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B36
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LONDOH : PRJXTKb BY
SP0TTI8W0ODB AKD CO., NEW-BTBXItT SQCAQB
AJSD PABLIAHBNT STBHKT
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'(Runngmebe B,ttttv8'
WITH AN IJVTSODl'CTTON A.\D NOTES
FRANCIS HITCHMAN
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
DDDDD S&,
1
I CAUTION Please handle this volume with care,
The paper is very brittle.
I CHARD BENTLEY & SOS, SEW BlIRLIKGTON STREET
'(Rttnttgmebe B,tiitt6'
VVs-ov
WITM AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
FRANCIS HITCHMAN
LONDON
BICHARD BBNTLEY & SON, NEW BUBLINGTON STREET
$DbU«^tH in 0ibinNt]t to |S(t pitjtstji t\t Qnitn
INTEODUCTION.
J[The ' Runnjmede Letters,' of which the followiutr pages
■are a reprint, were evoked by the events of 1835 ami
The authorship has never been acknowledged,
Itut it is a matter concerning which there can be no
E'donbt. ' Buniijmede,' and the author of ' The Crisis
ftSxamined,' must have been one and the same person.
KLord Beaconsfield himsetf never disavowed the Letters,
ihough he never claimed them, and it was universally
pndei'atood, when he explained that he ' was a gentle-
naji of the press and bore no other escutcheon,' and
(aid in a letter to Lady Blessington, that he ' had never
made a shilling by all his journalising,' that he referred
to bis association with the ' Times ' in the matter of
these Letters.
The course of events during 1834-5-6 was very
ingular. In January 1834, Earl Grey was still at the
kead of the Government, and Brougham was Lord
Ehancellor ; Lord Althorp was Chancellor of the Ex-
^equer ; Lord Melbourne was at the Home Office, and
"ilmerston was Foreign Secretary. The Cabinet had
1 going to pieces for some time. Lord Durham was
e first to desert the sinking ship, and one after another,
Ministers went tUeir way. The King was only too
glad to be rid of them. He disliked the Whigs gene- ■
i^lly, and he hated Brougham with a holy hatred. He
lever wanted to see his ugly face again.' Brougham,
t his side, in spite of the ardent protestations of
loyalty and affection for the King, which he vented in
sickening I'ashion on every possible occasion during
^^5
5
liis 'progress' through Scotland, as Campbell calls his
tour, had an equal dislike for the person of his Majeaty,
and when the King laughed his Whig counsellora out
of office, Brougham committed an unpardonable breach
of etiquette by sending the Great Seal back to the King
in a bag by the hands of General Sir Herbert Taylor.
By so acting, Brougham effectually barred all chances
which ha might have had of returning to office. He
tiied every expedient, even to offeriug to undertake the
duties of Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer under
Lyndhurst, but after 1834 he was rigorously excluded
from place and power.
Lord Grey's Ministry went out of office on the 9th
of July. A week later a Whig Cabinet was recon-
structed, with Lord Melbourne at its head. Lord Grey
took no part in it. The Privy Seal was offered to him,
but he was disgusted with the unfaithfulness and in-
triguing of his quoudam colleagues, refused the offer,
and withdrew to Howick, The death of Lord Spencer,
on the 10th of November, gave the King the excuse he
had been eagerly seeking, and Peel was ' sent for.'
Unfortunately he was in Rome, and a King's messenger
had to be despatched in pursuit, the Dukeof Wellington
undertaking to administer the Government until he
could be brought back. In December, Peel was at the
head of affairs, with Lyndhurst as Chancellor and the
Duke of Wellington as Poreign Secretary, Then came
the Lichfield House compact, in the spring of 1835,
when O'Connell patched up a truce with the ' base,
bloody, and brutal Whigs,' and bound himself to support
their measures and their policy generally in considera-
tion of their friendly aid to his proposals. The first
effect of the coalition was an attack on the Irish Church,
in which the sei-vieea of the Irish brigade were freely
given to the Whigs, The Church was to be despoiled,
and the effort-8 of the Government to save her revenues
for religious uses were frustrated by the coalition of
\Vhigs, Eadicals, and Repealers. Au amendment to
the Address was carried on February 20, by which
^nlxobuction
Vll
Ministers were left in a minority of seven. Three ad-
verse divisions followed in quick succession on the Irish
Church. First came a resolution proposed by Lord
John Eussell, * that the House do resolve itself into a
Committee of the whole House to consider the tempo-
ralities of the Church of Ireland/ which was carried by
309 to 302. On April 6, another division was taken on
the same subject, and Ministers found themselves in a
minority of 25. On the following day the minority was
increased to 27, and on the 8th the Duke of Wellington
in the Lords, and Sir Eobert Peel in the Commons,
announced the resignation of the Ministry.
Ten days later the second Melbourne administration
was complete. It may be convenient to give a list of
the Ministry in this place : —
First Lord of the Treasury
President of the Council
Privy Seal
Chancellor of the Exchequer
Home Secretary
Foreign Secretary .
Colonial Secretaiy .
Admiralty
Board of Control .
Secretary at War •
Board of Trade
Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster ....
Viscount Melbourne.
Marquis of Lansdowne.
Lord Duncannon.
Mr. Spring Rice.
Lord John Russell.
Lord Palmerston.
Mr. Charles Grant ; afterwards
(May 1835) Lord Glenelg.
Lord Auckland.
Sir John Cam Hobhouse.
Lord Howick.
Mr. Poulett Thomson; after-
wards (1840) Lord Syden-
ham.
Lord Holland.
The Great Seal was in Commission until January 1 9,
1836, v^hen Pepys became Chancellor with the title of
Lord Cottenham, the reasons for which unusual step
were in the first place the King's dislike to Brougham,
and in the second, Brougham's own impracticable tem-
per and determination to domineer over his friends and
colleagues, which made him, to use Lord Melbourne's
phrase, ^ impossible.'
It will be observed that the Lettera breathe thi'ough-
out a spirit of profound detestation of the piinciplea of
Wbiggiam, the explanation of which is to be found in the
little tract ' The Spirit of Whiggism,' appended to the
' Letters of fiannymede.' They are equally distin-
pniahed by the fervour of their author's attachment to
Sir Bobert Peel. ' There can be no doubt of the sin-
cerity of the writer'a feelings at that time. In 1836
Peel had not executed that famous volte face ■which, taji
years later, turned his warmestfriend and supporter into
the bitterest and most uurelentLng of his opponents.
In the present condition of public affairs, when the
nation is -witness to the spectacle of a Minister clinging
to office by the help of the votes of disaffected Irishmen,
won from them by treaties aa disgraceful as the Lich-
6eld House compact itself; when attacks are daily
made on the House of Lords ; when the Church is
threatened iu unmistakable terms by members of the
Government itself; and when concessions are constantly
made to lawlessness, rebellion, and outrage, at the
expense of the landed interest, it has been thought de-
sirable to reproduce in a convenient form the comments
of the great lost leader of the Tory party on the events
of fifty years ago. There is so great a liJieness betveeen
the two periods that those comments must surely be
good for the present distress.
Some notes have been appended which it is hoped
will be found useful in explaining what might be
otherwise obscure, and in recalling to the minds of the
students of polities, the personages who filled the
political stage in 1836. There are some few repetitions
in the notes, but it has been thought wiser to risk a
reproach on that score than to give the reader the
trouble of turning back in search of an explanation
which may be given in half a line.]
CONTENTS.
LETTERS OF RUlfNYMEDE.
PAOB
DEDICATION TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT
PEEIiy BART.y M>P> • • • • • • 1
LKITKB
I. TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE 11
II. TO SIR JOHN CAMPBELL . . . . . . 23
III. TO MR. THOMAS ATTWOOD, M.P 35
IV. TO LORD BROUGHAM 63
V. TO SIR ROBERT PEEL 67
VI. TO THE CHANCELLOR OP THE EXCHEQUER . . . 79
VII. TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL 93
VIII. TO THE PEOPLE 107
IX. TO LORD STANLEY 119
X. TO LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK 129
XI. TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON 145
XII. TO SIR JOHN HOBHOUSE 159
^onfcnfd
LBTTER PAGB
XIII. TO LORD GLENELG 169
XIV. TO THE BIGHT HON. EDWARD ELLICE . . . . 179
XV. TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE 191
XVI. TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS 199
XVII. TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS 211
XVIII. TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR 221
XIX. TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE 233
THE SPIRIT OF WHIGGISM 243
THE LETTEES
OF
EUNN YMEDE
'Neither for shame nor fear this mask he wore,
That, like a vizor in the battle-field,
But shrouds a manly and a daring brow'
LONDON
MDCCCXXXVT
^cbication
TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
SIR EOBEET PEEL, BAET., M.P.
July 27, 1836
B
I
DEDICATION.
IIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., M.P.
Sir, — I have the honour to dedicate to you
i volume illustrative of Whigs and Weiggism.
5t has been my object to delineate ivithin its
pages not only the present characters and recent
exploits of the most active of the partisans,
but also the essential and permanent spirit of
the party. It appeared to me that it might be
advantageous to connect the criticism on the
character of the hour with some researches into
the factious idiosyncrasy of centuries. Political
j^jarties are not so inconsistent as the superficial
^biagine ; and, in my opinion, the Whig of a
^Rntury back does not differ so materially as
some would represent from the Whig of the
present day. I hope, therefore, that this volume
may conduce, not only to the amusement, but to
e instruction of my countrymen.
It is now, Sir, some six months past since I
^zed the occasion of addressing you another
b2
letter, written under very different auspices. The
session of Parliament was then about to com-
mence ; it is now about to close. These six
months have not been uneventful in results. If
they have not witnessed any legislative enact-
ment eminently tending to our social welfare, they
Uave developed much political conduct for wliich
our posterity may be grateful: for this session,
Sir, has at least been memorable for one great
event — an event not inferior, in my estimation,
in its beneficial influence on the fortunes of the
country, to Magna Charta itself — I mean the
rally of the English Constitution; I might use
a stronger phrase, I might say its triumph.'
' Eeferring' to the reviving spirit of the LoiiJs, who in the '
courae of the session had rejected in succession the Bill to ■
Reform the Irish Municipai Corporations, the Irish Tithe Bill,
the Bill for governing Charitable TruBts by popular election,
and the Bill for the Disfranchisement of Stafford. The reason
for this succession of disasters is to be found partly in the care-
leas incompetency of Lord Melbourne, but principally in Uie
fact that Lord Lyndhnrat led the opposition in the Upper
House. In his Autobiography Lord Campbell says ; ' In the
House of Lords we were at the mercy of our opponents. . . .
Lyndhm-st avowed their object to be to turn against Lord
Melbourne a sentiment of William III. which Lord Melbourne
himself had once quoted with approbation, that " while there
were debates about the best form of government, some preferring
monarchy, some aristocracy, some democracy, he would not pre-
tend to decide between them, but he was sure that the worst
government was that which could not carry its own mBaaures."
. . ■ Oor party was deplorably ill-off for some peer to take
l>e6ic«fion
And it has triumphed because it has become
Understood. The more its principles have been
ixamined, the more tlie intention of its Tarious
a-ts has been investigated, and its general scope
lomprehended, the more beneficent and profound
Las appeared the polity of our fathers, The
(ublic mind of late has been cleared of a vast
nount of error in cons titutional learning.
Icarcely a hired writer would have the front at
his day to pretend that a difference of opinion
letween the two Houses of Parliament is a colli-
ion between the Peers and the People. That
»hrase ' the People ' is a little better compre-
hended now than it used to be ; it will not serve
for the stalking horse of faction as it did. We
know very well that the House of Commons is
Dot the House of ' the People ; ' we know very
Well that ' the People ' is a body not intelligible
1 a political sense ; we know very well that the
lOrds and the Commons are both sections of the
lation, and both alike and equally represen-
fttive of that great community. And we know
fery well that if the contrary propositions to all
hese were maintained, the Government of this
^lish Empire might, at this moment, be the
rge of such BiUs. Lord Melbourne would give himself no
ouble&boul them. They were left to Duncannon {Lord Privy
al), who, though a man of excellent good aense, waa wholly
icompetent to enter the liiits with L^ndhorst.'
pastime and plunder of some score of Irish
adventurers.
Wlien, Sir, you quitted Drayton in Febru-
ary,' the vagabond delegate of a foreign priest-
hood ^ was stirring up rebellion against the Peers
of England, witli the implied, if not the definite,
sanction of His Majesty's Ministers, Where is
that hired disturber now ? Like base coin de-
tected by the very consequences of its currency,
and finally nailed against the counter it had
deceived, so this bad politician, like a bad shilling,
has worn off his edge by his very restlessness.
Parliament met, and the King's Ministers ex-
hibited with a flourish their emblazoned cata-
logue of oligarchical coupa-d'etat, by which they
were to entrench themselves in power under the
plea of ameliorating our society.^ Not one of
these measures has been carried. Yet we were
told that their success was certain, and by a sim-
ple process^by the close and incontestable union
' William IV. opened Parliament in person for thelast time
Fehruftry i, 1836.
' Daniel O'Uonnell.
* The Bills promised in the Kicg'R Speech included measufcs
for the Reform of £<?clesiaBtical Establishments, for Tithe Com-
inutation, for the B«drees of the Grievancefi of Disseutere, for
the Keform of the Court of Chancery, for the Settlement of the
Irish Tithe Dispute, for the Reform of Irish Municipal Corpo-
i-ations, and for the Assimilation of the Irish Poor Law to tliHt
of England.
S»c6icttlion
►etween all true reformers. The union between
U true reformers has terminated in the mutiny
f Downing Street.^
I believe that I have commemorated in this
olume tliat celebrated harangue, which the
Jhancellor of the Exchequer, at the commence-
aent of the session, addressed at a dinner to his
wnatituents.- You may perhaps remember, Sir,
glowing promises of tiiat Bight Honourable
lentleman: they seemed almost to announce
he advent of a political millennium. 'First
nd foremost,' announced the E-ight Honourable
Chancellor, ' we shall proceed in our great woi'k
)f the reform of the Court of Equity ; ' the opits
9tagnu7n of the gifted Cottenham. It seems
he course of nature was reversed here, and the
mtterfly turned into grub. * Our earnest atten-
ion will then be directed,' quotli Mr. Rice,^ ' to
he entire and complete relief of our Dissenting
irethren andfeUow-subjeets.' How liberal, how
iondescending, and how sincere ! The Dissenters
i absolutely our fellow-subjects. None but a
Thig, a statesman almost eructating with the
»lenary inspiration of the spirit of the age, could
' When Lord Jotn Russell quarrelleii with his coJleagnes
the Iriah Church question. See the Greville Memoirs,
I, iii. pp, 295 et seq.
* Letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, post, p. 83.
* Mr. Spring Rice, aftorwarda Tjord Monteagle,
have been capable of making so philosophical
an admission. In the meantime six months
have passed, and nothing has been done for our
unhappy ' f eUow-subjects,' while the Dissenting
organs denounce even the projected alleviations
as a miserable insult. To justice to Ireland Mr.
Rice of course ivas pledged, and most determined
to obtain it ; but his Bills have been dishonoured
nevertheless. And tbe settlement of the Irish
Tithe, and the Bcform of the Irish Corporations,
are about as much advanced by this great Wbig
Government as the relief of the Dissenters and
the reform of the Court of Chancery. What
have they done then ? What pledge have they
redeemed ? The Ecclesiastical Courts remain
unpurged. Even the Stamp Act, through the
medium of which the Whigs, as usual, have
levelled a blow at the liberty of the press, lias
not passed yet, and in its present inq^uisitorial
fonn can never become a law. What then, I
repeat, have they done ? They promised indeed
to break open the prisons like Jack Cade ; but
as yet the gates are ban-ed ; the pensions are
still paid, and the soldiers still flogged. Oh 1 ye
Scribes of the Treasury and Pharisees of Down-
ing Street 1
Supported in the House of Lords by a
body inferior in number to the Peers created
by the Wliigs during the last five years, upheld
^cbicaiion »
in the House of Commons by a majority of
twenty-six, Lord Melbourne still clings to his
mulish and ungenerative position of place without
power ; and with a degree of modest frankness
and constitutional propriety equally admirable,
pledges himself before his country, that, as long
as he is supported by a majority of the House of
Commons, he will remain Minister. I apprehend
the ratification of a Ministry is as necessary by
one House of Parliament as by the other ; but I
stop not to discuss this. The choice of Ministers
was once entrusted to a different authority than
that of either Lords or Commons. But this
is an old almanack; and I leave Lord Viscount
Melbourne to shake its dust off at his next inter-
view with his projected Doge of Windsor.
RUNNYMEDE.
July 27, 1836.
LETTER I.
TO
VISCOUNT MELBOUBNE
January 18, 1836
LETTER I.
[It was a. curioiia irony of fate that made William
Lamb, Yiscoimt Melbourne, into a Prime Minister.
When in 1834 the succesa of the intrigue against Earl
Grey and his colleagues of the Reform Ministry brought
him to the front, Greville wrote ; — ' Nobody thinks the
Government will last long, and everybody "wonders "
I how Melbourne will do it. He is certainly a queer
[ fellow to be Prime Minister, and he and Brougham are
I two wild chaps to have the destinies of this country in
their hands. I should not be surprised if Melbourne
was to rouse his dormant energies, and be excited by
the greatness of his position to display the vigour and
I decision in which he is not deficient. Unfortunately,
his reputation is not particularly good ; he is considered
lax in morals, indifferent in religion, and very loose
and pliant in pohtica. He is supposed to have con-
sented to measures of which he disapproved, because it
' suited his ease and convenience to do so, and because
) was actuated by no strong political principles or
J opinions.' It would be difficult to put the case against
Lord Melbourne more accurately. Hia immoralitiea
were notorious, and his relations with his wife had been
for years the talk of the town. In a few months be
was to figure as the defendant in an action for crim.
eon., in which, thongb Campbell succeeded in winning a
verdict for him, posterity has very generally a^eed that
I came out with a sadly amirched reputation. His
religious views were peculiar, to say the least. Habitu-
L ally a curiously profane taltei', he delighted in the study
of patristic theology — which laDded him in a conviction
of nnbelief — which he alternated with studies of a very
different kind, as hinted more than once by ' Runny-
mede,' and he was a victim to idleness and lounging to
an almost incredible extent. Part of his weaknesses
may, of course, have been affectation. The story, for
example, of his dandling a sofa cushion whilst re-
ceiving a deputation on the subject of the Corn Duties,
and that of his blowing a feather about the room whilst
some grave city men were arguing about the Currency,
may be exaggerations, but the fact that they were re-
lated and commonly believed, affords very clear evidence
of the opinion popularly entertained of him. Hia
political views seem to have been summed up in the
saying that the Whigs were the best of all possible
political parties ; that the policy of leaving things alone
was the wisest and most statesmanlike ; and that to
keep in office was the first duty of a Whig Minister.]
To Viscoujit Melbourne.
My Lord, — The Marquis of Halifas ^ was
wont to say of his Royal Master, that, ' after all,
his favourite Sultana Queen was sauntering.'
It is, perhaps, hopeless that your Lordship should
rouse yourself from the embraces of that Siren
Desidia to whose fatal influence you are not less
a slave than our second Charles, and that you
should cease to saunter over the destinies of a
nation, and lounge away the glory of an empire.
Yet the swift shadows of coming events are
' Saville, MarquiB of Halifax ; not to be confouniled witli
Montagu, Earl of Halifax.
When I recall to my bewildered memory the
perplexing circumstance that William Iiamb is
> Prime Minister of England, it seems to me that
bl recollect with labour the crowning incideut of
jBome grotesque dream, or that in some pastime
of the season you have drawn for the amusement
of a nation a temporary character, ludicrously
appropriate only from the total want of connec-
Btion and fitness between the festive part and
ithe individual by whom it is sustained. Pre-
vious to the passing of the famous Act of 1832,
for the amendment of popular representation,
your reputation, I believe, principally depended
■upon your talent for prologue writing. No one
■was held to iatroduce with more grace and spirit
the performances of an amateur society. With
the exception of an annual oration against par-
liamentary reform, your career in the House of
b Commons was never remarkably distinguished.
I Your Cabinet, indeed, appears to have been con-
I Btructed from the materials of your old dramatic
[company. The domestic policy of the country
\ is entrusted to the celebrated author of Don
' The fattest hog in Epicurua' stj.' — Mason, Heroic
Carlos ; ^ the Fletcher of this Beaumont, the
author of the Siege of Constantinople ~ (an idea
apparently borrowed from your Russian allies)
is the guardian of the lives and properties of the
Irish clergy, under the charitahlo supervision
of that • first tragedy man,' the Lord of Mul-
grave ; ' * Lord Glenelg * admirably personifies a
sleepy audience ; wliile your Chancellor of the
Exchequer ° beats Mr. Power ^ ; and your Secre-
' Lord John HiiBaell, Home Secretaty.
' Vificount Morpeth {Hon. G. W. I". Howari], afterwardfi
BBventh Earl of Cftrlisle), author of The Last of the Greek*, or
the Fall of Comlanlinoph, a, tragedy in. five acts and in verse,
Chief Secretary for Ireland.
3 Earl of Mulgrave, Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland.
' Lord Glenelg (Right Hon. Charlea Grant, first and last
Baron Glenelg, of Glenelg in Invemessahire) whs the last of the
Canningitta, He turned Whig- at the period of the Reform Bill,
and was from 1834 to 1839 Secretary of the Colonies. Lord
Glenelg passed out of sight in consequence of hia approval of
the notorious ' Ordinance ' of Lord Durham, in which the
Canadian rebels of 1838 who had submitted to the Queen's
pleasure, were to he sent to Bermuda under constraint, and
punished with death if they returned. The Ordinance was dis-
allowed ; Lord Durham resigned and Lord Glenelg retired.
He was made a Commissioner of the Land Tax and ' accepted a
pension of 2,000?. per annum.' Ho died on April 23, 1666, aged
eighty-seven, having enjoyed his pension twenty-seven yeare.
* Mr. Spring Riee, afterwards Lord Monteogle.
6 Tyrone Power, the actor, then (163G) in the height of his
popularity. Ho was drowned in the steamship President, which
left New York in April, IS41, and was never heard of after-
wards.
\
^iscounf Melbourne ir
tary for Foreign Affairs/ in his mimetic sym-
pathy with French manners and intimate ac-
quaintance with French character, is scarcely
inferior to the late ingenious Charles Mathews.
That general adapter from the Spanish, Lord
Holland, gives you aU the advantage, in the
affairs of the Peninsula, of his early studies of
Lope de Vega, and, indeed, with his skilful assis-
tance you appear, by all accounts, to have woven
a plot absurd and complicated enough even for
the grave humour of Madrid or the gay fancy
of Seville. For vourself is still reserved a
monopoly of your peculiar talent, and doubtless
on February 4 you will open your House with
an introductory composition worthy of your pre-
vious reputation.
I remember some years ago listening to one
of these elegant productions from the practised
pen of the present Prime Minister of Great
Britain, if not of Ireland. I think it was on
that occasion that you annunciated to your
audience the great moral discovery that the
characteristic of the public mind of the present
day was
A taste for evil.
Our taste for evil does not seem to be on the
wane, since it has permitted this great empire to
* Lord Palmerston.
c
funngme&e
be governed l)y the Wliigs, and has induced even
those Whigs to be governed by an Irish rebel.^
Your prologue, ray Lord, was quite prophetic.
If your Royal Master's speech at the opening
of his Parliament may share its inspirations, it
will tell to the people of England some terrible
truths.
It will announce, in the first place, that the
policy of your theatrical Cabinet has at length
succeeded in dividing the people of England
into two hostile camps, in which numbers are
arrayed against propei-ty, ignorance against
knowledge, and sects against institutions.
It will announce to us, that your theatrical
Cabinet has also been not less fortunate in matur-
ing the passive resistance of the enemy in Ireland
into active hostility, and that yon have obtained
the civil war from which the Duke of "Welling-
ton shrank, without acquiring the political
security which might have been its consequence
It wUl announce to ns, that in foreign affairs
you and your company have finally succeeded in
destroying all our old alhauces without substitut-
ing any new ones ; and that, after having sacri-
ficed every principle of British policy to secure
an intimate alliance with France," the Cabinet of
' O'Connell — an allusion to the Lichfield House compact of
1835.
* Always a ' note ' of "Whig policy tram 1 789 to 1 884.
the Tuileries has even had the airy audacity to
refuse its co-operation in that very treaty in
which its promises alone involved you ; and
that, while the British Minister can with ex-
treme difficulty obtain an audience at St. Peters-
burg, the Ambassador of Prance passes with a
polite smile of gay recognition the luckless
representative of William IV., who is lounging
in an ante-chamber in the enjoyment of an in-
dolence which even your Lordship might envy.
It will announce to. us, that in our colonial
empire the most important results may speedily
be anticipated from the discreet selection of
Lord Auckland as a successor to our Olives and
our Hastings ; ^ that the progressive improve-
ment of the Prench in the manufacture of
beet-root may compensate for the approaching
destruction of our West Indian plantations ;
and that, although Canada is not yet indepen-
dent, the final triumph of liberal principles,
tinder the immediate patronage of the Govern-
ment, may eventually console us for the loss
^ George Eden, second Earl of Auckland, born 1784, suc-
ceeded to the title May, 1811 ; President of the Board of Trade
and Master of the Mint, with a seat in the Cabinet of Earl
Grey, 1830. First liord of the Admiralty in 1834 and made
Governor- General of India in 1835. His administration of
India was chiefly memorable for the disastrous Afghan war of
1838. Lord Auckland's services were rewarded with an Earl-
dom in 1839.
c2
of the glory of Cliatliam and the conquests of
Wolfe.
At home or abroad, indeed, an agreeable
prospect on every side surrounds you. Your
Lordship may exclaim with Hannibal, ' Behind
us are the Alps, before us is Eridanus ! ' And
who are your assistants to stem the profound
and impetuous current of this awful futurity?
At an unconstitutional expenditure of four
coronets, which may some day figure as
article in an impeachment, the Whigs have at
length obtained a Lord Chancellor,^ as a lawyer
' Christopher Charles PepyB, Earl of Cotfeuham, who was
made Lord Chancellor in order to get rid of tbc icconveni
of keeping the Great Seal in CommLisioii. According to
Campbell, ' Lord Melbourne annonnced that Broiighftm could
not be reappointed, Baying with deep emphaaia, " It is
possible to act with, him ; " and stated the pbin proposed to be
that Pepya should be Chancelloi and that Bickerateth (after-
wards Lord liangdale) should succeed him as Master of 1
Kolla, with a peei'age. It was well foreseen that Bronghai
eKclusion from office would drive him into furious oppositiotii?
and Pepys being known to be very feeble in debatoj the obji
was to select an assistant champion for the defence of tha^
Government. A most unfortunate choice was made, and it
very speedily repented of.' It is hurdlj- a secret that on. this
occasion Brougham's reason gave way. Campbell refers to the
fact twice {Lives of the C/tancellors, vol. viii. pp. 1 1 and 476-7),
and hia hint has been more than confirmed by contemporary-
evidence. The other coronets referred to in the test ■
those of Lord Omumore and of Lady Stratheden, the latter of
which was bestowed to console her huabaiid, Sir John (after-
wards Lord) Campbell for bis eAclusion from the Chancelloitsbip
■^tscounf ^Telbournc
91
not illustrious, as a statesman a nonentity. The
seals of the principal office of the State are en-
trusted to an iudiyidual, who, on the principle
that good Tinegar is the corruption of bad wine,
has been metamorphosed from an incapable
author into an eminent politician.^ His brother
Secretaries remind me of two battered female
sinners ; one frivolous, the otiier exhausted ;
one taking refuge from conscious scorn in rouge
and the affected giggle of fluttering folly, and
the other in strong waters and devotiou.^ Then
Mr. Spring Rice waves a switch, which he
would fain persuade you is a shillelagh ; while
tJxe Bienzi of Westminster smiles witli marvel-
ling complacency at the strange chapter of acci-
dents which has converted a man whose friends
pelted George Lamb with a cahbage-stalk, into
a main prop of William Lanah's Cabinet.
Some yet remain ; the acute intelligence of
LansdoTvne, the polished mind of Thomson,^
lOwick's* calm maturity, and the youthful
lergy of Holland."
' Lord John Russell, author of Don Carlos, a Tragedy,
' Lords Palmerstoa and Gleneig. The allusion ia of course
fc to Foote'e farce, The- Minor.
' Ponlett TbomsoQ, the President of the Board of Trade.
' Visconnt Howick (the present Earl Grey), Secretary at
War ; ' the bitterest of all that party,' says Greville.
^ Fox, Lord Holland, Chancelior of the Dachy of Lancaster
martyr to gout and almost in hia dotage in 1836.
ua
22 ^l>c JLcttcrs of ^nntt'Qmcbe
And this is the Cabinet that controls the
destinies of a far vaster population than owned
the sway of Rome in the palmiest hour of its
imperial fame ! Scarron or Butler should cele-
brate its political freaks, and the shifting expe-
dients of its ignoble statecraft. But while I
watch you in your ludicrous councils, an awful
shade rises from behind the chair of my Lord
President. Slaves ! it is your master ; it is
Eblis with Captain Rock's bloody cap shadow-
ing his atrocious countenance. In one hand he
waves a torch, and in the other clutches a skull.
He gazes on his victims with a leer of fiendish
triumph. Contemptible as you are, it is this
dark connection^ that involves your fate with
even an epic dignity, and makes the impending
story of your retributive fortunes assume almost
a Dantesque sublimity.
January 18, 1836.
* The Lichfield House compact.
LETTEE II.
TO
SIR JOHN CAMPBELL
Januaru 19, 1836
LETTER II.
[^ Plain Jolin Campbell * is perhaps the pleasantest
figure in the crowd of mediocrities who came to the
front after the passage of the Reform Bill of 1832.
He was a Scotchman of the best type — shrewd, con-
scientious, and of unflagging industry. So much did
this last quality impress his contemporaries that it is
told of two of the most distinguished of them that
meeting in Court on the day of his euthanasia — for
surely no man ever had a happier ending to his life —
one said to the other, * So poor Campbell's gone !
WeU, we shall meet him at the Day of Judgment.'
* Yes,' replied the other, ' and you may take your affi-
davit that he will be offering to assist the business of
the Court by taking the short causes.' In the cata-
clysm of 1835 he gave great offence by accepting the
post of Attorney- General, which he probably did be-
cause, with the proverbial shrewdness of his nation, he
foresaw the speedy downfall of Lord Melbourne's
second administration, and did not care to relinquish
a very lucrative practice at the bar for the barren
honour of a chancellorship which might be brought to
an end at any moment and leave him stranded in the
Upper House with a pension, it is true, but without any
chance of that work which we may fairly believe was
dearer to him than its pecuniary rewards. He had held
the post of Attorney-General in the first Melbourne ad-
ministration, with a somewhat inexplicable understand-
ing that he was not to expect to succeed as a matter of
right to any vacancy in the Courts {^Greville,' vol. iii.
^JTcffcrs of "iluttnBmeoe
p. 141), When Melbourne returned to power after the
short-lived administration of the Duke of Wellington
and Sir Robert Peel, Canipjiell's aid aa Attorney-General
was found to be indispeuBable, and be was consoled for
any seeming alight by the elevation of Lady Campbell
to the rank of a peeresa in her own right with the
title of Stratheden, on which account the present Lord
Campbell bears a double title. The matter was an
arrauf;emeiit to suit the convenience of the Ministry,
and Campbell's acquiescence in it was very generally
condemned. ' Pollock and one or two others,' he say8
in his Autobiography, ' blamed me for not resigning,
and said I had lowered the office of Attorney- General,
but Aberci'omby, FoUett, and those whose opinions I
most regarded, approved, and I have never since re-
pented of any part of my conduct on this occasion.']
To Sir John Campbell.
Sir, — I have always been of opinion — an
opinion I imbibed early in life from great autho-
rities — that the Attorney- and Solicitor-General
were not more the guardians of the honour and
the interests of the Crown than of the honour
and the interests of the Bar. It appears to me
that you have failed in your duty as representa-
tive of this once illustrious body, and therefore.
it is that I address to you this letter.
Although your political opponent, I trust I am
not incapable of acknowledging and appreciating
your abilities and acquirements. They are sound,
but they are not splendid. You have mastered
considerable legal reading, you are gifted with
giir ^o§tt ^itittpbell
I no ordinary shrewdness, you liave enjoyed great
I practice, and yoit have gained great experience ;
I you possess undaunted perseverance and in-
L vincible industry. But you can advance no
I claim to the refined sui^tlety of an Eldon, and
I Etill less to the luminous precision, the quick
^ perception, the varied knowledge, and accom-
plished eloquence of a Lyndhurst. In profound
learning you cannot cope for a moment with Sir
Edward Siigden ;^ as an advocate you can endure
I no competition with your eminent father-in-law,^
[or with Sir William Pollett, or — for I am not
iTTTiting as a partisan — with Mr. Serjeant "Wilde.
I As a pleader I believe you were distinguished,
I though there are many who, even in this humble
I province, have deemed that you might yield
■ the palm to Mr. Baron Parke and Mr. Justice
|Littledale.
But, whatever be your merits or defects, you
I are still the King's Attorney- General, and as the
1 King's Attorney-General you have a prescriptive,
lif not a positive, right to claim any seat upon
Ithe judgment bench ^ which becomes vacaut dur-
' Aflervrardn Lord St. Leonards.
* Sir James Scarlett, afterwardB Lord Abinger, to whose
Kdaughter Oumpbell was married iu September 1821.
■ Gre^Ule says that he did urge his claims on Leach's
Bdeath, but he allows it to be understood that they were over-
■ruled bj- Lord Melbourne.
jfutmgmeoe
ing your official tenure. This prescriptive right
has never been doubted in the profession. It baa
been understood and acted upon by members
of the bar, of all parties, and at all times. In
recent days, Sir Robert Gifford,^ though a com-
mon law lawyer, succeeded to the equity tribunal
of Sir Thomas Plomer. It is true that Sir Robert
Gift'ord, for a very short time previous to his
accession, had practised in the Court of Chancery,
but the right of the Attorney-General to succeed,
under any circumstances, was again recognised
by Lord Eldon, when Sir John Copley,^ who had
never been in an Equity Court in his life, became
Master of the Rolls. On this occasion it is well
known that Leach,^ the Vice-Chancellor, was
anxious to succeed Lord GifEord, but his request
was not for a moment listened to in preference
to the claim of the Attorney-General.
In allowing a judge,* who a very short time
back was your inferior officer, to become Lord
' Ix>rd Giffbrd, Master of the Eolla 1824:.
* Lord Ljndhurst.
' When Lord Grey formed his Ministry in 1830, it waa
expected that Sir John Leach would have been his Lord
Chancellor. Lord Grey himaeif would have preferred Loi'd
Lyndhurat, but Lord Althorp having declared that he could
not undertake the leadership in the Commona if Brougham re-
mained there in an official capacity to domineer over him, the
well-known aiTaogement was made.
* Lord Oottenham (Pepys, Sulicitor- General in Lord Me)--
boume's former Administration),
^tr ^o^n ©ampbelt
Chancellor of England, and in permitting a
barrister, "who had not even iilled the office of
Solicitor-General, to he elevated over your head
into the seat of the Master of the Bolls ; either
you must have esteemed yourself absolutely
incompetent to the discharge of those great
[ offices, or you must have been painfully con-
I soious of your marked inferiority to both the
individuals "vrho were promoted in your teeth ;
or last, and bitterest alternative, you must have
claimed your right, and been denied its enjoy-
[ment.' In the first instance, you virtually
f declared that you were equally unfit for the
ofBce you at present liold, and what should have
been your consequent conduct is obvious; in the
second, you betrayed the interests of the bar;
and in the third, you betrayed not only tlie
I interests of the bar, but its honour also.
Without imputing to Sir John Campbell any
' marvellous degree of arrogance, I cannot bring
myself to believe that he holds himself absolutely
, Unfit for the discharge of the offices in question.
I I will not even credit that he has yielded to his
I unfeigned sense of his marked inferiority to the
t supernatural wisdom and miraculous acquire-
linents of my Lord Cottenham, or that his down-
Jcast vision has been dazzled by the wide extended
Which Inst alternative is now known to have been the
celebrity tliat suirounds with a halo tho name of
Bickei'steth ! '■ No, sir, we will not trench upon
the manorial right of modesty which is the
monopoly of your colleague, Sir Mousey Rolfe,^
that public man on the Incus a non Incendo prin-
ciple, that shadowy entity which all have heard
of, few seen. An individual, it would appear, of
a rare humility and admirable patience, and born,
as it were, to exemplify the beauty of resignation.
I believe, therefore, that you claimed the
ofBee— that you claimed your right, and that you
were refused it. That must have been a bitter
moment. Sir John Campbell — a moment which
might have made you recollect, perhaps even
repeat, the Johnsonian deftnition of a Whig.''
You have not hitherto been held a man deficient
in spirit, or altogether uninfluenced by that
nobler ambition which spurs us on to great
careers, and renders the esteem of our fellow-
countrymen not the least valuable reward of our
exertions. When therefore you were thus
' Afterwards Lord Langdale,
* Afterwards Lord Ci'anwoi'th.
' Whig. The name of a faction. Johnaon^s I)ictioiiari/,\st
edition,
Boswell. I drank chocolat*, sir, this morning with Mr. Eld,
and to my no BmnU Biirpriae found him to be a Staffordshire
Whij, ft being which I did not believe had existed.
Johnson. Sir, there are rascals in all countries.
Croker's Boswell, edition 18i8, p. 606.
§iv ^ofin @amp6cU
■insulted, why did you not resent the insult ?
■"When your fair ambition was thus scuryily
"balked, wliy not have gratified it by proying to
a sympathising nation that you were at least
n'orthy of the high post to wliich you aspired ?
L He who aims to be the guardian of the lionour
lof the Crown, should at least prove that he is
i competent to protect his own. You ought not
I to have quitted the Minister's ante-chamber the
I King's Attorney-General.
Why did you tlieu ? Because, as you inform
us, your lady is to be ennobled. Is it the
' carnival, that such jests pass current ? Is it
part of the code of etiquette in this saturnalia
I of "Hliig manners, that the honom- of a man is
' to he vindicated by a compHment to a woman ?
I One cannot refrain from admiiing, too, the cou-
L sistent propriety of the whole arrangement. A
gentleman, whom his friends announce as a
Bresolved republican, and to whom, but for this
sHght circumstance, they assert would have been
entrusted the custody of the Great Seal, is to be
hoisted up into the House of Lords in the
masquerade of a Baron ; while yourself, whose
delicate and gracious panegyric of the Peers of
England is still echoing from the movement
benches of the House of Commons to the reeking
cellars of the Cowgate, find the only consolation
, for your wounded honour in your son inscribing
^unn^meoe
his name in the libra d'oro of our hereditary
legislators. Why, if Mr. O'Connell were but
simultaneously called up by the title of Baron
Eathcormac/ in honour of his yictory, the batch
would be quite complete.
Wliat compensation is it for the injured in-
terests, and what consolation to the outraged
honour, of tho bar, that your amiable lady is to
become a peeress ? On the contrary, you have
inflicted a fresh stigma on the body of which
you are the chief. You have shown to the world
that the loading advocate of the day, the King's
Attorney- General, will accept a bribe 1 Nay 1
staiii not. For the honour of human nature, for
the honour of your high profession, of which I
am the friend, I will believe that in the moment
of overwhelming mortification you did not thus
estimate that glittering solace, hut such, believe
me, the English nation will ever esteem the
coronet of Strath-Eden.
"Was the grisly spectre of Sir William Home *
' A. BtnaU market town and polliog place in tlie county of
^ Attorney-General in Earl Grey's Ministry, 1832. Under
drtte Febru.iry 26, 1835, Glreville write,s : 'Home, the late
Attorney- General, seems likely to fall between two stools.
When Bi-ougham proposed to lum to tuke a, puisne judgeship
he said he Lad been an equity lawyer all hiu life, and had no
mind to enter on a course of cominon law for which he was not
qualified, and proposed that ho should not go the circuits and
the blooming Ere that tempted you to pluck this
fatal fruit ? Was it the conviction that a rehel-
lious Attorney-General might be shelved that
daunted the hereditary courage of the Campbell?
I What, could you condescend to be treated by
Ihe Minister Hke a frowai'd cliild — the parental
discount shaking iu one hand a rod, and in the
bther waving a toy ?
[ I have long been o£ opinion, that, among
bther perfected and projected mischief, there
lias been on the part of the Whigs a systematic
attempt to corrupt the English bar. I shall
avail myself of another and early opportunity
to discuss this important subject. At present I
\vill only observe, that whether they do or do not
obtain their result, your conduct has anticipated
consequence of their machinations ; the
may corrupt the bar of England, but
I'ou, sir, hare degraded it.
Jarmary 19, 1S36.
be Deputy Speaker of the House of Lorda. Eroughain told
him thfre would be no difGculty, and then told Lord Grev he
■with Home, but did not tell him what Home
{jqnired. The general movement was made, and when Home
e Lord Grey he told him that his terms eouid not
mplied witli, so he became a. victim to the trickery and
shuffling of the Chancellor who wanted to get him out and did
not care how.'
LETTEE III.
TO
MR. THOMAS ATTWOOD, M.P.
Janv4vry 21, 1836
d2
LETTER III.
[Thomas Attwood— the 'King Tom' of Cobbett's
f Political Eegiater '— was one of the most violent
gitatora of the pre-Reform era and the i-eal inventor
f the Caucus. His father, Matthias Attwood, was an
■onraaster of Hales Owen, who realised a considerable
brtane by obtaining a monopoly of Swedish iron.
with tliis capital he associated himself with Mr.
Eichard Spooner the elder, and founded the once
B banking house of Spooner, Attwood & Co., with
iiead-quartors in Birmingham and a branch in Grace-
fehnrcb Street, London. Thomas Attwood presided
Bver the Birmingham business, and distinguished him-
leif from a very early period by the vehemence of his
Jiewa on financial and political subjects. When the
bmons Orders in Council during the hostilities with
Lmerica in 1812 were promulgated, Attwood made hini-
ielf conspicuous by the violence with which he de-
U)unced them, and when in 1817 specie payments were
resumed he was equally loud in Ma condemnation of
that step. In fact, throughout the whole of his life
he posed as a currency reformer as well as a Radical
politician, and at one period appeared before the world
as the author of a couple of forgotten pamphlets on the
advantages of a paper currency. His theories found
Btnall acceptance, and, stung by the indifference with
which they were received, he threw himself with ardour
into Radical agitation. During the period between
1820 and the passage of the Whig Reform Bill of
•JB32 htj was exceedingly active, and when in 1829 an
anwilling Government liad passed the Roman Cathoiiu
Relief Bill (Oatholic Emancipation) he founded at once
the notorioua ' Political Union ' of Birmingham, His
power in Birmingham at this time was something
enormons. Mr. McCuIlagh Torrens, in his ' Life of
Lord Melbourne,' quotes a letter in which the then ex-
Minister speaks of him as ' the most iniinential man in
England,' and Mr. R. K. Dent, in the extraordinarily
samptuoua three volumes ivhich commemorate the
glories of ' Old and New Birmingham,' states that in the
month of July, 1812, his fellow-townsmen presented
Mr. Attwood with a silver cup weighing 128 ounces,
the cost of which was subscribed in sixpences. From
1812 his popularity had gone on increasing. He had
opposed the monopoly of the East India Company, and,
if the accounts of his admirers ar^ to be credited, he
was the main instrument in breaking it down, and he
was for many years an advocate of all those proposals
which are associated with the name of Liberalism.
Throughout the whole of the Reform agitation he was
one of its most conspicuous figures, and shared with
* Orator Hunt ' the very questionable glory of inciting
the working classes to rebellion.
The ' Political Union for the Protection of Public
Rights ' was the outcome of a meeting held in the
Royal Hotel at Birmingham at which Attwood pre-
sided, supported by Messrs. Scholefield, Muntz, and
Shorthouse — the last the father of the author of ' John
Inglesant '—and the spirit in which it was devised may
be guessed from a few phrases printed in capital letters
in the requisition to the High Bailiff for a towns-
meeting. The requisitionists speak of the 'gross mis-
management of public affairs,' the ' general distress
which now afflicts the country,' which is only to be
remedied by 'an effectual reform in the Commons
House of Parliament.' They talk of the further 're-
dress of public wrongs and grievances,' and speak of
a ' political union between the lower and middle classes
»
the people ' as the only means by which that end
.ay be attained. The French Revolution of 1830,
bieh had a much greater share in bringing about the
?Tug Revolution of 1832 than is commonly believed,'
'as earnestly watched in Birmingham, and at a dinner
celebrate that event at which between 3,000 and
4,000 persons sat down, Attwood made what appears
to have been the first amongst many rather foolish
speeches on the subject of reform. One sentence will
show its character. After the ' Union Hymn' had been
sung Attwood asked hia excited audience, ' Where is
the one among you who would not follow me to tlie
death in a righteous cause?' The answer was given
,by the whole assembly, 'who rose as one man and
l^houted, "AH!"' At a meeting in 1831 Attwood
'made another bombastic speech, allusion to which will
"be found in ' Runnymede's' letter, in which he said,
' If the king required it, they could produce hira in this
district at his order within a month two armies each of
them aa numerous and brave as that which conquered
at Waterloo.' Whpn the Lords threw out the Reform
Bill, the ' Political Union 'issued a proclamation calling
for Political Unions like itself all over the country, and
thi-eatening in no uncertain manner the alternative of
civil war. There is, indeed, an affectation of peaceful-
ness and moderation, but when after speaking of the
horrors of war as 'the last dread alternative of an
oppressed nation,' the manifesto goes on to say that the
reformers will 'humble the oligarchy to the duat,'
there cannot be much doubt of what is meant. That
.per bore the signature of Thomas Attwood as chair-
lan of the Union.
At this time also Attwood distinguished himself
other ways, Having already in 18ii0 proposed in
'.ting the formation of an association the members
' See Eoobuok's IlUtory of thu Whig Minielry of 1830,
r,voI. iL p. 3 eC leq.
of -whicli should pledge themselves to pay no taxes if
the Government of the day should dare to interfere in
the conflict hetween Belgium and Holland, he next
suggested a similar association for the coercion of the
Government in the matter of the Reform Bill, and pre-
sided at a meeting which was held to vote thanks to
lords AJthorp and John Russell, and to pass a reso-
lution to ' stop the supplies.' The Reform Bill once
passed, Liberals on all sides recognised the share which
Attwood had had in its success, and the City of Loudon,
on that ground, presented him with its freedom. In
the course of his reply he made a somewhat curious
admission : ' I may have given offence,' said he, ' to
abler men because I had recourse to measures which
trenched on the verge of the law ; hut I did not resort
to such measures until I saw that the extremity of the
country required extreme remedies.' After these 'ex-
treme remedies ' — which, by the way, have always been
very much to the taste of Birmingham — nothing coidd
be more natural than that Attwood should be one of
the first two members for the newly enfranchised
borough. He sat in Parliament until 1839, speaking
very frequently there and almost as frequently in public
meetings outside. It cannot be said that he was
altogether successful in his capacity of member. The
House of Commons — at all events until within a very
recent period — was one of the most keenly critical assem-
blies in the world, and one in which the most preten-
tious of demagogues speedily found his level. The
Rochdale manufacturer who went in as ' the successor
to Richard Cobden * was made chairman of the com-
mittee for the selection of cigars, and has never
held any more distinguished place in the House. In
like manner Attwood, who demanded the abolition of
the House of Lords and posed almost even aa a Re-
jinblican, never succeeded in winning the ear of the
House. When,asinAugust 1835, he boasted having just
returned from a meeting of ' 10,000 individuals' (men.
(romen, and childreQ of course) at which it had been
jrved that 'under the present march of edacatioa
Bind difiusion of knowledge, the time would soon
Approach when the country would neither need a House
5Df Lords nor a King,' memhers simply smiled and no one
Attempted to answer. And when, as in Febmaiy IS'JS,
! presented a petition from 20,000 ' individuals ' of
trmingbam for the Eeform of the House of Lords,
jid made a somewhat absurd speech on the occasion,
1 petition was ordered to lie upon the table, after a
igoroua protest from 2,000 inhabitant householders
t the proceedings of this self-constituted body '
i been read by Mr, Dugdale, M.P. for North War-
irickshire.
Attwood'a parliamentary career was not prolonged,
&,a the writer of an obituary notice which was published
' 1 the ' Annual Register ' for 1856 put the matter, ' when
" : Attwood had sat for some years in Parliament he
I to perceive that the reformed House of Com-
mons was not more disposed to accept his currency
^heories than the unreformed, and he thought also that
t had shown a decided inability to grapple with great
I questions.' He therefore applied for the Chiltern
Hundreds in January, 1840, and subsided into private
life. He died on March 6, 1856, at Great Malvern, and
in 1859 his fellow-townsmen erected a colossal statue
to his memory. When in 1865 the bank of Attwood,
Spooner, Marshall, and Co, suspended payment with a
deficiency of 340,000i., bringing down in its fall the
Penny Bank, in which were invested nearly 10,000?.,
the property of the poorest class of artisans and of their
children, Attwood's statue narrowly escaped destruction,
but was spared, apparently because he had been ' the
Father of Political Unions.']
^c (letters of glutmsmcoe
To Mr. Thomas Atlwood, M.I'.
Sir, — You may be surprised at this letter
being addressed to you ; you may be more sur-
prised when I inform you that this address is not
occasioned by any conviction of your political
importance. I deem you a harmless, and I do
not believe you to be an ill-meaning, individual.
You are a provincial banker labouring under a
financial monomania. But amid the seditions
fanfaronnade which your unhappy distemper oc-
casions you periodically to vomit forth, there are
fragments of good old feelings which show you
are noj utterly denationalised in spite of being
'the friend of all mankind,' ^ and contrast with
the philanthropic verbiage of your revolutionary
rhetoric like the odds and ends of ancient art
which occasionally jut forth from the modem
rubbish of an edifice in a classic land — symp-
toms of better days, and evidences of happier
intellect.
The reason that I have inscribed this letter
to your consideration is, that you are a fair re-
presentative of a considerable class of your
countrymen — the class who talk political non-
' A phrase used by Attwood to describe Mr. Munte :
' My friend and your friend ; the friend of humanity and
benevolenco, the liiend of all luunkiud,'
■gSTr. ^^omas |lffn)oo6, ISt.^. «
sense ; and it is these with whom, through your
medium, I would now communicate.
I met recently with an ohservation which
rather amused me. It was a distinction drawn
in some journal between high nonsense and low
nonsense. I thought that distinction was rather
happily illustrated at the recent meeting of your
Union, which, hy-the-hye, differs from its old
state as the drivellings of idiotism from the
frenzy of insamty. "When your chairman, who,
like yourself, is 'the friend of all mankind,'
called Sir Robert Peel ' an ass,' ^ I thought that
Spartan description miglit fairly range under the
head of low nonsense ; hut when you yourself, as
if in contemptuous and triumphant rivalry with
' At the meeting of the Birmingham Political Unioa on
Monday, January 18, 1836, to address the King and petition
the House of Commons for a change in the constitution of the
Honae of Lords, which called forth this letter, Attwood said :
* Sir Robert Peel in his Tamworth letter boasted that he was
able to carry on the Government, hut in a House of Commons
of hia own choosing he waa beaten on the election of Speaker,
(i.e. when Sir Charles Sutton was displaced by Mr. Aber-
crombie), and then he quarrelled with everybody and every-
thing, because that old humbug had been dismissed. What did
he do then t Why, he lost everything, and courted, and flattered,,
and greased over as he bad been till one could hardly see him,
le went again to Tamworth and acknowledged, like an ass
B was, that he had been completely deceived.' Mr. Muntz,
the ohaiiman of the meeting, had about half an hour before
distinguished himself by applying the same epithet to Sir
Eobert Peel.
his plebeian folly, announced to us that at the
sound of your blatant voice 100,000 armed men
■would instantly rise in Birmingham, it occurred
to me that Nat Lee himself could scarcely com-
pete with you in your claim to the more patrician
privilege of uttering high nonsense. If indeed
you produce such marvels, the name of Attwood
will be handed down to posterity in heroic emu-
lation with that of Caflmus ; he produced armed
men by a process almost as simple, but the teeth
of the Theban king must yield to the jaw of the
Birmingham delegate, though I doubt not the
same destiny would await both batches of
warriors.'
But these 100,000 armed men are only the
' According to Aria's Birminffhain Gazette, the meeting at
which this speech was rajide waa held in the Town Hall, and
'at this time (noon) the building wasabotithalf filled, but about
one o'clock the number begaa to increase, and for an hour after-
wards the hall was two-thirda full,' It was upon this occaaion
that Attwood asserted that ' within one single week the .Union
could produce 100,000 fighting mm upon Newhall BUI,' and
further, that ' if the Tories had their way — if they again re-
covered their ascendency — a deluge of blood must and would be
abed in England.' Later on in the same speech Attwood called
for 5,000^. to send delegates ail over England to carry on a
campaign for the reform of the Honee of Lords, adding, that
' he doubted not the influence which the men of Birmingham
possessed over their countrymen would command the success of
20,000,000 of people and 20,000,000 of hearts. When tiie
men of Birmingham oSfered to guide them, these 20,000,000 of
brave men would I'espond to their call.'
I
01
r Gn
Kfitn
■ra;
advanced guard, the imperial guard of Brumma-
gem, the heralds of a mightier host. Nay, com-
pared with the impending legions, can only
count as pioneers, or humble sappers at the best.
Twenty millions of men are to annihilate the
.Tories. By the last census, I believe the adult
[male population of Great Britain was computed
at less than 4,000,000. Whence the subsidiary
levies are to be obtained, we may perhaps be
informed the nest time some brainless Cleon, at
the pitch of his voice, bawls forth his rampant
'oily at the top of Newhall Hill.
Superficial critics have sometimes viewed, in
spirit of naiTOW-minded scepticism, those
itionary accounts of armed hosts which
startle ns in the credulous or the glowing page
of rude or ancient annals. But what "was the
Great King on the heights of Salamis or in the
itraits of Issus, what was Gengis Khan, what
,merlane, compared with Mr. Thomas Attwood
of Birmingham ! The leader of such an army
may well be 'the friend of aU mankind,' if only
to recruit Ills forces from his extensive connec-
,tions.
The truth is, Xerxes and Darius, and the
[Taliant Icadei-s of the Tartars and the Mongols,
'ere ignorant of the mystical yet expeditious
cans by which 20,000,000 of men are brought
iinto the field by a modera demagogue, to change
a constitution or to subvert an empire. Wlien
they hoisted their standard, their chieftains
rallied round it, bringing to the array all that
population of the country who were not required
to remain at home to maintain its order or civili-
sation. The peasant quitted his plough and the
pastor his flock, and the artisan without employ
hurried from the pauperism of Babylon or the
idleness of Samarcand. But these great leaders
with their diminutive forces which astounded the
Lilliputian experience of our ancestors, had no
conception, with their limited imaginations, of
the inexhaustible source whence the ranks of a
popular leader may be swollen ; they had no idea
of ' The People.' It is ' the people ' that is to
supply their great successor with his millions.
As in private life, we are accustomed to
associate the circle of our acquaiutance with the
phrase ' The World,' so in public I have in-
variably observed that ' The People ' of the
pohtician is the circle of his interests. The
' people ' of the Whigs are the ten-pounders
who vote in their favour. At present the
municipal constituencies ^ are almost considered
' An allusion to the Municipal Reform Act {5 ifc 6 WilL
IV. cap. 76) which abolished the ancient franchises, and placed
local self-government in the hands of t!ie ratepayers. It waa
the first work of Lord Melbourne's second administration, which
came into office April 18, 1S35, after the short-lived Gfovern-
£tr. ^Jomtto Jlffn)oo&, '^.^. 4?!
by Lords Melbourne and John Russell as, in
some instances, to have afforded legitimate
claims of being deemed part and parcel of the
nation ; but I very mucli fear that the course of I
events will degrade those bodies from any length-
ened participation in this ennobling quality. It
is quite clear that the electors of Northampton-
shire have forfeited all rig-ht to be held portion
of 'the people,' since their return of Mr. ■
Maunsell ; ^ the people of Birmingham are doubt- I
less those of the inhabitants who huzza the
grandiloquence ol" Mr. Attwood ; and the people
of England, perchance, those discerning indivi-
duals, who, if he were to make a provincial tour ■
of oratory, might club together in the different 1
towns to give him a dinner. I hardly tliink I
ment of Sir Kobert Peel — a Government which lasted only from '
Itecembei' 10, 1834, to April 8, 1835, and which went out (
the question of the Irish Church. ThecaUietrophe was notable
inaamnch as it was the first fruits of that alliance between the
Irish party and the ' base, bloody, and brutal Whigs ' whom
O'Connell had abused so heartily and for bo many yeare. The
alliaaca wax brought about at Lichfield House, in St. James's
Square, early in the year 1S35, and is eonse<iiieutly genenilly
known as the ' Lichfield House compact.'
' Thomas Philip Maunsell, of Thorpe Malsor, sat for Korth I
Northamptonshire from lf35 to 1857, A ConservativB |
country gentleman, not distinguished as an orator, but faith-
ful to his party. He was succeeded in the lepreaentation of
North Northamptonshire by Mi-. Oeorge Ward Hunt, who wa8
Chancellor of the Exchequer from Febi-uary to December 1658, 1
that, all together, these quite amount to
20,000,000.
Yourself and the school to which you belong
are apt to describe the present struggle as one
between the Conservatives and the people — these
Conservatives consisting merely of 300 or 400
peers, and their retainers. You tell us in the
same breath, with admirable consistency, that
you possess the name, but not the heart of the
Iving ; that the Court is secretly, and the Peerage
openly, opposed to you ; the Church you an-
nounce as even beholding you with pious terror.
The Universities, and all chartered bodies, come
under your ban. The Bar is so hostile, that you
have been obliged to put the Great Seal in com-
mission for a year,^ and have finally, and from
' William IV., after Brougham's progreas through Scotland
in 1834, and after the famous letter in the Times which de-
clared that the fall of the Whigs in that year was the exclusive
work of the Queen, absolutely refused to allow him to resume
the Ohancelloi-ship. There waa a peraonal as well as a political
reason for this slight. According to Campbell, Brougham waa
allowed to retain the Great Seal for some time ai'ter his col-
leagues had been deprived of the insignia of their offices, in
order that he might deliver judgment in the cases which had
been argued before him, At the proper moment he was botmd
by the eatablished etiquette to return the Great Seal into the
hands of the Sovereign. Instead of doing so he sent the elams
regni to the King in a ha? by the hands of a mef^aenger, ' as a
fishmonger,' says Campbell, ' mig-ht have sent a salmon for the
King's dinner.' When Lord Melbourne fonned hia Eecond
Rbec
15Ir. ^:^omas 3U(tooo6, ^T."^. 49
ler necessity, entrasted it to the custody of
individual ^ whom by that very tripartite
.steesliip you had previously declared unfit for
sole guardianship. The gentlemen of England
against you to a man because of their com
lOnopoly ; the yeomanry from sheer bigotry ;
(he cultivators of the soil because they are the
slaves of the owners, and the peasantry because
they are the slaves of the cultivators. The frec-
len of the totvas are against you because they
corrupt ; the inhabitants of rural towns
icause they are compelled ; and the press is
against you because it is not free. It must be
confessed that you and your party can give ex-
cellent reasons for any chance opposition which
you may happen to experience. You are equally
felicitous iu accounting for the suspicious
glance which the fundholder shoots at you ; nor
can I sufficiently admire the admirable candour
ith wliich the prime organ of your faction
recently confessed that every man who
isses 500^. per annum is necessarily your
inent. After this, it is superfluous to remark
it the merchants, bankers, and ship-owners of
BiiniBtratioii in 1835, the Great Seal was consequently put
I commission, the Commisai oners being the Master of the
!, the Vice-Chancellor, and Mr. Joetice Bosanquat.
' PepvB, Loid Cottenham.
D
this great commercial and financial country are
not to be found in your ranks, and the sneers at
our national glory and imperial sway which ever
play on the patriotic lips of "Whigs, both high
and low, only retaliate the undisguised scorn with
which their anti-national machinations are viewed
by the heroes of Waterloo and the conquerors of
Trafalgar. Deduct these elements of a nation,
deduct all thia power, all this authority, all this
skill, and all this courage, all this learning, all
this wealth, and all these numbers, and all the
proud and noble and national fceUngs which are
tlieir consequence, and what becomes of your
' people ? ' It subsides into an empty phrase, a
juggle as pernicious and as ridiculous as your
paper currency !
But if you and your friends, ' the friends of
all mankind,' have, as indeed I believe you have
not, the brute force and the numerical superiority
of the population of this realm marshalled under
your banners, do not delude yourselves into
believing for a moment that you are in any
degree more entitled from that circumstance to
count yourselves the leaders of the English
people. A nation is not a mere mass of bipeds
with no strength but their animal vigour, and
no collective grandeur but that of their numbers.
There is required to constitute that great crea-
tion, a people, some higher endowments and
some rarer qualities, — honour, and faith, and
justice; a national spirit fostered by national
.exploits; a solemn creed expounded by a pure
and learned priesthood ; a jurisprudence which
is the aggregate wisdom of ages ; the spirit of
chivalry, the inspiration of religion, the supre-
macy of law ; free order, and that natural grada-
tion of rants wliich are but a type and image of
the economy of the universe ; a love of home
and country, fostered by traditionary manners
and consecrated by customs that embalm ances
tral deeds ; learned establishments, the institu-
tions of charity, a skill in refined and useful arts,
the discipline of fleets and armies ; and above all.
a national character, serious and yet free, a charac-
ter neither selfish nor conceited, but which is con-
scious that as it owes much to its ancestors, so also
it will not stand acquitted if it neglect its posterity:
lese are some of the incidents and qualiti
of a great nation like the people of England,
Whether these are to be found in ' the people
■who assemble at the meetings of your Union, or
whether they may be more successfully sought
for among their 20,000,000 of brethren at hand,
I leave you, sir, to decide. I shall only observe,
that if I be correct in my estimate of the con-
itituent elements of the English people, I am
persuaded that in spite of all the arts of
£ 2
^ ^h^ Setters of ^ufifipme5c
plundering factions and mercenary demagogues,
they will recognise, with a grateful loyalty, the
Tenerable cause of their welfare in the august
fabric of their ancient constitution. /
January 21. 1836.
liETTEE rv.
TO
LOED BROUGHAM
J(mv4iry 23, 1836
a . »
a
[Brougham was at this period at the height of his
' nnpopularitj. A few years before the case had been
very different. In 1828 he had been a guest at Pans-
hanger, and Greville speaks of the extreme pleasure he
derived from his society. ' Brougham,' he saya, ' is
\ certainly one of the most remarkable men I ever met ;
I to say nothing of what he is in the world, his almost
F childish gaiety and animal spirits, his humour mixed
with sarcasm, but not ill-natured; his wonderful in-
formation and the facility with which he handles every
Bubject, from the most grave and severe to the most
I trifling, displaying a mind full of varied and extenaivt!
information, and a memory which has suffered nothing
to escape it; ' and bo forth. Rogers, too, shared in the
Tery general belief in Brougham's extraordinary capa-
city. Everybody knows the famous quotation : ' This
morning Solon, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Archimedes,
Sir Isaac Newton, Lord Chesterfield, and a great many
more, went away in one poat-chaiae.' By 1830 a change
Lad come over the spirit and temper of the Whig
leaders with regard to Brougham. He was no longer
regarded with complacency, and his ambition was
found to be exceedingly inconvenient, Wlieu Lord
Grey formed his administration in November 1830, the
difficulty which first made itself felt was, aa Lord
Campbell puts it, 'What was to be done with
Brougham P' Lord Grey was afraid of him in the
Cabinet, knowing his restless eagerness to distinguish
himself^ and he dreaded the alternative of leaving him
ont of the new administration, knowiucj also how
dangerous an enemy he might be, A Radical opposi-
tion headed by Brougham would ruin any Government
of moderate Whigs. Lord Grey Buggested that he
should be made Attorney-General ; Lord Althorp shook
his head but did not oppose the experiment, and
Brougham was accordingly sent for. He called on
Lord Grey in due course ; the offer was made, but re-
jected with every mark of indignation. In conversation
with Lord Grey he uttered the portentous threat, that
he would support the administration only ' in aa far aa
he conscientiously could;' and in the Honse of Com-
mons the same night ho let off the angry temper
which had been accumulating for some days paat. ' It
80 happened,' says Campbell, 'that this was the very
day for which his notice stood on the great question of
Parliamentary Reform, and he entered the House evi-
dently in a very perturbed sta,te, having resolved to
bring it on whatever confusion might arise from such
a discussion in the existing distracted state of the
Government.' At the request of Lord Althorp he post-
poned his motion, saying, after a brief explanation of
his repugnance to doing so, ' As no change that may
take place in the administration can by any possibility
affect me, I beg it to be understood that in putting off
the motion I will put it off until the 25th of this
month, and no longer. I wiU then, and at no more
distant period, bring forward the question of Parlia-
mentary Reform, whatever may be the then state
of affiiirs, and whosoever may then be His Majesty's
Ministers.'
He intended, in short, to be Chancellor, and he suc-
ceeded in forcing Lord Grey to give him the post in
spite of the £ict that he was probably the most unfit
person who could have been chosen for it, and that he
was of all men the least likely to distinguish himself or
to add lustre to the administration in the House of
Lords. His talents were those of a Kisi Prius advocate.
Sotb ^roug^am
Versatile as he was, he knew but little of law and
nothing of equity ; and Lord Grey was naturally nn-
willing that his administration should be weighted with
n Chancellor whoae conduct might seriously discredit
it. Campbell, indeed, telle an absurd story of Lord
Grey being ' platonically under the fascination of the
beaatifol Lady Lyndhurst,' and of his being in conse-
quence anxious to retain her husband as his Chancellor.
The political circumstances of the time are, however,
quite anfficient to explain the hesitation about Broug-
ham without any such blundering scandal. In the end
Brougham's obstinacy prevailed, and by November 20
it was announced authoritatively that he was to take
the Great Seal. It was not expected that ho, would have
accepted this piece of promotion. ' I was persuaded,'
aays Greville, ' that he had made to himself a political
existence the like of which no man had ever before pos-
sessed, and that to have refused the Great Seal would
have appeared more glorious than to take it ; intoxi-
cated with his Yorkshire hononrs, swollen with his own
importance, and holding in his hands questions which
he could employ to thwart, embarrass, and ruin any
Ministry, I thought he meant to domineer in the
House of Commons, and to gather popularity through-
out the country.' Such seems to have been the general
opinion outside official circles ; but moderate men re-
joiced in his election, fancying that when he had taken
his seat upon the woolsack his terrible vivacity might
be fairly checked.
Aa Chancellor Brougham was eminently unsuccesB-
fuL He tried bis hand at legislation, but failed most con-
spicnonsly. He attempted by getting Lyndhurst made
Lord Chief Baron to muzzle that doughty foe of the
Whigs, and succeeded only in putting a new weapon
into his hands. He assumed ridiculous airs, and by his
egregious vanity contrived to offend the King most
I seriously. On one occasion when on his way to the
jDrawing Eoom he was stopped by the guard with the
information that the King had given orders ' that no
carriage save that of the Speaker should pass through
the Horae Guards, but he defiantly called to the coach-
man to drive on, and broke through the ranks — an esca-
pade which grievously afi'ronted WHJiam IV., and
brought down upon Brougham a solemn reproof in the
House of Lords. When in the midst of the Reform
struggle ParHament was suddenly dissolved, he actu-
ally, according to Eoebnck, usTorped the functions of
royalty by giving orders not merely for the regalia and
royal robes to be prepared, but even for the movements
of the troops. If Roebuck's story be true — and there
is reason to believe that it is in spite of Campbell's
denial of it — no one can be surprised at the King
accusing his Chancellor of high treason. In the House
of Lords he was not popular. His manner was need-
lessly offensive at times, as is occasionally the case
with successful lawyers ; his loquacity was intoler-
able ; and he sometimes fell into errors of taste, which
excused if they did not justify Campbell's more than
once repeated insinuation of intemperance. Again,
when Lord Melbourne formed his first adminis-
tration Brougham assumed the air of a diete,tor, and
though he formally spoke of the Premier as ' my noble
friend at the head of the Government,' he habitually
addressed him, to Melbourne's intense annoyance and
disgust, as ' Lamb ' or ' William ' ; white in the royal
presence he is said to have spoken in a haughty and
dictatorial manner which added to the offence given by
his previous escapades. Greville says in his diary,
under date August 29, 1835, ' The House of Lords haa
become a bear-garden since Brougham has been in it.'
In short, he had by the middle of 1834 done quite
enough to justify the ' Times ' in saying as it did, that
' For some mon(5ia past Lord Brougham haa been under
' It ia understood that the order was reftlly given by the
Duke of Cumberland bs ' Gold Stick.'
S-orb '^roug^am
a morbid excitement, seldom evinced by those of liis'9
Majesty's subjects who are suffered to remain mastera of J
their own actions.'
Hia crowning folly was, however, hia tour iu Scot-
land in the antumii of that year, where the Whigs and I
the Radicals united to give him a startling receptio
and whence he wrote perpetually to the King by post^
enraging the sovereign and proving to all reasonable
people, by his egregious vanity and self-complacenej',
that his reason was endangered. He gave further
offence by carrying the Great Seal out of England, the
King being decidedly of opinion that no judge could
legally leave the country without his permission, and
that the Great Seal was absolutely sacred. His return
was followed by the dismissal of the Whig Ministry by I
the King — the last occasion on which the sovereign of '
these realms has taken so decided and so independent
a. step. It was certainly done in a very peremptory
fashion. William IT. was at Brighton when Lord
Spencer died, and Lord Althorp was consequently trans-
lated to the Upper House. Lord Melbourne went
down to make arrangements, and saw the King on
the afternoon of Thursday, November 14. On the
following day he had a second audience, when he re-
ceived his dismissal and was informed that the Duke
of Wellington had been 'sent for.' Melbourne re- ,
turned to London and received a visit from Brougham, ,
who was on his way to Holland House. As a matter |
of coarse the Chancellor heard the news, but ^
compelled to promise silence. To the disgust of the ]
other members of the Ministry the Times of the next J
morning contained a full and particular account of the |
whole proceeding, with the addition that ' the Qut
had done it all.'
That letter sealed Brougham's fate. The King was J
furious. He had never liked the Whigs and he hated I
Brougham, whose ' mountebank exhibitions,' as Gre- '
ville calls his performances in Scotland, had thoroughly
disgusted him. When Peel's short-lived administration
went out of office in May 1835, and Lord Melbourne
retomed to power, Brougham fully expected to be
restored to hia old place of Chancellor. He was dia-
appointed. The Kjng ' wanted never to see his ugly
face again,' and the other members of the new Ministiy
dreaded liia intolerable loquacity and his capacity for
compromising both himself and his colleagnea. He
was accordingly passed over. The Great Seal was pnt
in commission, as already mentioned, and Brougham
retired to his seat in Westmoreland, where he fretted
himself into an attack of mania which, if not absolutely
acute, was at least sufficiently so to cause his physicians
to keep him under gentle restraint. Unpopulari^
speedily followed disgrace, and it is not too much
to say that at the accession of her present Majesty to
the throne, there was no one whose general conduct
commanded less respect than that of the ex-Chancellor.
His services to that extremely unpleasant personage,
'England's injured Queen,' were forgotten; his ex-
ertions in the great and sacred cause of Reform were
unheeded ; even his contributions to the ' Penny Maga-
zine' and to the publications of the Society for the
Confusion of Useless Knowledge were put on one side.
All that people remembered was that a Scotch lawyer,
not of the first rank — ' a bully and a buffoon,' as Sheil
called Mm — had thrust himself into the office of Lord
Chancellor of England and had played sundry fantastic
tricks therein, with the effect of aUenating from him-
self even those whom he might most reasonably have
expected to be his staunchest allies. The following
passage from Lord Campbell's Autobiography will
explain many things. Writing of 1835, he says : * In
an interview I had with Lord Melbourne he said to
me : " Brougham is such a man that I cannot act with
him." . . . The removal from the Cabinet of Lord
Grey, of whom he stood in some awe, probably aggra-
vated his rashness, capriciousness, and faithleasnese.
^ot6 35roitBl)am
*
He wonld lay important Bills on the table of the House
of Lords for " measureB " of which he had never
dropped a hint in the Cabinet ; he wonld promise
places five or six deep which were not in his gift ; he
would communicate irregularly with the King upon
subjects out of hia department ; and he was strongly
suspected of writing anonymously against some of his
colleagues in the newspapers.']
To Lord Brougham.
My Lord, — In your elaborate mimicry of
Ix)rd Bacon,* your most implacable enemies
must confess that, at least in one respect, you
have rivalled your great original — you have con-
trived to get disgraced. In your Treatise on
Hydrostatics you may not have completely
equalled the fine and profoiind researches of ' the
Lord Chancellor of Nature ; ' your most ardent
admirers may hesitate in preferring the Penny
Magazine to the Novwm. Organon ; even the
musings of Jenkins and the meditations of
Tomkins * may not be deemed to eome quite as
much home 'to men's business and bosoms' as
the immortal Essays; but no one can deny.
This alloaion to Lord Bacon ia not a mere gratuitoua
of spite. ' He tliought Loi'd Bacon's fate was most to be
A. ... As a. judge he boldly and openly said he should
esxA him ... he had treatises part begun and part conceived
in hia own mind which would excel the X'ovum Orga/mtm.'
— Cwnpl>ell, Lines of the ChaTuxllors, vol. viii, p. 382,
* See Brougham's Dialogue ' On the Objocta, Advantages,
and Pieasnrefi of Science.'
neither friend nor foe, that you are as much
simnned as their author— almost as much de-
spised.
Whether the fame of his philosophical dis-
coveries and the celebrity of his literary exploits
may console the late Lord Chancellor of William
IV. in the solitude of his political annihilation,
as they brought halm to the bruised spirit of the
late Lord Chancellor of James I. in the loneliness
of his sublime degraiJation, he best can decide
who may witness the ^vrithings of your tortured
memory and the res,tless expedients of your
irritable imagination. At present, I am informed
that your Lordship is occupied in a translation of
your Treatise of Natural Theology into German,
on the Hamiltonian system. The translation of
a work on a subject of which you know little,
into a tongue of which you know nothing, seems
the climax of those fantastic freaks of ambitious
superficiality which our lively neighbours de-
scribe by a finer term than quackery. But if
the perturbed spirit can only be prevented from
preying on itself by literary occupation, let me
suggest to you, in preference, the propriety of
dedicating the days of your salutary retirement
to a production of more general interest, and,
if properly treated, of more general utility. A
memoir of the late years of your career might
afford your fellow-countrymen that of which at
SLoxb ■JSroug^mn
I
present they are much in want — a great moral
lesson. In its instructive pages we might per-
haps learn how a great empire has nearly been
Bacrificed to the aggrandizement of a rapacious
faction ; how, under the specious garb of patriot-
ism, a band of intriguing politicians, connected
by no community of purpose or of feehng but
the gratification of their own base interests, for-
feited all the pledges of their previous careers, or
Tiolated all the principles of their practised sys-
tems, how, at length, in some degree palled with
plundering the nation, according to tlie usual
course, they began plundering themselves ; how
the weakest, and probably the least impure,^ were
sacrificed to those who were more bold and bad ;
and, finally, bow your Lordship especially, would
have shrouded yourself in the mantle, whQe you
kicted away the prophet.
If your Lordship wouldhave but the courageous
candour to proceed in this great production, you
might, perhaps, favour us with a grapliic narra-
tive of that memorable interview between your-
self and the present Premier, when, with that
easy elocution and unembarrassed manner which
characterise the former favourite of Castlereagh,
' This phrase is apparently intended as in some sort of way
f k baJm to Brougham. Hia coUeag-ues had jobhed, but he had,
■ in his own phrase, ' kept his hands clean.' The evidence in the
Edmunds case will show how far the boast was warranted.
the present First Lord of tlie Treaaiuy,^ robbing
you of the fruit after you had plundered the
orchard,^ broke to your startled vision and incre-
duloua ear the unforeseen circumstance that your
Lordship was destined to be the scapegoat of
Whiggism, and to be hurried into the wilderness
with all the curses of the nation and aU the sins
of your companions. This animated sketch
would form an admirable accompaniment to the
still richer picture when you offered your con-
gratulatory condolence to Earl Grey on his long
meditated retirement from the onerous service of
a country aa grateful as his colleagues.
Tour Lordship, who is well informed of what
passes ia the Cabinet, must have been scarcely
less astonished than the public at the late legal
arrangements.^ Every post, tiU of late, must
have brought you from the metropolis intelli-
gence which must have filled you with anxiety
almost maturing into hope. But the lion was
suddenly reported to be sick, and the jackals as
suddenly grew bold. The Prime Minister con-
suited Sir Benjamin ; * the Serjeant Surgeon
' Lord Melbourne.
* An ftllufiion to the intrigue by which Lord Grey waa
driven from office.
^ i.e. when the Chancellorsliip was put in commiBsion.
The patronage of the Lord ChanceDor at this period was, it is
worthy of note, enormous and proportionatelj valuable.
* Brodie, Serjeant Surgeon to the King.
^or& ^rou0f)am
shook his hea<l, and they passed in trembUng
precipitation the paltry Kubicon of their spite.
MTien we remember that one roice alone decided
vour fate, and that that voice issued from the
son of Loi'd Grey, we seem to be recalled to the
days of the Greek drama. Your Lordship,
although an universalist, I believe, has not yet
tried your hand at a trag'edy ; let me recom-
mend this fresh illustration of the subUme
destiny of the ancients. You have deserved a
better fate, but not a degrading one; though
Achilles caused the destruction of Troy, we
deplore his ignoble end from the unequal pro-
geny of Priam.
And is it possible, — are you indeed the man
■fhose scathing voice, but a small lustre gone,
issed like the lightning in that great Assembly
■hei'e Canning grew pale before your terrible
Ipnunciation, and where even Peel still remem-
ters yoTix awful reply r Is this indeed the lord
t sarcasm, the mighty master of invective ? Is
bis, indeed, the identical man who took the offer
the Attorney-Generalship, and held it up to
he scorn of the assembled Commons of England,
md tore it, and trampled upon it, and spat upon
" 1 their sympathising sight, and lived to offer
lie cold-blooded aristocrat, who had dared to
bsult genius, the consoling compensation of the
privy Seal ?
66 ^]^c J^cffcrs of ^unnpntcftc
For your Lordship has a genius ; good or bad,
it marks you out from the slaves who crouch to
an O'Connell and insult a Brougham. Napoleon
marched from Elba. You, too, may have your
hundred days. What though they think you
are dying — ^what though your health is quaffed
in ironical bumpers in the craven secresy of
their political orgies — what if, after all, throw-
ing Brodie on one side and your Teutonic
studies on the other, your spectre appear in the
House of Lords on February 4 ! Conceive the
confusion! I can see the unaccustomed robes
tremble on the dignified form of the lordlj''
Cottenham, and his spick and span coronet fall
from the obstetric brow of the baronial Bicker-
steth,^ Lansdowne taking refuge in philosophical
silence, and Melbourne gulping courage in the
goblets of Sion ! ^
January 23, 1836.
^ Bickersteth (Henry, Lord Langdale) was the son of a
* general practitioner.'
^ Sion House ; the seat of the Duke of Noi-thumberland.
LETTEE V.
«V/>*x. >^\
TO
SIR ROBERT PEEL
January 26, 1836
F2
LETTER V.
[The letter to Peel was written at the time of hi
retirement in 1835. The immediate cause of th
downfall of the Adminiatration was that disgi'aceful
compact with the disaffected Iriahry under the leader-
8hip of O'Connell, to which Lord Melbourne com-
mitted himeelf in the middle of March 1835. Mr.
McCuUagh Torrena writes, that on the first Sunday
in that month, the Duke of Sussex, uncle to the Queen,
entertained all the members of the Whig Cabinet, with
the exception of Brougham, who aeema to have been
somewhat pointedly left out. At that entertainment it
was, it appears from another account, remarked that
* patties in this conontry were pretty equally balanced,
^at power was really the possession of some thirty
\(pbera. The result was the Lichfield House
fortnight after the Duke's dinner, where it
fed to merge past differences for the sake of
^ an administration founded on the general
;plG3 in which aU could consistently agree.' In
/words, the Whigs, whom the King bad turned out
4>ffice and who had contrived during the three years
/'fiicb had elapsed since the passage of the Reform
/Bill to achieve an amount of unpopularity without prece-
dent in the annala of any political party, magnanimously
consented to forget the ruffianly abuse which O'ConneU
bad heaped upon them tor more than twenty years, in
consideration of his giving the support of himself ant'
lOBi
t
^lettetrs o
unn^tnede
his ' tail ' to their measures. Melbourne of course
denied officially having done anything of the sort in
the most formal terms, and indeed it is not to be sup-
posed that a Prime Minister would commit himself in
any such absurd way. Eiit that the compact was
entered into is beyond all question, and the effect was
seen in the vote on Lord John Russell's motion to ap-
propriate the surplus funds of the Irish Church to the
piirposes of g-eneral education in Ireland, a proposal
which would never have been brought forward but for
the determination of the Whigs to conciliate the Irish
at any cost. On that occasion Peel was left in a
minority first of twenty-five and then of twenty-seven,
and found that, the fight being over, there was nothing
left for him but to surrender, Melbourne returned to
oifice, by no means to the satisfaction of either the King
or the nation, and Peel remained in opposition, though
at that time lie was, as Lord Beaconsfield has put it
elsewhere, the ' only hope ' of a suffering people.]
To Sir Robert Feel.
Sir, — Before you receive this letter jou will,
in all probability, have quitted the halls and
bowers of Drayton ; those gardens and that
library where you have realised the romance of
Verulam and where you enjoy 'the lettered
leisure ' that Temple loved. Your present pro-
gress to the metropolis may not be as pictur-
esque as that which you experienced twelve
months hack, when the confidence of your
sovereign and the hopes of your country
summoned you from the galleries of the Vali-
§ir ^obcrf "^ccl
ItMUi and the city of the Cseaara.* It may not
ibe as picturesque, but it is not less proud — it
I will he more triumphant. Tou are summoned
I now, like the Knight of E-hodes in Schiller's
tlieroic ballad, as the only hope of a suffering
sland. The mighty dragon^ is again abroad,
jjepopulating our fields, wasting our pleasant
places, poisoning our fountains, menacing our
I civilisation. To-day he gorges on Liverpool,
^o-morrow he riots at Birmingham : as he ad-
Tances nearer the metropolis, terror and disgust
proportionately increase. Already we hear his
Ijellow, more awful thaa hyaenas ; already our
I atmosphere is tainted with the venomous aspira-
I tions of his malignant lungs ; yet a little while
I and liis incendiaiy crest wUl flame on our
Ihorizon, and we shall mark the horrors of his
'^ insatiable jaws and the scaly volume of his
atrocious tail 1
In your chivalry alone is our hope. Clad in
the panoply of your splendid talents and your
spotless character, we feel assured that you will
subdue this unnatural and unnational monster ;
' When William IV. dismiesed Lord Melbonrne'a firiit
liniatration in July, li^34, Sir Robert Peel was in Italy, and
a epecial messenger had to he sent out to bring Lim borne, the
e of Wellington consenting to cairy on the Government
miil his rotiim.
' O'Conweil.
and that we Biay yet see sedition, and treason,
and rapine, rampant as they may have of late
figured, quail hefore your power and prowess.
You are about to renew thecombat under the
most favourable auspices. When, a year ago,
with that devotion to your country which is your
great characteristic, scorning all those refined
delights of fortune which are your inheritance,
and which no one is.more capable of appreciating,
and resigning all those pure charms of social and
domestic life to which no one is naturally more
attached, you threw youi-self in the breach of the
battered and beleaguered citadel of the constitu-
tion, you undertook the heroic enterprise with
every disadvantage. The national party were ^
little prepared for the summons of their eminent
leader by their sovereign as you yourself could
have been when gazing on the frescoes of
Michael Angelo. They had little organisation,
less system ; their hopes weak, their chieftains
scattered ; no communication, no correspondence.
Yet they made a gallant rally ; and if their
numerical force in the House of Conmions were
not equal. Sir, to your moral energy, the return
of Lord Melbourne, at the best, was but a
Pyrrhic triumph ; nor perhaps were your powers
ever sufficiently appreciated by your countrymen
until you were defeated. Your abandonment of
office was worthy of the motives which induced
§ir ^obcvi "^eel
you originally to accept power. It was not
petty pique ; it was not a miserable sentiment
of personal mortification, that led you to decide
upon that step. You retained your post until
you found you were eniiaDg;ering the Bang's
prerogative, to support Trhich you had alone
accepted his Majesty's confidence. What a con-
trast does your administration as Prime Minister
afford to that of one of your recent predecessors !
No selfish views, no family aggrandisement, no
family jobs, no nepotism. It cannot be said that
during your administration the public service
was surfeited with the incapable offspring of the
Premier ; ' nor, after haying nearly brought
about a revolution for power which he has de-
graded, and lucre which degraded him, can it be
said that you slunk into an undignified retire-
ment with a whimpering Jeremiad over ' the
pressure from without.' Contrast the serene
retirement of Drayton and the repentant solitude
of Howick ; contrast the statesman, cheered
after his factious defeat by the sympathy of a
nation, with the coroneted Necker, the worn-out
Machiavel, wringing his helpless hands over his
' The complaint was made somewhat loudly in the Thirtiea
that the whole of the most lucrative and most comfortable
postB in the pulilic service were monopolised— aa Sir William
Harcourt would siiy — by ' sciona ' of the three houses of Grey,
Kassell, and Elliott. Another family has since been added to
tiie Ufit — that of the Barings.
|e ^ethts of^uitn^mehe
hearth in remorseful despair and looking up with
a sigh at Ma scowling ancestors I
But affairs are in a very different position
now from what they were in November 1835.
Tou have an addition to the scutcheon of your
fame in the emblazoned memory of your brief
but masterly premiership : they cannot taunt
you now with your vague promises of ameliora-
tion : you can appeal to the deeds of your Cabinet,
and the plans which the applause of a nation
sanctioned, and the execution of which the in-
trigues of a faction alone postponed. Never, too,
since the peace of Paris, has the great national
])arty of this realm been so united as at the pre-
sent moment. It is no exaggeration to say, that
among its leaders not the slightest difference of
opinion exists upon any portion of their intended
policy. Pitt himself, in the plenitude of his
power, never enjoyed more cordial confidence
than that which is now extended to you by every
alleged section of the Conservative ranks ; all
private opinions, all particular theories, have
merged in the resolute determination to maintain
the English constitution in spite of Irish rebels,
and to support, without cavU and criticism, its
eminent champion in that great course of con-
duct which you have expounded to them.
That this admirable concord, a just subject
of congratulation to the suffering people of this
§tr Robert '^eet
realm, has been in some degree tlie result of
salutary conferences and frank explanations, I
pretend not to deny; nor do I wish to conceal
a circumstance in which I rejoice, that at no
period hare you displayed talents more calculated
for the successful conduct of a great party than
at the present; but, above all, this admirable
concord is to be attributed to the reason, that,
howerer individuals of the Conservative party
may have occasionally differed as to the means,
they have at all times invariably agreed as to
the end of theii* system, and that end is the
glory of the empire and the prosperity of the
people.
But it is not only among the leaders in
the two Houses of Parliament that this spirit
of union flourishes ; it pervades the country.
England has at length "been completely organ-
ised ; the battle which you told us must be
fought in the registry courts has been fought,
and in spite of the fanfaronnade of the enemy,
we know it has been won. Eveiy parliamentary
election that has of late occurred, in country or
in town, has proved the disciplined power of the
national party. It is not that they have merely
exceeded their opponents on the poll, and often
by Tast majorities ; but they have hastened to
that poU with an enthusiasm which shows that
they are animated with a very different spirit
76 %Iie (belters of ^wnnpme&e
to that which impels their shamefaced rivals.
Contrast these important triumphs with the
guerilla warfare of the Govemmeat party on
town-clerks and aldermen, and ho convinced
how important have been our efforts in the
registry courts, by their feeble yet feverish
attempts at what they style Reform Associa-
tions.
If we contrast also this faithful picture of
the state and spirit of the party of which you
are the leader with the situation of your oppo-
nents, the difference will he striking. Between
the Opposition and the Government party there
is this difference ; that, however certain sections
of the Opposition may occasionally have differed
as to measures, their end has always been the
same ; whereas the several sections of the Minis-
terial party, while for obvious reasons they agree
as to measures, avowedly adopt them because
they tend to different ends. The ohgarchical
"Whigs, the English Radicals, the Irish Repealers
— the patrons of rich livings, the enemies of
Church and State, hereditary magistrates, pro-
fessors of county reform — the sons of the nobles,
the enemies of the peerage — the landed pro-
prietors, the advocates of free com, can only he
united in a perverted sense. Their union then is
this : to a certam point they all wish to destroy ;
but the Whigs only wish to destroy the Tories,
§ix Robert "^ccl
I the Radicals the constitution, and tho Eepealers
the empire. The seeds of constant jealousy and
! inevitable separation are here then prodigally
sown.
What are to he the tactics of this hetero-
geneous band time will soon develop. Dark
rumours are about wliich intimate conduct too
infamous, some would fain think, even for the
Whigs. But as for myself, history and personal
observation have long convinced me that there is
no public crime of which the Whigs are not
pable, and no pubUc shame which for a
sufficient consideration their oligarchical nerves
would not endure. But whether they ai'e going
to betray their anti-national adherents, or only
to bribe them, do you, Sir, proceed in your great
course, free and undaunted. At the head of the
most powerful and the most united Opposition
that ever mustered on the benches opposite a
trembhng Minister, conscious that by returning
j you to your constituents he can only increase
and consolidate your strength, what have you
to apprehend ? We look to you, therefore, with
hope and with confidence. You have a noble
duty to fulfil — let it be nobly done. You have
a great task to execute — achieve it with a great
[ spirit. Rescue your sovereign from an un-
constitutional thraldom, rescue an august Senate
which has ah-eady fought the battle of the
78 ^]^c S^ettexs of ^unnvimcbe
people, rescue our National Church, which our
opponents hate, our venerable constitution at
which they scoff ; but above all rescue that
mighty body of which all these great classes and
institutions are but some of the constituent and
essential parts — rescue the nation.
January 26, 1836.
LETTER VI.
TO
THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER
J(mua/i*y 28, 1836
/
I .
LETTER VI.
[Mr. Spring Bice (afterwards Lord Monteagle) was
9)9Jicc11or of the Exchequer io 1836, and was, perhaps,
e of the most utterly incompetent persons who ever
1 that responsible office. His abilities were of the
lid known as ' respectable ' — that is to say, he took an
"rdinary degree at Cambridge and afterwards went td
the Bar, where, however, he never practised. He wrote
'F.R.S.' and 'F.G.S.' after his name, but hie attain-
ments in geography and science were somewhat limited.
He obtained office under the Whigs and held on to its
emoluments with prehensile tenacity until the day of
hie death. Having entered Parliament in 1820, he sat
for his native city of Limerick until 1832, when he
obtained a seat for the borough of Cambridge, which he
retained until his elevation to the peerage. He began
s Under Secretary at the Home Office in 1827, in the
dministration of Mr. Canning ; he held afterwards the
oat of Secretary of the Treasury irom 1830 to 1834, in
■hich latter year he was for a short time Colonial
ecretary. "When Lord Melbourne scrambled back into
Bfice in 1835, Mr. Spring Rice was promoted to the Ex-
iquer and held the Chancellorship until 1839. In
lat year he recognised the fact of his incompetency,
hich had been patent to the rest of the world ever
[see his appointment, and having succeeded in getting
\ie finances of the country into an all but inextricable
iDofasion, he obtained from his party leaders the post
r Controller of the Exchequer — a patent office value
fiOOl. per annum — and a seat in the House of Lords
B Baroo Monteagle.
G
During his public life there was probably no man
who excited more derision and contempt than Mr.
Spring Eice. He was a dismally bad speaker, but that
fact did not save the House from constant inflictions of
his oratory. He was accused of perpetrating one or
two flagrant joba in the exercise of his office, and though
the charge was indignantly denied it was never qnite
satisfactorily disproved. The charge of meddlesome-
neas was frequently brought against him, and he was
recognised as one of those ' uncrowned kings ' whom
Ireland produces with so much prodigality. As Mr.
Hayward pnts the matter, Mr. Spring Rice was not
merely member for Limerick — he was ' member for
all Ireland.' In that capacity he was naturally the
friend and associate of O'Connell, and to that fact may
undoubtedly be attributed much of the unpopularity of
which Mr. Spring Eice was the victim about the time
of the publication of this letter. His personal appear-
ance was assuredly not in his favour. In the obituary
notice which appeared iu the ' Times ' in 1856, it is
remarked that ' He was undersized of stature ... a
most flagrant offence in the eyes of all Cabinets, and
"H.B." (Doyle, the father of 'Punch's' Richard
Doyle) made much of it. Dr. Chalmers had just then
come to London to deliver addresses, and in one of
his addresses he announced with all the emphasis whicli
characterised hia oratoiy, that the then age was an age
of little men, or as he was supposed to pronounce it,
" leetle " men. " H.B." seized upon the idea, and at
once exhibited a specimen of the " leetle " men who
governed the nation, Mr. Spring Rice being prominent
amongst them. Sometimes, however, he got praise for
hia smallness, as when in combat with O'Connell, when
O'Connell had turned against the Whigs, he fought
and beat off the great Irish giant — on which occasion
his merits were displayed to the eyes of the world in a
picture of little David conquering Goliath.' Both cari-
catures, the first especially, would probably find favour
%})e ^^oncetlor of if)e ^xcffcquer 83
I the eyes of King William IV., when in the latter
jnoDths of his life he made those solitary pilgrimages
Dp St. James's Street to stare in the ahop-windowe,
trhich 80 greatly alarmed his household.
When Mr. Spring Rice hecame Lord Monteagle he
retired into private life, for which he was certainly
better fitted than for the cares of a great office of the
^tate. He made one effort to emerge from obscurity
fcy attacking Mr. Gladstone's Budget of 1860. The
■Ittempt was a failure, though, as Mr. Hayward re-
oarbs, 'Mr. Gladstone and his friends naturally spoke
rith contempt of an attack npon the Budget led hy
i Whig financier who had been laughed out of the
Bxcheqner ; but this did not necessarily invalidate the
xitieism of Lord Monteagle.' With that effort Spring
iice passed out of the public mind, and during the last
|ew years of his life his name was scarcely heard.]
To the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Sir, — I really think that your celebrated
ompatriot, Daniel O'Rourke,^ when, soaring on
■he back of an eagle, he entered into a conversa-
tion with the man in the moon, could scarcely
pe more amazed than Mr. Spring Rice must be
(Then, he finds himself, as Chancellor of the
Exchequer, holding a conference with the First
Lord of the Treasury. Tour colleagues, who, to
do them justice, are perpetually apologising for
3r rapid promotion, account for your rocket-
' See the ludicrous story in Crofton Croker'e Fairy Legends
', TradiCiong of the South of Ireland, edition 1859, pp. 134-
• like rise by the rmanswerable reason of your
being ' a man of business I ' I doubt not this is
a capital recommendation to those who are not
men of busineas ; and indeed, shrewd without
being sagacious, bustling ■without method, loqua-
cious ■without eloquence, erer prompt though
always superficial, and ever active though al'ways
blundering, you are exactly the sort of fussy
busy-body who would impose upon and render
himself indispensable to indolent and ill-informed
men of strong ambition and "weak minds. Cum-
berland,^ who, in spite of the courtly compliments
of his polished Memoirs, could be racy and
significant enough in his conversation, once
characterised in my presence a countryman of
yours as 'a talking potato.' The race of talking
potatoes is not extinct.
Your recent harangue at Cambridge was
quite worthy of your reputation, and of those
to whom it was addressed.^ EuU of popular
common-places and ministerial propriety, alike -
' Kicliard Cumberland, author of the West Indian, and
the Sir Fretful Plagiary of Sheridan's Critic.
' The occaaion of this letter was a speech made by Mr.
Spring Eice at Cambridge, at a dinner to celebrate the return of
Mr. Thomas Hovell, the first Mayor of Cambridge under the
Municipal Reform Act, the chief effect of which, as far as
Cambtiifge itaelf was concerned, was, in Mr. Spring Rice's own
words, ' to establish a Liberal domination in the place of a Tory
domination.'
%^e g^anccllor of ii)e ©-ecl^cqucr 65
JO
L wi
■go
" BO
the devoted delegate of 'the people' and the
trusty servant of the Crown, glorying in your
pledges, but reminding your audience that they
were Toluntary, chuckling in your ' political
triumph,' ' hut impressing on your friends that
their ' new power ' must not he used for party
purposes, I can see you with Irish humour
winking your eye on one side of your face as
jou hazard a sneer at ' the Lords,' and eulogising
with solemn hypocrisy with the other half of
■our countenance our 'blessed constitution.'
.aw choice was the style in which you pro-
pounded the future measures of the Cabinet !
What heartfelt ejaculations of * Good God, sir ! '
mingled with rare jargon about 'hoping and
trusting I ' You even ventured upon a tawdry
simile, borrowed for the occasion from Mr. Shell/
who, compared with his bolder and more lawless
colleague, always reminds me of the fustian
iientenant. Jack Bunce, in Sir Walter's tale of
the Tiraie, contrasted with his master, the bloody
buccaneer, Captain Cleveland.
You commenced your address with a due
xecoUection of the advice of the great Athenian
' The * triumph ' r^erred to, cm which Mr. Spring Rice l(ud
groat slrees, was the passage of the Municipal Corporations Act.
* Kichard Lalor Sheil, a prominent advocate of Catholic
emancipation, and a Whig placeman from 1839 to his death at
FJounce, where be beJd the office of Britieh Minister, in 18&1.
orator, for your action "was quite striking. You
clasped the horny hand of the astonished Mayor,
and, full of your punch-bowl orgies, aptly alluded
to your ' elevated feelings.'^ As for the exquisite
raillery in which your graceful fancy indulged
about Tory port and Wliig sherry, you might
perhaps hare recollected that if ' old Tory port
affects to be a new mixture, is ashamed of its
colours, and calls itself Conservative,' that the
Whig sherry has disappeared altogether, and
that its place has been deleteriously supplied by
Irish whisky from an illicit still, and EngUsh
Blue Ruin. Tour profoimd metaphysics, how-
ever, may amply compensate for tliis infelicitous
flash of jocularity, A Senator, and a Minister,
and a Cabinet Minister, who gravely informs us
that * the political history of our times has shown
U8 that there is something in human motive that
pervades and extends itself to human action,'
must have an eye, I suspect, to the representation
of the University. This is, indeed, 'a learned
Thehan.' That human motives have some slight
connection with human conduct, is a principle
' See tlie speech ; ' I grasp that hand with more and more
elevated feelings wbea I view in an old and valuod friend the
first fruits of the Municipal Eeform Bill.' Mr. Hovell, the
first Mayor of Cambridge nnder the Municipal Reform Act,had
proposed Mr. Spring Bice at the first general election after tha
Beform Bill.
%^c ^^ancctlor of t^e @a:c^cq«cr st
I lati(
will, no doubt, figure as an era in meta-
lysieal discovery. The continental imputations
our shallowness in psychological investigation
.ust certainly now be removed for ever. Neither
.ant nor Helvetius can enter the arena with
our rare Chancellor of the Exchequer. The fall
of an apple was sufficient to reveal the secret of
celestial mechanics to the musing eye of Newton,
but Mr. Spring E,ice for his more abstruse reve-
lations requires a revolution or a E-eform Bill.
rit is ' the political history of our times ' that
proved the connection between motives
and actions. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
must have an-ived at this discovery by the re-
collection of the very dignified and honourable
conduct to which the motives of power and place
have recently impelled himself and his friends.
I cannot help fancying that this display of yours
at Cambridge may hereafter be adduced aa irre-
futable evidence that there is at least one portion
of the Irish Protestant population which has not
received 'adequate instruction.''
It seems that you and your Katerfelto crew
are going to introduce some very wonderful
measures to the notice of the impending Parlia-
ment. And, first of all, you are about to ' remedy
' The word 'adequate' was used with some euperfluitj i
it. Spring Sice's speech.
the still existing grievaBces to which the great
dissenting bodies are subject.' ' Good God ! sir,'
as you would say, are you driven to this ? The
still existiDg grieTances of the Dissenters ! Do
you and your beggarly Cabinet yet live upon
these sores ? Dissenting grievances are like
Stilton cheeses and Damascus sabres, never found
in the places thcntselves, though there is always
some bustling huckster or other who will insure
you a supply. ' The still existing grievances of
the Dissenters,' if they exist at all, exist only
because, after four years of incapacity, you and
your clumsy coadjutors could not contrive to
remove and remedy what Sir Bobert Peel could
have achieved, but for your faction, in four
days.
Then we are to proceed in ' our great work of
the reform of the Courts of Equity.' I 'hope
and trust ' not. "What ! after creating the Court
of Review, the laughing-stock of the profession ;
after having at length succeeded in obtaining a
second-rate Lord Chancellor '■ at the expense of
four coronets, whose services might have been
secured without the waste of one ; after having
caused more delay, more expense, more mortifi-
cation and ruin in eight months of reform than
the annals of the Court can offer in a similar
' Laid Cottenham.
period in the worst days of its management-
still must you amend ! Spare us, good sir ; be
content "with your last achievements of law
reform ; ho content with having, by your corpo-
ration magistrates, made for the first time in
England since the days of Charles II,, the ad-
ministration of justice a matter of party. Will
not even this satisfy the "WTiig lechery for mis-
chief ?
Then, ' Ireland must be tranquiUised.' So I
think. JFeed the poor, hang the agitators. That
■ffill do it. But that's not your way. It is the
destruction of the English and Protestant interest
that is the Whig specific for Irish tranquillity.
And do you really flatter yourself, because an
eccentric course of circumstances has metamor-
phosed an Irish adventurer ' into the Chancellor
of the EnglisJi Exchequer, that the spirited
people of this island will allow you to proceed
with impunity in your projected machinations ?
Eyest assured, sir, your career draws rapidly to
a close. Providence, that for our sins and the
arrogance of our flush prosperity has visited this
once great and glorious empire with five years of
Whig government, is not implacable. Our God
is a God of mercy as well as justice. We niay
have erred, but we have been chastened. And
' Spring Eice himself.
Athens, when ruled by a Disdar Aga, Avho was
the deputy of the chief of the eunuchs at Con-
stantinople, was not so contemptible as England
governed by a limerick lawyer — the deputy of
an Irish rebel !
Prepare, then, for your speedy and merited
disniissal. It is amusing to fancy what may be
the resources of your Cabinet in their permanent
retirement. The First Lord of the Treasury, in
aU probability, will betake himself to Brocket,
and compose an epilogue for the drama just
closed. Your Lord Chancellor may retire to bis
native village, like a returned cheese. Lord
John, perhaps, will take down his dusty lyre,
and console us for having starved Coleridge by
pouring forth a monody to bis memory. As for
the poHshed Palmerston and the pious Grant,
and the other trading statesmen of easy virtue —
for them it would be advisable, I think, at once
to erect a political Magdalen Hospital. Solitude
and spare diet, and some salutary treatises of the
English constitution, noay, after a considerable
interval, capacitate them for re-entering public
life, and even filUng with an approximation to
obscure reapectability some of the lower of&ces
of the State. But, sir, for yourself, with your
' business-like talents,' which must not be hid
under a bushel, it appears to me that it would
be both the wisest and the kindest course to
1
^l^c ^^ancciioT of l^c (^xc^cqncr '-^
entrust to your charge and instruction a class of
beings who, in their accomplishments and inde-
fatigableness, alike in their physical and moral
qualities, not a little resemble you — the Indus-
trious Fleas.
January 28, 1836.
LETTEK VII.
^\y \/ \/ \-/^xv/x^\>v^x/N^>^
TO
LORD JOHN RUSSELL
Janvary 30, 1836
[The line of action adopted by Lord John BuBsell
throaghout the intrigue which ended in the retirement
of Lord Grey from the Reform Ministry waa very gene-
rally condemned. He occupied in the administration
of Earl Grey the position of Paymaster of the Forces,
notorionsly rather because of his staunchness to the
principles of Liberalism than on account of any af-
fection entertained for him by his chief. The latter
did not, indeed, conceal his aentimenta in society.
Bassell retaliated in characteristic fashion by asserting
a species of independence which no Minister in the
position of Lord Grey could tolerate without a serious
loss of dignity and self-respect. Dissensions conse-
quently broke out in the Ministiy, and when the Irish
Church Establiabment was attacked in 1834, Lord John
KuBsell made a speech on the Appropriation Bill whicli
drew from Sheil the remark that ' Johnny had upset the
coach.' This was on May 6 ; and then came the memor-
able split when the Duke of Richmond, Postmaster-
General, Lord Ripori, Privy Seal, Mr. Stanley, Cabinet
Secretary, and Sir James Graham, First Lord of the
Admiralty, seceded. They were followed in their re-
apeetive offices by the Marquis of Conyngham, the
Earl of Carlisle, Lord Auckland, and Mr. Spring Rice.
The secret of the whole business was as usual an Irish
intrigue. The Catholics spared no effort to secure a
provision for their clergy out of the funds of the Irish
Church. Sheil was put up to ask the question which
■Irew Lord John so effectively, and afterwards tool;
^
ic fetters of glunnsmcoc
great credit to himself for having, as he said, ' sown
the seeds of salutary discord.' The strife was ended by
the resignation of Lord Althorp, which in its turn was
succeeded by that of Lord Grey. Lord Melbourne's
feeble first administration, which came to an end
through the direct action of the Eing in the following
November, succeeded. He returned to office in April
1835, with Lord John Bussell aa Home Secretary,
' Runnymede's ' letter is a personal attack, based in the
mainupon the iutriguesof July 1834. Lord Beaconsfield's
aversion for Lord John Eussell was in the early part of
his life somewhat pronounced; nor is the fact a matter
for surprise, seeing that he regarded him as the type
and essence of Whiggism, for the principles of which he
always entertained the greatest antagonism. His feeling
towards the noble Lord may be beat appreciated from
a sentence or two from a speech delivered in 1840, on
Sir John Yarde Buller'a motion of want of confidence
in the Melbourne Government. ' The time would come,'
he said on that occasion, ' when the Chartists would
discover that in a country so aristocratic as England,
even treason to be successful must be patrician. They
would discover that great truth, and when they found
some desperate noble to lead them, they might, perhaps,
achieve greater results. When Wat Tyler failed,
Henry Bolingbrobe changed a dynasty ; and although
Jack Straw was hanged, a Lord John Straw might
become a Secretary of State.' Time modified the severity
of these judgments. Earl Busaell died during the ad-
ministration of Lord Beaconstield (May 28, 1878).
Lord Beaconsfield did not ' miss his train,' as happened
to another great statesman on a somewhat similar oc-
casion, but promptly offered a public funeral in West-
minster Abbey, and on the first available opportunity
paid due tribute to the ' eminent career ' of the noble
Earl in the only fitting place — the House of Lords.]
To Lord John Mussell.
My Lord, — Your name "will descend to pos-
terity — you have burnt your Ephesian temple.
But great deeds are not always achieved by great
men. Your character is a curious one; events
have proved that it has been imperfectly compre-
hended, even by your own party. Long and, for
a period, intimate opportunities of observing you
will enable me, if I mistake not, to enter iuto its
just analysis.
You were bom with a strong ambition and a
feeble intellect. It is an union not uncommon,
and in the majority of cases only tends to convert
an aspiring youth into a querulous and discon-
tented manhood. But under some circumstances
— when combined, for instance, with great station,
and consequent opportunities of action — it is an
union which often leads to the development of a
■culiar talent — the talent of political mischief.
When you returned from Spain, the solitary
ife of travel and the inspiration of a romantic
Koountry acting upon your ambition, had per-
feuaded you that you were a great poet; your
frintellect, in consequence, produced the feeblest
Itragedy in our language. The reception of
* Don Carlos ' only convinced yoiir ambition thai
our imaginative powers had been improperly
H
99 %f^e Jtefietk of ^unnpmcbc
directed. Your ambition sought from prose-fic-
tion the fame which had been denied to your lyre ;
and your intellect in consequence produced the
feeblest romance in our literature.' Not deterred
by the unliappy catastrophe of the fair maid of
Arrouca, your ambitions ought consolation in the
notoriety of political literature, and your intellect
in due time produced the feeblest political essay
on record.^ Your defence of close boroughs,
howerer, made this volume somewliat popular
with the Whigs, and flushed with the compli-
ments of Holland House, where hithei-to you had
been treated with more affection than respect,
your ambition resolved on rivalling the fame
of Hume and Gibbon. Youp Memoirs of the
Affairs of lHarope, published with pompous
parade in successive quarto volumes, retailed in
frigid sentences a feeble compilation from the
gossip of those pocket tomes of small talk which
abound in French literature. Busied with the
tattle of valets and ■waiting maids, you accident-
ally omitted in your Memoirs of the Affairs of
Europe all notice of its most vast and most rising
empire. This luckless production closed your
literary career ; you flung down your futile pen
' The Nun of Arrouea. A Tale by Lord John Eusaell.
London, 1822, 12mo.
* Tlie Causes of the French Re'Oolution. Bj T^ord John
Riioasll. London, 1833, 8vo.
S-ovb ^oftn Russell
K incapable despair ; and your feeble intelleet
ving failed in literature, your strong ambition
Mjok refuge iu politics.
Tou had entered the House of Commons
with every adventitious advantage — an illustrious
birth, and the support of an ancient and haughty
party. I was one of the audience who assisted at
your first appearance, and I remember the cheer-
ing attention that was extended to you. Cold,
inanimate, with a weak voice and a mincing
manner, the failure of your intellect was com-
plete ; but your ambition vrrestled for a time
with the indifference of your opponents and the
ill-concealed contempt of your friends.
Having, then, failed alike in both these
careers which in tliis still free country are open
to genius, you subsided for some years into a state
of listless moroseness which was even pitiable.
Hitherto your political opinions had been mild
and moderate, and, if partial, at least constitu-
tional ; but, as is ever the case with persons of
your temperament, despairing of yourself, you
■ began to despair of your country. This was the
Jperiod when among your intimates you talked of
letiring from that public life in wliich you had
pt 8uccee.ded in making yourself public, when
lou paeec^, like a feeble Catiline, the avenues of
lolland /House; and when the most brilliant
u 2
poet^ of the day, flattered hy your friendship,
addressed you a remonstrance in which your
pique figured as patriotism and your ambition
was elevated into genius.
Your friends, — I speak of the circle in which
you lived ^ — superficial judges of human character
as well as of everything else, always treated you
with a species of contempt, which doubtless ori-
ginated in their remembrance of your failure
and their conviction of your feebleness. Lord
Grey, only five years ago, would not even con-
descend to offer you a seat in the Cabinet, and
affected to state that, in according you a respect-
able of&ce, he had been as mucli influenced by
the state of your finances as of your capacity.
Virtual Prime Minister of Engliand at this
moment, you have repaid Lord, Grey for his
flattering estimate and his friendly services, and
have afforded him, in your present career, some
curious meditations for his uneasy , solitude,
where he wanders, like the dethroned ' Caliph in
the halls of Eblis, with his quivering hand
pressed upon his aching heart. 1
A finer observer of human natunk than that
forlorn statesman might have recogr'iised at this
crisis in a noble with an historic nakne and no
fortune, a vast ambition and a balk*^ career,
' Moore, Poetical Works, Ed. 1650, p. i^
^ i.e. the Holland House coterie.
L and soured, not to say malignant, from dis-
[ appointment, some prime materials for the
I leader of a revolutionary faction. Those mate-
1 rials have worked well. You have already
f banished your great leader ; you have struck
' down the solemn idol which you yourself assisted
in setting up for the worship of a deluded
people ; you have exiled from the Cabinet, by
your dark and dishonourable intrigues, every
I man of talent who could have held you in check ;
' and, placing in the seat of nominal leadership an
indolent epicurean,^ you rule this country by a
coalition with an Irish rebel,'^ and with a council
of colleagues in which you have united the most
inefficient members of your own party with the
Palmerstons and Grants, the Swiss statesmen, the
I condoUieri of the political world, the * British
I legion ' of public life.
' A miniature Mokanna,^ you are now exhaling
upon the constitution of your country which you
once eulogised, and its great fortunes of which
vou once were proud, all that long-hoarded
' Melbourne. Mr. 'Ra.jwaxXs^ss&jhDiha Quarterly Review
kof Jftnviary 1878 proves liow fully tliis character was deserved.
* O'Connell.
• Sm Moore's Veihd, Prophet of Khora»aan. The name
was given by Hakim ben Kaschem from a diver gaoze veil worn
hj him to ' dim the luetre of hie _face,' or rather to hide ib-
tigliness. The story is told by D'Herbelot in the Bibliolhique
OneiUale.
venom and all those distempered humours that .
have for yeavs accumulated in your petty heart -
and tainted the ciirrent of your mortified life —
your aim is to reduce everythiog to your own.
mean level — to degrade everytliing to your
malignant standard. Partially you have suc-
ceeded. You have revenged yourself upon the
House of Lords, the only obstacle to your
degenerating schemes, by denouncing with a
frigid conceit worthy of ' Don Carlos,' its
solemn suffrage as ' the whisper of a faction,'
and hallooing on, in a flimsy treble, your Scotch
and Irish desperadoes to assail its august in-
dependence. You have revenged yourself upon
the sovereign who recoiled from your touch, by
kissing, in spite of his royal soul, his outraged
hand. Notwithstanding your base powers and
your father's fagot votes, the gentlemen of Eng-
land inflicted upon you an indelible brand, and
expelled you from your own county ; ^ and you
have revenged yourself upon their indignant pa-
triotism by depriving them of their noblest and
most useful privileges, and making, for the first
time since the reign of Charles II., the admini-
stration of justice the business of faction. In
all your conduct it is not difficult to detect the
' Lord John Russell sat for South Devon in the first re-
formed Parliament, but being defeated there at the next election
vas compelled to take refuge at Stroud.
I
workings of a mean and long-mortified spirit-
suddenly invested with power — the struggles of
a strong ambition attempting, by a wanton exer-
cise of authority, to revenge the disgrace of a
feeble intellect.
But, my Lord, rest assured that yours is a
mind which, if it succeeded in originating, is
not destined to direct, a revolution. Whatever
maybe the issue of the gi'eat struggle now carry-
ing on in tMs country, whether we may he per-
mitted to be again great, glorious, and free, or
whether we be doomed to sink beneath the
ignoble tyranny which your machinations are
preparing for us, your part in the mighty drama
must soon close. To suppose that, with all your
efforts and all your desperation, to suppose that,
with all the struggles of your ambition to supply
the deficiency of youi' intellect, your lordship,
in those heroic hours when empires are destroyed
or saved, is fated to he anything else than an in-
strument, is to suppose tliat which contradicts
all the records of history and all our experience
of human nature.
I think it is Macrobius who tells a story of a
young Greek, who, having heard much of the
wealth and wisdom of Egypt, determined on
visiting that celebrated land. When he beheld
the pyramids of Memphis and the gates of
Thebes, he exclaimed, ' O wonderful men I what
101 ^^c ^elfers of ^untTB'"«&<^
must be your gods ! ' Full of the memory of
the glorious divinities of lus own poetic land, ,
the blooming Apollo and the bright Diana, the
awful beauty of the Olympian Jove and the
sublime grace of the blue-eyed Athena, ha
entered the temples of the Pharaohs. But what '
was his mingled astonishment and disgust when •
be found a nation prostrate before the most
contemptible and the most odious of created
beings ! The gods of Egypt are the ministers
of England. . *
I can picture to' myself an intelligent
foreigner, attracted by the fame of our country,
and visiting it for the first time. I can picture to
myself his admiration when he beholds our great
public works ; our roads, our docks, our canals ;
our unrivalled manufactories, our matchless
agriculture. That admiration would not be
diminished when he learnt that we were free ;
when he became acquainted with our social
comfort and onr still equal laws. ' O ! wonder-
ful men,' he would exclaim, ' what must be your
governors!' But conceive him now, entered
into our political temple ; conceive his appalled
astonishment as he gazes on the ox-ltke form of
the Lansdowne Apis. On one side he beholds
an altar raised to an ape, on the other incense is
burned before a cat-like colleague. Here placed
in the shapes of Palmerston and Grant, the
Jioxb §o]^tt Russell los
worship of two sleek and long-tailed rats ; and
then learns, with amazement, that the Lord Chan-
cellor of this great land is an onion or a cheese.
Towering above all, and resting on a lurid shrine
bedewed with blood and encircled with flame,
, with distended jaws and colossal tail, is the grim
figure of the O'Coimell crocodile. But, my Lord,
. how thunderstruck must be our visitor when he
is* told to recognise a Secretary of State in an in-
finitely small scarabseus ; — yes, my Lord, when
he learns that yoir are the leader of the English
House of ComifLons, otu* traveller may begin
to comprehend how the Egyptians worshipped-
An Insect.
January/ 30, 1836.
LETTEE VIII
y»/\*\/./»
TO
THE PEOPLE
Ftbniary 2 1836
LETTER VIII.
To The People.
This is the first direct address that has ever
been made to the real people of England. Eor
the last few years, a gang of scribblers, in the
pay of a desperate faction, have cloaked every
incendiary appeal that they have vomited forth
to any section of your numbers, however slight,
or however opposed to the honour and happiness
of the nation, by elevating the object of their
solicitude into that imposing aggregate, the
people. Thus have they played, for their
ulterior purposes, dissenting sects against the
National Church, manufacturing towns against
agricultural districts, the House of Commons
against the House of Lords, new burgesses
against ancient freemen, and finally, the Papists
against the Protestants. With scarcely an
exception, you may invariably observe, that in
advocating the cause of * the people ' these
writers have ever stimulated the anti-national
passions of the minority. But, in addressing
no %§€ e^eiters of ^unnpmc&c
you now, I address myself in very truth to the
English people — to all orders and conditions of
men that form that vast society, from the
merchant to the mechanic, and from the peer
to the peasant.
You are still a great people. You are still
in the possession and enjoyment of the great
results of civilisation, in spite of those who
would destroy your internal prosperity. Your
flag still floats triumphant in every division of
the glohe, in spite of the menaces of dismember-
ment that threaten your empire from every
quarter. Neither domestic nor foreign agitation
has yet succeeded in uprooting your supremacy.
But how long this imperial integrity may sub-
sist, when it is the object of a faction in your
own land to array great classes of your poj>ula-
tion in hostile collision, and when from the
Castle of Dublin to the Castle of Quebec, your
honour is tampered with by the deputies of
your sovereign, is a question which well de-
serves your quick and earnest consideration.
In the mesh of unparalleled difficulties in
which your affairs are now entangled, who are
your guides ? Are they men in whose wisdom
and experience, in whose virtue and talents,
principle and resolution, in whose acknow-
ledged authority and unblemished honour, and
deserved celebrity, you are justified in reposing
^l^C people 111
your hopes and entrusting your confidence ?
Lucian once amused the ancients with an
auction of their gods. Let us see what Mr.
George Eobins might think of an auction of
your Ministers. The catalogue may soon be
run over.
A Prime Minister in an easy-chair, reading
a Prench novel. What think you of that lot ?
Three Secretaries of State, one odious, another
contemptible, the third both.^ They have their
price, yet I would not be their purchaser. A
new Lord Chancellor,^ like a new cheese, crude
and flavourless : second-rate as a lawver, as a
statesman a nonentity, bought in by his own
party from sheer necessity. A President of the
India Board,^ recovering from the silence of
years imposed upon him by Canning, by the
inspiration of that eloquent man's chair which
he now fills. As we are still a naval nation,
our Pirst Lord of the Admiralty should be
worth something ; but, unfortunately, nobody
knows his name.* The President of the Council ^
has always indicated a tendency to join any
' Palmerston, Foreign Secretary; Glenelg, Colonial Secre-
tary ; and Russell, Home Secretary.
* Pepys, Lord Cottenham.
3 Sir John Cam Hobhouse.
* Lord Minto.
'* Marquis of Lansdowne.
l)e (^effcrs of '^uttnBmc^e
GoverBment, and therefore should he a market-
able article enough. In Egypt, where their
fayourite food are pumpkins that have run ta
seed, such a solid and mature intelligence
might be wortli exporting to the Divan. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer,' being ' a man of-
business,' would doubtless fetch ' a long figure
refer for character to the mercantile deputations
who leave the Treasury after an interview,
bursting with laughter from sheer admiration
of his knowledge and capacity. Lord Howick,*
who is a Minister on the same principle that
the son of an old partner is retained in the firm
to keep together the connection, might com-
mand a price on this score, were it not notorious
that his parent has withdrawn with his person*
his capital, and confidence. The remainder may
he thrown into one lot, and the auction con-
cluded with the item on the Dutch system.
Were the destinies of a great people ever yet
entrusted to such a grotesque and Hudibrastio
crew ? Why, we want no candid confessions or
triumphant revelations from Mr. Shell ; we wan1
no audacious apostacy of a whole party to teach
us how such a truckling rout governs England.
They govern England as the mock dynasties
governed Europe in the time of the Kevolution,
' Spring Eice.
' The present Earl Crej succeeded his father in July 1845
Iby a process as sure and as smiple, as desperate
pnd as degrading, by being the delegates of an
nti-national power. And what is this power
•eneath whose sirocco breath the fame of Eng-
land ia fast withering r' Were it the dominion of
Another conqueror, another bold bastard with his
'belted sword, we might gnaw the fetter which
we could not hurst ; were it the genius of Napo-
' leon with which we were again struggling, we
might trust the issue to the God of battles with a
sainted confidence in our good cause and our
national energies ; but we are sinking beneath
a power, before which the proudest conquerors
have grown pale, and by which the nations most
Bbvoted to freedom have become enslaved, the
ower of a foreign priesthood.
The Pope may be an old man, or an old
woman, once the case, but the Papacy is inde-
pendent of the Pope. The insignificance of the
Pope is adduced by your enemies as evidence of
the insignificance of the Papacy. 'Tis the fatal
fallacy by which they mean to ride roughshod
over England Is the Pope less regarded now
than when Bourbon sacked Rome ? Yet that
exploit preceded the massacre of St, Bartholomew
and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The
Constable of Bourbon lived before Sir Phelim
O'Neale. The Papacy is as rampant now in
Ireland as it was in Europe in the time of
I
icem
Gregory ; and all its energies are directed
your humiliation.
Wlio is this man whose name is ever on yoi
lips? Who is this O'Connell? He is the
advocate of the Irish priesthood ; he is the hired
instrument of the Papacy. That is his precise
position. Your enemies, that wretched anti-
national faction who wish to retain power, or
creep into place, by clinging to the skirts of this
foreign rebel, taunt those who would expose his
destmctivc arts and unmask the purpose of his.
desperate principals with the wretched scofEi
that we make him of importance by our noticej
He cannot be of more importance than he
Demoralised in character, desperate in fortunes,'
infinitely over-estimated in talents, he is the.
most powerful individual in the world because
he is entrusted with the delegated influence of
the greatest power in existence. But because'
an individual exercises a great power, it does
not follow that he is a great man. O'Connell is
not as yet as great as Robespierre, although he
resembles that terrific agitator in everything ex-k
cept his disinterestedness. Robespierre presided
over puhhc safety as O'Connell over Reform.
A precious foster-dam ! Would it have been any
answer to those who would have struggled against
the great insurer of public security, that his in-
tended victims made him of importance by theiij
itice ? Would it have been endured that these
iprecators of resistance should have urged, ' Ke
not a Csesar, he is not an Alexander, he has no
plitude of mind, he ia not a great genius ; let
lim go on murdering, you mate him of import-
[Ce by noticing his career of blood and havoc ! '
This man, O'Connell, is the hired instrument
if the Papacy ; as such, his mission is to destroy
'OUT Protestant society, and, aa such, he is a
lore terrible enemy to England than Napoleon,
th all his inspiration. Your empire and youi-
iberties are in more danger at tliis moment than
'hen the army of invasion was encamped at
tulogne.
Now we have a precise idea of the political
laracter of O'Connell. And I have often mar-
velled when I have listened to those who have
denounced his hypocrisy or admired his skill,
when they have read of the triumpliant dema-
gogue humbling liimself in the mud before a
simple priest. There was no hypocrisy in this,
craft. The agent recognised his principal, tlje
Lve bowed before his lord ; and when he pressed
his Hps those sacred robes, i-eeking with wJiisky
and redolent of incense, I doubt not that his soul
was filled at the same time with unaffected awe
and devout gratitude.
If we have correctly fixed his political cha-
racter, let U8 see whether we can as accurately
I 2
^unn^meoe
estimate his intellectual capacity and his moi
qualities. The hired writers would persuac
you that he is a great man. He has not a singl
quality of a great man. In proportion as he;
was so gifted, he would be less fitted for the
part which he has to perform. There is a sub-l
lime sentiment in genius, even when uncontroUet
by principle, that would make it recoil wilj
nausea from what this man has to undergo. H)
is shrewd, vigorous, versatile ; with great know
hxige of character, little of human nature ; wit!
that reckless dexterity which confounds weaJD
minds, and that superficial readiness that masten.:
vulgar passions ; energetic from the certainty ofi
his own desperate means, and from the strong
stimulus of his provisional remuneration ; inex-
haustible in unprincipled expedients, and auda
oious in irresponsible power ; a nisi prius lawya
with the soul of a demagogue. That is the man
He is as little a great orator as a great man.
He has not a single quality of a great orator
except a good voice. I defy his creatures to
produce a single passage from any speech hff
ever delivered illumined by a single flash i^
genius, or tinctured with the slightest evidence'
of taste, or thought, or study. Learning he balk
none ; Little reading. His style in speaking, a^
in writing, is ragged, bald, halting, disjoiutedJ
He has no wit, though he may claim his fail
f §c "people
— tinsi
'portion of that Milesian humour which every
one inherits who bears a hod. His pathos is the
stage sentiment of a barn ; his invective is slang.
When he aspires to the higher style of rhetoritr,
he is even ludicrous. He snatches up a bit of
-tinsel, a tawdry riband, or an artificial flower,
ind mixes it with his sinewy commonplace and
habitual soot, like a chimney-sweeper on
" May-day.
Of his moral character it might be enough to
say, that he is a systematic liar and a beggarly
cheat, a swindler and a poltroon. But of O'Con-
nell you can even say more. His public and his
private life are equally profligate ; he has com-
mitted every crime that does not require courage :
the man who plunders the peasant can also
^btarve his child.' He has denounced your national
^■haracter and insulted your national honour.
^Ete has said that all your men are cowards and
all your women wantons. He has reviled your
illustrious princes — he has sneered at your pure
seligion — he has assailed your National Church.
%e has endeavoured to stir up rebellion against
Our august Senate, and has described your
^ouse of Commons, even when reformed, as an
Kemhly of ' six hundred scoundrels.' Every-
' There waa much meaning in this deniinciatioD. Hee
W, Campbell- Foster's Lelteri on the CoTtdilion qf the Peopk of
rtiand, 1846.
IT? '^f)c S^Hcvs of ^uttnpmedc
thing which is established comes under his ban,
because everything which is established is an
obstacle to the purpose for which he is paid —
the destruction of everytliing which is English. ''
February/ 2, 1836.
LETTEE IX
TO
LORD STANLEY
February 6, 1836
LETTER IX.
[Lord Stanley (afterwards Lord Derby), having
retired from the Ministry of Earl Grey when that
Government went to pieces on the question of redistri-
buting the property of the Irish Church, speedily took
up an attitude of direct hostility to his former colleagues
and allied himself with Peel, sitting with him on the
front Opposition bench during the second Melbourne
administration. He, however, refused office under Sir
Eobert Peel.]
To Lord Stanley.
My Lord, — The classical historian of our
country ^ said of your great ancestor that * the
Countess of Derby had the glory of being the
last person in the three kingdoms, and in all
their dependent dominions, who submitted to the
victorious rebels.' Charlotte de la Tr^mouille*^
was a woman who might have shamed the dege-
nerate men of the present day ; but your Lord-
ship may claim, with a slight though significant
alteration, the eulogium of that illustrious
^ Hume.
' Countess of Derby, who stood the sieges of Lathom House
bjFairfisix in 1644-5,
ilunnBmeoc
princess. The rebels are again victorious,
to your Lordship's lasting honour, you havi
been the first to resist their treasonable au-
thority.
Never has a statesman yet been placed in
position so difficult and so tryinf? as the present'
heir of the house of Derby ; never has a states- ,
man imder similar circumstances yet conductedi
himself with more discretion and more courage
When the acerbities of faction have passed ais'ay
posterity will do justice to your disinterestednes
and devotion, and the future historian of Eog
land will record with sympathising admiratioi
the greatness of your sacrifice.
If the gratification of your ambition hac
been your only object, your course was clear
Less than three years ago the Whigs, and loudes'
among them my Lord Melbourne, announced,
you as the future Prime Minister of England.-
Young, of high lineage, of illustrious station, and
of immaculate character, and unquestionably,
their ablest orator — among your own party yoi
had no rival. They looked upon you as the onlj
man who could at the same time maintain thei
power and effectually resist the machinations oi
those who would equally destroy the constitution
and dismember the empire. With what enthu-
siastic cheers did they not greet the winged words'
with which vou assailed the anti-national enem"
(florft ^fattlcg
■when you rose in the House like a young eagle,
and dashed hack liis treason in the baffled |
countenance of the priestly delegate 1
Who could believe that the same men who I
cheered you in the House, and chuckled over
your triumphs in their coteries, should now be
the truckling slaves of the sacerdotal power from
■whose dark influence they then shrank with ■
disgust and teri-or? Who could believe that the
projected treason of these very men should have
driven you and your high-minded colleagues
from the contagion of their councils ? Who |
could believe that the famous ' Reform Ministry,'
that packed a Parliament by bellowing ' gratitude
to Lord Grey' throughout the empire, should
finally have expelled that same Lord Grey from
his seat, under circumstances of revolting insult ;
that the very Lord Melbourne who had always I
indicated yourself as Lord Grey's successor,
should himself have slid into that now sullied
seat, where he maintains himself in indolent
dependence by a foul alliance with the very man
whom he had previously denounced as a traitor ? i
Can the records of public life, can the secret i
archives of private profligacy, afford a parallel
instance of conduct so base, so completely
degrading, so thoroughly demoralised P
You, my Lord, prefeiTcd your honour to your j
interest, the prosperity of yoxu* native land to the J
gratification of your ambition. You sacrificed,
without a pang the proudest station in yoi
country, to prove to your countrymen thai
public principle was not yet a jest. You did
well. The pulse of our national character was
heating low. We required some great example.
to rehrace the energies of our honour. From thi
moment that you denounced this disgustini
thi-aldom and the base expedients of your
chicaning colleagues, a better feeling pervaded
England and animated Englislimen. In this
sliarp exigency you did not forget your duty td
yourself as well as to your country. Yours
no Coriolarius part ; neither the taunts of th<
recent supporters who had betrayed you, nor th<
ready compliments of your former adversaries
tempted you to swerve for a moment from the|
onward path of a severe and peremptory prin*
ciple. When Sir Eobert Peel was summoned t^
the helm, in the autumn of 1834, your positioE
was indeed most painful. Your honour and you]
duty seemed at conflict. You recouciled them
You supported the poUey while you declined thi
power.
These, my Lord, are great deeds. They wi
live. The defence of Lathoni was not moi
heroic. They will live in the admiration and fid
gratitude of an ancient and honourable nation,
ever ready to sympathise with the pure am
noble, and prompt to recogniae a natural leader
in blood that is mingled with all the traditionary
glories of their race.
You had now placed jour character above
suspicion. The most Tirulent of the hired
writers of the faction did not dare to impugn the
purity of your motives. You had satisfied the
most morbid claims of an honour which the
worldly only might deem too chivalrous. When,
therefore, I find you at length avowedly united
with that eminent man, on whom the hopes ct'
his country rest with a deserving and discerning
confidence, and who, in his parliamentary talents,
ills proud station, and his unsullied fame, is
worthy of your alliance, I was rejoiced, but not
surprised. It is a fit season to 'stand together
in your chivalry.' The time is ripe for union
and fair for concord. When, some days back, in
my letter to Sir Robert Peel — a letter, let me
observe in passing, written by one whose name,
in spite of the audacious licence of frantic con-
jecture, has never yet been even intimated, can
never be discovered, and will never be revealed —
I announced the fact that the great Conservative
party was at length completely united, it was a
■■declaration equivalent to England being saved.
The debates upon the address have proved the
accuracy of my information. The hired writers
ind the place-hunting dependents of the priestly
junta triumph over the division in the Commons;
they might have read their knell in the voice of
the tellera. They assure lis, with solemn or with
sparkling countenance, that they did not reckon
upon a moiety of such a majority. And do they
indeed think that the people of England care one
jot whether there he ten or twenty traitors more
or less in the House of Commons ? It is not a
miserable majority in that assembly, either way,
that ivill destroy or preserve the empire. That
very debate, my Lord, over the result of which
tiiese short-sighted desperadoes affect to triumph,
sealed the doom of the faction and announced
the salvation of the country. It will fill every
loyal and discerning heart throughout England
with more than hope. "Whatever the hirefl
writers and the expectant runners may bawl
or scribble, that division numbered the days of
tlie present Cabinet. And they know it. The
sacerdotal delegates know full well that the
moment the Conservatives are united, the
l)riestly plot is baffled.
When the First Lord of the Treasury was rein-
stalled iu the office which he won by so patriotic
jt process, and which be fills with such dihgent
ability, shrinking from the cont^unination of
O'Oonnell, the vei-y mention of whose name iu his
private cirtde makes him even now tremble with
I
compunctious rage, he declared that affairs might
be carried on without ' the rictorious rebels,' from
the mere disunion of tlie Conservative camp. No
one was more completely aware than his Lordship
that the moment that disunion ceased, his autho-
rity must tremble. To perpetuate distrust, and
to excite division among the different sections of
the Conservative party, all the energies of the
anti-Enghsh cabal have of late been directed.
The Municipal Bill filled them with a fluttering
hope; a severance between the Duke of Wel-
lington and Su" Robert Peel was announced as
inevitable. To-day a great commoner and a
learned lord no longer meet ; to-morrow the ap-
propriation clause is to be got rid of by some
new juggle, and your Lordsliip and your fellow-
leaders are to return to the tainted benches of
the Treasury. Now the conferences at Drayton
hang fire ; their midnight visits from illustrious
Princes bode splits and schisms. We have
scarcely recovered from the effect of a suspicious
dinner, when our attention is promptly directed
to a mysterious call. The debates on the address
have laid for ever these restless spectres of the
disordered imagination of a daunted yet desperate
faction. In a Peel, a Stanley, a WeUington,
and a Lyndhurst, the people of England recog-
nise their fitting leaders. Let the priestly party
i2s l$1)e Jiettets of ^unngmciJc
oppose to these the acrid feebleness of a Russel
and the puerile common-place of a Howick.
Melbourne's experienced energy.and Lansdowne'i
lucid perception !
ftfrnwry 6, 1836.
LETTEE X.
TO
LORD WILLIAM BENTINGK
February 11, 1836
[Lord William Bentinck had a somewhat sinfriiki-
He was next brother to the Diike of Portland,
tut preferred an active life to one of inglorious i
and was consequently kept in pretty constant employ-
iiient by successive Governments. He waa only seven-
teen when he obtained a commission in the Coldstream
Gnajds, and at five-and-twenty he was entrusted with
special duties at the headquarters of Suwarow'a army in
Italy. In 1803, he heiug then of the mature age of
twenty-eifitht, was selected to assume the Lieutenant-
Goveruorship of Madras — a post which he held for five
years. On his return he joined the army in Spain, but
was speedily sent on a diplomatic mission to the Junta
in Portugal. Superseded after some mimths by Mr.
Frere, who went out as Minister Plenipotentiary, he
again went on active service and commanded a brigade
under Sir John Moore at Coruna. Raised to the rank
of general of division, he served next under Sir Arthur
Wellesley, but was speedily detached from active service
rto assume the functions of diplomacy. His title was
kUinister Plenipotentiary ' of England at the Court of
les, but to the functions implied in those words
! added the duties of commander-in-chief of the
Heapolitan forces. In that capacity he did not succeed
1 making himself especially popular. Queen Caroline
larrelled with him and hurried off to Vienna, where
) actually entered into negotiations with Napoleon
jrith the object of inducing that avowed enemy of her
bosbaud and herself to send an expedition to espel the
k2
EngliBh from Sicily, Napoleon's hands were full, how-
ever, and the English remained until the peace. Lord
William succeeded in inducing Ferdinand to grant a
constitution to his subjects on the purest principlea of
Liberalism; and when after an erratic military expe-
dition to Catalonia which ended in the disaster of Villa
Franca he returned to Naples, he found that the work
in which he had been engaged had to be done over
again. In 1814 he went to Leghorn to stir up the
people of Tuscany to shake off the French yoke, and
secured from Ferdinand a solemn promise to resjieet the
constitution to which he had sworn. How Ferdinand
kept his oath, the 100,000 Neapolitans who perished by
violence in the following thirty years bear witness.
True to the traditions of his party. Lord William
Eentinck had tried to turn Sicily inbo a protected State
after the fashion adopted with regard to the Ionian
Islands in 1815. In the same way he endeavoured to
reconstitute the ancient republic of Genoa. In both
cases hia action was disavowed hy the home authorities,
hut in spite of all he was sent as British Resident to
Itome, He sat for a short time in Parliament for
Eing's Lynn, where he foiled to make any conapicuona
figure, and in 1827 he was chosen by Mr. Canning as
Govern or- General of India. His administration was
rendered memorable by one great achievement. In
1829 he succeeded in inducing his Council to declare
the illegality of the practice of ' Suttee ' (according to
which Hindoo widows were burned to death when their
husbands died}. He returned to England four years
later, ostensibly on the ground of ill-health, but reaJly
because the Government at home wished to promote
one of their own men, which was done by giving the
Governor-Generalship to Lord Auckland. He left a
magnificent reputation in India, and a column was
erected to his memory in Calcutta, for which Macaulay
wrote the inscription. It states amongst other things
that, ' during seven years he ruled India with eminent
Ktrudence, integrity, and benevolence,' that he ' never
laid aside the simplicity and moderation of a private
Sfcitizen,' that he ' gave liberty to the expression of public
fcpinioD,' and ' effaced humiliating distinctious.' He
v'Was not, however, quite so popular at home, Greville
Isaya of him — and the same thing may be found else-
where — that ' his success in life was greater than his
balents warranted, for he was not right-headed, and
Icommitted some great blunder or other in every public
[situation in which he was pla^ied.' The Glasgow
Bjiddreas was almost universally condemned. Greville,
llimself a Whig, and a relative of Lord William,
jplainly speaks of it as ' silly,' and the world at large was
, little startled to find a man of high rank and great
fealth openly advocating revolutionary change. It
fcnawered its purpose, however, and Lord William
Dentinck was member for Glasgow until a few days
'lefore his death, on June 17, 1839.]
To Lord William Bentinck.
My Lord, — I have just read your LordBhip's
Iddress to the Electors of the City of Glasgow ;
^□d, when I remember that the author of this
jprodiictiou has heen entrusted for no inconsidei'-
able period with the government of 100,000,000
of human beings, I tremble. I say not this
Jvith reference to the measures of which you
3 there announced yourself the advocate, but
I the manner in which that announcement is
jsed. It implies, in ray opinion, at the
ame time, a want of honesty and a want of
ense. •
154 1$%e S'<^iiev5 of ^ttnttsme&c
Thia Address to the Electors of the City of
Glasgow is made by an individual who has been
employed for more than a quarter of a century
hj his sovereign ia foreign service of the utmost
importance, ascending, at last, even to the
Viceregal throne of India ; he ia a member of a
fanuly of the highest rank and consideration ;
and some very persevering paragraphs in the
Government journals have of late sedulously
indicated him as a fit and future member of
Lord Melbourne's Cabinet. Your Lordship, there-
fore, is a very considerable personage ; the
public are familiar ■with your name, if not with
your career ; they are instructed to believe you
an individual of great mark and likelihood, of
great promise as well as of great performance ;
as one who is not unwilling to devote to their
interests at home all those talents which have
been so long exercised, and all that experience
which has been so laboriously obtained, in their
service in other and distant lands. 'Tis distance
lends enchantment to the view, sings a bard ^ of
that city which your Lordship is to represent :
*tis distance which has invested your Lordship
with the haze of celebrity ; but I doubt whether
the shadowy illusion will be long proof against
that nearer inspection and more familiar esperi-
' Campbell.
I
I
I
rence of your judgment and capacity, which your
Ijordship has favoured us with in your Address
to the Electors of the City of Glasgow.'
' "nie following is the eiddresa alluiied to : —
To the Elentora qf tlie City of Glasgow.
Gentlemon, — It is onlyin consequence of the very ruiinerouB
requiBition which I have had the honoar to receive, that I could
hiive ventured to aepire to the high distinction of repreaentang
you in Parliament. Enoouraged by this invitation, I shall at
proceed to stata, frankly and explicitly, my opinion upon
-the various topics and measures that are likely to be brought
before Parliament in the ensuing session, with a confident hope
that in this exposition nothing will be found at variance with
thoBe principles which for many years of my life I have pro-
fessed and practised; and upon which alone, and to no particu-
lar competency of my own, I can found a claim to your
suffrages.
Permit me then, in the outset, to give my adherence to the
now happily established conviction among ail reformers, that by
firm union, by the abandonment of all separate and minor
views, and by a steady support of Lord Melbourne's Ministry,
the present and future cause of reform can alone be supported.
With respect to expected measures, I should decidedly snp-
|iart the ministerial plan of Irish Church Reform, imperfect and
insufficient as I must consider the measure to be.
I, of course, am a decided iriend to a complete reform of the
Irish Municipal Corporations.
I am favourable to the shortening of the duration of Parlia-
ments : but without having had occasion seriously to consider
this subject, I should prefer, as a present measure, the quin.
lennial to the triennial term.
With respect to tbeextentaonof thesufirage, into the details
which I have never entered, I can only generally state my
belief that the broader the admission of all the intelligent
136 ^^e ^effers of '^nnn^mebe
There are some, indeed, who affirm — and
those, too, persons of no mean authority — ^that
clasaes to the government of the country, the greater will be
the security of our exiting institutions.
I am opposed to the vote by ballot ; I contdder it it complete
illusion. It will not destroy the exercise of undue influence,
but it will give riae to another influence atill more pernicious —
that of money and corruption, against which there is no security
but in publicity. At the Hume time, as the vote by ballot
afiecte no existing right, I would willingly acquiesce in the
general wishes of my constituents to vote for it as an experi-
mental and temporary measure.
I am profoundly penetrated with the indispensable necessity
that the two branches of the Legislature should he brought into
harmony with each other ; and I am of opinion that the result
may be advantageously accomplished through the constitutional
exercise of the prerogative of the Gi-own vrithout any organic
change.
I need not promise my support to all measures regarding
freedom of trade, and economy and retrenchment in every
department of the State, consistently, of course, with efficiency
and safety. The Com Laws are a difficult question. 1 am for
their abolition. If railways, as I believe, may become necessary
in the race of eompetitiwi that we have to run with other
countries, the prices ol subdstence must in a still greater degree
contribute to success. I should hope that an equitable com-
promise between the agricultural and manufacturing interests
might not be found impracticable.
I shall advert, in the last place, to the application for a grant
of 10,000/. towards the endowment of additional chapels and
places of worship for the Eatahliahed Chnrch of Scotland. I
am entirely averse to this grant. The event, of all others, that
in my humble judgment would best establish peace and good
will and concord among all classes of men, would be a peifact
etjuality of civil and religious rights.
I
this addi-ess may even be considered a manifesto
of the least constitutional portion of the Cabinet
to whom your Lordship and my Xiord Durham
are speedily to afford all the weight of your in-
fluence and all the advantage of your wisdom.
How this may be, events will prove ; the effusion
;is certainly sufficiently marked by the great cha-
racteristic of the Whig- Radical school; a reckless
readiness to adopt measures, of the details and
consequences of which they are obviously, and
often avowedly ignorant.
But as this cannot at present be, at least let us be careful
not to aggravate an obnoxious distinction. IiSt the Eetablished
■ Churches retain whi»t they possess, but let nothing more be
■ taken from the public funds. The same religious zeal which
BcoEclusively maintains all the places of worship and the
* ministers of Dissenters, cannot fail to supply those additional
aids of which t!ie Established Churches of England and Scot-
land may stand in need.
now conclude with the expression of my very deep
ret that the effects of the very long and severe illness which
e me from India, will not allow me, without positive risk,
at the election. But if I am so fortunate as to obtain
■the honour to which I aspire, I shall take the earliest oppor-
Itunity, after the session, of visiting Glasgow ; and should it
rtben be the opinion of the majority of my constituents that the
r generous confidence which they have been pleased to place in
me bas been in any degree disappointed, I shall be most ready
to resign the trust confided in uie.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
W. Bektinck.
London : Fbbruaij 4, 183U.
BgrncSe
The address itself consists of fourteen para-
graphs. In the first your Lordship informs us
that you come forward in consequence of ' a very
numerous requisition.' "Wliat ' a very numerous
requisition,' by-the-bye, may be, I pretend not
to decipher. It may be Hindostanee ; it may
be Sanscrit ; it is not English. "With a modesty
natural to an Oriental Viceroy, the late Master
of the Great Mogul, you then make your salaam
to the electors, assuring them that hut for this
very numerous requisition you ' could not have
ventured to aspire to the high distinction of
representing Glasgow in Parliament ' — of repre-
senting Glasgow after having ruled Calcutta 1
Your Lordship then proceeds to state,
'frankly and explicitly,' your political creed,
' with a confident hope,' which seems, however,
but a somewhat hesitating and trembling trust,
that ' nothing will he found at variance with
those principles which for many years of your
life you have professed and practised.' How
many years, my Lord William ?
After eulogising ' union among all Reformers,'
but of course in favour of Lord Melbourne's
Government, and the abandonment of ' all
separate and minor views,' you immediately
declare, with admirable consistency, that the
Ministerial plan of Irish Church Reform does
not go far enough, but is ' imperfect and in-
suf&cient.' This is certainly a very felicitous
method of maintaining union among all Refor-
mers. There is no doubt with what section of
that rebellioua camp your Lordship will herd,
you who are, 'of course, a decided friend to a
complete reform in the Irish municipal corpora-
tions.'
Your Lordship, it appears, is also ' favourable
to the shortening of the duration of Parliaments,' '
although you ingenuously allow that you ' have
had no occasion seriously to consider the subject; '
and that you are partial to the 'extension of
the suffrage,' into the details of which, however,
* you candidly admit you have never entered ! '
Admirable specimen of the cautious profundity
of Whig Radicalism ! Inimitable statesman, who
busied with concocting constitutions for Sicily,
and destroying empires in India, can naturally
spare but few hours to the consideration of the
unimportant topics of domestic policy.
Your decisive judgment, however, on the
subject of the ballot wiU clear your Lordship in
a moment from any silly suspicion of superfici-
ality. This paragraph is so rich and rare, that
it merits the dangerous honour of a quotation : —
I am opposed to the vote by ballot ; I consider it
' It Bbould not be forgotten th&t the Septennial Act, passed
Q the second year of George I., was a, purely Whig measure.
Ujc fetters of glttnnpmcoe
a complete illusion. It will not destroy thp. exercise o
andue influence, but it will give rise to another i
fluence atill more pernicious, that of money and corrirpl
tioo, against which there is no security but in publieitg^
At the same time, as the vote by ballot affects no esM
isting right, I would willingly a,cquiesce in the generw
wishes of my constituents, to vote for it as an experij
mental and temporary measure. J
Without stopping to admire your refiueJ
distinction between an influence whicli is undue,
and ' another influence ' which is pernicious, one
cannot too ardently applaud the breathless
rapidity with which your Lordship hurries to,
assure your future constituents that you Trilj
wOlingly support an illusion and a peat. I
The ninth paragraph of this memorable produoE
tion informs us that your Lordship is ' profoundly
penetrated ' with an idea. Pardon my scepticism,
my Lord ; whatever other claims you may have
to the epithet, I doubt whether yom- Lordship'a
ideas are radical. I am indeed mistaken if theiB
roots have ever ' profoundly penetrated ' yoiaF
cultured intellect. Was it this ' profound pene-
tration ' that prompted the brother of the Buke
of Portland to declare his conviction of ' the
indispensable necessity of bringins; the two
branches of the legislature into harmony with
each other by the constitutional exercise of the
prerogative of the Crown ? ' Your Lordship
may settle this point with liis Grace.
The tenth paragraph is only remarkable for
the felicity of its diction. The honourable
member for Middlesex has at length found in
the future member for Glasgow a rival in the
elegance of his language and the precision of his
But now for your masterpiece ! ' The Corn
I Laws are a difficult question ; I am for their
abolition.' How exquisitely does this sentence
I paint your weak and puzzled mind and your
base and grovelling spirit ! Confessing at the
, same time your inability to form an opinion, yet
gulping down the measure to gain the seat.
, iSpace alone prevents me from following the
I noble candidate for Glasgow through the remain-
[ der of his address, admirably characteristic as it
. is of the same mixture of a perplexed intellect
I and a profligate ambition.
My Lord, I have not the honour of your
acquaintance ; I bear you no personal ill- will.
I stop not here to inquire into the proceedings
of your former life — of your Sicilian freaks or of
your Spanish exploits, or of your onee impending
catastrophe in India. I form my opinion of
your character from your last public act, and
believing as I do, that there is a conspiracy on
foot to palm you off on the nation as a great
nuin, in order that your less hackneyed name may
prolong the degrading rule of a desperate faction.
SeKcfsofgCunttBmcoc
I was resolved to chalk your character on your
back before you entered the House where you are
doomed to be silent or absurd. There are some
of your acquaintances who would represent you
as by no means an ill-natured man ; they speak
of you as a sort of dull Quixote. For myself, I
believe you to be without any political principle,
but that you are unprincipled from the weakness
of yoiu" head, not from the badness of your heart.
Tour great connections have thrust you into
great places. You have been haunted with a
restless conviction that you ought not to be a
nonentity, and like bustling men without talents
you have always committed great blunders. To
avoid the Scylla of passive impotence, you have
sailed into the Charybdis of active incapacity.
But you are, or you will be, member for
Grlasgow. Tlie author of such an address meets,
of course, with ' no opposition.' Discriminating
electors of Glasgow ! Send up your noble
member to the House, whei-e the Government
newspapers assure us he will soon be a Minister.
His difference with the present Cabinet is trifling.
He only deems the Irish Church reform ' im-
perfect and insufficient.' He is, ' of course,' for
a complete reform of the Irish corporations. He
is for short parliaments, he is for the ballot,' he
' A slip of the pen. See Address : ' I am opposed to tlio
vote by ballot; 1 cunsider it a, complete illuaion," As a matter
Whaf
im
"no
tl
tl
i
Sorb "^iUiam "^enftncfe
^s for extension of the suffrage, lie is for the
abolition of the corn laws, the virtual annihila-
tion of the House of Lords, and the gradual de-
struction of all alliance between the Church and
the State. What more can you require P His
Sicilian constitution ?
It would, however, be disingenuous to conceal
,t there is at the conclusion of your Lordship's
address a sentence which almost leads one to
impute its production to other causes than the
impulse of a party or the original weakness
if your character. It appears that ' a long and
ivere illness drove you from India,' and even
now incapacitates you from personally soliciting
the suffrages of your choice constituents. Have,
then, the republican electors of Glasgow, eager
Kto be represented by a Lord, selected for their
ihampion in the Senate one of those mere lees
of debilitated humanity and exhausted nature
which the winds of India and the waves of tho
Atlantic periodically waft to the hopeless breezes
their native cliffs ? The address is ominous ;
F fact, the Whiga were alwaya Btreououaly opposed to tlie
lUot, and Sydney Smith's powerfd pamphlet wae used as a
arguments against it, though when the more advanced
sction of the Idbeml party pressed the matter on, the Wliigs
Hrere found as yielding as Lord William Bentinck himself, and
Jfrere quite as willing as he to ' vote for it aa an experimentiil
Mid temporary measure.'
144 ^^e S^cttcx^ of ^nnnyitncbc
and perhaps, ere the excitement of a session may
have passed, congenial Cheltenham will receive,
from now glorious Glasgow, the antiquated
Governor and the drivelling Nabob !
February 11, 1836.
LETTEB XI.
TO
VISCOUNT PALMEESTON
I'ebruary 22, 1836
\
\
■^.•*4
LETTER XI.
[The following letter is an expression of the bitter
P feeling with which the King, and tbe Tories generally,
I regarded Lord Palmerston at the period at which it
I was written. Starting in life as a Tory, he was at the
early age of two-and-twenty appointed a Junior Lord of
I the Admiralty in the Dnke of Portland's administration.
I In 1809 he became Secretary at War under Spencer
\ Perceval, and when through the death of the latter
' at the hands of BeUingham Lord Liverpool succeeded
to power, Palmerston remained in office. When Lord
Liverpool's ill-health forced him to retire, and Mr. Can-
ning was entrusted with the formation of a Ministry,
he still retained his place, as also during the Ministiy
of Lord Goderich. Having turned Canningite,' he
was not, of course, included in the administration of
the Duke of Wellington ; but his exclusion from office
lasted only from May 26, 1828, to Kovember 22, 1830,
a letter to his brother, written in January 1828,
I Palmerston thus explained his somewhat anomalous political
I position. Speaking of the Whigs he says : ' I very sincexely
[T^ret their loss, ae I hke them much better than the Tories
|:and agree with them much more ; but atill we, the Canningites,
I if 80 we may be termed, did not join their Government, but
I they came and joined ours ; and whatever regard we may feel
l.for them, we have not enlieted with them so as to be bound to
rfollow their fate and fortunes, or to make their retention a
f condition of our remaining.'
l2
when he became Foreign Secretary, with a seat in the
Cabinet, holding that office until the collapse of the
Keform Ministry at the end of 1834. He was not in-
cluded in the first Melbourne administration, but he
returned to the Foreign Office when Melbourne went
back in April 1835, chiefly, it was understood, through
the influence of Lord Grey. He was anything but
popular. 'He had offended Talleyrand and other
members of the diplomatic body past all hope of for-
giveness,' says Mr. Torreus in his ' Life of Lord Mel-
bourne.' His manner towards the representatirea of
other States was often grievously offensive, and he had
been guilty more than once of the gross disconrteay of
keeping the members of the Conference on the Belgian
question waiting long after the hour appointed for their
assembling. In the council chamber itself his manners
were said to be rude and un conciliatory, and he took
an infinity of pains to prove to his colleagues that he
cared nothing for their suggestions or their arguments.
They resented this mode of treatment, and, according
to Mr. Torreus, complained to Holland and Lansdowne.
When Melbourne was forming hia second Cabinet
he was urged by come of his most trusted advisers to
find some other field for the energies of Palmerston
than the Foreign Office ; but all such propoaala were
scouted with indignation. Palmerston knew that in
the existing condition of foreign affairs he was in-
dispensable to the new Government, and he flatly re-
fused to give way on this point. Lord Durham waa
especially anxious to go to the Foreign Office, and ia
known to have put considerable pressure on Lord Grey
to induce him to use hia influence with Palmerston, and
to persuade Melbourne to make him the moat flattering
offers. He might have had the Viceroyalty of Ireland
with an English peerage, or he might have gone to
India as Governor-General. He refused both propoaala.
The former he scouted as a tinsel appointment, while
as regarded the latter he would only say that hia health
"^tecottni ^ahncrsfon
ras not sufficiently robust. Melbourne supported hioi
in spite of Lord Grey's pressure. To satisfy the latter,
however, the new Government were prodigal of good
things to the Earl's family. His son. Lord Howick,
was Secretary at War, with a seat in the Cabinet ; his
nephew. Sir George Grey, Under Secretary for the
Coloniea ; one son-in-law was made Secretary to the
Admiralty and another Ambassador to St. Petersburg.
The ntain point was, however, that Palmeraton obtained
the Foreign Office. His first act there was hardly one
of consummate wisdom. Lord Durham asted for and
obtainedthe Embassy to St. Petersburg, and Palmers ton
inquired privately whether he would be acceptable to
the Czar before submitting his formal appointment to
the King. Being told soon afterwards that preliminary
inquiries had been made at St. Petersburg, the King
was furious, and complained sharply to Melbourne that
lie had been slighted by the Foreign Secretary. ' Here,'
wrote Melbourne to Lansdowne, in a letter quoted by
Mr. Torrens, 'here is the devil to, pay about this ap-
pointment of Durham. The King baa taken great
offence at the Emperor of Russia's conseut having been
obtained before Durham was named to him. 1 send you
the correspondence which has passed. There is another
long explanatory letter of Palmerston's which went also
to him this inorniag. His censure of Palmerston is so
violent that I know not how I can acquiesce under it.'
These facta appear to have crept out, and to have given
ise to some of the allusions which will be found in the
rtttsr of ' Runnymede.' It is pleasant to remember that
jord Beaconsfield changed his opinion of Palmerston
aiderahly before he died.]
To Viscount Palmerston.
My Lord, — The Minister who maintains him-
f in power in spite of the contempt of a whole
^c J^effcrs of ^unttpmcfee
nation must be gifted with no ordinary capacity.
Your Lordship's talents have never had justice
done to them. Permit me to approach you in
the spirit of eulogy ; if novelty have charms,
this encomium must gratify you. Our language
commands no expression of scorn which has
not been exhausted in the celebration of your
character ; there is no conceivable idea of de-
gradation which has not been, at some period
or another, associated with your career. Tet
the seven Prime Ministers, all of whom you
have served with equal fidelity, might suffice,
one would think, with their united certificates,
to vamp up the first ; and as for your conduct,
so distinguished an orator as your Lordship has
recently turned out, can never want a medium
for its triumphant vindication, even if it were
denied the columns of that favoured journal
where we occasionally trace the finished flip-
pancy of your Lordship's airy pen.
The bigoted Tories under whose auspices
your Lordship entered public life had always,
if I mistake not, some narrow-minded misgiving
of your honesty as well as your talents, and with
characteristic illiberality doomed you to official
insignificance. It was generally understood that
under no circumstances was your Lordsliip ever
to be permitted to enter the Cabinet. Had you
^tscouni ^aimeviion
been an anticipated Aislabie,' you could not
have been more rigidly excluded from tbat
select society ; you were rapidly advanced to a
position which, though eminent, was also im-
and having attained this acme of
■rate statesmanship, you remained fixed
on your pedestal for years, the Great Apollo of
aspiring understrappers.
When the ambition of Mr. Canning deprived
him of the ablest of his colleagues, your Lord-
ship, with that dexterity which has never de-
serted you, and which seems a happy compound
of the smartness of an attorney's clerk and the
intrigue of a Greet of the Lower Empire, wriggled
yourself into the vacant Cabinet. The Minister
who was forced to solicit the co-operation of a
Lansdowne might be pardoned for accepting the
proffer of a Palmerston ; hut even in his ex-
treme distress, Mr. Canning was careful not to
promote you from your subordinate office ; nor
can I conceive a countenance of more blank
dismay, if that brilliant rlietorician, whUe
wandering in the Elysian fields, were to learn
' Aislabie was Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1721,
and retired in consequence of hie connection with the South
Sea Bobble, to make room for Walpole, who continued to bold
office both as Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of
the Treasury until 1742, when he waa created Earl of Orfbrd.
Aislabie died in the same year.
la
%f}e S^eiiers of^xtxmismebe
that his favourite portfolio was now in your
lordship's protocolic custody.'
A member of Mr. Canning's Cabinet by
necessity, you became a member of tbe Duke
of Wellington's by sufferance. You were ex-
pelled from your office for playing a third-rate
part in a third-rate intrigue.^ Your Lordship
was piqued, and revenged yourself on your
country by becoming a AVhig, I remember
when, in old days, you addressed tbe Speaker
on our side of the House, your oratorical dis-
plays were accompanied not only by the blushes,
but even the hesitation of youth. These might
have been esteemed the not impleasing charac-
teristics of an ingenuous modesty, had they not
been associated with a callous confidence of
tone and an offensive flippancy of language,
which proved that tliey were rather the conse-
quence of a want of breeding than of a deficiency
of seK-esteem. The leader of the Whig Oppo-
sition was wont to say, in return perhaps for
some of those pasquinades with which you were
' See the correppondence in vol. i. of Lord Dalling's Li/'e
of Pahnereton.
^ The ' intrigue ' in qiaestioa (though, perhaps, it hardly
deserves so severe a name) consisted in attempte to force the
policy of Mr. Canning and Lord Goderich on the Duke of Wel-
lington. The four ' intrigiiera ' were Huskisson, Grant, Dudley,
and Paluierston, all of whom joined the Government in January
and left it in May.
ptscoum
utttcrstott
then in the habit of squibbing your present
friends, that your Lordship reminded him of a
favourite footman on easy terms with his mis-
tress. But no sooner had you changed your
party than all Brooks's announced you as an
orator. You made a speech about windmills
and Don Quixote, and your initiation into
liberalism was hailed complete. Your Lordsiiip,
indeed, was quite steeped in the spirit of the
age. You were a new-born babe of that politi-
cal millennium which gave England at the same
time a Reform Bill and your Lordship for a
Secretary of State. I can fancy Mr. Charles
Grant assisting at your adult baptism, and
witnessing your regeneration in pious ecstasy.
The intellectual poverty of that ancient fac-
tion who headed a rerolution with which they
did not sympathise in order to possess them-
selves of a power which they cannot wield, was
never more singularly manifested than when
they delivered the seals of the most important
office in the State to a Tory underling. Yo\i
owe the Whigs great gratitude, my Lord, and
therefore I think you will betray them. Their
imbecility in offering you those seals was only
equalled by your audacity in accepting them.
Yet that acceptance was rather impudent than
rash. You were justly conscious that the
Cabinet of which you formed so ludicrous a
15* ^f)c Jleffcrs of ^vtnn^mebe
member, was about to serve out measures of
such absorbing interest in our domestic policy,
that Httle time could be spared by the nation to
a criticism of your Lordship's labours. During
the agitation of Parliamentary Reform your
career resembled the last American war in the
midst of the revolutions of Europe : it was
very disgraceful, but never heard of. Occasion-
ally, indeed, rumours reached the ear of the
nation of the Russians being at Constantinople,
or the Prench in Italy and Flanders. Some-
times we were favoured with a report of the
effective blockade of our ancient aUies, the
Dutch ; occasionally of the civil wars you had
successfully excited in the Peninsula, which we
once deUvered from a foreign enemy,^ But
when life and property were both at stake, when
the Trades' Unions were marching through the
streets of the metropolis in battle-array, and
Bristol was burning, your countrymen might be
excused for generally believing that your Lord-
ship's career was as insignificant as your intel-
lect.^
' An allnsioti to the practical eDcouragement ofiered to the
various ' iLegionB ' raiBed for service in Spain and Portugal.
'' Palmerston took no part in general politics in the early
part of his life, confining himself to the business of bis office
and speaking but very seldom in tbe House. As a writer in the
Times put the matter : ' Those who knew him only in his lat«r
days as tbe jaunty and evergreen Premier, always foremost in
^tscounf ^ttimcrsfon
I
I
But your saturnalia of undetected scrapes
and unpunished blunders is now over. The
affairs of the Continent obtrude themselves upon
our consideration like an importunate creditor
who will no longer be denied. There is no
pai'ty-cry at home to screen your foreign ex-
ploits from critical attention. The author of
the New TWTiig Guide ^ may scribble sUly articles
in newspapers about justice to Ireland, but he
will not succeed in diverting public notice from
the painful consequences of his injustice in
Europe. To-night, as we ai'e informed, some
results of your Lordsliip's system of non-inter-
ference in the affairs of Spain are to be brought
under the consideration of the House of
Commons. I am not in the confidence of the
Hon. Gentleman who will introduce that subject
to the notice of the assembly of which, in spite
of the electors of Hampshire, your Lordship
has somehow or other contrived to become a
member. But I speak of circumstances with
parrying a. thrust from the Opposition, in makiiig the beat of a
bod caBe, and in covering the retreat of a suboidiiuite, seldom
bethought themaelyea of hia twenty years' apprenticeship at
the War Office, where he plodded laboriously at the routine of
businesa, writing whole libraries of minutes in a fine, bold,
legible hand, and hardly ever opening his mouth on any subject
beyond bia own special province.'
' Edited by ' E.' ; written by H. J. Temple, Lord Palmers-
ton, and others ; published 1319.
i«e l$ife Jcfiers of ^unn^mebc
which I am well acquainted, and for the accu-
racy of which I stake my credit as a puhlic
writer, when I deidare that of the 10,000 or
12,000 of your fellow-countrymcD. ' whom your
crimping Lordsliip inveigled into a participation
in the civil wars of Spain for no other purpose
than to extricate yourself from the consequences
of your blundering policy, not 3,000 effective
men are now in the field ; such have been the
fatal results of the climate and the cat-o'-nine-
tails, of ignoble slaughter and of fruitless hard-
ship. Tour Lordship may affect to smile, and
settle your cravat as if you were arranging your
conscience ; you may even prompt the most
ill-informed man in his Majesty's dominions — I
mean, of course, the First Lord of his Majesty's
Treasury — to announce in the Upper House that
the career of the British Legion has been a pro-
gress of triumph, and that its present situation
is a state of comparative comfort ; but I repeat
my statement, and I declare most solenmly,
before God and my country, that I am prepared
to substantiate it. When the moat impudent
and the vilest of your Lordship's supporters next
amuses the Uouse with his clap-trap appeals to
the tears of the widow and the sighs of the
orphan, your Lordsliip may perhaps remem-
' Sir De Lacy Evana' force, raised for the support of Queen
_ Isabella against Hon Carlos.
ber the responsibility you have yourself incurred,
and, sick as the nation may he of this inglorious
destruction, there is one silly head, I believe,
that it would grieve no one to see added to the
hea]>. It would atone for the havoc, it would
extenuate the slaughter, and the member for
Westminster,' who is a patriot in two countries,
would be hailed on his return as the means of
having rid both England and Spain of an intoler-
able,iilusance.
/^or the last five years a mysterious dimness
seems to have been stealing over the gems of
oiii- imperial diadem. The standard of England
droops fitfully upon its staff. He must indeed
be an inexperienced mariner who does not mark
• the ground swell of the coming tempest. If
there be a war in Europe tx)-morrow, it will be
I a war against English supremacy, and we have
no allies. None but your Lordship can suppose
that the Cabinet of the Tuileries is not acting in
concert with the Court of the Kremlin. Austria,
our natural friend on the Continent of Europe,
shrinks from the contamination of our political
propagandism. If there be an European war, it
will be one of those contests wherein a great
State requires for its guidance all the resources
of a master mind; it would be a crisis which
' Evans, who was elected for Weatminater in 1^33.
158 ^I)c Setters of ^unnsmedc
would justify the presence of a Richelieu, a
Pombal, or a Pitt. O my country ! fortunate,
thrice fortunate England 1 with your destinies
at such a moment entrusted to the Lord Fanny
of diplomacy ! Methinks I can see your Lord-
ship, the Sporus^ of politics, cajoling France
with an airy compliment, and menacing Russia
with a perfumed cane ! /
1 What that thing of silk 1
Sporus that mere white curd of asses' milk 1
Satire or sense, alas, can Sporus feel ?
Who breaks a butterfly upon the wheel f
Pope, on Lord Francis Hervey.
February 22, 1836.
LETTEE XII.
TO
SIB JOHN HOBHbUSE
IfBbruary 27, 1836
I
[There was probablyno name which was more fami-
liar to Engliahmen in the earlier years of this century
than that of John Cam Hobhouse, the friend of Byron,
the protege of Sir Francis Burdett, and the ' martyr of
liberty ' ; no one had been more completely forgotten than
Hobhouse — then metamorphosed into Lord Broughton —
at the time of his death in 1869. The tone adopted
by * Runnymede ' in this letter is undeniably severe, but
Hobhouse was never popular with his opponents, and
always had the credit among them of being a somo-
wliat dull man who made up for the deiiciency of bia
intellect by the violence of his opinions. A. ' scion of
the house of Whitbread,' he was by birth and training
a Whig, but his "WHggism speedily developed into
Radicalism of the most advanced school, much to the
horror of his worthy and more moderate father, who
had been Pitt's Chairman of Committees for many
years. His lirst appearance before the world was in the
character of friend and associate of Byron, to whose
' Childe Harold ' he wrote elaborate notes. His next
was by the publication of a book entitled ' The Sub-
stance of some Letters, vmtten by an English Gentle-
man resident at Paris during the Last Reign of the
Emperor Napoleon.' The object of this work was
to throw discredit on the restored Bourbons, and to
exalt the character and government of that idol of
the English Radicals — the Emperor Napoleon. In due
course it was translated into French, and gave so much
offence to the ruling powers that the tranahitor was
|c ^SeFfcrs of ^utttt^ttMoc
Bentenced to pay a fine of l,OO0f., atid to twelve months'
imprisonment; the printer and the publisher escaping
with half the imprisonment, bnt a similar fine in each
caae. Hobhouse's next exploit was to publish a pam-
jjhlet in which he used expressions which most people
not unnaturally regarded as, if not actually treasonahle,
at least calculated to promote ciTil disorder. He was
not made the victim of a State trial, however, but his
words having been read at the table of the House
of Commons, he was committed to Newgate on the
Speaker's warrant. This was on December 13, 1819,
and Hobhouse remained in Newgate until the death of
George III, (January 29, 1820). In those days there
was no surer passport to popular favour than- a collision
with the constituted authorities, a fact which Hobhouse
speedily realised. He had before solicited the eaflrages
of the electors of Westminster, hut without success,
the whole influence of the Whig leadei-a heing given
to George Lamb, Lord Melbourne's brother. At the'
election which followed the accession of George IV., Sir
Francis Burdett threw all his influence — which in 1820
was enormous — into the scale in favour of Hobhouse.
He subscribed l,OO0i., and spoke most ardently in praise
of the latter's ' warm heart,' which he described as a
' strong pledge of political integrity.' During twelve
years Hobhouse supported by voice and vote every
measure brought in by the Whigs, and obtained his
reward at laat by heing appointed Secretary at War in
Lord Grey's administration of 1832. In 1833 he became
Chief Secretary for Ireland, but was defeated in West-
minster by Sir De Lacy Evans. In Lord Melbourne's
first administration he held the office of Chief Com-
missioner of Woods and Forests, and in his second,
that of President of the Board of Control. He sat in
ParUament for Nottingham until 1847, when he had
the mortification of finding that his constituents had
bettered his instructions, and rejected him for Feargus
O'Connor. A seat was, however, found for him at
rHarwich, wMch place he represented until 1851, when
he was, raised to the peerage as Lord Broughton, of
Broughton GiEFard in the county of Wilts, and laded
from the pubHc view.]
To Sir John Sobhouse.
I Sir, — Your metamorphosis into a "Whig and
R Cabinet Minister has always appeared to me
, even less maryellous than your transformation
into a wit and a leader, after having passed the
most impetuous years of life in what might have
appeared to the inexperienced the less ambitious
capacity of a dull dependent. In literature and
in politics, imtil within a very short period, you
have always shone with the doubtful lustre of
reflected light. You have gained notoriety by
associating yourself with another's fame. The
commentator of Byron, you naturally became in
^ due season ' Sir Francis Burdett's man,' as Mr.
^■.Canning styled you, to your confusion, in the
^VHouse of Commons ; and to which sneer, after
^^ having taken a week to arrange youi- impromptu,
you replied in an elaborate imitation of Chatham,
r admitted by your friends to be the greatest
^^lailure in parliamentary memory. At ooUege
^■your dignified respect for the peerage scarcely
prepared us for your subsequent sneers at the
order. Your readiness to bear the burden of the
scrapes of those you honoured by your intimacy,
M 3
Siuim^mcoc
announced the amiability of your temper. Yetj
whether you were sacrificing yourself on the
altar of friendship, or concocting; notes upon the
pasquinades which others scribbled, there was
always * something too ponderous about yoiir
genius for a joke ; ' ^ aud when these words fell
from your lips on Friday night, to me they
seemed to flow with all the practised grace of a
tu quoque, and to be not so much the inspiration
of the moment as the reminiscence of some of
those quips and cranks of Mathews ^ and Scrope
Davies ^ of which you were the constant, and often
the unconscious, victim.
It may be the prejudice of party, perhaps
the force of old associations, but to me your new
character seems but thinly to yeU your ancient
reputation. There is a massy poise even in
your airiest flights, that reminds one i-ather of
the vulture than the eagle; and your Ughtest
movements are pervaded with a sort of elephan-
' Thia letter was written by way of answei' to a speech of
Sir John Cam Hobhouse on the afikirs of Spain, in the House
of Commons, on the night of Friday, February 26, 1836. The
expressdon in inverted commas occurs in the first page, and is
applied to an argument of Sir Robert Feel against the British
Legion. He had said that the remnant of that anomalous
force would be ' dangerous ' ; Hobhouse endeavoured to turn
the faying int« ridicule, but with very indiSerent success.
^ Charlci) Mathews the elder,
' 'A. little doctor who attends Lady Burdett.' — Thomnt
Ifoon.
§tr go^n ^objousc
b
tine grace which forces us to admire rather the
painful tutorage of art than nature's happier
impulse. Bustling at the university, hlustering
on the hustings, dangling the seals of office — a
humhle friend, a demagogue, or a placeman —
your idiosyncrasy still prevails, and in your
case, ' piddling Theobalds ' haSj at the best, but
turned into ' slashing Bentley.'
Allow me to congratulate you on your plain-
tive confession, amid the roars of the House,
that ' circumstances have brought you and your
noble friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, together on the same bench.' The honour
of sharing the same seat with an individual
might, in another's estimation, have sufficed,
without the additional disgrace of calling atten-
' ' His noble frioDd (Falmerstoii) ba^i succeeded in keeping
alive and spreading tbe great flame of freedom vhicb bad
marked tbe character and the intellect of the British people
ever since w© had been a nation, through oircumstancefl of
unparalleled difficulty — he bad compromised nothing of the
nation's dignity, and stood clearer in the face of bis country
and of Hurrounding nations, than any Foreign Secretary who
had sat upon that bench. Bid tbe noble lord opposite who
laughed at what be had just said suppose that be (Hobbouae)
flaid this from any feeling of private regwd for his noble
friend. He spoke upon very different grounds. Circum-
Btances bad brought bis uoble friend and himself to ait upon
the same bench.' These sentences excited much laughter, there
being notoriously no particular affection between HobbouBe
Lfud hia ' noble Mend.'
166 %*^e iteffers of ^unnome&e
tion to the stigma. There is something so con-
taminating iu a connection with that man, that
when you voluntarily avowed it, we might be
excused for admiring your valour rather than
your discretion. It is, in truth, a rare conjunc-
tion ; and Circumstance, ' that imspu-itual god,'
as your illustrious companion. Lord Byron, has
happily styled that common-pLace divinity, has
seldom had to answer for a more degrading
combination. Tou have met, indeed, like the
puritan and the prostitute on the banks of Lethe
in Garrick's farce, with an equally convenient
oblivion of the characteristic incidents of your
previous careers ; you giving up your annual
parliaments and universal suffrage, he casting to
the winds his close corporations and borough
nominees ; you whispering Conservatism on the
hustings once braying with your revolutionary
uproar, he spouting reform in the still recesses
of the dust of Downing Street ; the one reeking
from a Newgate cell, the other redolent of the
boudoirs of Mayfair ; yet both of them, alike
the Tory underling and the Badieal demagogue,
closing tiie ludicrous contrast with one grand
diapason of harmonious inconsistency — both
merging in the Whig Minister.
That a politician may at different periods of
life, and under very different aspects of
lii>
Jiublto affairs, cooscientiously entertain varying
I
opinions upon the same measure, is a principle
which no memher of the present House of
Commons is entitled to question. I would not
deny you, sir, the benefit of the charity of
society ; but when every change of opinion in a
man's career is invariably attended by a corre-
sponding and advantageous change in his position,
his motives are not merely open to suspicion — his
conduct is liable to conviction. Yet there is one
revolution in your sentiments on which I may be
permitted particularly to congratulate you, and
that country ■which you assist in misgoverning.
Your sympathy on Friday night with the success
of the British arms came with a consoliug grace
and a compensatory retribution from the man
who has recorded in a solemn quarto his bitter
regret that his countrymen were victorious at
Waterloo.^ I always admired the Whig felicity
of your appointment as Secretary at War.
Pardon, sir, the freedom with which I venture
to address you- My candour may at least be
as salutary as the cabbage-etalks of your late
constituents.* There are some indeed, who, as
I am informed, have murmured at this method
of communicating to them my opinion of their
characters and careers. Yet I can conceive
' The Letter* of an English GenUffmart refen'ed to in the
prefatory note-
* %,&. at Weetiomster.
168 ^]^c Shelters of ^unnprncdc
an individual so circumstanced that he would
scarcely he entitled to indulge in such querulous
sensitiveness. He should he one who had him-
self puhlished letters without the ratification of
his name, and then suppressed them ; he should
he one who had sat in trembling silence in the
House when he was dared to repeat the state-
ment which he had circulated by the press ; he
should be one to whom it had been asserted in
his teeth, that he was ' a liar and a scoundrel, and
only wanted courage to be an assassin.' It does
not appear to me that such an individual could
complain with any justice of the frankness of
' B/Unnymede.'
February 27, 1836.
LETTEE XIII.
TO
LOBD GLENELG
I
March 12, 1836
I
[Charles Grant, first and laat Baron Glenelg, was
born in India in 1780 — a fact which seemed sufficient
in the eyes of Lord Grey to justify his appointment in
the Reform administration as President of the Board
of Control, He must, however, have quitted ladia veiy
yonng, for he was no more than one-and-twentj when
lie left Cambridge as fourth Wrangler and Chancellor's
medaUist — a position which implies a good deal more
than an Indian training can supply. He entered Parlia-
ment in 1807 asaTory, and his official life began in 1819,
when he became Chief Secretary for Ireland. His city
uonnections procured for him the appointment, first as
Vice-President and then as President of the Board of
Trade. When Reform became inevitable he turned
Whig, and was rewarded for his change of opinion with
the office of President of the Board of Control— or, as
would be said in these later days, with the India Office.
He was not remarkably successful there. No one im-
peached his honesty or his candour, but he was very
generally regarded as one of the true type of Whig
officials — gentlemen who cling to office as tenaciously
as a limpet to the rock, and who are dixtinguished not
by any special abilities, but by a kind of patient plod-
ding industry, which is very useful to the State, but
which notoriously does not betoken the possession of
any exceptionally brilliant abilities.
In office Lord Glenelg was not distinguished. A
lethargic temperament, combined with the acceptance
of certain political principles which never developed
}fe cSteffcrs of ^«nnpmc6e
themaelvea so perfectly aa under the ' Can't you let it
alone ? ' rule of Lord Melbourne, created grave dangers
to the empire, and especially excited against him the
wrath of the sovereign. Charles Greville tells a
curious story of him when in 1835 the government
of Canada was entrusted to three Comraissioners.
One of them, Sir Charles Grey, was compelled to listen
to what Greville describes as ' a most curious burst of
eloquence from his Majesty' (William IV.)- In the
course of it he reminded Sir Charles that Canada had
been won ' by the sword,' aud charged him by his oath
'strenuously to assert those prerogatives of which
persons who ought to have tnown better have dared
even in my presence to deny the existence.' The
allusion was very obviously to Lord Glenelg, and, as
appears from a subsequent passage in the Diary, the
King was perfectly light and Lord Glenelg in the
wrong. An ordinary man would hare retired at once —
Lord Glenelg did nothing of the sort. It was, in fact,
at this time a part of the Whig policy for Ministers
to represent themselves not as the Kinsr's Ministers,
but aa the representatives of the people — a line of
action against which Lord Beacon afield protested
most earnestly on a hundred occasions. Lord Glenelg
continued to cling to office, therefore, but he came
to grief in 1839, The Canadian insurrection had to
be put down with a strong hand, but Lord Durham
carried things a little too far. The Papineau rebel-
lion, which had arisen out of the hostility between the
English and French races, evoked from the Governor
the famous ' Ordinance,' which very nearly lost that
colony to England, Under its provisions those of the
rebels who had acknowledged their guilt and submitted
to the Grown were to be sent aa prisoners to Bermuda,
and punished with death if they presumed to return.
The authorities at home, wiser than Lord Durham, dis-
allowed the Ordinance and recalled its author. Lord
Glenelg, who had approved it, felt himself compelled to
retire, ami with that step his official career came to an
end. A grateful country, however, gave him the office
of Commissioner of Land Tax and a pension of 2,000/.
a year, which he enjoyed until his death in 1866 —
twenty-seven years — at the age of eighty-seven.]
To Zo}'d Glenelg}
My Lord, — Let me not disturb your slumbers
' too rudely : I will address you in a wliisper, and
on tiptoe. At lengtli I have succeeded in pene-
trating the recesses of your enchanted abode.
The knight who roused the Sleeping Beauty
could not have witnessed stranger marvels in his
progress than he who has at last contrived to
obtain an iaterview with the sleeping Secretary.
The moment that I had passed the Eoreign
Office an air of profound repose seemed to
pervade Downing Street, and as I approached
the portal of youi- department, it was with
difficulty I could resist the narcotic influence
of the atmosphere. Your porter is no Argus.
* His calm, broad, thoughtless aspect breathed
repose,' and when he ' slow from the bencli
arose, and swollen with sleep,' I almost imagined
that, like his celebrated predecessor in tlie
Castle of Indolence, be was about to furnish me
with a nightcap, slippers, and a robe de chambre.
' Colonial Secretary i
I tntion,
Lord Melbourne's second adminia-
ilunnpttteoe
I found your clerks yawning, and your under-
secretaries just waking from a dream. A dosy,
drowsy, drony hum, the faint rustling of some
papers like the leaves of autumn, and a few
noiseless apparitions gliding like ghosts, just
assured me that the Imsiness of the nation was
not neglected. Every personage and every inci-
dent gradually prepared me for the quiescent
presence of the master mind, until, adroitly
stepping over yoiu- private secretary, nodding
and recumbent at your threshold, I found myself
before your Lordship, the guardian of our colo-
nial empire, stretched on an easy couch in luxu-
rious listlessness, with all the prim voluptuous-
ness of a puritanical Sardanapalus.
I forget who was the wild theorist who enun-
ciated the absurd doctrine that ' ships, colonies,
and commerce ' were the surest foundation of
the empire. What an intinitely ridiculous idea !
But the march of intellect and the spirit of the
age have cleansed our brains of this perilous
stuff. Had it not been for the invention of ships,
the great malady of sea-sickness, so distressing
to an indolent Minister, would be unknown ;
colonies, like country-houses, we have long
recognised to be sources only of continual ex-
pense, and to be kept up merely from a puerile
love of show ; as for commerce, it is a vulgarism,
and fit only for low people. What have such
dainty nobles as yourself and Lord Palmerston
to do with cottons and indigocs ? Such coarse
details you fitly leave to Mr. Poulett Thomson,'
whose practical acquaintance with tallow is the
only blot on the scutcheon of your refined and
aristocratic Cabinet.y
Although a grateful nation has seized every
opportunity of expressing their confidence in
your Lordship and your colleagues, and although
myself, among more distinguished writers, have
omitted no occasion of celebrating your in-
exhaustible panegyric, it appears to me, I con-
fess, that scant justice has hitherto been done to
the grant! system of our present administration,
and which they are putting in practice with
felicitous rapidity and their habitual success.
This grand system, it would seem, consists of a
plan to govern the country without having any-
thing to do.
The meritorious and unceasing labours of the
noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs for the de-
struction of English influence on the Continent,
■will soon permit bis Lordship to receive his
salary without any necessary attendance at his
Lord Morpeth " has nearly got rid of
^Ireland. The selection of your Lordship to
' Then Presidtmt of the Board of Trade, afteiwwds diBtiii-
r guished in Canada.
' Chief Secretary for Ii'ekud.
teiievs^fWunrivmche
regulate the destinies of our colonies insures the
speediest and the most favourable results in
effecting their emancipation from what one of
your principal supporters styles, 'the unjust
domination of the mother country ; ' and we are
already promised a Lord Chancellor who is
not to preside over the Chancery. The recent
government of Lord William Bentinck will, I
fear, rob Sir John Hohhouse of haK the glory of
losing India, and the municipal corporations, if
they work as well as you anticipate, may in due
season permit Lord John Russell to resume his
reUnqirished lyre. Freed of our colonies, Ireland,
and India, the affairs of the Continent consigntd
to their own insignificancCj Westminster Hall
deUvered over to the cheap lawyers, and our
domestic polity regulated by vestries and town-
councils, there ia a fair probability that the
First Lord of the Treasury, who envies you your
congenial repose, may be relieved from any very
onerous burden of public duty, and that the
Treasury may establish the aptness of its title
on the non lucendo character of its once shining
coffers.
Vive la bagatelle 1 His Majesty's Ministers
may then hold Cabinet Councils to arrange a
whitebait dinner at Blackwall, or prick for an
excursion to Richmond or Beulah Spa. Such
may be the gay consequences of a Reform
tS.ovb <i)Ienel3
'Ministry and a Eeform Parliament ! No true
patriot will grudge them these slight recreations,
or hazard even a murmur at theii* sinecure
salaries. For to say the truth, my Lord, if you
must remain in office, I for one would willingly
consent to an inactivity on your part almost as
complete as could be devised by the united
genius for sauntering of yourself and that ener-
getic and laborious nobleman who summoned
you to a worthy participation in his councils.
Affairs, therefore, my dear Lord Glenelg, are
far from disheartening, especially in that depart-
ment under your own circumspect supervision.
What if the Mauritius be restive ; ^ let the inhabi-
tants cut each others' throats, that will ultimately
produce peace. "What if Jamaica ^ be in flames,
Lwe have still East India sugar ; and by the time
we have lost that, the manufacture of beet-root
ffill be perfect. What if Colonel Torrens/
' There had been considerable diatorbance in Ihe Mauritriua
loneequent upon the alwlition of negro slavery, and in Febniary
. Roebuck moved for a Committee of Inquiry into the
Jrievancea of the disaffected ii-Jandera. The Committee was
pefused, but an impression very generally prevailed that the
relations of the Colonial Office with the Mauritius were very
unsatisfactory.
* Jamaica had become so disturbed since emancipation that
e Governor (the Marquis of Sligo) was recalled in September
.36.
' The section of economists led by Colonel Toirena advo-
ted systematic emigration as a. remedy for popular destitution
178 ^]^c fetters of ^unnpmcbc
perched on the Pisgah height of a joint-stock
company, be transporting our fellow-countrymen
to the milk and honey of Australia, without
even the preparatory ceremony of a trial by
jury— let the exiles settle this great constitu-
tional question with the kangaroos. What if
Canada be in rebellion — let not the menacing
spectre of Papineau ^ or the suppliant shade of
the liberal Gosford*^ scare your Lordship's
dreams. Slumber on without a pang, most
vigilant of Secretaries. I will stuff you a fresh
pillow with your unanswered letters, and insure
you a certain lullaby by reading to you one of
your own despatches.
March 12, 1836.
and for the discontent created bj the working of the New Poor
Law.
^ The leader of the democratic or French pai-tj in the
troubles of 1835-7.
^ Lord Gosford ; appointed Governor of Canada on the
accession of the second Melbourne administration.
LETTEE XIV.
TO
THE RIGHT HON. EDWARD ELLICE
Mofreh 20, 1836
k2
[The opening paragraphs of this letter would seem
I have been written in an absolutely ironical mood :
when Mr. Ellice died in September 1863, perhaps no
one would have been more ready than Lord Beaeous-
field to acknowledge that much of what he had said
ironically was more than justified in fact. Mr. Ellice
was a Whig, and an of&eial Whig to boot, but he was
a man of transparent honesty, and one who was more-
over capable of making great sacrifieee for the princi-
ples in which he placed his faith. His official career
meant the loss of much money, and of the opportunities
of acquiring more, while his political life implied for
many years a princely expenditure. Nor did he seek
for rewards. Allied though he was by hia two marri-
ages to two of the greatest and most infiueutial Whig
families — those of Lord Grey and Lord Leicester (Mr.
Coke of Holkham), and able, had he so chosen, to com-
mand a peerage at any moment, he lived and died a
commoner, and an Englishman of whom hLs countrymen
might Tety reasonably be proud.
The son of a London merchant, Mr. Ellice always
retained his connection with the city. He was
educated at Winchester and St. Andrews ; studied the
classics, and attended lectures on Logic, Rhetoric,
and Moral Philosophy ; but he deserted these higher
subjects to take a stool in his father's office. When
he was barely eight-and-twenty be obtained a seat in
Parliament as member for Coventry, and except during
'he four years 1826-30, he continued to represent
182 ^i^c (Setters of '^nnn^mebe
that city untit his death in 1863. The fact affords a.
somewhat striking proof of his wealth. Coventry was,
under the old aystem, one of the moat costly boroaghs
in England. The franchise was in the hands of the.
freemen and of the corporation. A great number of
the former were non-resident, and it was the custom
of candidates to bring down these electors from London
and other places in chaises-and-four, and to keep them
for three or four days at an hotel, in order that they
might record their rotea. This Mr, Ellice most religi-
ously did, and as a consequence, his election expenses
were such as could be borne only by a capitalist such aS
he, with possessions in Hudson's Bay, in Canada, and
in the West Indies. Yet even he once suffered defeat.
A gentleman named Heathcote, with a st.ill lougei
purse, sent Mr. Ellice into obactirity for four yearst
He returned to Parliament in 1831, and from that time
forward never lost hia popularity with the people
of Coventry. He found it unnecessary to canvass
them. All that he cared to do was to make speeches
to his constituents in their ordinary places of resort
and to contribute munificently to local charities.
Unfortunately, Mr, Ellice waa without doubt a sharer
in the two intrigues which respectively brought about
the ruin of Lord Grey's Government in 1834, and of that
of Sir Kobert Peel in 1835. Writing under date July
10, 1834, Charles Greville says: — 'I met Duncannon,
EUice, and John Bussell this evening riding, and they,
seemed in very good spirits. I have no doubt Ellica
and Duncannon had a main hand in all this businesd
(i.e. the overthrow of Earl Grey), and that they urgetl
on Littleton (the Irish Secretary, who was generally
credited with being the prime mover in the intrigue)^
to do what he did.' Later on Mr. Ellice was indubi-
tably the vehicle of communication between Lord Mel'
bourne's administration and O'Connell. We have it
on the authority of Mr. McCuUagh Toirens, that whe
Lord Melbourne's second administration was formed, i
^f)e itig^f (^on. ^bmatb @Uicc les
^^ was Mr. EUice who was deputed to inform O'Connell that
hia name conld not be included in the list of members.
O'Connell himself was bitterly disappointed. He had
reckoned on office with so much confidence that he bad
actuaUy commissioned his son to look out for a bouse
suitable for that hospitality which be proposed to dis-
pense when he shonld have become Lord Chancellor of
Ireland. Even the joy of being Lord Mayor of Dnblin,
and of making State progresses to all the ends of the
seven kingdoms of Ireland, hardly consoled him. He
had expected to be made head of the judicial system of
his country, and he was passed over. All the gold
chains in the world, and all that ' me Larding ' of which
Mr. Thackeray makes such bitter fun, could hardly
atone for such a disappointment.
In the Lichfield House compact Mr. Ellice unques-
tionably acted as go-between. When Lord Melbourne
returned to office in virtue of that most flagitious
arrangement, Lord Alvanley — one of the ' bucks ' of
the Regency, a wit and a man of fashion — rose in his
place to read a letter lately published by O'Connell, in
which he asserted his unshrinking faith in the Repeal
of the Union, coupled with the ' reform of the House of
Lords,' as the only possible remedy for the woes and
sufferings and vrrongs of his beloved country. Lord
Alvanley went on to say that he wished to know from
Lord Melbourne ' how far he coincided with Mr. O'Con-
nell's opinion as regarded the constitution of that House
(of Lords) and the Repeal of the Union.' 'I ask him,'
he went on, ' on what terms he has negotiated vrith
Mr. O'Connell, and how far he stands committed to that
honourable and learned gentleman who most solemnly
declares he will never rest until he has effected the
Repeal of the Union.' Lord Melbourne's answer was
courageous, to say the least. After a scene in which
Brougham distinguished himself— not altogether credi-
tably — by entreating Lord Melbourne not to answer
_ the question, the latter distinctly disavowed O'Connell.
184 '^^e (i^cflcrs of ^unn-Qmcbc
' My noble friend asked me how far I coinnicled wil
the opinions of Mr. O'Connell with respect to th
House. I answer not at all. . . . The noble LoreE
asked me whether I have taken any means to eecnre the
assistance of Mr. O'Connell, and if so, upon what terms^
I answer that I know not whether I shall have the aid at
Mr. O'Connell. I have cei-tainlj takenno means to securS]
it, and moat particularly I have made no terms with Mf^
O'Connell. . . There is no foundation, directly or indL-
reetly, for such a statement.' There is such a thing aS
economy of truth, LordMelbourne, personally, ha^ with-
out doubt made no terms with Daniel O'Connell, but
somebody had unquestionably done so, and public opinion
pointed to Mr. Elliee as the ambassador. Hence the
acrimony of ' Eaauymede'a ' letter.]
To the Right Hon. Edioard Elliee.
Sir, — In this age of faction, it is delightful
turn to one public character whom writers of
parties must unite in addressing in terms of
qualified panegyric. Erom a ' man discreditaW
known in the city,' you have become a statesman
creditably known at Court. Such is the triumpt
of perseverance in a good cause, undaunted Iq
calumny and imdeterred by the narrow-minded
scruples of petty intellects. That influenot
which, in spite of prejudice, you have gained bj
the uniform straightforwardness of your con*
duct, you liave confirmed by that agreeable and
captivating demeanour which secures you the
hearts of men as weU as their confidence. Uoi
r
I
%t)c itiaf)! ^on. ®6n)ttr!> gllicc 18=
I
influenced by personal motives, always ready to
sacrifice self, and reeoiluig from intrigue with
the antipathy of a noble mind, you stand out in
bold and favourable relief to the leaders of that
party whose destinies, from a purely patriotic
motive, you occasionally condescend to regulate.
I ought, perhaps, before this to have con-
gratulated you on your retiu-n to that country
whose interests are never absent from youi'
thoughts ; but I was unwilling to disturb, even
with my compliments, a gentleman who, I am
aware, has been laboming of late so zealously
for the commonweal as the Right Hon. Mr.
EUice. Your devotion in your recent volunteer
visit to Constantinople has not been lost on the
minds of your countrymen. They readily re-
cognise your pre-eminent fitness to wrestle with
the Russian bear; and they who have witnessed
in a northern forest a duel between those polished
animals, must feel convinced that you are the
only English statesman duly qualified to mingle
in U combat which is at the same time so dexte-
iious and so desperate. Happy England, whose
'fortunes are supervised by such an unsalaried
iteward as the member for Coveutiy ! Thrice
fortunate Telemachus of Lambton Castle, guided
!by such a Mentor I
After the turmoil of party politics, you must
have found travel delightful ! I can fancy you
186 %i^e (^elfcrs of ^ttnttBinefte
gazing upon the blue Symplegades, or roamingj
amid the tumuli of Troy. The first glance ati
the ^gean muat have filled you with classio'i
rapture. Your cultured and accomplished mini;
must have revelled in the recollections of the]
heroic past. How different from the associationa^
of those jobbing politicians, who, when they sailj
upon Salamis, are only reminded of Greek bond8,3
and whose thoughts, when they mingle amid the!
imaginary tumult of the Pnyx at Athens, onlja
recur to the broils of a settUng day at the StocM
Exchange of London I J
In your political career you have emulaton
the fame, and rivalled, if not surpassed, the ex-
ploits of the great Earl of Warwick. He was
only a King-maker, but Mr. Ellice is a maker of
Ministers. How deeply was Lord Grey indebted
to your disinterested services ! Amid the
musings of the Liternum of Howick,^ while
moralising on the gratitude of a party, hoif"
fondly must he congratulate himself on his for-'
tune in such a relative.^ It is said that his
successor is not so prompt to indicate Iiis sense
' Litemnm was the town to which Sdpio A&icanus retired
in disgust at the injustice of his countrymen, and in which he
was buried. Hia tomb there bears the inscription, Inorata
Patria ne Ossa QUiDEU MEA Kabes. Howick was the seat to.
which Lord Grey retired after the break-up of the
Ministry.
' Mr, Ellice had married the youngest sister of Ea
^5c '^iQiil ^on. ^bxvarb ^llice is?
of your services as would be but just. But the
ingratitude of men, and especially of Ministers,
is prorerbial. Lord Melbourne, howeTer, may
yet live to be sensible of your amiable exercise
of the prerogative of the Crown. In the mean-
time the unbounded confidence of Lord Palmers-
ton in your good intentions may in some degree
console you for the suspicions of the Prime
JVIinister, to say nothing of the illimitable trust
of the noble Secretary for the Colonies, who
sleeps on in unbroken security as long as you
are the guardian angel of his slumbers. ^
X Distinguished as you are by the inflexible /
integrity of youj conduct, both in public and
private life, by your bland manners and your
polite carriage, your total absence of all low
ambition and your contempt for all intrigue and
subterranean practices, you are, if possible, still
more eminent for your philosophical exemption
from antiquated prejudice. The people of
England can never forget that it was your
emancipated mind that first soared superior to
the mischievous institution of a National Church,
and that, with the characteristic liberality of
your nature, yours was the intellect that first
devised the ingenious plan of appeasing Ireland
by the sacrifice of England. Had you been in-
fluenced in your conduct by the factious object
of establishing your friends in the enjoyment of
188 %lje Jtcflctrs of "gtuttitBrncbc
a power to exercise which they had previousl;
proved themselves incapable, it might in som(
degree have deteriorated from the singleness ol
your purpose ; but no- one can suppose, for ai
instant, that in forming a close alliance one yi
with a man whom twelve months before the;
had denounced as a rebel, or in decreeing th(
destruction of an institution which they had just''
recently pledged themselves to uphold, your
pupils of the present administration were actu-
ated by any other motives but the most just, the
most disinterested, and the most honourable.
You have recently been gratified by witnes*
ing the proud and predominant influence of youi
country in the distant and distracted regions of
the East. The compliments which were lavished
on yourself and your companion by the Cz«
must have been as flattering to the envoy ai
they were to the confiding sovereign with whosi
dignity you were entrusted. It must be som<
time before the salutes of Odessa cease ringing
in your ear, and it caanot be supposed that you3
excited imagination can speedily disembarrasi
itself of your splendid progress in a steamer ova
the triumphant waters of the Euxine. Yet.
when you have in some degree recovered froi
the intoxication of success and the inebriating
influence of Royal and Imperial condescension
let us hope that you may deign to extend you3
practised attention to our domestic situation.
The country is Tery prosperous ; the Stock
Exchange lias not been so active since 1825.
They certainly have niissed you a little in
Spanish, but the railways, I understand, have
been looking up since your return, especially the
shares of those companies which have no hope
or intention of prosecuting their designs. la the
meantime, perhaps for you may be destined the
glory of inducing Lord Melbourne to tolerate the
presence of Mr. O'Conuell at an official banquet.
That would be an achievement worthy of your
great mind. The new Liberal Club, too, which,
like Eldorado, is to supply
Shirts for the ahirtless, suppers for the starved,
may merit your organising patronage. For the
rest, the unbounded confidence which subsists
between our gracious Sovereign and his IVIinis-
ters, the complete harmony at length established
between the two Houses of Parliament, the
perfect tranquillity of Ireland, vouched by the
de facto member for Dubhn, and guaranteed by
Lord Plunket, and the agreeable circumstance
that the people of England are arrayed in two
hostile and determined parties, all combine to
assure us of a long, a tranquil, and a prosperous
administration of our affairs by the last Cabinet
which was constructed under your auspices.
MarcJi 20,1836.
I
I
LETTBE XV.
TO
VISCOUNT MELBOURNE
Mareh 30, 1836
It
i
i:
I
LETTER XV.
To Viscount Melbourne.
My Lord, — I always experience peculiar
gratification in addressing your Lordship — your
Lordship is such a general favourite. I have
read somewhere of * the best-natured man with
the worst-natured muse.' ^ I have always deemed
your Lordship the best-natured Minister with the
worst-natured party. And really, if you have
sometimes so lost your temper — if for those
Epicurean shrugs of the shoulder, and nil ad'
mirari smiles, which were once your winning
characteristics, you have occasionally of late
substituted a little of the Cambyses' vein, and
demeaned yourself as if you were practising
* Pistol ' for the next private theatricals at Pans-
hanger — very extenuating circumstances may, I
think, be found in the heterogeneous and Hudi-
brastic elements of that party which Eate, in a
freak of fun, has called upon your Lordship to
* * The best good man with the worst-natured muse '
(Sackville, Lord Buckhurst). — Rochester,
o
.-•'y
regulate. "WTiat a crew ! I can compare them
to nothing but the Schwalbach swine in the
Brunnen Bubbles, guzzling and grunting in a
bed of mire, fouling themselves, and bedaubing
every luckless passenger with their contaminating
filth.i
"We are all now going into the country,* and
you and your colleagues are about to escape for a
season from what your Lordship delicately terms
the ' badgering ' of Parliament. I trust you wiU
find the relaxation renovating. How you wiU
recreate yourselves, we shall be anxious to learn.
I think the Cabinet might take to cricket ; they
are a choice eleven. With their peculiarly
patriotic temperaments and highly national
feelings, they might venture, I tliink, to play
against ' all England.' Lord Palmerston and
Lord Glenelg, with their talent for keeping in,
would assuredly secure a good score. Lord John,
indeed, with all Ma flourishing, will probably end
in knocking down his own wicket; and as for
Sir Cam,^ the chances certainly are that he will
be ' caught out,' experiencing the same fate in
play as in politics. If you could only engage
Lord Durham to fling sticks at the seals of the
' See the chapter, ' the Schwein- General,' in Sir FranciB
Head's Bubbles from the Brunnens 0/ Nassau.
^ Writtea on the eve of the Easter recesa.
^ Sir John Cam HohUouse.
Jporeign Office, and the agile Mr. EUice to climlj
. greasy pole for the Colonial portfolio, I think
will have provided a very entertaining pro-
jramme of Easter sports.
My Lord, they say, you know, when things
ire at the worst, they generally mend. On this
^principle our affairs may really be considered
I highly promising. The state of Spain demon-
strates the sagacity of our Foreign Secretary.'
The country is divided into two great parties ;
we have contrived to interfere without supporting
either, but have lavished our treasure and our
blood in upholding a Camarilla. Tliis is so bad,
that really the happiest results may speedily be
anticipated. Canada is in a state of rebellion,
and therefore after Easter we may perhaps find
Royalty and peace predominant, especially when
(Te recall to our recollection the profound intel-
set"' your Lordship has selected for the settle-
bient of that distracted colony. The "Whigs, my
ord, seem indeed to have a happy knack in
the choice of Governors, and almost to rival in
their appointments the Duke in Don Quixote.
To them we are indebted alike for the prescient
^irmness of a Gosford'' and the substantial judg-
' Palmerston, whose action in the matter of Sir De Lacy
na' Foreign Legion was a veiy soie su>iject at tJiis time.
' Lonl Glenelg.
' Lord Gosfovd, Governor of Canada.
o2
ment of a Sligo.^ The spring-like promise of the
experienced Elphinstone ■will explain the genial
seed so deftly sown by the noble member for
Glasgow,^ and complete the trio. Three wise
and learned rulers ! To -whomsoever of my leash
my Lord Glenelg may award the golden palm, I
doubt not it iviU prove an apple of sufficient
discord.
Bat all oui' praises why should Lords engross ?
particularly when the appointments of Lord
Auckland^ and Lord Nugent^ are duly men-
tioned.
Rise, honfiat inase, and sing Sir iVancis Head I *
The convenient candour of that celebrated func-
tionary will at least aiford one solacing reminis-
cence for your Easter holidays.
But what is Spanish anarchy or Canadian
rebellion, the broils of Jamaica or the impending
catastrophe of Hindostan, ivhen Ireland is tran-
quil ? And who can doubt the tranq^uillity of
' Lately displaced from the GoverameDt of Jamaica.
« Loni William Bentinek.
3 Govemor-Generftl of India, under whose administration
the disastrous Afghan war occurred.
* High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands under Lord
Groy, but i-ecalled by Sir Robert Poel,
^ Sir F. B. Head ; appointed Lieutenant-Governor of
Upper Canada in 1835. Undei- hia a<l ministration the ra.
belljon of 1837 broke out.
■^iscounf "gRcIbouritc
_ st
I
I
I
Ireland ? Has not your Lordsliip the bond of
the tnistworthy Mr. O'Connell, whose private
praises you celebrate with such curious felicity,
and the choice collateral security of the veracious
Lord Plunket. With such a muniment in the
strong box of your Cabinet securities, what cai-e
ou for the charges of Baron Smith and the
'calendar of Tipperary P And yet, my Lord,
though Ireland is tranquil, and though the
Papists, in their attempts on the lives of their
rivals, seem of late charitably to have substituted
perjury for massacre, I fancy I mark a cloud
fiipon your triumphant brow at vaj incidental
mention of that fortunate land. Be of good
cheer, my Lord ; and if you cannot be bold, at
least be reckless. In spite of the elaborate mis-
representations of party, the state of Irish affairs
very simple. The point lies in a nutshell, and
may be expressed in a single sentence. Your
Lordship's accommodation bills with Mr. O'Cou-
neU are becoming due, and unless you can con-
trive to get them renewed, the chances are your
Xiordship's firm will become bankrupt.
It seems, my Lord, that the hon. member
for Finsbury ^ is about to move a petition to our
gracious sovereign to intercede with the King
of the French in favour of the State-victims of
' Tiioinay Diinconilje.
]08 ^]^c ^cttct^ of ^uttttBmc6c
the three glorious days, persecuted like other
great men for anticipating their age, and at-
tempting to do that in 1830 the consummation
of which was reserved for 1836. My Lord,
buffoonery after a while wearies ; put an end, I
beseech you, to the farce of your Government,
and, to save time, consent at once that you and
your colleagues should be substituted in their
stead. Nay, I wish not to be harsh ; my nature
is not vindictive. I would condemn you to no
severer solitude than the gardens of Hampton
Court, where you might saunter away the re-
maining years of your now ludicrous existence,
sipping the last novel of JPaul de Kock^ while
lounging over a sun-dial.
Marcfh 30, 1836.
LETTER XVI.
TO
THE HOUSE OF LORDS
Apnl 18, 1836
^
\
LETTER XVI.
[The immediate occasion of the following letter was
the debate in the House of Lords on the second reading
of the Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill, the ohject
of which, whether avowed or not, was to break down
the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland. In the course of
that debate Lord Ljndhurat made a powerful speech, urg-
ing that the effect of the Bill would be to throw the con-
trol of public affairs entirely into the hands of the Roman
Catholic clei'gy, who at that time, and in fact ever since
the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act, exercised
a tyi-anny which can only be described as ferocious.
At parliamentary elections Catholic priests uniformly
denounced those who did not vote for the candidates of
their choice aa enemies of their country and their God.
The Municipal Corporations Bill proposed to extend
the popular vote in such a way as to bring not merely
parliamentary candidates but candidates for the offices
of town councillor or alderman under the same in-
finencea. It was against this principle, and against the
tyranny of O'Connell, whose ' rent ' was extorted from
the starving peasantry at the doors of the chapels and
under the pressure of the Irish priesthood, all over Ire-
laud, that the invective of ' Eunnymede ' was directed.]
To the Mouse of Lords.
My Lords, — L£ there be one legislative quality
more valuable than another, it ia the power of
205 %i)e Sciiet5 of ^xtnn^mebe
discriminating between the Cause and the
Pretest. Por two sessions of Parliament an
attempt has been made to force upon your Lord-
ships' adoption a peculiar scheme of policy under
the pretext of doing 'justice to Ireland.' A
majority of the members of the House of Com-
mons, no matter how obtained, have not felt
competent, or inclined, to penetrate beneath the
surface of this plausible plea. They have
accepted the pretext as a sound and genuine
principle of conduct, and have called for your
Lordships' co-operation in measures which you
have declined to sanction, because you believe
you have distinguished the concealed from the
ostensible motive of their proposition. Your
Lordships believe, that under the pretext of
doing ' justice to Ireland,' you are called upon
to do 'injustice to England,' and to assist the
cause of Irish independence and papal supre-
macy.
My Lords, the English nation agrees with
you. The experience of the last few years has
not been lost upon your reflective countrymen.
Tinder the pretext of emancipating the Irish
people, they have witnessed the establishment of
the dominion of a foreign priesthood — under the
pretext of Parliamentary Reform, they have wit-
nessed the delusive substitution of the Whig
Government— under the pretext of Municipal
Reform in England, tliey have seen a sectarian
oligarchy invested with a monopoly of power,
tainting the very fountains of justice, and intro-
ducing into the privacy of domestic life all the
acerbities of public faction — and under the pre-
test of 'justice to Ireland,' they have already
beheld the destruction of Protestant ascendancy,
and the Papacy, if not supreme, at least rampant.
The English nation are reaping the bitter fruits
of not sufficiently discriminating between the
ostensible and concealed purposes of legislation.
Had they been aware some years back, as they
now keenly feel, that they were only extending
jiower and privileges to a priesthood when they
thought they were emancipating a people, the
miserable dilemmas of modem politics would
never have occurred. They would not have
witnessed the gentlemen of Ireland driven from
its parliamentary representation, and deprived of
their local influence ; they would not have wit-
nessed a fierce and bloody war waged against the
property of the Protestant Church and the lives
of its ministers ; they would not have witnessed
the Imperial Parliament occupied in a solemn
debate on the propriety of maintaining the
legislative union. Political revolutions are al-
ways effected by virtue of abstract pleas. ' Jus-
tice to Ireland ' is about as definite as ' the Rights
of Man.' If the Irish have an equal right with
%eUex^ of glunnBtncoe
ourselves to popiilar corporations, have they less
a right to a domestic Legislature or a native
Sovereign ? My Lords, are you prepared to go
this length ? Are you prepared to dismiss cir-
cumstances from your consideration, and legis-
late solely upon principles ? Is the British
Senate an assembly of dreaming schoolmen, that
they are resolved to deal with words in preference
to facts ? Is a great empire to he dissolved hy
an idle logomachy ? If Dublin have an equal
right with Westminster to the presence of a
Parliament, is the right of York less valid ? Be
consistent, my Lords, in the development of the
new system of politics. Repeal the Union, and
revive the Heptarchy.
When the Irish papists were admitted to the
Imperial Parliament, we were told that they
would consist of a few gentlemen of ancient
family and fortune. That class is already
banished from our councils. Wlien the Pro-
testant Establishment in Ireland was reformed
hy the Whigs, we were told that the Church in
Ireland would then be as safe as the Church
in Yorkshire. That Establishment is now an
eleemosynary one. When the repeal of the union
was discussed in the English Parliament, we
were told that it was only supported by a feeble
section. That section now decides the fate of
the British Government and the poHcy of the
I
British empire. Because mucli has been con-
ceded, wo are told that all must he given up ;
because the Irish papists have shown themselves
unworthy of a political franchise, we are told
that it necessarily follows that they should be
entrusted with a municipal one ; because
This new system of inductive reasoning may
pass current with some bankrupt noble, panting
to nestle in the bowers of Downing Street ; this
topsy-turvy logic may flash conviction on the
mind of some penniless expectant of the broken
victuals of the oiScial banquet ; but the people
of England recoil with disgust from the dan-
gerous balderdash, and look up to your Lord-
ships as their hereditary leaders, to stand between
the ark of the constitution and tlie unhallowed
liands that are thrust forward to soil its aplendoiu?
and violate its sanctity. The people of England
are not so far divorced from their ancient valour,
that after having withstood Napoleon and the
whole world in ai-ms, they are to sink before a
horde of their manumitted serfs and the nisi
prius demagogue whom a foreign priesthood
have hired to talk treason on their blasphemous
behalf.^ After having routed the lion, we will
not be preyed upon by the wolf. If wc are to
fall, if this great empire, raised by the heroic
' Daniel O'Connell.
energies of the English nation — that nation of
which your fathers formed a part — is indeed to
be dissolved, let us hope that the last moments
of our career may prove at least an euthanasia :
let Ho pestilent blight, after our meridian glory,
sully the splendour of our setting ; and whether
we fall before the foreign foe we have so often
baffled, or whether by some mysterious combi-
nation of irresistible circumstances, our empire
sinks like the Queen of the Adriatic beneath the
waves that we still rule, let not the records of
our future annalist preserve a fact which, after
aU our greatness, might well break the spii'it of
the coming generations of our species. Let it
not be said that we truckled to one, the un-
paralleled and unconstitutional scope of whose
power is only equalled by the sordid meanness of
his rapacious soul. Let it not be said that the
English constitution sank before a rebel without
dignity and a demagogue without courage.
This grand pensionary of bigotry and sedition
presumes to stir up the people of England
against your high estate. Will the Peers of
England quail to this brawling mercenary — this
man who has even degraded crime, who has
deprived treason of its grandeur and sedition of
its sentiment ; who is paid for his patriotism,
and whose philanthropy is hired by the job —
audacious, yet a poltroon — agitating a people,
I
I
yet picking their pockets ; in mind a Catiline,
in action a Cleon ? ^
This disturber is in himself nothing. He
has neither learning, wit, eloquence, nor refined
taste, nor elevated feeling, nor a passionate and
creative soul. What ragged ribaldry are his
public addresses, whether they emanate from
his brazen mouth or from his leaden pen 1
His pathos might shame the maudlin Eomeo of
a ham ; his invective is the reckless abandon-
ment of the fish-market. Were he a man of
genius, he would be unsuited to the career for
' The allnaion here is to Lyndhurst's famouB attack upon
O'Cotmell (April 26, 1836). It ia impossible to do justice to it
in a line. After painting the ' Liberator ' in colours which no
one could misinterpret, Lyndhurst went on to say :— ' Thia per-
son has so scathed himself, has so exhibited himself in a variety
of poaturea — not always the most seemly and decent— amid the
lihouta and applause of a multitude, that all description on my
part is wholly unnecessary. But these exhibitions have not
been bootless to him ; he has received lavish contributions, I
jnay say ducal contributions, from the connections of the pre-
sent Government, while at the same time ho has wi'ung, by the
aid of the priests, the miserable pittance from the hands of the
starving and famishing peasant. This person has in every
shape and form insulted your Lordships, your Lordships' House,
and many of yon individually ; he has denounced you, doomed you
to destruction, and availing himself of your courtesy, he comes
io your Lordships' bar, he listens to your proceedings, he marks
you and measures yon as his victims. "Etiam in senatum
venit ; notat designati]Tie oculis ad ctedem unumquemque
nostrum."'
wliich he is engaged ; for, after all, he is hut a
slave. But it is the awful character of his
master that invests this creature with his ter-
rible consideration. However wc may detest
or despise the nisi priiis lawyer hired to insult
and injure the realm of England, we know that
he is the delegate of the most ancient and power-
ful priesthood in Europe. It is as the great
papal Qominee that this O'Connell, with all his
vilpness, becomes a power to control which re-
quires no cnminon interference.
My Lords, the English nation believes that
that interference cuu be efficiently exercised by
your august assembly. In you are reposed their
hopes ; you will not disappoint them. In a few
hours, in obedience to the mandate of the
papal priesthood, that shallow voluptuary who
is still Prime Minister of England, will call upon
your Lordships with cuckoo note, to do ' justice
to Ireland.' Do it. Justice to Ireland will best
be secured by doing justice to England. The
people of England created the empire. At the
time when we were engaged in that great strife
which will rank in the estimation of posterity
with the Punic wars and the struggles of the
Greeks against Asia, the very men who are now
menacing your niustrious order and stirring up
war against our national institutions, were in,
communication with our most inveterate foe.
aad soliciting invasion. My Lorda, you will
not forget this; you will not forget to dis-
tinguish their pretext from their cause. These
men cannot be conciliated. They are your
foes because they are the foes of England.
They hate our free and fertile isle. They
hate our order, our civilisation, our enterprising
industry, our sustained courage, our decorous
liberty, our pure religion. This wild, reckless,
indolent, imcertain, and superstitious race have
no sympathy with the English character. Their
fair ideal of human felicity is an alternation of
clannish broils and coarse idolatry. Their his-
tory describes an unbroken circle of bigotry and
blood. And now, forsooth, the cry is raised that
they have been misgoverned ! How many who
sound this party shibboleth have studied the
history of Ireland ? A savage population, under
the influence of the Papacy, has, nevertheless,
been so regulated, that they have contributed to
the creation of a highly-civilised and Protestant
empire. Why, is not that the paragon of politi-
cal science ? Could Machiavel teach more ? My
Lords, shall the delegates of these tribes, under
the direction of the Roman priesthood, ride
roughshod over our country — over England —
haughty, and still imperial England ? Eorbid it
all the memory of your ancestors ! Rest assured
that if you perform your high and august ofiD.ce
r
210 l^lfc goffers of ^nnnyimebc
as becomes you, rest assured that in this agony
of the Protestant cause and the British empire,
the English nation will not desert you. All par-
ties and all sects of Englishmen, in this fierce
and yet degrading struggle, must ultimately
rally round your House. My Lords, be bold, be
reso]»jte, be still * the pillars of the State.*
April 18, 1836.
LETTEE XVII.
TO
THE HOUSE OF LORDS
Aj>ra 23, I83e
p2
[The former letter of ' Runnymede ' produced its due
^effect. The House of Lords read the Municipal Cor-
porations (Ireland) Bill a second time, but deait with
it in Committee with such effect that, as Lord John
Bnssell piteously complained on June 9, they com-
pletely changed the character of the measure. 'Wp
sent up to the other House of Parliament,' said he, ' a
Bill for the Regulation of Municipal Corporations of
Borough Towns in Ireland. That Bill has been re-
turned to us with the title altered, with the preamble
changed, and, of a Bill consiBting of 140 clauses, 106
have been in substance omitted, eighteen other clauses
have been introduced, and of the whole purport and in-
tention of the original Bill little is to be found in the
Bill which has now come down to us.' The result was
a conflict between the two Houses of Parliament, a
conference, and, in the end, the rejection of the Bill.
The Irish brigade were, of course, furious, and on
July 5 Mr. Smith O'Brien rose to move certain resolu-
tions expressive of their indignation. Mr. Rigby Waaon
begged him not to press his motion. O'Connell pro-
tested that he was sensible of ' the indignity offered to
the people of Ireland,' but thought that the course
pursued by O'Brien was injudicious. In the end the
matter dropped, and nothing more was heard of Irish
Corporations in the last ^rliament of the reign of
LWiUiam IV.]
2u %^e jEcfiers of^nnn^mebe
To the House of Lords.
My Lords, — You have unfurled the national
standard. Its patriotic and hearty motto is,
' Justice for England.' The English nation will
support you in your high endeavours. Pear not
that they will be backward. They recognise
your Lordships as their natural leaders, who
have advanced, according to your hereditary
duty, to assist them in the extremity of their
degraded fortunes. The time is come for hold
and vigorous conduct ; the time is come to rid
ourselves of that base tyianny, offensive to the
pride of every Englishman, no matter what his
religious sect or class of political oiiinious. The
English nation will not be ruled by the Irislx
priesthood, Five years of Whig government
have not yet so completely broken our once
pTOud spirit, that we can submit without a
mui-mur or a struggle to such a yoke. If
Athens, even in her lower fortunes, could free
herself of her thirty tyrants, let us hope that
England, in spite of all the jobs of our corrupt
and corrupting Government, may yet chase away
those gentlemen who, fresh from the unction
of M'Hale ^ and the mild injunctions of the
' Archbishop of Tuam — ' the Ooa'of St. Jarlath'a,'
apostolic Kehoe, have undertaken to guard over
the rights and liberties, the property and the
religion, of Protestant England. We have not
reformed the third estate of the realm in order
that England should be governed by the nomi-
nees of the Papacy. There is not a man in
Britain, Tory or Radical, Episcopalian or Pres-
byterian, who can stand this long ; there is not a
man in Britain who at the bottom of his heart
is not proud of our empire, and who does not
despise the inferior race who dare to menace its
integrity. However faction may corrupt and
machinate, the people of England will never
long submit to a Milesian master; and when
they reflect upon their present degradation, and
are conscious that they have experienced it only
to secure in power the dull and desperate
remains of a once haughty oligarchy, long
baf&ed in their anti-national attempts upon the
free realm of England, the nation will rise In its
wrath, and execute vengeance upon the cabal
which has thus trifled with this great country's
immemorial honour.
The English nation requires justice ; and it
is not content to receive that justice by instal-
ments — a process that may suit their lately
manumitted serfs, but which will not accord with
their stern and determined spirits, habituated to
the ennobling exercise and the proud enjoyment
of an ancient libei'ty. They require justice, and
they will have that justice full and free. It
must be meted out speedily and not scantily.
They require this justice, with the Peers of
England at their head, and the result will prove
whether the Milesian peasantry, led on hy the
papist priesthood, can cope with this proud and
powerful society. It is not just to England that
the Sovereign should be deprived of his un-
doubted prerogative ; it is not just to England
that M'Hale and Kehoe should dictate to our
King the servants whom our Royal master should
employ ; it is not just to England that the King
of England should by any such an anti-national
process be surrounded by the Ministers, not of
his choice, but of his necessity; it is not just to
England that a knot of papist legislators should
deal with the polity and property of our Protes-
tant Church ; it is not just to England that
no English blood in Ireland should be secure
from plunder or assassination ; it is not just
to England that a hired disturber, paid by the
Boman priesthood, should ramble over our
counti-y to stir up rebellion against your Lord-
ships' august estate ; that his ribald tongue
should soil and outrage all that we have been
taught to love, honour, and obey — our women,
our princes, and our laws ; and lastly, it is not
just to England that its constitution should ba
attached, its empire menaced, and its religion ^
scoffed at.
My Lords, the same party that demands '
justice for Ireland is not less clamorous in its
requisition of justice for Canada. Will you
grant it ? ' Justice for Botany Bay, too, is, I
have heard, in the market, and the cry is said
to be worth some good 2,000?. per annum.
The noble member for Glasgow, the vigorous
writer of that lucid address which I had the
honour of ti-ansferring from its original Sanscrit
and first introducing to the notice of the British
public,^ has, I believe, already done justice to
India. My Lords 1 when and whore is this
dangerous nonsense to terminate ? How com-
patible is the prevalence of such vrindy words
with the subsistence of an empire ? It may be
as well for your Lordships to ponder on the
consequences. The English nation formed the
empire, ours is the imperial isle, England is the
Metropohtan country ; and we might as well
tear out the living heart from the human form,
and bid the heaving corpse still survive, as
suppose that a great empire can endure without
some concentration of power and vitality.
My Lords, the season is ripe for action. In ]
' DiBafTection in CEinada was at this moment aBsmtmig a
wrioua character. The Papineau rebellion broke out in 1337.
* V, ante, Letter to Lord William Bentinck, p. 133.
spite of all the machinations of the anti-English
faction, never was your great assemhly more
elevated in the esteem and affection of your
countrymen than at this perilous hour. The
English are a reflecting and observant people ;
they ponder even amid tumult ; they can draw
a shrewd moral even from the play of their own
passions ; and they cannot but feel, that after
all the revolutionary rhetoric which has been
dinned into their ears of late in panegyric of a
Eeform Ministry and a Reformed Parliament,
and in simultaneous depreciation of your Lord-
ships' power and usefulness, that not only in
eloquence and knowledge, in elevation of thought
and feeling, and even in practical conduct, your
Lordships need fear no comparison with that
assembly which, from a confusion of ideas, is
in general supposed to be more popular in its
elements and character, but that on all occasions
when the dignity of the empire and the rights
of the subject have been threatened and assailed,
the national cause has invariably found in your
Lordships' House that support and sympathy
which have been denied to it by the other
Chamber.
Tour Lordships, therefore, commence the
conflict with the anti- English party under great
advantages. Not only is your cause a just
one, and your resolution to maintain its justice
unshakable, but there happens in your instance
that which unfortunately cannot always be de-
pended on in those great conjunctures which
decide the fate of crowns and nations. The
sympathy of the nation is arrayed under your '.
banner. And inasmuch as the popularity which
you now enjoy is to be distinguished from that
volatile effusion which is the hurry-skurry off-
spring of ignorance and pride, but is founded
on the surer basis of returning reason and
mellowed passions and sharp experiences, you
may rest assured that the support of your
countrymen will not be withdrawn from you in
the hour of trial.
But, my Lords, do not undervalue the enemy
which, at the head of the English nation, you
are about to combat. If you imagine that you
are going to engage only an ignorant and savage
population, led on by a loose-tongued poltroon,
you will indeed deceive yourselves, and the
truth will not be in you. My Lords, you are
about to struggle with a foe worthy even of the
Peers of England, for he is a foe that has placed
his foot upon the neck of Emperors. My Lords,
you arc about to struggle with the Papacy, and
in its favourite and devoted land. Whether
the conspiracy of the Irish priests be more
successful than the fleets of Spain, and more
fatal to the freedom and the faith of England,
220 ^^c ^cffcrs of ^unnBmc5c
time can alone prove, and Providence can alone
decide. But let us not forget that Heaven aids
those who aid themselves, and, firm in the faith
that nerved the arms of our triumphant fathers,
let us meet without fear that dark and awful
power, that strikes at once at the purity of our
domestic hearths and the splendour of our
imperial sway.
April 23, 1836.
LETTEE XVIII.
TO
THE LORD CHANCELLOR
AprU SO, 1836
LETTER XVIII.
^ bu
K-wa
Hue'
[It cannot be said that the promotion of Sir Charles
Christopher Pepya to the Chancellorship was a stroke
of genius on the part of Lord Melbourne. Greville, who,
when his temper is not exacerbated, is one of the best
judges of men and things of his generation, says of it :
' Pepys's is perhaps one of the moat cnrious instances
of elevation that ever occnrred. A good sound lawyer,
in leading practice at the Bar, never heard of in politics,
no orator, a plain, nndistinguished man to whom ex-
pectation never pointed, and upon whom the Solicitor-
Generalship fell, as it were by accident, finds himself
Master of the Rolls a few months after his appoint-
ment by the sudden death of Leach, and in little more
than one year from that time a Peer and Chancellor.'
Greville'a amazement is not anrprising. Pepys was
nothing and nobody. He came ont from Cambridge
with an ordinary degree in the year 1803 — the year in
which Parke and Coltman distinguished themselves as
Wranglers. He was the pupil of Tidd and of Eomilly ;
but he was at the Bar for twenty-two years before he
-was in a position to take silk, and he would probably
joever have been heard of but for the fact of his having
attracted the notice of Earl Fitzwilliam, who sent him
into Parliament for Higham Ferrars and for Malton
successively. When Sir John Leach, the Master of
the Rolls, was compelled to retire through ill-health in
September 1834, Pepys, to the astonishment of every-
body, was preferred to his vacant place, and when the
Great Seal was put in commission after Brougham's
eiit from office, he was naturally made one of the Com-
missionera. When at last it was discovered that the
judicial business of the country was suffering somewhat
severely from the necessity for employing three judges
to do the work of one, Pepys was made Lord Chancellor
— not perhaps entirely to the gratification of suitors in
that Court, and ceVtainly not to that of the Bar or of
bis party in Parliament. According to Campbell, lie
' could hardly put two sentencea together,' and in the
House of Lords was an utter failure. He died in 1851,
and the ' Times ' did not even mention the fact.]
To the Lord Chancellor.
My Lord, — The gay liver, who, terrified by
the consequences of his excesses, takes to water
and a temperance society, is in about the same
condition as the "Whig Ministers in their ap-
pointment of a Lord Chancellor, when, still
smarting under the eccentric Tagaries of a
Brougham, they sought refuge in the calm
reaction of your sober Lordship. Thia change
from Master Shallow to Master Silence was for
a moment amusing ; but your Lordship has at
length found the faculty of speech, and your
astonished countrymen begin to suspect that
they may not be altogether the gainers in the
great transition from humbug to humdrum.
We have escaped from the eagle to be preyed
upon by the owl. Por your Loi-dship is also a
Reformer, a true Reformer ; you are to proceed
in the grand course of social amelioration and
ft
I
party jobbing,^ and the only substantial differ-
ence, it seems, that a harassed nation is to
recognise, is that which consists between tlie
devastation of the locust and the destruction of
the slug.
Your Lordship has figured during the last
week in the double capacity of a statesman and
a legislator. With what transcendent success,
let the blank dismay that stamped the counten-
ance of the Prime Minister bear flattering wit-
he hung with an air of awkward
astonishment on the accents of your flowing
iloquence, and listened with breathless surprise,
if not admiration, to the development of those
sage devices which, by a curious felicity of for-
tune, have succeeded in arraying against them
the superficial prejudices of all parties. Yet
one advantage, it cannot be denied, has resulted
from your Lordship's last triumphant exhibition.
The public at length become acquainted with the
object of Lord Langdale's ' surprising elevation,
and the agreeable office which it appears the
noble Master of the Eolls is to fulfil in the
Senate of Great Britain. We have heard before
A reference to tlie very curious arraDgement by which
Campbell became for a whUe Lord Chancellor of Irelaad.
(Bickerelelh). Lord Cottenham had brought is a Bill for
the B«foi'iu of the Court of Chancery, which was read a first
time in the Lords on Aptil 33, in spite of a somewhat utreDuous
protest from Lord Langdale.
of a Lord Chancellor's devil; but my Lord Cot
tenham is the first guardian of the Great Seal
whom liis considerate colleagues have supplied
not only with a coronet, hut a critic.
That your Lordship should be an advocate
for * justice to Ireland,' might reasonably have
been expected from your eminent situation.
Your party may share with you the odium or
the glory of your political projects, but the
laurels which you have recently acqxiired by your
luminous eloquence and your profound legal
knowledge are all your Lordship's own, and I
doubt whether any of your friends or your oppo-
nents will be aspiring enough to envy you tteir
rich fruition.
And here, as it is the fashion to do ' justice
to Whiggism,' I cannot but pause to notice the
contrast, so flattering to the judgment and high
principle of your Lordship's party, which their
legal appointments afford when compared with
those of the annihilated Tories, and especially
of the late Government. The administration of
justice is still a matter of some importance, and
we naturally shrink from the party who have
entrusted its conduct to men so notoriously
incompetent as a Sugden ^ or a Scarlett," or
placed upon the judgment seat such mere politi-
' Lord St. Leonards.
^ ijovd Abinger.
I
I
il adventurers as an Alderaon and a Parke,
Patteson and a Coleridge, a Taunton and
a Tindal ! How refreshing is it, after such a
prostitution of patronage and power, to turn to
a Lord Chief Justice like a Denman, raised to
liis lofty post by the sheer influence of his un-
equalled learning and his unrivalled practice, or
to recognise the homage which has been paid fo
professional devotion in the profound person of
Mr. Baron "Williams 1
I say nothing of your Lord Chancellors ; one
you have discarded, and the other you are about
to deprive of his functions. And, indeed, it
cannot be denied, that the appointment of your
Lordship to the custody of the Great Seal, as a
preliminary step to the abolition of the office of
Lord Chancellor itself,' displayed a depth of
statecraft in your party for which the nation
has hitherto given them scarcely sufficient credit.
Had it been entrusted to a Hardwicke, an Eldon,
or a Lyndhurst, to some great functionary to
whom the public had been accustomed to look
up with confidence, and the profession with
respect, some murmurs might naturally have
arisen at the menaced disturbance of an ancient
' There was at this time a great controversy about the
E division of thejatlicial from the legislative functiona of the Lord
I Chancellor, and Lord Cottenbam's projiosala of April 38, 183G
—which came to nothing — were in thia direction.
Q 2
oilier which had long contributed to that pure
and learned administration of justice which was
OQce the boast of Britons. But if the V^Tiigs, as
their organs daily assure us, are indeed to be our
perpetual masters, we may be excused for viewing
with indifference, if not with complacency, that
pronaised arrangement by which the most impor-
tant duties of the State are no longer assigned at
the caprice of a party, which, with a singularly
sound judgment, has periodically selected for
their performance an Erskine, a Brougham, and
finally, your learned Lordship. The still haughty
Venetians sometimes console themselves with
the belief that their State would not liave fallen
if the last of their Doges had not unfortunately
been a plebeian ; the Bar of England, that illus-
trious body which has contributed to our fame
and our felicity not less than the most celebrated
of our political institutions, may perhaps, in a
sympathetic strain of feeling, some day be of
opinion that they would not have been expelled
from their high and just position in our society,
if the last of the LoimI Chancellors had been
worthy of being their chief ; and posterity may
perhaps class together, in the same scale of un-
suitable elevation, the ignoble Manini and the
feeble Cottenham.
My Lord, the same spirit that would expel
the heads of cm- Church from the Senate, would
I
banish the head of our law from the King's
Council. Under pretext of reform and popular
goTemment, your party, as usual, are assailing
all the democratic elements of our con-
stitution. The slang distinction of the day
between the political and legal duties of a Lord
Chancellor tends, like all the other measures of
the party which has elevated your Lordship to
the peerage, and is now about to lower you to a
clerkship, to the substitution of an oligarchical
government. "We may yet live to regret that
abrogated custom which, by giving the head of
the law a precedence over the haughtiest peers,
and securing his constant presence in the Cabinet
of the sovereign, paid a glorious homage to
the majesty of jurisprudence, announced to the
world that our political constitution was emi-
nently legal, guaranteed that tliere should be at
least one individual in the realm who was not
made a Minister because he ivas a noble, insured
the satisfactoiy administration of domestic justice,
and infused into our transactions with foreign
Courts and Cabinets that high and severe spirit
of public rectitude which obtained our own rights
by acknowledging those of others.
Will the hybrid thing which, under Lord
Cottenham's scheme of legal reform, is to be
baptized in mockery a Lord Chancellor, afford
these great advantages in the Cabinet or the
830 ^^c JIcHcrs of ^unngme&e
Senate ? He is to be a lawyer without a court,
and a lawyer without a court will soon be a
lawyer without law. The Lord High Chancellor
of England will speedily subside into a political
nonentity like the President of the Council ; that
office which is the fittinj^ appanage of pompous
imbecility. Lord Cottenham may be excused
for believing that to make a Lord Chancellor it
ia enough to plant a man upon a woolsack, and
thrust a wig upon his head and a gold-
embroidered robe upon his hack ; but the people
of England have been accustomed to recognise
in a Lord Chancellor, a man who has won his
way to a great position by the exercise of great
qualities — a man of singular acuteness, and pro-
found leaming, and vast experience, and patient
study, and unwearied industry — a man who has
obtained the confidence of his profession before
he challenges the confidence of his country, and
who has secured eminence in the House of
Commons before he has aspired to superiority in
the House of Lords — a man who has expanded
from a great lawyer into a great statesman, and
who brings to the woolsack the commanding
reputation which has been gained in the long
and laborious years of an admired career.
My Lord, this is not your portrait. You
are the child of reform, the chance offspring of
political agitation and factious intrigue. The
^l^c Jlor^ ^f)anceUov 231
•
Whigs have stirred up and made muddy even
the fountain of justice; for a moment an airy
bubble, glittering in the simshine, floated on the
excited surface; but that brilliant bubble soon
burst and vanished, and a scum, thick and
obscure, now crests the once piu^e and tranquil
waters.
April 30, 1836.
LETTER XIX.
TO
VISCOUNT MELBOURNE
May 15, 1886
LETTER XIX.
[This letter, the last of the ' Runnymede ' seriea, is
a final protest againafc the attempt of the Whigs to
govern England by the help of the Irish vote.]
To Viscount Melhoume.
My Lord, — I had the honour of addressing
you on the eve of your last hohdays ; the delight-
ful hour of relaxation again approaches : I Tvish
you again to retire to the bowers of Brocket
with my congratulations. The campaign ahout
to close has been brief, hut certainly not un-
eventful ; I wiU not say disastrous, because I
wish to soothe, rather than irritate, your tortured
feelings. The incidents have been crowded, as
in the last act of one of those dramas to which
it was formerly your ambition to supply an
epilogue. Why did that ambition ever become
so unnaturally elevated ? Why was your Lord-
ship not content to remain agreeable ? Why did
you aspire to be great ? A more philosophical
moderation would have saved you much annoy-
ance and your country mucli evil ; yourself
Bome disgraceful situations, perhaps some ludi-
crous ones. "When I last addressed you, your
position was only mischievous ; it is now ridi-
culous. Your dark master, the Milesian. Eblis,
has at length been vanq^uished by that justice
for which he is so clamorous, and wliich he has
so long outraged. The poisoned chalice of
revolutionary venom which your creatures pre-
pared for our august Senate, august althoug
you are a member of it, has been ref!
their own lips. The House of Lords, decried
for its ignorance and inefficiency by adventurers
without talents and without education, has
vindicated its claims to the respect of the country
for its ability and its knowledge. Held up to
public scorn by your hirelings as the irrespon-
sible tyrants of the land, a grateful nation recog-
nises in the Peers of England the hereditary
trustees of their rights and liberties, the guardians
of their greatness, and the eloquent and un-
daunted champions of the integrity of their
empire. The greater portion of the nation has
penetrated the superficial characteristics of Whig
Machiavelism. Your hollow pretences all evapo-
rated, your disgraceful manceuvrcs all detected,
your reckless expedients all exhausted, we recog-
nise only a desperate and long-baffied oligarchy,
ready to sacrifice, for the possession of a power
Bsee
Rue
which they are incompetent, the laws, the
pire, and the religion of England.
My Lord, it requires no prophet to announce
that the commencement of the end is at length
at hand. The reign of delusion is about to
close. The man who ohtains property by false
pretences is sent to Botany Bay. Is the party
that obtains power by the same means to be
saved harmless ? You have established a new
colony in Australia ; it wants settlers. Let the
Cabinet emigrate. My Lord Glenelg, with all
his Canadian experience, will make an excellent
colonial governor. And there your Lordship may
hide your public discomfiture and your private
mortification. And, indeed, a country where nature
regulates herself on an exactly contrary system
to the scheme she adopts in the older and more
favoured world, has some pretensions, it would
jseem, to the beneficial presence of your faction.
iQ land where t)ie rivers are salt, where the
[uadrupeds have fins and the fish feet, where
everything is confused, discordant, and irregular,
is indicated by Providence as the fitting scene of
Whig government.
The "Whigs came into oflSce under auspices so
favourable, that they never could have been dis-
lodged from their long-coveted posts except by
their own incompetence and dishonesty. From
cii-cumstances which it would not be difficult to
explain, they were at once sanctioned by the
King and supported by the people. In the
course of five years they have at once deceived
the sovereign and deluded the nation. After
having reconstructed the third estate for their
own purposes, in the course of five years a
majority of the EngHsh representatives is arrayed
against them ; wafted into power on the wings
of the public press, dusty from the march of
intellect, and hoarse with clamouring about the
spirit of the age, in the course of fire years they
are obliged to declare war against the journals, the
faithful mirrors of the public mind. "With peace,
reform, and retrenchment for their motto, in the
course of five years they have involved ua in a
series of ignoble wars, deluged the country with
jobs and placemen, and have even contrived to
increase the amount of the public debt.
"What rashness and what cowardice, what
petty prudence and what vast recklessness,
what arrogance and what truckling, are com-
prised in the brief annals of this last assault of
your faction upon the constitutional monarchy
of England ! Now hinting at organic changes,
now whimpering about the pressure from witliout ;
dragged through the mud on the questions of
military discipline and the pension list, yet ready
at the next moment to plunder the Church or
taint the very fountain of justice ; threatening
■^iscounf ^Tclbounte
the Peers of England on. one day, and croucliing
■oil the next hefore the Irish priests ! A few
.onths back you astounded the public by
announcing that you had purchased a Lord
Chancellor at the price of three coronets.^ The
cost has been considered not only exorbitant
but unconstitutional : but the nation, wearied by
your vexations delay of justice, was content to
be silent, and awaited the anticipated presence
of a Minos. You produced Cottenham. Moses
and his green Kpect^acles was not in a more
ludicrous position than your Lordship with your
precious purchase. Yet this impotent conclusion
was announced in January as a coup-d'eiat, and
the people of England were daily congratulated
on an arrangement now universally acknow-
ledged as the most ridiculous act even of your
administration. Moralists have contrasted the
respective careers of the knave and the fool, and
lave consoled humanity by the conviction that
scoundrel in the long run is not more fortu-
'nate than the simpleton. I leave this contro-
'erted question to the fabler and the essayist ;
man of the world, however, will not be
Isurprised at the fate of a political party, the
normity of whose career is only equalled by the
of theu" conduct.
' Tboae of Lady Stratbeden (wife of John, Lord Campbell) ;
Bickerateth (Lord Langdale), and Pepys (Lord CottenLam).
My Lord, the Whigs a century back or so
were at least no fools. "When the Dukes of
Somerset and Argyll attended a Privy CounciL
without being summoned,^ and forced a dying
Queen to appoint the Duke of Shrewsbur;
Prime Minister, they did not perpetrate a greater
outrage than the Whig leader, who, by virtue of
a papist conspiracy, returned to the post from
which he had been properly expelled, and
became the Minister, not of the King's choice
but of the King's necessity. These same Wlii|
leaders, when thus unconstitutionally establishei
in power, introduced the Peerage Bill, wliicli
if passed into a law, would have deprived thi
Sovereign of his prerogative of creating furthei
Peers, and they remodelled the House of
Commons by the Septennial Act.
The Whigs in 1718 sought to govern tin
country by ' swamping ' the Ilouse of Commons
in 1836 it is the House of Lords that is to bi
' See HuTiie, clmp. xi. par, 43. Queen Anne's life waa de)
spaired of (July 30, 17H). 'Tiie Committee of the Cotmd!
aaaembled at the Cockpit adjourned to Kensington. The Duke
of Somerset and Argyll, informed of the desperate situation i
which Khe lay, repaired to the palace, and without being si
moned, entered the Council Chamber. The members were :
prised at their appearance, but the Duke of Shrewabuiy th^
them for their readiness to give their assistaiioe at s""^ oriti J
cal juncture, and desired they would take their places,
Anne died in the morning of August 1.
■gltscouni "gStelbourne
Lpedl' In 1718 the coup-d'tftai was to
prevent any further iacrease of the Lords ; in
1836 the Lords are to be outnumbered : different
tactics to obtain the same purpose — the estab-
lishment of an oligarchical government by
vii-tue of a Republican cry. "Where Argyll and
Walpole failed, is it probable that Lord Mel-
bourne and Lord John E,ussell will succeed ?
The Whigs, a century back, were men of great
station, great talents, great eloquence, supported
by two-thirds of the nobles of the land ; by the
Dissenters, because they attacked the Church,
inasmuch as the Establishment, like every other
national institution, is an obstacle to oligarchical
power ; and by the commei-cial and ' moneyed
nterest ' of the country, now, like every other
terest of property, arrayed against them. And
hat are you? Is it your eloquence, your
owJedge, your high descent, and vast property,
<r tlie following of your order, that introduce
'ou into the King's Cabinet ? No, you are the
lave of a slave, the delegate of a deputy, the
!0ud-liand nominee of a power the most odious
.nd anti-national in existence, foreign to all
he principles and alien to all the feelings of
iritona. My Lords, the popular and boisterous
;ale that criginally drove your party into power
las long s'nce died away, aud though some
iccasional and fitful gusts may have deceiyed
j'ou into believing that your sails were to be ever
set and your streamers ever flying;, the more
experienced navigators have long detected the
rising of the calm yet steady breeze fatal to
your course. It is a wind which may be de-
pended on — a great monsoon of national spirit,
which will clear the seas of those political pirates
who have too long plundered us under false
colours.
And yet, my Lord, let us not part in anger.
Yours is still a gratifying, even a great position.
Notwithstanding all your public degradation and
all , your private annoyances,' that man is surely
to be envied who has it in hia power to confer
an obligation on every true-hearted Englishman.
And this your Lordship still can do ; you can
yet perform an act which will command the
gratitude of every lover of his country ; you can
— Resign.
Thej,
Ma!/\5, 1836.
' T!ie famoua case, Norton u. Lord Melbourne,
much noise at this time, and was tried on June 2
gave their verdict for Melbourae, and the Whiga i
theii' assei-tion that Lord Grantleyhad pushed the matter
political purposes. The vagaries of Lady Caroline Lamb
heen a source of deep and bitter trouble, but they of course
ceased ^^'ith her death in 1828.
THE
SPIEIT OF WHIGGISM
s2
[In the following pages Lord Beaconsfield expounds
that theory of the English Constitution which he had
previously set forth in his pamphlet * A Vindication of
the English Constitution in a Letter to a Noble and
Learned Lord/ The same theory is expounded in an-
other way in the three great novels, ' Coningsby/ ' Sybil/
and * Tancred/ His contemporaries never seem to have
understood it, while his assailants of a later date appear
to have written and spoken concerning him in absolute
ignorance of his real political creed. The concluding
paragraph of the tract ought, in the minds of all candid
men, to disperse at once and for ever the innumerable
calumnies levelled at Lord Beaconsfield during and since
the Reform struggle of 1859-1867.]
r
England has become great "by her institutions.
ffier hereditary Crown has in a great degree
nsured us from the distracting evils of a con-
lested succession ; her Peerage, interested, from
bhe vast property and the national honours of its
nemhers, in the good government of the country,
las offered a compact bulwark against the
»mporary violence of popular passion ; her
House of Commons, representing the conflicting
sentiments of an estate of the realm not less
privileged than that of the Peers, though far
more numerous, has enlisted the great mass of
the lisser proprietors of the country in favour of
political system which offers them a consti-
tutional means of defence and a legitimate
method of redress ; her Ecclesiastical Establish-
ment, preserved by its munificent endowment
Erom the fatal necessity of pandering to the
Brratic fancies of its communicants, has main-
tained the sacred cause of learning and religion,
md preserved orthodoxy while it has secured
oleration ; her law of primogeniture has sup-
M
246 '^tfs Spirit of p^iggisttt
plied the country with a band of natural and
independent leaders, trustees of those legal
institutions wliich pervade the land, and whicli
are the origin of our political constitution. That
great body corporate, styled a nation — a vast
assemblage of human beings knit together by
laws and arts and customs, by the necessities of
the present and the memory of the past^-offers
in this country, through these its vigornus and
enduring members, a more substantial and
healthy framework than falls to tlie lot of other
nations, Our stout- built constitution throws off
with more facihty and safety those crude and
dangerous humoui's which must at times arise in
all human communities. The march of revolu-
tion must here at least be orderly. We are
preserved from those reckless and tempestuous
sallies that in other countries, like a whirlwind
topple down in an instant an ancient crown, or
sweep away an illustrious aristocracy. This
constitution, which has secured order, has con-
sequently promoted civilisation ; and the almost
unbroken tide of progressive amelioration has
made us the freest, the wealthiest, and the most
refined society of modern ages. Our commerce
is unrivalled, our manufacturers supply the
world, our agriculture is the most skilftd in
Christendom. So national are our institutions,
so completely have they arisen from the tempei
^e ^ptnl
tggtsm
and adapted themselves to the character of the
people, that when for a season they were appar-
ently annihilated, the people of England volun-
tarily returned to them, and established them
with renewed strength and renovated vigoury
The constitution of England is again
threatened, and at a moment when the nation
is more prosperous, more free, and more famous
than at any period of its momentous and memo-
rable career. Why is this ? "What has occasioned
these distempered times, which make the loyal
tremble and the traitor smile? Why has this
dark cloud suddenly gathered in a sky so serene
and so splendid ? Is there any analogy between
this age and that of the first Charles ? Are the
same causes at work, or is the apparent similarity
produced only by designing men, who make use
of the perverted past as a passport to present
mischief ? These are great questions, which it
may be profitable to discuss and wise to study.
Rapin, a foreigner who wrote our history,in the
course of his frigid yet accurate pages, indulged
in one pliilosophica! observation. Struck at the
same time by our greatness and by the fury
of our factions, the Huguenot exclaimed, ' It
appears to me that this great society can only
be dissolved by the violence of its political
parties.' What are these parties? WTiy are
they violent? Why should they exist? In
^c gpirtJ of ^^iggtsm
^
resolving these questions, we may obtain an
accurate idea of our present political position,
and by pondering over tlie past we may make
that past not a prophecy as the disaffected intend,
but a salutary lesson by which the loyal may
profit.
The two great parties into which England has
during the last century and a half been tUyided,
originated in the ancient struggle between the
Crown and the aristocracy. As long as the
Crown possessed or aspired to despotic power,
the feeling of the nation supported the aristocracy
in their struggles to establish a free government.
The aristocracy of England formed the constitu-
tion of the Plantagenets ; the wars of the Roses
destroyed that aristocracy, and the despotism of
tJie Tudors succeeded. Renovated by more than a
century of peace and the spoils of the Papacy, the
aristocracy of England attacked the first Stuarts,
who succeeded to a despotism which they did not
create. When Charles the First, after a series
of great concessions which ultimately obtained
for him the support of the most illustrious of his
early opponents, raised the royal standard, the
constitution of the Plantagenets, and more than
the constitution of the Plantagenets, had been
restored and secured. But a portion of the able
party which had succeeded in effecting such a
vast and beneficial revolution was not content
If^e §pivit of ^^iggtsm 249
to part witli the extraordinary powers which
they had ohtained in this memorable struggle.
This section of the aristocracy were the origin
of the English Whigs, though that title was not
invented until the next reign. The primitive
"Whigs—' Parliament- men,' as they liked to call
themselves, ' Roundheads,' as they were in time
dubbed — aspired to an oligarchy. For a moment
they obtained one ; but unable to maintain
themselves in power against the returning sense
and rising spirit of a generous and indignant
people, they called to their aid that domestic
revolutionary party which exists in all countries,
and an anti-national enemy in addition. These
were the English Radicals, or Root- and- Branch
nen, and the Scotch Covenanters. To conciliate
the firet they sacrificed the Crown ; to secure the
jecond they abolished the Church. The con-
btitution of England in Church and State was
destroyed, and the Whig oligarchy, in spite of
their machinations, were soon merged in the
icommon i-uin.
The ignoble tyranny to which this great
nation was consequently subject produced that
reaction which is in the nature of human affairs.
The ancient constitution was in time restored,
uid the Church and the Crown were invested
ffith greater powers than they had enjoyed pre-
iously to their overthrow. So hateful had been
250 ^^e ^i^irit of ■^tiiggism
the consequences of Whig rule, that the people
were inclined rather to trust the talons of arbit-
rary power than to take refuge under the wing of
these pretended advocates of popular rights. A
wortliless monarch and a corrupted court availed
themselves of the offered opportunity ; and when
James the Second ascended the throne, the nation
was again prepared to second the ai-istocracy in
a struggle for their liberties. But the Whigs
had profited by their previous experiment : they
resolved upon a revolution, hut they determined
that that revolution should be brought about by
as slight an appeal to popular sympathies as
possible. They studiously confined that appeal
to the religious feelings of the nation. They
hired a foreign prince and enlisted a foreign
army in their service. They dethroned James,
they established themselves in power without
the aid of the mass ; and had WiUiam the Thiri
been a man of ordinary capacity, the constitu-
tion of Venice would have been established ii
England in 1688. William the Third told th<
Whigs that he would never consent to be a Doge
Resembling Louis Phihppe in his character
well as in his position, that extraordinary princt
baffled the Whigs by his skilful balance of parties;
and had Providence accorded him an heir, it if
probable that the oligarcbical faction would nevei
have revived in England. The Wliigs have ever
^^c gptril of iS^tggtsm sm
¥
been opposed to the national institutions because
they axe adverse to the establishment of an oli-
garchy. Local institutions, supported by a landed
.gentry, check them ; hence their love of central-
.isation and their hatred of unpaid magistrates.
An independent hierarchy checks them ; hence
their affected advocacy of toleration and their
patronage of the Dissenters. The power of the
Crown checks them ; therefore they always
labour to reduce the sovereign to a nonentity,
and by the establishment of the Cabinet they
have virtually banished the King from his own
councils. But, above all, the Parliament of
England checks them, and therefore it may be
observed that the Whigs at all times are quarrel-
ling with some portion of those august estates.
They despair of destroying the Parliament ; by
it, and by it alone, can they succeed in theii"
objects. Corruption for one part, force for the
other, then, is their motto. In 1640 they
attempted to govern the country by the House
of Commons, because the aristocracy was then
more powerful in the House of Commons than
in the House of Lords, wliere a Peerage, ex-
hausted by civil wars, had been too libei-ally
recruited from the courtiers of the Tudors and
the Stuarts- At the next revolution which the
Wliigs occasioned, they attempted to govern the
country by the House of Lords, in which they
^ite Spirit of ^^tflgism
were predominant ; and, in order to guarantee
their power for ever, they introduced a Bill to
deprive the King of his prerogative of makina
further Peers. The revolution of 1640 led to the
abolition of the House of Lords because the
Lords opposed the oligarchy. Having a majority
in the House of Loi-ds, the Whigs introduced the
Peerage Bill, by which the House of Lords would
have been rendered independent of the sovr
reign; unpopular with the country, the Whigs
attacked the influence of popular election, and
the moment that, by the aid of the most infamous
corruption, they had obtained a temporary ma-
jority in the Lower House, they passed the
Septennial Act. The Whigs of the eighteenth
century ' swamped ' the House of Commons ;
the ^Vliigs of the nineteenth would ' swamp ' the
House of Lords. The Whigs of the eighteenth
century would have rendered the House of Lords
unchangeable ; the Whigs of the nineteenth re.
model the House of Commons.
I conclude here the first chapter of the 'Spirit
of Whiggism ' — a little book which I hope may
be easily read and easily remembered. Tha
Whig party have always adopted popular cries.
In one age it is Liberty, in another Reform ;
one period they sound the tocsin against popery,
in another they ally themselves with papists.
They have many cries, and various modes o£
^]^c Spirit of ^i^iggism 253
conduct; but they have only one object — the
establishment of an oligarchy in this free and
equal land. I do not wish this country to be
governed by a small knot of great families, and
therefore I oppose the Whigs. /
■^tje spirit of ^^iggism
CHAPTER II.
"When the "Whigs and their public organs favo
us with their mysterious hints that the constitu
tioii has provided the sovereign with a means it.
re-estahliah at all times a legislative sympathy
between the two Houses of Parliament, it may
be as well to remind them that we are not in-
debted for this salutary prerogative to the for-
bearance of their party. Suppose their Peerage
Bill had passed into an Act, how would they have
carried the Reform Bill of 1832 ? The Whigs
may reply, that if the Peerage Bill had become
a law, the Reform Bill would never have beej
introduced ; and I believe them. In that case
the British House of Lords would have beei
transformed into a Venetian Senate, and the old
walla of St. James's might have witnessed scenes
of as degrading mortification as the famous ducal
palace of the Adriatic.
George III. routed the Whigs, consolidated
by half a century of power; but an ordinary
monarch would have sunk beneath the Coalition
and the India Bill. Tliis scheme was the last
^^e ^pxxxi of ^^iggtsm
desperate effort of the oligarcliical faction previous
to 1830. Not that they were inactive during the
reat interval that elapsed between the advent
\ Mr. Pitt and the resurrection of Lord Grey :
but, ever on the watch for a cry to carry them
hto power, they mistook the yell of Jacobinism
for the chorua of an emancipated people, and
ncied, in order to take the throne by storm,
tat nothing was wanting but to hoist the
ricolour and to cover their haughty brows with
I red cap. This fatal blunder clipped the wings
' "Whiggism ; nor is it possible to conceive a
barty that had effected so many revolutions and
overned a great country for so long a period,
nore broken, sunk, and shattered, more desolate
nd disheartened, than these same Whigs at the
teace of Paris. From that period till 1830,
he tactics of the Whigs coasisted in gently and
fradually extricating themselves from their false
position as the disciples of Jacobinism, and
jsuming their ancient post as the hereditary
Tiardians of an hereditary monarchy. To make
transition less dif&cult than it threatened,
Jiey invented Liberalism, a bridge by which they
Irere to regain the lost mainland, and daintily
fecross on tiptoe the chasm over which they had
iriginally sprung with so much precipitation. A
lozen years of ' liberal principles ' broke up the
lational party of England, cemented by half a
266 ^I)e gpirii of ^fjtgfiiem
century of prosperity and glory, compared wit!
which all the aonalB of the realm are dim^ and
lacklustre. Yet so weak intrinsically was th*
ohgarchical faction, that their chief, despairing
to obtain a monopoly of power for his party;
elaborately announced himself aa the champior
of his patrician order, and attempted to coalesce
with the liberalised leader of the Tories. Ha^
that negotiation led to the result which
originally intended by those interested, the Bioti
of Paris would not have occasioned the Reforni
of London.
It is a great delusion to believe that revolu-
tions are ever effected by a nation. It is a fae-
tion, and generally a small one, that overthrow!
a dynasty or remodels a constitution. A small
party, stung by a long exile from power, and
desperate of success except by desperate means,
invariably has recourse to a coup-d'etat. Aji
oligarchical party is necessarily not numerous.
Its members in general attempt, by noble
lineage or vast possessions, to compensate tot
their poverty of numbers. The Whigs, in ISSOj
found themselves by accident in place, but undei
very peculiar circumstances. They were in place
hut not in power. In each estate of the realm i
majority was arrayed against them. An appeaJ
to the Commons of England, that constituency
which, in its elements, had undergone no altera*
ge ^ptnt of
^tflStsn
M
thei
Heari
in since the time of Elizabeth, either by the in-
uence of the legislature or the action of time
that constituency which had elected Pym, and
lelden, and Hampden, as well as Somers, Wal-
pole, and Pulteney— an appeal to this constitu-
ency, it was generally acknowledged, would be
fatal to the "Whigs, and therefore they deter-
mined to reconstruct it. This is the origui of
the recent parliamentary reform : the Whigs, in
ilace without being in power, resolved as usual
;pon a coup-d'Mat, and looked about for a stalk-
ing-horse. In general the difficult task had
devolved upon them of having to accomplish
their concealed purpose while apparently
bieving some public object. Thus they had
■ried the Septennial Act on the plea of pre-
serving England from popery, though their real
object was to prolong the existence of the first
House of Commons In which they could com-
mand a majority.
But in the present instance they became
sincerely parliamentary reformers, for by par-
liamentary reform they could alone subsist ; and
all their art was dedicated so to contrive, that in
this reformation their own interest should secure
an irresistible predomtiiance.
ow was an oUgarchical party to pre-
iminate in popular elections ? Here was the
5c5ptru of ■§3^tggt5m
difficulty. The "Whigs had no resources froit
their own limited ranks to feed the muster of th)
popular levies. They were obliged to look aboqi
for allies wherewith to form their new populaa
estate. Any estate of the Commons modeUee
on any equitable principle, either of property en
population, must have been fatal to the Whiga \
they, therefore, very dexterously adopted a smaS
minority of the nation, consisting of the seoi
tarians, and inaugurating them as the people
witli a vast and bewUdering train of hoeus-pocuS
ceremonies, invested the Dissenters with politicai
power. By this coup-d'etat they managed th
House of Commons, and having at leng'
obtained a position, they have from that momi
laid siege to the House of Lords, with tl
intention of reducing that great institution ai
making it surrender at discretion. This is thfl
exact state of English politics during the la^
five years. The Whigs have been at war wil
the Enghsh constitution. Pirst of all the
captured the King; then they vanquished th
House of Commons; now they have laid sieg
to the House of Lords. But here the fallacy
their grand scheme of political mystificatioi
begins to develop itself. Had, indeed, thei
new constituency, as they have long impudentl
pretended, indeed been 'the people,' a strugj
between such a body and the House of Lore
would liave been brief but final. The absurdity
of supposing that a chamber of two or three!
hundred individuals could set up their absolutel
will and pleasure against the decrees of a legis- '
lative assembly chosen by the whole nation, iaj
so glaring that the Whigs and their scribe»l
might reasonably suspect that in making suchl
allegations they were assuredly proving tool
much. But as ' the people ' of the Whigs is in I
fact a number of Englislimen not exceeding in.|
amount the population of a third-rate city, the I
English nation is not of opinion that this arrogant I
and vaunting moiety of a class privileged for the 1
common good, swollen though it may be by some I
jobbing Scots and rebel Irish, shall pass off theirl
petty and selfish schemes of personal aggrandise- ;
ment as the will of a gi-eat people, as mindful of ]
its duty to its posterity, as it is grateful for '
the labours of its ancestors. The English nation,
therefore, rallies for rescue from the degrading
plots of a profligate oligarchy, a barbarisingj
sectarianism, and a boroughmongeriug PapacyS
round their hereditary leaders — the Peers. Thai
House of Lords, therefore, at this momenfi
represents everything in the realm except thtff
Whig oligarchs, their tools — the Dissentei-s, and
their masters — the L:ish priests. In the mean-
s2
m ^i)c Spirit of iSl^iggism
time the Whigs bawl aloud that there is a
' collision ' ! It is true there is a collision ;
but it is not a collision between the Lords and
the people, but between the Ministers and the
Constitution.
l^ftc ^^^itii of iSl^iQQism sei
CHAPTER III.
It may be as well to remind the English nation
that a revolutionary party is not necessarily a
liberal one, and that a republic is not indis-
pensably a democracy. Such is the disposition
of property in England, that were a republic to
be established here to-morrow, it would partake
rather of the oligarchical than of the aristo-
cratic character. We should be surprised to find
in how few families the power of the State was
concentrated. And although theframers of the
new commonwealth would be too crafty to base
it on any avowed and ostensible principle of
exclusion; but on the contrary would in all
probability ostentatiously inaugurate the novel
constitution by virtue of some abstract plea
about as definite and as prodigal of practical
effects as the rights of man or the sovereignty
of the people, nevertheless I should be astonished
were we not to find that the great mass of the
nation, as far as any share in the conduct of
public affairs was concerned, were as completely
shut out from the fruition and exercise of power
262 %tt€ §pivit of ^^tggtstn
as under that Venetian polity which has ever
been the secret object of Whig envy and Whig
admiration. The Church, under such circum-
stances, would probably have again been
plundered, and therefore the discharge of eccle-
siastical duties might be spared to the nation ;
but the people would assuredly be practically
excluded from its services, which would swarm
with the relations and connections of the sena^
torial class ; for, whether this country be governed
only by the House of Commons, or only by the
House of Lords, the elements of the single
chamber will not materially differ ; and although
in the event of the triumph of the Commons, the
ceremony of periodical election may be retained
(and wo should not forget that the Long ParUa-
ment soon spared us that unnecessary form), the
selected members will form a Senate as irre-
sponsible as any House of Parliament whose
anomalous constitution may now be the object
of Whig sneers or Radical anathemas.
The rights and liberties of a nation can only
be preserved by institutions, j It is not the spread
of knowledge or the march of intellect that will
be found sufficient sureties for the public welfare
in the crisis of a country's freedom. Our in-
terest taints our intcUigence, our passions para-
lyse our reason. Knowledge and capacity are
too often the willing tools of a powerful fac-
bsn
!on or a dexterous adventurer. Life is short,
,n is imaginative ; our means are limited, our
lassions high.
In seasons of great popular excitement, gold
and glory offer strong temptations to needy
abDity. The demagogues throughout a country,
the orators of town-councils and vestries, and tlic
lectm-ers of mechanics' institutes, present, doubt-
less in most cases unconsciously, tlie ready and
fit machinery for the party or the individual that
aspires to establish a tyranny. Duly graduating
in corruption, the leaders of the mob become
the oppressors of the people. Cultivation of
inteUoct and diffusion of knowledge may make
the English nation more sensible of the benefits
of their social system, and better qualified to
discharge the duties with which their institutions
have invested them, but they will never render
them competent to preserve their liberties witli-
out the aid of these institutions. Let us for a
moment endeavoui" to fancy Whiggism in a state
of rampant predominance ; let us try to contem-
plate England enjoying all those advantages
which our present rulers have not yet granted us,
ind some of which they have as yet only ventured
promise by innuendo. Let us suppose our
ancient monarchy abolished, our independent
hierarchy reducea to a stipendiary sect, the gen-
tlemen of England deprived of their magisterial
functions, and metropolitan prefects and sub-pre-
fects established in the counties and principal
towns, commanding a vigorous and vigilant police,
ajid backed by an army under the immediate
orders of a single House of ParUament. Why,
these are threatened changes-^ay, and not one of
them that may not be brought about to-morrow,
under the plea of the ' spiiit of the age ' or
' county reform ' or ' cheap government.' But
where then will be the liberties of EnEcland ?
Who lyill dare disobey London ?) the enlightened
and reformed metropoHs ! And can we think, if
any bold Squire, in -whom some of the old blood
might still chance to linger, were to dare to
murmur against this grinding tyranny, or appeal
to the spirit of those neighbours whose predt
cessors his ancestors had protected, can we flatter
oui-selves that there would not be judges
Westminster Hall prepared and prompt to inflict
on him all the pains and penalties, the dungeon
the fine, the sequestration, which such a trouble'
some Anti-Eeformer would clearly deserve ?
Can we flatter ourselves that a Parliamentary
Star Chamber and a Parliamentary High Com-
mission Court would not be in the background
to supply all the deficiencies of the laws of Eng-
land ? When these merry times anive — the
times of extraordinary tribunals and cxtmordi-
nary taxes — and, if we proceed in our present
^^e gipirtl of "^B^iggism ses
course, they are much nearer than we imagine —
the phrase ' Anti-Reformer ' will serve as well as
that of ' Malignant,' and beasvaUd a plea as the
former title for harassing and plundering all
those who venture to wince under the crowning
mercies of centraKsation.
Behold the Republic of the Whigs 1 Behold
the only Republic that can he established in
England except by force ! And who can doubt
the swift and stem termination of institutions
introduced by so unnatural and irrational a
process. I would address myself to the English
Radicals. I do not mean those fine gentlemen
or those vulgar adventurers, who, in this age of
quackery, may sail into Parliament by hoisting
for the nonce the false colours of the movement ;
but I mean that honest and considerable party,
too considerable, I fear, for their happiness and
the safety of the State — who have a definite
object which they distinctly avow— I mean those
thoughtful and enthusiastic men who study their
unstamped press, and ponder over a millennium of
operative amelioration. Not merely that which
is just, but that which is also practicable, should
be the aim of a sagacious politician. Let the
Radicals well consider whether, in attempting to
achieve their avowed object, they are not, in
fact, only assisting the secret views of a party
whose scheme is infinitely more adverse to their
2m ^]^c ^pixH of ^^iQQi^m
own than the existing system, whose genius I
believe they entirely misapprehend. The mon-
archy of the Tories is more democratic than the
Republic of the Whigs. It appeals with a
keener sympathy to the passions of the millions ;
it studies their interest with a more compre-
hensive solicitude. Admitting for a moment
that I have mistaken the genius of the English
constitution, what chance, if our institutions be
overthrown, is there of substituting in their stead
a more popular polity ? This hazard, both for
their own happiness and the honour of their
country, the English Radicals are bound to
calculate nicely. If they do not, they will find
themselves, too late, the tools of a selfish faction
or the slaves of a stem usurper.
^]^c §pxxit of ^i)iQQi^xn 267
CHAPTEH IV.
A CHAPTER on the EngKsh constitution is a
natural episode on the spirit of Whiggism. There
is this connection between the subjects — that
the spirit of Whiggism is hostile to the English
constitution.) No political institutions ever yet
flourished which have been more the topic of
discussion among writers of all countries and all
parties than our famous establishment of * King,
Lords, and Commons ; ' and no institutions ever
yet flourished, of which the character has been
more misrepresented and more misconceived. One
fact alone will illustrate the profound ignorance
and the perplexed ideas. The present Whig
leader of the House of Commons, a member of
a family who pique' themselves on their consti-
tutional reputation, an author who has even
written an elaborate treatise on our polity, in
one of his speeches, delivered only so late as the
last session of Parliament, declared his desire
and determination to uphold the present settle-
ment of the * three estates of the realm, viz. —
^c giptrtt o|
iQQtsm
King, Lords, and Commons.' Now, his Gracious
Majesty is no more an estate of the realm than
Lord John Kussell himself. The three estates
of the realm are the estate of the Lords Spiritual,
the estate of the Lords Temporal, and the estate
of the Commons. An estate is a popular class
established into a political order. It is a section
of the nation invested for the public and com- ■
mon good with certain powers and privileges.
Lord John Eussell first writes upou the English
constitution, and then reforms it, and yet, even
at this moment, is absolutely ignorant of what
it consists. A political estate is a complete and
independent body. Now, all power that is,
independent is necessarily irresponsible. The
Bovereign is responsible because he is not an
estate; he is responsible through his Ministers;'
he is responsible to the estates and to them."
alone.
"When the "U'higs obtained power in 1830,
they found the three estates of the realm opposed]
to them, and the Government, therefore, couldi
not proceed. They resolved, therefore, to re-,
model them. They declared that the House of.
Commons was the House of the people, and-
that the people were not properly represented^
They consequently enlarged the estate of the:
Commons; they increased the number of that
privileged order who appear by their representa-
I
iaves in the Lower House of Parliament. Tliey
-Tendered the estate of the Commons more power-
ful l)y this proceeding, because they rendered
them more numerous ; but they did not render
their representatives one jot more the represen-
tatives of the people. Throwing the Commons
of Ireland out of the question, for we cannot
speculate upon a political order so unsettled tliat
it has been thrice remodelled during the present
century, some 300,000 individuals sent up, at
the last general election, their representatives to
"Westminster. "Well, are these 300,000 persons
the people of England ? Grant that they are ;
grant that these members are divided into two
equal portions. Well, then, the people of England
consist of 150,000 persons. I know that there
are well-disposed persons that tremble at this
reasoning, because, although they admit its
justice, they allege it leads to universal suffrage.
We must not show, they assert., that the House
of the people is not elected by the people. I
admit it ; we must not show that the House of
the people is not elected by tiie people, but we
must show that the House of Commons is
not the House of the people, that it never was
intended to be the House of the people, and
that, if it be admitted to be bo by courtesy, or
become so in fact, it is aU over with the English
constitution.
270 ^]^c Spirit of iS^iggism
It is quite impossible that a whole people can
be a branch of a legislature. If a whole people
have the power of making laws, it is folly to
suppose that they will allow an assembly of 300
or 400 individuals, or a solitary being on a throne,
to thwart their sovereign will and pleasure. But
I deny that a people can govern itseK. Self-
government is a contradiction in terms. What-
ever form a government may assume, power must
be exercised by a minority of numbers. I shall,
perhaps, be reminded of the ancient republics.
I answer, that the ancient republics were as
aristocratic communities as any that flourished
in the middle ages. The Demos of Athens was
an oligarchy living upon slaves. There is a
great slave population even in the United States,
if a society of yesterday is to illustrate an argu-
ment on our ancient civilisation.
But it is useless to argue the question ab-
stractedly. The phrase ' the people ' is sheer
nonsense. It is not a political term. It is a
phrase of natural history. A people is a species ;
a civilised community is a nation. Now, a nation
is a work of art and a work of time. A nation
is gradually created by a variety of influences
— the influence of original organisation, of
climate, soil, religion, laws, customs, manners,
extraordinary accidents and incidents in their
history, and the individual character of their
%^e §pixH of ^l^iQQism an
r
illustrious citizens. These influences create the
nation — these form the national mind^ and pro-
duce in the course of centuries a high degree of
civilisation. If you destroy the political insti-
tutions which these influences have called into
force, and which are the machinery by which
they constantly act, you destroy the nation. The
nation, in a state of anarchy and dissolution,
then becomes a people ; and after experiencing
all the consequent misery, Kke a company of bees
spoiled of their queen and rifled of their hive,
they set to again and establish themselves into
a society.
Although all society is artificial, the most
artificial society in the world is unquestionably
the English nation. Our insular situation and
our foreign empire, our immense accumulated
wealth and our industrious character, our pecu-
liar religious state, which secures alike orthodoxy
and toleration, our church and our sects, our
agriculture and our manufactures, our military
services, our statute law, and supplementary
equity, our adventurous commerce, landed tenure,
and unprecedented system of credit, form, among
many others, such a variety of interests, and
apparently so conflicting, that I do not think
even the Abb6 Siey^s himself could devise a
scheme by which this nation could be absolutely
and definitely represented.
^c spirit of ^^iggism ^
Thft framers of the English constitution wen
fortunately not of the school of Abb6 Siey^s
Their first object was to make us free; thei?
next to keep us so. While, therefore, they
selected equality as the basis of their social order,
they took care to blend every man's ambition
with the perpetuity of the State. Unlike the
leyelling cquahty of modern days, the ancienl
equality of England elevates and creates. Learned
in human nature, the EngUsh constitution holda
out privilege to every subject as the inducement
to do his duty. As it has secured freedom, jus-^
tice, and even property to the humblest of the
commonwealth, so, pursuing the same system
of privileges, it has confided the legislature i
the realm to two orders of the subjects — ordersj
however, in which every English citizen may
be constitutionally enrolled — the Lords and tha
Commons. The two estates of the Peers are
personally summoned to meet in their chamber :
the more extensive and single estate of the
Commons . meets by its representatives. Both
are political orders, complete in their character,
independent in their authority, legally irrespon-
sible for the exercise of their power. But they
are the trustees of the nation, not its masters;
and there is a High Court of Chancery in the
public opinion of the nation at large, which
exercises a vigilant control over these privileged
%^e §pirii of^^tggtsm srs
r classes of the community, and to which they are
equitahly and morally amenable. Estimating,
therefore, the moral responsibility of our political
estates, it may fairly be maintained that, instead
of being irresponsible, the responsibility of the
Lords exceeds that of the Commons. The House
tof Commons itself not being an estate of the
realm, but only the representatives of an estatSj
owes to the nation a responsibility neither
legal nor moral. The House of Commons is
responsible only to that privileged order who
are its constituents. Between the Lords and
the Commons themselves there is this prime
» difference — that the Lords are known, and seen,
and marked ; the Commons are unknown, in-
Visible, and unobserved. The Lords meet in a
particular spot ; the Commons are scattered over
the kingdom. The eye of the nation rests upon
the Lords, few in number, and notable in posi-
tion ; the eye of the nation wanders in vain for
the Commons, far more numerous, but far less
remarkable. As a substitute the nation appeals
to the House of Commons, but sometimes appeals
in vain ; for if the majority of the Commons
choose to support their representatives in a course
of conduct adverse to the opinion of the nation,
the House of Commons will set the nation at
defiance. They have done bo once ; may they
never repeat that destructive career I Such are
~ T
^^ "^^c g^^irif of ^l^iggism
our two Houses of Parliament — ^the most illus-
trious assemblies since the Koman Senate and
Grecian Areopagus; neither of them is the
* House of the People/ but both alike represent
the * Nation.*
\)XQQX5m.
CHAPTER V.
Theeb are two propositions, which, however at
the first glance they may appear to contradict
the popular opinions of the day, are neverthe-
less, as I believe, just and true. And they are'
these : —
Pirst. That there is no prohahility of ever
establishing a more democratic form of govern- ^
ment than the present English constitution.
Second. That the recent political changes of
the Whigs are, in fact, a departure from the
democratic spirit of that constitution.
Whatever form a government may assume,
its spirit must be determined by the laws which
regulate the property of the country. You
may have a Senate and Consuls, you may have
no hereditary titles, and you may dub each
householder or inhabitant a citizen ; but if the
spirit of your laws preserves masaes of property
in a particular class, the government of the
country will follow the disposition of the pro-
perty. So also you may have an apparent
despotism without any formal popular control,
t2
and with no aristocracy, either natural or arti-
ficial, and the spirit of the government may
nevertheless be republican. Thus the ancient
polity of Eome, in its best days, was an ai'isto-
cracy, and the government of Constantinople is
the nearest approach to a democracy on a great
scale, and maintained during a great period) that
history offei-s. The constitution of France
during the last half century has been fast
approaching that of the Turks. The barbarous
Jacobins blended modem equality with the
reliued civilisation of ancient France; the bar-
barous Ottomans blended their equality with
the refined civilisation of ancient Rome. Paris
secured to the Jacobins those luxuries that their
system never could have produced : Byzantium
served the same purpose to the Turks. Both
the French and their turbaned prototypes com-
menced their system with popular enthusiasm,
and terminated it with general subjection.
Napoleon and Louia Philippe are playing the
same part as the Soleimans and the Mahmouds.
Tlie Chambers are but a second-rate Divan ; the
Prefects but inferior Pachae : a sohtary being
rules alike in the Seraglio and the Tuileries, and
the whole nation bows to his despotism on con-
dition that they have no other master save
himself.
The disposition of property in England throws
I
I
the government of the country into the hantls
of its natural aristocracy. I do not believe that
any scheme of the suifrage, or any method of
election, could divert that power into other
quarters. It is the necessary consequence of our
present social state. I helieve, the wider tlie
popular suffrage, the more powerful would be
the natural aristocracy. This seems to me an
inevitable consequence ; but I admit this pro-
position on the clear understanding that such an
extension should be estabhshcd on a fair, and
not a factions, basis. Hore, then, arises the
question of the ballot, into the merits of which
I shall take another opportunity of entering,
recording only now my opinion, that in the
present arrangement of the constituencies, even
the ballot would favour the power of the natural
aristocracy, and that, if the ballot were simul-
taneously introduced with a fair and not a fac-
tious extension of the suffrage, it would produce
no difference whatever in the ultimate result.
Quitting, then, these considerations, let us
arrive at tho important point. Is there any
probability of a different disposition of properly
in England — a disposition of property which, by
pi-oducing a very general similarity of condition,
would throw the government of the country
into the hands of any individuals whom popular
esteem or fancy might select ?
spirit of ^^iggistf
It appears to me that this question can only be
decided by ascertaining the genius of the English
nation. What is the prime characteristic of the
English mind ? I apprehend I may safely decide
upon its being industry. Taking a general but
not a superficial siu^ey of the English character
since the Reformation, a thousand circumstances
convince me that the salient point in our national
psychology is the passion for accumulating wealth,
of which industry is the chief insttTzment. We
value our freedom principally because it leaves us
unrestricted in our pursuits; and that reverence
for law and all that is established, which also
eminently distinguishes the English nation, is
occasioned by the conviction that, nest to hberty,
order is the most efficacious assistant of in-
dustsy.
And thus we see that those great revolutions
which must occur in the history of all nations,
when they happen here produce no permanent
effects upon our social state. Our revolutions
are brought about by the passions of creative
minds talcing advantage, for their own aggrandise-
ment, of peculiar circumstances in our national
progress. They are never called for by the great
body of the nation. Churches are plundered,
long rebellions maintained, dynasties changed,
parliaments abolished ; but when the storm is
the features of the social landscape
remain unimpaired ; there are no traces of the
hurricane, the earthquake, or the volcano ; it has
teen but a tumult of the atmosphere, that has
■neither toppled down our old spires and palaces
nor swallowed up our cities and seats of learning,
nor blasted our ancient woods, nor swept away
our ports and harbours. The English nation
ever recurs to its ancient institutions — the insti-
tutions that have alike secured freedom and
order ; and after all their ebullitions, we find
them, when the sky is clear, again at work, and
toiling on at their eternal task of accumulation.
There is this difference between the revolutions
of England and the revolutions of the Continent
— the European revolution is a struggle against
privilege ; an English revolution is a struggle for
it. If a new class rises in the State, it becomes
uneasy to take its place in the natural aristocracy
of the land : a desperate faction or a wily leader
takes advantage of this desire, and a revolution is
the consequence. Tlius the "Whigs in the present
day have risen to power on the shoulders of the
manufacturing interest. To secure themselves
in their posts, the Whigs have given the new
interest an undue preponderance; hut the new
interest, having obtained its object, is content.
The manufacturer, like every other Englishman,
is as aristocratic as the landlord. The manu-
facturer begins to lack in moyement. Under
280 %6« Spirit of ^^iggtsm
Walpole the Whigs played tJie same game with
the commercial interest ; a century has passed,
and the commercial interest are all as devoted to
the constitution as the manufacturers soon will
be. Having no genuine party, the Wltigs seek
for succour from the Irish papists; Lord John
Russell, however, is only imitating Pym under the
same circumstances. In 1640, when the English
movement wag satisfied, and the constitutional
party, headed by such men as Falkland and
Hyde, were about to attain power, Pym and his
friends, in despair at their declining influence and
the close divisions in their once unanimous Parlia-
ment, fled to the Scotch Covenanters, and entered
into a ' close compact ' for the destruction of
the Church of England as the price of their
assistance. So events repeat themselves ; but if
the study of history is really to profit us, the
nation at the present day will take care that the
same results do not always occur from the same
events.
When passions have a little subsided, the in-
di^trious ten-pounder, who has struggled into
the privileged order of the Commons, proud of
having obtained the first step of aristocracy, will
be the last man to assist in destroying the other
gradations of the scale which he or his posterity
may yet ascend ; the new member of a manu-
facturing district has his eye already upon a
neighbouring park, avails Iiiinself of his political
position to become a county magistrate, meditates
upon a baronetcy, and dreams of a coroneted
descendant.
The nation that esteems wealth as the great
object of existence will submit to no laws that
do not secure the enjoyment of wealth. Now,
we deprive wealth of its greatest source of enjoy-
ment, as well as of its best security, if we deprive
it of power. The English nation, therefore, in-
sists that property shall be the quahficatSon for
power, and the whole scope of its laws and customs
ia to promote and favour the accumulation of
wealth and the perpetuation of property. We
cannot alter, therefore, the disposition of property
in this country without we change the national
cliai'acter. Far from the present age being hostile
to the supremacy of property, there has been no
period of our history where property has been
more esteemed, because there has been no period
when the nation has been so industrious.
Believing, therefore, that no change will
occur in the disposition of property in this
country, I cannot comprehend how our govern-
ment can become more democratic. The conse-
quence of our wealth is an aristocratic constitu-
tion ; the consequence of our love of liberty is
an aristocratic constitution founded on an equal-
ity of civil rights. And who can deny tliat an
282 ^I>c ^pirif of ^f)ig^g^i5m
aristocratic constitution resting on such a basis,
where the legislative, and even the executive
ofl5.ce may be obtained by every subject of the
realm, is, in fact, a noble democracy ? The English
constitution, faithful to the national character,
secures to all the enjoyment of property and the
delights of freedom. Its honours are a per-
petual reward of industry ; every Englishman is
toiling to obtain them; and this is the consti-
tution to which every Englishman will always be
devoted, except he is a Whig. /'
In the next Chapter I shall discuss the second
proposition.
CHAPTER VI.
s Tories assert that the whole property of the
country is on their side ; and the Whigs, wring-
ing their hands over lost elections and bellowing
about ' intimidation,' seem to confess the soft im-
peachment. Their prime organ also assures us
that every man with 600^. per annum is opposed
to them. Yet the Whig-Radical writers have
recently published, by way of consolation to
their penniless proselytes, a list of some twenty
Dukes and Marquises, who, they assure us, are
devoted to ' Liberal ' principles, and whose
revenues, in a paroxysm of economical rhodo-
montade, they assert, could buy up the whole
income of the rest of the hereditary Peerage.
The Whig-Radical writers seem puzzled to re-
concile this anomalous circumstance with the
indisputably forlorn finances of their faction in
general. Now, this little tract on the ' Spirit of
Whiggism ' may perhaps throw some light upon
I this perplexing state of affairs. Por myself, I
Duly a fresh illustration of the prin-
ciples which I have demonstrated, from the
whole current of our history, to form the basis of
Whig poUcy. This union of oligarchical "wealth
and moh poverty is the very essence of the ' Spirit
uf Whiggism.'
The English constitution, which, from the
tithing-man to the Peer of Parliament, has thrown
- the whole government of the country into the
hands of those who are qualified by property to
perform the duties of their respective offices, has
secured that diffused and general freedom, with-
out which the national industry would neither
have its fair play nor its just reward, by a variety
of institutions, which, while they prevent those
who have no property from invading the social
commonwealth, in whose classes every indus-
trious citizen has a right to register himself,
offer also an equally powerful check to the
ambitious fancies of those great families, over
whose liberal principles and huge incomes the
Whig-Radical writers gloat with the aelf-eom-
plaeency of lackeys at the equipages of their
masters. There is ever an union in a perverted
sense between those who are beneath power and
those who wish to be above it ; and oligarchies
and despotisms are usually estabhshed by the
agency of a deluded multitude. The Crown,
with its constitutional influence over the military
services ; a Parliament of two houses, watclung.
each other's proceedings with constitutional
$Sc gpirtf of ■gB^iggtsm »»
I
I
an independent hierarchy, and, not
least, an independent magistracy, are serious
obstacles in the progressive establishment of that
scheme of government which a small knot ot"
great families, these dukes and marquises, whose
revenues according to the Government organ,
could buy up the income of the whole peerage,
naturally wish to introduce. We find, therefore,
throughout the whole period of our more modem
history, a powerful section of the great nobles
ever at war with the national institutions ; check-
ing the Crown; attacking the independence of
that House of Parliament in which they happen
to be in a minority, no matter which ; patronising
sects to reduce the influence of the Church; and
playing town against country to overcome the
authority of the gentry.
It is evident that these aspiring oligarchs, as
a party, can have little essential strength ; they
can count upon nothing but their retainers. To
secure the triumph of their cause, therefore, they
are forced to manoeuvre with a pretext, and while
they aim at oligarchical rule, they apparently
^vocate popular rights. They hold out, conse-
quently, an inducement to all the uneasy portion
of the nation to enlist under their standard ; they
play their discontented minority against the pros-
perous majority, and, dubbing their partisans
• the people,' they flatter themselves that thoir
projects are irresistible. The attacTi is unex-
pected, brisk, and dashing, well matured, dexter-
ously mystified. Before the nation is roused to
its danger, the oligarchical object is often
obtained ; and then the oligarchy, entrenched in.
power, count upon the nation to defend them,
from their original and revolutionary allies. If
they succeed, a dynasty is changed, or a Parlia-
ment reformed, and the movement is stopped ; if
the Tories or the Conservatives cannot arrest the
fatal career -which the Whigs have originally
impelled, then away go the national institutions ;
the crown falls from the King's brow ; the
crosier is snapped in twain ; one House of Par-
liament is sure to disappear, and the gentlemen
of England, dexterously dubbed Malignants, or
Anti-E^formers, or any other phrase in fashion,
the dregs of the nation sequester their estates
and install themselves in their halls ; and ' liberal
principles' having thus gloriously triumphed,
after a due course of plunder, bloodshed, im-
prisonment, and ignoble tyranny, the people of
England, sighing once more to be the English
nation, secure order by submitting to a despot,
and in time, when they have got rid of their
despot, combine their ancient freedom with their
newly-regained security by re-establishing thq
English constitution.
The Whigs of the present day have made
fJieir JttBSB^i ie^sa ithe "moHjoiw wjih ^Aicir i^ouJl
spinL IIkt lonne lAivA^ ssftcioMdoi XII «^ai)^^
ling tke l i in qri ga JDod m renDoddSins: llie Scud^
of finwmMwwL TSter kaTe moxiooi i3i^ H<»a9e of
Lcxds, TiolendNr Mwaiwi tiie CIhikIi, soil mMiK
stmcted Ae CkxpantasKBs. I skill tabe ibe itwd
moBf; c umiip A e nHve meisiiPK wbidi tker kax^
soooeeded m euTTiiig, and wliidL w>»& u tik^
time rpftamlT tcit popular, and q^psKaitly ^ :ii
Yeij democratic diaracter, — dieir R&nn <$f tribe
House of Commons and their leoonstnokClMn <^
the nnmiripat c ur p ora ti on s- Let us see whedier
these great measures haTe, m faci^ incnased l)i<e
democratic dbaracter of our constitutioacNr noi: —
whether ibej real an digarchical project^ cnt are^
in fact, popular concessions inevitablT ofl5ered bv
the Whigs in iheir oligarchical career.
The result of the Whig remodelling of the
order of the Commons has been this — that it has
placed the nomination of the GoTemment in tlio
hands of the perish priesthood. Is that a gieat
advance of public intelligence and popular
liberty? Are the parliamentary nominees of
M'Hale and Elehoe more germane to the feelings
of the English nation, more adapted to represent
their interests, than the parliamentary nominees
of a Howard or a Percy ? This papist majority,
again, is the superstmcture of a basis formed by
some Scotch Presbyterians and some English
Hvxt of l^l^iflgism
DissenterB, in general returned by the small
constituencies of small towns — classes whose
niunber and influence, intelligence and wealth,
have been grossly exaggerated for factious pur-
poses, but classes avowedly opposed to the main-
tenance of the English constitution. I do not
see that the cause of popular power has much
risen, even with the addition of this learen. If
the suffrages of the Commons of England were
polled together, the hustings-books of the last
general election will prove that a very consider-
able majority of their numbers is opposed to the
present Government, and that therefore, lander
this new democratic scheme, this great body of
the nation are, by some hocus-pocus tactics or
other, obliged to submit to the minority. The'
truth is, that the new constituency has been so
arranged that an unnatural preponderance has
been given to a small class, and one hostile t»
the interests of the great body. Is this more
democratic ? The apparent majority in the:
House of Commons is produced by a minority of
the Commons themselves ; so that a small and
favoured class command a majority in the House
of Commons, and the sway of the administration,
as far as that House is concerned, is regulated
by a smaller number of individuals than thosa
who governed it previous to its reform.
But this is not the whole evil : this new classj
^^c Spirif of i^i^iggism 2s?»
with its mmatural preponderance, is a class
hostile to the institutions of the country, hostile
to the union of Church and State, hostile to the
House of Lords, to the constitutional power of
the Crown, to the existing system of provincial
judicature. It is, therefore, a class fit and
willing to support the Whigs in their feivourite
scheme of centralisation, without which the
Whi^ can never long maintain themselves in
power. Now, centralisation is the death-blow of
public freedom ; it is the citadel of the oligarchs,
from which, if once erected, it will be impossible
to dislodge them.
But can that party be aiming at centralised
government which has reformed the municipal
corporations ? We will see. The reform of the
municipal corporations of England is a covert
•attack on the authority of the English gentry, —
that great body which perhaps forms the most
substantial existing obstacle to the perpetuation
of Whiggism in power. By this democratic Act
the county magistrate is driven from the towns
where he before exercised a just influence, while
an elective magistrate from the towns jostles him
on the bench at quarter sessions, and presents in
his peculiar position an anomaly in the constitu-
tion of the bench, flattering to the passions, how-
ever fatal to the interests, of the giddy million.
Here is a lever to raise the question of county
U
reform whenever an obstinate shire may venture
to elect a representative in Parliament hostile
to the liheral ohgarchs. Let us admit, for the
moment, that the Whigs ultimately succeed iu
subverting the ancient and hereditary power of
the English gentry. Will the municipal cor-
porations substitute themselves as an equivalent
check on a centrahsing Government ? Whence
springs their influence ? From property ? Not
half a dozen have estates. Their influence
springs from the factitious power with which the
reforming Government has invested them, and of
which the same Government will deprive them
in a session, the moment they cease to he corre-
sponding committees of the reforming majority
in the House of Commons. They will either he
swept away altogether, or their functions will be
limited to raising the local taxes which will dis-
charge their expenses of the detachment of the
metropolitan police, or the local judge or governor,
whom Downing Street may send down to preside
over their constituents. With one or two ex-
ceptions, the English corporations do not possess
more substantial and durable elements of power
than the municipaUties of Prance. What check
are they on Paris P These corporations have
neither prescription in their favour, nor property.
Their influence is maintained neither by tradition
nor substance. They have no indii-ect authority
^^c SpitU of i^^iggism :>^^i
over the minds of their townsmen; they have
only their modish charters to appeal to, and the
newly engrossed letter of the law. They have
no great endowments of whose public benefits
they are the official distributors; they do not
stand on the vantage-ground on which we recog-
nise the trustees of the public interests ; they
neither administer to the soul nor the body ;
they neither feed the poor nor educate the
young ; they have no hold on the national mind ;
they have not sprung from the national cha-
racter; they were bom by faction, and they
will live by faction. Such bodies must speedily
become corrupt ; they will ultimately be found
dangerous instruments in the hands of a faction.
The members of the country corporations will
play the game of a London party, to secure
their factitious local importance and obtain the.
consequent results of their opportune services.
I think I have now established the two
propositions with which I commenced my last
chapter : and I will close this concluding one of
the ' Spirit of Whiggism ' with their recapitula-
tion, and the inferences which I draw from them.
If there be a slight probability of ever establish-
ing in this country a more democratic govern-
ment than the English constitution, it will be
as well, I conceive, for those who love their
rights, to maintain that constitution ; and if the