

The  surveys  of  the  Bed  Sea,  south-east  coast  of  Arabia,  the 
Persian  Gulf,  and  the  coasts  of  India  and  Burma  were  executed  by 
the  officers  of  the  Indian  Navy. 

In  1838  the  time  had  come  for  the  renewal  of  polar  research,  and, 
with  Beaufort  and  Barrow  at  the  Admiralty,  its  cause  could  be  sure 
of  influential  advocacy.  The  British  Association  represented  the 
urgency  of  a  magnetic  survey  of  the  southern  ocean,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  despatch  an  Antarctic  expedition  under  the  command  of 
Captain  James  Clark  Boss.  The  experience  of  that  officer  as  a 
magnetic  observer  was  second  only  to  that  of  Sabine,  while  he  was. 
easily  first  as  an  ice  navigator.  His  second  in  command  was  Com- 
mander Francis  Eawdon  Moira  Crozier,2  who  had  served  in  all 
Parry's  voyages  except  the  first.  Among  the  officers  were  Edward 
Joseph  Bird,3  who  also  had  served  under  Parry,  Archibald  McMurdo/ 
who  had  been  with  Back  in  the  Terror,  Dr.  Bobert  McCormick,  B.N., 
who  had  been  with  Parry  in  his  polar  voyage  of  1827,  Dr.  David 
Lyall,  B.N.,  and  the  future  illustrious  botanist,  Joseph  Dalton 

1  Sir  Francis- Beaufort  (1),  born  1774;    Com.  1800;    Capt.   1810;    retd.  r.-adm. 
1846;  died  1857.     He   was  an   F.R.S.   of  1814,   and  a   K.C.B.    (civil)   of  1848.— 
W.  L.  C. 

2  Francis  Rawdon  Moira  Crozier,  Lieut.  1826  ;  Com.  1837 ;  Capt.  1841 ;  died  1854. 
— W.  L.  C. 

3  Became  a  Rear-Adm.  1863  ;  retired  1869 ;  died  1881.— W.  L.  C. 

4  Promoted  Commander,  1843.— W.  L.  C. 


1839-43.]  JAMES    CLARK  BOSS  IN   THE  ANTARCTIC.  525 

Hooker,1  who  then  commenced  his  great  life-work  for  the  advance- 
ment of  science.  Two  strongly-built  old  bomb  vessels,  the  Erebus 
and  Terror,  were  selected  for  the  service. 

Two   subordinate    naval    officers,    John   Biscoe   (1830-32),    and 
Weddell  (1823),  had   already  made  some  important   Antarctic  dis- 


REAR-ADMIRAL    SIR   JAMES   CLARK    ROSS,    KT.,    D.C.L.,    F.B.S. 

(From  the  picture  by  Stephen  Pearce.) 
[By  permission  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty.] 

coveries,  while  commanding  vessels  owned  by  Messrs.  Enderby. 
Biscoe  had  discovered  Enderby's  Land  and  Graham's  Land  to 
the  south  of  the  South  Shetlands,  and  Weddell  had  penetrated 
as  far  south  as  74°  15'  without  being  stopped  by  the  ice. 

Boss  boldly  pushed  his  ships  into  the  formidable  polar  pack,  a 
feat  which  had  never  before  been  attempted  by  any  navigator. 
Captain  Cook  had  considered  it  to  be  impenetrable.  The  foreign 

1  Sir  J.  D.  Hooker,  born  1817  ;  Surgeon  B.  N.,  1839;  retired  1870;  K.C.S.I.  1869; 
Pres.  of  Boy.  Soc.,  1873-78 :  G.C.S.I.  1897.— W.  L.  C. 


526  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

expeditions  under  Dumont  d'Urville,  and  Wilkes  did  not  venture  to 
do  more  than  look  at  the  pack.  But  Boss  and  Crozier  put  the  bluff 
bows  of  the  old  Erebus  and  Terror  straight  on  to  the  jammed-up  ice 
on  January  5th,  1841.  They  received  some  very  heavy  blows,  but 
they  forced  their  way  in,  and  Eoss's  splendid  audacity  was  rewarded. 
In  six  days  -he  reached  open  water,  and  discovered  land  with  a 
great  range  of  mountains  extending  for  450  miles  to  the  south- 
ward, which  received  the  name  of  Victoria  Land.  On  the  28th 
of  January,  an  active  volcano,  12,400  feet  in  height,  emitting  flame 
and  smoke  in  great  profusion,  was  sighted,  and  named  Mount 
Erebus.  Extending  from  the  neighbourhood  of  this  volcano  for 
a  distance  of  several  hundreds  of  miles,  Eoss  discovered  a  range 
of  perpendicular  ice  cliffs  rising  to  a  height  of  200  feet,  and 
forming  a  stupendous  barrier,  the  great  source  of  supply  for  the 
icebergs  which  encumber  the  southern  ocean.  In  1842  the  daring 
explorer  again  took  the  pack,  and  had  a  much  more  terrible  ex- 
perience. The  wind  freshened  to  a  violent  gale  on  January  19th, 
when  both  ships  were  surrounded.  The  rudder  of  the  Erebus  was 
so  damaged  as  to  be  no  longer  of  any  use,  and  that  of  the  Terror  was 
completely  destroyed,  and  nearly  torn  away  from  the  stern  post. 
Eoss  said  that  "  throughout  a  period  of  twenty-eight  hours,  during 
any  one  of  which  there  appeared  to  be  very  little  hope  that  they 
would  live  to  see  another,  the  coolness,  steady  obedience,  and  un- 
tiring exertions  of  each  individual  were  every  way  worthy  of  British 
seamen."  But  Eoss  was  not  to  be  beaten.  He  forced  his  way 
through  this  terrible  pack,  and  once  more  reached  and  examined  the 
marvellous  ice  barrier.  In  1843  he  surveyed  the  South  Shetlands ; 
but  his  third  attempt  to  force  his  way  through  the  pack  in  March 
did  not  succeed  because  it  was  made  too  late  in  the  year.  After 
three  seasons  in  the  Antarctic  ice,  facing  and  overcoming  dangers 
and  difficulties  which  had  daunted  all  his  predecessors,  Eoss  brought 
his  ships  safely  home  in  1843,1  laden  with  a  rich  harvest  of  valuable 
scientific  results.2  This  was  a  service  of  which  the  Navy  may  well 
be  proud.  It  was  a  glorious  peace  victory. 

The  return  of  Eoss,  with  two  strong  ships  well  adapted  for  ice 
navigation,  suggested  to  Sir  John  Barrow  that  another  voyage 
might  be  undertaken  with  the  object  of  solving  the  geographical 
problem  of  the  North-West  Passage.  He  was  warmly  seconded  by 

1  He  was  knighted  soon  after  his  arrival. — W.  L.  C. 

2  See  '  A  Voyage  of  Discovery  in  the  Southern  and  Antarctic  Seas,'  1847. — W.  L.  C. 


1845.]  FSANKLIN'S  LAST   VOYAQE.  527 

Sir  Francis  Beaufort,  and  the  Erebus  and  Terror  were  re-commis- 
sioned. Commander  James  Fitzjames,1  who  had  returned  from  the 
East  Indian  station  in  the  Clio,  should  have  commanded  the  expedi- 
tion, and  this  was  the  original  intention.  But  Sir  John  Franklin 
put  in  a  claim,  and  it  was  considered  that,  if  he  insisted,  it  could 
not  be  overlooked.  He  was  in  his  sixtieth  year,  and  was  much  too 
old-  Moreover,  his  experience  of  ice  navigation  was  confined  to  a 
summer  cruise  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  before.  When  a 
young  man  he  had  won  his  laurels  by  his  two  land  journeys. 
Captain  Crozier,  who  was  to  command  the  Terror  again,  though  a 
man  of  great  Arctic  experience,  was  also  too  old.  Fitzjames,  the 
brilliant  commander  of  the  Erebus,  should  have  been  the  leader  of 
the  expedition.  Seldom,  nevertheless,  has  a  more  able  and  zealous 
set  of  officers  started  on  a  perilous  service  than  those  who  sailed  in 
the  Erebus  and  Terror.  The  flower  of  the  Navy  volunteered,  among 
them  the  most  promising  young  officers  on  board  the  Excellent ;  and 
the  pick  of  these  was  chosen.  There  were  Lieutenants  Graham  Gore, 
who  had  been  with  Back  in  the  Terror,  James  Walter  Fairholme,  of 
the  Niger  expedition,  Henry  Thomas  Dundas  Le  Vescomte,  .specially 
selected  by  Sir  Francis  Beaufort,  and  George  Henry  Hodgson,  direct 
from  the  Excellent,  and  Mates  Charles  Frederick  Des  Voeux,2  Eobert 
Orme  Sargent,2  Frederick  John  Hornby,2  and  Robert  Thomas.3 

The  expedition  sailed  from  England  in  May,  1845,  all  its  members 
full  of  bright  hopes  and  ardent  enthusiasm.  Everything  appeared 
prosperous,  and  seemed  to  point  to  success,  as  the  two  vessels 
easily  passed  the  ordinary  obstructions  of  Baffin's  Bay,  and  entered 
Barrow's  Strait.  Franklin's  instructions  were  to  make  his  way  to 
Bering  Strait  by  working  to  the  south  and  west,  but  he  was  given 
the  alternative  of  trying  Wellington  Channel.  Without  doubt, 
Franklin's  matured  judgment  was  to  follow  the  first  part  of  his 
instructions,  and  make  for  the  coast  of  America.  But  we  know  that 
the  expedition  proceeded  up  Wellington  Channel,  probably  tempted 
by  the  absence  of  ice  within  sight.  Stopped  by  the  impenetrable 
polar  pack  in  77°,  as  Parry  had  been  stopped  to  the  west  of  Melville 
Island,  Franklin  resolved  to  return.  He  took  his  ships  down  a 
channel,  never  since  explored,  between  Bathurst  and  Cornwallis 
Islands,  and  brought  them  back  to  safe  winter  quarters  at  Beechey 
Island,  on  the  western  side  of  the  entrance  of  Wellington  Channel. 

1  Com.  1842  ;  Capt.  1545;  died  1854.— W.  L.  C. 

2  Lieuts.  1846.  "  Lieut.  1847. 


528  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1810-185C. 

This  was  the  most  remarkable  voyage  that  has  ever  been  made 
in  those  ice-encumbered  straits  and  channels. 

Franklin  must  then  have  resolved  fully  to  act  in  accordance  with 
his  own  matured  views,  and  push  southwards  to  the  coast  of 
America  in  the  season  of  1846.  He  knew  that  coast,  and  that  there 


CAPTAIN   SIR   JOHN   FRANKLIN,    KT.,    D.C.L.,    F.R.S. 

(From  the  water-colour  by  William  Derby.) 
[By  permission  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty.] 

were  leads  of  open  water  along  it.  Accordingly  the  Erebus  and 
Terror  went  down  what  is  now  called  Peel  Sound,  between  North 
Somerset  and  Prince  of  Wales'  Islands,  sighted  the  coast  of  King 
William  Land,  discovered  by  James  Clark  Boss,  and  attempted  to 
proceed  along  its  west  coast  to  the  shores  of  the  continent.  But 
there  again  they  were  met  by  that  impenetrable  polar  pack  which 
sweeps  down  Melville  Sound  and  impinges  on  the  west  coast  of 
King  William  Land.  Franklin  was  obliged  to  winter  in  the  pack. 
If  he  had  attempted  to  pass  down  the  eastern  instead  of  the  western 


1847-48.]  FATE   OF  FRANKLIN'S  EXPEDITION.  529 

shore,  it  is  quite  possible  that  he  might  have  succeeded.  But  it  was 
not  then  known  that  King  William  Land  was  an  island.  It  was 
conceived  to  be,  and  was  shown  on  the  map  as,  a  peninsula  extending 
west  from  Boothia.  Up  to  that  time  Franklin  had  conducted  the 
enterprise  with  great  ability  and  sound  judgment,  in  accordance 
with  existing  knowledge.  He  had  very  nearly  reached  the  American 
coast,  and  he  expected  to  reach  it  in  the  ensuing  season  of  1847. 

When  the  sun  returned,  Graham  Gore  *  and  Des  Voeux  made  a 
sledge  journey  down  the  west  coast  of  King  William  Land,  reached 
Cape  Herschel,  and  thus  completed  the  discovery  of  a  North-West 
Passage,  for  Cape  Herschel  had  been  reached  by  Simpson  from  the 
west.     With  this  knowledge  the  veteran  explorer  went  to  his  rest. 
Sir  John  Franklin  died  on  June  llth,  1847.   As  the  season  advanced 
it  was  found  that,  short  though  the  distance  was  to  the  American 
coast,  the  polar  pack  remained  impenetrable.     Crozier  had  taken 
command  of  the  expedition,  and  Fitzjames  succeeded  as  Captain  of 
the  Erebus.     It  became  evident  that  they  must  face  the  horrors  of  a, 
third  winter,  with  insufficient  and  unwholesome  food.    For  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  preserved  meats  supplied  by  the  Admiralty, 
through  a  rascally  contractor  named  Goldner,  were  bad,  and  unfit 
for  human  consumption.     The  consequence  was  that  scurvy  broke 
out.    There  were  many  deaths  both  among  officers  and  men,  and  the 
spring  of  1848  found  the  survivors  weak,  debilitated,  and  consequently 
despondent.     Provisions  were  nearly  at  an  end.     A  retreat  became 
necessary,  but  it  was  a  forlorn  hope.     Crozier  and  Fitzjames  did  all 
that  was  possible.     They  resolved  to  make  an  attempt  to  reach  help 
by  ascending  the  Back  or  Great   Fish   Eiver.      Boats  and  sledges 
were  prepared  with  great  care,  and  stored  with  such  provisions  as 
remained ;  and  in  April,  1848,  the  doomed  heroes  landed  near  Cape 
Victory.     A  record,  left  in  a  cairn  by  Graham  Gore  in  the  previous 
year,  was  accidentally  found.    Some  ink  was  thawed,  and  a  brief  note 
of  what  had  happened  was  written  round  it  by  Fitzjames,  and  signed 
by  the  two  Captains.    The  record  was  then  replaced.    Dragging  two 
heavy   boats   on  sledges,  the  party  resumed  its   hopeless   journey. 
Debilitated  by  illness,  and  much  weaker  than  had   been  supposed 
when  they  left  the  ships,  the  men  fell  down  to  die  as  they  walked 
along.     Only  a  very  few  reached  Montreal  Island,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Great  Fish  Eiver;  and  near  that  spot  the  last  survivor  suc- 
cumbed, probably  before  the  autumn  of  1848  set  in.     Bravely  and 

1  Graham  Gore  had  been  made  Com.  on  Nov.  Gth,  1846.— W.  L.  C. 
VOL.   VI.  ^   M 


530  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

resolutely  had  those  gallant  sailors  stuck  to  their  duty,  and  died 
at  their  posts.  Their  end,  though  unspeakably  sad  and  pathetic, 
was  glorious.  They  died  to  uphold  the  honour  and  prestige  of  their 
country.  Yet  the  loss  of  the  Franklin  expedition  was  one  of  the 
greatest  calamities  that  ever  befell  the  British  Navy. 

In  the  same  year  that  Franklin  sailed  from  England,  Captain 
Henry  Kellett  commissioned  the  Herald,  with  the  brigantine 
Pandora  as  a  tender,  and  proceeded  to  the  Pacific  to  continue  the 
survey  of  the  west  coast  of  South  America  from  Guayaquil  to 
Panama.  Having  completed  this  work,  the  Herald,  accompanied 
by  the  Plover,  went  up  Bering.  Strait  with  the  idea  of  meeting  the 
Franklin  expedition  ;  and  Kellett  discovered  the  island  reported  by 
Baron  Wrangel  as  being  off  the  coast  of  Western  Siberia,  and 
since  known  as  Wrangel  Land.  During  the  same  period,  1842-46, 
Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,1  in  the  Philomel,  surveyed  the  south- 
east coast  of  South  America,  and  completed  the  surveys  of  the 
Falkland  Islands. 

No  anxiety  was  felt  for  Franklin's  expedition  after  the  second 
winter  in  1847,  except  by  one  person.  Dr.  King,  who  had  accom- 
panied Back  in  his  descent  of  the  Great  Fish  Eiver,  made  an  urgent 
appeal  to  the  Government  to  send  supplies  and  relief  by  that  route 
to  Montreal  Island.  He  represented  that  Franklin's  intention  was 
to  reach  the  American  coast,  that  a  retreat,  if  it  became  necessary, 
must  be  to  the  Great  Fish  Eiver,  and  that  the  provisions  would  be 
exhausted  in  1848,  when  it  would  be  too  late.  Dr.  King's  repre- 
sentations were  unheeded.  At  length,  in  1848,  when  it  was  too  late, 
a  relief  expedition  was  tardily  fitted  out,  consisting  of  two  vessels, 
the  Enterprise,  commanded  by  Sir  James  Clark  Ross,  and  the 
Investigator,  by  Captain  Edward  Joseph  Bird.  If  Dr.  King's  urgent 
appeal  had  been  listened  to  in  1847  many  of  his  gallant  countrymen 
might  have  been  saved.  In  1848  the  time  was  past.  Boss  had 
with  him  two  officers  who  were  destined  to  win  laurels  by  future 
Arctic  achievement,  Eobert  John  Le  Mesurier  McClure,  and  Francis 
Leopold  M'Clintock.  The  season  of  1848  was  very  unfavourable, 
and  the  expedition  could  only  get  as  far  as  Port  Leopold,  near  the 
north-east  point  of  North  Somerset.  At  that  time  the  last  survivors 
of  Franklin's  expedition  were  perishing  near  Montreal  Island.  In 
the  spring  of  1849,  Boss,  accompanied  by  M'Clintock,  made  a 

1  Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,  born  1810 ;  Lieut.  1830 ;  Com.  1841 ;  Capt.  1845 ; 
died  an  Adm.  aud  K.C.B.  1890.— W.  L.  C. 


1849-54.]         THE  SEARCH  FOR  FRANKLIN.  531 

sledge  journey  along  the  northern  coast  of  North  Somerset,  and  for 
some  distance  down  its  western  side  in  the  right  direction  for 
ascertaining  Franklin's  fate.  Another  party  visited  Fury  Beach. 
Nothing  more  was  done,  and  the  expedition  returned.  The  North 
Star,  with  additional  supplies  for  it,  had  been  sent  out  in  1849, 
under  the  command  of  Master  James  Saunders,  who  had  served 
with  Back  in  the  Terror.  The  ice  prevented  him  from  crossing 
Baffin's  Bay,  and  the  North  Star  wintered  in  Wolstenholme 
Sound  on  the  Greenland  coast.  In  the  spring  of  1850,  Saunders 
landed  a  depot  on  the  south  side  of  Barrow's  Strait,  and  returned 
home. 

The  nation  was  at  length  thoroughly  aroused.  The  return  of 
Boss  without  any  result  excited  the  greatest  anxiety,  and  the 
Admiralty  was  loudly  called  upon  for  vigorous  action.  But  it  was 
three  years  too  late.  However,  the  Enterprise  and  Investigator  were 
recommissioned  to  make  a  search  by  way  of  Bering  Strait ;  while 
the  Plover  was  ordered  to  winter  near  Cape  Barrow  as  a  depot  ship. 
Captain  Eichard  Collinson,  so  well  known  for  his  surveying  services 
in  the  China  seas,  received  command  of  the  Enterprise,  while  to 
McClure,  Boss's  first  Lieutenant  in  the  former  voyage,  was  entrusted 
the  Investigator.  The  two  exploring  ships  were  separated  in  passing 
up  the  Pacific.  The  Enterprise  was  too  late  in  the  season,  and  went 
back  to  winter  at  Hong  Kong.  The  Investigator  pushed  onwards 
along  the  west  coast  of  Banks  Land,  a  name  given  by  Parry  when 
he  sighted  from  Melville  Island  the  hills  behind  its  northern  coast. 
The  mighty  polar  pack  which  Parry  had  seen  was  pressing  against 
the  land.  There  was  along  the  shore  a  narrow  channel,  due  to  the 
immense  thickness  of  the  ice,  which  grounded  before  it  could  be 
pressed  upon  the  beach.  Through  this  McClure  forced  his  ship, 
sometimes  with  his  yard-arms  scraping  against  the  cliffs,  and  running 
the  gauntlet  of  many  dangers.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  rounding 
the  north  end  of  Banks  Island,  and  in  reaching  a  haven  which  he 
appropriately  named  the  Bay  of  God's  Mercy.  There  was  no 
possibility  of  extrication,  for  the  mighty  polar  pack  was  between 
him  and  the  comparative  safety  of  the  Melville  Island  coast.  Three 
dreary  winters,  1850-54,  were  passed  by  the  much-enduring  crew  of 
the  Investigator.  McClure  made  a  sledge  journey  across  the  heavy 
ice  to  Melville  Island,  and  left  a  notice  of  his  position.  When  the 
provisions  were  nearly  consumed  he  resolved  to  make  a  desperate 
attempt  to  reach  the  American  coast  with  the  strongest  among  his 

2  M  2 


532  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

crew.  He  was  about  to  start  on  this  forlorn  hope,  almost  as  hope- 
less as  that  attempted  by  Crozier  and  Fitzjames,  when  succour 
came  from  an  unexpected  quarter. 

The  Enterprise  entered  upon  ice  navigation  a  year  after  the 
Investigator,  passing  Bering  Strait  in  1851.  Collinson  attempted  to 
work  up  the  eastern  side  of  Banks  Island,  and  wintered  in  a  narrow 
strait,  whence  one  of  his  officers,  Lieutenant  Murray  Thomas  Parks, 
made  a  sledge  journey  to  Melville  Island.  In  the  season  of  1852  he 
returned  to  the  American  coast,  and  made  a  very  remarkable  voyage 
eastward.  From  his  second  winter  quarters  he  might  easily  have 
made  a  sledge  journey  to  Cape  Victory,  if  he  had  known  how  much 
was  involved  in  reaching  that  point.  The  season  of  1853  saw 
Collinson  making  a  similar  voyage  westward,  wintering  within  easy 
reach  of  Cape  Barrow ;  and  in  1854  the  Enterprise  returned  home. 
These  voyages  along  the  northern  shores  of  America  prove  the 
correctness  of  Franklin's  forecast  respecting  the  success  of  his 
enterprise  if  he  could  succeed  in  reaching  that  coast. 

As  soon  as  the  Enterprise  and  Investigator  had  sailed  from 
England,  active  preparations  were  made  for  resuming  the  search  by 
way  of  Baffin's  Bay.  Granting  the  necessity,  felt  by  the  Admiralty, 
that  none  but  old  officers,  past  the  time  for  active  personal  exer- 
tion, should  command  these  expeditions,  no  better  selection  could 
have  been  made  than  that  of  Captain  Horatio  Thomas  Austin.  He 
had  served  with  Parry  in  his  third  voyage,  was  with  Henry  Foster 
in  the  Chanticleer ;  and,  when  the  use  of  steam  was  introduced  into 
the  Navy,  was  foremost  in  adapting  himself  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  and  in  1832  commanded  the  Salamander,  one  of  the  first 
steamers.  He  had  Captain  Erasmus  Ommanney  as  his  second  in 
command ;  and  two  vessels,  of  a  little  over  400  tons  each,  were 
purchased,  strengthened  for  ice  navigation ,  and  named  the  Resolute 
and  the  Assistance.  It  was  under  Austin  that  steam  power  was  first 
introduced  into  ice  navigation.  Two  sharp-bowed  screw  steamers 
were  provided  as  tenders,  to  tow  the  heavy  sailing  barques  when 
necessary,  and  named  the  Pioneer  and  the  Intrepid.  The  former  was 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Sherard  Osborn,  the  latter  by  Lieutenant 
John  Bertie  Gator.  The  Admiralty  also  thought  fit  to  send  out, 
independent  of  the  naval  expedition,  two  brigs  in  command  of  a 
whaling  master  named  Penny. 

After  a  long  detention  by  the  ice  in  Melville  Bay,  Austin's 
expedition  reached  Barrow  Strait,  but  found  it  impossible  to  get 


1850-51.]  AUSTIN'S  EXPEDITION.  533 

within  300  miles  of  Melville  Island.  It  wintered  between  Corn- 
wallis  and  Griffith  Islands.  Penny's  brigs  wintered  in  Assistance 
Harbour,  near  the  entrance  of  Wellington  Channel.  Franklin's 
winter  quarters  at  Beechey  Island  were  discovered ;  but  a  minute 
and  persistent  search  for  any  record,  or  any  clue  to  the  intentions  of 
the  leader  of  the  expedition,  entirely  failed. 

It  was  in  these  circumstances  that  Austin  was  left  to  institute 
the  most  complete  search  that  was  possible  with  the  means  at  his 
disposal.  He  proved  himself  equal  to  the  task  in  every  respect 
except  the  bodily  activity  of  youth.  For  the  first  time  he  inaugu- 
rated autumn  sledge-travelling  for  laying  out  depots.  His  next 
duty  was  to  provide  for  the  winter,  and  to  bring  his  people  through 
it  in  the  same  health  and  spirits  as  when  they  left  England,  ready 
for  the  arduous  duties  of  the  spring.  Austin  had  all  the  traditions 
of  Parry,  and  he  was  himself  gifted  with  a  remarkable  talent  for 
organisation.  He  was  heartily  seconded  by  the  executives,  and  by 
an  exceptionally  able  medical  staff.  He  himself  was  genial  and 
sympathetic,  and  the  winter  of  1850-51  was  the  happiest  ever 
passed  in  the  Arctic  regions,  the  officers  and  men  being  kept  in 
perfect  health.  It  was  a  period  of  preparation  during  which  Captain 
Austin,  with  the  assistance  of  his  officers,  organised  a  scheme  of 
sledge-travelling  such  as  had  never  been  contemplated  by  any 
previous  expedition.  He  was  indeed  well  supported.  Captain 
Omrnanney  did  all  in  his  power,  and  was  ready  to  lead  an  extended 
party.  M'Clintock,  his  first  Lieutenant,  was  himself  endowed  with 
rare  gifts  of  perseverance,  resolution,  and  intrepidity,  as  well  as  with 
great  talent  for  the  organisation  of  details.  Lieutenant  George 
Frederick  Mecham  was  second  only  to  M'Clintock;  Sherard  Osborn, 
though  not  equal  physically  to  M'Clintock  and  Mecham,  was  a  host 
in  himself,  imparting  his  enthusiasm  to  others,  and  aiding  by  his 
great  ability  and  quick  intelligence.  Two  young  Mates,  Kichard 
Vesey  Hamilton,  and  Walter  William  May,  showed  great  promise, 
to  bear  fruit  in  future  years.  But  all  were  equally  zealous,  all  did 
their  best,  as  naval  officers  generally  do. 

Austin  had  absolutely  no  clue  except  Franklin's  instructions. 
Moreover,  he  was  hampered  by  an  order  from  the  Admiralty  to 
examine  Melville  Island,  the  one  place  where  it  was  quite  certain 
that  Franklin  had  not  been.  Austin  resolved  to  search  in  every 
direction  except  Wellington  Channel,  which  he  left  to  Penny.  The 
extended  parties  were  to  be  enabled  to  increase  the  distance  searched 


534  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

by  the  help  of  limited  and  auxiliary  parties ;  and  thus  nearly  every 
soul  in  the  expedition  was  employed  in  sledge-travelling  during  the 
spring  and  summer.  To  M'Clintock  was  entrusted  the  feat  of 
reaching  and  examining  Melville  Island,  which  he  performed  suc- 
cessfully. It  was  a  feat  then  quite  unequalled  in  Arctic  annals,  and 
since  only  excelled  by  himself  and  Mecham.  The  coasts  of  Bathurst 
Island  were  also  examined.  Cape  Walker  had  been  specially  men- 
tioned in  Franklin's  instructions,  and  three  extended  parties  were 
sent  in  that  direction  under  Ommanney,  and  Lieutenants  Sherard 
Osborn,  and  William  Henry  James  Browne ;  while  Mecham  examined 
Cape  Walker  itself,  and  discovered  Russell  Island.  The  extended 
parties  discovered  Prince  of  Wales  Island,  and  carefully  searched 
its  eastern  and  western  coasts.  Sherard  Osborn  reached  the  edge  of 
the  same  heavy  polar  pack  which  had  stopped  the  Erebus  and  Terror 
on  the  coast  of  King  William  Land. 

Thus  was  Austin's  work  thoroughly  and  completely  done  from 
his  position  off  Griffith  Island.  Parties  had  gone  in  every  direc- 
tion, pressing  onwards  with  a  resolution  and  endurance  above  all 
praise.  Penny  had  searched  Wellington  Channel,  and  made  it 
certain  that  the  missing  expedition  was  not  to  be  found  in  that 
direction.  Only  one  thing  remained  to  be  done,  which  was  for  the 
Admiralty  to  take  Dr.  King's  advice,  and  cause  King  William  Land 
and  Montreal  Island  to  be  searched.  There  in  fact,  as  M'Clintock 
afterwards  discovered,  the  Franklin  expedition  was  actually  lost. 
But  the  authorities  declined  to  do  so.  The  positions  were  too 
distant  to  be  reached  by  Austin's  parties,  though  one  of  them  went 
as  far  as  was  possible  in  the  right  direction. 

Austin's  expedition  returned  in  the  autumn  of  1851.  He  had 
done  his  work  well.  He  had  preserved  his  people  in  perfect  health 
and  spirits.  His  was  certainly  the  happiest,  and,  on  the  whole,  the 
best  organised  expedition  that  ever  went  to  the  Arctic  regions.  He 
introduced  a  new  and  most  effective  system  of  ice  exploration,  while 
his  arrangements  for  winter  quarters  have  never  been  surpassed. 

Austin  left  nothing  more  to  be  done  in  the  direction  of  Barrow's 
Strait,  so  far  as  the  Franklin  search  was  concerned.  The  Admiralty 
thought  otherwise,  and  was  wrong.  In  spite  of  his  excellent  service, 
and  the  altogether  unequalled  character  of  the  work  done  by  his 
expedition,  he  was  coldly  received,  and  harassed  by  an  unnecessary 
committee  of  inquiry.  The  Admiralty  recommissioned  the  four 
ships,  the  Assistance  and  Pioneer  to  go  up  Wellington  Channel,  and 


1852-53.]  RESCUE   OF  McCLURE.  535 

the  Resolute  and  Intrepid  to  Melville  Island,  while  the  North  Star  was 
to  he  stationed  at  Beechey  Island  as  a  depot  ship.  There  was  some 
sense  in  the  Melville  Island  route  this  time,  hecause  nothing  had 
been  heard  of  the  Enterprise  and  Investigator,  and  one  or  both 
might  be  in  need  of  succour.  This  arrangement  did  not,  how- 
ever, originate  with  the  Admiralty.  It  was  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Creswell,  father  of  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Investigator. 
But  the  expedition  up  Wellington  Channel  was  entirely  useless 
and  unnecessary,  except  as  regards  geographical  exploration. 

To  command  this  expedition  the  Admiralty  selected  Sir  Edward 
Belcher,  who  was  too  old  for  the  work,  and  most  unfit  in  every 
other  respect.  If  it  had  searched  the  whole  Navy,  it  could  not 
have  made  a  worse  selection.  This  was  notorious.  The  Intrepid 
was  commanded  by  M'Clintock,  the  Pioneer  by  Sherard  Osborn. 
Captain  Henry  Kellett,  of  the  Resolute,  had  done  admirable  service 
in  his  day,  but  his  day  was  past.  He  was  a  most  amiable  officer, 
and  had  the  good  sense  to  leave  everything  to  the  men  who  had  to 
do  the  work — M'Clintock,  Mecham,  Vesey  Hamilton,  George  Strong 
Nares,  Bichard  Eoche,  Frederick  J.  Krabbe,  and  George  Frederick 
M'Dougall.  But  Belcher  was  a  serious  nuisance.  He  treated 
Sherard  Osborn  shamefully,  and  eventually  superseded  him  in  his 
command.  M'Clintock  and  Sherard  Osborn  ought,  of  course,  to 
have  commanded  the  two  branches  of  the  expedition.  George 
Henry  Richards  was  Commander  in  the  Assistance,  and,  besides 
Sherard  Osborn,  May,  John  Hillary  Allard,  and  other  officers  who 
had  been  trained  by  Austin,  were  in  the  Wellington  Channel 
division. 

The  Assistance  and  Pioneer  went  up  Wellington  Channel  as  far 
as  77°  N.,  wintering  in  Northumberland  Inlet. 

The  Resolute  and  Intrepid  were  able,  in  the  season  of  1852,  to 
get  as  far  to  the  westward  as  Melville  Island,  and  good  winter 
quarters  were  found  off  Dealy  Isle.  In  the  autumn  travelling, 
Mecham  discovered  the  record  left  by  McClure,  and  was  thus  the 
means  of  saving  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Investigator.  The 
position  of  that  ship  being  thus  made  known,  it  was  a  simple  matter 
to  send  over  a  party  to  communicate  in  the  following  spring.  The 
Investigator  was  abandoned,  McClure  and  his  people  going  across 
to  the  Resolute.  McClure  thus  discovered  a  North- West  Passage, 
for  he  and  his  Investigators  were  the  only  men  who  ever  passed 
from  ocean  to  ocean  by  the  north. 


536  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1816-1856. 

The  spring  travelling  of  1853,  based  on  the  system  inaugurated 
by  Austin,  was  the  most  extensive  on  record,  and  has  never  been 
equalled  since.  M'Clintock  discovered  Prince  Patrick  Island, 
travelling  over  1328  miles  in  105  days.  Mecham  went  over  1163 
miles  in  91  days.  Vesey  Hamilton  penetrated  to  the  northern 
extremity  of  Melville  Island.  Nares  explored  Eglinton  Island.  From 
the  Assistance,  Eichards,  Sherard  Osborn,  and  May  examined  the 


ADMIRAL    SIB   EICHARD   VESEY    HAMILTON,    G.C.B. 

whole  northern  coast  of  Bathurst  Island ;  and  Eichards  opened 
communication  with  the  Resolute. 

In  the  season  of  1853,  the  Assistance  returned  down  Wellington 
Channel  for  some  distance,  but  was  stopped  by  the  ice,  and  had  to 
pass  a  second  winter.  The  Resolute,  leaving  Dealy  Island,  was  also 
stopped,  and  forced  to  winter  in  the  pack.  In  1854,  Mecham  made 
the  most  remarkable  Arctic  journey  on  record  to  Collinson's  first 
winter  quarters.  During  seventy  days  he  travelled  over  heavy  ice  at 
the  rate  of  16  miles  a  day  on  the  outward  journey,  and  of  20  miles  a 
day  on  the  homeward  journey,  and  covered  1336  miles  of  ground. 
This  has  never  since  been  beaten,  nor  even  approached.  The 
travelling  parties  led  by  these  naval  officers  had  no  dogs. 

In  1854,  Belcher  actually  resolved  to  abandon  all  the  four  vessels, 
without  waiting  to  see  whether  they  could  be  extricated  from  the 
ice,  and  to  return  to  England  in  the  North  Star.  Kellett  very 
properly  refused  to  abandon  the  Resolute  and  Intrepid  without  a 
written  order,  which  he  received.  All  the  people  were  to  be  crowded 
on  board  the  North  Star,  but  just  as  she  was  about  to  sail,  Captain 
Edward  Augustus  Inglefield  arrived  with  the  Phcenix  and  Talbot. 
At  the  close  of  the  consequent  court-martial,  Kellett  was  com- 
plimented. Belcher's  sword  was  returned  to  him  indeed,  but  in 
silence — a  just  rebuke. 

The  unequalled  sledge-travelling  of  1853  and  1854  was  the  out- 
come of  Austin's  admirable  initiative  in  1851,  and  was  performed, 
with  one  exception,  by  his  officers.  The  names  of  nearly  all  Austin's 
officers  were  afterwards  honourably  known  in  the  service. 


1854.]  RESULTS   OF   THE   FRANKLIN  SEARCHES.  537 

A  glance  at  the  map l  will  show  the  amount  of  discovery  made  by 
naval  officers  serving  in  the  Franklin  searches,  and  the  extraordinary 
intricacy  of  the  channels,  straits  and  inlets  which  give  shape  to  the 
great  archipelago  of  islands  to  the  north  of  the  American  continent. 
But  only  those  who  have  experienced  such  service  can  realise  the 
amount  of  endurance,  suffering,  and  hardship  it  entails.  There  is 
no  better  nursery  to  bring  out  the  best  and  noblest  traits  in  the 
character  of  a  British  seaman. 

When  the  Arctic  explorers  returned  in  1854,  the  Crimean  War 
was  imminent.  As  in  the  China  War,  immediate  need  was  felt  for 
scientific  surveyors,  and  the  Arctic  officers  were  to  the  fore  in  the 
Baltic,  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  especially  in  the  Sea  of  Azof.  Captain 
Bartholomew  James  Sulivan,  in  the  Lightning,  with  Frederick  J.  0. 
Evans  in  the  Merlin,  was  at  the  head  of  the  pilot  and  surveying 
services  in  the  Baltic.  An  equally  distinguished  officer  did  yeoman's 
service  in  the  Black  Sea.  Thomas  Abel  Brernage  Spratt  had 
worked  at  the  surveys  in  the  Mediterranean  from  1832,  five  years 
after  he  entered  the  service,  until  1863.  He  had  served  under 
Graves  in  the  Mastiff  and  Beacon ;  he  had  commanded  the  Volagc 
in  1847  and  1848 ;  and  afterwards  he  had  succeeded  Graves  in  the 
Spitfire.  He  was  chiefly  employed  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  and 
the  islands,  and  his  interesting  work  on  Crete  is  well  known. 
During  the  Crimean  War,  Spratt  did  splendid  service  in  the  Spitfire. 
"  He  was  the  mainspring  of  all  the  operations  whilst  Lord  Lyons 
held  the  key." 

1  See  sketch  map  on  p.  509. 


SIR    WILLIAM   JAMES   LLOYD   WHARTON,    K.C.B.,   F.K.S., 

RETIRED   BEAR-ADMIRAL. 

(Bydrographer,  1884.) 


538 


FLAG-OFFICERS,    1815-56. 


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INDEX 


VOLUME    VI. 


ABBAS  PASHA,  311  n. 

Abbot,  Com.  the  Hon.  Charles,  504 

Abdella  Tribe,  277 

Abdul  Medjid,  Sultan,  309 

Aberdeen  Act,  392  n.s 

Aberdeen,  Earl  of,  184  n.,  342 

Abernethy,  Quartermaster,  515 

Abo,  425 

Abraham  Holm  (rock),  493-495 

Acasta,  172 

Accountant-General  of  the  Navy,  186  and 

n.1,  189 
Accra,  305 
Acheron,  521 

Achmet  Pasha,  Admiral,  437,  443 
Acorn,  306,  505 
A'Court,    R.-Ad.    Edward    Henry   (E.   H. 

A'Court  Bepington),  546 
Acre,  310,  318,  320,  321;  medal  for  bom- 
bardment of,  214 

Actions,   Principal   (see    also    Piracy    and 
Slavers) : — 

Aden,  Capture  of,  277-279 

Alert  and  Essex,  31,  32 

Algier,  Bombardment  of,  226-229 

Alma,  432 

Anunghoy,  287,  289 

Argus  and  Pelican,  87,  88 

Asp  and  Contest,  96 

Avalska  Bay,  430 

Avon  and  Wasp,  164-166 

Belvidera  and  President,  30,  31 

Bladensburg,  144-146 

Bomarsund,  Capture  of,  423^26 

Borgne,  Lake,  149,  150 

Boxer  and  Enterprise,  89-91 

Canton  River,  273 

Cape  Coast  Castle,  237 

Carolina,  Destruction  of,  277 

Cartagenan  flotilla,  Capture  of,  307 

Champlain,  Lake,  132-141 

Chesapeake  and  Leopard,  18,  19 ;  and 
Shannon,  78-86 


Actions,  Principal — continued. 
Constellation  and  Diadem,  93 
Constitution,  Chase  of  the,  33;   and 
Guerriere,  34-37,   62;    and    Java, 
48-53,   62;    and    Cyane,   170;   and 
Levant,  171 
Contest  and  Asp,  96 
Cyane  and  Constitution,  170 
Diadem  and  Constellation,  93 
D'jebel  (Gebail)  and  Tortosa,  At,  314, 

315 

Dolphin,  98  and  n.* 
Endymion  and  President,  167,  168 
Enterprise  and  Boxer,  89-91 
Epervier  and  Peacock,  159-161 
Erie,   Lake,   1812,   119;    1813,   122- 

127 ;  1814,  128-130 
Esmeralda,  Capture  or,  263-265 
Essex  and  Alert,  31,  32 
Frolic  and  Wasp,  38-41 
General  Armstrong,  155-157 
Guerriere    and    Constitution,    34-37, 

62 

Hornet  and  Peacock,  53-56 ;  and  Pen- 
guin, 173-175 

Java  and  Constitution,  48-53,  62 
Kemmendine,  Attack  on,  243,  244 
Kinburn,  Capture  of,  471-473 
Kolangsoo,  294,  295 
Leopard  and  Chesapeake,  18,  19 
Levant  and  Constitution,  171 
Liffey  in  Rangoon  River,  238 
Little  Belt  and  President,  22 
Macao  Passage,  291,  292 
Macedonian  and  United  States,  41-46, 

62 

Maluda  Bay,  330,  331 
Naiad  and  Tripoli,  236 
Navarin,  253-261 
Ningpo  River,  296 
Obligado,  339-343 
Odessa,  Bombardment  of,  400,  401 
Ontario,  Lake,  113-115 


552 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Actions,  Principal — continued. 

Peacock  and  Hornet,  53-56 ;  and  Eper- 

vier,  159-161 
Pelican  and  Argus,  87,  88 
Penguin  and  Hornet,  173-175 
President   and   Little  Belt,   22 ;    and 
Belvidera,  30,  31 ;  and  Endymioti, 
167,  168 

Prince  de  Neufchatel,  157 
Battler  at  Namquan,  385 
Reindeer  and  Wasp,  161-163 
St.  Jean  d'Acre,  319-321 
Sebastopol,  Bombardment  of,  440-445 
Shannon  and  Chesapeake,  78-86 
Sweaborg,  493-498 
Topaze  off  Mocha,  233 
Tripoli  and  Naiad,  236 
Tycocktow,  Bombardment  of,  285 
United  States  and  Macedonian,  41-46, 

62 

Viborg,  487 
Wasp  and  Frolic,  38-41 ;  and  Battler, 

161-163;  and  Avon,  164-166 
White  Sea  operations,  428 
Woosung,  Capture  of,  299 
Zaragozana,  Capture  of,  235 
Adalbert,  Admiral  Prince  (Pr.),  391 
Adam,    Admiral    Sir    Charles,    197,    225, 

540 

Adams,  Com.  John,  306 
Adams,  25,  117,  118,  148 
Adelaide,  505 

Aden,  Acquisition  of,  277-279 
Adjalieh  Lake,  405 
Admiralty,  The : 

Arctic  explorations,   attitude   towards, 

518,  520,  532,  534,  535 
Reform  of,  189 
Strained  relations  of,  with  Commander- 

in-Chief,  415 
Weakness  of,  426 
Adonis,  166 
Adrianople,  399 
Adrianople,  Treaty  of,  308 
Adriatic,  Survey  of,  182 
Adventure,  199  n.9,  519,  523 
Stilus,  31  n.4,  32,  478  and  n.1 
JEtna,  147  n.1,  148  n.1,  198, 520 
Afghanistan,  279 
Africa,   Surveys   and   discoveries  in,   518- 

519 
Africa  (North),  Piracy  in,  390,  391 ;  Soudan, 

519.     See  also  Algier 
Africa  (West  Coast),  237,  269, 276,  363-365, 

367.     See  also  Sierra  Leone. 
Africa,  30  and  n.1,  31  n.4,  32 
Agamemnon,    198-200,   398   n.,   402,  409, 
434    n.2,   440,   442,   443,   448,   453   n.4, 
472  n. 

Age  of  officers,  205 
Agincourt,  330,  332,  333 
Agnew,   Com.    John    de  Courcy   Andrew, 
425 


Agysoo,  402 

Aid,  519 

Aigle,  447  n. 

Airey,  Genl.  Sir  Richard,  473-474 

Ajax,  198,  413,  419,  422  n.2,  424,  478 

Akbar,  171  n.3 

Akitoye,  368,  369,  371 

Akouktoung,  378,  380  and  n.2 

Aku,  354 

Al  Khoyamich  Bay,  361 

Alacrity,  251 

Aland  Islands,  414,  419,  422 

Alarm,  349 

Atarme,  462 

Albacore,  199  and  n.11,  200 

Alban,  419,  422,  425 

Albanians,  314 

Albatross,  362,  440 

Albert,  H.R.H.  Prince,  427 

Albert,  519  n.s 

Albion,  145  n.,  217  n.,  218,  227,  228,  230, 

254-258,  260,  409,  435,  440,   443,  444 

and  n.2 

Alceste,  149  n.1,  231,  232,  475  n.3,  504 
Alcyone,  256 

Aldham,  Purser  George,  82 
Alecto,  197-198,  343,  344 
Alert,  32  and  n.1,  231,  365,  367,  393 
Alerte,  462 
Alexander  (R.M.A.),  Lieut.  George  Gardiner, 

334 

Alexander,  Admiral  Thomas  (1),  538 
Alexander,  Capt.  Thomas  (2),  147  n.1,  245, 

246,  248 

Alexander,  507,  5(8 
Alexander  Nevski,  256 
Alexandria  (Kgypt),  309-311,  313  n.2,  322, 

323 

Alexandria  (Potomac),  147,  151 
Alyer,  440 
Algerine,  279,  282  n.2, 283,  288,  292,  294  n.1, 

297,  298  n.1,  299  n.,  300,  504 
Algier,  Hostilities  with,  224  n.2,  226-231, 

235-237 ;  pirates  of,  226 ;  French  suzerainty 

of,  308 

Algiers,  453  n.4,  472  n. 
Algoa  Bay,  308 
Alhucemas,  391 
Aling,  386-387 

Allard,  Lieut.  John  Hilary,  535 
Allen,  Com.  Bird,  519 
Allen,  V.-Ad.  John  (1),  542 
Allen,  Master  Robert  Calder,  327-329 
Allen,  Lieut.  TJ.  H.  (U.S.N.),  87 
Allen,  Lieut.  William  (3),  519 
Allen,  Lieut.  William  Henry  (U.S.N.),  86, 

87  and  n.4 
Alligator,  97,  149  n.2,  245-248, 250,  282  n.2, 

283  n.1,  2b4,  287-290 
Alma  River,  408,  412  ;  Battle,  432 
Almirante,  269 

Alvvyn,  Master  John  C.  (U.S.N.),  36 
Amazon,  355 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


553 


America : — 

Chinese  policy  of,  360 
Napoleonic  wars  profitable  to,  3,  4 
Naturalisation   of  British   seamen   in, 

9,  11 

Navy  of,  begun,  7 ;  in  1812,  25  ;  per- 
sonnel of,  28,  29 ;  successes  of,  58- 
63  ;  inadequacy  of,  65,  66,  74 ;  good  | 
feeling  between  British  and,  387- 
389 ;  after  war  of  1812-1815,  176  ; 
in  1780,  1798,  1812,  178;  Canadian 
rebels  helped  by,  277 

America,  North,  station,  224 

America,   South,  station,  225,   272 ;    West 

Coast  of,  surveyed,  520,  530 
Amethyst,  213  n.3 
Amherst,  Lord,  231-232 

Amhurstburgh  (Erie),  119 

Amoy,  283,  284,  291,  294,  296,  304,  351, 
353,  385,  388 

Amphion,  413,  416  and  n.3,  422-424,  478 
and  n.1,  480,  485,  488,  494,  496 

Amphitrite,  212,  429,  430,  475  n.3,  476 

Arnstel,  227,  228 

Amsterdam,  197 

Amur  River,  429,  476 

Anapa,  402,  404,  435,  450,  451,  458 

Anatolia,  309 

Andaman  Islands,  238 

Anderson,  Com.  Drummond,  247 

Anderson,   Lieut.    Warren    Hastings,   444, 
478  and  n.2 

Andorimha,  367 

Andrews,  Clerk  George,  342 

Andromache,  273,  270,  305 

Androma/jue,  419 

Anylia,  459 

Ango  Passage,  422 

Angus,  Com.  (U.S.N.),  119 

Ann  Crichton,  278 

Anna,  326 

Anna  Maria,  147  n.1 

Annapolis,  180 

Anne  D.  Richardson,  393 

Annesley,  Lieut.  William  Henry,  486 

Anson,  Capt.  Talavera  Vernon,  288 

Anson,  Capt.  the  Hon.  William,  256 

Anson  Bay,  273,  287 

Antarctic  Expeditions,  524-526 

Antonio  (Prince's  Island),  272 

Antram,  Lieut.  Charles  Aubrey,  227 

Antwerp,  271 

Anunghoy  Fort,  273,  287,  289 

Aphrodite,  251 

Apollo,  288,  300,  409  and  n.1 

Appling,  Major  (U.S.),  116  and  n.4 

Aquila,  272 

Arab,  98,  50i 

Arabat,  459 

Arabia,  277-279,  310 

Arabs,  366 

Arachne,  242-248,  250 

Aragonez,  Cayatano,  235 


Arakan,  249 

Arbuthnot,   Com.   the   Hon.    James,    164, 

165  n.2 

Archangel,  474,  475 
Archer,  393,  394,  478,  489,  490,  499 
Archimedes,  197  and  n. 
Archipelago,  Eastern,  521,  522 
Arctic  Explorations  and  Discoveries,  507- 

518,  526-537  ;  medal  for,  214,  507 
Ardent  (Battler),  197 
Ardent,  449,  453  n.«,  460,  461,  463 
Arensburg,  489 

Arethusa,  312,  362,  400,  401,  440,  443,  444 
Argentina,  337  and  n.,  355  n.2 
Argus,  25,  30,  41,  84,  86-88,  146  n.4 
Ariadne,  218 

Ariel,  120,  123,  124,  126,  474,  505 
Armada,  164 
i  Armament,  Table  of,  200  ;  sea-face  batteries 

of,  at  Sebastopol,  441 
Armide,  149  n.1 
Armidt  (Fr.),  256,  258,  259 
Armour,  iron,  first  use  of,  198  ;  first  armoured 

steam  ships,  470 
Armstrong  (Mil.),  Lieut,  129 
Arrogant,  199,  200,  413,  417,  418,  420,  424, 

478  and  n.1,  485-489,  494-496,  499,  520 
Arrogante,  277 

Arrow,  199  and  n.10,  453  n.4,  462,  468,  472 
Arte'mise,  429,  430 
Arthur,  V.-Ad.  Kichard,  188,  54G 
Ascension  Island,  364 
Ashantees,  237 
Asia,  253,  254,  256-260,  270,  312,  313  n.2, 

449  n.2 
Asp,  96 
Assam,  249 

Assistance,  199  n.9,  506,  532-536 
Astle,  R.-Ad.  George,  539 
Asuncion,  343 
Atlanta,  282  n.2,  283,  288 
Atherton,  Robert,  241 

Athorpe,  Mids. ,  417  n.2 

Atkinson    (R.M.),    Lieut.    Robert    Gordon, 

233 
Atlantic.,  101  n. 

Attwell,  Mids. ,  266  n.s 

Auckland,  347 

Auckland,  George,  Earl  of,  185 

Auckland,  288,  300,  301 

Aurora,  288,  291,  292,  429,  430,  475,  476 

Austen,  R.-Ad.  Charles  John  (1),  205,  226, 

312,  323,  349,  374,  379  and  n.4,  504,  546 
Austen,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Francis 

William  (1),  225,  540 
Austen,  Com.  Francis  William  (2),  343 
Austerlitz,  415  and  n.1,  416,  419,  477  n. 
Austin,  Capt.   Horatio  Thomas,  310,  312, 

315,  316,  323,  513,  521,  532-534 
Australia,   Surveys  of  coast  of,  520,  522, 

523 

Austria,  Relations  of,  with  Turkey,  310-312, 
314,  316,  318,  321,  395 


554 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Ava,  241,  243,  245,  246,  248,  249,  371,  374, 

378,  379,  384 
Avalska  Bay,  430 
Avatcha,  475 
Avatska,  432 
Avenger,  32  n.1,  505 
Avinof,  Capt.  (Russian),  256 
Avon,  164-166,  170 
Ayles,  Lieut.  John  George  Augustus,  379 

sfnd  n.2 
Aylmer,  V.-Ad.  Lord  Frederick   William, 

227  and  n.8,  543 
Ayscough,  Admiral  John,  544 
Azof,  Sea  of,  452-466 
Azof,  256 
Azores,  220,  519 

BABINQTON,  Com.  James  Boyle,  227  and  n.6 

bacchante,  199  n.2 

Bachm,  Capt,  (Fr.),  468 

Back,  Capt.  George,  508,  513,  516  and  n.3, 

517  and  n.,  531 

Back  (Great  Fish)  River,  516,  529 
Badagry,  368 

Badcock,  Com.  William  Stanhope,  144  n.2 
Baden  Zaffer,  213  n.3 
Badger,  478  and  n.1,  494 
Baffin's  Bay,  508-510 
Bahama  reefs,  393 
Bahia,  366 

Bailey,  Lieut.  John  Crawshaw,  392 
Baillie,  Major,  278 
Baillie,  Capt.  Thomas,  474 
Bainbridge,   Master    Commandant    Joseph 

(U.S.N.),  159 
Bainbridge,   Capt.   William    (U.S.N.),   48, 

50,52 

Baird,  Com.  Andrew,  248 
Baker,  Com.  Charles  Adolphus,  504 
Baker,  Francis  (First  Cl.  Vol.),  46  n.1 
Baker,  Com.  Henry  Loraiue,  147  n.1 
Baker,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas  (1),  225, 272,  539 
Baker,  Capt.  Thomas  Turner,  376 
Baker,  Mr.  (Pilot),  344 
Balaclava,  409,  434,  446,  448,  449 
Balfour,  Mate  James  Bower,  370 
Ball,  Sec.  Mast.  Edward  Codrington,  440 
Ballard,  R.-Ad.  Volant  Vashbon,  540 
Ballard,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  172,  1?3 
Baltchick,  399,  409,  411 
Baltic   Campaign,   413-427;    second,  476- 

500;  medal  for,  214,  506 
Baltimore,  70,  72,  93,  144,  148  and  n.1, 153, 

155 

Banda  Neira,  213  n.3 
Banda  Oriental  (Uruguay),  336 
Bandiera,  R.-Ad.  Franz  Baron  (Austrian), 

312 

Bandoola,  Genl.,  246 
Banks,  Sir  Joseph,  183 
Banks  Island,  531,  532 
Banshee,  453  n. 
Baracoa,  235  and  n.1 


Barbary  States,  American  war  with,  24 
Barbozo,  Jose  Antonio  (Span.),  269  n.4 
Barclay,  Com.  Robert  Heriot,  119-124,  126, 

127  and  n. 

Barclay,  Assist.-Surg.  John,  370 
Baring,  Right  Hon.  Sir  Francis  T.,  185 
Barker,  Admiral  George,  540 
Barlow,  Capt.  Charles  Anstmther,  288,  304 
Barlow,  Capt.  Sir  Robert,  187 
Barnard  (R.M.A.),  Lieut.  Charles  Loudon, 

344 

Barnard,  Capt.  Edward,  312 
Barnard,  Com.  Kdward  King.  388 
Barnardiston,  Lieut.  Thomas,  495,  496 
Barnegat,  32 

Barnes,  Clerk  Charles,  344 
Harriett,  Lieut.  Edward,  505 
Barnett,  John  Barker,  459  n. 
liarney,  Capt.  Joshua  (U.S.N.),  143,  145, 

146 

Baro  Sound,  421 
Barracouta,  388,  475,  476,  518 
Barrie,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Robert,  543 
llarrosa,  95 

Barrow,  Capt.  James  (U.S.N.),  18 
Barrow,  Sir  John,  183,  185,  189,  190,  510, 

524,  526 

Barrow,  Cape,  513,  531 
Barrow  Channel,  510 
Barrow's  Strait,  512,  527,  531,  532 
Bartholomew,  Com.  David  Ewen,  147  nn.lj  3, 

151,  176 

Bartley,  Maj.-Gen.,  300-303 
Barton,  Purser  John  Thomas,  163  n.1 
Basden,  Purser  William  Benge,  156  n. 
I  Basilisco,  Lieut.  Anton  (Austrian),  312 
Basilisk,  418,  419,  478,  485,  488 
Bassein,  246,  247,  373,  374,  377,  332 
Bassett,  R.,  97 
Bassiere,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Bastard,  Capt.  John,  32 
Batang  Lupar,  327 
Batavia,  232,  233 

Batemau,  R.-Ad.  Charles  Philip  Butler,  545 
Bathurst,  Capt.  Walter,  256,  260  and  n.3 
Bathurst  Island,  527,  534,  536 
Batoum,  399 
Batroun,  315 
Battary,  393 

Baudais,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Baudin,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  305 
Baugh,  Lieut.  Henry  William,  327 
Baxada  de  Santa  Fe,  343  and  n.,  344 
Baxter  (R.M.),  Lieut.  George,  230 
Bay  St.  Louis,  149  n.2 
Bayard,  440 

Bayfield,  V.-Ad.  Henry  Wolsey,  549 
Bayley,  Capt.  John,  1 75 
Bavnes,  Admiral  Sir  Robert  Lambert,  260 

and  n.5,  305,  478,  499,1549 
Baynton,  Com.  Benjamin,  449 
Bazaine,  Genl.  (Fr.),  471 
Bazely,  Lieut,  John  (3),  242,  243 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


555 


-Beacon,  478  and  n.1 

Beagle,  199  n.10,  436,  446  and  n.1,  453  n.4, 

459-461,  472,  519,  520 
Beards,  211 

Beauchamp,  Lieut.  Edward  Halked,  344 
Beauclerk,  Admiral  Lord  Amelius,  223 
Beaufort,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Francis  (1),  182,  188, 

514,  515,  524 

Beauman,  R.-Ad.  Francis,  545 
Becher,  Com.  Alexander  Bridport,  521 
Beck  with,  Maj.-Gen.  Sir  Sydney,  94 
Bedford,  149  n.1 

Bedingfield,  Lieut.  Norman  Bernard,  393 
Beechey,  R.-Ad.  Frederick  William,   182, 

508,  510,  513,  549 
Beechey  Island,  527,  533 
Beecroft,  Consul,  367,  369,  370,  393 
Beelzebub,  227 
Beikos,  396 

Beith,  Assist.-Surg.  Robert,  327 
Belcher,  Capt.  Sir  Kdward,  288,  292,  304, 

327,  328,  506,  522,  535 
Belgium,  270 
Bell,  Com.  Charles,  288 
Bell,  Lieut.  Christopher  James,  137 
Bell  (R.M.),  Capt.  George  Augustus,  260 
Bell,  William,  308 
Bell,  Lieut.,  265 
Bellair,  144  and  n.s 
Belle  Poule,  149  n.1 
Belleisle,  288,  300,  419,  478  and  n.1 
Bellemphon,  312,  317,  318  n.,  319,  320, 440, 

444  and  n.8 
Bellona,  394 
Belridera,  30-33,  98 
Benbow,  312,  313  and  n.1,  315,  318  n.,  319, 

320 

Benedict,  144  n.2 
Bengal,  245,  374 
Benin  River,  393 
Bennett,  V.-Ad.  Thomas,  549 
Bentham,  Capt.  George,  155,  227  and  n.4 
Bentinck,  Com.  Richard  Collinson,  288 
Bentinck,  295  n.,  297,  298  n.1 
Benyon,  Lieut.  Benjamin  George,  144  n.3 
Berceau,  345 
Berdiansk,  454,  460,  461 
Berenice,  382 

Beresford,  V.-Ad.  Sir  John  Poo,  40,  224 
Bering  Strait,  530,  532 
Berkeley,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  George  Cranfield, 

17,  19,  20 
Berkeley,  Admiral  Lord  Maurice  Frederick 

Fitzhardinge    (Earl    Fitzhardinge),   211 

and  n.3,  312,  323,  547 
Berlin,  Decrees  of,  10 
Bermuda,  148  n.3,  169 
Bermuda,  504,  506 
Berry,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Edward,  539 
Beschir,  Emir,  311,  312 
Besika  Bay,  309,  396  and  n. 
Bethune,  Admiral  Charles  Ramsey  Drink- 
water,  283  and  n.11,  288,  304 


Beyrout,  310-314,  316-318,  321,  322 

Bias  Bay,  353-354,  357 

Biddle,  Capt.  James  (U.S.N.),  40,  173-175 

Biddlecombe,  Master  George,  418 

Bieloserai  Spit,  463 

Big  Sandy  Creek,  116 

Bignell,  Lieut.  George,  122  n.1 

Bilbao,  276 

Bilge  tanks,  iron.  Invention  of,  285  n. 

Bingham,  Com.  Arthur  Batt,  22  and  n.2 

Bingham,  R.-Ad.  Joseph,  538 

Biorneborg,  499 

Birch,  Com.  Thomas  Francis,  366,  478,  480 

Bird,  R.-Ad.  Edward  Joseph,  511,  513,  514, 

524,  530 

Birbnhead,  195,  196,  199 
Birkenheud,  196,  505 
Biscay,  Bay  of,  161,  169 
Biscoe,  John,  525 
Biskops  Island,  480 

BisseU  (R.M.),  Lieut.  John  James  Patrick, 
230 

Bissly, (U.S.  seaman),  105 

Biter,  478  and  n.1,  494 

Bittern,  390 

Bjorko  Sound,  480 

Mack  Eagle,  503 

Black  Joke,  269 

Black  Rock,  118 

Blackwall,  196,  199 

Blackwood,  Capt.  Francis  Price,  212,  522 

Blackwood,   V.-Ad.   the  Hon.   Sir   Henry, 

224,  225 
Blackwood,   Capt.    Price   (Lord   Dufferin), 

273  and  n3 

Bladen^burg,  95,  144,  145  and  n. 
Blake,  Capt.  Patrick  John,  288 
Blake,  Lieut.  William  Hans,  496 
Blakely,  Capt.  Johnston  (U.S.N.),  161-165 
Blanckley,  Com.  Edward,  247  and  n.2 
Bland,  Lieut.  Alleyne,  431 
Bland,  Quartermaster  Francis,  107 
Blazer,  212  and  n.6,  478  and  n.1,  489 
Blenheim,  283,  287-289,  291,  294  and  n.1, 
295  n.,  413,  419,  422  and  n.2,  424,  478, 
485,  499 

Bligh,  R.-Ad.  John  (2),  539 
Blockade  running,  166,  173 
Blockades : — 

Algerian  coast,  236 

American  coast,  31,  64,  68,  69,  74,  91, 
99,  116,142,  15]  ,152,  158,  177 

Barbary  States,  24 

Black  Sea,  450 

Camon,  281  and  n.3,  282 

Chesapeake,  The,  31 

Chinese  coast,  283 

Courland,  Coast  of,  478 

Danube,  The,  404 

Erie  harbour,  120 

Finland,  Coast  of,  485  n. 

French  ports,  3-5 

Haiti,  9,  10 


£56 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Block  ades — continued. 

Holland,  270 

Jamaica,  57 

Libau,  415 

Malay  Peninsula,  270 

Milford,  154 

New  York,  14-16,  69 

liiga,  415,  416 

Sackett's  Harbour,  116 

Syiia  and  Egypt,  312 

United  Kingdom  (Boyle's  jest),  153 

White  Sea,  Russian  ports  in,  428 
Blofield,  Boatswain's  Mate  Charles,  371,  478 

and  n.2 

Blomefield,  Genl.  Sir  Thomas,  201  and  n.2 
Blonde,  2C2,  283  and  n.2,  288,  298  n.1,  299 
and  n.,  294  and  n.1,  295  n.,  296,  297  n., 
300-303 

Bloodhound,  367-370 
Blossom,  513 

Blurton,  Lieut.  George,  227 
Blyth,  Com.  Samuel,  89,  91  and  n.2 
Jioadicea,  247,  248,  250 
Bocca  Tigris,  232,  273 
Boers,  308 

Bogdanovich,  Capt.  (Russian),  256 
Boger,  R.-Ad.  Edmund,  544 
Bogle,  Mate  Archibald  George,  478  and  n.2 
Bogskarin  Beacon,  488 
Bogue  Forts,  273,  281,  284,  285,  287,  289, 

291,  293,  351  n.1 
Boharsef,  318 
Boilers,  Types  of,  202 
Boladora,  268 

Bolton,  Lieut.  Charles,  273,  505 
Bomarsund,  419,  420,  421-425 
Bombay,  153 
Bombe,  493 
Bona,  237 
Bonbee,  393 

Bond,  Master's  Mate  John  Holmes,  175  n.1 
Bonetta,  306,  366 
Bonham,  Sir  George,  355-356,  386 
Bonne  Citoyenne,  48,  53,  76,  213  n.s 
Booth,  £ir  Felix,  514 
Boothia  Felix,  515 
Boothia  Isthmus,  516 
Borgne,  Lake,  148 
Borius,  Capt.  (Pr.),  440 
Borneo,  323-325,  332,  335,  362,  522 
Bornholm,  415 

Bosanquet,  Com.  Charles  John,  276,  365 
Bosanquet,  Act.-Boatswain  John,  478  and  n.2 
Boscawen  (Bombay  Mar.),  George,  244 
Buscawen,  419 
Boston,  34,  41,  48  n.1,  69,  75,  79,  166,  171, 

273 

Boteler,  Lieut.  John  Harvey,  255 
Boti-ler,  Lieut.  Thomas,  518 
Bothnia,  Gulf  of,  416,  490,  499 
Botoya  Bay,  362 
Bouet,  Commandant  (Fr.),  462 
Bouet-Willaumez,  K.-Ad.,  413 


Boughey,  Lieut.  Charles  Fenton  Fletcher, 

367 

Boulton  and  Watt,  Messrs.,  203 
Bourchier,  Capt.  Sir  Thomas,  187,  283,  288 

292,  297,  304 
Bourrasque,  462 
Bouverie,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Buncombe  Pley- 

dell,  187,  541 

Bowen,  Mids.  Robert  C.,  230 
Bowen,  Capt.,  186 
Bower,  Lieut.  James  Paterson,  285 
Bowles,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  William, 

205,  545 

Boxer,  Alexander  Fraser,  436 
Boxer,  R.-Ad.  Edward,  305,  312,  323,  448, 

458,  548 

Boxer,  89-91,  460  and  n.3,  461,  463,  471 
Boyce  (I.N.),  Lieut.  Charles,  151  n.8,  176 
Boyes,  Com.  Henry,  288 
Boyle,  Com.  Alexander,  505 
Boyle,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Sir  Courtenay,  186, 

187,  539 

Boyle,  Thomas,  153,  155 
Boys,  Mids.  Richard,  360 
Boys,  V.-Ad.  Thomas  (1),  538 
Brace,  Ar.-Ad.  Sir  Edward,  224,  227,  540 
Bradley,  Lieut.  Stephen,  314  n.2 
Brahestad,  417 
Bramble,  522,  523 

Brand,  Lieut.  William  Alexander,  98  n.* 
Brandon,  490 

Brazil,  106,  233  n.2,  265,  275,  365,  392 
Breckinbridge,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  93 
Hremer,   R.-Ad.   Sir   James   John  Gordon, 

282-284,  287,  288,  291,  293,  294,  504, 

547 

Brent,  Lieut.  Harry  Woodfall,  468  and  n.8 
Brenton,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Jahleel  (2),  540 
Brereton,  Maj.-Genl.  W.,  quoted,  409,  410, 

411,  437,  438  :  cited,  412,  437 
Breslau,  256,  419 

Brickdale,  Lieut.  Charles  John,  342 
I  Bridges,    Com.    James    Henry,    356,    360 

and  n.6 
Bridgman,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Charles  Orlando, 

262 

Brigantines,  155 
Briggs,   Admiral    Sir   John   Thomas,    186, 

190 

Briggs,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  188,  223,  541 
Brigs,  American,  26,  57,  110;  British,  155 
Brig-sloops,  27,  159 
Brisbane,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Charles,  538 
Brisbane,  Commod.  Sir  James,  213  n.3,  225, 

227,  247-249 
Briseis,  504,  505 
Brisk,  256,  270,  428,  475  n.3 
Bristol,  153 
Britannia,  219,  390,  409,  432  n.2,  439,  440, 

444,  445  n.2 

British  Channel,  153,  161 
Britomart,  193,  200,  227,  523 
Broad,  Act.-Boatswain  Richard,  478  and  11.2 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


557 


Broadside  weight  of  metal,  26-28, 42,  88  n.2, 

120,  122,  133,  159,  164 
Brock,  Capt.  Thomas  Saumarez,  412,  446 
Brock,  Genl.,  118 
Brockville,  277 

Brodie,  Master  William,  283  n.1,  288 
Broke,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Philip  Bowes  Verc,  31,  32, 

76-82,  84-86  and  n.,  179,  203,  541 
Bromley,  Sir  Richard  Maoox,  1^6 
Bromley,  Admiral  Sir  Robert  Howe,  541 
Brooke,  Sir  James,  323-329,  332-335,  362, 

363 

Brooker,  Lieut.  Edward  Wolfe,  471 
Brooker,  Com.  George  Augustus  Cooke,  390 
Brookes,  Lieut.  Joshua  Rowland,  468 
Brooking,  Lieut.  Arthur,  505 
Brooking  (I.N.),  Com.,  374,  37a 
Brooks,  Lieut.  (U.S.  Mar.),  125 
Broom,  Lieut.  James  (U.S.  Mar.),  81 
Brougham,  Lord,  220 
Broughton,  R.-Ad.  John  (1),  541 
Broughton,  Capt.  William,  269,  270  n.1 
Brown,  Genl.  Sir  George,  407,  452,  453 
Brown,  Genl.  Jacob  (U.S.),  113,  117 
Brown,  Admiral  Thomas,  271,  544 
Brown,  Com.  Thomas  Bourmaster,  505 
Brown,   Commod.     William,    337    and   n., 

338  n.1 

Brown,  Master's  Mate  William,  52  n.2 
Brown,  Admiral,  266  n.3 
"  Brown  Bess,"  202  and  n.1 
Browne,  R.-Ad.  Edward  Walpole,  542 
Browne,  R.-Ad.  Philip  (2),  546 
Browne,  V.-Ad.  Thomas  (1),  543 
Brownsdon,  Paymaster  Richard,  390 
Bruat,  V.-Ad.  (Fr.),  399  n.3,  406,  409,  413, 

440,  448,  453,  470-474 
Bruce,  Admiral  Sir  Henry  William,  225, 

368,  369,  475,  548 

Bruce,  Lieut.  William  Henry  (2),  31  n.3 
Brunei,  332,  335  ;  River,  329 
Brunei,  Marc  Isanibard  (Engineer),  194 
Brunswick  Naval  Kifle,  202 
Bucentaure,  426  n.3 
Buchan,  Capt.  David,  508  and  n.1 
Buchan,  Lieut.  Edward  Wise,  122  n.1,  124 
Bucharest,  397 
Buckle,   Capt.    Claude  Henry  Mason,  364, 

367,  413,  417,  448,  472 
Buckle,  V.-Ad.  Matthew  (2),  542 
Buckley,  Mids.  Cecil  W.,  392 
Buckley,    Lieut.  Cecil  William,  215,  429, 

456,  457,  465 

Budd,  Lieut.  George  (U.S.N.),  81,  82 
Buenos  Aires,  2G6  n.3,  272,  337  u. 
Buffalo,  143 
Buffalo,  505 
Bug  River,  470,  473 
Bulford,  Lieut.  John,  46  u.1 
Bulganak  River,  432 
Bulger  (Mil.),  Lieut.  A.  H.,  129 
Bull,  Lieut.  James,  444 
Bull,  Sec.  Master  John  Augustus,  490 


Bulldog,  420,  423,  425,  478,  499 
Bullen,  Admiral  Sir  Charles,  187,  542 
Bullen,  Admiral  Joseph,  538 
Bullen,  Paymaster  Robert  Henry,  371  and 

n.3 

Bullock,  Captain  Frederick,  519 
Bullock,  Mate  Thomas  Thelwall,  445  n.2 
Bullom,  394 

Bundoola  (Burmese  leader),  378,  379 
Buratovich,  Com.  Johann  von  (Austrian), 

312 

Burgess,  Lieut.  George  Foster,  424  n.2 
Burgess,  Capt.  Samuel,  227  and  n.,  505 
Burgnyne,  Com.  Hugh  Talbot,  215,  456, 

465 

Burke,  Denis  (Stoker),  350 
Burlington  Bay,  115 
Burlton,  R.-Ad.  Sir  George,  175 
Burmese  War,  First,  237-250,  323 ;  medals 

for,  214  and  notes;  Second,  371-384 
Burnett,  Mids.  Francis  S.,  234 
Burnett,  Sir  William,  ]86,  187 
I  Burrell,  Col.,  282  n.1 
Burridge,  Capt.  Richard,  429,  431,  475  n.3 
Burrows,  Lieut.  William  (U.S.N.),  89-91 
Burstal,  Com.  Edward,  490 
Burton,  Com.  James  Ryder,  236 
Bush  (U.S.  Mar.),  Lieut.  William  S.,  36 
Bushnell,  Lieut.  James  Henry,  383 
Butcher,  V.-Ad.  Samuel,  543 
Butman,  Master  (U.S.),  272 
Butterfield,  Com.  Edward  Harris,  269,  270 
Butterfield,  R.-Ad.  William,  542 
Buzzard,  275,  276 

j  Byron,  R.-Ad.  George  Anson  (2),  Lord,  547 
Byron  (R.M.),  Capt.  Richard  (2),  30-32,  98 
Byron,  R.-Ad.  Richard  (2),  542 
Bythesea,  Lieut.  John,  215 

;  CABINDA,  366 

I  Cable,  Submarine,  453 

!  Cachar,  249 

!  Caches  River,  520 

Cacique,  408,  446 

Cadogau,  Admiral  Earl  (Hon.  George  Cado- 
gan),  545 

Csesar,  415,  419,  478 

Caffin,  Capt.,  424,  478 

Caiffa,  315 

Calabar  River,  269 

Calcutta,  237,  240,  245,  249,  291,  294,  372- 
374 

Caldwell,  Capt.  Henry,  478,  495,  496,  500 

Caledonia  (Brit.),  117-119,  124,  212 

Caledonia,  (U.S.N.),  120,  122,  123,  125, 126 

Calhoun,  John  Caldwell,  23 

Call,  William,  105 

Calla  Tremontana,  Point,  361 

Callao,  264 

Calliope,  215,  285,  28V -289,  294,  300,  348, 
349 

Gaily,  Sailing  Master  (U.S.),  130 

Calthorpe,  Mids.  Richard,  230 


558 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Calypso,  505 

Cambrian,  256-258,  261,  262,  288,  504 

Cambridge,  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of,  473 

Cambridn",  203,  281  and  n.2,  290,  312,  322 

Camel,  472 

Cameleon,  236,  262 

Campadora  (ex  Lucy  Ann),  392  n.1 

Campbell,  Genl.  Sir   Archibald,    237,  240- 

242,  245,  246,  248,  249 
Campbell,  Com.  C.  D.  (I.N.),  377 
Campbell,  Admiral  Sir  George,  223 
Campbell,  Lieut,  the  Hon.  George  Prvse, 

31  n.3 

Campbell,  Master's  Mate  J.,  122  n.1 
Campbell,  Lieut.  James  Carter,  478,  496 
Campbell,  Capt.  John  Norman,  260  and  n.4 
Campbell,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Patrick  (1),  540 
Camperdown,   Battle   of,    128 ;   medal   for, 

213  n.3 

Campion,  Lieut.  Hubert,  460,  464,  465 
Canada  (see  also  Ontario,  etc.),  58,  72,  1.12, 

114,  119,  120,  277 
Canada,,  440 
Canning,  Rt.  Hon.  George,  20,  60,  177  n., 

184  n. 

Canrobert,  Genl.  (Fr.),  407,  434,  453 
Canso,  98  n.1 
Canton,  273,  280-282,  285,  291-293,  304, 

355-357;    River,    232,    273,    287,   295, 

351  n.4 

Cape  Coast  Castle,  220,  237 
Cape  Colony,  308 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  214,  275 
Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  171 
Capell,    Admiral    the    Hon.    Sir    Thomas 

Bladen,  213,  223,  225,  540 
Capellen,  V.-Ad.  Baron  Theodore  Frederick 

van  (Dutch),  227 

Caradoc,  199,  411,  412,  432  n.2,  453  n.4 
Caiden,  R.-Ad.  John  Surman,  41-47,  544 
Carew,  Capt.  Thomas,  504 
Carlists,  276 
Carmel,  Mount,  322 
Carmichael,  Lieut.  Thomas,  288 
Carmona,  Genl.  (Cartagenan),  307 
Carnation,  155-157 
Carnegie,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Swinfen  Thomas, 

413,  435,  440 
Caroband  Bank,  53 
Carolina,  94,  97 
Carolina,  277 

Carpenter,  Surg.  Richard,  370 
Carrington,  Lieut.  Edward  Murray  Winter, 

417  n.2 

Carroll,  R.-Ad.  Sir  William  Fail-brother,  547 
Carron,  150,  478  and  n.1,  504 
Carron  Company,  201 
Carronades,  22  n.1,  26  and  n.,  27,  30,  32  n.1, 

38,  42, 48,  53,  55  and  n.s,  78,  95,  98,  102, 

111,  122-123,  133,  134,  139,  149  and  n.2, 

150,  155  n.1,  159, 162, 164, 170,  173,  234, 

235,  307,  331 
Cartagena,  307  and  n. 


Carter,  V.-Ad.  Charles  (2),  543 

Carter,  V.-Ad.  Thomas  Wren,  212,  305,  396, 

440,  549 

Carthew,  Admiral  James,  541 
Carysfort,  R.-Ad.  the  Earl  of  (Hon.  Gran- 

ville  Leveson  Proby),  545 
Carnsfort,  312,  314,  315,  318  n.,  319,  320, 

322,  323 

Cashman,  Lieut.  William,  506 
Casilha  Bay,  284 
Cassin,  Lieut.-Com.  Stephen  (U.S.N.),  132, 

137, 141 

Castilian,  164-166 
Castor,  256,  271,  276,  310,  312,  314,  315, 

318  n.,  319-321,  348,  349 
Caton,  44fi,  462 
Cator,  Lieut.  John  Bertie,  532 
Cazzina,  Cape,  226 

Cecil,  Mids.  Lord  Edward  Henry,  446  n. 
Centaur,  367,  478,  499 
Ceylon,  245 

Cliabannes,  Capt.  de  (Fr.),  440 
Ch'icabuco,  343 
Chads,  Admiral  Sir  Henry  Ducie,  48  n.4,  51, 

52  and  n.2,  203,  205,  242-245,  247-249, 

273-276,  288,  413,  422,  423,  426, 466,  548 
Chagres  liiver,  521 
Challenger,  505 

Chambers,  Lieut.  Ennis,  360  and  n.6 
Chambers,  Lieut.  Thomas,  163  n.1 
Chameleon,  505 
Champion,  248,  250 

Champlain,  Lake,  109,  110,  130-141,  158 
Champlin,  Sailing  Master  Stephen  (U  S.N.), 

126,  128,  129 
Chang-shih-wu-tz,  355 
Chanticleer,  521,  532 
Chaplains,  210,  220 

Chapman,  Capt.  Isham  Fleming,  218  n  2 
,  Chapoo,  284,  297,  298 
Charlemagne,  40] ,  402,  440 
Charleston,  69 
Charlewood,    Com.    Edward    Philips,    315 

and  n.2 

Charner,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  413.  434,  440,  458 
Charts,  181,  182 
Charwell,  129  n.3 
Charybdis,  307 
Chase,  Lieut.  Parkhurst,  444 
Chasseur,  153,  155  and  n.1 
Chatham,  187,  194,  199 
Chauncey,  Commod.  Isaac  (U.S.N.),   111- 

117,  134 

Cheape,  Brig.-Genl.  Sir  John,  384 
Cheduba  Island,  238,  240,  249 
Che-kiang,  297 
Cheritnon  River,  332-333 
Chersonese,  448 
Cherub,  101-104,  107,  108 
Chesapeake  Bay,  31,  67,  70,  92,  94,  97,  99, 

142,  146,  148 
Chesapeake,  18,  19,  25,  26,  47,  75,  76,  78- 

86,  124,  199  n.3,  213 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


559 


Chesshyre,  V.-Ad.  John,  540 

Chester,  Rebecca,  1:"5  n.3 

Chetham,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Edward  (Admiral  Sir 

E.  C.  Strode),  227,  545 
Cketwode,  Lieut.  Philip,  3-9 
Chevalier,  Capt.  (Fr.),   440;   quoted,  437, 

497 ;  cited,  438 
Chichester,  Mids.  Louis,  431 
Chief  Assistant  and   Draughtsman   to  the 

Surveyors,  186 
Chief  Constructor,  186 
Chief    Engineer   and    Inspector   of   Steam 

Machinery,  188 
Childers,  150,  271,  288 
Chile,  263,  265 
Chimmo  Island,  352 
China : 

Amherst's  mission  to,  231-232 
Canton   River  hostilities  (1834),  273- 

275 

Operations  in   (1839-1842),  196,  279- 
304;    medal  for,  214;  (1843-1849), 
351-360;  (1853),  384-386,388-390 
Station,  225  and  n. 
Survey  of  coasts  of,  522 
China  Seas,  151,  153,  429-432 
Chinca,   Mids.    Domenico   (Austrian),   316 

and  n.3 

Chingkiang,  301,  303 
Chinhae,  283,  291,  295-297 
Chippeway,  117,  121,  122  and  n.1, 124,  126 
Chittagong,  245 

Cholera,  240,  376,  409,  436,  458,  473 
Chorouksoo,  402 
Christenestad,  486 

Christian,  R.-Ad.  Hood  Hanway,  544 
Christophe  Colomb,  440 
Chubb  (eK-Orowkr),  131,  132  n.2,  133,  136, 

137,  141  n.1 

Chuenpee,  232,  273,  285 
Chunhow,  281 
Chuiapoo,  353-357 
Chukshan,  357 
Churchill,  Capt.  Lord  Henry  John  Spencer, 

213,  219  n.6 

Chusan,  282-284,  287,  291,  294-297,  304 
Circassian,  440 
Circassians,  403,  458 
Clapperton,  Com.  Hugh,  519 
Clare,  Francis,  266 
Clarke,  Com.  George  Henry,  424,  425 
Clarke,  Capt.  Thomas  Jordaine,  288 
Clavell,  Capt.  John,  187 
Clavering,  Com.  Douglas  Charles,  504,  517 
Clay,  R.-Ad.  Edward  Sneyd,  543 
Clay,  Henry,  23 
Clements  (R.M.),   Lieut.   William   Henry, 

431 

Clemenza,  312 
Cleopatra,  306 
Cleopdlre,  474 

Cleveland,  Capt.  Richard  J.,  ]3 
Clewley,  S.  E.,  266 


Clifford,    Admiral    Sir   Augustus    William 

James,  547 

Clifford,  Com.  William  John,  330 
Clifford,  Capt.  William  John  Cavendish,  478 
Clinker,  460,  463,  471 
Clio,  272,  288,  299  n.,  300  and  n. 
Cloete,  Col.,  308 
Close,  Lieut.  Francis  Arden,  360  and  n.T, 

424  n.3,  425 

Clutterbuck,  Lieut.  Charles  Henry,  496 
Coan  River,  148  n.1 
Coast  Blockade,  208 
Coast  Volunteers,  208 
Coastguard,  208 
Cochet,  Admiral  John,  538 
Cochin  China,  358,  360 
Cochrane,   V.-Ad.   Sir    Alexander   Forester 

Inglis,  13,  99  and  n.,  142,  144,  146,  148, 

223 
Cochrane,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Arthur  Auckland 

Leopold  Pedro,  419,  425 
Cochrane,  R.-Ad.  Nathaniel  Day,  544 
Cochrane,  Admiral  Thomas,  Lord  (Earl  of 

Dundonald),  253  and  n.3,  262-266,  541 
Cochrane,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Thomas 

John,  223,  226,  329,  330,  332,  333,  347, 

351,  352,  362,  544 
Cocioco,  367,  368,  371 
Cockburn,  V.-Ad.  the  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  George, 

70,  92,  94,  142,  144  and  n.2,  145  n.,  146- 

148  u.3,  150,  225 
Cocked  hats,  211 
Cocyte,  474 
Codrington,  Admiral  Sir  Edward,  223,  224, 

252-258,  260,  261 
Codriugton,  Capt.    Henry  John,  312,  323, 

413,  478 

Coe,  Capt,  Thomas  (I.N.),  242 
Coghill,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Josiah  Coghill  (Josiah 

Cramer),  544 
Coig,  Capt.  (Span.),  265 
Coin  Arrang,  333 
Colborne,  277 

Colchester,  Capt,  Lord,  271 
Coles,  Capt.  Cowper  Phipps,  456,  465,  472 
Collard,  R.-Ad.  Valentine,  545 
Collier,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Edward  (1),  312,  315, 

321,  323,  548 
Collier,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Francis  Augustus,  226, 

234,  269,  271,  352,  357,  359,  546 
Collier,  Capt.  Sir  George  Ralph,  171 
Collinson,  Admiral  Sir  Richard,  299,  304, 

521,  522,  531 

Collman,  Assist,  Surg.  Horatio,  519  n.* 
Colonia,  337 
Colossus,  478 

Colpoys,  V.-Ad.  Edward  Griffith,  224,  225 
Colombia  Republic,  307 
Colt's  revolver,  202 
Columbia  River,  101,  108 
Columbine,   192,   285,   288,    291,  294  n.1, 

295  n.,  296,  297  n.,  298  n.,  299  n.,  300 

and  n.,  335,  336,  352,  354-359,  504 


560 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Colville,  Admiral  the  Hon.  John,  Lord,  538 
Colwell,  Dennis  (Schoolmaster),  46  n.1 
Comber,  Mids.  Henry  Wandesford,  325,  327 
Comet,  196 
Coming,  Lieut,.,  266 
Commanders-in-Chief  (1815-1856),  List  of, 

223-226 

Commerce :  see  Trade. 
Commerell,  Admiral  Sir  John  Edmund,  215, 

341,  503 
Commissioned     officers,    Warrant     officers 

transmuted  into,  210 
Commissioner  of  the  Navy,  186  n.1 
Commissioners  of  Dockyards,  187 
Commissioners  of  Victualling,  186  and  n.1 
Comus,  338-340,  342,  501 
Conch,  308 
Confianc*,,  132  n.2,  133,  134,  136,  138-141 

and  n.1,  504 
Confiscation— of  crew,  4,  10,  12 ;  of  ships, 

11,  21 
Conflict,  416   and  n.3,  478,  485,  490,  498, 

499 

Congleton,  Lord,  185 
Congo,  183 ;  River,  183,  306,  394 
Congress,  25,  26,  30,  41 
Congreve,   Lieut.-Geul.   Sir    William,    201 

and  n.2 

Congreve  guns,  275 
Congreve  rockets,  334 
Conkling,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  129,  130 
Connor,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  54,  55 
Constantin,  256,  257 
Constantinople,  406 
Constellation,  25,  26,  93,  98 
Constitution,  25-28,  32-37,  48-53,  62,  66, 

75,  169-172 
Contest,  96,  505 
Continuous  service,  207 
Controller  of    Steam   Machinery   and    the 

Packet  Service,  188 
Controller  of  the  Navy,  185,  186  n.1 
Controller  of  Victualling,  186  and  n.1 
Controller   of  Victualling   and    Transport, 

189 
Conway,  271,  282  n.2,  283,  284,  288,  294, 

345,  521 
Coode,  V.-Ad.  Sir  John,  227  and  n.3,  230, 

546 

Cook,  Gunner  J.,  371 
Cook,  Capt.  James,  182 
Cookson,  Mids.  Edgar,  381 
Cooj.er,  Boatswain  Henry,  215,  457 
Coote,  Com.  Robert,  367",  3G9,  371 
Coote,  Lieut.-Col.,  376 
Coote,  277,  278 
Coppermine  River,  513 
Coquette  (Brit,),  48  n.5 
Coquette  (Fr.),  343 

Corbett,  Com.  John,  369-371  and  n.2,  506 
Cordelia,  227 
Corea,  522 
Corisco  Island,  306 


Cormorant,  391,  392 

Cornewall,  Lieut.  William  Napier,  496 

Cornwall,  86 

Cornwallis,  175,  288,  297  and  n.,  298  n  ' 
299  n.,  300,  302-305,  478  and  n.1,  494 
and  n.2,  496 

Cornwallis  Island,  527,  533 

Corn-.vell,  James,  481 

Corrientes,  343,  344 

Corry,  R.-Ad.  Armar  Lowry  (1),  414,  420, 
548 

Corry,  Rt.  Hon.  H.  T.  Lowry,  185 

Cosnahan,  Mids.,  81 

Cossack,  478  and  n.:,  479,  481,  488,  489, 
494-496 

Cote  River,  326 

Cotesworth,  Lieut.  William,  237 

Cotton,  Com.  Charles,  262 

Cotton,  Brig.-Genl.  Willoughby,  246 

Coulan  Bay,  388,  389 

Courland,  478,  490,  499 

Courtenay,  V.-Ad.  George  William  Conway, 
549 

Courts-martial,   18,   36  n.2,  37  n.2,  44  n.4 
51  n.1,  81  n.,  127  n.,  171  n.3,  218,  536 

Cowell,  Lisut.  J.  G.  (U.S.N.),  106 

Cowes,  199 

Cowley,  Lord,  473 

Cox,  Lieut.  Thomas  S.,  116  n.4 

Coyde,  Mids.  William,  243,  244,  249 

Crab  Island,  137 

Cracker,  460-463,  471-473 

Cracroft,  Com.  Peter,  505 

Craigie,  Com.  Roliert,  277 

Craigie,  Lieut.  Robert  George,  478  and  n.2 

Cramer,  Capt.   Josiah  (V.-Ad.   Sir  Josiah 
Coghill  Coghill),  544 

Craney  Island,  93 

Cranley,  Alexander,  241 

Craufurd,  Capt.  Frederick  Augustus  Buch- 
anan, 451,  461,  465 

Craufurd,  Com.  Henry  William,  305 

Crawford,  Com.  Richard  Borough,  478 

Crawford  (Bombay  Mar.),  Robert,  241 

Crawley,  Lieut.  Charles  Gibbs,  506 

Creagh,  Lieut.  John  Brasier,  468  and  n.6 

Cressy,  415,  419,  478 

Creswell,  Mr.,  535 

Crete,  310 

Creyke,  Com.  Richard  Boynton,  498  and  n. 

Crimean  War — 

Alma,  Battle  of  the,  432 

Arctic  experience  valuable  in,  537 

Balaclava — seized,  434  ;  cavalry  action 

at,  446 ;  sanitation  at,  458 
Bomarsund     attacked     and    captured, 

420-425 

Cholera,  409,  436 

Circassians,  Negotiations  with,  403 
Crimea,  Invasion  of,  407,  409-412 
Cronstadt— reconnoitred,  420;  torpedoes 

at,  482-484 
Danube  mouths  blockaded,  404 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


561 


Crimean  War— continued. 
Declaration  of  war,  414 
Defects  of  organisation,  436 
Eastern  shores  of  Black  Sea,  Expedition 

to,  401-404 

Eupatoria  reconnoitred,  401 
Excessive  age  of  commanders  in,  205 
French  fleet,  Arrival  of,  at  Besika  Bay, 
396  ;  mortality  of,  from  cholera,  409 ; 
in  Crimea,  419;    disadvantages  at- 
taching to,  421 
Gamla  Carleby,  417 
Hindrances    to    usefulness   of    British 

fleet,  421 

Hurricane,  448,  449 
Inkerman,  Battle  of,  449 
Kertch,  453-458 
Kherson,  473 
Kinburu,  469-474 

List  of  ships  composing  allied  fleet,  419 
Medal  for,  214 

Military  Stations  on  East  Coast  of  Black 
Sea  not  evacuated  or  destroyed,  402 
Organisation,  Deficiency  of,  436 
Redout  Kaleh  attacked,  402-404 
Keturn  of  fleet  to  England,  SCO 
Review  of  fleet  engaged  in,  503 
Revolvers  used  in,  202 
Russians,  Aggressive  demands  of,  395  ; 
Danube  provinces  occupied  by,  395, 
396,  399  ;  Osman  attacked  by,  397  ; 
held  in  check  before  Silistria,  404 ; 
fleet  of,  at  Cronstadt,  420 ;  ships  or, 
sunk,   433 ;    gunnery  of,   defective, 
436 ;  sortie  of,  against  Naval  Brigade, 
446 ;  preliminaries  of  peace  accepted 
by,  474 
Sebastopol,  397,  398,  401,  403,  434- 

446 

Silistria,  Siege  of,  404,  407 
Sulina  Mouth,  Bombardment  of  works 

in,  405 

Survey  and  lessons  of,  502 
Sweaborg  blockaded,  420 
Tiger,  Loss  of,  403,  404 
Transports,  Use  of,  406,  407 
Treaty  of  Paris,  500 
Varna,  Transfer  of  army  to,  404-406 
Vessels  used  in,  199  nn.  5>  10>  " 
Vladimir    and    Chersonese,  Sortie  of, 

448 

Cririe,  Lieut.  John,  97 
Crocket  (R.M.A.),  Lieut.  John,  367 
Crocodile,  305 
Croft,  R.-Ad.  William,  545 
Crofton,  Capt.  Edward,  148  n.1 
Crofton,   V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  George  Alfred, 

547 
Crofton,  Com.  Stephen  Smith  Lowther,  478, 

485 

Croker,  Lieut.  Charles,  268 
Croker,  Rt.  Hon.  John  Wilson,  154,  185 
Croker,  Com.  Walter,  323 

VOL.   VI. 


Cronstadt,  414,  420,  480,  482-484,  499 

Crooked  Spit,  463 

Crosbie,  Capt.  Thomas  Sackville,  264,  266 

and  n.a 

Cross  Island,  474 
Crouch,  Lieut.  Edward,  302 
Grout,  Master  John  Thomas,  365 
Crow's  Shoal,  96 
Crozier,  Capt.  Francis  Rawdon  Moira,  505, 

511,  513,  514,  524,  527,  529 
Cruiser,  193,  200,  278,  283  n.1,  288,  294  n.1, 

295  n.,  330,  478  and  n.1,  494,  499 
Cruisers,  American,  57,  158,  177 
Cua  Keum  (Cua  Cam)  River,  358,  359 
Cuba,  234 

Cuckoo,  478,  490,  499 
Cumberland,  R.-Ad.  William,  539 
Cumberland,  193,  200,  419 
Gumming,  Capt.  Arthur,  316,  416 
Cuming,  R.-Ad.  William,  539 
Cuming,  Mate  William  Henry,  478  and  n.a 
Cuningham,  Capt.  Charles,  187 
Curacoa,  213  n.* 
Curafoa,  199  n.4,  450,  472  n. 
Curlew,  234,  272,  273,  453  n.4,  454,  459- 

461,  463 

Curry,  V.-Ad.  Richard,  541 
Curry,  Lieut.  Rodger  Carley,  96 
Curtis,  Lieut.  Alfred  John,  349 
Curtis,  Boatswain's  Mate  Henry,  215 
Curtis,  Admiral  of  the   Fleet  Sir  Lucius, 

188,  544 

Curzon,  Capt.  Edward,  256 
Cutfield,  Com.  William,  518 
Cuthbert  Young,  391 

Cutting-out  expeditions,  24,  57,  92,  98,  116, 
.  128-130,  149,  151,  155,  277,  305 
Cyane,  27,  169-172 
Cyclops,  310,  312-316,  440 
Cydnus,  149  n.1 
Cygnet,  365 
Cynthia,  504 
Cyprus,  311,  313 

DA  SYLVA,  375 

D'Acosta  (Mil.),  Capt.,  353 

Dacres,  V.-Ad.  James  Richard  (2),  12  n., 

32,  34-37  and  notes,  366,  544 
Dacres,  Capt.  Sidney  Colpoys,  276,  398  n., 

400,  440,  466 
Daedalus,  330,  334 
D'Aeth,  Mids.  Edward  Henry  Hughes,  325. 

328 

Dageraad,  227,  228 
Dago,  488 

D'Aguilar,  Lieut.  Francis  James,  366 
Dalhousie,  Lord,  373 
Dalla,  243,  375 ;  River,  241,  244 
Dalling,  Capt.  John  William,  312 
Dalrymple,  Alexander  (Hydrographer),  182 
Daly,  R.-Ad.  Cuthbert  Featherstone,  546 
D'Amaral,  Capt.,  353 
Damooda,  380,  381 

2   0 


562 


INDEX     TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Daniel,  Mids.  Edward  St.  John,  215,  450 

Daniels,  Lieut.,  278 

Danish  frigates,  27,  28 ;  gunboats,  95 

Danube,  399,  404 

Danube,  426 

Danzig,  391 

Daphne,  256,  312,  314 

Dapper,  478  and  n.1,  494 

Dardanelles,  231,  311,  396,  399 

Darien,  419 

Darricau,  Capt.  (Fr.),  400,  440 

Dartmouth,  253-256,  258,  259 

Darwin,  Charles  Robert,  520 

Dashwood,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Charles,  541 

Dashwood,   Com.   William   Bateman,   226, 

227 

D'Assas,  477  n.,  483,  499 
Datu,  Cape,  325 
Dauntless,  362,  418,  472  n. 
Dauphin,  448 

D'Autemarre,  Genl.  (Fr.),  452 
Davenport,    R.-Ad.   Sir    Salusbury    Pryce 

(previously  Humphreys),  18,  19,  543 
Davidson,  John  (Clerk  in  Charge),  188 
Davies  (R.M.),  Lieut.  David,  52  n.z 
Davies,  Com.  James,  227  and  n.6 
Davies,  Com.  John,  228  and  n.2 
Davies,  Capt.  Lewis,  256  and  n.',  312 
Davies,  Com.  Thomas  (2),  424,  425 
Davis  Strait,  510 
Dawson,  Rt.  Hon.  George  R.,  185 
Dawson,  Com.  John  Francis,  248  and  n.2 
Day,  Com.  George   Fiott,  215,  456,  463- 

465 

De  Berg,  Genl.,  cited,  482  n. 
De   Chabannes,  Capt.  Vicomte   (Fr.),  401, 

402,  440 

De  C'intre,  Capt.  (Fr.),  460  n. 
De  Courcy,  If.- Ad.  Michael  (3),   307,  308 

and  n.1 

De  Kantzow,  Lieut.  Herbert  Philip,  392 
De  La  Riviere,  Lieut.  (Fr.),  338 
De  Lassusse,  V.-Ad.  (Fr.),  39G 
De  Mackau,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  270 
De  Man,  Capt.  A.  W.  (Dutch),  227 
De  Mayne,  Anthony,  505 
De  Redcliffe,  Lord  Stratford,  466 
De  Rigny,  R.-Ad.  Henri  (Fr.),  253,  254, 

256,  258 
De  Rosas,  Don  Juan  Manuel  (Argentine), 

336,  337,  342  n.1,  343,  345 
De  Saisset,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
De  Sedaiges,  Com.  Be"ral  (Fr.),  454 
De    Starck,    R.-Ad.    Mauritius    Adolphus 

Newton,  545 

De  Surville,  Com.  (Fr.),  425 
De  Tinan,  R.-Ad.  Lebarbier  (Fr.),  413 
De  Varese,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
De  Villeneuve,  R.-Ad.  Ducrest  (Fr.),  270 
De  Wailly,  Capt.  Warmer  (Fr.),  400 
Dealy  Isle,  535 

Dean  and  Adams's  revolver,  202 
Deans,  Com.  Robert  (2),  271 


Deans,  James   Whit  ley   (see  Dundas,  Ad- 
miral James  \Vh  itley  Deans). 

Dease, ,  514 

Decatur,  Capt.  Stephen  (U.S.N.),  18,  19,  30, 

41,  43,  44  n.2,  45,  46,  166-169,  176,  226 
Dee,  271 

Defeats  not  officially  published,  115  n.1 
Delacombe  (R.M.),  Capt.  Henry  Edwards, 

424  n. 
Delafosse,  Com.  Edward  Hollingworth,  227 

and  n.6 

Delagoa  Bay,  518 
Delaware  Bay,  96 ;  River,  38,  69 
Delight,  504 

Delvigne-Minie  rifle,  202 
Demerara  River,  53,  56  n.1 
Denman,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Joseph,  306 
Dent,  Mate  Edward  Frederick,  330 
Deptford,  187,  194,  195,  199 
Deputy  Controller  of  the  Navy,  186 
Derby,  Earl  of,  184  n. 
Derriman,    Lieut.    Samuel    Hoskins,    411, 

432  n.2 
Des  Vceux,  Lieut.  Charles  Frederick,  527, 

529 

Descartes,  400,  406,  440 
Desertion",  17 
Despard,  Col.,  348 
Desperate,   420,   478,   485,   488-490,    498, 

499 

Detroit,  117 

Detroit  (ex  Adams'),  118-124,  126 
Devastation,  147  n.1,  470 
Devonport,  199,  203,  205,  223 
Dew,  Act.-Gunner  John,  478  and  n.2 
Dew,  Com.  Roderick,  387  and  n.1,  478 
Dewar,  Gunner  H.  A.,  370 
D'Eyncourt,  Capt.  Edward  Clayton  T.,  478 
D'Herbinghem,   Capt.   de   Poucques    (Fr.), 

400,  440 

D'Hilliers,  Genl.  Baraguay,  421,  422 
D'Hornoy,  Capt.  Dompierre  (Fr.),  440 
Diableto,  234,  268 
Diadem,  93 

Diamond,  193,  200,  445  n.2,  504 
Diana,  238,  242,  244-246 
Diana  (Dutch),  227,  228 
Diana  (Russian),  476 
Dicey  (I.N.),  Capt.,  288 
Dick,  Admiral  John,  541 
Dick,  Capt.  John,  271 
Dickinson,  Lieut.  Charles,  147  n.s 
Dickinson,  Com.  James  (3),  173-175  and  n.1 
Dickinson,  Capt.  Richard,  260  and  n.6 
Dickson,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Archibald  Collingwood, 

538 

Dickson,  Lieut.  David  John,  227 
Dickson,  V.-Ad.  Edward  Stirling,  540 
Dickson,  Capt.  Sir  William,  288 
Dido,  288,  300,  312,  314,  324,  325,  327, 

328,  475  n.s 
Didon,  37 
Digby  (R.M.A.),  Capt.  George  Stephen,  468 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


563 


Digby,  Admiral  Sir  Henry,  224,  538 

Diligence,  505 

Dilke,  Lieut.  Thomas,  237 

Dillon,  V.-Ad.  Sir  William  Henry,  545 

Dinner  hour,  219 

Diogenes,  276 

Diomede,  149  n.1 

Director-General  of  the  Medical  Department 

of  the  Navy,  187,  189 
Discip'ine,  4,  42,  43,  56,  178 
Dixon,  Com.  Edward,  366 
Dixon,  Lieut.  John  Stewart,  230 
Dixon,  Admiral  Sir  Manley,  53  n.1,  223 
Dixon,  V.-Ad.  Mauley  Hall,  53  n.1,  546 
Dixon,  Corpl.  (U.S.Mar.),  81 
D'jebel,  314 
Djcmetil,  435 

D'jounie,  316,  317 ;  Bay,  314 
Dnieper,  Liman  of  the,  469 
Dobbs,  Com.  Alexander,  129  and  n.3,  130 

and  n.2 
Dobree,  Lieut.  Thomas  Peter,  278  and  n.2, 

279 

Dobson,  Admiral  Man,  538 
Dobson,  Lieut.  William  Burdett,  240,  242, 

243 

Docemo,  371 

Dockyards,  Commissioners  and  Superinten- 
dents of,  187 
Dog  River,  317 
Doherty,  Sir  R.,  306 
Dolphin,  305,  337-339,  341-344,  394 
Dolphin  (U.S.),  98 
Dom  Joao,  267 
Dom  Miguel,  266,  267,  270 
Dom  Pedro,  265-267,  270 
Dome  Ness,  490,  499 
Domett,  Capt.  George,  504 
Domville,  Surg.  Henry  Jones,  403 
Don  River,  454 
Donegal,  271 
Donna  Anna,  392  n.2 
Donna  Maria,  267 
Donnelly,  Surg.  Samuel,  371 
Donoobew,  240,  243,  245,  246,  383 
Donop,  Lieut.  Edward  Pelham  Brenton  von, 

323 

Dores,  305 
Dorothea,  507 
Dorothy,  183 

Dorville,  Capt.  John  William,  376,  384-386 
Douglas,  Capt.  the  Hon.  George,  170,  171 

and  n.s 

Douglas,  Com.  the  Hon.  George  H.,  478 
Douglas,  Genl.  Sir  Howard,  203;    quoted, 

47,  108 

Douglas,  Genl.  Sir  James.  281  and  n.2 
Douglas,  V.-Ad.  Peter  John,  546 
Douglas,  R.-Ad.  Stair  (2),  539 
Dover,  Packet  station  at,  208  n.3 
Dover,  196 
Dowell  (R.M.A.),  Lieut.  George  Dare,  2]  5, 

487,  489 


Downey,  Lieut.  John,  505 

Downie,  Com.  George,  132-136,  138 

Downes,  Lieut.  Henry,  269  and  n.2 

Downes,  Lieut.  John  (U.S.N.),  106 

Downman,  Admiral  Hugh,  540 

Doyle,  Com.  Charles  Francis,  342  and  n.2 

Dragon,  362,  413,  418,  478  and  n.1,  483, 

488,  493,  496 
Drake,  478  and  n.1,  504 
Dress,  210-212 

Drew,  Com.  Andrew,  237,  277 
Driver,  Master  Thomas,  216  and  n.2 
Driver,  349,  419,  424,  425,  478,  486 
Droxford,  328 
Druid,  219  n.6,  284,  285,  288,  289,  291, 

294  and  n.1,  296 

Drummond,  Admiral  Sir  Adam,  540 
Drummond,  Capt.  Francis,  266  and  n.3 
Drummond,  Capt.  the  Hon.  James  Robert, 

398,  399  n.1,  400,  440 

Drummond, (guardsman),  220 

Drumsio  Island,  494 

Drunkenness,  217,  219 

Drury,  Mate  Byron,  275 

Dubernad,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 

Duckworth,  Admiral  Sir  John  Thomas,  223, 

231 

Duckworth,  Mrs.,  218 
Duff,  R.-Ad.  Archibald,  544 
Dufl'erin,  Lord,  273  n.3 
Duffill,  John,  241 
Duguesclin,  419 
Duke   of  Wellington,    199,  200,  413,  415, 

419,  478  and  n.1,  479,  495,  496 
Dumaresq,  Lieut.  Henry,  306 
Dunbar,  Lieut.  Charles  Sidney,  333 
Duncan,  Lieut.  Andrew,  32  n.1 
Duncan,  Com.  Robert,  317  and  n.4 
Dundas,  R.-Ad.  the  Hon.  George  Heneage 

Lawrence,  186,  541 
Dundas,  V.-Ad.  Henry,  548 
Dundas,   Admiral  James   Whitley   Deans, 

205,   219,   224,   396-398,   404-412,   432 

and  n.s,  437,  438,  440,  443,  446-448,  466, 

545 
Dundas,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Richard  Saunders, 

283,  288,  304,  473,   476-478,  480,  484, 

488,  491,  493,   500,   548;   quoted,  494, 

496 

Dundas,  The  Hon.  Robert,  186 
Dundas,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas,  539 
Dundas,  Col.,  201 
Dundonald,  Admiral  the  Earl  of  (Thomas, 

Lord  Cochrane),  205,  225,  253  and  n.3, 

262-266,  541 

Dunlop,  Capt.  Hugh,  393,  478 
Dunlop,  Com.  Robert  John  Wallace,  323, 

364 

Dunn,  R.-Ad.  Sir  David,  312,  547 
Dunn,  Captain's  Clerk  John,  82 
Dunn,  Lieut.  Montagu  Buccleugh,  368 
Dunnoo,  373,  375 
Duntze,  Admiral  John  Alexander,  549 

2   O   2 


564 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Duparc,  Lieut.  (Fr.),  338 

Duperre,  419,  422 

Dupouy,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 

Duquesne,  477  n. 

D'Urban,  Sir  Benjamin,  275 

Durban,  308  and  n.2 

Durbin,  Mate  George,  330 

Durham,  Admiral  Sir  Philip  Charles  Calder- 

wood  Henderson,  223 
Dutch,  226,  228,  230 
Dwarf,  504 
Dwina  Eiver,  498,  499 
Dwina,  429,  475,  476 
Dwyer  (Mil.),  Lieut.,  353 
Dyaks,  327 

Dyer,  Lieut.  Henry  Charles  Penrose,  330 
Dyer,  Mate  John  George  Fitzherbert,  368 
Dyer,  Master  Richard  Cossantine,  478 

Eagle  (renamtd  FincK),  131 
EagJe,  132  n.2,  133,  135-138,  140 
Eaglet,  389 

Earle, ,  111 

East  India  Company — 

Aden  purchased  by,  279 
Brooke  in  service  of,  323 
Burmese  aggression  against,  237 
China  War,  List  of  vessels   used  in, 

288 

Dalrymple  hydrographer  to,  182 
Rajah  of  Nanning  at  war  with,  270 
Steamships  adopted  by,  195 
Vessels   belonging   to,   151,  176,  233, 
243,  277,  278,  281,  282  n.J,  283,  285, 
294,    300,  327,  329,  332,  335,  348, 
351,   355,   357,   362,  372-375,  379, 
380 

East  India  Station,  225  and  n.,  347,  352 
East  Indies  (see  also  Burmese  War),  166, 

175,  277 

Eastern  Archipelago,  323,  522 
Easton,  Surg.  Robert  Tulloh,  481 
Echo,  364 

Eckford,  Henry  (Shipbuilder,  U.S.),  112 
Eckness,  417,  418,  499 
Eden,  Capt.  Charles,  440 
Eden,  Admiral  Henry  (1),  187,  271,  549 
Eden,  Capt.  Thomas  Rodney,  212 
Eden,  234 
Edgar,  199  n.1 

Edgell,  Com.  Harry  Edmund,  361 
Edgell,  F.-Ad.  Henry  Folkes,  542 
Edinburgh,  305,  310,  312,  317,  318  n.,  319- 
321   and  n.a,   413,   415,   419,    422-424, 
478  and  n.1,  494-496 
Edye,  John  (Chief  Asst.  to  Surveyors),  186, 

199 

Edye,  Lieut.  William  Henry,  380,  391 
Eendracht,  227,  228 
Egerton,   Com.   Charles   Handle,  347,   349 

and  n.1 

Egerton,  Com.  the  Hon.  Francis,  418 
Egerton,  Com.  Francis  Philip,  332,  349 


Eglinton  Island,  530 

Egyptians,  300,  310,  312,  316-319,  :',L'L 

Eisk  (Gheisk),  457 

Ekins,  Admiral  Sir  Charles,  538 

Eleepoo,  303 

Elena,  256 

Elgsnabben,  416 

Elibank,  Baron,  326  n.4 

Elio1,  Lieut.  Hugh  Maximilian,  474 

Eliot,  R.-Ad.  Robert,  546 

Eliza,  234 

Ellenborough,  Edward,  Karl  of,  185 

Ellice,  Capt.  Alexander,  188 

Elliot,   Capt.   Charles,  280-282,  284,  285, 

287,  290-294 

Elliot,  Com.  the  Hon.  Charles  Gilbert  John 

Brydone,  312 
Elliot,  Admiral  the  Hon.  George  (3),  185, 

193,  224,  226,  282-284,  288,  543 
Elliot,  Capt.  George  Augustus,  288 
Elliot,  Capt.  George  Augustus  (2),  478 
Elliot,  Mate  Robert,  385 
Elliot,  Com.  Robert  Hilley,  218  n.*,  313  u.8; 

quoted,  318,  319 

Elliott,  Master  James  Edward,  325,  333 
Elliott,  Com.  Jesse  D.  (U.S.K),  118,  119, 

122,  123 

Elliott  (R.M.),  Lieut.  John,  377,  379 
Elliott,  Capt.  (U.S.N.),  127 
Ellis   (R.M.),    Brevet    Lieut.-Col.    Samuel 

Burden,  283  n.1,  304 
Ellstob,  Asst.  Clerk  T.,  342 
Elphinstone,  348 
Elwin,  Lieut.  John,  175  n.1 
Ekins,  Capt.  Charle?,  227  and  n.3,  230 
Encalada,  Admiral  Blanco  (Chile),  263 
Encounter,  387,  388,  475 
Enderby's  Land,  525 
Endicott,  Master  J.  B.  (U.S.),  354 
Endymion,  27,  28,  157,  166-169,  213  n.3, 

288,  300 

En  field  rifle,  202  and  n.2 

Engineer  officers,  Former  rank  of,  210 

Engines  for  steam  propulsion,  Types  of,  202 

Enslie,  Mids.  James,  37  n.1 

Enterprise  (U.S.),  25,  89-91,  158 

Enterprise  (Arctic  voyager),  230-232 

Enterprise  (H.  E.  I.  Co.),  288,  374,  379 

Enturprize,  284 

Entreprenante,  213  n.* 

Epanchin,  Com.  (1)  (Russian),  256 

Epanchin,  Com.  (2)  (Russian),  256 

Epervier,  84,  159-161,  164 

Epworth,  Capt.  Farmery  Predam,  41  n.1 

Erebus,  Mount,  526 

Erebus,  147  n.1,   151,  176,  198,  200,505, 

525,  527 

Ericsson,  John  (Engineer),  196,  198 
Erie,  Lake,  109,  110,  113,  117-127,  277 
Erie,  122 
Ernaad,  278 
Erne,  504 
Erskine,  Capt.  John  Elphinstone,  478,  480 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


565 


Erskiue,  Mr.,  16 

Ertholm,  485 

Esk,  478,  480,  481 

Esmeralda,  263-265 

Esrmnde,  Lieut.,  265 

Espiegle,  53, 56  and  nn.1' 2,  351  n.4 

Essex,  25-27,  31,  47,  100-103,  166 

Essex  Junior,  101,  102,  106 

E'hersey  (I.N.),  Com.  R.,  288 

Etoile,  213  n.3 

Etough,  Li.-ut.  Henry  Gladwell,  150  n.1 

Eupa;oria,  401,  403,  412,  446,  449,  450 

Euryalus,  144,  147  n.1,  199,  423,  478-480, 

493,  495,  496 

Eurydice,  193,  428,  429,  431,  475  n.3 
Evans,  R.-Ad.  Andrew  Fitzherbert,  539 
Evans,  Genl.  Sir  de  Lacy,  446 
Evans,  Frederick  John  0.,  521,  537 
Evans,  Com.  George,  237,  271 
Evans,  V.-Ad.  Henry,  539 
Evans,  Major  Richard  Lacy,  241 
Evans,  Major  Thomas,  242 
Everest,  Liwut.  Henry  Bryan,  363 
Excellent,  203 

Excise  and  Customs'  Service,  208 
Exmouth,   Admiral    Viscount,    223,    224, 

226-231 

Exmouth,  478  and  n.1,  484,  485,  496 
Expeditive,  338-340  n. 
Expenditure  on  Navy  (1816-1856),  190 
Experimental     Squadron     ( 1832 ),     270 ; 

(18'i6),  276 
Explorations  and  Surveys,  181-183,  507- 

537 

Eyre,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Georg •-,  225,  538 
Eyres,  Capt.  Henry,  288,  304,  305 


FABLE,  V.-Ad.  Sir  William  Charles,  538 

Factory  Isle,  393 

Fahie,  R.-Ad.  William  Charles,  225 

Fairbairn, ,  196 

Fairholme,  Lieut.  James  Walter,  527 

Fairy,  147  nn.1-8',  505 

Falcon,  R.-Ad.  Gordon  Thomas,  169, 171  n.3, 

547 

Falcon,  Com.  Maxwell,  349  and  n.1 
Falcon,  195  n.,  478 

Falkiner,  Capt.  Charles  Leslie,  8 1,83  and  n.2 
Falkland  Islands,  272,  520,  530 
Falmouth  Packets,  208  n.3 
Fanagoria  (Fanagorinsk),  462 
Fancy,  460  and  n.3,  461,  471 
Fane,  R.-Ad.  Francis  William,  543 
Fanlokong  Creek,  357 
Fanny,  337-339,  342-344 
Fanshawe,  Admiral  Sir  Arthur,   187,  225. 

312,  323,  367 
Fanshawe,  Capt.  Edward  Gennys,  330,  478, 

480,  481,488,  489 
Fanshawe,  Capt.  Robert,  187 
Fantume,  360-361 
Faro  Sound,  480 


Farquhar,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Arthur  (1),  362,  363 

and  n.1,  543 
Farragut,  Admiral  D.ivid  Glasgow  (U.S.N.), 

103  and  n.1,  105,  107 
Fauourite,  323 
Fayal,  155 

Febvrier-Despointes,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  429 
Federalists,  7,  23,  24 
Fdicid'ide,  364 
Felix,  Cape,  516 
Feli\  Harbour,  515 

Fellowe?,  R.-Ad.  Thomas,  255,  256,258,546 
FelLiwes,  Com.  William  Abdy,  389,  390 
Feretier,  Com.  (Fr.),  256 
Ferguson,  R.-Ad.  George,  547 
Fernando  Po,  367 
Feroze,  375,  376 

Festing,  Lieut.  Francis  Worgan,  468 
Field,  Lieut.  John  Bousquet,  481,  495,  496 
Finch  (ex  Eagle),  132  and  n.2,  133,  136, 

137,  141  n.1 

Fincham,  Mr.,  193,  199 
Finlaison,  Mr.,  210 
Finland,  Gulf  of,  414,  415,  478,  480,  485 

and  n.,  486,  499 

Fianis,  Com.  Robert,  122  n.1,  124 
Fire  Queen,  373,  374,  379,  380,  382 

Firebrand,  338,   339,   341-344,   405,  436, 
437,  440,  443-445  n.2,  446  u.s,  472 

Firefly,  394,  478,  483,  486,  490,  505 

Finn,  468,  472 

Firme,  305 

t'irme  Union,  234 

First  Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  184,  185 

Fischer,  Lieut.-CoL,  116 

Fish  Bay  (West  Africa),  363 

Fishbourne,  Com.  Edmund  Gardiner,  372, 
376,  386 

Fisher,  Surg.  Alexander,  511 

Fisher,  Capt.  Peter  (1),  188 

Fisher,  Cap'.  Thomas,  418,  420,  478 

Fisher,  R  -Ad.  William,  312,  546 

Fitch,  Lieut.  Button  (U.S.N.),  115 

Fitzclarence,  R.-Ad.  Lord  Adolphus,  548 

Fitzcoster,  Joseph,  266 

Fitzgerald,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Robert  Lewis,  540 

Fitzgerald  and  Vesey,  Lord,  185 

Fitzhardinge,      Admiral      Earl      (Maurice 
Frederick  Fitzhardinge  Berkeley),  547 

Fitzjames,  Capt.  James,  302,  50  s  527,  529 

Fitzroy,  Lieut.  Ge  >rge  William  Howe,  258- 
260 

Fitzroy,  Capt.  Robert,  347  and  n.2,  319,  520 

Fitzroy,  Admiral  Lord  William,  543 
i  Flag,  Honour   of  the,   215,  216;    flags   of 

truce,  482,  490 
1  Flamer,  472,  505 

Fleemin-',  Admiral  the  Hon.  Charles  Elphin- 
stone,  228,  224 

Fleming,  Com.  Richard  Howell,  227,  229 

Fletcher,  Mids.  F.  R.,  370 

Fletcher,  John  Venour,  283  n.1 

Flint  (R.M.),  Lieut.  William  Richard,  98  n.1 


566 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Flogging,  216,  217 

Florida,  65 

Florida,  108,  159  n. 

Fly,  522 

Flying  Fish,  193 

Foley,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  223 

Foochow,  304,  352,  386,  388 

Foote,  Capt.  John,  416  n.s 

Forbes,  Master  Charles  Raguenau  Pecco,  439 

Forbes,  Lieut.  Frederick  Edwin,  366 

Forcas  T res,  Cape,  391 

Ford,  Charles,  478  and  n.2 

Ford,  Lieut.,  268  n.« 

Foreman,  Lieut.  John,  227,  230 

Foreman,  Boatswain  Thomas,  478  and  n.2 

Formidable,  275 

Formosa,  296,  522 

Forster,  Master  John  T.,  302 

Forster,  Mids. ,  444 

Fort  Arabat,  454 

Fort  Bowyer,  150 

Fort  Erie,  118 

Fort  George,  113 

Fort  Nottich,  424 

Fort  Petrovski,  460 

Fort  Botchenholm,  48!) 

Fort  St.  Nicholas,  399 

Fort  Schlosser,  277 

Fort  Swartholm,  486 

Fort  Tzee,  424 

Forte  (Brit.),  199  n.3,  220  n.3 

Forte  (Fr.),  37,  429-431,  475  n.s 

Forteau,  Point,  193 

Fosbroke   (R.M.),  Capt.    Thomas   Dudley, 

424  n.2 

Foster,  Com.  Henry,  512,  514,  517,  521 
Foster,  Capt.,  264 
Fourichon,  B.-Ad.  (Fr.),  475 
Fournaise,  493 

Fowell,  Act.-Gunner  Richard,  478  and  n.2 
Fowell,  Mate  William  Newton,  268 
Fowke,  R.-Ad.  George,  539 
Fox,  George,  10 
Fox,  Lieut.  Maxwell,  496 
Fox,  372-377,  379,  381-383 
France — 

Algier  under  suzerainty  of,  308 
Amtrica,  Attitude  towards,  in  Napole- 
onic wars,  4,  5,  9,  10 
Argentine  interests  of,  337 
Crimean  War  (see  that  title) 
Frigates  of,  27,  28 
Ghent,  Convention  of,  176  n.2 
Hampton  Village,  Conduct  of  French 

troops  at,  94  and  n.2 
Holland  blockaded  by    Great   Britain 

and,  270 
International  Council  of  War  at  Paris, 

473 

Iron  armour  invented  by,  198 
Madagascar,  Operations  in,  345-346 
Mexico,   Operations    in   (1838-1839), 
305 


France — continued. 

Navy  of,  in  1780,  1798,  1812, 178 
Parana,  Hostilities  in  the,  337-343 
Slave-dealing  abandoned  by,  233  n.2 
Treaty  of  London  (1827)   signed  by, 
252;    attitude    towards    Treaty    of 
1840,  3 10  and  n.1 
Turkey,  Relations  with  (1840),  309 

Franklin,  Lieut.  John,  150  n.1 

Franklin,   Capt.   Sir   John,  505,  508,  513, 
528,  529 

Franklin  Relief  Expeditions,  530-537 

Fraser,  Brig.-Genl.  Hugh,  242 

Fraser,  Lieut.  Thomas,  240,  241,  247 

Frederica,  227,  228 

Frederick,  Capt.  Charles,  288,  429,  475  n.3 

Frederickshamn,  488 

Fredericksteen,  182 

Fremantle,  Admiral  Sir  Charles  Howe,  458, 
519 

Fremantle,  Com.  Stephen  Grenville,  288 

Fremantle,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas  Francis,  224 

Friedland,  440 

Friedricb,  Capt.  A.  I.  H.  Archduke  (Aus- 
trian), 312 

Friendly  Islands,  323 

Frigates — 

American,  26,  28,  30,  34,  59,  60,  64, 

100,  158,  159,  166,  172 
British,  27,  29,  57,  60,  64,  65,  158 

Frolic,  38-41,  105,  158,  159  and  n.,  163 

Fulton,  Master  Robert,  288 

Fulton,  Robert,  198 

Fulton,  176,  338,  339,  341,  343,  344,  462 

Furieuse,  213  n.3 

Furious,  399,  400,  401,  406,  409,  440,  450, 
453  n.4,  472 

Furneaux,  Com.  John,  504 

Fury,  227,  357-359,  408,  504,  511-513 

Fury  Beach,  431,  513 

Gabriel,  306 

Gage,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  William  Hall, 

213  and  n.2,  224,  225,  539 
Galapagos  Islands,  520 
Galatea,  41  and  n.2,  299 
Gallagher,  Assist.-Surg.  John,  342 
Gallinas  Islands,  306,  364 ;  River,  306 
Gullipoli,  399,  404 
Gallito,  268 
Galvarino,  263 
Galway,  R.-Ad.  Edward,  542 
Gambia,  518 
Gamla  Carleby,  417,  499 
Ganges,  208,  310,  312,  449  n.1 
Gangoot,  256 
Ganymede,  231 
Gardner,  Com.  Alan  Henry,  361,  367-369, 

371,  478,  486 
Garibaldi,  Giuseppe,  337 
Garland,  Lieut.  John,  124 
Garrett,  V.-Ad.  Henry,  540 
Gascoigne,  Master's  Mate  William,  52  n.2 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


567 


G-aspar,  Strait  of,  232 

Gassendi,  343 

Gaussen,  Lieut,  Thomas  Lovette,  444 

Gebail  (D'jebel),  314 

Geisinger,  Commod.  (U.S.N.),  355 

General  Armstrong,  155-157 

Genesee  River,  114 

Geneste,  Lieut.  Louis,  481 

Geuitchi,  454,  456,  459 

Genoa,  254,  256-258,  260 

Georgia,  65,  94,  97,  142,  150,  151 

Georgiana,  449  n.2 

Geyser,  478  and  n.1,  496 

Gheisk  (Eisk),  457 

Gheisk-Liman,  463 

Ghent,  Convention  of,  176  n.2 

Ghumbir  Singh,  249 

Gibbard,  Mate  Leonard,  330,  331 

Gibert,  Pedro,  273 

Gibraltar,  164,  226,  360-362,  391 ;  Com- 
missioners and  Superintendents  of,  188 

Gibson,  Lieut.  Robert,  476 

Giffard,  Capt.  George,  329,  331,  413,  416, 
417,  467,  472 

Giffard,  Mids.  George,  404 

Giffard,  Capt.  Henry  Wells,  283  n.1,  288, 
362,  400,  403,  404,  506 

Giffard,  Admiral  John,  538 

Gilbert,  Lieut.  Edward  Williams,  230 

Giles,  Master  George,  489 

Gill,  Master's  Mate  C.  P.,  233 

Gillham,  Master's  Asst.  H.  M.,  370 

Gilolo,  Strait  of,  522 

Gladiator,  51  n.1,  424,  453  n.4,  472 

Glasgow,  153,  154,  196,  199 

Glasgow,  227-230,  256-258 

Glasse,  Com.  Frederick  Henry  Hastings, 
288,  416,  417,  478,  494 

Glatton,  198 

Gleaner,  199  n.8,  478  and  n.1,  494 

Gleichsn,  Admiral  Count,  466  and  u. 

Glendaloiigh,  449  n.2 

Olenelg,  Lcrd,  185 

Glofira,  460,  463,  464 

Gloucester,  113 

Glover,  Lieut,  John  Hawley,  381,  384 

Glyn,  Lieut.  Henry  Carr,  432  n.2 

Glynn,  Admiral  Henry  Richard,  539 

Goble,  Capt.,  267  and  u.2 

Goddard,  Mids.  Charles  Ramsay,  356 

Goderich,  Viscount,  184  n.,  185 

Godfrey,  Capt.  William  Mackenzie,  234 

God's  Mercy,  Bay  of,  531 

Godwin,  Lieut.-CoL  Heury,  242,  245 

Godwin,  V.-Ad.  Matthew^  543 

Godwin,  Lieut.-Genl.,  374,  376,  380-382, 
384  n.2 

Golden  Island,  301 

Goldfinch,  Lieut.  George,  242,  244 

Goldner, (Contractor),  529 

Goldsmith,  Capt.  George,  187,  284,  288, 
435,  446,  472 

Good  Hope,  Cape  of,  176 


Goodenough,   Com.   James   Graham,    496, 

523 

Goodridge,  Richard  E.,  243 
Gordon,  Com.  Alexander  Crombie,  478 
Gordon,  R.-Ad.  Charles  (1),  545 
Gordon,  Lieut.  David  McDowall,  335 
Gordon,  Com.  Edward,  505 
Gordon,  Capt.  George  Thomas,  413 
Gordon,  V-.Ad.  Henry,  543 
Gordon,  Lieut.  Henry  Cranmer,  155  and  n.1 
Gordon,  Admiral  Sir  James  Alexander  (1), 

144,  145,  147  and  n.1,  148,  187,  213,  543 
Gordon,  R.-Ad.  James  Murray,  545 
Gordon,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  William  (2),  224, 

546 
Gordon,  Lieut.  William  Everard  Alphonso, 

353 

Gore,  Com.  Graham,  517,  527,  529 
Gore,  V.-Ad.  Sir  John  (2),  224,  225,  261 
Gorelia,  461 
Gorgon,  149  n.1,  199,  200,  310,  312,  316, 

320,  337-339,  342,  344,  425,  478,  499 
Gorman,  James,  215,  449 
Gottska  SandS,  415  and  n.2,  416 
Goubin,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Gough,  Maj.-Genl.  Sir  Hugh,  290,  291,  293, 

294,  296,  297,  300-303 
Gould,  Lieut.  Nicholas,  504 
Gowtosham,  358 
Grabusa  Island,  261 
Graham,  R.-Ad.  Charles,  348  and  n.1,  440, 

549 
Graham,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  James  Robert  George, 

185,  189,  416,  421,  427 
Graham,  Com.  John  George,  268 
Graham,  Admiral  Sir  William,  367,  368 
Graham's  Land,  525 
Grahamstown,  308 
Grahan  River,  327 
Grand  Canal  (China),  301 
Granger,  V.-Ad.  William,  540 
Granicus,  227,  228,  230 
Grant,  Rt.  Hon.  Charles  (Lord  Glenelg),  185 
Grant,  Commod.  Charles,  225,  237,  238.  240, 

242 

Grant,  Lieut.  Daniel  F.,  251 
Grant,  Lieut.  Henry  James,  478  and  n.2 
Grant,  Capt.  Sir  Richard,  305 
Grant,  Master's  Mate  Samuel,  37  n.1 
Grant,  Thomas  T.  (Controller  of  the  Vic- 
tualling), 186 
Granville,  Capt.,  266  n.3 
Grappler,  478  and  n.1 
Graves,  Lieut.  Thomas  (6),  182,  520 
Graves,  Capt.,  521 
Great  Barrier  Reef,  522 
Great  Fish  (Back)  River,  516,  529 
Great  Ladrones,  282 

Greathed,  Lieut.  George  Herbert,  445  n.2 
Grecian,  366,  387 
Greeks,  219,  251,  308 
Green,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Andrew  Pellet,  547 
Greene,  Capt.  Pitt  Burnaby,  48 


568 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Greenlaw,  216 

Greenpoint,  392  n.1 

Greenway,  Mids.  George,  46  n.1 

Greenwich,  Models  at,  193  n.s,  198  nn. *•  s 

Greer,  Lieut.  Thomas  Harpur,  389 

Gregg,  Col,  307 

Gregory,  Lieut.  Francis  (U.S.N.),  116 

Grenfell,  J.  Pascoe,  266 

Grenfell,  Lieut.  Sidney,  315 

Greta,  476 

Greville,  V.-Ad.  Henry  Francis,  440,  549 

Grey,  Com.  Charles  Conrad,  335,  336 

Grey,    Admiral    the    Hon.    Sir    Frederick 

William,  288,  304,  425,  549 
Grey,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Sir  George,  187,  349 

and  n.s 
Grey,   V.-Ad.   the    Hon.  George  (2),  188, 

259  n.,  391,  549 
Grey,  Earl,  184  n.,  189 
Uritfin,    Lieut.    Charles   William   Griffith, 

116  n.2 

Griffinhoofe,  Com.  Thomas  Saville,  269 
Griffith   (later  Colpoys),   V.-Ad.   Edward. 

148,  224,  225 
Griffith  Isknd,  533 
Griffiths,  R.-Ad.  Anselm  John,  542 
Grinder,  460  and  n.3,  461,  463,   471  n.2, 

473 

Griper,  510,  512,  517 
Grote,  Lieut.  Joseph,  249 
Growler  (re-named  CUubV),  114,  116,  131 
Growler  (steam  sloop),  364,  478  and  n.1 
Grylls,   Com.   Charles   Gerveys,   461,  465, 

471 

Guajara,  234 
Guerin,  Capt.  (Fr.1,  440 
Guerriera,  312,  316,  320 
Guerriere,  31  n.',  32-37  and  n.1,  41,  42,  59, 

62,  83,  84,  86,  170,  171 
Guiechau  Island,  357 
Guise,  Capt.  Martin  George,  263-265 
Gulfideli,  316 

Gulnare  (Gleaner),  199  and  n.8 
Gunboats,  American,  95,  96,  149-151 
Gunnell,  Lieut.  Edmund  Hall,  325 
Gunnery — 

American,  37,  38,  41,  46,  51-54,  61, 

63,  77,  87,  131,  139,  159 
British,  37,  38,  41,  47,  50-54,  77,  78, 
87,  88,  134,  139,  151,  159,  165,  166, 
173, 175, 179, 307  ;  school  of,  founded 
at  Portsmouth,  203 
Chinese  and  Tartar,  273,  297 
Russian,  436 

Gunning,  Lieut.  George  W.,  230 
Guns,  Types  of,  201 
Gustafvaard  Island,  418,  493 

HACKETT,  Lieut.  John,  161  n.1 
Haddington,  Thomas,  Earl  of,  185 
Hadji  Samon,  334 

Haggard,  Com.  Henry  Vachell,  418,  487 
Hailes,  Gunner  John,  459 


Hailing,  Genl.  (Tartar),  302 

Hainan,  355,  357 

Haines  (I.N.),  Capt.  J.  B.,  278 

Haiphong,  358,359 

Haiti,  9,  10 

Hale,  Lieut.  Henry  George,  486 

Half-pay,  Scale  of,  204 

Halifax,  15,  17,  31,  37  n.2,  82,  148  and  n.3, 

153,  171  n.3,  188 
Halkett,  Admiral  Sir  Peter,  205,  225 
Hall,  Capt.  Basil,  14,  231,  521 
Hall,  Mate  Henry  Hyde,  368 
Hall,  V.-Ad.  Robert  (1),  540 
Hall,  Capt.  Robert,  462 
Hall,  Lieut.  Roger,  227 
Hall,  Lieut.  William  Haylmrst,  249  and  n.3 
Hall,  R.-Ad.  William  Hutcheon,  196,  285 
and  n.,  287,  288,  290,  292,  298,  300,  413, 
4]  7,  418,  478 
Hall,  Capt.  William  King,  420,  425,  478, 

484 

Hall,  Mids.,  266  n.3 
Halliday,  V.-Ad.  .lohn  (John  Richard  Delap 

Tollemache),  538 

Hallowell,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Benjamin,  224 
Hallowes,  Mids.  Ramsay  Henry,  325 
Halstead,  Com.  Edward  Pellew,  288 
Hambley,  Lieut.  Andrew  John  Buckingham, 

330 

Hambley,  Assist.-Surg.  William  Ellis,  392 
Hamburg,  231 

Hamelin,  V.-Ad.  Ferdinand  Alphouse  (Fr.), 
396-398,  405,  410,  413,  432  n.3,  437,  438, 
440,  448 
Hamilton,   Capt.    Cospatrick    Baillie,   392, 

393,  458 

Hamilton,  Admiral  Sir  Edward,  539 
Hamilton,  Lieut.  Francis  Trevor,  461,  463, 

464,  471  n.2 
Hamilton,  Capt.  Gawen  William,  256,  261, 

262,  504 
Hamilton,  Admiral  Sir  Richard  Vesey,  533, 

535,  536 ;  quoted,  189 
Hamilton,  Capt.  William  Alexander  Baillie, 

185 

Hamm,  Boatswain,  344 
Hammelisld,  499 

Hammet,  Com.  Lacon  Ussher,  466 
Hammond,  Master's  Mate  Thomas,  52  n.2 
Hamond,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Graham 

Eden,  225,  540 

Hampton  Village,  94  and  n.2,  151 
Hanchett,  Capt.  John  Martin,  93 
Hancock,  Com.  George,  359,  360  and  n.* 
Hiincock,  R.-Ad.  John  (1),  544 
Hancock,  R.-Ad.  Richard  Turner,  545 
Hand,  Mids.  George  Sumner,  249 
Hangchowfoo,  297,  298 
Httngo  Head,  418,  425,  480,  481,  499 
Hannibal,  425,  453,  471,  472  n. 
Hanwell,  R.-Ad.  William,  510 
Hauwell,  Mids.  P.  G.,  230 
Hapsal,  488 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


569 


Harlringer,  449  n.2 

Hardiman,  Mids.  Henry,  163  n.1 

Hardwicke,  504 

Hardy  (R.M.),  Capt.  Henry,  238 

Hardy,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas  Masterman,  69, 

225,  539 
Hardy,  472 

Hardyman,  R.-Ad.  Lucius  Ferdinand,  540 
Hargood,  Admiral  Sir  William  (1),  223 
Hargood,  Com.  William  (2),  271 
Harlequin,  212,  288,  326,  367,  368 
Banner,  Mids.,  364 
Harpy,  344,  462 

Harrier,  275,  478,  485,  486,  490,  499 
Harris,  Sergeant  (U.S.  Mar.),  81 
Harrison  (R.M.A.),  Capt.  James  H.,  144  n.2 
Hart,  Capt.  W.  A.  van  der  [Dutch],  227 
Hartford  Convention,  177  n. 
Harvey,  Admiral  Sir  Edward,  188,  205,312, 

546 

Harvey,  Master  George  B  ,  519  n.4 
Harvey,  Lieut.  John  (4),  165  n.2 
Harvey,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas  (1),  225,  539 
Harvey,  Capt.  Thomas  (2),  217 
Harvey,  Mids.,  284 
Harvey  Point,  284  n. 
Hastings,  Capt.  Francis  Decimus,  321  n.2 
Hastings,   Com.  the  Hon.  George  Fowler, 

326 

Hastings,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas,  203,  549 
Hastings,  312,  315-317,  357,  379,  478  and 

n.1,  494,  496 

Hatton,  R.-Ad.  Villiers  Francis,  547 
Havaua,  268 
Havannah,  217 
Havock,  478  and  n.1 
Hawke,  478,  498,  499 
Hawker,  Admiral  Edward,  543 
Hawker,  Lieut.  John,  183 
Hawkins,  Lieut.  Abel,  157 
Hawkins,  Mids.  John,  230 
Hawkins,  Capt.  Richard,  32 
Hawkins  (R.M.),  Capt.  Samuel,  330,  333 
Hawkins,     Act.-Boatswain     Thomas,    478 

and  n.2 
Hawtayne,  V.-Ad.  Charles  Sibthorpe  John, 

545. 

Hay,  Capt.  George  James,  348  and  n.2 
Hay,  Capt.  Lord  John  (3),  211  and  n.1,  446, 

467 

Hay,  R.-Ad.  Lord  John,  187,  271,  276,  548 
Hay,  Capt.  John  Charles  Dalrymple,  315, 

353-360  and  n.2 

Hay,  Com.  Robert,  227  and  n.°,  501 
Haydon,  Act.-Boatswain  Charles,  478  and  n.2 
Hayes,  Com.  Courtenay  Osborn,  349 
Hayes,  R.-Ad.  John  (1),  166-168,  193,  542 
Hayes,  Capt.  John  (2),  276 
Hayes,  Capt.  John  Montagu,  474  and  n.2 
Hazard,  288,  312,  318  n.,  319,  320,  332, 

347-349 

Heard,  Lieut.  Thomas,  327,  330,  331 
Hearne,  William,  44  n.2 


Heath,  Com.  Leopold  George,  333,  334,  368, 

399  n.,  403,  405,  440 
Heathcote,  Capt.  Edmund,  478,  489 
Heathcote,  Admiral  Sir  Henry,  539 
Hearty,  5  )4 

Hebrus,  144  n.2,  151,  213  n.3,  227,  228,  230 
Hecate,  263,  312 
Hecla,  227,413,  417,  418,420,  424,510-512, 

514,  518 

Hecla  and  Fury  Strait,  511,  512 
Hecla  Cove,  514 
Hector,  352 
Heiden,  R.-Ad.  Count   de  (Russian),  253, 

254,  256,  258 
Heki,  Chief,  347,  348 
Helby,  Lieut.  John  Hasler,  505 
Helsingfors,  416,  488,491 
Henby,  Lieut.  J.  D.  (U.S.N.),  57  n. 
Henderson,  R.-Ad.  Robert,  544 
Henderson,  Com.  Thomas,  312 
Henderson,  Capt.  William  Honeymau,  305, 

Q19     Qlfi     '}9^ 

Henderson,'  R.-Ad.  William  Wilmot,  312, 

323,  548 

Henley,  Capt.  Robert  (U.S.N.),  132  n.2 
Henniker,  R.-Ad.  the   Hon.  Major  Jacob, 

544 

Henri  IV.,  440,  449 
Henry,  Lieut.  Arthur  Robert,  319 
Her  Majesty,  449  n.2 
Herald,  287-290,  292,  295,  530 
Herbert,  Lieut.  Francis  Bland,  496 
Herbert,  the  Hon.  Sidney,  Ib5 
Herbert,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas,  215,  287-289, 

291,  304,  548 
Hercule,  419 
Hermes,  150,  372-375 
Hermione,  213  n.3 
Heron,  227 
Herschel,  Cape,  529 
Heseltine,  Lieut.  Albert,  346 
Hewett,  Lieut.  Henry,  468 
Hewett,  Capt.  William,  505 
Hewett,  V.-Ad.  William  Nathan  Wrighte, 

215,  446,  447,  449,  459,  460 
Hewitt  (I.N.),  Lieut.  W.  H.,  288 
Hewlett,   Capt.   Richard   Strode,  203,  413, 

423,  478,  494 

Hicks,  Lieut.  William,  132  n.2 
Highflyer,  400,  402,  435,  440,  451,  453  n.4 
Hill,' V.-Ad.  Henry,  541 
Hill,  R.-Ad.  Sir  John  (2),  548 
Hill,  Capt.  Sir  John,  188 
Hill,  Major,  381 

Hillyar,  Capt.  Charles  Farrcl,  369,  472 
Hillyar,  Com.  Henry  Shank,  330,  370,  371 

and  n.1,  380  and  n.2,  384 
Hillyar,  R.-Ad.  Sir  James,  101,  103,  543 
Himalaya,  199  and  n.7 
Hind,  219  and  n.s,  256,  259 
Hinde,  Hugh  Alan,  384 
Hislop,  Lieut.-Genl.,  48  n.6,  52 
Ho,  Governor,  357 


570 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Hoare,  R.-Acl.  Edward  Wallis,  546 
Hobart,  Lieut,  the  Hon.  Augustus  Charles, 

493 

Hobart  Pasha,  5 
Hobson,  Capt.  William,  347 
Hockin,  Lieut.  Charles  Francis,  31G  n.1 
Bookings,  Paymaster  Thomas,  371 
Hodder,  Henry,  241 
Hodges,  Lieut.  Thomas,  505 
Hodgkinson,  Mate  C.  E.,  283  n.1 
Hodgson,  V.-Ad.  Brian,  544 
Hodgson,  Lieut.  George  Henry,  302,  527 
Hoffman,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  172 
Hoffmeister,  Master  George  B.,  288 
Hogland,  489 

Hague,  413,  415,  419,  422  n.2,  424,  478 
Hoikow,  355,  357 
Holland,  28,  270 

Holland,  B.-Ad.  John  Weutworth,  544 
Hollis,  V.-Ad.  Aiskew  Pafford,  539 
Holmes,  Boatswain  James,  46  n.1 
Holmes  (R.M.),  Lieut.  Ponsonby  Ross,  489 
Holmes,  Com.  William  (2),  504 
Holtoway  (R.M.),  Capt.  William,  116  n.2 
Holyhead,  Packet  station  at,  208  u.3 
Home,  Capt.  Sir  James  Everard,  275,  288, 

304,  347,  348 
Hong  Kong,  153,  281,  287,  291,  293-296, 

304,  353-355,  357,  359,  389,  531 
Honyman,  Admiral  Robert,  540 
Hood,  Mids.,  513 
Hooker,  Sir  J.  D.,  525 
Hope,  R.-Ad.  Charles  (2),  188,  548 
Hope,  Lieut.  David,  42,  43,  45,  46  n.1, 159 
Hope,  Admiral   Sir   Henry,  157,  166-168, 

546 

Hope,  Capt.  James,  338,  341-343 
Hope,  Lieut.  Thomas  (1),  505 
Hoppner,  Com.  Henry  Parkyns,  504,  508, 

510-512 
Horatio,  198 
Horn,  Com.  Philip  Thicknesse,  227  and  n.6, 

230 

Hornby,  Lieut.  Frederick  John,  527 
Hornby,  Sir  Geoffrey,  cited,  453 
Hornby,  Admiral  Sir  Phipps,  225,  546 
Hornet,  25,  27,  30,  48,  53-56,  75,  158,  159, 

166,  173-175 

Horton,  Lieut.  Frederick  Wilmot,  325,  326 
Horton,  R.-Ad.  Joshua  Sydney,  540 
Horton,  Com.  William,  456,  460  and  n.1 
Hoseason,  Com.  John  Cochrane,  349,  353 
Hosken,  Com.  James,  478 
Hospitals,  Naval,  Inspector-General  of,  186 
Hossey,  269 
Hoste,   Capt.   Sir   William   Legge   George, 

213,  335,  388 
Hot  shot,  133,  401,  428 
Hotham,   Capt.    Charles,    338,    339,   342- 

345  n.2 
Hotham,  Com.  the  Hon.  George  Frederick, 

505 
Hotham,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Sir  Henry,  224 


Hough,  Com.  John  James,  288 

Hound,  505 

Houston,  Capt.  Wallace,  212,  429,  475  n.3 

Hovas,  346 

Howard,  Lieut.Edward  Hen  ry,  431 

Howard,  Master's  Mate  Thomas,  230 

Howe,  Lord,  213  n.s 

Howell,  Com.  Joseph  Benjamin,  227  and  n.6 

Howgua's  Fort,  290  and  n.1 

Hudson,  Lieut.  Joseph  Samuel,  461,  463, 

464,  471,  506 
Hudson's  Bay,  511 
Hugon,  Capt.  (Fr.),  256,  258 
Hull,  Capt.  Isaac  (U.S.N.),  12  n.,  30,  32-38 ; 

Gem.,  117 

Humble,  Boatswain  James,  52  n.2 
Humphreys  (see  Davenport) 
Hunn,  Capt.  Frederick,  218 
Hunt,  Lieut.  James,  316  and  n.2,  325 
Hunt,  Act.-Gunner  Josiah,  478  and  n.2 
Hunter,  Lieut.  Charles  Newton,  504 
Hunter,  117,  120-124,  126 
Hurd,  Capt.  Thomas,  182,  183,  188 
Hurdle  (R.M.),  Capt.  Thomas,  338,  342 
Hurlburc,  Mr.,  151 
Huron,  Lake,  109,  128 
Huskisson,  Rt.  Hon.  William,  185 
Hussey,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Richard  Hussey,  539 
Hurt,  Lieut.  Albert  Frederick,  468  and  n.9 
Hutton,  Capt.  Frederick,  270,  414 
Hwang,  Admiral  (Chi.),  355,  357,  358 
Hyacinth,  281-282,  284,  285,  288,  296,  297 

and  n.,  363 

Hyderabad,  Treaty  of,  279 
Hydra,  312,  316,  367 
Hydrographer  to  the  Admiralty,  182,  188 
Hyperion,  265 

IBRAHIM  PASHA,  253,  254,  257,  259,  262, 

309,  317,  318,  322 
Icarus,  268 
Icy  Cape,  513 
Imogene,  273,  505 

Impe'rieuse,  199  n.3,  413,  420,  427,  478,  499 
Ini|ey,  V.-Ad.  John,  544 
Implacable,  31?,  313  n.2 
Impregnable,  227-230 
Impress  Service,  208 
Impressment — of  Americans,  4, 5, 12, 15, 21 ; 

of  British,  8 
Inconstant,  193,  200 
Indagadera,  272 
Independencia,  264 
Indian  Navy,  384 
Indians  (American),  116  n.4,  122 
Infernal,  227,  230 
Inflexible,  349,  353,  419,  435,  446 
!  Ingestrie,  Capt.  Viscount,  220,  256  and  n.3 
Inglefleld,   Capt.   Edward    Augustus,   338, 

342,  472,  536 
Inglefield,  R.-Ad.  Samuel  Hood,  226,  337, 

545 
Inglis,  Lieut.  George,  124 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


571 


Ingoueville,  George,  487 

Ingouevillc,  Capt.  of  the  Mast  John,  215 

Ingram,  Lieut.  William,  105 

Inj>ul  River,  470 

Inkerman,  Battle  of,  449 

Inmaii,  Professor,  193 

Inspector-General  of  Naval  Hospitals  and 

Fleets,  186 

Insurance,  Kate  of,  154 
Intrepid,  506,  532,  535 
Investigator,  505,  530-532,  535 
Ionian  Islands,  182 

Irawadi  River,  238,  240,  245-248,  378,  379 
Irby,  Com.  the  Hon.  Charles  Leonard,  251 
Irby,  R.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Frederick  Paul,  541 
Iris,  332,  334-335 
Irish  Channel,  153,  154,  158,  161 
Irvine,  Lieut.,  124 
Irving,  Mr.,  118 
Isabella,  507,  508 
here,  216 
his,  261,  262 
Jster,  229 
Izzet  Pasha,  318 

Jackal,  393 

Jackdaw,  478,  499,  505 

Jackson,  Andrew,  151 

Jackson,  Lieut.  John  (3),  504 

Jackson,  V.-Ad.  Robert  (2),  513 

Jackson,  R.-Ad.  Samuel,  545 

Jackson,  W.,  266 

Jago,  Lieut.  John  Sampson,  230 

Jamaica,  57,  148  and  n.3,  235 

James,  Lieut.  Robert  Bastard,  505 

James,  William,  quoted,  166,  177  n. 

James,  Boatswain,  389 

James  Watt,  199  n,1,  419,  478 

Jamieson,  Charles,  355,  356 

January,  W.,  266 

Janus,  362 

Japan  and  China  Seas,  429-432 

Jardine,  Mids.  John,  230 

Jason,  458 

Jasper,  460  and  n.3,  461,  504,  505,  506 

Java,  47-53,  62,  84,  87,  170,  171 

Jean  Bart,  440 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  President,  6,  7,  19,  20, 

23,  65,  72,  95 
Jehenne,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Jemmapes,  419 

Jenkins,  Mids.  Robert,  302,  325,  327 
Joaijuina,  273 
Jochmus,  Geul.,  315,  317 
Johnson,  Mids.  C.,  327 
Johnson,  Com.  Charles  Richardson,  503 
Johnson,  Master  George,  409  and  n.1 
Johnson,  Assist.-Surg.  John  Felix,  381,  384 
Johnson,  Com.  John  Ormsby,  446 
Johnston,  V.-Ad.  Charles  James,  545 
Johnston,  Com.  Frederick  Erskine,  352 
Johnston,  Lieut.  Frederick  John,  230 
Jolmstone,  Com.  George  James  Hope,  251 


Johnstone,    Admiral    Sir    William    James 

Hope,  218,  548 

Jollift'e,  Lieut.  William  Kynaston,  393 
Jolly  Bachelor,  325,  327 
Jones,  R.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Alexander,  546 
Jones,  Master's  Mate  Charles,  52  n.2 
Jones,  Sir  Harry,  474 
Jones,  Capt.  Jacob  (U.S.N.),  38,  40 
Jones,  Com.  Jenkin,  504  ^ 

Jones,  Capt.  Lewis  Tobias,  368-371,  400, 

402,  433,  436,  440 

Jones,  Act.-Boatswain  Richard,  478  and  n.2 
Jones,  Lieut.  Thomas  Ap  Catesby  (U.S.N.), 

149 

|  Jones,  Brig.-Genl.,  424,  425 
j  Jones  Sound,  509 
Josepha,  268 

Josling,  Lieut.  John  James  Stephen,  352 
Joven  Carolina,  276 
Joven  Emilia,  362 
Jowett,  David,  266 
Julia,  114, 116,  504 
Junk  River,  295 
Junks  with  paddle-wheels,  299 
Junon,  95,  98 
Jupiter,  288,  295  n.,  297,  298  n.1,  299  n., 

300,  440 

KAPFA  BAY,  409 

Kaffir  War,  First,  275 

Kalamata,  251 

Kaluka  River,  363 

Kamchatka,  430-431 

Kamiesh  Bay,  435,  453 

Kamiesh  Bournow,  453 

Kaniieshwa,  459 

Kandalak  Gulf,  474 

Kangaroo,  505 

Kauo,  519 

Kausiala  Bay,  482 

Kantzow,  Lieut.  Herbert  Philip  de,  392 

Karamania,  182,  310 

Karangan,  328 

Karorarika  (Russell),  347 

Katcha,  412,  449 ;  River,  403,  411 

Katon,  V.-Ad.  James,  541 

Kavarna,  399,  403,  406,  409 

Kawakawa  River,  348 

Kawiti,  347-348 

Keane,  Com.  the  Hon.  George  Disney,  387 

Kedging,  33,  135,  139 

Keele,  Lieut.  Charles,  242,  243,  245 

Keele,  Mids.  Edward,  52  n.2 

Keeshen,  Commis.,  284 

Kelch  Moodah,  Chief,  394 

Kellaway,  Boatswain  Joseph,  215 

Kellett,  Capt.  Augustus  Henry,  242-245, 

248  and  n.1 
Kellett,  Capt.  Henry,  288,  299,  304,  506, 

522,  530,  535,  536 
Kelly,  Lieut.-Col.  H.  M.,  241 
Kelly,  Capt.  John,  387 
Kelly,  Capt.  William,  345 


572 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Kemmeudale,  238 

Kemmendine,  240,  243,  244,  376 

Kempthorne,  Capt.  William,  227  and  n.4 

Kenah,  Com.  Richard,  147  n.1,  148  n.1 

Kenilworth,  448 

Kennedy,  Lieut.  Charles  Doyle  Buckley, 

380,  383 

Kennedy,  Capt.  John  James,  346,  463-465 
Kennedy,  Lieut.  John  William  Alexander, 

330 

Kennedy,  Capt.  Thomas  Fortesque,  188 
Kent,  Lieut.  Bartholomew,  36,  37  n.1 
Kentucky,  8,  23 
Keppel,   Admiral  of   the  Fleet  the   Hon. 

Henry,  269  n.4,  270,  275,  288,  324-328, 

353,  413,  466 
Kerdrain,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Kerets,  Cape,  475 
Kerr,  Capt.  Alexander  Robert,  172 
Kerr,  Com.  Henry  Ashburton,  506 
Kerr,  Master  James,  31  and  n.s 
Kerr,  V.-Ad.  Lord  Mark  Robert,  539 
Kertch,  404,  447,  453-458 
Ketturhee,  379 
Key,   Admiral  the   Rt.   Hon.    Sir    Astley 

Cooper,   338,   342,   413,  414,  416,  467, 

468,  478,  495 
Keying,  Commis.,  351 
Kherson,  470,  473 
Khersonese,  Cape,  406,  408 
Kidd,  Lieut.  Thomas  Osborne,  459 
Kiel,  414,  426,  427 
Kinburn,  469-474 
King,  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Durnford,  224, 

541 

King,  Lieut.  George  Morrison,  230 
King,  Capt.  George  St.  Vincent,  437,  446, 

466 

King,  Lieut.  Henry  Bartlett,  496 
King,   R.-Ad.   the   Hun.   James    William, 

546 

King,  Com.  Philip  Parker,  519 
King,  Richard,  308 

King,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Richard  (2),  224,  225,  233 
King,  Com.  Richard  Henry,  278 
King,  Dr..  516,  530 
King  William  Island,  516 
King  William  Land,  528,  529 
Kingcome,  Capt.  John,  288 
Kingsbury,  Boatswain's  Mate,  106,  107 
Kingsley,  Lieut.  Gerald,  329 
Kingston  (Ontario),  112,  115,  116  n.1 
Kinnaird,  Lieut,  the  Hon.  Graham  Hay  St. 

V.  de  Hos,  505 
Kio,  474 
Kiril,  461 
Kirpe,  461 
Kiskulla,  482 
Kiten,  458 
Kitty,  241 
Kiungchau,  357 
Kjoge  Bay,  414,  415 
Knox,  Mids.  J.  M.,  251 


Kokonovitch,  Genl.  (Russian),  472 

Kola,  429 

Kolangsoo,  284,  294,  304 

Konieh,  309  n. 

Konnoughee,  378 

Hornet  Sherouan,  317  and  n.2,  318 

Korniloff,  Admiral  (Russian),  445 

Korshamn  Fiord,  490 

Korsoren  Beacon,  490 

Kossoria,  Bight  of,  499 

Kotka  Island,  489 

Kounda,  487 
i  Kowloon,  281 
|  Krabbe,  Master  Frederick  J.,  535 

Kroomen,  370,  394 
i  Kuching  (Sarawak),  325  n.1 

Kudrinfsky,  Lieut.  Ludvig  von  (Austrian), 
312 

Kummeroot,  240 

Kungs  Sund,  496 

Kuper,   Capt.  Augustus  Leopold,  283  n.1, 
'  284,  288,  304,  394 

Kurrachee,  279 

Kutais,  402 

Kwan,  Admiral  (Chinese),  281,  282,  289 

Kwangchow,  301 

Kvnaston,  Com.  Augustus  Frederick,  440, 
444 

LA  BRETOXNIERE,  Capt.  Botherel  de  (Fr.), 

256 
La  Graviere,  Admiral  Jurien  de  (Fr.),  85 ; 

quoted,  61-63 
La  Houge,  128 

La  Riviere,  Lieut,  de  (Fr.),  338 
Labrador,  193 
Labrador,  440 
Labrousse,  Capt.  (Fr.),  470 
Labuan  Island,  335 

Lady  Prevost,  117, 121, 122  and  n.1, 124, 126 
Laffon-Ladebat,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Lagos,  267,  364,  365,  367,  368,  371,  393 
Laine,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  337 
Laird,  Messrs.,  195,  196,  199,  519  n.s 
Lake,  V.-Ad.  Willoughby  Thomas,  225 
Lalande,  R.-Ad.,  309 
Lamourelle,  Capt.  Fabre  (Fr.),  440 
Lambert,  Admiral  Sir  George  Robert,  372, 

373,  375,  376,  378,  379,  382,  384,  548 
Lambert,    Capt.    Henry,    48,    50-52    and 

nn5  » 

Lambert,  V.-Ad.  Robert  Stuart,  538 
Lambert,  Com.  Rowley,  381-384,  460,  464 
!  Lambert,  Mids.  William  Leigh,  302 
Lamyat  Islands,  3E4 
Lancaster  Sound,  509,  510,  514 
Lander,  Richard,  519 
Lane,  Lieut.  Frederick,  329 
Lang,  Jack,  40 
Lang,  Oliver,  193  and  n.1 
Langenburg,     Lieut.      Prince      Victor     of 

Hohenlohe    (Admiral    Count    Gleichen), 

466  and  n. 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


573 


Lapidge,  Com.  William  Frederick,  276 

Larcom,  Capt.  Joseph,  188 

Lark,  478  and  n.1,  494,  499 

Lame,  193,  237,  238,  240,  241,  245-247, 

250,  280,  282  n.2,  284,  285,  288 
Lassusse,  V.-Ad.  de  (Fr.),  396 
Lauderdale,   Admiral    Anthony    Maitland, 

Earl,  545 
Laugharne,   Com.   Thomas   Lamb   Polden, 

32  and  n.1 

Laurencin,  Capt.  (Fr.),  415 
Laurie,  Admiral  Sir  Robert,  539 
Lautaro,  264 
Lave,  470 

Law  (R.M.),  Lieut.  John,  80,  145 
Lawrence,  Capt.   James   (U.S.N.),  30,  48, 

53,  54,  56,  75,  76,  78-80,  82 
Lawrence,  Capt.  John,  312 
Lawrence  (R.M.A.),  Capt.  Joseph  Edward 

Wilson,  493 

Lawrence,  105,  120,  122-127 
Laws,  Capt.  John  Milligan,  271 
Layton,  Com.  Henry,  365 
Lazaret,  Capt.  (Russian),  256 
Le  Hardy,  Mate  Thomas  Philip,  269  and  n.2 
Le  Mesurier,  Lieut.  G.  B.,  321  n.1 
Le  Vescomte,  Lieut.  Henry  Thomas  Dundas, 

527 
Leander,   14-16,  171,  172,  227,   228,  230, 

437,  446 

Lebanon,  311-313  n.1 
Leckie,  Lieut.  Charles  Taylor,  369 
Lecointe,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Ledsund,  421 

Lee,  Lieut.  William  Frederick,  478  and  n.2 
Leech,  Samuel,  quoted,  43  and  n.1 
Leeke,  Admiral  Sir  Henry  John,  548 
Leet,  Lieut.  Henry  Knox,  468  and  n.5 
Legge,  The  Hon.  Henry,  186 
Leith,  R.-Ad.  John,  548 
Lemma  Islands,  353 
Leopard,  18,  19,  413,  416,  417,  450,  451, 

453  n.«,  472 
Leopold,  King,  270 
Leotung,  390 
Lepanto,  Gulf  of,  523 
Lett,  Lieut.  Stephen  Joshua,  242,  243,  249 

and  n.4 

Letters  of  marque,  98 
Levant  piracy  (see  under  Piracy) 
Levant,  170-173 
Leven,  518 
Leveret,  276 
Levinge,  Com.  Reginald  Thomas  John,  338, 

339,  342 

Lewis,  Capt.  John  Mason,  186-188 
Lewis,  Rt-  Hon.  Thomas  Frankland,  185 
Liamtsi,  474 

Libau,  415,  416  n.s,  482,  499 
Libraries,  Ships',  established,  210 
Liddell,  Sir  John,  187 
Liddon,  Lieut.  Matthew,  510 
Lieutenants,  Superannuation  scheme  for,  206 


Liffey,  199  n.2,  238,  240,  242,  250 
Lightning,  416,  419,  420  and  n.2, 478  and  n.1, 

488,  537 
Lilla  Svarto,  493 

Liman  of  the  Dnieper,  464,  469,  471 
Lin,  Commissioner,  280,  281 
Lindquist  (Bombay  Mar.),  William,  244 
Linn,  William,  481 
Linnet,  132  n.2,  133,  134,  136,  138-141  n.1, 

394 

Lintin,  285 
Lin-tin  Island,  231 
Lips/a,  312,  320 
Lissa,  213  n.3 

Little,  Lieut.  Alexander,  334 
Little,  Lieut.  John  (2),  504 
Little  Belt,  22  and  n.1, 117, 121, 122  and  n.1, 

124,  126 

Little  Cayman,  275 
Little  William,  307 
Littlehales,  V.-Ad.  Bendall  Robert,  540 
Littlehales,  Lieut.  Edward,  305 
Lively,  478  and  n.' 
Livermore,  Rev.  Samuel,  81 
Liverpool,  153,  154,  208  n.s 
Liverpool,  Earl  of,  184  n. 
Liverpool,  199  n.2,  234 
Livingstone,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  540 
Lizard,  344,  505 
Lloyd,  Com.  George,  165 
Lloyd,  Lieut.  Henry,  440 
Lloyd,  V.-Ad.  Robert,  155,  156,  540 
Lloyd,  Thomas  (Chief  Engineer),  188 
Lloyd's,  American  notice  sent  to,  153 
Loango,  275 

Loch,  Admiral  Francis  Erskine,  234,  547 
Loch,  Capt.  Granvillc  George,  302,  349-351 

and  n.1,  379,  380  and  n.2,  383  and  n.2 
Lockyer,  Capt.  Nicholas,  149,  150  and  n.1, 

271 
Lockyer,  Act.  Com.  William  Nicholas  Love, 

354 

Locust,  478  and  n.1,  498 
Lodder,  Lieut.  Charles  Arthur,  451 
Lodwich,  Lieut.  John,  364 
Logotelli,  Lieut.  Peter  (Austrian),  312 
Lomax,  Mate  George  Gordon,  389 
London,  Treaty  of  (1840),  310 
London,  439,  440,  442-445,  449 
Loney,  Lieut.  Robert,  272 
Long  Island  Sound,  176 
Longfellow,  91 
Lonsdale,  Earl  of,  185 
Loo  Choo  Islands,  521 
Lord  High  Admiral,  184 
Lord  Raglan,  449  n. 
Lord  William  Bentinck,  380,  381 
Lorient,  86,  164 

Loring,  Admiral  Sir  John  Wentworth,  541 
Loring,  Capt.  William,  399,  400,  440,  472 . 
Losack,  Capt.  Woodley,  41 
Losses  of  British  Navy,  504-506 
Lottery,  98  and  n.1 


574 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Louis  (R.M.),  Capt.  Charles,  484 

Louis,  Admiral  Sir  John,  187,  188,  544 

Louis  Philippe,  King,  270 

Louisa,  274,  284,  288,  291,  292,  294,  367 

Lovisa,  487  ;  Gulf,  486 

Lowder  (R.M.),  Capt.  Samuel   Netterville, 

489 

Lowdon,  Mids.,  230 
Lowe,  Lieut.  Frederick,  351  n.4 
Lowjee  Family,  278 
Lowther,  Lieut.  Marcus,  330 
Lowther,  Rt.  Hon.  William,  Viscount,  185 
Luard,  Com.  William  Garnham,  357,  372, 

373,  375,  376 

Lucas,  Mate  Charles  Davis,  215,  420 
Luce,  Com.  John  Proctor,  440,  474 
Lucifer,  419,  454 
Luckraft,  Lieut.  Charles  Maxwell,  391,  392, 

495,  496 
Ludlow,  Lieut.  Augustus  Charles  (U.S.N.), 

80,82 

Lugeol,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Luaeol,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  440 
Lumley,  Capt.  John  Richard,  57  n.,  97,  167, 

233 

Lumpar  Bay,  422 
Lupar  River,  327 
Lurt,  Major,  349 

Luscombe,  Mids. ,  317 

Lushington,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Stephen,  435,  440 

n.,  446,  458  and  n.1,  466,  549 
Lyai,  326 

Lyall,  Dr.  David,  524 
Lye,  R.-Ad.  William  Jones,  544 
Lyne  River,  245 

Lynx  (re-named  Musqveddbet),  98  and  n.4 
Lynx,  199  n.10,  435,  440,  443,  453  n.,  462, 

472 
Lyon,  Capt.  George  Francis,  268  n.1,  511, 

512 

Lyon,  Lieut.  Henry  Thomas,  302,  353 
Lyons,   V.-Ad.   Edmund,   Lord,   205,   224 

and  n.1,   262,   398,   401,  402,  408,  412, 

434,  440,  443,  448,  453,  465,  466,  470- 

474,  503,  547 
Lyons,  Capt.  Edmund  Moubray,  353,  360 

and  n.1,  361,  428,  429,  454,  457,  458  and 

n.2 ;  quoted,  429,  454,  456 
Lyra,  231,  521 
Lysaght,  R.-Ad.  Arthur,  545 
Lyster,  Capt.  Henry,  330,  331,  368-371 


MACAHE,  392 

Macao,  280,  281,  284,  293,  294,  353,  355, 

386  ;  Channel,  290,.  295  ;  River,  388 
Macdonald,  — ,  315 
Macdonough,  Capt.  Thomas  (U.S.N.),  131- 

136,  138-141,  158 
Macedonian,  41-47,  62,  84,  265 
Macfarlane,  Master  George  Alexander,  489 
Macinaw  Fort,  128 
Mackau,  R.-Ad.  de  (Fr.),  270 


Mackay,   V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Donald  Hugh, 

271,  544 

Mackellar,  Admiral  John,  540 
Mackenzie,  Com.  Donald  McLeod,  424,  425 
Mackenzie,  Com.  John   Francis   Campbell, 

429,  456  and  n.1,  457,  465 
Mackenzie,  Mr.  Murdoch,  181  and  nn.1'  2, 

182 

Mackenzie,  Professor,  181  and  n.1 
Mackenzie  River,  513,  514 
Mackinnon,   Lieut.   Lauchlan   Bellingham, 

344,  345 

I  Maclcod,  Lieut.  John  Lyons,  505 
Madagascar,  345,  346,  366 
Madagascar,  282  n.2,  288,  289  n.2,  291,  305 
Madalena,  Lieut.  Peter  (Austrian),  312 
Madden,  Lieut.  Charles,  505 
Madden,  Mids.  Charles  (2),  444    • 
Madeira,  169 

Madison,  President,  6,  23,  144,  154 
Madras,  153,  237,  245,  374 
Mxander,  353,  474 
Magellan,  440 
Magellan's  Strait,  519 
Magicienne,  199   n.6,    270,    312,   418-420 

and  n.2,  478  and  n.1,  480,  482,  485-489, 

493,  496 
Magnet,  472 

Magnetic  pole  discovered,  516 
Magpie,  478  and  n.1,  494,  504 
Mahanuddy,  378,  379,  381,  382 
Make,  278,  279 
Mahmoud,  Sultan,  309,  310 
Maidstone,  98 
Maine,  89,  91,  148,  151 
Mainprise,  Master  William  Thomas,  439 
Maitland,  Admiral  the  Hon.  Anthony  (Earl 

Lauderdale),  327  and  n.s,  545 
Maitland,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Frederick  Lewis  (2), 

187,  226,  277,  279,  288,  294,  541 
Maitland,  R.-Ad.  John  (2),  539 
Maitland,  Com.  Lewis,  315  and  n.3 
Maitland,   Capt.    Thomas,   279,    282,    283 

and  n.1,  288,  304 
Maitland,  Com.  William,  332 
Maitland,  Lieut.  William  Heriot,  288 
Majestic,  166-168,  419 
Majico-Sima  Islands,  522 
Malabar,  271 
Malacca,  203  n. 
Malacca  Strait,  275 
Malagasy,  345,  346 
Malays,  232,  270,  2V6,  324-327,  333,  334, 

363,  393,  394 

Malcolm,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Charles,  543 
Malcolm,  Lieut.  George  John,  478  and  n.2 
Malcolm,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Pulteney,  148  n.3,  224, 

270,  271 

Malh'eureux  Island,  149 
Maling,  V.-Ad.  Thomas  James,  540 
Malluda  Bay,  330-331 
Malta,  188,  361,  396 
Maluinas,  272 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


575 


Mambacoot  River,  334 

Mamee,  355 

Man-of-war  brigs,  American,  158 

Manby,  R.-Ad.  Thomas,  540 

Manby,  144  n.", 149  n.1,  478  and  n.1 

Mauessi,  Lieut.  Peter  (Austrian),  312 

Mangin,  R.-Ad.  Reuben  Cailland,  545 

Manipur,  249 

Manners,  Com.  William,  161-163  and  n.1, 

179 

Mansel,  Capt.  George,  312,  316  and  n.4 
Mansell,  Capt.  Sir  Thomas  (I),  312,  322 
Mansell  (R.M.),  Lieut.  William  Mansell,  330 
Mansfield,  Com.  Walter  George,  366  and  n.2 
Manson,  Lieut.  George,  266  and  n.4 
Manthorp,  Mate  Charles  William,  429 
Maples,  R.-Ad.  John  Fordyce,  87,  88  and  n.4 
Marauhao,  365,  366 
March,  G.,  266 
Marengo,  440 
Maria  Anna,  312 
Maria  Isabel,  263 
Marianna,  269 
Marineritu,  26!) 
Mariopol,  457,  460,  463 
Marmorice  Bay,  322 
Marocco,  361 
Marryat,  Capt.  Frederick,  237,  238, 240-242 

247  and  n.1,  249 

Marryat,  Com.  Joseph  Henry,  463-465,  471 
Marshall,  Com.  Edward,  370,  371  aud  n.2, 

429 

Marshall,  Capt.  James,  203 
Marshall,  R.-Ad.  Sir  John  (2),  52  n.2,  547 
Marshall,  Lieut.  Sampson,  148  n.1 
Marshall,  Surg.  William  Barrett,  519  n.4 
Martaban,  242,  243,  273-376,  379,  382 
Martha,  275 
Martin,  Lieut.  Cornwallis  Wykeham,  495, 

496 

Martin,  Admiral  Sir  George  B.,  223 
Martin,  Capt.  George  Bohun,  256  and  n.1 
Martin,  Admiral  Sir  Henry  Byam,  312,  314, 

323,  426  n.1,  466,  549 
Martin,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas  Byam,  185, 

186,  213,  516 

Martin,  Admiral  William  Fanshawe,  548 
Martin,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
Martin,  96,  504 
Martin  Garcia,  339 
Martina  de  Freitas,  267 
Miry  Adeline,  394 

Maryland,  67,  69,  92,  94,  142,  144,  151 
Mason,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Francis,  544 
Mason,  Surg.  Richard  Denton,  444 
Ma*on,  Com.  Thomas  Henry,  283  and  n.1, 

288,  297 

Mason,  Lieut.  William  Bruce,  330-382 
Massachusetts,  67,  272 
Massin,  Capt,  (Fr.),  440 
Masters,  rank  of,  210 
Mastheading,  220,  221 
Monti/,  478  and  n.1,  523 


Mata,  235 

Materiel  of  navy  in  1813  and  1817,  204 

Mathews,  Lieut.  Edward  Morrell,  333 

Matilda,  277 

Matson,  Mate  Henry  James,  273 

Matson,  Admiral  Richard,  540 

Matterface,  Lieut.  William,  156  and  n. 

Matthews,  Lieut.  Henry  Bathurst,  240 

Matthias,  Clerk  Thomas  Joseph,  52  n.2 

Maude,  Capt.  the  Hon.  James  Ashley,  256 

Maude,  R.-Ad.  William,  545 

Maudslay,  Joseph,  202  n.3,  203 

Mauna,  Prince,  306 

Mauritius,  216 

Maxse,  Com.  Frederick  Augustus,  402  and  n.1, 

436 

Maxwell,  Capt.  Murray,  231,  232,  504 
Maxwell  (R.M.),  Lieut.  William  Robert,  284 
May,  Lieut.  Augustus  Charles,  505 
May,  Mate  Philip  William,  330 
May,  Com.  Walter  William,  533,  535,  536 
Mayne,  Lieut.  Richard  Charles,  464 
Mazeres,  Lieut.  (Fr.),  338,  339,  341 
McArthur  (K.M.A.),  Lieut.  Edward,  369 
McCall,  Lieut.  Edward  R.  (U.S.N.),  89  n.2, 

90 
M'Callum  (R.M.),   Lieut.  Edward  Goueh, 

431 
M'Cleverty,  Capt.   James  Johnstone,  288, 

361,  400,  401,  440 
McClintock,   Com.   Francis    Leopold,   506, 

530,  533-536 

McClintock,  Mids.  (U.S.N.),  96 
McClure,  Com.  Robert  John  Le  Mesurier, 

505,  517,  530,  531,  535 
McCormick,  Dr.  Robert,  524 
M'Crea,  Lieut.  John  Dobree,  496 
M'Creagh,  Brig.  Michael,  238,  240,  246 
M'Creery,  Lieut.  David,  90 
M'Culloch,  Capt.  William,  231 
M'Donald,  Lieut.  James,  174 
McDonald,  Com.  John  Wallace  Douglas,  503 
McDonell,  Mr.  (Consul),  226 
McDonnell,  Lieut.  James  Julius,  505 
M'Dougall,  Master  George  Frederick,  535 
M'Dougall,  Lieut.  John  (3),  230 
M'Dowall,  Lieut-Col.  Robert,  248 
M'Ghie,  Lieut.  James,  132  n.2 
M'Hardy,  Lieut.  John  Bunch  Bonnemaison, 

268,  269 

M'Kay,  Lieut.  Charles,  40  n. 
McKillop,  Com.  Henry  Frederick,  454 
M'Kinley,  Admiral  George,  541 
McKnight,  Lieut.  Decatur  (U.S.N.),  107 
McMurdo,  Cum.  Archibald,  517,  524 
M'Murdo,  Mate  Henry  Robert  Douglas,  377 
M'Namara,  Lieut.  Jeremiah,  275 
M'Neil,  Brig.  Malcolm,  381 
M'Pherson,  Com.  George,  227  and  n.s 
M'Quhae,  Capt.  Peter,  334 
M'Veagh  (R.M.),  Lieut.  Patrick,  116  u.4 
Meacay,  247,  248 
Meaoung,  378 


576 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Mecham,    Lieut.   George   Frederick,   533- 

536 
Medals : — 

Acre,  214 

Algier,  230 

Arctic,  214,  507 

Baltic,  214,  506 

Cape  of  Good  Hope  (1850-1853),  214 

China  War  (1839-1842),  288   and  n., 
303 

Conspicuous  Gallantry,  Good  Conduct 
and  Long  Service,  institution  of,  214 

Frolic,  39 

Gold  Medal  actions,  List  of,  213  n.3 

Guerriere,  35 

"India  No.  1,"  250 

Lake  Borgne,  149  and  n.1 

Lake  Erie,  118 

Navarin,  214,  261 
Medea,  312,  322,  354 
Medea  (Austrian),  312,  320 
Medina,  394 
Medina,  453  n.4 

Mediterranean  piracy  (see  under  Piracy) 
Mediterranean  Station,  224 
Medusa,  279,  288,  299  n.,  300,  378 
Medway,  173 
Mce,  Major,  284 
Meek,  James  (Controller  of  the  Victualling), 

186 

Meysera,  196,  446,  505 
Megere,  448 

Me'hemet  Ali,  309-311,  322 
Melampm,  227,  228 
Melbourne,  Viscount,  184  n. 
Melilla,  391 

Mellersh,  Com.  Arthur,  385 
Melloone,  248,  249 
Melville,  Robert,  Viscount,  184,  185 
Melville,  283,  284,  288,  289,  291 
Melville  Island,  510,  511,  531,  532,   534, 

535 ;  Peninsula,  512  ;  Bay,  532 
Memel,  416 
Memia-Poo,  247 

Mends,  Capt.  the  Hon.  James  Robert,  400 
Mends,  M.  B.  (N.O.  in  charge),  188 
Mends,  Asst.  Surveyor  Thomas,  230 
Mends,  V.-Ad.  William  Bowen,  547 
Mends,  Capt.   William    liobert,   4JO,   452, 

467,  472  n. 
Mends,  Mrs.,  218 
Menelaus,  144 
MenschiUoff,  Prince,  395 
Mercedita,  305 
Mercury,  246,  247 
Mergui,  241,  243,  249 
Merlin,  478-4£0,  482,  483,  488,  493,  497, 

498 

Messenia,  253 
Meteor,  147  n.1,  198 
Meteorological  forecasts  instituted,  520 
Mem-Mere,  462,  471 
Mexico,  196,  305 


Meyen,  Gulf  of,  474 

Miall,  Lieut.  Gover  Rose,  464 

Michell,  Com.  Andrew,  504 

Michell,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Frederick  Thomas,  227 

and  n.6,  228,  312,  440,  466,  549 
Midas,  268 

Middleton,  Capt.  Robert  Gambier,  186 
Midshipmen,  321 
Milan,  Decrees  of,  10 
Milan,  419,  460  n.2,  462 
"Miles  Wallingford"  cited,  12 
Milford,  154 
Military  officers,  Precedence  of,  over  naval, 

384  n.2 

Militia,  American,  142,  144,  145,  151 
Milius,  Capt.  (Fr.),  256 
Millar,  Lieut.-Genl.  William,  201  and  n.1 
Miller,  Lieut.  Robert  Boyle,  495,  496 
Miller  (R.M.),  Capt.  (U.S.N.),  145, 146 
Mills,  George,  195  n. 
Mills,  Mids.  John,  150  n.1 
Millwall,  196 
Milne,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Alexander, 

212  and  n.2,  277,  305,  306 
Milne,   R.-Ad.   Sir   David,   205,   223,  224 

and  n.2,  227  and  n.2 
Milonopulo,    Lieut.   Augustus  (Austrian), 

312 

Min  River,  351,  385 
Minchin,  Major,  383 
Minden,  227,  228 
Mindham,  William,  79,  82 
Minerva,  31 

Mingaye,  V.-Ad.  James,  548 
Miniac,  Lieut.  (Fr.),  338 
Minter,  Surg.  John  Moolenburgh,  376 
Minto,  Gilbert,  Earl  of,  185 
Miranda,  428,  453  n.4,  455,  458,  462 
Mississippi  River,  148,  151 
Mitchell,  Lieut.  Alfred,  445  n.2 
Mitchell,  Com.  Charles,  238 
Mitchell,  Master's  Mate  Matthew,  163  n.1 
Mitchell,  Peter  (Pilot),  258 
Mitraille,  462 

Mobile  Bay,  103  n.1 ;  Point,  150 
Mocha,  233 
Modeste,  193,  283  n.2,  285,  288-290,  292, 

294  n.1,  295  n.,  296, 297  n.,  298  n.,  299  n., 

300  and  n.,  301  n.,  302,  305 
Mogador,  400,  401,  437 
Moharem  Bey,  258 
Mohawk,  96 
Mohawk  (U.S.),  116  n.1 
Mohawk  Valley,  110 
Mombasa,  518 
Monarch,  419 

Money,  Com.  Rowland,  144  n.2, 148  n.1 
Monkey,  198,  268,  505 
Monroe,  President,  144 
Montagu,  Mate  Charles  Frederick  Herman, 

417  n. 
Montagu,   V.-Ad.   Sir   William    Augustus, 

545 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


577 


Montagu,  53 

MontrMlo,  409,  440,  452 

MontecuccoU,  312 

Montevideo,  336,  337,  343-345 

Montgomerie,  Col.,  300 

Montgomery,  132  n.' 

Montreal  Island,  oil),  529 

Montresor,  Com.  Henry,  149  n.1,  150  n. 

Moore,  Admiral  Sir  Graham,  223,  224 

Moore,  Capt.  John  (4),  40 ),  402,  435  440, 

451,  467 

Moore,  Mids.  Thomas  W.,  150  n.1 
Moorish  pirates,  7,  24,  176,  226-231,  235- 

237,  360-362 
Moorsom,  Capt.   Constantino   Richard,  211 

and  n.2,  227 

Moorsom,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Robert,  224 
Moorsom,  Capt.  William,  445  n.2,  467,  468 
Morataba  River,  325,  327 
Morea,  253,  254,  262 
Morell,  Lieut.  Arthur,  508 
Moresby,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Fairfax, 

225,  547 

Morgan,  Lieut.  Edward  Edwin,  333 
Morgan,  Assist.-Surg.  Frederick,  379 
Morgan,   Lieut.  William   George  Hepburn, 

431 

Morgan  (R.M.),  Lieut.  William  Moore,  230 
Morgan,  Com.  William  Thomas,  504 
Morgell,  Lieut.,  265 
Moriarty,  Lieut.  William,  234 
Mo:ice,  Capt.  (Fr.),  256 
Morning  Herald  quoted,  442 
Morphy,  Mate  Nathaniel  James,  417  n.1 
Morris,  Lieut.  Charles  (U.S.N.),  36 
Morris,  Lieut.  George,  505 
Morrison  (R.M.),  Capt.  Arthur,  316 
Morritt,  Lieut.  George,  330 
Morshead,  Com.  William  Henry  Anderson, 

288,  30 1,  475  n." 
Mosquito,  256 

Mottley,  R.-Ad.  Samuel  (1),  542 
Mottley,  Lieut.  Samuel,  501 
Moubray,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Richard  Hussey  (Sir 

Richard  Hussey  Hussey),  539 
Mouette,  460  n.2 

Mould,  Capt.  James,  227  and  n.4 
Mould,  Lieut.  William,  355 
Moulmein,  373 
Moustaches,  211 
Mozambique,  276,  518 
Mozu/er,  375,  376,  381,  382 
Muda  Hassim,  Rajah,  324,  325 
Mudge,  Lieut.  Henry  Colton,  489 
Mudge,  Admiral  Zachary,  541 
Mulcaster,     Capt.     William     Howe,     115, 

116  n.2 

Mundy,  Admiral  Sir  George,  541 
Mundy,  Capt.  George  Rodney,  332-334. 362, 

478 

Murat,  13 
M  urdoo,  326  n.6 
Murray,  Lieut.  Augustus  Charles,  305  and  n.2 

VOL.   VI. 


Murray,    Lieut.   Augustus   George   Ernest. 

478 
Murray,   The    Hon.  James    Erskine,    326 

and  n.* 

Murray,  John,  210 
Murray,  Col.,  132 

Murray,  Mids. ,  244 

Muskets,  Types  of,  202 
Musquedobet,  98  n.4 
Mu'ine,  227,  228,  462,  471,  505 
Myrtle,  505 
Mytilene,  310 

NAHB-EL-KELB,  315 

Naiad,  236 

Nakhimoff,     V.-Ad.     Paul     Stepanovitch 

(Russian),  397  and  n.3 
Namquan,  385 
Nankin,  193 

Nanking,  299,  301-304,  386 
Nankivel,  Master's   Mate   Thomas   James, 

46  n.1 

Nanning,  Rajah  of,  270 
Nantucket,  69,  157 
New  Bainha,  267 
Napier,  Admiral  Sir  Charles  (2),  144,  147 

nn.1' s,  205,  266,  267,  299,  310,  312-318, 

321-323,    413-416,   420,    421,    425-427 

and  n.2,  476,  546 

Napier,  Gapt.  Charles  George  Elers,  505 
Napier,  Lieut.  Charles  Elers,  266,  288 
Napier,  Genl.  Sir  Charles  James,  94 

Napier, (Shipbuilder),  196,  199 

Napier  Island,  290 

Napier's  Reach,  292 

Naples,  229 

Napoleon  Buonaparte,  Emperor,  4,  6,  10, 11, 

13,  21,  61,  152,  452,470,  473 
Napoleon,  396,  434,  440 
Narcissus,  57  n.,  97 
Xares,  Capt.  Sir  George  Strong,  535 
Nargen,  426,  427,  479,  485 
Narva  River,  485 
Natal,  308 

Natalia  Republic,  308 
Natta  :avvassa,  128  • 
Nautical  Magazine  quoted,  195  n. 
Nautilus,  25,  32.  151  and  n.3,  176 
Naval  Brigade  in  Crimean  War,  435,  446, 

449 

Naval  Instructors,  rank  of,  210 
Navarino,   Battle   of,  252-256 ;    medal  for, 

214,  261 

Navy  Board,  Abolition  of,  186  n.1 
Navy  Lists,  Beginnings  of,  209 
Navy  Pay  Office,  Abolition  of,  185 
Nazareth  River,  272 
Nazer,  Lieut.  Henry,  501 
Nnzer,  Lieut.  Kelly,  98 
Xeale,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Harry  Burrard,  224,  236. 

237,  251,  252 
Neale,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  93 
Need,  Com.  Henry,  394 

2  P 


578 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Neglect  of  ships  on  foreign  stations,  329 

Negrais,  Cape,  238,  247  ;  Island,  273,  274 

Negril  Bay,  148  n.3 

Negroes,  107,  122 

Nelson,  V.-Ad.  Horatio,  Viscount,  44  n.2, 

47,  61,  86,  159,  226 
Nelson,  Lieut.  Horatio,  384 
Nelson,  198 

Nembhard,  Master  George  William,  288 
Nemesis,   195,   285  and  n.,  287-290,  292, 
294   n.1,  295  and  n.,   298  and  n.1,   296, 
297  and  n.,  299  n.,  300,  301  n.,  329,  330, 
335,  336,  362,  363,  379 
Nepadu,  248 
Neptune,  414,  419 
Nerbudda,  295,  380-382,  506 
Nereide,  170 
Nertyda,  100 
Nesbitt,  Mids.,  278,  279 
Nesham,  V.-Ad.  Christopher  John  Williams, 

542 

Nesib,  309 
Netherlands,  Moorish   relations   with,  226, 

229 

Netley,  129  n.8 

Neutral  nations,  rights   of,  2-5;  search  of 
ships  of,  claimed  by  combatants,  14 ;  port 
of,  violated,  173 
New  Brunswick,  89 

New  England,  64,  65,  67,  69,  72,  92,  97 
New  Guinea,  522,  523 
New  London,  46 

New  Orleans,  103  n.1,  148  and  n.3,  150,  152 
New  York,  15,  16,  32,  56,  64,  67,  69,  91, 

159,  166,  173  and  n. 

New  Zealand,  214,  331,  346-349,  520,  521 
Newark,  142, 143,  146 
Newcastle,  171,  172 
Newland,  Lieut.  Charles  Frankland,  333 

Newton,  Com.  Vincent,  144  n.2 

Niagara,  120-127,  277 

Niagara  Falls,  277 

Nias,  Capt.  Joseph,  288,  295,  296,  304,  511 

Niblett,  Master  Francis  Herbert,  360 

Niblett  (I.N.),  Com.  G.  T.,  357,  359,  377 

Nicaragua,  349-351 

Nicholson,  Mate  Frederick  Falkiner,  341 

Nicolaief,  435,  470 

Nicolas,  K.-Ad.  John  Toup,  548 

Nicolay,  Sir  W.,  216 

Nicolson,     Com.    Sir    Frederick    William 
Erskine,  360,  361,  429,  430,  475  n.3 

Nie-Wooh-Breen,  249 

Kiel,  Genl.  (Fr.),  425 

Niger,  368,  399  n.1,  400,  403-405,  443 

Niger  Expedition,  519 

Nightingale,  505 

Nile,  419,  478,  499 

Nile  medal,  213  n.3 

Nimble,  268,  273,  505 

Nimrod,  288,  296,  504 

Ningpo,  295-297,  304;  liiver,  283,  295,  296 

Noble,  V.-Ad.  James,  542 


Noddall,  Master  Cornelius  Thomas  Augus- 
tus, 439 

Nolloth,  Mate  Charles,  330 

Nolloth,  Brevet-Major  Peter  Brames,  424  n.2 

Norcock,  Lieut.  George  Lowcay,  333,  334 

Norcock,  John  Henrv,  241 

Nore,  The,  205,  224 

Norfolk  (U.S.A.),  43,  93 

Norge,  149  n.1 

Norman,  Lieut.  Charles  B.,  156  n. 

Norman,  Lieut.  John  Norris,  445  n.2 

North  Georgian  Group  (Parry  Islands),  510 

North  Somerset,  530 

North  Star,  276,  288,  299  n.,  300  and  n., 
347-349,  535,  537 

North- West  Passage,  526-530,  535 

Northesk,  Admiral  William,  Earl  of,  223 

Northumberland,  H.-Ad.  Algernon,  Duke  of 
(Lord  Algernon  Percy,  Lord  Prudhoe), 
185,  548 

Northumberland  Inlet,  535 

Nourse,  Capt.  Joseph,  144  n.2 

Nova  Scotia,  89 

Nowchow,  355 

Noyes,  Mids.  John,  175  n.1 

Nurse,  Capt.  Hugh,  234  and  n.3 

Nya  Myat  Toon,  383,  384 

Nymphe,  41  and  n.1 

Nystad,  485 


OBLIGADO,  339,  340 

Ooligado,  ?43,  429,  475  n.3 

O'Bryen,  V.-Ad.  Lord  James  (Marquis  of 

Thomond),  540 
O'Callaghan,  Capt.  George  William  Douglas, 

387,  388,  475 
Ocean,  231 
Odensholme,  488 

Odessa,  399-401,  403,  404,  409,  470 
Odin,  416,  417,  420,  425,  472 
O'Ferrall,  E.  More  (tec.  of  the  Adm.),  185 
Officials  of  the  Admiralty,  List  of,  184-188 
Ogle,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Charles,  223, 

225  538 

Ogle,  Mids.  Charles  (2),  148  n.1 
Osjle,  Com.  Graham,  329,  332 
O'Grady,  E.-Ad.  Hayes,  547 
O'Higgins,  Genl.,  263 
O'Higgins,  263,  264 
Ohio,  8 
Ohio,  129,  130 
Okhotsk,  Sea  of,  476 
Old  Bahama  Channel,  235 
Oldmixon,  Lieut.  George,  505 
Oliver,  Admiral  Eobert  Dudley,  538 
Oliver,  Com.  Robert  (2),  271  " 
Omar  Ali  Suffudee,  332,  334 
Omar  Pacha  (Omar  Bey),  315  and  n.6,  397, 

399,  404,  450 
Ommannev,  Capt.  Era-mus,  428,  478,  532- 

534 
Ommanney,  V.-Ad.  Henry  Manat-  n,  544 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


579 


Ommanney,  Admiral  Sir  John   Ackworth, 

224,  256,  540 
Onega,  Gulf  of,  474 
Oneida,  110-112 

Onslow,  Com.  John  James,  272 

Ontario,  Lake,  109-118,  134 

Opium  trade,  279-281,  351 

Oporto,  197,  267 

Orders  in  Council,  5,  10,  14,  20-22 

Ordronaux,  Master  John  (U.S.),  157 

O'Reilly,  Lieut.  John  (1),  215 

Organisation,  Deficiency  of,  in  Crimea,  436 

Oribe,  336 

Orion,  199,  200,  478,  480 

Ormsby  (I.N.),  Com.  H.  A.,  288 

Ornagacuam  (Kornet  Sherouan),  317  and  n.2 

Orpheus,  159 

Osborn,  Capt.  Sherard,  458-466,  506,  532- 

536  ;  quoted,  460,  464 
Osborne,  Ralph  Bernal  (Sec.  of  the  Adm.), 

185,  503 

Osborne,  Major,  279 
Osborne,  199  n.12 
Osel,  488,  489 
Osman  Pacha,  397,  398 
Osprey,  347,  505 
Oswego,  116  and  n.2 
Otchakof,  470,  473 
Oterhall  Islet,  493 
Otter,  Capt.  Henry  Charles,  422,  425,  478, 

486,  489,  490,  491 
Otway,  Com.  Charles  Cooke,  505 
Otway,  Com.  Robert  Jocelyn,  349  and  n.1 
Otway,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Robert  Waller  (1),  224, 

225,  520 

Owen,  Admiral  Sir  Edward  William  Camp- 
bell Rich,  224,  225,  539 

Owen,  V.-Ad.  William  Fitzwilliam,  518, 
546 

PACIFIC,  Operations  in  the,  475, 476 ;  Station, 

225 
Packet  Service,  208  and  n.s ;  Controller  of, 

188 

Paddi,  326 
Padoung-mew,  248 
Pagahm-mew,  249 

Page,  Admiral  Benjamin  William,  538 
Page,  Lieut.  Thomas  Jefferson,  355  and  n.2 
Paget,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Sir  Charles,  225, 

276,  305,  539 
Paget,  Capt.  Lord   Clarence   Edward,  207, 

413 

Pagoda  Point,  373 
Paine,  Lieut.  Reuben,  147  n.3 
Pakenham,  Maj.-Genl.  Sir  Edward,  148 
Pakeuham,  Coin.  John  (2),  504 
Pakhoi,  357 
Pakoo,  326  and  n.1 
Pallas,  220  n.3,  429 

Palmer,  Capt.  Edmund,  144  n.2,  145  n.,  227 
Palmer,  Lieut.  George  (3),  431 
Palmer,  Com.  John  Jervis,  505 


Palmerston,  Lord,  184  n.,  283,  323 ;  quoted. 

427  n.2 
Palo,  362 
Panama,  440 
Panda,  308 
Panda,  272,  273 
Pandassan,  334 
Pandora,  530 
Pandour,  338-340 
Panlang,  242,  244-246 
Panquera  Usof,  330 
Pantaloon,  192,  193,  365 
Paoushun,  390 
Para  (Brazil),  275 
Paraguay,  343 
Parana  River,  337-345 
Paranagua,  392 
Paris,  International  Council  of  War  at,  473 ; 

Treaty  of,  500 

Park  (R.M.),  Lieut.  Thomas,  156  n. 
Parker  (R.M.),  Capt.  Charles  Allen,  431 
Parker,  V.-Ad.  Christopher  (2),  144  n.3 
Parker,  Capt.  George  (2),  388 
Parker,  Admiral  Sir  Hyde,  212  and  n.7 
Parker,  V.-Ad.  Hyde  (3),  167,  187,  212  n.7, 

218  n.»,  545 

Parker,  Capt.  Hyde  (4),  405,  406 
Parker,  John  (Sec.  <.f  the  Adm.),  185 
Parker,  Admiral  Sir  Peter  (1),  144  n.3 
Parker,  Capt.  Sir  Peter  (2),  144  and  n.3,  148 
Parker,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  William  (2), 

197,  224,  226,  270,  288,  293,  294,  296, 

297,  300,  301,  303,  304,  503,  522,  541 
Parker,  Sec.  Master  William  Hennessey,  464 
Parkinson,  Act.  Sec.  Master  Charles,  329 
Parks,  Lieut.  Murray  Thomas,  532 
Parnell,  Ht.  Hon.  Sir  Henry  B.,  185 
Parry,  R.-Ad.  Sir   William  Edward,   188, 

508,  510,  514,  531,  548 
Parry,    R.-Ad.    William     Henry     Webley 

(William  Henry  Webley),  542 
Parry  Islands  (North  Georgian  group),  510 
Parseval-Deschenes,  V.-Ad.  (Fr.),  413, 419- 

421,  425,  426 

Parson,  Com.  John,  227  and  n.6 
Parthian,  505 

Partridge,  Mate  William  Luke,  325 
Partridge,  504 
Pasco,  Lieut.  Crawford  Aitcheson  Denham, 

330 

Pasco,  R.-Ad.  John,  546 
Pasco,  Mr.,  365 
Paskievich,  Marshal,  407 
Pasley,  Admiral   Sir  Thomas  Sabine,  337, 

549 

Passall, ,  272 

Patagonia,  520 

Patapsco  River,  148 

Paterson,  Capt.  William,  227  and  n.3 

Patey,  Com.  George  Edwin,  332  and  n.1 

Patey,  Lieut.  Russell,  369 

Patras,  253,  254 

Patten,  Com.  Frederick,  347,  505 

2  p  2 


580 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI, 


Patusen,  327,  328 

Patuxent  River,  143,  144 

Paul,  Master  Henry,  444 

Paulding,  Mids.  Hiram  (U.S.X.).  137 

Paulet,  Admiral  Lord  George,  440,  446,  549 

Paulovski,  Cape,  453 

Pay,  Scale  of,  204,  206 

Paynter,  Com.  James  Aylmer  Dorset,  330, 

331,  333  and  n.1 
Paysandu,  337 
Peacock,  53-56,  87,  151,  158-161,  166,  173, 

175,  176 

Peacocke,  V.-Ad.  Eichard,  541 
Peake,  Lieut.  Henry  Frederick,  266,  267 
Peake,  Com.  William,  53-56 
Pearn,  Master  Edwin  John   Phillips,  266, 

267,  317  and  n.3 
Pears  (Mil.),  Capt.,  300 
Pearse,  Com.  Joseph,  288 
Pearse,  Lieut.  Eichard  Bulkeley,  380  and  n.2, 

484 

Pearson,  V.-Ad.  Eichard  Harrison,  539 
Pearson,   Lieut.  Thomas   Livingstone,  468 

and  n.1 

Pechell,  Capt.  Sir  John,  251 
Pechell,  Lieut.  Mark  Robert,  478  and  n.2 
Pechell,  Capt.  Samuel  John,  93 
Pechell,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Samuel  John  Brooke, 

546 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  184  n. 
Peel,  Capt.  Sir  William,  215,  435,  445,  446, 

449,  450,  459,  467 
Peel  Sound,  528 
Pegram,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  389 
Pegu,  243,  377,  380-382 
Pegu,  379  and  n.3 
Peirce,  Mate  John,  16 
Pelham,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Frederick  Thomas, 

413,  424,  478 

Pelican,  86-88,  251,  252,  260,  288 
Pelissier,  Genl.  (Fr.),  453 
Pell,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Watkin  Owen,  188,  547 
Pellew,   Admiral  the  Hon.  Sir   Fleetwood 

Broughton  Reynolds,  226,  546 
Pellion,  R.-Ad.  Odet  (Fr.),  471-473 
Pelter,  478  and  n.1,  494 
Pembroke,   Shipbuilding   at,   199;    Packet 

station  at,  208  n.3 
Pembroke,  478  and  n.1,  495,  496 
Penang,  240,  241 
Penaud,  R.-Ad.  (Fr.),  419  n.3,  426, 477,  480, 

482,  488,  493-496 
Pendulum  Islands,  517 
Penelope,  368,  369,  394,  419,  424 
Penguin,  173-175  and  n.1 
Penguin  Point,  89 
Penn,  Messrs.,  203 
Pennell,  Sir  Charles  Henry,  207 

Penny, ,  532 

Penobscot  River,  148 

Penrose,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Charles  Vinicombe,  229 

Pensions  to  widows,  206 

"  Pepper  box  ''  revolver,  202 


Perceval,  Com.  the  Hon.  George  James,  227 
Percy,  Lord  Algernon  (see  Northumberland, 

Duke  of) 

Percy,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Henry  William,  150 
Percy,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Josceline,  224,  271, 

545 

Perekop,  Gulf  of,  447,  448 
Perkins,  Lieut.  Henry  Augustus,  230 
Pernau,  485,  499 
Perry,  Master  George  David,  464 
Perry,  Capt.  Oliver  Hazard  (U.S.N.),  113, 

119-123,  125-128 
Perseverance,  478,  503 
Persia,  279 

Personnel  of  Navy  in  1813  and  1817,  204 
Peru,  265 
Pestonjee,  291 
Petal  idion,  252 
Petchili  Gulf,  283 
Petrel,  474 

Petropaulovski,  429-431,  475 
Petrovski,  459 
Petrushena,  461 
Peyton,  Lieut.  Richard,  505 
Phaeton,  242 
Philadelphia,  67,  69 
Philips,  R.-Ad.  James  Robeit,  545 
Phillimore,  Capt.  Sir  John,  208,  220  and  n.2, 

237 

Phillpotts,  Lieut.  George,  348 
Philomel,  256,  337-339,  342,  344,  367 
Phinn,  Thomas  (Sec.  of  the  Adm.),  185 
Phlegethon,  288,  294  n.1,  295-298  n.1,  299 

and  n.,  300,  327,  328,  332-334,  355,  357 
Phoco-foo,  367 
Phoebe,  101-104,  106-108 
Phcenix,  37,  276,  312,  318  n.,  319,  320,  393, 

474,  475,  504,  536 
Physician- General  of  the  Navy,   186   and 

nn.,  189 
Pickey,   Lieut.   Valentine,    243,   244,   249 

and  n.2 

Pickle,  268,  478  and  n.1,  489 
Pidcock,  Lieut.  George  Adolphus,  385-386 
Piedmontaise,  37 
Pierce,  Lieut.  George,  227 
Piers,  Lieut.  Shute  Barrington,  478  and  n.2 
Pietermaritzburg,  308 
Pigmy,  419,  424 

Pigot,  Admiral  Sir  Hugh  (3),  159,  543 
Pike,  Genl.  (U.S.),  113 
Pike,  115,  505 
Pillage  and  devastation,  70,  71,  94  and  n.2, 

95,  142,  143,  146,  147,  150 
Pilong  Pilongan,  335 
Pilot,  193,  353 
Pilot,  The,  quoted,  60 
Pilots,  415 

Pirn,  Lieut.  Bedford  C.  T.,  478  and  n.2 
Pincher,  478  and  n.1,  485,  494,  505 
Pioneer,  506,  532,  534,  535 
Pique,  192,  193,  200,  276,  305,  312-315, 

318  n.,  319, 320, 322, 429,  430, 475  n.3, 476 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


581 


Piracy — 

China,  294,  296,  352,  354-360,  384- 
386,  388-390 

Eastern  Archipelago,  Malay  Peninsula, 
etc.,  275,  276,  323-328,  329,  332, 
362,  363,  393,  394 

Mediterranean  and  Levant,  251,  261, 
361,  362,  390,  391 

Moors,  226-231,  360-362 

Persian  Gulf,  234 

Prince's  Island,  272 

Sarebas  and  Sakarren,  325-328 

Slavers,  233,  364,  365 

West  Indies,  234,  268 
Pitman,  Lieut.  William,  468 
Pitt,  Sir  William,  10 
Plaggenborg,  Lieut.  Edward,  505 
Planeta,  272 
Plantagenet,  155 
Plate  River,  215 
Plattsburg  Bay,  132,  134,  152 
Plover,  288,  300,  301,  303,  522,  531 
Plumridge,   Admiral   Sir  James    Hanway, 

270,  413,  415-417,  420,  421,  426,  548 
Plunder  (see  Pillage) 
Pluto,  288,  299  n.,  300,  301  n.,  32H,  330, 

351  n.4,  377-379,  393 
Pluton,  449 
Plymouth,  187,  226 
Plymouth,  355,  387 
Plymouth  Telegraph,  quoted,  231 
Plymsell,  Lieut.  Amos,  235 
Pocock,  Mate  Charles  Ashwell  Boteler,  381, 

384 

Pococke,  Mids.  George  H.  A.,  230 
Poe  (R.M.),  Lieut.  George,  144  n.8 
Puictiers,  40 
Point  Spirit,  i  6  n.1 
Polders,  Capt.  J.  M.  (Dutch),  227 
Polka,  392 

Pollard,  Lieut.  William  James,  424 
Polyphemus,  361,  506 
Pomone,  167-169 
Pomone  (Fr.),  440 
Pongos  River,  306,  393,  394 
Popham,  Com.  Stephen,  116  and  nn.  *•  * 
Popham,  Com.  William,  227 
Pop]  Je well,  Com.  George  Otway,  435,  446 
Porcupine,  419,  478,  499 
Porcupine  (U.S.),  120,  122,  124,  129 
Porpnise,  478  and  n.1 
Port  Bowen,  513 
Port  Corn  walli  s,  238 
Port  Egmont,  272 
Port  Erie,  129 
Port  Essington,  329,  523 
Port  Leopold,  530 
Port  Louis  (East  Falkland),  272 
Port  Louis  (Mauritius),  216 
Port  Mahon,  219 
Port  Natal,  308  and  n.2 
Porter,  Capt.  David  (U.S.N.),  31,  100-103 
Portland  (Maine),  89,  91 


Portland,  Duke  of,  192 
Porto  Praya,  171,  173 
Portpatrick,  Packet  station  at,  208  n.3 
Portsmouth — 

Commanders-in-Chief  at,  48  n.6,  205, 
223,  328 

Courts-martial  at,  51  n.1,  127  n.,  218 

Dockyard,  Commissioners  and  Superin- 
tendents of,  187 

Experiments  at,  331,  332 

Naval  gunnery  school  foundid  at,  203 

Royal  Marine  Artillery  new  quarters 
at,  207 

Royal  Naval  College  at,  203 

Shipbuilding  at,  199 
Portsmouth  (Virginia),  161 
Portsoiki  River,  487 
Portuense,  267 
Portugal : — 

Arrogante  captured  from,  277 

Brazil,  Struggle  with,  265 

Chinese  policy  of,  360 

Civil  war  in,  266,  270 

Macao  possessed  by,  280,  281 

Mozambique  insurrection  against,  276 

Napier  in,  313 

Sailors  from,  in  American  ships,  8,  76, 
81,85 

Slave-dealing  abandoned  by,  233  n.2 
Postle,  Lieut.  Charles  James,  505 
Poti,  402 

Potomac  River,  94,  144,  147,  148 
Potter,  Master  Thomas,  471 
Pottinger,  Col.   Sir   Henry,  279,  293,  294, 

303 

Pouldcn,  R.-Ad.  Richard,  541 
Poulett,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  George,  545 
Poursuivante,  419 
Poutiatin,  R.-Ad.  (Russian),  429 
I'owcll,  Com.  Herbert  Brace,  229 
Powell,  Capt.  Richard  Ashmore,  362  and  n., 

403,  405,  440,  467 
Powerful,  218,  3iO,  312,  313  n.6,  314  and 

n.2,  317,  318  n.,  319-322 
Powhattan,  389,  390 
Powshan,  Port  of,  299 
Poyntz,  Admiral  Stephen,  538 
Praed,  V.-Ad.  Bulkley  Mackworth,  542 
Pratt,  Lieut.  George,  150  and  n.1 
Pratt,  Mids.  Robert,  230 
Pratt,  Major,  285 
Prattcn,  Lieut.  John,  505 
Prati  ent,  Lieut.  Francis  Moubray,  495,  496 
Preble,  132  nn.  ',  2,  133,  135-137 
Preedy,  Com.  George  William,  424  n.2,  494 
Prendergast,  Lieut.  John,  165  n.2 
Prcscott,  277 

Prescott,  Admiral  Sir  Henry,  187,  546 
President,  22  and  nn.,  25,  26,  30,  31,  41, 
132  n.1,  166-168  and  n.2,  213  n.3,  366, 
429-431  and  n.1,  475  n.3 
Prcsidente,  269 
Presqu'ish,  119 


582 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Press-gang.     (See  Impressment) 
Presto  Island,  424,  425 
Preston,  Admiral  D'Arcy,  538 
Prettyjohn  (R.M.),  Corpl.  John,  215 
Prevost,  Genl.  Sir  George,  113,  132, 135  n.1, 

141  and  n.2 

Prevost,  Lieut.  Lewis  de  Teissier,  365 
Price,  R.-Ad.   David,   188,  205,  225,  429, 

430,  548 

Primauguet,  412,  440 
Prime  Ministers,  List  of,  184  n. 
Primrose,  269  and  n.4 
Prince,  448 

Prince  de.  Neufchdtel,  155,  157 
Prince  Patrick  Island,  536 
Prince  Begent,  116  n.1,  117,  419 
Prince  Regent  Inlet,  510,  512,  513,  515 
Prince  of  Wales,  245 
Prince  of  Wales  Island,  534 
Prince's  Island,  272 
Princess  Alice,  478  and  n.1 
Princess  Charlotte,  116  n.1,  310, 312, 318  n., 

319-322 
Princess  Royal,  207,  413,  415,  419,  452  n.4. 

472  n. 

Principessa  Stale,  267 
Pring,  Com.  Daniel,  132  n.2,  134,  139-141 
Pritchard,  Lieut.  John  Appleby,  495,  496 
Pritchard,  Capt.  Samuel  Perkins,  288 
Privateers — 

American,  57,  58  and  n.,  64,  65,  71-74, 

92,  97,  98,  152-158,  161,  177 
British,  98 
Carthagenan,  159 
French,  153 
Prize  cheques,  76 
Proby,  K.-Ad.  the  Hon  Granville  Leveson 

(Bad  of  Carysfort),  545 
Procida,  338  and  n.1,  339 
Proctor,  R.-Ad.  Sir  William  Beauchamp, 

545 

Progress,  448 

Prome,  246,  247,  378-380  and  n.2 
Prometheus,  226,  227,  391 
Promotion,  204-206 
Prompt,  478  and  n.1,  489 
Proserpine,  288,  300,  372-374,  378,  379 
Providence,  269 
Provor.iyi,  256 

Prowse,  R.-Ad.  William  (1),  539 
Prudhoe,  Lord :  (See  Northumberland,  Duke 

of) 

Pi-ueba,  270 
Prussia,  Attitude  of,  towards  Turkey,  310 ; 

Danzig  party  defeated   by  pirates,  391; 

condition  of,  in  1853, 395 
Psara  Island,  251 
Puget,  R.-Ad.  Peter,  539 
Pulo  Arroa,  275 
Pulo  Bungore,  332 
Pulo  Leat,  232 
Pulo  I'enang,  248 
Pulo  Sujee,  275 


Pumkayi,  247 

Punishments,  216-218,  220,  221 

Punta  Obligado,  337 

Pursers,  Rank  of,  210 

Purver,  L.,  213  n.4 

Purvis,  Lieut.  Francis  Reginald,  444 

Purvis,  V.-Ad.  John  Brett,  337,  546 

Put-In  Bay,  122 

Putrid  Sea,  454 

Puzendown  Creek,  241,  244 

Pylades,  193,  283  n.2,  288,  292,  294  n.1,  478, 

499 
Pym,    Lieut.    Frederick     Whiteford,    478 

and  n.2 

Pym,  Admiral  Sir  Samuel,  187,  543 
Pym,  Sec.  Master  R.  E.,  331 
Pym,  Lieut.  William  Henry,  446  n.2 
Pyrenees,  449  n.1 

QUALLOO  BATTOO,  326  n.6 

Queen,  192,  193,  200,  284,  285,  288,  289, 

291,  294  and  n.1,  295  n.,  296,  297  n.,  300, 

440,  444  and  n.4 
Queen   Charlotte,  117,  120-124,  126,  227- 

230 

Quillimane,  518 
Quin,   Lieut.   Francis   Beaufort,   333,   335 

and  n.1 

Quin,  Com.  Michael,  237  and  n.1 
Quin,  Mate  Richard  Robert,  288 

RABY,  Lieut.  Henry  James,  215 

Racehorse,  275,  305,  348,  349,  388,  389,  504 

Racer,  98  and  n.4 

Radama  I.,  King,  315 

Radcliffe,  Lieut.  Copleston,  129  and  n.3,  130 

Raderhurst  (Mil.),  Lieut.,  129 

Radstock,  Admiral  Granville  George  Walde- 

grave,  Lord,  545 
Rafale,  462 

Raggett,  R.-Ad.  Richard,  540 
Hagliin,  Lord,  404, 405, 407, 411,  412,434n.2, 

437,  446,  450,  451,  458,  459 
Raigersfeld,  R.-Ad.  Jeffery,  Baron  von,  542 
Rainbow,  170,  193,  200 
Raine  Island,  522 
Rainha  de  Portugal,  267 
Rainier,  R.-Ad.  John  Sprat,  538 
Rakovia  Harbour,  475 
Raleigh,  193 
Ramillies,  149  n,1 
Ramri,  249 

Ramsay,  Capt.  George,  423,  478,  494,  500 
Ramsay,  Com.  Robert,  144  n.2,  148  n.1 
Ramsay,  Com.  William,  269  and  n.3,  413, 

424  n.2,  478 

Rauavalona  I.,  Queen,  345 
Randolph,  Lieut.  George  Granville,  330 
Ranee,  362,  363 
Rangehaieta,  349 
Rangoon,  238,  240-243,  245-249,  372-377, 

379,  381-383 ;  River,  238,  242,  243,  246, 

374-375 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


583 


Raper,  Admiral  Henry  (1),  538 

Raper,  Lieut.  Henry  (2),  182,  523 

Sapid,  366,  505 

Ras-al-Khyma,  234 

Rating,  System  of,  27 

Eatsey,  R.-Ad.  Edward,  545 

Rattler,  197, 198,  374, 375,  379  and  n.4,  385, 

389,  390 
Rattlesnake,    262,   282   n.2,   283   n.1,   288, 

294  n.1,  295  n.,  300,  5'J3 
Raumo,  486,  490 
Raven,  472 
Ravensair  Inlet,  482 
Rawle,  Lieut.  Richard,  156  n. 
Ray,  Mids.  Edward  Hood  Lingard,  335 
Read,  Lieut.  George  U.  (U.S.N.),  57  n. 
Read,  Lieut.  Offley  Malcolm  Crewe,  418 
Ready,  Lieut.  Henry,  36,  37  n.1 
Rear-Admiral,  Rank  of,  205  n.1,  206 
Recruit,  453  n.4,  454,  456,  463,  505 
Red  Bay,  354 ;  River,  358 

Redbreast,  478  and  n.1 

Redout  Kaleh,  402 

Redpole,  505 

Redwing,  478  and  n.1,  494,  504 

Reed,  Archibald,  244      . 

Rees,  Master  John  Fletcher,  305  and  n.2 

Reeve,  Lieut.  John  Mil  ward,  330,  333,  367 

Reeves,  Thomas,  215,  449 

Reforms  of  Sir  James  Graham,  189 

Reid,  Master's  Mate  Andrew,  147  n.3 

Reid,  Lieut.  John,  330,  335 

Reid,  Master   Samuel  Chester  (U.S.),  155 
and  n.s 

Reindeer,  105,  161-163  and  n.1 

Rejang  River,  363 

Rernbas,  326  and  n.2 ;  River,  363 

Remfry  (K.M.),  Lieut.  William,  230 

Rennie,  Messrs.,  197  n. 

Renommee,  48  n.s 

Repington,   R.-Ad.  Edward  Henry  a'Court 
(Edward  Henry  a'Court),  546 

Republicano,  339-341 

Resolute  (Adventure),  199  and  n.9,  506 

Resolute,  448,  532,  535,  536 

Retirement,  205-207 

Retribution,  194,  199,  200,  398,   399  n.1, 
400,  401,  440 

Reval,  414,  425,  479,  482,  488 

Revans,  Com.  ThomM,  228  and  n.3 

Revenge,  271, 312,  314, 318  n.,  319,  320,  322 

Revolvers,  Types  of,  202 

Reynard,  505 

Reynaud,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 

Reynolds,  Admiral  Sir  Barrington,  312,  547 

Rhadamanthus,  271 

Rhio,  Rajah  of,  325    . 

Ribouleau,  V.-Ad.  Peter,  541 

Rice,  Com.  Edward  Bridges,  380,  391 

Rice,  Lieut.  Frederick  Dampier,  371,  394 

Rice,  V.-Ad.  George  Frederick,  548 

Rice,  l.ieut.  George  William,  376,  377,  380, 
384 


Richards,   Com.   George  Henry,  342,    521, 

535,  536 

Richards,   R.-Ad.  Peter,  187,  227  and  n.«, 
229,  270,  288,  501,  302  and  n.1,  30*,  549 
Richards,  Mids.  Thomas,  369 
Richardson,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Charles,  543 
Richardson,  Dr.  John  (2),  513 
Richmond,  69 

Rickard,  Quartermaster  William,  215 
Ricketts,  Admiral  Sir  Tristram  Robert,  541 
Riddell,  Com.  Robert,  227 
Ridge,  Lieut.  George  A  gar  Ellis,  350,  394 
Riff  Coast,  391 
Rifles,  Types  of,  202 
Riga,  415,  416,  485,  488,  489,  499 
Rigny,  H.-Ad.  Henri  de  (Fr.),  253,  254,  256, 

258 

Ringdove,  276,  305,  332,  335  and  n." 
Rio  Frio,  391 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  265 
Rip  van  Winkle,  448 
Ripon,  Earl  of,  185 
Rival,  391 

Riviera,  Genl.  (Uruguayan),  337 

Rivoli,  213  n.3 

Roach,  William,  105 

Robb,  Capt.  John,  256,  259,  415,  478 

Robert,  Capt.  (Fr.),  256 

Roberts,  Gunner  John,  456 

Roberts,  Com.  John  Walter,  235 

Roberts,  Master  Robert  Wilson,  440 

Roberts,  Captain  Samuel,  147  n.1,  149  n.1, 
150  n.1,  504 

Roberts,  Lieut.  William  Gilbert,  150  n.1 

Robertson,  Com..  David,  347 

Robertson,  Com.  William  (2),  271 

Robertson,  Lieut.,  265 

Robinson,  Master  Batty,  52  n.2 

Robinson  (R.M.),  Capt.  Chnrles,  314,  315 

Robinson,  Lieut.  Charles  Aylmer  Pembroke 
Vallancey,  367 

Robinson,  Rt.  Hon.  Frederick  John  (Earl 
of  Ripon),  185 

Robinson,  Mate  George  (3),  431 

Robinson,  Capt.  Robert  Spencer,  312,  316, 
478 

Robyns  (R.M.),  Capt.  John,  144  n.2,  148  n.1 

Roche,  C'  m.  Hichard,  535 

Rocket,  478  and  n.1,  489 

I'ockets,  Incendiary,  201 

Rodd,  V.-Ad.  Sir  John  Tremayne,  539 

itodgers,  Capt.  John  (U.8.N.),  22  and  n.2, 
30,  31,  41,  59,  147,  172 

Rodney,  193,  200,  218,  312,  322,  330,  43  2 
440,  443,  444,  449  n.1 

Roebuck,  Master's  Mate  Henry,  46  n.1 

Rogers,  Com.  Henry  Downing,  440  and  n. 

Rolando,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  389,  390 

Rolette,  Lieut.  Francis,  118,  124 

Holland,  Com.  William  Rue,  403  and  n. 

Romeo  Primero,  366 

Rooke,  Com.  Leonard  Charles,  505 

Rosario,  337,  343  , 


584 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Rosas,   Don    Juan    Manuel   de,   336,   337, 

342  n.1,  343,  345 
Rose,  C.,  266 

Rose,  Rt.  Hon.  George,  185 
Rose,  256,  259 
Ross,  V.-Ad.  Charles  Bayne  Hodgson,  187, 

188,  225,  543 
Ross,  R.-Ad.  Sir  James  Clark,  508,   510, 

511,  513-516,  518,  525,  530-532,  549 
Ross,  Capt.  Sir  John,  508,  514-516 
Ross,  Com.  John  Francis,  463-465 
Ross  (I.N.),  Com.  R.  L.,  332-334 
Ross,  Maj.-Genl.  Robert,  142-148  and  n.' 
Rota,  155, 156 
Rotchensalm,  485 
Rotherhithe,  194 
Rous,  Admiral  the  Hon.  Henry  John,  193, 

276,  548 
Rover,  271,  305 

Row-galleys,  130,  133,  134,  136,  137,  140 
Rowley,   Admiral    Sir  Charles,   223,   224, 

234 

Rowley,  Lieut.  Charles  John,  461  and  n.2 
Rowley,  V.-Ad.  Joshua  Ricketts,  547 
Rowley,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Josias,  224 
Rowley,  R.-Ad.  Samuel  Campbell,  542 
Roxo,  Cape,  520 

Royal  Albert,  452  and  n.1,  453  n.*,  472  n. 
Royal  George,  115,  413,  415,  419,  478,  503 
Royal  Marine  Artillery,  207 
Royal  Marine  Light  Infantry,  207 
Royal   Marine,  Numbers   of,  voted  (1816- 

1856),  190 
Royal  Oak,  149  n.1 
Royal  Society,  517 
Royalist,  324,  329,  332,  335,  362 
Royse,  Rev.  Nathaniel  T.,  220  and  n.3 
Rua  River,  499 
Ruapekapeka,  348 
Rubis,  367 

Ruby,  196,  478,  485,  486,  488,  499 
Rule,  Sir  W.,  193 
Rum,  208,  219 
Rundle,  Lieut.  Joseph  Sparkhall,  278  and 

n.3,  279 
Russell,  Admiral   Lord  Edward,  440,  466, 

549 

Russell,  Com.  Lord  Francis  John,  288 
Russell,  Lord  John,  184  n. 
Russell,  Com.  Robert  (3),  505 
Russell,  Lieut.  William  (3),  227 
Russell  (N.Z.),  347 
Russell  Island,  534 

Russia  (see  also  Crimean  War),  252,  308-310 
Ruth,  360 
Ruthven,  Lieut.  Cavendish  Eradstreet  Hore, 

445  n.2 

Ruxton,  Com.,  267 
Ryder,  Com.  Alfred  Phillips,  3:0,  351  and 

n.2,  418 

Ryves,  R.-Ad.  George  Frederick  (1),  539 
Ryves,   Com.   George   Frederick  (2),   238, 

243,  244,  246,  247,  249 


SABISE,  Capt.  R.  A.,  512,  517 

Sacken,  Geul.  Osten  (Rus.),  400 

Sackett's  Harbour,  111-113,  116  n.1 

Sacrificios,  305 

Safford,  Mrs.,  313  n.6 

Sailing  ships  of  the  line  discontinued,  473 

Saint  Arnaud,  Marshal,  404,  405,  407-412, 

434  and  n.1 
St.  David's  Head,  87 
St.  George,  419 
St.  George's  Bay,  317 
St.  Helena,  366 
St.  Helens,  193 
St.  Jean  d'Acre,  310,  318,  320,  321 ;  medal 

for,  214 
St.  Jean  d'Acre,  199,  200,  413,  415,  419, 

453  n.4,  472  n. 
St.  Lawrence,  155  and  n.1 
St.  Lawrence  Kiver,  109 
St.  I.eger,  Com.  James  Aid  worth,  505 
St.  Mary's  River,  150 
St  Michael's  (Azores),  220 
St.  Vincent,  Cape,  213  n.3,  267,  360 
St.  Vincent,  Adm.  of  the  Fleet,  Earl,  189 
Saisset,  Capt.  de  (Fr.),  440 
Sakarran,  325,  327,  328 
Salamander,  276,  374,  375,  532 
Salas,  Col.  (Nicaraguan),  349,  350 
Sale,  Major  Robert  Henry,  246 
Salgir  River,  463 
Salmoud,  Master  Robert,  505 
Salmond,  Mids.  William,  52  n.2 
Saltoun,  Maj  -Genl.  Lord,  300,  301,  303 
Salween  River,  242 
Samarang,  285,   287-289,   291,  327,  328, 

OQA      £OO 

Samson,  368,  369,  400  and  n.1,  402,  412 
and  n.3,  433,  436,  439,  440,  443,  449 

Sam  well,  Mids.  John,  8J,  82 

San  Domingo,  213  n.3 

San  Domingo,  44  n.*,  93 

San  Fiorenzo,  37 

San  Francisco,  476 

San  Josef,  203 

San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  305 

San  Lonnzo,  343,  344 

San  Martin,  338-341 

San  Salvador,  48  and  n.5 

San  Sebastian,  276 

Sanaa,  Imaun  of,  233 

Sanders,  Capt.  James,  95 

Sanders,  Com.  Thomas,  227  and  n.6 

Sanderson,  Lieut.  John  (2),  360  and  u.9 

Sandes,  Mids.  John  T.,  144  n.3 

Sandhamn,  485,  495 

Sandom,  R.-Ad.  Williams,  277,  549 

Sandowav,  249  . 

Sandy  Hook,  167 

Sangwa  River,  358 

Sanitation  at  Balaclava,  458 

Sans  Pareil,  191,  398  n.,  400, 440,  442-444, 
498 

Sapote,  307 


INDEX.    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


585 


Sapphire,  288,  300 

Sarauac  River,  132,  135 

Sarandi,  272 

Saratoga,  132  n.2,  133-141 

Sarawak  (Kuching),  324,  325  and  n.1,  327, 

328 

Sardinia,  229,  453  and  n.3 
Sarebaa  River,  325,  326  nn.1, 2,  362,  363 
Sargent,  Lieut.  Robert  Orme,  527 
Sargent,  Com.  William,  227 
Sartorius,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  George 

Rose,  266,  547 
Satellite,  242-246,  271 
Saumarez,  Lieut.  Thomas  (2),  369,  371 
Saunders,  Lieut.  James,  52  n.2 
Saunders,  Master  James,  531 
Saunders,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  93 
Savage,  272 
Savannah,  151 

Sayer,  R.-Ad.  George  (1),  541 
Sayer    (R.M.),   Capt.    William    Lawrence, 
424  n.2 

Scanderoon,  312 

Scandinavian  sailors  in  American  ships,  8 

Scardamoula,  252 

Schefer,  450 

Schoedde,  Maj.-Genl.,  296,  300,  301,  303 

Scholefield,  Mark,  215,  449 

Schomberg,  Admiral  Alexander  Wilmot,  541 

Schon.berg,  Capt.  George  Augustus,  493 

Schomberg,  Com.  Herbert,  391 

Schonbein,  C.  F.,  332 

Schooners,  American,  8,  110,  155 

Scilly  Islands,  181 

Scipion,  256 

Scoresby,  William,  507 

Scorpion,  120-124,  126,  128,  129 

Scott,  Mids.  Charles  Kittoe,  244 

Scott,  Capt.  Francis,  363,  416,  417 

Scott,  V.-Ad.  Sir  George  (1),  539 

Scott,  Capt.  James,  285,  288,  304 

Scott,  Admiral  Sir  James  (2),  145  n.,  549 

Scott,  Lieut.  John  Binney,  495,  496 

Scott,  Master  Robert,  36,  37  n.1 

Scott,  Com.  Robert  Anthony  I-'dwanl,  350, 
351  and  n.3 

Scott,  Col.,  113 

Scout,  271,  277,352 

Screw  propeller,  Origin  of,  196 

Sci  iven,  Corn.  '1  imothy,  504 

Scurvy,  241 

Seahorse,  144,  147  n.1,  149  nn.1,  2,  213  n.3 

Sealark,  369 

Seamen,  Numbers   of,  voted   (1816-1856), 
190 

Search,  Right  of,  4,  5,  14 

Searle,  R.-Ad.  John  Clarke,  186,  538 

Searle,  R.-Ad.  Thomas,  265,  545 

Seba  River,  367 

Sebastopol,  201, 401,  403, 404, 406, 408,  409, 
427,  434-446,  451,  458,  466,  467,  469 

Seccombe,  Assist.-Surg.  Thomas,  376,  384 

Second  captains,  260 


Secretaries  of  the  Admiralty,  185 

Seecheetow,  274 

Seerah  Island,  278  and  n.1 

Segaon,  297 

Segundo  Rosario,  306 

Selim  Pasha,  315 

Selwyn,  Lieut.  Jasper  Henry,  367 

Semillante,  419 

Senhouse,  Capt.  Sir  Humphrey  Fleming,  96, 

283,  287-289,  291,  293 
Seppings,  Sir  Robert,  186,  191,  193 
Serapaqui,  350 
Serea,  392  n.2 
Seriff  Muller,  327,  328 
Seriff  Osman,  330,  331 
Serocold,  Lieut.   George   Edward   Serocold 

Pearce,  359 

Serpent,  372-375  and  n.s 
Seskar  Island,  420,  421,  485 
Sesostris,  288,294  and  n.',295n.,29C-298n.1, 

299  n.,  300,  375,  376,  379 
Sen,  Commissioner,  351 
Severn,  144  n.a,  151,  227,  228 
Seychelles  Islands,  518 
Seymour,  Com.  Frederick  Beaucharnp  Paget, 

3*0  n.2,  381,  428,  429,  475  n.s 
Seymour,  Corn.  George  Alexander,  394 
Seymour,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  George 

Francis,  223,  225,  480,  484,  503,  544 
Seymour,  Capt.  George  Henry,  326,  478,  496, 

500 
Seymour,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Michael  (1),  187,  188, 

225,  540 

Seymour,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Michael  (2),  187,  188, 

226,  413,  426,  466,  478,  505,  549 
Shadwell,      Admiral      Charles      Frederick 

Alexander,  379-382,  384  and  n.3,  522 
Shanghai,  299,  300,  301,  386 
Shaming,  291,  292 

Shannon,  31-33,  76-86,  163,  199,  200 
Shap'n'gtzai,  353,  355-359 
Shark,  504 

Sharpe,  V.-Ad.  Alexander  Renton,  547 
Sharpshooter,  392 
Shayley  Island,  429 
Shead,  Sailing-master  (U.S.N.),  96 
Sheerness,  187,  195  n.,  197,  199,  328 
Sheipoo,  390 
Shelburne,  98  n.4,  159 
Sht'pard,  V.-Ad.  James  Keith,  539 
Shepherd,  James,  266  and  n.s 
Shepherd,  Boatswain  John,  215 
Sherer,  Capt.  Joseph,  268  and  n.1,  511,  513, 

518 

Sheridan,  70 

Shield,  Capt.  William,  186,  187 
Shippard,  R.-Ad.  Alexander,  544 
Shili-sloops,  96, 159,  164  ;  American,  26, 159 
Shirley,  V.-Ad.  George  James,  539 
Shirreff,  R.-Ad.   William  Henry,  95,  187, 

329,  546 
Shorter,  Dr.,  196 
Shortt,  Com.  Francis  H<nry,  472 


586 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Shouk  Shay  Khuue  Island,  379,  380 

Shrapnel,  Lieut.-Genl.  Henry,  201  n.3 

Shrapnel  shells,  Improvement  in,  201 

Shubrick,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  54,  93 

Shurala,  404 

Si  Maring  River,  302,  363 

Siacca,  King,  306 

Sibyl,  37 

Sibylle,  269,  351 

Sicily,  182 

Sidon,  315,  316,  435,  446,  453  n.4,  472 

Siela  Sound,  485,  488 

Sierra  Leone,  275,  305,  306,  364,  360,  368, 

394,  518.     See  also  Africa  (West  Coast) 
Sigourney,  Mids.  (U.S.N.),  96 
Silistria,  404,  407 
Silver-lock,   Mate    William    Greenhill,   478 

and  n.2 
Simla,  373 

Simoon,  196,  199  and  n.6,  453  n.* 
Simpson,  Assist.-Surg.  John,  325  and  n.4 
Simpson,  Genl.,  459,  468,  514 
Sinbad,  478  and  n.1 

Sinclair,  Capt.  Arthur  (U.S.N.),  30,  128 
Sinclair,   Admiral   Sir  John   Gordon,  188, 

547 

Singapore,  282,  324,  325  n.4,  329,  354,  355 
Singer,  Lieut.  Morgan,  424  n.2 
Single-ship  contests,  General  results  of,  178 
Sinope,  198,  397-399 
Sirah  Island,  278  n.' 
Siren,  361 

Sirene,  256,  258,  259 
Sitin,  Com.  (Russian),  251) 
Sitka,  475 
Sitka,  432 
Sivatch,  Lake,  448 
Skipjack,  275,  505 
Skipsey,  R.-Ad.  William,  541 
Skipwith,  Com.  Grey,  3t>7 
Skylark,  478  and  n.1,  494,  505 
Skyring,  520 
Skyring,  Com.  William  George,  182  and  n.4, 

519 

Slade,  Assist.-Surg.  Henry,  384 
Slanetj,  238,  240,  250 
Slave-dealing,  233  n.2 
Slavers,  Encounters   with,   268,   272,  273, 

275-277,  305,  306,  363-371,  391-394 
Sleigh,  Mids.  John,  98  n.4 
Slight,  John  (N.O.  in  Charge),  188 
Sloops,  102,  110;   American,  20,  64,   152, 

154,  158 
Small-pox,  479 
Smart,  Com.  Robert,  271 
Smith,  R.-Ad.  Andrew,  539 
Smith,  Benjamin,  481 

Smith,  Col.  Sir  Charles  Felix,  313,  317,  322 
Smith,  Sir  Francis  Pettitt,  196-198 
Smith,  Capt.  George,  203 
Smith,  Admiral  Sir  Henry  (2),  251, 277-279, 

281,  284,  288,  296,  549 
Smith,  Capt.  John  (U.S.N.),  30,  231 


Smith,  Lieut.  Sidney  (U.S.N.),  130 

Smith,  Mids.  William  (5),  81,  249  and  n.1 

Smith,  Master  William,  260 

Smith,  Com.  William  Sidney  (2),  271 

Smith,  Genl.  (U.S.),  119 

Smith  Sound,  509,  510 

Smollett,  R.-Ad.  John  Rouet,  543 

Smyrna,  218 

Smyth,  Capt.  William  Henry,  182  and  n.3, 

508 

;  Smythe,  Capt.  William,  516,  519,  523 
1  Snake,  192,  199  n.10,  271,  277,  305,  453  n.4, 

454,  462,  472,  505 
i  Snap,  478  and  n.1,  485,  494,  499 

Snapper,  478  and  n.1,  494 

Snow,  Master's  Mate  William  John,  37  n.1 

Sofala,  518 

Solovetskoi  Island,  428,  474 

Somers,  120,  122,  124,  129,  130 

Somerset,  Lieut.  Leveson  Eliot  Henry,  424  n.2, 
495,  496 

Somerset  House,  Offices  of  Naval  Depart- 
ments at,  190 
I  Somerville,  Com.  Kenelm,  144  n.2 

Somerville,  Capt.  Philip  (1),  155 

Soochowfoo,  300,  303 

Sooloos,  336 

Sophie,  149  n.1,  237,  240-243,  245-247, 250 

Sorrel  River,  130,  132 

Sosnovia,  474 

Sotheby,  R.-Ad.  Charles,  547 

Sotheby,  Com.  Edward  Southwell,  369 

Soudan,  519  and  n.3 

Soitffleur,  419 

Soujak  Kaleh,  402,  404,  450,  454,  458 

Soukhoum  Kaleh,  402 

South  Shields,  391 

South  Shetlands,  526 

Southampton,  57  n.,  271,  308 

Southampton  Island,  517 

Southcomb,  John,  98 

Spain — 

American  colonies  of,  in  revolt,  100,  263 
Carlist  position  in,  276 
Matilda  captured  from,  277 
Slave-dealing  abandoned  by,  233  n.2 
Wellington's  successes  in,  64 

Spain,  Lieut.  David,  478  and  n.2 

Sparshott,  Com.  Samuel,  504 

Spartan,  193,  388 

Sfiartiatt,  271 

Spec,  385 

Spedden,  Lieut.  Robert  (U.S.N.),  150 

Speedwell,  272 

Spence,  Graeme  (Marine  Surveyor),  181  and 
n.2,  182 

Spencer,  Brig.-Genl.  The  Hon.  A.  A.,  471 

Spencer,   Capt.   the    Hon.    Frederick,   250, 
259  n.,  262 

Spencer,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Sir  Robert  Caven- 
dish, 236,  237 

Spencer,  Capt.  the  Hon.  Robert  Churchill, 
150 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


587 


Spey,  505 

Sphacteria  Island,  253  and  n.2 

Spha^ia,  253  and  n.2 

Sphinx,  379,  381,  382,  384,  424,  440,  443, 

453  n.4, 472 
Spider,  215 

Spilsbury,  Com.  Francis  Brockell,  116 
Spiteful,  332,  333,  440,  443,  444,  472 
Spitfire,  406,  440,  447,  448,  453  n.4,  471, 

473,  505 

Spithead,  Review  at,  503 
Spitzbergen,  514 
Spratt,  Capt.  Thomas  Abel  Bremage,  406, 

440,  447,  448,  471,  537 
Spratt,  Lieut.  William,  373 
Sprent,  Master  James,  288 
Sprightly,  504 

Spring   Gardens,  Offices   of  Naval  Depart- 
ments in,  110 

Sproule,  Assist.-Surg.  Robert,  3G9 
Sproull,  Assist.-Surg.  Charles,  375  n.3 
Spry,  Lieut.  John  Tooker,  263  and  n.s 
Stackholme,  Lieut.  Thomas,  495 
Stafford,  Augustus  (Sec.  of  the  Adm.),  185 
Stag,  271 

Staines,  Commod.  Sir  Thomas,  261 
Stanchio  Island,  361 
Stanley.,  Com.  Edward,  275,  348,  349 
Stanley,  Capt.  Owen,  517,  521,  523 
Stanley,  Capt.  William  Pearce,  366 
Stapylton,  Maj.-Genl.  the   Hon.  Granville 

Anson  Chetwynd,  186 
Star,  129  n.3,  364 
Starling,  288,  297,  298  n.1,  300,  301,  478 

and  n.1,  494,  522 
Starr   (R.M.),   Lieut.   Edward    Henderson, 

468 

Statira,  98 
Stead,  Mr.,  291 

Steam,  Introduction  of,  194,  195 
Steam-boats    used    in    Congo   exploration, 

183  n.1 

Steam  frigates,  196 
Steam  Machinery,  Controller  of,  188 
Steam  Machinery,  Inspector  of,  188 
Steamers,  Use  of,  in  Packet  Service,  208  n.3 
Steel,  D.,  209 

Stephens  (R.M.),  Lieut.  Athelstan,  145  n. 
Stephens,  Master  John,  40  n. 
Stevens,  Lieut.  Charles  Edward,  444 
Stevens  (R.M.),  Capt.  Cornelius  James,  260 
Stevens,  Boatswain  William,  80,  82 
Steward,  Mr.,  328 
Stewart,  Capt.  Charles  (U.S.N.).  169.  1T1. 

172 
Stewart,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  Houston, 

188,  225,  312,  323,  453  n.4,458,  466,471, 

473,  548 

Stewart,  Lieut.  Keith,  478  and  n.2 
Stewart,  Com.  the  Hon.  Keith  (2),  305 
Stewart,  Lieut.  Robert  Arthur,  279  and  n.1 
Stewart,  Capt.  William  Houston,  315,  436, 

440,  444,  467,  478,  494 


Stewart,  Capt.  (U.S.N.),  98 

Stiles,  R.-Ad.,  540 

Stiloe,  Miss,  218 

Stirling,  Com.  Frederick  Henry,  475 

Stirling,  Admiral  Sir  James  (1),  226,  388, 

475  n.2,  548 

Storidart,  Lieut.  James,  302 
Stoddart,  R.-Ad.  Pringle,  545 
Stokes,  Capt.  John  Lort,  520,  521 
Stokes,  Com.  Pringle,  519 
Stokoe,  Lieut.  Thomas,  124 
Stoll,  Lieut.  John  Lake  Richard,  306 
Stone  River,  97 

Stopford,  Com.  James  John,  312 
Stopford,   V.-Ad.   the   Hon.  Sir  Montagu, 

187,  188,  440,  443,  466,  548 
Stopford,  Admiral  the  Hon.  Sir  Robert,  205, 

223,  224,  309-313,  315,   317-319,   321, 

322 
Stopford,  Com.  Robert  Fanshawe,  312,  322, 

Storekeeper-General,  186  and  n.1,  189 

Storholm,  485 

Stork,  478  and  n.1,  494,  499 

Story,   Com.   Henry   Alexander,  478,  485, 

486,  490 

Story,  Mids. ,  487 

Straaten,  Capt.  J.  A.  van  der  (Dutch),  227 

Strachan,  Sir  Richard,  213  n.3 

Straits  Settlements,  324 

Strange,  Com.  James  Newburgh,  393 

Stransham,  Genl.   Sir  Anthony   Blaxland, 

290  and  n.2 

Streletska  (Arrow)  Bay,  468 
Stridente,  462,  471 

Strode,  Com.  Augustus  Chetham,  464,  465 
Strode,  Admiral  Sir  Edward  Chetham,  545 
Stromboli,  312,  316,  320,  453  n.4,  456,  472, 

473 

Stuart,  R.-Ad.  Lord  George,  171,  543 
Stuart,  R.-Ad.  Henry,  541 
Studdert,  Com.  John  Fitzgerald,  248 
Stupait,  Lieut.  Robert  Douglas,  364 
Sturgeon  (R.M.),  Lieut.  Philip  James,  260 
Sturgess,  Sec.  Master  Richard,  384 
Styx,  388,  519 
Success,  505 

Suckling,  Com.  William  Benjamin,  504 
Suffodee,  332,  333 
Su/ren,  440 

Suleiman  Pasha,  311  and  n.,  317 
Sulina,  426,  462 
Sulina  River,  405 
Sulivan,  Admiral  Sir  Bartholomew  James, 

220,  337-339,  342,  416,  418,  419,  420, 

422,   466,  467,  478,  488,  489,  493,  498, 

530,   537;    quoted,   418-420,   479,  488, 

497  n.1 ;  cited,  500 

Sulivan,  Lieut.  George  Lydiard,  461  and  n.1 
Sulivan,  Com.  Thomas  Ball,  144  n.2, 148  n.1 
Sullivan,  Master's  Asst.  Charles,  481 
Sullivan,  Admiral  Sir  Charles,  547 
Sullivan,  Boatswain's  Mate  John,  215 


588 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Sulphur,  288,  289  n.2,  290,  292,  522 

Sumatra,  326 

Summers,  Mr,  (Missionary),  353 

Sunda  Straits,  176 

Superb,  227,  228,  230 

Superintendent  of  Transports,  186 

Superior,  116  n.1 

Superior,  Lake,  109 

Supper  hour,  219 

Surgeons,  Rank  of,  210 

Surly,  478  and  n.1 

Surveyor,  97 

Surveyor  of  the  Navy,  186  and  n.1,  189 

Surveys  and  Explorations,   181-183,  C07- 

537 

Susquekanna,  388 
Susquehanna  River,  92 
Sussex,  Duke  of,  219 
Sutton,  R.-Ad.  Samuel,  539 
Suwarrah,  246 
Svarto,  493,  496 
Svinkin,  Capt.  (Rus-ian),  256 
Swallow,  451,  453  n.4,  454,  459-461 
Swan  River,  520 
Sweaborg,  414  and  n.1,  420,  425,  426,  475, 

478  nn.  ', 2,  482,  488,  491,  492 
Sweden,  425 
Swilly,  Lough,  517 
Swinger,  237,  478 
Sydcnham,  Lord,  185 
Sykes,  Admiral  John  (1),  544 
Sykes,  Lieut.  John  (2),  31  n.3 
Symonds,  Capt.  Thomas  Matthew  Charles, 

305,  398  n.,  402,  440,  466 
Symonds,  Capt.  Sir  William,  186,  191-193, 

199,  276 

Symons,  Mids.  Henry,  150  n.1 
Syren,  25 
Syria,  303-323 
Syriam,  245  ;  River,  241 


TABLE  BAY,  518 

Tactics,  47,  52 

Taganrog,  457,  461 

Tage,  419 

Taishan,  297 

Tait,  K.-Ad.  James  Haldaiie,  545 

Tait,  Capt.  Robert,  271 

Talavera,  271,  505 

Talhot,  Admiral  Sir  Charles,  330,  331,  549 

Talbot,  Admiral  the  Hon  Sir  John,  538 

Talbot,  254,  256,  258,  259,  262,  312,  318  n., 

319-321  n.1,  536 
Tainan,  462 
Tamar,  250 
Tamatave,  345,  518 
Tampassuk  River,  334 
Tarinski  Bay,  430 
Tarleton,  Capt.  John  Walter,  372,  377-379 

and  n.2,  382,  381 
Tartar,  478,  499 
Tartars,  297,  298,  301,  302 


Tartarus,  164,  165,  199 

Tatham,  Com.  Edward,  408 

Tatnall,  l.ieut.  James  Barnwell,  150 

Tatnall,  Lieut.  Robert  Cooper,  496 

Tatnall,  Mids.  (U.S.N.),  93 

Taupo,  349 

Tavoy,  241,  243,  249 

Tay,  504 

Tayler,  Capt.  Joseph  Needham,  203 

Taylor,  Act. -Gunner  G,,  478  and  n.2 

Taylor,  Com.  John  (1),  53,  56  n.2 

Taylor,  Genl.  (U.S.),  94 

Te  Rauperaha,  349 

Teazer,  367,  369,  370,  394 

Tees,  242,  247,  250 

Teignmouth,  243,  214 

Telegraph,  504 

Temple,  V.-Ad.  Francis,  543 

Temple,  Lieut.  Henry,  394 

Temriouk,  458,  462 

Tenasserim,  241,  243,  247,  249 

Tenasserirn,  288,  299  n.,  300,  372,  373,  375, 

376 

Tenedos,  167-169 
Tennessee,  8 

Terdre,  Act-Boatswain  J.,  478  and  n.2 
Ternate,  233 
Terrible,  195,  400,  401,  406,  408,  433,  440, 

444,  445,  453  n.4,  472  n. 
Ttrror,  198,  505,  516,  517,  525,  527 
Tevenuinne,  417 
Thais,  505 
'IhaUa,  276 

Than-ta-bain,  242,  245 
Tharrawaddy,  371 
Therapia,  396 

Thetis,  203,  220  and  n.2,  237,  394,  505 
Thetis,  213  n.3 
Thingang,  247 

"  Thirty  Years  from  Home"  cited,  43  and  n.1 
Thistle,  478  and  n.1,  494 
Thomas,  R.-Ad.  Richard,  225 
Thomas,  Admiral  Richard  (2),  543 
Thomas,  Lieut.  Robert,  527 
Thomas,  Com.  William  Sidney,  279 
Thomoud,  V.-Ad.  Lord  James,  Marquis  of, 

540 
Thompson,  Rt.  Hon.  Charles  Poulet  (Lord 

Sydenham),  185 
Thompson,  Edward,  481 
Thompson,  V.-Ad.  Norborne,  540 
Thompson,  V.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas  Boulden,  185 
Thompson,  Com.  Thomas  Pickering,  351  n.4 
Thorns,  Boatswain  John,  478  and  n.2 
Thomson,  John  Deas  (Accouut.-Gen.),  186 
Thontai,  241 

Thornbrough,  Admiral  Sir  Kdward,  223 
Thome,  Paymaster  Charles  Augustus,  445 
Thornton,  Lieut.  Samuel,  238 
Thracian,  235 
Three  Sisters,  361 
Thunder,  198 
Thunderbolt,  198,  585 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


589 


Tliunderer,  310,  312,  314,  316,  318  n.,  319, 

320 
Ticonderoga,  132  n.2,  133  and  n.2,  135-138, 

140, 141 

Tien]  akh,  353,  354,  359 
Tiger,  199  and  n.°,  200,  400,  403,  404,  500 
Tiger  Island,  274 
Tigress,  120,  122,  124,  128,  129 
Times,  quoted,  59,  154,  442 
Tinan,  K.-Ad.  Lebarbier  de  (Fr.),  398,  399 
Tindal,  Com.  Louis  Symonds,  288,  366 
Tinghae,  282,  291,  295 
Tinling,  B.-Ad.  Charles,  541 
Ti-pings,  386 
Tirailleuse,  471 
Tobacco,  210 

Tobin,  R.-Ad.  George,  542 
Tocsin,  493 

Tolboukin  Lighthouse,  420,  499 
Tollemache,   V.-Ad.   John    Richard   Delap 

(V.-Ad.  John  Halliday),  53S 
Tomlinson,  V.-Ad.  Nicholas,  541 
Tompkins,  115 
Tongarron,  326 
Tongatabu,  323 
Tongking,  353 
Tonnage,  System  of  measuring,  25  n.,  27, 

119,  120 

Tonnant,  144  n.2,  149  n.1 
Tonnante,  470,  472 
Tonneloro,  343,  344 
Topaze,  199  n.2,  233 
Torche,  493 
Tornea,  482 
Torpedo,  176 
Torpedoes,  483,  484 
Torres  Strait,  522,  523 
Tortoise,  393 
Tortosa,  315 

Tottenham,  Lieut.  John  Francis,  363 
Tottenham,  Lieut.  William,  325 
Touchard,  Capt.  (Fr.),  440 
T.mgla,  Lake,  473 
Tourville,  477  n. 
Tower,  R.-Ad.  John,  543 
Townsend,  Lieut.  Samuel  Philip,  463,  464, 

471 
Townshend,    Capt.    Lord    James    Nugent 

Boyle  Bernards,  32 

Townshend,  R.-Ad.  John,  Marquess,  503 
Tovvsen,  Capt.  (U.S.N.),  118 
Tracey,  Mids.  Martin,  459 
Trade,  Damage  to — American,  58,  64,  65, 

68,  69,  74,  151,  152,  158,  161 ;  British, 

58-60,  72-74,  152,  153,  177 
Trafalgar,  201,  205,  213  n.3 
Trafalgar,  409,  440,  444,  445  n.2 
Tragns  Millas,  367 
Training,  Importance  of,  178—180 
Transit,  503 

Transit  of  Venus  expedition,  182 
Transports,  Controller  of,  189 
Transports,  Superintendent  of,  186 


Transsund,  487 

Tranvik  Point,  422 

Traoe,  149n.' 

Travers,  Mids.  John,  165  n.2 

Travis,  William  S.,  97 

Treasurer  of  the  Navy,  185 

Treaties — 

Adriancipl",  308 

Borneo,  335 

Hyderabad,  279 

London  (1827),  252;  (1840),  310 

Paris,  503 

Unkiar-Skelessi,  309 

Waitangi,  347 

Yandaboo,  249,  371 
Trebizond,  399 
Treforcas,  Cape,  360-362 
Trehouart,   Capt.   Francois   Thomas  (Fr.), 

338-341,  343 
Trehouart,  343 

Tremlett,  V.-Ad.  Henry  Brown,  543 
Trench,  R.-Ad.  the  Hon.  William  Le  Poor, 

543 

Trent,  507,  503 
Trewavas,  Joseph,  215,  459 
Tribune,   199,   200,   413,  435,    440,    443, 

453  n.4,  471,  472  n.,  505 
Trident,  256,  419 
TrincomaJee,  212,  429,  430,  475 
Trinidad,  Gulf  of,  519 
Tripoli,  519 
Tripoli,  236 

Trippe,  120,  122,  124-126 
Triscott,  Lieut.  Richard  Shepheard,  251 
Tristan  d'Acunha,  173 
Triton,  440,  443,  444  n.! 
Trombe,  493 
Trotter,   Capt.    Henry    Dundas,    272,   273, 

519 
Troubridge,  Capt.   Edward   Norwich,  288, 

354,  355 
Troubridgp,  R.-Ad.   Sir   Edward   Thorna*, 

197,  545 

Truce,  Flags  of,  in  Crimean  War,  482 
Trustij,  198 
Tsekee,  296,  297 
Tsour,  315 

Tsungming,  284  and  n. 
Tucker,  Admiral  Sir  Edward,  545 
Tucker,  Capt.  John  Jervis,  188 
Tucker,  Com.  Thomas  Tudor,  101,  107 
Tucker,  Capt.  William  (3),  306  and  n.1 
Tuckey,  Com.  James  Kingston,  183  and  n.2 
Tudor,  Lieut.  John,  288 
Tunis,  Pirates  of,  231 
Turkey:— 

Crimean  War :  see  that  title 
Rebellion  in  (1821),  251 
Syrian  Campaign  (1840),  308-323 
Turnauain,  Cape,  514 
Turner,  Master  Charles,  390 
Turner,  Mids.  Nicholas  Edward  Brook,  350 
Turner,  Lieut.,  128 


590 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Turner,  Mr.,  125 

Tumour,  Lieut.  Edward  Winterton,  327 

Turpin,  Com.  (Fr.),  256 

Tweed,  212,  218,  219  n." 

Twin,  Sergeant  (U.S.  Mar.),  81 

Tyc'-cktow,  285,  289 

Tylden,  Lieut.  Henry  Manby,  344 

Tyloo,  388 

Tymruoon  Bay,  388 

Tyne,  220,  234,  235 

Tyre,  315 

Tyrone,  449  n.1 

Tysami,  356 

Tzeeapo,  355 

ULEABORG,  417 

Vlloa,  440 

Umba,  474 

Umfreville,  Com.  John  Brand,  150 

Unaio,  367 

Undop  River,  327,  328 

Uniacke  (R.M.),  Lieut.  James,  150  n.1 

Uniform,  210-212 

Union,  505 

United  States  :  see  America 

United  States,  25,  26,  30,  41-45,  62 

Unkiar-Skelessi,  Treaty  of,  309 

Uruguay,  336 ;  River,  337 

Ussher,  Lieut.  Sidney  Henry,  275,  364 

Ussher,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Thomas,  546 

Valmy,  440 

Valorous,  413,  416,  417,  420,  424,  448,  450, 

451,  453  n.*,  471 
Valparaiso,  100,  101,  263 
Vancouver's  Island,  394,  476 
Vandalia,  388 

Vanguard,  193,  200,  312,  322 
Vansittart,  Capt.  Edward  Westby,  390 
Vansittart,  V.-Ad.  Henry,  541 
Vansittart,  Capt.  Nicholas,  333,  478,  480, 

482,  486,  489,  494 
Varese,  Capt.  de  (Fr.),  440 
Vargon,  493,  496 
Varna,  404-406 

Vassal!,   Com.   Spencer    Lambert   Hunter, 
275 

I'ouion,  400,  401,  440 
Vaughan,  Lieut.  Henry,  468  and  n.10 
Vaughan,  Lieut.  James  William,  444 

Veloz  Pasajero,  269 

Veneto,  312 

Vengador,  269 

Vengeance,  419,  440,  444 

Venus,  292,  293 
Vera  Cruz,  305 

Vernon,  192,  193,  200,  212,  271 

Vestal,  192,  305,  330,  331,  392,  393 

Vesuvius,  312,  320,  403-405,  412  and  n.5, 
437,  440,  449,  453  n.4,  458-463 

Viborg  Bay,  480 

Victor,  505 

Victor  Emmanuel,  199  n.1 


Victoria,  370 

Victoria  (Aust.),  3~>5 

Victoria,  Queen,  Review  of  fleet  by,  503 

Victoria    and    Albert  (1)   (O&borne),   199 

and  n.12 

Victoria  and  Albert  (2),  199  and  n.13,  503 
Victoria  Cross,  214,  215, 221,  323,  420, 440, 

449,  450,  456,  457  n.1,  459,  487 
Victoria  Land,  526 
Victorious,  213  n.3 
Victory,  212,  514-516 
Victory,  Cape,  529 
Victualling,  Controller  of,  189 
Victualling  Board,  Abolition  of,  186  n.1 
Vidal,   Com.   Alexander    Thomas   Emeric, 

518,  548 

Vienna  Conference,  396-398 
Vigilant,  504 
Villa  Flor,  267 
Ville  de  Marseille,  440 
Ville  de  Paris,  409,  440 
Villeneuve,  R.-Ad.  Ducrest  de  (Fr.),  270 
Villiers,  Lieut.  Arthur  Julian,  478  and  n.2 
Viloce,  450 
Violet,  362 

Viper,  199  n.10,  450,  451,  453  n.4,  472 
Viper  (U.S.),  25,  57  and  n. 
Virago,  429,  430 
Virginia,  67,  69,  94,  151,  161 
Virginie,  419 
Virta  Nemi,  Bay  of,  499 
Visconti,  Lieut.   Eugene   Gustave   Francis 

Guidoboni,  391 

Vixen,  288,  300,  329-331,  349,  350 
Vixen  (U.S.),  25,  57  and  n. 
Vladimir,  407,  448 
Vodina,  463 
Volage,   271,  277,  278,  281-283  n.2,  284, 

288,  521 

Volcano,  367,  369,  478  and  n.1 
Voula  Bay,  523 
Vulture,  417,  478  and  n.1,  484,  493-496 

WADE,  Lieut.  Charles  Francis,  327,  328 
Wahab,  Major,  238,  240 
Wailly,  Capt.  Warmer  de  (Fr.),  400 
Wainwright,  Mids.  James  Francis  Ballard, 

218  n.8 

Wainwright,  Capt.  John,  144  n.2 
Wairu,  347 

Waitangi,  Treaty  of,  347 
Wake,  Mate  Baldwin  Arden,  275 
Wakefield,  Mids.  Arthur,  145  n. 
Wakeham,  Purser  Cyrus,  519  n.4 
Walcott,  Capt.  John  Edward,  235 
Waldegrave,   The    Hon.   Granville    George 

(Lord  Radstock),  545 
Waldegrave,  Capt.  the   Hon.  William  (2), 

312  3^3 

Wales',  Com.  Richard  Walter,  159,  160 
Walfisch  Bay,  518 
Walker,   R.-Ad.   Sir   Baldwin   Wake,  186, 

311,  312,  319,  323 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME   VI. 


591 


Walker,  Lieut.  Douglas,  360  and  n.8 

Walker,  Lieut.  Henry  (1),  230 

Walker,  ll.-Ad.  James  (2),  539 

Walker,  Michael,  514 

Walker  (R.M.),  Lieut.-Col.  William,  314  n.1, 

315,  322,  323 
Walker,  Cape,  534 
Wall,  Act.  Master  A.  P.,  288 
Wallace,  Act.  Gunner  Henry,  478  and  n.2 
Wallace,  Lieut.  James,  2C6  and  n.1 
Wallage  (I.N.),  Capt.,  335 
Walling,  Assist.-Surg.  Michael,  369 
Wallis,  Admiral   of   the  Fleet   Sir   Provo 

William  Parry,  83  and  n.1,  305,  548 
Walpole,  Com.  William,  234 
Walpole,  V.-Ad.  William  (2),  548 
Walton,  K.-Ad.  Jacob,  542 
Wanderer,  288,  306,  326,  448 
Wanganui,  349 
Wangtong  Island,  232 
Wangtung,  289,  291,  295  ;  Fort,  273 
AVard,  Henry  G.  (Sec.  of  the  Adm.),  185 
Ward,  Com.  James  Hamilton,  312 
Ward,  Lieut.  John  (4),  490 
Ward,  R.-Ad.  William  (1),  546 
Warden,   Capt.    Frederick,   188,  312,  413, 

478,  485,  490 

Warden,  Act.  Master  William,  284,  288 
Wardenburg,  Capt.  J.  F.  C.  (Dutch),  227 
Warrant  Officers,  Rank  of,  210 
Warree,  393 

Warren,  V.-Ad.  Frederick,  187,  541 
Warren,  Admiral  Sir  John  Borlase,  70,  92- 

94,  99  n. 

Warren,  Sec.  Master  Richard  Henry,  342 
Warren,  Capt.  Richard  Laird,  415,  478 
Warren,  R.-Ad.  Sir  Samuel  (2),  542 
Warren,  Capt.  William,  272,  281,  288,  304 
Warrington,  Capt.  Lewis  (U.S.N.),  159-161, 

176 

Warspite,  248 
War-steamers,  176 
Wasa,  482,  490 
Wasey,  Lieut.  Edward  Frodsham  Noel  K., 

301,  366 

Washington,  66,  93,  143-147,  153 
Washington,  George,  7 
Washington,  Capt.  John,  188 
Wasp,  211  and  n.',  312,  314,  316,  318  n., 

319,  320,  364,  446 
Wasp  (U.S.),  25,  27,  31-41,  158,  159,  161- 

166 

Water Mitch,  366-369 
Watkins,  Mr.,  356 
Watson,   Capt.   Rundle   Burges,   288,  301, 

302  and  n.2,  301,  413,  420,  427,  478 
Watson,   Lieut.   William   Henry  (U.8.N.), 

87 

Watt,  Lieut.  George  Thomas  L.,  81,  82 
Watts,  R.-Ad.  George  Edward,  547 
Watts,  Isaac  (Chief  Constructor),  186 
Wauchope,  Admiral  Robert,  547 
Weazel,  478  and  n.1,  494 


WTebb,  Lieut.  Alexander,  344  n. 
Webb,  Lieut.  William  Henry,  341 

Webb,  Master's  Asst. ,  344  and  u. 

Webley,  R.-Ad.  William  Henry  (W.  H.  W. 
Parry),  542 

Weddell, (Master  in  Mercht  Serv.),  525 

Wellesley,  Capt.  George  Greville,  478,  494, 

496,  497,  500 
Wellesley,  279,  282  n.2,  283  and  nn.,  285, 

288-290,  294 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  64.  141  and  n.',  184  n. 
Wellington  Channel,  510,  527,  534,  535 
Wells,  Lieut.  Eudo,  329 
Wemyss,  Com.  Charles  (2),  504      • 
Weinyss,  R.-Ad.  James  Erskine,  547 
Wemyss  (R.M.A.),   Capt.   John    Maurice, 

479  and  n.1,  493 
Werolax  Bay,  486 
Weser,  459,  460,  462,  463 
West,  Sec.  Master  Alfred  0.,  385,  386 
West,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  Sir  John,  224, 

538 
West  Indies,  57,  58,  60,  153,  268,  277,  521 ; 

Station,  273,  305,  306 
Westphal,  Lieut.  Philip,  96 
Whaling  trade,  100,  108,  517 
Whampoa,  232,  287,  290,  354 
Wharton,  Capt.  Sir  William  James  Lloyd, 

537 

Wheatley,  Lieut.  John,  251 
Whinyates,  Com.  Thomas,  38,  40  and  n.,  41 
White,  Mids.  George  (la),  234 
White,  Lieut.  John  (2),  504 
White,   V.-Ad.   Sir  John   Chambers,   205, 

224,  329,  540 
White,  Com.  Richard  Dunning,  478,  488, 

489 

White  House  Spit,  463 
White  Pagoda,  380  and  n.2 
White  Sea,  428,  429,  474 
Whitehall,  Offices  of  Naval  Departments  in, 

190 

Whiting,  504 

Whitshed,  Sir  James  Hawkins,  223 
Whydah,  305 

Whylock  (R.M.),  Capt.  James,  316 
Wickham,  Lieut.  John  Clements,  519,  520 
Widows,  Pensions  to,  206 
Wight,  V.-Ad.  John,  542 
Wilberfone,  519  n.3 
Wilde,  Lieut.  Sydenham,  249  and  n.3 
Wildman,  Mate  Leveson,  424  n.3 
Wilkinson,  Com.  James,  238,  247,  266,  267 
Wilkinson,  Bombardier  Thomas,  215 
Wilkinson,  Ge.il.  (U.S.),  114 
Willcox,  Lieut.  James,  330,  357,  358,  360 
and  n.s,  385,  386,  413,  418,  468  and  n.1, 
472,  500 

William  IV.,  King,  211,  270,  271 
William  Henry,  H.K.H.  Prince,  184 
William,  48  n.°,  52  n.2 
Williams,  Capt.  Charles  Hamlyn,  505 
Williams,  Lieut.  George  Bell,  367 


592 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME    VI. 


Williams,  Hamilton,  quoted,  454 
Williams  (li.M.),  Lieut.  John  William  Coil- 
man,  370 

Williams,  K.-Ad.  Robert  (1),  539 
Williams,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  223 
Williams,  Com.  Woodford  John,  312,  316 
Willie,  Mate  William  0.,  519  n.4 
Willoughby,  B.-Ad.  Sir  Nisbet  Josiah,  546 
Willoughby,  Admiral    Sir   Thomas   Lake, 

538 

Willson  (R.M.),  Capt,  James,  230 
Wilmot,  Capt.  Arthur  Parry  Eardley,  212, 

367,440  ". »-£•••' 

Wilmshurst,  Lieut.  Arthur,  303 
Wilson,  Com.  Edmund,  3*5  . 

Wilson,  Lieut.  John  (ft),  364  and  n.,  365 
Wilson,  Capt.  Thomas  (2),  388 
Wilson,  Mate  William  Charles  Fahie,  384 
Winchester,  379,  384,  388 
Windau,  482,  490 
Winder,  Genl.  (U.S.),  144 
Wingo  Sound,  414 
Winsor,  George,  241,  242 
Winthrop,  Lieut.  Hay  Erskine  Shipley,  505 
Winthrop,  V.-Ad.  Robert,  538 
Wintle,  Lieut.  Frederick  Boughton,  40  n. 
Wise,  .Lieut.    Charles    Arthur,    417,    478 

and  n.2 
Wise,  R.-Ad.  William  Furlong,  227  and  n.3, 

544 

Wodehouse,  Lieut.  Armine,  496 
Wodehouse,  Genl.  George,  393 
Wodehouse,  V.-Ad.  the  Hon.  Philip,  188, 

538 

Wolf,  275,  505 
Wolfe,  115 

Wollaston,  V.-Ad.  Charles,  5il 
Wolley,  Capt.  Isaac,  188 
Wolstenholme  Sound,  531 
Wolverine,  306,  330,  331,  506 
Wongmakok,  353 
Wood,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Charles,  185 
Wood,  Mids.  Evelyn,  435 
Wood,  Lieut.  George,  505 
Wood,  Master  James,  505 
Wood,  R.-Ad.  Sir  James  Athol,  539 
Wood,  Lieut.  William  Cotterell,  288 
Woodhouse,  Assist.-Surg.  James,  519  n.4 
Woolcombe,   Lieut.    Henry    Bedford,   495, 

496 

Wooldridge,  Mate  Samuel  Otway,  276 
Woollcombe,  Com.  Frederick,  388 
Woolsey,      Capt.      Melancthon      Thomas 

(U.S.N.),  111,  116 
Woolwich,  198,  207  and  n.1 
Woosung,  298-300 
Wormeley,  R.-Ad.  Ralph  Randolph,  547 


Worms!)  Island,  488 

Woronzoff  Road,  435 

Wursley,  Lieut.  Miller,  128,  129  n.2 

Worsley,  V.-Ad.  Richard,  539 

Worth,  Com.  Henry,  317 

Wrangel  Land,  530 

Wrangler,  199  n.10,  453  n.4,  454,  460  and  n.' 

462,  472 

Wrecks.     See  Losses. 
Wrey,  Lieut.  Charles  Joseph,  389 
Wright,  Lieut.  Charles  Mayson  Moncrieffe, 

234  •     ;    . 

Wright,  Lieut.  Fr.  derick  Augustus,  56  n.1 
Wyke,  Mids.  George,,  249 
Wynniatt,  Lieut.  Robert  James,"  496 
Wyvill,  R.-Ad.  Christopher,  187,  188,  549 

YANDABOO,  Treaty  of,  24 9, '371 

Yang,  Commissioner,  290,  297 

Yangkingpang,  387 

Yangtsekiang,  386 ;  River,  298-301 

Yarnau,  Lieut.  (U.S.N.),  125 

Yathunah-gee-mhon,  372  and  n.,2  373 

Yeh,  243 

Yellala  Rapids,  183 

Yelverton,   Capt.    Hastings  Reginald,  413, 

417,  418,  466,  478,  486-488;  quoted,  489 
Yenikale,  454 
Yeo.(Lake  Ontario),  134 
Yeo,  Capt.  Sir  James  Lucas,  57  n.,  112-117, 

141  n.2 

Yeocomico  Creek,  96 
Yeu,  249 
Yezekeyeel,  256 
York  (Ontario),  112,  113,  146;  River,  97; 

Bay,  115 

Young,  Mate  Charles  Henry,  330 
Young,  Com.  Sir  George  (5),  271 
Young,  Lieut.  Robert  Benjamin,  213  n.4 
Young,  Master's  Mate  William,  88 
Young,  V.-Ad.  (2),  542 
Young  Hebe,  283  n.1,  288,  522 
Young  Queen,  326 
Youngyour.,  246 

Yule,  Com.  Charles  Bamford,  523 
Yule  (R.M.A.),  George,  371 
Yuyao,  296 

ZANTE,  253 

Zanzibar,  518 

Zaragozana,  235 

Zebra,  262,  312,  315,  322,  505 

Zelee,  345 

Zenobia,  379 

Zenobie,  419 

Ziei-vogi-1,  Capt.  Petrus  (Dutch),  227 

Zulnland,  308 


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