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SIR nODERTCK IMl'EY MUECHISOX, G.C.St S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Tust. Fr., 
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, etc., <to., President. 

The earl OF ELLESMERE. ] 


Rear Admiral C. K. DRINKWATEE BETHUNE, C.B. ) 

Rear-Admir.\l Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B., F.R.S. 

Rt. Hon. lord BROUGHTON. 





Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 

R. \V. GREY, Esq., M.P. 


His ExcELi.ENCvr the COUNT de LAVRADIO. 

P. LEVESQUE, Esq., F.S.A. 



Sir henry RAWLINSON, K.C.B. 


W. STIRLING, Esq., of Keir. 

The Rev. W. WHEWJCLI,, D.D. 

R. ir. M.\.10!;, Esq., F.S.,V., HoNnr.MiY Secretary. 




1. Introduction ------ i-cxxxiv 

2. Op the Russe Common Wealth : or, Maner of Govcrnement 

by the Russe Emperour (commonly called the Empe- 
rour of Moskovia) with the manners and fashions of the 
people of that Countrey. By Giles Fletcher, LL.D. - 1 

3. A Relacion or Memoriall abstracted owt of Sir Jerome 

Horsey his Travells, Imploiments, Services and Kego- 
ciations, observed and written with his owne hand, etc. 153 

4. Appendix i. The most solemn and magnificent coronation 

of Phedor Ivanowich, Emperour of Russia, etc., on the 
tenth of June, in the yeere 1584; scene and observed by 
Master Jei'om Horsey, etc. ; wherwith is also joined 
the course of his journey overland from Mosco to 
Emden ------- 267 

5. Appendix ii. A Discourse of the second and third imploy- 



mente of Mr. Jerome Horsey, Esquire, nowe Kuiglite, 
sente from hir Majestie to the Emperor of Rushea, iu 
anno 1585 and 1589 - - - - - 288 

6. Appendix hi. Complaints of the Russia Company against 

Jerome Horsey - - - - - - 31:i 

7. Appendix iv. Papers relating to the Embassy of Dr. Giles 

Fletcher to the Russian Court - - - - 342 

8. Appendix v. Papers relating to Ilorsey's Mission to Russia 

iu 1590-1591 - - - - - - 350 


The two works which form the present publication 
are connected by more than one tie of relationship. 
They treat of the state of Russia, or of affairs relat- 
ing to its history, at the same period ; and they are 
both written by men who had a personal knowledge 
of the country : the author of the former having 
visited it as an ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to 
the Czar Fedor Ivanovitch, in the year 1588 ; and 
the author of the latter having been, from about the 
year 1575 to 1591, more or less continually resident 
there, first as an agent of the Russia Company, and 
subsequently as an envoy from the English court. 
The one serves as a sequel to or complement of the 
other; for, as the first gives a view of the institutions 
and form of government of Russia, the distinctions of 
the several ranks of society, and the religion, habits 
and customs of the people ; the other records inci- 
dents in history, observations of the characters of the 
sovereign and his principal ministers, and valuable 
anecdotes of personal adventure in the country. 
Moreover, the author of the latter of the two tracts 



professes to have furnished that of the former with 
much of the material of his work. 

Together, they will be found to give, v/ith great 
completeness, a picture of the condition of Russia at 
the close of the reign of Ivan Vasilievitch ; — a mo- 
narch perhaps the most remarkable of those who had 
hitherto reigned ; of great personal abilities and ca- 
pacity for governing ; of a nature strangely combin- 
ing extremes of good and evil; but in which the latter 
gained, as he advanced in years, so much the ascendant 
as to drive him to atrocities almost unexampled, and 
to gain for him from his trembling people the title of 
*' the Terrible" ; — and during the first years of the fol- 
lowing reign, when the ambitious brother-in-law of 
this emperor's son and successor was working out his 
deep-laid schemes for placing the crown on his own 

The period is of special interest to Englishmen, as 
following so nearly on the commencement of their 
direct intercourse with a country whose character and 
policy have become subjects of their eager scrutiny, 
and by whose future career their own is likely to be 
deeply influenced. 

Scarce thirty years had expired since, at the insti- 
gation of the illustrious Sebastian Cabot, and stirred 
by a spirit of rivalry with the Spanish and Portuguese 
adventurers in the New World and far East, mer- 
chants of London had associated together to set on 
foot exploring expeditions to penetrate, as they hoped, 
by the North Sea to the land of Cathay. Despite the 
miserable fate of a part of the first explorers. Sir 
Hugh Willougliby and his crew, — frozen to death 


in those stern regions, — the port of St. Nicholas was 
discovered, and a footing was obtained on the coast 
of the great Russian empire, hitherto only com- 
municated with through the medium of the Hanse 
merchants. The first success was not left unimproved 
by want of energy and enterprise on the part of the 
Company. Acting in accordance with the spirit of 
their first formation, indicated in their title, as " The 
Society for the discovery of Unknown Lands", they 
had no sooner established themselves on the Russian 
coast, than they despatched expeditions in quick suc- 
cession in the direction of the north-east, still intent 
on realizing their first expectation of opening a new 
route to China. These efforts have been already re- 
ferred to in a recent publication of the Society,^ and 
we need not again describe them. But while making 
every exertion in this direction, the possibility of esta- 
blishing a communication with India through Russia 
itself and Persia was equally engaging their atten- 
tion. As early as the year 1557, their agent, Anthony 
Jenkinson, who had had previous experience of travel 
in the East, arrived in Russia, commissioned to ex- 
plore a route to China, and having charge of mer- 
chandise to dispose of on the Company's account.^ 
He left Moscow on the 23rd of April, 1558. Descend- 
ing the river Oka, he entered the Volga at Nishni- 
Novgorod, and sailing down that river reached 
Astracan on the 14th of July. Coasting the Cas- 

1 " Three Voyages by the North-East," edited by C. T. Beke, 
Phil.D,, 1853. Introduction, p. viii. 

- See Hakluyt's Voyages, etc., of the English Nation ; ed. Lon- 
don, 1809, vol. i, p. 362. 


plan Sea, he arrived at Mangushliik on the 1st of 
September. From this point he commenced a land 
journey, with a caravan of a thousand camels, and 
passing by Selzira and Urghendi, succeeded in reach- 
ing Bokhara on the 23rd of December. Here he 
learned that the caravan communication, which had 
been estabhshed between this town and the empire of 
China, was now discontinued on account of a war 
which had been for the last three years raging be- 
tween two of the Tartar hordes ; and unable to prose- 
cute his journey he was forced to return to Moscow, 
which he regained in September 1559. 

In the year 156P the same spirited traveller was 
engaged by the Company to renew his exploring ex- 
pedition to the East, and arrived at Moscow with that 
view in the month of August, bringing with him 
letters from Queen Elizabeth to the Czar, bespeaking 
his interest and assistance in behalf of this new effort. 
In this voyage endeavours were to be made to esta- 
blish a trade with Persia itself, and Jenkinson was 
the bearer of the Queen's letters also to the Shah, 
containing proposals to that end. He set out on 
the 27th of April, 1562. The same route was fol- 
lowed as in the previous expedition as far as the 
Caspian Sea, which they again navigated, and disem- 
barked at Shabran. Their land journey was through 
Shamaka and Ardabil to Casbin, which they reached 
on the 2nd of November, 1562. Here Jenkinson was 
received by the Shah, but was frustrated in his hope 
of settling commercial relations with the government 

^ Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. i, p. 381. 


in consequence of its resumption of peace with 
Turkey, and the restoration of the ancient course of 
trade with that country. 

In the year 1565^ another expedition to Persia was 
despatched by the Company's agent at Moscow, and 
orders were given that the commander of it, William 
Johnson, should lay down a map.of the Volga and the 
Caspian Sea. 

A fourth expedition,^ under the Company's agent, 
Arthur Edwards, set out from Yaroslav with a shipful 
of goods in July 1568, and, having followed the usual 
course of the Volga and Caspian Sea, proceeded by 
the help of camels to Shamaka, which they reached 
on the 1st of September. Edwards, with a part of 
his company, then advanced to Casbin, where he had 

' Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i, p. 397; and "England and Rus- 
sia", by Dr. J. Hamel, translated by J. S. Leigh ; London, 8vo, 1854, 
p. 169; from tlie original work in German, intitled "Tradescant 
der Aeltere, 1618, in Russland," etc.; St. Petersburg, 4to., 1847. 
It is unfortunate that the form in which this valuable treatise was 
originally composed — that of introducing in notes much of the 
matter arranged in the Translation as a consecutive narrative, — 
renders it extremely confused as a history of transactions between 
England and Russia. Moreover, it suffers from the radical defect 
of an entire absence of reference to the authorities it is founded on. 
We are glad, however, to be able to state, that whenever Ave have 
referred to it on points we were also investigating by the aid of 
original documents, Ave have invariably found its information cor- 
rect, and that Ave have entire confidence in its general trustworthi- 
ness. It includes only a portion of the period embraced in the 
present Introduction, breaking off its history of the connexion 
of the Iavo countries Avith the j'ear 1576. 

^ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i, p. 407 ei seqq. 


an interview with the Shah, which lasted two hours 
and resulted in a grant of privileges for the Company 
" all written in azure and gold letters." 

A fifth voyage'^ was undertaken by the agents, 
Thomas Banister and Geoffrey Ducket. They set out 
from Yaroslav on the 3rd of July, 1568. On their 
way to Astracan they were attacked by Nagaie Tar- 
tars, whom they succeeded in driving away after a 
sharp conflict. They arrived at Astracan on the 20th 
of August, and remained there six weeks, from fear 
of the army of Turks ; and then went on to Shamaka, 
where they wintered. In April they resumed their 
journey and reached Ardabil, where they remained 
for four or six months. Whilst here, Banister was sent 
for by the Shah, at Casbin, and was very graciously 
received by him. All his requests for privilege were 
granted, excepting only permission to transport horses 
through the Shah's dominions into India, respecting 
which the Shah hesitated. From Casbyn Banister 
returned to Tabreez, where he remained engaged in 
carrying on traffic for two years and a half, but even- 
tually died at Arrash, not far from Shamaka ; where- 
upon Ducket took charge of the goods and returned 
to Shebran, where their ship was in harbour. They 
set sail for Astracan ; but, after beating about in the 
Caspian Sea for three weeks, they were attacked by 
Cossacks while at anchor on the fiats, and, after a 
fight, were necessitated to surrender their ship to the 
marauders ; who placed the Englishmen in the ship's 

' Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i, p. 443. 


boat, and suffered them to make their Avay to As- 

After a partially successful attempt to recover their 
goods from the pirates, by the assistance of the Rus- 
sian governor at Astracan, they at length returned to 
Yaroslav, not, however, without further sufferings 
and dangers. The little they had recovered from the 
pirates was almost entirely lost through the crushing 
of their boat by the ice on the Volga. The commercial 
result of the expedition was truly disastrous. The 
value of the goods taken by the pirates of the Caspian 
Sea the adventurers estimated at thirty or forty thou- 
sand pounds. 

It was not till the year 1579^ that the Company 
ventured on another voyage to Persia, although, 
doubtless, an active trade was going on in produce of 
the country at Astracan, where the Company's agents 
were established. This sixth expedition was com- 
manded by Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, and 
others ; and they took with them letters to the Shah 
from Queen Elizabeth. From Rose Island their 
merchandise was carried in boats up the river Dwina 
to Vologda ; whence it was conveyed in waggons to 
Yaroslav. The usual route of the Volga and the 
Caspian Sea was then followed, and, after wintering 
at Astracan, they reached Derbent in June 1580. 
The further progress of the voyage was prevented by 
the disturbed state of the country, then engaged in 
war with the Turks ; but a safe return to England was 
effected in the autumn of the following year. 

But, while pursuing these efforts in the direction 

^ Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i, p. 471. 


of Persia and India, the Company was not neglectful 
of the rich field of enterprise laid open to them within 
the empire of Russia itself. Encouraged by the Czar, 
and protected by special privileges, they spread a 
network of commerce over all parts of the country. 
Within a few years of their introduction they had 
established factories at Cholmogory, Vologda, Yaros- 
lav, Novgorod and Moscow, and had agents at Cazan 
and Astracan. Their custom was to send early in the 
year a fleet of ships, to the number usually of thir- 
teen or fourteen, laden wdth English goods, to their 
station at Rose Island, at the mouth of the Dwina. 
Much of the merchandise was bartered away at Chol- 
mogory for the furs and skins of Siberia ; the rest 
was conveyed in boats up the river to Vologda, and 
thence dispersed over the kingdom. The return 
voyage was made by the fleet in the autumn. How 
wide a view was taken of the commercial prospect 
opened to them in this new trade, we learn from a 
paper drawn up by one of their agents, Michael Lock, 
and addressed to the Company in the year 1575 ; 
and which, from the interest of the subject, we are 
tempted to present entire. 

Certain notes towchinge the bcnejit that may groio to Eng- 
land by the traffyke of Englishe marchaunts into Russia, 
through a fyrnie amytie betioene both the Prences)- 

The countrie of Russia stretcliethe to the North Sea, 
where the sea-coast exteudethe from the Lappe estwards to 
Dwena, Petzora, Inghra, Obi, and Samnitia, more then towe 

^ From Her Majesty's State Paper Office ; Russian Correspon- 
dence, 1575. 


tliowsand niyles in length, all in a free open course by sea 
from England, out of dainger of all other prences. 

The naturall coniodities of the countries on all those sea- 
coasts are in aboundance of fysshe of dyvers kynds, salte, 
trayne oylle, buffe hydes, cow hydes, tallow, furres of all 
kynds, iron, pitche, tarre, shipmasts and tymber, hempe, 
cables and ropes for shippes and other marchandise. 

The uplande countries of E,ussia and Moschovia stretch- 
ethe exceding large and long from northe to sowthe, from 
est to west ; more then three tho wsan de myles estwarde 
from Narve towards Catthai, and more then thre thowsande 
myles sowthwarde from St. Nicollas Bay towards Awstra- 
can : wherin the cheife towens of traffyke are thies, on the 
west parte are Narve, Novogrod, Wobsko, Moscho ; on the 
north parte are Vologday, Colmogro, Ustiug, Lampas [Lara- 
poshna], Petzora, and others ; on the est parte are Iroslavia 
[Jaroslav], Nisnovogorod, Cassan and dyvers others ; on the 
sowth parte onely Rezan and chieflie Awstracan, whiche is 
the high way into Percia. 

The naturall coniodities of those uplande countries are 
thies ; in the weste parte, flax, lynnen, yarne, hempe, cables 
and ropes for shipps, tallow, cowhydes, pavynstones and 
other marchandise ; in the northe parts the comodities are 
before specified on the sea coasts ; in the east parts are tal- 
low, cow hydes, waxe, hempe, bufle hydes, furres, wool, 
tarre, shipmasts, timber, soap-ashes, and other marchandise ; 
and in the sowthe parts is no traffyke of marchaundise but 
onely at Awstracan, whiche is there of exceding greate im- 
portaunce, for the comodities of Percia, whiche are silks of 
all sorts, and many druggs and other good comoudities ; the 
rest of that way is desolaite by reason of the Tartars and 
Cheremissins and Crymes inhabiting uppon the rever Volga, 
on bothe the sydes from Rezan and Cassan sowthwards to 
Awstracan, which Tartars are barbarowse and fyilde dwellers 
and in contenewal warres and spoyles. 


The naturall comodities of England are most acceptable 
comodities to Russia and Moschovia, wliiche are Avollen 
clothies and carseys and cottons, all redie dressed to tlie 
wearing, lead redie wrowght to laye on theare liowses, tynne 
redye wrowght into pewtter vessell, and copper ; and the 
nioste of the same comodities are also moste acceptable to 

And also many other comodities of other countries are 
also acceptable in those countries of Russia and Moschovia ; 
to say clothe of golde, clothe of silke, Jewells, spyces, and 
many other things of handy wowrk necessarye for apparrell 
of the bodye and for furnyture of howsolde, all whiche 
thinges wolde passe throwghe the hands of Englishe mar- 
chants, whereby they might gather greate welthe to serve 
there owne prence and countrie at there ncade. 

Throughe an assuryd amytie betwene the prence of Eng- 
land and the prence of Russia wolde be settled a trade of 
marchandise of soche importance for the benefyte of England 
as never haith beane by anye one trade ; and the same ys 
proved thus. 

The colde and rytche countries of Russia and Moschovia 
have great ncade of the warme wollen comodities of England 
and of other comodities afforsaid. And England, Fraunce, 
Flaunders and Spayne, have greate neede of the comodities 
of Russia aforsayd ; all the whiche heretofore have ben car- 
ryed to them and brought from them onely bye the Ester- 
lings, through the Este Sea, by the wayes of Denmark, 
Swethen, Lubeck, Hamborg, Danske, Lyeffland and Polland ; 
whereby that nation haith gotten all theare welthe. AVhiche 
traffyke, through this amytie of bothe the prences, might be 
furneshed by the Englishe march aunts onely by the northe 
seas, whiche wold mayneteane a greate nomber of greate 
shippes of servyce. Yf this trade were settled by the 
Northe Sea, the realme of England myght be sarved 
with all the comodities aforsaid of Russia and of Percia 


freely, without any chek or lycens of tlie kings of Den- 
mark, Swetlien, Pole, Portugal, Turke, or other prence ; 
and yf tliies estarne prences wolde storme thereat, theyer 
staites wolde be shortlie so impovrished through the decaye 
of theare tolles by this alteration of the course of marchan- 
dise that they shoulde not be able to prevale ; and the staits 
of the prences of Yngland and of Russia wolde be so en- 
rytched, throughe the encrease of thear cowstomes and tolles 
by the same, that they might easely withstande there mallyce. 

Also, the traffyke of Percia through Russia wolde be of 
exceding greate importaunce unto England, for Jewells, 
spyces, silks, drowgges, gawlles, allam and other marchan- 
dise theare to be had at ther fountayne ; all the whiche 
might passe saiflie, without dainger of the Turk and without 
knowledge of Italy and Spayne, and without any lycens of 
the King of Portugale. 

And all thoes comodities of Russia and of Percia would 
passe abundantly by this Northe Sea into England, and 
throughe England out agayne into Flanders, Garmany, 
Fraunce, Spayne and Italic, throughe the hands of English 
men ; paying a resnable cowstome to the prence for the free 
traunsporte of suche marchandise as, being more then wold 
serve the nede of England, showlde passe out frome England 
withowt saille theareof made ; whereby the prence should 
have great profyt in the cowstomes and the marchauilts gett 
moche welthe to serve theare prence at neede, and the mul- 
titude be kepte well in work getting there lyvynge, and a 
nomber of shipps mayneteyned for service of the realme at 

Towchinge the state of the prence of Russia, Evan Basil- 
vis, nowe raigninge, yt is said by creclable report of soume 
whiche have seane moche thereof, that he is the moste rytche 
prynce of treasour that lyvethe this day on earthe, except 
the Turk. And for soum signe therof, yt is openly knowen 


that when he was in soum dainger of his enemyes the Tar- 
tarS;, abowte foure years past, he did remove part of his 
treasour frome two of his castells to another castill of more 
strengthe, wherewithal! he did layde fouer thowsande greate 
carts with treasur of Jewells, gold, silver and silk, and yet 
left the same two castles still furnyshid with his ordenary 
howsolde stufFe ; and at the same tyme he had, as he still 
haith, fowr other greate castilles wherein he kepith his trea- 
sour, with greate garde and garryson of men. And for his 
owen parson, he haith bynne a noble warryor and greate 
conquerowre all his lyeffe tyme, whearby he may be thowght 
able to deffend his owen countrie, and to anoye his enneme, 
and to maynetene the amytye that he dothe pronies to under- 
taik. And yt may well be judged that he desirethe the 
aniytie with England rather then with anye other lands, by 
cawse he well understandithe the scituation thereof be free 
frome dainger of all other prences ; the comodities and 
welthe thereof so apt for mutuall traifyke with his countries, 
the justice and peaceable governement thereof so good; and 
the naturall vertew of the Queues Majestic nowe raigninge 
moveth him rather to joyne in amytye with hir Majestic then 
with anye other prence, for the saiftie of his owen parson, 
and cheiflie for the refuge of his children after his death, yf 
anye adversytie should happen to them in his owen lande, as 
with his owen mowth he haith said. Thiese things consi- 
dered, yt may be thowght he wolde be a good help unto 
England againste the Kings of Denmark and Swethen and 
other estcrne prences, yf they wolde make anye quarrel 
againste this realme. 

And towchinge the traffyk of Percia, the rychesse thereof 
cannot be estemed ; for yt is soche as of manye yeares haith 
browght to Venis, Ancona, Messina, Eaguza, Genoa and 
other towens of Italic, the gretest parte of theire welthe, 
throughe theare traffyk to Tripoli and Aleppo in Syria, for 
rawe silke, spyces, gawlles, cotton, woolles and droggs, and 


dyvers other marclianclize, and to Alexandria in Egipte for 
the same comodyties and dyvers others ; the whiche rawe 
silk and gawles, allame, cotton, wolles and other things, are 
the naturall comodities of Arrashc, Ligham (?), and Shamkey, 
towens in Armenya and Media, where the Inglishe mer- 
chants alredye have fetched the same three severall tyme, by 
the way of Awstracan and Russia into England. And the 
spyces and druggs are the naturall comodities of India be- 
yonde Percia, whiche the Englishe marchaunts have fettched 
in Percia, also three severall tymes, by the same waye of 
Awstracan, before that yt coulde come to Aleppo or Trip- 
poli to be soldo to the Itallians. So that if this trade into 
Percia might be fyrmelie settled by the waye of Awstrican, as 
yt was when that Constantinopole was in hande of Cristians, 
and CafFa and Tana [Taman ?] in hands of the Genouese and 
Venissians, within lesse then two hundred yeres past, yt 
wolde in verie shorte tyme drawe the whole course of mar- 
chandise aforsaid frome Haleppe and Tripoli, and so wolde 
decaye the cwstomes of the Turke in Syria, whiche is his 
chief staye of staite in that countrie ; and also wolde over- 
throw the moste parte of the traffik and welthe of the Ital- 
lians aforsaid, and wolde bringe all that welthe into the 
hands of Englishe men in England. And to prove this laste 
point trew, the Itallians trading to Alejipo, and the Turks 
trading to Armenia, Media and Percia, forseyng this mys- 
chyef, have used greate meanes unto the Sophi or Shawgh, 
prence of Percia, to bannyshe Englishemen his dominions, 
as was justly proved by Anthonye Jenkinson and Geoffrey 
Duckett at theare severall being in Persia. And the same 
attempt have they also maed at Constantinopoli, by perswad- 
ing the Turke to joyne with the Tartars to the reco verie of 
Awstracan frome the prence of Russia, aboute four yeres 
paste ; who there uppon besegied that towen eight dales, 
with an armey of one hondrith and twentie thowsande men ; 
but in vaene, being distressed of vyttells. And also, by this 


drawinge of the traffyke of spyces to be browght from India 
tiirowgb Persia to the waye of Awstrykan, the whole traf- 
fyke of the Kinge of Portugalle nowe used to his Est India 
in shorte tyme wokl be utterly owerthrowen. 

Thiese matters being well considered, may sufficientlie 
prove good all that before ys declarid, besydes many other 
proffes that canne be mad for the varefyinge theareof. 

M[ichael] Lok, S'\ Mail, 1575. 

This paper was apparently drawn up for the pur- 
pose of being laid before the Queen's ministers, who 
were at this time on the point of despatching an am- 
bassador to the Czar to negotiate a charter of privi- 
leges for the Company. Sanguine as its anticipa- 
tions of commercial advantage must appear to us, 
still it is certain that at the time it was penned 
there was much to justify the most favourable 
hopes. The wars in which the Czar Ivan Vasilievich 
was engaged with Sweden and Poland had rendered 
insecure the usual route which the Russian trade 
with the states of Europe followed in times of peace. 
The always unsettled state of the frontier towards 
Turkey and the Crimea made the outlet by the Black 
Sea unavailable. Casan and Astracan had been con- 
quered from the Tartars by Ivan, and the latter was 
an invaluable station for carrying on a traffic with 
the nations of the south. Moreover, the customary 
intercourse between Persia and Turkey was inter- 
rupted by hostilities between the two powers, and the 
valuable trade of the former country would seek an 
outlet in another direction. 

There were other causes also which tended to 


bring the Hussian empire in closer connection with 
England at this period. The career of Ivan the Ter- 
rible had hitherto been one of snccessful war abroad, 
and the frontiers of the empire had been greatly ex- 
tended under his government in the north, east, and 
south. But the personal vigour and judicious con- 
duct which made his undertakings prosper in the 
earlier part of his reign, were unhappily not main- 
tained throughout its progress. The passions he had 
controlled under the more favourable circumstances 
of his early life, broke out in fearful intensity when 
he lost the support of these good influences ; and 
with his moral corruption came infirmity of mind 
and failing resolution. The conquests of his first 
wars were now maintained with difficulty or wrested 
from him ; and while increased efforts were required 
from himself individually, and from the nation at 
large, to contend with enemies on every frontier, the 
monarch was daily growing less capable of the re- 
quired exertion, and his people, alienated by his un- 
equalled tyranny, were less willing to support his 

Under such circumstances, the direct intercourse 
opened for him with a maritime power, which had in 
abundance those resources he found himself most in 
want of, was an advantage highly prized by the Czar, 
and fully discerned by the powers he was at war with. 
They saw with extreme jealousy a prince, already most 
formidable from the numbers of hardy troops he could 
bring against them, greatly adding to his strength by 
increased means of acquiring, not only weapons and 


ammunition of war, but even the knowledge of mili- 
tary science itself, hitherto strange to his own bar- 
barous people, from a closer communication with 
more wealthy and refined kingdoms. 

So early as the year 1556, Gustavus of Sweden had 
sent a special embassy to Queen Mary to remonstrate 
against the trade carried on by English merchants 
with Russia at the port of St. Nicholas, and to point 
out the injury he suffered from the supplies of arms and 
military ammunition they furnished to his Muscovite 
enemy.^ A few years later, in 1569, when an active 
trade was being carried on at Narva, then in the hands 
of the Russians by conquest, Sigismund, King of 
Poland, acutely sensitive to the consequences of this 
new^ commerce, writes in the following strain to Queen 
Elizabeth, in answer to complaints of the seizure 
of English ships by the Polish King's Danish sub- 
jects : — ^ 

" We shall coramaund the arrests, if any be made by our 
subjects (as it is uuknowen to us) of merchants goods and 
EngUsh names to be discharged ; and shall conserve the olde 
hbertie of trafficke and all other things which shall seeme to 
apperteine to neighbourhood betweene us and your Majestie : 
so that none of the subjects of your Majesty hereafter pre- 
sume to use the navigation of the Narve, forbidden by us, 
and full of danger, not onely to our parts, but also to the 

^ Dahn, " Geschichte von der Reichs Schweden" ; ed. 1763, vol. 
hi, p. 360. 

2 Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. i, p. 378 ; a contemporary translation 
from the Latin, See other letters to the same effect, in Cotton 
MS., NeroB. ii, ff. Ill, 115. 


open destruction of all Christians and liber all [free] nations. 
The which as we have written afore, so now avc write againe 
to your Majesty, that we know and feele of a surety the 
Muscovite, enemy to all liberty under the heavens, dayly to 
grow mightie by the increase of such things as be brought to 
the Narve, while not onely warres but also weapons hereto- 
fore unknowen to him, and artificers and arts be brought 
unto him ; by meane whereof he maketh himself strong to 
vanquish all others. Which things, as long as this voyage 
to Narve is used, can not be stopped. And we perfectly know 
your Majesty can not be ignorant how great the cruelty is 
of the said enemy, of what force he is, what tyranny he usetli 
on his subjects, and in what servile sort they be under him. 
We seemed hitherto to vanquish him onely in this, that he 
was rude of arts and ignorant of policies. If so be that this 
navigation of the Narve continue, what shall be unknowen 
to him ? Therefore we that know best, and border upon 
him, do admonish other Christian princes in time that they 
do not betray their dignity, liberty and life of them and 
their subjects, to a most barbarous and cruell enemy ; as we 
can no lesse do by the duty of a Christian prince. For now 
we do foresee, except other princes take this admonition, the 
Muscovite, puffed up in pride with those things that be 
brought to the Narve, and made more perfect in warlike 
affaires, with engines of warre and shippes, will make 
assault this way on Christendome, to slay or make bound all 
that shall withstand him : which God defend ! With which 
our admonition divers princes already content themselves, 
and abstaine from the Narve. The others that will not ab- 
staine from the said voyage shall be impeached by our navie 
and incurre the danger of losse of life, liberty, wife and 

But it was not only as a means of waging war more 
effectually with his enemies that Ivan sought the 



alliance of England. The further he advanced in his 
career of violence and folly, the more did his troubled 
conscience render him distrustful of his own subjects. 
So fearful was he of the result of an outbreak of their 
suppressed hate, and at the same time so apprehensive 
of danger from the increasing superiority of his out- 
ward enemies, that he was ever casting about for some 
safe harbour of refuge to fly to when the dreaded ruin 
should overtake him. And when contemplating this 
strait, it was towards England that he directed his 
hopes with the most confidence. To her he looked 
too for the supply of mechanical skill in the arts of 
war, which his own rude people could so imperfectly 
furnish him with — and for direct assistance against 
the Swedes and Poles, against whom he was waging 
almost hopeless war. England had command of sea 
communication with his dominions. She had wealth — 
the means of furnishing him with warlike ammunition 
and with skilled engineers — and in case of all being 
lost in his own empire, though his own frontiers w^ere 
guarded against his escape, at the mouth of the Dwina 
a friendly English ship- could give him shelter and 
convey him to at least a safe retreat from the fury of 
his subjects and the pursuit of his enemies. 

These views of the Czar, and the eagerness of the 
English court to secure as far as possible a monopoly 
of the trade with Russia through her northern ports, 
led to much correspondence between the two sove- 
reigns, prior to and at the time included in the present 
works ; and we hope to render the interest of them the 
greater by following the course of these negotiations 


to the time when our two authors were themselves en- 
gaged in conducting them ; this being the more requi- 
site, because Horsey's narrative is mainly concerned 
with his various missions between the two countries. 
We take up the correspondence in the year 1567, when 
Anthony Jenkinson, the enterprising explorer of the 
Persian route to India, was commissioned by the 
Czar Ivan to convey a special message to Queen 
Elizabeth, exposing his wishes with regard to an 
alliance between them in several distinct proposals. 
These contained the following clauses : — ^ 

" The Emperor earnestly requiretli that there may be a 
perpetuall frendship and kyndred betwixt the Queen's Ma- 
jestic and him." 

" That the Queen's Majestie and he might be to all their 
enemy es joyned as one ; [that is] to say, her Grace to be 
friend to his friends and enemy to his enemyes, and so per 
contra. And that England and Kussland might be in all 
matters as one." 

He gives reason for believing that Sigismund, 
King of Poland, is no friend to the Queen : — 

" Wherefore the Emperor requyreth the Queen's Majestie 
that she would be and joyne with him as one upon the Pole, 
and not suffer her people to have trade of marchandize with 
the subjects of the King of Poland." 

" Further, the Emperor requireth that the Queen's Ma- 
jestie would lycence masters to come unto him which can 
make shippes and sayle them ;" and '' would suffer him to 

1 Cotton MS. Nero B. xl, f. 332. Printed m the " Historica 
Russise Monimenta"; ed. A. J. Turgenevius, 4to., 1841 : tom. ii, 
p. 366. 


have out of England all kynde of artillerie and thinges 
necessarie for warre." 

*' Further, the Emperor requireth earnestly that there 
may be assurance made by oath and faith betAvixt the 
Queen's Majestie and him, that yf any misfortune might fall 
or chance upon ether of them to go out of their countries, 
that it might be lawfull to ether of them to come into the 
others countrey for the safeguard of themselves and their 
lyves, and ther to lyve and have relief without any feare or 
danger untill such tyme as such missfortune be past, and 
that God hath otherwise provided, and that the one may be 
receaved of the other with honnour. And this to be kept 
most seacret." 

'^'And of all this matter the Emperour requireth the 
Queen's Majestie most humbly to have answer by some of 
her trusty councellours, or by one of more greater estimation 
than myself. And whatsoever the Queen's Majestie shall 
requyre of him yt shall be granted and fully accomplished. 
The Queen's Majesties answere to be geven, the Emperour 
requyreth, by St. Peter's day next." 

To the latter part of these proposals it was easy to 
return a satisfactory answer ; but the Emperor's eager- 
ness to make his new ally a party in his wars with 
Sweden and Poland, by a treaty offensive and de- 
fensive, was met with a necessary reserve by Eliza- 
beth. Successive envoys, bearing her Majesty's letters 
to the impatient monarch, arrived at intervals during 
the three following years; but none bore in his com- 
mission instructions to satisfy Ivan's desire on this 
essential point. While the Russian sovereign was 
intent on strengthening his military force against his 
enemies by the assistance of the Queen, her policy 
was confined to the pacific object of securing to the 


merchants trading with Russia the exchisive privileges 
ah'eady granted them. This monopoly indeed, sturdily 
contended for by the Company, was a pregnant cause 
of altercation between the two courts, and of hindrance 
to the peaceful working of the newly established 

At this particular period, the apprehensions of the 
Company were peculiarly excited by the efforts of 
merchants, not of their society, to encroach on their 
cherished privileges. The taking of Narva in 1558 
gave a pretext for trading direct with Russia without 
actually infringing, as these interlopers maintained, 
on the exclusive rights of the Company ; since, Narva 
not having been Russian territory at the time of the 
grant of their privileges, they could be entitled to no 
right of exclusion of rival traders at that port.^ Suits 
were instituted at home against these dangerous com- 
petitors ; and the Company succeeded in a recogni- 
tion of their exclusive right of trade to Narva by an 
act of Parliament passed in 1566. But the battle 
had to be fought not only under the eye of a 
favouring court and an obedient legislature. Small 
was the efficacy of charters and acts of Parliament, 
while infringers of one and the other were suffered 
by the Russian authorities to carry on their illegal 
traffic ; and the constant subject of royal missions 
from England at this period is the monotonous 
complaint to the Czar of the aggrieved Company, 
of harbour given to the " lewd" merchants who so 

1 Lansdowne MS. xvi, art. 20 ; Cotton MS. Nero B. viii, 
f. 7 b. 


thwarted the purpose of their charter. In the 
autumn of 1567, a messenger of the Company con- 
veyed a letter of complaint from the Queen to the 
Emperor against these interlopers at the Narva ; 
and this mission was followed by another, in Feb- 
ruary 1568, on the same subject, demanding the 
apprehension of the principal offenders. What ag- 
gravated the grievance in the eyes of the Company 
was that the culprits were frequently servants of their 
own, whom they had been at the cost of sending from 
England as factors or clerks, and who so far broke 
faith with their employers as to traffic on their own 

The imperial notions of Ivan were shocked by the 
constant intrusion of the squabbles of " base traders" 
into the communications he desired to carry on with 
EHzabeth. He considered it an affront to him that 
their interests were always the theme of her letters 
and the subject of her ambassador's discussions. 
He had been content to leave commercial affairs to 
follow their own course, while studying to realize 
political advantages from the friendly intercourse 
established with a powerful sovereign. The irri- 
tation he felt at finding matters of policy and of 
personal interest to himself entirely overlooked or 
coldly noticed in Elizabeth's answers to his letters, 
showed itself at length in a studied neglect of the 
envoys she despatched to him. George Middleton, 
who was sent in the beginning of the year 1568, with 
the Queen's letters to Ivan, met with a cold reception 
when the Emperor discovered that his secret message. 


conveyed by word of mouth by Anthony Jenldnson 
in 1567, had drawn only compliments and fine phrases 
from Elizabeth, while the main purport of her de- 
spatch was still to press for favours to the Company. 
It was found necessary to conciliate the offended po- 
tentate by more skilful diplomacy ; and Thomas Ran- 
dolph, an experienced minister who had already 
proved his ability in the cohduct of Elizabeth's 
crooked policy at the Scottish court, was despatched 
in the month of June, in the same year (1568), as 
ambassador. His principal instructions were to nego- 
tiate for a charter of privileges for the Company, and 
for the arrest of Thomas Glover, Christopher Bennet, 
and other Englishmen, who, in defiance of the Com- 
pany and the Queen's prohibition, were trading on 
their own account at Narva, under protection of a 
special privilege from the Czar ; who, moreover, as it 
is stated, had ventured to marry -vvith Polish women ; 
and who, it might be feared, unless their arrest were 
promptly effected, might take refuge in Poland. 
He was accompanied by Thomas Banister, Geoffrey 
Ducket, and others, commissioned to conduct an ex- 
pedition into Persia, already referred to. During the 
interval of his first arrival in Russia and his admission 
to an audience, Queen Elizabeth addressed another 
letter to Ivan, dated the 16th of September 1568, 
made necessary by the disposition shewn by the Czar 
to refuse him admission to his presence. 

In these^ she makes mention of her having* sent 
two previous envoys, Lawrence Manley and George 

1 Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, f. 385. 


Middleton, with letters, dated on the 14th of October, 
1567, and the 10th of February, 1568 ; but that to 
her astonishment they had both been insulted and 
treated as impostors by the Czar's ofRcers at Narva, 
at the instigation of certain Englishmen there, whom 
they were instructed to seize as rebels to the Queen. 
She urges the Czar to give full credence to her present 
ambassador. She then proceeds to denounce by name 
the Englishmen before alluded to, Thomas Glover, 
Kalph Rutter, Christopher Bennet and others, as 
rebellious to her authority, and as trading dishonestly 
on their own account with the goods of the Company, 
their masters ; and she prays him to suffer Randolph 
to take measures for bringing them to punishment. 
She next explains the reasons which intitle the Com- 
pany to the monopoly they have always been allowed, 
and informs him that this has recently been secured 
to them by a special act of the Parliament — of which 
she explains the constitution. Finally she assures 
him that the reports spread of an intention of the 
Company to remove their trade from St. Nicholas 
to Riga and Revel are the malicious inventions of 
the Englishmen she before mentioned. 

The slights^ and annoyances experienced by Ran- 
dolph in the execution of his mission are the subject 
of a special memoir which he addressed to the Privy 
Council on his return home. It appears from this 
that, " from his first arryvall at Mosco, which was the 
xvjth of October 1568, untill the ixth of Februarye, 
which daye he had presence of themperor, he was 

' Lansdowne MS. x, art. 34. 


SO straigbtlie kepte prisonere with suclie uncourtoyse 
usage of the sergeaunt that kepte them, as worse 
collide not have byn shewed to an eniemy." 

That letters sent to him for the Queen were kept 
from him, and only interpreted to him " by him that 
moste trayterouslie hath used him selfe against the 
Quene his soveraigne" [Rutter'?]. 

That the letters which he had written to the 
Queen, and had sent by Narva, were stopt, as though 
they contained treason against the Emperor, and 
were afterwards delivered back to him open, and trans- 
lated by Rutter. 

He was ordered to depart immediately after taking 
leave of the Emperor, on the 24:th of June, at Vologda, 
" and was threatened to have my baggage throwen 
owt of the dores ; this ambassador himself being the 

Nevertheless, the diplomatic talent of Randolph 
triumphed over all the obstacles opposed to his mis- 
sion ; and, after some delays, the commercial charter 
which he had been instructed to apply for in behalf 
of the Russia Company was granted and confirmed on 
the 20th of June 1569.^ This document appears to 
have realized all the expectations of the Company ; 
and we find it afterwards referred to with satisfaction 
when they had been obliged to apply for a new grant 
on the accession of another sovereign. 

How far this was usual we are unaware ; but in 
the present instance the Company were at the charge 
of supporting the ambassador and his suite during 

* See a copy of the charter in Lansdowne MS. xi, art. 16. 



his mission. The whole expenses appear to have 
amounted to £1,526: 17/ 

On Kandolph's return home, at the end of June, 
1569, he was accompanied by an ambassador from 
Ivan to Elizabeth, by name Andrea Grigorievitch 
Ssavin, who was commissioned to lay before the 
Queen a form of treaty, offensive and defensive, 
written in Russian, and to which the Queen was to 
be urged to affix her signature and to ratify it by 
an oath.- The original letter, in Russian, from the 
Czar to Elizabeth on this occasion, is preserved 
among the Cottonian manuscripts.'^ 

The Russian ambassador, however, was obliged to 
be contented with a treaty in a different form from 
that of his master's dictation, and which, though it 
pledged the monarchs to amity and to mutual assist- 
ance against " common enemies," stopped short of 
engaging them to adopt each other's quarrels. It 
was in effect worded with especial caution to avoid 
implicating the Queen in the Russian prince's hos- 
tilities with his northern neighbours. It was dated 
in May 1570.^ 

To the letter which Elizabeth addressed to the 
Czar, on the return of his ambassador, she adds a 
secret despatch, to which only her most secret 
council are privy, and witnessed by them, engaging 
herself " in case at anie time it so mishappe that you 
lord our brother, emperour and great duke, bee by 

' See Lansdowne MS. xi, artt. 34 and 37. 

^ Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, f. 335. " Ibid., f. 316. 

* Sec copy in Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, f. 345. 


any casuall chaunce, either of secrite conspiracie or 
outward hostillitie, driven to change your countries, 
and shall like to repaire into our kingdome and do- 
minions, with the noble empresse your wife and your 
deare children the princes, wee shall with such ho- 
nors and curtesies receive and intreate your highnes 
then, as shall become so great a prince."^ 

She guarantees him, moreover, freedom of religion, 
a place in her kingdom to dwell in " on your own 
charges," and liberty to depart at pleasure. 

It was at this period, on the return of the Russian 
ambassador Ssavin to his own country, that the un- 
happy Dr. Eliseus Bomel, whose fate is recorded by 
Horsey, obtained his introduction to Russia. Al- 
though born at Wesel in Westphalia, he had been 
educated in England. Brought up to the practice of 
medicine, he diverged to the profession of astrology, 
in which science he appears to have been regarded as 
a proficient. His mysterious proceedings led to his 
imprisonment by the archbishop of Canterbury, Par- 
ker; but he obtained his release on pleading an in- 
vitation of the Russian minister to enter into the 
Czar's service. In an evil hour he set out on his 
journey to Russia, where, on his arrival, he speedily 
succeeded in ingratiating himself with Ivan ; and, as 
we are told by Horsey, misused his interest with the 
Czar to incite him to excesses of all kinds towards 
his subjects, and to foolish projects of matrimony with 
Queen Elizabeth herself.^ His story is a mere epi- 

1 Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, p. 341. 
~ Hoisey's Travels, p. 173. 


sode in the history of the transactions between the 
two countries, and we refer to it only because Horsey 
was an eye-witness of his inhuman punishment by 
the savage tyrant whom he had ventured to tamper 

The return of his ambassador, Andrea Ssavin, 
from the English court with terms of alliance less 
stringent than the form of league proposed by the 
Czar himself, awakened afresh the displeasure of 
Ivan ; and this was further aggravated by com- 
plaints on the part of Ssavin of personal neglect. 
Irritated by the failure of his projects, and offended 
by the preference shown by the English court of 
the concerns of the Company to his own wishes 
and interests, he at once withdrew the privileges 
lately granted to the Company, and despatched let- 
ters to the Queen, dated the 24th of October, 1570, 
reviewing the progress of intercourse between the 
two countries, complaining of her postponement of 
affairs of state to mere matters of commerce, and even 
taunting her with being under the influence of" boors 
and merchants".^ Previous to the arrival of these let- 
ters, the Company, alarmed by the suspension of their 
privileges, had already induced Elizabeth to send 
another envoy, Robert Best, to the indignant Czar. 
Her letter was dated the 24th of January, 1571.^ 
But fearful events were passing at this period in the 
Czar's own dominions. The country was simulta- 
neously afflicted by both famine and pestilence, and 

^ Horsey, Travels, p. 187. = Harael, p. 207. 

^ Hamel, p. 133. 


to these scourges was added an invasion of the Crim 
Tartars in an immense horde, under the leadership 
of their khan, Dewlet Geray, who, laying siege to 
Moscow, succeeded in setting it on flames and reduc- 
ing the whole city to ashes. In the midst of these 
horrors Elizabeth's letters were left unanswered ; and 
eager to recover, in behalf of her merchants, the good 
will of the ofiended Czar, she selected Anthony Jen- 
kinson, — by whom he had first made his secret over- 
tures to her, and whom he had expressly required to 
be the bearer of her answer to them, — as envoy to 
deliver further letters, and with powers to treat per- 
sonally with the Czar. 

Jenkinson landed at Rose Island on the 26th of 
July, 1571, and nothing could have been more un- 
promising than the aspect of things at his arrival. 
The recent disasters of the country had rendered all 
classes to the utmost degree discontented, exasperated 
against their own government, and unequal to en- 
gaging in commercial business. 

The Czar so much resented the slight received 
from Elizabeth, by her evasion of his proposals of a 
close offensive and defensive league, that he had 
entirely withdrawn his countenance from her sub- 
jects. The Company's affairs were in a lamentable 
plight. Their factory had been consumed in the 
terrible conflagration of the capital. Five-and-twenty 
of their servants had perished in its ruins, and their 
loss by that disaster alone was estimated by their 
agent at ten thousand roubles. Moreover the Czar 
appears to have considered Jenkinson personally to 


blame in not having returned earlier with an answer 
to his proposals to Elizabeth, according to his in- 

On landing at Rose Island, Jenkinson met with 
Nicholas Proctor, the Company's agent, who had 
recently arrived from Moscow, and who warned him 
of his danger in approaching the incensed monarch. 
He accordingly despatched a messenger to the Czar 
to inquire his pleasure, while he himself proceeded 
to Cholmogory, to await his return. Here he re- 
mained four months without tidings of the fate 
of his messenger ; and then despatched a second 
envoy, who also failed to return or to report his suc- 
cess. During this prolonged detention at Cholmo- 
gory, he received none of the honors due to his 
character of an ambassador, and suffered, besides, 
mnch from the incivilities of the governor of the 
place and the ill-will of the people generally, who 
even refused to sell provisions for his household.^ 
At length he received the Czar's orders to approach 
him, and, after many delays, was admitted to an audi- 
ence on the 20th of March, 1572. Ivan received him 
in state, and, after commanding his attendants to 
withdraw, proceeded in a very solemn manner to 
explain the causes of his displeasure, in the follow- 
ing address: — 

" Anthony, the last time thou wast with us heere, wee did 
commit unto thee our trustie and secret message, to he de- 
clared unto the Queenes Majestic herself, thy mistresse, at 

' See the account of his mission in Lansdowne MS. c, f. 102 j 
also Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. i, p. 452. 


thy comming home, and did expect thy comming unto us 
againe at the time wee appointed, with a full answere of the 
same from her Highnesse. And, in the meane time, there 
came unto us at severall times three messengers, the one 
called Manly, the other George Middleton, and Edward 
Goodman, by the way of the Narve, about the merchants 
affaires. To whom wee sent our messenger to knowe whe- 
ther thou, Anthony, were returned home in safetie, and when 
thou shouldest returne unto us againe. But those messen- 
gers could tell us nothing, and did miscall and abuse with 
evil words both our messenger and thee, wherewith wee 
were much offended. And, understanding that the said 
Goodman had letters about him, wee caused him to be 
searched ; with whom were found many letters, wherin was 
written much against our princely state, and that in our 
empire were many unlawful things done ; whereat wee were 
much grieved, and would suffer none of those rude messengers 
to have access unto us. And shortly after, wee were in- 
formed that one Thomas Randolfc was come into our domi- 
nioiis by the way of Dwina, ambassadour from the Queene ; 
and wee sent a gentleman to meete and conduct him to our 
citie of Mosco ; at which time we looked that thou shouldest 
have returned ruito us againe. And the said Thomas being 
arrived at our said citie, wee sent unto him divers times 
that hee should come and conferre with our Counseill, 
whereby we might understand the cause of his comming, 
looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed 
unto thee. But hee refused to come to our said Counsell : 
wherefore, and for that our said citie was visited with plague, 
the said Thomas was the longer kept from our presence. 
Which being ceased, foorthwith wee gave him accesse and 
audience ; but all his talke with us was about merchant 
affaires, and nothing touching ours. Wee knowe that mer- 
chants matters are to bee heard, for that they are the stay of 
our princely treasures. But first princes affaires are to be esta- 


blished, and then merchants. After this, the said Thomas 
Randolfe was with us at our citie of Vologda, and wee dealt 
with him about our princely affaires ; whereby amitie be- 
twixt the Queenes Majestic and us might bee established for 
ever ; and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your 
ambassadour and us ; and thereupon wee sent our ambassa- 
dour into England with him to ende the same. But our 
ambassadour returned unto us againe, without finishing our 
said affaires, contrary to our expectation and the agreement 
betwixt us and your said ambassadour." 

To this harangue Jenkinson answers, that he deli- 
vered the secret message word for word to the Queen ; 
that Randolph was commissioned to treat concerning 
that, as well as the merchants' affairs ; that the reason 
he did not accompany him was that he was employed 
on the seas against the Queen's enemies. That Ran- 
dolph kept to his instructions in not treating with 
the Czar's councillors, as contrary to usage in em- 
bassies of weight. That Randolph proved in the 
presence of the Czar's ambassador that he had never 
pledged the Queen to any conditions to the Czar's 
councillors, who must have misrepresented matters 
to him. 

That the Queen sent her letters by the Czar's 
ambassador, Ssavin ; but, finding that Ivan is still 
dissatisfied, and besides entertains displeasure against 
the Company, she has now sent Jenkinson himself. 
He attributes the Czar's displeasure to the untrue 
reports of his late ambassador in England (Ssavin), 
and of divers persons, Rutter and others, rebels of her 
majesty in this country; and proceeds to justify the 


conduct of the Company. The Czar's wrath was en- 
tirely allayed by these explanations, and, saying that 
he should be unable at present to give him imme- 
diate answers to his letters, he directed him to depart 
to Tver. Jenkinson arrived at Tver on the 20th of 
March, and continued there till the 8th of May fol- 
lowing. He was then sent for to come to the Czar 
at Staritza, where he had an interview with the chief 
secretary, and delivered to him articles, sixteen in 
number, demanded in behalf of the Company. 

Of these one had reference to Bannister and Ducket 
in Persia, and was to request that ships should be 
sent down the Volga and across the Caspian Sea to 
fetch them home, and also to cause them to be 
protected from the Crim- Tartars and other ene- 
mies. Others contained complaints against Kutter 
and his confederates. Liberty was demanded for 
English artificers in the Czar's service to return home. 
Permission was required for sale of certain ship-loads 
of corn sent out by the Company. 

On the 13th of May, Jenkinson had another audi- 
ence of the Czar sitting in state, who again addressed 
him at length, saying, that he was satisfied that he 
had truly delivered the secret message intrusted to 
him, though he had thought to the contrary. That 
he had been discontented in not receiving complete 
answer from the Queen to his letters, and by a person 
of dignity ; and that from the misconduct of the mer- 
chants, he had taken from them their privileges. 
That now, having received the Qneen's letters and 
him as ambassador, he is "fully satisfied." 



" And for that our princely and secret affaires wer not 
fynished to our contentation at our time appointed, according 
to our expectation, wee do nowe leave of all those matters 
and set them aside for this time, bycause our minde is nowe 
otherwise chaunged, and will not ymportunate our Sister any 
further, but hereafter, when occasion shall move us for the 
lyke, wee will then talke of those matters." 

He promised to forget his displeasure to the Com- 
pany, and to restore them their privileges. He re- 
fused to give the names of the merchants who had 
offended him. 

Jenkinson received answers to the articles he had 
laid before the council, and on the 14th of May set 
out on his return. He arrived in England on the 
10th of September. 

The reception of Anthony Jenkinson by the Czar, 
and the answer he brought back to Elizabeth's let- 
ters, were so entirely satisfactory, that the ensuing 
correspondence between the sovereigns assumed a very 
pacific character. The obnoxious merchants, Hutter, 
Glover and others, who had before procured special 
privilege to trade on their own account in the Rus- 
sian dominions, and had been for long the objects of 
the Company's jealousy and ceaseless complaints, 
were sent out of the kingdom ; and, except the dis- 
ordered state of the country consequent upon hos- 
tilities with the Poles and Swedes, nothing inter- 
rupted the commercial proceedings which the English 
court so Avatchfully guarded over. 

Daniel Sylvester, the interpreter, conveyed from 
England the Queen's answer, dated the 20 th of Octo- 


ber, 1572, to Ivan's letters delivered to her by Jen- 
kinson, on his return, and in which she expressed 
herself as entirely satisfied with the Czar's con- 

Ivan's letters, dated the 1 5th of April 1573, brought 
by Sylvester, and Elizabeth's reply, of the 28th of 
July, in the same year, contained no new matter of 
discussion, except a complaint by the latter that the 
Company's property at Novgorod had been confis- 
cated, because certain Englishmen, as it was alleged, 
had taken arms against the Czar, in the service of 
the king of Sweden ; and an explanation that the 
presumed Englishmen were probably Scotchmen.^ 

Further letters were addressed by Elizabeth to the 
Czar on the 27th of October, 1573, and the 26th of 
May, 1574." Those of the earlier date \vere sent by 
Daniel Sylvester, and contained an application for 
compensation to the Company for losses arising from 
the plunder by the Tartars of a caravan, conducted 
by Geoffrey Ducket,'^ on its way from Persia by the 
Caspian Sea ; and assurances of the future activity of 
the Company in prosecuting their traffic with his 
dominions, now that the interlopers had been re- 

But Ivan's reply, dated the 20th of August, 1574, 
and sent by Silvester, re-opened the old subject of com- 
plaint, and which he had himself declared had been 
settled to his contentment by Jenkinson's mission in 
1571 ; viz., the neglect of the secret proposals sent 

1 Hamel, p. 221. ^ Ibid., p. 222. 

^ Letter in State Paper Office. 


hj him through Jenkinson m 1567 ; with additional 
charges of ill-conduct on the part of several English 
merchants in Russia ; also of certain of the Queen's 
subjects having served against him under the King 
of Sweden. 

Elizabeth's answer to these angry remonstrances, 
is learnt from her instructions to her envoy, Sylves- 
ter, dated on the 9th of May, 1575, who was directed 
to offer explanations in a personal interview.^ After 
reference to the two latter articles of complaint 
(in regard to the second of which she again explains, 
that the supposed Englishmen serving the King of 
Sweden were, in fact, Scotchmen, who, to the num- 
ber of 4,000, had taken pay in his service), she directs 
him in respect to the " message of great secreacie 
sent unto us longe since by our servant, Anthonie 
Jenkinson, by whom about three yeares past we re- 
turned our answere made unto him", in the first 
instance, to " declare to his owne person and to noe 
other that which we have by worde of mouth deli- 
vered unto you"; and if, not contented with that, the 
Czar shall wish to send over a special messenger to 
require the Queen's confirmation by oath of the 
league already agreed to between them, he is to en- 
deavour to dissuade him from such purpose ; or at 
least to induce him to send such an envoy as shall 
not attract the attention of the ministers of foreign 
powers at her court. 

The answer to be delivered by word of mouth is 

' Lansdowne MS. civ., f. 131 ; Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, f. 393 ; 
and Sloane MS. 2442, p. 201. 


set down at the end of the Instructions, and is in the 
following words : — ^ 

" Whereas we conceave the secret message you delivered 
■unto us from the Emperor to stande in two pointes, the one 
that he should mislike our refusall to confirme hy oath the 
league agreed on at the tyme of his ambassadur's being 
here, as also that it was not subscribed by our counsellors 
hands ; the other, that he founde it.strange that we should 
make some scruple to require like assurance of refuge at his 
handes, as we have upon his request made unto us for the 
same graunted unto him. — For the first, you shall declare 
unto him, though we had well hoped that he had conceaved 
so honorablie of us that noe oath could have draAven us to a 
more sinceare performance of our promise, deKvered in 
writing signed with our hand, than the great respect we 
beare to the maintenance of our princelie worde, as in honor 
we are bounde, yet the onlie and chief cause why we yealded 
not to the confirmation of the same by oath grewe of the 
great respect we had to have the contents of the said league 
kept secreat ; a thing no lesse earnestlie by him required 
than judged by us of it self most necessarie, considering of 
what importance it was towardes him; which with noe possi- 
bilitie could have bene done if the said confirmation by oath 
should have bene performed with that solemnitie that is 
usuall in that behalf. For the leagues which we confirme 
by oath doe ordinarilie passe our great scale ; which cannot 
be done, but that the same must runne through the handes 
of so greate a nomber of our ministers as in no possibilitie 
they can be kept secret. 

" And as touching his misliking that the league was not 
signed by our Counsell, you may tell him that such things as 
are signed by our self ar never signed by our Counsell ; for 
that it is held a kinde of abasement of the state and qualitie 
we hold to have any joyned with us in that behalf. 
^ Lansdownc MS. civ., f. 134. 


" For the other pointe, touching a request to be made by 
us unto him for assurance of refuge in case of necessitie, you 
shall declare unto him that if our subjectes should never so 
little conceive that we grewe into any doupt or suspition of any 
change or alteration in them towardes us (as we knowe they 
would by [our] consenting to the making of such a request), 
it would breede so dangerous a misliking in them towards 
ns, as might put us in perill of our estate. Which thinge we 
knowe our good brother, in respect of the great good will he 
protesteth to have towards us, M^ould be loath to draw us into. 
And therefore we hope he will accept in good parte this our 
aunswere touching the said pointe." 

Sylvester had his reception by the Czar on the 
29th of November following, and we are in possession 
of a copy of his report of the monarch's speech to him 
on the occasion.^ He again complained of having re- 
ceived no satisfactory answer to the secret message sent 
by Anthony Jenkinson. Randolph's embassy " chiefly 
tended for the establishing of marchants", — 

" But as for our affayres whear aboute we thought him to 
have bene sente, they were nothinge spoken of. Wheare at 
we marvelynge yett graunted all requests ; thinkinge to have 
found the like liberalyte towardes us. For the occasion 
whey we pretended those proceedings with our sister was, 
that we highlye forsawe the varyable and daungerous estate 
of princes, and that as well as the meanest they are subject 
unto chaunge. Which caused us to suspect oure owne mag- 
nificence, and that which nowe inded ys chaunced unto us. 
For we have resygned the estate of our government, which 
heathertoo hath bene so royally maynteyned, into the handes 
of a straunger, whoe is nothinge alyed unto us, our lande or 
crowne. The occasion whereof is the perverse and evill 

^ Cotton MS. Nero B. viii, f. 18 b. 


dealinge of our subjects, who mourmour and repine at us; 
forgettinge loyall obedience they practice againste our per- 
son. The which to prevent we have gyvene them over unto 
another prince to governe them, but have reserved in our 
custodye all the treasure of the lande withe sufficient trayne 
and place, for their and our relyefe. And for these and 
such like occasions did we moshone [motion ?] tlios proceed- 
ings with our syster. And to confyrme the same we sent our 
messenger, Andreas Savine. But our purpose was prevented 
by practice of traytours, which interpreted our meanynge 
to thear pleasure and misse-enformed our systar of us ; whos 
aunswere by him were so contrarye to our purpose as 
nothing might be more. For trulye our pretence was to 
have lyncked us togeather in suche fyrme amyte, and thearin 
so enviolable to have consisted, as nothinge shoolde empayre 
the same," etc. 

Ill this interesting document we find the tyrant 
avowing, as the motive of his wish to secure a place 
of refuge in a foreign and distant kingdom, his dis- 
trust of the loyalty of his own subjects. And surely 
no clearer revelation could be offered us of the terrors 
to which he was a prey, than this confession that for 
a period of at least eight years (for so long was it 
since he had first disclosed to Elizabeth, through her 
envoy Anthony Jenkinson, his project of seeking 
shelter at some future time in her kingdom) his con- 
science had warned him of the hate of his people, 
and that in dread of an outbreak of their fury, he had 
been restlessly seeking an asylum among strangers. 
Although assured by Elizabeth of an honourable and 
safe reception in her dominions, it was only in unison 
with the suspiciousness of conscious unworthiness that 


he should discredit her promises. To make him feel 
more secure of her sympathy, he wished to receive 
similar proposals from herself; and we have his ad- 
mission of this in a second audience which he granted 
to Sylvester, to declare his opinion on the letters and 
messages, of which Sylvester was the hearer, from 

The paper is also valuable as furnishing confirma- 
tion and supplying the date of that strange act of the 
tyrant, — known from the report of strangers, but 
scarcely alluded to by native historians of the time, — 
his temporary abdication of his throne, in favour of 
the Tartar prince Ssaim Bulat, ex-Tsar of Kassimof, 
baptized under the name of Simeon.^ This event is 
mentioned by both Fletcher (p. 56), and Horsey 
(p. 168). The former regards it as a trick to extract 
money from his subjects, by means which he points 
out. The latter assigns a reason for it in the discon- 
tents of the people, arising from the Czar's rapacious 
exactions in the form of loans and taxes. 

The second audience to which Sylvester was ad- 
mitted was on the 29th of January, 1576. The 
report of his interview was transmitted to his go- 
vernment, and a copy of it is preserved in the ma- 
nuscript already quoted.^ Ivan speaks much to the 
same effect as on the first occasion. He finds the 
message brought by Sylvester " as inefi'ectual as 
others before this," and adds — 

' Hamel, p. 224 ; Karamsin, Histoire de rEmpive de Russie ; 
Paris, 1823; vol. ix, p. 319. 

- Cotton MS. Nero B. viii, f. 19 b. 


" That neather her ans^v^eares by our messenger Savine, 
nor the ambassadge of Anthony [Jenkinson], nor this mes- 
sadge of thyne, ar to our contentment, nor importe that 
efFecte of frendshipp that we aspect from our systar. Inter- 
pretinge thereby a kynde of haughtynes in our systar, moved 
tharto by thabasynge of ourselfe towardes her, in that we 
purpose that with her which she nothinge lesse accompteth 
of. By which occasion we are pretended in the like league 
with themperour Maximillian, our holy and good brother. 
For who or what prince woulde willingly or without occa- 
tion leave or forsake his dignity or land to enthrall hym 
under the benivolence of a strange and unknowne prince ? 
Or who, enforside to forsake his lande and dignite will not 
in that distres of adverstie gently submit himselfe to the 
frendly pleasure of the prince or potentate by whome he ys 
refuged ? Even so by our self, that, yf contrary to our ex- 
pectacion we should at any time be enforced out of our 
empire, and then succory d by England or others, must in 
reason yealde us loyaull unto the aughtoryty of the pro- 

Sylvester begs him to mention more explicitly the 
occasion of his dissatisfaction, and the Czar answers : 

" Our mislyke consisteth in the scruple aunsweres of our 
systar, and in the doubles and acceptions [exceptions ?] con- 
tayned in them ; as herein, that she niaketh dayntye to re- 
quier the like of us as our requeste is to have of her, accord- 
ing to the symple and playne meanynge of our demaunds ; 
the coppyes whereof were brought by Savine our messenger 
in the Italyan and Lateyne tounges." 

Meaning doubtless to express his disappointment 
that Queen Eliz^abeth had not made of him the same 
request for refuge in his dominions as he had made 
for an asylum in hers. 



The Czar proceeds to point out the protection and 
privileges he has given to English merchants, and to 
threaten to transfer the same to the Venetians and 
Germans. He makes further allusion to the resigna- 
tion of his crown, stating that he reserved the power 
of resuming it ; and gives him a message to Eliza- 
beth, which he enjoins him to commit to his memory, 
in these words : — 

" Yf our systar hadd so frendlye dclte with us in the ac- 
complishinge of thes affayres as we thanglit she woulde, 
trewly our whole countrye of Russia hadd bene as much at 
her pleasure as England ys^ as frelye to have sent or com- 
maunded anye thing thence as out of her owne treasurye or 
wardrope. Fynally, the whole dominion had bene at her 
comaundement, as notwithstanding the same ys unto the 
merchauntSj who are as free as in England to ryde and goe 
when and whether they shall have occasion : the which to 
none but unto them ys adhibetyd. But trulye our systar 
maketh to scruple to accomplishe our request, which unto us 
seme bothe resonable and alsoc commodius for our Majestyes. 
To conclude, we have shewed more favour then [than] 
sownde frendshippe ; for that nothinge that since the first 
hath bene pretended betwext us that ar in aney thinge to 
our expectment accomplished, not onely in thes hey matters 
but in all other thinges which to furnishe our wante we have 
sent for, and allwayes served with contraryes ; whearfore we 
have juste occasion to repyne." 

Sylvester returned to England immediately after 
this interview. He was again despatched by Eliza- 
beth, with fresh letters to the Czar, in the summer of 
the same year 1576. But he was not destined to 
fulfil his mission. He had reached Colmogory, and 


was making preparations for continuing his journey, 
when he was struck by lightning in the English 
Factory. His papers, and the Queen's letter to the 
Czar, were destroyed by the fire which consumed the 
Factory itself.^ 

According to Horsey's own account, this awful end 
of the Queen's envoy was the occasion of his being 
himself honoured with a commission from the Russian 
Emperor. He had gone out from England as a clerk 
in the service of the Company, and during a residence 
of some years in the country, had become qualified 
to speak and read its language. What other means 
he may have had of attracting the attention of 
the Russian court he does not inform us ; but, on 
Sylvester's death, the want was felt by the Czar of an 
agent to whom he could confide a mission to the 
English court, and his choice fell on Horsey, who 
describes his introduction to Ivan in these words : — 

" The Emperour was much amassed when he heard of it 
[the death of Sylvester], saieng, ' Gods will be donn !' — but 
raged and was in desperatt case ; his enymies besettinge and 
besiegginge three partes of his countrye, the Poll, Sweathen 
and the Crime ; King Stephanus Batur threatninge he would 
vissett him at his great cittie Musquo shorttly. He made 
preparacion accordingly, only douptinge of som Avant of 
powder, salt-peter, lead and brimston, and knew not howe 
to be furnished therof, the Narve shutt up, but owt of Eng- 
land. The difficult was how he should convey and send 
his letters to the Queen ; his countries invironed and pas- 
sages shutt up. Sent for me and told me he had a message 

' Horsey, p. 184. 


of honnor, weight and secresecie, to imploie me in, to the 
Quens Majesty of England, perceavinge I had ateyned to 
the familliar phrase of his language, the PoUishe and Dutch 

A lengthened conversation ensued, in which the 
Czar questioned him respecting the royal navy of 
England, and afterwards desired him to communicate 
his description of it in writing to his private secre- 
tary. At the end he was enjoined to make himself 
ready, to be silent and secret, and to attend till the 
despatch was prepared which he was desired to convey 
to England. When the letters were ready, the Czar 
himself delivered them to him, concealed in a false 
side of a wooden bottle of brandy, " not worth three 
pence", to be hung under the horse's mane ; and dis- 
mist him with the following injunction. 

" I forhare to tell you of some sccreats of my pleasur, for 
fearinge, thow passinge thorow my enymies countries now in 
combustion, thow fall into their hands, [and] mai be inforced 
to discover that I would not have knowen. What thow shalt 
saye to Quen Elizabeth, my lovinge sister, the bottel thov/ 
cariest with the shall declare unto the, when thow comst in 
safFe place to make it open. In the meane and alwaies be 
thow trusty and faithfull, and thy reward shalbe my goodnes 
and grace from me hereafter."^ 

It was a service of some peril which Horsey had 
undertaken, — to be the bearer of letters from the 
Russian Emperor through countries at open war with 
him ; and he narrates the dangers it led him into. 
The route he took was by Tver, Novgorod, Pskov, 

' Ibid., p. 189. 


and Neuliaus. This part of the journey — a distance 
of six hundred miles, as he informs us — was per- 
formed in a sledge, and in the space of three days. 
He was attended by a gentleman of rank and twenty 
servants ; who here took their leaves. At Neuhaus, 
Horsey was taken before the lieutenant of the castle, 
and examined ; but he feigned himself a fugitive from 
the Muscovite country, and after three days deten- 
tion was allowed to proceed. Having passed through 
Livonia he was again stopped in the island of Oesel, 
and carried to Arensburg, where he was locked up in 
filthy quarters as a spy ; but his good fortune in 
being able to give tidings to the governor of his 
daughter, a captive in Moscow, and for whom he had 
done offices of kindness, procured him his release 
and courteous treatment. He next records his ar- 
rival at Pilten ; whence he proceeded through Cour- 
land to Konisberg and Dantzic. Here he was re- 
ceived with much honour by the authorities ; and 
several merchants, who had been ransomed by him 
out of captivity in Russia, hastened to thank him for 
his humanity. From Dantzic his route lay through 
Pomerania to Hamburgh, where he was again greeted 
with the warmest expressions of gratitude from those 
he had been instrumental in redeeming from captivity. 
He concludes the account of his journey by telling us, 
that on arriving in England he opened the aqua-vitse 
bottle — " tooke out and sweetened the Emperors 
letter and directions, as well as I could ; but yet the 
Queen smelt the savier of the aqua-vita when I 
delivered them unto her Majesty." 


Horsey was favourably received by the Queen, and 
sworn esquire of her body. The Muscovy Company 
were commanded to provide the articles for which 
the Czar had sent his commission ; and Horsey was, in 
the summer of 1581, despatched back to Russia with 
a supply of copper, lead, powder, salt-petre, brim- 
stone and other things, to the value of nine thousand 
pounds ; all which he safely delivered, and received 
immediate payment from the Czar. He states that 
he sailed in company with a fleet of thirteen ships ; 
and that in the voyage they were encountered by 
Danish ships, off" the North Cape, whom they worsted. 
There was at the time no declared war between the 
two countries, and probably these assaults by the 
Danes were in their nature piratical, and would not 
be recognized by their government. On the con- 
trary, it was the mutual interest of the two kingdoms 
to maintain a close alliance, as supporters of the 
Protestant cause, then hard pressed in the Nether- 
lands and France. But the Danish sovereign was 
intensely jealous of the new trade which the Eng- 
lish merchants had established with Russia, and 
more particularly apprehensive that, by their ceasing 
to frequent Narva and fixing their trade at St. Ni- 
cholas, his revenue from the Sound dues would 
sufl'er diminution. At this time the English trade to 
St. Nicholas was not formally recognized by Den- 
mark. It was not till June in 1582 that Frede- 
rick III, by his patent, secured to the Company free 
passage to the Russian coasts, with liberty of refuge 
in any of her ports in stress of weather ; on condition 


of their paying a yearly sum in lieu of Sound 
dues ;^ and with the special proviso of their not fur- 
nishing his enemies with warlike stores. In the 
instructions- to Lord Willoughby, who was commis- 
sioned by Elizabeth, in 1582, to carry the Garter to 
the Danish king, elected a member of the order two 
years previous, one of the clauses refers to expla- 
nation to be given on the subject of her merchant 
ships carrying armaments, which he was to re- 
present as an ordinary precaution against attacks by 

It is stated by Horsey,^ that as early as the year 
1567 the project of a marriage with an English lady, 
— and that, indeed, the fastidious Queen herself, — - 
was discussed by the Czar Ivan with the ill-starred 
adventurer. Dr. Bomel ; and it is conjectured by 
Dr. Hamel, that a proposition for a union with the 
Queen was the subject of the secret message in- 
trusted by the Czar to Jenkinson in the year 1567.^ 
Of this, however, we have found no proof in the 
papers relating to Jenkinson's mission ; and the 
direct mention of the actual nature of the secret 
message already quoted, seems to disprove it altoge- 
ther. The Czar, however, was violently possessed 
with a fancy for an English wife, and we now come 
to the fact of his formal proposal for the hand of a 
noble lady, a kinswoman of the Queen. 

At the request of Ivan, physicians and surgeons 

1 Nero E. ili, f. 247. =^ Ibid., f. 244. 

^ Horsey's Travels, p. 173. * England and Russia, p. 179. 


had been sent out from England by Elizabeth in the 
earlier part of the year 1581 ; and, among the num- 
ber, one Dr. Robert Jacob, whom she represented to 
the Czar as especially prized by herself for skill in 
his profession. This physician was graciously re- 
ceived by Ivan, and was quickly installed in his con- 
fidence ; so much at least may be inferred, from his 
imparting to him the secret of his desire to marry an 
English wife, and consulting him on the direction of 
his choice. The question seems to have no way 
startled the experienced courtier, although he must 
have been aware that the Czar had already been 
wedded to six wives, the last of whom still survived, 
and at the time gave promise of making him again a 
father. Dr. Jacob replied that he knew of only one 
such lady — the Lady Mary Hastings, thirty years of age, 
daughter of the Earl of Huntingdon, and niece of the 
Queen herself, on the side of her mother. Satisfied 
by the description of the proposed bride, given by 
Jacob, who probably considered it a poHtic stroke to 
strengthen the Czar's attachment to England by such 
a connexion, and acting v/ith his customary impe- 
tuosity, Ivan despatched an ambassador, Theodore 
Andreievitch Pissemsky, to England, with the fol- 
lowing instructions^ : — ■ 

1. To negotiate a close alliance between the two 

2. To communicate to Queen Elizabeth, in a pri- 
vate audience, his master's project of a marriage with 

' Karamsin, vol. ix, p. 533, 


Lady Mary Hastings ; to demand an interview with 
the lady ; and her portrait, painted on wood or paper. 

3. To inquire Lady Mary's age ; to notice if she 
were of good height, of embonpoint and fair complexion. 

4. To obtain information of her relationship with 
the Queen ; her father's rank ; and the number of her 
brothers and sisters. In case of the Queen's object- 
ing that the Czar was already married ; to answer, that 
was true, but that his wife was neither a king's 
daughter, nor a princess of a royal family ; that she 
was unpleasing to him, and he would repudiate her 
in favour of the Queen's niece. 

5. To state that Lady Mary would be required to 
embrace the Greek form of faith ; that the Czare- 
vitch Fedor would remain heir to the Russian empire, 
but that the male progeny of the English princess 
would receive special provinces or apanages. And, 
finally, that these conditions could not be altered ; 
but that, if the Queen declined to subscribe them, the 
ambassador was to return home. 

Pissemsky arrived in England on the 16th of Sep- 
tember, 1582; met with much flattering attention at 
court, but made slow progress in the business of his 
mission. His first conference with the English mi- 
nisters was on the 18th of December. The terms of 
the proposed alliance were the same as his master 
had of old insisted on — to make common cause in 
peace and war ; and, if Elizabeth were unable to fur- 
nish assistance to the Czar in troops to face his ene- 
mies, she should supply him with subsidies of money 
and military stores. The English merchants were to 



be allowed the exclusive commerce of the Dwina, but 
should submit to the moderate imposts to which they 
would be subject in common with the subjects of 
other foreign countries. 

On the 18th of January following, Elizabeth re- 
ceived the ambassador to a private audience, alone in 
her chamber. She objected to the Czar's selection of 
a bride, as wanting in beauty of person ; but, on 
Pissemsky's insisting, consented to his having an in- 
terview with her, and discussed the conditions of the 
proposed marriage. She opposed, however, the pre- 
sent indulgence of his eagerness to see Lady Mary, 
on the ground of her being only of late recovered 
from an attack of small-pox ; and pleaded the conse- 
quent blemishes of her features as excuse for not 
allowing the painting of her portrait. 

During these delays, news arrived in England of 
the delivery of the actual Czarina of a son — the ill- 
starred Demetrius. Pissemsky was not disconcerted 
by these tidings. He refused to give credence to 
them, treating them as the malicious invention of 
opponents of the English alliance. At length, on the 
18th of May, the ambassador was allowed an inter- 
view with Lady Mary Hastings, who was presented 
to him, in a wide tent, in the garden of Sir Thomas 
Bromley, lord chancellor, in order that he might 
judge of her features and complexion in the clear 
light of day. Horsey's account of this singular in- 
terview is in the folio wins;' terms ■} — 

" Her Majesty caused that lady to be atended on with 
' Travels, p. 196. 


divers great ladies and maieds of honnor and yonge noble- 
men, the noniber of each apointed, to be seen by the said 
Ambassador in Yorke House garden. She pnt on a staetly 
countenance accordinglie. The Ambassador, atended with 
divei's other noblemen and others, was brought before her 
Ladyship ; cast down his countenance ; fell prostrate to her 
feett, rose, ranne backe from her, his face still towards her ; 
she and the rest admiringe at his manner. Said by an inter- 
preter yt did suffice him to behold the angell he hoped 
should be his master's espouse ; commended her angellicall 
countenance, state and admirable beauty. She after was 
called by her famillier frends in court the Emporis of 

Notwithstanding these raptures, the courtly Rus- 
sian contrived to send a very matter of fact descrip- 
tion of the lady to his master ; his report, though on 
the w^hole favourable to her charms, was somewhat 
guarded in its expressions. We are told that Lady 
Mary Hastings herself was at the first pleased with 
the proposed marriage; but that she was subse- 
quently frightened from it by representations of the 
ferocious character of her intended husband ; and at 
last succeeded without difficulty in persuading the 
Queen to save her from the proposed honour. 

Pissemsky was accompanied in his return to his 
own country by Sir Jerome Bowes, as ambassador 
from Elizabeth, commissioned to settle definitively all 
the affairs in discussion between the two sovereigns. 
The instructions which Bowes took with him on this 
occasion disclose the views of the English court in 
respect to the proposed treaty with its Kussian ally.^ 

' Cotton. MS. Nero B. viii, f. 29 ; and State Paper Office. 


He was to apologize for not setting down the 
treaty in the form presented by the Czar ; and to 
answer, in respect to the offer of a league offensive 
and defensive, that the Queen thought it " requisite 
both in Christianity and by the law of nations and 
common reason, not to profess enmity or enter into 
effects of hostility against any prince or potentate 
without warning first given to the party so procuring 
enmity to desiste from his wrong-doing or cause- 
giving of hostility." 

He was to advance, as the reason for asking exclu- 
sive privileges for the Russian Company in preference 
to throwing open the commerce to all English sub- 
jects equally, the great expenses incurred by the 
Company in laying open the trade. 

In regard to the secret message made through 
Pissemsky, he was to persuade the Czar to abandon 
his object of marriage with Lady Mary Hastings, on 
the ground of the lad}*^s ill-health, her unfitness for 
so long a journey, and the reluctance of her family to 
so complete a separation from her. 

" As to the other motion delivered us in like secrett 
manner by the Interpreter, as heretofore it hath bene by 
some of our owne ministers sent unto him uppon occasion, 
touching his selfe repaire liether unto our dominions, — he 
shall be welcome," etc. 

The remainder of the Instructions, together with a 
supplementary clause added on the 19th of June, 
refer to a proposed mediation with the King of 
Sweden for the purpose of an immediate suspension 
of arms and eventual treaty of peace, Elizabeth offer- 


ing to act as arbitrator. They conclude with the 
following notable axiom — to'^ induce the Czar to cer- 
tain concessions in the form of negotiating — that " a 
deare disadvantagable peace is more worth than an 
advantagable and victorious warre, all things duely 

Sir Jerome Bowes set out on his journey in com- 
pany with the returning Russian ambassador Pissem- 
sky, and attended by a train of forty persons. He 
arrived at E-ose Island on the 23rd of July, 1583 ; 
and we are in possession of his own account of his 
mission.^ He prepares us for the opposition he was 
to encounter at court by the following statement. 

" The Dutch merchants had intruded themselves to trade 
into those countreys, notwithstanding a privilege of the sole 
trade thither was lonsr before ^ranted to the English mer- 
chants. These Dutchmen had already so handled the matter, 
as they had by chargeable means wonne three of the chiefest 
counsellors of the Emperour to be their assured friends, 
namely, Mekita Romanovich, Bodan Belskoy and Andrew 
Shalkan the chancellor : for, besides dayly gifts that they 
bestowed upon them all, they tooke so much money of theirs 
at interest at five and twenty upon the hundred, as they payd 
to some one of them five thousand marks yecrely for the use 
of his money; and the English merchants at that time had not 
one friend in court." 

However, he was received with great state by the 
Czar, and entertained at a magnificent banquet. 
Personal interviews with the sovereign succeeded; 
but his instructions did not allow him to satisfy the 
requirements of Ivan, and the disappointment of the 

■^ Prmted by Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. i, p. 517. 


despot led to an outbreak of passion, which is thus 
described : 

" In the end, after sundry meetings, the Emperour finding 
himselfe not satisfied to his Hking, for that the ambassadour 
had not power by his commission to yeeld to every thing 
that he thought fit, as a man whose will was seldome wonted 
to be gainsayd, let loase his passion, and with a sterne and 
angry countenance tolde him that he did not reckon the 
Queene of England to be his fellow : for there are (quoth 
he) that are her betters." 

The ambassador answers — 

" That the Queene his mistresse was as great a prince as 
any was in Christendome, equall to him that thought him- 
self the sfreatest, well able to defend herselfe against his 
malice whosoever, and counted no meanes to offend any that 
either shee had or should have cause to be enemy unto. 
' Yea (quoth he) how sayest thou to the French king and 
the king of Spaine ?' — ' Mary (quoth the ambassadour) I 
holde the Queene my mistresse as great as any of them 
both.' — ' Then what sayest thou (quoth hee) to the Emperour 
of Germany V — ' Such is the greatnesse of the Queene my 
mistresse (quoth the Ambassadour) as the King her father 
had (not long since) the Emperour in his pay, in his warres 
against France.' This answere misliked the Emperor yet so 
much more, as that he tolde the Ambassadour, that, were 
he not an ambassador, he would throw him out of the 
doores," etc. 

Notwithstanding this hot altercation, Bowes main- 
tained the favour of Ivan, who held frequent con- 
versations with him, in one of which he expressed the 
following resolution — 

" To marry some kinswoman of her Majesties, and that he 


would send againe into England, to have some one of them 
to wife ; and if her Majestie would not upon his next am- 
bassage send him such a one as he required, himselfe would 
then goe into England, and cary his treasure with him, and 
marry one of them there." 

Bowes states that he had succeeded in obtaining a 
new charter of privileges for the Company, by which 
all strangers, save the English, were excluded from 
the Russian trade on the northern coasts. The 
document was signed and sealed, and was to be 
delivered to him at his next coming to court, when 
the Czar fell sick and died. This untoward event 
was fatal to the success of the ambassador's mis- 
sion. He was now, as he tells us, in the hands 
of Mekita Romanovitch and Andrea Shalkan, the 
chancellor, who took the chief government upon 
themselves, and from whom he received only insults 
and outrages. 

Boris Fedorovitch Godunow, the new Czar's bro- 
ther-in-law, showed a more favourable disposition ; 
but he had not yet that supremacy in the new Empe- 
ror's councils which he rose to shortly after. And, 
after much risk of violent treatment, of Avhich an 
account is given by Horsey in his narrative,^ he was 
suifered to return home. The letter, however, which 
was committed to him to deliver to Elizabeth, and 
which, as he says, " conteyned nothing of that he 
came for," he indignantly gave back to the gentleman 
who escorted him on his journey through Russia, at 
the moment of embarking, and with it the present he 
' Travels, p. 203. 


had received from the new Emperor. He reached 
England on the 12th of September following. 

Horsey takes credit to himself for the opportune 
assistance he afforded to Bowes in extricating him 
from a position of considerable danger at the Hussian 
court, after the death of the Czar Ivan. Bowes, in 
the account we have abstracted, is naturally silent as 
to his own demerits ; and, as we are aware, was 
exposed by his instructions to the wrath of a dissa- 
tisfied tyrant : but, from other accounts of his mis- 
sion, it is clear that he took no pains to ward off the 
effects of the ungrateful course defined for him. He 
appears to have indulged in overweening pride, — to 
have been too ready to suppose slights and indig- 
nities, — and to have embittered the feelings of men 
of power and station at the court, by drawing upon 
them punishment through his complaints to their 

During the last years of Ivan's reign Horsey had 
been allowed access to his court, and had been 
employed by him in a special mission to Queen Eliza- 
beth. In his narrative he mentions some interesting 
particulars of the dying tyrant's last days, showing 
the superstitious character of his mind. He tells us 
that, in the distraction and terror of his approach- 
ing end, he sent for sixty witches from the north, 
" wher ther is store, between Chollmogorod and 
Lappia." They were closely guarded, and their 
divinations (dwelmations, Horsey calls them) were re- 
ported only to Bodan Belskoy, the Czar's favourite. 
He describes, too, a most curious scene which passed 


in the Treasury, where the Czar was used to have 
himself carried in his chair daily. How, on one such 
occasion, he was beckoned by the Prince (Boris 
Godunow) to follow ; and how he heard the dying 
monarch point out to the courtiers around him the 
secret powers of the various precious stones that 
enriched his stores, and interpret them with a strange 
wildness. He placed a red coral and a turquoise on 
his arm ; and the wretched man pointed to their 
change of colour as the effect of the disease which 
poisoned his blood, and which accordingly would 
prove fatal. The diamond " restreeyns furie and lux- 
urie. I never affected it." — The ruby" is most com- 
fortable to the hart, braine, vigor and memorie of 
man." The emerald has " the natur of the reynbowe ; 
this precious stone is an enemye to uncleannes." — 
" The saphier I greatlie delight in ; yt preserves and 
increaseth courage, joies the heart", etc. — " All these 
(he adds) ar Gods wonderfull guifts, secreats in 
natur, and yet reveals them to mans use and contem- 
placion, as frendes to grace and vertue and eneymies 
to vice." 

Ivan Vasilievitch was succeeded by his son, the 
weak prince Fedor. The government of the country 
had been settled by the late Emperor in a Council of 
Regency, consisting of six members, of which num- 
ber was the Prince Boris Fedorovitch Godunow, 
brother of the new Czar's wife, the Empress Irenia. 
It is not requisite to draw the character of this ambi- 
tious but far-seeing and able statesman ; who quickly 
secured the chief power in the state, under the title 



of Protector. He had constantly shewn himself a 
favourer of the English alliance, and of the interests 
of the Kussia Company. Horsey appears to have 
early secured his confidence ; and we find him, during 
his subsequent troubles, always appealing to the 
prince's countenance and support. On the first con- 
fusion following the late Emperor's death, when Boris 
surrounded himself with his friends and stood forward 
to take the lead in securing the quiet succession 
to his young brother-in-law the Czarovitch Fedor, 
Horsey tells us — ^ " I off"ered myself, men, powder 
and pistolls, to attend the Prince Protector : he ac- 
cepted me amonge his famillie and servants ; pass- 
inge by with a chearfull countenance upon me, said — 
' Be faithfuU and fear not.'" Horsey was consulted 
by the Council on the course to be pursued towards 
the indiscreet Sir Jerome Bowes, the feeling against 
whom was extreme ; and found himself unable to con- 
tend against the rancour of the parties whom Bowes 
had aggrieved. The Protector Boris came to his 
assistance in this emergency ; sent for him in pri- 
vate, and consulted him on his manner of proceed- 
ing ; and it was only by the Protector's friendly 
assistance that he was able to rescue Bowes from the 
hands of men quite willing to gratify their grudge 
against him to the uttermost, and to ensure his safe 
withdrawal from Moscow. 

Horsey remained to witness the coronation of the 
new Emperor ; and wrote a description of the cere- 

1 Travels, p. 202. ^ AiDpendix I, p. 267. 


The correspondence between the two courts, at the 
accession of a new sovereign in Russia, was at the 
first tinged with some unpleasantness. The Czar 
Fedor's first letters to the Queen, conveyed by a 
Dutchman (Reginald Bekman, the interpreter), con- 
tained complaints of the haughty bearing of her 
envoy, Sir Jerome Bowes ; with demands of free pri- 
vilege to trade with her dominions, on behalf of his 

The Queen, in her answer,^ dated the 9th of June, 
1585, and sent by his own messenger, Bekman, 
dwells with much emphasis on the constant and 
peculiar favour shewn by the late Czar Ivan to her 
subjects, especially in the superior commercial privi- 
leges granted to them above all other strangers. 
She regrets that Sir Jerome Bowes should have 
given cause of offence in the execution of his mission. 
She refers to the treaty concluded with Ivan just 
before his death, by which the Czar had designed to 
secure to himself the advantage of obtaining warlike 
stores. She assents to his request, that Russian mer- 
chants may trade freely with her dominions ; but 
petitions that the right of traffic with his empire be 
so far limited to the Company, that no other English- 
man shall be admitted to the trade, unless by their 
permission ; justifying the demand from considera- 
tion of their loss of life and expenses in first explor- 
ing the route by sea to Russia. 

The reply of the Czar Fedor to this letter, con- 
veyed by Horsey, was dated in September 1585, and 

' Cotton MS. Nero B. xi, f. 375. 


shewed an increased feeling of dissatisfaction.^ The 
Czar renews his complaints of the insolent conduct 
of Elizabeth's ambassador, Jerome Bowes, and sug- 
gests that his former representations en that head 
had not been properly reported to her. He complains 
of the unseemly living of the English merchants in 
his dominions ; and that they fail to observe the rules 
laid down in the letters of privilege under which they 
trade — in selling piecemeal, in importing the goods 
of other countries, and in bringing in foreigners 
under English names. He contrasts the advantages 
enjoyed by her subjects with those allowed to other 
traders, and refuses to exclude the merchants of other 
countries. He complains of the indifferent reception 
she had given to his envoy, Bekman, the interpreter, 
and of his unnecessary detention in England. He 
requests that Horsey may be the bearer of her answer, 
adding a commendation of his conduct. 

We have not met with a copy of Elizabeth's answer 
to this epistle, which must have been dated in April 
1586; but the historian Karamsin gives an epitome 
of it, referring to the original in the national 
archives.^ It appears that she entered into some 
excuses of her treatment of Bekman ; and gave up 
her demands of a monopoly of trade in favour of her 
subjects, only requiring that they should be relieved 
from the payment of heavy custom dues. She wrote 
also to the Prince Boris Godunow, thanking him for 

^ State Paper Office, Russian Royal Letters. Karamsin, vol. x, 
p. 427. 

^ Karamsin, vol. x, p. 43. 


his favourable disposition towards the Company, and 
expressing a hope that a man of so enlightened a 
mind would see the advantage to his country in 
encouraging her merchants, and would henceforward 
become their protector. 

We have said that Horsey was the bearer of the 
Czar's answer to Elizabeth's letters sent by the 
sian envoy, Bekman, on his return to his own country. 
He was also despatched back by Elizabeth with her 
reply ; and, by turning to his own account of these 
missions, we are able to add other particulars to the 
foregoing account of the correspondence. But it was 
not only as a messenger to the English court that he 
was employed on this occasion. The Protector, Boris 
Godunow, had singled him out for the execution of a 
secret commission, of delicate execution, and of the 
utmost moment to his own designs. As regent in 
behalf of the young Czar, his brother-in-law, the vir- 
tual sovereignty was already in his hands ; but vica- 
rial power was not enough for his ambition, and his 
schemes were laid for wresting the sceptre itself from 
the feeble hands which now held it. After Fedor's 
brother, the young Prince Demetrius, a child of eight 
years of age, the succession would come to Maria, the 
niece of the late Czar, widow of Magnus Duke of 
Holstein and titular King of Livonia. Since the 
death of her husband, this lady had been supported 
by a small annuity from the crown of Poland, and 
was living, apparently under restraint, in a wretched 
condition, with her sole daughter, Eudoxia, in the 
castle of Riga. It was of consequence to Boris Godu- 


now to get this forlorn woman and her daughter into 
his power ; and the commission he secretly entrusted 
Horsey with, was to obtain access to her, and, by 
assurances of honourable treatment and splendid 
allowances from her kinsman, the Emperor, to entice 
her to escape from her present retreat, and place her- 
self and child under his protection. Flattered by the 
confidence of the Protector, and pleased with the 
opportunity of securing his favour by so important 
a service, Horsey undertook this cruel commission ; 
evidently conscious the while of the treachery he was 
to be the instrument of.^ 

Horsey set out from Moscow on the 20th of August, 
1585. He repaired straightway to Riga, and suc- 
ceeded in gaining access to the intended victim of 
his employer by means of Cardinal Radzivil, Governor 
of Livonia, " a bounsinge princely prellate, lovinge 
the companye of the Livonian ladies, the farest weo- 
men of the knowen world"; with whom he ingra- 
tiated himself by humouring his disposition to jovi- 
ality. He was introduced to the apartment of the 
widowed Queen, whom he surprised in the act of 
combing the locks of her daughter, a girl of nine 
years of age. She confessed her discontent with her 
present condition, as a kind of state prisoner, with an 
allowance of scarce a thousand dollars a year; but 
expressed extreme dread of trusting herself in the 
hands of the Russian government : " Knowing their 
fashions in Muscovia, I have littel hope to be dealt 
otherwise with than they use to doe with ther Queens 

1 Travels, p. 210. 


vviddowes ther, — to be shutt up in a hellish cloister ; 
befor which I choiess death." Horsey allayed her 
apprehensions, and performed his treacherous com- 
mission with success. He sent an immediate report 
of the result to Prince Boris, who, eager for his prey, 
lost no time in despatching agents to assist the 
Queen's escape from the castle of Riga. Horsey 
records the issue of this cruel work of deception — 
not without some compunction at his share in it — in 
these words : 

" At my return owt of England (to make an end of this 
matter) I perceaved she was much esteemed, had her officers, 
lands and alowance, accordinge to her estate : but not longe 
after she and her daughter were disposed of into maieds 
monnesterie [the nunnery of Troitza] among the rest of the 
Queens ; wherat she exclaimed : — ' Woo be unto the tyme 
she was betraied and that ever she gave faithe unto me ! — but 
could not be permitted sight of me nor I of her. This pece 
of service was verie acceptable ; wherof I much repent me.' " 

Horsey continued his journey through Courland 
to Konigsberg and Dantzic ; and thence through 
Cashabia, Pomerania, Stettin, Mecklenburg and 
Lubeck, to Hamburg. On arriving in England he 
was admitted to an audience by Elizabeth, who 
complimented him on his having been held worthy 
to be employed in such weighty aifairs by so great a 
foreign prince. The following day the Queen held a 
second conference with him, and questioned him con- 
cerning the conduct of Sir Jerome Bowes : on which 
Horsey spoke with reserve. But the letters which 
he had brought from the Czar were given to him to 


translate into English, and were found to contain 
matter to the disadvantage of Bowes. He had a 
third interview with the Queen, at Greenwich, in 
which he communicated what he had been instructed 
to say by word of mouth ; but we are not told the 
tenor of the message, — probably only complimentary. 
Horsey was now enjoying the full sunshine of 
court favour. But this was suddenly, for a time, 
overcast by the malice of Sir Jerome Bowes,^ who, 
finding himself in some disgrace at court, from the 
unfavourable report of his mission conveyed in the 
letters delivered by Horsey, and suspecting an aggra- 
vation of the ill impression by Horsey's own account 
of his conduct there, suborned one Finch, who owed 
Horsey a grudge from some affair in Russia, and 
" whom he said I would have rested in the Moscow 
for a spie", to accuse him of having reported, on a 
certain day, at his table, respecting the Earl of 
Leicester, " how he had cast his wiff down a pare of 
stares, breck her neck, and so became the Queen's 
minion." This spiteful calumny had nearly worked 
its intended effect on Horsey's fortunes at court. 
The matter was gravely taken up, and the parties 
confronted in presence of the Privy Council. The sub- 
ject of inquiry, however, was probably not confined to 
the alleged scandal against the Earl of Leicester, but 
included charges in reference to Horsey's conduct in 
Russia. Some of the lords, and especially Sir Francis 
Walsingham, showed their confidence in Horsey; 
and Finch, under a close cross- questioning, broke 

^ Travels, p. 215. 


down in his story, faltered, looked vainly to Sir 
Jerome Bowes for further cue, and eventually con- 
fessed he had been set on by Bowes himself to frame 
a charge of which he had heard nothing before. 
Finch was committed to prison, Burghley himself 
sarcastically telling him, — " Though you wear not 
rested, sirra, yt was pittie you had not been a littel 

Horsey was now fully restored to the Queen's good 
graces ; and occupied himself diligently in executing 
the commissions he had brought from the Czar and 
the Prince Boris Godunow. The latter, it appears, 
had instructed him to inquire of the most skilful 
physicians of Oxford, Cambridge and London, re- 
specting peculiarities in the constitution of his sister, 
the Empress Irenia, and the cause of her repeated 
miscarriages; and " some other mariage matters 
wherin I was charged with secrecie, which fell out to 
be verie daingerous unto me."^ This obscure pas- 
sage refers, no doubt, to the mysterious affair of the 
midwife, whom Horsey represented himself as com- 
missioned to bring out from England for the service 
of the Empress, for which moreover he asked and 
received Elizabeth's sanction, but who, on her arrival 
with him subsequently in Russia, was not introduced 

^ The memorial of John Finch, addressed to the Privy Council 
at this period against Horsey, is preserved in the State Paper Office. 
It is evidently drawn up in a malicious spirit ; and contains many 
of the charges which were afterwards incorporated by the Company 
in their articles of accusation against Horsey. 

- Travels, p. 215. 



to the Empress, nor allowed to approach Moscow. 
The commission was, in fact, disowned by the Rus- 
sian court ; and Horsey was brought into disgrace 
with the Czar from his conduct in respect to it. 
Allusions to the affair are of frequent occurrence in 
papers of the period, which always refer to it as a 
transaction not at all understood ; but, by a document 
we have met with in the State Paper Office, we are 
enabled to make the matter plain, and to show how 
it brought trouble upon Horsey. The paper is an 
exculpation of Horsey from various charges con- 
nected with his conduct in Russia — written, it would 
seem, by Dr. Fletcher ;^ and the affair of the midwife 
is referred to in the following paragraph. It was ob- 
jected against Jerome Horsey^ — 

" That hee had delt in a matter perteiiiing to the Em- 
presse ; viz. had procured a midwife to he sent owt of Eng- 
land : whereas the Empresse (as they sayed) gave him no 
suche commission, neither had need of any suche wooman, 
beeing not with child. This matter I found to bee mistaken 
by Mr. Horsey, who had received his charge not from the 
Empresse but from her brother Borrise Federowich Go- 
donoe, to j^rocure owt of England, not a midwife, but soom 
doctoritza that had skill in woomens matters to make them 
conceive, etc. ; because, the Empresse beeing barren, they 
feared the inheritance of the crown would goe to the Empe- 
rours younger brother, and so the Godonoes should loose 
their greatnes and bee accountant for their government 
under the Emperour." 

Unhappily for Horsey, his misapprehension of 
Prince Godunow's commission had caused him to 

^ Printed in the Appendix, No. V, p. 373. 


mislead the Queen herself. He had represented the 
desire for an English midwife as conveyed in a re- 
quest from the Empress Irenia herself to Elizabeth ; 
and Horsey, in returning to Russia, took with him a 
letter from the Queen to the Czarina, written in 
Latin,^ and to this effect : — 

" EHzabetlij etc., to the most serene Irenia, Empress of 
Russia, etc. Most serene and most potent Princess, our 
very dear friend and sister ! The singular fame of your 
eminent prudence, most rare virtues and manners truly be- 
coming so great a princess — confirmed moreover by the 
repeated mention of them by Doctor Jacob, our j)hysician — 
causes us to love your Serenity with true affection, and most 
ardently to desire for you all prosperity and happiness. We 
cannot fail therefore to be anxious for your health and safety ; 
we have accordingly sent, not only what you affectionately re- 
quested, an expert and tried midwife, to soothe by her skill 
the pains of childbirth, but also our physician, who has the 
care of our own health, the aforesaid Doctor Jacob, a trust- 
worthy man already known to you, to direct the conduct of 
the midwife by the medical science he excels in, and faith- 
fully to watch over your safety. And we fervently desire 
most fully to gratify your sisterly affection not only in this 
matter but in whatever else your Serenity may wish. Given 
at Greenwich, the 24th day of March, in the year of our 
Lord 1585 [1586], and the 2Tth of our reign." 

Dr. Hamel states that in the Russian translation 
of this epistle presented to the Czarina, the passage 
relating to the midwife was omitted, at the instiga- 
tion of Godunow, as the arrival of a skilful midwife 

^ Transcribed by Dr. Hamel from a rough draft in a manuscript 
at Cambridge ; " England and Russia," Appendix Z, 


for his sister, the Czarina, was disagreeable to him. 
The midwife was detained at Vologda, and not al- 
lowed to present herself to Irenia. 

Horsey, having executed his other commissions, in 
making a provision of " lyons, bulls, doggs, guilt- 
halberds, pistolls, peces, armor, wynes, store of druggs 
of all sorts, organes, virgenalls, musicions, scarletts, 
perrell chaines, plate of curious makinge and of other 
costly things of great value," took leave of the Queen, 
receiving her letters to the Czar and Prince Godu- 
now, and set out on his return to Russia, on the fifth 
of April, 1586. He arrived at Moscow about the 
fifth of June, and was received with honour by the 
Czar, and with special favour by the Protector, Boris 
Godunow ; who, in a private interview, explained to 
him the changes in public affairs and the various 
moves made by the different players in the politi- 
cal game he himself had so deep an interest in.^ 
Horsey narrates an anecdote illustrating both the 
ambitious views of the Protector at this period, 
and his nervous apprehension for the safety of his 

The presents which he had brought from the 
Queen gave the highest satisfaction to Fedor and his 
Czarina. The musical instruments raised ^ furor of 
delight. The Empress Irenia — 

" admired especially at the organes and vergenalls, all gilt 
and enambledj nevei* seeinge nor heeringe the like before ; 
wondered and delighted at the lowd and musicall sound 
thereof. Thousands of people resorted and steyed ahoutt 

^ Travels, p. 217. 


the pallace to heer the same. My man that plaied upon 
them much made of and admitted into such presence often 
wher myself could not com." 

The Prince Boris was equally well pleased Avith 
the jewels, plate, weapons and other things, provided 
for him according to his commission ; and Horsey 
takes pains to assure us that the satisfaction he had 
given placed him on the best terms at court, and 
procured him besides solid advantages in the shape of 
" gold wrought handkerchiefs, shirts, carpetes," and 
other valuable donations from the Lord Protector 
and his friends. He moreover turned to account his 
interest with Godunow by procuring boons of va- 
rious descriptions, exemptions from taxes, liberties 
and privileges, for towns, monasteries, merchants and 
others, " not without good acknowledgement and re- 

The object of Horsey 's mission was to inforce the 
claims of the Company to a monopoly of the trade on 
the northern coasts of the empire, against not only 
their own countrymen, but also merchants from other 
kingdoms. A system of such narrow exclusiveness 
was extremely distasteful to the new monarch, who 
was not swayed by those peculiar personal views 
which affected the judgment of his predecessor, and 
whose ministers naturally enough revolted against 
pretensions so hurtfitl to the true interests of the 
country. Their sentiments on the subject are ex- 
pressed in the following extract from a letter written 
by the Czar to Queen Elizabeth in September, 1586.^ 

' State Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence. 


..." And whereas yt is written unto us in your letters that 
your people niyghte bring tinto us greate stoare with over- 
plus of sutche comodities as is needfull for us, and that we 
shold not permitt nor lett come into our kingdome to trade 
merchandize no other of your countrie besides those that 
Cometh with your letters ; for us to make any sutch orders 
for your country is not meet. Whosoever or owt of what 
countrie soever anie cometh into our kingdome have leve 
and lycence to trade merchandizes ; and to binde us in that, 
that in our kingdome we shall not permitt the trade of mer- 
chandize for others, yt were not fytt. In that matter your 
merchants requeste unto you is not reasonable ; they would 
reape all the proffit to themselves alone and will not Avil- 
linglie permitt any other to come unto our havens ; and so 
it would be to our kingdome hinderance ; that point is not 
commendable. Our goodnes shalbe sufficient unto your 
merchants, in whose behalf you shall send your letters, to 
command half custome to be taken of them ; and those other 
merchants which shall come owt of your countrie and owt of 
countries licensed to come, but provyded we comaunde whole 
custome to be taken of them : and at the cominare of vour 
merchants to be at our prescribed townes for the trade, as 
we, Great Lorde, in our owne kingdome, prescribe for all 
straungers, and to be at our devotion in the trade. And wee 
by the help of God can make utterance of all our comodities 
at pleasure, and our realme well spare your merchaunts 
comodities ; our kingdomes greate, and merchaunts owte of 
many realmes have recours with their merchandize into our 
kingdomes, owt of the Turkes governmente, from the Empe- 
ror, from the Frenche, owte of Spaigne, owte of Pollande 
and Lettowe, owte of Percia and Bohemie, from the Jorgias 
and Shamakey, and from many other provinces by lande 
and by sea, besides those havens at Colmogor, and canne 
ridd our comodities without your merchants comodities, 
although your merchaunts do cease to come with their 


wares ; and [that] wee, for your merchaunts sakes onelie. shutt 
up the recoors of many peoj)le owt of many kingdomes to us, 
weare not reason. In those causes, our most loving sister, 
Queen Elizabeth, those merchunts that have recoors into our 
kingdomes doth informe yow wrong for their owne proffitts 
sake. And touchinge that, our sister, yow wrote unto us of 
our merchaunts that our merchants have never heertofore 
had any trade into your kingdome, and do make it greave 
of theim, and make of so small a matter so great an excep- 
tion ; our merchants have not in times paste had recoors 
into your country and have no occasion to come heerafter. 
And wheeras yow wrote in your letters unto us that yow are 
willinge to shew pleinlie in all causes your love towards us 
by your good deedes through our imbassador or messinger, 
and if there be any sutch needfull caus betweene us, yf yow 
liste to send we referr it to your pleasure ; and yf yow our 
sisters pleasure is to send unto us touchinge any caws, your 
imbassyd[or] messinger, then do you send us sutch of your 
good people that male goe with speede, that male come 
unto us with knowledge in messadges, as the manner and 
use is to sutch great princes, not in sucth sorte as your em- 
bassador Jerome Bowes did with many unsemlie dealings ; 
and [to] your embassyd[or] messingers, etc., cominge and 
goinge into our kingdome, the way shalbe open, and free at 
pleasure without any stey or lett," 

Notwithstanding this reasonable resistance to the 
selfish demands of the English government, the high 
favour in which Horsey at this time stood with the 
court of Russia, and especially with the all-powerful 
Protector, Boris Godunow, enabled him to effect a 
satisfactory adjustment of the affairs of the Company, 
and to procure for them a charter of privileges more 
extensive than they had hitherto enjoyed.^ Besides 

^ The charter is printed at length in Appendix I, p. 281. 


the remittance of considerable debts to the govern- 
ment, and the recovery of a sum owing by the Chan- 
cellor, Andrea Schalkalove, many years, and which 
" was violently puneshed from him, and payd the 
Companye",they secured concessions of great moment 
to their well-being. Proclamation was made through- 
out the whole kingdom for a better administration of 
justice, in their behalf, by the Emperor's officers. 
All interlopers " and straglyng Englishmen lyving in 
that contrey" were ordered to leave the kingdom. 
The Company w^ere allowed to retain their ware- 
houses at Rose Island, and were not to be obliged to 
move them to the newly founded city of Archangel. 
They were to be permitted — 

" to unload English articles of import, and embark Rus- 
sian produce for exportation, at their old house at Rose 
Island. The Cholmogorii custom house shall merely receive 
lists of such goods, but shall not have the right to examine 

" There was given unto the Company a moste ample and 
free preveleclge and of great consequence, evene as large as 
the prince [Boris] and I coulde devise, to trade and traffycke 
in ah places of the Czar's domynyons, without payeinge any 
costome whatsoever ; obtayned not withoute many conflictes 
with the Chauncelore Shalkan, who, havinge the penning 
thearof, used divers conynge and coverte obstacles to 
abridge the largnes of the same, under pretence of good 
servis to the crowne." 

The conditions the Company, on the other hand, 
were bound to observe,^ were : to import none but 
their own merchandise ; not to employ Russian agents 

' See Appendix I, p. 281. 


to effect sales, but to make their own barter of their 
goods ; not to engross or buy up Russian commo- 
dities ; to sell nothing in retail ; not to send any of 
their servants into England by land, without know- 
ledge of the Emperor ; to acknowledge, in their 
processes with Russian subjects, the jurisdiction of 
the Treasurer of State and the Secretary of Em- 

It will be remembered how fixed an idea the late 
Czar, Ivan, had held, of seeking a refuge in England 
in case of the hatred of his subjects obliging him to 
fly from his own country. We are now told by Hor- 
sey that the Protector, Boris Godunow, had adopted 
this favourite project of his late master, and had actu- 
ally collected treasures and stores at the Sollavetsca 
monastery, on the north coast, " to have them ther 
readie to be transported into England ; holdinge it 
the sharest refuge, and saffest receptacle, in case of 
necessitie he should be inforced thereunto." Unhap- 
pily this timid precaution of the Protector became 
known, and the ancient nobility, growing jealous of 
such evidence of partiality towards the English, 
showed their ill feeling in a diminished kindliness 
towards Horsey himself. He accordingly hastened 
the execution of his remaining business ; and set out 
on his return to England in the summer of 1587, 
taking with him letters from the Czar to Elizabeth. 
From the Protector, too, he received letters for the 
Queen, together with " large commissions for provid- 
inge many costly thinges, and doinge some secreat 



Horsey's vanity was gratified by unusual honours 
shewn him in his journey to Rose Island, being 
everywhere received in the character of an ambas- 
sador from the Emperor proceeding on his mission.^ 
At Archangel " the Dutch and French ships in the 
road shott of their ordinance by the Duke's [Voia- 
vode's] apointment." He embarked at Rose Island 
for England on St. Bartholomew's day, 1587, ar- 
rived at Tynemouth on the 30th of September, and 
posted up to London in four days. The court was at 
Richmond ; and, in the audience to which Horsey 
was there received by the Queen, he presented the 
Czar's letters and the charter of privileges granted to 
the Company " with golden spread eagell seals at 
them." The Queen made him kneel beside her. 
She " perused the lymninge and carectors of the pri- 
viledge, having some affinitie with the Greeke ; asked 
if such and such letters and asseveracions had not 
this signification ; saied she, ' I could quicklie lern 
it.' Preyed my lord of Essex to lern the famoust 
and most copius language in the world. After which 
comendacion his honor did much affect and delight it, 
— if he might atayne therunto without paienstakinge 
and spendinge more time then he had to spare." 

In a subsequent audience. Horsey delivered the 
letters of the Protector, Boris Godunow, and also the 
presents from the Czar. They were laid out for the 
Queen's inspection in an adjoining gallery. Her 
INIajesty " commanded som to forbare and withdraw, — 
fearinge belike some would be bagginge." Every 

^ Travels, p. 230. 


article was closely inspected. " The Queen did even 
sweat by takinge paines to handell the canapie cloth 
of gold, especially the rich sabells and furs," At the 
conclusion, " her Majesty held up her hand and saied, 
this was a rare and a royall present indeed : gave me 
thanckes and dismist me." 

Although Horsey had been successful in obtaining 
from the Russian government a charter of privileges 
for the Company— and that in terms as favourable as 
they could have dictated — it was found still desirable 
to solicit a confirmation of these concessions, and to 
establish the alliance between the sovereigns by a 
special league of amity. Moreover, the affairs of the 
Company w^ere in confusion, from dissensions amongst 
their servants and the mismanagement of their busi- 
ness in Russia; and it was judged necessary for the 
Queen to despatch an ambassador to the Russian 
court to conclude the terms of a final alliance, and 
" to establish and reduce into order the decaied trade 
of our Englishmen there. "^ The person selected for 
this honourable mission was Dr. Giles Fletcher : and 
it is to the opportunity of studying the condition of 
the country and the manners of its people which this 
employment gave him, that we are indebted for the 
admirable survey of the government and condition of 
Russia we are now republishing. 

The task before him was of greater difficulty than 
had probably been foreseen. From the facility with 
which Horsey had been able to obtain the charter of 
privileges he had lately brought back to England, it 

^ Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 533. 


might have been expected that the present ambas- 
sador would have found little obstacle in the way of 
his negotiation. But many things conspired to pro- 
duce a feeling on the part of the Russian government 
unfavourable to his embassy. The success of Horsey 
had been achieved by the unusual favour he enjoyed 
with the regent, Boris Godunow, who held sway in 
the name of his brother-in-law the young Emperor 
Fedor ; and in defiance of ministers of considerable 
influence, who entertained a declared hostility to the 
English interests. Among these, the chancellor An- 
dreas Schalkalove was the most powerful and also 
the most inveterate. He was constantly opposed to 
the monopoly contended for by the English Com- 
pany ; and was excited to personal opposition by 
conflicts with Horsey himself, who boasts^ of having 
" violently puneshed from him" a debt which he 
owed the Company, and of having drawn upon him 
corporal chastisement from the Emperor. But Go- 
dunow himself had unfortunately taken ofl'ence at a 
presumed slight on the part of Elizabeth and her mi- 
nisters, In the manner of addressing him in letters 
despatched in the interval between the granting of 
the charter of privileges and Horsey's arrival with it 
in England. In a letter which he wrote to Horsey 
after he had left Moscow, and received by him at 
Rose Island as he was embarking for England, the 
off'ended prince writes in these terms ;• — 

" I lette tlie[c] understand that Queene Elyzabetlie of 
Englancb liir dukes and noble mene, have written letteres 
^ See Appendix II, p. 289. 


unto me of late most unseemly and very undecente, joyning 
the chauncelere with, me thearin, which is no small dispa- 
ragemente unto my princely dignety and honore, as thou 
knoweste, which is to me very greevos ; and have also 
written in the same letteres that I have not respected nor 
protected the Queenes merchants, but suffered them to be 
boughte and sould and injured of all people." 

He then enumerates the good offices he has done 
the merchants, and adds : — 

" Wherfore I have not answered Queene Elizabethe hir 
dukes and noble men their letteres at this tyme for displea- 
sure ; but, God willinge, I will write unto them hereaftere 
thoroughely my mynd, and what my love and frendshipe 
hathe bynne unto Queen Elizabethe and hir subjectes."^ 

Fletcher, therefore, on arriving at Moscow in 1588, 
found an estrangement in a quarter where he must 
have looked for especial assistance, and had to en- 
counter the unrestrained hostility of the next most 
influential member of the government, the Chancel- 
lor Schalkalove, and who was also the minister for 
foreign embassies. He has himself left a clear state- 
ment of the obstacles to his negotiation, drawn up 
for the information of the government on his return 
to England, and which will be found appended to 
the present volume." Among these he mentions the 
personal dissatisfaction of Boris Godunow, as occa- 
sioned by the conduct of the Company in three 
particulars. 1. That they had persecuted Horsey 
and driven him from court, although he had been 
sent as a messenger from himself with letters and 
presents to the Queen. 2. That they had not fur- 

^ Appendix II, p. 293. ^ Appendix IV, p. 342. 


nished him with certain things, horses, armour, pearls, 
etc., which he had required. 3. That they had divided 
his present which he had sent to the Queen into two 
parts ; the one as from himself, the other as from 
the Emperor. The first of these complaints we shall 
be able to explain hereafter, when we refer again to 
the personal history of Horsey. Of the others we 
have no particular information. Another cause of 
the coolness shewn towards his mission was the cir- 
cumstance of a league being then in hand between 
the Russian Emperor and the King of Spain. Of 
course such an alliance, at the critical period of the 
attempted descent on England by Philip II, would 
be no less than fatal to the objects of Fletcher's 
embassy. Much pains had been taken on the part of 
the Spanish agents (including an ambassador from 
the Emperor Maximilian, then in Moscow) to per- 
suade the Russian court that the success of Philip 
was certain, that he would overcome the English and 
make an entire conquest of the country. " But," 
Fletcher adds, " after your Highnes victorie against 
the King of Spain was well knowen thear (which I 
understood by letteres sent mee by Sir Francis Drake, 
which I cawsed to bee translated into the Russ tongue, 
togeather with your Highnes oration made to the 
armie in Essex), all this conceipt of a Spanish league 
vanished away." 

The other causes of dissatisfaction on the part of 
the Russian court were, the supposed disinclination 
of the English Company to move their trade from 
Narva (now in the hands of the Swedes) to port St. 


Nicholas, in the White Sea ; which, as it would bring 
the advantage of the entire traffic to E,ussia herself, 
was much desired by the Government ; and the 
continued dislike felt to the monoj^oly contended for 
in behalf of the Company, as injurious to the Czar's 
revenue. To the latter of these points no answer 
could be given, beyond the claims of the Company as 
the first pioneers of the new trade, and a specious 
allegation that " the whole country of E-ussia was not 
able to receave so much of English commodities as 
wear now brought yearlie by the said Companie of 
merchants," and consequently that there was no room 
for additional traders. To the former the answers 
of Fletcher are not very intelligible ; but there is 
extant a paper, submitted by the Company to the 
English government in the year 1583, in which they 
set forth their reasons in favour of fixing their trade 
at St. Nicholas, in preference to Narva\ — grounded 
principally on the danger of offending Denmark by 
a step which would diminish her Sound dues, as also 
Russia by abandoning her port ; and also on the pro- 
bability of Narva again changing hands, and the con- 
sequent insecurity of their goods. 

In consequence, however, of this unfavourable 
disposition of the Russian ministers, Fletcher was 
treated with studied neglect. He even complains of 
being confined in an unwholesome house — more as a 
prisoner than an ambassador ; that his " allowance of 
vittail was bare and base"; and that he was not suf- 
fered to send any letter into England. 

' Lansdowne MS. xxxvii, art. 82. 


Fletcher's patience, however, with the effect pro- 
duced by the news of the victory of the English 
over their Spanish adversaries, overcame all difficul- 
ties, and the result of his negotiation was an en- 
largement of the privileges of the Company. The 
charter so lately obtained through Horsey had been 
in great measure set aside, though not openly re- 
called. The principal conditions of it were now re- 
newed and confirmed, and amongst additional conces- 
sions obtained were included these : — " That the 
Companie shall trade freelie down the river Volgha 
into Media, Persia, Bougharia, etc., and no stranger 
shall bee permitted to trade that way but they." — 
" That no Englishman hereafter shall bee sett on the 
pudkey^ or otherwise tormented, for anie suspition of 
crime whatsoever." — " That the Companie of English 
merchants shall not be hereafter under the office of 
Andreas Shalkan, but pertein to the office of the 
Treasurie, so that they may appeal to the Lord Boris 
Federowich Godonove if they thinck they have 
wrong." Fletcher returned home in 1589, well 
pleased with the concessions he had obtained for the 
Russia Company, but with feelings of resentment at 
the personal indignities he had been exposed to ; and 
we shall hereafter draw attention to the terms in 
which Elizabeth, in addressing the Russian Emperor, 
took notice of the affronts put upon her ambassador. 

But in the correspondence between the courts 
which ensued after the return of Fletcher, Horsey 
again becomes a conspicuous figure ; and, in order to 
understand the terms in which he is there referred to. 


it will be necessary to take up his history from the 
time of his arrival in England with the charter of 
privileges in 1587. Notwithstanding the consider- 
able services which he might fairly claim the credit 
of having just rendered to the Company, he was soon 
to find himself the object of their open hostility, and 
denounced to the English government as a disturber 
of their affairs in Russia and a defaulter in his ac- 
counts. As we have before stated, Horsey himself 
mentions in his narrative his being called before 
the Privy Council to answer to charges by Sir 
Jerome Bowes of spreading malicious reports against 
the Earl of Leicester, on the evidence of a certain 
John Finch ; and he tells us that he was trium- 
phantly acquitted. But he is altogether silent about 
other charges which were also about the same time 
laid before the Council, not by Sir Jerome Bowes, but 
by the Company, and partly supported by the testi- 
mony of the same John Finch. The particulars of 
the accusation against him we are fully informed of 
in memorials from the Company to the Council, in 
which their complaints are set forth at large. ^. 

Horsey, it must be remembered, originally went 
to Russia as an apprentice or clerk of the Company, 
and, as he rose in importance from the notice taken of 
him by the Russian emperor, and his consequent em- 
ployment as a messenger between the two courts, his 
station under the Company grew to be more consider- 
able, and the trust reposed in him more extensive. 

The first article in the memorial of the Company 

^ Printed in Appendix III, p. 312. 



states that about the year 1585, in order to put a stop 
to abuses from the misconduct of their agents and ser- 
vants in Russia, they were necessitated to reform their 
general system of management ; and, to give effect to 
their new regulations, they sent over as agent an 
experienced merchant, Robert Peacock, with John 
Chapel, a man acquainted with the country and lan- 
guage, as his assistant. It was arranged that Pea- 
cock should establish himself at Moskow, and Chapel 
at the distant station of Casan — five hundred miles 
apart, as we are told. On information received of the 
coming of these two new agents, William Trumbull, or 
Turnbull, at that time agent at Moscow, set out to meet 
them at St. Nicholas, having committed to Horsey 
the charge of the storehouse, during his absence. On 
the arrival of the new agents at St. Nicholas, Horsey 
was required to forward to them an account of his 
proceedings in the disposal of the goods left in his 
charge, and a statement of the portion of them re- 
maining unsold. The statement which Horsey, in 
pursuance of these instructions, drew up, upon a 
comparison by Peacock with the goods themselves, 
proved a false return ; and upon being charged with 
the defalcation, he was content to undertake to make 
good the deficiency, with the assistance of one An- 
thony Marsh, his alleged confederate. Furthermore, 
in his accompt of sales effected during his charge of 
the factory, he inserted fictitious dealings to the 
extent of 2,186 roubles ; and on the discovery of this 
fraud, he again took upon himself to make good the 
amount, and actually paid up an instalment of 500 


roubles, but refused the demand made by Peacock of 
a bill or security for the remainder. 

Peacock, accordingly, threatened to report his dis- 
covery of the fraud to the Company in his next 
letters. To defeat this intention, Horsey intrigued 
with the Russian officials to delay the granting the 
necessary licence for a messenger to travel overland, 
from time to time, till the season for such a journey 
was nearly past. In this difficulty, Peacock, hearing 
that a Polish merchant had recently left Moscow to 
return to his own country, sent after him a mes- 
senger, by name John Horneby, with two packets of 
duplicate letters, directing that they should be sent 
on to England, the one by way of Dantzic, and the 
other by Memel. Horsey and Marsh met this pro- 
ceeding by immediately lodging information with the 
Russian council, that Peacock " had sent a messenger 
to the borders of the enemyes with letters conteyning 
matter of treason against the state." Hornby was 
arrested, and Peacock's letters taken from him and 
handed to Horsey and Marsh to be translated into 
Russian, Peacock and his messenger being in the 
meantime, on suspicion of treason, put under guard, 
the one in the Company's house, the other in prison. 

The sequel of the transaction is of a purely Russian 
character. The letters were found to be harmless, 
and to refer simply to mercantile affairs. The council 
were perplexed ; but on a second sitting it was con- 
cluded that the treasonable matter had been com- 
mitted to Hornby to deliver by word of mouth ; and 
a confession of this presumed fact was to be forced 


from the wretched messenger by torture. Hornby 
" was put to the ^mtke//, where he was hanged by both 
his handes, tyed behind him, and waightes to his 
feete, and had twenty-four lashes with a wyer whippe, 
beinge still called upon to confesse the treason." 
Nothing resulting from this treatment, " he was 
taken downe and laied to the fyer to have bene rested. 
But the Lord Boris Fedorowich beinge presente, and 
consideringe the innocence of the prisoner, cried out 
to the executioners, ' Take him from the fyer and 
sende him awaye !' — Wheruppon he was had to 
prysoii againe wher he remayned for the space of 
eighte weekes." According to the memorial, the 
suspicion of Horsey being the instigator of this violent 
treatment, was confirmed by words used by the 
Prince Boris Godunow to Hornby, at an interview, 
to thank him for his timely intervention in his favor, 
viz. : " Thowe maiest thanke thyne own countrymen 
for thy punishment." 

The memorial proceeds to charge Horsey with 
having caused the imprisonment of John Chapel, by 
maliciously misinterpreting expressions in a letter 
found on Hornby, reflecting on Chapel as a spy on the 
servants of the Company — into a denouncement of 
him as a spy into the state of the country.^ 

The next subject of complaint against Horsey is his 

' The letter, written by one John Relph, a servant of the Company, 
but illicitly trading on his own account — dated at St. Nicholas, and 
addressed to his partners at Casan — contained reflections on both 
Peacock and Chapel, as sent by the Company to detect and check 
such abuses as Relph and his confederates were conscious of being 
guilty of; and having been intercepted by Peacock's agents, was 


conduct in the transaction relating to the midwife, 
ah'eady explained. 

He is then charged with arrogance and presumption 
towards the agents and servants of the Company — 
assuming undue authority and dignity in consequence 
of the Queen having honoured him with a commission 
to negotiate with the Russian court for a new grant 
of privileges to the Company — that he deposed the 
agent, Robert Peacock, and sent him to England — 
that he arrogated the title of president (of the English 
Factory) — that he erected buildings at the Company's 
expense, and without their authority — and that, in 
letters to the Company, he gave a false representation 
of the state of their affairs. These less serious charges 
are followed by fresh imputations against his honesty. 
It is asserted that, taking advantage of Peacock's 
ignorance of the Russian language, he tried to in- 
duce him to sign an acceptance of a bill for 4000 
roubles, representing it as for 1500 roubles only ; 
but that, having obtained the money, he was forced 
with difficulty to refund it to the agent : on his 
departure, however, for England, he wrote to the 
Prince Boris Godunow, and by misrepresentation of 
the circumstances induced him to order the ware- 
houses of the Company to be sealed up. 

The very efforts, and those successful ones, of Horsey 

in behalf of the Company, are made a cause of 

accusation. For while admitting that he procured 

for them a grant of privileges from the Emperor, they 

being forwarded by him to the Company. It is now in the Lans- 
downe MS. xlii, art. 23. 


charge him with arrogating to himself all the merit 
of obtaining it, and so detracting from the considera- 
tion due to the Queen for the use of her influence. 

The remaining articles are founded on conduct of 
Horsey in Russia before he was employed as an envoy 
between the two courts. He is charged with having 
nsed scurrilous language to Andreas Shalkalove, the 
chancellor ; and with having caused the imprisonment 
of Thomas Wilmington, who had made known to 
the Company abuses practised by their servants ; and 
also of one Hichard Silke and his family, for having 
sided with his enemy Robert Peacock. 

The memorial concludes with a statement that 
Horsey had fled away on occasion of a charge being 
brought against him by the midwife whom he had 
taken out to Russia ; that it was feared he had 
returned to that country ; and the memorialists pray 
that he may never again be employed by her Majesty, 
and that the Emperor be requested to send him back 
into England. 

In explanation of the fact of Horsey being allowed, 
after his coming to England with the Emperor's letters, 
subsequent to the commission of the many offences 
with which he is charged in the memorial, to return 
again to Russia with letters from the Queen to the 
Emperor, and with marks of his sovereign's favour, 
without protest from the Company, they state^ that, 
conscious of outrage done to Elizabeth by the im- 
prisonment and ill-treatment of her subjects, the 
Emperor had resorted to the services of Horsey 

^ Appendix III, p. 331. 


himself to convey his letters to her, as being concerned 
in these practices, and therefore interested in repre- 
senting things in the most favorable light at his 
mistress's court ; and that he moreover intimated his 
wish that Horsey might be intrusted with the charge 
of the Queen's answer to his letters. In the words 
of the memorial — 

" Tlies letters (of the Russian Emperor) requiringe aun- 
sweare by Horssey's retourne, restrayned the Companie that 
they durst not sewe to her Majestic for the stayinge of him 
heare, although they knewe him to have bene the worker of 
their troubles. But he, seeing the Companie had intelli- 
gence of the injury he had done them, to stay theire pro- 
ccedingc and complaintc against him, undertooke to pacific 
all thes troubles and to procure an inlargement of all thinges, 
soe he might have the Queenes letters in his favour ; which 
weare obteyned for him ; wherein her Highenes vouchsafed 
him the title of her servante." 

They further affirm of the grant privileges ob- 
tained through Horsey, that, although it exempted 
them from payment of customs, their saving on that 
account amounted to far less than their losses through 
Horsey's mischievous and wasteful management ; and 
that, whatever the benefit of it, that was now lost. It 
was declared by Andreas Shalkalove that the charter 
had been irregularly obtained — and it was now re- 
called. They decline his offer to go over again to 
Russia to recover the value of their goods seized by 
the Emperor, since the disturbances occasioned by 
his practices, and amounting to twelve thousand 
roubles — 

" The Companie had rather redresse thes injuries other- 


wise as they can, by her Majesties gratious meanes and your 
honnors advise, than to relie uppon anie treatie of his, or 
wherein he shall beare anie rule or order ; for that they 
knowe there is noe end of his practises nor any measure of 
his wastfull hande ; nether shall theire goodes be free from 
seasures soe longe as he shall beare any swaye in theire 
trade. And, lastlie, forasmuch as the Emperor in his last 
letters to the Queenes Majestic hath expresslie forbidden the 
retourne of Horssey anie more into his countrie, to deale in 
the merchauntes affayres, and his counsell have given warn- 
ing to our agent that, yf Horssey or Marshe retourne againe 
into Russia, they will hange them, — wee are of opinion that 
to ymploie him againe thcther cannot but be taken a greate 
contempte of the Corapanie against soe expresse warninge to 
the contrarie." 

These memorials are followed up by the scheme of 
a letter to be despatched by the Queen to the Empe- 
ror, in which, amongst other matter relating to the 
Company's affairs, she is made to denounce Horsey 
as under charge of default to the Company, and as a 
runaway from justice; and to pray his Majesty "to 
send him over againe in the next sliippes, to make an 
ende of all matters with the merchantes, and that her 
Majestic may lieare and examine the complaintes 
and matter wherewith he is to be charged."^ 

Whatever degree of credit we may give to the 
charges contained in the memorials, they at least 
make us acquainted with matters of serious difference 
between Horsey and the Company. The origin of 
this dissension would probably have been the prac- 
tice, on the X3art of Horsey, of trading on his own 

1 Appendix III, p. 314. 


account — the general offence of the majority of the 
servants of the Company ; and one of the facts 
alleged in the memorial, that the Czar had seized 
goods belonging to them to the value of twelve thou- 
sand roubles, would justify extreme measures against 
those whom they might suspect of having given 
occasion for such a measure. That Horsey was in- 
deed a trafficker on his own capital, and therefore an 
interloper in the trade of the Company, is made evi- 
dent by a singular letter from Robert Peacock, to Sir 
Thomas Walsingham. From this we learn, not only 
that Horsey was engaged in commercial ventures on 
his own account, but that Sir Francis Walsingham, 
as well as others, were partners in his speculations, 
and known to be so by the Company's agents.^ 
Horsey dedicates his narrative to this minister ; he 
frequently mentions him as his friend and especial 
supporter at court ; and we have here evidence of an 
interested motive for this protection. We subjoin a 
copy of the document, as throwing light on the cha- 
racter of Horsey, and explaining Walsingham's inter- 
ference to screen him from the consequences of his 
irregular practices towards the Company : — 

To the Right Honorable Sir Francis Walsingham, knight, 
her Majesties principal Secretarie, and one of her High- 
tiesse most hojiorahle Pryvie Counsell. 

Right honorable ; my humble dewtie remembred, etc. 

^ State Paper Office — Russian Correspondence. Walsingham was 
a partner in the Russia Company, at least his name appears in the 
list of members in the charter obtained by Randolph in 1563, but 
was not thereby, as we conceive, justified in trading separately on 
his own account. 



Understandinge that your honour did of late, at Jerome 
Horsaye his beinge in Englande, take greate paynes in fur- 
theringe the marchauntes busines to her Majestie and the 
lordes of Her Highnes mooste honorable Counsell (as you 
have bene alwayes redie to do theym all good), and, in re- 
spectt of their favor toward Horsaye and willingnes to winke 
at his former misdemeanors, not only to favor him and dis- 
patch him awaye with her Majesties letters to the Emperor 
here, but also to be an adventurer with him, I thowght it 
my dewtie to geve you to understande somewhat of that man, 
leaste, ledd by over good an opinion of him, you might be 
deceaved. His state is not good ; he oweth, that I knowe, 
to the marchaunts fewer thowsande rubbells, and to other 
twoe thowsande rubbells ; and of the goods and commo- 
dities browght over wyth him he hath lyttell lefte (howe 
much thaye maye amounte unto I knowe not) ; and of all 
this I see not in commodities of this countrey prepared 
to send home unto your honor, and other his frendes adven- 
turers wyth him, for above fyve thowsande rubbells ; but 
for your honor I knowe he wyll make shifte to make retorne 
wyth proflitt, both that you maye thinke well of him, as also 
be incouraged to adventure further. It maye please you to 
beware. I might treble your honorable earcs with notes of 
his disorderlie behavior here, but I shold enter into a sea 
that hath no bottome, and cause you to waste tyme in readinge 
those thinges, whiche besydes (I knowe) you shall here of 
by others eyther by speache or by wrytinge. And therfore 
besechinge your honor to accepte of me and this my wryt- 
inge accordinge as I meane it, I most humblye take my 
leave, gevinge you thankes for your good counsell geven me 
at Richmounde in your lodginge afore my commynge owt of 
Englande ; and [it] was that I shold looke to my selfFe to 
mayntayne and keepe that good name of honestie which it 
pleased you to saye that I then had. What was more spoken 
by your honor of the soyle of Russia, and by Mr. Raphe 


Bowes of the soyle of Westminster, I do well remember, and 
do assure your honor, that, God continewinge his grace to- 
ward me (without the which the moste strongest must needs 
fawle), Russia shall not corrupt me, nether one waye not 
other ; it hath not increased me in welthe, it shall not decrese 
me in my good name. The Almightie keepe your honor, 
together with my good ladie your bedfellowe, to lyve longe 
in health with much joye ; graunte yow here on yearth his 
blessinges in aboundance, and in the world to come lyfFe 
everlastinge. From Mosco in Russia, the viii of Febru- 
arye, 1586 [1587]. 

Your honor's humble to commaund, 

Ro. Pecok. 

It wilbe verye good to call Jerome Horsaye home, but it 
muste be done wyth his credit, and beste in myne opinion 
by your honor's letters unto him, to put hym in hope to be 
imployed otherwise in her Majesties servise. 

But while stating the case in all its strength against 
Horsey, as we find it in the statements of his ene- 
mies, we must also point out that there were motives 
actively at work with the Company to persuade them 
to press their charges against him with rigour. 
Horsey constantly complains of the personal enmity 
of the chancellor Schalkalove, and represents him as 
thwarting his efforts in behalf of the Company. 

This minister, as appears from many papers, ha- 
bitually used his great influence to defeat the conces- 
sions made in favour of the English merchants. It 
was natural that the Company should desire to con- 
ciliate so powerful an enemy, and they would not be 
very scrupulous in sacrificing any of their agents who 
had become obnoxious to him. That they were in 


fact acting on this principle, appears from the draft 
of a letter to be addressed by them to Schalkalove, 
with the express object of disowning Horsey.^ It 
was drawn up on the 13th of December, 1587, at 
the time when, as they assert, he had gone to Russia 
in order to avoid the inquiry which they had insti- 
gated into his conduct. After stating that Jerome 
Horsey, lately come over with the Emperor's letters to 
the Queen, " and with a gracious privilege graunted 
to us the same merchants — and (on that account) 
graciously used by the Queen and otherwise by all 
other estates regarded above his degree — in the 
midst of all these favors, on occasion of a complaint 
made to the Queen by a midwife whom he had 
moved the Queen to send into Russia to the Em- 
press, hath secretly departed from London, and as it 
is supposed has fled into Russia," it proceeds to caution 
him against his " lewd practises and devises," urging 
him to give him no credit, nor allow him to disturbe 
the amity begun between the princes, or to hinder 
their trade, but to " use him accordinge to his desertes." 
Whether it were the truth that Horsey absconded 
from England at the end of the year 1587, as the 
Company repeatedly state in their letters and me- 
morials, in consequence of their charges against him, 
we may be unwilling to decide ; but there is an ap- 
pearance of a consciousness of something he would 
wish to conceal, in the fact of his being entirely 
silent, in his narrative, of any visit whatever to Russia 
at that time. His account would lead to the belief 

' Lansdowne MS. liii, art. 19. 


that, after his return to England in the beginning of 
1587, he remained unoccupied at home till he was 
again employed by the Queen. He says,^ " I was 
wearie with the holy water of the courts, as my ho- 
nored good frend. Sir Francis Walsinghame, termed 
good words and aplaudinge commendacions ; and was 
willing to retire myself to a more saffer privatt and 
quieter liff then I had spent this seaventen years 
past," — when he was again called upon to return to 
Russia in the capacity of envoy from the Queen to 
the Czar's court. And he then proceeds to relate 
the circumstances of his mission, upon which he says 
he set out in April, 1589. Now it is certain from 
the correspondence between the Czar and Elizabeth 
that Horsey was in Russia in 1588, and moreover 
that he was sent back to England by the Czar in 
charge of Dr. Fletcher, in 1589: yet he makes no 
allusion to his having been absent from England ; 
and we can hardly avoid concluding that his silence 
on the matter was the result of a feeling that he was 
not able to represent the circumstances of his journey 
at all to his advantage. 

Horsey states that he set out on his last mission 
from Elizabeth to the Russian Czar in April, 1589. 
But he has certainly mis-stated the year, and we may, 
without hesitation, correct it to 1590. 

The Czar's letter conveyed by Fletcher, in company 
of whom Horsey returned to England, is dated only 
in April, 1589 ; and the circumstances of his mission 
make it evident that it was in April, 1590, that he 

' Travels, p. 234. 


started. He commences with saying that he pro- 
ceeded from England in company with Sir Orazio 
Pallavicino, and the Sieur de Fresno, sent respectively 
by Elizabeth and the French King to the German 
Protestant sovereigns, to procure assistance in money 
and troops for the latter. The French King is of 
course Henry the Fourth ; but his predecessor's death 
took place only in August 1589 ; and his ambassador, 
the Sieur de Fresne, only arrived in England in that 
year. Moreover, the sequel of the narrative adds 
other proofs that the date of 1589 should be corrected 
to 1590.^ 

Horsey 's instructions were to proceed to the courts 
of Denmark and Poland, on his way to Russia. At 
the former he was to demand the release of English 
merchant ships seized on the charge of false entries 
of goods at the custom house ; and, at the Polish 
court, he was to negotiate for the recovery of consider- 
able debts from Polish subjects to English merchants. 
He tells us that he was allowed forty shillings a day ; 
and that at parting the Queen gave him " a litell 
glass of holsom bolsom, part of that Sir Francis Drake 
had geaven to be verie precious and soveraine against 
poyson and hurts." He was also honoured with " her 
Majesty's pictur, cutt in a fair blew saphire, which 
she wished him to wear in remembrance of her Grace." 
Setting out then in April 1590, he sailed direct to 
Stoade, where he parted with his fellow travellers, 

' Conclusive evidence of the true date is obtained from letters 
passing between the French ambassador and his own court in re- 
fei'ence to the mission of the Sieur de Fresne and Sir Orazio Palla- 
vicino, preserved in the Egerton MS. 8, ff. 51, et seqq. 


and proceeded towards Cologne, having been in- 
structed to attend the expected Diet there, and to 
report its proceedings to the government. At Ham- 
burg and Lubeck he caused his man to affix early in 
the morning to the town-house door the Queen's 
proclamation, in Latin and German, prohibiting those 
and the other Hanse towns from exporting arms or vic- 
tuals into Spain. Arriving at Cologne, he learned that 
the Diet had been adjourned. He accordingly returned, 
and passed by Wismar and Rostock to Copenhagen ; 
where he seems to have been successful in the dis- 
charge of that part of his mission. Leaving Copen- 
hagen he proceeded to Warsaw. After relating the 
particulars of his negotiation with the Polish govern- 
ment, he goes on to describe an interview he had 
with Queen Ann, daughter of Sigismond the First, 
and widow of the late King, Stephen Bathory (to 
whom she had been married in her 60th year). He 
had obtained admission to the court of the " hard- 
favoured widow" disguised in the livery of one of his 
own servants. He was recognized and called forward 
from the circle by the Queen, who held a conversation 
with him on the character of Queen Elizabeth ; and 
who, on dismissing him, was particular in inquiring 
how his ruffs were starched. From Warsaw Horsey 
continued his journey to Vilna, in Lithuania, where 
he was honourably received about the 12th of June, 
by the Vaivode Christopher Kadzivil, who, to en- 
hance his own dignity in the eyes of his subjects, 
persuaded Horsey to allow himself to be entertained 
in the character of an envoy. Passing through 


Lithuania, Horsey at length reached Smolensk. Here 
he heard that the Czar and the Protector had taken 
offence at his mission to the King of Poland, and his 
visit to the great Duke of Lithuania. He was 
suffered, however, to proceed to Moscow, which he 
reached at the end of June. 

The result of this mission to the Russian court 
Horsey relates more fully in a separate paper, which 
we have printed as an appendix to his general 
narrative. It could hardly have been expected to 
be other than a failure. Keturning, as the special 
envoy of his sovereign, to a country from which he 
had been recently expelled by the government, and 
bearing letters and instructions drawn up in terms of 
the most offensive haughtiness, it is not to be won- 
dered at that Horsey met with an indifferent reception. 
A certain courtesy was at first shewn him. Suitable 
lodging and allowances were assigned him ; but these 
he declined. He was instructed to accept of none 
until he had delivered his mistress's letters and treated 
of the matters in his commission. The chancellor, 
Schalkalove, at the first, made overtures of reconcilia- 
tion, which Horsey prudently disregarded. He hoped 
to bear him down by the resolute tone of his instruc- 
tions and the support he trusted to receive from Boris 
Godunow. The difficulties of his position, however, 
were great, and subsequent events increased them. His 
attempts to gain an interview with the Czar were baf- 
fled by repeated postponements ; and he was at length 
obliged to open his commission to the council. At the 
instigation of his enemy, Schalkalove, exception was 


taken to Elizabeth's letters — " Thear was faulte found 
with the sealle, being but the sygnete, and espesyally 
with the shorte stylle, and that they were not in that 
usuall languag which her Majestie was wonte to writ 
in." There was ground for this latter objection. It 
will be seen by the document itself that Elizabeth had 
put no restraint on her imperious humour in its 
composition. She desires the Czar to reconsider the 
matter of his last letter, sent by Dr. Fletcher, and then 
proceeds to reproach him for the ill-usage of her 
ambassador and the disfavour shewn to her mer- 
chants, in these terms^ : — 

" The sodene alteracione of your brotherly love professed 
towardes us, in usinge our late ambassadore, Gylles Flechere, 
so basely as the lyke hatlie not byne served or used to any 
of ours by the greateste prince of Europe, and the injurious 
usage of our sayd ambassador by a cheefe offycere of yours, 
your chauncelore, one Shalkan, who shewethe himselfe an 
aunciente enemy to our subjectes, and yet appoynted, as we 
are informed, judge and party in thos matteres our ambassa- 
dore was to treate of, do the give us juste cause to suspecte 
that your Highnes nether was nor is so well affected towardes 
us as wee deserved and appertaynetbe to our place and 
qualletye. The great dishonor sondry wayes shewed to- 
wardes our princely Highnes, and the manyfold and unces- 
sante injury es done unto our subjectes tradinge into your 
kyngdomes, since the deathe of owr lovinge brother, your 
late father, Emperore Ivan Vasilewich, of fames memorye, 
are many ; which wee of our princely patience did ever sup- 
presse, thynkyng that they woulde have byne stayed and 
remedyed by your princely and brotherly love you proffess 
to beare towardes us. But nowe, beinge broughte unto 
^ See the entire letter in Appendix II, p. 297. 


suclie an extremetye that wee can hardly any longer indure 
them, although very harde, espessyallye beinge snche grose 
injuryes, for our princelye nature to digeste or put upe at 
the handes of any prince lyvinge under the sonne. And 
therefore wee desyre to understand your answer herin, 
whether they are done by your princely knoledge, or by 
suche as are in ofFyce under your Majestic, that dothe rather 
wishe enemetye than the contynuance of brotherly love and 
frendshipe bet wen us." 

She then alludes to her imployment of Horsey in 
despite of the Czar's expressed displeasure tov^^ards 
him, which she attributes to malicious reports in- 
vented by enemies envious of his Majesty's previous 
favour shewn to him. In the articles drawn up under 
the direction of her Majesty, and which Horsey was 
instructed to present as demands on behalf of both 
the Queen herself and the Company, the same vio- 
lent tone is maintained, and the services rendered 
by England to the Russian government in protecting 
their country from attempts of their enemies by sea, 
and in supplying them with ammunition and stores, 
are dwelt on with much emphasis. 

As the whole matter at issue between the two 
courts is fully stated in them, and they are therefore 
the best exponent of the objects of Horsey's mission, 
we take the opportunity of exhibiting a further spe- 
cimen of the style in which Elizabeth, under the in- 
fluence of a presumed aff'ront, could authorize her 
ministers to address the sovereign of a great empire.^ 

■^ From the State Paper Office, Russian Correspondence. The 
articles appear not to have been received in their present form by 
Horsey from the Queen, but to liave been drawn up by himself from 
written instructions given him at his departure from England. See 
Appendix V, p. 361. 


" Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queue of Engiande, 
Fraunce and Irland, Defender of the fathe, etc., to the most 
mightie Lord Emperowr and Great Ducke Theodore Ivano- 
wich, of all Russia, etc. Requiringe of your Majesty a 
resolute aunswer upon these articles followinge. 

" 1. First. Wheras your Majesty sendinge a Dutch man^ 
as your messinger with letters unto our Highnes, referringe 
the matter therin conteyned unto our Majesty's judgment 
and opinion, and that yt should so rest untill our aunswer 
were geven therin, the which with all conveyniante spede we 
did. But the said matters were fully determyned and pro- 
secuted longe before the said messingers retorne with our 
princly letters ; which is against the law of all nations, 
whille the messinsfcr is in comunication to determen of the 
causes absolutlye. 

" 2. Wee sendinge our Hightnes ambassadour, Giles 
Fletcher, to your Majesty, he could not be excepted for an 
ambassador, not only abased but greatlie abused, his letters 
and messadge was demaunded from him and could not be per- 
myted unto your Majesty's p)resence in the space of half a yer. 

" o. Our Hightnes said ambassador beinge thus kept as a 
prysoner within dores by watchmen of very base callinge, 
was not permyted to treat of our princlie causes with your 
Majesty's counsalle, but very reprochfully was put over 
princepally to an offycer, upon whome he was to compleyne 
for dyvers gross abuses. So the said officer became judge 
and partie himself to receave and answer at his owne will 
and pleasure ; by which permitans he procecuted his longe 
atempted oportunytey against our subjects, to our Majesty's 
great indignitey. 

"4. Wee, of our princlie love and good will towards you our 

most lovinge brother, comaunded a delectable present to be 

sente unto your Highnes ; ourselves beinge then in the 

most bussyest tyme of our wars with the Spaniards. We 

^ Jleginald Beckraan. 


acknowledge the orderinge thereof not comendable nor agre- 
able to our Highnes pleasur, Avhen we understood therof ; 
but yete the thinge not beinge so base but smaler valewe 
hath and doth pass betwene princes "wher love and frend- 
shipe remayneth. The thinge rejected and disdayned in 
most dishonorable sort, and retorned with oprobrious speches 
publyckly, not respectinge the brotherly love your Highnes 
professed unto our Majesty ; which might farr better agreed 
with your princly honnour to have geaven a brotherly and 
pryvat advertismente of the dislycke therof. But if your 
Majesty had ever at any tyme sente unto our Highnes the 
tenth part of the valew therof, and meat in no worse sort 
then that was, our princly Majesty would have excepted 
therof, not in respect of the thinge itself, but of the excelency 
from whome yt was presented. 

" 5. The priveleges sent unto us for the use of our subjects, 
as atocken of your brotherlie love towards us, was offered to 
be frustrated and not alowed of; which wee thought a thinge 
inrevocable of so mightie a prince. The comodytey therof 
to you wards not to be compared unto the hight exceptance 
our princly Majesty gave therof, and as reddy to bestowe the 
lycke and lardger uj^on your Majestys subjects, or any other 
gratification in lewe therof that might be exceptable to your 
Highnes; ever carieng that princlie mynde with us, not 
pvirposinge to let rest in oblyvion any kynde or brotherlye 
pleasur your Majesty should shew unto us or ours in any 

" 6. Wee requiringe our naturall subjects lyving ther in 
your kyngdoms without our Majesty's pleasur, some escap- 
inge for haynous crymes comytted, other some deceavinge 
the merchaunts being greatly in ther depts, they ar ther 
deteyned and maynteyned by your officers, beleaving them- 
selves very disorderly to both our princly dishonors, some 
forced to be rebaptised anew, being ons alreddy receaved 
into Christianytey by baptisme ; the permitans apereth a flatte 


dishonnor to God, the partie not able to render a reasone 
substanciall of his ignorant folly, otherwise then for lacke of 
grace to purchose his lewde lyberty therbye. 

" 7, Also we tacke yt not the least dishonnour shewed 
"unto our princly Hightnes that ther should be a servant taken 
by vyolence so openly from our ambassador/ and thinckinge 
to escape the daingers of dew punishment for his lewd lif. 
Joyninge with the instigation of such his lycke, forged a fals 
invension against his master whome he served, pretended 
in the presence of our ambassador and other substanciall 
merchants the said ambassador's othe and the merchants 
Avytnesses refused ; nether the partie his master coulde be 
belyved, but the boye's only fals information credited and 
tocke place, and rewarded, to the evill example of all suche 
as would herafter atempt the lycke vyllanye. 

" 8. The entertainment that our Hightnes ambasodours and 
messingers receave of your Majesty is not agreable to our 
princly qualytey, and not such as we shew unto your am- 
bassadors and messingers of what qualitey soever they be of, 
which we refer to ther owne reports. Yea, we ar credably 
informed that your Majesty maketh more estimation of other 
princes of meanour qualitey ; Heathens, Tartors, Turcks, &c., 
receave better exceptance then ours in all respects. To 
declare the particulers wherin were over tedious : if we 
should use the lycke to any nation, representing the Majesty 
of a prince, we should accompt it in our selves not co- 

" Wee desire of your Hightnes to consider of these viii. 
articles her brieflie sett downe, collected owt of dyvers others 
which we make no mencion of here. Wee have a longe 
tyme kyvered them with our princly pacience, preinge you 
to yeld your princly censur with yourself, whether we have 
just cause to complaine or fyncle our selves agreved with 
these grose ingores or noe, or whether yt wer tolarable by 
' Jerome Horsey. 


you if we should shew the lest of them towards your 
Majesty ; and the lycke were never offered of noe prince 
towards us, no not of our gretest enymies ; and althought 
they ar hardly to be disgested of any princly nature, yet 
have we not ben desirous of revenge or breach of brotherly 
ametey. But yt may please you to understand that we have 
had the oportunytey dyvers weys, and yrnestely instigated 
therunto by sundry princes, your neightbors and enymes, 
whoe, knowinge and felinge our strenght by sea, would not, 
nea durst not, atempt yt themselves withowt our princly per- 
myttance, they meaninge to spoyll and rase your inhabitants in 
the northe, Pechinga[Petschenza], Varzega[Barzuga], Colla, 
SoUoveskae, Une [Onega ?], Nonop (?), and others, as Pechora, 
Novazemla, and that side, and to stope your subjects trade for 
saltte, fishe, oyell, sabls, &c., by sea, that noe one boate should 
come owt and in the ryver Dwina. Also that no straiugers 
might come to trade into your domynons by shippinge ; as 
apered by the open prectise thereof of very late yers, when ther 
were sente thre gallyes of warr and four ships with 200 men 
in each, well furnished with ordinance, of purpose cominge 
upon your northe coasts ; robbed and spoyled all such your 
subjects they could come by, and tocke Netherland ships 
and goods. Wee understandinge of thier pretence comanded 
our merchants ships to ley weyt for them. They met 
and fought together ; rescued not only your subjects and 
goods, but also the Netherlanders and ther ships ; soncke 
and spoyled dyvers of them. Also, of latte, another, pre- 
tending to spoyle Pechora, was lyckwise put from ther 
purpose, and yearly ther ar being some by stelth abowt your 
coasts watching ther oportunytey. Thus putting the enymey 
from your coasts, thier purposes and prectices oftentymes 
prevented only by ou.r forces, althought not her resyted, hath 
bryd cause of ofience betwene the easteren princes and us. 
But we, alwaies preferringe the observation of brotherly love 
and frendshipjDO professed betwen us, gave no eare to ther 


often messadges, but contynewally permyttinge our subjects 
to transport into your kingdomes, powder, saltpeter, leade, 
brimstone, copper, leade, tynn, silver, gold, and sucbe lycke ; 
which your father, of famous memory, did take himself 
greatlie beholdinge unto us for, althought nowe not so 
acknowledged of you, for that it stood him in more steed in 
the tyme of his Majesty's famous conquests. His Hightnes 
accompted of us alwaies, althought a far neyghtbour yet a 
nere and a sure frend, as by proef did apere. For the King 
of Swethia often anoyeinge the passadge by sea towards the 
Narve, yerly his ships of warr robbinge and spoilinge the 
Lubeckers, Danes, Frenchmen, Hollanders, &c., your said 
father, of famous memory, desyred us that we should send 
our princly ships of warr to remedye the spoyle that the 
Swethian made in the easteren seas ; which we willingly 
graunted unto, and sent certeyne of our warlycke ships, 
acorapanyed with other of our merchants apoynted for the 
purpose ; fought with the wholle flete of the enymes prin- 
cepall ships^ soncke dyvers, spoyled the most part of the rest, 
and reserved some 150 of the princepall actors, which our 
subjects brought and presented to your father, of famous 
memory, Ivan Vazilewiche, Lord Emperor, and great Ducke 
of all Kusya, at the Narve, where then was execution done 
npon them.^ By thes means the Swethian shipps durst not 
come forth, and as longe as our shipps used those seas, the 
passadge was clered, and great trafique was at the Narve by 
all nations in quiete tyme. 

" The trewth and present memory of these things will mani- 
fest yt self; which if they were not yet in regester as a 
terrour with the Swethian, Dane, Lubecker, etc., they 
would not feare to atempt the lycke in the north seas. Yet 
do we forbide none to come peacably by weye of trafique 
into your kingdoms, althought wee have some reasone ther- 
unto, for that our subjects were the first founders of that 
^ The event referred to took place in the year 1570. 


passadge, with lose of many a mans life and goods, and the 
mayntenance therof to this day; and we thincke that no 
nation whatsoever will presume to pass the seas of purpose, 
against our princly favour. Wee vaunt not of these things, 
nether of them as threats, but to helpe your princly memo- 
rie to consider that your brotherlye love towards us is not 
such as our watchfulle frendships towards you have de- 
served; nether cane your Majesty chardge our princlie 
Hightnes with any one such discortesy or cause of breach of 
brotherlye amytey. But your Highnes may perceave we 
have hetherto caried a constant care for the preservation 
therof; and therefore we do requier that as your Majesty 
dothe tendar the preservation of your owne honnour, so maye 
ther not be cause geven to impeache our princly dignytey. 

''The Companye of Marchants our subjects tradinge into 
your kyngdomes have made knowen unto our Majesty many 
grevences, emongest which ther ar brieflye here colected but 
a fewe of them, aquaintiuge your Majesty with the manner 
and coerse that hathe bene procecuted therin ; desyringe of 
your Hightnes redrese therof, in such sorte that we may be 
perswaded yt is agreable to princly and trewe justice. 

" 1. There hath bene of late very disordourly seased upon 
the merchants generall great somes of money by pretence of 
depts owinge particulerly by one Anthony Marsh to your 
subjects, which was a counterfeyt thinge and prectise be- 
twene them and the said Marshe, not aperteyning at all to 
our merchants the Companye, he havinge a particuler trade, 
a particular priveledge, a particulere howse and a particuler 
maintenans against all our merchants ; whiche thinge, if it 
be so alowed of, the said Companie may as well challenge of 
your generall subjects they r just depts owinge them by par- 
ticular men of the same nation, the one beinge of as substanciall 
a condicion as the other. The some exacted upon them is 7,900 
roubles, and the bills ycte remaininge in the credytors hands. 


" 2. Also the said Companie of merchants made request 
they might be paid the dept the said Marshe did owe unto 
them, beinge abowt 1800 robles, owt of the xv thousand 
robles, your Majesty's ofEcer, A. Shalkan, receavad into 
his hands of the said Mershes, in cloth, leade, saltpeter, 
wynes, sabls, saltt and other comodyts, as particulers aper- 
reth ; which xv thousand robls our merchants requier not, 
for that the said Shalkan ment to pay the said Mershes depts 
and gathered them to himself for that purpose. 

" 3. Item. The valewe of the goodes lastly robbed from 
the said Companies factor, Richard Proctor, upon the Volga 
ryver, by your Majesty's subjects cominge in company with 
them, which goods were all recovered of the captaines and 
theves by Andrew Shalkan, well knowen, who doth as is said 
injoye the same, beinge abowte 3400 rebels. 

" 4. Also, the rest of the said Companyes goodes and money 
seased and taken from ther factor John Chapell, for pretence 
of his particuler offence ; which you of your princly favour 
forgave and promised by your Majestys letters, extant with 
us, that you had geven ordour for our sacke yt should be all 
redelyvered, which is not to this daye. Wee esteme your 
princly word and promis as sewer as paymente, not doupt- 
ing but that your Hightnes will now cause yt to be dis- 
chardged withowt longer regeser. The said Andrew Shal- 
kan receaved all into his hands, as by dew proef aperreth, 
by noate 3800 robles. 

" 5. The fyringe of the Companies howse at Colmogour 
was well knowen to be a purposed prectise of your Majesty's 
subjects, which, if ther agent had not ben upholden in your 
cytty Mosco so longe extraordinarily, he hade come longe 
before that tyme to have shipped the same goods therin 
burnt, wherby dyvers of ther ships retorned empty ; so that 
ther lose and hinderancs is aleaged to be above 2,700 robls. 

" 6, There is yerly forsablely layed upon the saied Com- 
panie by your Majesty's offycers wax for great somes at an 



extreme price, wherby they lose muche in the transportation 
therof ; a comodytey they were wonte to bestowe ther money 
one, beinge at a reasonable price before this restraint was 
made ; as also they would injoyne them to a greater incon- 
venyans to geve saltpeter in leu of the wax, at a base price, 
which comodytey is not originally growinge in our realmes 
in suche quantitey to be transported more then serveth our 
princly provicion. 

" Your princly letters of priveledge, whiche you of your 
Hightnes brotherlie love towards us did send unto us for theire 
use, is not ratify ed nor confirmed to stand in effect. They 
ar threatned of many imposytions and taxes, as howse rents 
and other, whiche fredoms your Majesty hath alwaies aledged 
as a speciall favor and noate of difference your Majesty ever 
had and held betwen the English merchants and other 
nations ; and they complaine of many hard dealings towards 
them by your officers, that a faulte unadvised at any tyme 
commytted is procecuted upon them with rigour, not weying 
that they are strain gers, and that ther folly is for want of 
experience, whiche might be kyvered withe wisdome and 
leanacy. We would the said offycers should knowe that 
they ar not a people destitute of such a princes, but hath dew 
care for the preservation of her subjects and to defend them 
in theyr rightfuU causes. 

" Here may your Majesty perceave as well the formour 
artycles towchinge our princly estatte as also these latter 
conserning our merchants declareth itselfe of great import- 
ance, requiringe a far greter treates and ambassadge. But 
for that this our messinger in whome we repose great trust, 
and have geven sufFycient comission requisit in suche effears, 
as [by] our princly letters unto your Majesty apereth, whoe 
beinge fully aquainted with your Highnes orders and of 
suifyciency to judge of the reasonable aunswers that shal be 
produced herin, beinge all done in the tyme of his abode in 
your kingdoms, hee shal be pers waded of all matters on both 


sids farr better then by any other wee should have imployed 
wantinge his experience. And therfore wee expect and re- 
quier from your Majesty a full determynete and resolute 
aunswer by him towchinge all the particularytes of the said 

" Delyvered the ith of August, 1590, in the 3Iusco, unto 
the Emperor's hight Treasewrour, Demenshoye Ivanoioiche 
Cherimissen, the officer of Amhassages, Andrew Shalkan, 
and Posnyck Demetriove, hy the Ernperours ordour and 
Boris Fedorowiches.^^ 

Horsey was not admitted to an audience, although 
the Queen's letters were received by the Czar, and 
the articles referred to the consideration of the 
ministers. At the time when these were under dis- 
cussion an embassy was expected from Poland ; and 
orders were given to Horsey that on the " very same 
day the sayd ambassadore should come into the sytty 
of Mosco, must I depart the same with my company ; 
fearinge accordinge to their jellous humore leste thear 
should happen some intercourse between us." He was 
directed to retire to Yaroslav, where he arrived in 
November, and remained there till the following June. 
This withdrawal from the capital was fatal to Horsey 's 
mission. The opportunity of his absence was used 
to the utmost by his enemy Schalkalove, who suc- 
ceeded in making it believed that he had betrayed 
the Czar's secrets to the King of Poland and to the 
Duke of Lithuania; had disdained the Czar's allow- 
ance ; and had purposed to have " hindered the 
Emperor of his customs." 

Horsey^ made an effort to influence Prince Boris 

' See Appendix V, p. 356. 


Godunow in his favour, by a letter, written from 
Yaroslav on the 21st of November, 1590, in which 
he justified the severity of the Queen's letters, and 
made a personal appeal to him as one in whom her 
Majesty had confidence as the befriender of her 
subjects, and also in respect to the services which he 
had owned to have received at Horsey's own hands. 
He reminded him of his letter, written the previous 
year, promising him his constant favour and pro- 
tection, and added — 

" I would have thought yt impossible that the kynde and 
favorable good natur I ever founde in your lordship should 
have been so perverted as it is, and your lordship's favore 
and kyndnes would alwaies have ben of more force then the 
mallice of any perticuler man whosoever." 

In April 1591, in despair of any further success in 
his mission, Horsey wrote, from Yaroslav, to Lord 
Burghley, reporting what had taken place since his 
arrival in Russia ; and begging that the Queen would 
again write to the Czar in terms similar to those of 
her last letters, to disprove Schalkalove's assertion 
that they had not been authorized by her Majesty, 
and also would confirm the articles he had presented 
in her name ; by which means he hopes that matters 
may be expedited, and that he may be enabled to 
return home. Adding as reasons for desiring to do 
so, his heavy expenses — his being " betrothed to an 
honest gentleman's daughter in Buckinghamshire 
long since" — his loss of time — and " the doubt I have 
of my enymie Shalkan." 

On the 10th of June, 1591, he addressed a second 


letter, from Yaroslav, to Lord Burghley, in wliich he 
states that of late her Majesty's affairs had been again 
under consideration of the government, and had been 
treated of during the 17th and 18th of May, and 
that he had been on the point of being recalled to 
Moskow ; but that 

" upon the 19th of the same [month] a most unfortunate 
chaunce befell the yonge prince of ix'yers adge, sone unto 
the old Emperor and brother unto this ; [who] was cruelly 
and trecherously murdered, his throte cutt in the presence 
of his dere mother the Emperis ; with other such lyke most 
prodigious matter, which I dare not wryte of." 

The event here spoken of is the assassination of 
the young Prince Demetrius, who, as presumptive 
heir to the throne, would, on the death of his brother, 
the then Czar, have stood in the way of the projects of 
Boris Godunow, and who had now fallen a victim to 
his ambition. At the time of his murder, the Prince 
Demetrius was under the care of his mother, the 
Empress Dowager, at Ouglitch, about twenty-five 
miles from Yaroslav. Horsey relates an anecdote in 
reference to his death in the following words : — 

" One night I comended my soull to God above other, 
thinckinge verily the tyme of my end was com. One rapt 
at my gate at midnight. I was well furnished with pistolls 
and weapons. I and my servants, some fifteen, went with 
these weapons to the gate. — ' O my good frend, Jerom 
innobled, lett me speak with yow.' — I saw by moon shine the 
Emperis brother, Alphonassy Nagoie. . . . ' The Charowich 
Demetries is dead : his throate was cutt about the sixth 
hower by the deaches [diacks] ; some one of his pagis con- 
fessed upon the racke by Boris his settinge one ; and the 


Emperis poysoned and upon pointe of death, her hear and 
naills and skin falls of: haelp and geave some good thinge, 
for the passion of Christ his sake !' — I ran up, fsetched a 
littell bottell of pure sallett oyell (that littel vial of balsoni 
that the Quen gave me) and a box of Venice treacle. — ' Here 
is what I have, I praie God it maye do her good.' — Gave it 
over the wall ; who hied him post awaie." 

The confusion which ensued in the capital upon 
this terrible event put an end to all hope of a settle- 
ment of the matters of Horsey 's mission. Boris 
Godunow^ wrote to him that he was unable to further 
his wishes as he desired^ ; that when opportunity 
offered he would work him favour in as ample 
manner as ever, but that there were stumbling- 
blocks to be removed first ; offering him in the mean 
time what assistance he might need in money. On 
the 6th of July, Horsey received intimation that, 
although the Czar had intended to have received him 
in person to give his answer to the Queen's letters, 
his Majesty's mind was altered by reason of " the 
greate disquietnes of late happened amongeste his 
people." Letters were sent, in answer to those of 
which he had been the bearer from the Queen, and 
he was escorted down the Dwyna to St. Nicholas, 
where he embarked for England, and arrived at the 
court at Richmond on the 4th of October, 1591. 

The letters in which the Czar replied to the sharp 
epistles of Elizabeth, conveyed by Horsey, enter so 
much into the conduct of both Horsey and Fletcher, 
while communicating the concessions made in favour 
of the Company, and are moreover so entertaining in 

' Travels, p. 225. 


their grave reference to the whimsical grievances of 
the folding and sealing of the Queen's letters to the 
Czar, and the abridgement of his formidable length 
of titles, that we introduce them in full, as translated 
by Horsey himself. The violent denunciations of 
Horsey, breaking out again and again in different 
parts of the document, are confirmation of his asser- 
tion that they were drawn up by the redoubted 
Andreas Schalkalove himself. It will be observed, 
moreover, that the forbearance stated to have been 
shewn towards Horsey, who is pronounced to have 
deserved death, and the privileges conceded to the 
Company, are distinctly ascribed to the protecting 
influence of Boris Godunow. 

'^ Theodore Icanoiolch, Emperor of Russia, to Queen 

" To our lovinge sister Elizabeth, Queene of Englande, 
Fraunce and Irelande, etc. 

" Throughe the tender niercie of God whereby the day 
springe from on highe hath visited us, thereby to guyde our 
feete in the waye of peace, Wee Theodore Ivanowich, Greate 
Lorde Kinge and Greate Duke of all Russia, of Volodomer, 
INIusko and Novoghorod, Kinge of Casan and Astracan, 
Lorde of Volsko and Greate Duke of Smolenske, Otver, 
Ughorie, Perme, Viatske, Bolghorie and other places, Lord 
and Greate Duke of Novoghorod in the lowe contry, of 
Chernigho, Razan, Polotske, Kostove, Yaroslavle, Beloozero 
and Lifland, of Owdorske, Obdorske, Condinske, and Com- 
maunder of all Seberlande and the North Costes, Greate 
Lorde over the contrye of Ivenskie, Griesinsky, Emperour of 
Kaburdinskie and of the contrie Churkasky and the contrie 

^ From the State Paper Office — Russian Royal Letters. 


of Gorskie, and Lorde of manie other cuntries, to our tnoste 
dearelie beloved sister Elizabeth of Englande, Fraunce, Ire- 
land and of other kingdomes, greetinge. We have hereto- 
fore, lovinge sister, wrote our letters unto you by your Ma- 
jesties ambassadour. Gyles Fletcher, together with our an- 
swere delyvered him by our councell touchinge Hierom 
Horsey, whoe hath lyved in our kyngdome amongest your 
Highnes marchaunts as theire factour, behavinge himself in 
Horsey our savde dominions very disorderlie and badlie. He hath 

charged ■' •' 

tls^with" written unto his companions and men of his consorte, to the 
for^^iter-' placo of the arry vail of shippes at our portes, letters touch- 

ceptiuge of . , . ^ , . r ^ r • 

J3uche inge the preparation oi shippes tor the enterpryse oi piracye 

shippes that 

come to St. and robberve of such merchauntes as shoulde have accesse 

Nicholas. •' 

for traffique to our kingdomes and dominions uppon the 
ryver Dwina; which letters are extante under his owne 
hande, and are enterpreted by one of your Majesties sub- 
jectes, John Sowter, whoe was enterpreter to your ambassa- 
dour Gyles Fletcher. 
eveHbeha- " He hath vauutod that he shoulde be imployed by your 
Majestie as an ambassadour before Gyles Fletcher. He 

viour in 

able aud not hath spoken of our kingdomes, of us and of you our lovinge 

in wrytTn4. ^i^tcr Quecnc Elizabeth, dyvers and sondry thinges not fitt 
to be comitted to wrytinge, which by examination we have 
founde oute, and therewith accuaynted your ambassadour, 
Gyles Fletcher. He hath also committed many other un- 
seemelie actes in our kingdome. He hath moved much con- 
tention and controversie betweene our merchauntes and 
yours with his lewde practises. For all which his behaviour 
he hath deserved death. But our Majestie for your Highnes 
sake, lovinge sister Queene Elizabeth, was contente to let 
him passe, and sente him to your Majestie by your ambassa- 
dour Gyles Fletcher, accordinge to your requeste mentioned 
in your letters. And therewith wrote to your Majestie that 
the sayde Hierom shoulde be noe more permitted to have to 
doe with our people nor with your marchauntes, neyther 


betwixte your Majestie and us, to thend that our love and 
amety might not be impeached by the practice of suche a 
seditious person. 

" All which notwithstandinge, afterwards, the year folow- Horseys 


inge, this Hierom Horsey, whoe before lyved heare as your o^eiiaiide 
marchaunts factour, committinge many lewde attempts and ^isiyke^d. 
movinge much controversie, cometh into our kingdome as 
your Majesties ambassadour, not the ordinarie way that he 
shoulde have comme, but throughe Polonia and Lettowe, 
and soe to our border towne of Smolensky. The Kinge of 
Polonia and Lettowe and we beinge bent uppon treaty of 
peace and unetie, and beinge uppon the borders of our 
contry, gave himself a contrary name. Notwithstandinge, 
our officers upj^on the borders knewe him to be Hierom 
Horsey, that lewde fellowe which we sente oute of our 
kyngdome for his evil behaviour. We wrote unto you, 
loving sister, our owne letters concerninge him, that you 
would not heareafter uppon any occasion send into our 
contry such a lewde villain as he is. In his cominge hether- 
warde it is well knowen unto us what he did in Polonia and 
Lettowe, where he used such speeches of us and our kinsr- Horseys 

. . , , evellbeha- 

dome as were not meete for him to deale in, for which his viomde- 


behaviour he deserved to have beene putt to death. But 'i''"*^^^''- 
we make noe accompte of theime, but for your Majesties 
sake comittecl him as our manner is to the custodie of our 
aucthorised people, and commaunded your letters to be 
receyved at his handes and his message to be heard to 

"And as for your Maiesties letters, they were directed to xhemys- 

•^ . •' . . •' like of the 

us the Emperour, abridsringe our stile and tytles of honor, abridge- 

i- " <J a J ' meut of his 

which heretofore your Majestie in other your letters ex- tHiL'^of^ 
pressed at large. Your sayde letters were sealed with your the"smair 
signet or small scale, which Hierom Horsey sayde was the seaie. 
scale of your Majesties treasury. Unto our Majestie, our 
brother Saldan the Turke, the Pomayne Emperor, and other 

to be hnuo- 


greate princes, writt unto iis with all our style and tytles of 
honor at large, and doe seale their letters with theire greate 
scale of Majestic; and we doe the lyke to your Majestie and 
to those greate princes, and wryte our letters with your 
whole style, and seale thcime with our greate seale. And 
thoughe these greate princes houlde brotherlie love and 
ametie with us, yet we looked for greater love and ametie of 
you our lovinge sister, Queene Elizabeth, such as was be- 
tweene your Majestie and the greate Lord and Emperor, the 
greate Duke John Vasillewich of all Russia, our father. 
The Empe- " Jj^^ t^g samc vour Icttcrs, lovinffe sister, Queen Elizabeth, 

rour juste- *' 7 o ^ ^* ^ 

enterteya- 7^^. writtc uuto US conccminge your ambassadour, Gyles 
ambassa- ^ Flctchcr, as tlioughc hc shoulde have beene dishonorablie 
Fletcher, uscd by our auctlioriscd people, and otherwyse then your 
Majesties former amabassadors have been uscd here ; and as 
thoughe our love and affection towardes your Majestie 
shoulde be otherwyse then it oughte to be ; wherein you 
require our answere whether we were acquaynted with his 
usage. Yf your Majestie will knowe our answere, his usage 
by our aucthorised people was well knowen unto us : and 
is this the cause of your sendinge hcther of your messenger 
Hierom Horsey? Firste as concerning Hierom Horsey, 
lovinge sister Queene Elizabeth, you writt unto us as thoughe 
all things of him heretofore reported were untrewe, that we 
shoulde forgeate all former displeasure towards him, to whom 
you geve the creditte to delyver by worde of mouth that 
which you have gevcn him in commission : according to 
which commission Hierom Horsey had hearinge before our 
counsaill, concerninge your ambassador Gyles Fletcher, and 
concerninge the presentes sente unto us from you our lovynge 
sister by him, which we recyved not, and concerninge your 
marchaunts trade, that we shoulde be gracyous unto theime 
as before time, accordingc to our former letters of priveledges 
graunted unto theime, that the same shoulde houlde and 
continewe withoute alteration ; and that we shoulde sende 


away all sucli of your subjects as abyde here wetlioute your 
Majesties licence; concerninge the debte of your INIajesties 
marchaunts that our subjects and people recovered of theme, 
as thoughe Anthony Marshe had beene none of theyre 
company and the debte layde uj^pon your sayde marchaunts 
withoute cause, and that Marshe had onlie dealings for him- 
self. We were once of that mynde not to have recey ved That the 


your letters, for that they were not directed and sealed asf''"'^'"°' 

-' ■' '' have red the 

they were woonte to be accordinge tp your former course i^t^Ji-s*^^ 
used to our father of famous memory, John Vasillewich, requlist ot- 
Greate Duke of all Russia, and as all other princes doe Boris Fedo- 


wryte unto us with our style at large, and not as the letters 
broughte by Hierom Horsey ; yett at the requeste of our 
brother-in-lawe, master of our horse and cheof councellour, 
governour of teritories of Casan and Astracan, Boris Fedoro- 
wich Goedunove, we have receyved your letters ; and certen 
of our councell have hearde the speeches of your servaunte 
Hierom ; whereat we wonder, the same beinge not answer- 
able to our leage and ametye, expectinge noe such matter 
from you ; but we are of opinion that these thinges are 
written by some of your secretories withoute your privetie. 
The sayd letters make mention of greate dishonour doone to 
your embassadour. Gyles Fletcher, as thoughe therin we 
respected not your love and amety. If eyther he or any 
other enforme your Majestic untrewlie of us they doe not 
well, neyther doe they wishe the continuance of our bro- 
therlie ametie. We for our parte, lovinge sister Queene 
Elizabeth, wishe the continuance of our former love and 
ametie with an encrease thereof, and such as was in the 
tyme of our sayd father of famous memory. And as 
for your ambassadour. Gyles Fletcher, he had as much 
honour showed unto him as hath beene shewed to your 
former ambassadors. And concerning the afFayres whereof 
he treated, wherein by your letters you wished us to 
give him the lyke creditt as to yourself, he Avas hearde 


at large by our treaserour, John Vasillewich Truliannotova, 
and by our principall secretarie Andrea Shalcan, whoe 
treated with him of all causes. And after that, we gave 
order to your sayde ambassador. Gyles Fletcher, to repaire to 
John Vasillewich Goedenova, our deputie of our territories 
of E-esansko, and to John Vasillowich Shyslco, and to others 
of our especyall councellors, with whom he discoursed of all 
matters and doleances whatsoever ; and amongest other mat- 
ters of those verletts Hierom and Anthony, that all discon- 
tentment mighte be shutt uppe ; wherein, lovinge sister, 
appeared our love and favour towards you, althoughe your 
ambassadors demaunds were greater then hertofore have 
beene moved touching your marchaunts. He required that 
we shoulde be gratious unto theime in gevinge theime our 
princly priviledge anewe with an enlargement, the which 
we graunted. And, for your Majesties sake, we were soe 
gratyous to your marchaunts that we appointed our letters 
Enlarged! ^^ privclcdge to be enlarged throughout all our kingdomes, 
and to Casan, Astracan, and beyonde the Caspian Sea, into 
the kingdome of Persia, and Bogharia and Shamaky, and 
notified the same unto all our customers and officers in our 
empire concerninge your Majesties marchaunts, gevinge 
theime libertic to traffique and trade in such sorte as noe 
nation doe the lyke : all which we have doone for the greate 
love we beare unto you our lovinge sister, Queene Elizabeth. 
Of all thes thinges we wrotte unto you in our letters sente 
by your said ambassador. Gyles Fletcher, which letters it 
maybe he hath not delyvered nor made your Majestic ac- 
quaynted therewith. Muche dishonour hathe beene spoken 
and untruthes devysed againste your Majestic by this mes- 
senger, this verlett Hierom Horsey ; notwithstandinge we 
have doone him noe disgrace, and if he reporte otherwyse it 
is an untruth. We have geven him here large allowance 
above others ; his message hath beene the longer unanswered 
by reason of our greate occasions. Concerninge your pre- 


sents brouglite by your ambassador, they were not such as 
they shoulde be, and we for our parte when we sende our 
ambassador will lykewyse abate of ours. 

" We deseyre moste lovmsre sister that brotherlie love and ^'l^* "^"^ ^ 
ametie may be continued betwixte us. And whereas you, f^.ai,i"t 
lovinge sister, writt unto us in your letters by Hierom cUauuts, 

'' T r 1 !• touching 

Horsey, and afave him order by worde of mouth touchmgje Jrarshes 

J ' o J O debtes, was 

your marchaunts debtes, as thoughe there had beene layde ■i,"'^4bie\o^ 
uppon theyme greate debtes of Anthony Marshes without ['hamits. 
cause, alledginge that Anthonie traded by himself and not 
with the Company, whereof we wrotte you heretofore at 
large notais, and also satisfied your ambassadour at large, 
gevinge him our order in wrytinge that we tookc in that 
matter ; wherein wee thinke we shewed our specyall love and 
kyndnes towardes you our lovinge sister, that where a 
greate somme of money by billes of your subjects was dewe, 
we abated to our subjects the half of theire very principally 
it is verifyed that Anthony Marshe borowed the money to- 
gether with your marchaunts agent, and dwelte together 
with theime in one house : notwithstandinge, for your sake, 
loving sister, and at the rcqueste and petition of our brother 
in lawe Boris Fedorowich, master of our horse, governour of 
Cassan and Astracan, [we] did cause our officers houshoulde, 
servaunts and merchauntes, to accepte of the sayde debtes the 
one half, and have abated the other half, and have caused the 
billes to be dely vered to your merchaunts. And whatsoever 
was owinge by your subjects to your inerchau.nts we 
order that the same shoulde be paid. Thus have we beene 
gratyous to your marchaunts and geoven theyme libertie to 
trade into our kingdome withoute payinge any custome, and 
for theire agent and factors that remayne in our kingdome That the 

1 TT 111^1 /-\ merehaunts 

we have geven order that great care be had oi theme. Our shaiiiyvein 


said brother in lawe, master of our horse, Boris Fedorowich, under the 

' protection 

by our order in that behaulf geoven him, wil be and is care- Borls'^Feao- 
fuU for theime in all causes, and also our other officers of '°^"'^ 



The Empe- 
rour semeth 
to doubt 
that the 
which the 
over were 
from the 

aucthoretie, by order and comission geoven theiine to that 
ende. And whensoever hereafter your merchaunts shall 
desyre assistaunce of our officers in aucthoretie and repayreth 
to theime, they shal be favorable to theim and defende 
theime. For your Majestic wryteth your letters andreferreth 
matters to be delyvered by worde of mouth by such a villain 
[as] Hierom Horsey it is [not the] course to cause our love and 
araetie to continewe by imploying in such affayres one that 
we knowe to be a villayne, and whom we sente away ovit of 
our contry for dyvers of his villanyes, gevinge him com- 
maundement that he shoulde not returne hether againe. 
Therefore we writt unto you nowe agayne of the same matter, 
because we knowe our former letters have beene kepte from 
you. And our councell delyvered him to your ambassador 
Gyles Fletcher, to be broughte home in your Majesties dis- 
grace, which would have appeared unto you if our letters 
had comme to your handes ; but they were kepte backe be- 
cause your officers do favour Hierom. 

" And nowe, loving sister, for your sake we have forborne 
to lay our displesure uppon the sayd Hierom, and have suf- 
fred him to departe agayne by the Dwina, and soe to the sea, 
havinge sente our letters downe to the sea syde unto your 
marchaunts. We pray you, lovinge sister, Queene Elizabeth, 
to enquire which of your secretoryes wrote your letters sente 
by Hierom, and which soe abridged our name and tytle, and 
havinge found him oute to lett him be blamed ; gevinge coni- 
maundement that, when hereafter you wryte your letters to 
our Majestic, that you geve us our full style and tytle as 
heretofore you have used. There are occasions moved by 
your subjectes to rayse dislyke and discorde betwixte us 
which are not to be regarded ; there hath beene betweene us 
love and ametie, the which we wishe to remayne and conti- 
newe as it was with our father of famous memory, the Greate 
Duke John Vasillewich of all Russia. And, for the sayde 
Hierom, he is knowen to us to be a villain, as well towards 


ITS as to embassadours and messingers. Your mcrcliaunts 
sewed not for his imployment into our dominions. Let not 
our love and frendsliipp be hindred for him; yf you sende to 
us, sende your good people betwixte us, which will norishe 
and travell to continewe our love and ametie and to make it 

'^ Lovinsfe sister, vour messinsrer Hierom spake unto our That aii in- 

'=' '' ^ -^ _ _ lerlopers 

councell that such marchaunts as lyved here in our domi- ■J'°"i>i'^e 

•' ; ent home. 

nions withoute your knowledge, being your subjects, should 
be sente oute of our contries, the which we are willinge to 
yealde unto, and will geve order to delyver theime over to 
such as you shall geve order in that behalfe. Written at the 
Pallace of our Empire in the citie of Musko, the yeare from 
the beginningc of the world 7099, in the moonth of Julie 
[a.d. 1591]. 

The reply of Elizabeth to this epistle was designed 
to soothe the angry feeling it expresses. Both the 
Queen and Lord Burghley also wrote special letters 
to Boris Godunow to thank him for his good services 
in arranging the difficulties Avhich had sprung up 
between the two courts ; and the royal correspondence 
resumed its former amicable tone. Horsey 's answer 
to the charges contained in the Czar's letter,^ will 
certainly secure his acquittal in the judgment of the 
impartial reader, and appears to have been accepted 
as a satisfactory defence by the Queen's ministers. 
But thenceforward his connexion with Russia was at 
an end. 

1 Printed in Appendix V, p. 368 ; from the original, in the 
State Paper Office. 


Dr. Giles Fletcher, the author of " The Russe 
Common Wealth," was a native of Kent, and a mem- 
ber of a family illustrious in the history of English 
literature. His brother, Dr. Kichard Fletcher, bishop 
successively of Bristol, Worcester and London, was 
the father of John Fletcher the dramatist ; and one of 
his own sons, Phineas Fletcher, was author of the re- 
markable production, " The Purple Island," and other 
poems. He received his education at Eton College, 
where he was admitted a scholar in the year 1565. 
Having entered at King's College, Cambridge, he took 
a bachelor's degree in the year 1569, and the degree 
of LL.D. in 1581. While fellow of the College, he 
became embroiled in dissensions occasioned by the 
opposition of a portion of the members to their pro- 
vost. Dr. Roger Goad, in the year 1576. Fletcher 
sided with the enemies of the provost, and signed a 
series of articles, accusing him of maladministration of 
the affairs of the College, and infringement of its sta- 
tutes, which was laid before Lord Burghley, as chan- 
cellor of the University. The decision of Burghley 
was unfavourable to the provost's opponents, who 
w^ere required to make a recantation of their charges, 
and to sign a formal submission to their superior. 
Many of the papers relating to this proceeding are 
preserved among the Lansdowne MSS. in the British 
Museum ;^ and among them are two letters of 
Fletcher to Burghley, written in Latin ; in the former, 
excusing his attack upon the character and conduct 

^ Lansdowne MS. xxiii, artt. 18, et seqq. 


of the provost ;^ and, in the latter, thanking him for 
his decision in the cause of dispute. He also signs, 
with two other of the fellows, a letter of suh mission 
to the provost, and addresses him a separate letter, in 
Latin. ^ Burghley's interest in the cause is evidenced 
in the corrections by his own hand of the form of 
submission dictated to the opposing fellows.^ 

Dr. Fletcher is stated by Fuller, by Birch,^ in 
his history of Queen Elizabeth,^ and by others, to 
have been employed as a commissioner on public 
affairs in Scotland, Germany and the Low Coun- 
tries ; but of the precise dates or other particulars of 
these services we have not succeeded in obtaining 
information. In the year 1580, he acted as commis- 
sary to Dr. Bridgewater, chancellor of the diocess of 
Ely. Li the year 1588, he was despatched to Russia 

^ This letter, written with good feeling throughout, contains 
the following temperate passages, disclaiming any approval of the 
personal attack on the Provost, and representing the grounds for 
complaint of the state of the college: — 

" Si quid inique, si quid petulanter ac contumeliose dictum sit 
(fateor autem esse quamplurima) id, non solum non consentiente 
me sed et invito ac repugnante, factum esse profiteor." 

" Habet nostra familia pulcherrimum florem optimse juventutis. 
Vidi hunc ego pessimis exemplis depravari, nullis proemiis incendi 
ad studia, multorum debilitari industriam et gravioribus suppliciis 
vexari, aliis contra impunitatem concedi, qui nee ita Uteris, nee 
industria nee probitate, commendantur." — Ibid., f. 50. 

2 Ibid., fF. 42, 54. ^ Ibid., f. 83, 

* Worthies, vol. i, p. 502. * Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii, 
p. 78. See also a letter of his brother, the Bishop of London, to 
Lord Burghley, in Strype's Annals, ed. 1824, vol. iv, p. 374. 

" Cole's Collections for Cambridgeshire, Add. MS. 5808, f. 206. 



Russia, Fletcher formed the design of writing an 
extensive history of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, in 
Latin. With the view of making it as authentic as 
possible, he applied to Lord Burghley for assistance 
and the communication of state papers. His letter 
to Burghley is amongst the Lansdowne manuscripts 
in the British museum.'^ He not only asks for his 
general encouragement and aid, but consults him on 
his plan — especially as to whether he shall undertake 
to justify at length the marriage of Henry the Eighth 
with Anne Boleyn — and at what point he shall com- 
mence his work, whether to begin where Polydore 
Virgil ends, at the 30th of Henry VHI, or with his 
marriage with Anne Boleyn, or only with the reign 
of King Edward : and he forwards a scheme, in Latin, 
of his first book, to comprise the first year of Eliza- 
beth's reign — with a paper of articles in which he 
desires information. 

Dr. Kichard Fletcher, Bishop of London, father of 
the dramatist, died in 1596, leaving his affairs in con- 
siderable confusion, and having appointed his brother 
Giles his executor. This charge involved him in 
much difficulty. He Avas sued for the bishop's debts, 
and it was owing only to the intercession of the 
powerful Earl of Essex with the chancellor, that he 
was saved from arrest." 

Although the circumstance is not mentioned in 
any of the notices of his life which we are aAvare of, 
it appears that his connexion with the Earl brought 
him into trouble at the time of Essex's arrest in 

^ Lansdowne MS. Ixv, f. 154. 

~ Birch, Reign of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii, p. 223. 


1600. For there is extant a copy of a letter from 
Fletcher to Sir Robert Cecil, dated the 14 th of March, 
1600 [1601 ]], praying to be released from confine- 
ment, occasioned ••' by those fables and foolish lyes of 
the Earl's daunger by Sir Walter Raleigh." 

It may be conjectured, from this expression, that 
Fletcher's offence had consisted in too openly speaking 
of the disgrace of the Earl of Essex (who, we have 
stated, had before acted as his friend) as the work 
of Sir Walter Raleigh's malignity ; but we have not 
succeeded in tracing out the facts of the case. In 
his appeal to Cecil, he speaks of his wife and many 
children, his debts, and his executorship for his late 
brother (the Bishop of London).^ 

1 The following is a copy of the letter : — Dr. Flecker to Sir 
Rolert Cecil. Right honourable, — I humbly thank you for regard- 
ing the humble suit of my poor wyfe. Her poor estate and great 
distress of so many children do thus force me to mone my case, and 
to reveal unto your Honour my present state. My great charge 
and small revenue, with the executorship of my late brother, have 
made my debt exceed my estate, being undoon and worse then 
nought by 500 pounds. For discharging hereof I have no means 
but the present sale of my poor house wherein I dwell, and of my 
office, if I can assign it to some fitt man. At the qiiarter day I am 
to pay 200 pounds, upon forfeiture of double bonds. I have yet 
no means nor liberty to seek for means for payment of it, and I am 
infirm through grief of mind for this restraint, and the affliction of 
my wife and children. How perplexed I am for them and they 
for me I beseech your Honour (who art a father of so toward and 
happy children) to consider. Touching my fault what shall I say? 
I have been abused by those fables and foolish lyes of the Earles 
daunger by Sir Walter Ralegh. But my hart untouched and my 
hands clear of his wicked practices, which I knew not of, nor 
should discern so great a mischief under such a coulour. I will 


The last notice we find of Fletcher's employment in 
public affairs is as a commissioner instructed by the 
Company of " Eastland Merchants" to treat with Dr. 
Jonas Charisius, the King of Denmark's ambassador, 
" about the required removal of the trade from the 
towne of Crimpe [Krempe], by the mediation of John 
Rolt,"^ dated November, 1610 : at least we conclude 
that the Dr. Fletcher referred to can be none other 
than our author. To this scanty biography we have 
only to add, that our author's death took place in 
the parish of St. Catherine, Coleman, London, in 
February, 16^-. 

In addition to the treatise we are now reprinting, 
the following pieces are ascribed to the pen of Dr. 
Fletcher : — 

I. " De literis antiqupe Britanniae, Regibus praesertim qui 
doctrina claruerunt, quique Collegia Cantabrigia? fundarunt :" 
in Latin verse. Edited by liis eldest son Phineas Fletcher, 
Fellow of King's College; Cambridge, 12mo, 1633. 

II. '' A discourse concerning the Tartars, proving (in all 
probability) that tliey are the Israelites, or Ten Tribes, 
which, being captivated by Salmanaser, were transplanted 
into Media. By Giles Fletcher, Doctor of both Laws, and 
sometimes Ambassador from Elizabeth, Queen of England, 
to the Emperor of Eussia." Printed from the author's 

learn wisdom by this folly. My humble suit is that you will be 
pleased to be a mean for my discharge ; or if not that, for my en- 
largement upon my bonds. To relieve a poor distressed family will 
please God, and bynde us all, besides other duties, to pray to God 
to bless yow and yowr. So humbly take my leave. 14 of March, 
1600. Your H[onour's] most humble suppliant, G. Fletcher 
—Additional MS. 6177, p. 151. 
^ Cotton MS. Nero B. v, f. 333. 


manuscript, supplied by his son Phineas Fletcher, in the 
" Israel redux, or the Restoration of the Jews," by Samuel 
Lee; London, 1677, 1679. Printed also by Whiston, in his 
Memoirs of his own Life ; London, 1749, 1750, part i,, 
p. 576, as an unknown work, from a MS. in Sir Francis 
Nethersole's library. The title is copied from this latter 

Ill, Short pieces in Latin verse; viz. — 1. An eclogue on 
the death of Dr. Nicholas Carre ; published amongst a 
collection of poems on the occasion, in 1571. — 2. " Pesponsio 
ad versus Cleri Haddoni, quos de patris morte paulo ante 
suam conscripsit, ^gidii Fletcheri." Printed at the end of 
" Poematum Gualteri Haddoni, Legum Doctoris, sparsim 
collectorum, libri duo;" London, 12mo, 1576. 3. "Adonis 
ejusdem Fletcheri ;" printed with the foregoing. — 4. Verses 
on occasion of the publication of the Prelections of Dr. Peter 
Baro, in 1579. — 5. Verses on the motto and crest of Maxi- 
milian Brooke, eldest son of the Lord Cobb am, who died in 
1583, after having been educated at Cambridge, and pro- 
bably by Dr. Fletcher, who, it is said, did " greatly love this 
gentleman."^ Printed in Holinshed's Chronicles, p. 1512. 

Of the treatise of the Russe Common Wealth, we 
have the following editions : 

1 " Of the Pusse Common Wealth ; or. Manner of 
Government by the Pusse Emperour (commonly called the 
Emperour of MoskouiaJ , with the manners and fashions of 
the people of that Country. At London — printed by T. D. 
for Thomas Charde, 1591," in 8vo, with Dedication to 
Queen Elizabeth, signed, G. Fletcher. 

2. An abridgment, in Hakluyt's " Principal Navigations, 
Voyages, etc., by the English Nation ;" folio, London, 1599, 
vol. I, p. 474. In this edition all that could have been 

^ Antiquities and papers relating to Cambridgeshire, by W. Cole, 
in the British Museum ; Additional MS. 5808, f. 205 b. 


offensive to the Russian government has been omitted ; 
including the whole of chapter v, chapters vii to xiv, the last 
paragraph of chapter xviii, and the whole of chapters xxi 
to XX vi. 

3. A reprint of the first edition, with the suppression of 
some of the obnoxious passages (for instance, the last para- 
graph of chapter x, the end of chapter xiv, and the four last 
paragraphs of chapter xviii), and many verbal differences; in 
Purchas' Pilgrims, ed. 1625, vol. iii, p. 413. 

4. An epitome by Harris, in his " Compleat Collection of 
Voyages," etc. ; folio, 1705, vol. i, p. 542. 

5. " The History of Russia, or The Government of the 
Emperour of Muscovia, with the manners and fashions of 
the people of that countrey. By G. Fletcher, sometime 
fellow of King's College in Cambridge, and employed in the 
embassie thither. 1643." 12mo. The Dedication to Q. 
Elizabeth is omitted. 

6. " The History of Russia, or the Government of the Em- 
perour of Muscovia : with the manners and fashions of the 
people of that countrey. By G. Fletcher, sometime fellow 
of King's CoUedge in Cambridge. London ; printed by 
Roger Daniel for William Coope and Edward Farnham, 
near the Exchange, 1657."^ 12mo. 

Our present reprint is from the first edition, a copy 
of which was obligingly lent for the purpose by the 
Kight Hon. Sir David Dundas. 

Of Sir Jerome Horsey, whose memoirs in con- 
nexion with Russia we print as a sequel to Fletcher's 
treatise, we have little more to say than he has himself 

' A copy is in the Cambridge University Library. 


told US in his narrative. He was of an ancient family, 
of which the principal branch was seated at Clifton 
Maubank and Melcomb Horsey, in Dorsetshire. His 
father's name was William — brother, as we conjec- 
ture, to the George Horsey who settled in Digswell, in 
Hertfordshire,^ and to Sir Edward Horsey, who rose 
to some distinction in the service of the state, and 
held the office of Governor of the Isle of Wight. 
Jerome appears to have gone out to Hussia in the 
character of a clerk, or apprentice, to the Kussia Com- 
pany in the year 1573,^ and in 1580 he was first em- 
ployed as a messenger from the Czar to Queen Eliza- 
beth. He seems to have been indebted for his selection 
for this honourable service to his familiarity with the 
Russian language, as well as to a certain tact and 
readiness, of which his narrative gives proof, and 
which won the confidence of the Czar, Ivan Vasilo- 
witch, in an interview he had honoured him with. 
On arriving at the English court with the Czar's 
letters, he had the advantage of being introduced to 
the Queen by his kinsman. Sir Edward Horsey, and 
was countenanced by Lord Burghley, and Sir Francis 
Walsingham ; through whose assistance he obtained 
access three or four several times to the Queen, and 
was intrusted with her letters to the Czar, on his 
return to Hussia. We have seen that he was em- 
ployed in frequent missions to and fro between the 
two courts, and the opportunities this service gave 
him of ingratiating himself with Elizabeth appear to 

^ See Hutchins' "History of Dorsetshire," vol. iv, p. 251, 
note K. ■^ Purchas' "Pilgrimes," vol. v, p. 972. 



have been turned to good account. The influence 
he obtained in matters relating to Russia was mainly 
derived from the favour he enjoyed with the powerful 
minister and regent, Prince Boris Godunow, brother- 
in-law to the Czar Fedor Ivanovitch. At the English 
court, besides Sir Edward Horsey, he had a power- 
ful patron in Sir Francis Walsingham, to whom 
his narrative is dedicated, and who, as we have 
already shewn, became implicated in his career by 
joining in his mercantile ventures in Russia. Hor- 
sey 's final return from Russia was in 1591 ; and 
he seems to have settled down in his own country in 
a condition of some affluence — the reward of many 
years of hardship, activity and danger, passed in a 
remote and barbarous country. The Russia Company, 
his early employers, took offence at many of his 
proceedings, and, as we have seen, brought against 
him charges affecting his probity as well as discretion. 
In this, however, they appear to have been in- 
fluenced by the disfavour Horsey had fallen into of 
late with some of the Russian ministers ; and, although 
they had clamoured loudly of his defalcations, on a 
general settlement at the termination of his connexion 
with them, the balance, according to Horsey's state- 
ment, was in his favour, and he received presents in 
token of their satisfaction. 

Horsey tells us, at the end of his memoirs, that he 
had lived for thirty years a resident in Buckingham- 
shire, since his return from Russia, and had held the 
office of sheriff for the county. He also speaks of 
having served in parliament during this period ; and 


as in the list of members for Aylesbury there is a 
blank for the parliament of 1614, it may be conjec- 
tured that Horsey then sat for the borough. In the 
list of high sheriffs for the county his name occurs, 
as of Great Kimble (a manor of the Hampdens), in 
the year 1610. 

In the letter which he wrote to Lord Burghley 
from Hussia, in April 1591, shortly before his with- 
drawal from the country, he mentions having been 
for some time " betrothed to an honest gentleman's 
daughter of Backinghamshire." This object of his 
affection must have been Elizabeth, eldest daughter 
of Griffith Hampden, of Buckinghamshire, grand- 
father of the patriot, John Hampden ; for in the 
Hampden pedigree a Sir Jerome Horsey figures as 
the husband of that lady.^ She died, however, in the 
year 1607^, and he appears to have married a second 
time ; for among the charters of the Cotton Collection 
is an indenture of settlement on the marriage of Sir 
Jerome Horsey with Isabella, one of the daughters of 
Edward Brocket, late of Wheathampstead, of the 
county of Hertfordshire, dated the 28th of October, 
1609. By this deed, signed and sealed by the lady 
and her trustees, Horsey settles on her lands in 
Monk's Risborough, in Buckinghamshire.'^ Of the 
precise date of Horsey's death we are uncertain, but 
he appears to have been living in 1626, when the 
abstract of his travels was published by Purchas. 

A memorial of his connexion with Russia is pre- 
served in the library of the late Hon. Thomas 

^ Lipscombe, History of Buckinghamshire, vol. ii, p. 234. 
* Harleian MS. 5832, f. 64. ^ Cotton Charter cxii. A. 21. 


Grenville, now in the British Museum, in the 
form of a very rare edition of the Bible in Slavonic, 
printed at Ostrov, in the year 1581. On the fly- 
leaf is the following memorandum in Horsey's own 
hand : " This Bibell in the Sclavonian tonge had owt 
of the emperours librari. Jer. Horsey, 1581." 

Horsey's narrative is now for the first time printed 
entire, and from his own manuscript, preserved in the 
Harleian collection,^ in the British Museum. The 
only form in which it has been hitherto made public 
is in the epitome printed by Purchas in his " Pil- 
grimes", under the title of — " Extracts out of Sir 
Jerome Horsey's Observations in seventeene yeeres 
Travels and experience in Russia and other countries 
adjoyning. Having before scene France and the 
Lowe Countries by Sir Edward Horsey's meanes, 
and in the company and charge of Master Wil- 
liam Merike, agent for the Company."^ Of its 
merits little can be said in respect of style and com- 
position, still less of orthography : but of the value of 
its matter we have the best evidence in the frequency 
and confidence with which it is quoted by the his- 

^ Harleian MS. 1813, f. 1. It had previously been in the library 
of Henry Worsely, of Lijicoln's Inn, in the list of whose manu- 
scripts it is included in the Catalogue of MSS. of England and 
Ireland, vol. ii. No. 6919. 

^ Purchas' Pilgrimes, folio, 1625, 1626, vol. v, p. 969. According 
to Adelung ('' Kritisch-Literarische iibersicht der Reisenden in 
Russland") an edition was printed at London, in 4to., in 1626. 
But this, we conceive, must be an error, probably arising from 
Purchas' publication of that date. He also states that a German 
translation of the same was published in Ziegler's "Taglicher 
Schauplatz der Zeit"; Leipzig, 1728, folio. 


torian of Russia, Karamsin, who never expresses dis- 
trust of it as authority. The use which has been made 
of it by an author of so high a character, is alone 
sufficient reason for rendering it accessible in the form 
it was composed in by its author. The first part of it 
is occupied with notices of some of the earlier events 
in Ivan's reign, taken as he tells us from manuscript 
memoirs shewn to him by Prince Misstislavsky, a 
nobleman conspicuous in the history of those times, 
and who " out of his love and favour, imparted unto 
me many secreats observed in the memorie and procis 
of his tyrae :" but we have not been able to identify 
the quotations from these memoirs with any of the 
printed works (not in Russian) we have been able to 
consult, nor does the name of Prince Misstislavsky 
appear among the writers of Russian annals. 

It will be observed that Horsey dedicates his nar- 
rative to his patron. Sir Francis Walsingham : but 
this statesman died in April 1590; so that Horsey 
must have commenced the composition of his work 
prior to his setting out on his last mission to Russia, 
in that year. At the beginning of his narrative he 
announces his intention to write three other treatises, 
to embody his observations on the government, con- 
dition, commerce, etc., of Poland, Lithuania, Livo- 
nia, Transylvania, Sweden, Germany, Holland, Den- 
mark, and the Netherlands; and at page 256, he 
speaks of having already " discoursed " of them. 
In the separate accounts of his missions of 1585 
and 1589 [1590], written therefore after this first 
portion of his narrative, he again mentions his wish 
to record his observations of the various countries he 


has either visited or become familiar with through 
other travellers, and says he would willingly commit 
his materials " to the good disposynge of this learned 
and worthy knyghte, Sir Robarte Cottone, that hath 
takene most comendable paynes in publeshinge this, 
a volume of so rare a mattere as the lyke hathe nevere 
heartofoare byne compyled together by any one histo- 
riographere whatsoevere ;" for that he himself wants 
" bothe skylle and learnynge, methode and manor, to 
compose the same into any gracefull foarme. Not- 
withstandynge (he adds) yf God permyte, T doe pro- 
mis eare longe to shewe my indevore to doe it in the 
best soarte I cane."^ This intention he seems to 
have partly fulfilled, for Purchas, in the preface to 
his Extracts from Horsey 's Travels, apologizes for 
not having transcribed at large " the author's Danish, 
Polish and Germane Relations." We have not, 
however, succeeded in discovering these remains in 
any of our public libraries. 

We fear that some inconvenience will be experi- 
enced by the reader of Horsey's Travels from the 
rough structure of the language and the strangeness of 
his orthography. The former difficulty is incurable ; 
and in respect to the latter, it has not been thought 
expedient to depart from an established rule of the 

December 16tli, 1856. 

1 Appendix II, p. 311. 



Common Wealth. 


uernement by the Ruffe 

Emperour, ( coimnonly called the 

Emperour of Moskouia) with 

the manners and fashions 

of the people of that 


The Contents are noted in the Ta- 
ble, set downe before the be- 
ginning of the Booke. 


Printed by T. D. for 

Thomas Charde. 
159 I. 



Most gracious soreraigne, heeyng employed in your majes- 
ties service to the cmjoerour of Russia, I observed the state 
and manners of that countrey. And having reduced the same 
into some order, hy the xoay as I returned, I have presumed 
to offer it in this smal hooke to your most excellent majestic. 
My meaning ivas to note thing es for mi?ie oivne experience, of 
more importaunce then delight, and rather true then strange. 
In their maner of government, your Highnesse may see both 
a true and strange face of a tyrannical state {most unlihe to 
your own), without true hnoioledge of God, without ivritten 
laive, without common justice, save that which proceedetli 
from their spealdng lawe — to wit, the magistrate, — toho hath 
most neede of a lawe to restraine his oione injustice. The 
practise hereof, as it is heavy and grievous to the poor e op- 
pressed peoyle that live within those countreyes, so it 9nay 
give just cause to my selfe, and other your majesties faithfuU 
subjects, to achnowledge our hai^pines on this behalfe, and 
to give God thankes for your majesties most prince-like and 


gracious government ; as also to your Highnesse more Joy and 
conte7itment in your royall estate, in that you are a prince of 
subjectes, not of slaves, that are kept within duetie by love, 
not by fear e. The Almightie stil blesse your Highnes with a 
most long and happy reigne in this life, and with Christ 
Jesus in the life to come. 

Your majesties most Jmmble 

subject and servant, 

G. Fletcher. 


sum of 
this dis- 


phie of the 


The or- 
of their 



2 judicial 

,. ^ ceedino;. 




or privat 

1. The breadth and length of the countrie, 
with the names of the shires. 

2. The soyle and clymate. 

3. The native commodities of the countrie. 

4. The chief cities of Russia. 

f 5. The house or stockeof the Russe emperour. 

6. The maner of inauguration of the Russe 

7. The forme or manner of their publique 

Their parliamentes, and manner of hold- 
ing them. 

The Russe nobilitie, and meanes whereby 
it is kept in an under proportion agree- 
\ able to that state. 

10. The manner of governing their pro- 
vinces or shires. 

11. The emperours privie counsell. 

12. The emperours customes and other reve- 
nues, and what they amount unto, with 
the sophismes practised for the encrease 
of them. 

13. The Russe commuualtie and their con- 
"^ dition. 

14. Their publique justice, and manner of 
proceeding therein. 

'^15. The emperours forces for his warres, with 
the officers and their salaries. 

16. Their manner of mustering, armour, pro- 
vision for vittaile, encamping, etc. 

17. Their order in marching, charging, and 
their martiall discipline. 

18. Their colonies, and policie in mainteyn- 
ing their purchases by conquest. 

19. ) Their borderers, with whom they have 

20. ) most to doo in warre and peace. 

21. Their church offices and degrees. 

22. Their leiturgie, or forme of Church ser- 
vice, with their manner of administring 
the sacraments. 

"{ 23. The doctrine of the Russe Church. 

24. Their manner of solemnizing marriages. 

25. The other ceremonies of the Russe 
l^ Church. 

r26. The emperours domestique or private 

J 27. The emperours houshold, and offices of 
I his house. 

I 28. The private behaviour and manners of 
^ the Russe people. 



The description of the coitntrie of Russia, vjith the breadth, length, 
and names of the shires. 

The countrie of Russia was sometimes called Sarmatia. It 
chaunged the name (as some do suppose) for that it was 
parted into diverse small and yet absolute governments, not 
depending nor being subject the one to the other. For 
Russe in that tongue doth signifie asmuch as to parte or 
divide. The Russe reporteth that foure brethren, Trubor, 
Rurico, Sinees, and Varivus,^ divided among them the north 
parts of the countrie. Likewise that the southpartes were 
possessed by foure other, Kio, Scieko, Choranus, and their 
sister Libeda; each calling his territoiie after his owne name. 
Of this partition it was called Russia, about the yeare from 
Christ 860. As for the conjecture which I find in some 
cosmographers, that the Russe nation borrowed the name of 
the people called Roxellani, and were the very same nation 
with them, — it is without all good probabilitie, both in re- 
spect of the etymologic of the word (which is very far fet), 
and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people, which 
was betwixt the two rivers of Tanais [Don], and Boristhenes 

^ [The partition of the government of Russia among the three brothers, 
Ruric, Truvor, and Sinaus, princes of the Varegers, is referred to the 
ninth century. — E]>.] 




Strabo in 
his 7 booke 
of Geogr. 

r.en. 10. 
Joseph. 1. 1 
Clip. 14. 

The bor- 
ders i)f 

The shires 
of liussia. 

[Dnieper], as Strabo reportetli, quite another way from tlie 
countrey of Ilussia. 

When it bare the name of Sarmatia, it was divided into 
two chiefe parts, the White and the Blacke. The White 
Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towardes the north, and 
on the side of Liefland ; as the provinces now called Duyna, 
Vagha, Ustick, Vologda, Cargapolia, Novogradia, etc.; where- 
of Novograd urlica [veliki] was the metropolite or chiefe 
cittie. Blacke Sarmatia was all that countrey that lieth south- 
ward, towards the Euxin or Black Sea ; as the dukedome of 
Volodemer,of Mosko,Rezan [Riazan],etc. Some have thought 
that the name of Sarmatia was first taken from one Sarmates, 
whom Moses and Josephus call Asarmathes, sonne to Joktan, 
and nephew to Heber, of the posteritie of Sem. But this 
seemeth to be nothing but a conjecture taken out of the 
likenes of the name Asarmathes. For the dwelling of all 
Joktans posteritie is described by Moses to have beene be- 
twixt Mescha or Masius (an hill of the Amonites) and 
Sephace, neare to the river Euphrates. Which maketh it 
very unlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so 
far off in the north and northwest countries. It is bounded 
northward by the Lappes and the North Ocean. On the 
southside by the Tartars, called Chrimes. Eastward they have 
the Nagaian [Nogaian] Tartar, that possesseth all the countrie 
on the east side of Volgha, towards the Caspian Sea. On the 
west and southwest border lie Lituania, Livonia, and Polonia. 

The whole country being now reduced under the govern- 
ment of one, conteyneth these chief provinces or shires : 
Volodemer (which beareth the first place in the emperours 
stile, because their houses came of the dukes of that coun- 
trey), Mosko, Nisnovogrod, Plesko, Smolensko, Novogrod 
velica (or Novogrod of the low countrey^), Rostove, Yarus- 

^ [The author is in error in his explanation of the name " Novogrod- 
velika," which means Novgorod the Great." " Nisnovogrod," or Nijnei- 
Novgorod, signifies the Lower Novgorod. — Ed.] 


laye, Bealozera [Belo-ozero], Bezaii [Riazan ?], Duyua, Car- 
gapolia, Mescliora [Mestchousk], Vaglia, Vstuga, Ghaletsa 
[Galitche]. These are the naturall shires perteyning to 
Russia ; but far greater and larger then the shires of Eng- 
land, though not so well peopled. The other countries or 
provinces which the Russe emperours have gotten perforce 
added of late to their other dominion, are these which follow : 
Twerra, You^horia, Permia, Vadska rViatka ?1, Boulghoria, Thepro- 
Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condoria^ with a great part of go"","^'^^. 
Siberia ; where the people, though they be not natural '^"''''' 
Russes, yet obey the emperour of Russia, and are ruled by 
the lawes of his countrie, paying customes and taxes as his 
owne people doe. Besides these, hee hath under him the 
kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan, gotten by conquest not 
long since. ^ As for all his possession in Lituania (to the 
number of thirty great townes and more), with Narve and 
Dorp in Livonia, they are quite gone, beyng surprised of 
late yeares by the kinges of Poland and Sweden. These 
shires and provinces are reduced all into foure jurisdictions, 
which they call clieifijrds (that is), tetrarchies, or fourth- 
parts. Wherof we are to speake in the title or chapter con- 
cerning the provinces, and their manner of government. 

The whole countrie is of Q-reat lenoth and breadth. From xhebredtu 
the north to the south (if you measure from Cola to Astracan, of the couu 
which bendeth somewhat eastwarde), it reacheth in length 
about 4,260 verst, or miles. Notwithstanding the emperour 
of Russia hath more territorie northward, far beyond Cola 
unto the river of Tronischua,that runneth a 1,000 verst, welnie 
beyond Pechinga, neare to Wardbouse [Vardochuus], but not 
intire nor clearly limited, by reason of the kings of Sweden 
and Denmark, that have divers townes there aswell as the 
Russe, plotted togither the one with the other : every one of 
them claiming the whole of those north parts as his owne 
right. The breadth (if you go from that part of his territorie 

^ [The furiuer in the year 1-j52 ; the latter iu 1554. — Ed.] 



that lieth farthest westwarde on the Narve side, to the parts 
of Siberia eastward, where the emperour hath his garrisons) 
is 4,400 verst or thereabouts. A verst (by their reckoning) 
is a 1000 pases, yet lesse by one quarter then an English 
mile. If the whole dominion of the Kusse emperour were 
all habitable, and peopled in all places as it is in some, hee 
would either hardly hold it all within one' regiment, or be 
over mightie for all his neighbour princes. 


Of tlte Soyle and Climate. 

The soyle of the countrie for the most part is of a sleight 
sandie moulde, yet very much different one place from an 
other, for the yeeld of such thinges as grow out of the earth. 
The countrie northwards towards the partes of S. Nicolas 
and Cola, and northeast towards Siberia, is all very barren 
and full of desart woods, by reason of the clymat and extre- 
mitie of the colde in winter time. So likewise along the 
river Volgha, betwixt the countries of Cazan and Astracan, 
where (notwithstanding the soyle is very fruitefull) it is all 
unhabited, saving that upon the river Volgha on the west 
side, the emperour hath some fewe castels with garrisons in 
them. This hapneth by means of the Chrim Tartar, that will 
neythcr himselfe plant townes to dwell there (living a wilde 
and vagrant life), nor suffer the Kusse (that is farre off with 
the strength of his countrie) to people those partes. From 
Vologda (which lieth almost 1,700 verst from the porte of 
S. Nicholas) downe towards Mosko, and so towardes the 
south parte that bordcrcth upon the Chrim (which con- 


taineth. the like space of 1,700 verst or there abouts), is a 
very fruitfull and pleasant covintrie, yeelding pasture and 
corne,with woods and waters in very great plentie. The like is 
betwixt E.ezan (that lieth southeast from Mosko) to Novograd 
and Vobsko [Pskow?], that reach farthest towards the north- 
west. So betwixt INIosko and Smolensko (that lieth south- 
west towards Lituania) is a very fruitful and pleasant soile. 

The whole countrie differeth very much from it selfe, by 
reason of the yeare ; so that a man would mervaile to see 
the great alteration and difference betAvixte the winter and 
the sommer in Russia. The whole countrie in the winter 
lyeth under snow, which falleth continually, and is some- 
time of a yarde or two thicke, but greater towardes the 
north. The rivers and other waters are all frosen up a yarde 
or more thicke, how swifte or broade so ever they bee ; and 
this continueth commonly five moneths, viz., from the be- 
ginning of November till towardes the ende of March, what 
time the snow beginneth to melte. So that it would breede 
a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time, and see the 
winter face of that countrie. The sharpenesse of the ayre The cold 

•"■ •'of Russia 

you may judge of by this : for that water dropped downe or 
cast up into the ayre, congealeth into ise before it come to the 
ground. In the extremitie of winter, if you holde a pewter 
dishe or pot in your hand, or any other mettall (except in 
some chamber where their warme stoaves bee), your fingers 
will friese faste unto it, and drawe of the skinne at the part- 
ing. When you passe out of a warme roomc into a colde, 
you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke, and even 
stifeling with the colde, as you draw it in and out. Divers, 
not onely that travell abroad but in the very markets and 
streats of their townes, are mortally pinched and killed 
withall ; so that you shall see many drop doAvne in the 
streates, many travellers brought into the townes sitting dead 
and stiffe in their sleddes. Divers lose their noses, the tippes 
of their eares, and the bals of their cheekes, their toes, fecte. 


etc. Many times (when the winter is very harde and ex- 
treame) the beares and woolfes issue by troupes out of the 
woodes, driven by hunger, and enter the villages, tearing 
and ravening all they can finde ; so that the inhabitants are 
faine to flie for safegard of their lives. And yet in the som- 
mer time you shall see such a new hew and face of a coun- 
trie, the woods (for the most part which are all of fir and 
birch) so fresh and so sweet, the pastures and medowes so 
greene and well growen (and that upon the sudden), such 
varietie of flowres, such noyse of birdes (specially of night- 
ingales, that seeme to be more lowde and of a more variable 
note then in other countries), that a man shall not lightly 
travell in a more pleasant countrie. 

And this fresh and speedy grouth of the spring there, 
seemeth to proceedc from the benefite of the snow ; which 
all the winter time being spred over the whole countrie as a 
white robe, and keeping it warme from the rigour of the 
frost, in the spring time (when the sunne waxeth warme, and 
dissolveth it into water) doth so thoroughly drench and soalce 
the ground, that is somewhat of a sleight and sandy mould, 
and then shineth so hotely upon it again, that it draweth 
the hearbes and plants forth in great plenty and varietie in a 
very short time. As the winter exceedeth in.colde, so the 
sommer inclineth to over much heat, specially in the moneths 
of June, July, and August, being much warmer then the 
sommer ayre in England. 

The countrie throughout is very well watred with springs, 
rivers, and ozeracs or lakes. Wherein the providence of God 
is to bee noted, for that much of the countrie beyng so farre 
inland, as that some parte lieth a 1000 miles and more every 
way from any sea, yet it is served with faire rivers, and that 
in very great number, that emptying themselves one into an 
other, runne all into the sea. Their lakes are many and 
large, some of 60, 80, 100, and 200 miles long, with breadth 


The chief rivers are these: 1. Volarha, that hath his head 'J^;ii<' chief 

o ^ rivers of 

or spring at the roote of an aldertree, about 200 verst above ^"^''''■^• 
Yaruslave, and groweth so big by the encrease of other 
rivers by that time it commeth thither, that it is broad an 
English mile and more, and so runneth into the Caspian Sea, 
about 2,800 verst or miles of length. 

The next is Boristhenes (now called Neper), that di- 
videth the countrie from Lituania, and falleth into the 
Euxin Sea. 

The third, Tanais or Don (the auncient bounder betwixt 
Europe and Asia), that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera, 
and so running through the countrie of the Chrim Tartar, 
falleth into the great sea lake or meare (called Maeotis), by 
the citie of Azov. By this river (as the Busse reporteth) 
you may passe from their citie Mosko to Constantinople, and 
so into all those partes of the world by water, drawing your 
boate (as their manner is) over a little isthmus or narrow 
slippe of lande, a fewe versts overthwart. Which was proved 
not long since by an ambassadour sent to Constantinople, 
who passed the river of Moskua, and so into an other called 
Ocka, whence he drew his boate over into Tanais, and thence 
passed the whole way by water. 

The fourth is called Duyna, many hundred miles long, 
that falleth northward into the Baye of Saint Nicholas, and 
hath great alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the sea 

The fifth, Duna [Dvina], that emptieth into the Baltic Sea 
by the towne Biga. 

The sixt, Onega, that falleth into the Bay at Solovetsko, 
90 verst from the port of Saint Nicholas. This river, be- 
low the towne Cargapolia, meeteth with the river Volock, 
that falleth into the Finland Sea by the towne Yama. So 
that from the port of S. Nicholas into the Finland Sea, and 
so into the Sound, you may passe all by water, as hath bene 
tried by the Busses. 


The seventh, Suchana [Sukhona], that floweth into Dayn- 
and so into the North Sea. > 

The eight, Ocka, that fetcheth his head from the border? 
of the Chrim, and streameth into Volgha. 

The ninth, Mosku'a, that runneth thorough the citit 
Mosko, and giveth it the name. 

There is Wichida, also, a very large and long river, that 
riseth out of Permia and falleth into Volgha.^ All these are 
rivers of very large streames, the least to be compared to the 
Thames in bignesse, and in length farre more ; besides divers 
other. The Pole at Mosko is 55 degrees 10 minutes. At 
the porte of S. Nicholas towards the north, 60 degrees and 
50 minutes. 

The fruites 
and gniine 
of Russia. 


The native comraodities of the countrie. 

For kindes of fruites they have appels, peares, plummes, 
cheries, redde and blacke (but the blacke wild), a deene 
like a muske millian, but more sweete and pleasant, cucum- 
bers and goords (which they call arbouse), rasps, strawberies, 
and hurtilberies, with many other bearies in great quantitie 
in every Avood and hedge. Their kindes of graine are wheat, 
rie, barley, oates, pease, buckway, psnytha, that in taste is 
somewhat like to rice. Of iiU these graynes the countrie 
yeeldeth very sufficient with an overplus quantitie, so that 
wheate is solde sometime for two alteens or ten pence star- 
ling the chctjlrd, which maketh almost three English bushels. 
Their rye is sowed before the winter, all their other graine 

^ [The Wytchegdaflows through the eastern side of the government 
of Vologda and falls into the Dvina. The river rising in Permia and 
falling into the Wolga is the K;una. — Ed.] 


1 the spring time, and for the most parte in May. The Per- 
mians and some other that dwell far north and in desert 
laces, are served from the partes that lye more southward, 
.nd are forced to make bread sometimes of a kinde of roote 
(called vaghnoy), and of the middle rine of the firre tree. If 
there be any dearth (as they accounted this last yeare, an. 
1588, wheat and rye beyng at 13 alteens, or 5 shillings 5 
pence starling the chetjircl), the fault is rather in the prac- 
tise of their nobilitie that use to engrosse it, then in the coun- 
trie it selfe. 

The native commodities of the countrie (wherewith they The ciiiefe 


serve both their owne turnes, and sende much abroad to ^''^^ "'."^'^ 


the great enriching of the cmperour and his people) are 
many and substantial!. First, furres of all sortes. Wherein i- Funes. 
the providence of God is to be noted, that provideth a natu- 
ral! remedie for them, to helpe the natural! inconvenience of 
their countrie by the colde of the clymat. Their chiefe 
furres are these : blacke fox, sables, lusernes, dunne fox, 
martrones, gurnestalles or armins, lasets or miniver, bever, 
wulverins, the skin of a great water ratte that smelleth 
naturally like muske, calaber or gray squirfell, red squirrell, 
red and white foxe. Besides the great quantitie spent within 
the countrie (the people beyng clad all in furres the whole 
winter), there are transported out of the countrie some yeares 
by the marchants of Turkic, Persia, Bougharia, Georgia, 
Armenia, and some other of Christendome, to the value of 
foure or five hundred thousand rubbels, as I have heard of 
the marchants. The best sable furre groweth in the countrie 
of Pechora, Momgosorskoy [Mangasea?], and Obdorskoy; the 
worser sort in Siberia, Perm, and other places. The blacke 
fox and redde come out of Siberia, white and dunn from 
Pechora, whence also come the white wolfe and white beare 
skin. The best wulverin also thence and from Perm. The best 
martrons are from Syberia, Cadam [Kadom, on the Moshka], 
Morum [Murom, on the Oka], Perm, and Cazan. Lyserns, 


iriinever, and arminSj the best ar out of Gallets [Galitcli] and 
Ouglites, many from Novogrod and Perm. The beaver of 
the best sort breedeth m Murmonskey, by Cola. Other 
common furres, and most of these kindes grow in many, and 
some in all partes of the countrie. 

The second commoditie is of wax, wherof hath bene 
shipped in forraine countries (as I have heard it reported 
by those that best know it) the summe of 50,000 pood year- 
lie, every pood conteyning 40 pound, but now about 10,000 
pood a yeare. 

The third is their hony, whereof, besides an exceeding 
great quantitie spent in their ordinary drinks (which is mead 
of al sorts) and their other uses, some good quantitie is car- 
ried out of the countrie. The chiefe encrease of honie is in 
Mordua and Cadam, neare to the Cheremissen Tartar : much 
out of Severskoy, Rezan, Morum, Cazan, Dorogobose, and 

Fourthly, of tallow they afoord a great waight for trans- 
portation : not only for that their countrie hath very much 
good ground apt for pasturage of cattaile, but also by reason 
of their many LeTits and other fastes : and partly because 
their greater menne use much waxe for their lightes, the 
poorer and meaner sorte birch dried in their stoaves, and cut 
into long shivers, which they call hichineos. Of tallow there 
hath bene shipped out of the realnie a few yeares since about 
a 100,000 pood yearly, now not past 30,000 or thereabouts. 
The best yeeld of tallow is in the parts and territories of 
Smolensko, Yaruslave, Ouglits, Novogrod, and Vologda, Ot- 
fer, and Gorodetskey. 

An other principall commoditie is their losh and cowe hide. 
Their losh or buife hide is very faire and large. Their 
bull and cowe hide (for oxen they make none, neyther yet 
weather) is of a small sise. There hath bene transported by 
marchants strangers some yeares, a 100,000 hydes : now it 
is decreased to a 30,000 or thereabouts. Besides great store 


of goates skinnes, whereof great numbers are shipped out of 
the countrie. The Largest kind of losh or buffe breedeth 
about Rostove, Wichida, Novogrod, Morum, and Perm : the 
lesser sorte within the kingdome of Cazan. 

An other very great and principall commoditie is their c- Tiano 
trane oyle, drawen out of the seal fish. "Where it will not 
bee impertinent to shewe the manner of their hunting the i^er of hunt- 
seal, which they make this oyle of : which is in this sort, seliVsh, 
Towardes the ende of sommer (before the frost begin) they 
go downe with their boates into the Bay of St. Nicholas/ to 
a cape called Cusconesse or Foxnose,^ where they leave their 
boates till the next spring tide. When the sunne waxeth 
warme towarde the spring, and yet the yse not melted within 
the bay, they returne thither againe. Then drawing their 
boates over the sea yse, they use them for houses to rest and 
lodge in. There are commonly about 17 or 18 fleete of them 
of great large boates, which divide themselves into divers 
companies, five or six boates in a consort. 

They that first finde the haunt fire a beacon, which they 
carry with them for the nonce. Which being espied by the 
other companies, by such among them as are appoynted of 
purpose, they come altogither and compasse the scales round 
about in a ring, that lye sunning themselves togither upon 
the yse, commonly foure or five thousand in a shoale, and so 
they invade them every man with his clubbe in his hand. If 
they hit them on the nose, they are soone killed. If on the 
sides or backe they beare out the blow, and many times so 
catche and holde downe the club with their teeth by main 
force, that the party is forced to cal for help to his fellowes. 

The manner of the seals is, when they see themselves beset, 
to gather all close together in a throng or plumpe, to sway 

^ [At the mouth of the Dwiua.] 

^ [By Cusconesse we must understand Kuiskoi Noss, usually written 

Coscaynos by the old travellers. It is a promontory distinct from Fox 

Nose, and about twelve leagues to the south of it.] 


downe the yce, and to break it (if they can), which so bend- 
eth the yce that many times it taketh the sea water upon it, 
and maketh the hunters to wade a foot or more deepe. After 
the slaughter, when they have killed what they can, they fall 
to sharing every boate his parte in equall portions ; and 
so they flay them, taking from the body the skin, and the 
lard or fat withall that cleaveth to the skin. This they take 
with them, leaving the bodies behind, and so goe to shore, 
where they digge pits in the ground of a fadome and an halfe 
deepe or there about, and so taking the fat or larde off from 
the skinne, they throw it into the pit, and cast in among it 
hoat burning stones to melt it withall. The uppermost and 
purest is soldo and used to oyle wooU for cloth, the grosser 
(that is of a red colour) they sell to make sope. 

Likewise of ickary or cavery, a great quantitie is made 
upon the river of Volgha, out of the fish called bellougina, 
the sturgeon, the severiga, and the sterledey. Wherof the 
most part is shipped by French and Netherlandish mar- 
chants for Italy and Spaine, some by English marchants. 

The next is of flaxe and hempe, whereof there hath bin 
shipped (as I have heard marchants say), at the port of 
Narve, a great part of a 100 ships, smal and great, yerely. 
Now, not past five. The reason of this abating and decrease 
of this and other commodities, that were wont to be trans- 
ported in a greater quantitie, is the shutting up of the port 
of the Narve towards the Finland Sea, which now is in the 
hands and possession of the Sweaden. Likewise the stopping 
of the passage overland by the way of Smolensko and Plotsko 
[Polotsk], by reason of their warres with the Polonian, which 
causeth the people to be lesse provident in mainteining and 
gathering these and like commodities, for that they lack 
sales. Partly also for that the marchants and mousicks (for 
so they cal the common sort of people) are very much dis- 
couraged by many heavy and intollerable exactions, that of 
late time have been imposed upon them : no man accounting 


that which he hath to be sure his own. And therefore re- 
gard not to lay up anything, or to have it before hand, for 
that it causeth them many times to be fleesed and spoiled, 
not only of their goods, but also of their lives. For the 
grouth of flaxe, the province of Vobsko and the countrey 
about is the chiefe and only place. For hemp, Smolensko, 
Dorogobose, and Vasma. 

The countrey besides maketh great store of salt. Their best ^- ^'^''• 
salt is made at Stararouse [Staraia Russa] in very great quan- 
tity, where they have great store of salt wels, about 250 verst 
from the sea. At Astracan salt is made naturally by the sea 
water, that casteth it up into great hils, and so it is digged down, 
and caried away by the marchants and other that wil fetch it 
from thence. They pay to the emperor for acknowledge- 
ment or custome 3d. Russe upon every hundred weight. 
Besides these two, they make salt in many other places of the 
realme, as in Perm, Wichida, Totma, Kenitsma, Solovetske, 
Ocona, Bombasey, and Nonocks [Nenocksa], al out of salt 
pits, save at Solovetskey, which lieth neere to the sea. 

Likewise of tarre they make a great quantity out of their lo. xane, 
firre trees in the countrey of Duyna and Smolensko, whereof 
much is sent abroad. Besides these (which are all good and 
substantial! commodities) they have divers other of smaller 
account, that are natural and j)i*oper to that countrey : as 
the fishe tooth (which they cal ribazuba), which is used both "^;,^,fj|_'''^' 
among themselves and the Persians and Bougharians, that 
fetcht it from thence for beads, knives, and sword hafts of 
noblemen and gentlemen, and for divers other uses. Some 
use the powder of it against poyson, as the unicornes home. 
The fish that weareth it is called a morse, and is caught about 
Pechora. These fishe teeth, some of them are almost two 
foote of length, and weigh eleven or twelve pound apiece. 

In the province of Corelia, and about the river Duyna to- 
wardes the North Sea, there groweth a soft rocke which they 
call slude. This they cut into pieces, and so teare it into i~- suuic 

14. Iron. 


thin flakes, wliich naturally it is apt for, and so use it for 
glasse-lanthoi-ns and such like. It giveth both inwards and 
outwards a clearer light then glasse, and for this respect is 
better then either glasse or home : for that it neither break- 
eth like glass, nor yet will burne like the lanthorne. Salt- 
is. Saitpee- peter they make in many places, as at Ouglites, Yaruslave, 
and Ustug, and some small store of brimstone upon the river 
Volgha, but want skill to refine it. Their iron is somewhat 
brittle, but a great weight of it is made in Corelia, Carga- 
polia, and Ustug Thelesna. Other myne they have none 
growing within the realme. 
bMstt'fishf Their beasts of strange kinds are the losh, the ollen, the 
that'^breed wildc horsc, the bcarc, the wolvering or wood dogge, the 
lyserne, the beaver, the sable, the martron, the blacke and 
dunne foxe, the white beare towardes the sea coast of Pe- 
chora, the gurnstale, the laset or minever. They have a 
kinde of squirrell, that hath growing on the pinion of the 
shoulder bone a long tuft of haire, much like unto feathers, 
with a farre broader tayle then haue any other squirrels, 
which they move and shake as they leape from tree to tree, 
much like unto a wing. They skise^ a large space, and 
seeme for to flie withall, and therefore they call them letach 
vechshe, that is, the flying squirrels. Their hares and squir- 
rels in sommer are of the same colour with ours ; in winter 
the hare changeth her coate into milke white, the squirrell 
into gray, whereof commeth the calaber. 

They have fallow deere, the roe bucke, and goates very 
great store. Their horses are but small, but very swift and 
harde ; they travell them unshod both winter and summer, 
without all regard of pace. Their sheepe are but small, and 
beare coorse and harsh wooll. Of foule, they have divers 
of the principall kindes : first, great store of hawkes, the 
eagle, the gerfaulcon, the slightfaulcon, the goshawke, the 

1 [This word is entered by Ilalliwell in his " Dictionary of Archaic 
and Provincial Words," as in use in the Isle of Wight.] 


tassel, tlie sparhawk, etc. But the principall hawke that 
breedeth in the countrey is counted the gerfaulcon. 

Of other foules, their principall kinds are the swanne, 
tame and wilde (whereof they have great store), the storke, 
the crane, the tedder, of the colour of a feasant, but flirrc 
bigger, and liveth in the firre woods. Of feasant and par- 
tridge they have very great plentie. An owle there is of a 
very great bignesse, more uglie to behokle then the owles of 
this countrey, with a broade face, and eares much like unto 
a man. 

For fresh water fish, besides the common sorts (as carpe, 
pikes, pearch, tench, roach, etc.), they have divers kinds 
very good and delicate : as the bellouga or bellougina, of four 
or five elnes long, the osittina or sturgeon, the severiga, and 
sterledy, somewhat in fashion and taste like to the sturgeon, 
but not so thicke nor long. These four kinds of fish breed 
in the Volgha and are catched in great plenty, and served 
thence into the whole realme for a great food. Of the roes 
of these foure kinds they make very great store of icary or 
caveary, as was said before. 

They have, besides these that breed in the Volgha, a fish 
called the riba bela or white salmon, which they account more 
delicate then they do the redde salmon, wherof also they 
have exceeding great plentie in the rivers northward, as in 
Duyna, the river of Cola, etc. In the ozera or lake neere a 
towne called Perislave, not far from the Mosko, they have a 
smal fish which they call the fresh herring, of the fashion 
and somewhat of the taste of a sea-hearing. Their chiefe 
townes for fish are, Yaruslave, Bealozera, Novogrod, Astra- 
can, and Cazan : which all yeeld a large custome to the eni- 
perour every yeere for their trades of fishing, which they 
practise in sommer, but send it frozen in the winter time 
into all partes of the realme. 



The chiefe Cities of Russia, 

The cliiefe cities of Russia are, Mosko, Novograd, Rostove, 
Voloclomei', Plesko [PskovJ, Smolensko, Jaruslave, Perislavo, 
Nisnovograd, Vologda, Ustiuck, Golmigroe [Kholmogory], 
Cazan, Astracan, Cargapolia, Columna. 

The citie of Mosko is supposed to be of great antiquitie, 
though the first founder be unknowen to the E,usse.^ It 
seemeth to have taken the name from the river that runneth 
on the one side of the town. Berosus, the Chaldean, in his 
5. book, telleth that Nimrod (whom other prophane stories 
cal Saturn) sent Assyrius, Medus, Moscus, and Magog into 
Asia to plant colonies there, and that Moscus planted both 
in Asia and Europe. Which may make some probability 
that the city, or rather the river whereon it is built, tooke 
the denomination from this Moscus : the rather bicause of 
the climate or situation, which is in the very farthest part 
and list of Europe bordering ujion Asia. The citie was 
much enlarged by one Evan or John, sonne to Daniel, that 
first changed his title of duke into king : though that honour 
continued not to his posterity : the rather because he was 
invested into it by the popes legate, who at that time was 
Innocentius the Fourth, about the yeere 1246, which was 
very much misliked by the Russe people, being then a part 
of the Easterne or Greeke Church. Since that time the 
name of this citie hath growen more famous and better 
knowen to the world : insomuch that not onely the province, 
but the whole countrey of Russia is tearmed by some, by the 
name of Moscovia, the metropolite citie. The forme of this 
citie is in a manner round, with three strong walles circuling 

^ [The foundation of Moscow is attributed to the Grand Duke George 
Dolgorouky, in the year 1147.] 


the one within the other, and streets lying betweene, wherof 
the inmost wall, and the buildings closed within it (lying 
safest as the heart within the bodie, fenced and watred with 
the river Moskua, that runneth close by it) is all accounted 
the emperours castle. The number of houses (as I have 
heard) through the whole citie (being reckoned by the em- 
perour a little before it was fired by the Chrira) was 41,500 
in all. Since the Tartar besieged and fired the town (which 
was in the yeare 1571) there lieth waste of it a great breadth 
of ground, which before was well set and planted with build- 
ings, specially that part on the south side of Moskua, built 
not long before by Basilius the emperour for his garrison of 
souldiours, to whom he gave priviledge to drinke mead and 
beer at the drye or prohibited times, when other Russes 
may drinke nothing but water, and for that cause called this 
newe citie by the name of Naloi, that is, skinck or poure in. 
So that now the citie of Mosko is not much bigger then the 
citie of London. The next in greatnes, and in a manner as 
large, is the citie Novograde : where was committed (as the Novograa. 
Russe saith) the memorable warre so much spoke of in 
stories, of the Scythian servants that tooke armes against 
their maisters •} which they report in this sort : viz., that the 
hoiarens or gentlemen of Novograde and the territorie about 
(which onely are souldiers after the discipline of those coun- 
tries) had warre with the Tartars. Which being well per- 
fourmed and ended by them, they returned homewards. 
Where they understood by the way that their chlopey [kIoloj)ui\ 
or bondslaves whome they left at home, had in their absence 
possessed their townes, lands, houses, wives, and all. At 
which newes being somewhat amased, and yet disdayning 
the villanie of their servants, they made the more speed 
home : and so not farre from Novograd met them in warlike 

^ [See the original story, told by Herodotus in reference to the return 
of the Scythians to their settlement in the Crimea, B.C. 605. Book iv 
chapters 1-4.] 



manner marching against tliem. Whereupon advising what 
was best to bee done, they agreed all to set upon them with 
no other shewe of weapon but with their horse whips (which 
as their manner is every man rideth withall) to put them in 
remembrance of their servile condition, thereby to terrific 
them and abate their courage. And so marching on and 
lashing altogither with their whips in their hands, they gave 
the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the eares of their 
villaines, and stroke such a sense into them of the smart of 
the whip which they had felt before, that they fled altoge- 
ther like sheepe before the drivers. In memory of this vic- 
tory the Novogradians ever since have stamped their coine 
(which they cal a dingoe Novogrodshoy, currant through al 
Kussia) with the figure of a horseman shaking a whip a loft 
in his hand. These two cities exceed the rest in greatnes. 
For strength their chief townes are Vobsko [Pskov], Smolen- 
sko, Cazan, and Astracan, as lying upon the borders. But for 
situation Jaruslave farre exceedeth the rest. For besides the 
commodities that the soyle yeeldeth of pasture and corne, 
it lyeth upon the famous river Volgha, and looketh over it 
from a high banke very faire and stately to behold : wherof 
the towne taketh the name. For Jaruslave in that tongue 
signifieth as much as a faire or famous banke. In this towne 
(as may be ghessed by the name) dwelt the Russe king 
Vlademir, sirnamed Jaruslave, that married the daughter of 
Harald king of England, by mediation of Sueno the Dane, 
as is noted in the Danish storie about the yeare 1067.^ 

The other townes have nothing that is greatly memorable, 
save many mines within their walles. Which sheweth the 
decrease of the Kusse people under this government. The 
streates of their cities and townes, in steed of paving, are 

^ [Gytha, sister of Harold, was married to Wladimir II, son of Wsewold 
— not to Jaruslave, who died in the year 1052. The " Danish storie" 
referred to is the Ilistoria Danica of Saxo Grammaticus. See p. 55G, of 
the edition by P. E. Miiller, 8vo., Havnipe, 1839.] 


planked with firre trees, plained and layed even close the 

one to the other. Their houses are of wood, without any Themanner 

■' ofRusse 

lime or stone, built very close and warm with firre trees 'juyW"'g' 
plained and piled one upon an other. They are fastened 
together with dentes or notches at every corner, and so 
clasped fast together. Betwixt the trees or timber they 
thrust in mosse (whereof they gather plentie in their woods) 
to keepe out the ayre. Every house hath a paire of staiers, 
that lead up into the chambers out of the yarde or streat, 
after the Scottish manner. This building seemeth farre better 
for their countrie, then that of stone and bricke : as being 
colder and more dampish then their woodden houses, spe- 
cially of firre, that is a dry and warme wood. Whereof the 
providence of God hath given them such store, as that you 
may build a faire house for twentie or thirtie rubbels or little 
more, where wood is most scant. The greatest inconvenience 
of their woodden building is the aptnes for firing, which 
happen eth very oft and in very fearful sort, by reason of 
the drinesse and fatnesse of the firre, that being once fired, 
burneth like a torch, and is hardly quenched till all be 
burnt up. 


Of the hoiise or stoche of the Russe emferours. 

The syrname of the imperiall house of Russia, is called 
Beala. It tooke the originall (as is supposed) from the kinges 
of Hungarie. Which may seeme the more probable, for that 
the Hungarian kings many yeares agoe have borne that 
name : as appeareth by Bonfinius and other stories written 
of that countrie. For about the veare 1059 mention is made 



of one Beala, that succeeded his brother Andreas, who re- 
duced the Hungarians to the Christian faith, from whence 
they were fallen by atheisme and Turkish perswasion before. 
The second of that name was called Beala the Blinde, after 
whom succeeded divers of the same name. 

That their auncestrie came not of the Russe nation, Ivan 
Vasilowich, father to this emperour, would many times boast, 
disdaining (as should seeme) to have his progenie derived 
from the Russe bloud. As namely to an English man his 
goldsmith, that had received bullion of him to make certain 
plate : whom the emperour comraaunded to looke well to his 
waight. For my Russes (sayd he) are theeues all. Whereat 
the workeman looking upon the emperour, began to smile. 
The emperour being of qui eke conceipt, charged him to tell 
him what he smiled at. If your maiestie will pardon me 
(quoth the goldsmith) I will tell you. Your highnesse said 
that the Russes were all theeves, and forgot in the meane 
while that your selfe was a Russe. I thought so (quoth the 
emperour), but thou art deceived. For I am no Russe, my 
auncestors were Germanes (for so they account of the Hun- 
garians to be part of the Germane nation, though in deed 
they come of the Hunnes, that invaded those countries and 
rested in those parts of Pannonia now called Hungary). 

How they aspired to the dukedome of Volodemer (which 
was their first degree, and ingrafting into Russia), and whe- 
ther it were by conquest, or by marriage, or by Avhat other 
The ad- mcancs, I could not learne any certentie among them. That 

vancement ,.. 

of the howse from thcsc beafinuings of a small dukedome (that bare not- 

of Beala. . . . . 

withstanding an absolute government with it, as at that time 
did also the other shires or provinces of Russia) this house 
of Beala spread it selfe foorth, and aspired by degrees to the 
monarchic of the whole countrie, is a thing well knowen and 
of very late memorie. The chiefe of that house that ad- 
vaunced the stocke, and enlarged their dominions, were the 
three last that raigned before this emperour, to wit, Ivan 


Basileus, and Ivan father to the other that raigneth at this 
time. Wherof the first that tooke unto him the name and 
title of emperor was Basileus, father to Ivan, and grand- 
father to this man. For before that time they were con- 
tented to be called great dukes of Mosko. What hath bene 
done by either of these three, and how much they have added 
to their first estate by conquest or otherwise, may bee scene 
in the chapter of their colonies, or purchases perforce. For the 
continuance of the race, this house of Beala at this present is in 
like case as are many of the greatest houses of Christendome, 
viz., the whole stocke and race concluded in one, two, or some 
fewe of the bloud. For besides the emperour that now is, 
who hath no childe (neither is like ever to have for ought 
that may be conjectured by the constitution of his body, and 
the barennesse of his wife after so many yeares marriage), 
there is but one more, viz., a childe of sixe or seven yeares 
old,^ in whom resteth all the hope of the succession, and the 
posteritie of that house. As for the other brother that was 
eldest of the three, and of the best towardnesse, he died of a 
blowe given him by his father upon the head in his furie 
with his walking staffe, or (as some say) of a thrust with a 
prong of it driven deepe into his head. That he meant him 
no such mortall harme when he gave him the blow, may ap- 
peare by his mourning and passion after his sonnes death, 
which never left him till it brought him to the grave. 
Wherein may be marked the justice of God, that punished 
his delight in shedding of bloud with this murder of his 
Sonne by his owne hand, and so ended his dayes and tyran- 
nic together, with the murdering of himselfe by extreame 
griefe, for this his unhappie and unnaturall fact. 

The emperours yonger brother of sixe or seven yeares old 
(as was said before) is kept in a remote place from the Mosko, 
under the tuition of his mother and hir kindred of the house 
of the Nagaies [NagoiJ : yet not safe (as I have heard) from at- 

1 [Demetrius, youngest son of Ivan Vasilovitch.] 


tempts of making away by practise of some that aspire to the 
succession, if this emperoiir die without any issue. ^ The nurse 
that tasted before him of certaine meat (as I have heard) 
died presently. That hee is a naturall sonne to Joan Va- 
silowich, the E,usse people warrant it, by the fathers qualitie 
that beginneth to appeare already in his tender yeares. He 
is delighted (they say) to see sheepe and other cattel killed, 
and to looke on their throtes while they are bleeding (which 
commonly children are afraid to beholde), and to beate geese 
and hennes with a staffe till he see them lie dead. Besides 
these of the male kind, there is a widdow^ that hath right in 
the succession, sister to the old emperour and aunt to this 
man, sometime wife to Magnus, duke of Hoist, brother to the 
king of Denmarke, by whom shee had one daughter. This 
woman, since the death of hir husband, hath bene allured 
again into Russia by some that love the succession better 
then hir selfe, which appeareth by the sequele. For hir 
selfe with hir daughter, so soone as they were returned into 
Hussia, were thrust into a nunnerie, where hir daughter died 
this last yeare while I was in the countrie, of no naturall 
disease as was supposed. The mother remaineth still in the 
nunnerie, where (as I have heard) shee bewayleth hir selfe, 
and cursetli the time when she returned into Russia, entised 
with the hope of marriage, and other fayre promises in the 

^ [Demetrius, a child of only nine years of age, was assassinated in 
May 1591, at the instigation of Boris Godunoffj in order to clear his own 
way to the throne. Horsey gives a dramatic account of his being roused 
at midnight by a knocking at his gate, and finding there the brother of 
the Tzarina Dowager, who tells him of the murder of Demetrius, and 
asks him for an antidote to poison to save his sister the Tzarina, mother 
of Demetrius.] 

^ [The lady alluded to was Maria, niece of the Tzar Ivan Vassilovitch, 
and widow of Magnus, duke of Holstein, brother of Frederic II, king of 
Denmark. Her husband died in 1583 ; and Horsey relates how he was 
commissioned by Boris Godunoff to invite her to return into Russia after 
his death, and gives a curious account of an interview with her in the 
castle of Riga.] 


emperours name. Thus it standeth with the impcriall stock 
of Russia of the house of Beala, which is like to determine 
in those that now are, and to make a conversion of the E,usse 
estate. If it be into a government of some better temper 
and milder constitution, it will be happy for the poore peo- 
ple, that are now oppressed with intollerable servitude. 


Of the manner of crowning or inauguration of the Rtcsse 

The solemnities used at the Russe emperours coronation are 
on this manner. In the great church of Precheste (or our 
Lady) within the eniperour's castle is erected a stage, whereon 
standeth a serine, that beareth upon it the imperiall cappe 
and robe of very riche stufFe. When the day of the inaugu- 
ration is come, there resorte thither, first, the patriarch, with 
the metropolitanes, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, 
all richly clad in Xheir jjotitijicalibus. Then enter the dea- 
cons with the quier of singers, who, so soone as the empe- 
rour setteth foote into the church, beginne to sing : Many 
yeares may lice noble Theodore Ivanoioich, 8^c. Whereunto 
the patriarch and metropolite, with the rest of the cleargie, 
answere with a certaine hymne, in forme of a prayer, sing- 
ing it all together with a great noyse. The hymne beyng 
ended, the patriarch with the emperour mount up the stage, 
where standeth a seat ready for the emperour. Whereupon 
the patriarch willeth him to sit downe, and then placing 
himselfe by him upon an other seate provided for that pur- 
pose, boweth downe his head towardes the ground, and 
sayeth this prayer : — Oh Lord God, King of hinges, Lord of 


lordes, ivJiich by thy prophet Samuel diddest choose thy ser- 
vant David, and annoint him for king over thy people Israeli, 
heare noio oiir prayers, and looke from thy sanctuarie upon 
this thy servant Theodore, ivhome thou hast chosen and exalted 
for king over these thy holy nations, annoint him with the 
oyle of gladnesse, protect him hy thy power, put upon his head 
a crowne of golde and pretious stones, give him length of 
dayes, place him in the seate of justice, strengthen his arme, 
make subject unto him all the barbarous nations. Lette thy 
feare bee in his tohole heart, turne him from an evill faith, 
and from all errour, and shewe him the salvation of thy holy 
and universall Church, that he may judge thy people with jus- 
tice, and protect the children of the poor e, and finally atteyne 
everlasting lyfe. This prayer hee speaketh with a lowe voyce, 
and then pronounceth a lowde : — All prayse and pov:ier to 
God the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. The prayer 
beyng ended, hee commaundeth certaine abbots to reach the 
imperiall roabe and cappe : whiche is done verie decently 
and with great solemnities the patriarch withall pronouncing 
alowde : — Peace be unto all. And so he beginneth another 
praier to this effect : — Boioe your selves together loith us, and 
pray to Him that reigneth over all. Preserve him (oh Lord) 
under thy holy protection, keepe him that hee may doo good 
and holy thinges, let justice shine foorth in his dayes, that 
wee may live quietly ivithout strife and malice. This is 
pronounced somewhat softly by the patriarch, whereto hee 
addeth againe alowd : — Thou art the King of the whole 
worlde, and the saviour of our soides, to thee the Father, 
Sonne, and Holy Ghost, be all prayse for ever and ever. 
Amen. Then putting on the roabe and the cappe, he blesseth 
the emperour w^ith the signe of the crosse: saying withall: — 
In the name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. 
The like is done by the metropolites, archbishops, and 
bishops, who all in their order come to the chaire, and one 
after another blesse the emperour with their two forefingers. 


Then is sayd by the patriarch an other prayer, that begin- 
neth : — most holy virgin mother of God, ^c. After which 
a deacon pronounceth with an high lowde voice : — Many 
yeares to nohle Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, 
great duke of Volodemer, of Ilosko, emperour, mid monarch 
of all Russia, 8(c. Whereto the other priestes and deacons, 
that stand somewhat farre of by the altar or table, answeare 
singing : — Many yeares, tnany yeares, to the noble Theodore. 
The same note is taken up by the priestes and deacons, that 
are placed at the right and left side of the church, and then 
all together they chaunt and thunder out, singing : — Many 
yeares to the noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, 
great duke of Volodemer , Mosho, emperour of all Russia, 8fc. 
These solemnities beyng ended, first commeth the patriarch, 
with the metropolites, archbishops, and bishops, then the 
nobilitie, and the whole companie in their order, to doo 
homage to the emperour, bending downe their heads and 
knocking them at his feete to the very ground. 

The stile wherewith he is invested at his coronation, run- 
neth after this manner : — 

Theodore Ivanoioich, by the grace of God great lord and 
emjyerour of all Russia, great duke of Volodemer, Mosko, and 
Novograd, king of Cazan, king of Astracan, lord of Pies ko, 
and great duke ofSmolensko, of Tioerria, Joughoria, Permia, 
Vadska [Viatka], Bulghoria, and others, lord and great duke 
of Novograd of the Low Countrie, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polot- 
skoy, Rostove, Yaruslaveley , Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, 
Obdoria, and Condensa, commander of all Siberia, and of the 
north partes, and lord of many other countries, S^c. 

This stile conteyneth in it all the emperours provinces, 
and setteth foorth his greatnesse. And therefore they have 
a great delight and pride in it, forcing not onely their owne 
people, but also straungers (that have any matter to deliver 
to the emperour by speach or writing), to repeate the whole 
form from the beginning to the end. Which breedeth much 


cavill, and sometimes quarrell betwixt them and the Tartar 
and Poland ambassadours, Mdio refuse to call him czar, that 
is emperour, and to repeat the other partes of his long stile. 
My selfe, when I had audience of the emperour, thought 
good to salute him onely with thus much, viz., Emperour 
of all Russia, great duke of Voloclemer, Mosko, and Novo- 
grad, king of Cazan, king of Astracan. The rest I omitted 
of purpose, because I knew they gloried to have their stile 
appeare to bee of a larger volume then the queene's of Eng- 
land. But this was taken in so ill part, that the chauncellor 
(who then attended the emperour with the rest of the nobi- 
litie) with a lowde chafing voice called still upon mee to say 
out the rest. Whereto I answered, that the emperours stile 
was very long, and could not so well be remembred by 
straungers, that I had repeatad so much of it as might shewe 
that I gave honour to the rest, &c. But all would not serve 
till I commaunded my interpreter to say it all out. 


The state or forme of their government. 

The manner of their government is much after the Turkish 
fashion : which they seeme to imitate as neare as the coun- 
trie, and reach of their capacities in poUitique afFayres, will 
give them leave to doo. 
The Russe The State and forme of their government is plaine tyran- 

goverument . ,, . 

tyraunicaii. mcall, as applying all to the bchoofe of the prince, and that 
after a most open and barbarous manner : as may appeare by 
the sophismata or secretes of their government afterwards 
set downe, as well for the keej)ing of the nobilitie and com- 
mons in an under proportion, and far uneven balance in 
their severall degrees, as also in their impositions and exac- 


tions, wherein they exceecle all just measure, without any 
regard of nobilitie or people : farther then it giveth the nobi- 
litie a kinde of injust and unmeasured libertie to commaund 
and exact upon the commons and baser sort of people in all 
partes of the realme where so ever they come, specially in the 
place where their landes lye, or where they are appoynted 
by the emperour to gouerne under him ; also to the com- 
mons some small contentment, in that they passe over their 
landes by discent of inheritance to whither sonne they will ; 
which commonly they doo after our gavillkinde ; and dispose 
of their goods by gifte or testament without any control- 
ment. Wherein notwithstanding both nobilitie and com- 
mons are but storers for the prince, all running in the ende 
into the emperours coffers : as may appeare by the practise 
of enriching his treasurie, and the manner of exactions set 
downe in the title of his customes and revenues. 

Concerning the principall poiutes and matters of state, 
wherein the soveraintie consisteth (as the making and annul- 
ling of publike lawes, the making of magistrates, power to 
make warre or league with any forraine state, to execute or 
to pardon life, with the right of appeale in all matters, both 
civill and criminall) they doo so wholy and absolutely per- 
taine to the emperour, and his counsell under him, as that 
hee may be saide to be both the soveraine commaunder, and 
the executioner of all these. For as touching any lawe or 
publique order of the realme, it is ever determined of be- 
fore any publique assemblie or parliament bee summoned. 
Where, besides his councell, hee hath none other to consult 
with him of such matters as are concluded before hand, but 
onely a fewe bishops, abbots, and friers : to no other end then 
to make advantage of the peoples superstitions, even against 
themselves, which thinkc all to bee holy and just, that pass- 
eth with consent of their bishops and cleargie men, whatso- 
ever it be. For which purpose the emperours are content to 
make much of the corrupt state of the Church, as now it 


is among them, and to nourish the same by extraordinarie 
favours, and immunities to the bishops seas, abbeies, and 
frieries : as knowing superstition and false religion best to 
agree with a tyrannicall state, and to be a speciall meanes to 
uphold and mainteyne the same. 

Secondly, as touching the publike offices and magistracies 
of the realme, there is none hereditarie, neither any so great 
nor so litle in that countrie, but the bestowing of it is done 
immediatly by the emperour himself. Insomuch that the 
very diacks or clearkes in every head towne, are for the 
most part assigned by himselfe. Notwithstanding, the em- 
perour that now is (the better to entend his devotions) re- 
ferreth al such matters perteyning to the state, wholly to the 
ordering of his wives brother, the L[ord] Borris Federowich 

Thirdly, the like is to be said of the jurisdiction concern- 
ing matters judiciall, specially such as concerne life and 
death. Wherein there is none that hath anie authoritie or 
publike jurisdiction that goeth by discent, or is held by 
charter, but all at the appoyntment and pleasure of the em- 
perour, and the same practised by the judges with such awe 
and restraint, as that they dare not determine upon anie spe- 
ciall matter, but must referre the same wholly up to the 
Mosko to the emperours councell. To shewe his soveraintie 
over the lives of his subjects, the late emperour Ivan Vasi- 
lowich, in his walkes or progresses, if hee had misliked the 
face or person of any man whom hee met by the way, or that 
looked upon him, would command his head to be strook off. 
Which was presently done, and the head cast before him. 

Fourthly, for the soveraigne appeale, and giving of par- 
dons in criminall matters to such as are convicted, it is wholly 
at the pleasure and grace of the emperour. Wherin also the 
empresse' that nowe is, being a woman of great clemencie, 

^ [Irene, sister of Boris Godunoff, protector of the empire, and subse- 
quently emperor.] 


and withall delighting to deale in publike affaires of the 
reahne (the rather to supply the defect of her husband), doeth 
behave her selfe after an absolute manner, giving out par- 
don (specially on hir byrth day and other solemne times) in 
her owne name, by open proclamation, without any mention 
at all of the emperour. Some there have beene of late of 
the auncient nobilitie, that have held divers provinces by 
right of inheritaunce, with an absolute authoritie and juris- 
diction over them, to order and determine all matters within 
their owne precinct without all appeale or controlment of 
the emperour. But this was all annulled and wrung cleane 
from them by Ivan Vasilowich, father to this emperour. 


The manner of holding their parliaments. 
Their highest court of publike consultation for matter of The states 

° '^ ofParlia- 

state is called the Zahore, that is, the publike assembly. '^'="'- 
The states and degrees of persons that are present at their 
parliaments, are these in order. 1. The emperour himselfe. 
2. Some of his nobilitie, about the number of twentie, being 
all of his councel. 3. Certain of the cleargy men, &c., about 
the same number. As for burghers or other to represent the 
communitie, they have no place there : the people being of 
no better account with them then as servants or bond slaves 
that are to obey, not to make lawes, nor to knowe any thing 
of publike matters before they are concluded. 

The court of parliament (called Zahore) is held in this 
manner. The emperour causeth to be summoned such of The order 

_ of the sum- 

his nobilitie as himselfe thinketh meete, beinar (as was said) mouforaa- 

' a \ J sembhng. 

all of his councell, together with the patriarch, who calleth 
his cleargie, to wit, the two metropolites, the two archbishops, 


with such bishops, abbots, and friers as are of best account 
and reputation among them. When they are all assembled 
at the emjjerours court, the day is intimated when the ses- 
sion shal begin. Which commonly is upon some Friday, 
for the religion of that day. 

When the day is come, the cleargie men assemble before 
at the time and place appointed, which is called the Stollie. 
And when the emperour commeth attended by his nobilitie, 
they arise all, and meete him in an out roome, following 
their patriarch, who blesscth the emperor Avith his two fore- 
fingers, laying them on his forehead and the sides of his face, 
and then kisseth him on the right side of his brest. So they 
passe on into their parliament house, where they sit in this 
order. The emperor is enthronized on the one side of the 
chamber. In the next place, not farre from him, at a smal 
square table (that giveth roome to tAvelve persons or there- 
abouts), sitteth the patriarche with the metropolites and 
bishops, and certeine of the principall nobilitie of the empe- 
rours councel, together with two diacks or secretaries (called 
dumnoy dyahey), that enact that which passeth. The rest 
place themselves on benches round about the roome, every 
man in his ranck after his degree. Then is there propounded 
by one of the secretaries (who representeth the speaker) the 
cause of their assemblie, and the jDrincipall matters that they 
are to consider of. For to propound bils what every man 
thinketh good for the publike benefite (as the manner is in 
England), the E.usse parliament knoweth no such custome 
nor libertie to subjects. 
Tiieh- tiis- The poynts being opened, the patriarch with his cleargie 
Parliament, j^gj-^ l^avc the prerogative to be first asked their vote, or 
opinion, what they thinke of the poyntes propounded by the 
secretarie. Whereto they answere in order, according to 
their degrees, but al in one forme without any discourse : as 
having learned their lesson before, that serveth their turnes 
at all parliaments alike, whatsoever is propounded. Com- 


monly it is to this effect : — That the emperour and his coiin- 
cell are of great ivisedome, and experience, touching tlie pol- 
licies and publike affaires of the reahne, andfarre better able 
to judge tvhat is profltahle for the common loealth then theg 
are, ivhich attend upon the service of God onlie, and matters 
of religion. And therefore it mag please them to proceede. 
That insteade of their advise, theg will aide them icith their 
pragers, as their dueties and vocations doe require, 8^'c. To 
this or like effect having made their answeres every man in 
his course, up standeth some abbot or frier more bold then 
the rest (yet appointed before hand as a matter of forme), 
and desireth the emperour it would please his majestic to 
commaund to be delivered unto them what his majesties 
ovvne judgment and determinate pleasure is, as touching 
those matters propounded by his deiake. 

Whereto is replied by the said secretarie in the empe- 
rours name: — That his highnesse, with those of his noble 
councell, upon good and sound advice have found the matters 
proposed to be verie good and tiecessarie for the comtnon 
tvealth of his recdme. Notwithstanding , forasmuch as theg 
as religious men, <^c., ktioio what is right, his majestic re- 
quireth their godlie opinions, gea and their censures too, for 
the approving or correcting of the saide propositions. And 
therefore desireth them againe to speake their mindes freelg. 
And if theg shal like to give their consents, that then the 
matters mag passe to a full conclusion. 

Hereunto, when the cleargie men have given their consents 
(which they used to do without any great pausing), they 
take their leaves with blessing of the emperour : who bring- 
eth the patriarch on his way so farre as the next roome, and 
so returneth to his seat, till all be made readie for his returne 
homeward. The actes that thus are passed by the Zabore or 
parliament, the deiakeis or secretaries draw into a forme of 
proclamation, which they send abroad into every province 
and head towne of the realme, to be published there by the 


dukes and diakeis or secretaries of those places. The session 
of parliament being fully ended, the emperour inviteth the 
cleargie men to a solemne dinner. And so they depart every 
man to his home. 


Of the nohilitie, and hy what meanes it is kept in an under 
frofortion agreeable to that state. 

ihewJei- The dearrees of persons or estates of Russia (besides the 

neij knazcy, ox \ 

uouiuie ''^'^ soveraigne state or emperour himselfe), are these in their 
order. 1. The nobilitie, which is of foure sortes. Whereof 
the chiefe for birth, authoritie, and revenue are called the 
udelney knazey, that is, the exempted or priviledged dukes. 
These hold sometimes a several jurisdiction, and absolute 
authoritie within their precincts, much like unto the states or 
nobles of Germany. But afterwards (reserving their rights 
upon composition) they yeelded themselves to this house of 
Beala, when it began to waxe mightie, and to enlarge it self 
by overmatching their neighbours. Onely they were bound 
to serve the emperour in his warres with a certain number of 
horse. But the late emperour Ivan Yasilowich, father to this 
prince, being a man of high spirit, and subtill in his kind, 
meaning to reduce his government into a more strickt forme, 
beganne by degrees to clip of their greatnes, and to bring it 
downe to a lesser proportion : till in the end he made them 
not onelie his vassals, but his kolopliey, that is, his very vil- 
lains or bondslaves. For so they terme and write themselves 
in anie publike instrument or private petition which they 
make to the emperour. So that now they holde their autho- 



rities, landes, lives and all at the empcrours pleasure, as the 
rest doe. 

The meanes and practise whereby hee wrought this to 
eflPect against those and other of the nobility (so well as I 
could note out of the report of his doings) were these, and 
such like. First, he cast private emulations among them 
about prerogative of their titles and dignities. Wherein hee 
used to set on the inferiours, to preferre or equall them- 
selves to those that were accounted to bee of the nobler 
houses. Where he made his advantage of their malice and 
contentions, the one against the other, by receiving devised 
matter, and accusations of secrete practise and conspiracies 
to be intended against his person and state. And so having 
singled out the greatest of them, and cut them off with the 
good liking of the rest, hee fell at last to open practise, by 
forcing of the other to yeeld their rights unto him. 

2. Hee devided his subjectes into two partes or factions of oppies- 
by a general schisme. The one part hee called the Oppres- zemfskey 
sini'^ or select men. These were such of the nobilitie and the empe- 
gentrie as he tooke to his owne part, to protect and main- 
teyne them as his faithful subjects. The other hee called 
Zemsheij, or the commons. The Zemskey conteyned the base 
and vulgar sort, with such noblemen and gentlemen as he 
meant to cut off, as suspected to mislike his government, and 
to have a meaning to practise against him. Wherein he pro- 
vided that the Oppressim for number and qualitie of valure, 
money, armour, &c., farre exceedeth the other of the Zems/cei/ 
side, whom he put (as it were) from under his protection : 
so that if any of them were spoiled or killed by those of the 
Oppressijii (which hee accounted of his owne part), there 
was no amendes to bee sought for by way of publike justice, 
or by complaint to the emperour. 

The whole number of both partes was orderly registred 

■* [The Opritchnina was established in the year 1560, and suppressed 
in 1572.] 


and kept in a booke : so that every man knewe who was a 
Zemshey man and who of the Oj)2Jressi?ii. And this libertie 
of the one part to spoyle and kill the other, without anie 
helpe of magistrate or lawe (that continued seven yeeres), 
enriched that side and the emperours treasurie, and wrought 
that withall which hee intended by this practise, viz., to take 
out of the way such of the nobilitie as himselfe misliked : 
whereof were slayne within one weeke to the number of 
three hundred within the citie of Mosko. This tyrannicall 
practise of making a generall schisme and publike division 
among the subjects of his whole realme, proceeded (as 
should seeme) from an extreame doubt and desperate feare 
which hee had conceived of most of his nobilitie and gentle- 
men of his realme, in his warres with the Polonian and 
Chrim Tartar. What time hee grewe into a vehement sus- 
pition (conceived of the ill successe of his afFayres), that they 
practised treason with the Polonian and Chrim. Whereupon 
he executed some, and devised his way to be ridde of the rest. 

And this wicked pollicy and tyrannous practise (though 
now it be ceassed) hath so troubled that countrey, and filled 
it so full of grudge and mortall hatred ever since, that it wil 
not be quenched (as it seemeth now) till it burne againe into 
a civill flame. 

3. Having thus pulled them, and seased all their inherit- 
aunce, landes, priviledges, &c., save some verie small part 
which he left to their name, hee gave them other landes of 
the tenour of ^;ome5i';20?/ (as they call it), that are helde at the 
emperours pleasure, lying farre of in an other countrey ; 
and so removed them into other of his provinces, where they 
might have neyther favour nor authoritie, not being native 
nor well knowcn there. So that now these of the chiefe 
nobilitie (called udehiey hnazexj) are equalled with the rest : 
save that in the opinion and favour of the people they are of 
more account, and keepe stil the prerogative of their place 
in al their publike meetings. 


Their practise to keepe downe these houses from rising 
againe and recovering their dignities, are these and such like. 
First, many of their hcires are kept unmaricd perforce, that 
the stocke may die with them. Some are sent into Siberia, 
Cazan, and Astracan, under pretence of service, and there 
either made away or else fast clapped up. Some are put 
into abbeyes, and shire themselves friers by pretence of a 
vowe, to be made voluntary and of their owne accord ; but, 
indeede, forced unto it by feare, upon some pretensed crime 
objected against them. Where they are so garded by some 
of special trust, and the covent it selfe (upon whose head it 
standcth that they make no escape), as that they have no 
hope but to ende their lives there. Of this kinde there are 
manie of verie great nobilitie. These and such like wayes, 
begunne by the emperour Ivan Vasilowich, are still practised 
by the Godonoes, who, beyng advaunced by the mariage of 
the empresse their kinsewoman, rule both the emperour and 
his realme (specially Borris Federowich Godonoe, brother to 
the empresse), and endevour by all meanes to cut of or keepe 
downe all of the best and auncientest nobilitie. Whereof 
divers alreadie they have taken away, whom they thought 
likeliest to make head against them and to hinder their pur- 
pose, as Ivnez Andreas Guraken Bulgatkove,' a man of great 
byrth and authoritie in the countrey. The like they have 
done with Peeter Gollauni (whom they put into a dungeon 
where he ended his life), with Knez Vasilie Vrywich Gol- 
loohen,^ with Andriev Ivanowich Suskoy, accounted among 
them for a man of a great wisedome. So tliis last yeere was 
killed in a monasterie (whither they had thrust him) on Knez 
Ivan Petrowich Suskoy, a man of great valure and service 
in that countrey : who, about five or sixe yeeres since, bare 
out the siege of the citie Vobsko [Pskov], made by Stepan 
Batore, king of Polonia, with a 100,000 men, and repulsed 

^ [Andreas Petrovitcli Kurakin.] 
'^ [VasUie Jurievitch Golitzin.] 


him verie valiantly, with great honour to himselfe and his 
countrey and disgrace to the Polonian,^ Also Micheta Eoma- 
nowich, uncle to the emperour by the mothers side, was sup- 
posed to have dyed of poyson or some like practise.^ 
Names of The namcs of these families of greatest nobility are these 

the greatest 

houses or jjj their order. The first is of Knez Volodemer, which resteth 

the Kusse 

nobUitie. ^^ ^|-^|g ^^j-^^g |]^ One daughter, a wddow and without children 
(mentioned before), sometime wife to Hartock [Hertzog] Mag- 
nus, brother to the king of Denmark, now closed within a nun- 
nery. The 2. Knez Metholoskey,^ thrust into a friery, and 
his only sonne kept from mariage, to decay the house. The 
3. Glimskoy. But one left of his house, and he without 
children save one daughter. The 4. Suskoy, wherof there 
are four brethren, yong men and unmaried al. The 5. Hu- 
betskoy [Trubetsky]. Of this house are four living. The 6. 
Bulgaloy,now called Guletchey house, whereof are five living, 
but youths al. The 7. Vorallinskoy [Vorotinsky]. Two left 
of that stock. The 8. Odgoskey. Two. The 9. Telletskoy 
[Jeletsky ?]. One. The 10. Taytove [TatefF]. Three. These 
are the names of the chiefe families called udelney knazey : 
that in effect have lost all now, save the very name it selfe 
and favour of the people, which is like one day to restore 
them againe, if any be left. 

The 2. tie- The 2. dcgrcc of nobility is of the Boiarens. These are 

gri.*e nt" 

nobiiitie. sucli as tlic empcrour honoureth (besides their nobility) with 
the title of counsellers. The revenue of these tAvo sorts of 
their nobles, that riseth out of their lands assigned them by 
the emperour, and held at his pleasure (for of their owne 

1 [The celebrated siege of Pskov, comiuenced on the 18th of August, 
1581, and continued till January in the following year, when a peace 
was concluded between Russia and Poland.] 

^ [Nikita Romanovitch Juriev, uncle of the Czar Fedor Ivanovitch, 
died on the 23rd of April, 1586.] 

3 [Prince Ivan Mstislavsky, distinguished for military services during 
the preceding reign. He conspired against Boris Godunoffj and was 
obliged to enter the convent of Kirilofl'.] 

OF THE N013ILIT1E. 37 

inlieritaimce there is little left them, as was said before) is 
about a tbousaud marks a yeere : besides pension which 
they receive of the emperour for their service in his warres, 
to the summe of 700 rubbels a yeere, and none above that 

But in this number the lorde Borris Federowich Godenoe 
is not to be reckoned, that is like a transendent, and in no 
such predicament with the rest, being the emperours brother 
in law, his protectour for direction, for commaund and 
authority emperour of Russia. His yerely revenue in land 
and pension amounteth to the summe of 93,700 rubbels and 
more, as appeareth by the particulars. He hath of inherit- 
ance (which himselfe hath augmented in Vasma Dorogobose) 
sixe thousand rubbels a yeere. For his office of Connick, 
or Master of the Horse, 12,000 rubbels or markes, raised 
out of the Conaslue Shhoday, or the liberties pertayning 
to that office, which are certeyne landes and townes neere 
about the Mosko. Besides, all the meddowe and pasture 
grounde on both sides the banke of the river Mosko, 
thirtie verst up the streame and fourtie verst downwards. 
For his pension of the emperour (besides the other for 
his office) 15,000 rubbels. Out of the province or shire 
of Vagha, there is given him for a peculiar exempted 
out of the Chetfird of Posolskoy, 32,000 rubbels, besides a 
rent of furres. Out of Bezan and Sever (an other peculiar) 
30,000 rubbels. Out of Otfer and Turiock, an other exempt 
place, 8,000 rubbels. For rent of bathstoaves and bathing 
houses without the walles of Mosko, 1,500 rubbels. Be- 
sides his pomest, or lands Avhich hee holdeth at the empe- 
rours jsleasure, which farre exceedeth the proportion of land 
allotted to the rest of the nobility. 

One other there is, of the house of Glinskoy, that dis- 
pendeth in land and pension about 40,000 rubbels yeerely. 
^Vhich hee is suffered to enjoy, because hee hath married 
Borris his svives sister, being himselfe verie simple and 


almost a naturall. The ordering of him and his landes are 
committed to Borris. 
oi^uobimie ^^^ ^^^ third rank are the Voyavodey , or such nobles as 
are or have bin generals in the emperours warres. Which 
deliver the honour of their title to their posterities also : who 
take their j)lace above the other dukes and nobles that are 
not of the two former sorts, viz., of the Udehiey Knazey nor 
of the Boiarens. 

These three degrees of their nobilitie, (to wit) the Udelney 
Knazey, the Boiarens, and the Voiaxodey , have the addition 
of vich put unto their sirname, as Borris Fedcrowich, &c. : 
which is a note of honour that the rest may not usurpe. And 
in case it be not added in the naming of them, they may sue 
the hcstchest or penalty of dishonour upon them that other- 
wise shall terme them. 

The fourth and lowest degree of nobilitie with them is of 
such as beare the name of knazey or dukes, but come of the 
yonger brothers of those chiefe houses, through many dis- 
cents, and have no inheritance of their owne, save the bare 
name or title of duke onely. For their order is to deliver 
their names and titles of their dignities over to all their 
children alike, what so ever else they leave them. So that 
the sonnes of a Voiavodey , or generall in the field, are called 
Voiavodey though they never saw the field, and the sons of 
a hnez or duke are called knazey, though they have not one 
groat of inheritance or livelyhood to mainteine themselves 
withall. Of this sort there are so many that the plentie 
maketh them cheap : so that you shall see dukes glad to 
serve a meane man for five or six rubbcls or marks a yeai'e, 
and yet they will stand highly upon their bestchest or repu- 
tation of their honours. And these arc their severall de- 
grees of nobilitie. 
The spcond The sccoud degree of persons is of their Sina Boiarshey , 

decree of . 

persons. or tlic sonucs of gentlemen : which all are preferred, and hold 
that name by their service in the emperours warres, being 


souldiers by their very stocke and birth. To which order 
are referred their clyacks or secretaries, that serve the empe- 
rour in every head towne, being joyned in commission witli 
the dukes of that pLace. 

The last are their commons, whom they call Mousicks. In aegreJ." 
which number they reckon their marchants and their com- 
mon artificers. The very lowest and basest sort of this kind 
(which are held in no degree) are their countrie people, 
whom they call Christianeis . Of the Sina Boiarskey (which 
are all souldiers) wc are to see in the description of their 
forces and military provisions. Concerning their Mousicks, 
what their condition and behaviour is, in the title or chapter 
Of the common people. 


Of the government of their i^i'ovinces and shires. 

The whole countrie of Russia (as was said before) is divided 
into foure parts, which they call chetfirds or tetrarchies. 
Every chetfird conteineth divers shires, and is annexed to a 
severall office, whereof it takes the name. The first chetfird T'le foure 
or tetrarchie beareth the name of Pososkoy chetfird, or the 
jurisdiction of the office of the ambassages, and at this time 
is under the chiefe secretarie and officer of the ambassages, 
called Andreas Shalcalove. The standing fee or stipend that 
he receiveth yearely of the emperour for this service, is 100 
rubbels or markes. 

The second is called the Hoseradney chetfird, because it is 
proper to the roserade or high constable. At this time it 
perteineth by vertue of office to Basilic Shalcalove, brother 


to the cliancellor, but it is executed by one Zapon Abramove. 
His pension is an hundred rubbels yearely. 

The third is the chetfird of Pomestnoij, as perteining to 
that office. This keepeth a register of all lands given by 
the emperour for service to his noblemen, gentlemen, and 
others, giveth out and taketh in all assurances for them. The 
officer at this time is called Eleazar Wellusgine. His stipend 
is 500 rubbels a yeare. 

The fourth is called Cassmiskotj divorets, as being appro- 
priat to the office that hath the jurisdiction of the kingdomes 
of Cazan and Astracan, with the other townes lying upon the 
Volgha, now ordered by one Druzhiue Penteleove, a man 
of very speciall account among them, for his wisdome and 
promptnes in matters of pollicie. His pension is 150 rubbels 
a yeare. 

From these chetfirds or tetrarchies is exempted the em- 
perors inheritance or vochin (as they cal it), for that it per- 
teined from auncient time to the house of Beala, which is the 
sirname of the imperiall bloud. This standeth of 36 townes 
with their bounds or territories. Besides divers peculiar 
jurisdictions, Avhich ar likewise deducted out of those chet- 
firds, as the shire of Vagha (belonging to the lord Borrise 
Federowich Godonoe), and such like. 

These arelhe chiefe governours or officers of the provinces, 
not resident at their charge abroad, but attending the em- 
perour whether soever he goeth, and carrying their offices 
about with them, which for the most part they hold at 
Mosko, as the emperours chiefe seat. 

The parts and practise of these foure offices, is to receive 
all complaints and actions what soever that are brought out 
of their severall chetfirds and quarters, and to informe them 
to the emperours counsell. Likewise to send direction again 
to those that are under them in their said provinces, for all 
matters given in charge by the emperour and his counsell, 
to be done or put in execution within their precincts. 


For the ordering of every particular province of these 
foure chetfirds there is appointed one of these dukes, which 
were reckoned before in the lowest degree of their nobilitic, 
which are resident in the head townes of the said provinces. 
Whereof every one hath joyned with him in commission a 
dyack or secretarie to assist him, or rather to direct him. 
For in the executing of their commission the dyack doth all. 

The parts of their commission are these in effect. First, ml^'simTof 
to heare and determine in all civil matters within their pre- orrre"i- 

dents of 

cinct. To which purpose they have under them certeme sWres. 
officers, as gubnoy starets or coroners, who, besides the triall 
of selfe murders, are to attach fellons : and the soudie or 
under justices, who themselves also may heare and deter- 
mine in all matters of the same nature, among the countrie 
people of their owne wardes or bayliwicks : but so that in 
case either partie dissent, they may appeale and goe farther 
to the duke and dyack that reside within the head towne. 
From whom also they may remove the matter to the higher 
court at Mosko of the emperours counsell, where lie all ap- 
j)eales. They have under them also sotskoy starets, that is, 
aldermen, or balives of the hundreds. 

Secondly, in all criminall matters, as theft, murder, trea- 
son, &c., they have authoritie to apprehend, to examine, and 
to emprison the malefactor, and so having received perfect 
evidence and information of the cause, they are to send it 
ready drawen and orderly digested up to the Mosko, to the 
officer of the chetfird whereunto that province is annexed : 
by whom it is referred and propounded to the emperours 
counsell. But to determine in any matter criminall, or to 
doo execution upon the partie offending, is more then their 
commission will allow them to doo. 

Thirdly, if there be any publike service to be done within 
that province (as the publishing of any law or common order 
by way of proclamation, collecting of taxes and impositions 
for the emperoui', moistering of souldiers, and sending them 



forth at the day and to the place assigned by the emperour 
or his counsell), all these and such like perteyne to their 

These dukes and dyacks are appointed to their place by 
the emperour hinaselfe, and are chaunged ordinarily at every 
yeares end, except upon some s]3ecial liking or suit the time 
be proroged for a yeare or two more. They are men of 
themselves of no credite nor favour with the people where 
they governe, being neither borne nor brought up among 
them, nor yet having inheritance of there owne there or els 
where. Onely of the emperour they have for that service an 
100 markes a yeare, he that hath most, some fiftie, some but 
thirtie. Which maketh them more suspected and odious to 
the people, because being so bare, and comming fresh and 
hungrie upon them lightly every yeare, they rack and spoile 
them without all regard of justice or conscience. Which is 
easily tollerated by the chiefe officers of the chetfirds, to the 
end they may rob them againe, and have a better bootie 
when they call them to account : which commonly they doo 
at the end of their service, making an advantage by their in- 
justice and oppression over the poore people. There are few 
of them but they come to the pudheij or whip when their 
time is ended, which themselves for the most parte doo make 
account of. And therefore they furnish themselves with all 
the spoile they can for the time of their government, that 
they may have for both turncs, aswel for the emperour and 
lord of the chetfird, as to reserve some good part for them- 

They that are appointed to governe abroad are men of this 
qualitie : save that in the foure border townes that are of 
greatest importance, are set men of more speciall valure and 
trust, two in every towne. Wherof one is ever of the em- 
perours privie counsell. These foure border townes are Smo- 
lensko, Vobsko [Pskov], Novogrod, and Cazan, whereof three 
lie towards the Polonian and Sweden, one bordereth far of 


upon the Chrim Tartar. These have larger commission then 
the other dukes of the provinces that I spake of before, and 
may doo execution in criminall matters. AVhich is thought 
behoofull for the commonweltli : for incident occasions that 
may happen upon the borders that are far of, and may not 
stay for direction about every occurrent and particular mat- 
ter from the emperour and his counsell. They are chaunged 
every yeare (except as before), and have for their stipend 
700 rubbels a yeare hee that hath most : some have but 400. 
Many of these places that are of greatest importance, and 
almost the whole countrie, is managed at this time by the 
Godonoes and their clients. 

The citie of Mosko fthat is the emperours seat) is governed 
altogether by the emperours counsell. All matters there, 
both civill and criminall, are heard and determined in the 
severall courtes held by some of the said counsell, that reside 
there all the yeare long. 

Onely for their ordinary matters (as buildings, reparations, jj^gfj|f°f ""^ 
keeping of their streates decent and cleane, collections, levy- ^^°^'^°- 
ing of taxes, impositions, and such like) are appointed two 
gentlemen and two dyachs or secretaries, who hold a court 
toerether for the orderina: of such matters. This is called the 
Zemjjskey house. If any townes man suspect his servant of 
theft or like matter, hither he may bring him to have him 
examined upon \kvQ puclhey^ or other torture. Besides these 
two gentlemen and secretaries that order the whole citie, 
there are starusts or aldermen for everie severall companie. 
The alderman hath his sotskey or constable, and the constable 
hath certaine clecetskeis or decurions under him, which have 
the oversight of ten households a peece, whereby everie dis- 
order is sooner spide, and the common service hath the 
quicker dispach. The whole number of citizens, poore and 
rich, are reduced into companies. The chiefe officers (as the 
dyachs and gentlemen) are appointed by the emperour him- 

^ [Scourging with a whip. See chapter 14.] 



selfe, tlie stmmst by the gentlemen and dyacks, the sotshoy 
by the starust or alderman, and the decetshoies by the con- 

This manner of government of their provinces and townes, 
if it were aswell set for the giving of justice indifferently to 
al sorts, as it is to prevent innovations by keeping of the 
nobilitie within order and the commons in subjection, it 
might seeme in that kinde to bee no bad nor unpollitique 
way for the conteyning of so large a commonwealth, of that 
breadth and length as is the kingdome of E,ussia. But the 
ojjpression and slaverie is so open and so great, that a man 
would marvell how the nobilitie and people shoulde suffer 
themselves to bee brought under it, while they had any 
means to avoid and repulse it : or being so strengthned as it 
is at this present, how the emperours themselves can be con- 
tent to practise the same, with so open injustice and oppres- 
sion of their subjects, being themselves of a Christian pro- 

By this it appeareth how harde a matter it were to alter 
the state of the E.usse government as now it standeth. First, 
because they have none of the nobilitie able to make head. 
As for the lords of the foure chetfirds or tetrarchies, they are 
men of no nobilitie, but dyacks advaunced by the emperour, 
depending on his favour, and attending onely about his owne 
person. And for the dukes that are appointed to govern 
under them, they are but men of a titular dignitie (as was 
saied before), of no power, authoritie, nor credit, save that 
which they have out of the ofhce for the time they enjoy it. 
Which doth purchase them no favour, but rather hatred of 
the people, for asmuch as they see that they are set over 
them, not so much for any care to doo them right and jus- 
tice, as to keepe them under in a miserable subjection and 
to take the fiiece from them, not once in the yeare (as the 
owner from his sheepe), but to poule and clip them all the 
yeare long. Besides, the authority and rule which they 


beare is rent and divided into many small pieces, being- 
divers of them in every great shire, limited besides with a 
very short time : which giveth them no scope to make any 
strength, nor to contrive such an enterprise, if happily they 
intended any matter of innovation. As for the common peo- 
ple (as may better appeare in the description of their state 
and qualitie afterwardes set downe) besides their want of 
armour and practise of warre (which they are kept from of 
purpose) they are robbed continually both of their harts and 
mony, (besides other means) sometimes by pretence of some 
service to be done for the common defence, sometimes with- 
out any shewe at all of any necessitie of common-wealth or 
prince. So that there is no meanes, either for nobilitie or 
peoj)le, to attempt any innovation, so long as the militarie 
forces of the emperour (which are the number of 8,000 at 
the least in continuall pay) hold themselves fast and sure 
unto him and to the present state. Which needes they must 
doo, beyng of the qualitie of souldiers, and enjoying withall 
that free libertie of wronging and spoiling of the commons at 
their pleasure, which is permitted them of purpose, and to 
make them have a liking of the present state. As for the 
agreement of the souldiers and commons, it is a thing not to be 
feared, beyng of so opposite and contrarie practise much one 
to the other. This desperate state of things at home, maketh 
the people for the most part to wishe for some forreine inva- 
sion, which they suppose to bee the onely meanes to rid them 
of the heavy yoke of this tyrannous government. 



Of the Emjierours Counsell. 

The emperours of Russia give the name of counsellour to 
divers of their chiefe nobilitie, rather for honors sake then 
for any use they make of them about their matters of state. 
These are called Boiarens, without any addition, and may 
bee called counsellors at large. For they are seldome or 
never called to any publique consultation. They which are 
of his speciall and privie counsell indeed (whom hee useth 
daily and ordinarily for all publique matters perteining to 
the state), have the addition of dumnoy, and are named 
dumnoy boiaren, or lords of the counsell, their office or sit- 
ting hoarstva dunina. 
The number Their uames at this present are these in their order. First, 

and names 

ofthecoun- Kucz Fcodcr Joauowich Methisloskev fMstislafskyl. 2. Knez 

sellours of j i. j J 

state. Ivan Michailowich Glinskoy. 3. Knez Vasilie Ivanowich 

Suskoy [Schiuskoy] Scopin. (These three are accounted to 
bee of greater birth then wisedome, taken in (as may seeme) 
for that ende, rather to furnish the place with their honours 
and presence, then with their advise or counsell.) 4. Knez 
Vasilie Ivanowich Suskoy, thought to be more wise then the 
other of his name. 5. Knez Feoder Michailowich. 6. Knez 
Micheta Komanowich Trowbetskoy. 7. Knez Timophey 
Homanowich Trowbetskoy. 8. Knez Andriew Gregoriwich 
Curakine 9. Knez Demetrie Ivanowich Forestine [Chworos- 
tinin], 10. Knez Feoder Ivanowich Forestine. 11. Bodan 
Ivanowich Sabarove. 12. Knez Ivan Vasilowich. 13. Knez 
Feoder Demetriwich Shestinove. 14. Knez Feoder Michailo- 
wich Troyconiove [Troekurof]. 15. Ivan Buterlyney [Bu- 
terlin]. IG. Demetrie Ivanowich Godonoe. IT. Borrise 
Federowich Godonoe, brother to the empresse. 18. Stephan 
Vasilowich Godonoe. 19. Grej^orie Vasilowich Godonoe. 


20. Ivan Yasilowich Godonoe. 21. Feoder Shcremitove. 
22. Andriew Petrowicli Cleslienina [Kleslanim]. 23. Ignatic 
Petrowicli Tatislove. 24. Romain Michailowich Peva. 25. 
Demenshoy Ivanowich. Cheremissen. 26. Komain Vasilo- 
wich Alferiove. 27. Andriew Shalcalove. 28. Vasilie Shal- 
calove. 29. Eleazar Wellusgin. oO. Drezheen Penteleove. 
31. Zapon Abramove. 

The foure last of these are called dumnoxj deiakeij, or lord cretaries.' 
secretaries. These are all of the emperours privie counsell, 
though but fewe of them are called to any consultation, for 
that all matters are advised and determined upon by Borris 
Federowich Godonoe, brother to the empresse, with some 
five or sixe more whom it pleaseth him to call. If they 
come, they are rather to heare then to give counsel, and doo 
so demeane themselves. The matters occurent which are 
of state done within the realme, are infourmed them at their 
sittings by the lordes of the foure chetfirds or tetrarchies. 
Whereof mention is made in the chapter concerning the 
government of their provinces. Who bring in all such let- 
ters as they receyve from the dukes, dyacks, captaines, and 
other officers of the cities and castels perteyning to their 
severall quarter or chetfird, with other advertisements, and 
informe the counsell of them. 

The like is done by the chiefe officer of every severall 
office of record, who may come into the counsell chamber 
and informe them, as occasion incident to his office doth 
require. Besides matters of state, they consider of many 
private causes, informed by way of supplication in very great 
numbers. Whereof some they intertaine and determine, as 
the cause or meanes can procure favour. Some they send 
to the offices whereto they perteyne by common course of 
lawe. Their ordinarie dayes for their sitting are Mondaies, 
Wensdaies, and Fridayes. Their time of meeting is com- 
monly seven a clock in the morning. If there be any extra- 
ordinary occasion that requireth consultation on some other 


day, they have warning by the clarke of the counsell, called 
dorofey husJiew, who receiveth order from the roserad or 
high constable of the realme, to call them together at the 
time appointed. 


Of the emperours customes and other revenues. 
The offices FoR the recevving of customes and other rentes belongfinff 

of receipt. J a O O 

to the crowne, there are appoynted divers vmder officers, 
which deliver over the same into the head treasurie. The 
first is the office of dtvoertsova, or steward of the housholde. 
The second is the office of the clictjirds, which I comprehend 
under one, though it bee divided into foure severall partes, 
as was sayd before. The third is called hidsha prechode, or 
the great income. 
re^efveTof*^ As touching the first, which is the office of the steward, it 
landremes. rcccyvcth all the rents of the emperours inheritance or 
crowne lande, which they call vochin. The vochin or crowne 
lande conteyneth in it 36 townes, with the territories or 
hundreds belonging unto them. Whereof the chiefe that 
yeeld the greatest rents are these : — Alexandrisca, Corelska, 
Otfer [Tver], Slobodey, Danielska, Moisalskoy, Chara, Sa- 
metska, Strararouse [Staraia-Boussa], Bransove, &c. The 
inhabitants or tenants of these and the other townes pay some 
rent money, some other rent dueties (called ohrokey), as cer- 
taine chetfirds or measures of graine, wheate, rye, barley, 
oates, etc., or of other victuall, as oxen, sheepe, swannes, 
geese, hares, hennes, wild fowle, fish, hay, wood, honie, etc. 
Some are bound to sowe for the emperours provision ccr- 


taine akers of ground, and to make the corne ready for his 
use : having for it an allowance of certaine akers of ground 
for their owne proper use. 

This provision for the houshold, specially of graine served 
in by the tenants, is a great deale more than is spent in his 
house, or in other allowance served out in liverie, or for the ^ >' 
emperours honour, called schalovaney : for which use there ■> 
is bestowed very much, both in graine and other victuall. ^ 
This surplus of provision is sold by the steward to the best / 
hand, and runneth into the emperours treasurie. ^ '' '> 

In the time of Ivan Vasilowich, father to this emperour ■■'' , 
(who kept a more princely and bountiful house then the' 
emperour now doth), this overplus of graine and other in- '_> 
comes into the stewardes office, yeelded to his treasurie not 
past 60 thousand rubbels yeerely, but risetli now by good 
husbanding of the steward, Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe, to . > 

230 thousand rubbels a yere. And this by the meanes of, 
the empresse and her kinred, (specially Borris Fedorowich; ■, ' ; 
Godonoe) that account it al their owne that runneth into tho ., 
emperors treasure. Much of this surplusage that riscth 
out of the rent provision, is emploied to the paiment of the • ' 
wages of his houshold officers, which are very many attend- ,',' 
ing at home and purveying abroad. - > ; ; 

The second office of receipt, called the chetjirds (being The office 
devided into foure severall partes, as before was sayde) hath 
foure head officers, which, besides the ordering and govern- 
ment of the shires conteyned within their severall chetfirds, 
have this also as a part of their office, to receive the taqla r(',.;/aaud 
and podat belonging to the emperour, that riseth out of the 
foure chetfirds or quarters. The tagla is a yeerely rent or 
imposition raised upon every ivite or measure of graine that 
groweth within the land, gathered by sworne men and 
brought into the office. The ivite conteyneth sixtie chetfirds. 
Every chetfird is three bushelles English, or little lesse. 




The podat Is an ordinarie rent of money imposed upon everle 
soake or hundred within the whole reahne. 

This lagla and podat bring in yeerely to the offices of the 
chetfirdes a greate summe of money : as may appeare by the 
particulars heere set downe. The towne and province of 
Vobsko pay yeerely for tagla and podat about 18,000 rub- 
bels. Novogrod, about 35,000 rubbels. Torshocke and Otfer, 
8,000 rubbels. Kazan, 30,000 rubbels. Morum, 1£,000 
rubbels. Colmigroe and Duyna, 8,000 rubbels. Vologda, 
12,000 rubbels. Cazan, 18,000 rubb. Vstiug, 30,000 rub- 
bels. Rostove, 50,000. The citie of Mosko, 40,000 rub- 
bels. Sibierskoy, 20,000 rubbels. Castrome, 12,000 rubbels. 
The totall amounteth to 400,000 rubbels or markes a yeere, 
which is brought in yeerely the first day of September, that 
is reckoned by them the first day of the yeere. 

The thirde (that is called the hidslia precJiod, or great in- 
come) receyveth all the customes that are gathered out of 
all the principall townes and cities within the whole realme. 
Besides the fees and other dueties which rise out of divers 
smaller offices, which are all brought into this office of bidsha 
■preclwd. The townes of most trade that doe yeelde greatest 
custome, are these heere sette downe : — Mosko, Smolensko, 
Vobsko, Novogrod Velica, Strararouse, Torshocke, Otfer, 
Yaruslave, Castrome, Nesna Novogrod, Cazan, Vologda. 
This custome out of the great townes is therefore more cer- 
taine and easie to be reckoned, because it is set and rated 
precisely what they shal pay for the custome of the yeere. 
Which needes must bee paide into the saide office, though 
they receive not so much. If it fal out to be more, it run- 
neth al into the emperours advantage. 

The custome at Mosko for everie yeere is 12,000 rubbels. 
The custome of Smolensko, 8,000. Vobsko, 12,000 rubbels. 
Novogrod Velica, 6,000 rubbels. Stararouse, by salt and 
other commodities, 18,000 rubbels. Torshock, 800 rubbels. 
Otfer, 700 rubbels. Yaruslave, 1,200 rubbels. Castrome, 


1,800 rubbels. Nesna Novogrod, 7,000 rubbels. Cazan, 
11,000 rubbels. Vologda, 2,000 rubbels. The custome of 
the rest that are townes of trade is sometimes more, some- 
times lesse, as their traffike and dealings with commodities 
too and fro falleth out for the yeere. 

This may bee saide for certaine, that the three tables of Ti'ewUoie 

'' reixnpt or 

receipts belonging to this office oi hulslia precliod, when ^^'J ^pyj^^^'% 
receive lest, account for thus much, viz. : — The first table, come.'"' 
160,000 rubbels. The second table, 90,000 rubbels. The 
third, 70,000 rubbels. So that there commeth into the office 
of hulsha precliod, at the least reckoning (as appeareth by 
their bookes of customs) out of these and other townes, and 
maketh the summe of 340,000 rubbles a yeere. Besides this 
custome out of the townes of trade, there is received by this 
office of hulsha prechod the yeerely rent of the common 
bathstoaves, and cabacks or drinking houses, which pertein 
to the emperour. Which (though it be uncertaine for the 
just summe, yet because it is certaine and an ordinary mat- 
ter that the Russe wil bath himselfe aswel within as without) 
yeeldeth a large rent to the emperours treasurie. 

There is besides a certeine mulct or penaltie, that groweth '^^^'^■^l .° j":. 
to the emperour out of every judgment or sentence that ''^'^ 
passeth in any of his courts of record in all civill matters. 
This penaltie or mulct is 20 dingoes or pence upon every 
rubble or marke, and so ten in the hundred. Which is 
paide by the partie that is convict by lawe. Hee hath be- 
sides for every name conteyned in the writs that passe out of 
these courts, five alteens. An alteen is five pence sterling, 
or there abouts. This is made good out of the office whence 
the writ is taken foorth. Thence it goeth to the office that 
keepeth the lesser scale, where it payeth as much more to 
the emperours use. This riseth commonly to 3,000 rubbels 
a yeere, or thereabouts. Farther also out of the office of 
roisbonia, where all fellonies are tried, is received for the 
emjierour the halfe part of fellons goodes ; the other halfe 


goeth, the one pra-t to the informer, the other to the 

All this is brought into the office of hulsha precliod, or 
great income. Besides the overplus or remainder that is 
saved out of the land rents allotted to divers other offices, as, 
namely, to the office called roserade, which hath landes and 
rentes assigned unto it to pay the yeerely salaries of the 
souldiers or horsemen, that are kept still in pay. Which in 
time of peace, when they rest at home not employed in anie 
service, is commonly cut off and paydc them by halfes, some- 
times not the halfe ; so that the remainder out of the roserade 
office that is layde into the emperours treasurie, commeth 
for the most part every yeere to 250,000 rubbels. 

In like sort (though not so much) is brought in the sur- 
plus out of the streUetsJcoy offices, which hath proper lands 
for the payment of the strelsey men or gunners, aswell those 
at Mosko, that arc of the emperors gard (12,000 in ordinary) 
as on the borders and other garrison townes and castels. 
Likewise out of the office of precliase sMsivoy nemshoy, 
which hath set allowance of landes to mainteine the forreyne 
merccnaric souldiers, as Poles, Sweadens,Doutches, Scots, &c. 
So out of the office oi pusharskoy (which hath lands and rents 
allowed for the provision of munition, great ordinance, pow- 
der, shot, salpeeter, brimstone, ledde, and such like) there 
is left somewhat at the yeres ende that runneth into the trea- 
surie. All these bring into the office oi hulslia precliod that 
which remaineth in their hand at the yeeres end. Whence 
it is delivered into the emperours treasurie. So that the 
whole summe that groweth to this office of hulsha precliod, 
or the great income (as appcareth by the bookes of the said 
office) amounteth to 800,000 rubbels a yeere, or thereabouts. 
VlVT"' All these offices, to wit, the office of the steward, the foure 
within"hil^ clietfirds, and the hulsha precliod, deliver in their receiptes to 
Mosko. the head treasurie, that lyeth within the emperours house or 
castle at the Mosko. Where lye all his moneyes, jewels. 



crownes, scepters^ plate, and such like, the chests, hutches, 
and bagges beyng signed by the emperours themselves with 
their owne scale. Though at this time the L. Borris Fe- 
derowich Godonoe his scale and oversight supplieth for the 
emperor, as in al other things. The under officer at this 
time is one Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe, coosin germane to 
the sayde Borris, who hath two clearkes allowed to serve 
under him in the office. 

that grow- 
eth to the 
surie in 
onely for 

Out of the stewards office, \ 
above the expense of his house, 
23,000 rubbels. 

Out of the foure chetfirds, for 
soake and head money, 400,000 

Out of the hulslia precod office, 
or great income, for custome and 
other rents, 800,000 rubbels. 

cleere, be- 
sides all 
\ charges for 
his house, and 
ordinary sa- 
laries of his 

The summe 
of the em- 
perours rent 

But besides this revenue, that is paid all in money to the 
emperours treasurie, he receiveth yeerely in furres and 
other dueties to a great value out of Siberia, Pechora, Per- 
niia, and other places, which are solcle or bartred away for 
other forreine commodities to the Turkish, Persian, Arme- 
nian, Georgian, and Bougharian marchants that trade within 
his countries, besides others of Christendome. What it 
maketh in the whole (though the value can not be set downe 
precisely, as being a thing casual as the commodity may be 
got), it may be gessed by that which was gathered the last 
yeere out of Siberia for the emperours custome, viz., 466 
timber of sables, five timber of martrones, 180 blacke foxes, 
besides other commodities. 

To these may bee added their seazures and confiscations 
upon such as are in displeasure, which riseth to a great 
summe ; besides other their extraordinary impositions and 


exactions, done upon their officers, monasteries, &c., not for 
any apparant necessity or use of the prince or common 
wealth, but of will and custome : yet with some pretence of 
a Scythian, that is, grosse and barbarous pollicie, as may 
appeare by these fewe soplusmata or counterfeit pollicies, 
put in practise by the emperours of Russia, all tending to 
this end — to robbe their people and to inrich their treasurie. 
To this purjDose this byword was used by the late emperour 
Ivan Vasilowich : — That his people were like to his beard ; 
the oftner shaven, the thicker it would grow. Or like sheepe, 
that must ncedes be shorne once a yeere at the least, to keepe 
them from being overladen with their wooll. 

Means used to draw the icealtli of the land into the 
emperours treasurie. 

To prevent no extortions, exactions, or briberies whatso- 
ever, done upon the commons by their dukes, diaks, or 
other officers in their provinces : but to suffer them to go 
on till their time bee expired, and to sucke themselves ful. 
Then to cal them to the praveush (or whijipe) for their 
behaviour, and to beate out of them all or the most part of 
the bootie (as the honie from the bee), which they have 
wrung from the commons, and to turne it into the emperours 
treasurie; but never any thing backe againe to the right 
owners, how great or evident soever the injurie be. To this 
ende the needy dukes and diacks that are sent into their 
provinces, serve the turne very well, being chaunged so 
often (to wit) once a yeere : where, in respect of their owne 
and the qualitie of the people (as before was said) they might 
be continued for some longer time, without all feare of in- 
novation. For comming still fresh upon the commons, 
they sucke more egerly : like Tiberius the emperours flies, 
that came newe still upon all olde sore ; to whome hee 
was wont to compare his prretors and other provinciall 


To make of tliese officers (that have robbed their people) 
sometimes a publike example, if any be more notorious then 
the rest : that the emperour may seem to mislike the oppres- 
sions done to his people, and transferrre the fault to his ill 

As, among divers other, was done by the late emperour 
Ivan Vasilowich to a diack in one of his provinces : that (be- 
sides many other extortions and briberies) had taken a goose 
ready drest full of money. The man was brought to the 
market place in Mosko. The emperour himselfe present 
made an oration. " These, good people, are they that would 
eate you up like bread," &c. Then asked hee his polachies 
or executioners who could cut up a goose, and commaunded 
one of them first to cut off his legges about the middes of the 
shinne, then his amies above his elbowes (asking him still if 
goose fleshe were good meate), in the ende to choppe off his 
head : that he might have the right fashion of a goose readie 
dressed. This might seeme to have beene a tollerable piece 
of justice (as justice goeth in Russia) except his subtill end 
to cover his owne oppressions. 


To make an open shew of want, when anie great taxe or 
imposition is towards. As was done by this emperour Theo- 
dore Ivanowich, by the advise of some about him at the 
beginning of his reigne : when, being left verie rich (as was 
thought) by his father, he sold most of his plate, and stamped 
some into coyne, that hee might seeme to want money. 
Whereupon presently out came a taxation. 

To suffer their subjects to give freely to the monasteries 
(which for their superstition very many doe, specially in 
their last wils), and to lay up their money and substance in 


them, to keej)e it more safe. Which all is permitted them 
without any restraint or proviso, as was and is in some coun- 
tries of Christendome. Wherehy their monasteries grow to 
exceeding great wealth. This they do to have the money 
of the realme better stored together, and more ready for their 
hand when they list to take it. Which manie times is done 
without anie noyse : the fryers beeyng content rather to part 
from somewhat (as the encrease groweth) then to loose all at 
once. Which they were made to doubt of in the other em- 
perours dayes. 
A strange Xo this end Ivau Vasilowich, late empcrour, used a very 

practise to > a. ^ ./ 

get money, g^i-j^i^igc practisc, that fcw priuccs would have done in their 
greatest extremities. He resigned his kingdome to one Ve- 
lica Knez Simeon, the emperours sonne of Cazan : as though 
hee meant to draw himselfe from al publike doings to a quiet 
privat life.^ Towards the end of the yeere, hee caused this 
newe king to call in all charters graunted to bishoprickes 
and monasteries, which they had enjoyed manie hundred 
yeeres before. Which were all cancelled. This done (as in 
dislike of the fact and of the misgovernment of the newe 
king) hee resumed his scepter, and so was content (as in 
favour to the Church and religious men) that they should 
renew their charters and take them of himselfe : reserving 
and annexing to the crowne so much of their lands as him- 
selfe thought good. 

By this practise hee wrung from the bishoprickes and 
monasteries (besides the landes which he annexed to the 
crowne) an huge masse of money. From some 40, from some 
50, from some an hundred thousandc rubbels. And this 
aswcll for the increase of his treasurie, as to abate the ill 

■* [The temporary resignation of his crown by Ivan to the Tartar 
Khan Ssain Bulat, baptized under the name of Simeon, is referred to 
December 1575. The Regency of Simeon lasted till September 1576. 
See Hamel's England and Russia, transl. by J. S. Leigh. London, 8vo., 
1854, p. 228. Horsey gives a few particulars in the earlier part of his 


opinion of his harcle government^ by a shcwe of woorse in 
an other man. Wherein his strange spirite is to bee noted : 
that beyng hated of his subjectes (as hiraselfe knew wel 
inough) yet would venture such a practise, to set another in 
his saddle, that might have ridde away with his horse while 
himselfe walked by on foote. 


To sende their messengers into the provinces or shires, 
where the special commodities of their countrey grow, as 
furres, waxe, hony, &c. There to forestall and ingrosse 
somtime one whole commodity, sometime two or more, taking 
them at smal prices what themselves list, and selling them 
againe at an excessive rate to their own marchants, and to 
marchants strangers. If they refuse to buy them, then to 
force them unto it. 

The like is done when any commoditie, eyther native or 
forreine (as cloth of golde, broade cloth, &c.) thus engrossed 
by the emperour and received into his treasurie, happeneth 
to decay or marre by long lying, or some other casualtie. 
Which is forced upon the marchants to be bought by them 
at the emperours price, whether they will or no. This last 
yeere of 1589 was engrossed all the waxe of the countrey: so 
that none might deale with that commoditie, but the empe- 
rour onely. 


To take up and engrosse in like sort sometime forreine 
commodities (as silkes, cloth, ledde, pearle, &c.) brought into 
his realm by Turkish marchants, Armenians, Bougharians, 
Poles, English, and other. And then to force his marchants 
to buy them of his officers at his owne price. 


To make a monopoly for the time of such commodities as 
are paid him for rent or custom, and to inhanse the price of 
them, as furres, corn, wood, &c. What time none must sell 


of the same kind of commodity, til the emperors be all sold. 
By this means hee maketh of his rent, corn, and other pro- 
vision of victual (as before was said) about 200,000 rubbels or 
marks a yeere. Of his rent, wood, hay, &c., 30,000 rubbels 
or thereabouts. 


In every great towne of his realme he hath a cdback or 
drinking house, where is sold aquavitce (which they cal 
Russe wine) mead, beere, &c. Out of these hee receiveth 
rent that amounteth to a great summe of money. Some 
yeeld 800, some 900, some 1000, some 2000 or 3000 rub- 
bels a yere. Wherein, besides the base and dishonourable 
meanes to encrease his treasurie, many foule faultes are 
committed. The poore labouring man and artificer, manie 
times spendeth all from his wife and children. Some use to 
lay in twentie, thirtie, fourtie rubbels or more into the 
caback, and vowe themselves to the pot till all that be spent. 
And this (as he will say) for the honour of hospodare or the 
emperour. You shall have manie there that have drunk all 
away to the verie skinne, and so walk naked (whom they call 
nagd). While they are in the caback none may call them 
foorth whatsoever cause there be, because he hindereth the 
emperours revenue. 


To cause some of his hoiarens, or nobles of his court 
(whom he useth upon trust), that have houses in the Mosko, 
to faine them selves robbed. Then to send for the zemsTcey 
men, or aldermen of the citie, and to commaund them to 
finde out the robberie. In default of not finding it, to prave 
or seasse the citie for their misgovernment in 8,000, 9,000, 
or 10,000 rubbels at a time. This is many times practised. 


In these exactions to shew their sovcraigntie, sometimes 


they use very plaine, and yet strange cavillations. As was 
that of Ivan Vasilowich, father to this emperour, after this 
sort. He sent into Permia for certaine loads of cedar wood, 
whereof hee knew that none grew in that countrcy. The 
inhabitants returned answere they could find none there. 
Whereupon hee seassed their countrey in 12,000 rubbels, as 
if they concealed the commoditie of purpose. Againe he 
sent to the citie of Mosko to provide for him a colpack or 
measure full of live fleas for a medicine. They returned 
answere that the thing was impossible. And if they could 
get them, yet they could not measure them for leaping out. 
Whereupon he praved or beat out of their shinnes 7,000 
rubbels for a mulct. 

By like cavillation hee extorted from his nobilitie 30,000 
rubbels, because he missed of his game when he went a 
hunting for the hare : as if their hunting and murdering of 
hares had bin the cause of it. Which the nobilitie (as 
the manner is) praved presently againe upon the monsicks 
or common people of the countrie. This may seeme a 
straunge kinde of extortion, by such pleasant cavils to fliese 
his poore subjectes in good sadnesse : but that it agreeth 
with the qualitie of those emperours, and the miserable sub- 
jection of that poore countrie. 

These, and such like meanes, are practised by the em- 
perours of Russia, to encrease their treasurie. 


Of the state of the Co inmunaltie, or vulgar sorte of people in the 
coxhntrie of Russia. 

The condition of the commons and vulgar sort of people, 
may partly be understood by that which already hath bin 


said concerning the manner of their government and the 
state of the nobilitie, with the ordering of their provinces 
and chiefe townes of the land. And first, touching their 
libertie, how it standeth with them, it may appeare by this : 
mid mCera- ^^^^ ^'^^^^ ^^'^ reckoncd in no degree at all, nor have any suf- 
tiieRuts*e°^fi'a'ge ^or place in their zahore or high court of parliament, 
where their lawes and publique orders are concluded vipon. 
Which commonly tend to the oppression of the commons. 
For the other two degrees, viz., of the nobilitie and cleargie, 
which have a vote in the parliaments (though farre from that 
libertie that ought to bee in common consultations for the 
publique benefite, according to the measure and proportion 
of their degrees) are well contented that the whole burden 
shall light upon the commons, so they may ease their owne 
shoulders by laying all upon them, Againe, into what ser- 
vile condition their libertie is brought, not onely to the 
prince, but to the nobles and gentlemen of the countrie (who 
themselves also are but servile, specially of late yeares), it 
may farther appeare by their owne acknowledgments in their 
supplications and other writings to any of the nobles or 
chiefe officers of the emperours. Wherein they name and 
subscribe themselves holo}ihey, that is, their villaines or 
bondslaves : as they of the nobilitie doo unto the emperour. 
This may truly be saide of them, that there is no servant nor 
bondslave more awed by his maister, nor kept downe in a 
more servile subjection, then the poore people are, and that 
universally, not only by the emperour, but by his nobilitie, 
chief officers, and souldiers. So that when a poore mousick 
meeteth with any of them upon the high way, he must turne 
himselfe about, as not daring to looke him on the face, and 
fall down with knocking of his head to the very ground, as 
he doth unto his idoll. 

Secondly, concerning the landes, goods, and other posses- 
sions of the commons, they answere the name and lie com- 
mon indeed without any fense against the rapine and spoile. 


not onely of the highest, but of his nobilitie, officers, and 
souldiers. Besides the taxes, customes, seazures, and other 
publique exactions done upon them by the emperour, they 
are so racked and pulled by the nobles, officers, and mes- 
sengers sent abroad by the emperour in his publique aflfaires, 
specially in the tjammes (as they call them) and thorough 
faire townes, that you shall have many villages and toAvnes 
of halfe a mile and a mile long, stande all unhabited : the 
people being fled all into other places, by reason of the ex- 
treame usage and exactions done upon them. So that in the 
way towards Mosko, betwixt Vologda and Yaruslaveley 
(which is two nineties after their reckoning, litle more then 
an hundredth miles English) there are in sigt fiftie darieunes 
or villages at the least, some halfe a mile, some a mile 
long, that stand vacant and desolate without any inhabit- 
ant. The like is in all other places of the realme (as is said 
by those that have better travelled the countrie then my 
selfe had time or occasion to doo). 

The great oppression over the poore commons, maketh 
them to have no courage in following their trades : for that 
the more they have the more daunger they are in, not onely 
of their goods but of their lives also. And if they have any 
thing, they conceale it all they can, sometimes conveying it 
into monasteries, sometimes hiding it under the ground and 
in woods, as men are woont to doo where they are in feare of 
forreine invasion. In so much that many times you shall 
see them afraid to be knowen to any hoiuren or gentleman of 
such commodities as they have to sell. I have scene them 
sometimes when they have layed open their commodities for 
a liking (as their principall furres and such like) to looke 
still behind them and towards every doore : as men in some 
feare, that looked to be set upon and surprised by some 
enimie. Whereof asking the cause, I found it to be this, 
that they have doubted least some nobleman or sinaboi- 
arshey of the emperour had bene in companie, and so layed 


a traine for them to pray upon their commodities per- 

This maketh the people (though otherwise hardened to 
beare any toile) to give themselves much to idlenes and 
drinking : as passing for no more then from hand to mouth. 
And hereof it commeth that the commodities of Kussia (as 
was said before) as wax, tallow, hydes, flaxe, hempe, &c., 
grow and goe abroad in farre lesse plentie then they were 
woont to doo : because the people, being oppressed and 
spoiled of their gettings, are discouraged from their laboures. 
Yet this one thing is much to be noted, that in all this op- 
pression there were three brethren marchants of late, that 
traded together with one stocke in common, that were found 
to bee woorth 300,000 rubbels in money, besides landes, 
cattels, and other commodities. Which may partly be im- 
puted to their dwellings far of from the eye of the court, vz., 
in Wichida, a 1000 miles from Mosko and more. The same 
are said by those that knew them to have set on worke all 
the yeare long ten thousand men in making of salt, carriages 
by cart and boat, hewing of wood, and such like : besides 
5,000 bondslaves at the least, to inhabite and till their land. 

They had also their physitions, surgeons, apothecaries, and 
all manner of artificers, of Doutches [Germans], and others, 
belonging unto them. They are said to have paied to the em- 
perour for custome to the sum of 23,000 rubbles a yeare (for 
which cause they were suffered to enjoy their trade) besides 
mainteining of certeine garrisons on the borders of Siberia, the 
which were neare unto them. Wherin the emperour was 
content to use their purse, till such time as they had got 
ground in Siberia and made it habitable, by burning and 
cutting downe woods from Wichida to Perm, above a 1,000 
verse, and then tooke it all away from them perforce. 

But this in the end beyng envied and disdained, as a mat- 
ter not standing with their pollicie to have any so great, spe- 
cially a mousick, the emperour began first to pull from them 


by pieces, sometimes 20,000 rubbels at a time, sometime 
more : till in the end their sonnes that now are, are well eased 
of their stocke, and have but small parte of their fathers 
substance : the rest being drawen all into the emperours 
treasurie. Their names were Jacove, Gregorie, and Simon, 
the sonnes of Onyka. 

For the qualitie of their people otherwise, thouo^h there The tyranny 
seemeth to be in them some aptnesse to receyve any art (as theh°ve'iy 
appeareth by the naturall wittes in the men, and very chil- "u". * ''" 
dren) yet they excell in no kinde of common arte, much 
lesse in any learning or litterall kinde of knowledge : which 
they are kept from of purpose, as they are also from all mili- 
tarie practise : that they may be fitter for the servile condi- 
tion wherein now they are, and have neyther reason nor 
valure to attempt innovation. For this purpose also they 
are kept from traveling, that they may learne nothing, 
nor see the fashions of other countries abroad. You shall 
seldome see a E.usse a traveller, except he be with some am- 
bassadour, or that he make a scape out of his countrie. 
Which hardly he can doo, by reason of the borders that are 
watched so narrowly, and the punishment for any such at- 
tempt, which is death if he be taken, and all his goods 
confiscate. Onely they learne to write and to read, and that 
very few of them. Neither doo they suffer any straunger 
willingly to come into their realme out of any civill countrie 
for the same cause, farther then necessitie of uttering their 
commodities and taking in of forreine doth enforce them to 

And therefore this yeare 1589 they consulted about the The jeaiou- 

"' •' sie of the 

removing of all marchants strauno^ers to the border townes, emperom- 

o o ' concerning 

to abide and have their residencie there, and to bee more ""^ ^''''®' 
wary in admitting other straungers hereafter into the inland 
parts of the realm, for feare of infection with bettter manners 
and qualities then they have of their owne. For the same 
purpose also they are kept within the boundes of their de- 


gree by the lawes of their countrie : so that the sonne of a 
mousick, artificer, or husbandman, is ever a mousick, artifi- 
cer, &c. : and hath no means to aspire any higher : except, 
having learned to write and read, he attaine to the prefer- 
ment of a priest or dyack. Their language is all one with 
the Slavonian, which is thought to have bene derived from 
the E.usse tongue, rather then the Russe from the Slavonian. 
For the people called Sclavi are knowen to have had their 
beginning out of Sarmatia, and to have termed themselves 
of their conquest Sclacos (that is) famous or glorious, of 
the word sclava, which, in the E,usse and Slavonian tongue, 
signifieth as much as glory or fame. Though afterwards 
being subdued and trod upon by divers nations, the Italians 
their neighbours have turned the worde to a contrary signi- 
fication, and terme every servant or peasant by the name of 
sclave, as did the Romanes by the Getes and Syrians, for the 
same reason. The Russe character or letter is no other then 
the Greeke, somewhat distorted. 

Concerning their trades, diet, apparell, and such like, it is 
to be noted in a severall chapter of their private behaviour. 
This order that bindeth every man to keepe his rancke and 
severall degree, wherin his forefathers lived before him, is 
more meet to keepe the subjects in a servile subjection, 
and so apt for this and like common-wealths, then to ad- 
vaunce any vertue, or to breed any rare or excellent qualitie 
in nobilitie or commons : as having no farther rewarde nor 
preferment whereunto they may bend their endevours and 
imploy themselves to advaunce their estate, but rather pro- 
curing more danger to themselves the more they excell in 
any noble or principall qualitie. 



Of their iniblifiue justice., and manner of irroceeding in civill 
and criminall matters. 

Their courts of civil iusticc for matters of contract, and *""'.";' ^''f 
J ^ civiii jus- 

other of like sort, are of three kinds, the one bcyng subject ^"^^•'' '■''"^*'- 

unto the other by way of appeale. The lowest court (that 

seemeth to be appointed for some ease to the subjects) is the 

office of the gubnoy starust, that signifieth an alderman, and 

of the sotskoy starust, or bailief of the soake or hundred, 

wherof I spake before in the ordering of the provinces. 

These may ende matters among their neighbours within 

their soke or several hundred, where they are appointed 

under the dukes and diacks of the provinces, to whom the 

parties may remove their matter, if they cannot be agreed by 

the said guhnoy or sotskoy starust. 

The second is kept in the head townes of every province tuo aakos 
or shire, by the said dukes and diacks, that are deputies to <''^"'''- 
the foure lords of the chetfirds (as before was sayd). From 
these courts they may appeale, and remove their suites to The high 
the chiefe court, that is kept at the Mosko, where are resi- ^^°^^°- 
dent the officers of the foure chetfirds. These are the chiefe 
justices or judges, every of them in all civill matters that 
grow within their severall chetfird or quarter, and may be 
either commenced originally before them, or prosequutcd out 
of the inferiour courts of the shires by way of appeale. 

Their commenciuf? and proceedina; in civill actions is on Their man- 

^ i- o ner ofpro- 

this manner. First, the plaintife putteth up his supplica- ^f^ii,'',^;^"! 
tion, wherein hee declareth the effect of his cause or wrong *"''■ 
done unto him. Whereupon is granted unto him a icejns or 
warrant, which hee delivereth to the prcesta^e or sergeant, 
to doo the arrest upon the partie whom he meancth to im- 
plead. Who, upon the arrest, is to put in sureties to 



answere the clay appointed, or els stancleth at the sergeants 
devotion, to be kept safe by such meanes as he thinketh 

The sergeants are many, and excell for their hard and 
cruell dealing towards their prysoners ; commonly they 
clappe irons upon them, as many as they can beare, to wring 
out of them some larger fees. Though it bee but for sixe 
pence, you shall see them goe with chaynes on their legges, 
armes, and necke. When they come before the judge, the 
plaintife beginneth to declare his matter after the content of 
his supplication. As for attourneis, counsellours, procura- 
tours, and advocates, to plead their cause for them, they 
have no such order, but every man is to tell his owne tale, 
and plead for himselfe so well as he can. 
Endinijof If thcv havc auv witnesse or other evidence, they produce 

conti-over- j j ' j i. 

^n^^the'^'^'^ it before the judge. If they have none, or if the truth of 
crosse. ^^ causc caunot so well bee decerned by the plea or evi- 
dence on both partes : then the judge asketh eyther partie 
(which hee thinketh good, plaintife or defendant) whether 
hee will kisse the crosse upon that which he avoucheth or 
denieth. Hee that taketh the crosse (being so offered by the 
judge) is accounted cleare, and carrieth away the matter. 
This ceremonie is not done within the court or office, but 
the partie is carried to the church by an officer, and there 
the ceremonie is done : the mony in the meane while hang- 
ing upon a naile, or els lying at the idols feete, ready to be 
delivered to the partie as soone as he hath kissed the crosse 
before the said idoll. 

This kissing of the crosse (called Creustina chelovania) is 

as their corporall oath, and accounted with them a very holy 

thing, which no man will dare to violate or prophane with a 

judprement falsc allegation. If both parties offer to kisse the crosse in 

bylotte. ^ _ ^ 

a contradictorie matter, then they drawe lottes. The better 
lotte is supposed to have the right, and beareth away the 
matter. So the partie convicted is adjudged to pay the debt 


or penaltie whatsoever, and withall to pay the emperours 
fees, which is twentie pence upon every marke, as before 
hath bene noted. 

When the matter is thus ended, the party convicted is 
delivered to the sergeant, who hath a writte for his warrant 
out of the office to carry him to the praveush or righter of 
justice, if presently hee pay not the monie or content not the 
partie. This pravetish or righter, is a place neare to the 
office : where such as have sentence passed against them, 
and refuse to pay that which is adjudged, are beaten with 
great cudgels on the shinnes and calves of their legges. 
Every forenoone, from eight to eleven, they are set on the 
praveush, and beate in this sort till the monie be payd. The 
afternoone and night time they are kepte in chaincs by the 
sergeant : except they put in sufficient suerties for their ap- 
parance at the praveush at the hower appointed. You shall 
see for tie or fiftie stand together on the praveush all on a 
rowe, and their shinnes thus becudgelled and bebastcd every 
morning with a piteous crie. If, after a yeares standing on 
the prateush, the partie will not, or lacke whcrewithall to 
satisfie his creditour, it is lawfull for him to sell his wife and 
children, eyther out right or for a certaine terme of yeares. 
And if the price of them doo not amount to the full pay- 
ment, the creditour may take them to bee his bondslaves for 
yeares or for ever, according as the value of the debt re- 
quire th. 

Such kinde of suites as lacke direct evidence, or stande 
upon conjectures and circumstances to bee waighed by the 
judge, drawe of great length, and yeeld great advantage to 
the judge and officers. If the suite be upon a bond or bill, 
they have for the moste parte good and speedy justice. 
Their bonds or billes are drawen in a very plaine sorte, after 
this tenour. I, lean VasUeo,have horroioed of Alnhonassc '^\^e,imm6 

•^ -* ofRussebils 

Dementio the summe of one hundred rubbles of going money or bonds. 
of Mosho,from the Kreshetiea (or hallowing of the water) 


untill the Sahurney voscreshciiea (or counsell Sunday) without 
interest. And if this money rest unpayed after that day, 
then heo shall give ititerest upon the sayd money, after the 
common rate as it goeth among the people, viz., for everie five 
the sixt ruhhell. Upon this there are loitnesses, Micheta Sy- 
droveshoy, 8^c., subscribed. This bill have I written, Gahriell 
Jacovclesni, in the yeare 7096. The Avitnesses and debter (if 
he can write) endorse their names on the backe side of the 
bin. Other signing or sealing have they none. 

When any is taken for a matter of crime (as treason, mur- 
der, thefte, and such like) hee is first bronght to the duke 
and diack that are for the province where the partie is at- 
tached, by whom hee is examined. The manner of exami- 
nation in snch cases is all by torture, as scourging with 
whips made of sinowes or whitleather (called the pudlieii~) as 
bigge as a mans finger, which giveth a sore lash and entreth 
into the flesh, or by tying to a spit and resting at the fire ; 
sometimes by breaking and wresting one of their ribbcs with 
a payre of bote tongues, or cutting their flesh under the 
nayles, and such like. 

The examination thus taken, with all the proofes and evi- 
dences that can bee alleadged against the partie, it is sent 
up to the Mosko to the lord of the chetfird or fourth-parte 
nnder whom the province is, and by him is presented to the 
counsell table, to bee read and sentenced there, where oncly 
judgement is given in matter of life and death, and that by 
evidence upon information, though they never sawe nor 
heard the partie, who is kept still in pryson where the fact 
was committed, and never sent up to the place where he is 
tried. If they find the partie guiltie, they give sentence of 
death according to the qualitie of the fact : which is sent 
downe by the lord of the chetfird, to the duke and diack to 
bee put in execution. The prisoner is carried to the place 
of execution with his handes bounde, and a waxe candle 
burning- helde betwixt his fin"ers. 


Tlieir capitall punishmentes are hanging, Kedding, knock- 
ing on the head, drowning, putting under the yse, setting 
on a stake, and such like. But, for the most part, the pri- 
soners that are condemned in summer are kept for the win- 
ter, to be knockt in the head and put under the yse. This 
is to bee understood of common persons : for theft and 
murder, if they be committed upon a poore mousick by one 
of nobilitie, are not lightly punished, nor yet is hee called 
to any account for it. Their reason is, because they are 
accounted their holopliey or bondslaves. If by some sina- 
hoiarshey, or gentleman souldier, a murder or theft bee com- 
mitted, peradventure he shal be imprisoned at the emperours 
pleasure. If the manner of the fact be verie notorious, he is 
whipped perchance, and this is commonly all the punish- 
ment that is inflicted upon them. 

If a man kill his owne servant, little or nothing is said 
unto him, for the same reason : because hee is accounted to 
be his holopheij or bondslave, and so to have right over his 
verie head. The most is some small mulct to the emperour 
if the partie be rich : and so the quarell is made rather 
against the purse then against the injustice. They have no 
written law, save onely a smal booke, that conteineth the 
time and manner of their sitting, order in proceeding, and 
such other judicial forms and circumstances ; but nothing to 
direct them to give sentence iipon right or wrong. Their 
onely law is their spealung law, that is, the pleasure of the 
prince, and of his magistrates and officers.^ Which sheweth 
the miserable condition of this poore people, that are forced 
to have them for their law and direction of justice, against 
whose injustice and extreame oppression they had neede to 
be armed with many good and strong lawes. 

^ [This statement appears at vai'iance with the known fact that Ivan 
Vasilovitsch composed a body of law, founded on the code of Ivan III, 
and highly esteemed. He promulgated it in the year 1550 ; but it was 
not printed till a full century later, in the reign of Alexis Michailovitsch. 
See Karamsia; ed. Paris, 1819-1826, vol. viii, p. 85.] 



Their forces for the ivarres, ivith the chief officers and their 

The souldiers of Russia are called sindboiarshey , or the sons 
of gentlemen : because they are all of that degree by vertue 
of their military profession. For every souldier in Russia is 
a gentleman, and none are gentlemen but only the souldiers, 
that take it by discent from their ancestors : so that the sonne 
bh't'h'nmi ^"^ of ^ gentleman (which is borne a souldier) is ever a gentle- 
m eii auce. ^^^ ^^_^^ ^ souldicr withal, and professeth nothing els but 
militarie matters. When they are of yeeres able to beare 
armes, they come to the office oi roserade or great constable, 
and there present themselves : who entreth their names, and 
allotteth them certeine lands to maintein their charges, for 
the most part the same that their fathers enjoyed. For the 
lands assigned to mainteine the army are ever certein, an- 
nexed to this office, without improving or detracting one 
foot. But that if the emperour have sufficient in wages, the 
roomes being full so farre as the lande doeth extend already, 
they are manie times deferred, and have nothing allowed 
them except some one portion of the land be devided into 
two. Which is a cause of great disorder within that coun- 
trie : when a souldier that hath many children, shal have 
sometimes but one intertained in the emperours pay. So 
that the rest, having nothing, are forced to live by unjust 
and wicked shiftes, that tend to the hurt and oppression of 
the mousick, or common sort of people. This inconvenience 
groweth by mainteining his forces in a continual succession. 
The whole number of his souldiers in continual pay is this. 
First, he hath of his dworaney, that is, pensioners or gard 
of his person, to the number of 15,000 horsemen, with their 
captaines and other officers, that are alwaies in a readines. 


Of these 15,000 horsemen there are three sorts or dcj^rees, Degrees of 


that differ aswell in estimation as in wages, one degree from 
another. The first sort of them is called diooraneii hulshcii, i: ^^'o- 

•^ "^ ' nam, or 

or the company of head pensioners, that have some an hun- teudtL^'' 
dred, some fourscore rubbels a yeere, and none under 70. pl'lsou!"'^ 
The second sort are called serechiey chcorcmcy, or the middle 
ranke of pensioners. These have sixty, or fiftie rabbels by 
the yere, none under fourtie. The third and lowest sort 
are the dyta hoiarskey , that is, the lowe pensioners. Their 
salarie is thirty rubbels a yere for him that hath most, some 
have but five and twentie, some twentie, none under twelve. 
Whereof the halfe part is paid them at the Mosko, the other 
halfe in the field by the generall, when they have anie 
warres and are imployed in service. When they receive 
their whole pay, it amounteth to 55,000 rubbels by the 

And this is their wages, besides lands allotted to every one 
of them, both to the greater and the lesse according to their 
degrees. Whereof he that hath least, hath to yeeld him 
twentie rubbels or marks by the yeere. Besides these 15,000 
horsemen, that are of better choyce (as being the emperors 
own gard when himself goeth to the warres, not unlike the 
Homane souldiers called ^jr<®^or?V/??5) are a 110 men of special 
account for their nobilitie and trust, which are chosen by 
the emperour and have their names registred, that find Two other 

■*■ o ^ t.voupes to 

among them for the emperours warres to the number of*'jl 
65,000 horsemen, with all necessaries meet for the warres 
after the Russe manner. 

To this end they have yeerely allowance made by the em- 
perour for themselves and their companies, to the summe of 
40,000 rubbels. And these 65,000 are to repaire to the field 
every yeere on the borders towards the Chrim Tartar (except 
they bee appoynted for some other service) whether there be 
warres with the Tartars or not. This might seeme perad- 
venture somwhat dangerous for some state, to have so great 

the number 



forces under the command of noblemen, to assemble everie 
yeere to one certeine place. But the matter is so used as 
that no danger can grow to the emperour or his state, by this 
meanes. 1. Besides these noblemen are many, to wit, an 
110 in all, and changed by the emperor so oft as he thinkcth 
good. 2. Because they have their livings of the emperour, 
being otherwise but of very small revenue, and receive this 
yeerely pay of 40,000 rubbels, when it is presently to be 
paide foorth againe to the souldiers that are under them. 
3. Because, for the most part, they are about the emperours 
person, being of his councel, either speciall or at large. 4. 
They are rather as paymasters then captaines to their com- 
panies, themselves not going forth ordinarily to the warres, 
save when some of them are appointed by speciall order 
Horsemen from the omperour himselfe. So the whole number of horse- 


iiay, 8o,uoo. jjicu, that are ever in a readinesse and in continuall pay, are 
80,000, a few more or lesse. 

If hee have neede of a greater number (which seldome 
falleth out) then he interteineth of those smaboiar^skei/, that 
are out of pay, so many as hee needeth : and if yet hee want 
of his number, he giveth charge to his noblemen that hold 
lands of him, to bring into the fielde every man a propor- 
tionable number of his servants (called kolopliey, such as till 
his lands) with their furniture, according to the just number 
that he intendeth to make. Which, the service being done, 
presently lay in their weapons, and returne to their servile 
occupations againe. 

Footmen in Of footmcu that are in continuall pay, he hath to the num- 


pay, 12,000. bcr of 12,000, all gunners, called strelsey. Whereof 5,000 
are to attend about the citie of Mosko, or any other place 
where the emperour shall abide, and 2,000 (which are called 
stremaney strelsey, or gunners at the stirrop) about his owne 
person, at the verie court or house where himselfe lodgeth. 
The rest arc placed in his garrison townes till there be occa- 
sion to have them in the fielde, and receive for their salarie 

avod, or 


or stipend every man seven rubbels a yeere, besides twelve 
measures a piece of rye and oates. Of merccnaric souldiers, 
that are strangers (whom they call nimschoy), they have at Rtrangpis, 
this time 4,300 of Polonians : of Chirchasses^ (that are under 4'g,';,','" ''■'^'' 
the Polonians) about 4 thousand, whereof 3,500 are abroad 
in his garrisons : of Doutches and Scots, about 150 : of 
Greekes, Turks, Danes, and Sweadens, all in one band, an 
100 or thereabouts. But these they use onely upon the 
Tartar side, and against the Siberians : as they doe the Tar- 
tar souldiers (whom they hire sometimes, but onely for the 
present) on the other side against the Polonian and Sweaden : 
thinking it best pollicie so to use their service upon the con- 
trary border. 

The chiefe ca])taines or leaders of these forces, according The cUiefe 

^ captaiues 

to their names and deo-rees, are these which follow. First, f ''i"^'^'''?- 

~ ' ■ 1. Ihe vol- 

the voyavodey hulshaia, that is, the great captaine, or lieften- ""' 
ant gencrall under the emperour. This, commonly, is one 
of the foure houses of the chiefe nobilitie of the lande : but 
so chosen otherwise as that hee is of small valure or practise 
in martiall matters, beeyng thought to serve that turne so 
much the better, if hee bring no other partes with him save 
the countenance of his nobilitie, to bee liked of by the soul- 
diers for that and nothing els. For in this poynt they are 
very warie that these two (to wit) nobilitie and power, meet 
not both in one, specially if they see wisedome with all, or 
aptnesse for pollicie. 

Their great voiavod, or generall, at this present in their 
"warres, is commonly one of these foure: Knez Feodor Ivano- 
wich Methisloskey [Mstislavskoy], Knez Ivan Michailowich 
Glinskoy,Cherechaskoy,^ and Trowbetskoy,'"' all of great nobi- 
litie, bu.t of very simple qualitie otherwise : though in Glins- 

^ [A people settled on the borders of the Dnieper, and who gave their 
name to the town Tcherkass. Karamsin connects them with the Cossacks. 
See ed. Par., vol. v, p. 37"'.] 

^ [Knez Vasilei, or Knez Boris, Tscherkaskoi ?] 

^ [Knez Ivan Michailovitsch Trubetskoi ?] 



uant''"eM- ^^J (^^ tlicy say) tliere is somewhat more then in the rest. To 
^'""' make np this defect in the voiavod or generall, there is some 

other joyned with him as lieftenant generally of farre lesse 
nobilitie, but of more valure and experience in the warres 
then he, who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth. 
At this time their principall man, and most used in their 
warres, is one Knez Demetrie Ivanowich Forestine [Chworos- 
tinin] , an auncient and expert captaine, and one that hath 
3. Marshals done ffreat service (as they say) ao-ainst the Tartar and Polo- 

of the field, ° ^ ... 

foure. nian. Next under the voiavod and his lieftenant generall are 

foure other, that have the marshalling of the whole army de- 
vided among them, and may be called the marshals of the field. 
Every man hath his quarter, or fourth part under him. 
Whereof the first is called \X\q i)rava i-)ohlxorj, or right wing. 
The second is the levoy polshoy, or left wing. The third is 
rusnoy polslioy, or the broken band, because out of this there 
are chosen to send abroade upon any sodaine exploit, or to 

Foure mar- make a rcscue or supply as occasion doth require. The 

shals depu- n ■, 

ties 8. lourth, storcshocoy j^olskoy, or the wardmg bande. Every 
one of these foure marshals have two other under them (eight 
in all), that twise every weeke at the least must muster and 
traine their several wings or bands, and hold and give jus- 
tice for all faultes and disorders committed in the campe. 

And these eight are commonly chosen out of the 110 
(which I spake of before) that receive and deliver the pay to 

Fivecoro- ^hc souldicrs. Under these eio-ht are divers other captains, 

nels under ~ 15 

captauies. ^^ ^-^^ gidatoy , captains of thousands, five hundreds, and 
100 \ the petyde setskoy, or captaines of fifties ; and the 
decetskies , or captaines of tennes. 

Besides the voiavoda or generall of the armie (spoken of 
before), they have two other that beare the name of voiavoda: 

sixe mas- whercof oue is the master of the great ordinance (called 

ters of the 7 • 7 n i i 

artiiierie. naradna voiavoda) who hath divers under officers, necessa- 

rie for that service. The other is called the voiavoda gula- 

The walking t'ow, or the Walking captaine, that hath alowed him 1,000 

captaine. ^ ^ i. 


good horsemen of principall choyse, to range and spie abroad, 
and hatli the charge of the running castle, which -we are to 
speake of in the chapter folowing. All these captaiues and 
men of charge must once every day resort to the hulsha 
voiacoda, or generall of the armie, to know his pleasure, and 
to informe him if there be any requisite matter pertelning to 
their office. 


Of their mustering and levying of forces, manner of armour, and 
-provision of victuall for the icarres. 

When warres are towards (which they fayle not of lightly 
every yeere with the Tartar, and riianie times with the Polo- 
nian and Sweden) the foure lordes of the chetfirds sende Their order 

^ -^ IVir muster- 

foorth their summons in the emperours name to all the ^"s- 
dukes and dyacks of the provinces, to bee proclaymed in the 
head townes of every shire : that all the sinahoiarskey, or 
sonnes of gentlemen, make their repaire to such a border 
where the service is to be done, at such a place and by such 
a day, and there present them selves to such and such cap- 
taines. When they come to the place assigned them in the 
summons or proclamation, their names are taken by certaine 
officers that have commission for that pourpose from the 
roserade or high constable, as clarkes of the bandes. 

If any make default and faile at the day, bee is mulcted 
and punished very severely. As for the generall and other 
chiefe captaines, they are sent thither from the emperours 
owne hande, with such commission and charge as bee think- 
eth behoofull for the present service. When the souldiers 
are assembled, they are reduced into their bands and com- 
panies under their severall captaines of tennes, fifties, hun- 
dreds, thousands, &c., and these bands into foxxx e polskeis or 



legions (but of farre greater numbers then the Romaine 
legions were) under their foure great leaders, which also 
have the authoritie of marshals of the fielde (as was sayd. 
before) . 

Concerning their armour, they are but slightly appointed. 
The common horseman hath nothing els but his bow in his 
case under his right arme, and his quiver and sword hang- 
ing on the left side : except some fewe, that beare a case of 
dagges, or a javelin, or short staffe along their horse side. 
The under captains Avil have commonly some piece of armour 
besides, as a shirt of male, or such like. The generall, with 
the other chiefe captaines and men of nobilitie, will have 
their horse very richly furnished, their saddles of cloth of 
golde, their bridles faire bossed and. tasselled with golde and 
silke fringe, bestudded. with pearle and. precious stones, 
themselves in very faire armour, which they call huUatnoy, 
made of faire shining Steele, yet covered commonly with 
cloth of golde, and edged rounde with armin furre, his 
Steele helmet on his head of a very great price, his sword, 
bow, and arrowes at his side, his speare in his hande, with 
an other faire helmet, and his shestapera, or horsemans scep- 
ter, carried before him. Their swordes, bowes, and arrowes 
are of the Turkish fashion. They practise, like the Tartar, 
to shoote forwards and backwards, as they flie and retire. 

The strelseij or footeman hath nothing but his piece in his 
hande, his striking hatchet at his backe, and his sworde by 
his side. The stocke of his piece is not made caliever wise, 
but Avitli a plaine and straite stocke (somewhat like a fowl- 
ing piece). The barrel is rudely and unartificially made, very 
heavie, yet shooteth but a very small bullet. As for their 
provision of victuall, the emperour alloweth none, either for 
captaine or souldiour, neither provideth any for them, except 
peradventure some corne for their money. Every man is to 
bring sufficient for him selfe to serve his turne for foure 
moneths, and, if neede require, to give order for more to bee 


brought unto him to the campe from his tenant that tilleth 
his land, or some other place. One great helpe they have, 
that for lodging and diet every Rnsse is prepared to bee a 
souldiour beforehand. Though the chiefe captaines and 
other of account carry tents with them after the fashion of 
ours, with some better provision of victuall then the rest. 
They bring with them commonly into the campe for victuall 
a kinde of clryed bread (which they call sucharie), with some 
store of meale, which they temper with water, and so make 
it into a ball or small lumpe of dowe, called tollochno. And 
this they eate raw in steade of bread. Their meate is bacon, 
or some other flesh or fish dryed, after the Dutch manner. 
If the Russe souldier were as hardy to execute an enterprise 
as he is hard to beare out toyle and travaile, or were other- 
wise as apt and v\''el trained for the warres as he is indifferent 
for his lodging and dyet, hee would farre exceede the soul- 
diours of our partes. Whereas now he is farre meaner of 
courage and execution in any warlike service. Which coni- 
metli partly of his servile condition, that will not suffer any 
great courage or valure to growe in him. Partly for lacke 
of due honour and reward, which he hath no great hope of, 
whatsoever service or execution he doe. 


Of their marching, charging^ and other martiall discipline. 

The E-usse trusteth rather to his number then to the valure 
of his souldiers, or good ordering of his forces. Their march- 
ing or leading is without all order, save that the foure polsheij 
or legions (whereinto their armie is devided) keepe them- 
selves several under their ensignes, and so thrust all on toge- 
ther in a hurrey, as they are directed by their generall. 


Their eusigne is the image of Saint George. The hulsha 

dworaney, or chiefe horsemen, have every man a small 

Horsemens drumme of brass at his saddle bowe, which hee striketh 


when hee giveth the charge or onset. 
The horse- Thcv havc drummcs besides of a hufje bisfnesse, which 

mans man- -' o o ' 

nexofchaig- j^j^ey carry with them upon a boarde layde on foure horses, 
that are sparred together with chaines, every drumme having 
eight strikers or drummers, besides trumpets and shawmes, 
which they sounde after a wilde manner, much different 
from ours. AVhen they give any charge, or make any inva- 
sion, they make a great hallowe or shoute altogether as 
loude as they can, which with the sound of their trumpets, 
shawmes, and drummes, inaketh a confused and horrible 
noyse. So they set on first discharging their arrowes, then 
dealing with their swordes, which they vise in a braverie to 
shake and brandish over their heads before they come to 

Thefoote- Their footemen (because otherwise they want order in 

mans ^ •' 

charge. leading) are commonly placed in some ambush or place of 
advantage, where they may most annoy the enemie with 
least hurt to themselves. If it bee a set battell, or if any 
great invasion be made upon the Russe borders by the Tar- 

Tbewaik- tar, tlicy are set within the running or moving castle (called 

ing- castle. 

heza, or gidaij gorod) which is caried about with them by 
the voiavoda gulacoy (or the walking general) whom I spake 
of before. This walking or mooving castle is so framed that 
it may bee set up in length (as occasion doeth require) the 
space of one, two, three, foure, five, sixe, or seven miles : 
for so long it will reach. It is nothing els but a double wall 
of wood to defende them on both sides behinde and before, 
with a space of three yardes or thereabouts betwixt the two 
sides : so that they may stande within it, and have roome 
vnough to charge and discharge their pieces and to use their 
other weapons. It is closed at both endes, and made with 
loope holes on either side, to lay out the nose of their piece 


or to push, foorth any other weapon. It is carried with the 
armie wheresoever it goeth, being taken into pieces and so 
layed on cartes sparred together and drawen by horse that 
are not seene, by reason that they arc covered with their car- 
riage as with a shelfe or pent-house. AVhen it is brought to 
the phace where it is to be used (which is divided and chosen 
out before by the walking voiavod), it is planted so much as 
the present use requireth, sometime a mile long, sometimes 
two, sometimes three, or more : which is soone done without 
the helpe of any carpenter or instrument, because the timber 
is so framed to clasp together one piece within an other, as 
is easily understood by those that know the manor of the 
Russe building. 

In this castle standeth their shotte well fenced for ad- 
vantage, sjDccially against the Tartar, that bringeth no ordi- 
nance nor other weapon into the field with him, save his 
swoord and bow and arrowes. They have also within it 
divers field pieces, which they use as occasion doth require. 
Of pieces for tlie field they carry no great store, when they 
warre against the Tartar ; but when they deale with the 
Polonian (of whose forces they make more account) they 
goe better furnished with al kind of munition and other 
necessary provisions. It is thought that no prince of Chris- 
tendome hath better stoare of munition then the Russe em- 
perour. And it may partly appeare by the artillerie house 
at Mosko, where are of all sortes of great ordnance, all 
brasse pieces, very faire, to an exceeding great number. 

The Russe souldier is thought to be better at his defence 
within some castle or town, then hee is abroad at a set 
pitched field. Which is ever noted in the practise of his 
warres,and namely, at the siege of Vobsko [Pskof], about eight 
yeares since : where hee repulsed the Polonian king Stejjan 
Batore, with his whole armie of 100,000 men, and forced 
him in the ende to give over his siege, with the losse of 
many of his best captaines and souldiers. But in a set field 


the Russe is noted to have ever the worse of the Polonian 
and Sweden, 

If any behave himselfe more valiantly then the rest, or 

doo any spcciall piece of service, the emperour sendeth him 

Reward for a piece of soldc, stamped with the imas^e of Saint Georsre on 

valure. i o ^ j- o a 

horsebacke, which they hang on their sleeves and set in 
their caps. And this is accounted the greatest honour they 
can receive for any service they doo. 


Of their Colonies, and tnainteyning of their conquests or 
piorchases by force. 

The Eusse empcrours of late yercs have verie much en- 
larged their dominions and territories. Their first conquest 
after the dukedome of Mosko (for before that time they were 
but dukes of Volodomer, as before was sayd), was the citie 
and dukedome of Novograd on the west and northwest side : 
which was no small enlargement of their dominion, and 
strengthning to them for the winning of the rest. This w^as 
done by Ivan, great grandfather to Theodore, now empe- 
rour, about the yeare 1480. The same began likewise to 
encroach upon the countries of Lituania and Livonia ; but 
the conquest, onely intended and attempted by him upon 
some parte of those countries, was pursued and performed 
by his Sonne Basileus, who first wan the citie and dukedome 
of Plesko, afterwards the citie and dukedome of Smolensko, 
and many other faire towns, v,'ith a large territorie belong- 
ing unto them, about the yeare 1514. These victories 
against the Lettoes or Lituanians, in the time of Alexander 
their duke, he atchivcd rather by advantage of civill dis- 
sentions and treasons among themselves, then by aiiy great 


policie or force of his owne. But all this was lost againe by 
his Sonne Ivan Vasilowich, about eight or nine yeares past, 
upon composition with the Polonian king Stepan Batore :^ 
whereunto hee was forced by the advantages which the Pole 
had then of him, by reason of the foile he had given him 
before and the disquietnes of his owne state at home. Onely 
the Russe emperour at this time hath left him on that side 
his countrie the cities of Smolensko, Vitobsko, Chernigo, 
and Bealagorod in Lituania. In Livonia, not a towne nor 
one foote of ground. 

When Basileus first conquered those countries, he suf- LUuauia, 
fered the natives to keepe their possessions and to inhabite 
all their townes, onely paying him a tribute, under the 
government of his Russe captaines. But by their conspira- 
cies and attempts not long after, he was taught to deale more 
surely with them. And so comraing upon them the second 
time, hee killed and carried away with him three partes of 
foure, which hee gave or soldo to the Tartars that served 
him in those warres, and in steede of them placed there his 
Russes, so many as might overmatch the rest, with certain e 
garrisons of strength besides. Wherein notwithstanding 
this oversight was committed, for that taking away with him 
the upland or countrie people (that should have tilled the 
ground, and might easily have bene kept in order without 
any daunger by other good pollicies) he was driven after- 
wards many yeares together to vittaile the countrie (specially 
the great townes) out of his owne countrie of Russia, the 
soile lying there in the meane while wast and untilled. 

The like fell out at the port of Narve in Liefland, where Nai-ve. 
his Sonne, Ivan Vasilowich, devised to build a towne and a 
castle on the other side the river (called Ivangorod) to keepe 
the towne and countrie in subjection. The castle he caused 

^ [The war with Poland, rendered disastrous to the Russians by the 
genius of Stephen Batory, was terminated in January 1582 by a treaty, 
in which Russia surrendered her claims to Livonia and ceded Polotsk.] 



to be so built and fortified, that it was thought to be invin- 
cible. And when it was finished, for reward to the archi- 
tect (that was a Polonian), he put out both his eyes, to make 
him unable to build the like againe. But having left the 
natives all within their owne countrie, without abating their 
number or strength, the towne and castle not long after was 
betrayed, and surrendred againe to the king of Sweden. 

On the southest side, they have got the kingdomes of Cazan 
and Astracan. These were wonne from the Tartar by the 
late emperour Ivan Vasilowich, father to the emperour that 
now is : the one about 35, the other about 33 yeares agoe.^ 
Northward out of the countrie of Siberia he hath layed unto 
his realme a great breadth and length of ground, from 
Wichida to the river of Obba, about a 1000 miles space : so 
that hee is bold to write himselfe now, the great commaunder 
of Siberia.^ 

The countries likewise of Permia and Pechora are a divers 
people and language from the Russe, overcome not long 
since, and that rather by threatning and shaking of the 
sword, then by any actuall force : as being a weake and 
naked people, without meanes to resist. 

That which the Russe hath in his present possession hee 
keepeth on this sort. In his foure chiefe border townes of 
Vobsko [Pskof],Smolensko, Astracan, and Cazan, he hath cer- 
teine of his counsell, not of greatest nobilitie but of greatest 
trust, which have more authoritie within their precincts (for 
the countenauncing and strengthning of their government 
there) then the other dukes that are set to governe in other 
places, as was noted before, in the manner of ordering their 

^ [The conquest of Cazan was effected in the year 1552 ; and that of 
Astracan in the year 1554.] 

^ [The subjugation of Siberia, mainly achieved in the years 1581-1584, 
by the heroic Cossack Jermak Timofeievitsch, was set on foot by a simple 
family of merchants — the illustrious Strogonoffs — almost without their 
sovereign's knowledge. What reward they gained by their services has 
been already related by our author. See p. 62.] 

Meanes of 


provinces. These liee cliaungeth sometime every yeare, some- 
time every second or third yeare, but exceedeth not that 
time, except upon very speciall trust and good liking of the 
partie and his service : least by enlarging of their time they 
might grow into some familiaritie with the enimie (as some 
have done) being so farre out of sight. 

The townes besides are very strongly fenced with trenches, ^^^j^f^ 
castels, and store of munition, and have garisons within them trie o°fPe- 
to the number of two or three thousand a piece. They are mia, aua 

^ •' Siberia. 

stoared with vittaile if any siege should come upon them, 
for the space of two or three yeares before hande. The foure 
castels of Smolensko, Vobsko, Cazan, and Astracan, he hath 
made very strong to beare out any siege : so that it is thought 
that those townes are impregnable. 

As for the countries of Pechora and Permia, and that part 
of Siberia which he hath now under him, they are kept by 
as easie meanes as they were first got, vz., rather by shewing 
then by using of armes. First, hee hath stoared the coun- 
trie with as manie Kusses as there are natives, and hath there 
some fewe souldiers in garrison, inough to keepe them under. 
Secondly, his officers and magistrates there are of his owne 
Russe people, and hee chaungeth them very often, vz., every 
yeare twise or thrise, notwithstanding there bee no great 
feare of any innovation. Thirdly, he devideth them into 
many small governments, like a staffe broke in many small 
pieces : so that they have no strength, beyng severed, which 
was but little neyther when they were all in one. Fourthly, 
hee provided that the people of the countrie have neither 
armour nor monie, beyng taxed and pilled so often as hee 
thinketh good : without any means to shake of that yoke 
or to relieve themselves. 

In Siberia (where he goeth on in pursuing his conquest) 
he hath divers castles and garrisons, to the number of six 
thousand souldiers of Pusses and Polonians, and sendeth 
many new supplies thither, to plant and to inhabite as he • 


winneth ground. At this time besides he hath gotten the 
kings brother of Siberia, allured by certeine of his captaines, 
to leave his owne countrie by offers of great intertainement 
and pleasanter life with the Russe emperour then he had in 
Siberia. He was brought in this laste yeare, and is now 
with the emperour at Mosko well interteyned. 

This may be sayd of the Kusse practize, wheresoever he 
ruleth, either by right of inheritance or by conquest. First, 
he berieveth the countrie of armour and other means of de- 
fence, which he permitteth to none but to his boiarskeis onely. 
Secondly, he robbeth them continually of their monie and 
commodities, and leaveth them bare with nothing but their 
bodies and lives, within certeine yeares compasse. Thirdly, 
he renteth and devideth his territories into many small pieces 
by severall governments : so that none hath much under him 
to make any strength, though he had other oportunities. 
Fourthly, he governeth his countries by men of small repu- 
tation and no power of themselves, and straungers in those 
places where their government lieth. Fiftly, he chaungeth 
his governours once a yeare ordinarily, that there grow no 
great liking nor intiernesse betwixt the people and them, 
nor acquaintance with the enemy if they lie towards the 
borders. Sixtly, he appointeth in one and the same place 
adversarie governours, the one to bee as controller of the 
other, as the dukes and diacks : where (by meanes of their 
envies and emulations) there is lesse hurt to bee feared by 
their agreement, and himselfe is better infourmed what is 
done amisse. Seventhly, he sendeth many times into every 
province secrete messengers of speciall trust about him as 
intelligences, to prie and harken out what is doing and what is 
a misse there. And this is ordinary, though it be sodaine 
and unknowen what time they will come. 



Of the Tartars and other Borderers to the coimtrie of Russia, icith 
u-home they have most to doo in ivarre and peace. 

Their neighbours with whom they have greatest dealings 
and intercourse, both in peace and warre, are, first, the 
Tartar. Secondly, the Polonian, whom the Russe calleth 
Laches, noting the first author or founder of the nation, Avho Caches by'''^ 
was called Laches or Leches, whereunto is added jwo, which 
signifieth people, and so is made Pol aches, that is, the peo- 
ple or posteritie of Laches •} which the Latines after their 
manner of writing call Polanos. The third are the Swedens. 
The Polonians and Swedens are better knowen to these 
partes of Euroj)e then are the Tartars, that are farther of 
from us (as being of Asia), and divided into many tribes, 
different both in name and government one from another. 
The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar 
(whome some call the Great Cham), that lieth south and Tartar, 
southeastward from Russia, and doth most annoy the coun- 
trie by often invasions, commonly once every yeare, some- 
times entring very farre within the inland parts. In the 
yeare 1571 he came as farre as the cittie of Mosko, with an 
armie of 200,000 men, without any battaile or resistance at 
all ; for that the Russe emperour (then Ivan Vasilowich) 
leading foorth his armie to encounter with him, marched a 
wrong way ; but as it Avas thought of very purpose, as not 
daring to adventure the fielde, by reason that hee doubted 
his nobilitie and chiefe captaines of a meaning to betray him 
to the Tartar. 

The citie he tooke not, but fired ^ the suburbs, which by 

^ [Id this etymology our author has followed Martinus Cromerus. See 
his work, Deorigine et rebus gestis Polononim, ed. Basil,, fol. 1568, p. 17.] 

'' [The burning of Moscow by Deulet Gherey, Khan of the Crimea, has 
been already alluded to. See p. 17.] 


Jmosko^b I'sason of the buildinges (which is all of wood, without any 
Tartar,'iT stonc, bi'ick, oi" lime, save certein out roomes) kindled so 
^le^jeare , q^i^j^jy ^^-^^ wout on witli such rage, as that it consumed 
the greatest part of the citie almost within the space of 
foure houres, being of thirty miles or more of compasse. 
Then might you have scene a lamentable spectacle : besides 
the huge and mighty flame of the citie all on light fire, the 
people burning in their houses and streates, but most of 
all of such as laboured to passe out of the gates farthest from 
the enemie, where, meeting together in a mightie throng, 
and so pressing every man to prevent another, wedged them- 
selves so fast within the gate and streates neare unto it, 
as that three ranks walked one upon the others head, the 
uppermost treading down those that were lower ; so that 
there perished at that time (as was sayd) by the fire and the 
presse, the number of 800,000 people or more. 

The Chrim thus having fired the citie and fedde his eyes 
with the sight of it all on a light flame, returned with his 
armie, and sent to the Kusse emperour a knife (as was sayd) 
to sticke himsclfe withall ; obbraiding this losse and his des- 
perate case, as not daring either to meet his enimy in the 
fielde nor to trust his friends or subjects at home. The 
principall cause of this continual quarel betwixt the Russe 
and the Chrim is for the right of certeine border parts 
claimed by the Tartar but possessed by the Russe. The 
Tartar alleageth that besides Astracan and Cazan (that are 
the ancient possession of the East Tartar), the whole coun- 
trie from his bounds north and westward so farre as the 
citie of Mosko, and Mosko it selfe, perteineth to his right. 
Homage Which scemetli to have bene true by the report of the E.usses 

done by the n /• • i 

Kussetothe themselvcs, that tell of a certeine homas^e that was done by 

Chrim ° "^ 

Tartar. ^q Russc cmpcrour cvcry yeare to the Great Chrim or 
Cham, the Russe emperour standing on foot and feeding the 
Chrims horse (himselfe sitting on his back) with oates out of 
his owne cap, in stead of a boule or maunger, and that 


within the castle of Mosko. And this homage (they say) 
was done til the time of Basileus, grandfather to this man, 
Vho, surprising the Chrim emperor by a stratagem, done by 
one of his nobilitie (called Ivan Demetrowich Belschey), was 
content with this raunsome, vz., with the chaunging of this 
homage into a tribute of furres : which afterwards also was 
denied to be paied by this emperours father. 

Hereupon they continue the quarrell, the Russe defend- 
ing his countrie and that which he hath wonne, the Chrim 
Tartar invading him once or twise everie yeare, sometime 
about Whitsontide, but oftener in harvest. What time if 
the great Cham or Chrim come in his owne person, he 
bringeth with him a great army of 100,000 or 200,000 men. 
Otherwise they make shorte and sudden roads into the coun- 
trie with lesser numbers, running about the list of the border 
as wild geese flie, invading and retiring where they see ad- 

Their common practise (being very populous) is to make J^^ 
divers armies, and so drawing the Russe to one or two places anlamoi 
of the frontiers, to invade at some other place that is left 
without defence. Their manner of fight, or ordering of their 
forces, is much after the Russe manner (spoken of before), 
save that they are all horsemen and carrie nothing els but a 
bow, a sheafe of arrowes, and a falcon sword after the Turk- 
ish fashion. They are very expert horsmen, and use to 
shoot as readily backward as forward. Some wil have a 
horsmans stafFe, like to a bore speare, besides their other 
weapons. The common souldier hath no other armour then 
his ordinary apparel, vz., a blacke sheejos skin, with the wooll 
side outward in the day time and inward in the night time, 
with a cap of the same. But their morseys or noblemen imitate 
the Turke both in apparel and armour. When they are to 
passe over a river with their armie, they tie three or foure 
horses together, and taking long poles or pieces of wood, 
bind them fast to the tails of their horses : so sittinsr on the 

e manner 


poles they drive their horse over. At handie strokes (when 
they come to joyne battaile) they are accounted farre better 
men then the Kusse people, fearse by nature, but more 
hardie and blouddy by continuall practise of warre : as men 
knowing no artes of peace nor any civill practise. 

Yet their subtiltie is more then may seeme to agree with 
their barbarous condition. By reason they are practised to 
invade continually, and to robbe their neighbours that bor- 
der about them, they are very pregnant and ready witted to 
devise stratageams upon the suddaine for their better ad- 
vantage. As in their warre against Beala, the fourth king 
of Hungarie, whome they invaded with 500,000 men and 
obteined against him a great victorie. Where, among other, 
having slaine his chauncellor, called Nicholas Schinick, they 
founde about him the kings privie seale. Whereupon they 
devised presently to counterfait letters in the kings name, to 
the cities and townes next about the place where the field 
was fought : with charge that in no case they should convey 
themselves and their goods out of their dwellings, where 
they might abide safely without all feare of daunger, and 
not leave the countrie desolate to the possession of so vile 
and barbarous an enimie as was the Tartar nation, terming 
themselves in all reprochfull manner. For notwithstanding 
he had lost his carriages and some fewe stragglers that had 
marched disorderly, yet hee doubted not but to recover that 
losse, with the accesse of a notable victorie, if the savage 
Tartar durst abide him in the fielde. To this purpose having 
written their letters in the Polish character, by certain e 
young men whom they tooke in the field, and signed them 
with the kings seale, they dispatched them foorth to all the 
quarters of Hungarie that lay neare about the place. Where- 
upon the Ungarians, that were now flying away with their 
goods, wives, and children, upon the rumour of the kings 
overthrow, taking comfort of these counterfait letters, stayed 
at home. And so were made a pray, being surprised on the 


suddaine by this huge number of these Tartars, that had 
compassed them about before they were aware. 

When they besiege a towne or fort they offer much parlc, 
and sonde many flattering messages to perswade a surren- 
dry, promising all things that the inhabitants will require ; 
but beyng once possessed of the place, they use all manner 
of hostilitie and crueltie. This they doo uppon a rule they 
have, vz., that justice is to be practised but towardes their 
owne. They encounter not lightly, but they have some 
ambush, whereunto, having once shewed themselves and 
made some short conflict, they retire as repulsed for feare, 
and so draw the enimie into it if they can. But the Eusse 
being wel acquainted with their practise is more warie of 
them. When they come a roving with some small number, 
they set on horseback counterfait shapes of men, that their 
number may seeme greater. 

When they make any onset their manner is to make a 
great shoote, crying all out together, Olla Billa, Olla Billa, 
God helpe us, God helpe us. They contemn e death so much 
as that they chuse rather to die then to yecld to their 
enimie, and are scene when they are slaine to bite the very 
weapon, when they are past striking or helping of themselves. 
Wherein appeareth how different the Tartar is in his despe- 
rate courage from the E.usse and Turke. For the Kusse 
souldier, if he begin once to retire, putteth all his safet)^ in 
his speedie flight. And if once he be taken by his enemie, 
he neyther defendeth himselfe nor intreateth for his life, as 
reckoning straight to die. The Turke commonly, when he 
is past hope of escaping, falleth to intreatie, and casteth awaic 
his weapon, offereth both his handes, and holdeth them up 
as it were to be tyed : hoping to save his life by offering 
himselfe bondslave. 

The chiefe bootie the Tartars seeke for in all their warres 
is to get store of captives, specially yong boyes and girls, 
whom they sell to the Turkcs or other their neighbors. To 


this purpose they take with them great baskets, made like 
bakers panniers, to carrie them tenderly, and if any of them 
happen to tyer or to be sicke on the way, they dash him 
against the ground or some tree, and so leave him dead. 
The soiildiers are not troubled with keeping the captives 
and the other bootie, for hindering the execution of their 
warres, but they have certein bands that intend nothing els, 
appointed of purpose to receive and keepe the captives and 
the other praye. 
The Tartar The Kusso bordors (beino: used to their invasions lightly 

religion. , o j 

every yeere in the sommer) keepe fewe other cattel on the 
border parts save swine onely, which the Tartar will not 
touch nor drive away with him ; for that he is of the Turk- 
ish religion, and will eate no swines flesh. Of Christ our 
Saviour they confesse asmuch as doeth the Turke in his 
Alkaron [Koran], vz., that hee came of the Angcll Gabriel and 
the Virgin Marie, that hee was a great prophet, and shalbe the 
judge of the world at the last day. In other matters like- 
wise they are much ordered after the manner and direction 
of the Turke ; having felt the Turkish forces when hee 
wonne from them Azov and Cafl^a, with some other townes 
about the Euxine or Blacke Sea, that were before tributa- 
ries to the Chrim Tartar. So that now the emperour of the 
Chrims for the most part is chosen some one of the nobilitie 
whom the Turke doeth commend ; whereby it is brought 
nowe to that passe, that the Chrira Tartar giveth to the Turke 
the tenth part of the spoyle which hee getteth in his warres 
against the Christians. 

Herein they differ from the Turkish religion, for that they 
have certeine idole puppets, made of silke or like stuffe, of 
the fashion of a man, which they fasten to the doore of their 
walking houses, to be as Janusses or keepers of their house. 
And these idols are made not by all, but by certeine reli- 
gious Avomen, which they have among them for that and like 
uses. They have besides the image of their king or great 


Cham, of an huge bignes, which they erect at every stage 
when the army marcheth ; and this every one must bend 
and bowe unto as hee passeth by it, bee he Tartar or stran- 
ger. They are much given to witchcraft, and ominous con- 
jectures upon every accident which they heare or see. 

In making of mariages, they have no regard of alliance or 
consanguinitie. Onely with his mother, sister, and daughter 
a man may not marrie ; and though hee take the woman 
into his house and accompany with her, yet hee accounteth 
her not for his wife till he have a childe by her. Then he 
beginncth to take a dov>^ric of her friendes, of horse, sheepe, 
kyne, &c. If she be barren after a certeine time, he turneth 
her home againe. 

Under the emperour they have certeine dukes, whome The Tmtar 


they call morsels or dwoymorseis, that rule over a certeine 
number of 10,000, 20,000 or 40,000 a piece, which they call 
hoords. When the emperour hath any use of them to serve 
in his warres, they are bound to come and to bring with 
them their souldiers to a certeine nomber, every man with 
his two horse at the least, the one to ride on, the other to kill, 
when it commcth to his turne to have his horse eate. For 
their chiefe vittaile is horse flesh, Avhich they eate without The Tartar 


bread or any other thing with it. So that if a Tartar be 
taken by a Russe, he shall be sure lightly to finde a horse 
legge or some other part of him at his saddle bow. 

This last yecre, when I was at the Mosko, came in one 
Kiriach Morsey, nephcwe to the emperour of the Chrims 
that now is (whose father was emperour before), accompa- 
nied with 300 Tartars and his two wives, whereof one was 
his brothers widdow. Where being intertained in very good 
sort after the Kusse manner, hee had sent unto his lodaina; 
for his welcome, to bee made ready for his supper and his 
companies, two very large and fatte horses, ready flawed in 
a sledde. They preferre it before other flesh, because the 
meate is stronger (as they say) then beefe, mutton, and such 


like. And yet (which is marveile), though they serve all as 
horsemen in the warreSj and eat all of horse flesh, there are 
brought yeerely to the Mosko, to be exchanged for other com- 
moditieSj SO or 40 thousand Tartar horse, which they call coiics. 
They keepe also great heards of kine and flockes of blacke 
sheepe, rather for the skins and milke (which they carry wdth 
them in great bottels) then for the use of the flesh, though 
they sometimes eate of it. Some use they have of ryse, figs, 
and other fruites. They drinke milke or warme blood, and 
for the most part carde them both together. They use some- 
times as they traveile by the way to let their horse blood in a 
vain, and to drinke it warme as it commeth from his body. 
The Tartars Townes tliev plant none, nor other standing buildings, but 

dwelling. •' ■•- ' '=' ^ ' 

have walking houses, which the Latinos call veij, built upon 
wheeles like a shepheards cottage. These they drawe with 
them whithersoever they goe, driving their cattaile with them. 
And when they come to their stage or standing place, they 
plant their cart houses very orderly in a ranke ; and so make 
the forme of strcetes and of a large towne. And this is the 
manner of the emperour himselfe, who hath no other scat of 
his empire but an agora or towne of wood, that moveth 
with him whithersoever hee goeth. As for the fixed and 
standing building used in other countrcys, they say they 
are unwholsome and unpleasant. 

They beginne to moove their houses and cattaile in the 
spring time from the south part of their countrey towards 
the north parts. And so driving on til they have grased all 
up to the farthest part northwarde, they returne backe againe 
towardes their south countrey (where they continue all the 
winter) by ten or tv^'elve miles a stage ; in the meane while 
the grasse being sprung up againe to serve for their cattaile 
as they returne. From the border of the Shalcan towards 
the Caspian Sea, to the Russe frontiers, they have a goodly 
countrey, specially on the south and southeast partes, but 
lost for lacke of tillage. 


Of money tliey have no use at all, and therefore preferre 
brasse and Steele before other mettals, specially bullate, 
which they use for swords, knives, and other necessaries. 
As for golde and silver they neglect it of very purpose (as 
they doe all tillage of their ground) to be more free for their 
Avandring kinde of life, and to keepe their countrey lesse 
subject to invasions. Which giveth them great advantage 
against all their neighbors, ever invading and never being in- 
vaded. Such as have taken upon them to invade their coun- 
trey (as of olde time Cyrus and Darius Hystaspis, on the 
east and southeast side) have done it with very ill successe, 
as we find in the stories written of those times. For their 
manner is when any will invade them, to allure and drawe 
them on by flying and reculing (as if they were afraide) till 
they have draw^en them some good way within their coun- 
trey. Then when they beginne to want vittaile and other 
necessaries (as needs they must where nothing is to bee 
had), to stoppe up the passages and inclose them witli multi- 
tudes. By which stratagem (as we reade in Laonicus Chal- 
cacondylas in his Turkish storiej they had welnigh surprised 
the great and huge armie of Tamerlan, but that hee retyred 
with all speede hee cotdde towardes the river Tanais or Don, 
not without "reat losse of his men and carriages. ^ 

In the storie of Pachymerius the Greeke (which he wrote 
of the emperours of Constantinople, from the beginning of 
the reigne of Michael Palreologus to the time of Andronicus 
the elder), I remember hee telleth to the same purpose of 
one Nogas, a Tartarian captaine, under Cazan the emperour 
of the East Tartars (of whome the citie and kingdome of 
Cazan may seeme to have taken the denomination), who re- 
fused a present of pearle and other jewels sent unto him 
from Michael Pala^ologus : asking withall for what use they 
served, and whither they were good to keepe away sick- 

^ [Laonici CIialcocondyla3 Ilistoriarum libri decern; interprete Conrado 
Clausero. Paris., fol., 1650, p. 73.] 


nesse, death, or other misfortunes of tins life, or no.^ So that 
it seemeth they have ever or long time bene of that mincTe 
to value things no further then by the use and necessitie for 
which they serve. 

For person and complexion they have broad and flatte 
visages, of a tanned colour into yellowe and blacke, fearse 
and cruell lookes, thin haired upon the upper lippe and 
pitte of the chinne, light and nimble bodied, with short 
legges, as if they were made naturally for horsemen, whereto 
they practise themselves from their childehood, seldome 
going afoote about any businesse. Their speach is very sud- 
daine and loude, speaking as it were out of a deejie hollowe 
throate. When they sing you woulde think a kowe lowed, 
or some great bandogge howled. Their greatest exercise is 
shooting, wherein they traine up their children from their 
very infancie, not suffering them to eate til they have shot 
neere the marke within a certein scantling. They are the 
very same that sometimes were called ScythcB Nomades, or 
the Scythian shepheards, by the Greekes and Latinos. Some 
thinke that the Turkes tooke their beginning from the nation 
of the Chrim Tartars. Of which opinion is Laonicus Chal- 
cocondylas the Greek historiographer, in his first booke of 
his Turkish storie. Wherein hee followeth divers very pro- 
bable conjectures. The first taken from the very name it 
selfe, for that the worde Turke signifieth a shepheard, or one 
that foloweth a vagrant and wilde kinde of life. I3y which 
name these Scythian Tartars have ever bene noted, being 
called by the Greekes, %Kvdac vo^ahe'i, or the Scythian shep- 
heards. His second reason, because the Turks (in his time) 
that dwelt in Asia the Lesse, to wit, in Lydia, Coria [Caria], 
Phrygia, and Cappadocia, spake the very same language that 
these Tartars did that dwelt betwixt the river Tanais or Don 

1 [Georgii Pachymeris Michael Palaiologus, sive Historia rerum a 
Michaele Pala;ologo gestarum ; iuterprete Petro Possino. rioma3, fol., 
1666, p. 237-1 


and the countrey of Sarmatia, which (as is well kiiowen) arc 
these Tartars called Chrims. At this time also the whole 
nation of the Turkes differ not much in their common speach 
from the Tartar language. Thirdly, because the Turke and 
the Chrim Tartar agree so well together, aswcll in religion 
as in matter of traffique, never invading or injury ing one 
another ; save that the Turke (since Laonicus his time) hath 
encroached upon some townes upon the Euxin Sea that be- 
fore perteined to the Chrim Tartar. Fourthly, because 
Ortogules, sonne to Oguzalpes (and father to Otoman, the 
first of name of the Turkish nation), made his first roads out 
of those partes of Asia upon the next borderers, till he came 
towardes the countreys about the hill Taurus, where hee 
overcame the Greekes that inhabited there ; and so enlarged 
the name and territorie of the Turkish nation, til he came to 
Eubsea and Attica, and other partes of Greece. This is the 
opinion of Laonicus, who lived among the Turks in the time 
of Amurat, the sixt Tui'kish emperour, about the yeere 1400,' 
when the memorie of their originall was more freshe, and 
therefore the likelier hee was to hit the trueth. 

There are divers other Tartars that border upon Russia, as 
the Nagais [Nogais], the Cheremissens, the Mordwites, the Ti'mrXi' 
Chircasses, and the Shalcans, which all differ in name more The c^hfr- 
then in regiment or other condition from the Chrim Tartar, ex- dviiest^ 
cept the Chircasses, that border southwest towardes Lituania, 
and are farre more civill then the rest of the Tartars, of a 
comely person and of a stately behaviour, as applying them- 
selves to the fashion of the Polonian, Some of them have sub- 
jected themselves to the kings of Poland, and professe Chris- 
tianitie. The Nagay [Nogay] lyeth eastwarde,and is reckoned 
for the best man of warre among all the Tartars, but verie 
savage and cruell above all the rest. The Cheremisin Tartar, TheChere- 

• 1 -r» missen 

that lieth betwixt the Russe and the Nagay, are of two sorts, '^'^'■'■^'' 
the Lugavoy (that is, of the valley), and the Nagornaij, or of 
^ [Laonicus Chalcocondylas died in 6x about the year 1490.] 


the liillic countrey. These have much trouhled the empe- 
rours of Russia, and therfore they are content now to buy 
peace of them under pretence of giving a yeerely pension of 
Russe commodities to their morseis or dwoymorseis, that are 
chiefe of their tribes. For which also they are bound to 
serve them in their wars, under certeine conditions. They are 
saide to be just and true in their dealings, and for that cause 
they hate the Russe people, wdiom they account to be double 
and false in all their dealing. And therfore the common sort 
are very unwilling to keep agreement with them, but that 
they are kept in by their morseis or dukes for their pensions 
The Moid- The uiost rucle and barbarous is counted the Mordwit^ 

■wite Tartar 

barbMvms Tartar, that hath many self fashions and strange kinds of 
oi the rest. ]3g]^j^viour differing from the rest. For his religion, though 
he acknowlege one god, yet his manor is to worship for god 
that living thing that he first meeteth in the morning, and to 
sweare by it al that whole day, whether it be horse, dogge, 
catte, or whatsoever els it be. When his friend dieth he 
killeth his best horse, and having flayed off the skin he car- 
rieth it on high upon a long pole before the corpes to the 
place of buriall. Thi§ hee doeth (as the Russe sayeth) that 
his friend may have a good horse to carie him to heaven ; 
but it is likelier to declare his love towardcs his dead friende, 
in that hee will have to die with him the best thing that hee 

Next to the kingdome of Astracan, that is the farthest 
part southeastward of the Russe dominion, lyeth the Shalcan 
and the countrey of Media ; whither the Russe marchants 
trade for raw silks, syndon, saphion, skins, and other com- 
modities. The chiefe townes of Media, where the Russe 
tradeth, are Derbent (built by Alexander the Great, as the 

1 [The jMorduans ; a people settled on the borders of the Volga and 
Oka, in the present governments of Cazan, Simbirsk, Orenburg, Nijni- 
Novgorod, and Penza.] 


inhabitauntes saye) and Zamachie, where the staple is kept 
for rawe silkes. Their manner is in the spring time to re- 
vive the silke wormes (that lye dead all the winter) by lay- 
ing them in the warme sunne, and (to hasten their quicken- 
ing that they may sooner goe to worke) to put them into bags, 
and so to hang them under their childrens armes. As for the 
worme called chriyiisin (as we call it, chrymson), that maketh 
coloured silke, it is bred not in Media but in Assyria. This 
trade to Derbent and Samachie for rawe silkes, and other 
commodities of that countrey, as also into Persia and Boug- 
haria, downe the river Volgha and through the Caspian Sea, 
is permiteed aswell to the English as to the E,usse marchants, 
by the emperours last graunt at my being there. Which hee 
accounteth for a very speciall favour, and might proove in 
deede very beneficiall to our English marchants, if the trade 
were wel and orderly vsed. 

The whole nation of the Tartars are utterly voyde of all 
learning, and without written lawe. Yet certeine rules they 
have which they holde by tradition, common to all the 
hoords for the practise of their life. Which are of this sort. 
First. To obey their emperour and other magistrates, what- 
soever they commaunde about the publique service. 2. Ex- 
cept for the publique behoofe, every man to be free and out 
of coutrolement. 3. No private man to possesse any lands, 
but the whole countrey to be as a common. 4. To neglect 
all daintinesse and varietie of meates, and to content them- 
selves with that which commeth next to hand, for more hard- 
nesse and readinesse in the executing of their affaires. 5. 
To weare any base attire and to patch their clothes, whether 
there bee anie neede or not ; that when there is neede, it 
bee no shame to weare a patcht coate. 6. To take or steale 
from anie stranger whatsoever they can gette, as beeyng 
enemies to all men, save to such as will subject themselves 
to them. 7. Towardes their owne hoorde and nation to be 
true in word and deede. 8. To suffer no stranger to come 



within the reahne. If any doe, the same to bee bondslave 
to him that first taketh him, except such marchants and 
other as have the Tartar bull, or pastport about them. 


Of the Permians, Sainoites, and Lapi^es. 

The Permians and Samoits, that lye from Russia north and 
northeast, are thought likewise to have taken their begin- 
ning from the Tartar kind. And it may partly be gessed 
by the fashion of their countenance, as having all broade 
and flat faces as the Tartars have, except the Chirchasses. 
The Per- Xlic Pemiiaus are accounted for a very ancient people. They 


are noAV subject to the Pusse. They live by hunting and trad- 
ing with their furres, as doth also the Samoyt [Samoiede], that 
The sa- clwelleth more towardes the North Sea. The Samoyt hath 


his name (as the Pusse saith) of eating himselfe ;^ as if in 
times past they lived as the Cannibals, eating one another. 
Which they make more probable, because at this time they 
eat all kind of raw flesh, whatsoever it bee, even the very 
carion that lieth in the ditch. But as the Samoits them- 
selves wil say, they were called Samoie, that is of them- 
selves, as though they were indigence, or people brcdde iipon 
that very soyle, that never changed their seat from one place 
to another, as most nations have done. They are subject at 
this thne to the emperour of Pussia. 
The Sa- I talked with certeine of them, and finde that they acknow- 


religion. ledgc ouc god ; but represent him by such things as they 
have most use and good by. And therfore they worship 
the sun, the ollen, the losh, and such like. As for the storie 

1 [See Herberstein, Rerum Moscoviticanom Commentarii : translated for 
the Hakluyt Society by R. H.Major, 2 vols., Lond., 1852, vol. ii,p. 39.] 


of Slata Baba, or the e-olden htiff^e (which I have read in siataBaba 

' '-' '--"-' 01- tlie gol- 

some mappes and descriptions of these countries^, to bee an '^^^ ^*s- 
idole after the forme of an okle ^yoman), that, being de- 
maunded by the priest, giveth them certeyne oracles concern- 
ing the successe and event of thinges, I founde it to bee but 
a verye fable. ^ Onelie in the province of Obdoria upon the 
sea side, neare to the mouth of the great river Obba, there 
is a rocke which naturally (beeing somewhat helped by 
imagination) may seeme to beare the shape of a ragged 
woman with a child in her armes (as the rock by the North 
Cape the shape of a frier), where the Obdorian Samoites use 
much to resort by reason of the commoditie of the place for 
fishing ; and there sometime (as their manner is) conceive 
and practise their sorceries, and ominous conjecturings about 
the good or bad speed of their journeies, fishings, huntings, 
and such like. 

Tliev are clad in scale skins, with the hearie side out- TijeSamoUs 

•^ ^ liabite and 

wards, downe as low as the knees, with their breeches and ti^haviour. 
nctherstocks of the same, both men and women. They are 
all blacke haired, naturally beardlesse. And therefore the 
men are hardly discerned from the women by their looks, 
save that the women weare a lock of haire down along both 
their eares. They live in a maner a wilde and a savage life, 
roving stil from one place of the countrey to another, with- 
out anie propertie of house or land more to one then to an 
other. Their leader or directer in every companie is their 
papa or priest. 

On the north side of Russia, next to Corelia, lieth the coun- The Lappes. 
trey of Lappia, which reacheth in length from the farthest 
poynt northward (towardes the Northcape) to the farthest part 
southeast (which the Kusse calleth Sweetnesse [Sviatoi Noss] 
or Holie Nose, the English men Capegrace) about 345 verst 

1 [See Herberstein, vol. ii, p, 41. In the map of Russia given by 
Herberstein, the Slata Baba is represented by the figure of a woman 
holding a spear.] 


or miles. From Swcetncsse to Candelox [Kandalaska] by the 
way of Versega [Varzuga] (which measureth the breadth of 
that countrey) is 90 miles or there abouts. The whole coun- 
trey in a manner is eyther lakes or mountaines, which towardes 
the sea side are called Tondro, because they are all of hard 
and craggy rocke ; but the inland partes are well furnished 
with woods, that growe on the hilles sides, the lakes lying be- 
tweene. Their diet is very bare and simple. Bread they have 
none, but feed onely upon fish and fowle. They are subject to 
the emperour of Russia and the two kings of Sweden and Den- 
mark, which all exact tribute and custom e of thcra (as was 
said before), but the emperour of Hussia bearcth the greatest 
hand over them, and exact of them farre more then the rest. 
The opinion is that they were first termed Lappes of their 
briefe and short speach. The Russe devideth the whole 
nation of the Lappes into two sorts. The one they call 
JSoicremanslioy LajKtry, that is, the Norvegian Lappes, be- 
cause they be of the Danish religion. For the Danes and 
Norvegians they account for one people. The other that 
have no religion at all, but live as brute and heathenish peo- 
ple, without God in the world, they call Dikoy Lojyary, or 
the wild Lappes. 

The whole nation is utterly unlearned, having not so much 
as the use of any alphabet or letter among them. For prac- 
tise of witchcraft and sorcery they passe all nations in the 
world. Though for the enchaunting of shippes that saile 
along their coast (as I have heard it reported) and their 
giving of winds good to their friends and contrary to other, 
whom they meane to hurt, by tying of certein knots upon a 
rope (somewhat like to the tale of ^olus his windbag) is a 
very fable, devised (as may seeme) by themselves, to terrific 
sailers for comming neare their coast. Their weapons are 
the long bow and handgunne, wherein they excel], aswell 
for quicknes to charge and discharge as for nearnesse at the 
marke, by reason of their continuall practise (whcrto they 


are forced) of shooting at wild fowle. Their manner is in 
somnier time to come downe in great companies to the sea 
side, to Wardhuyse, Cola, Kegor [Kekur], and the bay of 
Vedagoba,^ and there to fish for codcl, salmon, and but-fish, 
which they sell to the Russes, Danes, and Norvegians, and 
now of late to the English men that trade thither with cloth, 
which they exchaunge with the Lappes and Corelians for 
their fish, oile, and furres, whereof also they have some store. 
They hold their mart at Cola on S. Peters day, what time 
the captain of AVardhuyse (that is resiant there for the king 
of Denmarke) must be present, or at least send his deputie 
to set prices upon thier stockfish, traine oyle, furres, and other 
commodities ; as also the Russe emperours customer or tri- 
bute taker, to receive his custome, which is ever payed before 
any thing can be bought or sold. When their fishing is done, 
their manner is to clrawe their carbasses or boates on shoare, 
and there to leave them with the keele turned upwardes till 
the next spring tide. Their travaile to and fro is upon sleds, 
drawen by the Olen deer ; which they use to turne a grasing 
all the sommer time in an iland called Kilden (of a very 
good soile compared with other partes of that countrie), and 
towards the winter time, when the snow beginneth to fall, 
thev fetch them home asrain for the use of their sledde. 


Of their EcclesiasticaU state, with their Church offices. 

Concerning the governement of their Churche, it is framed 
altogether after the manner of the Greek ; as being a part of 
that Church, and never acknowledging the jurisdiction of 
the Latine Church, usurped by the Pope. That I may keepe 

' [Now Waida Bay.] 


a better measure in describing tbeir ceremonies then tbey in 
the using them (wherein they are infinite) I will note briefly: 
first, A^'hat ecclesiasticall degrees or offices they have, with 
the jurisdiction and practise of them. Secondly, what doc- 
trine they holde in matter of religion. Thirdly, what leitur- 
gie or forme of service they use in their churches, with the 
manner of their administring the sacraments. Fourthly, 
what other straunge ceremonies and superstitious devotions 
are used among them. 
Tiie Church Their offices or degrees of churchmen are as many in 

ollicers. . i i • 

number, and the same m a manner both m name and de- 
gree, that were in the Westerne Churches. First they have 
their patriarch, then their metropolites, their archbishops, 
their vladikey or bishops, their protopapes or archpriests, 
their papes or priests, their deacons, friers, monkes, nunnes, 
and eremites. 
Thepatii- Their patriarch or chiefe directer in matter of religion 
untill this last yeare was of the citie of Constantinople 
(whom they called the patriarch of Sio), because being 
driven by the Turke out of Constantinople (the seate of his 
empire) he removed to the He Sio, sometimes called Chio, 
and there placed his patriarchiall sea. So that the empe- 
rours and clcrgie of Russia were Avont yearely to send gifts 
thither, and to acknowledge a spirituall kind of homage and 
subjection due to him and to that Church. Which custome 
they have held (as it seemeth) ever since they professed the 
Christian religion. Which how long it hath bene I could 
not well learne, for that they have no storie or monument of 
antiquitie (that I could hcare of) to shewe what hath bene 
done in times past within their countrie, concerning either 
church or common wealth matters.^ Onely I heare a rejiort 

1 [The Christian religion, according to the form of the Greek Church, 
was established in Russia by the Grand Duke Vladimir, on occasion of 
his marriage with Anna, daughter of the Greek Emperor Romanus II, in 
the year 988.] 



among them, that about three hundred yeares smce there 
was a marriage betwixt the emperour of Constantinople and 
the kings daughter of that countrie ; who at the first denied 
to joyne his daughter in marriage with the Greeke empe- 
rour, because he was of the Christian religion. Which 
asrreeth well with that I finde in the storie of Laonicus 
Chalcacondylas concerning Turkish affaires in his fourth 
booke : where hee speaketh of such a marriage betwixt John 
the Greeke emperour and the kings daughter of Sarmatia.^ 
And this argueth out of their owne report, that at that time 
they had not receyved the Christian religion : as also that 
they were converted to the faith and withall perverted at the 
very same time, receyving the doctrine of the gospell cor- 
rupted with superstitions even at the first when they tooke 
it from the Greeke Church, M'hich it selfe then was degene- 
rate and corrupted with many superstitions and fowle 
errours, both in doctrine and discipline ; as may appcare by 
the story of Nicephorus Gregoras, in his 8 and 9 bookes. 
But as touching the time of their conversion to the Christian 
faith, I suppose rather that it is mistaken by the Russe ; for 
that which I find in the Polonian storie,^ the second booke, 
the third chapter, where is said that, about the yeare 990, 
Vlodomirus duke of Russia married one Anne, sister to Basi- 
lius and Constantinus, brothers and emperours of Constan- 
tinople. Whereupon the Ilusse received the faith and pro- 
fession of Christ. Which though it be somewhat more aun- 
cient then the time noted before out of the Busse report, yet 
it falleth out al to one reckoning touching this point ; vz., in 
what truth and sinccritic of doctrine the Busse received the 
first stampe of religion, for asmuch as the Greeke Church at 
that time also was many waies infected with errour and 

1 [The marriage of Johannes, son of Manuel II, emperor, with Anna, 
daughter of Vasiley, Grand Duke of Russia, took j^lace in the year 1414.] 
- [Martiuus Cromerus ; lib. iii, cap. 2.] 


The trans- y^t inv bein"- tlierc, the yere 1588, came unto the Mosko 

latioii of J r> ' ^ 

arch^cSi ^^^^ patriarch of Constantinople, or Sio, called Hieronomo, 
cmil'umti- being banished (as some said) by the Turke, as some other 
to Vosko/° reported by the Greeke clergie deprived.^ The emperour, 
being given altogether to superstitious devotions, gave him 
great intertainment. Before his comming to Mosko he had 
bene in Italy with the Pope, as was reported ther by some 
of his company. His arrand was to consult with the emperour 
concerning these points. First, about a league to passe be- 
twixt him and the king of Spaine, as the raeetest prince to 
joyne with him in opposition against the Turke. To which 
purpose also ambassages had passed betwixt the Russe and 
the Persian. Likewise from the Georgians to the emperour of 
Russia, to joine league together for the invading of the Turke 
on all sides of his dominion ; taking the advantage of the sim- 
ple qualitie of the Turke that now is. This treatie was helped 
forward by the emperours ambassadour of Almaine, sent at the 
same time to solicite an invasion upon the parts of Polonia 
that lie toward E-usland, and to borrow mony of the Pusse 
emperour, to pursue the warre for his brother Maximilian 
against the Swedens son, now king of Poland. But this con- 
sultation concerning a league betwixt the Pusse and the 
Sjianiard (which was in some forwardnes at my comming 
to Mosko, and already one appointed for ambassage into 
Spaine) was marred by means of the overthrow given to the 
Spanish king by her majestic the queene of England this 

1 [Jeremias, Patriarch of Constantinople, had been deposed and ba- 
nished to Rhodes by the Sultan Amurath III. He was however suffered 
to return to Constantinople with the rank of Hierarch ; but, finding the 
Patriarchal church converted into a mosque, he obtained leave to collect 
alms throughout Christendom for erecting a new cathedral. It was 
on this mission that he arrived at the Russian capital in July 1588. 
Arsenius, a Greek prelate who accompanied Jei*emias, wrote an account 
of the journey from Poland to Moscow, and of the installation of Job, 
first Patriarch of Russia, in modern Greek. This was first printed, with 
a Latin translation, in the Catalogus Codd. MiSS. bihliothecce regii Tauri- 
nensis Athencei : 2 tomm. fol. Taurini, 1749 ; torn, i, p. 433.] 


last yeare. Whicli made tlie E,Lisse emperour and his coun- 
sell to give a sadder countenance to the English anibassa- 
dour at that time ; for that they were disappointed of so 
good a pollicie as was this conjunction supposed to bee be- 
twixt them and the Spanish. 

His second purpose (whereto the first served as an intro- 
duction) was in revenge of the Turke and the Greeke cleargie 
that had thrust him from his scat, to treate with them about 
the reducing of the E-usse Church under the Pope of Home. 
Wherein it may seeme, that comming lately from Home he 
was set on by the Pope, who hath attempted the same many 
times before, though all in vaine ; and, namely, in the time 
of the late emperour Ivan Vasilowich, by one Anthony, ^ his 
legate ; but thought this belike a farre better meane to 
obteine his purpose, by treatie and mediation of their owne 
patriarch. But this not succeeding, the patriarch fell to a 
third point of treatie, concerning the resignation of his patri- 
archship and translation of the sea from Constantinople, or 
Sio, to the citie of Mosko. Which was so well liked and 
intertained by the emperour (as a matter of high religion 
and pollicie) that no other treatie (specially of forrein am- 
bassages) could be heard or regarded, till that matter was 

The reasons wherewith the patriarch persuaded the trans- 
lating of his sea to the citie of Mosko were these in effect. 
First, for that the sea of the patriarch was under the Turk, 
that is enemie to the faith ; and therefore to bee removed 
into some other countrie of Christian profession. Secondly, 
because the Russe church was the only naturall daughter of 
the Greeke at this time, and holdeth the same doctrine and 
ceremonies with it : the rest being all subject to the Turke, 

^ [Antonio Possevino, the Jesuit, sent by Gregory XIII on a mission 
to Stephen Bathory, king of Poland, and to the czar, in the year 1581, 
to effect a pacification between the two countries. He published an 
account of Russia, with papers relating to his embassy.] 



and fallen away from tlie right profession. Wherein the 
subtill Grceke, to make the better market of his broken ware, 
advaunced the honour that would growe to the emperour 
and his countrie, to have the patriarches seat translated 
into the chief citie and seat of his empire. As for the right 
of translating the sea, and appointing his successour, hee 
made no doubt of it, but that it perteyned wholy to himselfe. 
J^'ie patri-^^ So the emperour and his counsell, with the principall of 
nn'pie trans- ^Is clcargic, bciug assembled at the Mosko, it was deter- 
Mo'sko? mined that the metropolite of Mosko should become patri- 
arch of the whole Grceke Church, and have the same full 
authoritie and jurisdiction that perteined before to the patri- 
arch of Constantinople or Sio. And that it might bee done 
with more order and solemnitie, the 25 of January 1588, 
the Greeke patriarch, accompanied Avith the Eusse cleargie, 
went to the great church of Precheste, or our Ladie, within 
the emperours castle (having first wandred thorough the 
whole citie in manner of a procession, and blessing the peo- 
ple with his ttvo fingers), where hee made an oration and 
delivered his resignation in an instrument of writing, and so 
laied downe his patriarchicall staffe. Which was presently 
received by the metropolite of INIosko, and divers other cere- 
monies used about the inauguration of this new patriarch. 

The day was holden very solemne by the people of the 
citie, who were commaunded to forbeare their workes and 
to attend this solemnitie. The great patriarch that day was 
honoured with rich presents sent him from the emperour and 
empresse, of plate, cloth of gold, furres, etc., carried with 
great pompe thorough the streats of Mosko, and at his de- 
parting received many giftes more, both from the emperour, 
nobilitie, and cleargie. Thus the patriarchship of Constan- 
tinople or Sio (which hath continued since the Counsell of 
Nice) is now translated to Mosko, or they made belceve that 
they have a patriarch with the same right and authoritie that 
the other had. Wherin the subtil Greeke hath made sfood 


advantage of their superstition, and is now gone away with 
a rich bootie into Poland, whither their patriarchship be 
currant or not. 

The matter is not unlike to make some schisme betwixt 
the Greeke and Russe Church, if the Russe holde this patri- 
archship that he hath so well payed for, and the Greekes 
elect another withall, as likely they will, whither this man 
were banished by the Turke or deprived by order of his 
owne cleargie. Which might happen to give advantage to 
the Pope, and to bring over the Pusse Church to the sea of 
Pome (to which end peradventure he devised this stratageam, 
and cast in this matter of schisme among them) but that the 
emperours of Russia know well enough, by the example of 
other Christian princes, what inconvenience would grow to 
their state and countrie by subjecting themselves to the 
Romish sea. To which cnde the late emperour Ivan Vasilo- 
wich was very inqu.isitive of the Popes authority over the 
princes of christendome, and sent one of very purpose to 
Rome, to behold the order and behavior of his court. 

With this patriarch Hieronimo was driven out at the 
same time by the great Turke one Demetrio, archbishop of 
Larissa, who is now in England, and pretendeth the same 
cause of their banishment by the Turke, (to wit) their not 
admitting of the Popes new kalender for the alteration of the 
yeare. Which how unlikely it is, may appeare by these 
circumstances. First, because there is no such affection nor 
friendlie respect betwixt the Pope and the Turke, as that he 
should banish a subject for not obeying the Popes ordinance, 
specially in a matter of some sequele for the alteration of 
times within his owne countries. Secondly, for that he 
maketh no such scruple in deducting of times, and keeping 
of a just and precise account from the Incarnation of Christ: 
whom he doth not acknowledge otherwise then I noted 
before. Thirdly, for that the said patriarch is now at Naples 
in Italy, where, it may be ghessed, he would not have gone, 


"witliin the Popes reacli and so neare to his nose, if he had 
bene banished for opposing himselfe against the Popes de- 
The patri- This offico of patriarchship, now translated to Mosko, bear- 

arcnesjuns- x x ^ 

diction. Q^Yi a superiour authoritie over all the Churches, not onely 
of Russia and other the emperours dominions, but thorough 
out all the Churches of christendome that were before 
under the patriarch of Constantinople or Sio : or at least the 
Russe patriarch imagineth himselfe to have the same autho- 
ritie. Hee hath under him as his proper diocesse the pro- 
vince of Mosko, besides other peculiars. His court or office 
is kept at the Mosko. 

The metro- Beforc the creation of this new patriarch they had but one 

polites. ■■■ "^ 

mctropolite, that was called the metropolite of Mosko. Now, 
for more state to their Church and newe patriarch, they 
have two metropolities, the one of Novogrod Velica, the 
other of Rostove. Their office is to receive of the patriarch 
such ecclesiasticall orders as he thinketh good, and to deli- 
ver the charge of them over to the archbishops : besides the 
ordering of their owne diocesse. 

Their archbishops are foure: of Smolensko, Cazon, Vobsko 
[Pskov], and Vologda. The partes of their office is all one 
with the metropolits : save that they have an under juris- 
diction, as suffraganes to the metropolites, and superiours to 

Bishops. ^j-^g bishops. The next are the vladikeis or bishops, that 
are but sixe in all : of Crutitska [Krontitskia], of Rezan, of 
Otfer [Tver] and Torshock, of Collomenska, of Volodemer, 
of Susdalla. These have every one a very large diocesse : 
as dividing the rest of the whole countrie among them. 

Eeciesiasti- The matters perteyning to the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction 

call jmis- /> n • • i i • i 

diction. of the metropolites, archbishoj)s, and bishops, are the same 
in a manner that are used by the cleargie in other partes of 
christendome. For besides their authoritie over the clear- 
gie, and ordering such matters as are meare ecclesiasticall, 
their jurisdiction cxtendcth to all testamentarie causes, mat- 



ters of marriage, and clivorcementes, some pleas of injuries, 
&c. To which purpose also they have their officials or com- 
missaries (which they call hoiaren vladitskey) , that are lay- !^iemencom- 
men of the degree of dukes or gentlemen, that keepe their ™^^®*"®^- 
courtes and execute their jurisdiction. Which, besides their 
other oppressions over the common people, raigne over the 
priestes : as the dukes and diacks doo over the poore people 
within their precints. As for the archbishop or bishop him- 
selfe, he beareth no sway in deciding those causes that are 
brought into his court. But if hee would moderate any 
matter, hee must doo it by intreatie with his gentleman 
officiall. The reason is, because these hoiarshey or gentle- 
men officials are not appointed by the bishops, but by the 
emperour himselfe or his counsell, and are to give account 
of their doings to none but to them. If the bishoppe can 
intreat at his admission to have the choice of his owne offi- 
ciall, it is accounted for a speciall great favour. But to 
speake it as it is, the cleargie of Russia, aswell concerning 
their Landes and revenues as their authoritie and jurisdiction, 
are altogether ordered and over ruled by the emperour- and 
his counsell, and have so much and no more of both as their 
pleasure doth permit them. They have also their assistants 
or severall counsels (as they call them) of certeine priests 
that arc of their diocesse, residing within their cathedrall 
cities, to the number of foure and twentie a piece. These 
advise with them about the speciall and necessarie matters 
belonging to their charge. 

Concerning their rentes and revenues to mainteyne their ^he chm-ch 
dignities, it is somewhat large. The patriarches yearely '®^®""®^" 
rents out of his landes (besides other fees) is about 3,000 
rubbels or markes. The metropolites and archbishops about 
2,500. The bishops, some a 1,000, some 800, some 500, &c. 
They have had some of them (as I have heard say) ten or 
twelve thousand rubbels a yeare : as had the metropolite of 


JAhetr''^ Their habite or apparell (when they shewe themselves in 
-clergymen. ^|^gjj. pontificolihus after their solemnest manner) is a miter 
on their heades, after the popish fashion, sette with pearle 
and pretious stone, a cope on their backes, commonly of 
cloth of golde, embrodered with pearle, and a crosiers stafFe 
in their handes, layed over all with plate of silver double 
guilt, with a crosse or sheepheardes crooke at the upper 
cnde of it. Their ordinarie habite otherwise when they ride 
or goe abroad, is a hood on their heads of blacke colour, 
that hangeth downe their backes and standeth out like a 
bongrace before. Their upper garment (which they call 
reis) is a gowne or mantell of blacke damaske, with many 
listes or gardes of white sattin layed upon it, everie garde 
about two fingers broad, and their crosiers stafFe carried be- 
fore them. Themselves followe after, blessing the people 
with their two forefinarers with a marvellous s:race. 

of bishop's?" The election and appointing of the bishops and the rest, 
perteyneth wholy to the emperour himselfe. They are 
chosen ever out of the monasteries : so that there is no 
bishop, archbishop, nor metropolite, but hath bene a monkc 
or frier before. And by that reason they are and must all 
bee unmaried men, for their vow of chastitie when they were 
first shorne. When the emperour hath appointed whom hee 
think eth good, he is invested in the cathedrall church of his 
dioces with many ceremonies, much after the manner of the 
popish inauguration. They have also their deanes and their 

As for preaching the worde of God, or any teaching or 
exhorting such as are under them, they neyther use it nor 
have any skill of it : the whole cleargie beyng utterlie un- 
learned, bothe for other knowledge and in the word of God. 
Onely their manner is twise every ycere, vz., the first of 
September (which is the first day of their yere) and on 
S. John Baptists day, to make an ordinarie speach to the 
people, every metropolite, archbishop, and bishop, in his 


cathedrall churcli, to this or like effect : — That if anie be in 
malice towardes his neighbour, hee shall leave off his malice: 
if any have thought of treason or rebellion against his prince, 
he beware of such practise : if he have not kept his fasts and 
vowes, nor done his other dueties to the holie Church, he 
shal amend that fault, &c. And this is a matter of forme 
with them, littered in as many words and no more, in a man- 
ner, then I have heere set downe. Yet the matter is done 
with that grace and solemnitie, in a pulpit of purpose set up 
for this one acte, as if he were to discourse at large of the 
whole substance of divinitie. At the Mosko, the emperour 
himselfe is ever present at this solemne exhortation. 

As themselves are voyde of all manner of learning, so are 
they warie to keepe out all meanes that might bring any in : 
as fearing to have their ignorance and ungodlinesse dis- 
covered. To that purpose they have perswaded the empe- 
rours, that it would breed innovation, and so danger to their 
state, to have anie noveltie of learning come within the 
realme. Wherein they say but trueth, for that a man of 
spirit and understanding, helped by learning and liberal 
education, can hardly indure a tyrannicall government. 
Some yeres past, in the other emperors time, there came a 
presse and letters out of Polonia to the citie of Mosko, where 
a printing house was set up with great liking and allowance 
of the emperour himselfe.^ But not long after the house was 
set on fire in the night time, and the presse and letters quite 
burnt up, as was thought by the procurement of the cleargy 

Their priestes (whom they call j^djjaes) are made by the Priests. 
bishops, without any great triall for worthinesse of giftes 


^ [Karamsin says that, in the year 1547, Ivan Vasilovitsch procured 
printers from Germany, and in 1553 erected a press in Moscow, which he 
placed under the direction of FedorofF, deacon of St. Nicholas, and Peter 
Mstivslavetz, who, in the year 1564, published the Acts of the Apostles 
with the Epistles. Vol. ix, p. 57.] 


before tliey admit tliera, or ceremonies in their admission : 
save that their heades are shornc (not shaven, for that they 
like not) about an hand bredth or more in the crowne, and 
that place annoynted with oyle by the bishop : who in his 
admission putteth upon the priest, first, his snrplesse, and 
then setteth a white crosse on his brest of silke or some other 
matter, which he is to weare eight dayes and no more : and 
so giveth him authoritie to say and sing in the church, and 
to adininister the sacraments. 

They are men utterly unlearned, which is no marveile, 
forasmuch as their makers, the bishops themselves (as before 
was saide) are cleere of that qualitie, and make no farther 
use at al of any kind of learning, no not of the scriptures 
themselves, save to reade and to sing them. Their ordinary 
charge and function is to say the leiturgie, to administer the 
sacraments after their manor, to keepe and deck their idoles, 
and to doe the other ceremonies usuall in their churches. 
Their number is great, because their townes are parted into 
many smal parishes, without any descretion for deviding 
them into competent numbers of housholds and people for 
a just congregation: as the manner in all places where the 
meanes is neglected for increasing of knowledge and in- 
struction towardes God. Which cannot well be had, where, 
by means of an unequal! partition of the peoiDle and parishes, 
there followeth a want and unequalitie of stipend for a suf- 
ficient ministerie. 
The Eusse J'or their priests, it is lawful to marrie for the first time. 

priests can '- 

ny but g^^^ jf i[jQ wife dye, a second hee cannot take, but hee 
must loose his priesthood and his living withall. The rea- 
son, they make out of that place of Saint Paul to Timothie, 
I. iii. 2, not well understood, thinking that to bee spoken of 
divers wives successively, that the apostle speaketh of at one 
and the same time. If he will needs marrie againe after his 
first wife is dead, hee is no longer called papa, but rospapa, 
or priest quondam. This maketh the priestes to make much 



of their wives, who arc accounted as the niatroncs, and of 
best reputation among the women of the parish. 

For the stipend of the priest, their manner is not to pay 
him any tenthes of corne, or ought els : but he must stand 
at the devotion of the people of his parish, and make up the 
incommes towards his maintenance, so wel as he can, by 
offerings, shriftes, marriages, burials, dirges, and prayers for 
the dead and the living (which they call molitva). For 
besides their publike service Avithin their churches, their 
manner is for every private man to have a prayer saide for 
him by the priest, upon any occasion of businesse whatso- 
ever, whether he ride, goe, saile, plough, or whatsoever els 
he doeth. Which is not framed according to the occasion of 
his businesse, but at randome, being some of their ordinarie 
and usuall Church-prayers. And this is thought to be more 
holy and effectuall, if it be repeated by the priests mouth, 
rather then by his owne. They have a custome besides to 
solemnize the saints day that is jiatrone to their church once 
every yecre. What time al their neighbours of their coun- 
trey and parishes about, come in to have prayers saide to 
that saint for themselves and their fricndes : and so make an 
offering to the priest for his paines. This offering may yeeld 
them some ten poundes a yeere, more or lesse, as the patrone 
or saint of that church is of credite and estimation among 
them. The manner is on this day (which they keep anni- 
versarie) for the priest to hire divers of his neighbour priestes 
to helpe him : as having more dishes to dresse for the saint 
then he can wel turne his hand unto. They use besides to 
visite their parishioners houses with holy water and per- 
fume commonly once a quarter : and so having sprinckled 
and besensed the goodman and his wife, with the rest of 
their houshold and houshold stuffe, they receive some devo- 
tion, more or lesse as the man is of abilitie. This and the tiio priests 

rest laid altogether, may make up for the priest towardes his '^•^^"•w^e- 


maintcnaunce about thirtie or fourtle rubbcls a yere, wherof 
he payeth the tenth part to the bishop of the dioces. 

Iture™^'^ The ji?a/ja or priest is knowen by his long tufts of haire 
hanging downe by his eares, his gowne with a broad cape, 
and a walking stafFe in his hand. For the rest of his habite, 
he is apparelled like the common sort. When he saith the 
leiturgie or service within the church, he hath on him his 
surplesse, and sometimes his coape, if the day be more 
solemne. They have, besides their papaes or priestes, their 
cliurnapapaes (as they call them), that is, blacke priestes : 
that may keepe their benefices, though they bee admitted 
friers withail within some monasterie. They seeme to bee 
the verie same that were called E-egular priestes in the 
Popish Church. Under the priest is a deacon in every 
church, that doeth nothing but the office of a parish clearke. 
As for their protopapas or archepriestes, and their arch- 
deacons (that are next in election to be their protopapas) , 
they serve only in the cathedral churches. 

Friers. Of fricTS they have an infinit rabble, farre greater then 

in any other countrey where Popery is professed. Every 
city and good part of the covintrey swarmeth ful of them. 
For they have wrought (as the Popish friers did by their 
superstition and hypocrisie) that if any part of the rcalme 
bee better and sweeter then other, there standeth a friery or 
a monastery dedicated to some saint. 

The number of them is so much the greater, not onely for 
that it is augmented by the superstition of the countrey, but 
because the fryers life is the safest from the oppressions and 
exactions that fall upon the commons. Which causeth many 
to put on the fryers w^eede, as the best armour to beare oflf 
such blowes. Besides such as are voluntarie, there are 
divers that are forced to shire themselves fryers upon some 
displeasure. These are for the most part of the chiefe nobi- 
lity. Divers take the monasteries as a place of sanctuary, 
and there become friers, to avoyde some punishment that they 

Their ma- 


had deserved by the lawes of the realme. For if hee gcttc a 
monastery over his head, and there put on a coole [cowl] be- 
fore hee be attached, it is a protection to him for ever against 
any law, for what crime soever : except it be for treason. 
But this proviso goeth withall, that no man commeth there 
(except such as arc commanded by the emperour to be re- 
ceived) but hee giveth them lands, or bringeth his stock with 
him and putteth it into the common treasurie. Some bring 
a 1000 rubbels, and some more. None is admitted under 
3 or 4 hundred. 

The manner of their admission is after this sort. First, J^l^. ^^■ 
the abbot strippeth him of all his secular or ordinarie appa- fners"^ 
rell. Then hee putteth upon him, next to his skinne, a 
white flannel shirt, with a long garment over it down to the 
ground, girded unto him with a broade leather belt. His 
uppermost garment is a weede of garras or say, for colour and 
fashion much like to the upper weed of a chimney-sweeper. 
Then is his crown shorne a hand breadth or more close to 
the very skinne, and these or like words pronounced by the 
abbot, whiles hee clippeth his haire : — "As these haires are 
clipped of and taken from thy head, so now we take thee 
and separate thee cleane from the worlde, and worldly 
thinges," &c. This done, hee annoynteth his crowne with 
oyle, and putteth on his coole : and so taketh him in among 
the fraternitie. They vowe perpetuall chastitic, and absti- 
nence from flesh. 

Besides their landes (that are verie great), they are the 
greatest marchants in the whole countrey, and deale for all 
manner of commodities. Some of their monasteries dispend 
in landes one thousande or two thousande rubbels a yeere. 
There is one abbey, called Troits, that hath in lands and 
fees the summe of 100,000 rubbels or marks a yeere. It is 
built in maner of a castle, walled rounde about, with great 
ordinance planted on the wall, and conteineth within it a 
larcfc bredth of oroundc and great varietic of buildini^-. 



There are of friers within it (besides their officers and other 
servants) about 700. The empresse that now is^ hath many 
vowes to Saint Sergius, that is patrone there, to intreat 
him to make her fruitful, as having no children by the era- 
perour her husband. Lightly every yeere she goeth on pil- 
grimage to him from the Mosko on foote, about 80 English 
miles,^ with five or sixe thousand women attending upon her, 
all in blewe liveries, and foure thousand souldiers for her 
garde. But Saint Sergius hath not yet heard her prayers, 
though (they say) he hath a speciall gift and facultie that 
The friers What learning there is among their fryers may be knowen 
by their bishops, that are the choyce men out of all their 
monasteries. I talked with one of them at the citie of 
Vologda, where (to trie his skill) I offered him a Russe 
Testament, and turned him to the first chapter of Saint Ma- 
thewes Gospel. Where he beganne to reade in verie good 
order. I asked him first, what part of scripture it was that 
he had read ? Hee answered, that hee coulde not well tell. 
Howe manie Evangelistes there were in the newe Testa- 
ment ? He sayde he knew not. Howe manie Apostles there 
were ? Hee thought there were twelve. Howe he shoulde 
be saved? Whereunto he answeared mee with a piece of 
Kusse doctrine, that hee knew not whether he shoulde bee 
saved or no : but if God woulde poshallovate him, or gratifie 
him so much as to save him, so it was, hee would be glad of 
it : if not, what remedie ? I asked him why he shoare him- 
selfe a fryer ? He answered, because he would eat his bread 

^ [Irenia, sister of Boris GodimofF. She gave birth to her first child 
in 1,592, having been several times previously enceinte. In the year 1585 
Horsey was despatched to England from Moscow, by the Czar Fedor, 
to procure a midwife for the Czarina ; and, on his return, he brought 
with him a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Irenia on the subject of the 
midwife and a physician, whom she had also sent to her assistance. See 
llamel, p. 234.] 

^ [xibout half this number of miles is the true distance.] 


with peace. This is the learning of the friers of E-ussia, 
which, though it be not to bee measured by one, yet partly 
it may bee gessed, by the ignorance of this man, what is in 
the rest. 

They have also many nunneries, whereof some may ad- Nunneries. 
mitte none but noblemens widowes and daughters, when the 
emperour meaneth to keepe them, unmarried, from continu- 
ing the blood or stocke which he would have extinguished. 
To speak of the life of their friers and nunnes, it needes not 
to those that know the hypocrisie and uncleannesse of that 
cloyster-broode. The E,usse himselfe (though otherwise ad- 
dicted to all superstition) speaketh so fowlly of it, that it 
must needes gaine silence of any modest man. 

Besides these, they have certeyne eremites (whome they Eremius. 
call holy men) that are like to those gymnosophists for their 
life and behaviour : though farre unlike for their knowledge 
and learning. They use to go starke naked, save a clout 
about their middle, with their haire hanging long and wildely 
about their shoulders, and many of them with an iron coller 
or chaine about their neckes or middes, even in the very 
extremity of winter. These they take as prophets and men 
of great holines, giving them a liberty to speak what they 
list without any controulment, thogh it be of the very high- 
est himselfe. So that if he reprove any openly, in what sort 
soever, they answere nothing, but that it is j^o grcecum, 
that is, for their sinnes. And if anie of them take some piece 
of sale ware from anie mans shop, as he passeth by, to give 
where he list, hee thinketh himselfe much beloved of God, 
and much beholding to the holy man for taking it in that 

Of this kinde there are not many, because it is a very 
harde and colde profession to goe naked in Russia, specially 
in winter. Among other at this time they have one at 
Mosko that walketh naked about the streetes, and inveyeth 
commonly against the state and government, especially 


against the Godonoes, that are thought at this time to bee 
great oppressours of that common wealth. Another there 
was, that dyed not many yeeres agoe (whome they called 

Basiieo tLe Basilco), that would take upon him to reproove the olde 
emperour, for all his crueltie and oppressions done towards 
his people. His body they have translated of late into a 
sumptuous church neere the emperours house in Mosko, and 
have canonized him for a saint. Many miracles he doth 
there (for so the friers make the people to beleeve), and 
manie ofFrings are made unto him, not only by the people 
but by the chiefe nobilitie, and the emperour and cm- 
presse themselves, which visite that church with great devo- 
tion. But this last yeere, at my beeing at Mosko, this saint 
had ill lucke in working his miracles. For a lame man that 
had his limmes restored (as it was pretended by him) was 
charged by a woman that was familiar with him (being then 
fallen out) that hee halted but in the day time, and coulde 
Icape merily when he came home at night. And that hee had 
intended this matter sixe yeeres before. Nowe he is put into 
a monastery, and there rayleth upon the fryers that hyred 
him to have this counterfaite miracle practised upon him. 
Besides this disgrace, a litle before my comming from thence, 
there were eyght slaine within his church by fire in a thun- 
der. Which caused his belles (that were tingling before all 
day and night long as in triumph of the miracles wrought 
by Basileo, their saint) to ring somewhat softlier, and hath 
wrought no little discredite to this miracle-worker. There 

NkcihiUie was another of s^reat account at Plesko (called Nichola of 

Ki-emite. f _ ^ 

Plesko),^ that did much good when this emperours father 
came to sacke the towne, upon suspition of their revolting 
and rebellion against him. The emperour, after hee had 
saluted the eremite at his lodging, sent him a reward. And 

^ [See an account of this fanatic in the earlier part of the narrative of 
Horsey ; who names Iiim " Mikula Sweat," and gives his personal recol- 
lections of him.] 


the holy man, to requite the empcrour, sent him a piece of 
rawe fleshe, beyng then their Lent time. Which the em- 
perour seeing, bid one to tell him that he marvelled that the 
holy man woulde offer him flesh to eat in the Lent, when it 
was forbidden by order of holie Church. And doth Ecasko 
(which is as much to saye, as Jacke) thinke (quoth Nicola) 
that it is unlawfull to eate a piece of beasts flesh in Lent, and 
not to eate up so much mans flesh as hee hath done already ? 
So, threatning the emperour with a prophecy of some hard 
adventure to come upon him, except hee left murdering of 
his people and departed the towne, he saved a great many 
mens lives at that time. 

This maketh the people to like very well of them, because 
they are as Pasquils. to note their great mens faults that no 
man els dare speake of. Yet it falleth out sometime, that for 
this rude libertie which they take upon them, after a coun- 
terfeite manner, by imitation of prophets, they are made 
away in secret : as was one or two of them in the last empe- 
rours time, for beyng over bold in speaking against his 


Of their Leiturgie, or forme of Church-service, and their manner 
of administring the Sacraments. 

Their morning service they call zautrcma, that is, matins. Their mom- 

o J ' ^ mg service. 

It is done in this order. The priest entereth into the church 
with his deacon following him. And when hee is come to 
the middle of the church, he beginneth to say with a lowde 
voyce : " Blasslavey Vladiha''^ (that is) " Blesse us, heavenly 
Pastor :" meaning of Christ. Then he addeth : — " Li the name 
of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, one 


very God in Trinitie :" and " AsjJody Pomeluyj'^ or, " Lorde 
have mercy upon us, Lorde have mercie upon us, Lorde have 
mercie upon us :" repeated three times. This done, hee 
marcheth on towardes the chauncell or sanctum sanctorum 
(as they use to call it), and so entreth into the scharsvey 
divere, or the heavenly doore : which no man may enter into 
but the priest only. Where, standing at the altar or table 
(set neere to the upper wall of the chauncell), hee sayeth the 
Lordes Prayer, and then againe "Asjiode Pomcluy ,^^ or ," hord 
have mercie upon us, Lorde have mercie upon us," &c., pro- 
nounced twelve times. Then, " Praised be the Trinitie, the 
Father, the Sonne, and the Holie Ghost, for ever and ever," 
Wherto the deacons and people say, "Amen." Next after, the 
priest addeth the Psalmes for that day, and beginneth with, 
" O come let us worshippe and fldl downe before the Lord," 
&c. : and therewithall himselfe, Avith the deacons and people, 
all turne themselves towardes their idoles or images that hang 
on the wall, and, crossing themselves, bowe down three times, 
knocking their heades to the verie ground. After this he 
readeth the ten Commandments and Athanasius Creed out 
of the servicc-booke. 

This being done, the deacon that standeth without the 
heavenly doore or chauncel readeth a piece of a legend out 
of a written booke (for they have it not in print) of some 
saints life, miracles, &c. This is divided into many partes, 
for every day in the yeere, and is read by them with a 
playne singing note, not unlike to the Popish tune when 
they soung their gospels. After all this (which reacheth to 
an houre and an lialfe or two houres of length) hee addeth 
certeyne sette collectes or prayers upon that which hee hath 
read out of the legend before : and so cndeth his service. 
All this while stand burning before their idoles a great many 
of waxes candles (wherof some are of the bignesse of a mans 
wast), vowed or enjoyned by penance upon the people of the 


About 9 of the clock in the morning they have an other 
service, called oheidna, or complinCj much after the order of 
the Popish service that bare that name. If it bee some high or 
festivall day, they furnish their service beside with, " Blessed 
bee the Lorde God of Israel," &c., and, " We prayse thee O 
God," &c., sung with a more solemne and curious note. 

Their evening service is called vecherna,\vh.eYe the priest 'riieirEvec. 

" ing service. 

beginneth with Blaslacey Vladika, as hee did in the morning, 
and with the psalms appointed for the vccherna. Which beyng 
read, hee singeth, " My soule doeth magnifie the Lorde," 
&c. And then the priest, deacons, and people, all with one 
voice sing, ^'Aspody Pomelui,'''' or, " Lord have mercy upon 
us," thirty times together. Whereunto the boyes that are in 
the church answere all with one voyce, rowling it up so fast as 
their lippes can goe : — " Verij, verij, verij, cerij,'''' or, " Prayse, 
prayse, prayse," &c., thirty times together, with a very 
straunge noyse. Then is read by the priest, and upon the 
holidaies sung, the first psalme : — " Blessed is the man," &c. 
And in the end of it is added, " Alleluia," repeated ten times. 
The next in order is some part of the gospell read by the 
priest, which hee endethwith "Alleluia" repeated three times. 
And so having said a collect in remembrance of the saint of 
that day, he endeth his evening service. All this while the 
priest standeth above, at the altar or high table, within the 
chancel or sanctum sanctorum, whence he never moveth al 
the service time. The deacon or deacons (which are many 
in their cathedrall churches) stand without the chancell by 
the sharsvey dicere, or heavenly doore : for within they may 
not be seene all the service time, though otherwise their 
office is to sweepe and keepe it, and to set up the waxe 
candels before their idols. The people stand together the 
whole service time in the body of the church, and some in 
the church porch ; for piew or seate they have none within 
their churches. 

The sacrament of baptisme they administer after this 



onh™^""^'^ manner. The cliild is brought unto the church (and this is 
bai)Tisme. done within eight daies after it is borne) ; if it bee the childe 
of some nobleman, it is brought with great pomp in a rich 
sled or wagon, with chaires and cushions of cloth of gold, 
and such like sumptuous shew of their best furniture. When 
they are come to the church, the priest standeth readie to 
receive the child within the church porch, with his tub of 
water by him. And then beginneth to declare unto them, 
that they have brought a little infidell to be made a Chris- 
tian, &c. This ended, he teacheth the witnesses (that are 
two or three) in a certeine set forme out of his booke, what 
their dutie is in bringing up the childe after hee is baptised : 
vz., that he must be taught to know God, and Christ the 
Saviour. And because God is of great majestic, and wee 
must not presume to come unto him without mediate ars (as 
the manner is when wee make any suit to an emperour or 
great prince), therefore they must teach him what saints are 
the best and chiefe mediatours, &c. This done, he com- 
mandeth the divell in the name of God, after a conjuring 
manner, to come out of the water : and so, after certeine 
praiers, he plungeth the childe thrise over head and eares. 
For this they holde to be a point necessary, that no part of 
the childe be undipped in the water. 

The words, that beare with them the forme of baptisme, 
uttered by the priest when he dippeth in the childe, are the 
very same that are prescribed in the gospell and used by us, 
vz. : " In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of 
the Ghost." For that they should altar the forme of the words, 
and say, " by the holy Ghost" (as I have heard that they did, 
folowing certein heretikes of the Greeke Church), I found to 
be untrue, aswell by report of them that have bin often at 
their baptismes, as by their booke of leiturgie it selfe, wherein 
the order of baptisme is precisely set doAvne. 

AVhen the childe is baptized, the priest laieth oile and salt 
tempred together upon the forehead and both sides of his 


face, and then uppon his mouth, drawing it along with his 
finger over the chikles lippes (as did the Popish priestes) 
saying withall certeine prayers to this effect : that God will 
make him a good Christian, &c. : all this is done in the 
church porch. Then is the childe (as being now made a 
Christian, and meet to be received within the church dore) 
carried into the church, the priest going before, and there 
he is presented to the chiefe idoll of the church, being layd 
on a cushion before the feete of the image, by it (as by the 
mediatour) to bee commended unto God. If the child be 
sick or weake (specially in the winter), they use to make the 
water luke warme. After baptisme, the manner is to cut of 
the haire from the childes head, and having wrapped it 
within a piece of wax, to lay it up as a relique or monument 
in a secret place of the church. 

This is the manner of their baptisme, which they account 
to be the best and perfcctest form. As they doo all other 
parts of their religion, received (as they say) by tradition 
from the best Church, meaning the Grecke. And therfore 
they will take great paynes to make a proselite or convert, 
either of an infidell or of a forrein Christian, by rebaptizing 
him after the Russe manner. When they take any Tartar 
prisoner, commonly they will offer him life, with condition 
to be baptized. And yet they perswade very few of them to 
redeeme their life so : because of the naturall hatred the 
Tartar beareth to the E.usse, and the opinion he hath of his 
falshood and injustice. The yere after Mosko was fired by 
the Chrim Tartar, there was taken a Dkoymorsey, one of 
the chiefe in that exploit, with 300 Tartars more : who had 
all their lives offered them, if they would be baptized after 
the Kusse manner. Which they refused all to doo, with 
many reproches against those that perswaded them. And 
so beyng carried to the river Mosko (that runneth through 
the citie) they were all baptized after a violent manner, 
being thrust downe with a knock on the head into the water. 


through an hole made in the yse for that purpose. Of Lief- 
landers that are captives, there are many that take on them 
this second Russe baptisme, to get more libertie, and somwhat 
besides towards their living, which the emperour ordinarily 
useth to give them. 

Of Englishmen, since they frequented the countrie, there 
was never any found that so much forgot God, his faith, and 
countrie, as that he would bee content to bee baptized 
Kusse, for any respect of feare, preferment, or other meanes 
whatsoever: save onely Richard Relph,^ that following before 
an ungodly trade, by keeping a cahack (against the order of 
the countrie), and being put of from that trade and spoiled 
by the emperours officers of that which he had, entred him- 
self this last yeare into the Ru.sse profession : and so was re- 
baptised, living now asmuch an idolater as before he was a 
rioter and unthrifty person. 

Such as thus receive the E-usse baptisme, are first carried 
into some monasterie to be instructed there in the doctrine 
and ceremonies of the Church. Where they use these cere- 
monies. First, they put him into a new and fresh suite of 
apparell, made after the Russe fashion, and set a coronet, or 
(in sommer) a garland, upon his head. Then they annoint 
his head with oile, and put a waxe candle light into his hand : 
and so pray over him foure times a day, the space of seven 
dales. All this while he is to abstaine from flesh and white 
meats. The seven dales being ended, he is purified and 
washed in a bathstove, and so the eighth day hee is brought 
into the church, where he is taught by the friers how to be- 
have himselfe in presence of their idols, by ducking downe, 

^ [Richard Relph had been sent out to Russia by the Muscovy Com- 
pany.. " For his private tradinge with the companies stocke and creditt, 
his prodigalities and deceiptes," he was recalled in the year 1584 ; but 
either refused obedience to the order or returned soon after. See a copy 
of a curious letter written by him to two of his partners in fraud against 
the Company, dated Rose Island, 12th August, 1584, in Lansdowne MS. 
42, f. 67.] 


knocking of the head, crossing himself, and such like ges- 
tures, which are the greatest part of the Russe religion. 

The sacrament of the Lordes Supper they receive but ^J'/j^j^™ ^f 
once a yeare, in their great Lent time, a litle before Easter, s^upper.''^ 
Three, at the most, are admitted at one time, and never 
above. The manner of their communicating is thus. First, 
they confesse themselves of all their sins to the priest (whom 
they call their ghostly father). Then they come to the 
church, and are called up to the communion table, that 
standeth, like an altar, a little removed from the upper end of 
the church, after the Doutch manor. Here, first, they are asked 
of the priest whether they be cleane or no, that is, whither 
they have never a sinne behind, that they left unconfessecl. 
If they answere, No, they are taken to the table. Where 
the priest beginneth with certeine usuall prayers, the com- 
municants standing in the meane while, with their amies 
fouldcd one within an other, like penitentaries or mourners. 
When these prayers are ended, the priest taketh a spoone, 
and filleth it full of claret wine. Then he putteth into it a 
small piece of bread, and tempereth them both together : and 
so delivereth them in the spoone to the communicants, that 
stande in order, speaking the usuall wordcs of the sacra- 
ment, — " Eat this," &c., " Drink this," &c., — both at one 
time, without any pause. 

After that, he delivereth them againe bread by it self, and 
then wine carded together with a little warme water, to re- 
present bloud more rightly (as they thinke) and the water 
withall that flowed out of the side of Christ. Whiles this is 
in doing, the communicants unfold their amies. And then 
foulding them againe, follow the prieste thrise round about 
the communion table, and so returne to their places againe. 
Where, having said certeine other prayers, he dismisseth 
the communicants, with charge to bee meary, and to cheere 
up themselves for the seven dales next following. Which 
being ended, he enjoyneth them to fast for it as long time 


after. Which they use to observe with very great devotion, 
eating nothing els but bread and salt, except a little cabbage, 
and some other hearbe or roote, with water or quasse mead 
for their drinke. 

This is their manner of administering the sacraments. 
Wherein, what they differ from the institution of Christ, 
and what ceremonies they have added of their owne, or, 
rather, borrowed of the Greekes, may easily be noted. 


Of the Doctrine of the Russe Church, and lohat errours 
it holdeth. 

Jnmnr'^^ TiiEiR cliiefcst crrours in matter of faith I find to be these. 
disallowing First, conccming the word of God it self, they will not read 

of certeine ii-i • i ^ o ^ 'n 

parts of the publiquely certeme bookes oi the canonical! scripture, as 


soriptuies. the bookos of Moscs : specially the foure last, Exodus, Le- 
viticus, Numeri, and Deuteronomie, which they say are al 
made disauthentique, and put out of use by the comming of 
Christ : as not able to discerne the difference betwixt the 
morall and the ceremoniall law. The bookes of the prophets 
they allow of, but read them not publikely in their churches 
for the same reason : because they were but directers unto 
Christ, and proper (as they say) to the nation of the Jewes. 
Onely the booke of Psalmes they have in great estimation, 
and sing and say them dayly in their churches. Of the New 
Testament they allow and read all, except the Revelation : 
which therefore they read not (though they allow it) because 
they understand it not, neither have the like occasion to 
know the fulfilling of the prophecies conteyned within it, 
concerning especially the apostasie of the Antichristian 

h to 
e au- 


Churcli, as have the Westenie Churches. Notwithstanding 
they have had their Antichrists of the Greeke Church, 
and may ilnde their owne falling of and the punishments 
for it, by the Turkish invasion, in the prophecies of that 

Secondly (which is the fountain of the rest of al their cor- tiou™'!"'„jj,i 
ruptions, both in doctrine and ceremonies) they holde with soriptm-e!^ 
the Papistes, that their Church traditions are of equall 
authoritie with the written worde of God. Wherein they 
prefer themselves before other Churches : affirming that they 
have the true and right traditions delivered by the apostles 
to the Greeke Church, and so unto them. 

o. That the Church Tmeanincf the Greeke, and specially 3. tik 
the Patriarch and his Synod, as the head of the rest) have a i»'"'e ^ 

•' -^ raigne 

soveraigne authoritie to interpret the scriptures, and that all IJ^rpreting 
are bound to holde that interpretation as sound and authen- lure's!^"'' 

4. Concerning the divine nature and the three persons in 4. The uoiy 

Ghost to pi'o- 

the one substance of God, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth ceed from 

•' ^ the Father 

from the Father onely, and not from the Sonne. '^'"'^'y- 

5. About the office of Christ they holde many fowle &. chnst 

not sole 

errours, and the same almost as doth the Popish Church : niediator of 
namely, that hce is the sole mediatour of redemption, but 
not of intercession. Their chiefe reason (if they bee talked 
withall) for defence of this errour, is that unapt and foolish 
comparison betwixt God and a monarch or prince of this 
world, that must bee sued unto by mediatours about him : 
wherein they give speciall preferment to some above others, 
as to the blessed Virgin, whom they z-aS^ precheste, or unde- 
filed, and S. Nicolas, whom they call scora pomosnick, or the 
speedy helper, and say that hee hath 300 angels of the 
chiefest, appointed by God to attend upon him. This hath 
brought them to an horrible excesse of idolatry, after the 
grossest and prophanest manner, giving unto their images 
al religious worship of praier, thanksgiving, offigrings, and 



adoration, with prostrating and knocking their heads to the 
ground before them, as to God himself. Which, because 
they doo to the picture, not to the portraiture of the saint, 
they say they worship not an idol but the saint in his image, 
and so offend not God : forgetting the commandement of 
God, that forbiddeth to make the image or likenes of any 
thing, for any religious worship or use whatsoever. Their 
church walles are very full of them, richly hanged and set 
forth with pearle and stone upon the smooth table. Though 
some also they have embossed, that stick from the board 
almost an inch outwards. They call them chudovodites, or 
their miracle workers : and when they provide them to set 
up in their churches, in no case they may say that they have 
bought the image, but exchaunged monie for it. 
6. justifi- 6. For the means of justification, they agree with the 

cation by tit /-\^ 

vvorkes. Papists, that it is not by faith only apprehending Christ, but 
by their works also. And that opus operatum, or the worke 
for the worke sake, must needes please God. And therefore 
they are all in their numbers of praiers, fastes, vowes, and 
offrings to saints, almes deeds, crossings, and such like, and 
carrie their numbring beads about with them continually, 
aswel the emperour and his nobilitie as the common people, 
not only in the church but in all other publike places, spe- 
cially at any set or solemne meeting, as in their fastes, lawe 
courts, common consultations, intertainement of ambassa- 
dours, and such like. 

7 Salvation 7. They say, with the Papists, that no man can be assured 

imcerteine. i n i r 

of his salvation, til the last sentence be passed at the day ot 
e. Auricular 8. They uso auricular confession, and thinke that they are 


purged by the very action from so many smnes as they con- 
fesse by name, and in particular to the priest. 
9. Three 9_ Thcv hold three sacramentes, of baptisme, the Lords 

sacraments. •' 

supper, and the last annoiling, or unction. Yet concern- 
ing their sacrament of extreame unction, they holde it not so 


necessarie to salvation as they do baptisme, but tliinke it a 
great curse and punishment of God if any die with out it. 

10. They thinke there is a necessitie of baptisme, and that J'^^-^^'^'^fj^^^ 
all are condemned that die with out it. bapUsme."' 

11. They rebaptise as many Christians (not being of the J^^^-^^"^"^; 
Greek Church) as they convert to their Russe profession : 
because they are divided from the true Church, which is the 
Greeke, as they say. 

12. They make a difference of meates and drinks, account- Jf;^f j,^'"''' 
ing the use of one to be more holy then of an other. And ™''^''^^- 
therefore in their set fastes they forbeare to eate fleshe and 
white meats (as we call them) after the manner of the Popish 
superstition : which they observe so strictly, and with such 
blinde devotion, as that they will rather die then eat one bit 

of flesh, egges, or such like, for the health of their bodies in 
their extreme sicknesse. 

13. They hold marriage to be unlawfuU for all the clergie rfaJl^lor 
men, except the priests only, and for them also after the first soqs un- 
wife, as was said before. Neither doo they well allow of it in 

lay men after the second marriage. Which is a pretence now 
used against the emperours only brother, a child of six yeres 
old 0- who therefore is not praied for in their churches (as 
their manner is otherwise for the princes bloud) because hee 
was borne of the sixt marriage, and so not legitimate. This 
charge was given to the priests by the empcrour himselfe, 
by procurement of the Godonoes, who make him beleeve that 
it is a good pollicie to turne away the liking of the people 
from the next successour. 

Many other false opinions they have in matter of religion. 
But these are the chiefe, which they holde partly by meanes 
of their traditions (which they have received from the Greeke 
Church), but specially by ignorance of the holy scriptures. 
Which notwithstanding they have in the Polonian tongue 

1 [Prince Demetrius, youngest son of the Czar Ivan Vasilovitch. See 
a note concerning him, above, p, 22.] 



(that is all one with theirs, some few wordes excepted), yet 
fewe of them read them with that godly care which they 
ought to doo : neither have they (if they would) bookes suf- 
ficient of the Old and New Testament for the common peo- 
ple, but of their leiturgie onely, or booke of common service, 
whereof there are great numbers. 

All this mischief corameth from the clergie, who being 
ignorant and godlesse themselves, are very warie to keepe 
the people likewise in their ignorance and blindnesse, for 
their living and bellies sake : partly also from the manner of 
government setled among them : which the emperours (whom 
it specially behoveth) list not to have chaunged by any in- 
novation, but to retaine that religion that best agreeth with 
it. Which notwithstanding it is not to be doubted, but that 
having the word of God in some sort (though without the 
ordinarie meancs to attaine to a true sense and understand- 
ing of it) God hath also his number among them. As may 
partly appeare by that which a Ilusse at Mosko said in 
secret to one of my servants, speaking against their images 
and other superstitions : — That God had given unto Eng- 
land light to day, and might give it to morrow (if he pleased) 
to them. 

As for any inquisition or proceeding against men for mat- 
ter of religion, I could hearc of none : save a few yeares 
since against one man and his wife, who were kept in a close 
prison the space of 28 yeares, till they were over growen 
into a deformed fashion, for their hayre, nailes, collour of 
countenance, and such like, and in the end were burned at 
Mosko, in a small house set on fire. The cause was kepte 
secrete, but like it was for some part of truth in matter of 
religion : though the people were made to beleeve by the 
priests and friers, that they held some great and damnable 



Of the manner of solemnizing their Marriages. 

The manner of making and solemnizing tlieir marriages is 
different from the manor of other countries. The man 
(though he never saw the woman before) is not permitted to 
have any sight of hir al the time of his woing : which he 
doth not by himself, but by his mother or some other ancient 
woman of his kin or acquaintance. When the liking is taken 
(aswell by the parents as by the parties themselves, for with- 
out the knowledge and consent of the parents, the contract 
is not lawful) the fathers on both sides, or such as are to 
them in steede of fathers, with their other chiefe friends, 
have a meeting and conference about the dowrie, which is 
commonly very large, after the abilitie of the parents : so 
that you shal have a market man (as they call them) give a 
1000 rubbels or more with his daughter. 

As for the man, it is never required of him, nor standeth The man- 

■' J- ^ Her 01 m- 

with their custome, to make any jointer in recompence of (1°^^^"^"^ 
the dowrie. But in case he have a child by his wife, she 
enjoieth a thirde deale after his disease. If hee have two 
children by hir or more, shee is to have a courtesie more, at 
the discretion of the husband. If the husband depart with- 
out issue by his wife, shee is returned home to hir friends 
without any thing at al, save only hir dowrie : if the hus- 
band leave so much behind him in goods. When the agree- 
ment is made concerning the dowrie, they signe bonds one 
to the other, aswell for the paiment of the dowrie, as the 
performing of the mariage by a certein day. If the woman 
were never married before, hir father and friends are bound 
besides to assure hir a maiden. Which breedeth many 
brabbels and quarrels at law, if the man take any conceipt 
concerninsr the behaviour and honestie of his wife. 

liies lu raar- 


Thus, the contract being made, the parties begin to send 
tokens the one to the other, the woman first, then afterwards 
the man, but yet see not one another till the marriage be 
solemnized. On the eave before the marriage day, the bride 
is carried in a collimago or coach, or in a sledde (if it be 
winter) to the bridegromes house, with hir marriage appa- 
rell and bedstead with hir, which they are to lie in. For 
this is ever provided by the bride, and is commonly very 
faire, with much cost bestowed upon it. Here she is accom- 
paned all that night by hir mother and other women : but 
not welcommed, nor once seene by the bridegrome himselfe. 
ceremo- When the time is come to have the marriage solemnized, 

the bride hath put upon her a kind of hood, made of fine 
knitworke or lawne, that covereth her head and all her 
body downe to the middle. And so, accompanied with her 
friends, and the bridegroome with his, they goe to church 
all on horsebacke, though the church bee neere hande and 
themselves but of very meane degree. The wordes of con- 
tract and other ceremonies in solemnizing the marriage, are 
much after the order and with the same wordes that are 
used Avith us : with a ring also given to the bride. Which 
beeing put on, and the Avordes of contract pronounced : the 
brides hand is delivered into the hand of the bride groome, 
which standeth al this while on the one side of the altar or 
table, and the bride on the other. So the marriage knot 
beeing knitte by the priest, the bride commeth to the bride- 
groome (standing at the end of the altar or table) and falleth 
downe at his feete, knocking her head upon his shooe, in 
token of her subjection and obedience. And the bride- 
groome againe casteth the lappe of his gowne or upper gar- 
ment over the bride, in token of his duetie to protect and 
cherish her. 

Then the bridegroome and bride, standing both together 
at the tables ende, commeth first the father and the other 
friends of the bride, and bowc themselves downe low to the 


briclegroome : and so likewise his friends bow themselves 
to the bride, in token of affinity and love ever after betwixt 
the two kinreds. And withall, the father of the bride- 
groome offreth to the priest a loafe of bread, who delivereth 
it straight again to the father and other friends of the bride, 
with attestation before God and their idols, that hee de- 
liver the dowry wholly and truely at the day appointed, 
and hold love ever after one kinred with another. Wher- 
upon they break the loaf into pieces and eate of it, to testifie 
their true and sincere meanings for performing of that charge, 
and thenceforth to become as grains of one loafe or men of 
one table. 

These ceremonies being ended, the bridegroome taketh the 
bride by the hand, and so they goe on together with their 
friendes after them towardes the church porche. Where 
meete them certein with pots and cups in their handes, with 
meade and Russe wine. Wherof the bridegroome taketh 
first a charke, or little cuppe full in his hand, and drinketh 
to the bride : who, opening her hood or vale below, and 
putting the cup to her mouth underneath it (for beeing 
scene of the bridegroome) pleadgeth him agayne. Thus re- 
turning altogether from the church, the bridegroome gocth 
not home to his owne, but to his fathers house, and she like- 
wise to hers, where either intertayn their friends apart. At 
the entring into the house, they use to fling corne out of 
the windowes upon the bridegroome and bride, in token of 
plentie and fruitfulnes to bee with them ever after. 

When the evening is come, the bride is brought to the 
bridegrooms fathers house, and there lodgeth that night, 
with her vale or cover still over her head. All that night 
she may not speak one word (for that charge she receiveth 
by tradition from her mother, and other matrones her 
friendes) that the bridegroome must neither heare nor see 
her till the day after the marriage. Neither three "dayes 
after may shee bee hearde to speake, save certeyne fewe 


wordes at the table in a set forme, with great manners and 
reverence to the bridegroome. If she behave her selfe other- 
wise, it is a great prejudice to her credite and life ever after: 
and will highly be disliked of the bridegroome himselfe. 

After the third day they depart to their owne, and make 
a feast to both their friends together. The marriage day, 
and the whole time of their festivall, the bridegroome hath 
the honour to bee called moloday knez, or yong duke, and 
the bride, 7noloday hnezaij, or young dutchesse. 

In living with their wives, they shewe shemselves to be 
but of a barbarou.s condition : using them as servaunts rather 
then wives. Except the noble-women, which are, or seeme 
to be, of more estimation with their husbands then the rest 
of meaner sort. They have this fowle abuse, contrary to 
good order and the worde of God it selfe, that upon dislike 
of his wife or other cause whatsoever, the man may goe into 
a monasterie and shire himselfe a frier by pretence of devo- 
tion, and so leave his wife to shift for her selfe so well as 
she can. 


Of the other Ceremonies of the Rasse Church. 
Thesigneof The otlicr ccrenionies of their churche are nianie in number : 

the crosse. 

esj)ecially the abuse about the signe of the crosse, which they 
set up in their high wayes, in the tops of their churches, and 
in every doore of their houses, signing themselves continu- 
ally with it on their foreheads and brests with great devotion, 
as they will seeme by their outward gesture. Which were 
lesse offence, if they gave not withall that religious reverence 
and worship unto it which is due to God onely, and used 


the dumb shewe and signing of it, insteede of thanksgiving 
and of all other ducties which they owe unto God. When 
they rise in the morning, they goe commonly in the sight of 
some steeple that hath a crosse on the toppe : and so bowing 
themselves towardes the crosse, signe themselves withal on 
their foreheads and brests. And this is their thanksgiving 
to God for their nightes rest, without any word speaking, ex- 
cept peradventure they say, " Aspochj Pomelmj,"" or, " Lorde 
have mercie upon us." When they sitte downe to meate, 
and rise againe from it, the thanksgiving to God is the cross- 
ing of their foreheads and brests. Except it be some few 
that adde, peradventure, a worde or two of some ordinarie 
prayer, impertinent to that purpose. When they are to give 
an oath for the deciding of anie controversie at lawe, they 
doe it by swearing by the crosse and kissing the feet of it, 
making it as God, Avhose name only is to bee used in such 
triall of justice. When they enter into any house (where 
ever there is an idole hanging on the wall) they signe them- 
selves with the crosse and bow themselves to it. When they 
begin any work, bee it little or much, they arme them selves 
first with the signe of the crosse. And this commonly is all 
their prayer to God for good speede of their businesse. And 
thus they serve God with crosses, after a crosse and value 
maner : not understanding what the crosse of Christ is, nor 
the power of it. And yet they thinke all strangers Chris- 
tians to be no better then Turkes in comparison of them- 
selves (and so they wil say), because they bow not them- 
selves when they meete with the crosse, nor signe themselves 
with it, as the E,usse inaner is. 

They have holie water in like use and estimation as the iioiy water. 
Popish Church hath. But herein they exceede them, in 
that they doe not onely hallow their holie water stockes and 
tubbes ful of water, but all the rivers of the countrey once 
every yeere. At Mosko it is done with great pompe and 
solemnitie, the emperour himselfe being present at it with 

of rivers. 


all his nobility, marching through the streets towards the 
river of Mosko in manner of procession, in this order as fol- 
loweth. First goe two deacons with banners in their hands, 
the one of Precheste (or our Ladie), the other of S. Michael, 
fighting with his dragon. Then follow after the rest of the 
deacons and the priests of Mosko, two and two in a ranke, 
with coaps on their backs and their idols at their brest, car- 
ried with girdles or slinges made fast about their necks. 
Next the priests come their bishops, in their pontijicalihus ; 
then the friers, monks, and abbots; and after, the patriarches, 
in very rich attire, with a ball or sphere on the top of his 
myter, to signifie his universalitie over that Church. Last 
comnieth the emperor, with all his nobility. The whole 
traine is of a mile long or more. When they are come to 
the river a great hole is made in the yse, where the market 
is kept, of a rod and a halfe broad, with a stage round about 
it to keepe off the presse. Then beginneth the patriarch to 
say certaine praiers, and conjureth the divel to come out of 
the water ; and so, casting in salt and censing it Avith frank- 
incense, maketh the whole river to become holy water. The 
morning before, all the people of Mosko use to make crosses 
of chawlke over everie doore and window of their houses : 
least the divell, beyng conjured out of the water, shoulde 
flye into their houses. 

When the ceremonies are ended, you shal see the black 
gard of the emperours house, and then the rest of the towne, 
with their pailes and buckets, to take off the hallowed water 
for drinke and other uses. You shall also see the women 
dippe in their children over head and eares, and many men 
and women leape into it, some naked, some with their clothes 
on, when some man woulde thinke his finger woulde freese 
oflf, if hee should but dippe it into the water. When the 
men have done, they bring their horse to the river to drinke 
of the sanctified water : and so make them as holie as a horse. 
Their set day for this solemne action of hallowing their 


rivers, is that wc cal Twelfthday. The like is done by 
other bishops in al parts of the reahiie. 

Their maner is also to give it to their sick in their greatest J|'oJ''^i;ty' 
extremitie, thinking that it will eyther recover them or sanc- 
tifie them to God. "Whereby they kill many through their 
unreasonable superstition, as did the Lord Borris [GodunoAv] 
his onely sonne, at my beyng at the Mosko : whom he killed 
(as was said by the phisitions) by powring into him colde 
holie water, and presenting him naked into the church to 
their Saynt Basileo, in the colde of the winter, in an extre- 
mitie of sicknessc. 

They have an image of Christ, which they call Neriichi 
(which signifieth as much as made without hands) for so 
their priests and superstition withal perswadeth them it was. 
This in their processions they carry about with them on high 
upon a pole, enclosed within a pixe made like a lanthorn, 
and doe reverence to it as to a great mysterie. 

At every brewing their maner is likewise to brinof a dish Brewing 

... . with holy 

of their woort to the priest, within the church ; which beyng ^^^^'or. 
hallowed by him is powred into the brewing, and so giveth 
it such a vertue, as when they drink of it they are seldome 
sober. The like they doe with the first fruites of their come 
in harvest. 

They have another ceremonie on Palmsunday, of aun- rahnsun- 
cient tradition : what time the patriarch rideth through the 
Mosko, the cmperour himself holding his horse bridle, and 
the people crying " Hosanna," and spreding their upper 
garmentes under his horse feete. The emperour hath of 
the patriarch, for his good service of that day, 200 rubbels 
of standing pension. Another pageant they have, much like 
to this, the weeke before the nativitie of Christ : when 
every bishop in his cathedral church setteth forth a shew of 
the three children in the oven.^ Where the Angell is 

^ [The show refers to a legend of St. Nicholas, Bishop of Myra, the 
saint held in most honour hy the Russians.] 



made to come flying from the roofe of the church, with great 
admiration of the lookers on, and many terrible flashes of 
fire are made with rosen and gun-powder by the Chaldeans 
(as they call them), that run about the towne all the twelve 
dayes, disguised in their plaiers coats, and make much good 
sport for the honour of the bishops pageant. At the Mosko, 
the emperour himselfe and the emprcsse never faile to be at 
it, though it be but the same matter plaid every yeere, with- 
out any new invention at all. 

Besides their fasts on Wednesdayes and Fridayes through- 
out the whole yeere (the one because they say Christ was 
solde on the Wednesday, the other because he suffered 
on the Friday), they have four great fastes or Lentes every 
yeere. The first (which they call their great Lent) is at the 
same time with ours. The second, about midsommcr. The 
third, in harvest time. The fourth, about Hallontide, which 
they keepe not of poUicie, but of meere superstition. In 
their great Lent, for the first weeke, they eate nothing but 
bread and salt and drinke nothing but water, neither meddle 
Avith anie matter of their vocation, but intende theii* shriving 
and fasting only. They have also three vigils or wakes in 
their great Lent, which they cal sfojania ; and the last 
Friday, their great vigil, as they cal it. What time the 
whole parish must bee present in the church, and watch 
from nine a clocke in the evening til sixe in the morning, all 
the while standing, save when they fall downe and knock 
their heads to their idoles, which must be an hundred and 
seventie times, just through the whole night. 

About their burials also, they have manie superstitious 
and prophanc ceremonies : as putting within the finger of 
the corpes a letter to Saint Nicolas, whome they make their 
chiefe mcdiatour, and, as it were, the porter of heaven gates, 
as the Papistes doe their Peter. 

In vv'inter time, when all is covered with snow, and the 
ground so hard frozen as that no spade nor pikcaxe can 



enter, their manner is not to burie their dead, but to keepe 
the bodies (so many as die all the winter time) in an house 
in the suburbs or outparts of the towne, which they call 
Bohsedom, that is, Gods house, where the dead bodies are 
2)yled up together, like billets on a woodstack, as hard with 
frost as a very stone, till the springtide come and resolveth 
the frost : what time every man taketh his dead friend and 
committeth him to the ground. 

They have, besides, their yeeres and moneths mindes for M!"|: 
their friendes departed. What time they have praiers saide 
over the grave by the priest, who hath a penie ordinarie for 
his paines. AVhen any dieth they have ordinary women 
mourners, that come to lament for the dead party ; and 
stand howling over the bodie, after a prophane and heathen- 
ish manner, sometimes in the house, sometimes bringing the 
bodie into the backside, asking him what hce wanted, and 
what he meant to die. They bury their dead as the party 
used to goe, with coate, hose, bootes, hat, and the rest of his 

Many other vaine and superstitious ceremonies they have, 
which were long and tedious to report. By these it may 
appeare how farre they ai'e fallen from the true knowledge 
and practise of Christian religion, having exchanged the 
worde of God for their vaine traditions, and brought al to 
external and ridiculous ceremonies, without anie regard of 
spirite and trueth, which God requireth in his true worship. 



Of the Emferoxhrs domestike or inivate Behaviour. 

The emperours private behaviour, so much as may bee, or 
is meete to bee known, is after this maner. Hee riseth com- 
monly about 4 a clock in the morning. After his apparel- 
ling and washing, in commeth his ghostly father or priest of 
his chamber, which is named in their tongue otetz duliouna, 
with his crosse in his hand, Vv^herwith he blesseth him, laying 
it first on his forehead, then upon his cheekes or sides of his 
face, and then oifreth him the ende of it to kisse. This 
done, the clearke of the crosse (called chreshij deyach pro- 
fery) bringeth into his chamber a painted image, represent- 
ing the saint for that day. For every day with them hath 
his severall saint, as it were the patrone for that day. This 
he placeth among the rest of his image gods, wherewithall 
prayer. j^^g chamber is decked, as thicke almost as the wall can 
beare, with lampes and waxe candles burning before them. 
They are very costly and gorgeously decked with pearle and 
precious stone. Ihis image being placed before him, the 
emperour beginneth to crosse himselfe after the E,usse man- 
ner, first on the forehead, then on both sides of his breaste, 
with '' Aspody pomeluyy pomelmj mena liospody, sacroy mena 
yresnick syhodestua /'' which is as much to say as, " Plelpe 
me O Lorde my God, Lorde comfort me, defende and kccpe 
me, a sinner, from doing evill," &c. This hee directcth 
towardes the image, or saynt for that day, whom hee nametli 
in his prayer, together with our Lady (whom they call Pre- 
cheste), Saint Nicholas, or some other, to whome he beareth 
most devotion, bowing himself prostrate unto them, with 
knocking his head to the verie ground. Thus he continueth 
the space of a quarter of an houre, or thereabouts. 

Then commeth againe the ghostly father, or chamber 


priest, with a silver bowle full of holy water, which they 

call in Russe, sweta voda, and a sprinkle of basill (as they 

call it) in his hand ; and so al to besprinkleth first the image 

gods, and then the emperour. This holy water is brought 

fresh every day from the monasteries, farre and ncere, sent 

to the emperour from the abbot or prior, in the name of the 

saint that is patrone of that monastery, as a speciall token of 

good wil from him. 

These devotions being ended, he sendeth in to the em- 

presse to aske whether she hath rested in health, &c. And 

after a little pawse goeth himselfc to salute her in a middle 

roomc betwixt both their chambers. The empresse lieth 

apart from him, and keepeth not one chamber, nor table 

with the emperour ordinarily, save upon the eave of their 

Lentes or common fastes, what time she is his ordinarie 

ghest at bedde and boorde. After their meeting in the 

morning, they goe together to their private churche or 

chappell, where is sayde or soung a morning service (called 

zcmtrana) of an houre long or thereabouts. From the church Tbe empe- 
rour giveth 

hee returncth home, and sitteth him downe in a sfreat cham- Presence 
ber, to be scene and saluted by his nobilitie, such as are in ^"°" 
favour about the court. If hec have to say to anie of them, 
or they to him, then is the time. And this is ordinarie, ex- 
cept his health or some other occasion alter the custome. 

About nine in the morning he goeth to another church 
within his castle, where is soung by priests and choristers the 
high service (called oheadna, or complin), which commonly 
lasteth two houres, the emperour in the mean time talkino-, 
commonly, with some of his councell, nobilitie, or captaines, 
which have to say to him or he to them. And the councell 
likewise conferre together among themselves, as if they were 
in their councell house. This ended he returncth home, and 
recreateth himselfe untill it be dinner time. 

He is served at his table on this manner. First, every The empe- 

,.,...,,. , -^ *^ rours ser- 

dish (as it IS delivered at the dresser) is tasted bv the cooke "peatuis 

•^ ' table. 

142 THE empp:rours 

in the presence of the high stewarde or his deputie. And 
so is receyved by the gentlemen wayters (called shilshey) 
and by them carried up to the emperours table, the high 
stewarde or his dej^utie going before. There it is received 
by the sewer (called erastiioij) who giveth a taste of everie 
dishe to the taster, and so placeth it before the emperour. 
The number of his dishes for his ordinarie service is about 
seventy : dressed somewhat grosely, with much garlicke and 
salt, much after the Doutch manner. When hee exceedeth 
upon some occasion of the day, or entertainment of some 
ambassador, he hath many more dishes. The service is sent 
up by two dishes at a time, or three at the most, that he 
may eate it warme, first the baked, then the rost meats, and 
last the brothes. \\\ his dyning chamber is an other table, 
Avhere sit the chiefe of his nobilitie that are about his court, 
and his ghostly father, or chapleine. On the one side of the 
chamber standeth a cubbard or table of plate, very fayre 
and riche, with a great cesterne of copper by it, full of yse 
and snow, wherein stande the pottcs that serve for that 
mcale. The taster holdeth the cup that he drinketh in all 
dinner time, and delivereth it unto him with a say, when 
hee calleth for it. The manner is to make many dishes out 
of the service after it is set on the table, and to send them 
to such noblemen and officers as the emperour liketh best : 
and this is counted a great favour and honour. 

After dinner hee layeth him downe to reste, where com- 
monly hee taketh three houres sleepe, except he employ one 
of the houres to bathing or boxing. And this custome for 
sleeping after dinner is an ordinary matter with him, as 
with all the Russes. After his sleepe, he goeth to evensong 
(called Techurna), and thence returning, for the most parte 
recreateth himself with the empresse till supper time, with 
jesters and dwarfes, men and women, that tumble before 
him, and sing many songs after the Russe manner. This is 
his common recreation betwixt mealcs, that hee mostc de- 


lightes in. One other speciall recreation is the fight "with 
wilde beares, which are caught in pittes or nets, and are 
kepte in barred cages for that purpose, against the emperour 
be disposed to see the pastime. The fight with the beare is 
on this sort. The man is turned into a circle Availed round 
about, where he is to quite himselfe so well as he can, for 
there is no way to flie out. When the beare is turned loose, 
he commeth upon him M-ith open mouth. If at the first pushe 
hee misse his aime, so that the beare come within him, hce 
is in great daunger. But the wilde beare being very fearse, 
hath this qualitie, that giveth advantage to the hunter. His 
manner is when he assaileth a man, to rise up right on his 
two hinder Icgges, and so to come roaring with open mouth 
upon him. And if the hunter then can pushe right into the 
very brest of him betwixt his fore legges (as commonly hce 
Avill not misse), resting the other ende of their boarespeare 
at the side of his foote, and so keeping the pike still towards 
the face of the beare, he speedeth hira commonly at one 
blow. But many times these hunters come short, and are 
either slaine, or miserably torne Avith the teeth and talents 
of the fierce beast. If the party quite himselfe well in this 
fight Avith the beare, he is carried to drinke at the emperour's 
seller door, where he drinketh himselfe drunke for the 
honor of Hospodare. And this is his rcAvard for adventur- 
ing his life for the emperours pleasure. To maintaine this 
pastime the emperor hath certein huntsmen that are ap- 
pointed for that purpose to take the Avild beare. This is 
his recreation commonl)^ on the holy dales. Sometimes he 
spendeth his time in looking upon his goldsmiths and 
jcAvellers, tailors, embroderers, painters, and such like, and 
so goeth to his supper. When it draweth toAvards bed time, 
his priest saieth certein praiers : and then the emperour 
blesseth and crosseth himselfe, as in the morning, for a 
quarter of an houre or thereaboutes, and so goeth to his 



The emperour that now is (called Theodore Ivanowich) 
is for his person of a meane stature, somewhat lowe and 
grosse, of a sallowe complexion, and inclining to the dropsie, 
hawke nosed, unsteady in his pase by reason of some weake- 
nes of his lims, heavie and unactive, yet commonly smiling 
almost to a laughter. For qualitie otherwise, simple and 
slowe witted, but verie gentle, and of an easie nature, quiet, 
mercifull, of no martial disposition, nor greatly apt for matter 
of pollicie, very superstitious, and infinite that way. Besides 
his private devotions at home, he goeth every weeke com- 
monly on pilgrimage to some monasterie or other that is 
nearest hand. He is of thirty-four yeares old, or there- 
aboutes, and hath reigned almost the space of sixe yeares. 


Ma'ster of 
the horse. 

The lord 

The lord 

Of tlie Emperours 2^rivate or househohh Officers. 

The chiefe officers of the emperours houshold ar these 
which follow. The first is the office of the hoiaren conesheva, 
or maister of the horse. Which conteineth no more then 
is expressed by the name, that is, to be overseer of the horse, 
and not magister equitum, or master of the horsemen. For 
he appointeth other for that service, as occasion dothe re- 
quire (as before was said). He that beareth that office at 
this time is Borris Federovfich Godouoe, brother to the cm- 
presse. Of horse for service in his warres (besides other for 
his ordinary uses) he hath to the number of 10,000, which 
are kept about Mosko. 

The next is the lord stcAvarde of his houshold, at this 
time one Gregorie Vasilowich Godonoe. The third is his 
treasurer, that keepcth all his monies, jewels, plate, &c., now 


called Stepan Vasilowich Godonoe. The fourth, his con- controller. 

troller, now Andreas Petrowich Clesinine [KleschninJ. The 

fift, his chamberlaine. He that attendeth that office at this piiamber. 

' lame. 

time is called Estonia Bisabroza Pastelnischay. The sixt, his 
tasters, now Theodore Alexandrowich and Ivan Vasilowich Tasters. 
Godonoe. The seventh, his harbengers, which are three Harbengers. 
noblemen, and divers other gentlemen that doo the office 
under them. These are his ordinarie officers and offices of 
the chiefest account. 

Of gentlemen beside, that wait about his chamber and ^/t}|e'',!h™ . 
person (called shilsey strcq^sey) there are two hundred, all '^"'' 
noblemens sonnes. His ordinarie garde is 2,000 hagbutters. The gard. 
ready with their pieces charged and their match lighted, 
with other necessarie furniture, continually day and night : 
which come not within the house, but wait without in the 
court or yard, where the emperour is abiding. In the night 
time, there lodgeth next to his bedchamber the chiefe cham- 
berlaine, with one or two more of best trust about him. A 
second chamber of [off] there lodge sixe other, of like account 
for their trust and faithfulnesse. In the third chamber lie 
certeine young gentlemen of these two hundred called shilsey 
strapsey, that take their turnes by forties every night. There 
are grooms besides that watch in their course, and lie at Giooms. 
every gate and doore of the court, called estopnick. 

The hagbutters or gunners, whereof there are two thou- 
sand (as was said before) watch about the emperours lodg- 
ing or bed chamber by course, two hundred and fiftie every 
night, and two hundred and fiftie more in the court yarde 
and about the treasure house. His court or house at the 
Mosko is made castle wise, walled about, with great stoare 
of faire ordinance planted upon the wall, and conteyneth a 
great breadth of ground within it, with many dwelling 
houses. Which are appointed for such as arc knowen to be 
sure and trustie to the emperour. 




Of the private behaviour, or qualitie of the Russe feofle. 

*^ra!eir"''°'^ The private behaviour and qualitie of the Russe people, 
bodies. j^^^y partly be understood by that whiche hath beene said 
concerning the publique state and usage of the countrie. As 
touching the naturall habite of their bodies, they are for the 
most parte of a large sise and of very fleshly bodies, account- 
ing it a grace to bee somewhat grosse and burley, and there- 
fore they novirish and spread their beardes to have them 
long and broad. But, for the most part, they are very un- 
weldy and unactive withall. Which may bee thought to 
come partly of the climate, and the numbnes which they get 
by the cold in winter, and partly of their diet, that standeth 
most of rootes, onions, garlike, cabbage, and such like things 
that breed grosse humors, which they use to eate alone and 
with their other meates. 
Their diet. Their diet is rather much then curious. At their meales 
they beginne commonly with a charh, or small cuppe, of aqua 
vitcB (which they call Russe wine) and then drinke not till 
towardes the ende of their meales, taking it in largely and 
all together, with kissing one another at every pledge. And 
therefore after dinner there is no talking with them, but 
every man goeth to his bench to take his afternoones sleepe, 
which is as ordinary with them as their nightes reste. When 
they exceede and have varietie of dishes, the first are their 
baked meates (for roste meates they use little) and then 
their broathes or pottage. To drinke drunke, is an ordi- 
nary matter with them every day in the weeke. Their com- 
mon drinke is mead ; the poorer sort use water, and thinne 
drink called quasse, which is nothing els (as wee say) but 
water turned out of his wittes, with a little branne meashed 
with it. 


This diet would breede in them many diseases, but that 
they use bathstoves or hote houses in steede of all phisicke, 
commonly twise or thrise every weeke. All the winter 
time, and almost the whole sommer, they heat theii' 2)eaches, 
which are made lyke the Germane bathstoaves, and their 
jiotlads, like ovens, that so warme the house, that a straun- 
ger at the first shall hardly like of it. These two extremities, 
specially in the winter, of heat within their houses and of ex- 
treame colde without, together with their diet, maketh them 
of a darke and sallow complexion, their skinnes beyng tanned 
and parched both with colde and with heate, specially the 
women, that for the greater parte are of farre worse com- 
plexions then the men. Whereof the cause I take to bee, 
their keeping within the hote houses, and busying them- 
selves about the heating and using of their bathstoves and 

The Kusse, because that hee is used to both these extre- 
mities of heat and of cold, can beare them both a great deale 
more patiently then straungers can doo. You shal see them 
sometimes (to season their bodies) come out of their bath- 
stoves all on a froth, and fuming as hote almost as a pigge 
at a spitte, and presently to leape into the river starke 
naked, or to poure colde water all over their bodies, and 
that in the coldest of all the winter time. The women, to 
mende the bad hue of their skinnes, use to paint their faces 
with white and redde colours, so visibly that every man may 
perceyve it. Which is made no matter, because it is com- 
mon and liked well by their husbandes, who make their 
wives and daughters an ordinarie allowance to buy them 
colours to paint their faces withall, and delight themselves 
much to see them of fowle women to become such faire 
images. This parcheth the skinne, and helpeth to deforme 
them when their painting is of. 

They apparell themselves after the Greeke manner. The '^^^ °°^',?" 

■' -'•■'■ mans attire. 

noblemans attire is on this fashion. First, a tajfia, or little 


night cappe, on his head, that covereth little more then his 
crowne, commonlie verie riche wrought of silke and gold 
thread, and set with pearle and pretious stone. His head 
he keepeth shaven close to the very skin, except he be in 
some displeasure with the emperour. Then hee sufFereth 
his haire to growe and hang downe u.pon his shoulders, 
covering his face as ugly and deformedly as he can. Over 
the tafjUa he weareth a wide cap of black foxe (which they 
account for the best furre) with a tiara or long bonnet put 
within it, standing up like a Persian or Babilonian hat. 
About his neck (which is scene al bare) is a coUer set with 
pearle and pretious stone, about three or foure fingers broad. 
Next over his shirt (which is curiously wrought, because he 
strippeth hiniselfe into it in the sommer time while he is 
within the house) is a shepon, or light garment of silke, made 
downe to the knees, buttoned before ; and then a caftan, or 
a close coat buttoned, and girt to him with a Persian girdle, 
whereat he hanges his knives and spoone. This commonly 
is of cloth of gold, and hangeth downe as low as his ankles. 
Over that he weareth a lose garment of some rich silke, 
furred and faced about with some gold lace, called ^ferris. 
An other over that of chamlet or like stufiie, called an al- 
haben, sleeved and hanging low, and the cape commonly 
brooched and set all with pearle. When hee goeth abroad 
he casteth over all these (which are but sleight, though they 
seeme to be many) an other garment, called an Jionoratkey , 
like to the alkaben, save that it is made without a coller for 
the neck. And this is commonly of fine cloth or camels 
haire. His buskins (which he weareth in stead of hose, with 
linnen folles under them instead of boot hose) are made of a 
Persian leather called saphian, embroidered with pearle. 
His upper stockes commonly are of cloth of gold. When 
he gocth abroad he mounteth on horsebacke, though it be 
but to the next doore, which is the manner also of the hoi- 
arslicy or gentlemen. 



The hoiarsheii or gentlemans attire is of the same fashion, xiiegeutie- 

_ mans appa- 

but differeth in stufFe ; and yet he will have his caftan or ''«^i'- 
undercoat sometimes of cloth of gold, the rest of cloth or 

The noble woman (called cliyna hoiarslienci) wearcth on The nobie 
hir head, first, a caull of some soft silke (which is commonly 
redde) and over it a fruntlet, called ohrosa, of white colour. 
Over that, hir cap (made after the coife fashion of cloth of 
gold) called sliapha zempska, edged with some riche furre, 
and set with pearle and stone. Though they have of late 
begonne to disdaine embrodering with pearle about their 
cappes, because the diacks and some marchants wives have 
taken up the fashion. In their eares they weare earerings 
(which they call sargee) of two inches or more compasse, 
the matter of gold, set with rubies, or saphires, or some like 
pretious stone. In sommer, they goe often with kerchieffes 
of fine white lawn or cambricke fastned under the chinne, 
with two long tassels pendent. The kerchiefe spotted and 
set thicke with rich pearle. When they ride or goe abroad 
in raynie weather, they weare white hattes with coloured 
bands (called stapa zcmskoy). About their necks they were 
collers of tlii-ee or foure fingers broad, set with riche pearle 
and pretious stone. Their upper garment is a loose gowne, 
called oposhen, commonly of skarlet, with wide loose sleeves 
hanging downe to the ground, buttoned before with great 
gold buttons, or, at least, silver and guilt, nigh as bigge as a 
walnut. Which hath hanging over it, fastned under the 
cappe, a large broad cape of some rich furre, that hangeth 
downe almost to the middes of their backes. Next under 
the oposhen or upper garment they weare another, called a 
leitnick, that is made close before with great wide sleeves, 
the cufi'e or half sleeve up to the elbowes, commonly of cloth 
of gold ; and under that a ferris zemshoy, which hangeth 
loose, buttoned throughout to the very foote. On the hand 
wrests they weare very faire braselets, about two fingers 


broad, of pearle and pretious stone. They go all in buskins 
of white, yellow, blew, or some other coloured leather, em- 
brodered with pearle. This is the attire of the noblewoman 
of Russia, when shec maketh the best shew of hir selfe. The 
gentlewomans apparell may differ in the stuffe, but is all one 
for the making or fashion. 
Themou- ^g for the pooro niousick and his wife, they go poorely 

mM^attire cladde. The man, with his odnoratkey , or loose gowne, to 
the small of the legge, tyed together with a lace before, of 
coarse white or blew cloth, with some sJmhe, or long wast- 
coat, of farre or of sheepskinne under it, and his furred 
cappe and buskins. The poorer sort of them have their 
odnoratkey or upper garment, made of kowes haire. This is 
their winter habite. In the sommer time, commonly they 
weare nothing but their shirts on their backes and buskins 
on their legges. The woman goeth in a redde or blew 
gowne when she maketh the best shew, and with some 
warme sJiuhe of furre under it in the winter time. But in 
the sommer nothing but her two shirts (for so they call 
them) one over the other, whether they be within doores or 
without. On their heades they weare caps of some coloured 
stuffe, many of velvet or of cloth of golde ; but for the most 
part kerchiefes. Without earings of silver or some other 
mettall, and her crosse about her necke, you shal see no 
Russe woman, be shee wife or maide. 
Their wits ^g touchinaf their behaviour and quality otherwise, they 

and capa- ~ x ./ ^ j 

are of reasonable capacities, if they had those means that 
some other nations have to traine up their wittes in good 
nurture and learning. Which they might borrowe of the 
Polonians and other their neighbours, but that they refuse it 
of a very self pride, as accounting their owne fashions to be 
far the best. Partly also (as I said before) for that their 
manner of bringing up (voide of all good learning and civill 
behaviour) is thought by their governours most agreeable to 
that state and their manner of government. Which the 



people would hardely beare, if they were once civilled and 
brought to more understanding of God and good policie. 
This causeth the emperours to keep out al meanes of 
making it better, and to be very warie for excluding of 
all peregrinitie that might alter their fashions. Which 
were lesse to bee disliked, if it set not a print into the very 
mindes of his people. For as themselves are verie hardlie 
and cruellie dealte withall by their chiefe magistrates and 
other superiours, so are they as cruell one against an other, 
specially over their inferiours and such as are under them. 
So that the basest and wretchedest Christianoe (as they call 
him) that stoupeth and croucheth like a dogge to the gentle- 
man, and licketh up the dust that lieth at his feete, is 
an intoUerable tyrant where he hath the advantage. Bv this cnieitie of 

'' o J the Piusse 

meanes the whole countrie is filled with rapine and murder. p«°p^®- 
They make no account of the life of a man. You shall have 
a man robbed sometime in the very streats of their townes, 
if hee goe late in the evening, and yet no man to come forth 
out of his doores to rescue him, though hee heare him crie 
out, I will not s^Deake of the straungenesse of the murders 
and other cruelties committed among them, that would 
scarsly bee beleeved to bee done among men, specially such 
as professe themselves Christians. 

The number of their vagrant and begging poore is almost 
infinite, that are so pinched with famine and extreame neede, 
as that they begge after a violent and desperate manner, with 
" give mee and cut mee, give mee and kill mee," and such 
like phrases. Whereby it may bee gheassed what they are 
towardes straungers, that are so unnaturall and cruell to- 
wardes their owne. And yet it may bee doubted whither is 
the greater, the crueltie or intemperancie that is used in that intempe- 

. . , . . rancie. 

countrie. I will not speake of it, because it is so foule and 

not to bee named. The whole countrie overfloweth with all 

sinne of that kinde.^ And no marveile, as having no lawe to 

^ [See a confirmation of this charge in Horsey's Narrative, p. 164.] 


restraine whoredomes, adulteries, and like uncleannesse of 

As for the truth of his word, the Russe for the most part 
niaketh small regard of it, so he may gaine by a lie and 
breache of his promise. And it may be saide truely (as they 
know best that have traded most with them) that from the 
great to ' the small (except some fewe that will scarcely be 
founde) the Russe neither beleeveth any thing that an other 
man speaketh, nor speaketh any thing himselfe worthie to 
be beleeved. These qualities make them very odious to all 
their neighbours, specially to the Tartars, that account them- 
selves to be honest and just in comparison of the Kusse. It 
is supposed by some that doe well consider of the state of 
both countries, that the offence they take at the Kusse 
government and their maner of behaviour, hath beene a 
great cause to keepe the Tartar still heathenish, and to mis- 
like (as he doeth) of the Christian profession. 

























Havinge found and felt your love and favour so great 
towardes the furtheringe of my well doinge and prefirment, 
sine the happie tyme my most woorthye frend and kynds- 
man, Sir Edward Horsey, first brought my aquaintance unto 
your honnor ; ' and ' knowinge your noble disposicion, and 
desier to understand the estate and forren occurants ; and 
accordinge to your advice and instructions (hertofore geaven 
me), I hold it noe less a dutie of thankfulnes in me to render 
an accounte of such things as most propperly are due unto 
your place, of all others to be advertised of; and for the 
incouragment of others that maye reape some benefett by 
the knowinge and doinge the like ; I have thought good, by 
waye of discourse or treatice, first unto your honnour, and 
next to you, my right woorthy good frendes, that ar desir- 
ous to knowe my observacions in my travells, imploiments, 
and negociacions, of the most rare and remarcable things 
of the knowen countries and kyngdoms in the north and 
north- wasteren parts of Europia and Sithia, as Russia, 


Moscovia, Tartaria, with all tliose continent territories and 
kyngdoms adjacent, Pollonia, Transilvania, Littuania, and 
Livonia, Swetliia, Denmarcke, cittuated betwene the North- 
ern Ocian and ' the ' Balticque Seas ; the empier and empe- 
riall spacious principallities of high Garmanie ; of the five 
upper and neither united cantons, Clevia, Wsestphallia, Fres- 
land ; the lowe countries of Bass Garmania, comonly called 
Flaunders, Brabant, Seland and Holland, consistinge of the 
seaventine United Provinces ; their chieff citties and towns 
of trafficque and commers, both inland and maritene ; their 
comodities, their universities and aunctient monnements ; 
their climates and cittuacions, lawes, luanguages, religion, 
discipline of church and comonwealtli, and naturall disposi- 
cion of the peopll. All which I mynde to contract in fewer 
severall and distinct treatices, as compendious and metho- 
dicall as my observation and seaventine years experience 
will geave me leave. 

The first, after I had ben and seen som part of France and 
the Low Countries, in thir ' florishing but ' most trowbsom 
tyme of warr, I arived in Muscovia,^ comonly called Russia. 
Though but a plaine gramarian, and havinge som smake in the 
Gra?k, I ateyned by the affinitie therof in shortt tyme to the 
readie and famillier knowledge of their vulgar speach, the 
Sclavonian tonge, the most copius and elegent language in the 
world. With som small abreviacion and pronunciacion, yt 
corns near the Polish, Lettois, Transilvania, and all those ad- 
jacent countries ; and yt will serve in Turcky, Percia, eaven 
to the knowen Indies, &c. I read in their cronickells, writ- 
ten and kept in secreat by a great priem prince of that country, 
named Knez Ivan Fedorowich Mistisloskoie,^ whoe, owt of 
his love and favour, imparted unto me many secreats, ob- 
served in the memorie and procis of his tyme, which was 
fower score years, of the state, natur, and government of that 
comonweelth ; of which I made good use when discourse 
1 In anno 1572. ^ ^^^^ Fletcher, p. 36, note 3.] 


amonge tliem served, committinge matters done in former 
ages (in the latter end of Vazillie Andreowicli^ his reigne, 
stylled then but Great Duke of Vollademeria, Russia, Mus- 
covia, &c., the cathologe wherof I reffer to a more fitter 
place), that he had inlarged his countries and dominions 
verie much in his tyme, bothe upon the Poll, Swethian, and 
especially upon the Tartors, the great Cithian Crim or Came ; 
leaft his countys and people in great peace and tranquil- 
litie, strong and rich, and his prinois in charge of govern- 
ment, to defend his countries and kingdoms, devided into 
fower parts ; and his two sonns, the eldest of five years age, 
called Velica Knez Ivan Vazilewich, to reygne and govern 
after him ; the other, of two years of age, Duke of a teri- 
tarie caled Vaga. This great Duke of all Russia, Ivan 
Vazillewich, grew n-p comly in person, indued with great 
witt, excclent gifts and graces, fitt for government of so 
great a monarchic ; maried, at twelve years, Natacia Ro- 
manova,^ daughter to a gentilman of good ranck; Mekita 
Romanowich, her brother, hightly advanced. This Emporis 
became wise, and of such hollynes, vertue, and government, 
as she was honnored, beloved and feared, of all her subjects. 
He being yonge and rioutus, she ruled him with admirable 
afiabellitie and wisdome, that, with the prowes and courage 
of his princes, bishops, and counsaill, he cast of the yoake of 
hommage his predecessors alwaies did unto the great Cithian 
Emperor of the Crymes ; conquered the empier and empe- 
rors of Cazan and Astracan, 2,700 miells from his cittie of 
Musco, down the great river Volga, near the Caspian Sea ; 
conquered, in a short space after, all the princes and their 
countries of Tartaria of divers sortts, and brought a great 
people under his subjection ; the dissolution ' devastation ' 
wherof to this daye is most mornfully songe and spoken 
of emonge those nacions. Through which conquest he 

^ [An error for Ivanovitch.] 

" [Anastasia, daughter of George Romanow.] 


gathered great strenght and gott great fame, and therby 
assumed to himself two severall crowns and emph'doms, and 
by a generall counsall of all his princes, nobells, prelats, 
and people, was crowned and stilled the Emperor, Great 
Monnarch and Great Duke of Cazan, Astracan, Musco, Vol- 
lademeria, Novogorodia, Russia, and a great rabelment more 
of the names of his provinces, which he would have all 
kings ambassadors recite and acknowledge, Avith whom he 
had any corespondencie. But yet he had continuall warrs 
with the Crimme Tartor, who did sore anoye him and his 
subjects with their yearly incourcions. As he grew in years 
and greatnes, so did his conquests increase and augment ; he 
gott from the kinge of Poland the famous citties of Pol- 
lolskoy, Smolenscoye, Doragabuse, Vazma, and many other 
towns, Avith much riches and infinite nombers of people 
captives, seaven hondred miells within their confines ; Bella 
Russia and Littuania, goodly toAvns of trafficquc, and coun- 
tries yeldinge great comodites, wax, flex, aiid hemp, tal- 
loAV, hiedes, corn, and cattell aboundance ; many nobles and 
of the gentry and merchants bought and sold, and putt to 
great ranzoms ; so that he grew verie puisante, prowd, 
mightie, cruell, and bloudye in his conquests. And when 
his good Quen died, Emporis Nastacia,^ who Avas connoniced 
a sainte and so woorshiped in their churches to this daye, 
havinge by her tAvo sonns, Ivan and Theodor, then he 
maried one of the Chircase princises,^ by whome he had noe 
ibhue that he Avould be knoAA^en of. The manner and 
solempnacie of this mariage was so streinge and heathenly, 
as creditt will hardly be geaA'en to the truthe therof. Ther- 

^ [The Czarina Anastasia died on the 7th of August, 1560. It was 
only on the withdrawal of her good influence, that Ivan commenced that 
career of tyranny and cruelty which has given him the designation of 
" The Terrible."] 

^ [Ivan's marriage with the daughter of Tangrouk, a prince of the 
Tcherkesses, baptized under the name of ]\Iaria, took place on the 21st 
of August, 1561.] 


fore I will forbare to repeate the naracion owt of their owne 
histories, and come nearer the tymes of my own knowledge. 
He havinge strenghthned himself, not only by his con- 
quests of those empiredoms, as their speach terms them, of 
Casan and Astracan, bringinge captive the chiefF and most 
of all their princes and mightiest men of warr, but also by 
this late mariage gotten an invincable powere and strenght of 
these Tartarians, resolute and better souldiers then them- 
selves ; as w^ell to make use of them to suppress and curb 
such of his princes and nobells as he perceaved wear in dis- 
contentment and in miitinie against him for his most cruell 
slautteringe, murtheringe, and incessant massacring, rob- 
binge, and puttinge to death of his nobillitie ; swellinge in 
ambicion, bostinge beyond all sence ' reason ' what conquest 
he intended, setts forward with an army of a hondred thow- 
sand horss and fiftie thousand foate, cannon and all artille- 
rie, municion, vittualls, and all other provicions accord- 
ingly, towards Livonia and Swethia, the confins of that 
parte of Christendom ; kills and murthers men, weomen, 
and children that crosseth his army, betwen him and 
Novogorode and Plsesco, two greatest mart ' maritime or 
traide' towns for trafficque of all the easteren parts, with 
the Narve, standinge triangell Svise in' equall distance at the 
ende or gulff of the Baltique esteren sea, hertofore belong- 
inge to the fredom of Livonia, governed by a freher or abso- 
lute state, where he built a strong castell, I mean at the 
Narve, called Ivana-gorrode, to comaunde the town ; and 
caused the eyes of the buylder to be pulled ' bored' owt for 
his so rare architecture. From Vobsco he enters the con- 
fines of Livonia, sends Knez Michaell Glinscoye with the 
cannon to besiege the first castell, called Newe Howse, takes 
it and the souldiers captives, and puts in 300 souldiers for 
gai'ison therof, to whom he gave the spoill and pilledge ; 
besieges and takes other small towns and castells in his 
waye to Dorpe, a great and stronge town of trafficque, bat- 

160 TRAVELS or 

ters and besiges it : they yeld with a dejective flag of truce ; 
fower thowsand Tartars carie awaye eight thowsand cap- 
tives, men, weomen, and children ; the treasure and mer- 
chandizes taken and sent to Novogorrod for the Emperors use. 
He goes forward, severinge his armye into fower troups, with- 
out resistance, and tenn thowsand to guard and drawe his ordi- 
nance over revers and standinge ozerors [lakes] frozen hard 
and all over ; takes many castells, towns, and villages, riches, 
cattell, and peopell, in his waye to Pernoy, Hopsoll [Gap- 
sal?], Loyell, Wenden, Golden [Goldingen], Mitoe, and many 
other stronge towns standinge neare the Esteren Sea, to the 
nomber of SOwalde towns within two houndred miells compas. 
O the lamentable owtcries and cruell slaughters, drowninge 
and burninge, ravizinge of weomen and mayeds, strippinge 
them naked without mercie or regard of the frossen weather, 
tyenge and byndinge them by three and by fower at their 
horses taiells, dragginge them, som alive som dead, all 
bloudye ' ing' the wayes and streates, lieinge full of car- 
casses of the aged men and weomen and infants; some goodlie 
persons cladd in vellett, damaske, and silkes, with jewelles, 
gold, and perrell hidd about them ; the farest people in the 
world, by reason of their genaracion 'contry' and clymatt,cold 
and drye. Ther was infinett nombers thus sent and dragged 
into Russia. The riches, in mony and merchandizes and 
other treasur, that was conveyed and caried owt of these 
citties and countrye, and owt of 600 churches robbed and 
distroyed, was unvaluable. Thvis the Emperor and his 
cruell and hellish Tartors, having ranged and ransacked this 
goodly country and misserable people, came at last to the 
capitall and chieflF cittie called Reavell, by him Steucoll, 
standinge and built verie stronge upon a high rocky moun- 
taine, upon the edge of the Balticque Sea, over against 
StockhoUmn in Swethia; besiges it with twenty thowsand 
men ; batters it with 20 cannons ; the souldiers, men, and 
weoman within the town, make upp the breaches in the 


iiight that wear battered in the daye, with carrienge and cast- 
inge hott and cold water, which continiwally frose so thicke, 
as the Emperor, ' after' six Aveekes siege and 20 thoAvsand 
cannon shott, did littell prevalle ; wherwith, and ' with' the 
loss of six thowsand men, he hasted his retreat and leaft it 
"with shame. The sudden thaue and inundacion of the great 
land waters made him to lose a great deall of his artillerie, 
buties, and baggage, and at least 30 thowsand men in his 
retiringe ; so that he, beinge overcom with furye and mad- 
nes, of this repuls and loss of the most and best part of his 
huge army and ordinance, he hasted to put in execucion the 
most bloudye and cruelst massacre that ever was ha^rd of in 
any age. He comes to the Narve, robbs and spoiells the 
town of all their riches, wealth, and merchandizes, kylls 
and murthers men, weomen, and children, and gives the 
spoill to his Tartor army. Thence to Plaescovia or Vobsco 
[Pskov], where he intended to do the like, because he was 
incenced, and easily made belive those two towns and Novo- 
gorode had conspired his death, and practiced with his 
enymies the overthrowe of his army, and by their trecherous 
means and intilligence he was beaten from the sieg of 
Reavell, and susteyned that loss of men and municion ; but 
that ther mett him an impostur or magician, which they 
held to be their oracle, a holly man, named Mickula Sweat, 
whoe, by his bold imprecacions and exsorsims, railings and 
threats, terminge him the Emperour bloudsuccer, the de- 
vourer and eater of Christian flesh, and swore by his angell 
that he should not escape deathe of a present thounder boltt, 
if he or any of his army did touch a hear in clispleasur of 
the least childs head in that cittie, which God, by his good 
angell, did preserve for better purpose then his rapine ; ther- 
fore to gett him thence before the fierie cloud, Gods wrath, 
wear raised, hanginge over his head as he might behold, 
beinge in a verie great and dark storm at that instant. 
These wordes made the Emperour to trembell, so as he 


desired preyers for his deliverance and forgeavnes of his 
^ cruel' thoughts. I saw this impostur or magicion, a fowll 
creature, went naked both in winter and sommer ; he in- 
dured both extreame frost and heat ; did many streinge 
things thorow 'the' magicall illusions of the Divell; much 
followed, feared and reverenced, bothe of prince and people. 
But the Emperower returninge to the great cittie of Novo- 
gorod, wher all his captives and prisoners remayned, he 
beinge mightely displeased against this cittie, above all 
others, the inhabitants, for revenge of their treasons and 
trsechories, ' as' joining with the discontented nobillitie, he 
chargeth it with 30 thowsand Tartors and tenn thowsand 
gonnors of his guard, withowt any respect ravished all the 
weomen and maieds, ranzacked, robbed, and spoilled all that 
wear within it of their Jewells, plate, and treasur, mur- 
thered the people yonge and olde, burnt all their howshold 
stuff, merchandices, and warehowses of wax, fltex, tallow, 
hieds, salt, wynes, cloth, and silks, sett all one fier, with wax 
and tallow melted down the kennells in the streats, toge- 
ther with the bloud of 700 thowsande men, weomen and 
children, slaine and murthered ; so that with the bloud that 
rann into the river, and of all other livinge creaturs and 
cattell, their dead carcacess did stoppe as it wear the stream 
of the river Volca, beinge cast therin.^ Noe historic maketh 
mencion of so horrable a massacre. Which beinge thus done 
and distroied, the citie leaft dissolute [desolate] and wast, he 
returned with his army and Livonian captives towards his 
cittie Musquo. In the waye he imployes his captaincs and 
other officers to drive and take owt of the towns and villages 
within 50 miells compas all sortts of people, gentilmen, 
pessants, merchants, and mouncks, old and yonge, with their 
famillies, goods, and cattells, to goe clens and inhabite this 

^ [The pillage of Novogrod and massacre of its citizens, took place in 
January and February 1570 ; the Avork of desolation and murder ex- 
tending over a period of six weeks continuously.] 


great and ruinated cittie of Novogorod, exposing theni to a 
new slaughter ; for many of them died with pestilence of the 
infected new and noisome eyr and place they came unto, 
which could not be replenished with people to any purpose, 
though many sent owt, of divers ages, remote towns and 
places, to inhabit ther. 

This crueltie bread such a generall hatred, distreccion, 
fear, and discontentement thorow his kyngdom, that there 
wear many practices and devises how to distroy this tirant ; 
but he still did discover their plotts and treasons, by 
inoiblinge [ennobling] and countenancinge all the rascalest 
and desperatt souldiers he could peek owt, to affront the 
chiefF nobillitie. He imploied most of his tyme and 
these souldiers, after he had devided his spoills and set- 
tled his treasur and howse in the cittie of Musco, and 
in the strongest, greatest, and trustiest monnesteries, to 
ransacke and spoill and massacre the chiefF nobillitie and 
richest officers, and other the best sortt of his merchants and 
subiects ; his hands and hart, noAV so hardened and imbrued, 
did put many of them to most horrable and shamfull deaths 
and tortors — a base and servill peoplle without courage. And 
now distrustinge the fidellitie of his late conquered Tartors, 
did place them in garisons in and upon the confines of his 
last conquered towns and castells in Livonia and Swethia. 
Suspecting some insurrection at home, and especially the 
aproachinge power of his aunctient enymie the Sithian Came, 
Emperor of the Crimes, incited and stirred up, as he fownd 
owt, by his own nobillite and subiects, he levies owt of all 
his provinces most remote a huge army, consisting of Poolls, 
Swethians, and his own 100 thowsand horss and 50 thow- 
sand foate (as well for his own saifetie and strenght, wherof 
he much upon just cause feared) to incounter and defend 
his enyme the Cryme, that was a preparinge to invade his 
countrys. In the mean ' time ' he discards his Chircas wiff,^ 

* [Mary, the Tcherkess Princess, died in September 1569, and was not 



shirs [shears] her a nun, and putts her in a monnesterie, 
and chooseth owt of many a subiect of his own, Natallia, 
daughter to Knez Feother Bulgacove, a chiefF livtennant or 
viovode, of great trust and experience in his warrs.^ But he 
soon after lost his head, and his daughter within a year 
shoren a nun also. The tyme aproacheth ; news come his 
enymie the Cryme was onward the field, though fearfull to 
hyme yet pleasinge news to the most of his princes and peo- 
ple, that lived in this thrall and misery. Yt was God, that 
sufFereth this wicked people, whoe live, flow and wallowe, in 
the verie hight of their lust and wickednes of the crienge 
Sodomiticall sines, to be thus justly punished and plaged 
with the tirranie of so bloudye a kynge : God, I say, hath 
now apointed a tyme, and prepared owt of his great justice 
a fearfull reveng and spectacle to all generacions, both for 
prince and people. The Sithian Emperowr^ takes the opor- 
tunitie, enters the confines of Hussia, stands with an army 
of 200 thowsand souldiers, all horsmen, within 50 miclls 
compas upon the rivers sied Ocka, facinge the Emperowr 
Ivan Vazilewich his army of 100 thowsand gallant generalls 
and souldiers, whoe kepe the phords and passages very 
stronge with great artillarie, municion, suplie of men and 
arms, vittualls, and all other provicion plentifull. Upon 
hoep and secreat intelligence they ar incouraged, and ven- 
tur to swyme and pass the particion river without repuls. 
The Emperors army dare not (it is death to exccad their comis- 
sion) sturs not beyond their bounds of 25 miells compas to 

discarded by Ivan. His third wife was Marfa Sabakina, daughter of a 
merchant iu JSTovogrod, selected for her beauty out of two thousand young 
girls collected from all parts of the empire. The marriage took place on 
the 28th of October 1571 ; but the death of the bride followed quickly 
on her espousal ; she expired on the 13th of November.] 

^ [I find no authority for this statement. After the death of Marfa 
Sabakina, Ivan married Anna Koltovskoy (1572), and repudiated her in 
1577, placing her in a monaster^'.] 

^ [This invasion of Russia by Devlet Geray, Khan of the Crimea, took 
place in the year 1571.] 


defend the enymies aproach, iipon what advantage soever. 
The enemye being come a this side the river have noe lett, 
biat speed towards Musco^ but 90 miells of, wher the Empe- 
ror thincks himself secure. But the enime aproaching the 
great cittie Musco, the Russ Emperor flies, with his two 
sonns, treasur, howshokl, servants, and personall guard of 
20 thowsand gonnors, towards a stronge monesterie, Troietts, 
60 miells of, upon Assencion daye. The cnyme fiers St. 
Johns church high stepU : at Avhich instant happened a 
woundcrfull stormye wynd, through which all the churches, 
howses and palaces, within the cittie and suberbs 30 miells 
compas, built most of firr and oak tymber, was sett one fier 
and burnt within six howers space, with infinit thowsands 
men, weomen, and children, burnt and smothered to death 
by the fierie eyre, and likwise in the stone churches, mones- 
taries, vaults, and sellers ; verie fewe escapinge both without 
and within the three walled castells. The rever and ditches 
about Musco stopped and filled with the multituds of peo- 
ple, loaden with gold, silver, Jewells, chains, ear-rings, bras- 
letts and trcasur, that went for succer eaven to save their 
heads above water. Notwithstandinge, so many thowsands 
wear ther burnt and drowned, as the river could not be 
ridd nor clensed of the dead carcasses, with all the means 
and industryc could be used in twelve monneths after ; but 
those alive, and many from other toAvns and places, every 
dale wear occupied within a great circuat to search, dregg, 
and fish, as it wear, for rings, Jewells, plate, baggs of gold 
and silver, by which many wear inriched ever after. The 
streets of the cittie, churches, sellers and vauts, laye so thicke 
and full of dead and smothered carcasses, as noe man could 
pass for the noisom smells and putrifection of the ear [air] longe 
after. The Emperowr of the Crimes and his armye beheld 
this goodly fier, lodged and solaced himself in a fare monues- 
tarie by the river sied, fewer miells of the cittie, called 
Symon monesterie ; tokc the wfclth and riches they had, and 


of all svicli as fledd from the fier. Though littell the better 
by fierhige of that within the cittie, they did the exploite 
they came for ; returned with a nomber of captives, and 
loaden with that they had gotten, fearinge to be sett on by 
the army at Circapur. But they escaped over the river 
againe the waye they came. 

The Russ Emperor iledd still farther of, with his two 
sonns and treasur, to a great town called Vologdae, where he 
thought himself more secure, 500 niiells of. Much amased 
and perplexed for this great disaster befallen him, he, accom- 
panied with his metropollits, bishops and clerge men, his 
chiefF princes and aunctient nobillitie, now called for and 
sommined to a counsall ryall, and the enymie gone, dissolved 
his army that fought not a stroake for him ; examined, racked, 
and tortered many of the viovods and chiefF captaines ; puts 
some to deathe ; confiscated their goods and lands ; dis- 
troied thir race and famillies ; sett a course for clensinge, 
reparinge and repleanashinge, of the cittie of Musco, which 
was an infinett labour and worck to consult of. In the 
midst of which, this his great enymie, Chigaley Mursoye,^ 
sends him an ambassador, attended with many monrsers, 
noblemen after their acounte, all well horst, cladd but in 
shepskins coats, gertt to them, with black caps of the same, 
bow and arrowes, with curious rich semetaries [scimitars] by 
their sieds. They had a guard to kepe them in darck roems ; 
stinckinge horse flesh and water was ther best foade, with- 
out bread or bear or bead [bed]. The tyme was com he 
must have audience ; much disgrace and base usage was 
offered them ; they indured, pufft, and scorned it. The 
Emperowr, with his three crowns befor him in his royall 
estate, with his princes and nobles about him, comaundcd 
his shepskine coate and cap to be taken of him, and a golden 
roebe and rich cappe to be put one him. The ambassador 
well contented, he enters his presence ; his followers kept 
1 [Read, Dcvlct Geray.] 


backe in a space with graets of iron betwcn tlie Emperor 
and them ; at which the ambassador chaffes with a hellish, 
hollow voice, lokinge fearce and grimly. Fower captains of 
the gard bringe him near the Emperor's seat. Himself, a 
most ougly creature, without reverence, thonders owt, sales 
— his master and lord, Chigaley, great Emperor of all the 
kyngdoms and cams the sonn did spread his beams over, 
sent to him, Ivan Vazilewich, his vassall and great duke 
over all Russia by his permission, to know howe he did like 
the scourge of his displeasur by sword, fier and famen ; had 
sent him for remedie (pulling owt afowll rustic kniff) to cutt 
his throate withall. They hasted him forthe of the rome 
Avithout aunswer, and would a taken of his golden gown and 
capp,' but he and his company strived with them so stowtly 
that he would not suffer them. Garded to the place from 
whence they wear brought, the Emperor fell into such an 
agony, sent for his ghostly father, tore his own hear and 
beard for madnes. The chieff captain e preyed his maiesties 
leave to cutt them all in peces, but had noe aunswer. After 
he had kept this ambassodor som tyme with som better 
usage, sent him awaye with this message : — " Tell the mis- 
creant and unbeliver, thy master, yt is not he, ' it is' for my 
sines and ' the ' sines of my people against my God and 
Christ; he it is that hath given him, a lym of Sathan, the 
power and oportunitie to be the instrument of my rebuke, 
by whose pleasur and grace I doupt not of revenge, and to 
make him my vassall or longe be." He aunswered, " He 
would not do him so much service to do any such message 
for him." Wherupon the Emperor not longe after did adress 
a wise, noble gentilraan for his ambassador, Alfonasse Fede- 
rowich Nagoie, whoe was kept ther and indured much penu- 
rie, ' misery,' for the space of seaven years. 

The Emperor was lothe to com to the cittie of Musco, though 
he sent for the chieff merchaiats, handicrafts and tradesmen, 
^ Would not forgoe his verie coate. 


from all other his citties and towns within hiskyngdom^to build 
andinhabitt ther^ and drawe trafficque thether; toke awaye all 
imposicions ; gave them fredom of customs ; sett seaven 
thowsand mazons and worckmen to build a faire stone walle 
round abowt the Musco, which was finished in fower years 
space, verie stronge and beietefull, and furnished with verie 
fare and goodly peces of brass ordinance ; settled his offices 
and officers of justice and governors therin, in manner and 
form as hertofore yt was, as tyme did permitt. Himself 
kept much at Vologda, upon the river Dwina, and at Slobida 
Alexandrisca [Slobode Alexandrowsky] ; conferd much with 
Elizius Bomelius,^ a Doctor of phizicke ; sent for skilfuU 
builders, archietcectors, carpenters, joyners, and mazons, gold 
Smyths, phizicions, apothicaris, and such like, owt of Eng- 
land, havinge soni purpose in his head which will shortly 
discover itself; builds a treasor-howse of stone, great barckes 
and bargies, to convey and transportt upon sudden occasion 
treasur to Sollavetska monnesterie,- standing upon the North 
Seas, the direct way into England, He had so flesed his 
merchants by takinge their comodits to exchainge with 
straingers for cloth of gold, dollers, perrell, Jewells, etc.j 
which he continewally toke into his treasurie, without paieng 
littell or nothinge, by that means borowinge great soms of 
citties, towns, and monnesteries, exhastinge all their wselth 
by great imposicions and customs to augment and increase 
his ownt reasur, became so odious and in such a desperat 
case as he devised how to prevent and alter his estate. To 
adnihill and frustrat all this he had ingaged his crown unto, 
made a separacion and devicion of his towns, offices, and 
subiects ; called this oprisnoie and the other Zemscoie ;^ 
established a newe Kinge or Emperowr, named Char 

^ [A physician of Wesel, in Westphalia. See an account of him in 
Hamel's " England and Russia," pp. 202-205.] 

2 [In the island of Solavetskoy, in the White Sea.] 

3 [See Fletcher, p. 3.3.] 


Symion, the emperor's sonn of Cazan ;' resigned his sticll 
and lent him his crown ; transfers all autliorite therunto 
incident ; crowns him, but with noe solempnitie nor con- 
sent of peers ; causeth his subjects to adress themselves 
and their affares, peticions and sutes, to him; and in his name 
all privaleges, charters, instruments and writings, to be called 
in, and new to be published in his name and under his seall. 
They plead in all courts of justice in his name; quoyns mony, 
receaves customs, and casuall fines and certan reveynews, 
for the maintenance of his howse, officers and servants ; ys 
lyable to all depts and matters concerninge his office of trea- 
surie. He setts in majestic ; the old Emperor Ivan coms 
and prostrats himself. Causeth his metrapolletts, bishops, 
priors, noblemen and officers, to do the like, and all ambas- 
sadors to resortt before him, which some refused. Was 
married unto the daughter of Knez Ivan Fedorwich Misthis- 
lovske, prince of the bloud royall. These things bcingc thus 
contraverted and chainged, the old Emperor would take noe 
noatice of any depts owinge in his tyme ; lettres pattents, 
privaleges to towns and monesteries all void. His clargie, 
nobillite and comons, must now peticion Ivan Vazilewich 
that he would be pleased to take the crown and govermcnt 
upon him againe, upon many condicions and athenticall 
instruments confirmed by act of Parliament in a verie solemn 
new inauguration. He was contented ; at which infinite 
guifts and presents wear of all men of any worthe sought 
owt for to give unto him, amountinge and valued to be a 
great treasur. He was freed of all old depts and former 
charge whatsoever. To tedious to recite any more of this 
tragedie. But that the device of his own head might have 
sett him clear beside the saddell, yf it had continewed but a 
littell longer, yt is happie he is become invested again t?i 
statu quo prius. Regrants privaleges, jurisdictions, charters 
to towns, monestaries, and noblemen and merchants, upon 
1 [See Fletcher, p. 56.] 


new composicion ; for which great soms and fines wear ob- 
teyned : sends an army of Tartors, governed by his own 
captaines, to reconquier, as he terms it, the towns in Livonia, 
which kinge Stephanous had lately taken from him ; pro- 
pounded a mariage to duke Magnus^ with his brothers 
daughtci', Knez Andrew ; sends for his said brother owt 
of his province of Vaga; had him in jelousy; himself 
livinge so tiranicallie and in the hatred of his subiects, 
the other, Knez Andrea, had gotten their harty affections, 
which he well perceaved. When he came to his presence, 
he laied himself prostrate to his foate ; he toke him up and 
kissed him. '^ O cruell brother," with tears, saies the storie, 
" this is a Judas kiss ; thow hast sent for me to noe good 
end ; take thy fill ;" and so parted for that tyme. Died the 
next daie ; was buried in Micholsca crest, in the Mosco, 
solemly. This mariage must goe forward, havinge some 
rclacion to forrcn ayed. Hartique^ Magnus was eldest sonn 
to Christianus, duke of Hoist [Holstein] ; boren before he 
was elected kinge of Denmarcke ; this kinge Fredericke 
bowren [born] after : betwen whom grew such hatred and 
dissencion, as he was inforced to exchainge with him for the 
dukdom of Hoist an iland called Osell, in Livonia, his right 
in Kiga and Keavell, kinge John of Swethia competitor 
therof; also many other townes and castells in Livonia, 
which the Emperor of Kussia had wonne and spoilled from 
them bothe. He maks upe the match and maries his neece, 
Llona, to Hartique Magnus ; gives him in dower with her 

^ [Magnus Duke of Holstein, brother of Frederic King of Denmark, 
was allured by the specious offers of the Czar Ivan to become a tool of 
his political schemes, and in the year 1570 was betrothed to Euphemia, 
daughter to Prince Vladimir Andreievitch, Ivan's cousin. The mar- 
riage was prevented by the death of the princess ; but her place was 
supplied by her sister Maria, to whom Magnus was united in April, 

^ [For the German Hertzog,] 


all his interest, towns, castells and posessions, in Livonia, 
' doth' establish him therin ; stiells and calls him Corcell 
Magnus, which is King Magnus ; gives him a houndred 
good hors, wasll furnished, two houndred thowsand rubles, 
which is 600,000 dollers in mony, gold and silver vessell, 
plate and Jewells, and rich aparell ; gratifies and gives libe- 
rall gifFts to all followers and servants ; conducts and sends, 
with many ^ of 'his nobles and ladies with two thowsand 
hors, the said Kinge and Queue, whoe saw them safflye 
settled and seated in their estats in that his great town of 
Dorpe, in Livonia. 

I fear I shall fill my discourse with to much of this nara- 
cion if I be larger, ' I ' will therfore leave the rest for his 
propper place herafter, and goe onward with the storie of 
the Emperor's lifF, Instead of the alliance and amitie he 
aymed at of the k[ing] of Denmarcke and k[ing] of Swethia, 
warrs followes, both of them puttinge him to distress, and 
the k[ing] of Poland also, whoe gott from him the Narve 
and besieged Pla;sco, two of the chieffest towns he had of 
trafiicque in those parts. The Dane and Swethan inchroach- 
eth upon his parte, being all three competitors in certaine 
territories upon the northwern coasts, Wardhowse, Colla, 
Sollavetsca, Varsagae, etc. Puts him from his customs and 
trafiicque, and offers to trowble and deny the English mer- 
chants also in their passage for fishinge upon those coasts, 
and tradinge with him at St. Nicholas and Colmogor. 

The emperor Ivan Vazilewich sends for all his nobles and 
gentilmcns fayrest daughters, maidens, thorow out his kyng- 
doms, and choiseth owt amonge them a wiff" for his eldest 
son, Charwich Ivan. Her name was Natacia, daughter to 
Ivan Sheremiten, a viovode of a good familley.^ Great feast- 
ings and trumps was at the solempnicinge of this mariage, 

1 [The name of the damsel selected by Ivan for the Czarowitch's bride, 
tit the time of his own marriage with Marfa Sabakiua, was Eudoxia 
Bugdanuvua Saburovua. llur father was of obscure station.] 


though worth the relatinge, yet not so pertinent to the dis- 
course in hand. 

This Emperor lived in great danger and fear of treasons 
and his maldnge awaye, which he daily discovered ; and 
spent much tynie in the examinacion, torteringe, execution 
and putting to death, such noble captains and officers that 
wear found practizers against him. Knez Ivan Curaken 
beinge found dronck, as was pretended, in Wendon, a fast 
town in Livonia, when K[ing] Stephanous besiged it, beinge 
viavode therof, was stripped naked, laied in a cartt, whipped 
thorow the marcket with six whips of wyer, which cutt'his' 
backe, belly, and bowells to death. Another, as I remember, 
' cald' Ivan Obrossimove, a master of his hors, was hanged on 
a gibbett naked by the heels ' heyre of his head'; the skinne 
and flesh of his body from topp to toe cutt of, and minst 
with knives into small gobbetts, by fewer pallacnicks ; the 
one^ wearied with his longe carvinge, thrust his kniff som- 
whatt farr into his bowells, the sonner to dispatch him, was 
presentlye had to another place of execution and that hand 
cutt of; 'which being' not well seard, 'he' died the next 
daye. Many other wear knocked in the heads, cast into the 
pools and lakes near Slobida, their fla^sh and carcasses fead 
i;pon by such huge overgrowen picks, carps, and other 
fishes, so fatt as any other ' anything but fatt ' could hardly 
be deserned upon them. That was the valey compared to 
Gehenna or Tophett, wher the fathles Egipcians did sacraj- 
fice their children to the hiddeus divills. Knez Borris Telupa, 
a great favorett of that tyme, ' being' discovered to be a treason 
Avorcker ' traytor' against the emperor, and confcderatt with 
the discontented nobillitie, was drawen upon a longe sharpe 
made stake, soped to enter ' so made as that it was thrust into' 
his fundament thorrow his bodye, which came owt at his 
neeck ; upon Avhich he languished in horable paine for fiften 
howres alive, and spake unto his mother, the Duchcs, brought 
to behold that wofull sight. And she, a goodly matronlye 


wcoman, upon like displeasure, geaven to 100 gunners, whoe 
defiled her to deathe one after the other ; her bodye, swollen 
and lieinge naked in the place, comanded his hunstsmen to 
bringe their hongrie hounds to eat and devouer her flesh 
and bones, dragged everiewher ; ' the Emperour at that 
sight saying', " such as I favour I have honored, and such as 
be treytors will I have thus done unto." The freuds of 
the Dukes fortuns and servants of his favours lamcntablie 
mourninge at this disaster and sudden chainge. I could 
iunumerat many and much more that have felt the like seve- 
rite and crueltie of this emperors heavy hand of displeasur, 
but I forbare to trouble the modest eyrs and Christian 
pacience of such as shall read it. 

This Emperors delight, hands and hart being thus im- 
brued in bloud, makinge his chiefF exercise to device and 
put in execucion new torments, tortors and deaths, upon 
such as he toke displeasur against and had in most jelousye, 
those especiallie of his nobillitie of best creditt and most be- 
loved of his subiects, he countenancinge the most desperatt 
captaines, souldiers and deccyed sortt, to ofFront them and 
breed fection ; wherby indeed their grew such facetious and 
jelousy, as they durst not trust one another to ruinat and 
displace him, as they wear willinge to doe ; all Avhich he 
perceaved, and knew that his estate and case for safFetic 
grew everie daye more desperat and in dainger than other, 
and, trowbled much how to shun and escape the same, 
was verie inquisitive with one Elizious Bomelius, as you 
have hserd, sometymes a cosninge impostur. Doctor of 
phizicke in England, a rare matimatician ' magicion', and 
of others, what years Quen Elizabeth was of; what likely 
of success yer might be, if he should be a shuter unto 
her for himself.' And though he was much dishartned, 

^ [It is believed that Anthony Jenkiuson was, in the year 1567, in- 
trusted by Ivan with secret orders to negotiate a marriage with Queen 
Elizabeth. See Hamel, p. 179 et seq.] 

174 TRAVELS O?^ 

not only for that he had two wiffes livinge, and that many- 
Kings and great princis that had ben shuters to her ma- 
jesty and coukl not prevalle, yet he magnified himself, his 
person, his wisdome, greatnes and riches, above all other 
princes ; wonld give the asaye, and presently puts that 
Emporis, his last wifF, into a nunrie, to live ther as dead to 
the world. And, as you have formerly read, having it in 
his thoughts longe beforr to make England, in case of extrc- 
mitie, his saffest refuge ;' built and prepared many goodlie 
barcks, large bargies or boats at Vologda, and drawen and 
brought his most richest treasur thether to be imbarqued in 
the same, to pass down the river Dwyna, and so into Eng- 
land by the English shipps, upon a sudden, leavinge his 
eldest sonn, Charrewich Ivan, to govern and pacific his so 
troubled estate. For that purpose, he did devis to raise a 
new treasur to leave unto him, the better to establish his 
strength as he thought after him, would now put in prec- 
tice that he had often in purpose ; called for the principall 
priors, abbetts, archiemanders and cgomens of the abliest, 
richest and chief monasteries and religious houses of his 
kingdom, which wear verie many, and told them — " that 
which he was to saye was best knowen to themselves ; he 
had spent the most part of his tyme, witts, vigor and youth, 
in warfaring for their wa^lth and saffetic, preservacion and 
defence of his kyngdoms and people ; what daingers and 
trowbl'es he had past was not unknowen unto them, above 
many others. They, apart to home [whom] he makes his moen, 
have only reaped the bennifitt therof. By which his trea- 
surs have ben exhausted, and theirs increased ; their saft- 
ties, peace and tranquillite preserved, and his lessened and 

^ [The idea of a retreat to England was entertained by Ivan as early 
as the year 1567. In the year 1569 he despatched an ambassador, 
Andrea Ssavin, to Queen Elizabeth to make known his intention ; and 
the Queen, in a letter in answer to his application, promised him a 
cordial reception, with freedom in the exercise of his religion. See 
Karamsin, vol. ix, pp. 168, 620.] 


(laylie indaingercd by forrcn cnymics and prccticcs, bothe at 
home and abroad ; which [he] was verie sencablc [sensible] 
they wear to [too] well acquainted with. How could he or 
they any longer subsist without their essencial asistance ? 
Their willingnes must be the towch-stone and triall of their 
fidellitie, as well as their contemplacions, which proved of 
no force. Their pretended praiers prevailed not ; whether 
for their iniquities, his sines and peoples, or both, he leaves 
to the devine knowledge. The utillitie of their hollv 
thoughts and actions must now be the suply owt of their 
infinite aboundance ; yea the urgent necessitie and misser- 
able estate both of hyme and people doth now requier their 
devocion ; the soulls of their own patrons and donors, saints 
and hollie worckers of wonders, for redempcion of their 
soulls and sines, comands it. Prepare therefore your thoughts 
with holly resolucions, without sophisticall or exccrcisms of 

A hie and provinciall convocation was called in the great 
consistarie of the Holly Ghost ; the oath of sovoraintie was 
ministered in the cittie of Musco, some fcaringe he did aycm 
[aim] at all ; and, after longc debate, the particulars of their 
alligacions and reasons verie profoundly sett down, as ajiear- 
eth in the originall, and prepared for the King's audience. 
The Emperor had fals spies that brought him intelligence of 
all. He forced delaies of excuse ; in the mean he thondcrs 
owt his thrononicall threats to their ears, conveyed by 
his secreat instigators ; calls fortie of the most capitall 
and prsegmaticall priors and preletts ; tells them in this 
substance to long to particularice : — " Wee understand of 
your consultacions and resolucions : you ar the principall of 
your pervers partisons. The mield relacion of the eyll [ill] 
estat and misserie of my people, and eyll success of my 
affaires, hath nothinge moved nor mollified your compassion. 
What shall we render for your reward ? The nobillitie 
and people crie owt with their complaints, that you have 


gotten, wherwith you do maintcync your herarchie, all the 
treasur of the land, by tradinge in all kynde of meixhan- 
dizeSj chafFeringe and takinge the benifett of all other men's 
travells ; havmge privaleges to pay no customs to our crown 
nor charge of warrs ; and, by terrifienge of the nobliest, 
abliest and best sortt of owr subjects their dienge consciences, 
have gotten the third part, by due computacion, of the towns, 
rialtics and villages of this kingdom into joux posessions, 
by your wichcrie and inchantments and sosorie. You by 
and sell the souUs of our peple. You live a most idell liff 
in all pleasur and delacic : committ most horrable sines, 
extorcion, bribcrye and excess usarie. You abound in all 
the bloudy and crienge sines, opression, gluttony, idelnes 
and sodometrie, and worss, if worss, with beasts. Maibe [may 
be] your prayers availl not neither for me nor my people. 
Wee have much to aunswer before God to suffer you to live, 
and so many more woorthy to dy for you ; God forgive my 
partakershipe with you. Did not the Pope of late, by the 
ernest contemplacion of his nunciat, perswaid to have the 
supremacie over you, and to dispose of all your places, pre- 
heminences, and reveyneis ? Hath not the Greake Church 
often tymes solicited us for the chainge of your metropolliten 
sea, by the mcdiacion of the patriarck of Alexandria ? Yea, 
and as often have I ben moved for your dissolucion, to the 
reperacion and reestablishinge of thowsands of my aunchient 
and porest nobillitic, from whose aunchcestors most of your 
revenneys came, and to whome yt most justly belongs, that 
have leaft and spent their honnors, liffs and livings for your 
saffties and inrichments, and my rich people and subjects 
impoverished through your rapine and divlish illucions, and 
by of the contrarie a florishinge comonwa;lth would be esta- 
blished and susteyned ; a faire example by that valourous 
kinge Henry the 8th of England ; your revenues beinge 
much more beside your standinge treasurie then your pro- 
digall and luxurious mainteynance can expend. By which 


means my nobillic and scrvicable subjects are clcceyed and 
our treasur so cxhasted, that wee ar inforced by the sccreat 
inspiracion of the soulls and holly saints, the holly worckers 
of wonders, whom you profFcs and hold that infinite treasur, 
not your's, that lies as a dead tallant in your custodies, j)ut 
to noe religious use ; in their names and all the soulls of the 
donors and benifsectors therof, I conjure and comaund that 
by such a daye (least then you all be, through the plage 
and just punishment of God, devored by wild beast of the 
forrest, who atend the execucion of your judgment with a 
more sudden and fearfull death then befell the falshod of 
Annanias and Saphiras deniallj you bringe us a faithfull and 
true inventoric, what treasur and yearly revcynews everic 
of your howses have in their possesions. Necessitie will 
permitt noe delay nor excuse. By which tyme we will call 
a parliament or counsaill royall of all our princis and nobells, 
metrapoletts, bishops, priors, archiemanders and egumens, 
to be not only judges in the trueth of their souls, what 
urgent necessitie and utillitie ther is at this present for a 
mass of treasur to be imploied for defence of our realm; the 
kinge and princis of Pollond and Littuania, the kingc of 
Swethia and the kinge of Denmarcke, all combindinge, and 
our rebells confederatinge with that mighte power prepared 
by the Crime ; but also to be ear and eye witnesses of the 
discharge of our dutie to God and his angells, to incite you 
in their name and his pore distressed peopl's, for whose 
necessities, redempcion and preservacion of you all, wee ar 
thus inforced so ernestly to mediat and implore, as it wear, 
their so misserable estates, which lies in your hands and 
powers yet in tyme to remedie and relive." 

I am the larger, because the matter is inforced, as you 
perceave, with such great elFacie, as to hcer the sequall 
will countervail your pacienc in readinge. The chieff 
bishops, priors and abbotts, assembled and disembled often 
tymes together, much perplexed and devided, seking and 


devisingc with the discontented nobillilic how to turn head 
and make a warr of resistance : but there wanted such a 
head or gennerall that had currage sufficient to guide or 
lead such an army as coukl incouuter his puisant power, 
they altogether unprovided both of horss and arms. The 
Emperor toke oportunitie and advantage of this prectice and 
made good use therof. Proclaymes the heads of all those 
housses to be treytors. To make them more haetfull, som- 
moned, naye, sent for 20 of the principallest ; chargeth them 
with odious and horrable cricms and trrochories, upon such 
prsegnant and aparant prouffs as was manifestly knowen and 
published to be true, exclamed upon and condempned of all 
sorts of people in generalk Now com wee to the merrie 
tragedie to requit your pacience all tliis whill. The Empe- 
rowr comands his great bares, wild, fears [fierce] and hon- 
grie, to be brought owt of their darcke caves and cages, kept 
of purpose for such his delights and pastimes, at Slobida 
Vclica, upon St. Izaie's daie, in a spacious place high walled. 
About scavcn of those principall rebellious bigg fatt friers 
were brought forthe, one after another, with his cross and 
beads in his hands, and, through the Emperowr's great 
favour, a bore spare [spear] of live foate in length in the 
other hand for his defence, and a wild bear was lett lose, 
rainginge and roaringe up against the walls wdth open 
mouth, sentinge the frier by his fatt garments, made more 
mad with the crie and shoutinge of the people, runs fearsly 
at him, catches and crushes his head, bodie, bowells, leggs 
and arms, as a cate doth a mous, tears his weeds in peces till 
he came to his fla;sh, bloud and bones, and so devours his first 
frier for his prey. The bear also shote and kylled with 
peces by the gonners pell meall. And so another frier and 
a fresh bare was singly hand to hand brought forthe, till 
they wear all seaven devoured in manner as the first was : 
savinge one frier, more conninge then the rest, bcsturred 
his borre spare so nymbly, scttinge the end therof in the 


grownd, guidinge it to the breast of the bare, that rann him- 
self thorow upon it, and yet not escaped devouringe after 
the bare was hurtt, both dienge in the place. This frier was 
cannoniced for a valiant sainte by the rest of his living bro- 
thers of Troyetts monesterie. This pastime was not for the 
tyme so pleasinge unto the Emperor and other beholders 
thereof, as terrible and displeasinge to all the rablment and 
consistorie of friers and monckes, that wear convocated and 
so combinded together as you have ^heard ; wherof seaven 
more wear promised to be burned, etc. The metrapollits, 
bishops, moncks and friers, of all howses that had offices and 
charge, resorted with peticions and their prostracions to 
pacific and stey the Emperor's farther displeasur and furie ; 
wear not only contented to suffer and alow his ghostly 
father to absolve him, but also to acknowledge those de- 
testable friers, that had comitted and perpetrated such 
detestable crimes and ofFencis, as was manifestly proved 
against them, had condignly suffered for their wicked de- 
serts, hoping it would not only be an example but an amen- 
dament to all other that professed such holly orders of worldly 
sequestracion. The said metrapolletts, bishops, priors, archie- 
manders and egomens, heads, treasorors and all other officers 
of all the chieff monsterous [monasteries] and nuneris and 
religious howses, did, in the names of the wholle, for them- 
selves, and souls of their holly saints, founders, and worckers 
of holly wonders, of whom they held their lives and beinge, 
togeather with his Emperiall, most sacred and most gracious 
comissaracion and permission (for whome and his good suc- 
cess they all powred owt unto the holly Trinitie their de- 
voute vowes and praiers), they presented unto his Empe- 
riall majesty, and prostrated before his throne of mercie, 
a true and a perfett inventorie of all the treasur, moneys, 
towns and lands, and other reveynues, that doe particulerly 
belonge to everie particular hoUie soull and saint that did 
indow and comend the same unto their custodic and ever- 


lastinge kepinge successively, for the mainteynance of those 
holly semynaries and sanctuaries, hopinge and assuredly be- 
livinge his sacread soull, in comemoracion of all ages, will 
not suffer perpetracion or violacion of those things in his 
age, which must pass awaye with the accounts therof before 
the Trinitie, as those have done ; if otherwise mynded, that 
it would please him to geave them an athenticall discharge, 
to publish to all posterities to come.^ 

I have with my best skill translated this much, verbatum (sic) 
owt of the origenall. Ther inchantments prevented disso- 
lucion,but not prevailled against the Emperors ressolute de- 
mand of 300 thowsand marcks sterlinge ; which he by the 
means of this conjuracion obteyned, besides many precints, 
towns, villages, lands and rialties, at least as much more 
worthe to dispose of, though with great gruge and dis- 
like, yet to the pacificacion of many his disconted nobles ; 
raising and inabling therby most of his trusties, captaincs 
and servitors, the better to serve his turn in all his dcsignes. 
This practice and pollicie of his, though condemned and 
much dislyte of by some, yet recconed the most comendable 
tiranie that ever he used of other som and least daingerous. 

Well, this turn bcinge served to raise a standinge trca- 
sur for his sonn without deminishinge any part of his owne, 
he hathe still an eye and aiem to England. His infinit trea- 
sur and mynde is prepared ; but neither his ambassador, 
Andrew Saphine, did discharge the trust reposed in his 
deliverye of his mynde, darckly expressed by word of mouth, 
which he durst not comitt to paper, as it seems ; neither 
did Mr. Jinckenson nor Mr. Thomas Kandoll, in their par- 
ticuler negociacions, so thorowly understand, move or break 
the matter, as he expected. So that he himself kept it not 
so secreat but that his eldest sonn, Chariwich Ivan, and 
their favoretts and nobles, toke noatice of it. Which the 

^ [The proceedings of the council of the lergy held in Moscow in 
1580 seem to be here referred to.] 


Emperor perceavinge, and to putt owt all jealousye therof 
in their minds, maried againe the fifFt Aviff, the daughter of 
Feodor Nagaie/ a verie bewtefull yonge mayden, of a noble 
howse and great familly ; by home he had a third sonn, called 
Demetrie lavanowich : spent now his tyme still in pacifienge 
his discontented nobles and people ; kept two armies afoat 
and yet at but small charge ; for his princis and nobles went 
most upon their own charge, and gentilmen and comou 
synnoboarskes had certaine porcions of lande, corn and 
mony alowed them yearly, and this ishued owt of certeyn 
revenues put apart for that purpose,^ and eschets, robberis 
and customs, pencions duly paid them whether they goe to 
warr or noe, without deminucion of any his crown revenues 
or great standinge treasur. The on army consistinge most 
of Tartors, which he imploied against the kinge and princis 
of Polland and Swethia, by whome he was now invironed, 
for the country of Liolande, which he had so ranzact and 
shewed so much crueltie in conqueringe it before : the other 
army consistinge comonly of 100 thowsand horss, most of his 
own naturall subjects, saving some few Pollaks, Swethians, 
Duch and Scotts, imploied against his great enimye the Crim 
Tartor, which comonly doth not last above three monneths, 
May, June and July, everie year. He lost most part of all 
the towns he had conquered in Liffland, regained by that 
most valurous king Stephanus Batur ; but the Emperor 
had flezed and caried awaye all the riches and principall 
people before ; whose crueltie and tirranie used ther is most 
lamentably sett forth in the Livonian historic. The good- 
liest country, flowinge with milke and honny and all other 
comonwealth commodits, nothinge Avantinge, and the farest 
weomen and best condicioned people to convcrss with in the 
world, but much geaven to pried, luxurie and idellnes and 

^ [Ivan's marriage with Maria, daughter of Feclor Nagoi, his scveuth 
wife, took place iu the year 1580.] 
^ [Sec Fletcher, p. 70.] 


pleasur ; for which sines God hath so plaged and routed 
owt that nacion, that infinite nombers ar caried captives and 
sold for slaves into Pcrcia, Tartaria, Turckie and the far- 
thest part of the Indies. Yt was my fortune, by speciall 
favor, to by and redenie divers, both men, weomen and 
children, of those captived people, for small soms of mony, 
some merchants of good quallite, and gott leave to convey 
and send them, some into Liefland, som to Hamborow and 
Lubecke. One the other side, king John of Swethia, by his 
gencrall, Lorent Forusbseck, and Pontus,^ a French captaine, 
bcsiged the Narve both by sea and land, and toke it and 
the strong castell also of Ivana Gorrord, his best mariten 
town of trafficque ; noe such crueltie shewed by them. The 
Emperors souldiers and army, farr greater in nomber, 
ranged farr into the Swethians country, and did much spoill 
and rapine : brought many captives awaye to remote places 
in his land, Liefilanders, French, Scotts, Dutchmen and 
some English. The Emperower seatlinge and seatinge a 
great many of them in the cittie of Musquo, to inhabitt by 
themselves without the cittie ; and by my mediacion and 
means, beinge then conversant and famillier in the court, 
well knowen and respected of the best favorets and officers 
of that tyme, I procured libertie to buyld them a churche, 
and contrubetted well therunto ; gott unto them a learned 
preachinge minister, and devine service and metinge of the 
Gongregacion everie saboth daye, but after their Luthercn 
profession ; grew in shortt tyme in favour and famillier, 
and in good like, of the Russ people, livinge civillie but in 
dollfull and mourninge manner for ther eyvill loss of goods, 
frends and countrye. At which tyme, emong other nacions, 
there wear fewer score and five pore Scotts souldiers leaft of 
700 sent from Stockhollme, and three Englishmen in their 
company, brought amonge other captives, in most miserable 

^ [George Fahrensbach and Pont cle la Gardie. Narva and Ivan-Gorod 
were taken by the Swedes in the year 1581.] 


manner, pittious to behold. I laboured and imploicd my 
best indevors and creditt not only to succor them, but with 
my purss and paines and means gott them to be well placed 
at Bulvan, near the Musquo ; and altho' the Emperowr was 
much inflamed with fury and wrath against them, torteringe 
and puttinge many of those Svvethen souldiers to death, 
most lamentabylie to behold, I procured the Emperower to 
be told of the difference betwen those Scottsmen, now his 
captives, and the Swethians, Pollonians and Livonians, his 
enymies. They wear a nacion strangers, remote, a ventur- 
ous and warlicke people, readie to serve any Christian 
prince for maintenance and paye ; as they would apear and 
prove, if it pleased his majestic to imploie and spare them 
such mayntenance, now owt of hart and cloths and arms, as 
they may shew themselves and valure against his mortall 
enemy the Cryme Tartor. Yt seems some use was made of 
this advice, for shorttly the best souldiers and men-at-arms 
of these straingers wear spared and putt apart, and cajitaines 
of each nacion apointed to govern the rest ; Jeamy Lingett 
for the Scottish men, a villiant honnest man. Mony, cloths, 
anddayely alowance for meat and drincke, was geaven them, 
horss, hey and oatz ; swords, peece and pistolls, wear they 
armed with. Pore snakes afore, loke nowe chearfully. 
Twelve hundred of them did better service against the Tar- 
tor then 12 thowsand Russes, with their shortte bowe and 
arowes. The Crim, not knowinge then the use of peece and 
pistolls, stroken dead of their horses with shott they sawe 
not, cried : — " Awaye with those new divells that com with 
their thunderinge puffs ;" wherat the Emperor made good 
sportt. Then had thei pencions and lands alowed them to 
live upon ; maried and matchd with the Livonian faire 
weomen ; increased into famillies, and live in favour of the 
prince and people. O ! how glad was I that the Emperowr 
toke noe noatice of those fcwe Englishmen taken captive 
emonge them ! An oportune quarrell, to my liff, that was so 


well knowen and conversant in their court ; but especiallie a 
fitt prey for the Emperor to seise upon the English mer- 
chants goods, havinge then a stocke in company for at least 
100 thowsand marches sterlinge in his country. For, but a 
littell before, the kinge had sold to one Thomas Glover, a 
chieiF agent for that company, a wifF bowren of a noble 
howse in Polland, Basmanovey, taken captive at Pollotzcoe, 
for tenn thowsand Hongers ducketts in gold ; and yet 
shorttly after, fallinge into som displeasur, robbed him of 
16 thowsand pounds more in cloth, silke, wax, furrs and 
other merchandizes, and sent him and his deare wifF emptie 
owt of his land.' But lettinge many other such acts of his 
pas, let us return to our more propper discourse. 

The Emperowr expectinge some return of his letters owt 
of England, and news by Daniell Silvester, a thinge thought 
upon, that God would make an example of. He arivcd with 
the Quens letters at St. Nicholas ; past up to Collmogorod ; 
where, preparringe and makinge cloths fitt for his present 
postinge up to the Emperor with those letters and message 
from the Quen, the tailor saienge one [essaying on] a newe 
ycolow satten jackett or jepone in an uj)per rome of his lodg- 
inge in the English howse, and the tailor gone scars [scarce] 
down the stears, a thunderbolt came and stroeke him dead, 
pearsinge down the coller of the inside of his new coate, owt 
the right side of his bodye, not owtwardly seen. A flash of 
lightening killed also his boy and dogg by him, burnt his 
descke, letters, howse, all at instant. Wherat the Empe- 
rowr was much amassed when he heard of it, saieng '' Gods 
will be donn !" bvit raged and was in desperatt case ; his 
enymies besettinge and bcsiegginge three partes of his coun- 

^ [Thomas Glover went to Russia as a servant of the Muscovy Com- 
pany ; but subsequently joined with others in carrying on an indepen- 
dent trade. As early as 1567, Queen Elizabeth complained to the Czar 
of this conduct of Glover and his associates, and that they had married 
Polish wives. Glover was banished from Russia in 1573. See Ilamel, 
pp. 186, 191, 221.] 


trye, tlie Poll, Sweathen and the Crime ; King Stephanus 
Batur threatninge he would vissett him at his great cittie 
Musquo shorttly. He made preperacion accordingly, only 
douptinge of som want of powder, salt-peter, lead and brim- 
ston, and knew not howe to be furnished therof, the Narve 
shutt up, but owt of England. The difficult was howe he 
should convey and send his letters to the Quen, his coun- 
tries invironed and passages shutt up. Sent for me, and told 
me he had a message of honnor, weight and secraecie, to im- 
ploie me in, to the Quens Majesty of England, perceavinge 
I had ateyned to the familliar phrase of his language, the 
Pollishe and Dutch tongs. Questioned w^th me of divers 
things ; liked my readie aunswers ; asked me if I had seen 
his great vessells and barcks built and prepared at Vologda. 
I told him I had. " What traitor hath shewed them you ?" 
— " The fame of them was such, and people flockinge to see 
them upon a festivall daye, I ventured with thowsandes more 
to behold the curious bewty, largnes and streinge fashion of 
them." — " Whie, what meane you by those words, streinge 
fashion?" — " For that the portrature of lyons, draggons, 
eagls, oliphonts and unicorns, wear so lievlie made and so 
richly sett forth with gold, silver and curious coullers of 
paintinge, etc. " — '^ A craftie youthe, comendes his own 
countrimens artificerie," said the Emperor to his favorett 
standinge by. " Yt is trew : yt seems you have taken good 
vew of them : how many of them V — " Yt pleas your Ma- 
jesty I sawe but 20." — "You shall see fortie, err longe be, 
noe worss. I comende you. Noe doupt you can relate as 
much in forren place, but much more to be admired, if you 
knewe what inestimable treasur they are inwardly to be 
bewtified with. Yt is reported your Quen, my sister, hathe 
the best navie of shipps in the world." — " Yt is true, and 
please your Majesty." — " Whie have you disembled with 
me then ?" — " For strenght and greatnes to breake and cutt 
thorow the great occean, turbulent seas." — " How framed 


SO ?" — " For art, sharpe-kiellecl, not flatt-bottomed ; so thicke 
and strong-sided that a cannon sliott can scarse pearse 
thorrow." — ^^ What ells ?" — "Everie shipe caries cannon and 
fortie brass peces of great ordinance, bulletts, musketts, 
powder, cheyne-shott, piekes, and armor of defence, wild 
fier worckcs, stancions for fights, a thowsand marrinors and 
men at arms, souldiers, caj^taines, and officers of all sortts to 
guide and govern ; ' discipline and dailie devine preyers ;' 
bear, bread, biefF, fish, bakon, pease, butter, chese, vineger, 
oatmeall, aqua-vita, wood, water and all other provicion, 
plentifull, fitt and ncccssarie for foode and maintenance 
of men ; ancers, cabells, takells, masts, five or six great 
sails spread, aunctients, fleggs, costly silk banners dis- 
played with the Quens ensignes and arms, wherat all other 
kings shipps bend and bowe ; dromes, trompetts, taber, 
pipe, and other instruments of warlicke designes and 
defiance to the enymie ; abell to assault and batter the 
strongest mariten towns and castells that ar ; most tirrable 
and warrlicke for the aied, conduction and defence, of her 
Majestys alyance and frends. Most noble Emperor, this is 
the frame, form and fashion, of one of the triumjphant shipps 
of her Majesties navie royall." 

I had the grace of spirrite and speech in the essenciall 
deliverie of this, as he often cast his head and eye aside upon 
the heerers and standers bye, not with any aplaude to my- 
self, nor great admiracion, " How many such hath the 
Quen as you discribe?" — "Fortie, and please your Majesty." 
— " It is a good navie royall, as you term it. Yt can trans- 
portt 40 thowsand souldiers to a frcnde." Gave me in charge 
to prepare myself, and be silent and secreate, and daily to 
atend till he wear provided and prepared for my dispatch : 
comanded Elizar Willusgen, his secreat secrcatarie, to take 
from me in writinge the description I made of the Quens 
Navie Riall ; unto whome I presented also a shipe, curiously 
made, sett forthe and drawen, with all his saills sjiread, ban- 


nors and insignes displeyed, ordinance gillt, and all things 
in a "vvarlicke fashion, made and given me by Mr. John 
Chapell, of Lubeclce and London. 

At this tyme he was verie much bussyed by searching owt a 
notable ti'eason in preectice and j)urposs againt him by Elizius 
Bomelius, the bishope of Novogored, and som others, disco- 
vered by their servants, tortered upon the pudkie or racke, 
letters writen in ciphers, Latten and Gra;ke, sent three manner 
of wayes to the kings of Polland and Swethia. The bishope 
upon examinacion confessed all. Bomelius denied all, hopinge 
to fare the better by means of som his confederatz, as it was 
thought, favoretts neare about the kinge, Avhome the Emperor 
had apointed to atend his sonn Charowich Ivan, to examen 
the said Bomelius upon the racke ; his arms drawen backe 
disjointed, and his leggs streiched from his middell loynes, 
his backe and bodie cutt with wyer whipps ; confessed much 
and many things more then was written or willinge the Em- 
peror should knowe. The Emperor sent word they should 
rest him. Taken from the pudkie, and bound to a wooden 
pool or spitt, his bloudye cut back and body rested and 
scorched till they thought noe lifF in him, cast into a slead 
brought thorrow the castell, I presto among many others to 
see him ; cast up his eyes naminge Christ ; cast i)ito a dun- 
gion and died ther. He lived in great favour and pompe ; 
a skilfuU matimatician, a wicked man and prrecticer of much 
mischiefF. Most of the nobles wear glad of his dispatch, for 
he knew much by them. He had conveyed great riche§ and 
treasure owt of the country, by way of England, to Waesell, 
in Waestvallia, wher he was bowrn, though brought up in 
Cambridge. An enymie alwaies to our nation. He had de- 
luded the Emperower, makinge him belive the Quen of 
England was yonge, and that yt was very feacable for him 
to marry her ; wherof he was now owt of hoep. Yeat heard 
she had a yong ladie in her court of the bloud ryall, named 
the Ladye Mary Hastings, of which wee shall speake more 


herafter. The bishop of Novogorod was condempned of his 
treason, and of coyninge monny and sendinge yt and other 
treasur to the kinge of Polland and Sweathland; of bug- 
garie, of kepinge witches and boyes and beasts, and other 
horrable criems. All his goods, horsses, mony and treasur, 
was confiscated to the kinge, which was much ; himself to 
everlastinge imprisonment ; lived in a cave with irons one 
his head and leegs, made and painted picturs and images, 
combes and saddells, with bread and water. Aleaven of his 
confederate servants hanged at his pallace gate at Musco, and 
his weomen witches shamfuUy dismembred and burnt. He 
was loth to take noatice of all those that wear confederated 
in this treason ; past it over with admonicions, and declar- 
inge his pleasur and intent to marry his second sonn, Cha- 
riwich Feodore, his eldest sonne havinge noe ishue ; a great 
worcke to advise one with his princis and prellats, because 
of his symplicitie, yet did what pleased himself. But hav- 
inge them together, his stomake full of their treasonable pur- 
poses, must evaperatt somwhat for revenge. " O disloiell 
and most trecherous subjects ! this daye must now be duble 
celebrated, the daye of our Saviours Ascension, fresh in 
memorie of sacrafisinge so many houndred thowsand inocent 
soulls, presented in read letters to the vewe of the wholl 
world upon the theoter of your rebellion. Naye, what coall 
can sufficiently noat to all posterities this mournfull and dis- 
mall daye ? What lawe of forgetfullnes can wiep owt the 
remembrance of thy shame, ingratitude and trajcharie ? 
What locian can wash awaye the spots of thy pollucion, 
filthynes and villanye ? What fier shall ever consume the 
memorie of the rebellious terrines and sedicions of this so 
fatall and abhominable conspiracies," etc. He was three 
howers inlarginge this theam and stiell, and with great 
eloquence and bold utterance, after their phras and meothode 
and imphacie ; dartinge still at many present of confederats 
in this last conspiracie ; promising and protestinge to leave 


them a naked, a disloiall and distressed people, and a re- 
proach to all the nacions of the world ; the enymies at han d 
to distroye us ; God and his ' prodigious ' creaturs in the 
heavens fight against us ; the scarcities and famen wittnes yt 
when no judgments, plagues and punishments, from the same 
God by him did move noe remorse nor amendement in them. 
The originall itself sales to long to recite. Littell was aun- 
swered, less done, at this assemblie ; but all prostratinge 
themselves to his sacread and most royall Majesty and mer- 
cie, desiringe God to bliss his holly purpose and intencion 
in this mariag of his noble sonn, prince Charowich Feodor. 
For whom he choise owt of a great and famous famillie, 
powerfull and most trusty to the Emperor, a bewtifull yonge 
ladye named Irinea, daughter to Feodor Ivanowich God- 
donova ;^ and after the sollempnatie and great feasting and 
triumphs, the Emperor dismissed all those nobles and pre- 
latts with good words and more favorable countenance, 
which was held for a mutuall reconcilliacion and forgivnes 
of all. 

Now the Emperors letters and instructions wear ready, 
himself and Savelle Frollove, chief!* secr^tarie of estate, 
closinge them up in one of the fals sieds of a wodden bottell 
fild full with aqua-vita, to hang under my horss maine, not 
worth 3d. ; apoiuted me 400 Hungers ducketts in gold to be 
sowed in my boots and quilted in som of my worst gar- 
ments. '' I forbare to tell you of some secreats of my plea- 
sur, for fearinge thow passinge thorow my enymies coun- 
tries now in combustion thow fall into their hands, mai be 
inforced to discover that I would not have knowen. What 
thow shalt saye to Quen Elizabeth, my lovinge sister, the 
bottel thow cariest with the shall declare unto the, when 
thow comst in saffe place to make it open. In the mean and 
alwaies be thou trusty and faithfull, and thy reward shalbe 

^ The nuptiall rights hiudrccl, as bewitched. 


my goodnes, and grace from me herafter."^ I fell prostrate^ 
laid my head one his foate, with a heavy hart to be thus ex- 
posed to so aparant misserie and not avoidable dainger. A 
gentilman of good ranck atended me. My slead and horss 
and 20 servants posted that night 90 miells to Ottver, wher 
vittualls and fresh hors wear prepared, and so to Novogorod 
and Pla:sco and to Xewhowse, 600 miells in thre dayes ; 
where entering into Lieffland my gentilman and servants 
take their leaves, desiringe som token of my saif conduct- 
inge thethir, I bidd them hye them awaye, least then the 
enymie round about us might take them and hinder my 
service. The centinell brought me to the statholder or lif- 
tenant of the castell ; he and his complices strickly examined 
and searched me ; cominge from their enymes country they 
could not but suspect me. I told them I was glad I was 
com into their hands owt of the valle of misserie the Mus- 
covetts country, not without some ranzom. The laied their 
heads together, and in the third daye the apointed me a 
guide and sufFred me with more humanitie to pass. The 
guard and waiters expected some reward, but I preyed them 
to spare me ; my purss was not answerable to my willing- 
nes. I was three dales a passinge in great dainger by land 
and frossen mears to Ossell in Liffland, an iland of the king 
of Denmarckes, larg and spacious ; taken by raggamouff soul- 
diers, whoe used me verie ruffly, caried me to Sowen Burge, 
and so to Orentsburgh [Arensburg], the chieff townc and cas- 
tell in those parts; brought and delivered me to the statehol- 
ders lutinant, sicke, aged and crabbed ; atended his pleasur, 
hardly kept as a spie, the snakes crepinge in my lodginge 
upon bead and board ; hens and powltry peckinge at them 
upon the flower, and in the milk pans, a strainge sight to 
me ; the soyll was such, did no harm ; but the fear what 
should bccom of me made me to thincke the less of that. 

^ [The date of this mission of Horsey was the year 1580 ; and its 
oliject the purchase of military stores. See Hamel, p. 236.] 


The tyme came I was called before the governors. The 
chieff was a very grav gentilman m good favour with the 
kinge ; he ruUed all : souldiers aboute him with halberds 
and swords ; did examen me ; the questions wear many. I 
was a subiect of the Quen of England, whoe had peace and 
amitie with all Christian princis, especiallie and most intirely 
with the Majesty of Denmarcke. Yea, but that wovdd not 
serve. Wee confederated most with the Muscovett against 
Christondom. Asked my name and quallitie. I framed him 
an annswer. Comitted me to the custody whence I was 
brought; dismist his company which was many; sends his 
sonn, a propper fine gentilman, for me in privatt ; had a 
letter in his hand ; askt my name againe. I told him. " I 
have receaved sondry letters from my frends, and one of late 
from a beloved daughter I have, captive with the Emperor 
in the Musco. She writes of much Christian frendship 
and favor she hath found at an English gentilmans handes 
named after your name, that negociats in that court from the 
Quen of England." — " Ys your daughter called Madelyn 
van Vxell." — " Yea, indeed, sir," sales he. — " I am the 
same she writes of. I know her well, and M'as in good 
health within this x. dales." — " O ! sir, she is my dear and 
beloved daughter, whom I cannot have ranzomed, though 
the Majesty of Denmarcke bathe writen in her behalf." — 
Claps me aboute the na^cke, crienge, and his sonn in like 
manner. — " Gods Angell hath brought your goodnes to me, 
however you apear here noe better secured, that I might 
render you my thancks and frendshipe, for your benevolence 
and favour towards me and myne. This iland hath hrerd of 
your woorthy name and goodnes, and what it cane afford 
you shall comaund." — Yt seems he was very joifull and I 
noe less glad of this good happ. Caused me to be brought 
to a pleasant lodging : his sonn next daye shewed his sta- 
bells of great horss, his armour, municion and liberarie ; 
sent for divers of his frends, feasted me ; made redie his 


letters and passportts witli many serimoniall lovinge enter- 
teyments : gave me a fare Garmaine clocke, and his sonn 
and servants 'to guid me' out of all dainger : comended his 
daughter, with praier and tears I would continew my good- 
nes towards ' her,' etc. 

I hast one my waye. A domeher \domherr\ mett me, a man 
of good account in Lieffland. Marvelled I was so meanely 
atended; knew me, and told his company of my quallitie, which 
might have done me hurt, and my aqua- vita bottell to, gerded 
close under my cassocke by dale, and in the night my best 
pillow under my head. Past all danger as I thought : came 
to Pilton, a stronge castell upon the Baltique sea, where 
king Magnus laye, of whom you have heard before. He 
used me but rufflye, by reason I could not drincke excessivlie 
with him. He havinge spent and geaven most of his towns, 
castells, Jewells, mony, horss and plate, he had in dower 
with the Emperors nece, riottsly to his followers and 
adoj)ted daughters, and not longe after died misserablie, 
leavinge his Quen and only daughter in very pore estate. 
And thenceforward thorow the duke of Curelands countrye 
and duke of Prussia to Qinsborughe, Melvin and Danzicke 
in Polland, Pomoreina and Maeckellborrow, and so to the 
emperiall towne of Lubecke, wher I was knowen, and ex- 
ceadingly well and honnerablie enterteyned. Now I had 
gotten some better atendance, fewer or five servants, Duch 
and English, taken up at INIelvin and Danzicke. Here the 
burgomeister and lords of the towne sent me by their 
recorder a present of fish and flesh and wynes of all sorts, 
with a longe oracion of the favours I had done and shewed 
to them and theirs. The next daye divers now worthy 
merchants and their frends came with their thanckes and 
acknowledgment my means of their redemption ; beinge by 
my only means and purss freed of thier captivitie from the 
Muscovett : presented me a faire bowll of silver guilt, with 
a cover ; in yt ricks-dollers and Hungers ducketts of gold. 


I powred owt the gold and silver returninge that unto them 
againe, ' more prodigell then wise,' putt upe the cupp, and 
gave them my thanckes : brought me their town booke, 
preyed me ' to ' write therin my name and place of byrth and 
aboad, to the end that they and their posterities might honnor 
my name for ever. 

Coming to Hamborowgh, but tenn miells of Lubeck, the 
Hamburgers having heard of my enterteynment at Lubecke, 
those that had ben in the same predickerment, and freed 
also by means of their capetivie, presented me their thanckes 
and frendly remenbrances. The burgermeister and raetz- 
heren feasted me : and the others s"ave me a faire tabell cloth 
of dammask worcke, two dozen of napkins and a longe towell 
of the same. Thus much more for my own remenbrance 
then propper to the discourse I have taken in hand, for 
which I crave pardon, and yet a degression of some depend- 
ancie upon the same. 

Coming from Hamborow into England, I opened my 
aqua-vita bottell; toke owt and swetned the Emperors letters 
and directions, as well as I could ; but yet the Quen smelt 
the savier of the aqua-vita when I delivered them unto her 
Majesty, declaringe the cause for her hightnes more satisfec- 
tion. I had access three or fewer severall tymes, and som 
discourse, by means of the lord treasurer and Sir Francis 
Walsingham, and some honnorable countenanc also of my 
lord of Lecester ; most by Sir Edward Horsey his love and 
countenance, my especiall noble good frend and kyndsman. 
The Company tradinge[to] Muscovia gave me good enterteyn- 
ment and presents: provided, by her Majestys order, all those 
things which the Emperowr had geaven in his directions, 
but in noe wise to acquaint them with any other secreat 
matter : with which and her Majestys dispatch comaunded 
me to be sworen Esquire of her body, gave me her pictur, 
and her hand to kiss, 



I departed^ in company of 13 talle shipps ; mett with the 
kinge of Demnarckes near the North Cape ; fought with 
them and put them to the worst. Arived at St Nicholas ; 
posted over Vaga, and came to Slobida Alexandriska, wher 
I dehvered the Quens letters to the Emperor and her plea- 
sur in secreat. Who comended my speed and bussynes 
done for him; gave me alowanc, and promised his great 
goodnes for recompence when he came to the cittie of Mos- 
quo. Toke ther all those comodites into his treasorie, 
copper, lead, powder, salt-peter, brimston, and other thinges, 
to the valew of 9000 li. and paid them ready monny for all. 

His Majesty came to the cittie of Musco ; cast his dis- 
pleasur upon some noble men and governors thereof; sett 
a parrasite of his, and sent with him 200 gonnors, to robb 
Mekita Romanowich our next neightbour, brother to the 
good emporis Nastasia, his first wiff; toke from him all 
his armor, horss, plate and goodes, to the valew of 40 
thowsand poundes ; seased his landes, and leaft him and 
his so pore and neadye as he sent to the English howse 
the next daye for as much course cotton as made him 
a gown to cover himself and children withall, and for som 
other relieff. Sent Symon Nagoie, another of instruments of 
mischieflf, to robb and spoill one Andrew Shalkan a great brib- 
inge of&cer, who brought his fare yonge wifF owt, repudiated 
her, cutt and gashed her naked back with his semitarie. 
Killed his trusty servant Ivan Lettish, and bett owt of his 
sheens the said Andrew Shalkan five thowsand rubles in 
monny. At which tyme he did also take displeasur against 
those Duches or Livonian people whome he had planted and 
placed with their wieflTs and children and famillies with- 
out the cittie of Musco, which he brought from the Narva 
and Dorp merchants, and gentilmen of good account, and 
gave them libertie of religion and church there. Sett a 

^ [Horsey set out on his return to Russia in the summer of 1851. See 
Hamel, p. 236.] 


tliowsand gunors in the night to robb and take the spoill of 
them ; stripped them naked, most barbarously ravished and 
deflowred both yonge and old weomen without respects, 
carienge divers of the yongest and fairest maieds to serve 
their wicked lusts awaye with them ; som escaping came to 
the English howse, where they wear covered, cladd and 
relived, but in dainger of despleasur in so doinge. Well ! 
God would not leave this crueltie and barbarism unpunished. 
Not longe after he, the Emperor, fell owt in rage with his 
eldest sonn Charrowich Ivan for havinge some comissera- 
cion of these distressed pore Christians, and but for comand- 
inge an officer to geave a gentilman a warrant for 5 or 6 post 
horses, sent in his affares, without the kinges leave, and some 
other jealousie of greatnes and to [too] good opinion of the 
people as he thought. Strake him in his furie a box on the 
ear;^ whoe toke it so tenderly, fell into a burninge feavour, 
and died within three dales after. Wherat the Emperor 
tore his hear and byrd like a madd man, lamcntinge and 
morninge for the loss of his sonn. But the kingdom had the 
greatest loss, the hope of their comfortt, a wise, mild and 
most woorthy prince, of heroicall condicion, of comly pre- 
sence, 23 years of age. beloved and lamented of all men : 
was buried in Michaela Sweat [Saint] Archangle church, with 
Jewells, precious stones and perrell, putt into his tooem with 
his corps, woorth 50 thowsand pouncles, weetched by twelve 
citticens everie night by chainge, dedicated unto his saint John 
and Michall archangell, to kepe bothe bodye and treasur. 

Now was the Emperowr more ernest to send into England 
about this longe conceated match and marriage then ever : 
adressed one Feother Pissempscoie, a noble, grave, wise and 
trustie gentilman, to conferr and desier of the Quen the 
Lady Marye Hastings, daughter to that noble Henry lord 
Hastings, errell of Huntington, whome he ha^rd was her 
kyndsweoman, and of the bloud royall, as he termed it ; and 
^ Thrust at him with his piked staff. 


that yt would please her Majesty to send som noble ambass- 
odor to treat with him aboute it. His ambassador went 
forward; toke shippinge at St. Nicholas; arived in England;' 
magnificently receaved; had audience of the Quen; delivered 
his letters comendatory. Her Majesty caused that lady to 
be atended one, with divers great ladies and maieds of 
honnor and yonge noblemen, the nomber of each apointed, 
to be seen by the said ambassodor in Yorcke Howse garden. 
She put one a staetly countenance accordinglie. The ambass- 
odor, atended with divers other noblemen and others, was 
brought before her Ladyship ; cast down his countenance ; 
fell prostrate to her feett, rise, ranne backe from her, his 
face still towards her, she and the rest admiringe at his 
manner. Said by an interpritor yt did suffice him to behold 
the angell he hoped should be his masters espouse ; coin- 
ended her angellicall countenance, state and admirable 
bewty. She after was called by her famillier frends in 
court the Emporis of Muscovia. Sir William Russell, the 
errell of Beadfords third sonn, a noble, wise and comly 
gentilman, was chossen her Majestys ambassodor to the 
Emperor. But he and his honorable frends better con- 
sideringe of it, made his unwillingnes the means for another. 
Then the company of merchants intreated for Sir Jerom 
Bowes, only for presence and person, and repented after- 
wards. He was wsell sett forth most at their charge. 

These two ambassodors, the Quens and the Emperors, 
with leave and letters, wear dispatched from her Majesty; 
well shipped ; arived at St Nicholas in Russia. The lluss am- 
bassodor posted overland ; delivered his letters and accounte 
of his ambassadge to his master the Emperowr, which was 
joifuUy receaved. The other. Sir Jerom Bowes, imbarqued 
by the merchants, passed slolly up the river Dwina, a thow- 
sand miells to Vollogda. The Emperor sent one Michaell 
Preterpopa \Protopapa ?\, a pencioner, well atended, to meet 

1 [Pissemsky arrived in Eugland on the ICth of September, 1582.] 


him, and to make provicion of vittuall, etc., for his passage, 
furnished with carts and post-horses for himself, baggage 
and company. At Yeraslaue another equirrie of the stable 
mett him, with two faire amblinge geldings, for himself to 
mount one, when pleased him. Was very honorable receaved 
at the Musquo by a duke, Knez Ivan Sietzcoye, atended 
with 300 horss wsell apointed ; brought to his lodginge. 
The kings secreatie, Savella Frollove, sent from the Empe- 
ror to congratulate his wselcominge, with many dishes of 
meat for his supper, promisinge he should be waell acomo- 
dated. The next 'dai' the Emperor sent a noble man, 
Ignatie Tatishove, to vissite Sir Jerom Bowes, to know howe 
he did, and what he did, and what he wanted should be 
suplied, and to tell him he longed to see him, and if he wear 
not overwearied with his journy he should have his presence 
and audience upon Satterdaye follinge two dales respite. 
He aunswered that he hoped he should be able to atend his 

Accordingly, about ix of the clocke upon that daye, the 
streets wear filled with people, and a thowsand gonners, 
cladd in redd, yeallow and blew garments, sett in ranckes by 
the caj)taines on horsbacke, with bright peeces, hargubuzes 
in their handcs, from the ambassadors dore to the Emperors 
pallace. Knez Ivan Sitzcoye, mounted upon a fare jennett, 
richly cladd and deeckt, having a faire geldinge lead before 
him, well furnished, sent for the ambassador to mount upon, 
atended with oOO gentilmeu on horsbacke richly furnished 
also. The ambassador, displeased the dukes horss was better 
then his, mounted one his own foate-clothe, and with his 30 
men livored in stamell cloakes well sett forth, each havinge 
a pece of his present, being most plate, marched onward to 
the kings pallace ; wher mett him an other duke, and told 
him the Emperor steyed for him ; who aunswered he came 

1 [Sir Jerome Bowes had his reception by the emperor on the 24th of 
October, ]583.] 


as fast as he could. By the waye the people, partly gessinge 
at his message generallie disliked, cried Carluke in mockage 
at him, which is '^ craines laeggs." The passages, tarras and 
roms, he was conducted thorow wear all besett with mer- 
chants and gentilmen with golden coats. His men enteringe 
before him with their presents the rome the kinge satt in, 
they putt at oo' side. The Emperor setts in his majesty, 
richly cladd, with his three crowns before him ; fewer yonge 
noble men, called rindeys, shininge in cloth of silver, with 
fower septers or bright silver hatchetts^ of each side the Em- 
peror ; the prince and other his great dukes and nobliest of 
rancke settinge round aboute him. The Emperower stode 
up : the ambassodor makes his churcties and speech, deli- 
vers the Quens letters. The Emperor receivinge putts of 
his empperiall capp, asked how his sister Quen Elizabeth 
did. The ambassodor aunsweringe, satt downe iipon a form at 
o' side the Emperor, covered with a carpett. After som littell 
tyme of pans and vewe of each other, was dismissed in man- 
ner as he came, and his dinner of 200 dishes of meats sent 
after him by a gentilman of quallitie, which, being delivered 
and rewarded, leaft Sir Jerom Bowes at his repast. 

If I should be so large in the rest, the matter not beinge 
shortt, would take up to much tyme : some secraet metinges 
and conferrences and som publecque ther wear. The Kinge 
feasted ; great alowance of all provicions daily made him ; 
all things graunted him ; and yet nothing would please him : 
made great displeasur. A reconciliacion of accounts betwen 
the Emperors officers and the company of merchants was 
made ; all their dolliances [doUances — grievances] ha^rd and 
remedied, their privileges and al things granted, and the 
Emperor resolved to send a nobleman his ambassodor to the 
Quen. If Sir Jerom Bowes had knowen the measur and 
taken the oportunitie of tyme, the Kinge, so inflamed with 
the effectinge of his desier, would yeld to any thing pro- 
pounded ; yea promis that, if this mariage did take effect 


with the Queii's kyndsweoman, her yshue shoukl inherrit the 
crown. The princis and nobles, especiallie those of nearest 
alliance to the princis wifF, the famillie of the Godonoves, 
much greaved and offended at this, found by secreate prsec- 
tice and plotted a remedye to cross and overthrow all these 
designes. The Kinge in furie, much distrected and doupt- 
inge, caused many witches magicians presently to be sent 
for owt of the North, wher ther is store, betwen Collono- 
gorod and Lappia. Threscore wear brought post to the 
Musquo,^ placed and garded, and dailie dieted and daily 
vissited and atended one by the Emperors favorett, Bodan 
Belskoye, who was only trusted by the Emperor to receave 
and bringe from them their divelinacions or oracles upon 
the subjects that was geaven them in charge. This favoret 
was now revolted in fathe to the Ivinge, wholly sekinge now 
and servinge the turns of the sonn-risinge, wearied and tired 
with the divelsh tiranicall praectices, horrable influencis and 
wicked devices, of this Helligabelous. The sowthsaiers tell 
him that the best signes ' constellacions' and strongest plan- 
netts of heaven was against the Emperower, which would 
produce his end by such a daye ; but he durst not to tell him 
so ; he fell in rage, and told them they wear veri likly to 
be all burnt that daye. The Emperowr began griviously 
to swell in his coddes, with which he had most horrablie 
offended above 50 years together, bostinge of thowsand vir- 
gens he had deflowred and thowsands of children of his be- 
gettinge distroied. 

Carried everie daye in his chair into his treasurie. One 
daye the prince beckoned to me to follow. I stode emonge 
the rest ventu.rously, and heerd him call for som precious 
stones and Jewells. Told the prince and nobles present 

^ The great blazing star and other prodigious sights seen everie night 
7 wekes together over this cittie Mosquo, in anno 85, the yeare King 
Sebastian and two kings, Fess and Moroca, of Portugal! and Barbaro, 
and this great emperor died. 


before and aboute him the vertue of such and such, which 
I observed, and do pray I maye a littell degress to declare 
for my own memorie sake. 

" The load-stone you all know hath great and hidden ver- 
tue, without which the seas that compas the world ar not 
navisrable, nor the bounds nor circle of the earth cannot be 
knowen. Mahomett, the Percians proffit, his tombe of steell 
hangs in their Rapatta at Darbent most miracously." — 
Caused the waiters to bringe a chaine of nedells towched by 
this load-stone, hanged all one by the other. — "This faire cur- 
rell [coral] and this faire turcas you see; take in your hand; of 
his natur arr orient coullers ; pnt them on my hand and arm. 
I am poisned with disease : you see they shewe their virtue 
by the chainge of their pure culler into pall : declares my 
death. Keach owt my staff roiall ; an unicorns horn gar- 
nished with verie fare diomondes, rubies, saphiers, emeralls 
and other precious stones that ar rich in vallew ; cost 70 
thowsand marckes sterlinge of David Gower, from the 
fowlkers of Ousborghe. Seeke owt for som spiders." Caused 
his phiziccians, Johannes Lloff, to scrape a circle therof upon 
the tabell ; putt within it one spider and so one other and 
died, and some other without that ran alive apace from it. — 
" It is to late, it will not preserve me. Behold these precious 
stones. This diomond is the orients richest and most pre- 
cious of all other. I never affected it ; yt restreyns furie and 
luxurie and abstinacie and chasticie ; the least parcell of it 
in powder will poysen a horss geaven to drinck, much more 
a man." Poynts at the ruby, " O ! this is most comfortable 
to the hart, braine, vigar and memorie of man, clarifies con- 
gelled and corrupt bloud." — Then at the emerald. — " The 
natur of the reyn-bowe ; this precious stone is an enemye to 
nncleannes. Try it: though man and wiff cohabitt in lust toge- 
ther, havinge this stone aboute them, yt will burst at the 
spendinge of natur. The saphier I greatlie delight in; yt pre- 
serves and incrcaseth courage, joies the hart, pleasinge to all 


the vitall sensis, precious and verie soveraigne for the cys, 
clears the sight, takes awaye bloud shott, and streingthens 
the mussells and strings therof." — Then takes the onex in 
hand. — " All these ar Gods wonderfull guifts, secreats in 
natur, and yet revells [reveals] them to mans use and con- 
templacion, as frendes to grace and vertue and enymics to 
vice. I fainte, carie me awaye till an other a tyme." 

In the afternone peruseth over his will and yet thinckes 
not to die : he hath ben bewitched in that place, and often 
tymes unwiched againe ; but now the divell faiells. Co- 
maunds the master of his oppathicke and phizicians to pre- 
pare and atend for his solace and bathinge ; locks for the 
goodnes of the signe ; send his favorett to his witches againe 
to know their calculacions. He coms and tells them the 
Emperor will burry or burn them all quicke for their fals 
illucions and lies. The daye is come ; he is as hartt holl 
as ever he was. " Sir, be not so wrathfull. You know the 
daie is com and ends with the settinge of the sun." — He 
hasts him to the Emperor : made great preparacion for the 
bathe. About the third hower of the daye the Emperor went 
into it, soUaced himself and made merie with pleasant songs 
as he useth to doe : came owt about the 7th hower wsell re- 
freshed ; brought forth, setts him downe upon his bead ; calls 
Rodovone Boerken, a gentilman whome he favored, to bringe 
the chess board. He setts his men ;^ his chieff favorett and 
Boris Fedorowich Goddonove and others about him. The 
Emperor in his lose gown, shirtt and lynnen hose, faints and 
falls backward. Great owt-crie and sturr ; one sent for aqua 
vita, another to the oppatheke for ' marigold and' rose water, 
and to call ' his gostlie father and' the phizicions. In the 
mean he was strangled and stark dead. Som shew of hope 
was made for recoverie to still the owt-crie. The said Bodan 
Belskoie and Boris Fedorwich, unto whom the Emperor had 

^ All savinge the kinge, which by no means he could not make stand 
in his place with the rest upon the plain board. 


bequeathed, the first of fower otlier noblemen, and brother to 
this Emperor Feodor Ivanowich his AvifF and Emporis that 
must now succed, the government of all, goe owt upon the 
tarras, acompaned so suddenly at hand with so many, and 
other multitudes of the nobillite his famillier frends, as it 
was strainge to behold. Cried owt to the captaines and 
gonnors to kepe their gard stronge and the gaetts shure 
aboute the pallace, with their peces and matches lighted : 
the gaetts of the castell presently shutt and wsell watched. I 
offered myself, men, powder and pistolls, to atend the prince 
protector : he accepted me amonge his famillie and servants, 
passinge by with a chearfull countenance upon me ' said :' — 
" Be faithfull and fear not." 

The metrapollits, bishops, and other of the nobillitie, 
flocked into the castell, holdinge it for a daye of jubilie, for 
their redempcion : yt was whoe could press first to the book 
and cross to take oath and vow faith to this new Emperor, 
Feodor Ivanowich. Yt was admirable what dispatch ther 
was in six or seaven bowers : the treasories sealled up, and 
new officers added to the old of this famillie. Twelve thow- 
sand gonners, and captaines over them, sett for a garison 
about the walls of the great cittie of Musquo ; a gard geaven 
me to kcpe the English bowse ; and the ambassodor. Sir 
Jerom Bowes, whoe trembled and expected howerly nothinge 
but death and confiscation, his gaetts, windowes and ser- 
vants shutt up, made spare of the plentie he had before. 
Boris Fedorowich, now lord protector ; three other chieff 
boaiers, joined assistance with him for the government, Knez 
Ivan Misthisloskie, Knez Ivan Vazilewich Suskoye and 
Mekita Bomanowich, by the old Emperors will ; beganc to 
mannege and dispose of all affares, take inventories of all the 
treasur everie where, gold, silver and jewelles, a survey of 
all the offices and bookes of revenews ; new treasurers, new 
counsailers, new officers in all courts, new licfftcnnants, cap- 
taines and garisons, in all places of charge ; and in the 


casttells, towns and countrces of most importance, wear 
placed such owt of that famillie as was best to be trusted ; 
aud so likwise the attendance aboute the Emporis his sister ; 
by which means he became most wounderfuU saff and 
stronge. Great was his observacion, magnified, beloved, 
feared, and honnored of all men ; and he shewed and be- 
haved himself bothe to the princes and nobillite and to all 
sorts of the people so affable and lovinge as did procure, 
draw and increas the same. 

I was sent for and asked what the [they] should doe with 
Sir Jerom Bowes ; his bussynes being at ane end. I told 
the lordes it stode with the honnor of the Kinge and kyng- 
dom to dismis him with all safFetie and humanitie, accord- 
inge to the law of nations ; otherwise it would be eyle taken, 
and perhaps procure such displeasur as would not be seen 
pacified ; all which I submytted to their wiser and better 
consideracions. They all reviled at him saieng he had de- 
served death, but that the Emperor and Emporis wear now 
of a more mercifull dispocicion ; they would have sent a 
message by me to prepare his dispatch, with som other 
wordes of displeasur, which I praied might be done by 
some other his Majestys servants. 

The lord Boris Fedorowich sent for me at eavening, whom 
I found plaienge at chess with a prince of the bloud, Knez 
Ivan Glinscoie. Toke me asied, — "Speake littell in defence 
of Bowes, I advise you, the lords take it eill. Goe shew 
yourself and pacific such and such. Your aunswer was wa^ll 
considered of; many perswade revenge of his behavior. Ill 
do my best to make all wsell, and tell him so from me." — 
I went to those noblemen accordingly, and did endevor to 
pacific them. They told me my partakinge with Sir Jerom 
Bowes would do me more hurtt then I was aware of; know- 
inge how things stode and so destastfull to all, especially 
those chiefF officers that had suffered so much for his arro- 
gancie. They could not but love me for aunctient know- 


ledge, and the more becaus Boris Federowich did favour 
me so waslL— " Tlierfore medell you littell with that bussy- 
nes." — And yet I did not leave to deall eiFectually under- 
hand for him, for his case was verie daingerous. I intreated 
he might be sent for and dispatched, beinge coped up and 
kept close as a prisoner, all allowances taken from him. In 
the end he was sent for, when other greater affares of state 
was past over ; not atended upon, but with a meane mes- 
singer, had into a with-drawinge roem, where many of the 
lords wear, used him with noe respect, charged him with 
heynous matter prsecticed against the crown and estate, would 
suffer nor spend tyme for his answer, railed upon, especially 
by the two Shalkans, great officers, and som others whoe 
had indured most displeasure and beatings of the Emperor 
for his complaints and unreasonable and needless findinge 
faults, from tyme to tyme, so much to disquiett the Kinge 
and state, as never any ambassodor did; and told him it 
wear verie requisite, for example of all others that should so 
much forgett themselves and the place imploied in, to cutt 
of his Ifeggs and cast his withered carcas into the river, point- 
inge owt of the windowe under him : but that God hath 
given us now a more mercifull Emperor that wills noe re- 
venge, whose eyes he should see for Quen Elizabeth sake ; 
but putt of your sword : which he refused, yt was against 
his orders and oath. They would inforce hym ells ; com- 
ingc into the presence of so sacreead and peacable a prince, 
his sowl beinge cladd v/ith mourninge, not fitted for the 
sight of arms ; and so putt one patience ; being singell was 
brought to the Emperor ; who by the mouth of his chaun- 
cellor comended him to Quen Elizabeth. Wherwith Sir 
Jerom Bowes was conveyed to his lodginge : three daies 
geaven for his departure owt of the cittie of Musco ; per- 
haps he should have a letter sent after him. Sir Jerom 
Bowes had now littell means, less monny but what was sup- 
plied him, glad of so peacable a dismistment, and wished 


himself owt of their reach. I made means to gctt him 30 
carts for his own stuff and servants, and as many jDost-horses. 
I asked the lord protectors leave to see and speake with 
him, and to bringe him owt of the cittie. A meane sina- 
boarscie was apointed to guard him and to loke narowly to 
hinij whoe used him with small humanitie, and much against 
the height of his mynde and stoutnes of his hart to indure. 
I with my servants and good frends acompanied him, well 
mounted and apointed, owt of the cittie of Musco, other- 
wise bothe he and others feared some disgrac. I pitched 
my tent or pavillian x niiells of, and, with the provicion I 
had readye ther of all sortts of wynes and mead, I toke leave 
of him and his company ; praied me to have an eye and ear 
to his saffetie, doupting of some treacherie towards him upon 
the waye, and so did I, though I said littell. Wounderfully 
perplexed with fear, he thancked me for that I had done ; 
he would cause the Queue and my frendes to geave me 
thanckes, and himself and his frendes should never forgett 
it : his own hand and letter written at Pereslaue upon the 
waye confyrmes, and praies the continewance of my care. 
God bears me witnes I wraught effectually for his saffetie 
and good. I procured the prince protector to send his letters 
after him to the Quen, and a tymber of sabelles, a guift from 
himself. When he came to St. Nicholas and aboard the ship 
he used exceadinge intemperatt, rash and indiscreat wordes 
to the gentilman that conducted him thether, cuttinge both 
sabells and letters in peces, and sent many prowd and opro- 
brious words of the Emjoeror and his counsaill. After he 
was gone, for takinge his part, those great officers of estate, 
the Shalkans, of frendes became my mortall enimies. I am 
the larger, because you shall perceave herafter how well Sir 
Jerom Bowes requited me. The state and goverment of 
this new comonweelth, so much altered as it was termed new, 
havinge put one, as it wear, a ncwe face, so contrarie to the 
old, everie man livinge in peace, injoiengc and knowinge his 


own, good officers placed, justice ministred everie wher. Yet 
God hath a great phage in store for this people ; what shall 
wee saye ? The naturall disposicion of this nacion was so 
wicked and viell, that if the old Emperowr had not hseld 
so hard a hand and sever goverment over them, he could 
never have lived so longe, for their trecherous and treason- 
able pra^ctices and still discovered. Littell would wee thinck 
now that this so greate a treasure so leaft would be so soen 
consumed, and that this kyngdom, Emperower and princis 
and people, so spedelie ruinated. Eyll gotton soen lost. 

This Emperowr, Ivan Vazilewich, reigned above sixty 
years. He conquered Pollotzco, Smolensco, and many other 
great towns and castells, 700 miells southweast from the 
cittie of Musco, into the countries of Littuania, belonginge 
to the crown of Polland. He conquered also as much and 
as many towns and castells eastward Livonia, and other 
dominions of the kinge of Swethia and Pollonia : he con- 
quered the kingdom of Casan and the kingdom of Astracan, 
and all the regions and great people of the Nagaie and 
Chercas Tartors, and many other of that kinde, inhabitinge 
above two thowsand miells of each side that famous river of 
Volga, sowthward eaven to the Mare Caspian Sea. He 
freed himself from the servill tribute and homage that he 
and his predicessors did yearly paie and perform to the 
great Cithian Emperowr, the Cham or Crim Tartor, not 
without some yearly charge for defence of their yearly in- 
curcions. He conquered the kingdom of Siberia, and all 
those ajacent comitries northwardes above 1500 miells : so 
that he hath mightely inlarged his country and kingdoms 
everie waye ; so peopled and inhabited as great trade and 
trafficque is mainteyned with all nacions for the several! 
commodities each countrie yeldes ; wherby his customs and 
crown revenews ar not only increased, but those towns and 
provinces richly mainteyned. So spacious and large is now 
the dominions of this empeir as it can hardly be hajld within 


one regiment, but to be devided againe into severall king- 
doms and principallites, and yet under one compleat mo- 
narcicall soveraintie, and then to over mightie for all his 
neighbor princis. This did he ayme at, was in good hope 
and waye to make it feacable. But the boundles ambicion 
and wisdom of man semed but follishnes to the preventinge 
pleasur and power of the Almightie, as the sequsell declar- 
eth. This Emperowr reduced the ambiguities and uncertan- 
ties of their lawes and pleadinges into a most perspicuous 
and plain forme of a written lawe, for everie man universall 
to understand and plead his own cause without any advocat, 
and to challenge upon a great mult to the crown judgment 
without delaye. This Emperowr established and published 
one universall confession of faith, doctrine and discipline of 
church, consonant to the three symbollic, as they terme it, 
or orthadoxall creedes, most agreable to the apostollicall 
order used in the primitive church, alowed in the opinion of 
the best and aunctiest fathers, Athanacious and others, in 
thier Nicene, best and most aproved counsalls. He and his 
aunchestors acknowledginge thier originall and fundamentall 
lawes of religion of Christian belieff to be grownded upon 
the Greek church, derivinge their antiquitie from their apos- 
tcll ' St. Andrew' and patron St. ' Nicolas ;' which church, 
since, by reason of their dissentinge and dissapacion in late 
ages, have fallen and erred from the essenciall points, both in 
substance of doctrin and ceremonie. 

Whereupon, this Emperower hath aquitted this sea of 
Musco from that societie, and consequently of the oblacions 
and sinodalls heretofore contrabuted to the necessitie of that 
church ; and by the hselp of the Trinitie hath inspired the hol- 
low hart of the patriarch Epe/-t[ta9] to resigne over the patriarc- 
ship of Constantinople ' or Sio' to the fxeTTpaij-dXeTTav sea of 
Musco, to save that charge.^ The Emperowr utterly denies 

^ [This resignation of his see by Jeremias, Patriarch of Constantinople, 
took place in .January 1589. See Fletcher, p. 105.] 


and disclaimes the doctrine of the pope ; holds it of all 
Christian churches to be the most erronus ; goes together 
with his ambicion, both grownded upon invencion, to main- 
tain an herachie never allowed him ; marvelinge that any 
prince Christian will yeld him any suprsemacie or seculer 
authoritie. All which, and largly more, did he cause his 
metrapollits, archbishops and bishops, archiemanders and 
egomens, to declare and deliver to his nunciat ' Pater An- 
tonie ' Posavinus, the great Jesuit, at the church dore of 
Prechista, articulated in the cittie of Musko. This Em- 
perowr hath built in his tyme above 40 faire stone churches, 
richly beda^ct and adorned within, and the turrets all gilt 
with fine pure gold. He hath built above 60 monnasteries 
and nunries ; indowed them with bells and ornaments, and 
maintenance, to praie for his sowlle. 

He built a goodly stepell of hewen stoen in the inner 
castell of Musco, called Blaveshina ColUcalits , with 30 great 
swaet soundinge bells in it, which serves to all those cathe- 
drall and goodly churches standing round about it, ringinge 
all together every faestivall daye, which ar many, and verie 
dolsomlye at everie midnights praiers. 

One deed of charitie I male not omytte, one memorable 
act, to shutt up his devocion with. In anno 1575 a great 
famine followed the pestilence of the better sortt of people. 
The towns, streets and waies swarmed with the rogs, idell 
beggers and counterfeit crippells ; no riddence could be made 
of them in the time of scarsetie, Proclamacion was made they 
should resortt to receav the Emperors great almes upon such 
a day at Slobida. Owt of som thowsands that came, 700 of the 
most villest and counterfeits wear all knockt in the heads and 
cast into the great lake, for the fish to receav their doll ther : 
the rest most febliest wear disperst to monnestaries and hospi- 
talls to be relived. This Emperowr, among many other such 
like acts, did build in his tyme 155 qastells, in all parts of 
kyngdoms, planted them with ordinance and garrisons. He 


built 300 towns in wast places and wildernesses, called yams, 
of a miell and two in lenght ; geave every inhabitant a pro- 
porcion of land to kepe so many spedie horsses for his use 
as occasion requiers. He built a goodly, stronge and spa- 
cious stone wall about the Musco, planted and placed ordi- 
nance and officers to maintaine his garrisons. 

Thus much to conclude with, this Emperor Ivan Vasiliwich. 
lie was a goodlie man of person and presence, wall favored, 
high forehead, shrill voice ; a right Sithian ; full of readie wis- 
dom, cruell, bloudye, merciles; his own experience mannaged 
by direction both his state and comonwa;lth affares. AVas 
sumptuously intomed in Michall Archangell church, where 
he, though garded daye and night, remaincs a fearfull spec- 
tacle to the meniorie of such as pass by or heer his name 
spoken of, [who] ar contented to cross and bless themselves 
from his resurrection againe, etc. 

Ambassadors wear nominated and apointcd, such as Boris 
Federowich best affected to illustrat his grcatnes, to be 
sent abroad to all princes, allies to this empier. But first, 
prcperacion beinge made for the Emperowrs coronacion ; 
which, for that it will take up more rome here then wee can 
wsell spare, I beinge an eye and ear wittnes therunto, and 
receavinge much grace and honnor at the same, must referr 
the relacion therof to Mr. Hackluetts booke of Viages and 
Dr. Flretchers treatice, with other discourses of the state 
and government of this common waelth, procured at my 
handes longe since ;^ I, amonge others, was nominated and 
apointed to be sent unto the Quen. The substance of our 
errants was most alike, to make knowen that, by the provi- 
dence of God, Theodor Ivanowich was coroheravated (their 

^ [Ilorsey's account of the coronation of Fedor Ivanovitch, which took 
place on the 10th of June, 1584, was printed by Hakluyt in his "Col- 
lection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discovei'ies of the English 
Nation." See ed. London, 1809-1812, vol. i, p. 525. We have reprinted 
it in an Appendix to the present work.] 



term) crowned and seatlead in the emperiall kingdoms and 
teritories which his father, late Emperor, Ivan Vazillewich, 
of famous memorie, was possest of. Thought good, owt of 
the tender care and holly desier he had to peace, to intimat 
and make knowen unto their emperiall c^uallities and wisdom 
how dessirous he was of their allies and brotherly amitie, 
also who embracinge the same did promis all reciprecall 
corespondencie, trade and commers, with them and theirs. 

With which letters, and commissions to treat of such other 
matter as fell properly in question for the weall on bothe 
sides, I was dispatched with extraordinarie grace, terms and 
titells, especially from the prince protector, Boris Federo- 
wich, both in private and in publicque; and, with instruc- 
tions and comissions aparte.^ I sett forth wcell apointed and 
atended, and receaved, guarded and acomodated, in the 
reputation of an ambassodor wherever I came. My journey 
was overland from the Musquo, the 20th of August 1585, 
six hundred miells to Vobsco, and thence to Dorp in Li- 
vonia, Perno, "VVenden, Liboe, etc., and to Riga, the capitall 
cittie of that province, wher my comission was to treat with 
Quen Magnus,- the next heir of the emperiall crown of Mus- 
covia ; she beinge leaft in great distress and kept upon small 
alowance, ishuenge owt of the treasurie of the crown of 
Polland, in the castell of Riga. Could not have access but 
by the means and leave of the cardinall Ragaville,"^ beinge 
by chance recident there, a bounsinge princly prellate, lov- 
inge the companye of the Livonian ladies, the farest weomen 
of the knowen world. Great means I made to speak with 
her. The cardinall at first shewed his ostere countenance 

^ [See a separate account by Horsey of this mission, and of a second 
in 1589, printed in the Appendix.] 

2 [Maria, niece of the Czar Ivan Vassiliewitch, and widow of Magnus, 
king of Livonia. She was prevailed upon by Boris GodonofF to put her- 
self and her daughter, Eudoxia, in his power, and was constrained by 
him to enter the convent of Troitza.] 

^ [Cardinal Georgius Radzivil, governor of Livonia.] 


as a matter of great difficultie ; but when we became better 
aquainted, more merrie and pleasant, and laffed upon me as 
he past in procession, to thend, as it wear, I should behold 
his gravitie. 

When I was brought to Llona, Quen Magnus, I found 
her comynge of her daughters head and hear, a proper gerrell 
of nien years of age. She asked me what my will was. I 
desired to speake with her apart : began to looke somwhat 
more streinge upon me ; told me she knew me not, and had 
not many withdrawinge roomes nor atendance. Leaft her 
daughter with her gentilwoman ; a window in the same 
room ; began to putt on a more staetly behavior. — " Madam, 
I have no longe tyme you see to discourse with you of my 
message unto your highnes : lett me intreat your princly 
promis to keep secrtet that I shall speake unto you, 
tending all for the good of you and yours." — Though 
she used silence yet I went forward. " The Emperowr, 
Feodor Ivanowich, your brother" — (for so cozen jarmans 
call each other) — " takes noatice of your necessitie, you 
and your daughter live in ; desiers your return into your 
native country, to hold your staet and wreell beinge, ac- 
cordinge to your royall birth and place ; and the lord- 
protector, Borris Fedorowich, doth, with due remembrance 
of his servic, vowe the performance of the same." — " Sir," 
says she, " they neither know me nor I them. Your coun- 
tenance, speach and atier, makes me to belive you more then 
reason can perswade me." I was interupted, hastened away 
and somwhat mistrusted by the livetennant. She was as 
lothe to part as I ; began to shedd tears, and so did her 
daughter and her gentillwoman to see her do so : wished me 
to make means for access to her againe. The cardinall was 
told this ; sends for me, asketh w^hat nieriraent it was I made 
the Quen to lauff at. I told him he was misinformed. — "You 
know what I mean ; have access, but be not to bold." I 
besought his warrant, and had it : she longed to heer owt 


the rest, and so did I to deliver it. — " You see, sir, I am kept 
as a prisoner and my alowance small, not a thowsand dollors 
a year." — "You maye remedie that if please you." — " Two 
speciall doupts trouble me ; if I should be of that mynde I 
have noe means to escape, and hold it a thinge verie difficult, 
perceavinge the kynge and state purpose to make use of my 
byrth and bloud, like unto the Egipcian goddis, and know- 
inge their fashions in Muscovia, I have littell hope to be 
dealt otherwise with then they use to doe with their Quens 
widdowes ther, to be shutt up in a hellish cloister, befor 
which I choiess death." — " Your case differs much from 
theirs, and tymes have altred that kinde of course ; none in- 
forced therunto that hath a child or children in beinge and 
to educate."' — " What assurance have I of that ? or knoAV 
this to be from those you speak of?" — "Your willingnes 
must make triall of that ; the assurance wherof maye make 
your adventur the more prosperous, when you shall see 
and be pcrswaded of the means intended to effect the same 
without dainger." — " Then must I relie upon God and your 
Christian secrsecie and promis : lett me know your name, 
and the tyme as near as you can," — " Doubt not, gracious 
lady, but Avithin two monneths your highnes shall know 
bothe; by the token I leave one houndred Houngers ducketts 
in gold, and your grace shall rcceave fewer houndred more 
this daye seaven weekes or near that tyme." — Her hightnes 
receaved them thanckfully, and her daughter twenty peces 
more. I toke my leave, and her hightnes and daughter 
imbraced my hand in hers for my far well : and glad I had 
effected so much. 

My servants marveled, and so did the lifftennant of the 
castell, at my longe stey. He told the cardinall againe, 
" Tush, suspect him not ; you see he is a suinge youth and 
fine, etc. I wish he had her, so I had the charge she hath 
cost me." — " So would not the kynge nor crown of Powland 
for a houndred thousand dollers more." — I presented the 


cardinall a faire golden wrauglit handkerclier and humbly 
thancked him for his favour. — " I am glad you have spedd 
so wellj sir ; when you [we ?] meet in Polland we shall reru- 
minat our aquaintance merily." 

Passinge owt of the gaetts of the town, a gentilweomanlike 
maiden, in her heare, delivered me a curious white wraught 
handkercher, in the corner wherof a littell hoop ringe with 
rubies of small valew, but told me not from whome. I gest 
aright, and hied me owt of the cardinalls jurisdiction, thorow 
Corland, Prusia, Quinsburgh, Melvinge and Danzicke ; 
where I did a littell repose, and sent backe one of my ser- 
vantSj a Danzicer bowren, by sea to the Narve, with my 
letters, handkercher and relacion to the Emperor and Borris 
Fedorwiche, what I had done, all sowed up in his quilt 
dublett. He past so speedily and saffcly that this Quen 
and daughter was sent for, stollen awaye very conningly, and 
posted with thorow Livonia before she was missinge. The lief- 
tenant sent divers horsmen after her, but to late ; he putt by 
his place in displeasur and a more trustier choisen. At my 
return owt of England, to make an end of this matter, 
I perceaved she was much estemed of, had her officers, 
lancles and alowance, accordinge to her estate : but not longe 
after she and her daughter wear disposed of into maicds 
monnesterie, emonge the rest of the Quens ; wherat she ex- 
claimed : — " Woo be unto the tyme she was bctraied and 
that ever she gave faithe to me;" — but could not be permitted 
sight of me nor I of her. This pece of service was verie 
acceptable ; wherof I much repent me. From Danzicke I 
passed thorow Cashubia, Pomerenia, Statten, Mackellburgh, 
Postocke (where I escaped miraculously death), came to 
that famous emperiall town of Lubeck, wher I was exccd- 
ingelie well and honnorably entertcyned. The burgermeister 
and raettsheren presented me with their presents of wynes 
and caekes, and thanckes givinge for my former favors don 
them. From Hamborow I arived in Eno-land ; came to the 


court at Richmond ; shewed myself to the lord treasorer and 
Sir Francis Walsingham. They brought me to the Quen, 
whose hightnes receaved the Emperors letters and my speech 
most graciously, and with great aplaud comended me ; was 
glad she had such a servant ateyned to such knowledge and 
trust to be iraploied in so weightie affears from so great and 
forren prince. Speakinge to Mr. Vizchamberlen, Sir Thomas 
Henneag, — " Have you and the harbinger care for his lodg- 
inge ; tis late, I will speake with you farther tomorrow." 
Sir Jerom Bowes and his brother, Mr. E.auiF Bowes, came to 
wa^lcom me with noe small compliments, with some temeritie 
sounded me. Gave, as he said, great comendacion of my 
languages, favour and estimacion I had in the Emperors 
court ; all which I belived, for the Quen told me as much. 
The next daye yt pleased her Majesty to have a great deall 
of conferrence with me, and somwhat conserninge Sir Jerom 
Bowes misbehavior ; to which I saied littell as yet. The 
letters comitted to the trust of my translacion : the which I 
did sparingly for the terms used against Sir Jerom Bowes, 
which Mr. Secreatorie toke eyll ; told me, the Quen would 
be displeased if she knew of it, whose hightnes bidd me not 
to fear the face of any. After I had perfeted it, Mr. Secrea- 
torie read the saine to the Quen. Her Majesty required to 
know my comissions, for that, besieds what was conteyned 
in the Emperors letters, was reffered to word of mouth. I 
told her hightnes yt was so much as I feared would wearie 
her Majestys patience, beinge so late. — " Then will I apointe 
a tyme of purpose to geave you farther audience :" turned 
her hightnes to the Lords, and said — " I promis you, my 
lords, these letters shew as honnorable matter as ever wee 
receaved from any prince, newly come to his crown, to offer 
and intimatt unto us, that in courtesie and by the lawe of 
princlie comon right wee should first have offered and done 
from ourselves." 

I was wsell howsed in London, wa^l provided and atended 


one, mucli respected, feasted and enterteyned, by the com- 
pany of Muscovia, Sir Rowland Heyward, Sir George 
Barns, Mr. customer Smyth, and of many other aldermen 
and grave merchants. The Quen calls for me at Grenwich ; 
I deliver as much as I was to saye, and so much as pleased 
her hightnes to inquire of me ; said — " We have lost a fare 
tyme and a great deall of treasur, that her realme might 
opportunly have hen possessed of." — I spent a good tyme 
as well in providinge the Emperowrs and lords protec- 
tors provicion, accordinge to comission, as also inquiringe 
of the lerned phizicions of Oxford, Cambridge and London, 
their opinions and directions conserninge the Emporis Ire- 
nia in some difficult matters [for conception and procuration 
of children] ; had been maried seaven years and often [con- 
ceaved],' with some other mariage matters wherin I was 
charged \\i{\\ secrtecie, which fell owt to be verie daingerous 
unto me. 

Sir Jerom Bowes, upon some displeasur of the Quen 
towards him, prgectices much mallice against me ; incencis 
my lord of Lecester, now regent in the Lowe Countries, from 
whose Excelencie I had receaved great honor, countenance 
and particuler letters of grace, and done his lordship service; 
upon his letters of request sent him rich furs, white gar- 
faucons, white bares and ther provicion, of good value, and 
paid my frendes asigned for the same ; that I should rejjortt 
at my tabell such a daye to divers dukes and noblemen, how 
that he had cast his wiff down a pare of stares, braek her 
nseck, and so became the Quens minion ; by which he ment 
to have broken my nseck, and the negociacion I had in 
hand, never havinge haerd of any such thinge before.^ The 

^ [The words within brackets are written in Russian characters in the 
MS. They are deciphered by Hamel, p. 233.] 

^ Yet Lesters Comonwealth mencions such a thing. — Note hy ano- 
ther hand. [Amy Robsart, Leicester's first wife, died in September 1560, 
and the sinister reports of the mode of her death alluded to in the text 
were prevalent soon after.] 


errell of Lecester writes to the Quen therof, praies my ques- 
tioninge and stay. The Quen alters her countenance, swares 
I should aunswer it; comaundes the lordes of her Majestys 
counsall to exanien the cause. Sir Jerom Bowes offers to 
prove it by one Finch, a by-hanger of his, whom he said I 
Avould have rested in the Musquo for a spie. Yet the Quen 
aunswered openly — " I doupt not but Horsey will prove 
himself an homiest man for all this." — The lord Honsdon, 
then lord chamberleyne, only, tolce Sir Jerom Bowes his part : 
my lord trcasuror. Sir Christopher Hatton, and especially 
Sir Francis Walsingham, wear stronge and confident in their 
good opinions of me ; many good frendes and allies I had 
that stucke firmly to me. The court and cittie wear pos- 
sessed of this heynous matter. Wee wear convented. Sir 
J. Bowes fained himself sicke : the lordes sent express mes- 
sengers to bringe him, for so was her Majestys pleasur. Fie 
present, the parties accusation was so faint, faultering and 
fcarfull, ever lokinge upon Sir J. Bowes what he should saye 
to the Lordes, that they all semed displeased. I had fower 
verie substanciall merchants ready knelinge before them, 
that wear present at all tymes whiells this Fynch was in the 
Musco, beinge but tenn dayes, at any tynie with me ; avowed 
and witnessed howe favorablie I dealt with him, and how 
frendly I dispatched him thenc in their companies, beinge 
in necessitie and dainger, at my own charge ; shewed forth 
his own letters of thanckes and acknowdedgment, never more 
bounden to any. The lordes willed Sir J. Bowes forthe of 
the counsaill chamber ; bydd Finch declare the trueth ; he 
acknowledges those letters to be of his own writinge, and 
confessed Sir J. Bowes had layne at him verie often and 
ernest to mainteyne this accusacion, which he never hcerd of 
before, saienge he was in the waye to crush Mr. Horsey and 
his ambassage. The lordes committed him to the marshal- 
cies, with waightie irons to be laied upon him ; my lord 
treasurer tellinge him — " Though you wear not rosted. 


sirra, yt was pittie you had not ben a littell scorched." — 
The lord chaniberleyne hied hira from the lordes to the 
Quen ; Mr. Secratarie gott an other waye before hhn, told 
her Majesty what had paste. She blamed my lord Hons- 
den, whoe laied the fault upon Bowes^ whom the lordes 
told he had discreadited him self more then his worth could 
repare. — " Lett him, my lordes, that made the fals informa- 
tion smart for it." — The Quen forbadd him her presenc. 
I have ben tedious, and yet can, say e noe less owt of the 
malignitie of this mans eyll spirrit towards me, that hathe 
deserved as much as his lifF is worth. 

When tyme was, my discontentment was perceaved ; faire 
weather was made; and I notwithstandinge, in the interim, 
with much help of my good frendes. Sir Fra. Walsingham 
and Sir Georg Barn,^ etc., had made my provicion of lyons, 
bulls, doggs, guilt halberds, pistolls, peces, armor, wynes, 
store of druges of all sorts, organes, virgenalls, musicions, 
scarletts, perrell chaines, plate of curious makinge and of 
other costly things of great value, according to my com- 
missions. Takinge my leave of the Quen receaved her 
hightnes letters to the Emperor and prince protector, and 
letters pattents for my passage, with many good words and 
gracious promises, and also remembrances and instructions 
from the lordes and from the company worthe readinge, with 
som recompence for favors and services all redy done for 
them in the Emperors court. I departed well acomodated 
in company of nien good merchants ships ; arived at St. Ni- 
cholas ; posted up to the Musco,^ 1,200 miells ; came to the 
lord protector, ' now ' prince of the province of Vaga, who 
receaved me joifully, and after much discourse brought me to 
the Emperowr a back waye ; who semed glad of my return, 
pochivated and made me merrie, and so dismist me for that 
tyme. The prince protector sends for me the next daie ; 

^ Lord Maior of London. 

^ [Horsey reached Moscow on the 2nd of April, 1586.] 


tells me of many strainge accidents and alteracions and 
matters, past since I went tlienc, such as I was sorie to lieer 
of, prsectices betwen the Emporis mother to Chariwich De- 
metrius her kynred and som other the princes, joyned with 
him in comission by the old Emperors will ; which he, 
knowinge now better his own strengtht and power, could not 
accept for competitors. " You shall heer much ; belive 
littell more then I tell you." One the other side, I ha^rd 
much and of many the nobillitie their discontentments ; both 
disemblinge wraught upon the advantage of their intemper- 
ances with great causion, providence and pollice, which could 
produce noe good end to neither. Asked — " When coms 
your presents and my provicion ?" I thought it near at hand. 

I was called for before the Emperor and most of his coun- 
saill, settinge in state. With some preamble of speech, illus- 
tracion of his titells and magnanimitie of his emperiall 
monarchic, I delivered over in writiiige the account of my 
imploiment, as other his ambassadors did, and those letters 
recommended for aunswer to his hightncs from the Magestie 
of England ; which beinge receaved, I was willed to witli- 
drawe. I was asked for such presents as was sent unto his 
Majesty. I aunswered, they wear such in nature as did 
requier som longer tyme for transportacion. Comaundment 
was geaven presently for a gentilman and 50 huntsmen to be 
sent, and atend with all alowances the speadie bringing up 
the river Dwina of the same. For that tyme, I had comen- 
dacion for the good service done and performance of the 
Emperors pleasur and comission geaven conserniuge Quen 
Magnus saffc arivall. 

Bodan Belskoie, the chieff favorett and mynion to the old 
Emperor, was now sent to a castell and town remott Cazan 
in displeasur, as a man feared to be a conspirator and sower 
of sedicion betwen the nobillitie and this tyme of dis- 
contentment. Peter Gollavine, chieff treasorer to the old 
Emperor, a man of great birth and courage, became bold 


and peremptorie against Boris Fedorowich ; was likwise 
sent awaye in displeasur, under the conduction of Ivan Vioa- 
cove a favorat to the princ protector ; was dispatched of his 
liiF upon the waye. Knez Ivan Vazilewich Suscoic, prime 
prince of the bloud royall, of great estem, power and co- 
maund, chieff competitor in comission for the goverment, his 
discontentment and greatnes was much feared : some couller 
of offence conceaved ; the Emperors displeasur cast upon 
him ; was sudenly comaunded to. depart the Musco to his 
own repose ; serprised with a corronells guard, and not farr 
of was smothered in a cottage with wsett hey and stuble sett 
one fier, lamented of all men. Here was the chieff stom- 
linge blocke of fear removed away from that howse and 
famillie of the Goddanoves ; yet many more suspected weare 
also quarreled with, and by degres had the like measur, 
I was sorie to see in what hatred the prince protector grew 
in the harts and opinion of most men to whome his cruell 
disemlacion apeared to grosly. He toke me owt with him 
one daye at the posteren gaets with small atendancc, besides 
his faulkners, to see his garrfaucons to flie at the cran, hern 
and wild swan, princly pastime with their hardy hauks, 
not caringe for spoillinge and killinge them, havinge such 
infinite chois readie made at hand. A baggcrly frier mett 
him, wished he would hy him home spedily ; all wear not 
his frendes that wear cominge to see his pastime. Some 500 
horss, yonge noblemen and waiters at court, wear cominge 
to meet him for honnor, as was said, to atend hyme into the 
cittie. He ment none should know of his goinge nor follow 
him : folowed the friers advice ; and after a slight faulkon 
that stoped at a fouUe, tother side of the river, he ventered 
the ford a nearer waye, was at the castell gate before that 
company could com aboute. I saw him perplexed, and 
gladd he was saffly com to the pallace, where bishops, dukes 
and gentilmen and other su.ters, atended him with their peti- 
cions, and could not com near him somtymes in two or three 


dayes, he passinge in the entrye more owt of sight towards 
the Emperors lodgings. I praied him to loke backe, and shew 
himself upon the tarras : he cast a feers countenance upon 
me, as though I counsailed him not well, yet bethought him- 
self, went towards them, saluted many and toke their peti- 
cions with great aplaude and crie, — " God save Boris Fedo- 
rowich his health!" — Told them he would present their peti- 
cions to the Emperor. — " Thow most noble Borris Fedoro- 
wich art kinge, saye thow the word and it is done." Which 
words I perceaved disliked him not, for he aymes at the 

My presents and all other things wear now com safF to 
the Musco. The daye apointed, I must now repare and 
come before the Emperowr againe from her Majesty, acom- 
panied with Peter Peva, a pencioner of good esteme. I was 
as well mounted as he, atended with twentie men with faire 
livories and garments after their fashion, best liked of, each 
of them carrienge one pece or other of my present. Steyed 
the Kinges pleasur in a withdrawing chamber, untill the 
Emperowr and Emporis had vewed owt of the pallace win- 
dowes the bull-dogs and lions brought by the hirroiod and 
his company, which was above five thowsand people that 
followed the sight of them ; a goodly fare white bull, all 
spotted over with black naturall dappell, his crop or gorg 
hanging down to his knees before him, guilt fals horns, coller 
of green vellett studded and redd roep ; made kneell down 
before the Emperowr and Emporis, standes uppe and 
locks gasinge and feersly one everie side, apearinge to the 
people to be some other strainge beast called bueval ; twelve 
goodly large mastive dogs^ lead with twelve men, dsect with 
rozes, collers, etc., in like fashion ; two lyons brought forthe 
of thier cages (drawen upon sleades) by a littell Tartor boye 
with a wand in his hand, standinge in awe of noe other. 
These wear Icaft before the pallace to the lokers on. 
* Grey hounds and bloud hounds. 


The Empcrowr was sett in his chare of majesty. Now 
com wee to more serious matter and complements. I was 
sent for in, my men with their presents put at o' sied. — " Most 
noble, most mightie and most renouned Emperor Feodor 
Ivanowich, Emperowr of all Russia, ' Vollademeria,' Mus- 
quo, Cazan, Astracan, Otver, Novogorrd Yelica, Perm, 
Vatzca, Sibersca, Condonscoie, Yeraslavsco, Nczna, Empe- 
ror, lord and great duke, etc., of many other provinces, 
Quen Elizabeth, by the grace and mercie of God, Qucn of 
England, France and Irland, and Quen of many other teri- 
toris and principallities, defendoris of the most christian 
' catholike ' faithe, her most highe most mightie farr and 
most renowned Majesty doth in all lovinge and sisterly man- 
ner salute your emperiall Majesty, here dear and most be- 
loved brother, and hath sent your emperiall Majesty her 
hightnes letters gratulatorie, wishing unto your emperiall 
Majesty all perfett hajlth and saffitie, that you may govern 
and reigne in all happines, peace and tranquillitie. Her 
hightnes comandeth me, her servant and vassall, to saye 
unto your most excelent Majesty that your late letters sent 
unto her Majesty ar most thanckfully receaved, and most 
acceptable unto her Majesty. The contents and intimacion 
of your brotherly amitie therin contayned, her Emperiall 
Majesty doth most willingly imbrace, and maketh protes- 
tacion and promis inviolablie to hold the like sisterly amitie 
and corespondencie with your emperiall Majesty, as she 
hath done hertofore with Ivan Vazilewich, late Emperor, 
your Majesties father, of most famous and most renowned 
memorie, to the mutuall comfort and commoditie of both 
your emperiall realms, loyall and lovinge subjects, most 
high, most mightie and most renowned Emperor." — And 
therwith my lowe obeysance sate down at o' sied upon a littell 
form, covered with a carpett. The Emperor said littell ; 
shewed good countenance. But the chauncelor whispered 
him in his ear : stode up, putt of his capp, said he was glad 


to heer his lovinge sister Quen Elizabeth to be in such good 
health, and therwith dismist and conducted in manner as I 
was brought. The particular of the presents delivered in a 
scedull with the letters. Ther followed me Ivan Shama- 
danove, a kyndsman of the lord protectors, with 150 dishes 
of all sorts of meats for my dinner from the Emperor, 
drinckes, bread and spice, sent by 150 gentilmen thorow the 
streats to my lodginge. I presented the chieff gentilman a 
garment cloth of scarlett ; pochivafed, dranck and made 
merrie, and gave each of the rest a reward. 

The next daye divers gentilmen, officers, priests and mer- 
chants, my frends and aquaintances, came to congratulate 
with me, as the manner is, of the Emperors favour ; drancke, 
eat and made merrie, upon the Emperors good chear as longe 
as it lasted. The protector, Borris Fedorowich, having spent 
a wholle daye in perusinge the Jewells, chaynes, perrell, plate, 
gitt armour, halberds, pistolls and peces, white and reedd, 
Scarlett velletts, and other curious and costly things provided 
for him, which he exceadingiy wsell liked of; and the Em- 
poris his sister, invited to behold the same, admired espe- 
cially at the organes and vergenalls, all gilt and enambled, 
never seinge nor heeringe the like before, woundered and 
delighted at the lowd and musicall sound therof. Thou- 
sands of people resorted and steyed aboutt the pallace to 
heer the same. My men that plaied uj^on them much made 
of and admitted into such presence often wher myself could 
not com. So wsell liked was all things, and my own pictur 
also taken awaye, that the protector sent me all the cost 
therof, which was above 4000 li. ; three Percia gennets with 
rich saddells, furniturs and semitaries, with the master of 
his horss, Ivan Volcove, to make chois of which I pleased 
to ride upon ; which I did, estemead worth 200 li. ; and by 
one other of his chiefF gentilmen, Michaell Cossove, his 
hightnes sent me three thowsandes poundes of fine silver 
coine, for a remenbrance and ernest of his farther favour and 



love. All which bemg receaved, I dismlst the bringers wsell 
rewarded. The sighte of these rarietics, buU-doggs, lyons, 
orgaines, mussicke and other delights, made me continew- 
ally to be thought upon, with gold wraught handkerchers, 
towells, shirts, cannapies, carpetts, dietts and such daintes as 
the lord protectors and his frendes good will and favour did 
afford ; which was in such bountifull measur as many towns, 
monnesteris, offices and officers, naturall and strainger mer- 
chants, procured by my means fredoms and exemptions of 
many texacions and imposicions, privalcges and pardons, 
not without good acknowledgment and recompence. And 
although the truth herof be more larger sett forthe and mor 
memorable in their histories, yet not so much pertinent to 
our discourse of the state of Russia. 

The Emperor, I may say the prince protector, beinge now 
possest of so infinite a treasur and daily increasinge, knew not 
wsell how to imploie, dispose or make use of it, to illustrate his 
fame. The kinge of Percia being greatly oprest by the mightie 
armies and yearly inroeds of the Turcke, who havinge wonn 
from him all Media, Darbent, Shamakie, Bilbill, Ardoll [Arda- 
bil] and other his most richest, best and frutfull provinces, 
drivinge him to the Alps, as it wear, or high countries of Per- 
cia, Cashan, ' Tauris,' Percipolis, Casbyn, etc., and also invad- 
inge and anoyiuge that niayden and unconquered kyngdom of 
the Georgians, by reason of their cittuacion. Christians in- 
vironed in the middest of all those Mahomcticall and heathen 
countries ; the[y] bothe shueng and sending unto the Empe- 
rowr and prince protector their severall ambassodors for 
ayed and succeur ;^ who, not beinge so well able to trans- 
portt an army so remote over the 3Iare Caspian Sea, was 
contented to lend and transferr unto the king of Percia, 
upon good hostages, 200 thowsand robles marckes sterlinge, 
for five years gratis, and to the kinge of the Georgians 100 

^ [The negotiations alluded to were carried on during the years 1586- 


thowsand marcks sterlinge more upon the pawne and resig- 
nacion of tlie titell of his kingdom, by an authenticall instru- 
mental! manner agreed upon, paid and perfetted by com- 
missioners on both sieds. But herupon grew a quarrell 
betwen the Turcke and the Emperor. 

Borris Fedorowich, havinge ayem to a more absolute and 
greater titell, sent ambassodors to have some more nearer alli- 
ance and correspondencie with the kinge of Demnarcke, Fre- 
dericke, Knez Feodore Forresten [Schworostinin]; but it was 
so yong an age yet betwen Hartique \_He7'tzog\ Hans, his third 
sonn, and Maria, his daughter, as littell could be resolved 
upon. Also, to shew and make knowen his greatnes, ther was 
an ambassodor sent,one Alphonasse Masolove,an aproved wise 
secreatarie of estate, wsell set forth with men and presents, to 
Maximillian the Garmaine Emperor : passed Dwina ; toke 
shippinge at St. Nicholas in an English shipp to Hamborough 
and Lubecke, wher he was wa;ll enterteyned and feasted; 
came to the Emperor at Prage ; delivered his letters and pre- 
sents, white garfaulcons, two faire Percia carpetts, two peces 
of whoU cloth of gold, fewer tymber of rich black sabells, 
fower blacke foxis, a curious wraught septer of gold, a rich 
Percia armour of buUatt. With these, wear desired affinitie 
with the emperiall crown prince and howse of Austria, a firm 
and everlastinge league and amitie, ready to take arms with 
them against the Turck, mortall enimie to Christ and Chris- 
tendom, that had nowe invaded Hungaria and other partes 
of the empire ; and therupon offered to furnish him with 
50 thowsand horss, gallant and expert souldiers, at three 
monneths warninge ; he only procuringe of Stephanus Batur 
[Bathory], kinge of PoUand, free passage and safFe conduct 
for his said army thorow his countries. This ambassodor 
Avas much made of, his message well liked, sightly en- 
terteyned and with a great acceptance dismissed. But the 
Emperor not obteynenge leave of the king of Polland, who 
would not trust his enymic, the Muscavitc, to com into his 


kyngdora with such an army, sent his ambassodor with like 
presents of goodly horss, Garman clockes, etc. : to make 
tryall and som use of this his so proffered frendshipe, would 
borow of him 300 thowsand rubles, which is 900 thowsand 
dollors. But the Emperor and Boris demaundinge such 
hostages, and Fredericke the kinge of Denmark his assur- 
ance, that nothing came of this great offer but deridings, eyll 
will bothe of the Turcke and Crim Tartor, whom the Turcke 
sett on the Muscovits backe with such an huge army as cost 
the Emperor of the Muscovits infinite charge and loss of 
men. And the Pollonians and Swethians [Swedes] com- 
bynded and plotted how each of them might invade each 
others teritoris and anctient bounds ; toke good oportunitie 
to recover all backe againe which the old Emperor Ivan had 
gotten from them before, especially in this time of devicion. 
And the Buss, beinge otherwaies imploied with an army to 
conquer Siberia, inlarged his dominions much, and brought 
awaye the Emperor of Siberia, Chiglicke Alothe, with his 
mother and his best nobells and murseys, as they term them, 
to the Musquo ; where I saw him do many strainge feats at 
arms, one horss backe and on foate, after their fashion, and 
haerd him tell he had som Englishmen in his countrie, at least 
waye such men of countenanc as I was, taken with a ship, 
ordinance, powder and other riches, but two yeare before, 
that would have passed the river Ob to seeke Catay by the 
North Este.^ Som Swethen souldiers escaped thenc and came 
to the Musquo to serve the Emperor ; among whom was one 
Gabriell Elphingsten, a valiant Scottish captaine, by the re- 
port of the letters he brought to me from Corronell Steward, 
that served the king of Denmarcke, in comendacion of him 

^ Furbusher. — Marginal note hj Horsey. [Hamel conjectures that the 
Emperor of Siberia here spoken of was the Czarovich Mametkul, who 
was despatched to Moscow in 1583-1584 by Jermak (the conqueror of 
Siberia) ; and that the English ship seized by him belonged to Jack- 
man's expedition of 1580-1581. Ilorsey's reference to Sir Martin Fro- 
bisher is unintelligible.] 



and six other Scotts, souldiers in his company, but all verie 
bare of monny and furnitur. Desired me to grac x^lace and 
suplie their necessities. I disburst to him and them 300 
dollers ; putt them in aparrell, and bought them pistoUs and 
swords ; and when they wear marched wear better liked of 
then they Swedian souldiers that came in ther company. I gott 
Captaine Elphingstone the charge over them all, begenod 
{sic) of mony, horss and alowance for meat and drincke. 
Behaved themselves well for a tyme, yet could not repaye 
nor recompence me to this day, as by their letters apeareth. 
At this time ther was som secreeat prectice by the discon- 
tented nobillitie to suplant the protector and all his designes 
and greatnes, which he durst not take open noatice of; 
streinghtned himself with good gard. A prectice was dis- 
covered to poison and make away the yonge prince, the old 
Emperors third sonn, Demetrius, his mother and all his al- 
liances, frendes and famillies, narrowly guarded in a remote 
place at Ougletts. Also Mekita Romanowich, this Empe- 
rors unckcll, the third nobleman trusted in the old Emperors 
will with Borris Fedorowich, who could indure noe com- 
petitor now to govern, two of the other priem princes beinge 
made away, as before you have ha3rd. This Mekita B,o- 
manowich, a stowt, valiant prince, honored and beloved of all 
men, was now bewitched, his speech and sens taken suddenly 
from him, yet lived awhiell. But the protector told me it 
should not be longe. His eldest sonn, a gallant yonge 
prince, first cossen to the Emperor, Feodor Mekitawich/ of 
great hope and expaectancie (for whom I made a Latten 
grammor, as well as I could, in the Sclavonian carector ; 
in which he toke great delight), Avas now inforced to marrie 
his sisters Knez Boris Chercascois wiff her waitinge weo- 
man, by whome he had a sonn, of whom you shall heer more 
herafter ; and not longe after, his favour and greatnes in the 
populer opinion beinge feared, was, not longe after his fathers 
^ [Afterwards patriarch, under the name of Philaret.] 


death, sliorren a frier and made a yonge Arclibisliop of E,os- 
tove. His next brother, beinge of noe less a generous 
spirrit, named Alexander Mekitawich, owt of his great dis- 
contentment, could not conteyne nor disemble longer ; toke 
oportunitie to stobb the prince jDi'otector, not so daingerous 
as nient ; escaped into Polland, where he and Bodan Bels- 
coie, the old Emperors great minion and favor ett, wovinder- 
full rich, and others thcr and at hom, prajcticed not only 
the utter ruen of Borris Fedorowich and all his famillie, but 
also the ruen and subvercion of the whole kyngdom, as you 
maye heer and read herafter. In the mean, it is tyme to 
return unto our own bussynes and negociacion committed to 
my charge. 

And yet not idell, I procured unto the Company of mer- 
chants the fredom of all their howses in Musco, Yeraslav, 
Vollogda, Collmogor and St. Nicholas, seassed upon for 
great imposicions laied on them in displeasur upon Sir 
Jerom Bowes his eyll behavor : the releas of a thowsand 
robles laied upon the Company towardes the buildinge of the 
great new wail about the Musco, which all other straingers 
and merchants did paie. I obteyned the free release of a 
shute betwen the merchants of Musco and the Company for 
the clepts of 30 thowsand rubles, owinge by a fsector of 
theirs, one Antony Marsh, backed by some great counsallors 
and officers. Ther was recovered an old dept owinge by 
the Emperor for copper, lead and other comodites, 2000 
rubles, as desperatt. The releas of John Capell and the 
goods he had of the Companies in his charge, 3000 li., taken 
in displeasure from him as a merchant of Lubeck to couller 
the same. Borrowed of the Emperor fower thowsand rubles 
for the use of the merchants sendinge to Vobsco to provide 
flsex before they had made sail of their merchandizes. Bo- 
rowed of the prince protector likwise for their use, and for 
nothinge, five thowsand rubles, who ojflfered ten thowsand 
poundes more gratice owt of his treasorie, when it should 


be required. All interlopinge merchants tradinge in those 
countries without leave of the Company, beinge 29, wear 
delivered into my handes to transport into England, This 
years custome due unto the Emperor, being two thowsand 
rubles, for all their merchandizes, was frely forgeaven them. 
I obteyned a free privalege from the Emperor for the Com- 
pany to trade and trafficque thorow his countryes by the 
river Volga and the Mare Caspian Sea into Percia, free of 
all customs and tolls. I obteyned and procured under the 
emperiall seall a free privaledge granted unto the Company 
of English merchants from the Emperor to trade and tra- 
ficque thorrow all his doraynions, free from payinge any 
manner of customs and tolls whatsoever upon their merchan- 
dizes, either transported or imported, in as ample and large 
a manner as I could devis and sett down myself. Never the 
like obteyned by any ambassodor hertofore, though thow- 
sands expended to procure the like ; ratified, confirmed and 
delivered, by the princ protector in magnifecent manner, 
before all the lordes and ofiicers present, and proclamed 
accordingly thorrow owt the kyngdoms. The protector 
sendes treasor to Sollavetzca monestarie, standinge upon 
the sea side, near the confiens bothe of the Danes and Swe- 
thians, one the north coast. His intent is to have it ther 
readie to be transported into England, holdinge it the shurest 
' refuge ' and safFest receptacall, in case of necessitie he 
should be inforced therunto ; yt is all his own treasur, 
uothinge aperteyninge to the crowne, and of infinite value, 
if it be Englandes happines to have the custodie therof. 
But he is yet waveringe, as desirous to enter into leage and 
alliance with Denmarcke, to back him with their frendship 
and power. He and his cannot kepe nor contrive this 
purpose so secreat but that som hath bewraied it, and the 
aunctient nobillitie grow suspicious of me ; and they and the 
bishops ar so jelious of his inward favour that they shew not 
that famillier and favourable countenance they wear wont to 


doe towardes me. Therfore I speed my bussynes with as 
much seleritie as I can ; and havinge disp?etched and com- 
past as much and more then is required of me or expected at 
my handes by the comissions and instructions geaven me, 
as well from the Counsall as the Company of merchants 
tradinge into those countries, at tyme apointed I receave the 
Emperowrs letters, honnorable dispatch and leave. ^ 

A gentilman, one Alphonasse Savora, with 70 carts or 
tilegos, was apointed me to conduct and convey such car- 
riages I had from the Musco with 40 post horss, besides my 
own geldings, for me and my company, to Vollogdar, 500 
miells by land. Rich presents from the Emperowr, especially 
from Boris Fedorowich, to the Quen, wear delivered me ; 
with his large comissions for providinge many costly thinges 
and doinge some secreat messages. He sent me a verie curi- 
ous rare robe or garment of cloth of silver, wraught and 
made in Percia without seam, valewed at much more then I 
estemed it ; a faire pavillian or tent imbrodered ; wraught 
handkerchives, shertts and towells ; with beaten gold and 
silver brought unto me by Simon Chamodanove his near 
kyndsman, from and in the name of Maria Feodoravna ; a 
tymber of excelent good sabells ; store of verie choiz haukes 
of all sorts, and men to convey and carie them to the sea- 
side. At my takinge leave ' I entreated' two favours for my 
farwell, which wear graunted, the fredom and release of all 
the Lieilanders, men, weomen, widdowes and children, with 
their famillies, sent in displeasur to Neez Novogorode, 500 
miells, in a desert place remote from the cittie of Musco, 
whose case and misserie was verie lamentable, as by many 
of their letters and peticions dothe apeare. A rolle and 
cathologe of all their names wear taken. Michall Consove 
was presently sent by comission, and the Emperors letters to 
the viovod for their deliverie. Their harts rejoisinge for 
this their redempcion, letters, tears and praiers, of thanckes 

^ [Horsey set out on his return to England in the sunimer of 1587.] 


geavinge wear sent after me, J'eat extant and worth tlie read- 
ing. The other was the release and fredom of a noLlemans 
sonn of Gelderland, Heer Sacharius Glisenberght, chieff 
livtennant of all the Emperors horss, streinger souldiers, 
whoe died ther, and this his sonn and heir of x. years of 
age could not be redemed by mediation and letters both 
from the staets and king of Denmarcke. He was delivered into 
my handes and sent to his mother, Margareta de Feoglers, by 
a servant of myne, Hans Frees. Giells Hoffman and Anttony 
van Zelman,that wear inguaged, sent me a thowsand reekes 
dallers [rix-dollars], and well roAvarded my man. 

I departed the cittie of Musco verie honnorablie atended ; 
went easie journyes and pitched my tents ; dinner and 
supper, provicion of all things prepared upon the waye. At 
Vollogda, Knez Michaell Dolgaruca, the viavode, came to 
me well atended, to wfelcome me with the Emperors good- 
nes. Prepared two great barckes or dosniches with pillotts 
and 50 men to rowe me down the river Dwina, a thowsand 
miells. My gentilman atendant, with one of my servants, 
to see he did not bribe nor misuse the countrie, still pass- 
inge before me in a light boate, to make provicion of meat, 
drincke and men, at everie town I came at, till I arived at 
the monestarie and castell Archangell, where the duke Knez 
Michaell Izvenagoroclscoie^ m^ett me at the castell gate with 
300 gonners ; shott of their calivers and all the ordinance he 
had in the castell for honnor of my waelcom ; all the Dutch 
and French ships in that roade shott of also their ordinance 
by the dukes apointment before I came. He feasted me the 
next dale, brought me to my barge ; had apointed 50 men 
to rowe, and 100 gonners in small boates to gard me to Kose 
Island ; did me all the honnor he could in his golden coate ; 
told me he was comanded by the Kinges letters so to doe ; 
toke leave and preied me to signifie his service to Boris 

^ [According to Hamel, Prince Vassily Auclreievitsch Svenigorodsky. 
See p. 239.] 


Fedorowich ; came with me few liowcrs to Rose Hand, 
beinge but 30 miells, wher all the English masters, agent and 
merchants, mett me. The gonners landed before me, stode 
in ranches and shott of all their calivers ; which the ships 
heeringe shott of also som of their ordinance. The gonners 
and bargmen made drincke at the sellor dore and dispatched 
that night backe again to the castell. The next daye friers 
of St. Nicholas brought me a present, frgesh salmons, rye 
loaves, cupps and painted pleetters. The thirde daye after my 
arivall, ther was sent a gentilman, Sablock Savora, a captain, 
from the duke ; delivered me a copie of his comission of the 
Emperors and Boris Eedorwich their grace and goodnes 
towards me ; presented for my provicion seaventie live shepe, 
twenty live oxen and bullockes, 600 henns, fortie flroches of 
bakon, two milch keyne, two goats, tenn fra:sh sallmons, 
fortie gallons of aqua-vita, one houndred gallons of mead, 
two houndred gallons of beer, a thowsand loaves of white 
bread, thre score bu shells of meall, two thousand eggs, 
garlicke and onnyons store. Ther was fewer great lighters, 
and many watermen and other that came with this provicion, 
which wear all orderly dismist, and I contented a littell to 
repose myself and peruse the Quens most gracious letter 
' wherwith she did me that honnor,' the lordes of her Majes- 
ties most Honorable Privie Counsaill, their generall and 
particulers letters, the Companyes generall letters, and other 
my good frendes ther remembrances ; which remaine extant 
to this daye to my comfortt, and for my posteritie to read 
after me. I toke some tyme to make merrie with the mas- 
ters and merchants, havinge some pastymes that followed 
me, plaiers, danzinge bares, and pieps and dromes and trom- 
petts ; feasted them and devided my provicion in liberall 
proporcion. In the mean, I sent a discreet servant, Sameiten, 
post up to the court to Borris Fedorowich, with my letters of 
humbly than ekes for all these favours, and to other lordes 
and high officers ; from whome I receaved most gracious 


letters and new presents againe by Mr. Francis Cherrie, a 
wholle peece of cloth of gold for to wear in a garment, for 
Boris Fedorwich. his sake, with a fare timber of sabells to 
lyne yt withall. These letters are worth the shewinge and 
reading, bothe for manner and phraze, to whom yt shall 
pleas to have a sight therof. 

After all this, beinge wsell fitted and ready, I and my 
company wear shipped in a taulle ship, named the Ccntu- 
rian, the next daye after St. Barthellmew, and I, with them, 
arived in saffetie that daye five weekes at Tynmouthe^ in 
Northumberland ; posted up with fower men to Yorcke and 
so to London, in fower dayes ; came to the court at Rich- 

By my lord Treasurers and Mr. Secreataries means, which 
was then Sir Francis Walsingham, I was brought to the 
Quen ; had audience, delivered the Emperors letters and his 
free privaleges graunted unto her Majesties subjects as a 
token and present of his brotherly love unto her hightnes, 
with golden spread eagell sealls at them. After an accounte 
of my imploiments geaven (which yt pleased her Majesty 
verie exactly to inquier with good wordes and gracious 
countenance), her hightnes commended my good usage and 
enterteynment to Mr. Secreatarie Walsingham, and so dis- 
mist me for that tyme. Som waeke after, the letters and 
privaleges beinge translated and read to the Quen, she said, 
— '' Inded, my lordes, this is a princlie present from the 
Emperor of Muscovia, and such as the merchants do not 
deserve ;" — against whome she was much incenst by the 
complaints of Sir J. Bowes, by reason of the shuts [suits] 
and differences betwen them ; — " but I hope they will give 
better usage and recompence to this my servant, Jerom 
Horsey, and I praie you see it be so," — speakinge to my 
lord Treasurer and Mr. Secrsetarie. Made me kneell by 
her ; perused the lyminge and carectors of the privaledge, 
^ [He landed at Tynemouth on the 30th of September 1587.] 


havinge some affinitie with the Grfeke ; asked if such and 
such letters and asseveracions had not this signification ; 
saied she, — " I couhl quiclvlie lern it." — Preyed my lord of 
Essex to lern the famoust and most copius language in the 
world ; after which comendacion his honor did much affect 
and delight it, if he might ateyn therunto without paiens- 
takinge and spendinge more time then he had to spare. 

The shipps wear wtell arived at London ; had my presents 
and necessaries all ready. I made means for a new audi- 
ence ; at Grenwich I was called for. I had twell servants 
and atendants wa3ll atired carrienge my presents, which her 
Majesty would have brought up a backe way against ray 
will, conducted by Mr. Henry Sackfield ; came into a with- 
drawinge chamber wher her Majesty sate, acompanied with 
the errell of Essex, the lord treasurer. Sir Christopher Hat- 
ton, Sir Francis Walsingham, Sir Thomas Heanedge, Sir 
Walter Rawly and other, the lady Marques {sic), the lady 
Warwicke, and other ladies. I delivered my letters from the 
prince Boris Fcdorowich, with his stiell, 'love' and most hum- 
ble salutacions of service, and to make knowen unto her 
hightnes that, above all the princis and potentats of the 
Avorld, he most desiered to adore and serve her most empe- 
riall and sacred Majesty. " If this prince be so illusterus in 
wordes, what will his letters declare ? Praye open them ; let 
them be read, Mr. Secrstarie." — Who said, " It requiers 
some time, and please your Majesty, to translate : I will 
trust^ him with^ them that brought them." — Then her Majesty 
asked for the presents. They wear atendinge in the gallery. 
Comanded som to forbare and withdraw, fearinge belike 
some would be bagginge. I delivered to her hightnes, she 
towchinge everie parcell with her hand, first fower peces of 
Percia cloth of gold, and two whole peces of cloth of silver, 
of curious worckes ; a large rich cloth of state of white 
arras, the representacion of the sun shining in his full splen- 
^ [These ■words should be transposed.] 


dancie ; gold and sillver beams interwraught with most 
orient coullers ; silkes, silver and gold, the threed sliked flat, 
to illustrat the bewty therof ; a faire larg Turcky carpett ; 
fower black verie rich timbers of sabells ; six white well 
growen spotted luzerance ; two shubs or gowns of white 
armmcns. The Quen did eaven sweat by takinge paines to 
handell the canapie cloth of gold, especially the rich sabells 
and furs ; comanded Mrs. Skidmor and Mrs. HatclifF, both 
of her Majestys bead-chamber, and Mr. John Stanhope, to 
help them to laye these things into her Majestys closett. 
Two white garrfaidkens, a last of girckens and a last of sloght 
faulcons and two gashaukes, she loked upon owt of the win- 
dowes ; comanded my lord of Comberland and Sir Henry 
Lee to take charge and give good acount of them. Her 
Majesty held up her 'hand and saied, this was a rare and a 
royall present indeed : gave me thanckes and dismist me. 

I preyed Mr. Vizchamberlain to be a means that the arti- 
cens of London might be called for to make estimate of the 
furrs ; the mercers of the cloth of gold, my lord of Cumber- 
land and Sir Henry Lee to value the worth of the hawkes. 
The letters wear translated and the privaleges. Sir Rowland 
Heyward, tSir George Barn, Sir John Hartt, and Mr. Cus- 
tomer Smyth, and some other grav aldermen and merchants, 
wear to receav their privaleges, with a sharp and yet a gra- 
cious admonicion, by whome I was much made of and frendly 
enterteyned. Among whom I perceaved ftection, and such 
underhand dealings that privatt resj)ects and commoclits was 
more preferred and sought for then the generall good ; so 
that their disagreinge and eyll handlinge of their trade both 
at home and abroade, did not produce much less preserve 
the fredom and benifitt of so great and gracious a privaledge. 

I was wearie with the holy water of the courts, as my 
honored good frend. Sir Francis Walsinghame, termed good 
words and aplaudinge commendacions : was willinge to retire 
myself to a more saifer privatt and quieter liff then I had spent 


this seaventen years past, still in daingerous passages, fearfull 
actions and turbulent trowblsom state of livinge ; expend- 
inge wliat I gate and much more then a frugall wise man 
remembringe futur tymes would have don : desirous now 
to settell and gather my pore estate together, and my stocke 
and adventurs and. proffits therof owt of the Companyes 
handes. Yt pleased her Majesty and her counsaill to comand 
my service yet farther in a mor difficult and daingerous 
imploiment then ever I have been exposed hertofore, in 
regard only of the languages and experience those seaventen 
years had taught me, which my lord treasurer and Mr. 
secraetarie Walsingham desired to have sett down, to heer 
and perceave the pronunciacion and differenc each had with 
the other ; some exactly and familliarly ateyned unto, other 
som, by conversinge with the ambassodors, nobelmen and 
merchants, but in part, as Pcrcian, Grecian, Pollish and the 
Garman, viz., 
Sclava. — 

Pollish. — BoziadavashininsCoopoviamalascovamoiapaiia. 

Garman. — Dcr hemmell ys hoth (sec) und de erde doep 
averst der h°. 

Percia. — Solium alica. Barracalla. Shonam cardash. alica 
so' [solium ?] . 

Liconia. — Cusha casha keil sop sull yu umaluma dobrofta. 

A smake there is in other things, but small purpose. 

At a tyme it pleased the Quen to fall into some serius talk of 
Borris Fcdorowich the prince protector, of his greatnes and 
goverment, and of the Emporis and his ladie wiff : ques- 
tioned many things, and wished she had som of their statliest 
atyer, which cost my purs more then I made benifett of, and 
what drifft of incoursgmcnt by wayc of som good poUacie 


might be used for that princ to continew his purpose, 
sithence he was so well perswaded and affect to trust her 
realms with the safftie of his treasur, etc.^ To the which I 
aunswered and wished all secreacie might be used, for that 
som other privacies coraitted to my charge had ben so 
whispered owt, not of my self, as not longe after it came to 
the prince and Emporis ears, wherat grew no small jeloucie 
and displeasur ; as divers messingers wear prepared, as 
Beckman at one tyme. Crow and Garland at another, to 
com and lern not only how the same was taken, whoe and 
what the report was, which made diversly ; so as great dis- 
pleasur came therof, and brought exceadinge great disaster 
both to myself and other greater personages, not fitt almost 
to be spoken of much less published. God forgive Sir 
Jerom Bowes for one. — "Wsell!" sales the Quen, — ''wee 
will have the trueth better examined and knowen." — " Noe, 
for the passion of God ! if your Majesty expect any good 
success by my farther imploiment, let it not be farther spoken 
of nor sturd in." Now Fredericke, king of Denmarcke, had 
made a great imbargment and stey of the English mer- 
chants ships and goods within his Sound at Copmanhagen, 
for fals entering in his custom house of their clothes and 
merchandizes, wherby all was confiscated to his mercie. 
They shued unto the Quen for letters of redress ; and so did 
the Esteren merchants also to the Kinge of Polland for re- 
medie of divers dolliances and wrongs, susteyned by theni 
from his subjects. Mr. Secreatarie wishinge my advance- 
ment and good, I beinge apointed to take Cullen [Cologne] 
in my waye, wher the diett was to be now kept, and to 
accompany Sir Oracio Pallavecine^ and Monzer de Frezen,^ 
the French kings ambassodor into Garmanie, thought these 

^ To [too] late. — Marginal note hy Horsey, 

^ [Sir Orazio Pal]avicino,a Genoese Protestant settled in England, and a 
most zealous agent of Queen Elizabeth in raising and remitting to Germany 
and the Low Countries funds for the support of the Protestant cause.] 

^ [Philippe de Canaye, Sieur de Fresne, a French Protestant emplo_yed 


bussines might be performed all in one waye to tlie Emperor 
of Moscovia. I prepared accordingly, and was ready in 
good fashion ; fortie shillings a daye alowed me ; receaved 
my letters and pattents comendatory for passinge so many 
kingdoms and countries, with my comissions and instruc- 
tions of all sorts. The Quen gave me a littell glass of 
holsom balsom, part of that Sir Francis Drake had geaven 
to be verie precious and soveraine against poyson and hurts. 
Her Hightnes gave me also, for divers Muscovia hand- 
kerchers, cushen cloths, towells, etc., wraught curiously in 
gold, silver and Percia silks, all of good worth, her Majes- 
tys pictur cutt in a fair blew saphire, which she wished 
me to wear in remenbrance of her grace. Kissinge her 
handes I toke my leave.' 

One of her Majestyes ships was apointed for Sir Oratio 
Pallavesin and the French ambassdor ; and another, named 
the Charells, for me and my company. Came to Lynn ; the 
counsall was advertised from thenc that was a daingerous 
haven for the Quens ships to com into. Then wear we 
apointed to take shippinge at Yarmouth : toke Cambridge 
at the desier of the Frrench ambassodor one our waye, much 
against Sir Aracio [Oracio] his will, wher he and wee wear 
verie accademicallie enterteyned ; passed to Norwich and to 
Yarmouth, wher beinge somtyme wind bound, the towns- 
men and gentilmen near therabouts used our company with 
good humanitie. Some dislike ther was betwen these two 
ambassodors ; I sought a reconcilliacion ; the one over- 
haughtie, the other takes advantage by pollacie ; I fear me 
wilbe some obstacle to the effectinge of the affares they goe 
bothe aboute. Tynie serves for our imbarqinge, they to 
their charge and I to myne ; wear bothe indaingercd of 

by Henry IV in political commissions in England and Germany. He 
was associated with Jean de la Fin, Seigneur de Beauvoir la Node, in a 
mission to England in 1589.] 

' [Horsey set out on this his last mission to Russia in April 1589.] 


castinge awaie by storm upon the Empden coast to Stoad, 
wher at last wee did arive. The Quens ships kuowen by 
their ordinance and insignes, wee wear well received, bothe 
of the towns men and English merchants, each of us well 
placed and acomodated with wynes, fresh vittualls and ora- 
tions for our wa^lcom. Sir Oratio and the Fra^nch ambas- 
sodor hardly escapinge the malcontents, a troupe of thcni 
laienge waiett for them near a nunrye by Bucktohow, and 
valued their ransomcs. They towards the duche of Saxony 
and other the emperiall princes, the Quens best allies, and I 
towards Coullen. When I came to Hamborough I caused 
my man, John Frees, to prefix early in the morninge upon 
the town-howse dore an edict, both in Fatten and Duch, a 
prohibicion from the Quens Majesty of England to that and 
all other Hans and mariten towns to transportt thorrow the 
Narowe seas into Spaigne any vittualls, corn, municion, pow- 
der, cabells, or any other tackle and provicion for shippinge, 
upon payne of confiscacion, and then I hied me awaye to- 
wards Lubecke, x. miells of, where I delivered the like to 
the burger-meister, who hufft therat, saienge they would pass 
with their shippinge in spight of the Quen of Englands 
jjower.' From thence to Liepswicke and so to Coullen, wher 
the diett was apointed to be held ; where, by reason of the 
inequallitie of the Emperiall princes metinge, it held not. 
The bishop of Triers sicke, the bishop of Mentz, the Pals- 
grave, Saxony, and Dukes of Brandingbourgh failinge, and 
other princes wan tinge, I sent an express messinger, Mr. 
Parvis, accordinge to my comission, to advertice the Quen 
and Counsalle the Diett was ajournyed for three years to 
Reginesburghe ; wherupon Sir Edward Dier, her Majesties 
ambassodor apointed, was steyed. And yet, to behold the 
rest of the princes, cardinalls, ambassodors, and the traines, 
pcopell and provicion, ther asembled, was worth the sight. 
Sir Oracio Pallavecin, her Majesties ambassodor, and 
^ But they paid for it. — Marginal Note. 


INIouseur de Frezen for the kinge of Navarc/ wear now a 
uegociatinge and solicitinge the dukes of Saxony, Branding- 
burge and som other the emperiall prmces, for eight thow- 
sand Swessers to ayed the Frajnch kinge and sett that crown 
one his head, now in combustian with his subjects. They 
would take noe noatice of the Fra^nch king nor of his ambas- 
sodor ; but for the love and honnor they bore to the Majesty 
of England, and upon her word of assurance and paye, they 
would provide and furnish the kinge of Navar with eight 
thowsand aunctient souldiers, wherof fewer thowsand wear 
prepared and sent away within fowerten dales, through the 
industry and creditt of Sir Aracio Pallavecin takinge up 
upon bills of exchainge at Frsenckford, Staad and Ham- 
borow, 80 thowsand pounds sterlinge, by the means of Giells 
Hoffman (whose daughter he married thcr), Antonio Ansel- 
man, and other great merchants in those parts ; the which 
was paid in press for settinge forth of those Sweessers. Let- 
ters came from the French kinge to his ambassodor to tell 
the emperiall princis that would not trust him he held him- 
self most beholdinge unto his lovinge sister the Majesty of 
England, The fowcr thowsand Swessors wear at hand, and 
seaven thowsand volluntarie souldiers more sent him by the 
Qaen of England under the conduct of a noble chiefftane,^ 
with which, and the infinite nombers his frendes and allies 
that did daily adhere unto his ayed and armye, he should be 
able not only to conquer peace over his enymies at home, 
but also readie to ssecke the walls of Rome or longe be. He 
should lose the press-mony, and dismiss the other fewer 
thowsand Swessers. Wtell ! I must leave these affaires to 
them that have charge of them, and return to my tedious 
journies and journalls. 

Came back to Wiemer and Rostocke in Maeckelborugh, 
and so crost over to Elsenenore and Copmanhagen ; wher, 
by means of Ramelious, the Duch chancelor, I was brought 

^ [Henry IV of France.] ^ Lord Willowby. — Marc/inal note. 


to Fredericke,' kinge of Denmarke, Delivered the Quens 
letters and speech unto the kinge : he saluted me.^ I laied 
my hand one his anckell. Asked how the Quen his lovinge 
sister did. " Her Majesty was waell in haelth at my depar- 
ture, wishinge the like unto his highness." Dismist and 
conducted to mylodginge atFredericke Liell's howse. Frittz 
van Ward, one of the Masters of Request, or Kings referen- 
daries, was sent to me from the kinge to know if I had any 
more to saye then was conteyned in the Quens letters. I 
told him " Yea, if it pleased his Majesty to admytt the audi- 
ence therof." Ther was a gallant gentilman, one 'Sir' 
Andrew Keith, the kinge of Scotts his ambassodor, waell 
atended, that became aquainted with me, lodged at the next 
howse, of whome I was in some jeolacie at first; shewed me 
kindnes ; told me my answer was resolved upon alredy ; that 
the kinge was moved against the Quen for not geavinge her 
consent so frely as it was expected for the match betwen the 
kinge and his daughter. I was sent for, gave his Majesty 
the best stiell and titell I could devise to please him. — " Our 
sister, the ISIajesty of England, requiers at our hands to 
great a loss. Wee ar possest of oO thowsand pownds 
forffitur to our crown by the tra^charie and falshode of her 
subjects, whoe have not only upon our princlie trust de- 
ceaved us in our customs of many more thowsands forgeaven 
them hertofore, for the love and true corespondencie wee 
ever held towards her Majesty, but also therby they have 
incouraged other nacions to do the like, to our excedinge 
great indempnitie. Not only bee her admirall and treasurer 
wearie, and insult upon our willingnes and desier of the con- 
tinewance of our aunctient treatie and amitie, [but they] have 
of late seised upon divers shipps and goods belonginge to our 
subjects for passinge only in trafficque thorow the narowe seas; 

^ [Frederick II, King of Denmark, died in April 1588, a year before 
Horsey's present mission : yet his successor. Christian IV, was at this 
time a child of twelve years of age.] 

^ In no staet. — Marginal note. 


and [they] can receave noe reason nor restitucion therof. For 
the other pomtC;, yearly paye of 100 rose nobles, yt is but 
acknowledgement of our right, an homage ever due and pai- 
able by her Majesties aunchesters unto our predicessors, 
lords and kings of Norwaye, and of all the said occean seas 
ajacent, so laetly confirmed and ratiffied by the deliberatt 
contemplacion and comission of her Majestys ambassodor 
Harberd;, the Avhich wee purpose to injoie and not to forgoe. 
These are the points and terms wge stand upon for aunswer 
unto the Majesty our lovinge sister her letters. You see tyme 
is spent and will not permitt replie. If you desier it I will 
apoint commissioners to receave the same, but I hold them 
unanswerable." — Yt was past twelve aclock.— " I will not 
press your princlie pacience for a present replie, since it 
standes with your Majesties pleasur^ though to a great dis- 
advantage, to apointe commissaries to receave the same. I 
only pray youre Majestys letters for aunswer to her hight- 
nes." — He made a slight conjur [cojige], and so turnd 
awaie ; and my dinner called me home with noe great apetite 
or stomacke to digest som words. 

The next dale I was sent for. The Duch chancelor, two 
masters of request and a secreatorie, wear ready to receave 
me in a large chamber, fairlye hanged, as semed to me, with 
arrace. I was atended only with a gentilman, my servants 
and fewer or five merchants, whoe gave me instructions. 
" My lordes, since yt is his Majestys pleasur not to heer 
me, yet, seinge I am adressed to treat of matter and not to 
stand upon cerimonye, his Majestys verball answer to those 
two points conteyned within her Majestys letters, as I re- 
member, ar these ;" — which my memorie served puntuallie 
to recite. — "A third, by waye of inferrence, wherin yt pleased 
his wisdome to use much art of elocucion, I maye not replie 
unto but by waye of discourse with your lordships : for the 
trueth incerted in her Majestys letters doth sufficiently 


maintcyne and serve both for aunswer and replie. The 
merchants faults, which is termed trajchorie and falshode, 
I maie not defend. If it be so, they ar here readie to aun- 
swer and aprove their allegacions, that it is noe other then 
ever hath ben used, knowen and tollerated by his Majestys 
customors since this coacted tex hath ben imposed upon them. 
Their entry for their number and sorts of cloaths weare just ; 
only the wrappers of everie pa3cke excepted ; however, now, 
upon misprision or som displeasiour conceaved, questioned. 
If other nacions have offended, they might presume upon so 
firm amitie and league professed, subjects to so mightie a 
prince as dothe retribute the like to farr noe worss then they, 
not questioned at all the stey of their ships and of noe other 
nacions. Their charge and loss of their mart and hinder- 
ance in trafficque, which is free to all other, ys not only an 
unevitable loss, but more then sufficient punished if they 
had offended : the necessitie wherof maye inforce their 
inocencic to som other course of rcmedie. But that the Quens 
majesty requiers in their behalfe is but the common justice 
Avhich his Majesty affordeth to all other withowt shute. To the 
other pointe, I am comanded to lett you know her Majestys 
late ambassodor, Mr. Harberd [Herbert], had noe comission 
to asente to any such exaction or yearly payment of 100 rose 
nobles by her Majestys subjects tradinge into the norther en 
ocean seas ; neither can any such due or right be acknow- 
ledged, never paid by her Majestys aunchestors to his high- 
nes predicessors : noe reccord, historic nor cronacle, doth 
make mencion of any such thinge. If her Majestys subjects, 
[be] imploied in fishinge or trade in any of his Majestys towns, 
Norbergrav, Trondem, or Wardhowse, upon those coasts, 
they paye their usuall customs as other nacions doe, from 
whom noe such tcxacion is required, much less any homage;^ 
which term I fear wilbe distasted, and therfore resolutly 
not be expected nor inforced. Conserninge stey of shipps 
^ This word was prest to be misundcrstode. — Marginal note in MS. 


and goocTs of his Majestys^ subjects by the lord treasurer and 
lord admirall of England, yt is noe dependant of the other 
occasions ; but in discourse, as I said to you, my lordes, be it 
spoken, the royall Majesty of England ys and ever hath ben 
verie curious and careful! not to suffer any such cause of 
offence to be geaven to the Majesty of Denmarcke. His 
highnes maibe misincenced. Those ships so steyed, though 
cominge owt of his Sound, ar Esterlings of Lubeck, Statten, 
Danzicke, Quinsborrowgh, remote from the territoris of Den- 
marcke, loden with municion, powder, cabells, and vittualls, 
to serve her Majestys comon enymie, forbidden to pass her 
highnes narow seas ; as his Majesty wovdd noe doupt of [have], 
as in like case hath, prohibited her Majestys subjects and 
other nacions to transportt or pass thorow the Sound and 
Baltique seas to his comon enymie the kinge of Sweden ; 
they two ever beinge in hostillitie, as England and Scott- 
land ; though perhaps couUerd by som of his subjects for 
som privatt comoditie, by reason of the so firm league and 
amitie betwen bothe. Lett it be, otherwise, truly proved, 
either by their charters, pollices or bills of ladinge, and noe 
doupt but justice and restoracion wilbe made accordinglie. 
O ! lett not the aprehencion of these sugestions from those 
fier-brandes sever and parte the auuctient league and trea- 
tice betwen these two great monarchies, or cause to be called 
in memorie the unkinde inter upcion of her Majestys sub- 
jects passinge the ocean seas, the Majesty of England 
kuowen to be the only proprietor therof as well as of 
the narow seas. Great Britans revenews ; the buffetinge 
and misusinge of her Majestys subjects by your admi- 
rall, Johan AVolf, tradinge for fish and oyell upon those 
northeren coasts, takinge by violence their vittualls, saells, 
cabells, anckers, exposing them to death and the mercies of 
the seas, for he shewed noen ; they rest unsatisfied to this 
day : the intizinge awaye her Majestys servants and ship- 
' [King of Denmark.] 


Wrights to fashion your navie after the same moulds : the 
carienge awaie owt of her Majestys kingdome much ordi- 
nance, both brass and yron, peces and other municion, in the 
tyme of your greatest warrs with the Swethian. How often 
and many tymes the strenght of her Hightnes merchants 
navie have ben instigated, not only to pass the esteren seas 
without acknowledgment, but also to compas, thorow the 
Norwaye and Finland seas, to trade and trafhcque into Swe- 
thia, Stockhollm, Narve, Riga, E,evell, Danzicke, Quins- 
borow, and all other the mariten towns of trade, leavinge 
the passage thorrow the Sounde, which now they ar in- 
forced to do for peace, precident and amitie sake, against 
the like and wills of such other princes as affect neither, 
rather pleased with the effucion of blonde yt maye be upon 
such light occasions of small moment precticed to be spillt ; 
the which I doupt not but you, such principall lordes of state, 
will in your grave and great wisdoms seeke to prevent." — 
They began to replie. I praied them to pardon my weari- 
nes for want of repose ; and so was atended by som gentil- 
men to my lodginge. The kinge sent to know whether I 
had comission to conclud and determen of any thinge. " Noe, 
I was to propound, intimat and observe her Majestys let- 
ters ; the contents graunted and aunswered was all I atended 
for." — " Sofft, sir, ther goes two wordes to such a bargaine." 
— I dined with the Kinge, but could not drincke so wroll, 
only her Majestys, his Highnes, and the Quen Sophias, 
their healths, etc. 

I receaved his Majestys letters, a chaine of gold, worth 
some 40 li., saluted, and so dismist. Came againe to Lubeck; 
dispatched ther my letters and noats on what was done, and 
sent them by a worthy merchant, Mr. Daniell Bond. Yt 
seems this treatice wraught some good effect. The merchants 
that offered composicion di(J now refuse ; procured Mr. 
Doctor Pserkens^ to com with the Quens letters ; had quicke 
^ [Dr. Christopher Perkins appears to have had the queen's commis- 


dispatcli and release of the merchants ships and goods, not 
without som good charge ; but to me for my paines littell or 
none. Yet I must goe forward to such or like other bussy- 
nes. When I came to Danzicke, 500 miells from Lubcck, 
the deputie and assistants of the English merchants, Mr. 
Barcker, etc., understandinge of my arivall, invited my waye 
by Melvin, wher they had their recidencie, towardes the 
kinges court of Polland. Ther was I to receave their in- 
structions. Therfore I went by Torn and thorow Podolia, 
a fruetfull regioil, and so to Warsovia, wher the kinge 
Sigiusmundus was, and wher the said deputie, Mr. Barker, 
and his company mett me, verie well prejDared to enter 
into such another labourenth, though somwhat more dif- 
feringe and difficult. The great chauncelor Zamoietzcoie 
was tenn miells of the court, at his own towne, built 
and called after his own name ; to whome I would first 
have had access, beinge the priem viavod, lieftcnnaut-gen- 
nerall and statzman of that kingdom. But, least then I 
should be noated by other lordes and officers of state and 
prejudice my negociacion, I adrest myself to the principall 
secrsetarie and under chauncelor, whoe procured a tyme for 
my access and deliverie of my letters to the kinge. But 
stey was made of any proceadings till the great chauncelor 
came to the court ; to whome I mad means to have access, 
but could not. Pann Ivan Cleabawich, Pallentine of Cowen, 
a great favorett of his, was of my aquaintance ; to whose 
allies and frends, captives somtymes to the old Emperowr 
Ivan Vazilewich, I had done som favours unto. He medi- 
ated som countenance from the chauncelor towards me : re- 
ceaved me with honnor, but with som noate of dislike that I 
did not atend his pleasur. 

sion to ti'eat with the king of Denmark in the year 1590. See a series 
of papers relating to negotiations for settling the mutual claims of 
English and Danish merchants, at this period, in the Cottoniau MSS. 
Nero B. iii and iv.] 

246 TKAVELs or 

Two comissioners wear apointed, the secrretarie Stanuis- 
lave and referendarius Obroskie to conferr witli me aboute 
the Quens Majestys complamte, on the behalf of her mer- 
chants tradinge those countries, whoe had trusted the mar- 
chants and subjects of that crown and kingdom with cloth 
and other merchandizes, to the valew of fewer score thow- 
sand pounds sterlinge, and became insolvent, alteringe their 
dwellings and purchacinge with these monyes, howses and 
landgoods upon which they did inhabite, having gotten and 
procured the kings letter of protection for their exempcions 
from justice, to the excedinge great prejudice and undoinge 
of many her said Majestys merchants. They told me it was 
a new complainte, which they had not haerd of; therfore 
thought it was not so currant true as the Quens Majesty of 
England was informed. Here did the merchants atend, 
readie to aprove and atest the same before their lordships, 
with a cathologe of their names, and their bills of dept, which 
did shewe how longe they had forborn the same. — "So it may 
be, and yet much therof paid and discharged : this requiers 
som larger tyme of examinacion. They ought to be heerd 
also." — Both myself and many of the said merchants did 
atend his Majestys aunswer, remedy and pleasur therin. — 
" His Majesty and the rest of the lords should be forthwith 
made aquainted with the cause, and you accordingly shall 
heer farther with what expedicion maibc." — I made my 
good frend, the Pallentine, the means againe to pray the 
great chauncelor his favour and furtherance from my dis- 
patch, whose frowninge and slightinge semed to be overpast; 
sent somtymes congratularie messages and presents to me, 
and called for me before himself and other lordes of the 
counsalle ; whoe told me the kings Majesty marveled much 
the Quen of England would write such peremptarie letters 
to so a hight a Majesty in the behalf of a sortt of pessants 
that might complaine without just case. — " And please your 
excelencic, Avith the rest of your lordships, the Quens hight 


Majesty of England writes unto the Majesty of Polland in 
tlie same stiell and manner as her Highness doth to all other 
cmperiall kings, her lovinge allies and frendes, placinge and 
cstcminge his brotherly amitie and grcatnes in the fore 
ranck of many other ; and noe exception can justly be taken 
for trueth and matter conteyned in her hightnes letters, 
complaints, upon due inquirie and examinacion, made unto 
her Majesty by her hightnes woorthy subjects and ryall 
raarchants, rccconcd in her Majestys esteme farr above the 
rancke of pessants, whoe requier in all humble manner but 
iustice, which his emperiall seat aforcleth all men." — " Prove 
your assercions, and justice shal be minestered accordingly : 
but know this, I praie you, your Quen cannot lymett 
nor lett his Majestys princlie pleasur and prcheminenc 
royall to grant his kingly protections to whom and to such 
subjects as his royall wisdom shall thinke worthy of." — 
" Farr be yt from the meaninge of that straine, noble sirs, 
or restrainte ; all that is required is but your waye to jus- 
tice of this kyndom for recoverie of her Majestys subjects 
goodes and wselth, gotten into the handes of such as have 
perhaps abusively procured such protections, and therby do 
deteyn the same. The pollacie and providence of this state 
is so wsell knowen to the world to maintein trade and com- 
mers with all nacions by their wsell usage, as wa^U to trans- 
portt such superfluous comodities as originally groweth 
within these kingdoms, and to importt such forren como- 
dities as the necessitie thereof requiers, wherby the crown 
customs ar advanced, noblemens revenewes imploid to the 
best advantage, merchants and all other sorts of articens 
turns served, which maketh this comonwpelth and people to 
live in such florishing estate above many other forren na- 
cions. All which I must leave to your lordships better 
knowledge and wisdoms, and crave pardon for any thinge 
you conceave amiss." — Wee parted with som more famillier 
countenance then wee mett ; and the next mornin2;e the 


chauiicelor sent to know how I had rested, and preyed me 
to send him, by one of the marchants, the cathologe of the 
creditors names, their bills of dept and dwellinge-places. 
Which I did, and, by one of my own servants, a faire and 
curious cutt worke handckercheve, a paire of perfumed 
gloves, and a chaine of ambergraece ; which the chauncelor 
receaved thanckfuUy, with good reward to the messinger. 
In the mean wee made merrie with hoep, went abrade and 
saw many monnements and recreacions, expectinge the good 
daie that the chauncelor and the same lordes sent for me; told 
me the kinges Majesty had graunted the [Queen's] Majesty s 
request, and desired to live in amitie with her, and her mer- 
chants should be waell enterteyned and receave noe wronge. 
Ther wear twelve proclaniacions imprinted, which should 
presently be sent forthe, published and proclamed by an 
herauld, in Melvin, Dauzick, Koningsburgh, and such 
other great towns of traficque and places wher the merchants 
should advise, to this effect ; — " That all such his subjects, 
merchants or other, that wear indepted for any goods, 
merchandizes, monys or contract, unto any of the English 
merchants tradinge into his kingdoms, should presently repar 
unto them and make satisfection, jjayment or agrement, with 
them and either of them, within the space of thre monneths 
after the date herof, upon his Majestys high displeasur, 
salle and confiscacion of all their livelehode, landcs, goodes, 
howses and chattells whatsoever, notwithstandinge any pro- 
tection, privaledg, or letter whatsoever to the contrarie. Dated 
at our emperiall town of Warsovia, this last of July, the 
second year of our reyngne, anno Domini 15S9, stilo veteri" 
I dined with the kinge ; had few wordes of him ; his Ma- 
jestys letters and pattents ; kist his highnes hand and dis- 
mist. I was feasted by the lord hight chamberleyne Pann 
Lucas Obrovscoic, his only favorett. I dispatch the mer- 
chants with my letters unto Mr. Secreatarie Walsingham, of 
all what had past. They presented me som good reward, 


and promised tlieir company should farther recompence me ; 
Mr. John Harberd/ before me, could not prevalle. 

I was willinge to see Quen Ann, Kinge Sigimsmondus the 
third his daughter, Kinge Stephanus Batur his late widow 
and wifF. Lett me, after our bussynes done, a littell degress, 
though to a matter of small pertinencie. I putt one one of 
my mens livories, passed to her pallace ; before the windowes 
wherof wear placed potts and ranches of great carnacions, 
gelly-flowers, province rosses, swett lillics, and other sweett 
herbs and strainge flowers, geavinge most fragrent swett 
smells. Came into the chamber she satt and supped in ; 
stood emonge the rest of many other gentilmen. Her Ma- 
jesty sate under a white silke canapie, upon a great Turckye 
carpett, in a chaire of estate, a hard favored Quen : her 
mayeds of honnor and ladies atendants at supper in the same 
room, a great travcrs drawen betwen ; saw her service and 
behaviour and atendance. At last one spied me that had 
taken noatice of me before : told the lord steward standinge 
by her chaire ; he castinge his eye upon me, made other to 
behold me. I shiifted backe ; he told the Quen. — " Call him 
hether, though not in state." Saieth the old lord, — " Will you 
any thinge with her Majesty?" — " Noe, sir, I came but to see 
her Majestys princly state and presents [presence], for which I 
crave pardon if it be offence." — " Her Majesty will ' have' 
speach with you." I was discovered by my curious ruffes. The 
ladies hasted from their tabell, came about the Quen. The 
Quen, after I had done my obeisance, asked if I wear the 
gentilman of England that had lately ncgociatcd with the 
kinge ; and by her interpreter would know the Quens name. 
— " Elizaveta is to blessed a name for such a scurge of the 
catholicqtie church ; her sisters name was Maria, a blessed 
saint in heaven." — I desired to speake without her inter- 

^ [John Herbert had been sent on a mission to Pohuid in the year 
1583. See a s^es of papers relating to his proceedings there in that 
and the following years, in the Cottonian MS,, Galba D. xiii.] 


preter,wlio did not well. — "Praie doe." — "Queue Elizabeths 
name is most renouned and better accounted of by tlie best 
and most pouisent greatest emperiall kings and princes of 
this world ; the defendris of the true and aunctient catho- 
licke church and faith, so reverenced and stilled, as her due, 
both by foes and frendes." — " Na ! na ! sir, if she be soe, 
Avhie dothe she so cruelly putt to death so many holly catho- 
likes, Storie, Campion, and other godly marters." — " They 
wear traitors to God and her crown, precticed her subver- 
cion and men of her kyngdom." — " Yea ! but how could 
she spill the bloud of the Lordes anointed, a Qaen more 
magnificent then herself, without the triall, jugement and 
consent of her peers, the holly father the pope, and all the 
Christian princes of Europia." — " Her subjects and parlia- 
ment thought it so requiset, without her royall consent, for 
her more saffety and quiett of her realme daily endaingered." 
— She shoke her head with dislike of my aunswer. Her Ma- 
jestys gostly father Possavine, the great Jesuite, came in; toke 
displeasur at my presenc ; one whose skirts I had sate before 
in the cittie of Musco, when he was nunciat ther and re- 
jected. Her Majesty called for a glas of Hungers wine with 
two slices of chea' bread upon it. Willed the lord steward 
to give it me ; which I refused till her highness had taken it 
into her own handes to give it me ; and so dismist. I was 
glade when I came home to putt of my livorie ; but my 
hostis, a conily gentilweoman wsell knowen to the Quen, was 
presently sent for. Her Majesty was desirous to see the 
perrell chayn I ware a Sounday, when I toke my leave of 
the kinge ; the rather because a bold Jew, the kinges chiefF 
customer, toke it in his hand, and told the kinge, as the 
Quen said, that they wear counterfeite perrell, fish eys dried; 
and to know how my ruffes wear starched, handsomly made 
with silver wyer and starched in England. My chaine was 
returned, and noe honnor lost by the Quens sight therof. 
Yt is tyme to leave troublinge of you for readinge any more 
unless more serious. 


The eaveninge I parted from Warsovia I past over a river 
upon the side wherof laye a crocadille serpent dead, which 
my men brake with bore spears. I was suddenly so poisned 
Avith the stench therof, as I Avas forced to lye many daies sicke 
in the next villag ; wher I found such Christian favour for 
my atendance and help from divers that came to visset me, 
beinge a strainger, as I miraculously rccoverd. When I 
came to Villna, the chieff cittie in Littuania, I presented 
myself and letters pattents from the Quen, that declared my 
titells and what I was unto the great duke viovode Ragaville 
[Radzivil], a prince of great excelencie, prowes and power, 
and religious protestant. Gave me great respect and good en- 
terteynment ; told me, though I had nothiuge to say to him 
from the Quen of England, yet, he did so much honnor and 
admire her excelent vertus and graces, he would also hold 
me in the reputacion of her Majesties ambassador; which was 
som pollacie that his subjects should thincke I was to nego- 
ciate with him. Toke me with him to his church ; heard 
devine service, sphalms, songs, a sermon and the sacreements 
ministred accordiuge to the reformed churches ; wherat his 
brother, cardinall llagavill, did murmour. His hightnes did 
invite me to diner, honnored with 50 halberdeers thorow 
the cittie ; placed gonnors and his guard of 500 gentilmeh 
to bringe me to his pallace ; himself, acompanied with many 
yonge noblemen, receaved me upon the tarras ; brought me 
into a very larg room wher organes and singing was, a longe 
tabell sett with pallentins, lordes and ladies, himself under 
a cloth of estate. I was placed before him in the middest 
of the table ; trompetts sound and kettell droms roared. The 
first service brought in, ghesters and poets discourse merily, 
lowed instruments and safFt plaied very musically ; a sett of 
dwarffes men and weomen finely atired came in with sweet 
harmony, still and mournfull pieps and songs of art ; Davids 
tymbrils and Arons swett soundinge bells, as the termed 
them. The varietie made the tyme plcasinge and short. 


His hightnes drancke for the Majesty the angelicall Quen of 
England her health ; illustrated her greatnes and graces. 
The great princes and ladyes every one their glass of sweet 
wynes plfeged, and I did the like for his health. Strainge 
portraturs, lyons, unicorns, spread-eagels, swans and other, 
made of suger past, som wines and spicats in their bellies 
to draw at, and succets of all sorts cutt owt of their bellies 
to tast of; every one with his sylver forcke. To tell of all 
the order and particuler services and rarieties wear tedious ; 
well-feasted, honnored, and much made of. I was conducted 
to my lodginge in manner as I was brought. Had my 
letters pattents, and a gcntilman to conduct me thorow his 
countrye ; with which I toke my leave. Some pastymes 
with lyons, bulls, and bares, straing to behold, I omytt to 

As I passed thorow Littuania, I received good entertey- 
ment, and came to Smolcnska, a great town of trade and the 
first bordered town in Russia. My old aquaintance and 
next neightbor in Musco, Knez Ivan Gollichen, now vio- 
vode and chieff governor there, loked sadd and somwhat 
streinge upon me. He, the Emperowr and prince protec- 
tor, having heard of my cominge, beinge and enterteyment 
with Sigismondus king of Polland and the great prince of 
Littuania, would make my wajlcom worss then I did expect ; 
suffered me to pass, but sent word and nev/s before me of 
my cominge, so that I was mett som tenn miells from the 
Musco by a sinaboarscoic, whoe brought and placed me in 
the bishops howse of Susdall, wher I was narrowly loked 
unto, not usuall, because I should have noe conferrence with 
the kinge of PoUandes ambassador, whoe came with an un- 
plesinge earant, to demaund retitution of a great part of 
those southeren countries somtymes belonginge to the crown 
of Polland, and caried himself verie peremptarie : his nego- 
ciacion goes onward and myne at a stey. Som of my aunc- 
tent frendes sende me sccreat messages, by pore wcomen. 


there was sai alteracioiij I should loke waell to myself. I 
was sent for; delivered the Quens letters to the Emperor : he 
delivers them to Andrew Shalkan, chiefF officer of ambas- 
sages, noe frend of myne for Sir Jerom Bowes sake. The 
Emperower began to crie, silly prince, crossinge himself, 
saienge he never gave me canse of oiFence : somthinge trow- 
bled him. I was hasted owt of his sight. The prince pro- 
tector was not ther, nor could I hier from him untill one 
eavninge, passinge by my lodginge, he sent a gentilman to 
will me to com a horss-backe unto him under the inside of 
the Musco walls in a privat place. Comanded all apart ; 
kissed me, as the raaner is ; told me he could not, for divers 
great causes, shew himself towards me so frendly and favor- 
ablie as he had done ' with tears.' I told him I was the more 
sorrie, my conscience bore me witncs I had given him noe 
cause of offence, but had ben ever faithfull, honnest and true, 
to him. — " Then let those soulls suffer that ar the occasioners 
of thy disalter ana myne." — Spake som things not fitt to comitt 
to paper ; toke leave, and bydd me be assured he would not 
suffer a heare to fall from my head — a phrace. Yet many 
warnings I had from my good frendes, though many wear 
gone and made awaye in my absence : many articles laied to 
my charge : exception against the Quens letters, stiell and 
scale, not as in former tymes, by which the Emperower was 
slighted, the Emporis sclandered ; combynonacion with the 
king and prince of Polland ; carrienge great treasur owt of 
the kingdome. All which I aunswered both fully and 
pithely, so as they leaft farther questioninge, and beyond 
their wills was so devulged as I gained bothe love and like 
of many thcrby. My water to dress my meat withall was 
poisoned, my drincke and herbs and mush-millians sent 
poisoned, my lainedress hired to poison me, which she con- 
fessed, by whome, when and howe; still I had good intelli- 
gence. My cooke, my butler, died both of poyson. I had a 
servant, alordes sonne of Danzickc, ^Agacius Dusker,' burst 


owt with twenty blaines and boyells, and escaped narowly. 
Ther wear to many streinge ambassodors for jeolocie to stey 
me in Musco. Boris sends me word I should not fear. The 
Emperowr and counsall woukl have me remove for a whille 
to Yeraslave, 250 miells thence. Many other things past 
not worth the writinge ; soratymes chearfull messages som- 
tymes fearfull. God did miraculously preserve me. But, one 
nighte I comended my souil to God 'above other,' thinckinge 
verily the tyme of my end was com. One rapt at my gate 
at midnight. I was well furnished with pistolls and wea- 
pons. I and my servants, some 15, wxnt with these weapons 
to the gate. " O my good frend, Jerom, innobled, lett me 
speake with you." — I saw by moen shine the Emperis bro- 
ther, Alphonassy Nagoie, the late widow Emporis, mother to 
the yonge prince Demetrius, who wear placed but 25 miells 
thence at Ogletts. " The Charowich Demetries is dead ;^ his 
throate was cutt aboute the sixth hower by the deackes 
[cUacks] ; some one of his pagis confessed upon the racke by 
Boris his settinge one ; and the Emporis poysoned and upon 
pointe of death : her hear and naills and skin falls of; haelp 
and geave some good thinge for the passion of Christ ' his' 
sake." — "Alas ! I have nothinge worthe the sendinge." — I 
durst not open my gaets. I ran up, faetched a littell bottell 
of pure sallett oyell (that littel vial of balsom that the Quen 
gave me), and a box of Venice treacle. " Here is what I 
have ! I praie God it maye do her good." — Gave it over the 
wall ; who hied him post awaie. Imedialy the waetchmen in 
the streets raised the towne, and told how the prince Deme- 
trius was slaine. Som fower dales before, the suberdes of 
the Musco was sett one fier and twelve thowsand howses 
burnt. Boris his guard had the spoille, and fower or five 
souldiers suborned, desperatt fellowes hired to indure the 
racke, confessed, and so was published that the Chariwich 

^ [The assassination of the young prince Demetrius took j^lace in 
May 1591.] 


Demetrius, his mother the Emporis, and the Nagaies their 
famillie, had hiered them to kill the Emperowr and Boris 
Fedowich and sett the Musco one fier. This was so pub- 
lished to move the peoplls harts to hatred against the prince, 
his mother and famillie. But it was to gross a falshode, and 
abhorred of all men in generall ; as God did not longe after 
recompenc and revenge with as fearfull and palpable an ex- 
ample, to shew that he is just in all his doings, and turns the 
wicked devices and divlish praectices of men to open shame 
and confusion. The bishop of Crutetscoie was sent, acom- 
panied with 500 gonners and divers noblmen and gentilmen, 
to bury this prince Demetrius under the high aulter in St. 
Johns, I take it, in Ougletz. Littell did they thincke at that 
tyme that this Demetrius ghost should in so shortt a tyme 
be stirred up, to the dissolucion of Borris Fedowich and all 
his famillie. The sicke poysoned Emporis was presently to 
be shoren a nun, to save her sowll by sequestringe her lifF, 
made dead to the world : all her allies, brothers, unckells 
and frendes, officers and servants, disperst in displeasur to 
divers secreat denns, not to see light againe. 

Tyme coms I must awaye : som letters they saye shalbe 
sent after me, from the Emperor and Boris Fedorowich. 
Many odd ends, depts and furnitur I had, lieing desperatt, 
which I would be glad to have with me, and good soms of 
mony in Boris his handes. Writs his letters, yeat extant. 
He could not do as he Avould by me ; would worcke me 
grace and favour in as ample manner as ever it was ; but 
ther wear stomblinge blocks to be removed first. In the 
mean, if I wear impared of mony, he would send me owt of 
his own treasur. A pencioner was sent to atend me down 
Dwina, and so aboard the ships, wher I was as glad to be as 
Sir Jerom Bows was when he escaped thence ; and many 
noblemen wished me their service and in no wors case. 

I arived in England, thanckes be to God ! in health and 
saffe. Came to the Quen ; delivered my letters ; and found 


them a great deall more better and frendlier then expected 
for. The Company and I made even of all things ever past 
betwen us, by compramis of fewer woorthy personages. They 
paid me for my stocke and goods fonnd due in their hands 
1845 li. A generall release/ aimo 1589/' discharge and acquit- 
tanceSj past each other handes and sealls verie athenticall, by 
their governors. Sir George Barn and Sir John Hartt, who 
in the name of their fellowship presented me, for a finall 
and frindly partinge, a goodly guilt bowll with cover : all 
which, with their comissions and instructions, letters, pri- 
valeges and matters of great consec[uent that had past betwen 
us, ar extant ; and also the copies of the Quens letters, 
comissions and instructions, and the like for all forren nego- 
ciacions and imploiments that hath past from tyme to tyme, 
verie memorable, and worthe the sight and readinge ; some 
passages whcrof ar sett down longe since by Mr. Hackluctt 
in his booke of vioages f som by Mr. Camden ; and most by 
Doctor Flsetcher, more scolastically^ — the originall natur 
and disposicion of the Huss people, the lawes, languages, 
goverment, discipline for their church and comonM'ealth, 
reveynes, coniodities, climatt and sittuacion, wherof it most 
consists, and with whom they have most leag and comers 
— with all which I did furnish him — in a treatice of itself. 
For the other two treatacis I promised of Polland, Littuania, 
Livonia, Hungaria, Transsilvania, Garmania, the Higher 

^ [A marginal note by another hand ; but obviously inconsistent with 
previous dates.] 

^ [The words " som by Sir Robert Cotton" were originally inserted, 
but were subsequently erased. The work of Camden's referred to is 
doubtless his " History of Queen Elizabeth," where he gives occasional 
notices of negotiations between the English and Russian courts. We 
are unable to confirm Horsey 's statement that he furnished Dr, Fletcher 
with the materials for his " Russe Commonwealth." Dr. Hamel, in his 
"England and Russia," p. 225, states that he had met with the original 
notes designed by Horsey for Fletcher's use. We suspect, however, that 
the present " Narrative" is the work he intends to designate, as he 
quotes frequently from it, but from no other MS. of Horsey's.] 

^ By reason of some inferencis owt of other histories. 

SIR jp:rome horsey. 25T 

Cantons and the Lower, the seaventine United Provinces, 
Denmarck, Norway and Swethia, accordinge to my collec- 
tions, knowledg and instructions, I have also severally dis- 
coursed of, to the end it maie apear to my frendcs I have 
spent my tyme with great desier of inquirie to ateyne to per- 
fection and knowledg, and readie to gear an account to 
them, in love, of any thinge they shall farther requier. 

And yet I may not leave this storle so bereafed of som 
more discourse that necessarily dependcthe to the former, 
though perpetrated and done after my tyme ; the conse- 
quence beinge so verie materiall, to thend Godes most just 
jugments maibe also made knowen to follow those fowll 
and wicked demearitts, which the innocent bloud spilt in 
that smotheringe tyme of tiranie did call for, from his most 
almightie power; whose exampells never faileth, to the com- 
fort of his ellect ; the just punishments of such as for want 
of grace do give themselves over to a reprobate sence, to 
follow the divells intisments and their own wicked wills and 
ambicious desiers. For the veritie and truth therof I would 
not have the reader to doupt. 

You have hajrd, and but som parte neither, of the cruell, 
barberous and tirannicall reign of the Emperowr Ivan 
Vasillewich ; how he lived, what infinet inocent bloud he 
spilt, and what horable sinnes did not he comitt and delight 
in ; what his end and his eldest ^onnes was, and how he 
leaft a sillie sonn, the true proverbe of Sallomon, of more 
then weake capacitie, to govern so great a monarchie, by 
which the effucion of so much mor bloud also followed ; he 
made awaye, and his third sonn, ten years of age, a sharp- 
witted and hopeful prince, his throat cutt ; and the race of 
that bloudly generacion, continewinge above 300 years, cutt 
of and now utterly rooted owt, extinguished and end in 
bloud. Come now to the usurper, called in their language 
^ c» ^A CHjf*. g^-y^ ^.^ r Q Burris Fedorowich God- 
(^mXt^^mCTv^jMm^ aonove. I praie loke a 


littell backe and remenber how I leaft him. I received 
letters from my aunchient and verie woorthy frendes, 
and other good advertisments thence, extant to shewe, and 
have since had conferrence vs^ith two severalle ambassodors 
and a frier of good intilligence, how the state of that kingdom 
and goverment stode, Boris and his famillie, as you have 
hajrd, agrowinge mighty and verie powerfull, snpressinge 
and opressinge by digres, and makinge awaye, most of the 
chieffe and aunchient nobillitie, whome he had wonderfully 
dispencedj long tormented with all impunitie, to make him- 
self redouptable and fearfully removes also now the Empe- 
rowr himself, Feodor Ivanowiche, and his sister the Em- 
powris into a monestarie, tho himself was Emperor in effect 
before ; causethe the patriarcke, metrapoUetts, bishops and 
friers, and other the new upspringe nobillitie, his officers, 
merchants, and all other his own creaturs, to peticion unto 
him to take the crown upon him. Their fear and tyme 
apointed, he was sollenij^ly inagrated and crowned, and 
stilled, from a gcntilman, with open acclamation, Borris 
Fedorowich, Emperowr and great duke of Volledemeria, 
Musquo and of all Russia, kinge of Casan, kinge of Astra- 
can, king of Seberia, and the rest described. He is of comly 
person, wtell favored, affable, easy and apt to eyll counsaill, 
but daingerous in thend to the geaver ; of good capacitie, 
about 45 years of age, affected much to negramoncie, not 
lerned, but of sudden aprehencion, and a naturall good 
orator to deliver his mynde with an audiable voice ; suttell, 
verie precipitate, revengfull, not geaven much to luxurie, 
temperatt of diett, heroicall in owtward shew ; gave great 
enterteynment to forren ambassodors, sent riche presents to 
forren princes. The more to illustrate and sett forth his 
fame, desired, above all other kings and princes, amitie and 
firm leage with the Emperowr of Almania, and the kinge of 
Denmarcke; the Sithian Cham, the kinge of Polland and the 
kinge of Swethia his enimies, and to them did adheer all 


those that did not love him, which became his ruen. He 
continewed the same kinde and coarse of goverment he 
hfeld before, only made shew to geave more generall aplaud, 
securitie and libertie, to his subjects. Still fearinge his own 
continewance and safFetie, desired to match his daughter, for 
more streinght, with the kinge of Denmarcks third sonn, 
Harticque Hans ; condicions and terms and all agreed 
upon, contract, aparrell, state and tyme apointed for 
solempnicinge the mariage ; a valurous, wise and hopefull 
yonge prince, by whome and by whose allies and means the 
Emperowr thought to worcke woonders. But God upon a 
sudden sicknes toke awaye his liefF; died in the Musco. 
The marriage, his hoep and purpose, all prevented. Not 
longe after, he was put to extream exigents by the Crim, the 
Poll and the Sweden, all invadinge and warringe upon each 
their borders and confines. 

But, to omytt many other strainge passages and pra2cticcs 
betwen him, his nobillitie and peopl, and to come nearer to his 
dismall tyme and strainge catastraphie that befsell him, his 
partakers and all his designcs, you have formerly ha?rd of one 
Bodan Beelscoie, the great favorett and minion to that great 
Emperowr Ivan Vazillewich, with whom he served this Eni- 
perower his trusty turn and tyme, in makinge way to that was 
aymed at. Noen so famillier nor inward, noen so powerfull nor 
better able to achive or bringe to pass the subverscion of his 
greatest enimies, the nobillitie and others that favored him 
not. But he was rewarded with such a recompence as 
comonly followeth such trsecherous instruments. This Em- 
peror himself, his sister the Emperis, and all their famillie 
and frcnds, stode in fear of his suttell worckinge will ; found 
means and many fained occasions to be ridd of his presenc ; 
placed him and his confederats farr of and saffe enough, as 
they thought, in clispleasur to worcke or pra^ctice any more 
mischieff in that state. Yet the infinite treasur and mass 
of monyes which he had gotton and conveyed awaye in the 


tyme of his greatnes, and fear of continewance, served him 
in such good stead for his purpose of revenge, now escaped, 
joininge with many other discontented nobles and men of 
might, not only to suplie but also to stirr up the kinge of 
PoUand and greatest pallentines and princes of power in 
Littuania, Whoe, with but a mean army, assured of all suf- 
ficient power upon their arivall in Russia, gave owt that they 
had brought the pleasinge tidings unto them for their re- 
dempcion, the right and true heir to the crown and king- 
dom, Demetrius Emperor, Ivan Vazillewich his slaine sonn 
by the pra^ctice of this usurped Emperowr Borris Fedoro- 
wich ; whoe miraculously, by the devine will of God and 
marcie of his distressed people, was preserved alive and 
present in this army aproachinge the cittie of Musquo, for 
their comfortt and delivorie. Borris Emperowr prepares, as 
tyme would permitt, amies, with all his trustiest frendes and 
nobles ; had men, municion, artillerie and all other provi- 
cion aboundantly, but wanted courage and harts to fight, 
which killed his hart ; nothinge availled against the tyme 
that was com. The prince pallintine that had the leadinge 
of the army, Demetrius newly revived, and many other of 
name, besiges and blockes up the Musco round ; noe hoep 
of escapinge. The Emperowr Boris Fedorowich, the Em- 
poris his wiff", sonn and daughter, toke all their pocions and 
poison, laied their heads all together lienge upon one flower; 
three of them burst and presently died ; and the sonn, lan- 
guishinge, was, by som of the greatest of that famillie, to 
prove, pacific and settell the myndes of the distracted peo- 
ple, proclaymed Ivan Borrissowich, Emperowr of all Rus- 
sia, etc., but seen after departed this liff". Then the people 
longed the more for this innovacion and to see their slaine 
Demetrius. The gaetts of the Musquo wear made open ; 
Demetrius with his army enters. 

The cittie possest, he placed in the pallace and inner castell, 
all prelatts and people come and swear obedieiice ; proclaimed 


and crowned Emperowr and great duke of all Russia, beinge 
but an apostur [impostor] and counterfeit, sonn to a priest that 
carried aqua rAta to sell about the country. The people mur- 
nieringe at this chainge, and mightely discontented for the 
boldnes and incurscion of the Poolls, havinge now masterie 
of the cittie, proclamacion was made to stopp and stey the 
peoples outrages, tongs and furies. Which to pacefie, the 
pallentine, chieiF viovode, he that had countenance and grace 
of leadinge this Pollish army and bringinge in this counter- 
feit Demetrius, was inforced, for his saffetie and hold there, 
to marrye his daughter to this Emperowr Demetrius, and 
so she became Emporis. The Polls, a haughty nacion and a 
verie insultinge people upon advantage, began so to dome- 
neer over the Russ nobillitie and to interupt their religion, 
pervert their justice, bcgann to tirranies, opress, ranzicke 
and make havocke of the treasurs, rootts owt Borris his 
fiEction and posterite, puts many of them to shamfull deathes 
and ransoms, and carries themselves as conquerors ; so that 
the Puss nobillitie, metrapolletts, bishops, friers, and all sorts 
of people, much repininge and murmeringe at this new 
kynde of goverment and alteracion, take oportunitie and 
head to vanquish and supress the Polls insolencics, putt aside 
their faection, a houndred souldiers for one ; so that thcr 
became a wounderfull confused estate betwen them. The 
kinge and princis of Polland, alwaies enymies to the Mus- 
covetts, takes nowe oportunitie of that advantage : prepares 
an army to kepe possession of this crown and country. In 
the meane, the Puss setts upon this counterfett Emperor 
Demetrius one day, kylls his guard, takes him from his 
wieffs bead, the Emporis ; drags him owt upon the tarras. 
The gonnors and souldiers thrust their knives in him, haeckes, 
hews and mangells his head, leggs and body, caries it into 
the marckett-place, shews it for three dales space about the 
cittie, the people flockinge and cursinge him and the trai- 
tors that brought him ; dispatches this pallatine and his 


daughter the Emporis and the Pollish souldiers with more 
humanitie then they deserved ; procead to the ellection and 
nominatinge of a new Emperower of their own tribe. Two 
wear spoken of, Knez Ivan Fedorowich Misthisloscoye and 
Knez Vazilley Suskoie : they both made in this turbulant 
tyme very timorous to take it ; betwen the Poll and them 
frsections, and fa3ctions among themselves ; all owt of jointe, 
not lickly to be reduced a longe tyme to any good form of 
peaceable goverment. Yet a crown and kingdom did most 
tempt the more willinger therunto, which was Knez Vazillye 
Petrowich Suscoie, a valliant and most generus prince, third 
brother to that noble duke Knez Ivan Suscoie, made awaye 
and smothered, as you have haercl. This duke was crowned 
and inaugorated with generall aplaud and great solempnitic, 
after their aunchient manner and custom ; named Knez 
Vazilly Petrowich, Emperor and great duke of all Kussia, 
with the rest of all his stiell and titells. He and his people 
betakes to arm, not only to free their thraldoms but also to 
expelle the Pollanders and prcjDare against a new invacion 

This new Emperor, Knez Vazilly, was summoned as a 
vassall by a harauld at arms to yeld obedience to the crown 
of Polland, whoe had now gotton and stielled as a con- 
quered adicion the monarchic and great dukdome of all 
Kussia, and would not so soon nor slightly leave it, and had 
many Demetrius in store to mainteyn the same titell ; noe 
reasons, capittulacions nor fare defencive aunswers, should 
prevaille. The Pollander striekes the yron whiclls it was 
hott ; had gotton good foatinge and interest emonge the tired 
nobles and wearied people of Russia, whoe were now mar- 
velously waell pleased and contented with their Emperor 
Knez Vazilly and his kingly goverment, praisinge God for 
the continewance of the same. But God denyes their desiers, 
hath yet a farther plague and scourge at hand for this per- 
fidious and unhallowed gcnoracion. The Poll comes with 

SIR JEROME horsey! 2G3 

his couragius and now flteshcd aiinye, assaults the fainte- 
harted armyes and townes of the Muscovetts ; many cap- 
taines and gallant soldiers ar slaine one bothe sides. The 
Polls have the victorie and conquest and poscssion of the 
Musquo againe, many put to the sword. The Emperower 
Knez Vazillie taken prisoner, and divers nobles caried with 
him captives; kept straight and strongly in the castell of Vilna, 
the capitall citie of Littuania. The [theyj now begine to insult 
and tiranies more over the Russ then before ; seasses of their 
goods, mony, trcasur and wrelth ; many conveyes great 
buties and treasur into Polland and Littuania. But those 
hidden by the old Empcrowr Ivan Vazilewich, and Empe- 
rowr Borris Fedorowich, in such unknowcn secreat places 
noe doupt of remains yet much undiscovered, by reason the 
parties trusted and imploied therin wear alwaies made awayc. 
The Buss submytts and becoms vassalls, and acknowledges 
the kinge of Polland their Emperowr and lord, and desier 
by a very athenticall instrument and sollemn manner, re- 
mayninge for ever in reccord of their crown, his sonn to com 
and be crowned their Emperowr and kinge, and to live 
amonge them in the famous cittie of Musquo. Which the 
king would ' not ' heerckon unto nor trust them with the 
person of his sonn ; neither would their nobles, beinge vol- 
luntarie lordes, do that crown that Vv^ronge to disposess it 
of so hoepfull a succession, nor the enymie so much honnor, 
but to geave them by their precidents from tymc to tyme 
such lawes and ruells as jnaye subdue and govern at their 
wills, untill a farther settled resolucion should be deter- 
mined of. They putt on pacience, and indured with much 
hart burningc untill they found a remeadie for their more 
fredom. The inrodes and invacions of the Tartor Crim 
troubled the Poll much ; but the insurections and incurcions 
of the Lugavoic, Nagoie and Mordevite, Tartors and Cher- 
casscs, and their princes and rullers, beinge good and hardie 
souldiers, all horssmen, as subjects longe settled in the obci- 


dienc of the Russ Emperowrs and best used of all other 
nacions by them, beinge now oprest and streightned of their 
wonted good usage, hated the Pooll and his usurped gover- 
ment, stode the Kuss and themselves now in most oportun 
stead. They toke head and arms in great nombers, besett 
the Polls, and so indaingored their safFeties, robbinge, spoil- 
linge and killinge so many of them, as they wear forced to 
hastten and pack them with their treasur and buties with 
as much expedicion as they could. They freed the countrie 
of them. 

The nobillitie Icaft, the clargie and all sortts of people, toke 
good courage and hart again ; begane to fi'am a scttlead estate 
and goverment amonge themselves ; discharged the Pol- 
landers and other straingers and disclaimed their subjection, 
not without some good causions and conditions neither. 
Though loseninge the bitt, yet left som hold of the reyns 
upon their bordered towns and territories of aunchient be- 
longinge to the crown of Polland. Their last Emperowr, 
Knez Vazilly Suscoye, much lamented, cannot be ranzomed, 
kept still in a misserable prisson. They bethink them of 
another Emperowr ; so great a people and monarchie can- 
not subsist withoute a head and great governor. You have 
heard in the begininge of Borris Fedorowich his protector- 
ship, loth to have any competitor greater then himself, the 
Emperowers unckell, Mekita Komanowich, was bewiched, 
his tonge and speach, and after his liff taken awaye, upon 
magicquc or eill imaginacion, or by bothe. His eldest sonn, 
Feodore Micketich, of a valiant and hopeful prince Avas 
shoren a frier and made a yonge bishop of Postove, and now 
they saye patriarck of Musco ; who had a sonn before he 
was exposed to that monnestarie llfF. This his sonn is now 
placed and crowned Michall Fedorowich, Emperower and 
great duke of all Pussia, in the succession of his aunches- 
tors, with the gen er all ajjlaud, like and consent, of all estates 
of the kingdom. God send him longe to reigne with much 


more saffetie, happines, peace and better success, then his 
predicessors hath done. For he cometh upon great disad- 
vantage, of all other, for want of treasvir, all being confis- 
cated, and other roiall means to uphold and maintcyne his 
crown and goverment ; and yet goes on, and makes it as 
feacable, with as much da^xteritie as the grave advice of his 
holly fathers great experience and tyme will permitt. Whose 
pleasur was, owt of his love, in his yong years, to have me 
make, in the Sclavonian carrector, in Latten wordes and 
phraises, a kynde of grammer, wherin he toke great delight : 
and as I hier saye, which I cannot omytt to repeat so woorthy 
a part and reportt, the famous company of English mar- 
chants that trade those countries hath offered him, the said 
Emperowr, of late, the lone of a houndred thowsand 
powndes, towardes the suplie of his Majestys great occa- 
sions ; a remenbrance of their thanckfullnes verie comend- 
able for the love and favour his aunchestors hath alwaies 
shewed towardes them. 

How the estate of things since and now standes in those 
countries I must referr you to the relacion of Sir Thomas 
Smyth,^ some tyme imploied ther, and especially to Sir John 
Merricke^ his knowledge, a man of great imploiment and 
long experience in those partes. Some imbassages hathe 
interpassed of late years more abusivly then comodious, only 
to serve jJi'ivate endes, as the common reportt goes. 

Thus, fearinge I have wearied your pacicnce with the 
tediousnes of these collections, though much more might be 
said and amplified, have forboren to incert and add som prop- 
per inferrences for explanacion of such names, parcnthices 

^ [See " Sir Thomas Smithes Voyage and Entertainment in Russia," 
etc.; 4to., London, 1605.] 

^ [Sir John Meyrick was principal agent of the Russia Company at 
Moscow in 1596, and during many years following. He was employed 
in missions to and from the Russian Court ; was knighted by James I, 
and was sent by him as embassador to Russia in 1615, to mediate a peace 
between Russia and Sweden. See Hamel, p. 374, ef seq.] 



and t[erms], as you have not ben used to read, especially 
in so scribled a hand ; leavinge it to your more matur deli- 
beracion to conceave, not without admiracion, in regard no 
historic makes mencion of the like, of the strainge passages 
which God, in his devine pleasur, doth permite for the sins 
of the world to be perpetrated in the inequitie and influence 
of wicked mans so shortt a tyme. 

Since chainginge another course, I have lived for above 
thirtie years space in that fruetfull region of Bucking [ham] - 
shire, servinge in all comissions with my best endevours and 
painestakinge to discharge the dutie of an honnest justice of 
peace, hight shirrifl" of the same ; wherin I have found much 
favour and love, both from judges and justices and gentilmen, 
and of all other sorts; geavinge the magistrates but their due, 
[who] govern religiously with great humanitie, 'good discre- 
cion, and jugmcnt;'^ through Gods blissinge the influence 
and extraordinarie paynes-takinge and preachinge of the 
Gospell thorow the wholl countrie, by most woorthy, lerned, 
godly, and holly devines, planted and placed amonge them. 
God prosper them ; and longe maye it so continewe ! 

Havinge also served above thirtie years continuance in 
parliament, the experience of this wicked world, both at 
home and abroad, makes me now the more willinge to live 
in a better. In the mean I must be contented, as an old 
shipp that hath done good service, to be laied up in the dock 
unriged ; and to saye truly that all the knowen nacions and 
kingdoms of the world ar not comparable for happines to 
this thrice blissed nacion, and angellicall kingdom of Cannan, 
our England. And so I take leave of all other experienc 
and knowledge in this liff", and hold of this true adagium. 
Si Christum (sic) sis, nihill est si cetera non sis. 

^ [Originally " without corupcion, indued with many morrall virtues 
and civil] condicions ;" but these words have been erased.] 



No. I. 

IFrom Hakluyt's " Princii^al Navigations, Voyages, etc., of the English 
Nation ;" ed. London, 1809-1812, vol. i, p. 525.] 


When the old Emperour, Ivan Vasiliwicli, died (beino' about The death 
the eighteenth of AprilP 1584, after our comjDutation), in the j^^^.'^'r*^^?; 
citie of Mosco, having raigned 54 yeeres, there was some ^^■ 
tumult and uprore among some of the nobilitie and comi- 
naltie, which, notwithstanding, was quickly pacified. Imme- 
diately, the same night, the Prince Boris Pheodorowich 
Godonova, Knez Ivan Pheodorowich Mesthisslafsky, Knez l. Boris 

•iCMi HIT 1 • -rt • adopted as 

Ivan Petrowich Susky, Mekita Romanowich, and Bodan *•!« ^mpe- 

•' ■' rors third 

Jacoulewich Belskoy, being all noble men, and chiefest in ®°°'^'^' 
the Emperor's will (especially the Lord Boris, whom he 
adopted as his third sonne, and was brother to the Empresse, 
who was a man very wel liked of al estates, as no lesse 
worthy for his valure and wisedome), all these were appointed 
to dispose and settle his sonne Pheodor Ivanowich, having 
one sworne another, and all the nobilitie and officers who- 
soever. In the morning the dead Emperor was layd into the 
church of Michael the Archangel, into a hewen sepulchre, 
^ [An error for March.'] 


very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose ; and 
present proclamation was made — Emperor Pheodor Ivano- 
wich, of all Russia, &c. Throughout all the citie of Mosco 
was great watch and ward, with souldiers and gunners ; 
good orders established, and officers placed to subdue the 
tumulters and mainteine quietnes. To see what speede and 
policie was in this case used was a thing worth the behold- 
ing. This being done in Mosko, great men of birth and 
acconipt were also presently sent to the bordering townes, as 
Smolensko, Vobsco, Kasan, Novogorod, &c., with fresh gar- 
rison, and the old sent up. As upon the fourth of May a 
• parliament was held, wherein were assembled the metropo- 
litane, archbishops, bishops, priors, and chiefe clergie men, 
and all the nobility whatsoever ; where many matters were 
determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to a 
new reformation in the government : but especially the terme 
and time was agreed upon for the solempnizing of the new 
Emperor's coronation. 
The old In the mean time the Empresse, wife to the old Emperor, 

Einpresso ^ ^ 

anciher'^'^' was, witli licr chilcl, the Emperor's sonne, Chariewich De- 

senuo"""''' metric Ivanowich, of one yeres age or there abouts, sent 

^ " " with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, and that 

kindred, being five brothers, to a towne called Ouglets; which 

was given unto her and the young prince her sonne, with 

all the lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all 

sortes appointed, having allowance of apparell, Jewells, diet, 

horse, etc., in ample maner, belonging to the estate of a 

princesse. The time of mourning, after their use, being 

expired, called sorachyn, or fortie orderlie dayes, the day of 

The day of the solcmniziug of this coronation, with great preparations, 

Pheodor his 

coronatiou. "was come, bciug upou the tenth day of June, 1584, and that 
day, then Sunday, he being of the age of 25 yeres ; at which 
time Master Jerom Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed 
in a fit roome to see all the solemnitie. The Emperor com- 
ming out of his palace, there went before him the metropo- 


litan, archbishops, bishops, and chiefest monkcs and clergie 
men, with very rich copes and pricstes garments upon them, 
carrying pictures of our ladie, &c., with the Emperours 
angell, banners, censers, and many other such ceremonious 
things, singing all the way. The Emperour, with his nobi- 
litie, in order entred the church named Blaveshina or Bles- 
sednes, where prayers and service were used according to 
the maner of their church. That done, they went thence to 
the church called Michael the Arch9,ngell, and there also 
used the like pra3^ers and service ; and from thence to our 
Lady church, Prechista, being their cathedrall church. In 
the middest thereof was a chair of majestic placed, wherein 
his auncestors used to sit at such extraordinarie times. His 
robes were then changed, and most rich and unvaluable 
garments put on him. Being placed in this princely seate, 
his nobility standing round about him in their degres, his 
imperiall crowne was set vpon ■ his head by the metropoli- 
tane, his scepter, globe, in his right hand, his sword of jus- 
tice in his left, of great riches ; his six crownes also, by 
which he holdeth his kingdomes, were set before him ; and 
the Lord Borlsh Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand. 
Then the metropolitan read openly a booke of small volume, 
with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true justice, 
to injoy with tranquilitie the crowne of his auncestors, Avhich 
God had given him ; and used these words following ; 

" Through the will of the Almighty and without beginning 
God, which was before this world, whom we glorifie in the 
Trinitie, one onely God, the Father, the Sonne, and the 
Holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all every 
where, fulfiller of all things, by which will and working he 
both liveth and giveth life to man, that our only God which 
enspireth every one of us, his only children, with his word 
to discerne God through our Lord Jesus Christ and the holy 
quickning spirit of life, now in these perilous times establish 
us to keep the right scepter, and suffer us to raigne of our- 


selves, to the good profit of the land, to the subduing of tlie 
people, together with the enemies, and the maintenance of 
vertue." And so the metropolitan blessed and layd his 
crosse upon him. 

After this he was taken out of his chaire of majestic, hav- 
ing upon him an upper robe adorned with precious stones of 
all sorts, orient pearles of great quantitie, but alwayes aug- 
mented in riches. It was in waight two hundred pounds ; 
the traine and parts thereof borne up by six dukes. His 
chiefe imperiall crowne upon his head, very precious ; his 
stafFe imperiall in his right hand, of an unicornes home of 
three foot and a halfe in length, beset with rich stones, bought 
of merchants of Ausburge, by the old Emperor, in a?i?w 
1581, and cost him 7000 markes sterling. This jewel 
M[aster] Horsey kept sometimes before the Emperor had it. 
His scepter globe was caried before him by the Prince Boris 
Pheodorowich ; his rich cap, beset with rich stones and 
pearles, was caried before him by a duke ; his six crownes 
also were caried by Demetrius Ivanowich Godonova, the 
Emperors uncle, Mekita Romanowich, the Emperors uncle, 
Stephan Vasiliwich, Gregory Vasiliwich, Ivan Vasiliwich, 
brothers of the blood royal. Thus at last the Emperor came 
to the great church doore, and the people cried, " God save 
our Emperour Pheodor Ivanowich of al Russia !" His horse 
was there ready, most richly adorned with a covering of 
imbrodered pearle and precious stones, saddle and all furni- 
ture agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300,000 markes 

There was a bridge made of 150 fadome in length, three 
manor of waies, three foote above ground, and two fadome 
broad, for him to goe from one church to the other, with his 
princes and nobles, from the presse of the people, which 
were in number infinite, and some at that time pressed to 
death with the throng. As the Emperour returned out of 
the churches they were spred under foot with cloth of gold, 

APPENDIX 1. 273 

the porches of the churches with red velvet, the bridges 
with scarlet, and stammell cloth from one church to another. 
And as soone as the Emperor was passed by, the cloth of 
gold, velvet and scarlet, was cut, and taken of those that 
could come by it ; every man desirous to have a piece, to 
reserve it for a monument. Silver and gold coyne, then 
mynted of purpose, was cast among the people in great 
quantitie. The Lord Boris PheocloroAvich was sumptuously 
and richly attired, with his garments decked with great 
orient pearle, beset with al sortes of precious stones. In like 
rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonovaes 
in their degrees, with the rest of the princes and nobilitie ; 
whereof one named Knez Ivan Michalowich Glynsky, whose 
robe, horse and furniture, Avas in register found worth one 
hundred thousand markes sterling, being of great antiquitie. 
The Empresse, being in her pallace, was placed in her 
chaire of majesty, also before a great open window. Most 
precious and rich were her robes, and shining to behold, 
with rich stones and orient pearle beset ; her crowne was 
placed upon her head ; accompanied with her princesses and 
ladies of estate. Then cried out the people, " God preserve 
our noble Empresse Irenia !" 

After all this, the Emperour came into the parliament 
house, which was richly decked. There he was placed in 
his royall seat, adorned as before ; his six crownes were set 
before him, upon a table ; the basin and ewer royall of gold 
held by his knight of gard, with his men standing two on 
each side, in white apparell of cloth of silver, called kindry^ 
with scepters and battle-axes of gold in their hands. The 
princes and nobilitie were all placed according to their 
degrees, all in their rich roabs. 

The Emperour, after a short oration, permitted every man, 
in order, to kisse his hande ; which being done, he removed 
to a princely seate prepared for him at the table, where he 
was served by his laobles in very princely order. The three 


out roomes, being very great and large, were beset with 
plate of gold and silver round, from the ground up to the 
vauts, one vpon the other ; among which plate were many- 
barrels of silver and golde. This solemnitie and triumph 
lasted a whole weeke, wherein many royall pastimes were 
shewed and used. After which, the chiefest men of the nobi- 
litie were elected to their places of office and dignitie : as 
the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chiefe counseller 
to the Emperor, master of the horse, had the charge of his 
person, livetenant of the empire and warlike engines, gover- 
nor or livetenant of the empire of Cazan and Astracan and 
others. To this dignitie, were, by parliament and gift of the 
Emperor, given him many revenues and rich lands ; as there 
was given him and his, for ever to inherite, a province 
called Vaga, of 300 English miles in length, and 250 in 
bredth, with many townes and great villages, populous and 
wealthy. His yeerely revenue out of that province is 35 
thousand markes sterling, being not the fifth part of his 
yerely revenue. Further, he and his house be of such autho- 
ritie and power, that in 40 dayes warning they are able to 
bring into the fielde 100 thousand souldiers well furnished. 

The conclusion of the Emperors coronation was a peale of 
ordinance, called a peale royall, two miles without the citie, 
being 170 great pieces of brasse of all sorts, as faire as any 
can be made. These pieces were all discharged with shot 
against bulwarks made of purpose. Twenty thousand har- 
qubusers, standing in eight rankes two miles in length, appa- 
reled all in velvet, coloured silke and stammels, discharged 
their shot also twise over in good order. And so the 
Emperor, accompanied with all his princes and nobles, at 
the least 50 thousand horse, departed through the city to his 
pallace. This royall coronation would aske much time and 
many leaves of paper to be described particularly as it was 
performed. It shal suffice to understand that the like magni- 
ficence was never scene in Russia. 


The coronation and other triumphes ended, al the nobi- 
litie, officers and merchants, according to an accustomed 
order, every one in his place and degree, brought rich pre- 
sents unto the Emperor, wishing him long life and joy in 
his kingdome. 

The same time also Master Jcrom Horsey aforesaid, re- 
mayning as servant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent 
Majestic, was called for to the Emperor, as he sate in his 
iraperiall seat. And then also a famous merchant of Nether- 
land being newly come to Mosco (who gave him selfe out to 
be the King of Spaines subject) called John de Wale, was 'If'']'^^ 
in like sort called for. Some of the nobilitie would have 
preferred this subject of the Spaniard before Master Horsey, 
servant to the Queene of England ; wherunto Master Horsey 
would in no case agree, saying he would have his legges cut 
off by the knees before he would yeeld to such an indignitie 
offered to his soveraigne the Queenes Majesty of England, 
to bring the Emperor a present in course after the King of 
Spaines subject or any other whatsoever. The Emj)eror 
and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich, perceiving the contro- 
versie, sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Ivanowich Galavyn, 
and Vasili Shalkan, both of the counsell, to them ; who deli- 
vered the Emperor backe Master Horseys speech. Where- 
upon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted^ and 
presented the Emperor, in the behalfe of the English mer- 
chants trading thither, a present, wishing him joy and long 
to raigne in tranquilitie ; and so kissed the Emperors hand : 
he accepting the present with good liking, and avouching 
that, for his sisters sake, Queene Elizabeth of England, he 
would be a gracious Lord to her merchants, in as ample 
manor as ever his father had ben. And, being dismissed, 
he had the same day sent him seventy dishes of sundry kinds 
of meats, with three carts laden with al sorts of drinks very 
bountifully. After him was the foresayd subject of the 
Spanish King admitted with his present ; whom the Emperor 



willed to be no lesse faithfull and serviceable vnto liim then 
the Queene of Englands subjects were and had bene, and 
then the King of Spaines subjects should receive favour 

All these things thus in order performed, praises were 
sung in all the churches. The Emperor and Empresse very 
devoutly resorted on foote to many principal churches in the 
citie, and upon Trinitie Sunday betook themselves to a pro- 
gresse, in order of procession, to a famous monasterie called 
Sergius and the Trinitie,^ sixty miles distant from the citie of 
Mosco, accompanied with a huge army of noblemen, gentle- 
men and others, mounted upon goodly horses, with furni- 
ture accordingly. 

The Empresse of devotion toolce this journey on foot all the 
way, accompanied with her princesses and ladies, no small 
number. Her guard and gunners were in number 20,000; her 
chiefe counsellor or attendant was a noble man of the blood 
roial, her uncle of great authoritie, called Demetrie Ivano- 
wich Godonova. All this progresse ended, both the Emperor 
and Empresse returned to Mosco. Shortly after, the Em- 
peror, by the direction of the Prince Boris Pheodorowich, 
sent a power into the land of Siberia, where all the rich 
sables and furres are gotten. This power conquered in one 
yeere and a halfe 1000 miles. In the performance of this 
warre, there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the country, 
called Chare Sibersky, and with him many other dukes and 
noble men, which were brought to Mosko with a guard of 
souldiers and gunners ; who were received into the cittie in 
very honorable mancr, and do there remaine to this day. 

Hereupon the corrupt officers, judges, justices, captains 
and lieutenants, through the whole kingdom were removed, 
and more honest men substituted in their places, with ex- 
presse commandement, under severe punishment, to surcease 
their old bribing and extortion which they had used in the 

^ [The famous Troitskoi-Mouasterc] 


old Emperors time, and now to execute true justice without 
respect of persons : and to the end that this might be the 
better done, their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented. 
The great taskes, customes and duties, which were before 
layd upon the people in the old Emperors time, were now 
abated, and some wholly remitted, and no punishments 
commanded to be used without sufficient and due proofe, 
although the crime were capitall, deserving death. Many 
dukes and noblemen of great houses, that were under dis- 
pleasure and imprisoned twenty yceres by the old Emperor, 
were now set at libertie and restored to their lands ; all 
prisoners were set at libertie and their trespasses forgiven. 
In summe, a great alteration universally in the government 
folowed ; and yet all was done quietly, civilly, peaceably, 
without trouble to the prince or offence to the subject : 
and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom ; 
and all was accomplished by the wiseclome especially of 
Irenia the Empresse. 

These things being reported and caried to the eares of the 
kings and princes that were borderers upon Russia, they 
grew so fearefull and terrible to them, that the Monarch of 
all the Scythians, called the Crimme Tartar, or great Can 
himselfe, named Sophet Keri Alii, came out of his owne sophet Ken 

^ Alii, kiug 

countrey to the Emperor of Kussia, accompanied with a great ^j./^^^es 
number of his nobilitie, well horsed. Although to them that mosTo.^' 
were Christians they seemed rude, yet they were personable 
men and valiant. Their coraming was gratefull to the Em- 
peror, and their entertainment was honourable. The Tartar 
prince having brought with him his wives also, received of 
the Husse Emperor entertainment and princely welcome 
according to their estates. 

Not long after, 1200 Polish gentlemen, valiant soulcliors 
and proper men, came to Mosko offring their service to the 
Emperor, who were all entertained ; and in like sort many 
Chirkasses, and people of other nations, came and offred 


service. And as soone as the report of this new created 
Emperor was spread over other kingdoms of Europe, there 
were sent to him sundry ambassadors to wish him joy and 
prosperitie in his kingdome. Thither came ambassadors from 
the Turke, from the Persian, the Bogharian, the Crimme, 
the Georgian, and many other Tartar princes. There came 
also ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine, the Pole, 
the Swethen, the Dane, etc. And, since his coronation, no 
enemie of his hath prevailed in his attempts. 
The new It fell out, not loug after, that the Emperor was desirous 

Emperor -' o ^ i 

rvm°nowich ^° ^^^"^ ^ mcssagc to tlic most excellent Queene of England ; 
anVie"^ foi' which scrvice he thought no man fitter then M [aster] 
to the Jerome Horsey ; supposing that one of the Queenes owne 

Queene. ^ .^ . 

men and subjects would be the more acceptable to her. The 
summe of which message was, that the Emj)eror desired a 
continuance of that league, friendship, amitie and inter- 
course of traffique, which was between his father and the 
Queens majestic and her subjects, with other private affaires 
besides, which are not to be made common. 
Master Mastcr Horscy having received the letters and requests of 

Horseis vol- JO 1 

Moso^to the Emperor, provided for his journey over land, and de- 
ovedand. jDartcd froui Mosco the fift day of September. Thence unto 
Otver, to Torshook, to Great Novogrod, to Vobsky ; and 
thence to Nyhouse in Livonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga ; 
(where he was beset, and brought foorthwith before a cardi- 
nall called Pagevil, but yet suffred to passe in the ende.) 
From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou, in Curland ; to 
Memel, to Koningsburgh in Prussia ; to Elbing, to Dant- 
zike, to Stetine in Pomerland ; to Rostock, to Lubeck, to 
Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by sea to London. 
Being arrived at her Majesties roiall court, and having deli- 
vered the Emperors letters with good favour and gracious 
acceptance, he Avas foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse 
into Russia, with other letters from her Majestic to the 
Emperor and Prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering the 


Emperors letters, and witliall requesting the favour and 
friendship which his father had yeekled to the Enghsh mer- 
chants : and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the 
merchants of London themselves of that company, to deale 
in their behalfe. Being thus dispatched from London by 
sea, he arrived in Mosco the 20 of April 1586, and was very i586. 
honourably welcommed. And for the merchants behoofe 
obtained all his requests, being therein specially favoured 
by the noble prince Boris Pheodorowich, who alwayes 
affected M[aster] Horsey with speciall liking. And, having 
obtained priviledges for the merchants, he was recommended 
from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England, his 
mistresse ; by whom the prince Boris, in token of his honor- 
able and good opinion of the Queens Majesty, sent her high- 
nesse a roiall present of sables, luzarns, cloth of gold and 
other rich things. So that the companie of English mer- 
chants, next to their thankfulnes to her Majestic, are to 
account M [aster] Horseis paines their speciall benefit, who 
obtained for them those privileges, which in twentie yeeres 
before would not be granted. 

The maner of M[aster] Horseis last dispatch from the Em- 
peror, because it was very honorable, I thought good to 
record. He was freely allowed post horses for him and his 
servants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long jour- 
ney. At every towne that he came unto from Mosco to 
Vologda, which is by land five hundred miles, he received 
the like free and bountifull allowances, at the Emperors 
charge. New victuall and provision were given him upon 
the river Dwina at every towne by the kings officers, being 
one thousand miles in length. When he came to the new 
castle called Archangel, he was received of the Duke Knez 
Vasili Andrewich Isvenogorodsky, by the Emperors com- 
mission, into the castle, gunners being set in rankes after 
their use, where he was sumptuously feasted. From thence 
hee was dispatched with bountifull provision and allowance 


in the Dukes boat, with one hundred men to rowe him, and 
one hundred gunners in other boats to conduct him, with a 
gentihnan captaine of the gunners. Comraing to the road 
where the English, Dutch, and French ships rode, the gun- 
ners discharged, and the ships shot in like manner 46 pieces 
of their ordnance ; and so he was brought to his lodging at 
the English house upon Rose Island. 

And that which was the full and complete conclusion of 
the favour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward 
M[aster] Horsey, there were the next day sent him for his 
further provision upon the sea, by a gentleman and a cap- 
tain, the things following ; 

16 live oxen. 2 swans. 

70 sheepe. 65 gallons of mead. 

600 hens. 40 gallons of aqua vitce. 

25 flitches of bacon. 60 gallons of beere. 

80 bushels of meale. 3 yong beares. 

600 loaves of bread. 4 hawkes. 

2000 cgs. Store of onions and garlike. 

10 geese. 10 fresh salmons. 

2 cranes. A wild bore. 

All these things were brought him downe by a gentleman 
of the Emperors, and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich, 
and were received in order by John Frese, servant to M [aster] 
Horsey, together with an honorable present and reward from 
the prince Boris, sent him by M[aster] Francis Cherry,^ an 
Englishman ; which present was a whole very rich piece of 
cloth of gold, and a faire paire of sables. This gentleman 
hath observed many other rare things concerning those 
partes, which hereafter (God willing) at more convenient 
time and laisure shall come to light. 

^ [Francis Cherry owed his introduction to Russia to the Russia 
Company, of which he rose to be a member. He was selected by the 
Emperor Ivan Vasilivitch for his English interpreter, and was sub- 
sequently employed in missions between the Russian and English 
courts. See Hamel, p. 302.] 


PJieoclore Ivanoivich the new Emperors (jracious letter of 
2)rivilege to the English merchants, xrord for icord ; 
ohtained btj 3I[aster Jerome Horsey, 1586 [Feb. 1587]. 

Through the wil of the Ahiiightie and without begin- 
ning God, which was before this workl, whom we glorifie in 
the Trinitie, one only God, the Father, the >Sonne and the 
Holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all every 
where, fulfiller of all things, by which will and working he 
both loveth and giveth life to man, that our onely God, 
which inspireth eveiy one of us his oiiely children with his 
word to descerne God through our Lord Jesus Christ and 
the holy quickening Spirit of life, now, in these perilous 
times, establish us to keep the right scej^ter, and suffer us 
of our selves to raigne to the good profite of the land, and 
to the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, 
and to the maintenance of vertue. 

We, Pheodore, the ofspring of John, the great Lord, 
Emperor, king and great prince of all E-ussia, of Volode- 
meria, Moscovia and Novogrod, king of Cazan, king of 
Astracan, lord of Plesko, and great prince of Smolensko, 
of Tver, Yougoria, Permia, Viatsko, of Bolghar and others, 
lord and great prince of the land of the Lower Novgorod, 
Chernigo, E,ezan, Polotsko, Postow, Yeraslave, the White 
Lake, Liefland, Oudor, Condensa, and ruler of all Siberia, 
and all the Northside, and lord of many other coun- 

I have gratified the merchants of England, to wit. Sir 
Rowland Haiward and Richard Martin, aldermen, Sir 
George Barnes, Thomas Smith, Esquire, Jerome Horsey, 
Richard Saltonstall, with their fellowes. 

I have licensed them to saile with their shippes into our 
dominion, the land of Dwina, with all kind of commodities. 


to trade freely and uuto our kingdom and tlie citie of 
Mosco, and to all the cities of our empire of Moscovia. 

And the English merchants. Sir Rowland Haiward and 
his societie, desired us that we would gratifie them to trade 
into our kingdom of Moscovia, and into our heritage of 
Great Novogrod and Plesko, and into all parts of our king- 
dom, to buy and sell with their wares without custome. 

Therefore we, for our sisters sake Queene Elizabeth, and 
also because that they allege that they had great losse and 
hindrance by the venture of the sea, and otherwise, have 
gratified the said English merchants, Sir Rowland Haiward 
and his societie, freely to come into our kingdom of Mus- 
covia and into al our dominions, with al kind of commodities, 
to trade and traffique freely and at their pleasure with all 
kind of their commodities. Also I have commanded not 
to take any maner of custome for their goods, nor other 
customs whatsoever ; that is to say, neither for passing by 
any place by water, nor for lanching ; neither for passing 
through any place by land ; neither for the vessels or boats; 
nor for their heads ; nor for passing over bridges ; nor for 
ferying over at any place ; neither for acknowledgment at 
any place where they shall come ; nor any maner of custome 
or dutie, by what name soever. 

Only they shall not bring with them into our dominions, 
neither recarie out of our dominions, or father any other 
mens goods but their owne, neither sell them nor barter 
them away for them. 

Also our naturall people shall not buy and sell for them 
or from them ; neither shal they retaine or keepe any of our 
naturall subjects goods or pawnes by them to colour them. 

Also they shall not send any of their Russe servants about 
into any citie to ingrosse or buy up commodities ; but into 
what citie they themselves shal come they shal buy and sel, 
and shall sel their owne commodities and not ours. 

And when they shal come into our inheritance of Great 


Novogrod and Plesko^ and through all our dommions, with 
their commodities, then our noblemen and captains, and 
every one of our officers, shall suffer them to depart accord- 
ing to this our letter ; and shall take no custom at all of 
them for any of their commodities, neither for passing 
through or passing by, nor for passage over any bridges ; 
nor shall take of them any other dutie, whatsoever name 
they have. 

Also, into what places of our dominion or when they shal 
happen to come, and to proceed to buy or sell, and whereso- 
ever they shall passe through with goods, not buying of any 
commodities, neither will sell their owne, then in those cities 
and townes they shall take no maner of custome or dutie of 
them, accordingly as before. 

And I have gratified them, and given them free leave to 
traffique throughout all the dominions of our kingdom in all 
cities with their goods, to buy and sell all maner of commo- 
dities without any dutie or custome whatsoever. 

And the English merchants, where they are desirous to 
buy or sell or barter their wares with our merchants, whole 
wares for wares, they shall sell their commodities whole and 
not by retaile, that is to say, neither by small weight nor by 
the yard, to sell or barter in their owne houses ; and they 
shal sel and barter their wares wholly, — cloth by the packe 
and by the whole cloth, and damaske and velvet by the 
piece and not by the yard ; and al maner of commodities 
that are to be sold by the weight not to sell by the small 
weights, as by the pound and ounce, but by whole sale. 
Also they shall sell wines by the pipe ; and by the gallon, 
quart or stoope they shal not sell. 

And they shall buy, sell and exchange their owne com- 
modities themselves ; and the Russe merchants shall not 
make sales or exchange for them or from them any of their 
commodities ; neither shall they themselves convey or cary 
through any other mans goods at no place instead of their 

284 APPE^^nix I. 

owne. And which of the English merchants will at any 
time sell his commodities at Colmogro or Vologda or Ye- 
raslave, they may ; and of their commodities throughout all 
our cities and dominions, our noblemen, captains and every 
of our officers, shall take no maner of custome, according as 
it is written in this our gracious letter. And, throvighout all 
our dominions and cities, they shall hire carriers and vessels 
with men to labour, at their owne charge, to transport their 

So likewise, whensoever the English merchants are dis- 
posed to depart out of our kingdom into any other countrey 
or into their oAvne land, if our pleasure be, they shall take 
our goods with them from our treasurie, and shall sell them 
and exchange them for such commoditie as is commodious 
for our kingdom ; and shall deliver it into our treasurie. 
And with those our commodities, our noblemen and cap- 
taines, and every of our officers, shall let them passe through 
all our cities also without custome, according to these our 

Also, whensoever the English merchants shall have sold 
their own goods and bought themselves commodities, and 
will depart out of Mosco, then they shal manifest themselves 
to our chief secretarie, Andrew Sholkalove, in the office 
where the ambassadors are alwayes dispatched. 

And if the English merchants comming have had any mis- 
chance by the sea, insomuch that the ship be broken, or if 
that ship do come to any part of our countrey, then we will 
cause the goods to be sought out in true justice, and to be 
given to the English people, which at that time shall be 
here resident in our countrey. And if so be that it so fall 
out that at that time there be no Englishmen within our 
realme, then wil we cause these goods to be laid up in a 
place together, and when the people of England shall come 
into our realme, then we will command all those goods to be 
delivered to the sayd English people. 


Also, we have gratified all the English merchants with the 
house of one Vrie here in the Mosco, right over against 
St. Maximes church behind the market ; and they shal dwel 
in the same house according as before time ; and they shall 
keepe one alwayes in the house to keepe it, either a E.usse 
or one of their owne people. 

Also, the English merchants shal possesse their houses ; 
to wit, at Yeraslave, Vologda, Colmogro, and the house at 
the haven of the sea ; and they shal. dwell in those houses, 
according as our goodnes hath bene to them heretofore. 
And we have commanded that there shall not be taken of 
them no yeerely rent, nor no manere of custome, taxe, rent, 
or any other dutie whatsoever, for those houses ; neither 
shal they pay any dutie or taxe with any of the townsmen of 
those places. And in every one of those houses, to wit, at 
Yeraslave, Vologda, and Colmogro, they shall have men to 
keepe their houses, two or three of their owne countrey peo- 
ple, strangers or els Russes, men of the meanest sort, which 
shall be no merchants, that they may lay their goods in those 
houses ; and they may sell the commodities out of those their 
houses to whom they please, according to this our gracious 
letter. And those that keepe their houses shall not sell or 
buy no part of their commoditie, except they be there or 
give order, whereby they be not deceived by them. 

So likewise, I have gratified them with their house at the 
sea haven, at the mouth of Podezemsky, and we have com- 
manded that they shal not cary their goods from thence to 
the new castle S. Michael the Archangel, but shall arrive 
and do as they have done heretofore with their wares at 
that their house ; and shall unlade their commodities out of 
their ships, and shal lade them againe with Russe commo- 
dities, even there at that their house without interruption : 
onely they shal permit our officers of Colmogro and sworn 
men to write up those commodities, both the commodities of 
England and those of Ilusseland, what the merchants shal 


declare themselves, and no otherwise ; but they shal not 
overlooke their commodities, neither shal they unbind any 
of their packs. 

And when the English merchants are disposed to send 
into their owne countrey, to wit, any of their owne people, 
on land through any other kingdom whatsoever, they shall 
not send their people without our kingly knowledge and 
commandement ; and which of their people so ever they do 
meane to send out of our kingdom into their owne countrey, 
then they shal send those their people not without our 
kingly majesties knowledge, to wit, those that go of plea- 
sure, without carying any commodities with them ; and they 
shal have a letter of passe given unto them, out of the office 
where the ambassadors have alwayes their dispatch. 

And whosoever hath anything to doe with them in mat- 
ters of controversie, either concerning merchandize or in- 
juries, then they are to be judged by our treasurers and 
secretarie of the ambassadores office, to do justice between 
both parties, and to seek out the trueth of matters in al 
things ; and whatsoever cannot be found out by the law 
shalbe tried by othe and lots ; whose lot so ever is taken 
foorth, him to have right. 

And in what place of all our kingdom, in what citie 
soever they or their people shall bee, and that there happen 
any matter of controversie, either concerning merchandise, 
injuries or otherwise, that they have occasion to set upon 
any man by lawe, or that any seeke upon them, concerning 
what matter soever, in all our kingdom and cities, then our 
lieutenants, captains and our officers, shall give them justice, 
and shall minister all true justice betweene them, seeking 
out the trueth. And what cannot be truly sought by law 
shalbe sought out by othe and lot; whose lot soever is taken 
out, him to have right accordingly as before. And the 
judges or justices shall take of them no kind of dutie for 
matters of law no where throughout all our realmes. 


This letter is given in our princely palace within the citie 
of Mosco, in the yere from the foundation of the world 
seven thousand fourescorc and fifteene, in the moncth of 


No. II. 

[From the Cottonian MS., Nero B. xi,£\ 363-374:.] 


^"i"?rln^'^ In the yeare 1585 I was sente over lande unto tlie Queenes 

and 1589. *' 

most excelente Majestic from the Emperor of Rushea, 
Theodor Evanov/ich, and from the prmce his protector, 
Boris Fedorowich, governor of the said emphire, to intreate 
hir Highnes for a contynuall peace, amytie and frendshipe, 
they beinge then ncAvlye come, the one to his crowne the 
other to his governmente, with princely protestation and 
promis that they wold seeke by all meanes to deserve and 
preserve the same, as well by good usinge and shewinge 
large favore unto hir Majesties subjectes and marchantes 
trading into those kingdomes, as also by any other good 
meanes that it should please hir Highnes to geve occasyon 
for tryall thearof, etc. For confyrmacion and tryall whearof 
the sayd Emperor and prince had made choyse of one of 
hir Majesties owne subjectes, unto whom, as a man esteemed 
and greatly favored of them bothe, they* had comytted the 
faithcfull delyverye of this their said messuage and letteres. 
The which message and letteres it pleased hir moste exelente 
Majestie to embrace, and, aftere gratyous exceptacion gevene 
thearunto, it then pleased hir Highnes in lyke soarte to 
remyte and returne mee, hir Majestes scrvantc, furneshed 


with the lyke princely congratulations, letteres, etc. Wher- 
withe I departed, well attended, in the fy ve of Aprille, and 
arryved at the Emperores courte in Musco aboute the fyve 
of June followinge ; wheare I was honorablye receaved of 
the Emperore and no lese joyfully welcomede of the prince 
Boris Federowich. After I had delyverede hir Majesties 
letteres and princely salutacions, which was moste acceptable 
to them bothe, feasted and graced with a hondred dishes of 
dreste meates in sylvere, sente me to my lodginge by a duke 
with a hondred mene with diveres vesselles of wine and 
other their drinkes, presented and gratefyed with a faire im- 
broadrede pavillione or tente, princely garmentes, a goodly 
fair gennete horse, with sadle and furneture, and two thou- 
sande poundes in money, I was willed to sett downe in writ- 
ynge whatt I desyred ; whearin that noble prince shewed 
his great love, spessyall favor and direction privatly, as shall 
appear e. 

1. Firste thear was remytted 500 li., which the Company e 
did reste owinge unto the Emperore of the formore years 

2. Then was thear remytted 350 li., which their agentc had 
gevene his word to paye towardes the buldynge of the newe 
walle aboute Musco. 

3. The Company weare also released of 500 li. they wear 
condempned to paye for so muche taken upp of the Empe- 
rores offyceres in Yeraslam by a lewde factore of theires, one 
Anthony Marsh, who became bankeroute. 

4. A cheefe factore of the Company, John Chaple, being in 
the kynges displeasure, was pardoned and released ; and on 
thowsand markes in money repayd the Company out of the 
Emperores treasury. 

5. A desperate debte owinge by the chauncelere Shalkan 
many yeares, of 370 li., was violentely puneshed from him 
and payd the Companye. 

6. An other desperate debte of 460 li., which certene 


ofFyceres had taken in the Emperores name, owing many 
yeares, was nowe paycl to the Companye out of the Empe- 
roures treasorye. 

7. Thear was one Yorse Vislough, that oughe the Company 
350 li. many yeares, subordined by Shalkan, was nowe 
enforced by puneshem^nte to paye the same to the Company. 

8. The Companye was freed of dyveres rentes due unto the 
kynge for their howses at Valodge and Cohnogor. 

9. Whearas the Company weare grevosiy abused by the 
Emperores ofFyceres, and debared of justyce in many townes 
whear they traded, proclamacion was sente by a gentleman of 
credit thoroughe out the whoU kyngdom for their better usage. 

10. All interloperes and straglyng Englishemene lyving in 
that contrey weare gathered togather and appoynted to be 

11. The Company weare freed of above a thousand poundes 
due unto the Emperore for his costomes this yeare. 

12. Thear was lente unto the Company by the prince Barris 
[Boris], out of the Emperores tresory, five thousand pound in 
money, franke and free, as longe as they wold use it. 

13. Lastely, theare was geavene and graunted unto the sayd 
Company by the Emperore, for hir Majesties sake and for 
confirmation of the affoarsaid league and amytye so con- 
cluded upon, a moste ample and free preveledge and of 
greate consequence, evene as large as the prince and I coulde 
devise, to trade and traffycke in all places of his domynyons 
withoute payeinge any costome whatsoevere ; obtayned not 
withoute many conflictes with the Chauncelore Shalkan, 
Avho, havinge the pennynge thearof, used divers connynge 
and coverte obstacles to abridge the largnes of the same, 
under pretence of good servis to the crowne. 

Farther, in the tyme when I did negotyate theare, by rea- 
son of the famyllyere acces I had unto the prince in all 
places and at all howeres, thorow the spessyall lyke and 
favor he carryed towardes me many yeares togethere, I did 


imploy my creditt with him in this mannor ; I obtayned 
grace for many in displeasure, freedom for captyves and 
prisoneres, pardone for ofFendores, mercy and lyffe for many 
condemned, release of imposytyones and taxaciones, layde 
uppone monasteryes, townes and contreyes, for soulgeres, 
horses, furneture and moneye, procuringe and preservinge 
their prevelyges and charteres. In suma, in all my reason- 
able requestes, I coulde not be moare redy to intreate then 
the prince was willinge to graunte. This negotiacion beinge 
ended and tyme came for my departure, havinge receaved 
the Emperores lettores, riche and princely presentes to hir 
Majestic, my dispache was aunswerable to my intertayn- 
mente, both from the Emperore, the prince and all other his 
dukes and nobyllyty, with as muche grace and honore as 
ever any ambassadore had ; the mannor whearof appearethe 
in a shorte discourse anexed to the Emperores coronation, 
and therfore omyte the recitalle thearof in this place. 

When, after I arryved at the courte, then at Richemonde, 
it pleased hir moste exelente Majestic to geve hir moste 
gratious allowance to the accompte I then yelded uppe of 
this my imploymente, and the lyke royalle acceptance unto 
the preveledges and princely presentes then delyvered unto 
hir Majestic ; which preveledges it pleased hir Highnes 
sclfe to gratefy the fames Company of marchantes, hir good 
subjectes, with all that trade thos partes, with hir princelye 
charge and caviate \caieat\ for their wise orderynge, well 
governynge and preservinge of the same, beinge of so 
greate a consequence as it was, and to yelde bountyfull 
gratefycation unto me for my paynes and travill thearein. 

Because it may be perceaved what manor of stylle and 
method their kynd of writynge doethe carrye, I thoughte it 
good to set downe onely a lettere or twoe of the princes 
writene unto me, as followethe. 

" From Boris Fethorwich, thorowe the will of God, gover- 
nere of the fames monarchic of all Rushia, lyfetenante 


generall of the empirdons Cason and Astracan, clieefe com- 
aundere of all the warlyke foarces, lord inheritore of that 
fames province of Vaga and many other, to my honorable 
frend Jerom, the sonne of William innobled. Be thou, my 
good Jerom, in helth and happy, and God geve that wee 
may the heir in good healthe and safty againe. For 
my helthe God be praysede ! Concernynge thos matteres 
wee have laste conference of at the Trynetye, I doubt not 
but thou wille duly consyder of them, and use thie discre- 
syone concernynge Eoberte, provided, yf he come, he come 
well furneshed with skylle, as thowe mayste informe him. 
My mynd and pleasure I send thee in a partyculer noate by 
Ivan Volkove, by whom also thowe shalte receave my token 
of remembrance, forti sables, to make thee a gowne withall. 
And from mee unto thee, the sonne of William, innobled, a 
lowe sallutacion." 

The Emperores comyssyon, written hy the 

" From the Emperore, lord and great duke, Feodor Ivano- 
wich of all Rushea, etc., comyssyon or comaund unto 
thee, O leiftenante duke Vassilley Anderwiche Ivenogo- 
rondskey. Thear is dispached from us, lord and great duke, 
and from the lord Boris Fedorowich, with letteres and pre- 
sentes unto Queene Elizabethe, Jerom the sonne of William, 
gentlman. And when he shall come unto our castell and 
towne of Colmogorod, wee comaunde that thear be all 
honore shewed unto him, wherby he maye be pleased, and 
althinges acceptable unto him, holdene, esteemed and re- 
lented, ambasadore, honored and respected befoare all 
strangeres ; and that the Emperores goodnes in provisyone 
be sente unto him mannerly by our captayne Sablok, and 
the lyke from Boris Fedorowich by Cusmen, unto Queene 
Elizabethe of England hir ambasadore, Jerom the sonne of 
William, gentlman." 


A lettere from the Prince Protectore, sente vnto me hy 
3Ir. Fraimcis Cherrye, one of the Company of Mus- 

" From Boris Fedorowich Godonoba, lyfetenante generall 
of all E,ushea and of the emperores [empires] Causan and 
Astracan, cheefe counselor, mastere of the horse, prince inhe- 
ritore of the regyon of Vaga, etc., unto thee, Jerom, the sonne 
of "William, gentlman, lowe sallutaciones. Be thou, my good 
Jerom, in helthe. I lette the understand that Queene Elysa- 
bethe of England, hir dukes and noble mene, have written 
letteres unto me of late most unseemly and very vmdecente, 
joynynge the chauncelere with me thearin, which is no small 
disparragemente unto my princely dignety and honore as 
thou knoweste, which is to me very greevos ; and have also 
written in the same letteres that I have not respected nor 
protected the Queenes marchants, but suffered them to be 
boughte and sould and injured of all people. Thearfoare 
to thee, Jerrom, that knoweste unto whom I rejDorte me, 
howe I have defended them for Queene Elizabethes sake, 
and in regarde of hir goodnes and favore did intreate 
the Emperore for them, who thoroughe my means hathe 
graunted unto them free previliged letteres that no custome 
whatsoevere shalbe takene of them nor of their goodes in 
no place of theis domynyones, suche as never have byne 
graunted heartofoare ; shewed mercy uppon Robarte [Dr. 
Kobert Jacob] , pardoned his offences ; proclaymed his gra- 
cious goodnes in all places ; comaunded payment of their 
doubtfull deptes, and many other favores welle knowne to 
thee, my loving Jerom. Wherfore I have not answered 
Queene Elizabethe hir dukes and noble men their letteres at 
this tyme, for displeasure ; but, God willinge, I will write unto 
them hearaftere thoroughely my mynd, and what my love and 
frendshipe hathe bynne unto Queen Elyzabethe and hir sub- 
jectes. In the meane tyme I have sent to thee, my good 


Jerom, in tokene of the contynuance of my good will towardes 
thee, by Frauncys [Cherry], a paire of sables and a peece 
of clothe of gould, which I will thow weare for my sack." 

I receaved diveres other letteres from the Highe Tresorer, 
the Chauncellor, and from other noble mene, shewinge what 
an oversighte it was that the nobyllyty of England should 
joyne any other in their letteres with the prince, espesyally 
suche a base man as they dide, and that I wolde make a 
pacefycacion for the same, consyderinge how greevously it 
was taken. 

My aunswere unto the Princes letter, after their manore 
of writynge. 

" Renouned prince and most noble lord, Boris Fedoro- 
wick, Jerom, the sonne of William Horsey, dothe prosterate 
himselfe befoare thie greatenes, evene befoare the face of the 
earthe. God graunte unto thee moste noble lorde, helthe 
and saftye many yeares. Thy lordly letteres are come unto 
my handes, perceavinge thearby thie highe displeasure con- 
ceaved agaynste the Queens moste exelente Majestic hir 
noble counselores, in not havinge that respecte in their 
letteres which dulye appertaynethe unto your princely 
dignetye, and in not acknoleginge thie great favore and 
clemency so many wayes shewed unto hir Majesties sub- 
jectes. The one, most noble prince, was of meere ignorance ; 
the other for wante of advertesmente, their honores havinge 
non with them, at that tyme they wrate their letteres, that 
could informe them rightely of the highe place thy greatenes 
most worthely supporteth, nether of the presente state of 
your princely qualletye ; the other thorowe an accedentall 
myshappe, or else your highenes myghte very worthely con- 
demne me of an unpardonable faulte and folly comytted. 
For as it was moste requisite, so did I faithefully sygnefy in 
my letteres by an exprese messengere over land, the laste 


wintere, written to the highe and righte honorable lordes of 
the Queenes moste exelente Majestic hir sacred privi coun- 
sellj not onely of the highe and princely septer of governe- 
mente which God of his devine goodnes hathe invested thee 
in, but also howe thoroughe thy sole and onely meanes, 
moste noble lord, free preveleged letteres in moste ample 
manor weare graunted unto hir majesties marchantes, and 
in howe greate measure it pleased thy highenes to extend 
thy gratyous favore towardes them many other kyndes of 
wayes. All which, uppon the highe great Easter daye laste, 
myscaryed at the sea ; shipe, letteres and all loste. Have 
patyence thearfoare, moste noble prince ; suffer not thy mylde 
and gratyous disposytyon be overcome with a wrathefull dis- 
pleasure. Kynore [ignore ?], my good lord, with thy princely 
wisdome and majestyecall clemency this unwillinge faulte 
comytted, for my sacke, unto whom thou haste graunted 
muche ; and lette the satysfactyone of thy princely pleasure 
reste nowe upon the discharge of my dutye. For thy hono- 
rable guyfte sente me I yeld the moste lowly thankes, and 
will weare it for thy healthe. The Duke Vassilldy hathe 
behaved himselfe very honorablye towardes mee. William 
and John, cheefe agentes for the Queenes marchantes, have 
intreated me to suie unto thy greatnes that it will please the 
to contynewe in my absence thy gratyous favor towardes 
them ; by whom I presente unto thy highnes a pyed fyght- 
yng bulle, twelve mastyves dogges, twoe lyones, three brase 
of grehoundes and three copple of very fayre houndes. 
God covere thye greatnes, moste noble prince, with his 

Aboute two yeares aftere, as I remember, upon some occa- Anthony 
syone that in this tyme had falne aboute a lewde factore of ^^'^'■'^^• 
the Companyes, that had takene upjDon their credyte of 
noble men, marchantes and other the Emperorcs subjectes, 
for about xx thousand poundes, wasted and consumed it. 


and afterward very unreasonably required of the Company, 
he beinge suborned in his actyones againste the Company 
by the Chanselore Shalcan, theare was sente a messengere 
from the Emperore unto hir Majestie. And also in anno 
1588 thear was sente from hir Majestie Mr. Docter Flecher 
unto the said Emperore ; in which tyme theare was found 
a greate alteracion in the Prince Boris, in respecte of his 
formere good wille ; as appeared bothe by the hard usage 
towardes the Company, as also by the bade intertaynemente 
geven Mr. Flecher theare ; my selfe beinge also at that tyme 
[in] some displeasur with the Emperore, thoroughe a moste 
false informacion sugested by one of my owne servantes, 
one Thomas Wostenam, who to purchas his lewde lybertye, 
beinge in love with a Lyvonyan jentlwoman, thear joynede 
with the instygacion of a notable bade mane of that con- 
treye, Shalkan, an arche enemye tryede unto hir Majestie 
and subjectes, that I should speake suche hainous wordes at 
my table of the Emperore as was not fytte to bee utterede. 
Which beinge avouched befoare a sette counsell of the 
bloode royalle, I was greatly blamed and greevosly com- 
playned of to hir Majestie in grose for the same. The said 
Wrsenam \sic\ rewarded for the presente bothe with landes 
and lyvinge, maryed the sayd gentlwoman, but very shortly 
after had his condinge deserte. In the same place he was 
rayled on, beatene and buffetedc, of all mene as he wente in 
the streetes, tylle he moste miserably dyede. Notwithstanding 
all this, the necessetye of the case beinge suche, it pleasd 
hir Majestie to send me agayne to the Emperor and to the 
Prince Boreis, with hir highnes letteres and mesuag, as fol- 


A lettere sente from the Queenes moste exelente Mojestie to 
the Empcrore of Rushea, hy Jerrom Horsey, Esquire, 
Mr Majesties agente, 1589. 

" Elizabetlie, by the grace of God, of England, France 
and Ireland, Q-ueeiie, Defendere of the moste auntiente 
catholycke and true Chrystyane faithe, to the most renowned 
and moste mighty prnice and lord, Theodor Ivomowich {sic), 
Emperore of all Rushea, Greate Duke of Vallademeria, 
Muskovia, etc. To our moste deare brothere and moste 
lovinge frende wee wishe perfecte helthe and prosperous 
successe in alle your highnes affaires. The letters which 
you sente unto us by our ambassadore, Gilles Flechere, w^ee 
have receaved ; and, uppon vewe of them, have delyberatly 
consydered the partyculere poyntes contayned in the same ; 
which to aunswere in ordere in some partyculere soarte wold 
prove over tedyous, nether doe wee mynd, for dyveres good 
consyderacones, to discourse of thos causes tylle farther op- 
pertunetye shalbe offered. In the meane tyme wee reffere 
the effecte of all thos generall causes to bee by your highnes 
delyberatly overvewed againe ; whearin wee both desyre 
and looke you should have suche honorable consyderacion 
as the true meanynge thearof maye bee agreeable to your 
princelye dignetye, and aunswerable to the proffessed ametye 
betweene us. The sodene alteracone of your brotherly love 
professed towardes us, in usynge our late ambassadore, Gylles 
Flechere, so basely as the lyke hathe not byne sewed [shewed?] 
or used to any of ours by the greateste prince of Europe, and 
the injurious usage of our sayd ambasador by a cheefe offycere 
of yours, your chaunselore, one Shalkan, who shewethe him- 
selfe an aunciente enemy to our subjectes, and yet ap- 
poynted, as wee are informed, judge and party in thos mat- 
teres our ambassadore was to treate of, dothe geve us juste 
cause to suspecte that your highnes nether was nor is so well 
affected towardes us as wee deserved and appertaynethe to 


our place and qualletye. The greate dishonor sondry wayes 
shewed towardes our prmcely Highnes, and the manyfold 
and uncessante injuryes done unto our subjectes tradinge 
into your kyngdomes, since the deathe of our lovinge bro- 
ther, your late father, Eniperore Ivan Vasilewich, of faraos 
memorye, are many ; which wee of our jjiii^cely patience 
dide ever suppresse, thynkyng that they woulde have byne 
stayed and remedyed by your princly and brotherly love 
you proffes to beare towardes us ; but nowe beinge broughte 
unto suche an extremetye that wee cann hardly any longer 
indure them, although very harde, espessyallye beinge suche 
grose injuryes, for our princely e nature to disgeste or put 
upe at the handes of any prince lyvenge under the sonne. 
And therfore wee desyre to understand your aunswer herin, 
whether they are done by your princely knoledge or by 
suche as are in ofFyce under your majestic, that dothe rather 
wishe enemetye then the contynuance of brotherly love 
and frendshipe betwen us. In the meane tyme, wee will 
conster (consider ?) the beste of all thinges, and take hould of 
your moste frendly conclusyon in bothe thes and other your 
letteres. The bringer hearof is our welbelovede subjccte and 
houshold servante, Jerom Horseye, esquire, againste whome, 
by your Highnes letters, wee perceave your Majestic have 
takene some displeasure. Wee cane in no case thinke (con- 
syderinge, as wel by your Majesties letteres hearto-foare as 
otherwise by that noble prince Boris Fedorowick his adver- 
tysments, that he hathe byne a man alwayes very greatly 
favored by your highnes, and ever comended for his good 
demeanore), but that it is a mallyssyous manore of informa- 
cion then deserved of him by some that stand evelle affectede 
towardes his well doinge, and envienge the good opynyone 
your Highnes have heartofore conceaved of him. Whear- 
foare wee praye you, our moste lovinge brother, to remove 
your Highnes displeasure takene againste him, and to shewe 
your accustomed clemency towardes him, so as he niaye have 


accese and free recourse too and froe, accordinge to our 
comyssyone, under your princely protectyon. Wee have 
also, for some good causes us thearunto movinge, comytted 
to the suffytyency and trust which wee repose in our sayd 
servante, Jerom Horsey, some thinges to be delyvered to 
your highnes by word of mouth ; whearin wee praye you to 
yeld him favorable yeare [ear], and suche credyte in that 
which he shall say as wee wold doe to any servante of yours 
upon the lyke comendacion from you. And wee praye the 
Almyghty God to preserve your Majestie in good saftye and 
healthe. Gevene at our pallace of Greenwiche, the fyrste of 
Aprille, in the yeare of our Lord 1589, and of our raigne 
the 32." 

An other lettere, moste to this effecte, was written from 
hir Majestie to the jjrince Boris, and sente by the said 
Mr. Horsye. 

When, after I had receaved my dispache and leave from 
hir Majestie at Grinwiche, in Aprill 1589, I inbarked my- 
selfe in one of the Queencs shipes, the Charles by name, 
which was a^^poyntede to receave me and my company at 
Yarmothe and to land me at Stoade. But the wynde com- 
yng contrary, when wee wear at sea, throughe the unskyl- 
fullnes of the mastere, w^ee weare shutte in betweene two 
dangeros sandes one the Frysland coste, and storm arrisynge 
fylled the shipe so full of watere as that wee weare foarced to 
cleeare our decke of cables, ordenance, and suche lyke, 
which wee caste into the sea, and yet no hope of savinge our 
lyves nor shipe for that nighte. Many pereshed not fare 
from us. By chaunce, my selfe goate in to an Embdene 
boate, leavinge the shipe and people in great daungere ; and, 
havinge some xxx myles by watere to Embdene, was chased 
very fyrsely uppon the rivere by the souldyeres^ that laye in 
garrysone, and havinge advantage bothe for winde and 
^ Malcontents. 


boate wee gotte to Embdene walles before them ; overe 
which wee weare craned uppe, by reason their gates weare 
ramede upe of that syde of the towne. Aftere requeste made 
nnto the Earle of Embdene for some gard to pass thoroughe 
his contrey in saftye, and hir Majesties letters pattentes of 
safeconducte shewed unto him, yt pleased him to appoynte 
XX horsemen^ well provided, to conducte me owte of the 
moste daungere towardes Breame. And as I came to Stoad, 
whether the Queenes shipe came afterwardes welle, with 
purpos to traville towardes Collene, whether I was willed by 
Mr. Secretarye Walsyngham to repaire for some intelly- 
gence of the Emperyalle princes theare proceedynges uppon 
a dyette theare to be holdene, I understoode by the waye 
theire tyme of meetynge was defferred. Wheruppon I 
wente forwardes thorowe Gearmany, and uppon the second 
of Maye I came to the courte of Pollonya, at Warsovia ; 
delyvered the Queenes lettercs unto the kynge Sigiusmun- 
dus the Third. Wheare, in the tyme of my aboade, beinge 
XX dayes, at the intrcty of the deputy^ and his company, the 
Marchantes Adventurores tradinge thos contreyes, I became 
a suitore unto the kynge in their behalfe. 

Mr Horsey made a suite to Kynge Sigesmonde for the 
Marchante Adventurores, that, weareas the said marchantes 
had sustayned greate losses by credyte gevene unto his Ma- 
jesties subjectes and others inhabetynge in his kyngdom, by 
meanes of letteres of protectyone geven oute by his Majestic 
and his predecessors, the saycl marchantes humble suite 
unto his Majestic was, that hearaftere, yf any suche protec- 
tyone weare graunted to any suche as the sayd marchantes 
should credyte and have dealynge with, the same myghte 
not debare them from justys in recoveryng of their owne. 

This suite beinge made, the Kynges answere was he wold 
consydere of the mattere with his counselle, and by them I 
should receavc his pleasure thearin. 
1 Mr. Barlcer. 

Ari'Ki>JiJix II. oOl 

Twoe dayes followinge^ I was sente for to confere of the 
same with the Ivynges highc chamberlene. Panne Marck 
de Obrosy Lysnovolosky, the Kynges secretary, the under 
chaniberlen and the mastere of the requestes. 

Thes noble men did offer to speake of other matteres, as 
concernynge the amety and ayde hir Majestie did afforde the 
Turkes, inter uptyon of the Kynges subjectes their trade into 
Spayn, etc. 

I tolde them I had no comyssyone to deall in thos mat- 
teres. The secretarye did impugne my suite moste, sayenge 
yt was not fytte his Majestie should be bound to geve his 
letteres of protectyon by prescriptyone, but as seemed his 
Kyngly pleasure beste. 

" I speake of no bonde, but of suche a prohibicion or 
moderacion as it wold please the Kynge to use in his letteres 
of protectyone for beste remedye of so great an inconveny- 
ence (that was all the marchantes did desyre) ; whearin 
none of sence will take the kynge to be lysted, neither his 
pleasure nor prorogatyve royall nothinge impeached." 

The referendary, as they terme him, did ansv/eare that 
this suite had byne oftene movede befoare, and the highe 
chanselore, who was then tone myles of uppon some dis- 
contentment, Panne Samoyky, thought it not fytte to be 
graimted for dyverse respectes. 

" 1 could the suite, under your lordly correctyones, to be 
so indyfferente as that the gayne which in tyme wold arryse 
unto the Kynge and his contreye wold be at the leaste eque- 
volente with the comodytyes the marchantes should reape 
therby. Notwithstandinge, it beinge graunted and hir Ma- 
jestie acquinted with all which my dutye should undertake 
in faithefull manore to discharge, I doubte not but hir High- 
nes wold yeld his Majestie greate thankes for the same." 

" Then," saythe the secretary. Pane Luckash, " you wold 
make the Kynge beholding to you in grantinge it. I praye 
you shewe us what comodety cane the Kynge and his con- 


tiaye rcape by pleasuringe you so muche. Saye one, what 
is your reasone ?" 

" The cheefe pyllere to a florishinge comonwelth, I have 
herclej moste noble lordes, is trade and traiFycke, recourse 
and concourse of pople, the cheefe tranquilletye belonginge 
to the dyadem of a kyngdome. Your very actyones, noble 
counselors, dothe manyfeste unto the worlde your owne pol- 
letycke course thearin, howe providente you are for the 
prcservacion of the same. Thearby your marchantes growe 
riche, your mecanycall people sette a vs^orke, your nobyllytye 
have good vente of that their revenewes moste consyste of, 
your cuntery furneshed with suche necessary thinges as 
they cannot wante, your superfluous comodytyes trans- 
portede from you, your treasures increase by the costomes 
that acrewe by trafiycke manye kyndes of wayes. Heare is 
the turne of a whoall comonewelthe served by prcservacion 
of trade and traffycke ; which consystethe wholye in the 
good usage and favorable entertaynemente of marchantes 
and traderes. The contrarye wee see by Spayne and Por- 
tugalle, howe greatelye the cheefe townes and welthieste 
people are decayed, howe discontented and disloyally the 
subjectes lyve synce the tyme of their discensyone with the 
realme of Englande. Our marchantes recone them selves 
welle usede in this kyngdome. It gevethe greate applause 
\mto hir Majestic. Yf this one favore were added, they 
shalbe the moare bounde unto the Kynge. I leave it to your 
grave wisdonies, and crave pardone for my argumente." 

They gave thankes, and so did I. I thoughte the tyme 
well spente, and so did they. Wee partede in great curte- 
seye and mete agayne at the lord highe chamberlenes, at 
dynnere, wheare I was sompteously feasted. Who tould 
me, thoroughe his solyssetacion the Kynge had graunted my 
suite. And the secretary had ordere foarthewith to dispache 
an edickte or proclemacion to that effecte, which was re- 
quired the same to be publeshcd at Daunsycke, Elbynge, 

APPENDIX 11. 303 

Konyngespurge and in other places. AVith this good inter- 
taynemente and the Kynges letcres pattentes, I departed. 
But Possovinus^ for an ould gruge for displeasyng him and 
the qualetye of his niastere the Pope before the Emperore 
of Rushea, caused Pater Antonius, the Popes Legate, that 
leaye theare to gather uppe the brudalle pence, to set a 
Spanyard souldyore thear in paye to lye in ambushe with 
fortye horse, to ransacke and spoylle me and my company, 
yf Panme Joan Debowich [Chlcbowich], a good protestante 
duke, my former acquintance, had not conducted me in a 
safe waye, contrary to their expectaciones. 

And when I came to the great dukes courte of Lyttuania, 
Panne Christophor Pegavyle [Radzivil], which he held at 
Vallna, beinge about the xij of June, his grace gave me very 
greate and honorable entertaynemente ; shewed me great plea- 
sure and pastymes ; highely extollynge with wordes of greate 
allacrety the highe and greate magnificence of the Queenes 
moste exelente Majestic of Englande, to the greate admyra- 
cione of all his nobles, he holdcthe a moste magnyffycente 
princely porte. With whos letteres pattentes very graty- 
ously writtene I departed, and passed safly thorowe his 
domynyones tylle I came to Smolenska in Pushea. 

Wher, incontynent uppon my comynge, the duke and 
governore theare sygnefyed therof to the Emperore and the 
Prince Boris Fedorowich. From whome very shortely 
theare was sente a gentlmane of good reconynge, well at- 
tendede, to conducte me to the courte ; wheare I arryved, 
beinge in INIuskoe, the laste of June. Bute a 3 mylles from 
the cyttye thear mette me a gentleman of the kynges house, 
with a very good mesage from the Emperore and prynce 
Boris Fedorowich, and accompanyed me into the cheefe 
cyttye, wheare he gave me possesyone of a faire house to 
lodge in, belongynge to a bushope. Three dayes followynge 
the aforsaid jentelmane was sente againe unto mee, sayenge 
^ [Antonio Possevino, the Jesuit.] 


that it was the Emperores plcasur I should have his goodnes 
and allowance for provissyone for myselfe, x mene and 
horses, meate and drinke, and all other thinges needfulle. 

I hombly thanked his highnes ; it had pleased the Queenes 
moste exelente Majestic of England, my lady and mystrys, 
to appoynte me sufFytyent allowance for all suche provisyon. 
I was to accepte of none untylle I had delyvered hir Majes- 
ties letteres and treated of the causes I was sent aboute. 
Some of my old servantes of that contraye people weare 
suffered to attend upponnnee, by whome I made my provis- 
syone out of the market, wantynge nothinge out of the 
Englyshe house I did require. 

The chauncelore, my old backe frende, sendeth oftene 
unto me, desyring I wold forgete oulde grudges and mode- 
rate the complayntes I was to make of him ; he would use 
all dilligente meanes to further my negotyacion. 

I, knowinge him to be bothe a sutle and desemblynge 
foxe, durste not truste him, for feare I should ftill further 
into his dangere, used such plausable and deletory answeres 
as I then thoughte good ; which satysfyed him notiiing 
at alle. 

The same gentlman was sente agayne unto me the xviijth 
of July, and willed me to prepare myselfe the nexte daye at 
the thirde hour to come befoare the kynge. 

But aboute the vjth owere the nexte daye he cam agayne, 
and tould me the Emperore was not well. 

He came Avith the lyke mesuage the xxith ; and it felle 
oute in lyke manore as it dide befoare ; and so againe the 
third tyme. 

But the xxixth of Jully I was appoynted againe to come 
to the Emperore ; and when I came into the highe castell 
I was conducted into the offyce of ambasages ; wheare 
after a whill I was sente for into the Tresorye offyce, 
wheaie I found the lord highe tresorere Demenshoye Ivan- 
wich Chcrymisse, and the sccietary of the ofFycc of amba- 


sages Posnych Demetriove ; who, after kynde sallutacioneSj 
toold me it was the Emperores pleasure to knowe whearfoare 
I came and from whom. 

I aunswered I was sentc from the Queenes moste royall 
Majestie of Engiande unto the Emperors highnes and the 
noble Prince Boris Fedorowich, with letteres and matter to 
treat of. They said againe they wold sygnefy the same ; 
and so, after remembrance of some former merymentes past 
betweene us, I was dismyssed to my lodginge for that tyme. 
The fyrste of Auguste I was sent for againe to come to 
the Emperore ; but when I came I found redy in the formore 
place a duke, the Emperores kynsmane, Knez Ivan Vasil- 
wich Sitsky, and Ivan Vasilewich Godanoe, the Emperores 
neeare kynsmane, and the other two befoare namede. After 
conference pro and contra, they required to see my comys- 
syone. Which after e I had shewede, they desyred that the 
Emperore and prince myghte see it ; whearwith I was con- 
tented. And when I was againe sente for and the Queenes 
letteres delyvered to the Emperore, which was the xth of 
Auguste, theare was faulte founde with the sealle, being but 
the sygnete, and espessyally with the shorte stylle, and that 
they weare not in that usualle languag which hir Majestie 
was wonte to writ in. Whearaboute we spente muche tyme 
and did nothinge ; to all which sufFytyente auswere was 

And then wold they have me delyvere what I was to 
treate of, and they wold answer me. I tould them I wold 
delyvere the same in artycles and desyre their answere in the 
lyke ; which I dide, fayre writtene in their owne language, 
and so mayntayned the same ; preventynge them thearby of 
their accustomed stertynge holes which was at any tyme 
heartofoare, when by argumente they weare evicted, they 
pleaded mysunderstandinge of the interpretore or coruptyone 
in the translacion. 

The matteres treated of was nothinge pleasing, as maye 


appeare, lese exceptable to them, suche as was nevere hear- 
tofoare delyvered by any; and yet very answerable with 
their kynde of disposytyon. 

They marveled niuche that T, befoare departynge in the 
Emperores displeasure, durste to com to him with suche a 
peremj)tory mesuage, spesyally abridgenge him of his due 
tytle. I told them '' the peremptorynes of my mesuage was 
but answerable with the indignetyes that had byne ofFerede 
unto the Queenes moste royalle Majestie and unto the dia- 
deme of hir moste sacred monarchy, and consequently to hir 
good and loyall subjectes the marchantes tradinge thos con- 
treyes ; and althoughe, uppon a moste lewde and false in- 
formacion, it had pleased the Emperores Majestie to be 
displeased with me, yet that noble prince Boris Fedorowich, 
unto whos grace I was also scnte, knewe fare bettere my 
demeanore almoste xx yeares towardes the Emperore had 
deserved; his graces favore and true princely countenance 
was alwayes a sufFytyente testemony of ray fydelytye. And 
your nobles welle knowe howe famyllyare I am acquinted 
with the man ere of the Emperores stylle and what beseem- 
ynge termes to geve to his Majestie, and thearfoare have used 
no abrydgmente nor disparagemente to his Majestie nor 
kyngedome, noe kynde of waye. For thos wordes ' and 
many moare' includethe without resytalle muche moare then 
theare is. Thes thinges consydered, I see noe reasone whie 
you should blame my repaire hether, cspesyally beinge co- 
maunded by my soveraigne, or upbraide me with any thinge 
that you yourselves knowe to be untrue and not partynente 
to the mattere in hande." 

Wee parted uppon good termes ; and my artycles not 
longe aftere in suche good and reasonable soarte answered as 
that I was in a good waye to breake the necke of Shalkans 
authoretye the chauncelore, for I was furneshed with all 
suffytyente mattere for the same. Therfore I urged their 
resolusyone and confyrmacion of the afforesayd artycles, but 


I found them slowe to come to that poynte. At which tyme 
greate preparacion was made for entertaynynge of a very 
greate ambassadore from the kynge of Polonya, and a sud- 
dene messuage was sente mee that the very same daye the 
sayd ambasadore shokl come into the sytty of Musco muste 
I dcparte the same with my company ; fcaringe, accordinge 
to their jelleous humore, leste thcar shoukT happen some in- 
tercourse between us. 

The gentlmane that did attend uppon mee tould me it 
was the Emperores pleasure I shoukl withdrawe myselfe to 
Yeraslandley toun, beinge some 4 or 5 dayes jurney from 
Musco ; and that, aftere the dispache of the Polyshe amba- 
sadore, I should see his eyes agayne and have honorable 

I came to Yearsland in Novembere ; taryed ther tille 
June. In which tymes I receaved dyveres letteres from 
some of my honorable and auntient frendes in the Empe- 
rores courte, with as much seacret advertyssmente as they 
durst to Ma'itc, and howe that by the princes meanes all thos 
thinges hir Majestic required wold be graunted and assented 
unto, and hir hignes fully satysfyed. But the chaunceler 
Shalkan had wroughte all the meanes he coulde devise to 
disgrace me ; howe that I hade byne and consulted with the 
kynge of Polonya Sigismundus, bewrayed the Emperors se- 
cretes unto him, and the lyke to the great duke of Lyttuanya 
Eogavell [Radzevil]; disdayned the Emperors allowance; and 
that yf I should come to the sea syde befoare the shipes weare 
unladen, I hade in purpos to surprise the castell, disturbe the 
trade theare, and hindere the Emperore of his costomes. 
Thearfoare was I stayed at Valogda tylle the vjth of Jully. 
At which tyme theare was a gentlnian sente to me, who in 
his comyssyon under the chauncelores hande was to lette me 
knowe, that, whearas the Emperore was mynded I should 
come unto his Majestic and receave a full and resolute an- 
swere of thos matteres I hade propounded, his Majesties 


mynde was alterede by reasone of the greate disquietnes of 
late happened arnongestc his people, and he was to conducte 
me to the sea syd to take shippynge. Whether when I 
came, the captayne of the castle told me, the Empei'ore had 
answered the Queenes letteres and artycles I treated of in 
suche soarte as hir Majestic wolde be welle pleasede thear- 

Heare appearethe how Shalkan had the starte of me, a 
moste sutle Sythian as ever lyvede. For he, fearinge that I 
wold not thus leave him nor his trechery undiscovered, in- 
certethe many disgracefull termes of me in the letters sente 
unto hir Majestic in the Emperores name, without the Em- 
perores or the princes knollege, evene as my frend before had 
writtene mee from the courte [he?] feared he Avould ; which 
afterwardes Salkan beinge charged withall by the prince, 
according to his accustomed manore, uppon his salvacyon he 
denyed ; which kynde of abuse maye easely be done un- 
esjDyed amonge them, for this was their mannore. The 
counsell theare agreed and resolve uppon the mattere and 
manore of the letters. The cheefe offecere of ambasages to 
him is comyttede the draughte or framynge therof. Then 
he presentethe and readethe the same. Aftere that, yf he be 
so mynded, he alterethe it as beste will serve his conceipte, 
for the are seldome or nevere revewed agayne. The Kynges 
Majestic nevere settes his hand to any, but this party 
wrytethe them, sealethe them, the sealle beinge in his owne 
costody, directethe and sendethe them. This kynde of his 
trayterous contryvance in letteres and comyssyones was with 
him so comone as he could not refraine it to his ende, al- 
thoughe generally knowne he hathe byne grevosly puneshed, 
plaged and condempned, for the same. The ould Emperor 
reserved him onely for an instrumente to plage and punyshe 
his people withall. This prince, Boris Fetherwich, in re- 
spccte of his experyencc, was contented he shold be used for 
a tyme coasystante with another, untylle his lewde practyses 


in that state was so intolerable as that his myserahlc cnclc 
became, as I have herd, an untymely herrould to shortene 
his diabollycall and moste odyons lyfe. 

But to drawe to an ende of our formore mattcre. Afterc 
I was imbarqucd at St. Nicolas I had a speedy passage in to 
England, and came to the courte at Kichemonde the 4th of 
October 1590 [1591]; wheare it pleased hir moste exelente 
Majestic to voutsafe me hir royall presence and princely yeare 
[ear] unto this relacione of my moste daungerous and laste im- 
ploymente. Synce which tyme I understand the Emperore 
Feodore is deade, and the prince Borris is with a generall 
applause and unyversall consente crouned Emperor, his 
sone heire apparante, and their heires for evere invested in 
the same by parleamcnte royalle. This prince was broughte 
nppe by the oulde Emperore, Ivan Vassilwich ; who alwayes 
favored and loved him as intyrely as he did his other two 
sonnes ; in the end maryed his second sonne unto his systere, 
who Avas the laste Emperore Fedore ; over whom he gave 
him soule governmente in his lyfe tyme, and in his sychnes 
adopted him his sonne, and bequethed unto him in his wille, 
confyrmed it in his lyfe tyme, and aftere by a counsell 
royalle, the governemente of the empyre, with the assystance 
of 4 other grave noblemene of the blood royall. After whoas 
deathe he injoyed the same. Thorow whos wisdorae and 
pollesy, holdinge a course moste unlyke unto the formore 
governemente, he is nowe become a prince of subjectes and 
not of slaves, kepte within duty and loyalty by love and not 
by feare and tyrany. He is comlye of stature, of couiatcnance 
very welle favored and majestecalle with all, affixble in be- 
havioure and yet of greate courage, wyse, polletycke, grave, 
and of aboute 50 yeares of age ; mercyfull, a lovere of vertue 
and of good mene, a hatore of wicked mene, and a seveare 
punesher of iujustyce. In simima, he is a moste rare prince 
as ever raigned over thos people (as any I have red of in 
theire cronecles, which are of greate antyquetye). His Ma- 


jestie hathe evcre had a moare spesyall lyking to our natyone 
then to any other, and the free prevelyges which I procured 
in anno 1585 unto that famos Company of marchantes ad- 
ventureres tradinge thos contreyes, was onely his favor ; who 
thoroughe their wyse governemente and good caryage evere 
synce have quietly enjoyed the same. And althoughe some 
envious araonge them wokl somwhat obscure the credyte 
therof, throughe procurynge a needlese rewritynge of the 
same, thearby have they mayntayncd their decayed trade, 
reaped unto them selves not onely greate fame, good gaync, 
duble benefyte unto the realme by transportynge our super- 
flu^ous comodetyes which orrigenally growethe in this kyng- 
dom, and bringyng in to the same suche worthie coraodytyes 
as are none moare necessarey for a comone welth imployeng 
shipes and mene, but also spessyall service unto hir Majestic, 
as well by furneshinge hir royall navie with theire beste 
and princepall ornamentes, as also greatly increasynge hir 
highenes costomes to and froe many wayes, by meanes of 
their trafFycque. God speed their plowe ! For suche wor- 
thie subjectes are worthie of many good wyshes. 

I have, by meanes of my oftene traville overlande tho- 
roughe many contreyes, and xx yeares experience, observed 
many necessary and memorable thinges very worthie the 
publeshing, of the contraye of Cataye, the great Cane, caled 
by the Percian and Bogharian the Riche Indea, with whome 
of thos people that have byne oftene theare I bave had 
muche conferrence, the state of the Persianes, Bogharianes, 
and Gorgianes contreyes, the Great Came or Cryme, the 
Sitheane Tartare, and of all the other Tartaryanes coun- 
treyes, of the Siberianes and Samoeds, of Muscovia and 
Russia, of Littuania, Livonia and Pollonia, of Wallachi, 
Transilvania and Hungaria, of Swethia, Denmark and Nor- 
way, of Germany and all the partyculer provinces thearof, 
of their soyll, clymate and circuat, of their contreyes, the 
manorc of governemente and names of ther princes, with 


their severall stylles, the natyvc comodytyes and cheefe 
cittyes in eichc contreye, their manore of buiklingcs, and 
wherof moste they consyste, and what coync is used, the 
nature and disposytyone of the people, their relygeone, an- 
tyquety and monumentes, their manore of warres, wepones 
and ensygnes used in their contreyes, etc. 

Yf I weare as forward and in as good redynes as I ame 
well furneshed with all suffytyente mattere concerynge the 
estate and qualletyes of thes contreyes affoarnamede, I 
woulde willyngly comyte it to the good disposynge of this 
learned and worthie knyghte. Sir Robarte Cottone, that 
hathe takene moste comendable paynes in publeshinge this, 
a volume of so rare a mattere as the lyke hathe nevere hear- 
tofoare byne compyled together by any one historeographere 
whatsoevere ; and the rather for two respectes, the one for 
that which I will saye uppon my owne knoledg shall con- 
tayne yt selfe within the lystes of truthe, and the lyke I 
confydently presume also of that which I have observed by 
dillygente inquiry ; the other, because I wante bothe skylle 
and learnynge, methode and manor, to compose the same into 
any graceful! foarme. Notwithstandinge, yf God permyte, 
I doe promis eare longe be to shewe my indevore to doc it 
in the beste soarte I cane. 


No. III. 


[From the Lansdoionc MS. cxii, fol. 137. j 

To the right hojiorahle the horde Burghley, Lord Treasurer 
of England. 

In most humble wise beseeclieth your honorable lordship 
your humble suppliauntcs, the Companie of Merchauntes 
tradiugc Russia, that, whereas there was latelie graunted 
unto us by the Emperor of Russia, at her Majesties requeste, 
a newe priveledge of traffique into all the dominions of the 
Emperor, which graunte was latelie brought hither by one 
Hierome Horsey, together with letteres from the said Em- 
peror and the Lord Boris Fedorowich Gordinoe [Godunow] 
to her Majestic ; and whereas, by the meanes of the said 
Hierom Horssey, used to her Majestic at his last beinge 
here, by pretence of commission given him in that behaulfe 
by the Empresse of Russia (which, indede, scemcth to be 
but a mere surmise), her Majestic sentc over a midwiefe to 
the said Emperesse ; which midwief, by practise of the said 
Hierom Horssey, was keaptc a whole yeare in the countrie 
of Russia and nowe scnte over againe, beinge never suffered 
to come neare the citie of Musko, where the Emj)eror alto- 
gether abideth, nor the said Empresse made privie of anic 
suche woman commended from her Majestic ; whereuppon 


the said midwicfF hath exhibited a complainte to the Queene, 
uppon which complainte it pleased her Majestic to committe 
the examininge and reporte of this matter to one of the 
Masters of the Requestes. But soe it is, right honorable, 
that the said Hierom Horssey, ether fealinge the guilt of his 
owne conscience in the thinge wherein he is accused, or 
otherwise fearinare the aunswerinsre of matters bctwen the 
companie and him (tendinge to this effect, that he hath bene 
not onlie a principall worker and mover of all the troubles 
and disgraces that have fallen uppon the companie, and of 
the heynous complainte made by the Emperor to her Ma- 
jestic againste her subjectes in his letters first brought 
over to her highnes by the said Hierom Horssey, but alsoe 
was indebted unto us by manie lewde practises in greate 
sommes of monie) is secretlie no we departed and gone out of 
the realme, and, as yt is to be suspected, hathe taken his 
jorney towardes Russia, where noe doubte he will put in use 
all suche practises and devises wherein he can by anie 
meanes prevaile to disturbe the companie and trade. In 
respect whereof, and for the avoidinge of all occasion which 
by his malice may be put in uze, ether by him or his con- 
federates, for the breach or hinderaunce of the leage newlie 
begonne betwene her Majestic and the said Emperor, or for 
the disturbinge of the trade, — it may please your honorable 
lordship, in the behaulfe of the companie, to be a meane to 
her Majestic that letters of thankefulnes may with all con- 
venient speede be devised, acknowledginge the Emperors 
great love and favour used to her subjectes for her sake, 
together with some advertisement of the manner of the said 
Hierom Horsseys departure in contempte of her highnes. 
And your lordships said suppliauntes shall be further 
bounde to praye to God longe to preserve your right honor- 
able estate. [1588.] 



\_From the Lamdoume MS. cxn, f. Vil.'] 

Matters to he conteyned in her Majesties letteres to he wrytten 
to the l^mperor of Russia, in the heaaulfe of the com- 
panie of merchauntes tradinge those partes. 


. . . But whereas Hierom Horssey, beinge sent from the 
Emperor to her Majestie with his most loving and kinde let- 
teres, gratuities and tokens of remembraunce, and with a 
priviledge of trade under his highnes greate seale, and hav- 
vinge delivered to her owne handes the said letteres and 
priviledges with theire translacions, the which she redd and 
diligentlie perused, and was joyefulle to finde so honorable 
and brotherlie a zeale in his highnes towardes her Majestie 
and her people ; it may alsoe please her Majestie to adver- 
tise that she did, by the reason of soe acceptable thinges 
brought by the said Hierom Horssey, make the more esti- 
mation and accompt of him, and appointed that he should 
be used above his degree and callinge. But, afterwardes, 
complainte was made to her highnes against him, to the 
which she purposed to have him called to make his reason- 
able aunswere. And, alsoe, there v/as some matters of greate 
valewe in accompte dependinge in question betwene her 
merchauntes and him, wherewith he beinge charged, as yet 
seemeth, he founde himself therein soe nearlie touched that 
he departed awaie out of her highnes realme, and never 
made anie one that can be hard of privie to his departure 
or acquainted whether he would go. 

And, because it is thought he is gone into Russia, her 
Majestie hath thought it good to desire the Emperor that his 
cominge thether be noe waie prejudicall to her merchauntes ; 
neither that anie credite which he seeketh, or hath hereto- 
fore obteyned, be charged uppon them other then for suche 
thinges as came to the companie use. 


And, to the end he worke noe dlsturbavmce to this league 
and amitie nowe bcgonne, nor noe injurie to the companie, 
by color of insertinge of his name to the previlidges, it may- 
please his Majestie to send him over againe in the next 
shippes, to make an ende of all matters with the mer- 
chauntes, and that her Majestie may hcare and examine 
the complaintes and matter wherewith he is to be charged. 

[From the Lansdowne BIS. cxii, f. 133.] 


1. Newe ordinances ivere made hy the Companie to avoide 
private trade. 

The wrongs and abuses done to the common state of the 
Companie of Muskovia merchauntes by the agentes, factors, 
and servauntes, imploied in ther affaires in Russia, who 
soughte ther owne private gaine to the overthrowe of the 
Companies common state, did aboute four yeres past neces- 
sarily drive the Companie to make newe ordinaunces for the 
reformation of those mischiefes. 

2. Robert Peacock, agent, and John Chappell his assistent, 
sent into Russia to execute those ordinaunces. 

For the dewe execution whereof they sente over into 
Russia one Robert Peacock, a skilfull and ready merchaunte, 
to be ther agente, and one John Chapell, a man acquainted 
bothe with the countrey and language, for his assistent. 


3. Robert Peacocke resident at the Musho, John Chapell 
at Cassan. 

These two men beinge come to St. Nicholas in Kussia, 
they severed themselves, and agreed that thone of them 
shuld make his residence at the Musko and the other at 
Cassan, which places are distant 500 miles. 

4. Hierotn Horssey, late the Companies apprentice, and 
then ther stipendarie, had the charge of ther palato or store- 
house in the Musho. 

Hierom Horsey, then the Companies servaunte, beinge 
lefte at the Mviskoe with the charge of all the Companies 
goodes under his handes, whilest the former agent, William 
Trumbull, came to St. Nicholas to meete with Robert Pea- 
cocke and John Chapell, at arryvall of the shippes, was to 
deliver to thandes of the agent Kobert Peacocke all the 
goodes which were lefte unsolde at the Musko, together 
with an accoumpte of all thinges done by him, the said 
Hierom, whilest he had those goodes in his charge. 

5. Hierom Horssey practised to decease the agent loith a 
false inventor ie. 

Whereupon he wrote and made ready an inventorie of all 
the goodes which remained unsolde at the Musko, and 
therein inserted the particles of divers goodes amountinge to 
the value of {sic), which indeade he had conveied 

awaye, thinkinge the inventorie shulde have bene accepted 
without examination of the parcelles ; wherein Robert Pea- 
cocke disapointed him. Which purpose of his beinge dis- 
covered, and the goodes wantinge, he was content to be 
charged with a part of the said want, and one Anthony 
Marshe, with whom he was confederate, with the reste. 

6. He gave up an accoumpte of great sommes deive hymen, 
whereas ther were noe suche men to he foimde. 

And beinge to give an accoumpte of the sales by him made 
of the goodes committed to his charge in the said former 
agentes absence, he delivered in, amongest other deceipts, a 


note of clivers particular goodes sokle to clivers men, geav- 
inge them the title of good men and suche as woulde pay at 
the day ; whereas indeade there were noe suche men, but 
he onlie surmysed suche names ; which particular sommes 
amounted unto 2186 roubles 180c?. 

7. His deceipte heinge discovered, he toolce those dehtes 
uppon him selfe. 

When the tyme of payment of these particular sommes sett 
downe was expired, then the agent discovered this deceipte. 
Which beinge knowen, Hierom Horssey toke uppon him the 
debte of 2186 roubles 180(7., and paiecl in part of payment 
500 roubles. 

8. The agente tolde him he would advertise the Companie 
of his dealinge. 

But the said Hierom Horssey denyinge to make him a bill 
or give him securytie for the rest, the agente tolde him he 
woulde advertyse the Companie thereof in his next letteres. 

9. To prevent this, he practised that none of the Companies 
servauntes shidd he suffered to goe overland loith letters. 

To prevente this advertisement, Hierom Horssey practised 
that the said agent shuld have noe licence to sencle away 
anie of the Companies servauntes overlande with his letters ; 
which thinge he soe effected that the agent, sewinge for 
suche a licence, was delaied from tyme to tyme, until the 
season of the yeare was almoste past for travell overland. 

10. The agent went ahoute to send his letters hy a Polonia 

The said Robert Peacocke, the agent, beinge then given 
to understande that a marchaunt of Polande was gone newlie 
from the Musko overlande, he sente one John Horneby, the 
Companies servaunte, to overtake the marchaunte and to ^ 
deliver him too packettes of letters, bothe of one tenour, 
geavinge him order that one shulde be sent to Danske and 
thother to Melvin, to be conveied from thence for Eng- 


11. Hierom Horssey and one Antho^nj Mar she surmised 
to the Counsaill that the agent had toritten treason against 
the State. 

His intention beinge knowen to the said Horssey and 
Marslie, before the said John Hornebyes departure, they 
sett ther servauntes to watch his goinge forthe ; who beinge 
by those servauntes discryed, they had worde of hit, and 
theruppon ymmediatlie went to the Counsaill and enformed 
them that Robert Peacocke, the agent, had sent a messenger 
to the borders of the enymies with letters conteyning matter 
of treason against the State. 

12. The letters loere intercepted and enterjjreted by Hierom 
Horssey, Mar she, and others. 

Whereuppon a post was sent after the said John Horneby, 
and he brought backe againe with the letters ; which letters 
were delivered to the said Horssey, Marshe, and others, to 
be interpreted : the meanewhile the agent and the said 
Horneby charged with treason, the one committed under 
gard in the Companies house, the other to pryson. 

13. The hearer of the letters put to torture called the 

The letters being founde to conteyne nothinge but matter 
of trade, the Lord Boris Gordino [Godunow] theruppon 
used these wordes, viz., " These men are at variaunce 
amongest themselves. Well ! I will encle thes controversies 
to morrowe." Notwithstandinge, the meane tyme, it was 
surmysed that the said Hornebie, the messenger, had some 
matter of treason delivered to him to report by worde of 
mouth ; and, to drawe the truth from him, he was put to the 
putkey, wher he was hanged by both his handes, tyed be- 
b hinde him, and waightes to his feete, and had 24 lashes with 
a wyer whippe, being still called uppon to confesse the 

14. The hearer of the letters laid to the fisr to have bene 


But he havinge nothingc to confesse, yet, iippon the sus- 
pition of that which was falselie suggested, was taken clowne 
and laid to the fyer to have bene rosted. But the Lord 
Boris Fedorowich beinge presente, and consideringe the 
innocencie of the prisoner, cried out to the executioneres 
''Take him from the fyer and sende him awaye!" Wher- 
uppon he was had to pryson againe, wher he remayned for 
the space of eighte weekes. 

15. The Lord Boris Fedorowich tolde John Hornchy, the 
messenger, which tvas punished^ thai he might thanhe his 
oic?ie countrgme7i. 

The said John Horncby afterwardes commynge before the 
honorable gentleman the Lord Boris Fedorowich, with 
another Englishman as his enterpreter, and humbly castinge 
himself prostrate on the grounde at his fcetc, gave him 
thankes for his honorable compassion and graunt of his licff. 
To whome he, stroivinge him on the head, used thes wordes : 
" Thowe maiest thanke thyne owne countrymen for thy 

16. Hierom Horssey procured John Chapelles imprison- 

The said Hierom Horssey procured the ymprisonment of 
John Chapell, the agentes assistent, who was deteyned pri- 
soner by the space of a yere and a half. He had before that 
vowed and sworne a revenge uppon the said Chapell, and 
tooke the oportunytie of that tyme by color of the copie of a 
letter which was founde in the packett of the agentes letters 
intercepted. This letter was written by one of the Com- 
panies servauntes to another of his companions at Cassan, 
wherein he signefied that the Companie had sett John 
Chapell over them as a spie, meaninge an overseer of them 
and ther cloina-es.^ 

1 [The letter alluded to was written by John Ralph. It is preserved 
in the Lausdowne MS. xlii, art. 23.] 


17. John Chapelles imprisonment greive hy reason of the 
corrupte interpretation of a letter. 

This letter amongest other the letters in the packett was 
by them translated, and the word spie was not translated in 
that sense as the wryter ment it, but sett downe generallie. 
Whereuppon it was collected that the said John Chapell was 
sent as a spie to looke to the state of the countrey ; for which 
he was soe imprysoncd and the goodes under his charge 
seased to the Emperores use, beinge of the valewe of 4500 
roubles, whereof ther is yet but 1000 roubles restored. 

18. The Kinges letters of complaint brought over by Hierom 

Thes troubles beinge brought uppon the Companie, then 
the Emperor wryteth a letter to the Queene, conteyninge 
divers complaintes against Kobert Peacocke and John Cha- 
pell, allowinge of the behaviour of William Trumbull and 
Hierom Horssey. In which letter he willed that aunswer 
should be retorned by the said Hierom Horssey; which 
clawse seemeth to have bene inserted for his protection ; for 
that the Lord Boris Fedorowich, before Horsseis comminge 
with the letters, asked him howe he durst goe into his owne 

19. He caused her Majestic to sende over an Englishe mid- 
loieff, which he hepte in Russia a yere and never suffered her 
to come neare the Empresse ; never did she ever hnowe that 
suche a looman loas sent. 

When as he was come hither with the Emperores letter, 
he moved the Queene as having commission from the Em- 
presse for an Englishe midwieff to be sent into Russia. 
AYhereuppon a midwieff was sent ; but, she beinge come 
over, the said Horssey practised to keape her from the 
knowledge of the EmjDresse, and havinge deteyned her at 
Vologdo, farre from the Musko, by the space of a yere, she 
is nowe retorned, and the Empresse never kncAve of her. 
What he ment by that practise, and what warranto he had 


to move the Queene for a midwiefF, it is to be conjectured 
by his soddaine departure uppon the mydvviefes complainte 
to the Queene. 

20. The Lord Boris Fedoroioich thought his sister dis- 
honored hi) Horsseis motion for the midwieff. 

The Lord Boris Fedorowich, since the said Hieroni Hors- 
seis last departure from the Musko, being made acquainted 
with the manner of the bringinge over of the midwiefF, 
thought the Empresse his sister greatlye dishonored by 
suche a surmyse, especially in respecte of the unfittnes of 
the messenger to be used in shuch a request ; spoke thes or 
the like wordes in effecte ; viz., " He hathe plaicd the foole 
and the knave; he hathe abused the Queene, and that 
knoweth she. Yf he have done well it is the better for him ; 
yf otherwyse, he is the Quecnes subjecte, lett his head pay 
for it." 

21. It pleased her Majestie to retorne Horssey icith the 
letters to the Emperor, and vouchesafed him the title of her 

It pleased her Majestie, accordinge to theEmperores request, 
to retorne Hierom Horssey in to Russia as her Highenes mes- 
senger with her letters of aunswere, wherein her Majestie 
used a most gratious mediation in our behaulf to appcace the 
Emperores displeasure conceavcd against her subjectes ; and 
therein alsoe intreated the Emperor for the graunte of that 
privelege of traffique which his late father had, at her re- 
quest, heretofore graunted to her marchauntes. And for the 
better creclite of the said Hierom Horssey in solycitinge the 
matters conteyned in her Highnes letters, and that he mighte 
the rather benefite the Company e, her Majestie vouchesafed 
to grace him with the tytle of her servaunt. 

22. Howe he abused her Majesties favours, and hy color 
thereof usurped further authoritie. 

But he, wantinge judgment and discretion, abused this 
favor of her ISIajestie bestowed vippon him, and by color 


thereof, and by pretence of further authoritie geaven him by 
her gratious letters pattentes, toke upon hmi to have deposed 
the agent Kobert Peacocke, to send hhn. home overland, and 
to place another in his rowme. He tooke nppon him the 
name of President, and soe wrot him selfe. He signefyed to 
the Counsaill in Russia that he was the Queenes sworne 
man, one of the squiers of the bodie, and sent over by the 
Queenc and Counsaill to govern the Companie. 

23. Hotv he abused the age?ites and laied molent handes 
uppon them. 

Accordinge to this ymagined commission, he beganne to 
enlarge the buildinges of the house, at the Companies charge, 
and to make new lodginges, such as the Comj)anie had not 
use of. He carryed soe masterlie a government over the 
agent and all her Majesties subjectes ther, that he would not 
onely revyle them at his pleasure, but laid violent handes 
bothe uppon the said agent Robert Peacocke and uppon 
William Trumbull, nowe agent. 

24. Howe he tvas candied away ivith amhition. 

He beinge thus carried beyond him self with pride and 
ambition, he wrote a letter to the Companie, notinge unto 
them in what ruyne he found ther estate in Russia at his last 
comminge thether, usinge thes wordes, viz., " that the rootts 
of trees were turned upward, the hartes of all men hardened 
against us, the trade spoiled, that it would aske much worke 
to make it growe againe", — when as indeed, contrarywise, 
our agentes wrott us that all thinges were in good and quiet 
state. And further that he with much adoe had obteyned a 
graunte of John Chapellcs release, wherein he attributed 
nothinge to her Majestic, althoughe it were one of the espe- 
ciall pointes moved by her Majestic in her letters. And, in 
thende, he required the Companies full aunswere and pre- 
tence of their myndes what office the Companie would be- 
stowe uppon him, ether president, deputie, agent, or what 
sett allowauncc they would geve him towardes his charges. 


25. Hoio Tie lootdd have deceaved the agent of 2500 

He borrowed in the Companies name out of the Emperorcs 
treasurye 4000 roubles, apointinge the officeres ther to make 
ready a bill of debte for the same, and the agent shoulde in 
the Companies name come and signe it. Which bill was 
made readie and wrytten in the Russe carackter and tonge, 
wherein the said agent had small knowledge. Whereuppon, 
the said Horssey tolde the agent, Robert Pcacocke, that he 
had obteyned out of the treasury 1500 roubles for the Com- 
panies use, and yf the said agent would goe thethcr and 
signe a bill, the mony shuld be brought him home. Wher- 
unto the agent was willinge ; but, beinge made privie by a 
frend of this plattforme and deceipte, he retorned againe and 
would not signe the bill. 

26. In this plattforme laied, it seemeth he had an intention 
to have deceaved the agente of 2500 roubles, when as he 
would have had him signe a bill for 4000 roubles, and per- 
swaded him he was to scale for 1500 roubles. 

27. The said Pcacocke, the agent, afterwardes, beinge 
made acquainted that Horssey had receaved thes 4000 
roubles out of the treasurye uppon the Companies credite, 
he gott the money from him with muche adoe, threat- 
ninge him excepte he would deliver hit he woulde repaire 
to the treasurye and disavowe the havinge of it ; which 
thinge the said Hierom Horssey fearinge delivered up the 

28. Hoio he procured the Companies warehouses to he 
sealed up for the dehte of 4000 roubles dewe to the Em- 

But he lefte not this matter unrevenged ; for, after he was 
departed from the Musko to come for England, he wrote a 
letter to the Lord Boris Fedorowich to sease the Companies 
goodes for the surety of the said mony. Whereuppon ther 
warehouses were sealed up, to the Companies great dis- 


credite, and soe contynucd untill Doctor Jacob obteyned the 
discharge of our goodes. 

29. He arrogateth to himself the greatest part of the com- 
mendation for the good effected to the Companie by the ohteyn- 
inge of this neioe graunte of priviledge. 

He beiiige come hether againe with letters from the Em- 
peror and from the Lord Boris Fedorowich, and bringinge 
with him the priviledges under the Emperors seale, doeth 
arrogate to him self the greatest part of the commendation 
of that benefite broughte to the Company, detractinge from 
her Majestic her right in that behaulf ; and letted not to 
challenge to him self as great a j)iece of service done for the 
common Avelthe as any ambassador that hathe bene at anie 
tyme ymploied in those partes. But (not extenuating the 
gratious favour of the Emperor in thes priviledges) they con- 
teyne nothinge soe great a liberty as the priviledge graunted 
by the olde Emperor, when Mr. Bandall [Randolph] was 
ambassador there, anie more to be attributed to Hierom 
Horssey in this service then the commendation of a solicitor 
in callinge uppon the Lord Boris Fedorowich, who hathe 
saied he hathe countenanced him only for her Majesties 
sake, and Avould have done the like unto any man sent unto 
him from her Majestic. 


oO. He abused the Chief Chauncelor and Secretary of the 
land of Russia. 

Aboute seven yeares past, the said Hierom Horssey, 
rydinge in the streetes in the Musko with Andrea Shalcan, 
the Chief Chauncelor and Secretory of the lande, uppon 
multyplyinge of wordes, he used a dispitefull E.usse speeche 
unto him, biddinge — " goe lye with his mother :" the re- 
venge whereof hathe sithence bene burthensomc to the 


31. He causethe Thomas lVyn7iyngton to he iinprisoiied to 
his great charge. 

He procured one Thomas Wynnyngton, comynge into 
Russia, to be cast into prison and laid in yrons, because this 
Wynnyngton had discovered to the Companie the abuse of 
ther servauntes in Russia. And for that Horssey woukl be 
sure to see that Wynnyngton shold have noe favor in his 
imprisonment, he sent his man everie day to see that his 
yrons were uppon him. This ymprysonment cost Wyn- 
nyngton at the least 100 li. 

32. He 2)rocured the imprisonment of Richard Silhe, his 
wief and children, to ther losse of 1000 roubles. 

He caused one Richard Silke, an Englishman, his wief 
and children, to be ymprisoned and to pay to the Emperor 
1000 roubles, for that Silke gave advise to Robert Peacocke, 
the agente, to seeke the favour of some counsaille of the 
lande, to beare himself the better against the malice and 
practyse of the said Hierom Horssey. 

33. He is feared of all our nation in Russia, because he is 
a common accuser. 

He ymprisoned divers others, insomuche that he is feared 
by all our nation there for a common accuser, and noe man 
will live with him ther by ther good will, because he is soe 
daungerous and malitious a avengour, yf he take an offence 
against any man. 

That Hierom Horssey be not by any meanes suffred to 
retorne into Russia, but that a discreete gentleman be served 
to be sent by her Majestic into Russia, to establishe bothe 
the leage and trade. 

34. The Companie are warned by the counsayll of Russia 
to heepe him at home. 

He is alsoe seditious, and breedeth variance amongest the 
counsaill in Russia; and therfore the Companie have bene 
admonished by one of the counsaill ther to keepe Horssey 
awaye, and he wilbe ther frend ; for that he is nether pro- 


fitable for that countrey, nor for the Company whilest he is 
amongest them. 

The Emperors letteres require aunswere hy another. 

The Emperores letters require a gentleman of her Majes- 
ties houshold to be sent over, to establishe the leage and 
ende the variaunces of the marchauntes ; that the Queene 
and the Emperor be not further trowbled aboute ther con- 

The humhle petition of the Companie to the Lordes of her 
Majesties most honorable Prime Counsaill. 

The Companie beinge admonished not to use him nor to 
suffer him to retorne into Russia, them selves knowinge him 
to be a daungerous instrument and a mover of trouble and 
variaunce, and soe wastfull and prodigall that ther trade 
cannot bear the charge of suche an one to have to doe for 
them ; and alsoe they findinge him indepted unto them in 
verie great sommes of money, gotten into his handes by his 
unfaithefull, fraudulent and decciptefull dealinge ; had a 
purpose to offer unto your honorable wysdoms and grave 
considerations the knowledge of thadvertysementes and ad- 
monitions sent them out of Kussia, besides ther owne know- 
ledge of the man, to thende he might be staied here. But, 
whilest they were in settinge downe thes matters in wryt- 
inge, ther was exhibited to the Queenes Majestic a com- 
pleint by the mydwief sent and commended by her Majestic 
to the Empresse of Russia ; to which complainte he beinge 
called to make aunswere theruppon, is fledd away, and, as it 
is to be doubted, is gone into Russia, wher, noe doubte, he 
will worke all the meanes he can to anoy the Companye and 
the trade. In respecte of which daunger, it may please 
your honorable and good lordships to be a meane, on the 
behaulfe of the Companie, to the Queenes most excellent 
Majestic that, accordinge to the Emperores requeste made 


to her higlienes in his letters, it would please her jNIajestie 
to send unto the Emperor some discreete gentleman, suche 
as the Companie shuld make choice of, commended by her 
gracious letters or otherwise authorised as shalbe thought 
convenient, to proceade in treaty e with the said Emperor and 
his Counsaillj bothe touchinge the leage and amytie moved, 
and alsoe touching the priviledge graunted, or further pri- 
viledges to be reasonably moved or intreated for. And it 
may. please her Majestie, by the same letters, to advertyse 
the Emperor of the maner of the departure of the said 
Hierom Horssey out of England, prayinge that the said 
Horssey may be sent hether againe, to avoide all further 
occasion of sedition or variaunce to be hereafter moved 
amongest her Majesties subjectes resident in Russia. And 
the said Companie shall, God willinge, be more carefull 
whom they doe hereafter ymploy in those partes. 

IFrom the Lansdoicne BIS., cxu, fol. 139.] 

To the rigid honorable the Lord Burghley, Lord highe 
Treasurer of Lnglande. 

Your lordships humble suppliauntes, the Companie of 
English merchauntes tradinge Russia, as well as in discharge 
of their dutie to her Majestie as in regarde of theire trade, 
which nowe lyeth in a desperate state and readie to be over- 
throwne, yf yt be not supported by your honorable grave 
advise, and preserved from ruyne by some cowrse to be di- 
rected uppon good deliberation, doe humblie informe your 
honor, that yt is given out that her Majestie mindeth to im- 
ploye Hierom Horssey in some service of her Highnes, 
ether to the Emperor of Russia or otherwise towardes the 

S28 APPENDIX 111. 

east partes. Yf to the Emperor of Russia, forasmuche as his 
iii:iploymcnt may coiicerne the Companie, they hiirablie praye 
your good lordship to vouchsafe the readinge of thes articles 
herewith exhibited, as objections not malitiouslie surmised 
against him, but suche as shalbe apparauntlie proved before 
your honor. Uppon viewe whereof your lordships grave 
wisdome may judge whether yt shalbe honorable for her 
Majestic anie waie to use the service of a man of such beha- 
viour ; or that the Companie shall have reason to hope for 
redresse of theire injuries in Kussia by the imployment of 
him whom the Em2:)eror, in his last letters to her Majestic, 
noteth to be a man that breadeth debate betwene princes, 
and wisheth that suche as he hereafter be not sent from her 
majestic in the behaulfe of her merchauntes. But yf his im- 
ployment be ment for anie other partes, then, in discharge of 
our duties to her Majestic and your lordship and others of 
her Highnes most honorable Privie Counsaill, we thinke our- 
selves bounde not to conceale soe greate blemishes in a man 
chosen out to travcll in her Highnes service. [1589.] 

[From the Lansdowne MS. i.xii, fol. 2'2.] 


Firste, to omitte many deceiptes and falshoodcs committed 
by him whilest he was servaunte to the Companie, to theire 
greate damage and hindraunce, and to touche the last, which 
the Companie take to have bene the grounde of all the late 
disturbaunce and spoyle of theire trade, whilest to cloke that 
abuse, he came into courses as well dishonorable to the State 
as mischievous to the Companie, — the Comjjanie doe saye 
and will averre and prove. 

That Hicrom Horsscy, havingc given up a false accompte 


to the Companies agent in anno 1584, and therein forged 
and surmised mens names to be debtores for great sommes 
of money for commodities soulde them, whearas in deede 
there weare noe such men in beinge but ymagined men, 
confederated with Anthonie Marshe ; whome wee take as 
guiltie as the other, althoughe not soe able to goe throughe 
with thenterprize, to cause a restrainte to be made that noe 
Englishman should be suffered to goe into England with 
anie letters, to thend that the agent should not be able to 
advertise the Companie ho we he delte with them in his 

The meanes of transporte of letters beinge denyed by anie 
Englisheman to be sent overlande, the agent tooke the opor- 
tunitie of the passage of a Pole merchaunt which went from 
the Musko overland to Polonia, and sent one Hornebie, the 
Companies servaunte, to overtake the merchaunt, and to de- 
liver him a packett of letters of advise into Englandc, howe 
to prepare the nexte vyage. 

This beinge knowne to Horssey and Marshe, they layed 
Avayte which waye Hornebie was gone with the letters, and 
repaired to the Lord Boris Fedorowich and Andrea Shalcan, 
and informed them that Robert Peacocke, the agent, had 
sent away an Englishman out of the countrie with letters 
offensive to the State. 

Hereuppon Hornebie beinge taken [and] broughte backe 
againe, the letters examyned, which conteyned onelie matters 
of advise touchinge trade, he was tossed up by the amies 
uppon a jubite, his amies unjoynted, had xxiiij lashes with 
a wyer whippe, and was afterwardes put to the fyer to have 
bene rested ; whose innocencie, and constancie in purginge 
himself to be free from all treacherie, moved the Lord Boris 
to take him from the fyer and to spare his lief. Which 
Hornebie, yf he had by his weakenes and thextremitie of 
torture confessed any thinge tendinge to treason, the agent 
had bene executed and the Companies goodes confiscated* 


The like torture was used to a Russe mercliaunte tliat gave 
Robert Peacock, the agent, intelligence that he mighte have 
conveyaunce for his letters by waie of Polonia ; and another 
Russe that accompanied Hornebie as his guide was soe used. 

John Chapele, the assistent to the agent, was by Horsseys 
meanes ymprisoned almost a yeare, in question to have bene 
executed, and 4700 markes taken from him, seased to the 
Emperores use ; whereof the Companie weare never restored 
to above one thowsande markes. 

Thomas AVynnington, an Englisheman, was by him sent 
for from St. Nicholas to the Musko, and broughte up in 
irons as a prysoner and theire ymprisoned, and paied 100 
markes which Horssey had : and this punishment was layde 
uppon him for that he discovered to the Companie the in- 
juries done to them by theire servauntes. 

He procured the ymprisonment of one Richard Silke, an 
Englisheman, his wief and children ; who weare tormented 
in prison, and an ymposition of 1000 markes layde uppon 
them and paid to the Emperor. 

He ymprisoned one Finche, an Englisheman. He was 
put in greate feare to have bene executed, but uppon greate 
entreatie he was released againe ; and, havinge released him, 
he vaunted unto him in this manner, viz. — " Who broughte 
Wynnington, Silke, and thee, Finche, to ymprisonment, but 
Flierom Horssey ? What straunger in all Russia is able to 
doe that Horssey can doe ? Whose i>erson, whose wief and 
children, are not at Horsseys commaundement ?" 

This torture, affliction, and ymprisonment, beinge inflicted 
uppon Hornebie and Chaple without just cause, the Emperor 
and his Counsell, doubtinge howe this would be taken, and 
ho we it might stande with the league and amitie betweene her 
Majestic and him, could fynde noe fitt instrument in all Russia 
of the Emperores owne subjectes to send over to the Queenes 
Majestic with the complainte of thes pretended treasons, but 
Hierom Horssey, who would either maynteyne the tenour of 


the letters, or bringe him worde backe againe howe thes 
matters weare disgested here. 

He Avillinglie undertooke this ymployment, althoughe the 
Lord Boris Fedorowich asked him howe he durst goe into 
Eiiglande ; and, for his better securitie, he practized with 
the said Lord Boris Fedorowich to send for Kobert Peacocke, 
to require him that he should write nothinge into England 
against Hierom Horssey and Anthonie Marshe. 

The letters he brought over consisted uppon thes pointes ; 
viz., a complainte against Sir Hierom Bowes, her Majesties 
late ambassadour, of his behaviour in Hussia; the like com- 
plainte against Kobert Peacocke and John Chaple, who 
weare chardged to practise the disturbaunce of the State of 
Russia; the Emperores dislike of the enterteynment of his 
enterpreter Reignold Beckeman, that he was noe better 
enterteyned by the Lord Threasurer and Mr. Secretorie, 
and seemeth to sett lighte of the trade or of her Majesties 
amitie ; and in the same letter concludeth that Hierom 
Horssey must retorne againe with aunsweare from her 
Majestic with expedition, that the Emperor might knowe 
the state of all thinges. Uppon which wordes we doe inferre 
that choyce was made of Hierom Horssey, that he might 
bringe worde and notice to the Emperor with what counte- 
nance thes greate wronges and injuries weare borne by her 
Majestic, her Counsell and the Companie, which noe Russe 
shoulde be able to doe. 

Thes letters requiringe aunsweare by Horsseys retourne 
restrayned the Companie that they durst not sewe to her 
Majestic for the stayinge of him heare, althoughe they knewe 
him to have bene the worker of theire troubles. But he, 
seeinge the Companie had intelligence of the injury he had 
done them, to staye theire proceedinge and complainte 
against him, undertooke to pacific all thes troubles and to 
procure an inlargement of all thinges, soe he might have the 
Queenes letters in his favour ; which weare obteyned for 


him ; wherein her Highenes vouchsafed him the title of her 

He contented not himself to followe his commission, 
which was to bringe the Emperores letters to her Majestic, 
but, because he would seeme a man in greate accoumpte and 
favour in Russia, he presumed to tell the Queene that he 
had order from the Empres to move her Majestic to send 
her a midwief, signifieinge to her Majestic that she was five 
monethes gone with childe. Who, uppon his motion, gave 
order to the Companie to provide one ; which was done, 
and sent over accordinglie. But Hierom Horssey, remem- 
bringe himself better when he came into Russia, durst not 
vouch the brinsrinsre over of the midwief, but lefte her foure 
hundred myles from the Musko, where she stayed a whole 
yeare and then retourned into England againe, havinge 
chardged the Companie one waye and other to the vallewe 
of one hundred poundes, and never was presented to the 

When he came into Russia with the Queenes letters, he 
bare himself so boulde uppon the title of her servaunte, that 
he would place and displace the agent at his pleasure. He 
wrote himself Hierom Horssey, president. He would dis- 
pose of the government of our people as he listed, alledginge 
that nether the agent nor Companie shuld take from him 
that the Queene had geven him under her highenes letters 
pattentes ; nether thoughte he the Companie soe madd to 
take awaye the superioritie given him by the Queene and 

He would laye violent handes of the agent and all other 
the Companie people in Russia, who thoughte yt better to 
beare his blowes then to be broughte by accusation to the 
torture of the Russe ; and, for feare of displeasure, com- 
pelled some to certifie under theire handes into England 
at his request that which by theire letters ymediatelie they 


encountered, and all to gett him out of the countric and to 
be ridd of him from amongst them. 

He defaced a merchaunte sent with her Majesties letters 
into Kussia, and said he was but a tolmache, viz., an inter- 
preter to a bricklayer ; which is in the opinion of the Russe 
a contemptible thinge. Soe jelous was he of the ymploy- 
ment of anie man from her Majestic, that he thought his 
reputation might be ympared. 

He caused the Companies warehowses to be sealed up for 
a debte due to the Emperor of 4000 markes, which him- 
selfe borowed, pretendinge that he was to goe into England 
and to bringe the agent over with him in displeasure ; which 
was a greate discredite to the Companie. 

And whereas he, by vertue of her Majesties letters, ob- 
teyned and brought over with him, two years since, a graunt 
of privilidge for the Companie, free of all custome, which 
privilige is called in againe, and, as yt is said by her Ma- 
jesties late ambassador, was constantlie affirmed by Andrea 
Shalcan to be either never graunted by the Emj)eror, or 
unorderlie gotten out under scale. But, howsoever yt was 
graunted, yt nowe ceaseth ; and the custome which the 
Companie saved therebie, yf anie thinge be saved, was only 
1060 robles, Avhich is notwithstandinge demaunded of our 
agent, and standeth onelie respited, but not absolutclie 
cleared. Soe that this service, which he pretendeth is soe 
greate a benifite to the Companie, doeth noe way ballaunce 
the injury and losse which his practizes hath brought to 
ther comon state. And althoughe he would undertake to 
goe over againe and obteyne the paiement of all those goodes 
seased by the Emperor, and unjustlie taken from the Com- 
panie, since his disturbaunce practised (which amounteth to 
xij thowsand robles or markes), the Companie had rather re- 
dresse thes injuries otherwise as they can, by her Majesties 
gratious meanes and your honours advise, then to relie Nippon 
anie treatie of his, or wherein he shall beare anie rule or 


order ; for that they knowe there is no end of his practises, 
nor any measure of his wastfu]! hande ; neither shall theire 
goodes be free from seasures soe long as he shall beare any 
swaye in theire trade. 

And, lastlie, forasmuch as the Emperor, in his last letters 
to the Queenes Majestic, hath expresslie forbidden the re- 
tourne of Horssey anie more into his countrie, to deale in the 
merch antes affayres, and his counsell hath given warninge 
to our agent that, if Horssey or Marshe retourne againe into 
Russia, they will hange them, wee are of opinion that to 
employe him againe thether cannot but be taken a greate 
contempte of the Companie against soe expresse warninge to 
the contrarie. [1589.] 

\_From the State Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence.'] 

HIM TO HER MAJESTIE. [1585-1590]. 

Auuoi585. The Emperour of Muskovia used the sayde Hierom 
Horsey as his messenger hether to her Majestic, with a 
letter of complaynte against Sir Hierom Bowes his beha- 
viour in Russia, agaynst Roberte Pecocke and John Chappell, 
agentes for the merchauntes there ; from which Chappell 
there was taken of the Companies goodes of the valewe of 
5,700 markes, and confiscated, whereof there was never 
restitution made but 1000 markes. The agentes were un- 
justlie charged to have practised treason agaynst the state. 
Hierom Horsey beinge the messenger that was to solicite 
thes letters and to bringe answere thereof, the Companie 
had intelligence from oute of Russia that the sayde messen- 


ger was the onlie mover of the troubles layde uppon the 
sayde agentes, and had particular mformation howe to 
charge him therewith, which they purposiuge to doe, were 
stayed by meanes of his frendes, whoe undcrtooke in his 
behalf that, if the Company woulde forbeare to disgrace 
him and make sewte for her Majesties letters to be returned 
by him, he woulde undertake to sett streighte all things 
that were amisse in Russia, and by the meanes of the sayde 
letters to performe many other good offices for theyre bene- 
fyte, as the obteninge of the restitution of theyre goods, and 
newe priveledges of free traffique. 

Hereuppon, the Company and he grewe to unytie and 
agreemente, and they gave him all the furtherance that 
coulde be dcvysed by theire honorrable good frendes for 
her Majesties letters. 

Whereuppon, he returned with the Queenes letters inAnnoiDsc. 
answere to the Emperour ; her Majesties letters conteyning a 
very ample and an honorable tretie for the priveledges of 
the merchants. 

Solicytinge these letters of her Majestie with the favour 
of the Lord Boris, a priveledge was graunted freed of cus- 
tome ; which doone, the Lord Boris woulde not suffer it to 
be delyvered to the sayde Horsey, but sente for the agente, 
Koberte Pecocke, and the Companies factours ; before whom 
he delyvered the same with this protestation, that he had 
obteyned for the merchants at her Majesties request without 
chardge to theyme a free privilcdge, which shall cost them 
nothinge, usinge only these wordes further, vidz. — " But 
Hierom hath ernestly called uppon it." 

Hierom Horsey returned into Englande with these privi- '^""'^ ^^^''• 
ledges, and havinge beene heere a certen tyme resorted to 
the Companie with a greate demaunde of recompence, as 
namelie a 1000 marke for his charges layde oute aboute the 
same, and 1000 li, for his paynes. 

To these demaunds the Companie made answere, that for 


the charges in obteyninge the priveledg there was iioe cause 
he shoulde demaunde any thinge ; for the Lord Boris dely- 
vered theyme with protestation for her Majesties sake he ob- 
teyned of the Emperour a free priveledge, and that without 
chardge. And as touchinge his paynes, he was not to val- 
lewe it as a man that wente out of England into Russia of 
purpose to doe such a service, and uppon noe other occa- 
sion, for that his returne was of necessetie uppon the Empe- 
rours busynes, and solicytinge of her Majesties letters which 
he carryed coulde deserve noe such gratuety, beinge a thinge 
which mighte have beene done as well by the agent as by 

Uppon this, bearinge himself boulde of his honorable 
frendes, he convented the Company before Mr. Vice-cham- 
berlayn and Mr. Secretory, whom he had incensed that the 
Company had dealte hardelie with him ; before whom the 
Company were required to alledge theire reasons they coulde 
against his demaunds. Who beganne to sett furth the losses 
which they had susteyned by the treble of Roberte Pecocke 
and John Chap^^ell, theyre agents, and the goodes taken 
from Chappell, with other losses growing by Hierom Hor- 
sey's meancs, which standinge uppon many particulars they 
were required to sette theyme downe in wrytinge. 

Accordinge to which direction they proceeded to set 
these things downe in wrytinge, with a declaration of the 
originall grounde of the practise of Horsey and Marshe to 
bringe the agents in treble ; but Avhylest these things were 
in hande and the corse therof discovered to Hierom Horsey, 
he, fearinge the evente of the same, fledd awaye sodenly 
into Russia. 

Afterwardes, the Company dowbtinge his returne into 
Russia woulde breede thcim newe broyles, and beinge geven 
to understande that custome was still required, notwithstand- 
inge the late priveledg enterteyned, obteyned Mr. Doctour 
Fletcher to be imployed thether as her Majesties ambassa- 


clour, in whose trety the pryveledges were sett doAvne as an 
article to be confirmed, and that the Emperour woukl be 
pleased to sende over Hicroni Horsey backe agayne into 

Hierom Horsey, beinge at that tyme in the Emperours 
disgrace for ccrten things wherewith he was charged, was 
delyvered to Doctour Flecher as a prisoner to be brought 
over, Avith a chardge not to returne agayne into Russia. 

The lyke chardge was geoven to the Company, that yf 
eyther Horsey or Marshe did returne agayne into Eassia it 
shoulde coste them theyre lyves. 

Notwithstandinge this, Horsey, for pryvate respects of his ^""° ^^^^• 
owne, made meane to be imploied agayne with the Queens 
letters ; whose imployment the Company withstoode by all 
possible meanes, geovinge notice of his daungcr if he re- 
turned, and the ComjDanies daunger for the contempte in 
sufltringe him to returne ; Avhich matter was over ruled with 
her Majesties occasions. 

[From the State Paper Office. — Eniisian Correspondence.'] 


At what tyme Mr. Doctor Fletcher was imploied from 
here Majesty unto the Emperour of Muscovia, I was 
comaunded by right honnorable pcrsonadges owt of Eng- 
land to asist him with all my best knowledge to the effect- 
inge of his negotiation ; the which 1 did to my uttermost. 
Wherupon, an anchient enymie of our nation, which we 
tenne Chauncelbur, one Andrew Shalkan, seinge great 


338 APPENDIX ni. 

matter against him for abuses done by him, thought all the 
ambassodors proceedings against him was by my instiga- 
tion. And so he practised to prevent and revenge the same 
with a Icwde servant of myne, to imagen some speache 
against me that should sounde dishonnorable to the Empe- 
rour and statte, and to be spoken by me in conference with 
the ambassador. The which, to purchase his lewd liberty e, 
he did most falsly. But the prince, who then favored me 
very hightly, being four hondred mils of, Shalkan toeke that 
oportunitey and produced this prectise before the King to 
serve his purpose. The boye was rebaptised and rewarded, 
and I sent home in disgrace of the Kinge, Then Mr. 
Fletcher, being called before some of the Counsallc and 
charged therewith, offered to take it upon his salvation that 
ther was no such thing. But then and often he urged very 
ernestly what particulers could be aleaged of any bade deal- 
ings of myne, and by whnt authoritey such a generall com- 
plaintc could be avouched before the Quens Majesty of 
England. Wherupon, they being at a stey, loking one upon 
another, the said Andrew Shalkan said he would shew the 
ambassador a letter of my owne hand writing, of high trea- 
son against the Emperor and his conn try e, wherby I had 
deserved death, which for her Majesty's sacke the prince 
Boris Fedorowich would not suffer. The letter was shewed, 
and only that pointe to be copied owt for Mr. Fletcher to 
delyver unto the Queue ; which was that, in anno 1580, I 
wrate a letter from the Courte at Miisco to the seaside to the 
Companies agente, marveling that the Company would per- 
mytt any straunger, as Fleming or French, to deprive them 
of ther trade and coming by the north withe shipping and 
merchandices to the portte which they hade first found owt 
and longe contynewed, to ther great cost and charge, which 
if they would not I would undertake to remedy my self one 
wey or other. For this I was accompted ane enymey to the 
Emperor and countrye, preing the Queue I might be im- 


ploiecl no more : the trewtli and certentey herof was referred 
by the Emperor's letter to be fathfully delyvered to the 
Quene. In this meane tyme the Prince or Lord Protector 
Avrate his letters, both to Mr. Fletcher, unto the Company 
and to niyselfe (reddy to be shewedj, the cyrcomstance what 
he had hard of this matter, willing me not to gryve or take 
thought, he was my frend and ever would remaine, and con- 
tynew his lov and favour towards me assewrely, excusing the 
cause he could not see me for the death of his sonc ; and 
that I should withdraw myself for a tyme. After my com- 
ing into England I considered with myself how wrongly I 
was delt withall by the Chauncelour. Here Majesty having 
a most gracious remorse of me and pitieng my hard succese, 
I besought Mr. Secretary Walsinghame thorrowly to under- 
stand the great dishonnors shewed towards her Majesty by 
an officer of the Emperors, one Andro Shalkan, which I 
knew by experience very hightly towched her Majestys dig- 
nitey ; which Mr. Fletcher could not but indevour for the 
present tyme that I might be imploied from her Majesty 
with her Highnes sharpe dislycke thcrof, as the only meane 
to daunte there inchrochfull disposition being accordingly 
handled ; and I carienge that mynde also to make some 
reformation of the abuses and ingures done unto the Com- 
pany by the said Andrew Shalkan, with that being done 
then to procure and gett in such substance I had in the 
countrye resting uppon my formour soden departure very 

At my first ary vail I had indiferent exceptance and treated 
of all causes very orderlie, untill the said Andrew Shalkan 
was thorowlie towched therein, and brought unto such an 
extremytey before the lord high treasorours and others upon 
his salvation to aunswer to my objections, throughout de- 
tract of tyme, great syvell decensions growinge emonge the 
nobilty there, he taking oportnytey, joyned with such cross 
means and suggestions which some of the Company have 


conveyed from hens in writinge, hindrecl al the procedmgs 
I had begone, standinge uppon termes and vyes, saeing they 
were not the Quens letters I brought, nether her hand and 
sealle, and done withowt her knowledg ; invented all the 
mischief he could against me. As apereth by the Emperours 
letters, done and seat by him, conteyning and renewing the 
former matter, with complaint in generall termes, grounded 
altogether upon his owne mallice ; as may be well perceved 
by the tennour therof and the trew examination of Mr. Doc- 
tor Fletcher by the Queues Majesty's owne persone : thinck- 
ing therby to frame his purpose with the Companyes 
humour, which is that, and only required, I might not be 
further imploied by her Majesty to the Emperor to laye 
open his dealings and to prosecute that coerse which is 
begone against him. Notwithstanding the Prince Boris 
Fcdorowiche, whoe carieth the whole majesty of gover- 
ment, alweys dislyked his dealings, which he covereth con- 
ningly towards him. His letters maketh no mention of any 
thinge that should towch my creditte, but alweys hertofore 
both the Emperour and he did wright highly in my comen- 
dation, wherof was small notice taken ; yet nowe the opor- 
tunitey, withowt further consideration of the contents of the 
Emperor's letter, is prectised to be brought in question 
against me by some, which wil be a confirmation to the 
doupt made by the Quens letters and plcasur, resting yet in 
dispence with the Prince throught Shalkans ernesty, al- 
thought they ar under her Majesty's hand and sealle, and 
confirmed by the right honorable Lords of the Counsell ther 
letters comendatory. And [it] cannot but be dislicked of the 
prince, Boris Fedorowiche, that no creditt shal be geven to 
his letters ever so writen in my behalf and favour ; and I 
ame assewred it cannot be that the great favour and love he 
hath alweys boren unto me, aparant to the worlde, is whollie 
cxtingwished ; aspacially in such sortt as to lyke of any hard 
measur should be offered nic, knowing with himself all is 


said and done of mallice against me, if at lest wey he be 
acquainted therwith. And sewrly yt is a lamentable thinge 
that, throught fals sugestions aleged by some of the Com- 
panie to serve ther purpose, and do thincke thcrby to put 
me from and deprive me of my chargis disburst owt of myne 
owne purse, besides my recompence in procuring them fre 
priveleges, which they do yet injoye, and the same now con- 
firmed throught the means of the right honnorable Lord 
Hight Treasorour of England, by a concurse of great love 
which passeth betwen the prince and his honnour, besids the 
consideration of the chardge and great expences I have now 
ben at in so trowblesome and tedious a journnye as ever man 
hath past, beinge ment and whollie pretended for ther only 
good, Avhatsoever successe it hath pleased God to geav ther- 
tmto ; which if in reason they shall refuse to doe I doupt 
not but the Lord will move her Majesty's heartte and her 
honnorable counsalors to have them ordered by such a corse 
as will stand with her Highnes dignitey, there honnor, and 
relief of me her Majesty's pore servant. 


No. IV. 


\_F7'07n the Lansdowne 3IS. lx, art. 59.] 


RUSSIA, 1588, 1589.]! 

The summe of my negotiation. 
I. My iutertainmcnt. 
II. The causes of my hard intertainment. 
III. What is doon and brought to effect, 
IV. What could not be obteined on beehalf of the mar- 

I. 3Ii/ inter iat7i?nent. 

My whole intertainment from my first arivall till to- 
wards the very end, was such as if they had divised meanes 
of very purpose to shew their utter disliking both of the 
trade of the Marchants and of the v/hole English nation. 

1. At my arriving at the Mosko thear was no man to 
bidd mee Avellcoom, not so much as to conduct nice upp to 
my lodging. 

2. After I had stayed two or three dayes to see if anie 
wellcoom or other message would coome from the Emperour, 

^ Printed in the " Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men," edited 
by Sir Ueury Ellis, for tlie Camden Society : London, lb43; ji. 79. 


or the Lord Boris Federowicli Godonove, I sent my inter- 
preter to the saied Lord Boris, to desicr him to be a meanes 
for audience to the Emperour, that, having doon my anibas- 
sage to the Emperour, I might doe my message, and deliver 
my lettres likewise to him. My interpritor having attended 
him two or three dayes, without speaking with him, was 
commaiinded by the Chauncellour to coom no more at the 
Court, nor to the howse of the said Lord Boris. 

o. The Counsell was commaunded not to conferr with 
mee, nor I to send to anie of them. 

4. When I had audience of the Emperour in the verie 
entrance of my speach I was cavilled withall by the Chaun- 
cellour, bycawse I saied not forth the Empcrours whole style, 
which of purpose I forbare to doe, bycawse I would not 
make his stile of two ellnes and your highnes stile of a span 
long ; having repeated the iirst and principall parts of it and 
giving him the titles of Great Lord Duke and Emperour 
of all Russia, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, etc., I 
answeared him that the Emperour was a mightie prince, and 
had manie countries which straungers could not nor wear 
not bound to know, that I repeated the principall of his 
stile, to shew my honour to the rest. But it would not 
serve till all was repeated. 

5. The presents sent by your Highnes to the Emperour, 
and delivered to him in his own presence, wear the day fol- 
lowing rctourned to mee, and very contemptuouslie cast 
down beefore mee. 

6. My articles of petition delivered by woord of mouth, 
and afterwards by writing, Avith all other writings, wear 
altered and falsified by the Emperours interpreter, by meanes 
of the Chauncellour Andreas Shalcalove ; speciallie whear it 
concerned himself, manie things wear putt in and manie 
things strook out, which being complained of and the points 
noted would not bee redressed. 

7. I was placed in an howse verie unhandsoom, unliol- 


soom, of purpose (as it seemed) to doe me disgrace, and to 
hurt my health, whear I was kept as prisoner, not as an 

8. I was not sufFrcd to send anie lettre into England by 
the winter way, to signifie of my proceedings, not so much 
as of my health, though I desired it earnestlie. 

9. My allowance for vittail was so bare and so base, as 
I could not have accepted it but to avoid cavillation that I 
began to contend with them about so mean a matter. 

10. At my retourn, at Vologda, open proclamation was 
made by the duke and diake thcar, by order from the Chaun- 
cellour Andreas Shalcalove, that no man should hier owt 
horse or boat to anie Englishman : which bredd an opinion 
in the people thear that thear was great matter of disliking 
from the Emperour towards the English nation, which was 
a cawse of great daunger towards mee and my companie ; 
and of the firing of the English howse at Colmigore (as ap- 
peared by the sequeal) whear the Companie of English 
marchants lost to the valiew of six or seven thowsand 

These parts of hard interteinment wear offred mee by 
Chauncellour Andreas Shalcalove, who is allso the officer 
for Ambassages, of verie purpose (as it seemed) to move mee 
to impatience, that hee might have wear with to disturb this 
busines. And thearfore I determined with my self to use all 
moderation, so farr as might stand with your Highnes honour, 
that, if other meanes of faire treatie prevailed not with them, 
I might make soom advantage of my hard interteinment 
towards the end of my negotiation, by layeng it all in on 
dish beefore them, and applieng it to your Highnes dis- 
honour (as indeed it was) ; which beelng doon in as earnest 
and vehement manner as I could devise with discreation, 
brought them to some remorse of their former dealings, and 
so to yeild divers points and in a manner all that I intreatcd 
of them, in recompence of their hard interteinment given 


mee bcefore, whcarof they desired nice to make the best to 
your highnes at my retourn home. 

II. Tlie cmtses of my hard intertainment. 

1. Since the loss of the Narvc, the E,uss hath divised 
by all meanes hee could to dissolve the trade that way 
(whearbie hee thinketh the enimie is enriched) and to bring 
it over to the port of St. Nicholas. This had been doon 
long since in the other Emperours time, but for a speciall 
affection hee bare towards your Highnes, which staled him 
from that which otherwise hee intended. This purpose of 
reducing the whole trade from the Narve to the port of St. 
Nicholas, they suppose to bee hindred speciallie and onlie 
by the Coompanie of the English marchants and their pri- 
vileadged trade, beeing assured by the Hanses, Neither- 
landers and Frenchmen, that, if the Companie of the Eng- 
lish marchants wear cast of and their privileadge dissolved, 
they should presentlie have a famous and notable trade at 
their saied port of St. Nicholas, which should much encrease 
the Emperours coustoom. Upon hope whearof, they have 
built a town and castle abowt xxx miles within the river that 
falleth into the bay or road of St. Nicholas. And this is the 
cheefe grownd of their dislike towards the Companie of the 
English marchants and their priveleadged trade. 

2. It was informed to the Emperour and his Counsell, by 
lettres and message out of England, that the saied Companie 
was utterlie disliked by your Highnes, by your counsell, by 
all the marchants of England, speciallie of late, having re- 
duced themselves to the nomber of xij, and so beeing now 
more notable monopoliers then they weare bcefore ; that, in 
case they wear cast of, they showld have a farr greater trade 
of English marchants, of 20, 30, or 40 sail a year, which 
would bee content to pay wdiole coustoom, and be used as 
common men ; that on man would trade for as much as the 



whole Companie now doth ; that your Highnes would like it 
better to have the Companie dissolved, and the trade laied 
open for all your subjects alike, then to have anie privi- 
leadge confirmed to the saied Companie at this time, for that 
it would increase your Majesties coustoom hear, as it doth 
the Emperours thcar. As for your Highnes lettrcs written 
at this time on the Companies behalf, it was informed that 
the same wear gott by great importunitie ; that your Highnes 
sett your hand to nianie things which yow never read over ; 
and for myself that I was sent but as a messenger, not as an 
ambassadour ; that I never spake with your Highnes. 

3. I found the Lord Boris Federovvich Godonove so dis- 
pleased with the Company that no reason nor intreatie would 
reconcile him. The matters that grcived him I found to bee 
these. 1. That Hicrom Horsey was so chased away by the 
Company (as he was imformed) being sent as a messenger 
froin him with lettres and presents to your Highnes. In 
which respect (hee thincketh) hee should have been forborn 
at that time, for his sake ; and accounteth it his dishonour 
that hee was retowrned in that sort. 2. For that hee was 
not provided of certein perticulars, which hee sent for to the 
Companie ; as horse, armour, pearle, etc. 3. For that his 
late present to your Highnes by Hierom Horsey was dis- 
honoured and disgraced by the said Companie, by whose 
meanes (as he is untrulie informed) it was divided into two 
parts ; the on from the Emperour (who sent them no pre- 
sent) the other from himself, whearby the grace and honour 
of his present was defaced as hee thought. 

4. When I arrived at the Mosko, I found a league in hand 
betwixt the Emperour and the King of Spain, about an 
opposition against the Turk. To which purpose an ambas- 
sadour was appointed to goe into Spain, on Peter Ragon, 
a Slavonian and the Emperours interpreter. This league was 
sett forward by the Patriarch of Constantinople, who, beeing 
banished by the Turk, had been with the Pope, and was 


sent by him to the Emperour of E-ussia, as well to treat 
abowt this new league betwixt him and the Spanish king, as 
to reduce the Russ from under the Greek to the Latine 
Church. For the effecting whearof hee thought their own 
Patriarcii (becing thus banished and discontented) to bee 
the likeliest meanes. This treatie of league with the Span- 
iard Avas a cause of more sadd countenance towards mee at 
my first arrivall. But after your Highnes victorie against 
the King of Spain was well known thear (which I understood 
by lettres sent mee by Sir Francis Drake, which I cawsed to 
bee translated into the Russ toongue togeather with your 
Highnes oration made to the armie in Essex), all this con- 
ceipt of a Spanish league vanished away. 

5. I found at the Mosko an other ambassadour sent from 
the Emperour of Almaign, to treat of a confeaderacie with 
the E.USS Emperour against the Polonian, that is over mightie 
for the Russ by the access of Sweaden. This ambassadour 
(as if hee had been sent for nothing ells) inveighed against 
the doings of England ; made small account of the Spanish 
defeat ; assuring them that the King of Spain would sett on 
again, and make a conquest of your Highnes realmes. These 
and like suggestions made them woorse affected then other- 
wise they would have been ; and by cawse they wear desir- 
ous to conclude this league with the Emperour of Allmain, 
having for that purpose sent unto him for this ambassage, 
they wear the more willing to gratifie his ambassadour with 
my hard intertainment. 

1. To the first I answeared them, that to perform this de- 
vice was a matter impossible ; that the marchants that use to 
trade by the way of the Sound would never be brought to 
leave a knowne, safe, and speedie trade, for so long, tedious, 
and daungerous a course as lieth by the way of St. Nicholas. 
That in case your Highnes wear, and the Companie of mar- 
chants, so requited for their discoverie and other desert, 
having served the Emperour so manie yeares with necessarie 

3-4:8 APPENJ)IX IV. 

commodities for his warrs, etc., when the other way by the 
Narve was quite shutt upp, and thus dishonoured by reject- 
ing your petition and presents, and they should assure them- 
selves neither to have the English nor any other marchant to 
trade that way to the port of St. Nicholas, that your Highnes 
both could and would provide for your own honour and 
good of your marchants, by stopping that way, and not suffer 
them thus to bee spoiled both of their privileadge and 
goods ; and this they might consider, what inconvenience it 
would grow unto, if, the Narve passage being shutt upp by 
the Swcaden, the other way also by the port of St. Nicholas 
wear debarred from them, so that they showld have no way 
to vent their own commodities nor to receive in forreign, 
speciallie powder, saltpceter, brimstone, lead, etc., necessarie 
for the Emperours warrs. AVith these and like pointcs, I 
did what I could to beat them from that grownd. 

2. To the second; I assured them that I receaved my charge 
and instructions from your Majestic ; that your Highnes had 
a speciall care what was doon at this time on the beehalf of 
your marchants, whom yow accounted not as mousicks or 
base people (as they termed them) but as verie speciall and 
necessarie members of your comon wealth ; and thearfore 
made your suit to the Emperour at this time, as a full expe- 
riment of his good will and affection towards your Majestic. 
And as for the increasing of your Highnes coustoom, you 
made more account of your honour and continuing of the 
graunt made to the Companie of your marchants by your 
Majestic and your predecessors, for the incouragement of 
your subjects to the like enterprises for discovering of new 
trades, etc., then yow did of the enlarging of your cous- 
toornes, or anie matter of commoditie whatsoever. That 
your Highnes coustoom could no whitt bee increased by this 
meanes, forasmuch as the whole countrey of Russia was not 
able to receave so much of English commodities as Avear now 
brought yearlic by the said Companie of marchants, their 


lead, copper and other commodities, lyeng still upon their 
agents hand, and they never uttering past loO or 140 clothes 
yearlie, whearas other English marchants in one small towne 
of Germanic vent 60 or 80 thowsand clothes yearlie. 

3, To the third ; to remove thet conceipt owt of the Lord 
Boris, I assured him of your Highnes very speciall affection 
and great good opinion of him. That your Highnes thought 
your self allreadie greatlie beeholding to him ; that you de- 
sired to bee beholding to none but to him for this good 
tourn towards your marchants. That your Highnes, beeing 
the best and thankfullest prince in the world, would not bo 
unmindfull of his good desert, whearof you had given mee a 
charge to assure him in your name. As for the Companie 
of marchants, they should and would bee readie to make 
him amendes if they had given him anie just cawse of 
offence, etc. 

III. JVhat is effected in this husines. 

Concerning the matters of league and friendshipp be- 
twixt your Highnes and the Emperour, it is receaved in verie 
kinde sort, and profession made of like good will and other 
correspondencie as was beefore beetwixt your Ilighnes and 
the Emperours father. 

1. Thear is remitted of the debt made by one Anthonie 
Marsh and claimed from the Companie, amounting to the 
somme of twentie three thowsand five hundred and three 
marks, two partes of three with an overplus, so that thear 
remaineth to bee paied by the marchants but T800 marks. 

2. Thear is remitted them besides at this tyme by the 
Emperour the sume of 1840 rubbells or marks, claimed and 
exacted before of the agent for coustoom of the last year. 

3. Farther, thear is remytted by the Emperour 300 marks 
claimed for rent for their house at the Mosko. 

4. Concerning their priviledge of trade (which I found 
to bee of no account at my cooming thither) but infringed 


in all the principall points of it (coustom, hovv^se-rent, etc., 
beeing claimed of them) thear is graunted in effect all that I 
required on the beehalf of the Companie, save that half- 
coustoom is claimed hearafter. This beeing doon, they pro- 
mise a continuance of the privileadge for ever without anie 
revocation. The additionalls now made to the former privi- 
leadge are these — 

That the Companie shall trade freelie down the river 
Volgha into Media, Persia, Bougharia, etc., and no stranger 
shalbee permitted trade that way but they. 

That present paiment shalbee made to the agent hear- 
after for all commodities that are taken of the Companie for 
the Emperours use by his treasurers and other officers. 

That a great charge shalbe given to all the Emperours 
officers, that no exaction bee made hearafter upon the Com- 
panie, contrarie to their privileadge. 

That (to prevent all inconvenience that may happen 
hearafter) none shalbe accounted to bee of the Companie or 
for their affaiers in that countrey, but shalbee enrigistred by 
the agent in writing, in the office of the Treasurie ; and this 
is to bee added as an article to the privileadge. 

That such as are so inregistred, and their names stroken 
owt afterwards by the agent, shall no longer be reputed for 
the Companies servants, or to have to doe in their affaiers. 

That no Englishman hearafter shalbee sett on the pud- 
key, or otherwise tormented, for anie suspition of cryme 
whatsoever, but onlie safe kept till his Majestic bee informed 
and the truth of the cawse thorowghlie knowne. 

That all commodities shalbee transported free, save wax, 
to bee bartred for saltpeetre, powder and brimstone. 

That the Companie of English marchants shall not be 
hearafter under the office of Andreas Shalcan, but pertein to 
the office of the Treasurie, so that they may appeal to the 
Lord Boris Eederowich Godonove if they thinck they have 


That the privileadg graunted to the Companic with 
these additions shalbee proclaimed and made knownc to all 
the Emperours authorized people. 

IV. JVhat is not graunted on the marchants hcchalf. 

Bysidcs the 7800 marks which ar exacted of the Com- 
panie of marchants, thear is deteined allso from the saied 
Companie the snmme of 1100 marks or thear abowtes, which 
was sezed on and taken away perforce by Andreas Shalca- 
love, Chauncellour to the Emperonr, owt of the hands of 
one Anthonie Marsh. The cawse of this injust deteinment 
is this. The Chauncellour this last year had his goods con- 
fiscat (to the valiew of 60,000 marks in money, bysides other 
stuff and commodities) in the Emperours name, but indeed 
to the use of Lord Boris and other of the Godonoves that 
use the Emperours authoritie at their pleasure. Among 
which goods was the said some of 11,000 rubbells belonging 
to Anthonie Marsh. Which beeing once possessed by the 
said Lord Boris and other of his name, not as Marsh's goods, 
but as the Chauncellours due to the Emperour by confisca- 
tion, could not be recovered from their hands, the Chaun- 
cellour denieng that ever hee receaved any such goods, not- 
withstanding the evident prooves alleadged by mee to the 


[From the Lansdoime MS. cxii, art. 39.] 


To the right honorable Sir William Cecell, Knight, Lord 
High Treasurer of England. 

The Companie of mercliauntes tradinge to Muskovia, liav- 
inge bene manie waxes prcjutTiced by the errors which have 
bene committed by her IMajesties subjectes emploied by the 
Companie in those partes, in givinge offence or some smalc 
color of offence to the government of the state of the coun- 
trie of E,ussia, doe greatelie feare that a booke lateHe sett 
out by Mr. Doctor Fletcher, dedicated to her Majestic, in- 
tituled ' the E,usse Commonwealth,' will turne the Companie 
to some great displeasure with the Russe Empcrour, and en- 
daungcr bothe theire people and goodes nowe remayninge 
there, except some good order be taken by your lordships 
honorable consideration for the callinge in of all the bookes 
that are printed, and some cowrse holden therein signifyinge 
her Majesties dislike of the publishinge of the same. In 
which booke (besides the discowrse of the description of the 
countric), the militarie government and forces thereof, the 
Emperours revenue, and howe yt ryseth (which is offen- 
sive to the Russe that anie man should looke into), the 
person of the Emperour, his father, his brother, and the Lord 
Boris Eedorowich the Protector, and generallie the nature of 
the people, are towched in soe harde tearmes, as that the 
Companie doupt the revenge thereof will light on theire 
people and goodes remayning in Eussia, and utterlie over- 
throwe the trade for ever. Out of which booke, for your 
lordship's readines, there is hereunder noted certen places 
offensive, whcrof the whole discowrse is full. 


In the epistle dcdicatoric of the booke he tearmcth the 
Russe government a strange face of a tirannycall state. 

The intollerable exactions of the Empcrour uppon his ''''^'' '^ "^ 
subjectes raaketh them carelesse to laye up anie thinge, for 
that yf they have onght, yt causeth them to be spoyied not 
onlie of theire goodes but of their lives. 

In shewinare the likelihoode of the ende of the whole race fo. in. 

. [p. 21. J 

of the Emperour concluded in one, two, or some fewe of the 
bloud, he saieth there is noe hope of yssue in the Emperour 
by the constitution of his bodie and the barenes of his 

He noteth there the death of the Emperours elder bro- 
ther, murthered by his father in his furie, whose death 
was the murtheringe of the olde Emperour by extrcame 

He noteth what practisino-e there hath bene, bv such as Foi.iob. 
aspire to the succession, to destroye the younger brother of 
the Empcrouer that is yet livinge, beingc aboute sixe yeares 
olde, wherein he seemeth to ayme at Boris Fedorowich. 

He noteth in that younge infant an inclination to crueltie 

resemblinge his father, in delighte of bloude, for that he 

beinge but sixe yeares olde takcth pleasure to looke into the 

bleedinge throtes of beastes that are killed, and to bcatc 

geese and hens with a stafFe untill they dye. 

The Eusse government is plaine tirannycall, and excead- foI. sna. 
. ... [r-a«-] 

eth all just measure, without regard of nobilitie or people, 

gevinge to the nobillitie a kinde of unjustc and unmeasured 

libertie to exact on the baser sorte of jDcople. 

If the late Emperour in his progresse had mett a man foi. yi b. 

[p. 2y.] 
whose person or face he had not liked, or if he looked uppon 

him, he would commauude his heade to be stricken of and 
to be cast before hime. 

The practise of the Godonoes to extino-uishe the bloud foi. 20 b. 
royall, who seeke to cut of or keape dowiie the best of the Ci'-^j-] 



That yt is to be merveled howe the nobilitie and people 
will suffer themselves to be brought under suche oppression 
and slaverie. 

That the desperate state of thingcs at home maketh the 
people to ^yishe for some forrein invasion. 

That Boris Godonoe and the Empresse kindred ac- 
compt all that commeth to the Emperours treasurie theire 

Divers grosse practises of the Emperonr to drawe the 
wealth of the land into his treasurie, which he concludeth to 
be straunge kinde of extortions, but that yt agreeth with the 
qualitie of the Emperour, and the miserable subjection of 
the poore countrie. 

Theire onlie lawe is theire speakinge lawe, that is the 
pleasure of the prince and magistrates, which sheweth the 
miserable condition of the people ; against whose injustice 
and extreame oppression they had ncede to be armed with 
manie good lawes. 

The practise of the Godonoes against the Emperours 
brother to prove him not legittiraate, and to turne awaie the 
peoples likinge from him as next successor. 

The discription of the Emperour, viz., meane of stature, 
lowe and grosse, sallowe of complexion, enclyninge to 
dropsey, hawcked nosed, unsteadie in his pase by reason of 
the weaknes of his lymes, heavie and unactive, commonlie 
smilinge almost to a laughter ; for qualitie simple and slowe- 
witted ; but verie gentle and of an easie nature, quiet, nier- 
cifull, etc. 

It is to be doubted whether is greater the crueltie or the 
intemperaujicie that is used in the countrie ; it is so foull 
that is not to be named. The whole countrie overfloweth 
with the synne of that kinde, and noe mervell as havinge 
no lawe to restrayne whoredomes, adulteries, and like un- 
cleanes of lief. 


From the greatest to tlie smallest, except some fewe that 
will scarcelie be founde, the E-usse nether beleeveth anie 
thinge that an other man speakcth, nor s^ieaketh anie tliinge 
himself worthie to be beleaved. 


No. V. 

RUSSIA IN 1590-1591. 

IState Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence .'] 


Jerome Horsey to Lord Boris Fedoroivich. 

Right honorable. Lord Boris FecTorowicli. — At my depar- 
ture from Mosco I left a letter with the Emperors deacke 
\(liacJi\, Posnycke Demetriov, to be dcliv^ered unto your 
lordship ; and douptinge it is not fathfully done, I thought 
good to wryt you thefi'ecte therof againe. E-ight honorable, 
I was told by the Emperor's high treasorour, Demenshoy 
Ivanowich Cheremissen, and Posnycke Demetriov, that, for 
the love the Emperour and you bare to the Quens Majesty, 
Andro Shalkan should not medcll in this messaid^'e sent 
from her Majesty by me, for that he was an enyme. But 
sins I perceave his envious words and worckinge hath more 
prevaled then the Quens Majestys letters hath exceptance, 
he hathe not only practised to descredit the said letters 
under her Majestys hand and seall, but also dishonoreth the 
mostc highe and mightic lords of her Majestys most honor- 


able Privie Counsalle, in wrytingc ther letters unto your 
lordship, wliome all the world doth reverence, hounour and 
helyve ; wheras if the Quens Majesty had writen unto the 
Emperor Salomon, the letters could not be in better con- 
dition, tytell, sealle and writinge ; and so it will apere, not- 
withstandinge his fals invention. 

Lese then I should be acounted recheles in dischardinge 
my dewty towards my soveraigne lady and mistris the 
Quens most high Majesty of England, I arae now forced 
briilye to aquainte your honor with her Majestys pleasur by 
writinge, that her Highnes comaunded me to deliver by 
word of mouth, as by her Majesty's letters unto your lord- 
ship apereth ; which, for want of eccese unto your presence, 
I cannot doe. 

The discontentment her Majesty worthelie conceveth of 
the entertainment and exceptans your lordship gave to her 
Ilighnes ambassodour, letters, messadge and presence, 
beinge so squirilous [scurrilous] that it declared an evident 
spyt and contempt to her princly dignitey ; which ambas- 
saege was adressed upon request and promis made not only 
for redrese of most gross dealings towards her Majesty, but 
also for reparinge of the most inexcusable ingories, detre- 
ments susteyned by her naturall subjects her merchants ; 
which her Highnes expected and trusted the tree would 
bringe forthe good frewts that was of so good a stocke, and 
contynewly in aparance puttinge forthe such fare buds, and 
therfore would hardly belyve or geave eare to any that ever 
aleged the deeds of the contrarye, beinge neverthelese the 
same deeds so manyfest as her Hightnes must neds have 
regarded them, had not her Majesty ben so loth to thincke 
evill of you her lovinge cozen and frend, the mighty Lord 
Borris Fedorowich, for which hight affection her Majesty 
thought your lordship bounde to be of the best sort towards 
her. Her Highness having alwaies abhorred and fled from 
deccnsion and euymetey, althought any princly natur might 


be inforced therunto by suche just and aparant occasions, 
yet her Highnes doth rather impute the originalle cause to 
growe by the defaulte and lewdnes of some unnaturall sub- 
ject officer, referringe it to a further and better advismente, 
as by her Majesty's articles and letters sent unto the Empe- 
rours Majesty aperethe. In the meane tyme her Majesty 
will premyditate the beste, and doth geave such benigne and 
jentell dispensation as if no such cause of disj^leasur or 
breach of amitey had occurred. Specially consideringe and 
acknowledging this one poynte of your kynde dealings to- 
wards her Majesty in sendinge her Hightnes those two bills 
of Anthony Marshes, which your lordship had in power to do 
therwith what had pleased you ; wherin you not only shew 
the parte of hight honnor in discharginge the trewth of your 
soulle so ryalle before God and the world, but also geven 
her Majesty occasion to take herself beholdinge unto your 
lordship, and doth geave your lordship thancks in the mer- 
chants behalf. This courtesy, joyned withe the contents of 
your letters, which her Majesty taketh hold of, being frendly 
offers alwaies, and now sent by her Highness' ambassodour, 
not only to excuse that was past and favoringe her subjects, 
but also perswadinge kyndues and perfect amytey desolv- 
able to inshew, which for this tyme her Majesty holdeth 
contented to forbare to prese your lordship over extremely 
in those matters, but yet desyrous to make tryall of her Ma- 
jestys most lovinge cozen and friend in some coresj3ondence 
of deeds, and therby to strenghthen and iulearge her Ma- 
jesty's effection and good opinion hertofore conceaved of 
your lordship, of the which, as your lordship partly know- 
eth, all princes Christian maketh hight ystymation, and 
holdeth dew regard for the preservation therof. 

No we towchinge my perticular cause, I meane not to be 
tedious to your lordship, as I never have byn hertofore 
overmiche for myself, but I thought all the service I could 
ever doc withe body and goods to lyttell, althought your 


honor needeth not tlierof. I did ever with a cleane harte 
most reverently and fathfully behave myself towards you, in 
thought, word and dede. And this my good will with my- 
self have somtyms byn estemed of, and your lordship hath 
protested deply never to forgett it, as your soule well know- 
ethe. And yt plesed your lordship, the last yere at my 
departure, to wryt your favorable letter unto me at Volug- 
day that you would not discontynew in the love and favor 
towards me which you have ever hertofore boren, with other 
which were sufficient to any mans judgment to have ventred 
his life upon, althogh I had not ben imployed upon her Ma- 
jestys effears. I would have thought yt unpossible that the 
kynde and favorable good natur I ever founde in your lord- 
ship should have ben so perverted as it is, and your lordships 
favore and kyndnes would alwaies have ben of more force 
then the mallice of any perticuler man whoesoever. 

The Quens Majestic doth know that the Emperours high- 
nes is most gracious, vertuous and mercyfull, not desires of 
bloshede, and doth not hold displeasur longe. But if that 
fals invention, made of me by my servant, throwght others 
investigation, had ben a trewe offence, yet doth his Majesty 
pardone thowsands, accountinge his mercy greater then great 
offences. To that effect the Quens Majestic hath besought 
his Highnes and your lordship also in my bchaulf, and the 
most mighty lords of her Majestys most honorable Privie 
Counsalle, thoght they might have obteyned so muche frend- 
shipe oute your lordships hands. 

The Lord kyver the withe his mercy, that thou maiest con- 
sider and dispose of all matters agreable to thy wisdome, 
power and authorytey, that God hathe geavcn thee in this 
world. The xxi of November, 1590, 


IFrom the State Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence.] 
Jerome Horset/ to Lord Burleigh. 

Riglit Homiorable, — after clcwe conslderatiun of dewty. 
Yt may please your lordshippe to be advertised, that, after 
a most daingerous and wearisome travell thorow Jarmania, 
Polonia, Letuania, and other provinces, I came vipon the 
Empcrours bordours of Russia to Smolenska, where I was 
well intveated in the Emprours name. And forwith, upon 
advertissment of my cominge, yt pleased the Emperors Ma- 
jesty to send a gentleman to me, and to safconduct me to the 
Musco, wherat I was very well lodgged and my entertain- 
mente not to be dislycked. Soene after the delyvery of the 
Quens Majestys letters yt pleased the Emperor to apoynt 
the hight treasowrour, Demenshoy Yvanowich Cheremissen, 
with one of his Majesty's secretoryes, Posnyck Demetriov, 
and other, to understand her Majestys pleasur and what 
my messadge was ; whoe told me from the Lord Borris Fe- 
dorowiche howe Andrew Shalkan, ane officer of the Empe- 
rours, had dcltt hardly by me in sjDeaches, and a worcker of 
mischieff against the English nation, willinge me not to 
doupt or fcare anything, but frelye to treat of that I hade in 
hande. Then, having delyvered her Majestys pleasur in 
articles with her Majestys letters to the Lord Boris Eedcro- 
wich, as also that comendatorie from you, the right honno- 
rable lords of her Majestys most honorable Pryvie Counsallc, 
to the said Boris Federowich, all which beinge a longe tyme 
debated and considered upon, the said Andrew Shalkan, 
beinge whollie exempted to dcale in these causes, for the 
love the Emperors Majesty and Boris Fedrowich bare to 
the Quens Majestic, he beinge not only towched in her 
Hightnes letters and articles treated of, but also now to joync 
as yt were ishew with mc before grave men apoynted, and 
to aunswer to such matters as he thought were conynglic 



foelded upe for ever resytalle ; herupon, only to serve his pur- 
posed will, devised a most unrevcrent and fals invention against 
her Majesty's letters, saienge they were not in the wonted 
fold, wanted patynting, and not the Quens hand and sealle. 
This was done with such yrnesty that for the tyme it was a 
great obstacle in our proceadings. Wherupon yt pleased 
the Emperor's Majesty [to] apoynte that I should conferr 
with the said Andrew Shalkan and others in presence ; 
wheras at first he would seeme to maynteyne and justifye by 
the pattrone of former letters this his invention and opinion, 
but in the end through coerse of perswasable speaches and 
reasons his conceat was somwhat removed ; then stoed he 
uppon tearmes and quarells of courteses betwene us, indeed 
fomynge owt his owne shame. In fyne, in words and owt- 
ward aparance wee parted frends, shoecke hands and im- 
brased each other. Then he used speaches much lycke the 
tune of Mercuries pipe, but since have proved lycke the 
stinge of an asp. 

The cyrcomstances of these matters, right honorable, 
indewred from Julie untille November. At which tyme 
there came a great ambassadg' from the kinge of Pollonia, 
so that uppon the sodane I must withdrawe myself from the 
Musco two dales journy to this towne Yerauslauley ; and 
the aunswers then geven not beinge unreasonable, should 
so remaine indispenced, unconfirmed, untill the Emperors 
farther ordour. 

The matters, yt maye please your lordship, I have treated 
of beinge drawen into articles, agreinge with her Majestys 
letters and pleasur receaved from her Highnes at my de- 
parture, and delyvered in comyssion under the signe of Sir 
Francis Walsingham of honourable memorie, and therwith 
the Companies causes under the princepallest of ther hande- 
writings by order from you, the right honorable her Ma- 
jestys Counsalle, herwith I send your lordship a coppie, not in 

^ The Pallentyne Podlaskonia with iii c. men: he died in the Musquo. 


suche good ordour as I would willingly if tyme and place liad 
better served me. Althougli I know your lordship is very 
■well aquaiuted with the effect therof, yet for dyvers consi- 
derations I thought yt not amyse, and do wish I were by 
your honnor at the vewinge of them, to helpe your lordships 
memory in expleyninge upon what cause and purpose every 
article is grownded, as also howe your honnor may perceave 
that I have fathfullie dischardged mye dewty to her Majesty, 
and deltt honestly and frendly for the Companie, not pre- 
ferringe my pryvatte cause in any respect, as some suposed 
my whole cletermynation was ; if any evill disposed shall 
informe your lordship to the contrarye, I humbley crave 
your favorable dispensation, untill yt shall plese God I mai 
be able to aunswer for myself and by just proof avouch 
what I have her said. Of the which I have some doupt, I 
meane of crose dealings towards me ; for that nowe, expect- 
inge my dispatche upon the soden, yt is determyned to stey 
here, untyll the Emperour hier farther from the Quens Ma- 
jesty. I cannot bethincke the occasion, for, uppon my faithe 
and credyte, no other thinge hath passed, how fare a shew 
soever the devise pretended doth carye, but only this which 
I have trewly sett downe unto your lordship. Dyvers con- 
jectures ther ar, which I leave to the triall of the trewthe. 

Most humblie and ernestlie besichinge your lordshippe to 
be a meanes unto the Quens Majesty that yt would please 
her Highnes to cause the same letters to be rewryten to the 
Emperors Majesty and to the Lord Boris Fedorowiche, with 
the confirmation of the said articles, with some addiccion in 
the said letters, requisite in suche a case, and in some 
respect for the indignitey shewed unto her Majesty tlierby, 
beinge against the lawe of all nations. The said letters her 
Highnes signed at the hand of Mr. Wynnebencke and sealed 
by him, writen by one Sackey, with whome I supose resteth 
the coppies in regester. Her Majesty did fynde some fault, 
as Mr. AVynebenckc sayethe, for that they were in Englishe, 


and in so smalle a fold ; but Mr. Secretary tliought yt so 
most conveyniant for dyvers reason considered. I ame per- 
swaded her Majesty wilbe most Avillinge therunto, thorowe 
your lordships good means and favor ; which I most humbly 
besiche may be extenited with efFectuall expedition, con- 
sicleringe the extremytey of the case, and then no doubt the 
Emperors aunswer and Boris Fedorowiches will be aunswer- 
eble unto her Majesty's pleasure, and the Company to re- 
ceave a good content of all there matters now restinge so in 
dispence ; for I perceave Boris Fedorowiche his inclination 
is now well bent to pleasur the Quens Majesty, and to doe 
her merchants good ; which God graunte ! 

Farther, yt may please you, right honnorablc, that, at 
my first cominge, the Emperors alowans for provicion was 
offered me ; whiche in modest sortte I refused, for that the 
Quens Majestic expressly commaunded me, as by Mr. Secre- 
toryes comission aperethe, not to receave any untill her Ma- 
jesty's causes were treated of and some lycklyhoed of refor- 
mation of ingories past ; which is taken in very evill parte : 
so that I have ben and ame at very greate chardges here. 
Also I became betrothed to a honest jentlemans daughter in 
Buckinghamshire longe since ; my lose of tyme and those 
good men's chyldren my servants with me, and the doupt I 
have of my enymie, Andrew Shalkan, in whome I fynde 
upon every new conceate a sodaine aleteration and his insti- 
gation mischeous ; so that these causes, with the hassard of 
myself and substance, wisheth myself from hence, and moveth 
me with such ernestye to crave your lordshijDS favorable 
furtherance, upon the whiche I humblie and whollie rely ; 
and againe besyche your honnour uppon these considera- 
tions to have remorse and honnorable care for reliefs and 
spedy redrese from her Majesty. 

Thus, my good lord, if I have ben over tedious, and not 
used suche formall observation in this discoerse as ys requisit 
to such a personadge, consideringe the case of necessity and 


the oportunitey not servinge, I humblie crave pardone, and 
whollie commyt myself and cause to your honnorable pro- 
tection ; and do besicli God longe to preserve your lord- 
shippe in health. Amen. In Yerauslauley, this of Apriell 


Your lordshipps most 

humble at comaunde, 

Jer. Horsey. 

To the right honorable the Lord Burleghe, 

Lord Flight Treaseivrour of Englande. 

[From the State Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence.'] 
Horsey to Burleigh, 10th June, 1591. 

Kight Honnorable, — After consideration of my dewty. Yt 
may please your lordbhipCj my last unto your honnor was 
in Apriell ; wherin I did in som parte advertise what my 
proceadings hath ben her in her Majesty's causes. How 
that Andrew Shalkan, an officer of the king's, when he 
should joyne as yt were ishewe with me before honorable 
audience of purpose apoynted, when he was to aunswer unto 
all such matters and abuses shewed by him to her Majesty 
and subjects, which he thought were conninglie folded upe 
for ever rehearsalle, he beinge the princepall branch of every 
article I treated of, and now by noe means could avoyed 
dainger althought he sought many weys to prevent yt, and 
loth to surrender suche great sommes as he most uncon- 
scineable hertofore had exacted, in the end prectised a 
most shamfull and unreverent invection against her Hightnes 
letters ; that they were not underwriten by her Majesty, and 
without her knowledge procured by the Company and me of 
envious pui'pose, to disburden the wrath conceived against 
him ; that yt could not be her Majesty would imploye me, 
havinge advertismente I should be a professed enymey to- 


wards the Emperowr ; beinge done with ernesty and backd 
by siich as he hade wone therunto, for the present tocke 
suche effect that yt was a great obstacle to our proceadings, 
and the tyme overtaken with such great effairs, that so yt 
rested. Untill nowof latte her Majesty's causes came againe 
in question, were o verve wed and an orderly coerse therin 
wdth my dispatch pretended, much against the said Andrew 
Shalkans will. A post was sent to call for me, the matters 
beinge in handlinge the 17th and 18th of May. Upon the 
19th of the same a most unfortunate chaunce befell the 
yonge prince of ix yers adge, sone unto the old Emperor and 
brother unto this ; was cruelly and trecherously murdered ; 
his throte cutt in the presence of his dere mother the Em- 
peris ; with other suche lycke most prodigious matter which 
I dare not wryt of, beinge not so tedious as odious and 
daungerous. Wherupon such tumolts and uproers being 
present hath not only caused a lett and stey in her Majesty's 
causes, but also great doubt of a further detrection ; for that 
no man as yt cane inter into conceate what the ishew and 
end of these late trowbls wilbe. And farther, yt is to be 
suspected that our adversary, having this covert oportu- 
nytey, will with expedition procecute his former prectise 
which I wrate your lordship of, meaning to send one from 
hence with letters in the Emperor's name unto her Majesty, 
wherby his purposed conceate may be uttered before my 
talle should be told : the mean tyme to stey me her, as a 
thing owt of memory in this trowblsome tyme. By which 
means he thincketh to disburden and clere him self of all 
such causes as he is now forced to aunswer upon his soule, 
by order of there lawe, in kissinge the cross. For this, 
right honorable, is most trew, that the Lord Boris Fedoro- 
wich said to him in open adience, '' Thow seest the Quene 
of England, with her duecks and lords, do wryt that the 
cause of his imployment was in respect of his sufficiency 
and properly to debate of these causes, wherwith he is fully 


aquainted as thow knowest. Also the Emperor is not to be 
derected by the Queue of England, nether the Quene by the 
Emperor, whome to imploye in there efFeares. See well 
unto yt what thow hast her avowched ; consider what the 
end wil be, and the great dislycke that will falle betwene 
the Emperour and the Quene if those things be not trew 
which thow hast here informed. And if yt be upon galle, 
thow were better repent thee and macke some parte of resty- 
tution whille matters ar now in questynable remedy :" — 
with other to tedious to wryte of. What the ende herof, 
right honorable, wilbe as yet I know not, but by all lyckli- 
hode I make doupte of my present dispatch. And for that 
the Companies factors ar now goenge towards the ships, I 
thought good to wryte this much unto your lordshijDS, doupt- 
ing her after to have so good conveyance ; wherby, if yt so 
chaunce as I suspect, your honnour maye please to under- 
stand these the occasions therof. And accordinge to my 
formour I humbly besych your honnour to be a means unto 
her Majesty that the coppies of the formour letters sent by 
me, with some sharpe adicion requisite in suche a case, might 
be with all exjDedicion sente hether overland ; which wilbe 
to great purpose for dyvers respects. The rufnes of the 
contents of them hath caused me some displeasure, which I 
may not regard ; and no honest and good mynde but will 
thincke the better of me. For I protest, before God and 
your lordshipe, all my care is to dischareg my dewty every 
wey fathfully, withowt respect of pryvatt cause, as shall 
prove and apere what soever be surmised to the contrary by 
any. And althought I know the Company doth acknow- 
ledge them selves much bounde unto her Majesty, yet now 
much more, for that yt is well knowen unto them her Ma- 
jesty's hight dignytey hath ben often greviously towched by 
gross abuses shewed sondry weys ; and yet her Majesty, 
graciously tendering there good estatte, hath not discon- 
tynewed to cstablishe yt. For her Highnes sacke they have 


paid no customes^, rents nor any other dewtys this fyve yers. 
Andj farther, they maye perceave what eifect her Majesty s 
letters hath taken in their behalf nowe, for the Lord Boris 
Fedorowiche willed there agents and factors the Company 
should assewr them selves for the Quens Majestys sacke he 
would defend and protect them, and be a means for her 
Majestys merchants to the Emperor in all there causes, 
willing to know there grevences ; caused present and spedy 
justice in all matters to be geven them, paments to be made 
them owt of the Emperors treasouy, favorable and most 
fryndly intreated of all niagestrats, and that no abewse 
should be shewed them ; to pey no rents, taxations or any 
other dewtyes. And forthwith the Emperors letters were 
geaven them, to all officers and authorished people, that the 
Emperors formor priveleged letters should stand in effect, 
and noe customes to be taken of them for the Quens Ma- 
jestys sacke. 

And seing there estatte, right honorable, was in such hard 
case as there complaints doth importc, they may not but 
acknowledge the reformation originally to proceade from her 
Majesty; under which also she will I hope confes my dewty 
discharged ; althought my ruff usaege here may worcke 
some oblicque in the conceate of the evill disposed, if there 
be any emongc them. And farther, I doubt not yet but the 
conclusion of all causes wil be in formall sorte confirmed 
corespondent unto her Majesty's pleasure, and answerable 
to the Companies expectation in all resjjects. I humbly 
take my leave of your lordshippe, and besich God long to 
preserve your honnour. Amen. This xth of June, .91, in 
a towne Yerauslauld, in Russia. 

Your lordship's most humble, 

ever at commaunde, 

Jer. Horsey. 

To the right honoralle Lord Burgleth, 

the Lord Right Treasorer of England, etc., 
gcav these. 


[_From the State Paper Office. — Bitssian Correspondence.^ 

Jerom Horseis ansioear to the generall complaints in the 
Emperouer of Russia his letters. 

To tlie first, it is about xiiii years, Jerom Horsey having 
the Companies charge in the Mosko, understanding thear 
wear Flemings coom with shipping by the north seas to traf- 
fique at the same port, which the Companie had first found 
out, and never attempted by any straunger beefore, hee 
wrote a letter to the sayed Companies agent that, this dis- 
grace beeing so great and the discommoditie greater if the 
Companie would not remedie it, Jerom Horsey woulde fynd 
means to stoppe their comming thither. This matter was 
never in question xii years space, but now accompted trea- 
son to the King and his countrey. The copie of this letter 
was urged to Mr. Doctor Fletcher, who hath it to shiew. 

2. Jerom Horsey was imployed about fewer years from 
hir Majestic beefore Mr. Fletchers going over. At which 
time hee procured to the Companie free priviledges and 
brought them to the Queen. A service that had most gra- 
cious acceptance of hir Majestic : upon the which Jerom 
Horsey might vaunt in soom respect although hee never 
ment it. 

3. It is well knowen that an ofiicer, on Andreas Shalkan, 
(beeing full of gall) practized with a servant of Jerome 
Florseys in the Mosko, to invent soom speach pretended to 
bee spoken by his master to Mr. Fletcher, which might 
sound offensive to the Emperour. The sayed servant (to 
purchase his lewd libertie) was willing and did so : thearupon 
renounsed his faith, was rebaptized and rewarded by Andreas 
Shalkan. This matter accompted also treason to the Em- 
perour. Mr. Fletcher was present and knoweth how false a 
suggestion this was, and since by a substanciall letter of 
proof extant the party that was the chief doer thearin asketh 


forgeveues, promising never to commit the lyke treaclierie 
again. For any thing Jerom Horsey should speak that 
might toutch hir Majesty's dignitie, how can it stand with 
naturall reason hee should speak against them both or either 
of them ; especially against his soveraign lady and mistresse, 
whose high Majestic hee alwayes took for defence in all his 
proceedings ? But hee protesteth before the living Lord, 
who knoAveth the secreats of all mens harts, that these ar 
meer suggestions without any proof. Mr. Fletcher did urge 
to know the perticulars and what they wear very earnestly, 
and none could bee produced other then this, that hee went 
about to practize to debarre all strangers (bysides the Com- 
panie) to coom and trade into Russia by the north seas. 

4. Jerom Horsey hath ever and altogither stood in the 
Companies beehalf in all causes they have had to doe in the court ; and especially with Andreo Shalkan, for 
many abuses offred by him and crost in the same by Jerom 
Horsey. Andreas Shalkan, now understanding soom diifer- 
rences depending beetwene the Companie with Horsey, hath 
set downe this clause as a means to maintein the sayed con- 
troversie, perceiving it serveth their humour. For notice 
was given by soom of them, that this his last imploiment was 
altogither doon with their dislyke. 

5. Thear is no other way to pass into Russia, but through 
the king of Polonia his countrey ; and at that time Liefland 
borderours wear full of the Sweathian souldiers. Jerom 
Horsey had past the very same way three severall journeys 
beefore that time, beeing a surer and nearer way then any 
other. For any speach should bee spoken of the Emperour 
in Poland it is only surmised to serve Andro Shalkans sus- 
picion. For if thear wear any particulars knowen, without 
all question they should bee sett down to the uttermost ; and 
thearfoare this general suggestion is made so heynous that it 
deserveth death, for heartofore it was so usuall a thing to put 


to death, upon suspltion only, that it hath yet left beehynd it 
this praise of speach. 

6. Thear wear appointed certein of the nobilitie to hear 
Jerom Horsey : Andro Shalkan beeing wholy exempted, 
grieving much thearat, sayeth, hee was committed to the 
custody of the sayed nobilitie. 

7. The Emperours stile was not abridged, but after the 
principalis wear specified, thear followed this parenthesis, 
with mmiij oilier kingdomes, etc., not thought requisite by 
Mr. Secreatary that every perticular town in his countrey 
should bee named : the folld of the letter would not contein 
such an endorsement : and for that it was English it was 
sealed with the signet. All this was thought nietest to bee 
so : whose honour's experience Jerom Horsey was not to 
interrupt, who beeing asked thearof sayed, it was hir Ma- 
jesty's privie signet, and not the seal of hir treasury ; neither 
can it bee found so in the Russe language : but at the first 
the little seal and all other matters wear well lyked of, 
untill Shalkan was thoroughly toutched with his abuses. 

8. The Emperour and Borris Federowich receaved the 
Queens letters at the first, without any question of stile, 
folld or seale ; and willed Jerom Horsey not to fear his 
great enimy, Andro Shalkan, but freely to say what hee 
could against him, and so hee proceeded for the space of 
xiii weeks very orderly. At which time thear burst out the 
practizes of great civill tumults. Then Andreas Shalkan 
took the oportunitie of the time against hime, disposing of 
all matters at his pleasure. 

9. The matters Jerom Horsey treated of wear very agree- 
able to hir Majesty's pleasure, both with the contents of hir 
Highnes letters, as also with the effect of the letters com- 
mcndatorie from hir Majesties most honourable Counsaill. 
But how agreable the acceptance of hir Majesty's presents, 
letters and ambassages, sent by Mr. Fletcher, wear, with the 
protestation of amety iu the Emperour's letter, the deeds 


shewed it self by the course observed in all other proceed- 
ings. And how trew this information is, that the Secreatary 
should write letters without hir Majesty's knowledge, and if 
it wear not urged by the necessitie of worthie occasions, 
Jerom Horsey humbly referreth the judgement thearof unto 
your lordship's experience. 

10. Whearas it is sayed Jerom Horsey to have larger al- 
lowance then any other, it is well knowen Andrew Shalkan 
did practize to murder him secreatly within 30 miles of the 
Mosko, at a castle called Zvenigorod. Hee intercepted the 
Counsells letters to the Lord Boris Federowich, the Queens 
letters patents, and many other writings, corrupted the 
translation of the Queen's letters, which is a common prec- 
tize with him. Hee also sent spies and vile persons, many 
to his lodging, whear in their drunckennes they confessed 
their pretended pourposes, so that Jerom Horsey was forced 
to keep armed watch and ward continually. And the allow- 
ance spoken of Andrew Shalkan reserved to himself; Jerom 
Horsey never received the valew of one penny of the Em- 
perours allowance, but was at great charge with himselfe, 
eight servants and fewer horses. 

11. The doubt made of the delivery of the letters to hir 
Majestic that Mr. Fletcher brought, is well knowen to the 
contrary ; for, after the delivery of them, it pleased the 
Queens Majestic to enquire of these complaints of Mr. 
Fletcher at Oatlands, and thearfore no newe thing as well 
of the speach I should use as was infourmed of the Em- 
perour, of the priviledges brought unto hir Majestic, of the 
burning of a man, of a midwief sent thither and other odious 
infourmations, which Mr. Doctor Fletcher by commission 
thoroughly examined and inquired after, and all proved to 
bee most false. 

My good lordship, may it please your honour, I have hear 
briefly set down the very truth against these complaints, and 
am to bee proved and justified by such English men as wear 


then in the countrey (if need requier) upon their oath. 
Farther, my good lord, thear was never letter yet written in 
the Emperour's name, but it is furnished with Shalkan's 
humour, and conteineth (as they tearme them) great com- 
plaints. So generall a thing it is, that every trifFell they 
pretend offensive deserveth death. But the old Emperour, 
and please your honour, this Emperour, and also Boris, have 
often written highly in my commendation, and small notice 
ever taken thearof. And it is only required that I might 
not bee employed any more, for bycause they seeing I am 
fully acquainted with all the dishonours and abuses ever 
doon towards hir Majestic and subjects for xxtie years space, 
and now beeing sharpely toutched thearwith, and never 
beefore so thoroughly explayned as by the articles I treated 
of appeareth ; a course thought so necessarie, by all men 
of that experience, and well knowen, although not so ac- 
knowledged, as hath proved to good effect. For I allwayes 
carried a zealous care (God knoweth) of the preservation of 
hir Majesty's high dignitie among them ; who have and doe 
alwayes impeach it greatly. This only hath redounded to 
myne own hurt and discredit to the world ; for they do per- 
swade themselves hir Majesty's pleasure beeing so roundlie 
delivered, proceedeth only thorough my instigation and 
thearfore not willing ever to enter with nice in communica- 
tion of those matters again. Hearby it may be seen, my 
good lord, that I have discharged my dewty to my utter- 
most abilitie, for if I had had any respect to myne own par- 
ticular and privat cause (so doubtfully depending among 
them) I might have besought her Majestic and your lordship 
for placable letters, commendatory to the Emperour and 
Boris Federowich, for my relief. And thearfore, good my 
lord, I most humbly pray you, sithence my hard hap is such 
that my faithfull endeavour doth take no better effect one no 
side, which being considered is lamentable only to my ex- 
tream hinderance and toy 11, that hir Majestic might not bee 


further incensed against mee, whearby I miglit not bee de- 
prived of your most gracious favour, [and that] which hetherto 
hir Highnes doth extend towards mee. At this time (if it may 
please your honour) for divers respects, your woord may doe 
more hurt then ever anything hereafter may doe mee good. 
And soe I humbly committ my self unto your lordships 
favourable good opinion. 

Your lordships dewring life most bounden, 

Jer. Horsey. 

[From the State Paper Office. — Russian Correspondence.'] 


1. That hee advised by letter with the Companies agent 
to repell the Neatherlandish shippes that traded for Rusland 
by the port of St. Nicolas. This was taken in very hainous 
part by the Emperour and his Counsell, bycause of their 
practise by all means they can to enlarge that trade by the 
bay of St. Nicolas, as thincking it a far better and surer way 
to vent their own commodities and to bring in forrein then 
the other through the Sound by the Narve and E-iga, which 
lye under check and ar many times stopped up by reason of 
their warres with the Polonian and Sweden. And thearfore 
they urged this matter against him in very earnest sort, as 
a practise against their state and a matter of high treason. 
This letter written by Mr. Horsey imported rather a good 
meaning and zeal towards the Companie by whome hee was 
emploied thear then any ill purpose towards the Emperour 
or his countrey. And so it was answeared. 

2. That hee had spoken certein unreverend woords against 
the Emperour himself; vz., that hee was meeter to bee a 


friar then a king, and to bear a pair of beads then a scepter. 
For this they threatned him the stake and the pudkey, but 
that the Emperour was content (as they sayed) to remitt it 
at my intreaty for the Queens sake. 

This accusation (beeing charged to have spoken it at my 
table by his own servant, who had contracted himself in mar- 
riage in that countrey and sought by this means to put him- 
self into favour with Shalkan the Chauncellour, who hated 
Jerome Horsey) I kniew to bee false, and answeared it 

3. That hee had delt in a matter perteining to the Em- 
presse ; vz., had procured a midwyfe to bee sent owt of 
England ; whearas the Empresse (as they sayed) gave him 
no suche commission, neither had need of any suche woman, 
beeing not with child. This matter I found to bee mistaken 
by Mr. Horsey, who had received his charge, not from the 
Empresse, but from hir brother, Borrise Federowich Godo- 
noe, to procure owt of England, not a midwyfe, but soom 
Doctoritza that had skill in woomens matters, to make them 
conceive, etc. ; bycause the Empresse, beeing barren, they 
feared the inheritance of the crown would goe to the Empe- 
rours younger brother, and so the Godonoes should louse 
their greatnes and bee accountant for their government 
under the Emperour. 

4. The malice of Shalkan the Chauncellor towards Mr. 
Horsey grounded upon matter irreconciliable. This hath 
aggravated the other matters and made them so haynous, 
though otherwise they have ben sufficiently answeared. 

The answear to the Emperours last letter, toutching hir 
Majesties sending over of Jerom Horsey (under correction) 
would bee eaven the plain truth, to this or lyke effect, vz. — 
That Mr. Horsey was brought over and delivered hear by 
hir ambassadour, G[iles] F[letcher], as a man in disgrace. 
That, beeing so brought over as a prisoner, on soodain and 


having left beehynd him a great part of his state in that 
countrey, it was intreatecl of hir Majesty, by mediation of one 
of hir counsellours who lavoured the man and is now dead, 
that hee shoukl have leave to passe over again, as well to 
clear himself of the crimes objected against him on the 
beehalf of the Emperour (whome hir Majestie by all means 
will have honoured by hir subject) which also Jerom Horsey 
alleadged hee could doe if he might be heard by the Lord 
Borrise Federowich himself, as also for the clearing of his 
state and recovering his debts in that countrey. That hir 
Majestie, now understanding the Emperours resolute plea- 
sure toutching the sayed Jerom, hath given charge that hee 
shall not hearafter repair into the Emperours countries, and 
will farther bee carefull that noe other of hir subjects bee 
sent thither save such as shalbee of honest condition and 
ready to doe good offices beetwixt the Emperour and hir 
Majestie, etc. 

[From Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. i, p. 563.] 

TJie Queenes Majesties letter to Theodore Icanocich, 
Emperour of Russia, 1591 [1592]. 

Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc., to the right 
high, mighty and right noble prince, Theodore Ivanowich, 
Great Lord, King, and Great Duke of all Russia, Volode- 
mer, Mosco, Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord 
of Vobsko, and Great Duke of Smolensko, Otver, Ughory, 
Perme, Viatski, Bolgory, and other places. Lord and Great 
Duke of Novogrod in the low countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, 
Polotsky, Rostove, Yeraslave, Bealozero and Lifland, of 
Oudorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and commander of all 


Sibierland and the north coasts ; Great Lord over the coun- 
try of Ivensky, Grisinsky ; Emperor of Kabardinsky, and 
of the countrey of Charkasky, and of the countrey of Gorsky, 
and Lord of many other cou.ntreys ; our most deare and 
loving brother^ greeting. 

E-ight noble and excellent prince, we have received your 
Majesties letters, brought over by our merchants in their 
returne of their last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas. 
Which letters we have advisedly read and considered, and 
thereby perceive that your Majestic doth greatly mislike of 
our late imployment of Jerome Horsey into your dominions 
as our messenger with our Highnesse letters ; and also that 
your Majesty doth thinke that we in our letters, sent by the 
sayd messenger, have not observed that due order or respect 
which apperteined to your princely Majesty, in the forme of 
the same letter, aswel touching the inlargement of your 
Majesties stile and titles of honor, which your Majestey ex- 
pected to have bene therein more particularly expressed, as 
also in the adding of our greatest scale or signet of armes to 
the letters which we send to so great a Prince as your Ma- 
jesty is. Li any of which points we would have bene very 
loth willingly to have given just cause of offence thereby to 
our most deare and loving brother. And as touching the 
sayd messenger, Jerome Horsey, we are sory that, contrary 
to our expectation, he is fallen into your Majesties displea- 
sure ; whom we minde not to mainteine in any his actions 
by which he hath so incurred your Majesties mislike : yet 
that we had reason, at such time as we sent him to your 
Majesty, to use his service as our messenger, we referre our- 
selves to your princely judgement, praying your Majesty to 
reduce into your minde the especiall commendation, which 
in your letters written unto us in the yeere 1585 you made 
of the sayd Jerome Horsey his behaviour in your dominions : 
at which time your Majesty was pleased to use his service as 
your messenger to us, requiring our answere of your letters 


to be returned by him and by none otber. That imploy- 
nient, with other occasions taken by your Majesty to use the 
service of the sayd Jerome Horsey, as namely in the yeere 
1587, when your Majesty sent him againe to us with your 
letters and your liberall and princely priviledge, at our re- 
quest granted to our merchants (for which we have here- 
tofore given thanks to your Majesty, so doe we hereby 
reiterate our thankefulnesse for the same), mooved us to be 
of minde that we could not make choice of any of our sub- 
jects so fit a messenger to your Majesty as he whom your 
Majesty had at severall times used upon your own occasions 
into this our realme. But least your Highnesse should con- 
tinue of the minde that the letters which you sent by our 
ambassador, Giles Fletcher (wherein some mention was made 
of your conceived displeasure against the said Horsey), came 
not to our hands, and that wee were kept ignorant of the 
complaint which your Majesty made therein against the said 
Horsey, we do not deny but that we were acquainted, aswell 
by our ambassadour as by those letters, of some displeasure 
conceived against him by your Majesty : but your said let- 
ters giving onely a short generall mention of some misde- 
meanour committed by him, expressing no particulars, we 
were of opinion that this offence was not so hainous, as that 
it might utterly extinguishe all your former princely favour 
towards him, but that upon his humble submission to your 
Majesty, or upon better examination of the matter of the 
displeasure conceived against him, the offence might have 
beene either remitted, or he thereof might have cleared him- 
selfe. And to that end we were not onely by his great im- 
portunity long soUicited, but by the intercession of some of 
our nobility giving credit to his owne defence, we were in- 
treated on his behalfe to use his service once againe into 
Russia as our messinger to your Majesty, whereby he might 
have opportunity to cleare himselfe, and either by his 
answere or by his submission recover your Majesties former 


favour : whereunto our princely nature was mooved to yeeld, 
wishing the good of our subject so farre foorth as his desert 
might carry him, or his innocencie clear him. 

Thus, noble Prince, our most loving and dearest brother, 
it may appeare unto your Majesty how we were induced to 
use the service of the sayd messenger, aswell for the recovery 
of your Majesties favour towards him (if he hade bene found 
woorthy of it) as for experience of the manors and fashions 
of your countrey, where he hath bene much conversant. But 
sith by your Majesties letters it appeareth that he hath not 
cleared himselfe in your Majesties sight, we meane not to 
use him in any such price hereafter. 

And as touching your Majesties conceit of the brevitie 
which we used in the setting downe of your Majesties stile 
and titles of honour ; as nothing is farther from us then to 
abridge so great and mighty a prince of the honour due 
unto him (whom we holde for his greatnesse to deserve more 
honour than we arc able to give him), so shall we need no 
further nor surer argument to cleare us of the suspicion of 
detracting from your Majesty any part of your just and 
princely honor and greatnesse, then the consideration of our 
own stile, which is thus contracted, videlecet, " Elizabeth, by 
the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, etc.," which kingdoms and dominions 
of ours are expressed by these general words, videlicit, Eng- 
land, France and Ireland ; in every of which there are 
severall principalities, dukedomes, and earledomes, provinces 
and countreyes ; which being severally expressed would en- 
large much our stile, and make it of great length, which by 
our progenitory hath not bene used. Notwithstanding, we 
think it no dishonour to us compendiously to abridge the 
same in all our writings and letters, written to what prince, 
king or potentate soever. Whereupon we inferre that, hold- 
ingc your Majesties generall stile, we offer your Highnesse 
no dishonour in not expressing all the particular provinces ; 


albeit we can willingly content ourselfe, upon the know- 
ledge of your usages and customes, to observe that course 
which your selfe shall thinke most honourable. And for the 
sealing up of our letters which we write to all our allies, 
kinsmen and friends, kings and princes, we have in use two 
severall seales. And as the volume of our letters falleth out 
to be great or small, so accordingly is our greater or lesse 
scale annexed to the sayd letters, without esteeming either 
of them more or lesse honourable than the other. So as, our 
most loving and dearest brother, in the said letters there was 
nothing done of purpose to detract from your Majesty any- 
thing of the usuall regarde which our Highnesse was woont 
to yeeld unto your most noble father of famous memory, 
Ivan Basilivich, Emperor of al Russia, or to your selfe, our 
dearest brother. 

For the residue of the points of your Majesties letters, 
concerning the entertaineraent of our ambassadour, and pro- 
ceeding in the cause of Anthonie Marsh, we holde our selfe 
satisfied with your princely answeare, and doe therein note 
an honourable and princely care in your Majestic to prevent 
the like troubles, controversies and sutes, that Marshes 
cause stirred between our merchants and your subjects, 
which is, that your Majestic doeth purpose from time to time 
to purge your countrey of such straglers of our subjects as 
doe or shall hereafter abide there, and are not of the Com- 
pany of our merchants, but contemptuously depart out of our 
land without our Highnesse licence ; of which sort there are 
presented unto us from our merchants the names of these 
severall persons, mdelicet, Richard Cocks, Bennet Jackman, 
Rainold Kitchin, Simon Rogers, Michael Lane, Thomas 
Worsenham ; whom it may please your Majesty by your 
princely order to dismiss out of your land, that they may be 
sent home in the next shippes, to avoid the mislike which 
their residence in those parts might breed, to the disturbance 
of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the enter- 


And, whereas, most loving and dearest brother, one Wil- 
liam Turnebull, a subject of ours, is lately deceased in your 
kingdome, one with whom our merchants have had much 
controversie for great summes of money due unto them by 
him while he was their agent in their aifayres, of merchan- 
dises ; which differences by arbitrable order were reduced 
to the summe of 3000 rubbles, and so much should have 
beene payed by him, as may appeare by your Majesties 
councell or magistrates of justice by very credible informa- 
tion and testimony ; and whereas also the sayd TurnbuU was 
further indebted by billcs of his owne hand to divers of our 
subjects, amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 
pounds, which billes are exemplified under our great scale 
of England, and to be sent over with this bearer ; of which 
summes he hath often promised payment ; it may please your 
most excellent Majestic, in your approoved love to justice, 
to give order to your favourable councell and magistrates, 
that those severall debts may be satisfied to our merchants 
and subjects out of the goods, merchandise and debts, which 
are due to the state of the sayd TurnbuU ; whereof your 
Majesties councell shalbe informmed by the agent of our 

We trust we shall not need to make any new request by 
motion to your Majesty that some order might be taken for 
the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to 
your Majesties use, in the hands and possession of John 
Chappell their servant, being a thing granted, and no doubt 
already performed by your Majesties order. We therefore 
intreat your Majesty that, as conveniently as may be, satis- 
faction or recompense be given to our said merchants, to- 
wards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell 
therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained. 
And lastly, our most deare and loving brother, as nothing in 
all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire 
league and amitie, descending upon us as an inheritance, in 


succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours, 
so let us be careful! on both sides by all good meanes to 
holde and continue the same to our posterity for ever. And 
if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise, in not 
accomplishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of 
either of our coun treys and kingdom es, let the same upon 
our enterchangeable letters be reconciled, that our league 
and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion 
whatsoever. And thus we recommend your Majesty to the 
tuition of the most High. From our royall palace of White- 
hall, the 14 of January, anno Domini 1591 [1592]. 


Abramove, Zapon, 40 

Alexandrisca, 48 

Anastasia, empress of Russia, 157 ; 
her death and canonization, 158 

Andreas Vasilowich, Knez, sent for 
from Vaga by his brother Ivan, 
170 ; interview with described, ib.; 
his death and burial, ib. 

Animals of Russia, 14 

Anselmau, Antonio, ^39 

Archbishops of the Greek church, 

ArdoU [Ardabil], taken by the Turks, 

Armour worn by the soldiers, 76 

Army, chief officers and their salaries, 
70, 74 ; mustering and levying of 
forces, etc., 75, 77 ; tactics and dis- 
cipline of, 77, 78 

Astracan, conquest of, 3, 82, 157 

Auricular confession in the Russian 
church, 128 

Bannister, Thomas, and Ducket, Geof- 
frey, their expedition to Persia, vi. 

Baptism, mode of, in the Greek church, 
122, 125 

Barker, deputy, 245 

Barn, Sir George, lord mayor of Lon- 
don, 217 ; entertains Sir Jerome 
Horsey, 234 

Basileus, the eremite, 118 

Basileus, Emperor of Russia, 21 ; ac- 
quires Plesko and Smolensko, 80, 

Beala, the family name of the impe- 
rial house of Russia, 19 ; particu- 
lars relating to, 20, 23 

Beala the blind, 20 

Bealozero, 3 

Bear fight, description of, 143 

Bears, 6, 14 

Beaver, 14 

Bellouga or hellougina, 16 

Belskoye, Bodan, 199; his banishment 
to Cazau, 218 ; stirs up the king of 
Poland to invade Russia, 259 

Best, Robert, envoy to Piussia, xxx 

Bilbill, taken by the Turks, 223 

Birds of Russia, 14, 15 

Bishops of the Greek church, 108; 
election, of, 110 

Boarstava diomna, oifice of the coun- 
cil, 46 

Boiars, degree of nobility, 36 

Boiaren vlaclitsky, 109 

Bomel, Dr. Eliseus, xxviii ; 168 

Bond, Daniel, conveys letters to Eng- 
land, 244 

Boristhenes, river, now called Dnieper, 

Boris Godunoff, grand duke and Em- 
peror, instigated the assassination 
of Demetrius, 22 ; conspiracy against 
him, 219, 220 ; receives presents 
from Queen Elizabeth, 222; desires 
an alliance with the king of Den- 
mark, 224 ; sends an ambassador to 
the emperor Maximilian, 224; con- 
spiracy against him, 226; sends trea- 
sure to Sollavetzca monastery, 228; 
sends presents to Queen Elizabeth, 
229 ; sends presents to Sir Jerome 
Horsey, 231, 232 ; secret interview 
with Sir Jerome Horsey, 253 ; pro- 
cures the assassination of Deme- 
trius, 254 ; usurps the throne of 
Russia, 258 ; seeks amity with the 
emperor of Germany, the king of 
Denmark, the Scythian Cham, the 
king of Poland and the king of 
Sweden, 258 ; his kingdom invaded 
by the Poles, 260 ; takes poison 
and dies, ib. ; his youngest son 
Ivan Borissowich proclaimed em- 
])eror in his stead, ib. ; letter to Sir 
Jerome Horsey, 293, 294 ; descrip- 
tion of his person, 258 ; his reve- 
nue, 37 

Bowes, Sir Jerome, ambassador to 
Russia, 166 ; his reception at Mos- 
cow, 197 ; interview with the em- 
peror, 198 ; his alarm at the death 
of the emperor, 202 ; is desired by 
the emperor Theodore Ivanowich 
to leave Russia, 204 ; returns to 




England, 205; incurs the displea- 
sure of queen Elizabeth, 215 ; in- 
cites the earl of Leicester against 
Sir Jerome Horsey, 215, 216 ; his 
examination by the lords of the 
council, 216, 217 

Brewing with holy water, 137 

Brimstone, 14 

Brocket, Isabella, her marriage with 
Sir Jerome Horsey, cxxxi 

Building, mode of, 19 

Bulgacove, Knez Feodor, daughter 
of, married to Ivan Vasilowich, 

Bulgakove, Knez Andreas Guraken. 
See Kurakin 

Bulgaloy, now called Guletchey, house 
of, 36 

Bulsha prechode, or great income, 48; 
office of, 50, 52 

Burial of the dead, mode of, 138, 139 

Cahach, or drinking house, 58 

Caliot, Sebastian, ii. 

Cadam [Kadom, on the Moshka], 9 

Camden's history of queen Elizabeth 
referred to, 256 

Canage, Philippe de, the French am- 
bassador to Germany, 236 

Capital punishments, 68, 69 

Cassanslcoy divarets, 40 

Cazan acquired by Russia in 1552, 
3, 82, 157 

Cecil, William, lord Burghley, com- 
plaint of the Russia Company 
against Sir J. Horsey, addressed to, 
312, 313 ; the petition of the Rus- 
sia merchants to, for the suppres- 
sion of Dr, Fletcher's Russe Com- 
monwealth, 352, 55 ; letters from 
Sir J. Horsey to, 360, 67 

Chamberlain, office of, 145 

Chamodanove, Simon, 229 

Chappell, John, sent to Russia by the 
Company, 315 ; his residence at 
Casan,316; his imprisonment, 319; 
his release, 227, 322 

Chare Siberski, taken prisoner, 276 

Cherechaskoy, 73 

Cheremissen Tartars described, 95 

Cherry, Francis, 231, 232 

Chetfijrds, the shires and provinces of 
Russia, so called, 3, 48 

Chiglicke Alothe, Emperor of Siberia, 
t;Lkcn prisoner by the Russians, 225 

Christianeis, the country people so 
called, 39 

Christian religion established in Rus- 
sia, 102, 103 

Church Service, 119, 126 

Cleobawich, Pann Ivan. 245 

Clergy, costume of, 1 10 ; their preach- 
ing and tea,ching, ib. : their illitera- 
cy, 110, 111 ; their immorality, 130 

Ciesinine [Kleschuin], Andreas Pe- 
trowich, comptroller to the Empe- 
ror, 145 

Climate of Russia, 4 

Cola, 171 

Collomenska, bishop of, 108 

Coliuogory, town of, 171 

Cologne, diet of, 236, 238 

Colonies of Russia, 80, 84 

Commonalty, state of, 59, 64 

Comptroller, office of, 145 

Conaslue hilohoday. 37 

Connick, master of the horse, 37 

Consove, Michael, 282 ; sent by the 
Emperor Theodore to release the 
Lieflanders from Novogrod, 229 

Constantinople, translation of the 
patriarchal see from, to Moscow, 
104, 108 

Controversies ended by kissing the 
cross, 66 

Coronation ceremonial of the Empe- 
rors of Russia, 23, 26 

Cossove, Michael. See Consove 

Costume of the people, 147, loO 

Cotton, Sir Robert, alluded to by Sir 
J. Horsey, 311 

Council, Emperor's, 46, 48 

Counsellors of state, names of, 46, 47 

Courts of Justice, and mode of pro- 
cedure, 65. 69 

Creitstiiia chelovania, or kissing of the 
cross, 66 

Crim Tartars, invasion of Russia, 85, 
90 ; burning of Moscow by, 85, 86 ; 
homage done to, by the Emperor 
of Russia, 86, 87 ; continual wars 
with Ivan Vasilowich, 158 

Cross, sign of, 134, 135 

Crutitska [Kroutitskia], bishop of, 108 

Cusconesse, or Foxuose, 11 

Customs and rev'enues of the Empe- 
ror, 48, 59 

Demetrius, youngest son of Ivan 
Vasilowich, 21 ; his education, ib. ; 



early iudications of cruelty, 22 ; ' 
assassinated in May 1591, ib. 

Dariennes, or villages, 61 

Decetsheis, or Decurions, 43 

Denmark, king of, alliance with, 
sought by Ivan Vasilowich, 171 ; al- 
liance with Borris Fedorowich, 224; 
interview with Sir J. Horsey, 240 

Derbent, taken by the Turks, 223 

Devlet Geray, Khan of the Crimea, 
his invasion of Russia, 164 ; great 
battle near Moscow, 164, 165 ; sets 
fire to the city of Moscow, 85, 1 65 ; 
retires from Russia, 166; sends an 
ambassador to Ivan Vasilowich, ib. 

Dikoy Lopary, the wild Lappes, so 
called, 100 

Dingoe Novogrodskoy, a coin to com- 
memorate a victory obtained by the 
Novogrodians over the Tartars, 18 

Dolgarnea, Knez Michael, welcomes 
Sir Jerome Horsey to Vologda, 230 

Doragabuse, city of, taken by Ivan 
Vasilowich, 158 

Dorofey bushew, clerk of the council, 

Dorpt, town of, capture of, ] 60, 1 61 

Ducket, Geoifrey, expedition to Per- 
sia, vi, vii 

Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, al- 
luded to, 215, 216 

Durnnoy boiaren, or lords of the coun- 
cil, 46 

Dumnoy Lyahey, secretaries of par- 
liament, so called, 30, 47 

Dun a, river, 7 

Dusker, Agacius, narrowly escapes 
being poisoned, 253 

Dutch merchants intrude themselves 
into Russia, liii 

Dwertsova, or steward of the house- 
hold, 48 

Dwooraney bulshey, or body guard of 
the Emperor, 71 

Dyer, Sir Edward, 238 

Dyta boiarshey, lowest pensioners, 71 

Edwards, Arthur, his expedition to 
Persia 1568, v ; commands a second 
expedition in 1579, vii. 

Elizabeth, queen of England ; Ivan 
Vasilowich thinks of oiiering him- 
self a suitor to, 173, 174 ; her recep- 
tion of Sir Jerome Horsey, 193 ; 
sends letters to the emperor Ivan 

Vasilowich, 194 ; negociates a mar- 
riage between the Emperor and 
Lady Mary Hastings, 196; sends Sir 
Jerome Bowes as her ambassador to 
Russia, ib. ; her inspection of the 
presents from the Emperor Theo- 
dore and Borris Fedorowich, 232, 
234 ; her letter to the Emperor 
Theodore Ivanowich, 297, 29