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Full text of "Royalty in Canada; embracing sketches of the House of Argyll, the Right Honorable the Marquis of Lorne, (Governor-General of Canada) Her Royal Highness the Princess Louise and members of the new government"

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(G-overnor-Greneral of Canada), 





Author of " The Comprehensive Hixtory of the Dominion of Canada," 
" Encyclopaedia," and other works. 


JHontrral ; 



A second edition of this work, in elegant binding, containing the 
proceedings, speeches, etc., etc., in connection with the reception of 
the Marquis and Princess at Halifax, Ottawa and other places, will be 
issued in time for Holiday presents at the same price of the present 

Registered according to Act of Parliament of Canada, A. D. 1878. 


In the Office of the Minister of Agriculture at Ottawa. 



IT is desirable that the reader should know with 
what haste this little volume has been prepared. 
This, it is believed, will afford an ample apology for 
any defects which may appear. 

On Tuesday afternoon of last week, the writer was 
requested to prepare a sketch of Her Eoyal High- 
ness the PRINCESS LOUISE, and His Excellency the 
MARQUIS OF LORNE, the new Governor-General of 
the Dominion. On Wednesday morning, work was 
commenced in accordance -therewith, and on Satur- 
day evening of the same week the whole of the 
manuscript was completed. Mention is made of 
this, not as an evidence of rapid work, but as an 
excuse, on the part of the writer, for not furnishing 
a more perfect volume. 

Notwithstanding the hurried manner in which it 
has been prepared, this little volume will present 
a very full sketch of the House of Campbell, of Her 
Royal Highness, the Princess Louise, and the Mar- 
quis of Lome, and the members of the new Govern- 
ment of the Dominion, and will, perhaps, meet the 
want which it is intended to supply. 


The writer, however, regrets that as its publica- 
tion upon a certain date was made imperative, no 
more time could be allowed him to perfect his 

C. U. T. 
MONTREAL, Nov. 9, 1878. 



I. INTRODUCTORY - - - - - - - - - 17 

II. Story of the House of Argyll 33 

III. Sketch of the Eight Honorable the Marquis of Lome 75 

IV. Sketch of H. R. H. the Princess Louise 85 

V. Our new Governor-General - - 1 1 1 

VI. Canada Political Situation - 127 

VII. The Dominion Cabinet, 1878-9 - - 153 

VIII. Parliamentary and Legislative Directory, etc., etc. - 201 


PORTRAIT OF Her Majesty, Queen Victoria. 

" :i Her Royal Highness, the Princess Louise. 

" His Excellency, the Marquis of Lome, Governor-General 

of Canada. 
" " Gen. the Honorable Sir Patrick Macdougall. 

' : Right Honorable Sir John A. Macdonald, K.C.B., Premier, 

and Minister of Interior. 
" Honorable Samuel L. Tilley, C.B., minister of Finance. 

Honorable Charles Tupper, C.B., M.D., Minister of Public 

Honorable J. H. Pope, Minister of Agriculture. 
" " Honorable John O'Connor, President of the Council. 
" ' Honorable James Macdonald, Minister of Justice. 

" Honorable L. F. R. Masson, Minister of Militia. 
u " Honorable H. L. Langevin, Postmaster- General. 

" Honorable J. C. Pope, Minister of Marine and Fisheries. 
" ". Honorable Mackenzie Bowell, Minister of Customs. 
11 " Honorable J. C. Aikins, Secretary of State. 

" Honorable Alexander Campbell, Receiver-General. 
" u Honorable L. F. G. Baby, Minister of Inland Revenue. 

N. B. These Portraits are neatly grouped together and printed on 
heavy plate paper, 22 x 28 inches in size, one copy of which is given 
with each copy of the book. 


A thrill of joy burst upon the Dominion with the 
announcement that a member of the Eoyal Family 
was coming to take up her abode in Canada. The 
nobleman himself, The Eight Honorable, the Mar- 
quis of Lome, w r ho was named to succeed the Earl 
of Dufferin, as our Governor-General, was for the 
instant, overlooked in our enthusiastic rejoicing 
over the great compliment which Her Majesty paid 
to our loyalty in sending to us her beautiful and 
accomplished daughter, the Princess Louise. All 
hearts throbbed with a new interest. "We felt that 
we were moving nearer to the throne of our G-racious 
Sovereign ; that we were being rewarded, as a peo- 
ple, for our faithful obedience to the Crown : that we 
were rising to the full dignity of British citizenship ; 
and our loyal hearts would fain have sent one long, 
broad, deep acclaim of WELCOME ! across the ocean 
to greet the departure of Her Eoyal Highness. 

In the midst of our joy at the coming of the prin- 
cess there was but one feeling of regret, and we will 
be pardoned for referring to this at the very outset. 
It was consequent upon the departure from our 


shores of their Excellencies the Earl and Countess of 
Dufferin. "We can adopt the language of Thomas 
White, Esq., M.P., in reference to Lord Dufferin's 
administration and express the sentiment of the 
whole Canadian people : " It is only the simple 
" truth to say that, of the nine statesmen who have 
" represented Her Gracious Majesty in this country 
" since the Union of 1841, Earl Dufferin succeeded 
" best in winning the esteem and effection of the 
" entire population. We do not make this statement 
u for the purpose of detracting from the merits of 
" his Lordship's illustrious predecessors. Every one 
" of them had his characteristic gifts and graces, and 
" they were all men of imperial distinction and re- 
" nown. Some of them were quite equal to Lord 
" Dufferin in those qualities which go to the making 
" of statesmen. Almost all of them encountered 
u during their career in Canada difficulties as trouble- 
" some and dilemmas as puzzling as he did. But, 
" in meeting the vexed questions of their times, we 
" may assert, without exaggeration and without fear, 
" that none of them displayed the same tact and put 
" forth the same variety of power. He has the na- 
" tural gift for ruling men, and he exercises it in a 
u manner which renders his rule pleasing as well as 
" firm. But the chief secret of the marked success 
" which attended his whole administration was in 
" the fact that he took a deep and a real interest in 
<J the country and the people. He always seemed to 


"identify himself with our progress. He always 
" gave it to be understood, by word and act, that he 
" had a share in our happiness, that our advance- 
" ment in all that was best was to him a personal 
" matter, in which his own well-being and pros- 
" perity were concerned. His G-overnment was as 
" far as possible from being merely perfunctory. It 
" was a pleasure to him to take part in anything in 
" which the people were interested. This deep and 
" constant interest in whatever touched, directly or 
" indirectly, on our welfare, added to his many-sided 
" culture and broad humanity, made him a model 
" Governor. He sympathized with everything that 
41 was Canadian, and was himself as much Canadian 
" as it was possible for him to be. In social life he 
" was largely and generously hospitable, thus setting 
" an example of the best taste. A scholar and au- 
" thor, he took a lively interest in our educational 
" progress and in our literary efforts. Even when 
" about to receive an honorary degree from McGrill 
" University, he showed that he regarded the dis- 
" tinction as something not merely formal by pre- 
" paring himself for it. Indeed, his frequent pre- 
" sence at our educational institutions, and his 
" unaffected and hearty sympathy with ^Jy$* the 
" success of our students, which he showed also in 
" more substantial ways, have been the means of 
" giving an impetus to the love of learning which, 
" it is to be hoped, his memory will prevent be- 


11 coming weak. He was at home in all our manly 
" sports, which he did more than any preceding G-ov- 
" ernor to encourage. He did much to strengthen 
" our volunteer force by his ready co-operation in 
" every movement that tended to its improvement. 
" An artist, he was a cordial, as well as critical, 
" patron of Canadian art. In fact, so numerous are 
" the phases in which he manifested his desire that 
" Canada should advance pan passu with the most 
" civilized and growing of modern countries, that 
" we cannot mention them all, and a simple account 
" of the boons conferred by his potent and benefi- 
" cent individuality on the Dominion, would resem- 
" ble a panegyric or a picture of what a governor 
" ought to be. Certainly such praise as this is ap- 
" plicable to none of our previous viceroys, and to 
" few who have ever occupied that high position 
" anywhere." 

The great regard entertained by all Canadians for 
the^r Excellencies the Earl and Countess of Dufferin 
must be a sufficient apology for this digression. The 
regret felt at their departure, however, was more 
than counterbalanced by the joy consequent upon 
the appointment of their successors. It has long 
been a cherished hope that one of Her Majesty's 
sons or daughters should be sent to Canada, and now 
that this hope has been realized, Canadian loyalty 
will experience new growth. Beyond this, we may 
expect that, with a nobleman of well known literary 

1NTR OJ) UCTOR Y. 2 1 

iastes and ability, and a Princess whose artistic skill 
is universally acknowledged, filling the most im- 
portant station in the Dominion, a spirit of culture 
will be developed and the circle of the educated and 
refined, elevated and expanded. 

From a social point of view, the presence of the 
Princess cannot fail to produce the very best results. 
In what we call fashionable circles, just now, there is 
a decided tremor of agitation as to how accessible 
Eideau Hall will be to society during her residence 
here. We all know that society worshipped Lord 
and Lady Dufferin, and it may be that their success 
in this respect will make it difficult for their suc- 
cessors. In their time there were many dinners, 
balls, at-homes, theatricals, concerts and skating 
parties, which were so generously managed as to 
gather in society in a most liberal extent. Indeed 
so wide was the hospitality of Eideau Hall, that 
some of the more exclusive were, on more than one 
occasion, heard to complain that the circle surround- 
ing it was rather two elastic. These are now con- 
gratulating themselves upon an expected change, 
while, on the other hand, those who constituted 
the real heart and life of society in its broadest days, 
are in doubt as to whether Her Eoyal Highness will 
encourage or subdue them. It is believed by some, 
and not without reason, that the appointment of the 
Marquis is but the precursor of a genuine Eoyal 
Governor- General, and that, in due course he will 


be succeeded by the Duke of Edinburgh, and that 
he will be made a permanent viceroy. Certainly 
such a forecast augurs well for the social position of 
Canada. If realized, it would create a most delight- 
ful social life ; noble families would probably be in- 
duced to come to Canada ; while wealthy and aristo- 
cratic persons throughout the Dominion would move 
to Ottawa ; and there would undoubtedly be an 
influx, at certain seasons, of the richest families from 
the large American cities. 

There are those who rejoice at the prospect of all 
this, while on the other hand, one will not unfre- 
quently meet with those who regret it on these 
grounds : they fear that the splendor and expense of 
a household befitting the rank of royalty will bring 
about a taste for extravagant display on the part of 
the people of Canada, which they have not the 
means to gratify. But these things will regulate 
themselves. Whether we shall have another mem- 
ber of the Eoyal Family to succeed the Princess, will 
very much depend upon the results of this experi- 
ment. Those who take alarm at the prospect of 
extravagence have no grounds for serious fears. The 
Marquis is a nobleman of considerable wealth, but 
his training and the examples set for him by a long 
line of illustrious ancestors, are such as to warrant 
the belief that his administration will not be charac- 
terized by needless expenditure, and it must be well 
known to all that the salary of the G-overnor-G-eneral 


is not sufficient to defray even the necessary expenses 
of the post. The Princess, on the other hand, re- 
ceived but <30,000 as her dower, and the scanty 
allowance of ,6,000 per annum, granted by parlia- 
ment. These facts, together with the principles of 
'economy which have always been shown by Her 
Majesty, the Queen, seem to warrant, beyond any 
doubt, that the conduct of Her Royal Highness, 
while in Canada, will be in keeping with her res- 
ponsibilities to this country. 

But after all, we must not expect that the Princess 
will fill the same place in the social world that 
Lady DuTerin occupied ; nor that she will be, in 
any large degree, accessible by those who most 
display thamselves in society. This would not be 
suitable to her rank. It would be simply impossible. 
While in tiiis country she will, in a higher sense 
than is possible to His Excellency the G-ovemor- 
General, represent Her Gracious Majesty ; and we 
have no rigit to expect any conduct at her hands 
that would be unbecoming the {Sovereign herself. 
The Princess, at the English Court, and the Princess 
at Bideau Hall must, in the nature of things, be very 
different ; and this difference will not bring her 
nearer to thi people, but rather elevate her still 
higher above them. At the former station she can 
be, at most, hit a Princess ; at the latter she will be 
all that and fir more. She will be our Queen ! and 


we should prepare ourselves to receive her as we 
should Her Majesty the Queen ! 

But these views of the great dignity which must 
necessarily surround the person of the Princess, while 
in Canada, should produce no fears in the fashion- 
able circle. There will be no restraint upon society, 
no subducing of Canadian aristocracy. Nothing of 
the kind. On the contrary, the presence of the Prin- 
cess at Ottawa will impart a new life, a new bril- 
liancy to the social circle. She will be the centre of 
a grand social sentiment, the rallying poiat for a 
rising aristocracy ; and yet the court of Her Royal 
Highness will not be accessible, except to those of 
special rank and position. We must reconcile our- 
selves to this change. "We must learn to discriminate 
between rank and Royalty. The latter cai be main- 
tained in proper regard only by keeping its imperial 
head above the nobility. "We have had a Countess, 
but never before a Princess, at RideauHall. "We 
have had nobility, but never before Royalty, at our 
vice-regal Court. 

The presence of the Princess in Canada will have 
more than a social significance ; it wii have great 
political influence. It will carry us ftirough that 
transition state where our destinies seenj to be balan- 
cing between Imperialism and Republicanism. It 

will arrest our drifting into the Re 
United States. This statement should n 
significant of existing disloyalty among 

ublic of the 
t be thought 
he Canadian 


people. Strictly speaking there is not a trace of such 
in the whole Dominion. But it would be strange, 
indeed, if after such a lengthy period of commercial 
union as we have had with the United States, we 
should not find ourselves tending Republic ward. 
It is a common political doctrine in the United States 
that we are ultimately to join that country, and in- 
crease the number of Republican United States in 
America ; and the governmental policy of our neigh- 
bors has always kept this end in view. So long has 
this been the case that leading American journals 
have come to speak of our supposed Republican des- 
tiny as a matter of course. In proof of this we may 
quote from the New York Herald, of September 28 
last, when that journal upon the occasion of the 
triumph of the Liberal Conservative party of this 
country at the polls, remarked, that, " even as simple 
" spectators so surprising a political change in a 
" neighboring people would be a curious object of 
" attention. The politics of Canada touch us more 
" nearly than the politics of Germany or Italy or 
" Russia or Turkey, to which we are not indifferent, 
" although they have but a remote bearing upon our 
" own prosperity. Canada is our neighbor and some- 
" thing more. She naturally belongs to our political 
" system ; her destiny, either near or remote, will 
" make her a valued member of our great family of 
" free States. We must always take a lively interest 
" in her affairs and watch with keen attention the 


" political winds which, driye her off her course and 
" impede or postpone the fulfilment of her destiny." 
It is somewhat interesting to observe the assurance 
of this newspaper. It may be a little consoling to 
learn that we are to be a "valued member" of a 
" great family of free states," but by far the greater 
portion of the Canadian people will rejoice most in 
the recent " political winds which have driven us 
off our [Yankee] course." These winds have, indeed, 
as the Herald has recently observed, been two-fold. 
First there comes the national policy or high tariff 
wind. This gale, if it shall continue to blow, will 
in the estimation of our neighbors, and they are 
certainly correct for once ; make sad havoc with 
our " destiny." The other wind, (and " it never 
rains but it pours") is the wind of Eoyalty, the 
appointment of the Marquis of Lome and the Prin- 
cess Louise to preside at Eideau Hall. It is not a 
little gratifying to us, and disheartening to our ambi- 
tious neighbors, that steps have been taken simulta- 
neous by the Imperial G-overnment and Canadian 
people to save the Dominion from the designs of Re- 
publican Statesmen. The movement has produced 
the greatest fears among the Americans, that they 
may after all, be mistaken about the destiny of 
Canada. Irritated at the signs of the times the New 
York Herald applies itself seriously to argument, per- 
haps, in the hope of persuading us to join the Repub- 
lic. It says : " The population of the seven provinces 


" which constitutes the Dominion of Canada is con- 
" siderably less than that of our six New England 
" States, and the two regions are not dissimilar in 
" soil, climate and natural productions. It will be 
" conceded by every intelligent man in Canada, as 
" readily as by every intelligent man in the United 
" States, that it would be a fatal and prostrating blow 
" to New England to separate her from the Union 
" in the same manner that Canada is separated and 
" deprive her of free access to our markets. If the 
" New England States were put out of the American 
" Union, if they could not introduce their maiiufac- 
" tures for sale in our markets without the payment 
" of heavy duties, their population would dwindle 
" in a few years to less than half its present amount. 
" If Canada were taken into the Union and New 
" England excluded the two wotild exchange not 
" merely their political relations, but their in- 
" dustries and prosperity. There is nothing which 
" could happen to Canada which would so promote 
" its industrial development, so enhance the value 
" of every acre of its property, or impart such an 
" impetus to the growth of its population, as to give 
" it the same free access to the whole vast extent of 
" the American market that is enjoyed by our New 
" England States. This is so obvious that a mere 
" statement is equivalent to an argument ; so ob- 
" vious on its face that the most elaborate arguments 
" could add nothing to the force of conviction. It is 


" so self-evident that all the great interests of New 
41 England would be ruined by severance from the 
" Union and isolation, like that suffered by Canada? 
" that no sane mind would think of disputing it ; 
" and how can anything be good for our neighbors 
" which would be fraught with such mischief to a 
" corresponding section of our own country ? " 

Here we have the leading journal of the United 
States declaring to us that there is nothing which 
could happen to Canada, which would so promote its 
industrial development, so enhance the value of every 
acre of its property, or impart .such an impetus to the 
growth of its population as to give it the same free 
access to the whole vast extent of the American market 
that is enjoyed by the New England States. This state- 
ment is not to be wondered at, and the Americans 
are best qualified to appreciate whatever of truth 
there may be in it, for they have themselves had the 
full benefit of whatever market advantages Canada 
could furnish, for many years, without suffering the 
inconvenience of giving us any return. The ques- 
tion for Canadian statesmanship to solve is this : at 
what price are these American market advantages to 
be purchased ? If at the cost of our loyalty to the 
Crown and Kingdom of Great Britain, as the Ameri- 
can political policy indicates, then we will refuse to 
make the purchase, and endeavor to expand and 
strengthen on our own markets by protecting them 
from the ravages of Yankee competition ; by protect- 


ing our own industries, and in that manner stopping 
the flow of our population to a foreign country. 
And we are to be congratulated that in this work 
which we have already begun we shall have the 
encouraging presence of a member of the Royal 
Family of our Gracious Queen. 

The Americans have caught the spirit of the poli- 
tical reaction in Canada, and, with their usual keen 
observation, see plainly that we are in earnest. 
Hence, always interested in our welfare, they proffer 
advice which, we presume will not be highly appre- 
ciated : "It would be wiser in the interest of pro- 
" tection itself to ' make haste slowly.' A moderate 
" enhancement of duties at the outset would be 
" safer, since he (Sir John A. MaccLonald) needs to 
" provide against a reaction. If he should carry a 
" high tariff through Parliament, causing a large 
" amount of capital to be embarked in new maiiu- 
" facturing establishments, and then should be thrown 
" out of power before the new establishments got 
" into successful operation, the owners of the misdi- 
" rected capital would denounce him for their ruin. 
" If he is the wise and cautious statesman that we 
" suppose him to be, he will begin with moderate 
" protective duties and wait to see whether the 
" policy on which his party has been elevated to 
" power expresses the deliberate and stable convic- 
" tions of the Canadian people. If he is really an 
" astute and far sighted statesman, the use he will 


" make of his strong protectionist majority will be 
" to employ it as an instrument for securing trade 
" advantages in a new reciprocity treaty with the 
" United States." 

In the last sentence above we already have signs 
of good results for the high tariff policy. This jour- 
nal at least throws out the desire to renew recipro- 
city, a thing which the States have long refused to 
do, rather than be excluded from Canadian markets 
altogether, But we find ourselves drifting into 
questions which have unfortunately become too par- 

Lastly, the presence of the Princess Louise in 
Canada, as the Consort of the Governor-General, will 
raise the Dominion higher in the estimation of all 
nations. It will identify us with the Mother Coun- 
try, and bring us into greater importance as a part 
of the United Kingdom. 

But while our noble Princess will receive the best 
homage of every Canadian heart, the young Lord of 
Lome will also have the enthusiastic admiration of 
the whole population. We shall discriminate be- 
tween Rank and Royalty only in so far as becomes 
British subjects. The Marquis is our Grovernor- 
G-eneral, and he will be sure to receive all the more 
respect, as such, because accompanied by the Princess. 
Some one has written a quaint welcome for them 
both, which recently appeared in the Montreal Daily 


Witness. It is worthy to be accorded a place in the 
Lome literature of the day : 


Gather, oh gather ! gather, oh gather ! 

On with the philabeg every man, 
Up with the bonnet and badge of your father, 

Belt on the plaid of the great Campbell clan 
From the fair heather-clad hills of that Island, 

In whose straths and glens your fathers were born, 
They come so gather, ye hearts that are Highland, 

Welcome the Lord and the Lady of Lome ! 
Gather, oh gather, &c. 

From ocean to ocean welcome is ringing, 

Fair Indian summer with blush and with smile, 
O'er the forest her right royal vesture is flinging, 

To welcome the bride of the heir of Argyll. 
The Princess of Lome, we rise to receive her 

First Royal lady our country has seen, 
To the wild land of the maple and beaver 

We welcome the Princess, thou child of our Queen. 
Gather, oh gather, &c. 

We had regret which we sought not to smother, 

Kind Earl and dear Countess were called to depart ; 
Thoughtfully, kindly, the fair Queen our mother, 

Sends the son of her choice, the child of her heart. 
There is a stir, a bustle, a humming, 

Tartans are waving, plumes floating free, 
Trumpet and drum sound The Campbells are coming,'' 

We are all Campbells in welcoming thee. 

Gather, oh gather, &c. 


Son of Argyll, so near to the sceptre, 

Princess Louise, fair child of a throne, 
Welcome to stand for our Queen in this empire, 

Rule us, and love us, and make thine own. 
Blow up, oh wild pibroch that welcomes no other ! 

Shout million-voictd welcome, wave banners the while !. 
She is worthy, fair child of so Eoyal a mother, 

He is worthy the name and fame of Argyll, 
Gather, oh gather, &c. 


THE Campbells constitute the most numerous clan in Scot- 
land. The first of the house mentioned in authentic history 
is Gillespie Campbell, grandson of another Gillespie. His 
name is recorded in the Statutes of Alexander I. of the 
Thirteenth Century ; but there can be no doubt that it was 
left to his great-grandson, styled Sir Colin Campbell of 
Lochow, to establish the family greatness. From Sir Colin 
the race of Campbell chieftains received the title of MAO 
COLIN-MORE (Macallummore), or sons of Colin the Great. 
In documents dated as far back as 1293, he is styled " Dom- 
inus Campbell Miles," which shows that the family name 
was the same as it is now. His very active career was 
marked chiefly by the large accessions which he made to 
the estate of his house by those bitter disputes with the 
Macdougals of Lome, which resulted ultimately in the 
overthrow of the latter tribe, and by the sacrifice of his 
own life in a battle with the Lord of Lome, in which the 
Campbells, infatuated with victory, pursued their gallant 
foes too far, and witnessed the fall of their brave chieftain 
at a place called the String of Cowall, where an obelisk was 
erected over his grave. 

But we must go back beyond Sir Colin Campbell and the 

annals of the Thirteenth Century to find the origin of the 

Campbell clan, and after we have done this we shall be 

compelled to regard the results of our investigation some- 



what uncertain. The clan has without doubt absorbed, and 
holds to this day, many families which do not belong to it 
by blood or actual descent. Smaller clans, awed or won 
into submission by the great power possessed by the heads 
of the house, attached themselves to it, and threw off their 
distinctive titles and names ; and, while this remark applies 
for the most part to the commonalty, it may be held to refer 
in a considerable degree to the gentry also. 

It is a matter of astonishment that the origin of the 
Campbells and that of their name has not yet been fully 
settled. The general view of most genealogists is that they 
come from a Norman named De Campo-Bello. In relation 
to this point a recent English author observes that, " Whe- 
" ther the first Campbells were or were not Normans may 
" be disputed, but there seems little reason to doubt that the 
"name was compounded in one of the ways mentioned. It 
" is not unlikely that some distinguished feat in war was 
" the honourable source of the designation. Some con- 
" queror of a battlefield may actually have left .it to his 
" posterity. It may have been gjyen, however, by a Scot- 
" tish as well as a Norman monarch. The evidence of 
" Norman descent, it must on the whole be admitted, is 
" incomplete, but the advocates of a Gaelic origin have no 
" better testimony to present on their side. The name does 
" not occur in the older authentic Norman lists. It is 
" found in Eagman Eoll, nevertheless, and it then appears 
" as CAMBEL, a word which no author, we believe, has ever 
" attempted to trace to the Gaelic language, and which is 
" most unlike the ordinary clan denominations. Some 
" authors take it to be the same name with Beauchamp; 
" and certainly the conjecture is no very improbable one, 
u Campus-Bellus being, in one sense, that name Latinized. 


" The advocates of this view say that a Gaelic chief wedded 
" a Beauchamp heiress, and took her family designation. 
''But, whatever the founders of the house might be by 
" birth, the Campbells became thoroughly Gaelicized, be- 
a yond all question, in the progress of time; and, with 
" their offspring and followers, they have long formed one 
"of the greatest and most illustrious of the septs of the 
" Highlands." 

The generally accredited account of the origin of the 
Campbells is that the first of the name married the heiress 
of O'Duin (spelled O'Dwin, O'Duibne, and other ways), and 
in this way became Lord of Lochow, in the district of Ar- 
gyll. And here we are reminded that O'Duin points us to 
an Irish origin. It is supposed that the tribe named here 
was among those which, at a very early period, emigrated 
from Ireland to the West Highlands of Scotland. Some 
very good authorities tell us that these O'Duins were Lords 
of Lochow, The authority last quoted says the person- 
age who founded the O'Duin sept, or at least raised it to 
importance, was named Diarmid, and hence arose the title 
of SIOL DIARMID (Eace of Diarmid), which the Gael have 
bestowed ever since on the Campbells. Diarmid was fol- 
lowed by a long line of powerful descendants, until, at 
length, the succession terminated in an heiress, EVA, whose 
hand was bestowed on GILLESPIE CAMPBELL, a gentleman 
commonly styled of Anglo-Norman lineage. With his 
bride he obtained the lordship of Lochow ; and unquestion- 
ably the territory remains to this day the centre of the' 
Campbell possessions. Such is the tale ordinarily told, at 
all events ; and we must candidly say that no better one, at 
least, appears to us to have been yet put in its place. 

Sir Niel Campbell, son of Sir Colin, succeeded him, and 


became one of the main supporters of King Robert Bruce, 
This was a lucky stroke of policy for the Campbells. Sir 
Niel soon raised himself so high in the king's estimation as 
to receive the hand of his sister, Lady Mary, in marriage. 
This matrimonial alliance, like that which has occurred in 
our own time, between the House of Argyll and the reigning 
house of Great Britain, marked the commencement of a new 
era in the fame of the Campbells. From that hour their 
advancement, political and social, was rapid and substantial. 
Nor was this advancement from very mean beginnings. 
In 1821, their influence with Alexander II. had been quite 
sufficient to obtain the hereditary Sheritfdom of Argyll. 
But their intermarriage with the Bruces gave fortune and 
fame. Sir Mel, for his services in the cause of the King, 
was remunerated with lands, extending nearly into the heart 
of Athol. He was one of the Barons composing the parlia- 
ment of Ayr in 1315, after having treated with the English 
at York, in 1314, for the establishment of peace. 

Sir Niel was succeeded by his son Sir Colin Campbell, 
who, like his father, distinguished himself in the Bruce 
wars. A story is told of him, that on one occasion he in- 
curred the wrath of his royal uncle. "The Scottish army 
" was passing through a wood, in February, 131*7, and King 
" Robert issued strict orders that no man should leave the 
" ranks. Galled by the shot of two English bowmen, how- 
" ever, the young Campbell started forth at full speed to 
" take vengeance upon them personally. The King followed 
" and struck his nephew so violently with a truncheon that 
" he was nearly unhorsed, crying at the same time, l Return ! 
'' your disobedience might have brought us all into jeopardy.' 
" In sooth, both as a general and a knight, Robert the Bruce 
" was well worthy, in old Barbour's words, to be ' the king 
11 of a great royalty.' " 


The head of the family of Campbells was summoned to 
Parliament in the year 1445, as a peer of the realm. It is 
not certain but that the creation of the title may have taken 
place previously, but in the case of the Campbells, as also of 
nearly all the old barons of Scotland, the summons of 1445 
constitutes the first authenticated proof of the parliamentary 
title. In this instance " LORD CAMPBELL " was the style 
adopted and Sir Duncan Campbell was the first to wear the 
title. But if care was taken during the regency under the 
minority of James II. to define the position and titles of 
noblemen, that monarch, on assuming the crown, exercised 
a still greater solicitude in this respect. When he became 
of age, he raised Colin, the grandson and heir of Duncan, to 
the dignity of EARL OF ARGYLL. This was in 145*7. 

It was at this period that the Lome estates came into the 
possession of the Campbells, which happened in this way. 
Colin Campbell, Earl of Argyll, married the co-heiress of 
the Stewarts of Lorne, the immediate successors of the 
Macdougalls. Thus it was, that while the Stewarts were 
the immediate successors of the purely Gaelic occupants of 
these lands, it was destined that the Campbells should ulti- 
mately supplant them. " There can be no doubt," says a 
reliable author, ' about these circumstances. Charters under 
the Great Seal are still extant, proving that the heir-male of 
the house of Stewart of Lorne made such concessions as gave 
to his neice and her husband nearly the entire barony which 
has been the property of the Campbells ever since. A 
natural son of the house of Stewart, however, contrived to 
retain some of the family possessions, founding the Appin 
and other branches of that name. 

But as we have already observed, that the possessions of 
the Macdougalls came into the hands of the Campbells, 


through the Stewarts, their immediate successors, we must 
turn aside for a few moments to make some observations 
concerning that ancient and illustrious clan ; and in this 
instance we shall make some extracts from John Hogg, 
Esq., a somewhat noted author : 

It seems very evident that they formed one of the primitive branches 
of the roving or stranger tribes of visitants to Scotland of the Irish or 
at least Celtic race. Their name puts the fact almost beyond doubt. 
It also distinguishes them clearly from the Norseman of the Western 
Isles, who were always styled Fion-Galls, that is, fair strangers (Rovers 
or Pirates). The yellow-haired Kempions of Scandinavia, in all their 
own early annals relating to Scotland, are not to be mistaken for the 
Celtic Dim-Galls, or Black Strangers. The common account of the 
origin of the Macdougalls is, that they sprung from a son or grandson 
of Somerled, of the name of Dougal. But, though a single chieftain of 
that appellation may have flourished in the primitive periods of Gaelic- 
story, it appears most probable, from many circumstances, that the clan 
derived their name from their descent and character generally. They 
were Dhu-Gails, black strangers. They are thus to be found giving a 
permanent title to GALLOWAY, for example, where many of their descend- 
ants hold lands to this day. 

The Dhu-Galls or Dougalii were so powerful as to maintain a long 
contest with Robert Bruce for supremacy in Scotland ; and, indeed, his 
hardest struggle, during his entire struggling life, was with the Argyll- 
shire or Lome Macdougals. In truth, it was but natural that they 
should have had an antipathy to him, as the representative of a differ- 
ent race and different interests. He was of English or Norman blood, 
a member of one of those families brought into Scotland by the policy 
of the Lowland monarchs, in order to sustain them against the hostile 
and purely Celtic population of the north and north-west Highlands. 
Historians have been too apt to view the contests in the early Bruce 
and Stewart times as contests betwixt individual chiefs ; whereas, in 
reality, they were the struggles of two distinct and opposing races. The 
Dhu Galls, the Gael of Argyllshire, tried long to maintain the battle 
with the Norman Brucejs. They were unsuccessful ; though, when driven 
to plant their power in the more northerly and inaccessible isles of the 


west, the very same race (under the Lords of the Isles) kept up the en- 
gagement afterwards for centuries with.the Stewart kings. The battle 
was that of Gael against Norman and Saxon the Celtic against the 
Gothic race. It matters not whether the Celt was primitively from 
Ireland or from Gaul ; or whether the Lowlander was the offspring of 
Saxon, Dane, or Norman. The Celtic and Gothic races, under whatever 
denominations they might be ranked, were the two great parties that 
struggled against each other for supremacy in the early days of Scottish 
history. In spite of their brilliant thbugh irregular valour, and a fine 
idealism of intellect, the Celts were overborne. The fact cannot be 
gainsay ed. The whole annals of the overthrow of the Eoman empire 
tell the same tale. Being placed on the mainland from the first, seem- 
ingly, and close to the Lowland power, the particular tribe of the Dhu- 
Galls which took the permanent name of Macdougals fell before the 
southron encroachments, at a period long preceding the similar fall of 
the Macdonalds of the Isles. The Macdougals had their chief seat in 
Lome, or the centre of the continent of Argyllshire, betwixt Loch Awe 
and the seas of the west. The son or grandson of Somerled, who is 
said to have specially founded the Macdougal clan, lived in the twelfth 
century. In the thirteenth, however, they were numerous and strong 
enough to oppose Bruce, and it is therefore out of the question to sup- 
pose that the descendant of Somerled could do more than consolidate 
or collect an already existing tribe, even if it is to be admitted as taking 
from him its name. His grandson, or immediate successor, Alexander, 
is said to have been the chief who led the Macdougals in the wars against 
the Bruces. After King Robert Bruce was crowned at Scone, in 1306, 
the forces of Edward I. of England attacked and overthrew him, com- 
pelling him to fly to the west of Scotland, with the view of seeking 
refuge in Ireland, which country had then a common interest in resist- 
ing the English. But Alexander Macdougal of Lome encountered him 
at a place called Dalree, on the borders of Argyllshire, and a fierce 
combat ensued between the parties. Bruce is described by Barbour as 
performing a truly heroic part on the occasion, though worsted and 
compelled to retreat. He rescued the flying, and checked so the pur- 


1 That none durst out of battle chase, 

For always at their hand he was. 

So well defended he his men, 

That whosoe'er had seen him then 

Prove so deserving- of vassalage, 

And turn so often the visage, 

He should say he ought well to be 

The King of a Great Royalty.' 

But Bruce fought in vain, and indeed escaped with life almost miracu- 
lously in the end. Three of the clansmen of Lome, who seem to have 
been personal attendants or henchmen of the chief of the Macdougals, 
resolved that they would either slay the sovereign or die. They fol- 
lowed the retreating party, accordingly, and when Robert entered a 
narrow pass, riding behind his people, in what certainly was the post 
of danger for the moment, the three Macindrosscrs (otherwise called 
Macanor.soirs, the Mackeoghs, but sons of the Door-ward, or door-keeper 
to the Macdougal chieftain) threw themselves upon the monarch at 
once. One of them was instantly rewarded with such a blow of the 
royal battle-axe that " arm and shoulder flew him frae." The second 
had grasped the stirrup, and Robert fixed and held him there by press- 
ing down his foot, so that the captive was dragged along the ground as 
if chained to the horse. In the meantime, the third assailant had 
sprung from the hillside to the back of the horse, and sat behind the 
king. The latter turned half-round and forced the Macindrosser for- 
ward to the front of the saddle, where he clave the head to the harns. 
The second assailant was still hanging by the stirrup, and Robert now 
struck at him vigorously, and slew him at the first blow. The arm of 
a single man has seldom done such a feat as that here narrated, and the 
probable truth of which is confirmed by the death of the young Bohun 
at Bannockburn, and other similar actions of Bruce. 

The Macdougals were victors in the general combat which thus ter- 
minated. But Alexander of Lome had taken up the losing side. The 
Lowland power was daily advancing in strength, and the Dhu-Galls 
sank before its progress. It was about the period mentioned, if not in 
the actual battle described, that the famous Brooch of Lome came into 
the family of the Macdougals. It is said to have been a personal orna- 
ment of Robert Bruce ; and, when the cloak of the retreating monarch 


was grasped by one or other of his assailants, the brooch by which it 
was fastened fell into the hands of his pursuers. If Barbour tells the 
tale aright (and as it has been here recorded), the immediate assailants 
paid with their lives for their audacity ; but the cloak and brooch 
were found by others of the enemy, and kept long thereafter, as a mon- 
ument of victory, by the chiefs of the house of Macdougal. General 
Stewart of Garth tells us that the brooch was lost or destroyed when 
Dunolly Castle was burned down in the seventeenth century. How- 
ever, the Brooch of Lome has reappeared within these latter years, and 
has even been exhibited publicly in the capital of Scotland. It is de- 
scribed as being of silver, not of gold, as said by Scott in the Lord of 
the Isles. His words are 

Whence the Brooch of burning gold, 
That clasps the chieftain's mantle fold, 
Wrought and clasped with rare device. 
Studded fair with gems of price, 
On the varied tartan beaming, 
As, through night's pale rainbow gleaming, 
Fainter now, now seen afar, 
Fitful shines the morning star. 

But the Brooch of Lome, as observed, proves not to be of gold, but ot 
silver, and we are inclined strongly to look upon the fact as a proof of 
the authenticity of the article discovered of late years, and honoured 
with the title of the Brooch of Robert Bruce, lost by him in contest 
with the followers of the family of Lome. A manufacturer of such 
articles would scarcely have gone counter to the statement of Sir 
Walter Scott, had the object been to present a surreptitious brooch in 
place of the real one. The ornament consists of a circular plate, 
about four inches in diameter, having a tongue like that of a common 
buckle on the under side. The upper side is magnificently orna- 
mented. First, from the margin rises a neatly-formed rim, with hol- 
lows cut in the edge at certain distances, like the embrasures in an 
embattled wall. From a circle within this rim rise eight round, taper- 
ing obelisks, about an inch and a quarter high, finely cut, and each 
studded at top with a river pearl. Within this circle of obelisks there 
is a second rim, also ornamented with carved work, and within which 


rises a neat circular case, occupying the whole centre of the brooch 
and slightly overtopping the obelisks. The exterior of this case, in- 
stead of forming a plain circle, projects into eight semi-cylinders, 
which relieve it from all appearance of heaviness. The upper part is 
likewise carved very elegantly, and in the centre there is a large gem. 
This case may be taken off, and within there is a hollow which might 
have contained any small articles upon which a particular value was 

Barbour does not tell the story of the Brooch of Lome, and the 
authenticity of the modern article rests chiefly on the following state- 
ment, to be credited, or otherwise, as readers are disposed. For our 
own part, it seems to us that the traditions relative to the brooch are 
too numerous and steady to permit us to doubt of the reality of the 
story ; and, whatever scepticism may say, there appears no sound rea- 
son for doubting the new-found article to be the veritable antique one. 
It underwent some odd turns of fortune. In the civil war during the 
reign of the first Charles, the Macdougal of that day adhered to the 
royal cause, and suffered as much thereby as he had formerly done by 
opposing the Bruces. In 1647, he was besieged in Dunolly (the old 
seat, and still the seat of the house,) by a detachment of General Les- 
lie's troops, under Colonel Montgomery. From the impregnable na- 
ture of the situation, he was successful in holding out this strength ; 
but Goalen Castle was taken, sacked and burned. Campbell of Inve- 
raw, who took part in the latter affair, secured the brooch of King- 
Robert, which he took into his possession as fair spoil, though he did 
not think proper to make his good fortune too well known, lest the 
Macdougal might have thought it necessary afterwards to attempt the 
recovery of the highly-valued relic by force. Time rolled on ; the 
Macdougal of the early part of the last century lost his lands in con- 
sequence of his embracing the cause of the Pretender in 1715 ; his son 
regained them in consequence of keeping loyal in 1745. Meanwhile, 
the brooch won at Dalree continued safe, amidst all the vicissitudes of 
the family fortunes, in the strong chest at Inveraw. To the Macdou- 
gals themselves it was not even known to exist. 

At length, about fifty years ago, this precious relic passed into the 
hands of a cadet of the Inveraw family, who, at a subsequent time, ap- 
pointed it by testament to be sold, and the proceeds divided amongst 


his younger children. It was accordingly, about the year 1819, sent to 
London to be exposed for sale, the price put upon it being a thousand 
pounds. The late King George IV., then Prince Regent, is said to have 
offered five hundred pounds for the brooch, but without obtaining it ; nor 
did any other customer appear who was willing to give the large price 
put upon it by the possessor. It must be understood that, when thus 
laid before the public, it was openly described as the Brooch of Lome, 
originally the property of King- Robert Bruce ; yet the fact of its exist- 
ence and exposure for sale did not become known to the representative 
of the Macdougal family till after it had been withdrawn from the 
market. Ultimately, in the year 1825, the late amiable General Camp- 
bell of Lochnell, being anxious to bestow some mark of grateful re- 
gard on his esteemed friend and neighbour, Macdougal, purchased the 
brooch, and caused it to be presented to that gentleman by his chief, 
the Duke of Argyll, at a social meeting of the landholders of the 
county. It thus, after an interval of more than a century and a half, 
found its way back to the family, who, next to King Robert and his 
heirs and representatives, were certainly its most rightful owners. It 
is at present kept with great care at Dunolly Castle. 

Colin Campbell, the first Earl of Argyll, was a man of 
extraordinary talents and great influence. He fulJy vindi- 
cated the dignity of his clan, and extended the territorial 
possessions of his house. He played an important part in 
the public life of Scotland, filling the position of High Chan- 
cellor of the kingdom under the rule of James III. and James 
IV. It is hinted by some that his great ambition and suc- 
cess in acquiring lands gave birth to the bye-word "the 
greed of the Campbells;" but Mr. Hogg, the author pre- 
viously referred to, gives a more reasonable opinion that 
" the whole question resolves itself into the fact that he and 
his generation were men of ability, skilful in detecting and 
using opportunities after the fashion of their day." 

It would be interesting and instructive had we the space 
at command to sketch the prominent features in the lives of 


the second, third and fourth Earl of Argyll who followed 
the first in unbroken male succession from father to son. 
The great prominence which history accords to the fifth 
Earl of Argyll, however, demands a passing notice. He had 
all the advantages of birth of his predecessors, and managed 
to improve upon these favorable conditions by a series of 
fortunate marriages which, by a wise policy, were contract- 
ed by the house. Through this means he became one of the 
leading and most powerful peers of the realm in the days of 
Queen Mary. " He had been educated by John Douglas, the 
"first Protestant bishop of St. Andrews, and acquired from 
" him those liberal religious principles which were destined 
"to throw at once a glory and a gloom on the annals of the 
" house. The Earl has been variously judged by historians 
"for his conduct during the reign of the unhappy Queen 
" Mary. It is unquestionable that he adhered to his reli- 
"gious principles throughout, or, in other words, to the 
" Presbyterian party, called the ' Congregation.' He was 
." twice wedded, but left no children, and was succeeded by 
"his brother in the year 1575." 

Colin, a name often repeated in the history of the clan, 
the sixth Earl of Argyll, was distinguished alike by political 
and military successes. He maintained the dignity of the 
house, and held the position of his predecessors of Lord 
High Chanceller of Scotland. But his son, Archibald, was 
a man of still greater talents and influence. At the age of 
eighteen he was placed at the head of an army, and com- 
manded to lead the power of the west against that of the 
north. His campaign was a failure, bus it is said that the 
singular good fortune of his family did not long desert him. 
-" The Macgregors, and the Macdonalds, of Kin tyre," says 
Mr. Hogg, " had broken out into excesses against the peace 


tl of the realm, and the Earl of Argyll was ordered out for 
"their suppression. Here the policy of the Campbells, 
" which lay in adhering ever to the Lowland monarchy in 
" opposition to the feelings and principles which guided the 
" more northern Gael, led to a large acquisition of territory 
" by the house of Lochow. Far be it from us to approve of 
" the sanguinary treatment too often experienced by the 
" c Children of the Mist' (Macgregors), but, in fairness, we 
"should look at both. sides of the question. The Lowlands 
" were gradually settling down into a condition of order and 
" quietude, and the incursions of the neighbouring mountain- 
" eers constituted a perpetual and heavy grievance. The 
"Macgregors, to take them as an example, were located on 
" the very borders of the low country, and their predatory 
" habits made them a terror and a curse. If any reader of 
u romantic temperament should feel displeased at this lan- 
" guage, let him recollect what occurred in the very middle 
" of the comparatively civilized eighteenth century, when the- 
" sons of Eob Boy carried off a helpless young woman from 
" her friends, and, for the sake of her money, completed the 
" abduction by all the horrors of a forced marriage. If 
" such things were done so lately, what unheard of outrages 
" must have been signalised earlier times ! It is not to 
" apologise for or justify any wilful cruelties practised on 
" such clans as the Macgregors that these things are men- 
tioned, but simply to prove that the picture has two sides. 
" Their own practices tended largely to pulldown vengeance 
<l on their heads. In the case now more directly under con- 
" sideration, the Earl of Argyll, conjoining his power with 
" that of the Gordons, attacked and nearly exterminated the 
" unhappy Macgregors. The Macdonalds of Kintyre were 
" at the same time reduced and partly expelled. Their 


11 lands were transferred to Argyll, thus adding anothei 
" fair portion of the west to his family domains." 

Archibald Campbell, eighth Earl and first Marquis of 
Argyll, introduces us to the great civil wars of the seven- 
teenth century, in which he acted a most brave and gallant 
part, being equalled only by his great foe, the Marquis of 
Montrose. Montrose upheld the royal prerogative, while 
Argyll contended for civil and religious freedom. These 
two noblemen wore the great leaders in Scotland in the war 
which lost Charles I. his head, and it is difficult to say 
which deserves most of our admiration for their deeds of 
chivalry. Montrose may have outstripped his opponent in 
the brilliancy of his daring, but in the closing scenes of 
their lives, in the serenity of their dying hours, both of 
them perishing on the scaffold the Marquis of Argyll was, 
perhaps, the greater hero. 

The latter was the leader of the Presbyterian party in 
Scotland for a considerable period. However, he cha,racter- 
ized his acts in such a manner as to be regarded, if not 
friendly, at least without enmity to royalty or to the house 
of the Stewarts. But when the King persisted in the most 
despotic proceedings, he was, at length, forced into a de- 
cided opposition, and signed the National Covenant, which 
created such a breach between the people and the throne. 
He was the last of the Scotch noblemen who took this step, 
and it may be fairly doubted whether or not he would have 
taken such an extreme position, if the King had supplied 
him with no private reasons. He received personal provo- 
cation from the Court of Charles I. of a decided type. On 
visiting London at the King's request, in 1683, he discov- 
ered that the monarch had sanctioned an invasion of the 
western coast of Scotland by the Irish under Lord Antrim, 


who, because he was a Macdonald, had been promised the 
estates of Kintyre, so recently accorded to the house of 
Argyll. This private provocation decided him to join the 
popular party in the General Assembly in 1638, when the 
liturgy was condemned, the presbyteries fully re-estab- 
lished, and episcopacy abolished. One year later Charles I. 
proposed to invade Scotland. It was on this occasion that 
the Marquis of Argyll raised 900 of his clan to aid in re- 
pelling both the King and the invasion from Ireland. 

Various attempts at pacification followed, but with few 
good results, in which the Marquis of Argyll was called on 
to act against the Earl of Athol and the Ogilvies in the 
north, and he forced them to submit to the Scottish Parlia- 
ment.* Montrose, his family foe, was at this time a young 
man burning for distinction, and, though inclined to favour 
the popular party, felt deeply irritated by the ascendancy 
of Argyll. An accusation of disloyalty, brought unadvis- 
edly against the latter by Montrose, only served, by its to- 
tal failure, to prove that the chief of the Campbells medi- 
tated no overthrow of the regal authority. Charles I. 
seems to have been quite satisfied on this subject. It was 
on his visit to Scotland in 1641 that he raised Argyll to the 
dignity of the Marquisate. But the obstinacy of Charles 
soon precipitated matters in England to a bloody conclu- 
sion ; and the sympathies of Argyll and the popular party 
in Scotland were entirely against the arbitrary movements 
of royalty. For several successive seasons the Marquis 
was engaged, more or less actively, against Montrose and 
the other adherents of Charles, and he had his feelings of 
hostility aggravated by a cruel incursion of the Irish into 

*John Hogg's " Clan Campbell," p. 22. 


Argyllshire. At length, on the 2d of February, 1G45, the 
forces of Argyll and Montrose rat at Inverlochy. The 
Campbells fought bravely, but could not withstand the 
skill and daring of the royalist leader. He routed his op- 
ponents utterly, and the Marquis of Argyll escaped only 
by means of a boat on the lake. Candid authors have 
charged him with pusillanimity on this occasion ; but there 
is so much to counteract the accusation that but few have 
adopted any such opinion. Soon after the Marquis was 
again mortified by witnessing a second defeat of the Cov- 
enanters at Kilsyth by Montrose ; but in another month 
the great royalist was himself overthrown by Leslie at 
Philiphaugh. This was in 1645. 

But, in the midst of all this bloodshed, the Marquis of 
Argyll was endeavoring to effect a reconciliation between 
the King and his subjects. In the interests of such a peace 
he visited Newcastle, and personally waited on His Majesty. 
" When Charles put himself into the hands of the Scottish 
" people," says an English author, " Argyll, to his credit, 
"took no part in any of the discussions for the disposal of 
" the royal person. That he did not go further, and oppose 
" the deliverance of the King to the English Parliament, is 
" solely excusable on the ground that the best friends of 
"Charles in the South warned him that Scotland would 
" have to bear the whole weight of an English war if any 
" opposition were offered by the Scots to the progress of 
" events in the South. An attempt, however, was really 
" made by the northern friends of royalty, and it ended in 
" a contest equally disastrous and fruitless. Charles I. per- 
" ished on the scaffold at "Whitehall, on the 30th January, 
" 1649. The present remarks are not made with the view 
" of defending the conduct of the Scots generally in deliv- 


" ering up the King an act scarcely defensible in any point 
" of view but in order, simply, to explain the conduct of 
" the Marquis of Argyll. He showed his unabated attach- 
" ment to the ancient race of the Scottish kings, by being 
" the most active of the nobles in calling Charles II. to the 
" throne. He personally crowned the young monarch at 
" Scone in 1650. Even after the defeat at Dunbar in the 
" same year, he adhered so warmly to the royal cause that 
" Charles volantarily gave him a letter, announcing the in- 
" tent to create him Duke of Argyll as soon as circum- 
"stances permitted, and also saying, 'Whenever it shall 
11 { please God to restore me to my just rights, I shall see 
" ' him paid the 40,000 sterling which is due to him.' 
" Such a document as this should put a stop to all charges 
" of disloyalty against Argyll. Nor can we believe such 
" accusations because, on the failure of Charles II. at 
"Worcester, and his consequent expulsion from Britain, 
" the Marquis, being brought a prisoner from Inverary to 
" Edinburgh, admitted the authority of Cromwell's govern- 
" ment. For this compulsory submission to a power which 
" all Britain at the time, through love or fear, obeyed, the 
" ungrateful prince, when restored to the throne in 1660, 
" brought the Marquis of Argyll to the scaffold, probably 
" deeming it the easiest way of repaying the 40,000 
" which were due to him. Argyll had gone to London to 
" acknowledge and welcome Charles, but the King would 
, " not see him, and sent him back a prisoner to Scotland. 
" Being there placed on his trial, the indictment, consisting 
" of fourteen different charges, comprehended a narrative 
" of the whole transactions in Scotland, from the first op- 
" position to the King till its final subjugation linMSCrom- 
" well. But the whole of the charges were so ridiculous as 


11 to be almost ineffective ; and the Court, although evi- 
ft dently with great reluctance, were compelled to exonerate 
" Argyll from all blame in the matter of the execution of 
" Charles. The crown lawyers, thus baffled, were at length 
" obliged to rest their case on the compliance of Argyll 
(t with the English during Cromwell's usurpation, as the 
" only ground on which a charge of treason could be rested. 
" On such a charge as this, if held to be a capital crime, 
"half the population of Britain deserved hanging, and 
" the first man of all honoured with the rope should 
" have been General Monk. Argyll, in an extemporaneous 
" reply, expressed the joy he felt at the restoration of his 
" majesty, and enumerating the services he had performed, 
" and the marks of favour he had received, both from him 
" and his royal father, desired the Parliament to consider 
" how unlikely it was that he should have ever harboured 
" a thought to their disadvantage. With Paul, in another case, 
" he might say, the things alleged against him could not be 
" proven ; but this he would confess, that, in the way al- 
" lowed by solemn oaths and covenants, he served his God, 
11 his country and his king. He entreated those who were 
" capable of understanding, when those things now charged 
" upon him as crimes were enacted, to recollect the state of 
" the kingdom, the circumstances of the crime, and how 
11 both themselves and others were carried irresistibly 
" along by the current of events without any rebellious 
" intentions ; besides, he had been among the last that 
4i had entered into the confederacy and taken the coven- 
" ants. The transactions of public bodies, or of officers act- 
" ing under the authority of the State, had never been held 
41 treason, nor was he responsible in his individual capacity, 
41 for all the deeds of that party to which he belonged. The 


" cruelties alleged to have been committed by his clan, he 
" averred were greatly exaggerated, yet unhappily too well 
" justified, by the terrible devastation to which their district 
" had been repeatedly exposed ; and the extent of their own 
" previous calamity would extenuate, if it did not exculpate, 
" the crime ; but, be that as it might, the blame could never 
" attach to him, who was in England when the alleged cruel- 
" ties took place. The surrender of the king was the act of 
" a parliament at which he was not so much as present; nor 
" was there the shadow of proof that he ever advised the 
" death of his sacred majesty an execrable deed at which 
" he had ever expressed his abhorrence, and for which, 
" could the smallest evidence be adduced, he should ask no 
" mercy. He could acquit himself of disloyalty, even in 
" thought ; and for whatever other error or fault he might 
" have been guilty previously to the year 1651, he pleaded 
" his majesty's indemnity, granted in the parliament at 
" Perth that year. As to what was done by him under the 
" usurpers, they were common compliances, in which all the 
" kingdom equally shared, and for which many had the 
" sanction of the king himself who declared that he thought 
" it prudence, and not rebellion, for honest men to preserve 
" their estates from ruin, and reserve themselves till God 
" should show some probable way for his return. Among 
<' all who complied passively, none was less favoured than 
" himself; what he did was really in self-defence. And how 
" could I suppose, he added, that I was acting criminally, 
" when the learned gentleman, who now acts as his majesty's 
" advocate, took the same oaths to the commonwealth as 
" myself. The Lord Advocate (Sir John Fletcher), who 
" could not rebut the force of such an appeal, endeavoured 
" to weaken its influence by the most unseemly interrup- 


" tions. To these the Marquis meekly replied, that he had 
" learned in the school of adversity to suffer reproach." 

The trial of the Marquis of Argyll not only produced a 
general belief in his innocence of the crimes laid to his 
charge, but evinced his superior ability and heroic courage. 
Thus runs the story of his trial and execution : 

Two sons of the Marquis, Lo7*d Lome and Lord Neil 
Campbell, were in London, exerting their influence in their 
father's behalf. The Scottish parliament finding their evidence 
defective, despatched the Earls of Glencairn and Jtothes to 
the English court, with an application to General Monk for 
advice. The Scottish parliament being again met to consider 
the whole case, and appearances being strongly in favor of 
the Marquis, a messenger, who had come express from Lon- 
don, knocked violently at the door of the parliament house. 
Upon his admission he presented a packet to the commis- 
sioner, which everyone concluded contained a remission, or 
some other warrant in favour of the Marquis, especially as 
the bearer was a Campbell. But upon the packet being 
opened, to the amazement of Argyll's friends, it was found 
to consist of a great many letters addressed by his lordship 
to Monk, while he was Governor of Scotland, and which 
with unparalleled baseness he had reserved, to see if they 
were absolutely necessarv ; and having been informed by 
the commissioner's envoys of the scantiness of the proof, he 
had sent post by an especial courier. The letters were de- 
cisive as to the fact of compliance with the usurpers that is, 
of Argyll being a passive, while Monk himself had been an 
active agent ; and on this ground alone was the Marquis 
found guilty of treason by a majority of a parliament almost 
all of whom were more culpable than he was. Argyll was 
condemned to death, and on the occasion the young Lord of 
Montrose, now restored to the honours of his ancestors, re- 
fused to give a vote, thus repaying the chief of the Camp- 
bells for his forbearance in declining to assent (in 1650) to 
the execution of the great Marquis of Montrose. 

The manner of his being executed being put to the vote, 


" hang or head," it was carried that he should be beheaded, 
and that his head should be placed on the same pinnacle, at 
the end of the Tolbooth, where Montrose's had been former- 
ly fixed. Sentence was pronounced against him on the 
25th May, 1661, and ordered to be carried into execution on 
the 2*7th, at the Cross of Edinburgh. From the hour of his 
condemnation the Marquis of Argyll behaved in a way wor- 
thy of the head of the Scottish Presbyterians. The inhuman 
speed evinced by his foes did not appal the Marquis. He 
received his sentence kneeling, which was pronounced by 
the Earl of Crawford. On rising, he only remarked, " I set 
the crown on his Majesty's head, and now he hastens me to 
a better crown than his own." The parliament seemed 
much affected with this sad instance of mutability of for- 
tune, and his lordship's humble, composed demeanour drew 
tears even from his enemies ; yet, when he requested a de- 
lay of only ten days, till his sentence should be communi- 
cated to the King, they, with the inconsistency and in- 
humanity so common among collective bodies, refused him 
the respite, and sent him to the common jail among the or- 
dinary prisoners for the last two days they allowed him to 
prepare for death. 

The Marchioness was waiting for him in the Tolbooth, 
to whom the Marquis said as he entered, " they have given 
me till Monday to be with you, my dear; therefore, let 
us improve it." She, embracing him, wept bitterly, and 
in agony exclaimed, "the Lord will requite it!" "the 
Lord will requite it!" Calm and composed, he replied, 
"forbear; truly I pity them; they know not what they 
are doing; they may shut me in where they please, 
but they cannot shut out God from me. For my part I 
am as content to be here as in the castle, and as content 
in the castle as in the Tower of London, and as content 
there as when at liberty, and I hope to be as content on 
the seaffold as in any of them all." He spent the Sunday 
not only calmly but cheerfully, in exercises of devotion, 
with several ministers who were permitted to attend him, 
to whom he remarked that he was naturally of a timorous 
disposition, and bade them observe how wonderfully he 


was delivered from all fear. At his own desire, the 
Marchioness took leave of him on Sunday night, after which 
he passed some hours in uninterrupted and pleasant sleep. 
It is said that one of the most adverse of his judges came to 
see him on the night before his death, and was so much 
struck to find him sleeping with the utmost calmness, as to 
retire from the scene with feelings of the deepest perturba- 
tion. On the morning of Monday he wrote a letter to the 
king, asserting his innocence, recommending his widow and 
family to his Majesty's protection, and requesting that his 
just debts might be allowed to be paid out of his estate. He 
dined with his friends precisely at twelve o'clock, after 
which he retired for prayer, and on rejoining the company, 
appeared in an ecstacy of joy. As he was quitting the jail, 
he observed to some of his fellow prisoners whom he was 
leaving, " I could die like a Eoman, but I choose rather to 
die like a Christian." He was accompanied to the place of 
execution by several noblemen and gentlemen in mourn- 
ing, with whom he walked steadily down the street in a 
very solemn but undaunted manner; and mounting the 
scaiford with the greatest serenity, saluted all who were 
upon it In a speech delivered without a falter, he forgave 
his enemies and vindicated his own conduct, which, at that 
awful moment, he declared had never been influenced by 
any motives of self-aggrandisement or disloyalty. He had 
been cordial, he said in his desire to bring the king home, 
and in his endeavours for him to be at home ; nor had he 
ever corresponded with his enemies during the time he was 
in the country. But he warned those who, if their private 
interest went well, cared not whether religion sank or 
swam, and accounted it rebellion to adhere to their cove- 
nant engagements to beware how they deceived themselves ; 
that no magistrate could absolve them from the oath to 
G-od ; that religion must be a main and not a secondary ob- 
ject ; and that they were the best subjects who were the 
best Christians. The times, he added, were likely to prove 
very sinning times or very suffering times, and let Chris- 
tians make their choice; there was a sad dilemma in the 
business, sin and suffer ; and, truly, he that would choose 


the better part would choose to suffer. Having again spent 
some time in devotion, when he had finished, he had distri- 
buted some last tokens of remembrance to the friends who 
were with him. After his doubtlet was off, and immediate- 
ly before he laid his head on the block, he addressed those 
near him " Gentlemen, I desire you, and all that hear me, 
again to take notice and remember that now, when I am 
entering into eternity, and to appear before my Judge, and 
as I desire salvation, and expect eternal happiness from 
Him, I am free from any accession, by knowledge, con- 
triving, counsel, or any ways, of his late majesty's death ; 
and I pray the Lord to preserve the present king, and to 
pour out His best blessings upon his person and govern- 
ment, and the Lord give him good and faithful counsellors." 
He then knelt down and at a given signal the lifting up of 
his hand the knife of the maiden* severed his head from 
his body. According to the sentence, his head was affixed on 
the Tolbooth, but his body was given to his friends, by whom 
it was carried, with a numerous attendance, in funeral pro- 
cession to Kilpatrick, thence transported by water to 
Dunoon, and finally deposited with honor in the family 
burying-place at Kilmure. Fortunately, those who perse- 
cuted this nobleman to death were not, as was too frequent- 
ly then the case, rewarded with his honors and estates. 
Through the intercession of Lauderdale, Lord Lome suc- 
ceeded to the estates of his father and all the titles, except 
that of marquis. 

The son and successor of the Marquis of Argyll, Archi- 
bald Campbell, shared in his father's troubles, and lay in 
prison for a considerable time under sentence of death. 
But in June, 1663, he was liberated and soon obtained 
his grandfather's title of Earl of Argyll, with the estates 
of the house. Thus again at least a part of their former 

*The instrument called the Maiden was introduced by the Regent, Earl of 
Morton, and is still preserved as a relic in the Museum of the Scottish Anti- 
quaries . It is a simple form of the French guillotine . 


glory returned to the Campbells. The policy of adhering 
to the constitution was kept up by the Earl of Argyll, 
and it was to him that " letters of fire and sword" against 


the Macleans were entrusted in 1678. As a privy-coun- 
sellor, a commissioner of the treasury, and an extraor- 
dinary lord of session, Argyll acted until James, Duke 
of York, afterwards king, came down to Scotland. The 
Earl was now exposed to great danger from his unwill- 
ingness to take the test, or oath regarding the terms of suc- 
cession to the throne ; and wihen he really took the test, he 
put the following protest on record in the books of Parlia- 
ment : " I think no man can explain this oath but for himself. 
Accordingly, I take it, as far as it is consistent with itself 
and the Protestant religion." The bearing of this explana- 
tion against the Catholic heir to the throne was too obvious 
to be tolerated by that personage, and after communication 
with Charles II., Argyll was committed to custody in the 
Castle of Edinburgh. His father had resigned into the 
hands of royalty the Justioiaryship of Scotland, hereditary 
in the family ; but the heritable jurisdiction of Argyllshire 
still remained in the house, and it was sought to take away 
this privilege, with part of the estates. The malice of the 
court, or rather of the Duke of York, brought the Earl of 
Argyll to the bar of the Justiciary Court in December, 1681 ; 
and the King's advocate, Mackenzie, a man so singularly 
marked by perverted talents, did his utmost to implicate the 
Earl in the crime of treason on the score of the " explana- 
tion" given of the test. The judges were closely divided in 
opinion, and to solve the difficulty, the court brought in 
Lord Nairn, a judge long superannuated. He was roused 
from his bed at midnight, and, as he knew nothing that had 
passed, the proceedings were read over again in his presence. , 


He was found to have fallen sound asleep when called on for 
his vote. It was decided against Argyll ; and, unlike his 
father, the Marquis of Montrose (grandson of the great 
Montrose) sat as foreman or chancellor on the condemna- 
tory jury. The conviction was a capital one for leasing- 
making and high treason.* 

But the courage of a woman saved Argyll on this occasion 
from his impending fate. Lady Sophia Lindsay, his daughter- 
in-law, visited him in the castle before his removal to the 
prison of the condemned, and had the address to get him 
safely forth in the guise of a page, holding up her train. 
The Earl passed over to Holland ; but a circumstance occur- 
red before that time which shows that the Duke of York 
was his true enemy. Argyll had not yet left Britain, when 
an offer was made to Charles II. to point out where he 
might be found. " Pooh ! pooh ! " cried the King, " hunt 
a hunted partridge ! for shame ! " This one quality of 
good-nature has long excused many blunders on the part 
of Charles nay, many vices, many crimes. But of this 
point we are not called on here to judge.* 

When the Earl of Argyll moved from Holland on the 
death of Charles II., he was only a few years ahead of the 
times. He undertook what was successfully carried out 
three years later by the revolution of 1688. He sacrificed 
himself, as has been well said, as the avant-courier of a per- 
manent change in the British Monarchy. It was in May, 
1685, that the Earl of Argyll left Holland with a body of 
his friends, and attempted to increase his forces from his 
former supporters in the west Highlands. But, as we have 

*John Hogg, Esq., London, Eng., in Clan Campbell. 


said, he was in advance of the feeling of the country. The 
acts of James VII. had not yet been fully developed or un- 
derstood. From these and other causes the nobleman 
found himself without supporters nay, forsaken by those 
whom he had a right to expect would be the last to leave 
his ranks. But, in the midst of these difficulties, Argyll 
determined to fight his enemies whenever and wherever he 
could find them. In this determination he suffered the fur- 
ther opposition of his officers. A march was attempted 
towards Glasgow ; but, through the stupidity of his guides, 
he was led into moors, and lost his baggage in morasses. 
Finally, being reduced to a force of five hundred, his forces 
disbanded, and the Earl, in the disguise of a countryman, 
was wounded and taken prisoner. In this unfortunate hour 
he revealed his rank by an unguarded exclamation. This 
knowledge of his rank, while it elicited the warmest sym- 
pathy of his captors, made it the more important that he 
should be imprisoned there. On the 20th of June, 1685, 
he was conducted to the Castle of Edinburgh, with his 
hands fastened behind his back, preceded by the public ex- 
ecution. Here he was put to death ten days later, bearing 
his fate with the great courage and calmness for which his 
family are so justly celebrated. In his last hours, face to 
face with his cruel fate, he wrote his own epitaph, and,, 
while we may not expect even an Earl to be very poetical 
under such circumstances, yet, as Horace Walpole says, 
there is an heroic satisfaction of conscience expressed in 
the lines worthy of the cause in which he fell. Some of 
the lines are prophetic of the revolution of 1688, and show 
that the Earl of Argyll was acting on the broadest princi- 
ples of patriotism and loyalty : 



11 On my attempt though Providence did frown, 
His oppressed people God at length shall own ; 
Another hand, with more successful speed, 
Shall raise the remnant, hruise the serpent's head. 
Though my head fall, that is no tragic story, 
Since, going hence, I enter endless glory. " 

There is one thing to be cited in proof of the uncertainty 
of political issues in these times, and that is, that while 
Argyll and Montrose pursued directly opposite courses dur- 
ing their active lives, they both came at last to the scaffold 
with composure and songs of heroic triumph. The forces 
which followed Argyll to carry out what, in a certain sense, 
he undertook, soon made their appearance under William 
of Orange. His victories have been already often told. 
King William did not forget the Campbells, but one of his 
first acts was to restore the house of Argyll. Archibald 
Campbell, the heir to the house, was put mto possession and 
enjoyment of the family honors, and not only this, but 
raised to dignities which his predecessors did not enjoy. 
He was elevated to the highest offices of state in Scotland, 
and was finally created DUKE OF ARGYLL, in June, 1701. 
He became a favorite with William III., and during his 
reign raised a regiment almost entirely of his own name* 
who did heroic service in the wars in Flanders. Archibald 
Campbell, the first Duke of Argyll, Marquis of Lome and 
Earl of Campbell, died in September, 1703. This event in- 
troduces us to one of the most eminent leaders of the 
house of Argyll, viz., JOHN, DUKE or ARGYLL AND GREEN- 
WICH. Pope, who never flatters, spoke of this nobleman in 
no meagre praise : 

Argyll, the state's whole thunder born to wield, 
And shake alike the senate and the field." 



Before coming into possession of the Dukedom he had dis- 
tinguished himself at the head of a regiment in Flanders, 
under King William, while yet a mere youth. Before he 
had reached the age of twenty-five he was made an extra- 
ordinary lord of session and a privy-councillor. At the 
age of twenty-seven he was made Lord High Commissioner 
to the Scottish Parliament, the Court, it is said, being actu- 
ated in his appointment by the high promise of his char- 
acter, his vast patrimonial possessions, and the great gen- 
eral influence of his family in Scotland. On this occasion 
he made considerable display. "Forty coaches and six 
"hundred horsemen met him on his approach to Edin- 
" burgh, and thus was he ushered in triumph, as Lord Com- 
" missioner, into the ancient royalty. A very handsome 
" person, and a demeanor manly and staid beyond his 
" years, contributed, with his other advantages, to render 
" him, at the time, by far the most popular of all the mag- 
" nates of Scotland. In his opening speech to Parliament, 
a his Grace recommended the settlement of the succession 
"to the throne in the Protestant line, and advocated a 
" Treaty of Union with England. Having performed his 
" duties in Scotland, and procured the appointment of proper 
" parties to discuss the terms of the Union, the Duke was 
" led, by his active spirit, to join the army of Marlborough 
" in Flanders. At Ostend and Menin he distinguished him- 
" self highly, and entered the latter place as the leader of 
' ' the victors. He returned to his own country to assist in 
" carrying out the treaty of union, and braved much un- 
" popularity in accomplishing that great object, which 
" nearly all men now acknowledge to have saved North 
11 and South Britain from endless feuds. As colonel of the 
" third regiment of foot, his Grace acted an important part 


" in Flanders, whither he returned betwixt the years 1707 
" and 1710, being raised to such a rank, and entrusted with 
" such commands, as befitted his pretensions and merits. 
" At the battle of Oudenarde, and at the sieges of Lisle, 
" Ghent, and Tournay, he made himself peculiarly eminent ; 
" and at Malplaquet, where victory seemed about to desert 
" the British arms, he exposed himself so fearlessly that 
" his clothes were penetrated by a number of balls, though 
." his person escaped unharmed. The Duke of Marlborough 
" esteemed and employed Argyll, though the very high 
" rank and talents of the latter seem to have bred a jealousy 
" betwixt the two, and frequently to have set them at vari- 
" ance. The Duke of Argyll returned to Britain in 1710. 
" It is by no means to his honour that he then opposed the 
." motion in the House of Lords for thanking Marlborough,. 
" though Harley (afterwards Earl of Oxford) and other 
" enemies of the conqueror of Blenheim were delighted by 
" the proceeding. Their influence gave to Argyll an oppor- 
" tunity of rivalling his late superior, by his being em- 
" ployed as commander-in-chief of the British forces then 
" acting in Spain. His Grace arrived in Barcelona in May, 
"1711, but he found the troops in a condition miserably 
" unfit for service. He called for money and aid from 
" home ; his call was unheeded. The anxiety of his mind 
" brought on a severe illness, and on recovering from it, he 
" had the mortification to be compelled to quit Spain with 
"all his forces. Undoubtedly, however, the failure of 
" assistance from home in men and means was to a great 
" extent the cause of these reverses the more galling, it 
" may be supposed, from the unvarying successes of the 
" Duke of Marlborough. 

" Soured in temper by the bad treatment which he im- 


" agined himself to have experienced at the hands of the 
" home government, the Duke of Argyll, on his return to 
" Britain, joined the party of the opposition in Parliament, 
" and even voted for a repeal of the act of union. His plea 
"was, that the Protestant succession was now safe without 
" that treaty ; and he proved himself to be so far sincere by 
" furthering and securing the interests of the Elector of 
" Hanover. All along the principles of his family had been 
" favourable to the Whig party in short to moderate liber- 
"alism as opposed to the high Jacobite or ultramonarchical 
" ideas of other statesmen of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
" centuries. He did not deviate from these principles in 
" his present movements. The result of all was, that 
" George I. looked on Argyll as the main pillar of his power 
tf in Scotland, at the time when Queen Anne died and left 
" the throne vacant for his ascension. The Duke was 
" named commander of the forces in the north in September 
"1714; and when the Earl of Mar appeared in rebellion 
"during the following year, his Grace was ordered out 
" against the insurgents. He found the military power of 
"the crown in Scotland in a state of wretched weakness, but 
"he led the troops under his command against the Earl of 
" Mar, and met him at Sheriffmuir. near Dunblane, on the 
" 15th of November, 1715. Both lay upon their arms all 
" night, and a stone is still shown on the site of the High- 
" landers' bivouac, indented all round with marks occasioned 
" by the broad-swords of those warriors who here sharpened 
" their weapons for the next day's conflict. The Highlanders 
" had come down from their fastnesses, with a resolution to 
" fight as their ancestors had fought at Kilsyth and Killie- 
" crankie. Their enthusiasm may be guessed from the 
" following anecdote. A Lowland gentleman observing 


"amongst their bands a man of ninety years of age from the 
"upper part of Aberdeenshire, had the curiosity to ask how 
"one so aged, and seemingly so feeble, had thought of join- 
" ing this enterprise. The old man, laying his hand on a 
" pistol which he carried in his bosom, replied, c I have sons 
" here, sir, and I have grandsons, if they fail to do their 
"duty can I not shoot them !' The attack of these resolute 
" soldiers upon the left wing of the royal army was irresisti- 
" ble. The chief of Clanranald was killed as they were ad- 
" vancing, but instead of damping their ardour, this only 
" served to inspire them with greater fury. ' To-morrow 
" for lamentation !' cried the young chieftain of Glengary, 
"'To-day for revenge!' The battle undoubtedly checked 
" the rebel army and broke up their plans ; but to pronounce 
" who gained the victory has puzzled historian and poet 
" ever since. < Some say that we wan and some say that 
" they wan,' has been ever the cry of the Scots in speaking 
"of that engagement; and even Eobert Burns thought the 
" dilemma worthy of a spirit-stirring, though semi-humorous 
"lyric. Argyll himself is said to have turned poet on the 
" occasion, but it may be doubted whether he did not mere- 
" ly content himself with making use of the old catch verse 
" of the < Bob o'Dunblane' ' If it be na weel bobbit, we'll bob 
"it again." 

His Grace was so far victorious as to check the advance 
of the insurgents southwards. Indeed they were never after 
able to make a formidable stand against the royal army. 
Early in 1716 the Duke moved northwards towards Perth, 
but the army of Lord Mar had disbanded, and he, with 
other chiefs, had sought hiding places. When His Grace 
visited London he advocated the most lenient treatment of 
the Highland chieftians, by which he gained the great dis- 


pleasure of the King and court. In this course he proved 
his own wisdom, for had his advice been accepted, there 
would have been no civil war of 1745. 

But there was another circumstance which placed the 
Duke in opposition to the Court, which, together with a 
sketch of His Grace's life, is related by Mr. Hogg: 

From the days of Henry IV. to those of George III. the 
heirs-apparent of the British monarchs had almost always 
been placed in an attitude of hostility to their sires, chiefly 
because the rising sun is apt to attract worshippers, and to 
lessen the homage paid to and expected by the setting 
luminary. A party of the young and active in the state in- 
variably congregated around the sovereign in posse, and 
hence arose the jealousy of the sovereign in esse. Our past 
annals abound with evidences of this truth. In the present 
instance the Duke of Argyll chanced to acquire the especial 
favour of the Prince of Wales, and, in proportion, lost that 
of the King. In 1716, he was deprived of , all his employ- 
ments about the royal household, and it was not till 1719 
that he was fully restored to favour. In that year he was 
created High Steward, and received the title of DUKE of 
GREENWICH, having before sat in the English Parliament as 
Earl of Greenwich. He was one of those well-meaning, 
patriots who proposed the limitation of the number of Eng- 
lish peers, and the augmentation of the roll of Scottish re- 
presentative nobles from sixteen to twenty-five. He failed 
in his object at the time ; but, by the conference of British 
titles on Scottish barons, his design of equalization has since 
been carried out fully. He strenuously fulfilled his duties 
in parliament during the busy years succeeding 1715, and 
w^as always at hand to defend there the interests of his own 
northern land. He held but a dubious position with the 
court, but the Chief of the Campbells was of too much im- 
portance to be pushed to the wall by any changes of men or 
measures. When the famous Porteous riot took place in 
Edinburgh, his Grace courageously stood forth to check the 
wild retaliatory steps which it was proposed to take against 


the city of Edinburgh. It was then, on being taunted with 
interested motives, that he pronounced the speech which 
Sir Walter Scott has rendered familiar to all general read- 
ers, by quoting it in the " Heart of Midlothian :" " I am no 
minister, I never was a minister, and I never will be one. 
I thank God I had always too great a value for those few 
abilities which nature has given to me, to employ them in 
doing any drudgery, or any job of any kind whatever." In 
short, the Duke punished his ministerial opponents un 
sparingly in his oration, and frightened them into milder 
measures with respect to the city of Edinburgh. It was on 
this occasion also, that he is said to have risked his head in 
imparting a similar lesson to royalty. Queen Caroline, left 
regent at the time of the Porteous mob by her royal lord's 
absence in Hanover, indignantly declared to the Duke that 
"she would turn. Scotland into a hunting-seat." "If that 
be the case, madam," said his Grace, coolly, " I must go 
down and prepare my hounds." The threat was courteously 
worded, but was in reality a terrible one ; and the Queen 
felt its true force. She was guilty of no further ebullitions 
of anger of the same kind. Edinburgh was pardoned on pay- 
ment of a fine. 

The Duke of Argyll opposed the conduct of Sir Bobert 
Walpole and the Duke of Newcastle in parliament with 
energy, and, in 1742, Walpole resigned the premiership. 
But though the command of the British army was given to 
Argyll, he was unable to reconcile himself to other appoint- 
ments made, and held his place but for a few days. Perhaps 
ill-health had some share in this proceeding. He died at all 
events soon afterwards (4th of October, 1743), in the sixty- 
fifth year of his age. He was interred in Westminster 
Abbey, and the talents of Roubiliac were exerted in erecting 
a beautiful monument to his memory, still to be seen in the 
southern transept of the edifice. 

There must have been something truly grand, on the 
whole, in the character of John, Duke of Argyll and Green- 
wich, whose career has now been, thus briefly traced. No 
common personage could have drawn forth the praises which 


Pope and Thomson lavished on his head. The commenda- 
tions of such men involved in them the boon of immortality. 
The bard of the Seasons says that Scotland beheld in Argyll 

Her every virtue, every grace combined, 
Her genius, wisdom, her engaging turn, 
Her pride of honour and her courage tried, 
Calm and intrepid, in the very throat 
Of sulphurous war, on Tenier's dreadful field. 
Nor less the palm of peace en wreathes thy brow ; 
For, powerful as thy sword, from thy rich tongue 
Persuasion flows, and wins the high debate." 

There was much silly flattery of the great in the verse of 
those days, but Pope and Thomson cannot be viewed as 
common rhyming adulators. The character given by them 
of the Duke of Argyll may be taken as indicating their real 
feelings, even admitting that lofty rank so far impressed 
them as well as others. 

By the death of the Duke, his British title of Greenwich 
became extinct, as he left no male heirs. A considerable 
portion of his property, though not the Highland estates, 
went to the Buccleuch family, whose heir had married his 
daughter, Lady Caroline. The dukedom of Argyll passed 
to his brother, ARCHIBALD, EARL OF ISLAY, so created pre- 
viously, for his long and active services to the crown in 
Scotland. One cannot now help feeling amazed at the rapid 
transition from camp to court from the field to the bench 
which the habits of that age permitted, and which the 
lives of the second and third Dukes of Argyll so strikingly 
exemplified. After serving under Marlborough, the imme- 
diate subject of our notice (Duke Archibald finally) returned 
to Scotland, was appointed Lord High Treasurer there, and 
as such, aided largely in carrying out the union. For his 
services, as stated, he was created Earl of Islay. He con- 
tinued to occupy various high and not unlucrative situations 
in Scotland up to the outbreak of the Mar rebellion of 1*715, 
when he received several serious wounds at Sheriffmuir, 
having there joined his brother's army. The offices of High 


Treasurer, Lord Clerk-Kegistrar, and Keeper of the Privy 
Seal and the Great Seal, rewarded him successively for his 
undeviating fidelity to the house of Hanover, and his utility, 
also, to its ministers on which latter score he was some- 
times at serious variance with his elder brother, then Duke. 
The Earl of Islay was long the most trusted friend of Sir 
Eobert Walpole in Scotland, and changed not his creed even 
when his Grace of Argyll was most strenuous in his oppo- 
sition to that statesman. 

It was in 1743, that Archibald Campbell, Earl of Islay, 
succeeded as Duke of Argyll. Four years later the Jurisdic- 
tion-Act called on the Argyll family to part with several 
important privileges, among which were the hereditary 
Justice-Generalship and the office of Sheriff. The sum of 
21,000 was, however, given as an indemnity.* 

*It makes one shudder, it may be remarked, to think that, in reality, this 
transaction was equivalent to the buying away from one man of rank of the power 
of life and death over all around him. How he and his predecessors wielded it, 
is not the point here under consideration ; but certainly the Lords of Argyll, 
however, had the legal right to do almost anything they chose in their own dis- 
trict, and the withdrawal of such license from their hands could not but be a 
blessing to the whole country. We may smile at the story of Janet telling her 
husband to ascend the gallows-tree, " like a man, to please the laird," but the 
state of society which permitted such scenes is one never to be witnessed again , 
it is to be hoped, in these islands. There was doubtless a counterbalancing ad- 
vantage, in so far as the chiefs could often act where the regular laws might have 
been ineffective ; but the good could never equal the evil. The abolition of heredi- 
tary jurisdictions was indeed the most important of all^he steps taken after the 
rebellion for the civilization of the Highlands ; and we owe it mainly to Duncan 
Forbes, Lord-President of the Court of Sessions. He was most scurvily recom- 
pensed at the time for his patriotic exertions by the government of England. 
The measures which he suggested, nevertheless, and carried through, were of 
much more importance to the Gael themselves than to any other parties. He 
rendered them for the first time comparatively free agents, and gave to them the 
oridinary privileges of social life. They were no longer liable to be strung up to a 
tree for refusing to plunder or to fight at the command of the lords of the soil. 
Yet some very recent writers speak of the willingness to do such acts as" de- 
votion to the chief," and " romantic fidelity," and by twenty such names and 
phrases, lamenting the changed state of things. Highly as we respect the character 


Duncan Forbes has been justly credited with effecting the 
needed abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, but it is re- 
corded of the third Duke of Argyll (Archibald, previously 
Earl of Islay) that he supported the Government in this 
and all other Scottish measures. He warmly seconded the 
Lord President's efforts in a plan for employing the young 
men of the Highlands abroad in the armies. 

The third Duke of Argyll was an ardent lover of litera- 
ture. He founded a magnificent library in the Castle of In- 
verary. This castle, which was principally erected by his 
Grace, is situated in Argyllshire in the western Highlands 
of Scotland, has formed the chief residence of the heads of 
the Argyll family since the fourteenth century. Inverary, 
which was constituted a royal burgh by Charles I., is a little 
over a hundred miles west by north of Edinburgh, and 
about sixty miles north-west from Glasgow. In front of the 
town is a small bay of Loch Fyne, surrounded by romantic 
hills, covered with wood ; and on its north side, amid exten- 
sive and beautiful grounds, stands the castle. The old 
building stood at a little distance from the present magnifi- 
cent ducal mansion, the erection of which was commenced 
by Archibald, third duke, in 1745, although not finished till 
several years afterwards. The Castle, an embattled edifice 
of two storeys over a sunk floor, flanked with round over- 
topping towers, anti surmounted by a square winged pavi- 
lion, is built of blue granite. The entrance hall, rising the 
whole height of the house, is fitted up as an armoury, and 

of the Highlanders, we believe that many of them would fain have inhabited their 
hills in quiet of old as now, and that the unhappy ambition and quarrels of the 
chiefs, who had over every man of them the power of life and death, influenced 
their actions much more largely than fanciful novelists have been accustomed to 
Allow. Sir Walter Scott knew all this well, though he valued the Gael highly. 


contains 150 stand of arms. A spacious gallery leads to the 
various apartments which are furnished in the most prince- 
ly style. The paintings and tapestry are of great value. 
The drives and walks are singularly romantic, and cover, it 
is said, thirty miles in circumference. At different periods 
the improvements and decorations on the estate are esti- 
mated to have cost 300,000. 

His Grace died in April 1761, leaving no family behind 
him ; hence his personal honors as "Earl of Islay and Lord 
Oransay" became extinct. The Dukedom of Argyll passed 
to the leneal male heir, son of the Honorable John Camp- 
bell of Mamore, second son of Archibald, ninth Earl of 
Argyll. Thus John Campbell (the second) of Mamore, be- 
came the fourth Duke of Argyll in 1761. It is recorded of 
him that " he was an active man during his career ; and, 
" besides serving in a high military capacity at Dettingen 
" and elsewhere, he sat in the British House of Commons 
"during the greatest part of his life, being advanced in 
"years before he succeeded to the dukedom. He shared 
" freely in those honours and employments with which the 
" English ministers ever endeavoured of old to conciliate 
"the house of Argyll, and maintain their Scottish influence. 
" His grace enjoyed his title but a few years, dying in Lon- 
"doii in 1770, at the age of seventy-seven." 

Another John, his eldest son, inherited the honors and 
became the fifth Duke of Argyll. " He sat in the House of 
"Commons before his accession, and also in the House of 
"Lords, being created LORD SUNDRIDGE (in 1766) whilehis 
" father lived. It is by the tenure of this baronial title that 
11 the heads of the Campbells still sit among the British 
"peers. But it was as a soldier that John, Duke of Argyll, 
<l was chiefly distinguished through life. He served in the 


" last Scottish civil war, and also on the continent. He 
" passed through every grade of military rank in succes- 
"sion, and finally became field-marshal of the forces in 
" 1796. His career was useful though not brilliant. It should 
" be observed, to his honour, that his tenantry, the most 
" numerous at the time in Scotland, were the objects of his 
" peculiar care when he came to his estates ; and he was 
" the first Presideist of the Highland Society, that great 
" association to which Scottish agriculture and Scottish 
" agriculturists are so deeply indebted. He married, 
" in 1759, the Duchess Dowager of Hamilton, by birth 
" Elizabeth Gunning, one of the most renowned beauties of 
11 her time, and sister to other ladies scarcely less cele- 
" brated for their charms. The family of the Gunnings, who 
" were from Ireland, was of itself sufficiently respectable ; 
" but to their personal attractions were these sisters indebt- 
" ed for the high matches made by one and all of them. 
" Elizabeth sat in her day as mistress of two of the noblest 
tl dwellings of Scotland, being successively Duchess of 
" Hamilton and Argyll ; and the sovereign of the land even 
" gave to her the personal title (in 1776) of Baroness Hamil- 
" ton, which on the failure of her male issue by the first 
" marriage, descended to her children by the Duke of 
" Argyll, and is yet a title of the Campbell House. John, 
" fifth Duke of Argyll, died at Inverary Castle in 1806." 

George William Campbell, eldest surviving son of the 
fifth Duke of Argyll became the sixth duke. He was mar- 
ried in 1810 to Caroline Elizabeth, daughter of the Earl of 
Jersey, whose previous union with Lord Paget (afterwards 
Marquis of Anglesay) had been dissolved in the Scottish 
courts. His grace died in 1839. 

Lord John Douglass-Edward-Henry Campbell, brother to- 


the sixth Duke of Argyll, became the seventh Duke. " His 
" Lordship long held a seat in the Commons' House of 
"Parliament, and followed generally the same political 
" principles which had caused the Campbell family ever to 
" be regarded as a main pillar of the Whig party among the 
" nobles of Scotland. The gradual concentration of all official 
" business in the British metropolis, however, had long before 
" shorn the highest northern peers of much of their im- 
" portance, and the abolition of almost all their hereditary 
" privileges has greatly changed their position even at 
" home. Once on a time a Duke of Argyll never could be 
" anything else than a man of the first consequence ; now-a- 
" days, his repute and influence must rest mainly on his own 
" personal qualities and exertions. This change in the 
" state of matters was inevitable, as well as others; and the 
" disadvantages attending the period of transition should be 
" looked to and cared for, as forming the only real source of 
" regret and trouble." 

The seventh Duke of Argyll died in April, 1847, and was 
succeeded by his only son, GEORGE DOUGLASS, eighth Duke 
of Argyll. His Grace still presides over the honours and 
estates of the Campbell chieftains. " While Marquis of 
" Lome he espoused, on the 31st of July, 1844, the Lady 
"Elizabeth Georgiana Sutherland Leveson Gower, eldest 
" daughter of George Granville, second Duke of Suther- 
" land, and has issue by that marriage besides a younger 
" family of four sons and seven daughters George-Edward- 
" Henry-Douglas-Sutherland, MARQUIS OF LORNE, heir-ap- 
" parent to the titles and estates." 

In view of the marriage of the Marquis to Her Royal 
Highness, the Princess Louise, by which the great fortunes 
of the house of Argyll are to reach their grandest culmina- 


tion, we will give the honours of the house in full : His 
Grace is Duke and Earl of Argyll, Marquis of Lome and 
Kintyre, Earl of Campbell and Covval, Yiscount of Lochow 
and Glen ilia, Baron Campbell, and Baron of Lorne, Inve- 
rary, Mull, Morven, and Thy, in the peerage of Scotland; 
and Baron of Sundridge and Hamilton, in the peerage of 
Great Britain. He is a Knight of the Thistle, a Privy 
Councillor (1853), Lord Lieutenant and Hereditary Sheriif 
of the county of Argyll ; Hereditary Master of the Queen's 
Household, Keeper of the Great Seal, and one of Her 
Majesty's State Counsellors, for Scotland ; Admiral of the 
Western Isles; Keeper of Dunoon Castle, and of Dunstaff- 
nage and Carrick ; Chancellor of the University of St. An- 
drews (1851) ; a sometime Lord Eector of the University 
of Glasgow (1854), and President of the Eoyal Society of 
Edinburgh (1861); LL.D., Cambridge (1862); a Trustee 
of the British Museum ; and a sometime holder of various 
political offices. 

His Grace, the present Duke of Argyll, was born on the 
30th of April, 1823. Before completing his majority, he 
gave evidence of possessing great ability. At the age of 
nineteen he attracted considerable attention by the publica- 
tion of a " Letter to the Peers by a Peer's Son," in which 
he treated of the Auohterarder case, celebrated as that 
which led, in 1843, to the disruption of the Church of Scot- 
land and the formation of the Free Kirk. His treatment 
of this subject was characterized by great ability. His 
riper studies of ecclesiastical questions resulted in the pro- 
duction, in 1848, of his important work, entitled "Presby- 
tery examined : An Essay, Critical and Historical, on the 
Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, since the Eeformation," 
the great object of which, as stated in his own words, was 


'"to give a comprehensive sketch of the principles and ten- 
dencies of the Scottish Keformation ; to distinguish those 
which are primary and essential from those which, being 
the growth of accidental circumstances, are local in their 
origin, and as local in their meaning; and especially to 
point out the value of the former in the existing contro- 
versies of the Christian Church. In drawing up such a 
view, and presenting it to the English public, it is right to 
acknowledge that, as a Presbyterian I cannot pretend to be 
free from that influence which personal and family associa- 
tions must always, more or less, exert. But it is not such 
as would be written by a mere partisan of Presbytery."* 
Since his accession to the family honours, his Grace 
has given many proofs of considerable oratorical ability 
in the House of Peers, and has fixed the attention of 
that dignified assembly by the singular readiness of 
his powers, and the maturity of his judgment. Several 
of the more important of his speeches have been pub- 
lished ; as, for instance, the one delivered on the 21st of 
July, 1851,on the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles 
Bill ; the one delivered on the second reading of the Bill for 
the Bepeal of the Paper Duties, May 21st, 1860 ; and another, 
August 10th, 1860, on the second reading of the European 
Forces (India) Bill. On the formation of the Coalition 
Ministry of the Earl of Aberdeen, his Grace accepted a place 
in the Government as Lord Privy Seal (1853), which he 
continued to hold under the premiership of Lord Palmers- 
ton, until, in November, 1855, he exchanged it for the office 
of Postmaster-General. He resigned the latter appointmen- 
ment in 1858, and, in Lord Palmerston's Cabinet of 1859, 

"Hogg's "Clan Campbell." 


resumed his office of Lord Privy Seal, which, on the ap- 
pointment of Lord Elgin to his second special mission to 
China in 1860, he again exchanged for the control of the 
Post Office. " Distinguished for the consistency of his poli- 
" tical creed, the Duke of Argyll, as a foremost member of 
" the Liberal Party, was called upon, on the formation of 
" Mr. Gladstone's administration in December, 1868, to un- 
" dertake the important post of Secretary of State for India, 
" in fulfilling the duties of which he has won golden opin- 
" ions as well from his own countrymen as from the people 
" whom it devolves on him more immediately to govern. 
" Already, in 1863, he had indicated his acquaintance with 
" Indian affairs by the production of two articles, which he 
" contributed severally to the January and April numbers 
' of the Edinburgh Review, and which were afterwards sub- 
<c stantively published with the title of ' India under Dal- 
" housie and Canning.' " 

His Grace is a nobleman of varied attainments, and an 
earnest patron of literature, art, and science. His published 
works consist chiefly of addresses and lectures, a volume 
entitled, " The Reign of Law," and one entitled, " lona," of 
which he is proprietor, and in the romantic antiquities of 
which he takes a deep interest. 

This brief sketch of the life of His Grace the present 
Duke of Argyll, cannot but do injustice to a nobleman, 
whose active and useful life has been interwoven with most 
of the great public affairs of his country ; but we have 
sought in this brief " Story of the House of Argyll," to 
give but a mere outline, to complete and elaborate which 
would require the scope of many such volumes as the pre- 
sent one. 


THE Eight Honorable John George Edward Henry Douglas 
Sutherland Campbell, Marquis of Lome, etc., present Gov- 
ernor-General of the Dominion of Canada, is the eldest son 
of His Grace the Duke of Argyll, heir to the honors and 
estates of the illustrious House of Campbell, and son-in-law, 
by marriage to H.E.H. the Princess Louise, to Her Majesty 
Queen Victoria. He was born at Stafford House, London, 
on the 6th of August, 1845, being about three years the 
senior of his royal wife, the birth- day of the latter being 
March 18th, 1848. The Marquis was early brought to the 
notice of Her Majesty, as will be seen from the following 
extract from the Queen's " Leaves from the Journal of Our* 
Life in the Highlands, from 1848 to 1861" : " Our reception 
(at Inverary Castle) was in true Highland fashion ; the 
pipers walked before the carriage and the Highlanders on 
either side, as we approached the house. Outside stood the 
Marquis of Lome, just two years old (August, 1847), a dear, 
white, fat, fair little fellow, with redish hair, but very deli 
cate features, like both his father and mother's ; he is such 
a merry, independent little child. He had a black velvet 
dress and jacket, with a ' sporran,' scarf, and Highland 

The Marquis was educated at Eaton and Trinity College, 
Cambridge, and for some time commanded a company in the 
London Scottish Eifle Volunteers. In 1868 he was appointed 


private secretary to his father at the India Office ; and since 
February of the same year he has represented the County 
of Argyll in the House of Commons. He resigned, of course 
the latter position on being appointed Governor-General of 
our own Dominion, to succeed Lord Duflerin. 

Lord Lome perpetuates the traditional liberalism of his 
family. He is a zealous supporter of the volunteer force, is 
a practical marksman with the rifle, and has shot with great 
success at the University vs. House of Lords and Commons 
matches at Wimbledon. In person, while youthful in ap- 
pearance, is very handsome. He possesses an agreeable, 
easy manner, and an expression of great good nature and 
kindliness, and cannot fail to attract favourable remark 
from all persons of discrimination. He is possessed of con- 
siderable abilities, and although young, he has given ample 
evidence of both industry and capacity. As already ob- 
served, he acted for several years as private-secretary to the 
Duke of Argyll, his father, when Secretary of State for 
India, and at one time when His Grace was occupied with 
the preparation of an important legislative measure, Lord 
Lome undertook and executed with characteristic ability, 
a vast amount of difficult business which seldom falls to a 
private secretary. 

In Parliament the Marquis has distinguished himself by 
a conscientious independence, which led him to vote, at one 
time against the Gladstone ministry, of which his father 
was a leading member. His parliamentary career has been 
graceful rather than active. In every attempt to express 
his views he has acquitted himself in a manner becoming 
the great dignity of his station. Throughout he has been, 
like his noble father, one of the most loyal liberals. 

It is recorded that Lord Lome is considerably influenced 


by the spirit of adventure, which is characterstic of his 
family, and of all young noblemen. This has been shown 
by the extent of his travels, and by the peculiar caste of his 
literary productions. He made his fist debut as an author 
in 1867, when he published a volume of much promise, with 
the title of " A Trip to the Tropics, and Home through 
America," which is a pleasant and observant record of travel 
in Jamaica, Cuba, St. Domingo, and in the United States. 
These lt Notes from Negro Lands" as the volume is alter- 
natively called are extracts from letters written by the 
author when travelling in 1866, in January of which year 
he left Southampton for the West Indies. " They contain," 
he frankly observed, " merely superficial views of the men, 
manners, and things that came under my notice ; but as the 
countries they refer to have recently been the scenes of 
important events, I hope they may not be without some 
interest." This hope, we may content ourselves with say- 
ing, is fully justified. A Canadian editor's review of the 
work informs us that it is really remarkable for the impar- 
tiality and clearness of the opinions expressed in it concern- 
ing the working of the republican institutions of America. 
His Excellency (for we must use that title since he is now 
our Governor-General) has also published two volumes of 
poems. The one before us, " Guido and Lita : a Tale of the 
Eiviera," appeared in 1875, and is a production of real 
merit. Following are the closing passages of the little 
volume : 

The gallant train the church's front has gained ; 

Their Leader's steed is at the fountain reined, 

And Guido takes his Lord within to view ; 

Him whom he mourns, the sire the Paynim slew, 

Recounts the tale of those adventurous days, 

How brief its space, and yet it years outweighs ! 


When all is learned, the Count goes forth to stand 
Upon the church's steps, and lifts his hand, 
And bids his troops rank round him on the place ; 
And calls for Lita, who with blushing face 
Comes out to stand before him ; and he speaks ; 
" Who now for glory, or for honour seeks, 
Let him, from deeds done here, example take ; 
Deeds of this gentle maiden, whom I make 
A Lady of my land, and ask that she 
Attend my court : and Guido, as for thee, 
Thou too must follow ; till the realm be free 
Of heathen hordes, our swords must never sleep. 
Our name must be so terrible, yon deep 
Shall yet refuse to bear upon its breast 
The fleets it brought to startle us from rest." 

Thus by his love was Guido called to brave 

War on the land, war upon the wave. 

By love awakened to a manly pride, 

In spirit searched, and changed, and purified, 

His bright renown o'er Christendom was spread, 

And lived where'er the light of victory sped. 

A year has passed, and where red battle burned, 

Fair Peace again with blessings has returned, 

And mailed processions, banished from the field, 

To white-robed trains the festive town must yield. 

See, to the sound of music and song, 

A stately pageant slowly moves along. 

Before the church's door the crowds divide ; 

Hail the sweet pomp, that guards the maiden bride ! 

Hail the young lord, who comes this day to claim, 

A prize, the guerdon of a glorious name ! 

They kneel before the altar, hand in hand, 

While thronged around, Provence's warriors stand. 

Hush ! for the sacred rites, the solemn vow, 

That crowns with Faith, young Love's impetuous brow. 


The prayer is said ; then, as the anthem swells 
A peal rings oat of happy marriage bells ; 
Grief pales and dies 'neath joy's ascending sun, 
For knight, and maid, have blent their lives in one. 

Some of the illustrations in the above-mentioned volume 
bear the characteristics of that fine art for which his royal 
wife has become famous. 

As set forth in the previous sketch on the house of Ar- 
gyll, Lord Lome derives his title from that district of 
Argyllshire known as Lome, or Lorn. The district in very 
ancient times was possessed by the Macdougalls, a family in 
those days nearly as powerful as the Macdonalds " Lords 
of the Isles." From the Macdougalls it came into the royal 
house of the Suart, or Stewart, and the historian will re- 
member that among the victories gained by Bruce in his 
eventful career was one over the Lord of Lome in the Pass 
of Awe. By these changes the broad lands of Lome 
passed into the hands of the Campbells of Lochow, the 
direct ancestors of the ducal house of Argyll ; and it has 
been aptly observed that they were then acquired, just as 
they have been recently consolidated and more firmly 
established than ever before, not by force of arms, but by 
a lucky marriage. 

Although Lord Lome is heir to all the estates of the 
great house of Argyll, one of the highest in the realm, 
standing third in the Scottish roll of precedence among 
dukes, yet we find ourselves, at this time, more directly 
interested in his marquisate than in his prospective duke- 
dom. Hence, while we regret the want of space to give 
our readers a full description of the whole extent of Argyll- 
shire, we may properly confine ourselves to some observa- 
tions on the Land of Lome proper. Now, the origin of 


this house of Lome is surrounded with a good deal of un- 
certainty. Lome is a name supposed by some to have- 
been derived from one of those Dalriadic princes or leaders^ 
who, emigrating from the north of Ireland about A.D. 503,. 
settled in the West Highlands, and there formed the first 
rude beginnings of the Scottish monarchy. These chiefs 
are said to have been three brothers, Fergus, Lome and 
Angus, sons of Ere, a descendant of the great Celtic rulers 
of Ireland, and in all probability of the same or a kindred 
race with that which previously occupied the whole of 
Scotland, then called Albyn. While Fergus established 
himself on the southern peninsulas of Kin tyre and Cowall, 
his brother Angus in Islay and the adjacent islands, Lome 
chose the western district, thereafter known by his name. 
The district is on the west side of that most picturesque of 
Scottish lakes, Loch Awe, and for a considerable space fur- 
ther to the north and south. It is a region full of the 
deepest interest to the antiquarian. The extreme length 
varies from thirty to thirty-five miles, with a mean breadth 
of about ten. Three beautiful arms of the sea intersect 
it Loch Feochan, in the south ; Loch Etive, in the middle, 
and Loch Creran, further north. Of these the largest and 
most important is Loch Etive, a fine, land-locked reach of 
water which, in its upper half, trends away considerably to 
the north, while, between it and the head of Loch Awe, 
towers aloft, in massive strength and grandeur, Ben Cru- 
achan, throwing his shadow, dark and broad, over the fail- 
expanse of water at his base.* The landscape at many 
points of view excels in the most striking effects. In par- 
ticular, the panorama that opens up to the traveller as h& 

McMillan's Magazine, 1871 


comes in sight of Loch Awe from the east, is, for grandeur 
and beauty combined, without an equal in Great Britain. 
On a calm summer's day it presents a peculiarly charming 
picture. The eye rests on the placid waters of the lake and 
its beauteous islets, slumbering peacefully in the shade, 
their several outlines mirrored in responsive symmetry un- 
derneath ; while, in the background, majestic and grand, 
the giant Ben, his brow, calm and unclouded, looks down 
his wooded slopes, as if keeping watch and ward over the 
lovely scene. 

Turning our eyes a little more to the left, we see, stretch- 
ing away to the southwest as far as the eye can reach, an 
irregular series of hills, embracing heath-covered and ver- 
dant flats, with many a basky dell between; here and 
there a neat homestead, with its herd of cattle browsing 
near; mayhap a shepherd half-way up the hill, directing by 
voice and gesture the movements of his sheep-dog, as he 
tends his fleecy charge. This land of Lome is a decidedly 
pastoral country. Yet, behind those undulating hills, em- 
bowered in pleasant halts of green, or looking forth upon 
the western sea, there lie spots replete with the stirring 
memories of days gone by. Who would imagine that these 
slopes once waved with mighty forests through which 
rushed the fierce wild boar and scarce less savage man 
that a thousand years ago this same region was the centre- 
of active Scottish life ? But our digression is too short to 
tell half the beauties of Lome. It is, however, from this 
country that our noble Marquis derives his title, the baro- 
iiial title of Lome being, as we have before described, 
merged into the earldom of Argyll, thereafter becoming a 
courtesy title for the heir apparent of the house. 

The titles of the Marquis place him among the highest 


noblemen of the realm. Should he live until the death of 
His Grace the Duke of Argyll, his father, he will rule the 
noble Scottish house of Campbell, and no other house, 
either of Lowland or Highland origin, ever counted among 
its members so great and illustrious a catalogue of ennobled 
and otherwise distinguished individuals. In this respect the 
Campbells may claim superiority over the Scotts, the Ham- 
iltons, the Murrays, the Grahams, and even the Stuarts. 

Some one has used the expression that it is much for 
Lord Lome that he is his father's son. "We may not be 
able to sympathize with all the enthusiasm of the clan of 
Campbell ; we may not all endorse the Duke of Argyll's 
politics, but it is impossible to hear the man, to read his 
books, without a feeling of respect, almost a feeling of ven- 
eration for him. Lord Lome has done a very clever thing 
in making himself more famous than fyis famous father. 
He has abundant advantages. He has had the advantage of 
that inestimable training in politics and statesmanship 
which the House of Commons confers upon a youthful 
member, and he will come to this country well qualified, 
in many respects, to discharge the duties of the most im- 
portant political station which has just been conferred upon 

A word should be said here respecting the arms of the 
Campbells of Argyll. These are quite as numerous as the 
gentry bearing them, and yet a family likeness runs 
throughout most of them. " Follow me" says the Breadal- 
bane motto, and a cadet replies, " Sequor" (I follow). Such 
are the variations most commonly indulged in. Heraldry, 
in fact, is a science obviously of comparatively recent or- 
igin, it being a doubtful question whether even the Nor- 
mans, with whom it certainly had its source, brought it 


over with them on their conquest of England, or cre- 
ated it afterwards. The invention seems to have really re- 
sulted with an age more advanced, when chivalry became 
fantastic as well as warlike. Countries and kings, no 
doubt, were the first to use arms. As for the majority of 
heraldic bearings, they are plainly attempts made by the 
later kings-at-arms, either to mark a peculiar event in the 
story of the family concerned, or to pun on the family 
name. The " two peasants with the yokes " of the Hays, 
for instance, point to the old story of the battle of Lun- 
carty, though it is now clearly understood that the origin 
ascribed by that tradition to the house is utterly fictitious. 
Then, again, the Trotters take the half-laughable emblem 
in their arms of a " trotting-horse," with the motto of 
" Slowly Onwards " (Festina lente) ; while the Justice family 
take a sword and scales, and the Buntings show the device 
of a bunting. It is plain, in short, that these, and other 
cases of what is called canting heraldry, are generally the 
products of heralds in times later than those which saw 
the families founded. The arms of the house of Argyll 
may be thus described : 

ARMS. Quarterly : first and fourth, Girony of eight pieces, Or, and 
Sable ; second and third, Argent, a Galley or Lymphad, sails furled up, 
for the Lordship of Lome. 

CREST. A Boar's head, coupeed, Or. 


MOTTO. Viz eanostravoco (I scarcely call all this my own). The Duke 
John seems to have conjoined this motto with that of Ne obliviscaris 
(Forget not), also used on an Escrol " in the arms. 

BADGE. Myrtle. 

[Loudoun quarters with the Crawfords, and Breadalbane with the 
Stewarts of Lorne. All the families of the Campbell name bear the 
Oared Galley in their arms.] 

We may here turn for a while to give our readers a 
glimpse of H. E. H. the Princess Louise, and to make some 
observations of her marriage with the Marquis. 


Her Eoyal Highness Princess Louise Caroline Alberta, is 
the fourth daughter of Her Majesty the Queen. She was 
born at Buckingham Palace on the 18th of March, 1848. She 
is very talented, and as accomplished as assiduous and well- 
directed culture can render one of such great and varied 
natural gifts. She has developed remarkable artistic ac- 
complishments in the departments of drawing, painting and 
sculpture. Mrs. Thorneycroft has had the great honor of 
instructing the Princess in the Arts of modelling and 
sculpture, and has had the greater satisfaction of seeing the 
grandest results in her royal pupil. One of the finest pro- 
ductions, in this line, which the Princess has executed, is 
the bust of the Queen which was shown at the Eoyal 
Academy Exhibition of 1870. Other specimens of her work 
have been successfully exhibited to promote charitable ob- 
jects in which she has taken a deep interest. 

Her Eoyal Highness has also very decided literary tastes 
and is so assiduous a reader as to deserve the name of a 
student. She was for some years the closest companion of 
the Queen, her mother, and is greatly beloved by every 
member of the Eoyal family, while her great sweetness of 
disposition endears her to everyone within the sphere of 
her influence. A graceful act of appreciative kindness was 
performed by the Princess, in connection with her posses- 
sion as one of the Lady Patronesses of the National Society 


for the aid of the sick and wounded. During the .Franco- 
German war, to each of the surgeons proceeding under the 
auspices of the society to the hospitals of France and Bel- 
gium, she presented, in some instances personally, a hand- 
some pocket case ornamented with her monogram and 
escutcheon, containing the instruments required for military 
surgery. On several prominent occasions of. state cere- 
mony, the Princess Louise has officiated for the Queen, and 
has always called forth the most enthusiastic admiration of 
her dignity and graciousness. 

There is not a magazine, periodical or journal published 
in the English language which has not from time to time, 
during the past ten years, spoken the highest praises of 
Her Royal Highness, and extolled her grace and beauty. To 
say that she is beloved, tenderly, devotedly, by every loyal 
heart in the vast empire over which her gracious mother 
rules, is but faintly expressing the place which she has won 
by her noble deeds of charity, her devotion to art and litera- 
ture and her sweet disposition. We make a single extract 
from an English magazine which may be regarded as a re- 
presentative of a thousand equally expressive of apprecia- 
tion of the Princess, which we might quote from as many 
writers did our space permit : 

" I remember so well the day when I first saw her Eoyal 
Highness the Princess Louise. It was a day in the early 
spring, soft and brilliant, not without showers, yet crowned 
with sunshine. I had made a journey of some little trouble 
to go to the royal Isle of Wight, for the foundation-stone 
was to be laid of a building belonging to an institution that 
was dear to me, and the Princess Louise was to lay the first 
stone. She has taken her part since in much more brilliant 
and crowded ceremonials, but I cannot but think her Royal 
Highness will long remember that day in the Undercliff. 


I am sure that there were many there who will long re- 
member her. We waited some time for the sound of her 
horses' hoofs, for she had to traverse the whole breadth of 
the island on her errand of mercy. There was a throng of 
fair ladies present, but as the eye wandered over that living 
parterre there was no more sweet and intellectual face than 
that of the young Princess. Her duties were long and must 
have been fatiguing, but they were done gracefully and 
well. There was one murmur of praise and congratulation. 
All of us remembered that day, and will always recollect it 
with pleasure. One slight incident occurred, but to me, a 
man of a loyal nature, the incident was in no wise slight. 
The Princess went off, magna comitante caterva, to a distant 
part of the grounds; to plant a memorial tree. I admired 
the. courage that I dared not imitate, for the wet grass was 
associated in my mind with the aliments of the poor people 
for whom our good work was intended. But as, with a lady 
on my arm, I lingered by one of the pathways, it so hap- 
pened that the Princess suddenly came back that way, and 
passed close by. "We stood quite alone, and made respect- 
ively curtsey and bow, and the Princess gave us a gracious 
salutation and a courteous glance of her candid eyes. It 
was but a trifle, yet one which we valued and treasured. 

We know but little of the young life of the Princess, and 
yet we know that it presents a fresh fair picture that might 
easily be shadowed forth. Happy is the nation that has no 
history, and happy are the princes who in contemporary 
history are unknown. Yet in the ' fierce light which beats 
upon a throne ' much of the private life of the English 
royal family has been unveiled. The Queen herself has 
given us glimpses of her home and her family life. We 
have all been privileged to see how the fair children of 
Osborne and Balmoral grew up under the plastic care of 
the Prince Consort, and to observe evidences of the care, 
forethought, and tenderness with which the training and 
education of his children were attended. And whispers 
came respecting the Princess Louise on how rich a soil 
these fruitful germs were implanted. We were told of the 


rare culture and intelligence which she possessed. We see 
with loyal appreciation' the wisdom and love which the 
Queen manifested towards her children. We recollect how 
in her Highland book there is a simple mention of her 
Majesty teaching her eldest child her lessons while on one 
of her excursions. The Queen herself has touchingly shown 
how she values the peace and security which a happy mar- 
riage can impart, and how little she desires for her children 
a position of solitary splendour like her own. In a memo- 
randum contributed to ' The Early Years of the Prince Con- 
sort,' she says : ' A worse school for a young girl, or one 
more detrimental to all natural feelings and affections, can 
not well be imagined, than the position of Queen at eighteen, 
without experience and without a husband to guide and 
support her. This the Queen can state from painful exper- 
ience, and she thanks God that none of her dear daughters 
are exposed to such danger.' 

We have all some knowledge of the great accomplish- 
ments of the Princess. We need hardly say that she is an 
accomplished artist. In the Old Bond Street Gallery of the 
British Institution she exhibited some works at an exhibi- 
tion on behalf of the destitute widows and orphans of Ger- 
mans killed in the war. * The battle is decided ; the defeated 
and the pursuers have passed from view before the day has 
quite closed in night, leaving the dead and wounded far be- 
hind. Pallid light still lingers in the deep blue sky, con- 
trasting with the glare of a burning village ; the dead and 
wounded, both French and German, are on the plain, and 
there are dismounted cannon. A sister is supporting a 
wounded soldier, stanching the blood, and another sister is 
bearing, her help. It is a gleam of mercy on the battle 
plain.' We believe that the Princess Louise has given 
much practical attention to such deeds of mercy. In the 
Royal Academy two years ago she exhibited a bust of her 
royal mother, not indeed the work of a great artist, but in- 
finitely above the ordinary level of amateurs." 

When the intended marriage of Her Royal Highness 
with a subject of the Crown was announced, a wave of in- 


terest spread throughout the length and breadth of the 
nation, and the Princess became more than ever a subject of 
universal regard. Her acts and movements were noted with 
that minuteness which had previously characterized only 
the reports of the Queen's own doings. As evidence of this 
we need only present the following extract from the Lon- 
don Graphic of March 4th, 1871 : 

" We were informed that before the Eoyal cortege entered 
the House of Lords on the day of the opening of Parlia- 
ment, the throne presented a very inartistic appearance. 
The robes of state were thrown over it in such a manner as 
to hide the crimson velvet and display only, the ermine, so 
that the effect was exactly as if a huge white cloth had 
been wrapped about a high-backed empty chair with an 
imitation gilt crown on the top of it. In fact it suggested 
reminiscences of a hair dresser's saloon. But when Her 
Majesty entered and seated herself, the Princess Louise 
with genuine artistic instinct, stooped and lifted a corner of 
the robes so as to display the warmer tints of the crimson 
velvet. Probably the act was almost involuntary on the 
part of the fair daughter of royalty. While her hands were 
thus busily occupied her thoughts were devoted to more 
important matters. Of what was she thinking ? May we 
venture to guess ? To some extent we may suppose that 
her meditations were of a somewhat solemn and chastened 
character. There is always something saddening in the re- 
flection that we are doing a thing for the last time, and the 
Princess may have felt that in all probability she was for 
the last time performing her part as maiden daughter of the 
Queen in one of the most impressive ceremonials of English 
court life. Mingled with these feelings other ideas of a 
livelier character may have presented themselves. The 
.grand state ceremonial then being enacted may have sug- 
gested visions of another ceremonial shortly to take place 
at Windsor in which the Princess, instead of playing a sub- 
ordinate part, would assume the chief rdle." 

Thus the people were not only eager to make her every 

'.><> l:<>YM/l'Y IN CANAUA. 

ilbjectof inte; , but undertook todivine her 

Indeed ii, DO , been truly gratifying 

to the noble heart of the J'rince . that such an intcli 
people paid her ueh loyal bom. 

It may properly eon -litute a part, of our brief sketch of 

the iVinfMj: l.o ,-,p'-,;ik of UK; j-oyal vvo'Jdin^ at Windsor 

> w|j:n lj:i- fortn. re unito'l vvil.Ji l.iio.-,*: of l,ho 

of Argyll. r ri]i:-; took placj; on i.}j <-h. 1^71. 

and vva-. the cliioi'' rftble p<;)iod of timo in 

Britain. The m;. ';cl<;f;rat<'.d at St. 

- liapd. '! '.!<: hofo/" 

aft<;r tlx: r/jaj-)'i;i^;<: merit.-, a hri<;f <i;.-,':/-ij>tion. In 
hhort VVind.-.oj- )<; <::it,(;'l a #ay a-p'^:t during Uie vvliolo 
day. Soon after day break a great number of workman 
'ting up Joyal mottoe-., coinplieated mono- 
gram:-.. ;n.- ,ve illumi/iati . th<; j^ublie buiid- 
ingH, mo-t. of the prhate I- the neigbbourbood of 
the ea-tl<: and i-ailvvay station. Tbu-, when th- eai'ly 
London train* arrived the town was already gaily bed.- 
with flag.-,, banner.-, and garland:-. The morning wa- bleak, 
cold and mi.-.ty,and th(j vveathej- at one tin i inclined 
l.o be somewhat, unpropitiou-, and March like. At nine 
o'clock a large body of police arrived from London, tb' 
b lb- Ckmd, and an hour later cj-o-/. 
people an. -ood view of the pro<-<; 
denly aj*peaj-cd and Lhrong<;d up the Castle Hill 

whej-e they were halted by a large police forec } 
and allowed tO enter Only by ticket. Those not fortunate 
enough to po 6 the i-erjuired ..tioned tt 

on i;\i<:\\ .-,ide the hill. In.-,ide gat<;S 
nine hundred !] ton boys who had come out for the 
on, and who had been placed in file- on each -ide of 

//. /,'. //. /'///AV'AWX LOI.'IHU. '..I 

I he road fcO Welcome the bride a.^ she drove past from her 
abode in Ihe Cftgtle l.o the chapel. 

f l'lic ('aslle "Teen presented an especially lively appear- 
ance, and the troops drawn up before Ihe chapel, and Un- 
varied loilelle.-, of the lady speHalors formed al, onr<- a gay 
and picl iircs<|ii<' s<-<-nc. Tins wa.s still I'urllicr licj'^lilcncd 
I)) UK- ;id\cn! ol a Highland regiment, wliidi ni,-ii-<-licd in 
vvilli ils k'i^|ii|-s |l:iyin.u; '.In-. ;i|.|ro|)!-i:ilc nir o!' ' : The 
( ,'aniplx-lls iirt-. ( Joining; " an air l.o wliidi I, IK- ( i i-cn;idici- 
(nuinlh had ni;in-lM-d up l.o I lie ( 'a.-t Ic Ilillalijw inoni.-nls 
\H'.inn-.. 'l'li<; arrival ol' llicsc rc^inicnl.s ir-.ivc- ^n:;il, sail T;i< 
tion l.o I, IK- crowd outride., whicJi had lx;conic IIIK^I 
waiting. Ky-and dy l.lm royal cai-ria^c.^ wont down l.o I, lie, 
Ntalion lo meet tlie di:,t inj;uisli(-d n- u , ;s |,s of UK- wedding. 

II was not lon/j,' before llie proec.-si(,n made il.,-. ajiji<-;iraiM-- } 
and as (lie royul c.arria^vs rolhid |>ast a cheer wa.s rai <-d 
and hats were laken oil' and handkerchiefs waved as flic- 
occupants were severally r<;co<j;ni/cd. Th<-. I'rince and 
I'rineoHH of \Val<-s seemed <;:s|K;c,i:i.lly popular, and I he 
Princess Teck was howed lo and waved at IVom all Hides. 
Tin-. hridcM-, <,,,) VVJLS also hearl i I y "reeled, l.ul whc-n ll^r 
Majc. -ly passed wilh the I'rinc. L*,ui < lh<-cheej-s heeame 
imivertal, especially OB Ihe parl, of UK- fllon (;olle^;e hoys, 
wli'. e loyalty was enfhii- ia.-ti<-al I y di-play<;d. When (he, 

had pa. ,ed, the, crowd -hovve.d no si^ns of di.s 
, and wailed pal ient ly for Ihe relurn of UK- royal 
parly after Ihe ceremony. At a. (jiiarter past one, the. hells 
ran# out a merry peal, and e,-corl<-d by a ^;uard of honor 
UK- newly w<:dd<;<i eoiiple ajpeai-<-d, in the vvcddiir 

tqpping every now and then to how lo the ci-o\vd, 

to which Ihe c,rowd, lii/<Iily eom|>limenle,<l and p|. 
|-eplie,d by renewed cheer-. They were not lessened when 


the Queen and Prince of Wales, this time in the same car- 
riage, passed by. 

We must now give a few brief details of the ceremony 
itself. The bright sun had given a beautiful hue to the 
spectacle inside the chapel, and streaming through the rich 
colored glass, lent a warmth to what, in the nave, would 
otherwise have borne a cold and bare aspect. This was the 
portion set apart for what we may call the outside public, 
and the issue of tickets being limited, there was no crowd- 
ing. The passage down the nave was lined on each side by 
ladies ; behind them were the gentlemen and the yeomen 
of the guard in their quaint costumes ; but beyond the 
organ-gallery stretched the choir. Gradually, as the guests 
dropped in, the gorgeous spectacle unfolded itself; bit of 
color was added to bit of color, as in the evolutions of a 
transformation scene. The knights' stalls, with their ban- 
ners overhead, were filled with bright uniforms and dresses ; 
there were ministers, stiif with embroidery, officials in blue 
and gold, and officials in red and gold, ladies in all hues and 
blazing with jewels ; military uniforms, diplomatic uni- 
forms, gold laced robes, silver sticks and gold sticks, and 
the heralds in mediaeval bibs of gold embroidery and colour. 
As the seats in this part of the chapel were reserved, there 
was much more regularity noticeable in the influx of their 
occupants. Those who were to take part in the ceremony 
arranged themselves about the altar. 

The bridegroom, not in Highland costume, but in a dtirk 
Hussar uniform, and accompanied by his best men, Lord 
Ronald Ueveson-Gower and the Earl Percy, had arrived and 
taken his stand in the bridegroom's place, the others being 
arranged in the following order : The Princess of Wales 
and her -children ; the Count de Flandre, in Belgian uni- 


form ; the Princess Christian, in cerise satin ; the Princess 
Beatrice, in pink ; the Duchess of Cambridge ; Prince 
Arthur, in Eifle uniform ; Prince Leopold, in Highland 
dress ; the Duke of Cambridge / in Field Marshall's uniform ; 
Prince Christian, in uniform ; the Princess Mary of Teck, 
and the Prince of Teck, in an Austrian Hussar uniform ; 
the members of the bridegroom's family, including the 
Countess Percy and the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh and the 
Maharanee, the two latter in rich uniforms of gold and 
yellow satin ; the Prince of Wales, in Hussar uniform, and 
the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, in a whjjte tunic, waited by the 
door when the Queen and Princess Vould enter. 

The organ now burst forth in triumphal strains as the 
eight bridesmaids, the heralds of the bride, made their ap- 
pearance. Then there was an " alarm of trumpets," a roll 
of drums, and Her Royal Highness, the Princess Louise and 
Her Majesty the Queen entered. The bridal procession 
passed slowly to the altar, the Queen, who appeared in ex- 
cellent spirits, bowing her acknowledgements. As the bride 
and her royal mother ascended the haut-pas the Marquis of 
Lome bowed profoundly, and the wedding service began, 
the prelates present being the Bishops of London, Win- 
chester, Oxford and Worcester, who were assisted by some 
lesser dignitaries of the church. The Bishop of London 
read the service, the Bishop of Winchester the epistle and 
exhortation ; the responsive " I wills" were clearly audible, 
and_the Marquis of Lome and the Princess Louise were 
man and wife. 

When the blessing had been uttered, the Queen extended 
her hand to her new son-in-law, who bowed and kissed it, 
and then with the Princess upon his arm, and followed by 
Her Majesty proceeded down the long passage of the choir 


and nave and the royal ceremony was at an end. The 
company subsequently assembled in the white drawing-room, 
where presently Her Majesty and the bride and bridegroom 
appeared, and made the tour of the room. The royal family 
and that of the Duke of Argyll then retired to luncheon. 
The rest of the party retired to Waterloo Gallery, where 
the general banquet had been laid. Shortly after four 
o'clock the bride and bridegroom left the castle in a car- 
riage with two pairs of greys, accompanied by an escort of 
Life Guards and a shower of white satin slippers. 

Such is a brief, very brief, sketch of the wedding of the 
Princess. The affair attracted the greater attention since it 
was the marriage of a daughter of the Sovereign to a sub- 
ject an event, though unusual, yet by no means without 
many precedents. To those, however, who could call to 
mind the history of such marriages in the distant past, it 
was a matter of great congratulation that Britain had 
reached an age of peace and of firm succession, when it was 
no longer dangerous for a princess to marry a subject who 
loves her. In the old times, when an Earl or Duke coveted 
the daughter of his king, it was often seriously discussed in 
Council whether such a marriage was safe for the throne. 
To the wealthy and powerful lord of a dozen frontier 
castles with the possibility of a traitorous alliance with 
Scottish monarchs and Welsh chieftains, it was unsafe to 
trust a princess, a union with whom might produce fresh 
claimants to the succession. Hence it is that we find the 
usurpers men the most ready to barter their pride and ally 
their daughters to powerful subjects, whose men-at-arms 
and archers might be useful in the rough wrangles for the 
crown. And hence it arose that Scotch, French, or German 
princes were always more in demand than the wisest, 


bravest and handsomest of the English nobles, because 
their- alliances were useful in foreign entanglements into 
which our kings so often fell. A Breton prince had ports 
into which war vessels could put and discharge their car- 
goes of bowmen and swordsmen that were to ravage the 
pastures of Champagne and the vineyards of Burgundy ; a 
princess bestowed on a Scotchman saved the English 
borders from ceaseless forrays ; but it was only at special 
seasons that an Earl of Pembroke or an Earl of Leicester 
could win a lady of royal birth. These hard times have 
gone now. Barons no longer defy the crown in Yorkshire, 
and Cheshire cannot be roused into rebellion ; nor are love's 
claims any longer to be frowned down by grave councillors, 
and pretenders to the throne are never countenanced. 

But let us digress, if indeed digression it be, to look at 
some of the English princesses who have married subjects. 
The first was Eleanor, the third daughter of the cruel 
usurper John. At the age of five she was betrothed to the 
eldest son of the Earl of Pembroke, the conqueror of Ire- 
land, who had established Henry III. upon the throne. The 
English nobles, jealous at the match, postponed the marriage 
for a long time, urging that a king's daughter should be 
married to a powerful foreign ally of England, and ought 
not to be thrown away on a mere subject. But the friends 
of Pembroke contending that the Earl was powerful both 
in Wales and Ireland, brought forward precedents of prin- 
cesses of France having married subjects, and the marriage 
at last took place. The Earl was more than forty and only 
survived the marriage two years, during which time he and 
his young wife of fifteen lived together with much affection. 
Eleanor afterwards secretly married Simon de Montfort, 
the son of the persecutor of the Albigenses,' in violation of 


an oath she had taken on her first widowhood, that she 
would never again become a wife. 

Isabella, the eldest daughter of Edward III. married a 
French nobleman, the young Lord de Coucy, a French 
hostage sent over to England after Poictiers. He remained a 
firm friend to En gland during nearly all the disastrous French 
war, and it is recorded, that " Never did the English hurt 
man or woman or take a farthing from them who said, 
' I belong to the Lord de Coucy.' " Eventually, Coucy, 
unable to remain any longer neutral, joined the cause of his 
country and sent his royal wife back to England. 

Cecilia, third daughter of Edward IV., was bethrothed 
before she was twenty to James, the son of James III. of 
Scotland, but the match was broken off. After this she 
passed a troublesome career for some years, till Henry VII. 
became king, after which her life was tranquil and happy. 
Cecilia bore her nephew, Prince Arthur to the front, but 
he never reached the throne, and at the coronation of her 
sister Elizabeth she occupied a place of honour. At this 
latter ceremony was present John, Lord Wells, half-uncle 
to the king and the princess's future husband. This noble- 
man had shared in the Duke of Buckingham's unsuccessful 
revolt and had then lied and joined his exiled nephew at the 
Ereton Court. It is said that Henry VII. kept Cecilia in 
the background, not wishing his wife's sister to marry, as 
in case of his own wife's failing in issue, Cecilia would be 
rightful heiress to the crown. The marriage was, there- 
fore, probably clandestine, but it was a happy union, though 
the gentleman was twice the age of the lady. Her husband 
died in 1498, but the young widow did not mourn long, for 
she was a train-bearer among the bridesmaids of Catherine 
of Arragon, only three years after her husband's death. 


Ijater she married one Thomas Kymbe, an obscure Lincoln- 
shire person, of whom nothing is known. She had two 
children by her second marriage, became rather poor, and 
died four years after her marriage and was buried in the 
Abbey of Quarrera in the Isle of Wight. 

Annie, the fifth daughter of Edward IY. was solicited in 
marriage before she was four years old, by Maximillian 
Duke of Austria, for his young son Phillip. The bride's 
portion was to be 100,000 crowns, but the match fell 
through. The Countess eventually married Lord Thomas 
Howard, the son of the Earl of Surry, whom Henry VIL 
committed for a time to the Tower. The king, who was 
far too fond of money, did not bestow on the Princess Anne 
the bridal portion of 10,000 marks bequeathed to her by her 
father, and the king's displeasure and fines prevented the 
Earl of Surry making any great provision for the young 
couple. Annie did not appear much at Court, and died 
early in life. She was buried in Thetford Priory. 

Catherine, the next daughter of Edward IY., married a 
Courtenay, a member of a family which boasted French 
kings and Greek Emperors among its ancestry. The young 
Earl Courtenay seems to have been a nobleman of great 
virtue and skilled in all chivalrous accomplishments. The 
princess and her husband lived in great splendor down in 
Devonshire, and Courtenay distinguished himself by de- 
fending Exeter against Perkin Warbeck and his brother 
rebels. Her son was executed by Henry YIII. for daring 
to correspond with his relative, the celebrated Cardinal 

Mary Tudor, third daughter of Henry YII. was the most 
beautiful and accomplished princess of her time. Erasmus 
saw her sporting about the royal nurseries at Eltham and 


made a note of the fact. She was educated in all the ac- 
complishments of her time, learnt French and Latin, played 
upon the lute, clavichord, and regals and danced with more 
than usual grace. An early treaty of marriage with the 
Prince of Castle was broken off before the accession of 
Henry VIII. Mary then fell in love with Sir Charles 
Brandon, one of the bravest soldiers and most refined cour- 
tiers of his, age. Brandon was the son of Henry VIII.'s 
standard bearer at the battle of Bosworth, and had been 
chosen by Prince Henry, afterwards Henry VIII., as one of 
his familiar attendants. Having been twice married he fell 
in Jove with the Princess Mary, who was at that very time 
being wooed by Louis XII. of France, an old king fast 
hastening to his death. Mary consented to the match on 
the express condition that if she survived her husband she 
should not be constrained but permitted to marry wherever 
she pleased. The delighted old man showed the Earl of 
Worcester,* the English ambassador, who concluded the 
marriage contract, a huge chest burning with jewels, for 
one of which 100,000 ducats had been refused. " These are 
for my wife," said the old king, " but she shall not have 
them at all at once, for I must have divers kisses and thanks 
for them." " I assure you," wrote the Earl of Wolsey, "he 
thinketh every hour of the day till he seeth her; he is 
never well, never until he heareth speaking of her." The 
doting old monarch wrote with his own hand to Wolsey, 
" Make my compliments to my good brother the king, your 
master, and tell him that I beg him to send his sister as 
soon as possible, and that in doing so he will be conferring 
on me a great pleasure." Mary by no means so eager to 
meet her bridegroom took with her six Italian dresses and 
oight English, besides such store of plate and jewels that 



Louis generously forgave 200,000 crowns of the dowery. 
Her reception by the old king was of a magnificent descrip- 
tion ; what with bouquets, pageants, jousts, and the grand 
coronation ceremony when the chivalrous Francis of Yalois 
stood behind the young Queen and held the crown above 
her head, so that its weight might not oppress her. The 
Duke of Suffolk (Charles Brandon) was one of King Henry's 
ambassadors on this occasion, and distinguished himself 
greatly at the jousts. There seems, indeed, to have been a 
mutual jealously between the French and English knights, 
and Suffolk must, moreover, have been in a reckless kind of 
humor and ready to do anything" to prove his valor before 
the lady of his love. He dealt about him so desperately, 
wounding one French knight unto death, that Francis, who 
had himself been wounded, is said to have lured a gigantic 
German to go in and do battle with the Englishman. But 
Suffolk's blood was up and the big German was overthrown. 
Leigh Hunt says that Brandon carried the German shield as 
a trophy to the young Queen who, in the course of the 
jousting, had cried out, " Hurt not my sweet Charles," but 
these particulars belong to the world of legend rather than 
to that of history. We only know that Suffolk bore himself 
gallantly in the lists, being one of the strongest of English 
knights, and we may suppose that Mary admired him none 
the less for beating her new countryman. The old king 
did not long survive the marriage, and in a sbort time the 
royal widow retired to the Hotel de Clugny to spend in bed 
the usual six weeks mourning insisted on by French 
etiquette. Now follows the contest. Princes and emperors 
and kings bring their power and influence against the suit 
of Charles, but in spite of kings and emperors and princes, 
true love prevails and the secret marriage took place in the 


little oratory chapel of the Hotel de Clugny, only ten per- 
sons, including the French king, being present. Brandon 
immediately broke matters to Wolsey, who could smoothe- 
everything. " My Lord of York," he wrote abjectly, "when 
I came to Paris I learned many things which put me in 
great fear and so did the Queen both, and the Queen would 
never let me have no rest" (this was rather shabby of Bran- 
don, and, above all, decidedly bad grammar), " till I had 
granted her to be married, and so, to be plain with you, J 
have married her heartily." This nearly cost Brandon his 
life. Long afterwards, when Brandon and Wolsey quar- 
relled about the king's divorce, Wolsey said reproachfully 
to Brandon : " Sir, of all men within this. realm, you have 
least cause to be offended with Cardinals, for if I, a simple 
Cardinal had not been, you should have had at this present 
no head upon your shoulders." 

Great altercation ensued between the two Courts as to 
the jewels, etc., which Mary was to take back to England. 
Over these treasures Francis and Henry wrangled like two 
Jew salesmen. Eventually, Mary pining for England, re- 
ceived half the jewels and 30,000 crowns for her expenses. 
Her marriage was celebrated in Greenwich, and all went 
well. The portraits of the Duke and Duchess were painted 
and underneath appeared the lines, probably written by 
Suffolk himself: 

Cloth of gold, do not despise, 

Though thou be matched with cloth of frize ; 

Cloth of frize, be not too bold, 

Though thou be matched with cloth of gold. 

The beautiful Mary died in 1533. Within a short time the 
Duke married again, a beautiful girl of fourteen. Mary 
was the last princess who openly married a subject, but in 



two other instances princesses are supposed to have allied 
themselves to persons below them in rank. Elizabeth, eldest 
daughter of James I., who married the Prince Palatine, the 
unfortunate King of Bohemia, died soon after her return 
to England, leaving her jewels to Prince Eupert and her 
papers and portait to Lord Craven a brave, chivalrous old 
officer, to whom many supposed her to have been secretly 
married. Mary, the eldest daughter of Charles I., who 
married the Prince of Orange, also ended her days in Eng- 
land. The rumor that she secretly married Harry Jennyn, 
a young nobleman of Charles II. 's Court, was, perhaps after 
all, without foundation. 

A word in this connection concerning the Marriage Act 
will be of interest. The Royal Marriage Act was enacted 
in 1792 iii consequence of the secret marriage of the Duke 
of Glocester with Maria, the Countess Dowager of Walde- 
grave. The private marriage of the Duke of Cumberland 
in 1771 with Lady Ann Luttrell, widow of Mr. Christopher 
Boston, of Derbyshire, augmented the vexation of King 
George, and the result was, an Act forbidding any of the 
royal family contracting marriage without the royal sanc- 
tion while under the age of twenty-five years. After this 
period they were at liberty to solemnize the proposed union, 
even if the royal sanction was withheld, if, after having an- 
nounced their intention to the Privy Council, an entire year 
should elapse without either House of Parliament address- 
ing the king against it. 

In the case of the marriage of H, E. H. the Princess 
Louise with the Marquis of Lome, on the 21st March, 1871, 
the hearts of all true and loyal subjects of the Queen were 
rejoiced. There were none to oppose ; nor were there any 
dangers to the crown to result from the union. The royal 


wedding we have already partially described. The royal 
wedding cake was greatly admired for its elegance and 
artistic skill. It stood upon a circular gold plateau five 
inches high ; the height of the cake itself being five feet. 
The lower part was in eight compartments, two with the 
Princess's coat of arms and two with the Marquis's and four 
oval medallions with their initials arranged in a monogram. 
These were divided from each other by eight figures of boys 
on thermed scroll pedestals, connected by festoons of orange 
blossoms and leaves, and supporting an open arch balcony, 
and vases on stands containing bouquets of orange blossoms 
and sprigs of Scotch heather, etc. The centre represented 
a temple, with steps leading to the inside ; the interior con- 
tained a circular shell shaped basin or stand with four doves 
on the edge drinking from it. The exterior had eight 
Corinthian pillars, and at the fou angles were figures of 
fine art, science, agriculture, and commerce, with thistles 
and roses in relief on the base of the stand ; over this was 
a second but smaller temple with eight twisted pillars and 
figures between them, representing the four seasons. The 
next was a circular stand decorated with scroll work and, 
the whole was surmounted with a figure of Hebe. The 
ornaments were molded, cast, and entirely worked in pure 
sugar. The cake was designed by Mr. S. Ponder, Her 
Majesty's Chief Confectioner, and occupied him and his 
assistants nearly three months in preparation and manufac- 
ture. Besides this, which was the wedding cake, there was 
another, which had been presented by the Prince and 
Princess of Wales and made by the Chester confectioner. 

Our lady readers will eagerly scan a description of the 
royal wedding presents, which must be brief. We can only 
mention a few of the most prominent. Among those pro- 


sented by Her Majesty was a handsome locket, the centre 
being formed by a very fine Emerald and the setting of 
diamonds richly encrusted. The tiara, the gift of the Duke 
and Duchess of Argyll, is also formed of Emeralds and 
diamonds, surmounted by a graceful scroll-work of the same 
jewels. The Marquis of Lome's present was a beautiful 
pendant ornament, with a large and fine sapphire mounted 
with brilliants and pearls and pearl drop, the centre form- 
ing a bracelet. The loyal people of Mull presented the 
Princess with a bracelet, a massive ornament of gold set 
with Scotch pearls and richly decorated with artistic gold 
work in the Eunic style. The present from the upper 
servants and tenantry of Balmoral consisted of a necklace 
and ear-rings. The former were composed of twenty-eight 
fine Scotch pearls, well matched and of rare size and orient, 
connected by lozenge-shaped links of gold. The pendant, 
designed from the antique, contained four very large Scotch 
pearls in a chased scroll work of gold, ending with a fine 
pear-shaped pearl. The earrings are formed of two large 
pearls, set with four brilliants in a quatrefoil, separated by 
a blue enamel line from the gold border, studded with small 
diamonds. A diamond ornament at the top and a pendant 
of three diamonds completes the design. 

One of the most interesting tokens of affection and loyalty 
accepted by the Princess Louise was the Bible and casket 
presented by 4,755 maidens of the United Kingdom, whose 
subscriptions were limited from one penny to one shilling. 
The binding, of Morocco leather, consists of a red cross on 
royal purple ground, both enriched with gold ; the arms of 
the cross embrace four sunk panels of white, adorned with 
the English rose and foilage in gold ; in the centre is a 
monogram of crossed L's and a coronet enclosed in cusped 


quatrefoil, and a row of enriched quatrefoils, alternately red 
and white, fill up the space at the top and bottom. The 
clasps harmonize with the general design. The edges in 
front bear arms and coronet, amidst emblems relieved by 
scrolls, inscribed, " Search the Scriptures," and " Thy Word 
is Truth ;" on the top the Passion Flower, and on the scrolls 
" God is Love," and " God is Light ;" at the bottom, lillies 
of the valley with snowdrops, and " Be Watchful," " Be 
Zealous." The vellum fly leaves bear the coronet and 
monogram, and the inscription, " To Her Royal Highness 
the Princess Louise Caroline Alberta, with the loyal, loving 
and prayerful wishes of the maidens of her native land, 
March 21st, 1871." ,The casket is in English oak, with the 
sides enriched with diapered panels, and the top with 
carving of rose and thistle, supporting the arms and coronet 
emblazoned, and is beautifully executed. 

Her Majesty also presented the Royal bride with a neck- 
lace of five large opals, set round with brilliants or con- 
nected by festoons of diamonds, a large drop branch with 
two very fine opals, set round with brilliants, and a pair of 
opal and diamond earrings. Among the other presents were 
the clan Campbell jewel, the hair-pins given by the Princes 
Arthur and Leopold and the Princess Beatrice and the 
locket given by the Dowager Duchess of Argyll. The first 
consists of a necklace of peals and diamonds, from which 
hangs a locket of oval form, with pendant ; the centre of the 
locket is formed by a large and extremely beautiful oriental 
pearl, surrounded by a closely set row of diamonds of large 
size, but set in such a manner as to give an appearance of 
lightness very seldom obtained in ornaments of a similar 
description; the pendant, the most characteristic portion of 
the jewel, is suspended by an emerald sprig of bog myrtle 


(the Campbell badge) and bears in the centre the gaily of 
Lome, composed of sapphires on a pave of diamonds ; the 
border, also of sapphires and diamonds, bears the inscription 
" no obliviscaris." The hair-pins, of which there are two, 
are ornamented with the diamond daisy flowers. The locket 
has a crystal centre for hair, and is enclosed in a diamond 

The two necklaces are the gifts respectively of the people 
of Kentyre and Tyree. The former consists simply of a 
double row of very fine large pearls fastened with a pearl 
snap, and, what is a rare thing in a necklace of this size, all 
the pearls are perfect. The other necklace is interesting, as 
having been made from the design of the Princess Louise 
herself. The balls are of a marble peculiar to the district 
of Tyree. A magnificent silver tankard was a present from 
the Eton boys to the Marquis of Lome. It is richly 
chased all over with battle subjects, after Le Brim, and the 
handle is formed of Satyrs. On the base are two inscrip- 
tion plates, one bearing the arms of Eton College and the 
other the words, " Presented to the Marquis of Lome on his 
marriage by the present members of his old school, Eton, 


The lockets presented by the Princess to each of her 
bridesmaids, are of a novel character and were ex- 
ecuted from the design of Her Royal Highness, an adapta- 
tion from a beautiful Holbien design of cristal de roche, 
beautifully engraved with a wreath of roses and forget-me- 
nots, blended and emblazoned in proper colours and having 
in the centre a royal purpole scroll, upon which is placed 
the name " Louise" in gold letters. The whole is surrounded 
by a border of blue and white enamel on gold tracery inlaid 
with pearls, and hangs from a true lover's knot of turquoise 


enamel surmounted by the Princess's coronet studded with 
emeralds and rubies. 

But we must close our observations on the Royal wed- 
ding presents, having mentioned only a few of the more 
prominent gifts. Others, too numerous for even enumera- 
tion here, attested the loyalty of a great people, and evinced 
the high esteem in which Her Royal Highness was regarded 
by all. 

The following epithalamium for Her Royal Highness the 
Princess Louise on the occasion of her marriage came from 
a loyal heart and a ready pen. If we are not mistaken it 
was first published in a London weekly journal. 


Grander than thunder-peal, 
When parting clouds reveal 
The sudden lightning on the summer sky ; 

Grander than wildest roar 

Of billows on the shore 

When ocean chafes with wrath, and clenches high 
His tortuous fingers in the shrouds and masts 
Of mighty ships that splinter in the blasts ; 

Grander than trumpet sound 

When armies shake the ground 
Eeturned from victory, is the people's voice, 
When shouts the multitude, " Eejoice ! Rejoice !" 


Not oft such sound is heard 

Far echoing over land and sea ; 
Not oft a nation's heart is stirr'd 

To such deep burst of love and loyalty, 
As on this jubilant day 
Our British Isles display 


To her, serene, who steppeth down 

From the cold attitudes where gleams the crown, 

To take her bridegroom by the hand, 

And pass with him into the happier land 

To the warm valleys where the rosee blow, 

And the winds scatter odours as they go. 


Step down, fair daughter of the Isles, 

In pride of glowing youth, 

Arrayed in purity of maiden smiles, 

And innocence and truth, 

Step down, Louise, and find 

Instead of icicles on lofty peaks, 

The sympathetic touch of human kind, 

And answering welcome upon friendly cheeks ; 

Step down into the world with gladsome heart, 

And love shall follow thee, where'er thou art. 


When nations cheer the lustful lords of war, 

Or strew with flowers a blood-stained conqueror's path,. 
And joke themselves like helots to the car 

Of martial glory-deifying Wrath ; 
We know their shouts are idle sound 

That they are fain to curse if apt to bless ; 
That were their hero to the scaffold bound 

For the high treason of an unsuccess, 
Their groans, their scorn, their hisses, and their hate, 

Would surge around his weak, defenceless head, 
Till the last blow of unrelenting Fate 

Had lain him with the dead. 


Not such the cheers, bonnie bride of Lome, 
That swell through Britain on thy bridal morn, 


Not such the homage that from bower and town, 
From field and mead and sea-surveying down, 
From Scottish hill and English plain, 
And Irish moorland pours like freshning rain, 
On thee and thine with fervour of accord 
On thee and on thy heart's dear Lord. 

Oh no ! a homage more sincere 

Loads every shout and floats on every cheer, 

Homage spontaneous and unsought, 

Only by modest virtue bought, 

Born of the people's love, and all their holiest thought. 


Pass down, Louise, pass down 

Among the people, and be one of them ! 
Love is a noble crown, 

A more resplendent diadem 
Than King or Kaiser ever won or stole. 

Thou hast it ; wear it on thy matron brow, 

Ever as bright and beautiful as now 
When virgin blushes show the virgin soul ! 

Happy as maiden, happier still as wife, 

May peace and joy attend thy life 
And in thy home all earthly bliss abide, 
Daughter of England 1 Scotland's hope and pride ! 

It is not at all surprising that such an event should stir 
the poetic genius of the land. On the other hand, there 
was everything in the occasion to excuse even an aspirant- 
poet for making his first effort. But the theme was by no 
means confined to poetical adventurers. Skilled genius, 
ripened talent, and eminent scholarship enriched the verse 
which gave, for a brief period, a distinctitve Princess Louise 
characteristic to the then current English literature. There 
is one piece entitled, " Louise of Lome," written over the 


signature of H. Savile Clarke, and published on the occasion 
of the royal wedding, which has been treasured by the 
writer for a considerable period, and which is prized alike 
for the event to which it refers, and for the beautiful senti- 
ments it expresses : 

They flung the banners out to shine 
On Windsor's immemorial towers, 
And gathered to Saint George's shrine 
All spring-tide blazonry of flowers. 
The organ's diapason roll'd 

In thunder down the trophied aisle ; 
The wedding circlet, wrought of gold, 
Gave a new daughter to Argyll. 

Kejoice, Scotland, from the north 

Where those wild islets fret the tide. 
To Teviotdale and foam-fleck'd Forth, 

And story-haunted Border-side. 
The rose of England twined yestreen 

With heather from the mountain crest ; 
Love well the daughter of our Queen, 

For the brave heart within her breast. 

She dared to love, and dared to mate 

As lowlier maidens love and wed, 
She stoop 'd from all her high estate, 

And " Love is lord of all, ( ' she said 
" For that high hope of equal love, 

The one elixir sweetening life, 
I yield me to his arms to prove, 

No Princess, but a faithful wife." 

'Mid all the costly offerings laid 

Before thee, homage to express, 
Thou wilt not scorn the one gift made 

By poor hearts that can only bless. 


In sooth, from every heart that beats 
In Britain 'twixt the silver seas, 

A berdson thy bridal greets 

For all the years to come, Louise ! 

O noble bridegroom, guard her well, 

The brightest jewel of thy line, 
For proudly shall thy children tell, 

Of all she left for thee and thine. 
And may the future be as fair 

As certes was that fair March morn, 
When Princes prayed the Church's prayer ; 

" God's blessing on Louise of Lome." 


The arrival of Her Eoyal Highness Princess Louise, and 
her husband, the Eight Honorable the Marquis of Lome, as 
Governor-General of the Dominion, almost simultaneously 
with the late decided political reaction in Canada, gives a 
new interest to the affairs of the country. So much is this 
the case that we find Canadian affairs at once assuming a 
more prominent place in the columns of the leading jour- 
nals in both Great Britain and the United States, [n the 
latter, and to too great an extent in the former also, but 
little mention has heretofore been made of passing events 
in this country. The press seems to have taken it for 
granted that Canadian news ceased to be of any interest to 
the general reader when it passed beyond the Canadian 
boundary. American newspapers have professed the great- 
est good will for Canada, and yet they have never omitted 
to improve every good opportunity of displaying their poor 
wit at our expense. The English press has graciously ac- 
corded us a fifth rate position in the scale of general im- 
portance, and has always mistaken the commercial enter- 
prise and political energy of this country for imprudence 
and disloyalty ; but the while, we have been slowly but 
really progressing, marching forward, rising in the scale of 
wealth and influence, and increasing in the estimation of 
our neighbours. The appointment of the Marquis of 
Lome, partly on account of the Marquis himself, but mainly 


because his appointment involves the residence of royalty in 
Canada, has given us a new attraction one that is likely to 
be of great advantage. Already much has been said on 
both sides of the Atlantic since the appointment was an- 
nounced ; and it is not a little interesting to notice the gen- 
eral tenor of these remarks. Harper's Weekly (G-eorge 
William Curtiss) which prides itself on saying witty things 
about Canada and which has not altogether outgrown its 
native dislike of all that is British, observed that, " If 
"Canada's loyalty to the mother country needed strength- 
" ening, or if it was thought desirable to confirm the hold 
" of the aristocratic spirit of the Dominion, nothing could 
" have been better devised than the appointment of the 
" Marquis and the Princess. It is possible that the natural 
"tendencies towards the United States of an English 
" colony upon this continent which is virtually independent 
" might have been suspected, or some signs of it discovered, 
" and that a ministry which is nothing if not ' imperial' 
" might have wished to withstand them. For what would 
" it advantage a Jingo Administration to make the Queen 
" Empress of India, yet lose Canada? The signs of such 
" a tendency are not very obvious, and they will not be 
" hastened by any thing upon the side of this country but 
" perfect good-will. It is, however, evident that the pre- 
" sence of the Queen's daughter in Canada will invest the 
" country with new interest to the Great Republic, which, 
" as the London Times intimates, if it chooses to spell itself 
" with a great E, is quite willing to spell Queen with a 
" great Q." 

It is quite satisfactory to Canadian pride that a journal 
which is so reluctant in its admissions of our loyalty to the 
Crown, finds that the signs of our tendencies towards the 


United States are not very obvious. And we have still 
greater satisfaction in informing the Weekly that if any 
such tendencies ever existed, and we are not willing to admit 
that they have to any great extent, they are forever here- 
after to be a thing of the past. It is true, however, that 
the presence of Her Eoyal Highness in the Dominion will 
strengthen the great loyalty of the Canadian people to the 
Crown and kingdom of Great Britain, and may we not also 
add, since the Weekly has placed this event by the side of 
the political reaction in Canada, that this ^National Policy, 
which is so objectionable to Americans, may tend to the 
same glorious end. If we properly understand it, and if 
the policy is loyally carried out, we predict for it this re- 
sult, and still more that of comparative commercial inde- 
pendence. The latter is not earnestly desired by our 
Yankee friends. 

The news that Her Eoyal Highness and the Marquis of 
Lome were coming to Canada, the latter as Governor- 
General, was received by Canadians of every political faith 
with the greatest favor and approbation. The Toronto 
Globe, edited by the Honorable Senator George Brown, 
which expresses the sentiments of the great Liberal party of 
Canada, gave utterance to words of approval of the appoint- 
ment in the most loyal terms. The article is worthy of 
preservation : " The appointment of the Marquis of Lome 
" to the Governorship of Canada is one of the surprises in 
" which the venerable Prime Minister of England delights. 
" We doubt whether any administrator less enterprising 
" would have conceived the idea of sending the son-in-law Ox 
" the Queen to this country. As a matter of course Lord 
" Lome's appointment will be received in Canada with 
" universal joy. Her Majesty and her councillors have 


" displayed the utmost good will towards the Dominion in 
" the choice they have made. No selection could have 
" shown greater confidence in the future of this country, 
" and none could be more beneficial. It will turn all eyes 
" in Britain towards Canada, it will bring thousands of 
" tourists to admire our natural scenery and study our 
" material resources, and will secure for us even a greater 
" share than otherwise we would have had of the great 
" emigration which must necessarily take place when active 
" prosperity is again made manifest on this continent. We 
" are sure that every inhabitant of Canada, of whatever 
" origin, will receive with gratitude this latest exhibition 
" by the Queen of the kindly good-will which she has always 
" shown toward the Dominion. 

" The Marquis of Lome and his consort will receive a 
" loyal welcome in Canada, and nothing will be spared to 
" render their residence agreeable. As a matter of course, 
" the change of position will be, for them, a trying one. 
" We have few attractions for the rich and great in this 
" country. Those who find enjoyment in the show and 
" glitter of life are not apt to think well of Canada. It so 
" happens, however, that both the Marquis of Lome and his 
" consort are possessed of qualities which render them in- 
11 dependent of many sources of amusement. The Marquis 
11 is of literary tastes, with a disposition to engage in public 
" business. He comes of a race which for many generations 
" has earned distinction in the service of the State, and is 
" not likely to feel ennuye in the responsible post which he is 
" about to assume. The Princess has artistic tastes which 
" can be indulged almost as well at Ottawa as at London, 
" and like all the daughters of the Queen, she is clever and 
" industrious. It remains to be seen whether this intelli- 


" gent pair can find in Canada sufficient of interest to induce 
" them to remain during the duration of a Governor-Gene- 
" ral's term. It has been said, we know not with what 
" truth, that the Marquis of Lome's position in England is 
" an anomalous one, and not always agreeable. We sincerely 
" trust that he will find in Canada a career suited to his 
" tastes and talents. 

" The Canadian people are by no means wealthy, and 
" there will be cause for regret if the presence of the Mar- 
" quis and his wife is the signal for the introduction of 
" extravagance in equipage or dress. Apprehensions upon 
" this score may, we hope, be laid aside. The Queen has 
" always shown a proper sense of economy in the manage- 
" ment of her family, and we have no doubt that her 
" daughter and son-in-law will exhibit to the people of 
" Canada the useful example of a prudently regulated 
" household. 

" The Marquis will unquestionably prove an excellent 
" constitutional ruler, and the presence of the daughter of 
" the Queen will bring joy to the hearts of thousands of 
" loyal Canadians. The arrangement may not be perma- 
" nent, the experiment may never be repeated, but no harm 
" seems likely to arise from the appointment." 

The Montreal Gazette, the leading Liberal-Conservative 
journal of the Dominion, edited by Thos. White, Esq., M.P., 
approved of Lord Lome's appointment in the following 
terse and unmistakable language : " In choosing a suc- 
" cessor for Lord Dufferin, Lord Beaconsfield had no easy 
" task. But he has performed the task in a manner which 
" at once shows his high regard for Canada and is a merited 
" compliment to Lord Dufferin. Although the Marquis of 
" Lome is as yet a young man, having been born in 1845, 


" he has already done something more than give promise 
(i of a successful career. He has had, in consideration of 
"his age, a pretty long parliamentary experience, and has 
" shown himself to possess those qualities of which states- 
" men are made. He is a scholar and an author, like his 
" predecessor. Socially, he occupies one of the most ex- 
" alted positions in the Empire. But what should make 
" his appointment especially grateful to Canada, is his 
" affinity to our Gracious Sovereign. As the husband of 
'" the Princess Louise, he is included within the sacred circle 
" of royalty itself. With the Queen's daughter at our 
" Capital, we certainly cannot complain that a low value is 
" set upon Canada's loyalty, either by the Government or 
" the Throne. If such an honour has any precedent in the 
" colonial history of Great Britain, it is certainly rare, and 
" we have reason to be glad that Canada has been, of all the 
" foreign possessions of the Crown, singled out for so great 
" a distinction. There was, indeed a rumor, some time ago, 
" that one of the Princes, the Duke of Connaught, might 
" be our next Governor-General. Those who can recall his 
" sojourn amongst us in 1869 and 1870 would, no doubt, have 
" been gratified if such an appointment had been made. 
u But it would be both disloyal and unchivalrous if we were 
tl now to regret the passing over of that alternative. With 
" a Princess as chief lady of the Dominion, her royal mother 
" will be as fully represented as by a Prince. And, by all 
" accounts, Her Royal Highness is, apart from considera- 
" tions of rank, just the one that we should choose for the 
" vacant position. Accomplished, intellectual, and amiable 
with such a leader in our vice-regal court, Canada can- 
" not fail to be benefitted socially and eveiy way. Yet, 
" notwithstanding all the advantages with which he comes, 


" the Marquis of Lome will have to be endowed with no 
" ordinary qualities, if he succeeds in winning amongst us 
" the high reputation . of Lord Dufferin. It will be long, 
" very long, before his memory and that of the gentle lady 
" who with him shares our affection and esteem, can be 
u effaced from the minds of our population. And gladly as 
" we shall be prepared to welcome to the highest station in 
" our land the noble Marquis of Lome and the daughter of 
" our Queen, there will still be mingled with that welcome 
" a feeling of regret for those whom a whole nation delighted 
" to honour." 

The English papers were also outspoken in approval of 
the appointment. The following, taken from the Graphic, 
fairly represents the spirit of them all : " It is a long time 
" since any public appointment has been so well received as 
" that of Lord Lome to be Governor-General of Canada. 
"He himself is believed to have some qualities which 
" eminently fit him for the post, but it is the presence of 
" his wife at Ottawa which will give its special character to 
" his term of office. There used to be a prevailing impres- 
" sion that England did not much care about her colonies, 
"and would be heartily glad when she could get rid of the 
" burden they impose upon her. The present Government 
" has made it one of the main objects of its policy to combat 
"this notion, and it could not have hit upon a happier de- 
" vice than that of sending out a daughter of the Queen to 
" the very colony which, in the event of a war with the 
" United States, it would be most difficult to defend. She 
"will probably be all the more popular because of the Ee- 
" publican institutions across the border, and will help the 
" Canadians to realize more vividly than ever their relation 
" not only to England but to the whole Empire of which 


u England is the centre. It is to be hoped that the Govern- 
" ment will be able to give fresh applications to the idea it 
" has so happily struck out. Why should not the Duke of 
" Connaught represent the Queen in Ireland ? And might it 
"not be possible to make Prince Leopold Viceroy of India? 
" If the members of the Royal Family were employed in 
" this way, a certain lustre would be shed on the great 
" offices at the disposal of the Crown, and a good answer 
" would be provided to ill-natured questions as to the uses 
" of princes." 

But it is important to notice that the appointment of the 
Marquis to be our Governor-General received the warmest 
approval of Lord Dufferin previous to his retirement from 
the post. His Excellency's speech in reply to the address 
of the municipal corporations of Ontario was mainly de- 
voted to his successor, the Marquis, and his royal wife the 
Princess Louise. No Governor could be more warmly in- 
troduced] to, the people over whom he was to be placed. 
" It has been my good fortune to be connected all my life 
" long with his family," said Lord DUFFERIN, " by ties of 
" the closest personal friendship. Himself I have known, I 
" may say, almost from his boyhood, and a more conscienti- 
"ous, high-minded, or better qualified Yiceroy could not 

" have been selected His public school and college edu- 

" cation, his experience of the House of Commons, his large 
" personal acquaintance with the representatives of all that 
"is most distinguished in the intellectual world of the 
" United States, his literary and artistic tastes, his foreign 
'" travel, will all combine to render him intelligently sympa- 
" thetic with every phase and aspect of your national life." 
His "good Whig stock" was not forgotten ; and Lord DUF- 
FERIN was very sure that a man whose ancestors had given 


two martyrs to religious and political freedom would not, 
as the representative of the crow^n, encroach on the privi- 
leges of Parliament or the independence of the people. In 
a still higher strain he praised the Princess LOUISE ; and 
then, with excellent humor, he said : " Lord LORNE has, as 
" I have said, a multitude of merits ; but even spots will be 
" discovered on the sun, and unfortunately an irreparable 
" and, as I may call it, a congenital defect attaches to this 
" appointment. Lord LORNE is not an Irishman. [Great 
Cl laughter.] It is not his fault he did the best he could 
" for himself. [Eenewed laughter.] He came as near the 
" right thing as possible by being born a Celtic Highlander. 
" [Continued laughter.] There is no doubt the world is 
"best administered by Irishmen. [Hear, hear.] Things 
" never went better with us either at home or abroad than 
"when Lord PALMERSBON ruled Great Britain [cheers], 
"Lord MAYO governed India [cheers], Lord MONCK direct- 
"ed the destinies of Canada [cheers], and the KOBINSONS, 
" the HENNESSEYS, administered the affairs of our Austra- 
lian colonies and West India possessions. [Applause.] 
" Have not even the French at last made the same discovery 
" in the person of Marshal M'MAHON ? [Laughter and ap- 
plause.] But still we must be generous, and it is right 
" Scotchmen should have a turn. [Laughter.] After all, 
"Scotland only got her name because she was conquered by 
" the Irish (great laughter), and if the real truth were 
" known, it is probable the house of Inverary owes most of 
" its glory to its Irish origin. [Applause.] Nay, I will go 
" a step further I would even let the poor Englishman 
" take an occasional turn at the helm [great laughter], if 
" for no better reason than to make him aware how much 


''better we manage the business. [Eenewed laughter.] 
" But you have not come to that yet, and though you have 
" been a little spoiled by having been given three Irish 
" Governor-Generals in succession, I am sure that you will 
" find your new Yiceroy's personal and acquired qualifica- 
" tions will more than counterbalance his ethnological dis- 
11 advantages." 

The comments of the London (Eng.) Times have more 
than an ordinary significance since they deal not only with 
the fitness of the Marquis for the post, but enter upon Cana- 
dian affairs generally : " We publish with great pleasure the 
" announcement that the Marquis of Lome has accepted 
" the office of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada, 
" and will enter upon his duties in immediate succession to 
" Lord Dufferin. The announcement will be hailed with 
" enthusiasm by Canadians and in this country, will be re- 
" garded with the greatest satisfaction. The Ministry were 
" apparently placed in a position of embarrassment by the 
" fact that Lord Dufferin's term of office which the wise and 
" wholesome rule of Colonial Service limits to six years ex- 
pired a few weeks ago. It was felt difficult to select 
" any successor to Earl Dufferin who would not find his 
" reputation overshadowed by the memory of the most 
" popular of governors. There was, however, one kind of 
" selection which was at once impressive and likely to pro- 
" duce substantial political advantages, a direct connection 
" between the throne and the representative of the Queen's 
" authority in Canada is certain to be welcomed by the 
" colonists warmly, because their loyalty has of late been 
" stirred by the eloquent appeals of the retiring Governor- 
" General. The choice of the husband of one of Her Majes- 
" ty's daughters to represent the sovereignty of the Queen 


" in Canada will appeal to the sentiments and traditions of 
" imperial unity and the historic pride which have recently 
" acquired fresh life and vigour. It is very satisfactory to 
" learn that the Marquis of Lorne has not declined the re- 
4t sponsibility involved in the succession to Lord Dufferin. 
" The services in his power, and not less in that of the 
" Princess Louise, to render the Empire are great. The 
"opportunity of rendering them is worth purchasing at the 
" cost of some inconvenience. Never was there a better 
" chance for completing a consolidating work which has 
" been well begun. The feelings of Canadians towards the 
" Mother country a few years ago were curiously mingled, 
" their attachment to l Home,' which is one of the striking 
" characteristics of Englishmen and their descendants in 
" newly settled countries was crossed with irritation at 
11 what they considered the coldness and neglect, social and 
" political, of which the} 7 had to complain, being convinced 
" that the dominant party in the Imperial Parliament were 
" longing and searching for an excuse to get rid of them, 
" they bitterly resented this, but, unfortunately, the game 
" of cross purposes, in which several Colonial Secretaries 
" took part, prevented the colonists from showing a certain 
" hostile school of politicians at home that they were 
" wrong. Those politicians contended that the Colonists 
41 wished to do nothing for themselves, but throw every re- 
" sponsibility and every expense upon the Mother Country. 
" When that period of vacillation and recrimination came 
" to an end, and it was settled that the colonies shall under- 
take to keep up their self-defence, as well as the duties of 
" self-government, the obstacles to a cordial understanding 
11 rapidly disappeared. Canada in particular has shown a 
"high, generous public spirit, which Lord Dufferin has 


11 known how to cultivate and guide. The sentiment of 
" loyalty, not only to the monarchial principal, but to the 
" person of the Sovereign, which has always been powerful 
"in Canada, is now freed from any alloy of suspicious dis- 
" satisfaction with the policy of the Colonial Office. It is 
" not forgotten how fervid was the enthusiasm with which 
"the Prince of Wales, some years ago, was received by the 
" Canadians. The Princess Louise is certainly not wanting 
" in the winning qualities which distinguishes members of 
" the Royal House. But in truth there is no need to specu- 
" late upon the influences of individual character. For the 
"great body of Canadians, it is enough now that the 
"daughter of the Queen is among them, holding her Court 
"in her Mother's name. They will finally rid themselves 
" of the lurking, haunting suspicion that, as Colonists, they 
" are poor relations of the Imperial household. The task 
"which the Marquis of Lome has undertaken does not re- 
" quire great powers of statemanship in the ordinary sense 
" of the term, but calls for a great combination of qualities, 
" which no man can summon to his aid at will. Lord 
"Dufferin was a model Governor-General of Canada. His 
" cultivated intelligence, disciplined by practical experience 
" of public atfairs at home, was stimulated by a quick 
" imagination, which gave breadth and warmth of colour to 
" his oratory. Yet his tact, his balance of judgment, his 
" strong sense of equity, his fine temper, were never found 
"wanting. The first duty of a Colonial Governor is to hold 
" himself above and away from local politics. But his 
" second, and hardly less important, duty is to avoid 
"chilling sympathies, hurting the susceptibilities of the 
" people by a too rigid reserve. Lord Dufferin steered 
" clear of excess in both particulars. The Marquis of Lorne T 


" however, has great advantages in attempting the same 
" career. His wife's exalted rank will naturally raise him 
" high above the level of local intrigues, and will at the 
" same time prevent condescension from having inconve- 
" nient consequences. The principal functions of Governor- 
" General of Canada is to keep alive a sense of real and 
" intimate connection between the colonists and the mother 
" country. The colonists cannot doubt that such a connec- 
" tion exists when they see among them one of the Princesses 
" of the royal family of England. The Governor-Generalship 
" opens a care to Marquis of Lome that may be some com- 
" pensation for political activity from which his marriage 
" cut him off at home. He is well-known, intelligent 
" cultivated, with an interest in the Colonial Empire of 
" England, of which he gave proofs from his early travels 
" and writings, he inherits the political reputation of one 
" of the governing families of Great Britain, and in Canada 
" so abundantly peopled by Scottish settlers, his being the 
" heir of the JVt acallummore will count for a good deal. But 
" the most significant consequences of the Marquis of 
" Lome's appointment w T ill be, if we are not mistaken, the 
" effect of public opinion in Canada of its bare announce- 
" ment. It will be hailed, we have no doubt, as the most 
" popular act of policy the Imperial Government has ever 
" carried out since the Dominion was founded." 

The Toronto (Ont.) Mail, representing the great Liberal- 
Conservative party of that Province, gave unmistakable 
utterances of approval : " The young Lord who will now, 
" as the head of the Canadian Government, represent the 
" Queen, has had great advantages. He is the son of a 
" distinguished statesman, the Duke of Argyll. He has 
" himself been for many years in Parliament. He is a 


" scholar and an author of some distinction. He is a per- 
" sonal friend of the Governor-General, whose intimacy with 
" his family our picture galleries have attested, and he will 
" have the benefit of Lord Dufferin's experience and advice. 
" He brings with him a Princess whose taste and talents 
" and charms of mind and person have won for her a high 
" place in the hearts of the English people. With fine 
" natural gifts, with more than the ordinary culture of 
" educated men, with the experience of a politician, with, 
" moreover, the mistakes and successes of many predecessors 
" before him, Lord Lome will enter on his vice-regal duties 
" with the happiest auguries. Nor among these must be 
" placed as least the fact that he comes among a people on 
11 whom no amiable or brilliant quality will be lost." 

The Montreal Herald, in commenting on the appoint- 
ment, not only endorses the new Governor-General, but 
hints at some not impossible results which may follow the 
residence of the Queen's daughter in Canada : " We are 
" sure that there will be a general feeling of satisfaction at 
" the announcement which reached us by telegram yester- 
" day morning, that the Marquis of Lome is to be our next 
" Governor-General. The loyalty of Canadians of all classes 
" will be gratified at knowing that they are to have for the 
" representative of their Sovereign one who is related to 
(l her by a close family tie. They will be proud to have 
" among them a daughter of their Queen, and be glad to be 
" thus assured that Her Majesty has a new and personal 
" concern in the welfare of this part of her Dominions. 
" Their affectionate loyalty will be warmed by this ad- 
" ditional bond between Her Majesty and her transatlantic 
" subjects ; and they will find reason to hope that the direct 
" interest which Her Majesty will now have in Canada may 


" contribute to increase even our material prosperity. There 
" can be no doubt that the residence at Ottawa of a son-in- 
" law of the Queen, and of one of the Princesses of the royal 
" house, will attract a great deal of attention to the Domin- 
" ion, and probably thus do much to further the great 
" public enterprises which we have in hand. The prevail- 
" ing sentiment, however, will not turn so much on possible 
" but contingent material benefits, as upon the pleasure 
" that will be derived from the proof thus afforded of the 
" reality of the connection between Canada and the Empire. 
" It is not unlikely this appointment may lead to a change 
" in the character of our Government, and that, instead of a 
" Governor-General, we may hereafter have a real Yice-Eoy, 
*' with a more permanent tenure than that of our Governor- 
" General. The Marquis is not an old man ; nor has he at 
" present had much opportunity for a display of statesman- 
" ship, but he comes of a family of distinguished statesmen, 
" none of whom have, for many generations, fallen away 
" from those principles of civil and religious liberty, for the 
" maintenance of which one of them fell a martyr. All the 
" traditions of his family should make him a conscientious 
" man and a constitutional ruler. We have every reason 
" to believe that he will not bely the noble race of which he 
" is a descendant." 

We have quoted extensively from the opinions expressed 
by the Canadian and English press on the appointment of 
the Marquis, partly because it will be a source of gratifica- 
tion to His Excellency and his Eoyal Consort, to know with 
what warmth of approbation the announcement of their 
coming to Canada was received, and mainly because these 
editorial opinions are of historic value. 


THE appointment, by Lord Beaconsfield, of the Marquis of 
Lome as our Governor-General, involving as it does, the 
residence in Canada for a considerable period of a member 
of the royal family, constitutes an epoch in the history of 
our country. This remarkable period has been hastened 
by the course of events during the past decade in the various 
English-speaking countries. We, as Canadians, have con- 
tributed most to the result referred to by what we have 
failed to do. 

This epoch is one in which the commercial and political 
attitude of the Dominion will be considerably altered. Our 
position will no longer be that of uncertainly. In the very 
nature of the events now transpiring we shall be compelled 
to define our position, at least commercially. Our connec- 
tion with the mother country must be strengthened and 
better understood, or broken off altogether. If the latter, 
it will be through the persistent mismanagement of British 
statesmen, which alone was responsible for the loss of the 
American colonies in W6. We do not, however, greatly 
fear the results. Unless there be continued timidity and 
indecision at Ottawa ; unless there be a failure at the last 
moment in England, and unless we still suffer ourselves to 
be robbed by American statesmanship, Canada will soon 
pass from the commercial bondage in which she has been 
so long held, and enter upon a period of comparative com- 
mercial independence. 


One of the first things we need is a complete understand- 
ing with the Home Government, and it is not impossible 
that this may come too late. We are either a part of the 
British Empire, or we are not a part of it. If the former, 
as we have supposed our success is the success of the Em- 
pire at large, and any commercial policy which the Govern- 
ment of this country may adopt, suited to our needs as a 
distinctive part of that Empire, cannot mean disloyalty. 
We have always desired to discriminate in favour of British 
products, and Canada has now a long standing offer of dif- 
ferential duties in favour of England and our sister colonies, 
upon the conditions only that the mother country and the 
other colonies will discriminate in our favour in return. 

England is now proclaiming, officially and through her 
press, against the signs of protection in Canada. She has 
been well satisfied with the commercial policy of Canada 
for the past five years and, it seems, would have us continue 
it in the future. And yet what do we learn concerning 
this policy by an examination of the trade returns. Our 
imports from Great Britain, which in 1873 were $68,522,776, 
fell in 1877 to $39,572,239, a decline of nearly one-half in 
the brief space of five years ; while on the other hand, our 
imports from the United States increased from $47,735,678 
to $51,312,669. This is the very condition of our trade to 
which England objects, and which Canada desires to over- 
come. But in respect of our exports, while in 1873 we 
exported to Great Britain $38,743,848, and in 1877, $41,567,- 
469, we exported to the United States in 1873 $42;672,526 
and in 1877 only $25,775,245. In 1877 our imports from 
the United States were double the value of our exports to 
that country, which if taken into consideration with the 
almost par values of the currency of the two countries 


and the great difference in the tariff rates will indicate our 
loss and their gain during that year. In the same year our 
exports to England exceeded in value of our imports from 
that country by two millions of dollars in round figures. 
Hence it can be seen at once that the Canadian commercial 
policy which England has tacitly approved, taken in con- 
sideration with that of our neighbors, works the result of 
making Canada a market for American producers, and 
England a market, to some extent, of Canadian products. 
It would b more to the credit of the English journals which 
have been so loud in denouncing expected Canadian pro- 
tection of late, were they to become better acquainted with 
the simplest facts in the case at issue. 

We do not write as Conservative or Eeformer. In party 
issues we have no interest ; to party doctrines we owe no- 
allegience. These are questions far above the ownership of 
any party. It was the late Prime Minister's misfortune 
the country's misfortune that he was pledged to princi- 
ples of free trade for Canada, and it will for some time to- 
come, remain a profound mystery that a statesman of his 
great ability should persist in promulgating a semi-free 
trade policy in the very face of the ruin it was working to 
the country. The country never lost confidence in his 
honesty of purpose, in his purity of character ; but it was to 
the credit of the intelligence of the Canadian people that his 
fiscal policy was condemned at the polls at the recent 
general election ; and as admirers of the Honorable Mr. 
Mackenzie we earnestly hope ' that future developments 
may place the personal responsibility of the fiscal policy of his 
Government upon the shoulders of the honorable gentle- 
men who presided at the department of finance, in such a 



manner as to show that the Premier was not personally 
guilty of pursuing it to his fall. 

We have heard much about a " national policy," but be- 
yond what ideas the term suggests to our mind we have no- 
where seen or heard an exposition of what it is or is to be. 
We look in vain among the speeches, editorials, pamphlets, 
and what not, of the recent political campaign to find the 
terms and doctrines of this policy set forth. We have read 
the able pamphlets of the Honorable Senator Macpherson, 
but these are devoted mainly to an attack upon his political 
foes. With some slight exceptions we cannot say anything 
better for the speeches of Sir John A. Macdonald or the 
Honorable Dr. Charles Tupper. The speeches of the Hon- 
orable James Macdonald and Thomas White, Esq., M.P., 
have afforded us a little light, but a complete investigation 
of the campaign literature of 1878 yields no real exposition 
of the national policy. This fact is not without great signi- 
ficance. It shows plainly that the national policy sentiment 
which is being developed in Canada is not the product of 
any single mind, nor, indeed, the property of a political 
party. It is the outgrowth of our political system ; the re- 
sult of the high tariff policy of our neighbours ; the spon- 
taneous growth of untrammelled free speech. It was not 
planned, formulated and promulgated by Sir John A. Mac- 
donald or any other Canadian statesman ; but that shrewd 
party leader was the first to detect its young life in the 
pulse beat of the country ; and, seizing upon it as a battle cry, 
it is not strange that he thrilled the whole country, leading 
his followers, through personal defeat, to complete party 
victory. Had Mr. Mackenzie been the tactician that his 
great opponent is ; had he possessed sufficient foresight to 
have discerned the signs of the times, and displayed suffi- 


cient elasticity to have conformed to the popular will, his 
party might have championed a noble cause in a new lease 
of power. But we have no fault to find that the destinies 
of the national policy have fallen into Liberal-Conservative 

But what is this national policy of Canada to be ? The 
answer has not yet been defined. It would be presumption 
in any one to undertake, just now, a satisfactory definition ; 
for, as we have observed, it is not a mere party policy. It 
is the voice of the peculiar attitude of the Dominion Con- 
fedracy, a voice which has sounded in the ears of Canadian 
statesmen for the past eleven years ever since the union of 
1867 without making itself understood. Our politicians, 
having been educated under the old regime, could not dis- 
cern the wants of the new situation. Our Confederation 
birth-rights made us commercially a nation, but we would 
not realize the blessings consequent upon the change ; and 
it stands to the discredit of every statesman in Canada, that 
our fiscal policy has been what it has for the past 
eleven years. We have been imitating the Mother Country 
as if the fiscal policy of England would apply to Canada ; 
and all the while England was craftily seeking protection 
to her manufactures through a confessed free trade policy. 

We do not pretend to any great political knowledge, and 
will not undertake to say what the Canadian national policy 
ought to be, but there are some things which may be con- 
sidered in connection with the present peculiar attitude of 
the country which ought to guide the new government in 
framing its fiscal policy. A national policy to be worthy of 
the name must arrest the flow of our population to the 
United States. And we venture the assertion that any 
policy which fails to do this will not satisfy the country. 


The last census of the United States showed that about 500,- 
000 native bom Canadians were living in that country. 
These figures do not include the vast number of those who 
have come to Canada from European countries, and, being 
dissatisfied with the prospect which this country afforded 
them, passed on to the States. If we add to the latter the 
multitude which have left our shores since the last United 
States census was taken, we may safely place the total at over 
150,000. This is certainly a very deplorable part of the 
history of Canada ; and yet wo have men upon whom the 
title of Statesman seems to fit comfortably, telling us, in 
effect, that Canada is to rise and prosper while this con- 
tinues. In short we must conclude that the policy of our 
government for the past ten years whether Conservative 
or Eeform has been unsound and unwise, even to driving 
away from the country the most enterprising youth of the 
land ; and what can be more injurious to Canada than the 
expatriation of its youth which is yearly sapping the 
vitality of the people. 

We must not expect all our young men to become far- 
mers ; and the best sermons which we may be able to 
preach on the great dignity and honor of that occupation 
will not accomplish any such result. It is not desirable 
that it should. The Canadian young men of to-day are in 
happy contrast with their predecessors of, say, twenty-five 
years ago. Education has taken the place of ignorance 
among the masses, and the great variety of professional 
occupations, are prepared for and sought after. What shall 
these young men do ? The reply is found in our history. 
Failing to find suitable occupations in Canada they forsake 
it, painful though it may be, and seek, in a foreign country, 
to find employment according to their tastes. And by 


what manner of policy is this to be overcome ? It would 
seem that a policy which makes the United States a market 
in which our youth are sacrificed, would, if rightly applied 
to Canada, afford them an ample variety of profitable and 
suitable occupations at home. We have heard much boast- 
ing of our natural resources, of our healthy climate, and 
maritime position. Our lack of prosperity does not. 
therefore, consist in the want of these things. We have all 
the elements necessary to a sound and permanent national 
growth, and yet our development has been slow and un- 
satisfactory. The fault lies in the incapacity of the Cana- 
dian Government. 

Let us for a moment glance at the trade and industries of 
the Dominion in their connections with England and the 
United States and see, if we can, how it would be possible 
for Canada to carry out free trade principles in her fiscal 
policy without the most ruinous consequences. And we 
must remember at the outset that almost, if not all Canadian 
statesmen have at some time in the past embraced decided 
free trade doctrines. This has been one of our misfortunes. 
We have done but little independent thinking, adopting for 
the most part, the theories advanced by English leaders. 
England has been, essentially, a free trade nation, and 
Canada has adopted the same policy so far as it was possible 
for the country to do so and raise the necessary revenues ; 
and for no good reason beyond a loyal tendency to imitate 
the mother country. Hence we find, when the National 
policy begun to make friends, that its advocates recorded, 
in advance of their support, an apology for the cause which 
they were about to pursue. They could not deny their 
political faith in the past and were unwilling to confess 
themselves to have been mistaken. One instance of this is 


furnished in the opening remarks of Senator Macpherson's 
recent address at Walkerton, Ont. " I may tell you," he 
says, " that I, myself, have been a free trader. I would be 
so to-day if our neighbors would reciprocate." And yet in 
the course of the Honorable Senator's address he proves 
himself a champion of protection. To say that he would be 
a free trader under a reciprocity is a positive contradiction, 
for who does not know that a well adjusted reciprocity 
treaty with the United States, would be a kind of protection 
to Canadian industries. Whenever we can secure proper 
protection, whether by tariff or treaty, we shall be quite 
willing that our friends may call it free trade, or by any 
other name they chose, but it will be protection all the 

A great many things have transpired to deceive us in our 
relations with the United States. From 1854 to 1865 we 
had moderate protection in a Reciprocity Treaty with that 
country. When that treaty was abrogated our real position 
was disguised by the war prices which ruled there, and 
which, so long as this continued, afforded us more protection 
than we enjoyed under reciprocity. But these did not con- 
tinue, and our industries have consequently suffered . Our 
manufacturers found it impossible, with the disadvantages 
under which they labored, and with their products excluded 
from the United States by a protective tariff, to compete 
with their rivals from that country who are permitted to 
bring their products into Canadian markets at very low 
duties. The manufacturers of the United States have there- 
fore had a monopoly of their own market of forty millions 
of consumers, and a slaughter market of four millions in 
the Dominion . 

We do not seem to realize that the greater part of the 


natural products of the United States are admitted to the 
markets of this country free of duty, while the same articles 
produced in Canada are subject to a high duty when taken 
to that country. This statement is amply demonstrated 
by the following figures : 

Canadian Duty. U. S. Duty. 

Wheat Free 20c. per bushel. 

Eye and Barley Free 15c. do. 

Indian Corn and Oats Free lOc. do. 

Wheat Flour Free 20 per cent. 

Rye Flour and Cornrneal Free.. . . 10 per cent. 

Oatmeal Free ^c. per Ib. 

Live Animals 10 per cent 20 per cent. 

{In packages 12c. per 
100 Ibs.; in bulk 8c. 
per 100 Ibs. 

Wool Free..... 25 to, 50 p. c. 

Pig Iron. .' Free., $7 per ton. 

Bar Iron 5 per cent 35 to 75 per cent. 

Plate and Boiler Iron 5 per cent $25 and $30 per ton. 

Iron Bails Free $14 per ton. 

Steel Kails Free $25 per ton. 

Bricks Free 20 per cent. 

Trees, Plants, and Shrubs. . . 10 per cent 20 per cent. 

Flax, dressed Free $40 per ton. 

Flax, undressed Free 20c. per bushel. 

Flax Seed Free :. $20 per ton. 

Starch 2c.perlb { lc " P ( 

cent, ad valorem. 

Canada admits all of the following undermentioned articles 
at the general duty of 17J- per cent., while the Americans 
tax the same articles, if exported from Canada to their 
markets, at the following rates : 

Wood Screws 56 to 60 per cent. 

Saws . 40 to 50 " 

Cars and Locomotives 35 

Machinery 35 

Stoves and other iron Castings , 30 

Woollen Cloth 66 to 70 

Flannels and Blankets 85 " 


Eeady-made Clothing 35 to 60 per ce 

Carpets 50 to 84 

Alpaca Goods 85 

Heavy Cottons 40 

Finer Cottons 50 to 70 

Cotton Yarn 46 to 60 " 

Spool Thread 47 to 81 

Silk Cloths 50 to 60 

Linen Cloths 30 to 40 

Rubber and Leather Goods, Fur Goods, Glass Bot- 
tles and Lamp Chimneys, Clocks, Furniture, 
Carriages, Envelopes, Writing Paper, Room Paper, 
Felt Hats of wool, Guns, Rifles, Pistols, Umbrellas 

and Parasols ^ 35 " 

It is somewhat provoking to hear certain Canadian 
journals tell their readers that the United States has ruined 
her own industries by this high tariff, and that the de- 
pressed state of business generally in that country has been 
produced by the same policy. Such language in the United 
States would be evidence of the grossest ignorance. It may 
be claimed that protection in that country has caused over- 
production, but this is an evil which must result in the 
greatest harm to the manufacturers themselves. But over- 
production is not a permanent evil. Indeed, if viewed as a 
temporary evil it has its advantages, and will always adjust 

There are those in this country who persist in making 
the mistake of " pooling " the tariff and financial questions 
of the United States. This has been carried so far that 
some of the leading journals have endeavored to show that 
protection for Canada means all sorts of inflation. It 
would be difficult to conceive of anything more stupid than 
this, hurt newspapers of respectability are found which un- 
dertake to show by a course of arguments that such will 
be the results. A journal which has gained a high place in 
the estimation of the Canadian people for the ability of its 


editorials has just been brought to our notice, using this 
language: "The very aim of protection, namely to fill 
the land with operatives with no stake in the country, is 
laying the foundation for the next step in the Communistic 
direction, namely, the sham money movement. The pro- 
posal has been already made, in a very irresponsible quarter 
it is true ; but were the proposer of it as crazy as Kearney 
he would find followers." We do i?ot see the force of this 
argument, except it means that Canada must not be to the 
inconvenience of maintaining operatives though the refusal 
be at the expense of her prosperity. On the very same line 
of argument, the Gospel should not have been sent to the 
heathen, since it increases his responsibility. It is not 
difficult for an unpartisan mind to discern in such nonsense 
as this the plainest traces of political dodgery. 

But we have a word to say to those who have errone- 
ously come under the impression that the fiscal policy of 
the United States has produced the hard times now dis- 
tressing that nation. If this theory be true, then Canada 
may take to herself the credit of having made the discov- 
ery; for, as yet, no such idea is entertained by our neigh- 
bors. There is a belief current among them that manufac- 
turers have been suffering from over-production, caused by 
the high protective tariff, but the very low prices at which 
American manufactures are sold, consequent upon this so- 
called evil, more than compensates, in some quarters at 
least, for the evil itself. But over-production is not re- 
garded in the United States as a very serious evil ; nor do 
the statesmen of that country attribute, in any serious 
degree, the recent hard times from which the country has 
suffered, to the high tariff policy of the Government. On 
the contrary, it is a realization shared in by the great mass 


of the American people that, with the unparalleled civil 
war debt, under which every industry has been sorely 
taxed, had the government not resorted to the most posi- 
tive protective tariff, complete national bankruptcy must 
have been the result. But, instead, observe what has been 
achieved. Not many days ago an item travelled the rounds 
of the Canadian press informing us that the United States 
was the only nation of the globe whose exports exceeded 
her imports. We, who have become acquainted with the 
industries and institutions of that country by actual obser- 
vation, can appreciate the value of their fiscal policy, and 
sympathize with the down- trodden manufacturers of Can- 
ada, who, with only here and there a miserable exception, 
have lost their money and wasted their energies. 

The Americans are not such fools as we sometimes take 
them to be, and we cannot afford to judge of them always 
by the measure of their wild financial theories. We must 
at least give them the credit of having outwitted us in 
almost everything except the Fishery Award, and, unless 
they turn out to have more honesty than we usually credit 
them with, they may defeat us in this also. One thing is 
pretty certain: if they were being ruined by a high tariff, 
there would soon be heard the cry of free trade from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific . But what are the facts ? At the 
last session of Congress it was sought to elicit an expression 
on the tariff, and for this purpose a bill was introduced to 
modify the rates imposed and to adopt as nearly as possible 
a uniform rate of thirty-five .per cent. just double the 
Canadian tariff. It is needless to say the measure was not 
entertained for a single moment. 

In looking at the Canadian fiscal policy it is not difficult 
to observe its weakness, and to discover how it. came to pass 


that our Finance Minister was astounded with so many de- 
ficits. The duties under our tariii' are levied on the ad 
valorem plan, that is the duty of every $100 worth of im- 
ports is, if at the rate of 17J per cent., $17.50. Hence with 
the decline in the value of imports there was a correspond- 
ing falling off in the revenue realized. What was to be 
done ? Protection or a higher tariff could not be tolerated ; 
but the Government did that which is far worse. Money 
was borrowed to cover these deficits, on which, of course, 
interest has to be paid ; and this very interest has to be paid 
by the consumers, and ultimately the principal also. Now, 
can there be any advantage in this course ? Certainly not. 
It is a system of giving the consumer credit by the weak 
contrivances of a Finance Minister. Yet this is just what 
has been done in Canada. And it will be most charitable 
to presume that such a course was adopted partly because 
the Finance Minister was unable to discover the cause of 
the deficits. It will thus be perceived that over-production 
in the United States which has caused the decline in the 
value of our imports worked quite as much injury to this 
country as it did in the United States, but all owing to our 
own stupidity, for we ought to have been the gainers by 
this decline in the market prices of our American imports. 
These things show us plainly that our prosperity is gov- 
erned chiefly by the fiscal policy of our neighbors, and by 
the policy which we bring to bear upon theirs. We do not 
intend to say that we must be governed by their policy, 
but we do say that upon their policy depends, or 
ought to depend, the terms of our own. They are the 
greater, we the less. If we disregard their policy as we 
have done for years, we must continue to suffer adversity. 
Both political parties are alike guilty in this respect, and 


whatever we have said respecting the past policy of our 
Government it applies with equal force to every year 
since Confederation. Had the same policy, touching our 
trade relations with the United States, which characterized 
the Government the first five years after Confederation, 
been applied to the last five years, the results could not 
have been different. It is well that protection has now 
been taken up as a party measure, and whether secured by 
a reciprocity treaty or a reciprocity tariff, we sincerly hope 
it will be secured. 

Under existing arrangements our industries must remain 
prostrate. They can offer no safe investment to capital- 
ists. Our own market is limited and must remain so 
until our population is increased, and this can be accom- 
plished only by furnishing profitable employment in a 
wider variety of occupations than we now represent, 
and by expanding those which are now struggling for 
an existence. To increase the one will be to enlarge 
the other. " The market in the United States is large, 
" but the Canadian is practically excluded from it by 
" the protective tariff of that country. Now, if capital- 
" ists contemplated establishing manufactures on this conti- 
" nent, would they not be more likely, under existing 
" circumstances, when the cost of the raw materials and of 
" the elements that go to make up the cost of manufactures, 
" including labor, is about the same in both countries 
" would not thoughtful, prudent moneyed men be more 
" likely to establish their industries on the other side of the 
" line in the midst of forty millions of people, and from 
t( whence they could enter when they chose the more 
" limited Canadian market at comparatively low rates of 
" duty and trample upon the Canadian manufacturers ? 


" Would they not rather do so than invest their capital in 
" this country, in the midst of four millions of people, 
" knowing that, if they wished to take their manufactures 
" to the larger market on* the other side of the line, they 
" would be met by duties so high that, when they paid 
(< them, they would be unable to compete with the manu- 
" facturer in the United States ; and in addition to this 
" would be exposed to crushing competition in the limited 
" home Canadian market." This is not only our present 
condition, but it has been the disadvantage under which 
Canada has always labored. 

Producing as little as we do and it is a wonder we have 
not produced less our importations are so large that all 
we produce and export is insufficient to pay for them and 
the interest on the public debt of the Dominion, and on 
other indebtedness, such as loans, provincial, municipal, etc, 
In short, the amount of obligations for which the country 
has to provide is greater than its products are sufficient in 
value to meet. " The balance of trade," justly observes the 
Honorable Senator Macpherson, " is against us, that is the 
" value of our imports over the value of our exports for the 
" ten years between in 1868 and 1878 amounted to the 
" enormous aggregate sum of $236,000,000. The balance 
" of trade, like many commercial questions, is one about 
" which much is written by theorists, and these gentlemen 
" would have us believe that our prosperity is not affected 
" by the fact that our imports largely exceed our exports. 
" I contend that that is a dangerous fallacy in this country. 
" It is different in England, where, according to the official 
" returns, the imports are larger than the exports, but 
" England carries on an enormous indirect foreign trade ; 
" English capital is invested in every civilized country, and 


" the interest on foreign investments and profit on her in- 
" direct trade, items which do not appear in the Trade 
" Eeturns, are more than sufficient to adjust the balance in 
" her case. We have little or no indirect trade, no foreign 
" investments, and no means of meeting our engagements 
" no means of paying for what we import, except with 
" the products of the soil, the sea, the forest, and the mine. 
" We have nothing but our natural products to export, and, 
" therefore, if what we produce in that way is insufficient 
" to pay for our importations and the interest we have to 
" remit to our creditors, then we are rolling up a debt 
tl against ourselves." 

The views of Senator Macpherson, above quoted, are not 
dissimilar to those recently expressed by an able English 
writer. He observes : " Canadian trade figures, taken 
" generally, have for long given unmistakable signs that 
" her business on the whole was not following its natural 
" course. Canada has been importing beyond her means 
" year after year, or at all events much beyond her export- 
" ing capacity, and no doubt she has been able to do so by 
" reason of the money which we had so freely lent her. A 
" new, raw, unopened country, can have no margin to trade 
" upon in this fashion, except by borrowing, and it follows, 
" therefore, that so far as our business with Canada has been 
" based on money lent beyond the true capacity of the 
" country to pay the loans, it has been misused, and must 
" be reduced. Since 18*73, a process of reduction has been 
" going on, which is, therefore, so far healthy ; but the 
" limit is, I am persuaded, not yet reached, especially as 
" the exporting capacity of the Dominion has, at the same 
" time, been on the decline. What the healthy basis may 
" be it would be hard, in view of the facts I have indicated, 


" to predict ; but it is quite clear, when we consider the 
" large sum which the country has yearly to find for in- 
" terest on Government loans and on dividends in companies 
" working with foreign capital, there can be no safety till 
" the export figures are in excess of the import. * 

" Wait till the tide has well turned, and then we shall see 
" what the wealth of the farmer means. He stands to be 
" ruined by a big crop in Europe or America. What Canada 
" has most of, beef, pork, corn, wood, and wool, the United 
" States has a great deal more of herself, and what the 
" United States seeks to supply in the shape of manufactures, 
" Canada wants to make at home. There is hence no good 
" scope for a large development of reciprocal trade between 
" these two countries at present, least of all a good outlook 
" for the farmer in the event of a succession of splendid 
" harvests." 

Here is a blow at reciprocity itself, and it is not given 
unguardedly. It is true that reciprocity would be an im- 
provement on the present policy, but even such a boon 
would still sjive Americans a great advantage over us. 

We have briefly considered our trade relations with the 
United States and will now review, for a miuute, the condi- 
tion of the same relations with England. England is 
spoken of as a free trade country, and free trade principles 
have certainly found the ablest advocates there, but it will 
be remembered that notwithstanding this England is far 
from being a free trade nation. She collects from her cus- 
toms duties about $100,000,000 annually. But while we 
admit that England is largely a free trade country, we, at 
the same time, claim that this policy has always been pur- 
sued by the mother country as a policy of indirect protec- 
tion. It was a scheme of the British Government to pro- 


tect British industries and to secure to their manufacturers- 
a monopoly of the markets of the world. In 1846 when 
the late Sir Eobert Peel introduced his bill to the British 
Parliament to abolish duties on raw materials, breadstuff's. 
etc., he used language which plainly indicates the real ob- 
ject of so-called English free-trade. He said : "In the year 
" 1842 it was my duty, as the organ of the Government, to 
11 propose a great change in the then existing customs of the 
" country. The general plan upon which I then acted was 
11 to remit the duties upon articles of raw material, con- 
" stituting the elements of manufacture in this country. 
"The manufacturers of this country have now, therefore, 
"an advantage which they have not hitherto possessed. 
" They have free access to the raw materials which con- 
" stitute the immediate fabric of their manufactures. They 
" wished to establish the prosperity of that great staple 
" manufacture of this country the cotton manufacture on 
" some sure and certain foundation. 

" Sir, I propose, in taking the review of duties still exist- 
" ing to which we are invited by Her Majesty, to continue 
" to act upon the principle which this House has sanctioned, 
" and I take in the first instance those articles of raw 
" material which still remain subject to duty. I mean to 
11 deal with them in order still further to enable me to call 
" on the manufacturer to relax the protection he still en- 
joys. Sir, there is hardly any other article of the nature 
" of a raw material which is now subject to duty. I pro- 
" pose, without stipulation, that England should set an ex- 
" ample by a relaxation of those heavy duties, in the confi- 
- " dence that that example will ultimately prevail ; that the 
" interests of the great body of consumers will soon in- 
" fluence the action of the Governments, and that by our ex- 


" ample, even if we don't procure any immediate reciprocal 
" benefit, yet, whilst by a reduction like that we shall, in 
" the first instance, improve our own manufactures, I be- 
" lieve we shall soon reap the other advantage of deriving 
" some equivalent in our commercial intercourse with other 
" nations. I do hope that the friends and lovers of peace 
" between nations will derive material strength from the 
" example which I have advised, by remitting the impedi- 
" ments to commercial intercourse. But observe, if that be 
" the effect, I think in all probability that the continuance 
" of permanent peace will expose us to a more extensive 
" and more formidable competition with foreign countries 
" with respect to manufactures. During war we command- 
" ed the supply of nations. Peace has introduced not only 
" new consumers, but also formidable manufacturing in- 
" terests. In order that we may retain our pre-eminence, it 
" is of the greatest importance that we neglect no opportu- 
nity of securing to ourselves those advantages by which 
" that pre-eminence can be alone secured. Sir, I firmly 
" believe that abundance and cheapness of provisions is one 
" of the constituents by which the continuance of manu- 
" facturing and commercial pre-eminence may be obtained. 
" You may say the object of these observations is to flatter 
" the love of gain, and administer merely to the desire of 
" accumulating money. I advise this measure on no such 
" ground. I believe that the accumulation of wealth, that 
" is the increase of capital, is a main element, or at least 
"one of the chief means by which we can retain the pre- 
" eminence we have so long possessed." 

In the light of this language of one of the founders of 
English free trade, it is not difficult to see that the whole 
scheme was in the interests of British manufacturers. Sir 


Robert Peel recognized that nothing contributes so much 
to the wealth of a nation as pre-eminence in manufactures, 
because a nation that manufactures even enough for herself 
retains within her own borders the wealth produced and 
created there, except so much of it as she must give in ex- 
change for what she requires and cannot produce and manu- 
facture. " The money which changes hands for what is 
" produced in the country remains in the hands of the 
" people of the country, and is not sent abroad to enrich 
" other lands. When Great Britain opened her markets to 
"the world, her far-seeing statesmen expected that other 
" nations would accept the principles of free trade, follow 
" her example and abolish their protective duties. But the 
" statesmen of France, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, 
u and other European countries were far-seeing also. They 
4< recognized the fact that without manufactures they could 
" not become wealthy and powerful, and they adhered to a 
" protective policy. The United States did the same. The 
" result has been that the manufacturers of those countries 
" have not only retained a large share of their own markets, 
" but have been enabled to compete with the manufacturers 
" of Great Britain in the other markets of the world, and 
" latterly even to compete with them at home, to some ex- 
" tent, and now we find many of the British manufacturers 
"looking for protection from the competition of their 
" foreign rivals." So that we see that free trade has not 
accomplished for Great Britain what was hoped for it by its 
projectors. The United States is to-day successfully com- 
peting with English manufacturers on English soil, and we 
all know that in Canada American manufacturers has almost 
taken the place of English. 

It is easy, indeed, to be in favor of free trade. There is 


not a sensible man in Canada who is not to day in favor of 
free trade for Canada, but from whence is this free trade to 
<?ome ? Canada will be one of the parties to the compact 
what country will be the other ? for, verily, it requires two 
parties to this compact, as to all others. We are all in 
favor of free trade. The trouble is to find the same favor 
among those with whom we desire to have this trade. 
What we are not in favor of is the giving of free trade to 
our neighbours by our statesmen, while they fail to obtain 
it in return for this country. Free trade, pure and simple, 
would be Eeciprocity pure and simple, an untaxed exchange 
of commodities. When this cannot be secured, we must 
take the only sensible alternative, a reciprocity of tariffs. 
The cost of producing the commodities of the United States 
and Canada is about equal, hence when the United States 
imposes a higher duty than Canada upon the same 
articles it taxes the industry of this country more than its 
own is taxed by us. It is quite plain, therefore, that the 
industries of Canada are suffered to be taxed by the United 

Wherever a nation has been deceived by free trade doc- 
trines, or entered into a free trade that was not fully reci- 
procal, it has been attended with the same results. Prince 
Bismarck's words are here given in evidence of this : " I 
" have given free trade a trial, and it does not seem to have 
" benefitted the country commercially, industrially, or 
"financially. I am overwhelmed with lamentation re- 
" specting the decline of trade and the decay of manufac- 
" taring enterprise, and with assurances from people for 
" whose judgment in such matters I entertain the highest 
" respect that partial and moderate protection will remedy 
" those evils as if by magic. Therefore, I also propose to 


" give protection a chance of ameliorating the condition of 
"the manufacturing and operative classes, and of lightening 
" the load which the budget unquestionably lays upon the 
" shoulder of the nation. As certain of the Ministers with 
" whom I have hitherto worked on my former platform will 
" not range themselves by my side on my new platform, I 
" must rid myself of them, and put others in their place who 
" will carry out my resolves." 

Our policy towards the United States should be a deci- 
sive one. We have vacilated so long that they will now 
have but little confidence in our professions; and we shall 
not be able to extract terms from them by anything short 
of decisive action, and, very probably, even that will have 
no avail under the circumstances. It has been suggested 
by one that we should meet them on this ground : " We 
" have offered to exchange with you, on a free basis, the 
"commodities which we both produce; we would prefer 
" that reciprocity to any other that is, an absolutely un- 
" taxed exchange of commodities; but, as you refuse to 
" enter into such a treaty with us, then we will adopt your 
" policy. As you will not give us un taxed reciprocity, 
" we will reciprocate tariffs. That is the language we 
" ought to use to them not in a spirit of retaliation at all, 
" but simply, in the interest of Canada." 

It may be that this would satisfy most of the Canadians, 
but we should have but little confidence in such a policy, 
only in so far as we depended upon the Americans to refuse 
reciprocity. It has always appeared to us that a reciprocity 
with the United States is not what Canada requires. Such 
a policy is nothing more or less than commercial annexa- 
tion, to be followed, if long continued, by political annexa- 
tion also. But, aside from its political significance, its. 


commercial disadvantages are quite enough to condemn it. 
Experience ought to teach us. We have had reciprocity, 
and what did we gain by it ? Is it not true that our national 
prosperity has been delayed immeasurably by that treaty ? 
It taught us to depend for everything we needed upon the 
American producer, and when the treaty was ruthlessly 
abrogated what was our condition ? It was well under- 
stood by the Americans, and their only disappointment was 
that we were not then compelled to seek relief in immediate 
annexation. It was a crisis in the political history of 
Canada, England saw it, and despaired of our continuing 
to be much longer a profitable British colony. There are 
many of us who will not soon forget the tone of the English 
press and of the English government on that occasion. It 
was hinted, in no very unmistakable language, that we might 
set up for ourselves, or sell ourselves out, or do most any- 
thing by which England might be relieved of us. Finally, 
Confederation was devised, partly to resurrect our fallen 
.and decayed industries. This step was wholly unexpected 
by the Americans, and they derided it, just as now they 
are deriding the signs of a coming national policy. And 
why ? Because that, like the proposed new policy, was 
calculated to save us from the evils of annexation. 

"We now venture to predict that if the in-coming Parlia- 
ment adopts a decisive reciprocity of tariffs with the United 
States, it will produce in a short time, overtures from that 
country for a reciprocity treaty. Not because the Ameri- 
cans can derive anything commercially from such a treaty, 
for they cannot, but because of prospective political gains. 
The motive which actuated the United States in making 
the old treaty was the acquisition of Canada. If they shall 
desire to renew it, it will be from the same motive ; and it 


will be an evil day for Canada when her statesmen consent 
to another reciprocity treaty with the United States. It 
does not require extraordinary penetration to decern a feel- 
ing of general disappointment among the American people 
in relation to this country. It was first caused by Confed- 
eration ; then Lord Dufferin's anti-American sentiments 
increased it ; finally, the appointment of Lord Lome and 
his Royal Lady provoked it to open confession. Until 
recently Canada had been slowly but surely drifting into 
the American Eepublic through the medium of commercial 
intercourse. But during the last ten years we have not 
made much advancement in that direction, and recently we 
have assumed an attitude which, if maintained, will save 
us from such a fate altogether. But all these good influ- 
ences and wholesome measures would be more than coun- 
teracted by a few years of commercial annexation, such as 
we should experience under a renewal of reciprocity. 

It would seem that the true fiscal policy for Canada 
would be that of Reciprocal tariffs with the United States 
now and forever, with differential duties in favor of Eng- 
land and English colonies. "We must develop and foster 
an inter-British trade. Give us Reciprocity with England, 
and tariffs stout and strong with our neighbours. When- 
ever we shall conclude to become a political constituent of 
the United States, as Professor Goldwin Smith would have 
us do, or whenever we adopt the other policy of political 
Independence, or if we intend to take either of these steps 
in the future, then a Reciprocity Treaty with the United 
States will be a legitimate and profitable investment for the 
country, but so long as we profess to foster British con- 
nection such a thing must be antagonistic with our destiny. 
For one, the writer must denounce as productive of great 


evil to Canada, any policy or measure which tends to 
weaken our connection with the Mother country, or to 
strengthen the chances of converting us into a constituent 
part of the American Republic. And it must be admitted 
that the policy and measures of our Government for the 
past ten, or even twenty years, have not been wholly free 
from such a tendency. Therefore we say, in conclusion, 
that our new national policy will not deserve the name, if 
it does not embrace : 

I. Reciprocity of tariifs with the United States, not for 
purposes of revenue, or to secure a renewal of Reciprocity 
Treaty, but primarily to protect Canadian industries. 

II. Differential tariff in favor of England and the Eng- 
lish colonies with a similar policy on the part of England 
and the English colonies in favor of Canada. 

III. A closer connection with the Mother Country com- 
mercially and politically. 

And we do not think that if, in carrying out the third 
article of this policy, our Dominion should graduate into an 
Empire sufficiently perfect to admit of a Viceroy instead of 
a Governor- General, and that a member of the Royal family 
should be sent to exercise vice-regal rule over us perma- 
nently, it would be among the worst things that could 
happen to this country. It would certainly be greatly to 
be preferred to annexation with the United States. 







THE interregnum in the administration of the Governor- 
Generalship, between the departure of Lord Dufferin and 
the arrival of Lord Lome, has, in accordance with consti- 
tutional usage, placed the responsibility of the station upon 
the Commander of the Forces in Canada, viz., General Sir 
Patrick L. Macdougall. Consequently, that distinguished 
officer demands more than a passing notice in our little 
volume. He was educated at the Eoyal Military College, 
and joined the 79th Highlanders at the age of 16 years. He 
served afterwards with the 36th Regiment in New Bruns- 
wick, having come to Quebec in the " Pique " frigate with 
the late Lord Sydenham, and having been afterwards sent 
with despatches overland from Montreal to Halifax in De- 
cember, 1840, for a great part through a country almost 
destitute of roads. He served as Captain and Major with 
the Canadian Eifles in Canada from 1844 to 1854, when he 
was appointed Superintendent of the Royal Military College 
at Sandhurst. At the formation of the Staff College which 
was constituted very much on a plan of his own he was 
appointed the first Commandant in 1857. From 1865 to 
1868 he served as Ad jut ant- General of Militia of Canada 
during the period which was troubled by the foolish and 
wicked proceedings of the " Fenian Brotherhood," and as- 


sisted in organizing the Militia of the Dominion after Con- 
federation. From 1870 until he was transferred to the 
command of the forces in Canada he was employed at the 
War Office, during the last five years with the intelligence 
department, of which he was appointed director on its first 
formation. He is the author of the following military 
books : " Theory of War," " Modern Warfare," and the 
" Campaign of Hannibal," as well as of the biography of 
General Sir W. Napier, the distinguished author of the 
Peninsular War. He was employed on particular service 
in the Crimea in 1855, and has the Crimean and Turkish 
medals. He received the honor of Kt. C. M. G-. in 1877. 



THE name of this great statesman has become so closely 
identified with that of the Dominion of Canada that the two 
are almost synonymous. His public career is interwoven 
with our history for the last quarter of a century, so closely 
that it is impossible to find a political measure which is not 
in some degree a representative of the man, either in his 
advocacy or opposition of it. He has been a wonderful 
manager, and is acknowledged to be the greatest statesman 
in his party, if not in the whole country. He was born 
January 11, 1815, and is the eldest son of the late Hugh 
Macdonald, Fsq., of Kingston, Ont, formerly of Sutherland- 
shire, Scotland, where, we believe, Sir John was born, he 
emigrating to this country with his parents at the age of 
three years. This, however, is disputed by some, who claim 
that he is a native Canadian. We have applied to the Bight 
Honorable gentleman for certain information required to 
perfect this sketch, but he has extended only a polite refusal 
to be in any way instrumental in aiding us, until his next 
retirement from office. For this we are unwilling to wait, 
and, being quite familiar with his public record, from our 
labors in compiling the history of Canada, we will undertake 
to produce a brief sketch of the Chieftain, notwithstanding, 


to use his own language, " A complete biography has never 
been written." 

We cannot, this minute, cite our authority, but give it as 
a reliable item of history that the great statesman was born 
in Scotland. He was educated at the Eoyal Grammar 
School, Kingston, Ont., under Dr. Wilson, a Fellow of Ox- 
ford University, and was called to the bar of Upper Canada 
in Hilary Term, 1836. Ten years later he was created a 
Queen's Counsel. A naked skeleton of his public life may 
be thus sketched : He was a member of the Executive 
Council of Canada from May 11, 184*7 to March 10, 1848 ; 
from the llth of September, 1854, to 29th July, 1858 ; from 
6th August, same year, to 23rd May, 1862 ; and from 30th 
March, 1864, until the Union, and was during these several 
periods Receiver. General from 21st May to 7th December, 
1847 ; Commissioner of Crown Lands from latter date to 
10th March, 1848; Attorney-General for Upper Canada from 
llth September, 1854, to 29th July, 1858, when as Prime 
Minister he and his Cabinet resigned, being defeated on the 
Seat of Government question. He was returned to office 
6th August the same year, as Postmaster-General, a position 
he resigned the following day, on his re-appointment as 
Attorney-General of Upper Canada, which he continued to 
hold until the defeat of the Administration on the Militia 
Bill, in May, 1862, when he and his colleagues again retired 
from office. Sir George E. Cartier and he led the Opposition 
in the Assembly, until the defeat of the Sandfield Macdonald- 
Dorion Government, when the Tache-Macdonald Government 
was formed, 30th March, 1864, and he returned to his old 
office of Attorney-General, and was Government leader in the 
Assembly from that time until the Union of the Provinces, 
1867. He held the office of Minister of Militia Affairs 


jointly with that of Attorney-General, from January to May, 
1862, and from August, 1865, until the Union. He was re- 
quested to take the place of Sir E. P. Tache, as Prime Min- 
ister, on the death of that gentleman in 1865, but waived 
his claim in favour of Sir N. F. Belleau. He has been a 
delegate to England and other countries on public business 
on many occasions, and was a delegate to the Conference in 
harlottetown in 1864, which had been convened for the 
purpose of effecting a Union of the Maritime Provinces ; to 
that which succeeded it in Quebec in the same year, to 
arrange a basis of Union of all the British American Pro- 
vinces, and was Chairman of the London Colonial Confer- 
ence, 1866-7, when the Act of Union, known as the " British 
North America Act," was passed by the Imperial Parliament. 
On 1st July, 1867, when the new constitution came into 
force, was called upon to form the first Government for the 
new Dominion, and was sworn of the Privy Council, and 
was appointed Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of 
Canada. In 1871 he was appointed one of Her Majesty's 
Joint High Commissioners and Plenipotentiaries, together 
with Earl de Grey (now Marquis of Ripon). Sir Stafford 
Northcote, Sir Edward Thornton and Eight Honorable 
Montagu Bernard, to act in connection with five Commis- 
sioners named by the President of the United States, for 
the settlement of the Alabama claims, and of matters in 
dispute between Great Britain and the United States, the 
labours of which Joint High Commission resulted in the 
Treaty of Washington, signed at Washington, U.S., on 8th 
May, 1871. He received the degree of D. C. L. (honorary) 
from Oxford University, 1865. Is also an L.L.D. of Queen's 
University, Kingston. He was created K. C. B. (civil) by 
Her Majesty, July, 1867. He was created a Knight Grand 


Cross of the Eoyal Order of Isabel la Catolica (of Spain), 
January, 1872. He was appointed a member of Her 
Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council, July, 1872. He 
sat for Kingston in the Canada Assembly from November, 
1844, until the Union. Eeturned to Commons, 1867, and again 
in 1872, 1874, and 1875. Sir John A. Macdonald's legislation 
amongst many other important public measures, includes 
the following : The secularization of the clergy reserves ; 
the improvement of the Militia laws ; amendments to the 
law relating to the jurisdiction and procedure of the Surro- 
gate Courts ; abolishment of imprisonment for debt in 
certain cases ; prevention of preferential assignment to 
creditors ; amendment of the jury law ; amendment of the 
election law ; improvement of municipal institutions in 
Upper Canada ; the consolidation of the statutes ; the ex- 
tension of the municipal system ; the reorganization of the 
militia ; the settlement of the Seat of Government question ; 
the establishment of direct steam mail communication with 
Europe ; the establishment of additional penitentiaries, 
criminal lunatic asylums and reformatory prisons, and pro- 
viding for the inspection thereof; the providing for the 
internal economy of the House of Commons ; the reorgan- 
ization of the Civil Service on a permanent basis ; the con- 
struction of the Intercolonial Eailway ; the enlargement of 
the canals ; the ratification of the Washington Treaty ; the 
Confederation of British North America and the extension 
and consolidation of the Dominion. At the recent general 
elections Sir John was defeated in Kingston, but was imme- 
diately afterwards elected by acclamation in Marquette 
County, Manitoba. 

Now, this brief summary covers a period of more than 
forty years or active life, and would require a volume more 


than five times the size of the present one, to set forth in 
any degree of detail. But this is not all. In 1873 the 
Pacific Railroad developments decided him and his col- 
leagues to resign office. He was then Premier, and had 
been the leader of the Government since 1867. On the 
succeeding day he was elected leader of the Opposition, and 
since that time has labored indefategably until in the pro. 
sent year he has been restored to power. 

Sir John married Miss Clark, of Invernessshire, Scotland, 
who died in 1856. In 1867 he married Miss Barnard, 
daughter of the late Hon. T. J. Barnard, of Jamaica. 
Among the Freemasons he has been very prominent, being 
at present Grand Representative in Canada of the Free- 
masons in England. 

Sir John A. Macdonald is one of those few men who wins 
the admiration of his political foes, as the following from the 
Montreal Star, a journal bitterly opposed to him in the re- 
cent contest, will show: "In appearance though by no 
" means so stoutly built, Sir John A. Macdonald somewhat 
" resembles Lord Beaconsfield, like whom, when occasion 
" demands, he has the same ability to submit himself to cir- 
" cumstances, make the best of a bad job, and though sorely 
" beaten carry himself with a jaunty if not a defiant air. 
" There have been those who described him as ' devil-may- 
" care.' About him there is a remarkable amount of 
" animal magnetism, his personal popularity being almost 
" unbounded ; had it not been for which, and his great abili- 
" ties, he could not so soon have made headway against the 
"defeat which he righteously sustained in 1873. Through- 
" out his entire career, he has been ambitious ; some will 
" say that his first care was to distinguish himself, and 
" secondly to promote in every way the development and 


" prosperity of Canada. He is largely possessed of the lust 
" of power, to obtain and retain which he has not perhaps 
" been as scrupulous as he might have been, either in the 
" means to which he resorted, or the pledges and promises 
"which he made. He has all the necessary qualities for a 
" party leader, fortiter in re, suaviter in modo. Of him it has 
" been said that the refusal of a favor at his hands has been 
" much more satisfactory to receive than a benefit at the 

"hands of others. It has been his habit to be true to his 


" friends, so long as they would be true to him, but the 
" moment he noticed any divergence he has utilized only as 
"long as he required them, and then put them to the right 
" about, only to restore them to partial favor when they 
" were prepared humbly and unquestionably to carry out 
" his mandates, and to make as substantial amends as were 
" possible for their offences against the party. Sir John is 
"and has been an apt master of men. He thoroughly un- 
" derstands human nature, being sufficiently astute to mani- 
" pulate his followers and draw out of them the very best 
" talents that they possess, and dispose of them to the best 
" possible advantage. As a speaker, though not eloquent, 
" he is powerful. He is given to recklessness in his state- 
41 ments, and few will deny that he is over sanguine in his 
" anticipations. 

" Upon the stump he is more than ordinarily successful, 
" his quickness at repartee and his almost inexhaustible 
" fund of humor making for him friends even in the strong- 
" holds of his enemies. The good points which he has 
41 made would occupy a first-class chronicler, even of the 
" Dean Ramsay school. Taking into the calculation his 
" qualities of head as well as of heart for in politics the latter 
" go a long way he is the greatest man we have in Canada, 



" and if there is virtue, which there is reason to believe is 
" the case, in the fiscal policy which he now champions, he 
" is the man, associated with those whom he can select to 
" aid him, to carry it out to success. It is, perhaps, needless 
" to say that in his case, as in that of most politicians, a 
*' strong Opposition is required to keep him quite up to the 
" mark. Where party interests are concerned, as has before 
" been noticed, he is somewhat careless of the means which 
" he employs to attain his ends, but, although brought face 
" to face with many offences perpetrated, in the interest of 
" party, it has yet to be proved that he has committed im- 
" proprieties for his own personal gain and advantage- 
" Since 1873 he has filled the position of leader of the Con- 
" servative Opposition, at first an exceedingly small body 
" that has gradually been reinforced until to- day it has with 
" it in power, backed as it is by men from both' sides, a 
" majority that may, perhaps, be termed unwieldy, and too 
" overwhelming since its members and their demands will 
" be difficult to satisfy, while the mere weight of numbers, 
" as has often been the case in previous Parliaments, will be 
" found sufficient, at any rate for the time being, to crush 
" and render of comparatively little avail any opposition that 
" may be offered to them. Prior to 1873, as Mr. Mackenzie 
" was accustomed to say, motions were made upon his side 
" the House, not because there was any hope of carrying 
" them, but in order that they might be placed on record. 

"Since that time, as the Honorable Dr. Tupper ex- 
" plained, motions and objections have been offered, not be- 
" cause it was expected they would have any effect upon 
" the House, but in order that through the House the 
" country might he reached, and in both cases, that object 
" was attained. Still there is great room for objection to 


" election speeches being made in the Legislative Halls, 
" where the time of the members and of the country might 
" be much better occupied in practical legislative work. In 
" the public interest we say it is to the general regret that 
" the incoming Government should go in having so immense 
"a following. Defeated at Kingston, which he had repre- 
" sented for almost thirty-five years, Sir John Macdonald, 
"by the courteous withdrawal of both the candidates in the 
" field, was elected by acclamation for the County of Mar- 
" quette, Manitoba, and on assuming office he obtained the 
" endorsation of himself and policy by the electors of the 
" city of Victoria, British Columbia." 

Sir John A. Macdonald has formed the subject of many 
newspaper sketches. The New York World recently said 
of him among other things, "A portrait of Disraeli would 
find ready sale in Canada as a life-like likeness of the 
f Knight of Kingston.' " Slightly above the medium height, 
slim, irreproachably dressed and buttoned up, close-shaved, 
pale and rather sallow, with dark hair and eyes, a prominent 
nose that looks a little Oriental at the nostrils, and a curl that 
" hangs right down on his forehead." The resemblance is 
remarkable, and Sir John has been thought not to be wholly 
unconscious of or indifferent to this fact. Sir John walks 
with a semi-limp and has hardly aged perceptibly during 
the last twenty years. He is a clear, easy and unaffected 
speaker, best in debate, but no orator as McGee was. Per- 
sonally, he is a charming companion, witty, agreeable and 
caustic with a fund of anecdote. Lady Macdonald is much 
younger than her husband, to whom she is devoted, and her 
tact and fascination it is said prove powerful aids to him. 
At some future time, whenever convenient opportunity pre- 
sents itself, the writer contemplates giving the public a 


complete history of the life and public services of this truly 
great statesman. 

He is once more at the head of the Government, this time 
as Premier and Minister of the Interior, and is far more 
popular with the Canadian people to-day than ever before. 
It is hinted by some of his friends that in the not distant 
future he will retire from public life in Canada and remove 
permanently to England. However this may be, and in 
whatever capacity he may chose to labor, we must hold the 
opinion that his active political life will not soon close, and 
that the near future will open to him honors greater than 
any which he has yet enjoyed. It is not impossible that 
he should yet become a peer of the Realm. Such an event 
would rejoice Canada greatly. 



OUR present Finance Minister is one of the foremost states- 
men of the Dominion. It is difficult to say whether there 
are two or only one in his party who can justly claim pre- 
cedence to him. Sir John must always be acknowledged 
chief, but after him, we must not undertake to say who 
should rank first. This honor, however, lies with one of 
two men, viz., the Honorable S. L. Tilley and the Honora- 
ble Doctor Charles Tupper. No doubt there are many 
Nova Scotiaiis and New Brunswickers who, at the risk of 
antagonistic political elements, look forward expectantly 
for a Tupper-Tilley or Tilley-Tupper Government. It is 
to say the least a matter upon which we Maritime people 
have a right to pride ourselves that, excepting Sir John, we 
are represented by the two ablest statesmen in the Do- 
minion of Canada. And if at any time either of these gentle- 
men should be incapacitated we have the Honorable James 
Macdonald, who would take the place of either, and of 
whom many predict a career quite as brilliant as that of 
the great chieftain himself. 

Mr. Tilley has made a grand record as a public man. 
His abilities have placed him in the very foremost ranks of 
every enterprise or measure of his province for the past 
quarter of a century ; and his great purity of character, to- 


gether with his noble efforts as a reformer, have gained for 
him a host of friends and admirers of both political creeds in 
every province of Canada, and in most of the States of the 
neighboring Eepublic. In the cause of Total Abstinence and 
Prohibition Governor Tilley, as we have accustomed our- 
selves to call him, has been one of those few men who 
could triumph in an unpopular cause. 

A condensed summary of his public career may be thus 
sketched. He is a son of Thomas M. Tilley, Esq., of 
Queen's County, N.B, and great grandson of Samuel Tilley, 
Esq., formerly of Brooklyn, N.Y., a E. U. loyalist, who 
came to New Brunswick at the termination of the American 
revolution, and became a 'grantee of the city of St. John. 
He was born, at Gagetown, Queen's County, N.B., 8th May, 
1818, and educated at the County Grammar School. He 
was a member of the Executive Council, of New Bruns- 
wick, from November, 1854, to May, 1856, from July, 185*7, 
to March, 1865, and again from April, 1866, until the 
Union, during which several periods he held the office of 
Provincial-Secretary of that Province ; and from March, 
1861 to March, 1865, was leader of the Government. He 
has heen leader of the Liberal party in New Brunswick for 
a lengthened period. He has been a delegate to England on 
several occasions to confer with the Imperial Government 
on important public business, notably regarding the Union 
of the British American Colonies and the construction of 
an Intercolonial Railway. He has also repeatedly served 
on like missions to the sister Provinces. He was a dele- 
gate to the Charlottetown Union Conference, 1864 ; to that 
in Quebec the same year, and to the London Colonial Con- 
ference, to complete the terms of Union of the British 
North American Provinces, 1866-7". He holds a patent of 


rank and precedence from Her Majesty as an Ex-Councillor 
of New Brunswick. He was created C. B. (Civil) by Her 
Majesty in 1867. He was sworn of the Privy Council, 1st 
July, 1869, and held the office of Minister of Customs from 
that date until the 22nd February, 1873, when he was ap- 
pointed Minister of Finance. He was acting Minister of 
Public Works from November, 1868, to April, 1869. He 
sat for the city of St. John, in New Brunswick Assembly, 
from June, 1854, to June, 1856, when he was defeated on 
the Prohibitory Liquor Law question and the G-overnment 
resigned ; from June, 1857, to March, 1865, when defeated 
on the Union policy of his Government ; and again from 
1866 until the Union, when he resigned to accept a seat in 
the Commons and represent New Brunswick in the Do- 
minion Cabinet. The Prohibitory Liquor Law of New 
Brunswick was the work of Mr. Tilley as a private mem- 
ber. Amongst other measures of importance introduced 
and carried by the Government, of which he was a mem- 
ber, may be mentioned as follows : Yote by ballot and ex- 
tension of the franchise ; an Act authorizing the construc- 
tion of the European and North American Railway as a 
government work ; an Act authorizing the construction of 
the Intercolonial Bailway, New Brunswick. He continued 
to represent the city of Saint John in the House of Com- 
mons until November, 1873, when he retired on his ap- 
pointment as Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick. He 
discharged the duties of the latter post until October, 
1878, when he was appointed Finance Minister on the re- 
turn to power of Sir John A. Macdonald. 



THE Province of Nova Scotia, though small both in area 
.and population, has produced several very distinguished 
men. Haliburton as historian and humorist occupies a 
permanent place in English literature. Sir Edward Belcher 
stands high as a scientific Arctic explorer. Sir Samuel 
unard's reputation is co-extensive with the commerce of 
England and America. Sir Fenwick Williams and General 
Inglis occupy a high place as military commanders. Dr. 
Dawson is recognized as a worthy successor of .Lyell, Mur- 
chison and Buckland. In politics, the eloquence and ability 
of Joseph Howe are admired far beyond the limits of his 
own province. All these men, whose name and fame are 
familiar wherever the English language is spoken, were 
Nova Scotians. 

The Hon. Dr. Tupper, who has sought and found distinc- 
tion in the arena of politics, though still comparatively 
young as a public man, has won a high position as one of 
the leading and most influential statesmen in the Dominion 
of Canada. He was born at Amherst, a town on the line of 
the Intercolonial Railway, in the County of Cumberland 
and Province of Nova Scotia. The family belonging origin- 
ally to Hesse-Cassell, went to the Island of Guernsey, from 
which a branch of it emigrated to Virginia. At the time 


of the revolution Dr. Tapper's ancestors having adhered to 
the loyalist cause, removed to Xova Scotia. The Tupper 
family are connected with that of Sir Isaac Brock, the dis- 
tinguished British officer who fell fighting bravely at the 
head of his troops, on Queenstown Heights. The Hon. 
Charles Tupper, is the eldest son of the Eev. Dr. Charles 
Tupper, of Aylesford, and was born in July, 1821. He wa> 
educated at Horton Academy, and is an M. A. of Acadia 
College. Having chosen medicine as a profession, he finished 
liis >tudies at the University of Edinburgh, where he took 
the degree of M. I)., and also obtained the diploma of the 
Eoyal College of Surgeons. In 1843 he returned to his 
native country and commenced the practice of his profes- 
sion, in which, at an early period, he obtained a high repu- 
tation. In 1846 he married Miss Frances Morse, belonging 
to a leading family, and for twelve years was engaged in 
building up his reputation as a skilful and successful phy- 

He was on the highway to professional fame and an ample 
fortune, but the bent of his mind lay strongly in the direction 
of public life, and, in 1855, he gave way to his inclination. 
During this year a general election took place and two 
members had to be chosen for the Count}' of Cumberland. 
The Hon. Joseph Howe, who was at that time at the height 
of his fame, had been one of its representatives and wa>- 
again a candidate. His seat was looked upon as practically 
unassailable ; but Dr. Tupper nevertheless determined to* 
enter the list against so redoubtable a champion. It seemed 
a truly forlorn hope, as he had to face and fight the most 
eloquent and popular man in the Province, and one besi<k-> 
who was skilled beyond most people in the wiles and devices* 
of carrying a successful election. Mr. Howe looked upon 


the opposition as a sort of political impertinence and treated 
it accordingly. But when his youthful opponent, on the 
day of nomination, began to speak, it very soon became 
apparent that the political Goliath had met a David, and 
that the contest was going to be a serious one. The great 
Liberal leader found himself assailed with an eloquence 
equal to his own and a torrent of invective that carried all 
before it. Howe felt and confessed that a new power had 
made it appearance in the public arena, and though beaten 
this time, his opponent would be heard of again, and in due 
time take his place among the foremost public men of Nova 
Scotia, But he was not beaten, for the evening of election 
day found his name at the head of the poll. The venture 
was a daring one. and showed at the outset of his career the 
real stamina that was in him and which has been found to 
form so large an ingredient in the character of the subject 
of our sketch. 

In 1856 Dr. Tupper took his seat in the House of Assem- 
bly and soon proved that in debating power, in political 
and administrative ability he was second to no one in it. At 
that time, the amount of first-rate talent in the House was 
very remarkable. Besides Mr. Howe, the Liberal phalanx 
included Sir William Young, Judge Wilkins, the late James 
TJniacke, the present Governor Archibald, Judge McCully, 
Judge Henry and a cloud of minor lights. The Hon. J.W. 
Johnston led the Opposition, a man of commanding intellect 
and great dignity of character. But he stood almost alone, 
so that the accession of Dr. Tupper was an immense gain to 
the Conservative party. 

The public questions of the day were of an exciting char- 
acter, including a proposed prohibitory liquor law, vote by 
ballot, an elective Legislative Council, and the abolition of 


the monopoly in the mines and minerals of the province. 
In the discussion of these questions Dr. Tupper took a lead- 
ing and enegetic part, and even at this early period his 
views were in advance of the Liberal party as regarded 
liberal legislation. He advocated the principle of an elec- 
tive Legislative Council in a speech of great force and 
eloquence, but this as well as the other measures mentioned, 
were for the time being defeated. 

The session of 1857 brought matters to a crisis. The 
C4overnment came to an open rupture with the Roman 
Catholics and the Liberal administration fell. In the new 
Cabinet formed by Mr. Johnston, Dr. Tupper filled the im- 
portant office of Provincial Secretary. Measures of great 
and permanent interest to the country were at once intro- 
duced and carried through with remarkable energy. Dr. 
Tupper, though not the leader, was the leading spirit in the 
new Government. The elective Council bill was passed by 
the Assembly, but rejected by the Upper House. An Act 
for the final settlement of the long agitated question regard- 
ing the mines and minerals became law, by which a large 
monopoly was put an end to and important industry opened 
up to the whole community. A bill for an improved jury 
law was prepared by Dr. Tupper and passed about this 
time ; and also an act making population the basis of repre- 
sentation in the popular branch was passed. The initiation 
of money votes by the government, for the first time adopt- 
ed, and a bill disqualifying subordinate officers of the 
Crown from sitting in the legislature was introduced and 
became law. 

In the general election of 1859 the government party 
was defeated and Dr. Tupper again took his seat on the 
Opposition benches, and remained there for four years. 


Paring the last session of this Parliament the Liberal party 
forced a bill through the House narrowing the elective 
franchise. It was fiercely opposed by the Opposition, but 
in vain. Its effect, however, was the complete route of its 
supporters at the next election. This was in 1863, when 
I>r. Tupper took charge once more of his former depart- 
ment, and subsequently on the elevation of Mr. Johnston to 
the position of judge in equity, the government a position 
he held without a break till the confederation of 1867. 

This period of four years was one of great political energy 
and progress in Nova Scotia. The provincial railway was 
extended to the Pictou coal fields, a length of 50 miles. A 
government subsidy was granted to a company to build a 
railway from Windsor to Annapolis, passing through the 
garden of the province, the length of the road being 85 
miles. Besides these important measures Dr. Tupper pre- 
pared and passed an act for collecting the vital statistics of 
the province j an act for appointing a judge in equity j a new 
representation bill ; an Act prohibiting dual representation. 
But the crowning Act of all, and which will hand down his 
name to unborn generations, was the bill giving a free edu- 
cation to every child in the province. The measure was 
much needed, but till now no minister had ventured to 
grasp it, fearing the consequences, as it introduced the 
principle of direct taxation, a course which, however wise 
and just, was certain to bring a storm of angry obloquy on 
its authors. He foresaw all this, but stood firm to his pur- 
pose. It was the most unpopular measure, perhaps, ever 
passed in the Provincial Parliament an unpopularity 
which was only beginning to die away in 1867. Its value 
now is recognized as priceless, and the people would part 
with it upon no consideration. With characteristic intre- 


pidity Dr. Tupper stated again and again that it might, and 
probably would, cost him place and power, but that he 
would ever regard it as one of the proudest acts of his 
public life. The value of the boon may be estimated from 
the fact that while in 1861 only 31,000 children, between 5 
and 15 years attended school, the number in 1871 was up- 
wards of 90,000. One man had the courage to fight and 
master a great and growing evil, the blight of ignorance 
covering a whqle province, and he has his reward in the 
consciousness of having initiated and carried out success- 
fully a noble national undertaking, making posterity his 

The great question of Colonial Union was now beginning 
to assume a practical shape. In 1860 Dr. Tupper delivered 
a lecture in St. John in favor of a union of British North 
America, which was afterwards published and exercised a 
large influence upon the public opinion. In 1864 he carried 
a motion in favor of a Maritime union in the House of As- 
sembly, in a speech of great force and eloquence, and or- 
ganized in conjunction with the government of New Bruns- 
wick and Prince Edward Island, a delegation to consider 
that question. This conference took place at Charlotte- 
town, but upon the application of a delegation from the 
Canadian government, agreed to take up the larger ques- 
tion of a union of British North America. This discussion 
of this proposal created great excitement in Nova Scotia, 
which was increased by the hostile position taken by Mr. 

It is impossible to enter into details here. The anti- 
unionists demanded that the question should be settled by 
an appeal to the people. This Dr. Tupper resented, feel- 
ing, we presume, from the combined opposition to the 


measure, and the influence of the still odious school act, 
that its defeat at the polls would be certain. The motion 
for union was accordingly carried in the House of Assem- 
bly by 32 against 16 votes. The opposition, however, did 
not end here. Mr. Howe continued to agitate, to speak 
and write against it, both in England and Nova Scotia. 
He was ably answered by Dr. Tupper in an elaborate 
pamphlet, published in London, proving by extracts from 
speeches, lectures and despatches, that Mr. Howe himself 
had in former years been the most eloquent and earnest ad- 
vocate the cause of union ever had. 

The controversy ended in the ratification of the scheme 
of union by the Crown and its cordial acceptance by nearly 
every public man of eminence belonging to all parties in the 
Dominion. But the change produced great bitterness of 
feeling in Nova Scotia, and at the election for the new Do- 
minion Parliament only one unionist was returned from 
that province, that one being Dr. Tupper, who has been 
elected nine times in succession by his native county, a 
strong proof of his popularity where he is best known. 

The situation was now grave and the attitude of Nova 
Scotia threatening, but the unselfishness of Dr. Tupper in 
refusing office and the wise policy of conciliation and for- 
bearance adopted by the Dominion Government conquered 
the difficulty and removed the danger. He was the only 
representative of union from Nova Scotia, but though a seat 
in the Cabinet and the chairmanship of the Intercolonial 
Railway Board were both offered him, they were declined, 
and it was not till 1870 that he accepted the position of 
president of the Privy Council. In 1872 he became Minis- 
ter of Inland Revenue, and in 1873 Minister of Customs. 

In the Dominion House of Commons, Dr. Tupper took 


his place at once in the front rank among its leading mem- 
bers, a position he has continued to maintain and strengthen. 
On his own side of the House he stands next to Sir John 
A. Macdonald, whose right arm he is, and the head of a 
future Conservative government he is in all human proba- 
bility destined to become. If the question were asked as 
to who are the two ablest men on each side of the House, 
the line is so clearly drawn that 99 out of 100 would reply 
without hesitation, Mackenzie and Blake on the one, Sir 
John Macdonald and Dr. Tupper on the other. Dr. Tupper 
has reached his present position through no extraneous in- 
fluence. All that he has and is he owes to himself. He 
took his place in the front rank as a public man at the out- 
set by pare force of character and strength of intellect. 
As a politician he has throughout been consistent and pro- 
gressive, generally taking counsel with himself rather than 
following the suggestions of others. There is nothing 
mean, shifty or vacillating in his character. In every line 
of action he has taken, he followed it out in a firm, fearless 
and undaunted spirit. With strong party feelings and a 
still stronger will, his course has always been shaped in ac- 
cordance with what he believes to be the public interest,, 
In the earlier part of his career he was dreaded for his ter- 
rible powers of invective. That power remains, but he 

as long ceased to wield it as a weapon of offence. 
. The leading qualities of his mind are affluence and accu- 
racy of language, strength of will, tenacity of purpose, 
clearness and rapidity of thought and promptness of 
action. His public speeches are an index at once of the 
character of his intellect and his constitutional tempera- 
ment. His words are poured out like an ocean, but you 
will listen in vain for either verbiage or repetition. The 


sentences flow on keen and incisive, copious in fact and 
illustration, bristling with argument, and crushing in force 
and vigor of expression. As a debater he is, perhaps, the 
foremost man in the House of Commons. His articulation 
is clear and resonant, his utterance rapid and impassioned. 
But though vehement enough in manner when heated by 
debate, he seldom loses temper or forgets the conventional 
courtesy due to an opponent. His judgment is calm and 
collected at all times, and few can parry a thrust more 
adroitly or are more formidable in attack. His powers of 
memory, like those of Macaulay, are remarkable, so that 
facts, arguments and illustrations are always at his com- 
mand, and are sent home with an effect that never fails to 
tell upon his audience. Like nearly every man who has 
risen to eminence in public life, detraction and calumny 
have followed every step in his career. Anonymous assail- 
ants have thrown at him the vilest language. These he has 
disdained to notice, but wherever or whenever a charge or 
insinuation has been openly made he has met it on the 
instant and crushed the life out of it, to the confusion of 
his assailant. 

Dr. Tupper is still in the prime of life, vigorous alike in 
mind and body. He is a man of fine presence and intrepid 
bearing, with features indicating firmness and decision of 
character. His manner is frank, easy and cordial ; his 
speech, whether in debate or conversation, earnest and 
animated. As a public man, he is one of the greatest pow- 
ers in the House of Commons, and is probably destined to 
wield a still greater and wider influence as a Dominion 

The Hon. Charles Tupper was created a C.B. (civil) by 
Her Majesty in 1867, in recognition of his public services; 


is a governor of Dalhousie College, and was president of 
the Canada Medical Association from 186*7 to 1870, when 
he declined re-election from pressure of public and official 
duties. He is now Minister of Public Works. 



THE subject of this sketch is a very interesting representa- 
tive of French politeness and manners, combined with a 
peculiar English style characteristic of the educated French 
Canadian people. His worthy father, Honorable Joseph 
Masson, was one of the most enterprising and successful 
merchants of his time, and left a respected as well as pop- 
ular name throughout Lower Canada. His brother, the 
late Honorable Edouard Masson, sat for several years in the 
Legislative Council of Quebec, and was a favorite with his 
colleagues and the public generally. 

The Honorable Mr. Masson inherited the good humor 
and kind regards which were peculiar to his father, and it 
has often been observed that, whilst in the heat of debate 
in Parliament, how cautiously he would parry an argument 
and strike his opponent a blow without creating the least 
ill-feeling. Sir George E. Carter used to say of him that 
41 he will make a mark ; he may be my successor even, for 
he does not take the halter ; he is sufficiently undisciplined 
to make a good officer hereafter." And it may be added to 
this that Sir George and Mr. Masson were always on the 
best of terms, and paid each other many marks of respect, 
which have not been forgotten in Parliamentary circles. 
But it must not be supposed that M. Masson and Sir George 


always agreed in their political views ; but noble men, of 
independent characters, if prompted by a patriotic and 
generous spirit, can disagree on such matters without de- 
stroying their friendship for each other. 

M. Masson was born in Terrebonne on the 7th of Novem- 
ber, 1833, in the old seignorial house. He spent his early 
years amongst people who spoke only French. He was 
sent to the Jesuit College of Georgetown, and to Worcester, 
Mass., to commence his education. He thus acquired that 
knowledge of the English language which enables him to 
speak and write it equally as well as that of his mother 
tongue. To complete his education, he returned to Lower 
Canada and made the full course of the St. Hyacinthe Col- 
lege. During that period he made a trip to Europe under 
the guidance of the Most Reverend M. Desaulniers, a 
learned and very highly esteemed priest, who took him 
through the most important parts of the old world, such as 
the Holy Land, etc. M. Masson afterwards made other 
trips to Europe, and sometimes wrote articles for the 
French reviews published in the Province of Quebec 
These were interesting descriptions of his voyages, and 
always reflected much credit on the author of them. 

M. Masson married Mile. Louisa Rachel Mackenzie, 
daughter of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie, and 
grand-daughter of the Honorable Roderick Mackenzie, a 
partner in the Northwest Fur Company, and a member of 
the Executive Council for Lower Canada. 

He was admitted to the bar in 1859, and soon began to 
take a deep interest in the politics of the country. But he 
soon made himself known in another respect as one of the 
promoters of the militia organization. His efforts in that 
direction were productive of the best results that could be 


arrived at. His first commission in the volunteer force is 
dated October, 1862. A few months later, August, 1863, 
he was appointed Brigade Major, a position which he held 
until 1868. It was during that period that he twice served 
(March and January, 1866,) on the frontier, against the 
Fenians. In the following year, 1867, he was promoted to 
the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. 

In the meantime confederation having become an accom- 
plished fact, he was returned to Parliament by acclamation 
for the county of Terrebonne, and from that day his popu- 
larity in his native county has not in the least declined. 
Moreover, as his name became more and more identified 
with public matters in Parliament, the Province of Quebec 
has for several years looked upon him as its chieftain. 
Already, in 1873, he had refused to enter the Cabinet, on 
account of the unsettled state of the questions of amnesty 
for political offences in Manitoba, and of the New Bruns- 
wick separate schools. 

When the last general election took place the French 
Conservative party claimed him as their leader. He was 
in Europe at the time; but Sir John A. Macdonald awaited 
his return before completing the Quebec section of his 

M. Masson has expressed a desire on various occasions 
that this country might obtain a reciprocity treaty with 
the United States on fair and equal terms ; and that he is in' 
favor of a moderately protective tariff. He will support 
a scheme for constructing the Northern Pacific Railway 
wholly on Canadian soil, as soon as the finances and cir- 
cumstances of the country will permit of its execution. 



The Honorable M. Langevin is one of the leading French- 
Canadian statesmen of the Dominion perhaps the foremost 
of his party. His record for the past twenty-five years is 
interwoven with the most stirring political events of the 
country. He is a son of the late John Langevin, Esq., 
formerly Assistant-Civil Secretary under the Earl of Gosford 
and Lord Sydenham, during the periods those noblemen 
held the office of Governor-General. His mother was the 
late Sophia, Scholastique La Force, whose father, Major La 
Force, went with his militiamen to the frontier in the war 
of 1812, and whose grandfather was acting Commodore of 
the British fleet on Lake Ontario during the American re- 
volutionary war. He is brother of His Lordship the Eight 
Eeverend Jean Langevin, Bishop of St. Germain de Ri- 
mouski. He was born in the city of Quebec, August 25 y 
1826, and educated at the Seminary of that city. He was 
married in 1854 to Justice, eldest daughter of the late 
Lieut.-Colonel Charles H. Tetu, J.P. He studied law first 
with the late Hon. A. N. Morin, and afterwards with the 
late Hon. Sir George E. Cartier, and was called to the Bar, 
Lower Canada, October, 1850. He was created a Q.C. 30th 
March,. 1864. He was editor of the Melanges Eeligieux 
(Montreal) from 1847 to 1849, and also of the Journal d'Agri- 


culture (same city) ; and at a later period (1857) of the Cour- 
rier du Canada (Quebec). He sat as a member of the City 
Council, Quebec, for some years, and was Chairman of the 
Water Works Committee. He was Secretary-Treasurer and 
afterwards Yice-President of the North Shore Railway 
Company. He was Mayor of Quebec from January, 1858, 
to January, 1861, and during his incumbency visited Eng- 
land on matters affecting the city finances, etc. He was 
for two years, 1861 and 1862, President of St. Jean Baptiste 
Society (Quebec) ; and in 1863 and 1864, President of the 
Institut Canadien, (same city.) He is author of La Canada, 
ses Institutions, etc., a prize essay (Quebec, 1855), and of 
Droit Administrate/ ou Manuel des Paroisses et Fabriques (do., 
1862.) He was a member of the Executive Council, Canada, 
from 30th March, 1864, until the Union ; and held the 
offices of Solicitor-General, Lower Canada, from 30th March, 
1864, to November, 1865 ; and Postmaster-General, from 
latter period until the Union. He was sworn of Privy 
Council, 1st July, 1867, when appointed Secretary of State 
of Canada, in which office he remained until transferred to 
the Public Works Department, 8th December, 1869. He 
was, while at the State Department, ex-offido Registrar- 
General of Canada and Superintendent-General of Indian 
Affairs. He was a Commissioner to assist Mr. Speaker in 
the management of the interior economy of the House of 
Commons ; also a chairman of the Eailway Committee of 
the Privy Council. He was created a Companion of the 
Most Honorable Order of the Bath (civil) by Her Majesty, 
1868. He was created Knight Commander of the Roman 
Order of Pope St. Gregory the Great, 1870. He was a dele- 
gate to the Charlotte town Union Conference, 1864 ; to that 
in Quebec in same year ; and to the London Colonial Con- 


ference, 1866-7, to complete terms of Union of British North 
American Provinces. In 1871, at the desire of the Privy 
Council, he visited British Columbia with the view of ac- 
quiring a knowledge of that new Province in relation to 
the Pacific Kailway and its western terminus, and also of 
studying the requirements of the Province, and ascertaining 
personally what public works were necessary for it. On 
his return he published a report, containing much informa- 
tion about British Columbia, and making known its present 
position and immense wealth and resources, (Ottawa, 1872.) 
He acted as leader of the Lower Canada Conservatives in 
the session of 1873, during the absence to England of Sir 
George Cartier, and was selected by the Conservative mem- 
bers, after Sir George Cartier's funeral in Montreal in June, 
1873, as the Conservative leader in the Province of Quebec. 
He sat for the County of Dorchester in Canada Assembly, 
from general election, 1857, until the Union. Returned to 
Commons by same constituency from the Union until 1874, 
when he retired. He ceased to be a Cabinet Minister with 
his colleagues in November, 1873. He also represented 
Dorchester in Local House from general election, 1867, to 
general election, 1872, when he was returned for Quebec 
Centre by acclamation ; he retired January, 1874 ; but was 
again elected for Charlevoix, January, 1876 j and again re- 
turned for same constituency, April, 1877, after being un- 
seated on petition. At the late election he was defeated in 
Bimouski County. On the return of Sir John A. Macdonald 
to power he was appointed Postmaster-General. 



WE never hear the name of this honorable gentleman 
spoken except with some remark complimentary of his 
great talents, and probable future distinction. That he has 
already taken a place in the very front ranks of his party 
there can be no question. His ability has few equals in the 
Commons House of Parliament, and it is recognized on 
every hand that he is one of the most promising statesmen 
in his party. It is thought by some that Nova Scotia is 
rather small for two such men as the Honorable Doctor 
Charles Tapper and the Honorable James Macdonald, and 
it was hinted at one time that the Doctor would accept 
one of the many constituencies which are available to him 
in Ontario and give way to Mr. Macdonald, in which event 
he would become the Conservative chieftain in Nova Scotia, 
a title which may now properly apply to the Minister of 
Public Works. This would also harmonize with the idea, 
held by many, that the Honorable Doctor will succeed to 
the honors of Sir John on the retirement of the latter, and 
it must be conceded that our Premier, to be untrammelled 
by sectional jealousies, must come, politically, from the 
great province of Ontario. We Cumberland people are by 
no means willing to part with the Doctor, and as Nova 
Scotians, most of us would lose a great degree of our inter- 


est in his political welfare should he leave us. We Nova 
Scotians are not unlike Irishmen. We are Nova Scotians 
the world over. It is quite easy for a New Brunswicker or 
a person from Ontario, on going to the States to loose his 
nationality and become Americanized, both in politics and 
manners ; not so with the Nova Scotian. There is some- 
thing peculiar in his very appearance ; something charac- 
teristic, but not always admirable in his accent ; something 
in his very akwardness, if you please, which is Nova 
Scotian. But beyond all this, if he be a genuine Nova 
Scotian he is a true patriot, but not the less, for all this, 
loyal to the Crown. He loves his country and is not 
ashamed to confess it every where. But this is altogether 
digressing from the subject, though, perhaps, not uninten- 

The family of the Honorable James Macdonald came 
from the highlands of Scotland to Pictou, N. S., nearly a 
century ago, and Mr. Macdonald was born at East Eiver, 
Pictou, 1st July, 1828. He was educated at New Glasgow, 
N.S., and called to the Bar of Nova Scotia in 1851. He 
was created a Q.C., 1867, and was Chief Railway Commis- 
sioner for Nova Scotia from June, 1863, to December, 1864, 
when he was appointed Financial Secretary in the Govern- 
ment led by the Honorable Dr. Tupper, which he continued 
to hold until the Union. He was one of the Commissioners 
(representing Nova Scotia) appointed to open trade rela- 
tions between the West Indies, Mexico and Brazil and the 
British American Provinces in 1865-66. He sat for Pictou 
in the Nova Scotia Assembly from 1859 until the Union, 
and from the general election in 1871, until July, 1872, 
when he resigned. He was an unsuccessful candidate for 
Pictou in the House of Commons in 1867. He was first re- 


turned to Commons in 1872, and defeated in 18*74. At the 
recent general elections Mr. Macdonald was again elected 
for Pictou, and was appointed by Sir John A. Macdonald 
Minister of Justice. Mr. Macdonald's parliamentary career- 
has been brief, if we take into consideration the high place 
which he has already gained in the public estimation. He 
has by no means reached the zenith of his political fame. 



THE Honorable John O'Connor, Q.C., is descended from two 
distinct families of O'Connors of Kerry, Ireland. His father 
and mother were both O'Connors, though not related within 
known degrees of kindred. His parents emigrated to 
America in 1823 and settled at Boston, where John was 
born in January, 1824. He settled in Essex County, On- 
tario, with his parents, in 1828. Choosing the profession of 
law he was called to the Bar of that Province, Hilary Term, 
in 1854, and in 1872 he was created a Q. C. He is also a 
member of the Michigan (U.S.) Bar, and was for a consider- 
able period Reeve of the Town of Windsor. He was Warden 
of Essex County for three years, being twice elected by a 
unanimous vote of the County Council ; and for twelve 
years he performed the duties of Chairman of the Board of 
Education of the Town of Windsor, Ontario. He is the 
author of " Letters addressed to the Governor-General on 
the subject of Fenianism (1870)." On the 2nd of July, 
1872, he was sworn of the Privy Council and was President 
of that body until March 4th, 1873, when he was appointed 
Minister of Inland Revenue. He was an unsuccessful can- 
didate for the Canadian Assembly in 1861, but succeeded in 
1863 in unseating the then sitting member (Mr. Arthur 
Rankin) and obtaining a new election, when he was re- 



turned, and sat until the dissolution of Parliament in May 
of that year. He again unsuccessfully contested the same 
seat at the general election in 1864, but was returned in 
1867, and again in 1872, and was again defeated in 1874. 
In the recent election Hon. Mr. O'Connor was returntd for 
Eussell County. He is for the present, and has been for 
some time in the past, considered the chief representative 
of the Irish Canadians. 



HE is the son of the late James Campbell, Esq., M. D., 
formerly of Hedon, Yorkshire, England, and was born in 
the East Biding of Yorkshire, in 1822. He came to Canada 
with his father when very young, and was educated at 
Lachine, at the College of St. Hyacinthe, Que., and at 
Kingstoi). He was called to the Bar, Upper Canada, in 
Michaelmas Term, 1843, and was created Q.C. in 1856. He 
is Dean of the Faculty of Law, Queen's University, Kings- 
ton, and a director of the London and Canadian Loan and 
Agency, and was President of the Royal Canadian Bank. He 
has been a Bencher of the Law Society, Upper Canada. He 
represented Cataraqui division in Lower Canada, from 
November, 1868, until the Union. He was Speaker of that 
body from 12th February, 1863, until the dissolution of 
Parliament in May of the same year ; and a member of 
Executive Council and Commissioner of Crown Lands, from 
March, 1864, until the Union. He was a member of the 
Quebec Union Conference, and sworn of the Privy Council, 
1st July, 1867, and was Postmaster-General from that date 
until 1st July, 1873, when he was appointed First Minister 
of the Interior, an office he -continued to hold until the re- 
signation of the Macdonald Government, 5th November, of 
the same year. He was Government leader in the Senate 



from 1867 until November, 18*73. He proceeded as a dele- 
gate to England on public business, early in 18*70 ; and again 
in June of the same year, to make representations to the 
Imperial Government, respecting injures inflicted by Fenian 
marauders, and the necessity for continuing a regular mili- 
tary force in the country. He was called to the Senate by 
Royal Proclamation in May, 186Y. During the past five 
years Hon. Mr. Campbell has acted as leader of the Con- 
servative Opposition in the Senate. On the return to power 
of the Conservative party he was appointed Eeceiver- 
General by Sir John A. Macdonald. 



HE was bom in the Eastern Townships, and there are no 
records at hand which give the date. His is President of 
the St. Francis and Megantic International Railway, and of 
the Compton Colonization Company. He is also one of the 
trustees of the St. Francis College, Richmond, P.Q., and a 
director of the Eastern Townships Bank. He commanded 
the Cookshire Yolunteer Cavalry for many years, and re- 
tired retaining his rank as Major, in 1862. He was sworn 
of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Agriculture 
in October 1871, which position he held until November 
5th, 1873, when he retired with his chief, Sir John A. Mac- 
donald, on the Pacific Railway question. He sat for his 
present seat in Canadian Assembly from 1857 until the 
Union. He was an unsuccessful candidate for same seat at 
general election in 1854, but was returned to Commons by 
acclamation at general election in 1867 ; again on his ap- 
pointment to office, and again at the general election in 
1872, and still again in 1874. In the recent contest the 
Honorable Mr. Pope was elected by a large majority. He 
has the unqualified confidence of his constituents, and of the 



THE family is one of the oldest and most honorable in the 
Province of Quebec, the founder of it, Jacques Baby de 
Bainville, an officer in the celebrated regiment of Carignan- 
Sallieres, having come to this country in 1663. He is a 
son of the late Joseph Baby, Esq., N.P., by Caroline, 
daughter of the late Honorable Louis Guy, in his lifetime 
King's Notary, and a Legislative Councillor for the old 
Province of Quebec ; and grandson of the late Honorable 
Francois Baby, an Executive and Legislative Councillor, 
and Adjutant-General of Militia for the same Province. He 
was born in Montreal on the 26th August, 1834. He was 
educated at St. Sulpice College, Montreal, and at the Col- 
lege of Joliette. He was called to the Bar of Lower 
Canada in 1857, and was created Q.C. in 1873. He is Mayor 
of the town of Joliette. He was an unsuccessful candidate 
for Joliette at the general election in 1867. He was first 
returned by acclamation in 1872 ; and re-elected in 1874, 
and again at the recent general election. 




He was born at Kockinghall, Suffolk, England, on the 
27th of December, 1823, and came to Canada with his pa- 
rents in 1833. He is a Major in the 49th Battalion, and a 
Director of the Grand Junction Railway. He is Yice- 
President of the Dominion Editors' and Reporters' Associ- 
ation, and President of the Hastings Mutual Fire Insurance 
Company, of the West Hastings Agricultural Society, of 
the Farren Manufacturing Company, and of the Dominion 
Safety Gas Company. He was editor and proprietor of the 
Belleville Intelligencer for a lengthened period, and has also 
been President of the Ontario Press Association. He was 
for eight years Grand Master of the Provincial Orange 
Grand Lodge of Quebec East. He was elected Most Wor- 
shipful Grand Master and Sovereign of the Orange Associ- 
ation of British America, an office he held for seven years. 
He is * also Deputy Grand Master of the Grand Black Chap- 
ter of British America. He was an unsuccessful candidate 
for North Hastings in the Canadian Assembly in 1863; 
first returned to Parliament in 1867, and has sat for the 
county since that time. He was re-elected at the recent 
general election, and appointed by Sir John A. Macdonald 
Minister of Customs in 1878. 



'OF the many able and excellent men by whom Sir John 
Macdonald has been surrounded during the several times in 
which he has administered the Government of the country, 
there has not been one whose personal and political character 
has stood higher, or one who has evinced a more zealous 
devotion to the proper discharge of his public duties than 
the honorable gentleman whose name appears at the head 
of this notice, and who now, for the second time, so worthily 
presides over the Department of State at Ottawa. Honor- 
able by nature as well as by the title of courtesy which he 
holds, Mr. Aikins bears a record such as many an older and 
more experienced statesman might well envy. His whole 
course through life has been a blameless one. 

James Cox Aikins is the eldest son of the late James 
Aikins, Esq., a native of the County Monaghan, Ireland, 
who, emigrating to Canada in the early part of the present 
century, proceeded to the western country, where he took up 
land in the Township of Toronto, in what is now the County 
of Peel. Here the present Secretary of State was born, on 
the 30th March, 1823, and here he also received the primary 
portions of his education. In due course he proceeded to 
Victoria College, Cobourg, then, as now, the principal seat 
of learning of the Wesleyan Methodist body (to which com- 


munion the Aikins family are attached), and there remained 
for a considerable time. Among his classmates at this in- 
stitution were Hon. William Macdougall, C.B., Matthew H. 
Eitchey, Q. C., now M. P. for the City of Halifax ; Lieut.- 
Colonel J. Stoughton Dennis, now Surveyor-General of the 
Dominion ; Colonel Walker Powell, the present Adjutant- 
General of Militia ; Hon. Senator Brouse ; J. M. Keeler, 
M.P. for East Northumberland ; J. L. Biggar, ex-M.P., and 
others who have since played important parts in the public 
life of the country. It may also be mentioned that his two 
brothers, Dr. William Thomas Aikins, now President of the 
Toronto School of Medicine, and Dr. Moses Henry Aikins, 
of Peel, were students at the same University. Returning 
to the family homestead, it was not long before his friends, 
seeing of what material he was composed, sought his ser- 
vices in a legislative capacity. At the general elections of 
1854, having declined nomination in 1851, in response to 
their solicitations, he offered himself as a candidate for the 
representation of the County of Peel in the Legislative As- 
sembly of the late Province of Canada, and was successful, 
defeating the former member, Mr. Gorge Wright, by a con- 
siderable majority. Mr. Aikins continued to represent Peel 
until the general election of 1861, when owing to his action 
on the County Town question which excited sectional oppo- 
tion, he lost his seat, the late Hon. John Hillyard Cameron, 
a foeman worthy of his steel, being returned as the member 
elect. In the following year he was elected to the Legis- 
lative Council (then an elective body) for the " Home " 
division, comprising the counties of Peel and Halton his 
majority in Peel alone reaching over 300. Such is the in- 
consistency at times of electoral bodies. In the Legislative 
Council Mr. Aikins continued to sit, taking an active and 



intelligent part in the discussions, until it ceased to exist, 
owing to the Confederation of the British North American 
Provinces in 186*7, when he was called to the Senate of the 
Dominion by the Queen's Royal Proclamation. He still 
continues a member of the Senate, and both as a Minister 
of the Crown and as a private member has taken a leading 
part in its business and legislation. During the past five 
years the Senate has rendered most useful and important 
services to the State, not only in acting as a check on the 
oftentimes crude and imperfect legislation of the Commons, 
but in initiating and carrying forward many measures and 
enquiries of great public interest. It was the subject of 
this sketch who unearthed and brought to light the Anglin 
printing scandal, the Kammistiquia and Neebing Hotel job, 
and the Mackenzie conspiracy to " stuff" the Senate ; and 
for this, if for nothing else, he is deserving of the hearty 
and sincere thanks of a grateful people. The present is, as 
we have said, the second occasion on which Mr. Aikins has 
filled the office of Secretary of State. He held that portfolio 
in Sir John Macdonald's previous Cabinet, from 9th Decem- 
ber, 1869, up to the retirement of the Administration in 
November, 1873, and it was during his incumbency that he 
-constituted and established the Dominion Land's Bureau, 
for the purpose of managing the vast domain in the North 
West then recently acquired from the Hudson Bay Com- 
pany. This office has since been erected into an independ- 
ent Department. Indeed, Mr. Aikins introduced the Act 
constituting it the Department of the Interior. Mr. Aikins 
also prepared, with the assistance of Colonel Dennis, the 
Public Lands Act of 1872, the liberal and enlightened pro- 
visions of which measure remain unaltered and intact to 
this day. As Secretary of State, he had then, as he has 


now, charge of the Queen's Printer's Office and of the- 
Stationery Office, both of which he overhauled and remodel- 
led with singularly beneficial results, not only to the Civil 
Service, but to the public exchequer, many thousands of 
dollars having been saved to the country annually through 
his economical and judicious management and care. 

Mr. Aikins was first returned to Parliament as an Inde- 
pendent Keformer, and his whole course has amply justified 
the appellation, for from first to last he has taken a 
thoroughly free and independent attitude. His first vote,, 
that on the Speakership in 1854, was cast against the 
Hincks-Morin candidate, the late Sir George E. Cartier. He 
also supported Sir John Macdonald's measure for the secu- 
larization of the Clergy Eeserves. Since Confederation he 
has been a follower of the great Conservative Chieftain, and 
he may therefore be now classed as a " Conservative* 
Liberal." Mr. Aikins married in 1845, Miss Mary Elizabeth 
Somerset, who is also from Peel, and he is the father of 
several children. 



HE is the second son of the Hon. Joseph Pope of Charlotte- 
town, Prince Edward Island, a descendant of a Huguenot 
family which settled in Cornwall shortly after the revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes. He was born at Belleque, in 
Prince county, Prince Edward Island, on the llth June, 
1826, and educated in England. At a partial election held 
in 1857 he was elected a member of the Prince Edward 
Island House of Assembly for Prince county, and again re- 
elected for the same county at the general election in 1858, 
and also at the general election in 1859. He was Premier 
of Prince Edward Island from 1865 to 1867, in which year 
he retired from politics, retaining by permission of Her 
Majesty the rank and precedence of an Executive Coun- 
cillor. In 1868 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the 
representation of Prince county in the House of Assembly. 
As the advocate of a system of public instruction based on 
the principle of paying for results. In 1870 he was elected 
a member of the Prince Edward Island House of Assembly, 
and again became Premier. In 1871 he carried a bill for 
the construction of the Prince Edward Island "Railway ; 
and in April, 1872, on an appeal being made to the country, 
the Government was defeated. In 1873, at a general elec- 
tion, he was elected a member of the House of Assembly, 


and became again Premier, when he succeeded in carrying 
the resolutions under which Prince Edward Island entered 
the Dominion. In 18*73 he resigned his seat in the House 
of Assembly, and was elected a member of the House of 
Commons for Prince county. At the general election 
which followed the retirement from office of Sir John A. 
Macdonald Government in that year, he did not seek re-elec- 
tion. In 1875 he was elected by acclamation to represent 
Prince county in the House of Assembly. In 1876 he was 
an unsuccessful candidate for the representation of Char- 
lotte town in the House of Assembly. He was rejected by 
reason of his views upon the school question. On the ap- 
pointment of the Hon. David Laird as Governor of the 
Northwest in 1876, he was elected to represent Queen's 
county i a the , House of Commons in the place of Mr. 
Laird, the city of Charlottetown giving him a majority 
over his opponent of 465 votes. At the last general elec- 
tion, in 1878, he was elected for the House of Commons for 
Queen's county by a majority of 889 over his opponent. 
He was sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister 
of Marine and Fisheries in October, 1878. 



N.B. The full names of some of the Local Members could not be 
ascertained. The list was made up so soon after the elections that the 
names of subordinate officers, secretaries, etc., could not in all cases be 



DOUGLASS SUTHERLAND CAMPBELL, Marquis of Lome, etc., Governor- 
General and Commander-in-Chief of the Dominion of Canada. 
(For full title, biography, etc., see pages 111 to 125.) 
The Governor-General's Staff not yet announced. 



and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, Washington, D.C. 
VICTOR A. W. DRUMMOND, ESQ., Secretary of Legation. 


(Ministry formed Oct. 21, 1878.) 

ister of the Interior. 
[ON. JOHN O'CONNOR, Q.C., President Council. 
JAMES MACDONALD, Q.C., Minister of Justice. 
Louis F. R. MASSON, Minister of Militia. 
CHARLES TUPPBR, C.B., M.D., Minister of Public Works. 
JAMBS C. POPE, Minister of Marine and Fisheries. 
SAMUEL L. TILLEY, C.B., Minister of Finance. 
JOHN H. POPE, Minister of Agriculture. 
MACENKZIK BOWELL, Minister of Customs. 
ALEX. CAMPBELL, Q.C., Receiver-General. 
H. L. LANGEVIN, C.B., Postmaster-General. 
Louis F. G. BABY, Minister of Inland Revenue. 
JAMES Cox AIKINS, Secretary of State. 
W. A. HIMSWORTH, ESQ., Secretary to the Privy Council. 























WM. Ross. 





The Honorable SAMUEL HENRY STRONG, Puisne Judge. 







The Honorable R. D. WILMOT, President. 


Armand, J. F., Riv. des Prairies. 
Baillargeon, Pierre, Quebec. 
Bellerose, J. H., St. Vincent de P. 
Bureau, Jacques 0., Montreal. 
Chaffers, W. H., St. Cesaire. 
Chapais, J. C., Kamouraska. 
Chinic, Eugene, Quebec. 
Cochrane, M. H., Compton. 
Cormier, Charles, Plessisville. 
Dumouchel, L., Longueuil. 
Fabre, Hector, Quebec. 
Ferrier, James, Montreal. 

Guevremont, J. B., Sorel. 
Hamilton, John, Montreal. 
Lacoste, Louis, Boucherville. 
Paquet, A. H., St. Cuthbert. 
Pelletier, C. A. P., Quebec. 
Penny, Ed. G., Montreal. 
Pozer, C. H., St. George. 
Price, D. Edouard, Quebec. 
Ryan, Thos., Montreal. 
Stevens, G. G., Waterloo. 
Trudel, F. X. A., Montreal. 
Thibaudeau, Rosaire, Montreal. 



Aikins, J. C., Richview, 
Alexander, Geo., Woodstock, 
Allan, G. W., Toronto, 
Benson, James R., St. Catharines, 
Brown, George, Toronto, 
Campbell, Alex., Toronto, 
Christie, David, Paris, 
Dickson, W. H., Niagara, 
Flint, Billa, Belleville, 
Hamilton, John, Kingston, 
Hope, Adam, Hamilton, 
Leonard, Elijah, London, 

McDonald, Donald, Toronto, 
McMaster, W., Toronto, 
McPherson, D. L., Toronto, 
Read, Bobert, Belleville, 
Reesor, David, Markham, 
Scott, R. W., Ottawa, 
Seymour, B., Port Hope, 
Shaw, James, Smith's Falls. 
Simpson, John, Bowmanville, 
Skead, James, Ottawa, 
Smith, Frank, Toronto, 
Vidal, Alex., Sarnia. 




Archibald, T. D., Sidney, C. B., 
Bourinot, John, Sidney, C. B., 
Dickey, R. B., Amherst, 
Grant, R. P., Pictou, 
Kaulback, H. A. N., Lunenburg, 

McLelan, A. W., Londonderry, 
MacFarlane, A., Wallace, 
Miller, W., Arichat, 
Northrup, Jeremiah, Halifax, 
Power, L. G., Halifax. 



Botsford, A. E., Westcork, 
Dever, James, St. John, 
Fergusson, John, Bathurst, 
Glasier, John, Sunbury, 
Lewin, J. D., St. John, 

McClelan, A. R., Hopewell, 
Muirhead, Wm., Chatham, 
Odell, W. H., Fredericton, 
Wark, David, Richibucto, 
Wilmot, R. D., Sunbury. 



Girard, M. A., St. Boniface, [ Sutherland, J., Kildonan. 



Carrall, R. W, W., Victoria, I Macdonald, W. J., Victoria. 

Cornwall, C. F., Ashcroft, 



Haythorne, R. P., Charlottetown, I Howland, G. W. ; Alberton, 
Haviland, T. H., Charlottetown, | Montgomery, D.^ Park Corner. 



Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable Luc LETBLLIBR DB ST. JUST. 
Aide-de-Camp and Private Secretary Capt. F. E. A. GAUTHIER. 


The Honorable H. G. JOLY, Q.C., Premier and Minister of Agriculture 

and Public Works. 
Hon. D. A. Eoss, Attorney- General. 


Hon. F. C. S. LANGELIER, Commissioner of Crown Lands. 
Hon. A. CHAUVEAU, Solicitor-General. 
Hon. F. G. MARCHAND, Provincial Secretary. 
Hon. HENRY STARNES, President of the Council. 

Hon. Henry Starnes, Speaker. 

Hon. Louis Archambault, 
Jean Louis Beaudry, 
George Bryson, 
Chas B. de Boucherville, 
A. R. C. DeLery, 
P. B. de la Bruere, 
Elizee Dionne, 
P. E. Dostater, 
James Ferrier, 
Jean E. Gingras, 
Jos. Gaudet, 

Hon. G. Laviolette, 

F. H. Lemaire, 

; < Louis Panet, 

'< J. B. G. Proulx, 

l J. E. Prud'homme, 

'< P. Euclide Eoy, 

J. J. Ross, 

" Ed. Remillard, 

'< Thos. Savage, 

W. H. Webb, 

Thos. Wood. 

John Hearn, 

G. B. de Boucherville, Secretary. 









Dr. Thomas Christie . . 

Robert J. Meikle 


Joseph A. Mousseau . . 

Narcisse Blois 


Joseph Bolduc 

Joseph Loirier 


Michel Cayley .... 

Celestin Bergevin 


A. Larue 

P. Bontin 


Edouard 0. Cuthbert . 

Joseph Robillard 

Bonaventure < 

Hon. T. Robitaille 

Israel Tarte 


E. L. Chandler 

William W Lynch . 


Hypt Montplaiser 

Dom Nap St Cyr 

Chambly . 

Pierre B Benoit .... 

Stanislas Martel M D 


Pierre Tremblay . 

Onezime Gauthier 


Hon L H Holton 

Edouard Laberge M D 

Chicoutimi & Sag'y. 

Ernest Cimon 

William E Price 


Hon. J. H. Pope 

William Sawyer 

Deux-Montagnes . . . 

J B. Daoust 

Chas. A Champagne 


F J. Rouleau 

N. Audet 


D 0. Bourbeau 

William J Watts .. 

Graspc . 

Hon Pierre Fortin 

E James Flynn 


Alphonse Desjardins 

Hon Ls Beaubien 


Julius Scriver 

A Cameron M D 


Francois Bechard .... 

Louis Molleur 

Jacques Cartier .... 

Desire Girouard . 

N M. LeCavalier 


Hon Louis F G Baby 

Vint P Lavallee M D 


M. Dumont 

C. A E Gagnon 


Alfred Pinsonneault 

L B A Charlebois 

L'Assomption . 

Hilaire Hurteau 

Onuphe Peltier 

Laval . .... 

Jos Alderic Ouimet. 

Louis Ons Loranger 

Levis ; 

Hon. J. G. Blanchet . . 

E. T. Paquet, N. P 

L'Islet , 

Philippe B. Casgrain . . 

J B. Dupuis 



Hon Henri G Joly 


Frederic Houde 

Edouard Caron 



Hon. G. Irwine 


G B Baker 

Ernest Racicot 


Firman Dugas 

Octave Magnon 


A C P. B Landry 

Louis N Fortin 


p Valin 

Charles Langelier . 

Montreal East .... 

C J Coursol 

Louis Taillon 

Montreal Centre . . . 

M. P. Ryan 

H A. Nelson 

Montreal West 

M H Gault 

James MclShane 

Napierville .. 

Sixte Coupal. . , 

L. D. Lafontaiiie, M.D . . 

MEMBERS Continued. 





F X C Methot 

Chas. Ed. Houde 

Ottawa County .... 

Alonzo Wright 

Ls. Duhamel, M.D 


A. Poupore 

L. R. Church, M.D 

A Vallee . ... 

Hon Frs. Langelier 

Quebec Centre 
Quebec West 

Quebec East 

J Malouin . ... 

Dr Remi F Rinfret 

Thos McGreevy 

A. H. Murphy 

Hon. Wilfrid Laurier. . 
J. P. R. A. Caron 
A Massue 

Joseph Shehyn 

Quebec County 

Hon. D. A. Ross 
Michel Mathieu 

Richmond & Wolfe. 

Ives ...... .... 

Jacques Pi card 

Jean B R Fiset 

Hon. Alex. Chauveau .... 
Solyme Bertrand 



St. Hyacinthe 
St Jean 

Louis Tellier 

Francois Bourassa 
Hon. L. S. Huntington 
Edward T. Brooks 
Jacques P. Lantier. . . . 
Charles C Colby 

Hon F G Marchand 

St Maurice . . 

E S L Desaulniers 

Shefford . . . 

J Lafontaine 


J. G. Robertson 


William Duckett 


Henry Lovell 



George H Desch^ne 


Hon.Louis F.R.Masson 
William McDougall. . . 
G B Mongenais .... 

Hon J A Chapleau 

Three Rivers 

A. Turcotte, Speaker 
Emery Lalonde 

Vaudreuil ..... 


Hon. Felix Geoffrion.. 
Charles I. Gill . . 

G. B. Brousseau 

Yamaska. . 

J. C. S. Wurtele . . 


Lieutenant- Governor The Honorable DONALD ALEXANDER MACDONALD. 
Private Secretary Capt. J. J. FORSYTE. 


Hon. OLIVER MOWAT, Premier and Attorney-General. 
" A. S. HARDY, Provincial Secretary. 
" AD. CROOKS, Minister of Education. 
C. F. FRASER, Commissioner Public Works. 
" T. B. PARDEE, Commissioner of Crown Lands. 
" S. C. WOOD, Commissioner of Agriculture and Provincial 

Hon. J. G. SCOTT, Secretary. 



MEMBERS Continued. 





J McRory 

lammel M. Deroche 
Simon J Dawson 


Brant South . . 

William Paterson .... 
Gcivin Fleming 

Ion. Arthur S. Hardy. . . . 
Hugh Finlayson 

Brant North .... 


Ion. David Mills.... 
John Gillies 

Hon A McKellar . .. 

Bruce, North 

Donald Sinclair 

Bruce, South 
Brockville . ... 


W^ Fitzsimmons 

Hon. R. M. Wells, Speaker 
Col Wilmot H Cole 


Thomas W^hite 

John Flesher 

Carleton . . 

John Rochester 

George W Monk 


Dr Bergin 

John G Snetsinger .... 

(No representative) . . . 
J. S. Ross 


Durham, East 

John Rosevear 

Durham W^est ... 

Herve W Burk 

John McLeod . . . 

Elgin East . . ... 

T Arkell 

Dr John H Wilson . . . 

Elgin West 

Geo E Casey 

Thomas Hodgins 

Essex South 

(No representative)... 
J C Patterson 

Lewis W^igle . .... 

Essex, North 


George A. Kirkpatrick 

Delino D Calvin 

Glengarry . . . 

Alexander J Grant 

Grenville, South . . . 
Grey, North 
Grey South 

J P Wiser 

Hon. Christ. F. Fraser. . . . 
David Crei"hton . . . 

S. G. Lane 
Geo. Jackson 
D S Sproule 

Grey East 


David Thompson 
W Macdougall 


William D Lyon 


f Kilvert 

j James M. Williams. 
Nathaniel S Appleby 

Hastings, East. ... 
Hastings, West 
Hastings, North .... 
Huron W^est 

\ Robertson 

John White 

Thos Wills 

Hon. MacKenz. Bowel 

George H. Boulter 

Huron, South .... 

Malcolm C. Cameron. 
Thomas Farrow 
Rufus Stephenson 
(No representative) . . 
Alexander Gunn .... 
Hon. A. Mackenzie . . 
(No renresentative^i . . 

Huron, North 

Thomas Gibson 

Kent, West 

Kent East 


William Robinson .... 

Lambton, West 
Lambton, East . . 

Pierre Graham. . . . . . . 

MEMBERS Continued. 





Lanark, North 

Daniel Galbraith 

William Mostyn 

Lanark, South 

John G. Haggart 

Abraham Code 

Leeds,N.,& Grenville 
Leeds South 

Charles F. Ferguson. . 
David F Jones 

Henry Merrick 

Robert H Preston 

Lennox f 

Edmond Hooper 

John T Grange 


J C Kykert 


John Carling 
Duncan MacMillan. . . 
Timothy Coughlin. . . . 
Geo. W. Koss 
Lachlin McCallum . . . 
Alex. P. Cockburn. . . . 
Patrick Hughes 

William R. Meredith 
Richard Tooley 

Middlesex, East. . . . 
Middlesex, North... 
Middlesex, West. . . . 

John McDougall 

John Watterworth 

Henri R Haney 

Muskoka & Parry Sd 

John C Miller 

Hon. S Richards 

Norfolk, North 

John Charlton 

John F Clarke 

Norfolk South . 

William Wallace 
Joseph Keeler ... . 

Richard Richardson 

Northumberland, E 
Northumberland, W 
Ontario, North 

James M Ferris 

James Cockburn 

Wm Hargraft 


Thomas Paxton 
Nicholas W Brown 

Ontario, South .... 

F W Glenn 

Ottawa City 

( Joseph Tasse 

| D. J. O'Donoghue. 
Hon Olivier Mowat 

\ Joseph M. Currier . . 
Thomas Oliver . 

Oxford, North 

Oxford, South 

James A. Skinner .... 

Hon Adam Crooks 


Wm Elliott 

Kenneth Chisholm 

Perth, North 

Sam. Rollin Hesson. . . 
James Trow .. 

David D Hay 

Perth, South 

Thomas Ballantyne 

Peterborough, East.. 
Peterborough, West. 

John Burnham . , 
Geo Hilliard 

Dr John O'Sullivan 

William H Scott 

Felix Routhier 

William Harkin 

Prince Edward 

Jas S McCuaig 

Gideon Striker 

Kenfrew, North 
Kenfrew, South 

Peter White 

Thomas Deacon . . e . . 

W^m Bannerman 

James Bonfield 


Hon. John O'Connor. . 
'No representative) . . 

Adam J. Baker 

Simcoe, East 

John Kean 

Simcoe North 

Thomas Long 

Simcoe, South 

W.C. Little 
Oscar Fulton 

William MacDougall 
James Bethune 

Toronto, East 

Samuel Platt 

Hon M C Cameron . . 

Toronto, West 
Toronto, Centre . . 

J R Robinson 

Robert Bell 

Robert Hay . . 

(No representative) . . 



MEMBERS Continued. 




Victoria North 

Hector Cameron 

Duncan McRae . 

Victoria. South . . 

Arthur McQuade 

Hon S C Wood 

Waterloo North . . 


Moses Springer 

Waterloo South 

Samuel Merner 

Isaac Masters 


C. W Bunting 

Hon. J G Currie 

Wellington, Centre. 
Wellington North 

George T. Orton, M.D. 
Geo Alex Drew 

Charles Clarke 
John McGowan 

Wellington South 

Donald Guthrie 

James Massie 

Wentworth North 

Thos Bain 

James MacMahon . 

Wentworth South 

Jos Rymal 

Wm Sexton 

York North 

F W Strange, M D 

Dr J H Widdifield 

York East 

Alfred Boultbee 

John Lane 

York, West 

Nathaniel Wallace. . . . 

Peter Patterson 


Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable ADAMS G. ARCHIBALD. 
Private Secretary SAMUEL ADAMS. 


The Honorable S. H. HOLMES, Provincial Secretary and Premier. 
" J. S. D. THOMPSON, Attorney-General. 

Provincial Treasurer. 

SAMUEL CBEELMAN, Commissioner Public Works and 



ters without portfolio. 

Hon. ROBERT BOAK, Jr., President. 

Hon. William Armand, 
Slaytey Brown, 
" S. Chipman, 
A. McN. Cohran, 
Samuel Creelman, 
W. 0. Heffernan, 
Gilbert McKenna, 
J. McKennon, 
Thos. F. Morrison, 

Hon. Ed. K. Oakes, 
John Creighton, 
R. Mollison Cutler, 
Chas. Dickie, 
James Fraser, 
D. McN. Parker, 
Peter Smyth, 
Freeman Tupper, 
" W. C. Whitman. 






( Hon. W. B Troop 

Annapolis ..... 

Avard Longley 


Angus Mclsaac 

f John C. McKinnon 

1 WViirlrltin 

f Wm McDonald 

/ A J White 

Cape Breton 

I TTno-Ti MpT pnrl 

1 E T Mosely 


Thos. McKay 

( W. A. Patterson 

l "Rloi-r 

( Ed. Vickery 


Hon. C.Tupper, C.B... 

\ Hon. Chas. Townshead. 
/ John C Wade 

Dierby , . 

John Chipman Wade. . 

\ Hon. J. S. D. Thompson 
f Joseph W Hadley 



!Hon P C Hill 


( Malachy B. Daly. .. 

Hon. J McDonald 

I Mathew H. Richey. . 

W D Harrington 

f Thomas B Smith 


Wm. Henry Allison. . . 


Samuel Macdonnell . . 

f D. J. Campbell, M.D.... 


Fred W Borden M D. 

\ Hon. Alex. Campbell. . . 
( Fisher 


C E Kaulback 

\ Bill 
f J. P. James 

\ Smith 
{Hon S H Holmes 


j Hon. Jas. Macdonald 

Alex. McKay 

\ Robert Doull 



S. T. R. Bill 

/ Bartling 
\ Ford 

f Leblanc 


Edmond P. Flynn 


Thos. Robertson ...... 

f Hon. N. W. White 


f David McCurdy 




f Albert Gayton 


Frank Killam 




Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable E. B. CHANDLER. 
Private Secretary Lieutenant-Colonel JOHN SAUNDERS. 
Aide-de-Camps Lieut.-Colonel JOHN SAUNDERS, Captain G. F. KING, 
and A. F. STREET. 


Hon. EGBERT YOUNG, President. 

GEORGE E. KING, Premier and Attorney-General. 
" JOHN J. FRASER, Provincial Secretary. 
" B. R. STEVENSON, Inspector-General. 
" WILLIAM KELLY, Commissioner of Public Works. 
without portfolios. 


Hon. E. D. Bailey, 

11 John A. Beckwith, 

" Benj. Beveridge, 

11 E. B. Chandler, 

Wm. Hamilton, 

" Daniel Harrington, 

" Archibald Harrison, 

Hon. Francis Hibbard, 
T. R. Jones, 
John Lewis, 
Wm. Lindsay, 
Owen Mclnervy, 
Chas. Perley, 
Robert Young. 

Alex. McLeod, Secretary. 



Albert . . 

Charlotte .. 

Kent .. 


Geo. Heber Connell. 

Arthur H. Gilmour, jr 

Hon. T. N. Anglin... 
Guimond . . 

f Alexander Rogers. . . . 
\ James Ryan 

f James Leighton 

t R. K. Jones 

f James Murchie 

J Hon. B. R. Stevenson 

j James McKay 

( Thomas Cottrell , 

J Kennedy F. Burns. . . , 

\ Pat. J. Ryan , 

/ Henry O'Leary 

\ Urbain Johnson 

MEMBERS Continued. 





James Domville 

f Hon. J. H. Crawford 

-| John Flewelling 

( Robert E McLeod 

Hon Levi Theriault . 

Northumberland . . . 

Jabez. B. Snowball. .. 

f Hon W M Kelly 

J William Swim 

| Lemuel J. Tweedie 
[ Allan A Davidson 

f Walter S Butler 


George Haddow 

\ Francis Woods 
f Archib. McKenzie 

St. John, City 

Hon. Sam. L. Tilley.. 
f Isaac Burpee 

( Jonn rniuips 
f HonWWedderburn,Spkr 
1 T?nh Marshall 

St. John, County. .. 

f Henry A Austin 

J Hon C E King 

\Chas. W. Weldon.. 
Charles Burpee 

] Hon Ed Willis 

[William Elder 

J Hon W E Perley 

\ Hon. John S. Covert. . . 
William B. Beveridge 
JEd. J. Smith 


J. Costigan 

Hon. A. J. Smith 
John Pickard 

A. McQueen 


, John A. Humphrey. . . . 
( Thomas Rickard 
( Hon. John J. Fraser.. . . 
' Thomas T. Barker 

[ Hiram Dow, M. D 


Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable Sir ROBERT HODGSON. 
Aides-de-Camp Lieut.-Colonel JOHN LONGWORTH, R. R. HODGSON. 


S. F . PERRY and JAMES YEO, Prince County. 

Hon. J. C. POPE and FRED DE ST. C. BRECKEN, Queen's County. 

Hon. DANIEL DAVIS and DR. MC!NTYRE, County of King. 



Hon. L. H. DAVIS, Premier and Attorney-General. 
G. W. DEBLOIS, Provincial Secretary. 
" W. D. STEWART, Public Works. 

and A. LAIRD, members of the Council without portfolios. 

Honorable John Balderston, President. 

Hon. Simon Bolger, 
Thomas W. Dodd, 
" Daniel McDonald, 
Wm. McGill, 
" R. Munn, 

Hon. Alex. Laird, 
" R. B. Reid, 
W. G. Strong, 
" Jos. Wightman, 
" A. McEwen. 


Hon. Corneilus Howatt, Speaker. 
Prince, 1st District, Nich. Conroy, Edward Hackett. 
Prince, 2d Hon. John Yeo, J. W. Richards. 
Prince, 3rd " Hon. J. 0. Arsenault, John A. Macdonald. 
Prince, 4th John R. Calhoun, W. C. Lea. 
Prince, 5th Hon. John Lefurgey, Angus MacMillan. 
Georgetown, Hon. Daniel Gordon, L. J. Westaway. 

Kings, 1st District, Lauchlin Macdonald, James R. McLean. 
Kings, 2nd Hon. W. W. Sullivan, Hilary Mclsaac. 
Kings, 3rd " John G. Scrimgeour, J. E. McDonald.r 
Kings. 4th " James Robertson, Sam. Prowse. 
Charlottetown, Hon. Louis H. Davis, Geo. W. DeBlois. 
Queen, 1st District, Wm. Campbell, W. D. Stewart. 
Queen, 2nd " Donald McKay, Donald Farquharson. 
Queen, 3rd Hon. Frs. Kelly, Henry Beer. 
Queen, 4th John F. Robertson, Wm. Welsh. 



Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable ALBERT MARTIN RICHARDS. 
Private Secretary GEORGE R. LAYTON. 


Hon. ANDREW C. ELLIOTT, Premier and Attorney-Gene ral. 
FORBES G. VERNON, Commissioner Public Works. 
WM. SMITH, Minister of Finance and Agriculture. 



JAMES CUNNINGHAM, New Westminster. 





Hon. James Trimble, Speaker. 

Hon. George A. Walkem, Geo. Cowan, John Evans, Cariboo. 
John Ash, M. D., Comox. 
Hon. Wm. Smith, E. Pimbury, Cowichan. 
Wm. Fisher, F. WilHams, Esquimnult. 
R. L. E. Gilbraith, Chas. Gallagher, Kootenay. 
Wm. Brown, Wm. Morrison, Lillocet. 
John Bryden, Nanaimo. 
Robert Dickinson, New Westminster. 

Ebenezer Brown, Hon. W. J. Armstrong, New Westminster. 
Hon. T. B. Humphreys, Dr. Tolmie, Victoria 
Hon. James Trimble, Hon. 0. C. Elliott, J. W. Douglas, Hon. Robert 

Beanen, Victoria. 
Hon. F. G. Vernon, J. A. Mara, Robt. Smith, Yale. 




Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable JOSEPH EDWARD CAUCHON. 


Hon. JOHN NORQUAY, Premier and Treasurer. 
" D. M. WALKER, Attorney-General. 
" JOSEPH KOYAL, Minister of Public Works. 
" C. P. BROWN, Provincial Secretary. 

Hon. Jos. Dubuc, Speaker. 

F. Chenier, Baie St. Paul. 
John Taylor, Headingly. 
Dr. Cowan, High Bluff. 
J. Sutherland, Kildoman. 
Hon. J. McKay, Loc Manitoba. 
F. E. Cornish, Pte-aux-Peupliers. 
'K. McKenzie, Portage La Prairies. 
W. F. Lucton, Kockwood. 
A. F. Martin, Ste. Agathe. 
Chas. Nolin, Ste. Anne. 
John Gunn, St. -Andre North. 
Hon. J. Norquay, St. Andre South. 

Hon. M. A. Girard, St. Boniface. 

A. Murray, St. Charles. 

Thos. Howard, St. Clement. 

Max. Lepine, St. Frs.-Xavier, East. 

Hon. Jos. Koyal, do. West, 

E. Bourque, St. Jacques. 

Hon. Jos. Dubuc, St. Norbert. 

M. Black, St. Paul. 

Jos. Lemay, St. Vital. 

W. R. Dick, Springfield. 

C. P. Brown, Westbourne. 

R. A. Davis, Winnipeg. 


Hon. DONALD A. SMITH, Selkirk. 
JOSEPH DUBUC, Provencher. 
Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD, Marquette. 




Lieutenant-Governor The Honorable DAVID MILLS. 


MATHEW KYAN and HUGH KICHARDSON, Stipendiary Magistrates. 

Lieut.-Colonel J. F. McLEOD, C.M.G., Commissioner of Police. 

A. E. FORGET, Secretary. 

WM. J. SCOTT, Kegistrar. 

Lieut.-Colonel A. G. IRVINE, Assistant-Commissioner of Police. 

M. ST. JOHN, Sheriff. 

M. G. DICKINSON, Indian Agent. 






Author of " Encyclopedia of Universal History]' " History of Border 

Wars of Two Centuries," History of the State of Michigan," 

History of the North - West," etc., etc. 


The public of the Dominion have a deep interest in every loyal 
enterprise put forth in their midst, and in nothing, perhaps, more than 
that of preserving in substantial form the historical records of the 
country. This fact has been plainly set forth by the very cordial 
reception and support given, within the past eighteen months, to the 
literary efforts of Mr. TUTTLE. 

It was a fact, fully recognized on every hand in 1876, when Mr. 
TUTTLE gave the first instalment of his work to the public, that the 
important duty of preserving the history and biography of the country 
had been hitherto neglected. Therefore an urgent demand existed that 
at least some one person should devote himself exclusively and per- 
manently to the work of producing the past, and preserving the current 
history of the Dominion. The needs of the country did not so much 
require the production of a single volume, or a single work, embracing 
the annals of the past, as the earnest and efficient labor of gathering 
and preserving the records of the present. It was felt that, in 1867, 
Canada had entered upon a new life, a semi-national existence, full of 
promise of a near future greatness that would command the respect of 
the great powers of the world. Hence, in no period of Canadian his- 

tory could the work of the historian yield greater fruit than in that of 
the past ten years ; while, on the other hand, it is evident that during 
the next twenty years, the history of the Dominion will present lessons 
in political science of the greatest importance. 

Mr. TCTTLE entered upon the work, not for a single year, but with 
the intention of devoting the remainder of his life to it, believing that 
in this way he might render his native country a service that would be 
appreciated by future generations. Five years have elapsed since his 
task was begun, and to-day (1878-9), he is more than ever resolved to 
continue his labors permanently from year to year, in the future : 

The plan of the work, as originally laid out, comprises : 

Volume I. Over six hundred double-column pages, quarto, richly 
embellished with fine art steel, wood and stone engravings, em- 
bracing scenery, battle scenes, portraits, &c., and embracing the 
general civil aud political history of the several provinces of the 
Dominion, down to 1867. Published in 1877. Cloth, $8.75 ; 
Leather, $9.20 ; half Morocco, $10.00 ; full Turkey, full gilt, $14.00 ; 
or fourteen parts, 50 cents each. Sold only by canvassing Agents. 

Volume II. Over six hundred double-column pages, quarto, richly 
embellished with fine art steel, wood and stone engravings, em- 
bracing scenery, cities, public buildings portraits, etc., and em- 
bracing the general civil and political history of the Dominion, 
from 1867 to the close of Lord Dufferin's administration, in 1878. 
Published in 1878. Cloth, $8.75 ; Leather, $9.50; half Morocco, 
$10.00 ; full Turkey, gilt, $14.00 ; or fourteen part.", 50 cents each. 
Sold only by canvassing Agents. 

Volume III. Over six hundred double-column pages, quarto, richly 
embellished with original fine art steel, wood and stone engravings, 
mostly portraits, and embracing the biography of the several pro- 
vinces of the Dominion, from the earliest settlement of the coun- 
try to 1878. To be published in 1879, uniform in style and price with 
the other volumes. Sold only by canvassing Agents. 

Volume IV. Over six hundred double-column pages, quarto, richly 
embellished with fine art steel, wood and stone engravings, em- 
bracing scenery, portraits, buildings, etc., and comprising a county 
history of the Dominion of Canada ; that is, giving the local his- 
tory of each county within the Dominion. In this work the 
author will have the assistance of a competent editor, residing 
within each county This volume will meet the long-felt want of 
preserving the local history of the country. To be published in 
1879, uniform in style and price with the other volumes, and sold only by 
canvassing Agents. 

Volume V. Over six hundred double-column pages, quarto, richly 
embellished with fine art steel, stone and wood engravings, in- 
cluding scenery, cities, portraits, etc., and embracing a general 
civil and political history of the Dominion for the five years com- 
mencing with the return to power of the Kt. Hon. Sir John A. 
Macdonald, in 1878. To be published in 1883, uniform in style and 
price with the other volumes. 

Future Volumes will be published one for each succeeding five 
years, as long as the author lives, and no doubt thereafter by others 
who shall succeed him. 

Thus, indeed, it may be seen that Mr. TUTTLE has entered upon a 
great national work, one in which he has a right to expect the most 
hearty co-operation of the people. Certainly no one will fail to dis- 
criminate in favor of his work, as against the cheap histories of 
Canada with which the market is just now being flooded, most of which 
have been hurriedly compiled with second-hand engravings, and none 
of which have been produced at one-tenth the cost of a single volume 
of this work. 

It is a matter of satisfaction that Mr. TUTTLE'S work, so far as pub- 
lished, has met with the most hearty commendation of the press, and 
received the highest praise of the most distinguished scholars in all 
professions, both in Canada, England, and the United States. 

NON-PARTISAN. Mr. TDTTLE has never entered politics, and has no 
political ends to serve in his literary pursuits. He will, therefore, 
throughout the whole work maintain strict impartiality in the treat- 
ment of all questions of politics. 

H. B. BIGNEY & Co., Sole Publishers, 





Tuttle, Charles R. 
Royalty in Canada,