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^ U /s 










IttiE New YORK 

-w %- ^r A^ i^ ^ J 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by 


In the Clerk's ofl&ce of the District Court for the Southern District of Ohio. 

Stereotyped and Printed b7 



The " Eastern Question " and the war Lave presented Europe 
to American eyes in a new, and, to most, an unexpected 
aspect. Tlie actual condition of the European Powers, their 
comparative strength, their relations to each other, their 
present policy, and ultimate aims, may now be better under- 
stood by this nation, than ever before. 

It is possible that the great events, of which we are distant 
though interested spectators, may, in their progress, work 
important changes in the opinions and feelings of the Ameri- 
can people, concerning the parties engaged in this bloody 
struggle. Indeed, if we compare the present state of the 
public mind with_what it was at the beginning of the conflict, 
we cannot fail to remark a decided alteration. A sympathy 
with Bussia is fost springing up in the American heart — we 
scarce know why — and eveiy day lessens the number among 
us, who would rejoice at the fall of SebastopoL 

A distrust of the motives of England and France is spreading 
itself through the country. There is a growing apprehension 
that they are actuated by a national ambition, rather than 
any regard for human liberty; and that they are anxious, 
Dot only to check Eussia, in the East, but to repress, also, 
the growth of the American States, beyond the limits which 
they c^oo^ to i^gtaANOE 2 AUQ-lgDl ,... 



In this state of tliiBgs, it is well for Americans to study 
Eussia for themselves, nor trust hereafter, as we have done, 
to representations which have reached us through channels 
likely to distort or discolor the truth. It will not harm us 
to look upon the great NOTthern Power from an American 
position ; and this book has been undertaken in the hope that 
it may induce at least some of my countiymen, to examine, 
with fresh interest, the position and resources, the spirit and 
policy, of that European Power which, thus far, has been a 
constant friend of America. 



There should be an Americaii Opinion of Bussia fonnded, not upon 
European Prejudices, but on Facts. 


The Essential Elements of National Policy. 

The Geographical Character of Russia. 

The Relatiye Position of Russia. 


The Territory of Russia may be easily Controlled by one Central OoTom- 



Russia has few Vulnerable Points, and these have been rendered Impreg- 
nable to any ordinary Attack — ^Her Military are mostly beyond the 
reach of an Enemy. 

Russia is Controlled by one Dominant Race, the Source of a National Life. 

Charaoier of the Russians as Soldiers— Can Russia become a great Mili- 
tary Power? 


The Eussian Army and Navy. 


The National Sentiment of Bussia as affecting National FoUcy and Destiny 


The Educational Institutions of Russia. 

The Characteristics and Capabilities of the Russian Mind. 

The Actual Progress of the Russian Empire. 


Bussia is aiming at a Civilization distinct from the Forms of Western 

Europe. V 

The National Idea of Russia. 


The Poli(?y of Russia that of Self-Development. ^ 

Russia and the Commerce of the East. 

The Commercial Phase of the Eastern War. 

The Religious Aspect of the Eastern War. 

Thi^ Papacy in its connection with the Eastern Question. 


The Relation of the Eastern Question to American Missions. 

The Russian Church. 

The BeligiouB Influence of Russia n|K>n the East 


The Condition of the Turkish Empire and the East, if sulgected to France 
and England. 


The historical Mission of Russia, and the Influence which she would 
exert upon the East. 

The Despotism of Russia. 

The Western Aspect of the Eastern Question. 

Why do not Americans sympathize with the Allies? 

Russia and America^-Their future Relations to each other and the World. 


The Buooess of the Allies would destroy all present hope for the "Nation- 


Sebastopol and the Future. 





There alionld be an Ameriean opinion of Russia, founded not upon 
European prejudices, but upon facts. 

Although Bussia has become the moBt powerful nation 
of Europe, she remains in great degree unknown. Her 
advance upon Europe and the East has been as steady, as 
resistless, as mysterious as the descent of a glacier from 
the Alps. All the force of earth can neither turn the 
glacier backward, nor divert it from its course, nor even 
arrest its progress ; nor can science fully explain the force 
that pushes forward the enormous mass. There remains, 
however, the fact, that year by year it encroaches more 
and more upon the valley below. Each summer melts off 
a little of its solid front, but still the icy boundary of to- 
day is beyond the line on which it rested a year ago. 

So with Bussia. Her colossal proportions are expanding 
stilly her frontier line is moving on, plowing its way like 
ihe edge of the glader, through all obstacles, and though 


we hear continually of losses she incurs, and of defeats 
which she suffers, we find that notwithstanding all, she has 
been moving on, and has established herself in new pos- 
sessions, at tixG very moment when the rest of Europe was 
rejoicing over her supposed discomfiture. Statesmen, poKir 
ical economists, even historians, give no adequate explana- 
tion of this overshadowing phenomenon, no satisfactory 
account of the interior life which is thus forcing the nations 
aside to make room for the growth of Bussia. Europe 
sneers at the horde of northern barbarians, but then she 
saw the best appointed army and the ablest commander of 
modem times utterly crushed by them, and hurled in 
broken fragments over their frontier, and this too, when 
up to the startling result, it was declared that Bussia was 
beaten in every battle, that her Capital was taken, and the 
empire was ruined. At the commencement of the present 
war, we were informed that Bussia was exhausted by her 
disasters in the Caucasus, that a small tribe there was suffi- 
dent to hold her power at bay, that she had no money where- 
with to prosecute a war, that her army was formidable only 
on paper, scattered through her vast territory in disconnected 
detachments, incapable of combined action, and many 
believed and asserted that Turkey alone was an overmatch 
for her foe; and yet a formidable English fleet has spent 
two summers in the Baltic without daring to look up<m 
Cronstadt, and the most formidable armament that the 
world perhaps ever saw, has spent its force and exhausted 
its skill for two years in vain, upon a single Bussian out- 
post. The Bussians, we hear, have been constantly defeated 
with great loss. The Allies are said to be far superior to 
them in all things, and yet Sebastq>ol still withstands the 
combined power of France and England ; and not only so, 
but is far stronger than at the commencement of the siege ; 
amd it would appear that the Allied forces and not the 


fortress, are inyested. England and Franoe have not met as 
yet the unwieldy, stupid, almost helpless giant which they 
have loved to describe and call it Bussia, but the living 
power of a great nation, whose power has been wielded 
wiik a skiU and energy at least equal to their own. 

Bussia has made no great and sudden conquests in 
Europe ; she has poured no living deluge abroad for the 
desolation of the world — ^a tide whose ebb follows quickly 
after the swell of the flood ; but she is tiie more formidable 
for that very reason. She grows. Her progress follows the 
law of a life, and its development is after the model of a 
national idea. Herein lies her strength ; and the power 
of this life, yet young and vigorous, will cany her fac into 
the futiire. 

Until recently, the Empire of the Czars has awakened 
very little attention or sympathy in the American mind. 
Its remote position, and the channels i^rough which we 
have obtained our scanty information, have prevented us 
from forming any correct and well-defined idea of its pros- 
pects, resources and policy. Most Americans have been led 
to think of Bussia as a land of almost perpetual snow and 
frost, of interminable forests, or.uninhabitable plains, and few 
perhaps have asked themselves, how in such frozen wastes 
and forest solitudes, seventy millions of people have not 
only contrived to exist, but have grown up into the most 
formidable nation of Europe. Again, thousands regard 
h(Br as an assemblage of boisterous hordes, having no com- 
mon national life or bond, held together by the power of a 
military despotism, and ruled over by a half-savage tyrant. 
Few have been led to inquire, how upon such a supposition, 
we are to account for her rapid and steady advance to the 
foremost position of the eastern world. It would not be 
easy for a semi-barbarous people, with merely a military 
tyrant at their head, to reach so eminent a station by ihe 


very side of the civilization of western Europe, and in com- 
petition with such Powers as England, France, and Austria. 
The national policy of Bussia has been represented to 
Europe and America under thd single idea of a perpetual 
longing to rush on Turkey, and seize upon Constantinople. 
Nearly all else has been vailed from view. The true 
character of this policy and its real objects have been but 
partially understood. Bussia has, moreover, been viewed 
with dislike or indifference by Americans, because of the 
form of her government, and her supposed hatred of a 
liberal and republican policy. She has been regarded as 
the determined foe of the rights of man; as neither 
desiring for herself, nor willing to admit in others, any 
other form of civilization them such as may be produced by 
an absolute military despotism. It has been supposed that 
Bussia and America are the true opposites and even antag- 
onists of each other, the one representing a half-civilized, 
Oriental despotism, the other, rational Bepublicanism. The 
thought has scarce entered the American mind that a mutual 
regard might spring up between the two Powers, and that 
they may yet become the friendly representatives of the 
two leading ideas of the world. 

It is quite evident that the popular opinion of the great 
Northern Power, does not correspond either with her past 
history or with her present position. Her power and 
resources have been underrated even in Eurq>e. France 
and England have miscalculated the strength of thdr 
antagonist. Europe has misjudged her, because the sources 
of her vitality are but imperfectly known. Yet it is man' 
ifest that she has interior springs, whose copious flow sup- 
plies a Woad and steady stream of national life. Bussia 
presents every external sign of a living organism — not 
merely an aggregation of tribes, of fragments bound into 
a mass by present circamsianoeB, which in any important 


change may fall asunder. The resistance which, in 1812, 
she offered to western Europe, was that of an organized 
Dodj, animated by a national life. There was a national 
heart beating with hot enthusiasm in the midst of her 
snows; there was a national feeling smarting under a 
national wound ;, there was unyielding resolution — ^ready 
to sacrifice all things for the preservation of their country, 
determined to make of that country a desert, ifthe invader 
could not be otherwise expelled ; and it was the result of a 
living force that at last swept her foes away. It was not 
a subdued or dispirited people, not a people fired with no 
love of country, that pressed upon and bore down the 
retreating forces of Bonaparte. Since that period there 
has been a steady enlargement and increase of vigor, aa by 
growth from a strong central life ; and whatever may be 
the result at Sebastopol, the Allies have evidently met there 
a living power, guided by science and practical skill. 


The Essential Elements of National Power. 

In this age of tne world, when civilization, instead of 
being confined to a single luminous point, is diflPused over 
so large a portion of the world's surface, and a universal 
empire is no longer possible, there are certain conditions 
without which no great nation can come into existence — 
certain elements of strength necessary to procure for a 
people the first rank among the Powers of earth. The 
first of these conditions is an extensive territory. In the 
midst of the powerful kingdoms of modem times, no petty 
state, with limited domain, could exercise any important 
sway. Greece, placed on her ancient territorial footing, and 
possessed again of her former resources, would now be but 
a "little one" among the nations. Egypt could not now 
sway the world's sceptre from tjie valley of the Nile, nor 
could old Chaldea be in this age the "Lady of Kingdoms." 
Even if Rome should arise once more, possessed of all her 
Italian and Eastern power, leaving Eussia, France, England, 
and the German states, as they now are, she would no longer 
be the mistress of the world. To hold rank among the 
present " great Powers" of Europe, a territory is required, 
capable of sustaining a population of at least thirty mil- 
lions with the ordinary cultivation and modes of life, and, 
therefore, the "four great Powefs" must remain at the 


head of affairs. Bat it is easy to see that if any one of 
these should possess a territory capable of supporting a 
population equal to that of France, England, and Austria 
combined, without being more densely peppled than they 
now are, then, other things being equal, such a Power would 
hold all Europe at her control, because all know that the 
other remaining nations could not be consolidated into a 
permanent union, though they may become allies in an 
hour of danger. 

In estimating, therefore, the future position of the pre- 
sent Powers of earth, extent of territory and capacity for 
population must be the basis of the calculation ; for a state 
of thirty millions, of to-day, may, in a few years, stand in 
the presence of another with one hundred millions of peo- 
ple. But there must be not only extent of territory, but 
it must be so situated as to be easily and safely controlled 
by one central government. It is evident that India, Canada, 
and Australia add little to the effective strength of England. 
In proportion, as they wax strong and prosperous, will their 
sympathy with the home government be weakened ; and, 
therefore, England, even with her great possessions, may 
be regarded as having reached the zenith of her power — 
because she can not construct, from her separated depend- 
encies, one consolidated dominion. When it is said, however, 
that she has reached her culminating point, the meaning is 
not that she is now destined to an absolute decline ; it is 
not necessary, even, to suppose that she will make no pro- 
gress hereafter, but if another Power shall soon appear in 
Europe, with one hundred millions of people, with a common 
nationality, occupying one connected territory, and directed 
by one sufficiently strong central government ; if, indeed, 
such an one has already taken its position on the theater 
of Europe, then, not only England, but France and Austria, 
may be regarded ae having passed the height of their 


influence, though their absolute power may yet continue to 
increase. Against such a Power, the balance could not long 
be preseiTed by any combination of Western Europe. 
Moreover, to secure national greatness, based upon national 
independence, the territory of a people should stretch 
through so many degrees of latitude, and should embrace 
such a variety of position and climate as to produce within 
itself the main productions of the globe. In this respect, 
neither England, France, nor Austria, are so situated as to 
remain the very foremost nations of the world, though 
France and England, but especially the latter, have thus 
far been able to supply the deficiency by a command of the 
open commerce of the globe. But it is easy to perceive, 
that, in case of long continued war, or if other states 
should adopt a restricted commercial policy, every nation 
incapable of extensive home production, would sufier se- 
verely, and, perhaps, be permanently crippled. A nation 
then, to become not only great, but independent and secure, 
must possess the means of a self-sustaining life, and this 
can only be when its territory stretches through several 
degrees of latitude. 

Again, this territory mast possess the means, natural <ff 
artificial, of free and extensive internal communication* 
Large lakes or a chain of inland seas, and navigable rivers, 
will probably always afford the most important and cheap- 
est channels for commercial exchanges, and a country thus 
furnished by the Creator will possess great advantages over 
one not thus favored; for although modem science has put 
it in the power of any people to supply an adequate means 
of cheap and rapid transit, yet navigable rivers, and internal 
lakes and seas, are an additional advantage, conferring a 
superiority upon the nation possessing them. Any country 
may be traversed by rail roads, but when, in addition to 
these, God has scooped out the rivers and beds of navigable 


waters, there is a double system and a double advantage. 
Inasmucb therefore, as God has designed the earth as the 
theater of national life, we are led to belieye that those 
great divisions of its surface which are provided with 
adequate systems of lakes and navigable rivers, bringing 
all parts into connection with each other, were thus con- 
structed in order to become the seats of national power ; 
and even though such a territory may be now unoccupied, 
or but thinly inhabited, we are assured that the design 
of God will be accomplished. The future of America 
may, for this reason, be correctly inferred from the struc- 
ture of its territory, although large portions of it are 
lying waste, without an inhabitant ; and if we would 
form an opinion of the prospects of Eussia, we must study 
her systems of rivers and her general means of carry- 
ing on an interior trade, by which her remote provinces 
may be united by common interests, and bound to a 
common head. 

Moreover, since modern skiU and science have converted 
the seas into the great thoroughfares of the world, no 
nation with an interior position can hereafter hold the first 
rank among the powers of earth. The great nation of the 
future must have free access to the ocean — ^must not only 
hold free communication with the sea from all points, but 
must possess sufficient and convenient harbors as commercial 
iaarts, and depots of maritime power. 

The admirable position of England, in the midst of the 
seas, has given free scope to the genius of her people, and 
enabled her to exert a controlling influence upon the affairs 
of nations; but should a nation arise in Europe, with a 
population many times greater than her own — equal in 
intelligence and skill — ^with a proportionate control of the 
ocean — in that case, England, though still prosperous and 
advancing, would hold but a secondary positi(Mi ; and this 


would be equally true both of Austria and France. Whether 
there is a probability of the rise of such an empire, will be 
one of the questions to be discussed in these pages. 

Again, a nation will be great and powerful, other things 
being equal, in proportion as its growth is the progress of 
a single race, instead of a mere aggregation of .dissimilar 
communities, brought by conquest under the dominion of a 
single head. The one is a dead mass, tending ever to 
dissolution ; the other is an animate body, unfolding a life, 
and tending toward maturity. Every mighty nation of 
earth has become great through the central life-power of 
one dominant race ; and the growth of power has been 
steady so long as there was sufficient vitality in this center 
to mold and assimilate all. foreign materiaL Another 
important question, then, connected with the prospects of 
the Eussian Empire is, whether its population consists 
mainly of one race, which may supply a national life, and 
afford a true basis of national unity. If such a race exists, 
speaking a common language, bound together by the ties 
of common ancestry, national memories, interests, and 
hopes, creating a family pride and love of country ; then 
it becomes important also to know whether this race pos- 
sesses a clearly marked individuality, and if so, whether in 
these characteristics we are able to discover the elements 
of growth and greatness. 

Still another element of national power exists, where a 
nation is knit together by the ties of a common religion, 
and when a deep religious sentiment pervades the public 
mind. There may be a profession of a common Taith, in 
which the national heart feels little or no interest, where 
even the doctrines of Christianity are coldly admitted, more 
from the influence of tradition or early education, than from 
a conviction wrought into the heart ; such a belief can not 
be regarded as an element of strength, for the national 


soul can not be roused for its defense — ^it can kindle no 
enthusiasni. But wl^n a great people are controlled by a 
religious system in which they have an nndoubting faith, 
and which has power to excite and maintain a spirit of 
worship in the popular mind, such a people can be roused 
to the loftiest efforts of which man is capable, either for 
aggressive war for the spread of a national faith, or in 
defense of their altars and their homes. In studying the 
characteristics of Russia, we should therefore not forget to 
inq[uire concerning her religious faith, and the warmth and 
strength of the religious sentiment among the millions of 
the empire, and whether there is a deep, national feeling 
of belief and worship that can be roused in a common cause. 
Finally, all the elements of national power may lie through 
long periods without being combined for any lofty purpose, 
or a nation, even from the first, may seem to have some 
presentiment of its destiny, and works on through centuries 
perhaps, toward a distant end, dimly perceived even by 
itself, until some mighty mind arises that comprehends the 
capacities of his country, and institutes at once the proper 
methods of awakening the national energies, and directs 
them to a definite end. If then, upon investigation, we 
deserve some or all of these elements of power in Russia, it 
will then be most interesting to consider whether they are 
still lying like rude materials yet unshapen by the hand 
of the artist, or whether we find in Nich(das that greatness 
which has placed him at the head of an era in his country's 
history, a genius which has enabled him to mark out for 
his nation a nobler career, to conceive a great scheme bear- 
ing a true relation to the capabilities of his empire, and 
then direct toward this high end the whole power of his 

We shall do injustice to the late Czar, unless we study 
bis charaetier in his position dk a Bussian sovereign, and 


unless we take into view at tlie same time, the actual con- 
dition of Europe, as well as the aspect which it would 
assume in his eye when viewed from the throne of an 
empii*e, and through the medium of a religious faith which 
evidently exercised over him a powerful sway. He was 
not a sceptic, but a firm believer in the rite of the Oriental 
church, a uoimihiper at her altars, and not a heartless for- 
malist. These and other facts explanatory of his course, 
must be taken into consideration in forming our judgment 
of the man. We must not expect to find him more than a 
man, or even a perfect man, but in our estimate it is proper 
to compare him not only with the perfect rule and example 
supplied by the word of Gkxi, but with his cotemporaries, 
whether his associates or his rivals. We are at liberty to 
study his national policy, his acts as a sovereign, and the 
character of his diplomacy, by the side of the course pursued 
by the other great powers of Europe. K Nicholas alone 
was ambitious of extending his dominion, while England 
has remained in all her course quiet in her island-home, 
making no aggressions, and grasping at no conquests, and 
no remote acquisitions, and France meanwhile has honestly 
occupied herself merely with her own affairs, anxious only 
to develop her own individual life, making no effort to sub- 
ject all Europe forcibly to her control, and Austria and 
Prussia have pursued a like peaceful and inoffensive career, 
if all these powers have ever been frank, open, and 
magnanimous in their diplomacy, seeking for no undue 
advantages, and abiding ever faithfully by their contracts, 
then, doubtless, the emperor of Bussia would appear at 
great disadvantage in comparison with them— but if we 
find the court of Sussia steadily pursuing its own designs, 
only by the use of such means as were assiduously employed 
by other powers, if Nicholas planned for the advancement 
of Bussia, while western Europe was plotting to obstruct 


ber progresSy then, thongli we condemn him for his aciaal 
faults, we must not regard him as a sinner, above all the 
royal transgressors who were at least as anscrupnlons aa 
himself, and whose designs seemed to center in the one 
purpose of repressing the growth of Bassia. 

With these thoughts before us, let us proceed to the 
study of the great Northern' Empire, and the policy and 
character of Nicholas. This character and policy will be 
exhibited by presenting Bussia as she is ; for the Bussia of 
to-day has been modelled according to the conception of the 
late emperor, a conception to whose grand proportions the 
empire will continue to shape itself in its future expansion. 
Nidiolas formed the great idea of a Sdayonic civilization^ 
with a territory for its theater stretching from ocean to 
ocean, with the Greek faith and worship for its religious 
basis, with a vast commercial and manufacturing system 
for its support, and expanding not so much by conquest aa 
by growth from a central life. 


Geographical Character of Russia. 

In accordance with the Buggestions made in the preceding 
chapter, let us now inquire whether Russia possesses a ter- 
ritory capable of sustaining a population that will give her 
a controlling influence in the affairs of Europe. It has 
been usual to speak of this empire under two great divi- 
sions, the one in Europe and the other in Asia, but we shall 
obtain a clearer idea of its vast dimensions bj regarding 
it as one great whole. In fact, there is no great natural 
boundaiy to separate eastern from western Bussia, the Ural 
mountains being little more than a long tract of elevated 
land, the loftiest portions rising only to the height of four 
thousand feet, the ascent and descent being so gradual 
where the great roads pass, as to be almost imperceptible. 
We may then, without violence to any geographical feature, 
consider the Bussian territory as one unbroken whole. 
Viewed thus, it stretches from the Baltic sea on the west, 
across the entire breadth of Europe and Asia to the sea of 
Okhotsk and to Behring's Straits, looking southward upon 
the entire northern frontier of Europe, Turkey, Tartary, 
and the Chinese empire. This territory contains no less 
than 6,750,000 square miles, or more than one^ixth part 
of all the land on our planet. It has been the custom of 
most to comprise the whole description of this immense 



possession within the sweeping remark, that most of it is 
an inhospitable region of deserts and snows, incapable of 
sustaining human life, and altogether without any important 
resources which can contribute to the growth of a nation. 
Tne almost unequalled progress of the empire within the 
last century is quite sufficient to expose the absurdity of 
such views, and yet in the very latest American work upon 
Bussia, is found the following: After speaking of the 
great extent of the Bussian dominions, and stating that 
her territory is equal to two Europes, or the whole of North 
America, the author adds, " But by far the greatest pro- 
portion of this prodigious superfices is almost uninhabited, 
and seems to be destined to perpetual sterility; a conse- 
quence partly of the extreme rigor of the climate, in the 
provinces contiguous to the Arctic ocean, and partly of 
abnost all the great rivers by which they are traversed 
having their embouchure on that ocean, and being therefore 
inaccessible for either the whole, or the greater part of the 

What could the uninformed reader infer from this descrip- 
tion but that " by far the greatest proportion " of all Bussia 
lies along the shores of the Frozen Ocean, and is therefore 
condemned to a " perpetual sterility ?" But how does this 
idea accord with the fact that Bussia, being somewhat less 
in extent than the North American continent, has already 
a population nearly double that of North America, and is 
surpassed by the United States alone, in the rapidity of her 

Again, the same author remarks, ^^ The most distinguish- 
ing feature of Bussia is her vast forests. Schnitzler, who 
estimates the surface of European Bussia at about four 
hundred millions of dedatims (2 7-10 acres) supposes that 
one hundred and fifty-six millions are occupied by forests, 
They are so very prevalent in the governments of Novgorod 


and Tver, between Petersburg and Moscow, that it has been 
said a squirrel might travel from the one city to the other 
without ever touching the ground. In the government of 
Perm, on both sides of the Ural mountains, containing eigh* 
teen millions of deciatims, no fewer than seventeen millions 
are covered by forests ! The forests of Asiatic Bussia are 
also of vast size.'^ These may be facts, but facts thus pre- 
sented without explanation, and in connection with the 
statements which have been mentioned concerning the 
sterile character of " by far the greatest proportion" of Bus- 
sia, serve only to lead the mind of the inquirer astray. No 
long period has passed since the most "distinguishing 
feature" of North America, particularly of the United 
States, was the almost unbroken forest, and it was scarcely 
impossible one hundred years ago for a squirrel to have 
passed from the Atlantic to the Mississippi through one 
continuous wood, and yet on the very site of the old forest, 
now stand our populous States, which indeed could not have 
sprung up with such marvelous growth had the forests 
been absent. These very forests constitute a most impbrt- 
ant portion of the wealth of Bussia, they form a solid basis 
for her future progress, and an element of growth with 
which she could by no means safely dispense — as will be 
shown hereafter. 

A fair comparison of the capabilities of the Bussian 
Empire, so far as population is concerned, might be pre^ 
sented, could we make even an approximate estin^ate of the 
extent of territory within her limits, equal in productive- 
ness to other portions of Europe, and then calculate what 
the number of her people would be if these lands were as 
densely settled as Europe now is. Sir Archibald Alison has 
attempted such a calculation, in which, as a basis, he rejects 
two-thirds of Asiatic Bussia as sterile and unproductive. 
Having done this, he then proceeds to show that if Bussia 


in Eur<^ were peopled as Germany now is, it would contain 
150,000,000 souls ; if as dense as Great Britain, the num? 
ber would be 311,000,000. He then adds, if tliat portion 
of Asiatic Bussia which is capable of cultivation were 
peopled even as Scotland is, it would sustain 200,000,000 
inhabitants ; if as densely as the British Islands together, 
more than 600,000,000 people. K, then, the agricultural 
portion of Bussia were populated only as Germany a&d 
Scotland now are, her numbers would be 350,000,000 ; if 
as densely as Great Britain, the population would be more 
than 800,000,000. This seems at first glance mere empty 
speculation. But let us consider that this would be the 
number of the multitudes of Bussia, when she has only 
as many inhabitants to the square mile as Great Britain 
now has, and reckoning only the productive portion of her 
territory. The point tiO be observed here is, that with an 
equal number of inhabitants on the square mile, the pop- 
ulation of Great Britain would be some 28,000,000, and 
that of Bussia 800,000,000, and this without taking into 
account the sterile lands of the latter country. TUs, there- 
fore, affords a fair comparison of the capacities of the two 
kingdoms, looking at this single point alone. Nor can it 
be said that it is impossible that the agricultural portions 
of Bussia will ever support as many inhabitants on the 
square mile as are found in Great Britain now, for out of 
about 67,000,000 acres in the British Islands, 22,000,000 
are waste lands. Besides, even the present ratio of increase 
in Bussia, will give her in the year 1900, 130,000,000 
people; in 1950, the number will be 260,000,000; and, 
one hundred and fifty years hence, with simply her present 
rate of progress, her population will be 620,000,000, and 
we have seen that her territory is abundantly sufficient to 
support even this enormous multitude — ^that even then she 

will not be overstocked with people, for the estimate is based 


npoE her agricultural and productive landfl alone, and facts 
would seem to indicate that this portion of her country is 
much larger, in proportion to the whole, than has been 
hitherto supposed. Indeed, in almost all our publications 
upon this subject, from the elementary books and geogra* 
phies of our schools, to the sdentific lecture, we find only 
those sweeping generalities which are usually employed in 
the absence of definite ideas and accurate information. 

It will be conceded by all that the territorial possessions 
of Bussia are suffidently extensive to form the basis of an 
empire m<»re powerful than any now on the globe-superior, 
even to any nation oi the past.^ But then we are at once 
reminded that most of this vast dominion lying under the 
frozen sky of the north, is unfit for the habitation of man, 
and is doomed to eternal rigor and sterility. If this is 
indeed so, then western Eurc^ has little to apprehend from 
the future growth of this northern Power, and the world at 
large little to hope from the civilization of the Sclavonic 
races. But it is better to study this subject in the light of 
admitted facts than to be guided by theories hastily con- 
structed, and which, like false quotations from some ancient 
author, pass current for generations, sometimes without 
examination, and, consequently, without dispute. A few 
well established facts relating to position, dimate, and pro* 
ductions, will enable us to form an accurate opinion up(m 
the single point of the capacity of the Bussian territory to 
sustain a dense population. 

By far the largest proportion of the Bussian Empire, 
whether in Europe or Asia lies within the temperate zone, 
and this alone would furnish strong presunq>tive evidenoei 
if not positive proof, that a small portion only, of its lands, 
are necessarily uninhabitable or barren, on account of the 
severity of the climate. Between tiie parallels of latitude 
tiiat inclose entire Europe, Bussia has a territory equal ia 


extent to all the other European States, and from its soath- 
em limit, between the Black Sea and the Caspian, it 
stretches northward tbroagh about eighteen degrees of 
latitude, before it reaches tbe northern extremity of Great 
Britain, a distance equal to that from New Orleans to the 
center of Lake Superior— -or, in general terms, equal to the 
breadth of our country, from the Gulf of Mexico to British 

This fact alone is quite sufficient to show that, so far as 
territory and climate are concerned, she possesses the ele- 
ments ci national greatness almost immeasurably beyond 
any other single Power of Europe — holding a territory 
nearly equal to them all, which lies in the same latitude 
as their own, beside her moro n(»-them districts, and her 
inunense possessions in Asia. The character of that portion 
of BuBsia in Europe which lies north of the latitude of 
Great Britain, and also that of her Asiatic dominions, may 
be understood by Americans, if compared with our own 
country. In this comparison, it must not be forgotten that 
the climate of Europe is milder than in the corresponding 
latitudes in America. The opening of the spring, the 
time of the autumnal frosts, and the beginning of winter^ 
will fumbh proper points for such a comparison. It would 
probably be very near the truth, if the average time for the 
opening of the navigation of the Hudson is fixed at or near 
the first of April. The ice in the Penobscot, as was stated, 
began to move this season (1855) on the 14th of April. 
At St Paul, Minnesota, the navigation of the Mississippi 
opens from the 1st to the middle of April, and up to this 
time, alsO) the ice usually remains in the harbors of our 
western lakes. The period foi' the dosing of these rivers 
and lakes, in the autumn, is from the middle of November 
to the first of December — the Hudson alone exoeptedi 
which often remains open until the last days of December. 


l^iroughout the northern States, the time for planting 
Indian com is between the 1st and the twelfth of Maj, 
and it reaches maturity, with a profitable yield, in regions 
so far north that the planting is delayed until June, while 
there, also, rye, oats, flax, barley, potatoes and other roots, 
as well as a great ^variety of fruits, grow in perfection. 
Now, when it is considered that the most flourishing portion 
of our country is that where the commencement of spring 
ranges from the middle of April to the middle of Hay, and 
where the autumnal frosts begin about the 1st of October, 
it is surely a somewhat hasty oondnsion that a country of 
Europe, possessing a similar climate, must be regarded as 
doomed to perpetual sterility, as a mere frozen waste. The 
ice on the Neva, at St Petersburgh, is usually broken up 
about the 18th of April, while it again becomes stationary 
about the 1st of December. Vegetation commences by the 
1st of May, and proceeds with a rapidity that outstrips the 
growth of more southern climes, and fully compensates for 
the later opening of spring. By an examination of the 
reports of various travelers, but especially the descriptions 
of the accurate and scientific German tourist, Erman, we 
learn that if we travel eastward from St. Petersburgh, 
through Bussia in Europe, and Siberia, to the Pacific Ocean, 
we shall find that through all these immense regions, to 
within a short distance of the arctic drde, the climate cor- 
responds in general with that of the northern portions of 
the United States, and ihe British American provinces ; that 
the commencement of winter and the beginning of spring, 
and the range of the thermometer, are nearly the same on 
both the eastern and western continents. It would, there- 
fore, be wrong to conclude that any portion of Bussia, either 
in Europe or Asia, south of sixty-two degrees north latitude, 
may not support a dense population, when we have before 
our eyes New England, northern New York, Wisconsin, 


Uinnesota, and Canada, with adimate essentially the same, 
yet evidently possessing all the elements of rapid growth 
and national greatness. In regard to the prodactiveness 
of the soil of Eussia, our conclusions rest partly upon con- 
ceded facts, and partly upon inferences. Little need be said 
concerning the whole vast territory which lies opposite to 
the main portions of western Europe, embracing eighteen 
degrees of latitude, for although much has been said of 
the inhospitable and even uninhabitable steppes of the 
southern portion of this region, Americans have learned 
that a prairie land is capable of supporting an exceedingly 
dense population, and the 'detestable hlmh dust^^ men- 
tioned by travelers in the Bussian prairies, indicates, in a 
manner not to be mistaken, the fertile character of the soiL 
This region, then, lying side by side with western Europe, 
and almost equal in extent to that part of the United States 
which lies between the Atlantic and the Becky Mountains, 
may, perhaps, be considered as equal in productiveness to 
the remainder of Europe. We have then to consider, in 
addition, the more northern portions of Bussia, both in 
Europe and Asia. Here the winters are severe, and the 
summers are short; and although the capabilities of the 
sdl have scarcely been tested at all, it is probable that cul- 
tivation must cease at a point about one hundred miles 
Bouth of the arctic circle. This opinion is founded chiefly 
upon the observations of Erman, who found that the grains 
of Europe had been brought to perfection within about this 
distance of the frigid zone, and even in places where the 
ground is perpetually frozen, a few feet below the surface. 
These northern regions, moreover, abound in immense for- 
ests, particularly of pine, and the soil,, which is capable of 
supporting the growth of large forest trees, will, by suitable 
culture, produce food for man. These forests form no 
mconsiderable portion of the wealth of Bussia» and will 


materially contribute to her future growth ; and the truth 
of this Vill readily appear when we remember that the 
Bnows of the winter, and the countless streams in the 
summer, furnish precisely the means of transport for lumber, 
which has been found ao efficacious in America. 

Some idea may be formed of the value of the forests of 
Bussia., from the following statements which are found in 
Alison's History of Europe: "The 4!0ld snd shivering 
plains which stretch toward Archangel and the shores ci 
the White Sea, are covered with immense forests of oak 
and fir, furnishing at once inexhaustible materials for ship- 
building, and supplies of fuel, which for many generaticms 
will supersede the necessity of searching in the bowels of 
the earth for the purposes of warmth or manufacture, for 
the inhabitants of the empire.'' He then quotes the fol- 
lowing from '' Tirana, de VAsademie Imperiaie de St Rter^ 
burgh; Malte Brun and Bremner's Bussia'' : 

** The extent of the forests in the northern provinces of 
Bussia is almost inconceivable. From actual measurement, 
it appears that in the three governments of Vologda, An^« 
angel, and Olonitz alone, there are 216,000,000 acres of 
pine and fir, being about three times the whole surface of 
the British Islands, which contains 77,000,000. In one 
government alone there are 47,000,000 acres of forest 
It appears from M. Herman's calculations, that there ore 
in thirty-one governments in the north of Bussia, 8,196,- 
295 firs well adapted to large masts, each being above 
thirty inches in diameter — a number more than sufficient 
for a long supply of all the fleets in the world, beside 86,- 
869,000 fit for building houses. In twenty-two govern- 
ments only, there are 874,804 large oaks, each more than 
twenty-six inches in diameter, and 229,570,000 of a smaller 
size." A country thus supplied with sudli magnificent 
forests of timber, for ship-building, the construction of 


dwellings, and all the parpoees of the arts, and so abun- 
dantly furnished with the means of transport by her net- 
work of rivers, may not be carelessly described as a mere 
frozen, barren waste ; for these forests when they disappear, 
as the population increases, and civilization advances, will 
be succeeded by grain fields, and orchards, and prosperous 
communities, in the same manner in which we have seen 
the change wrought on American soil. It is doubtless true, 
that there is much waste land even within the limits of 
what has been designated as the agricultural district of the 
Bussian Empire, and the northern portions of her territory, 
even within the temperate z<Hie, can not be considered pro- 
ductive, whfifn compared with the Danubian provinces, or 
with the valley of the Mississippi ; but then it should be 
remembered what large tracts of land are found unfit for 
cultivation in every country. How large a portion of the 
whole surface, for instance, in New England, is oocuped by 
mountains and rugged hills that the plow can not visit ; 
yet these very mountains, covered with forests, sparkling 
with streams, and filled with mineral wealth, afford the 
means of supporting an exceedingly dense population. 
The capabiliti^ of i^ssia have evidently been too hastily 
judged; her rapid growth, unequalled except by our 
own, would indicate that no unusual proportion of her ter- 
ritory is waste and sterile, and there are many proofs that 
the Bussians are subduing a continent, expanding them- 
selves on every side, and redeeming the wilderness, after 
the manner of the Americans here. 


The BeUtiye Position of Bnnia. 

Whatbvek may be the extent of a nation's territory, or 
the productiveness of its soil, it can have np extended 
growth, or prominent greatness based on its own independ- 
ent resources, if it is either hemmed in by other powerful 
nations, or excluded from adequate communication with the 
ocean. A nation thus situated, can become great only by 
conquest or peaceful acquisition, thus securing to itself 
advantages which did not belong to its original domain. 
Russia has thus extended herself with astonishing rapidity ; 
but this enlargement of her dominion has been not so much 
by overrunning contiguous countries, as by the expansion of 
an internal life, which has sought space wherein to grow ; 
and it is her present position, and what seems to be her 
immediate and inevitable future, that is presented for con- 
sideration here. Perhaps Americans may perceive in the 
picture enough of resemblance to our own position, to awaken 
in them a new interest in regard to this Ewropean America^ 
and to inquire whether two great nations now facing each 
other on the opposite shores of the Pacific, are not hereafter, 
to be brought into more intimate association. 

Like America, Bussia reaches from ocean to ocean, stretcn- 
ing across the whole breadth of Europe and Asia, and rest- 
ing one wing on the Pacific and the other upon the Atlantic. 


She is thus placed, at either extremity of her emjAre, in 
oommnnication with the commerce of the world. Through the 
Baltic she connects herself with Europe, and with the trade 
of the eastern coast of America, and eastward, on the Pacific, 
there is opened to her the commeroe of China, the £ast 
Indian Archipelago, and the Pacific slope of the American 
continent. From these two extremities, the trade of the 
world may he drawn inward toward the heart of the 
Empire. One acquisiticm has lately been made by Bossia 
in the East, which will change the whole aspect of her 
eastern commeroe, and will prove of the very highest 
importance in connection with the progress of our own popu 
lation on the Pacific coast. This point will be made clear 
by the following quotation from Alison, and by the inspec- 
tion of a good map. " The River Amoor, which flows from 
Ihe mountains of Mongolia into the ocean of Japan, by a 
course twelve hundred miles in length, of which nine hun- 
dred are navigable, in a deep channel, shut in on either 
side by precipitous rocks, or shaded by noble forests, is the 
real outlet of eastern Siberia ; and though the Chinese are 
still masters of this splendid stream, it is as indispensible 
to Asiatic, as the Volga is to European Bussia, and ere 
long, it must fall under the dominion of the Czar, and 
constitute the principal outlet of his immense Oriental 
provinces.'^ Mr. AUgon has underrated the size of the 
Amoor. It is twenty-two hundred miles in length^ and 
navigable through a large portion of its whole extent. 
The upper portion of this stream lies within the Emperor's 
dominions, in the province of Irkoutsk, and with the 
Chinese in possession of its mouth, eastern Siberia is in a 
condition somewhat similar to that of the upper Mississippi 
valley before the Louisiana purchase. Bussia has lately 
obtained the control of the valley of the Amoor to its 
mouth, and it will at once become the diannel of an extensive 


eonuneroe, not with the East alone, bat vith the Faeifie 
8lq)e of America. Siberia is traversed from north to south 
by large, navigable rivers, whidi empty, however, into the 
Arctic ocean ; bat so soon as the trade of these streams is 
carried on by steam vess^, changes will take place, such 
as have occoired on our western rivers, and these channels, 
united, as ultimately they will be, by railways pointing 
eastward and toward the valley of the Amoor, will poor 
into the sea of Japan, the mineral and other productions 
of southern and central Siberia, and the northern prov- 
inces of China, and bear back from other lands the means 
of comfort and civilization to the heart of Northern Asia. 
On tiie shores of California and Oregon, and at the mouth 
of the Amoor, and in the harbors of the Sea of Japan, 
Bussians and Americans will meet for the exchanges of a 
mutual commerce, remote from the rest of Europe. 

We shall scarcely overestimate the importance of the 
trade which at no remote period, will flow to and from 
southern Siberia, and the adjacent provinces lately added 
to the Russian territory, if we may credit a distinguished 
English writer, who declares that the ** immense plaina 
which stretch to the eastward along the banks ci the 
Amoor, are capable of contai^ng all the nations of Christ- 
endom in comfort and affluence.'' Again, by her possessions 
upon the Black Sea, she is placed in direct oommunicatian 
with the commerce of the Mediterranean, and through the 
Mediterranean she has a third channel connecting her with 
the general trade of the world. In this calculation, no 
notice is taken of her long line of sea coast on the Arctic 
Ocean. In those frozen regions it possesses less commer* 
dal importance. A country so vast as Bussla^ could scarcely 
touch the sea more advantageously than die does, resting 
in the east on the Pacific, lying in the west along the 
Atlantic, for the Baltic and the Oulf of Finland are to 


ber as to the Atlantic searcoast, while along ih« southern 
frontier of her £ar(^aii territory stretches the Blade Sea. 
It is apparent that nothing more is wanting bnt the po0» 
session of G)n8tantinople and the control of the Dardanelles, 
to complete a territorial ontUne of ike most imposing dia^- 
acter that earth has ever seen in the possession of a single 
Power, and to which earth can afford no parallel, except in 
Korth America. He who studies aright the position, 
resources, and progress of Bussia, will see at once, that the 
possession of Constantinople is merely a qnestion of time. 
The idea that the Powers of Western Europe are able to 
check pemMnentbf the adyance of Bussia, will not long be 
seriously entertained. The life of the N<»^hem Empire 
lies beyond their reach, and she needs bnt to permit them 
to exhaust themselves upon her frontier positions, and 
quietly wait until they are forced backward by the resist* 
less power of her growth. She is under no present neoes- 
sily of possessing Constantinople: she requires only the 
power to eontrol its owners, and shape for them a fohcj in 
accordance with her own, and the most q)lendid dreams of 
Muscoyite greatness may then be realised, even while the 
Grolden Horn remains in the possession of the Sultan. 

It m^ not be uninteresting to the American reader to 
pause a moment here, in order to bestow a passing glance 
upon the general resemblance between the geographical 
position of Bussia and North America, as well as a relation'* 
ship of position — vindicating, as it would seem, a closer 
connection between the two nations in their future career. 

The comparison is instituted between Bussia and North 
America because nothing in the future is more certain than 
that the North American continent, with its adjacent seas 
and islands, wiU be controlled by a single government. If 
the American Union continues, such a result will be roadbed 
by the inevitable law of national development. Bussia and 


Nmrth America, then, are nearly ^nal in the extent of 
their possessions, and each is capable of supporting a popu- 
lation of a thousand millicms, without oyerhurthening its 
territory, or exhausting its resouroes. They both stretch 
from ocean to ocean, each renting one broad wing upon the 
Atlantic and the other upon the Pacific ; and together, the 
arms of their wide dominion reach round the globe. They 
face eadi other from the opposite shores of the Atlantic, 
for, as has been said, the Baltic and the Gulf of Finland 
form for Russia an Atlantic sea-coast. Again, the two 
nations lie fronting each other on the shores of the North 
Pacific — suggesting a future influence over the East Indian 
Ardiipelago, scarcely antidpated now: a control of the 
commerce ci the East, which our government is preparing 
for by her negotiations with Japan, and of which Bussia is 
not unmindful, as was evident from the watchful presence 
of her fleet, while our squadron was at Jeddo, and by her 
advancing to the valley of the Amoor. The eastern pro- 
vinces of Bussia on the Pacific, and the western territories 
of the United States on the same ocean, can furnish 
unlimited resources, either for a navy or a commercial 
marine, and therefore the trade of that ''Exhaustless East'' 
may yet flow along two new channels, running in oppoisite 
directions — one eastward, through the heart of North 
America, and the other westward, through the dominions 
of Bussia. Such a change in the world's conmierce is surely 
not altogether improbable ; indeed the course of events 
already indicates such a result, and it requires no argument 
to demonstrate that, if it occurs, the Powers of Western 
Europe will sink at once to a secondary position, and yield 
up forever the control of the world. Such a view suggests 
the intimate relations which may hereafter be established 
between the United States and Bussia ; and the growing 
sympathy between the two nations may, perhaps, be 


regarded as a foreshadowing of the futnre. Again, these 
two oonntries resemble each other in their capacity for self- 
development and independent support. They both eigo]s 
every variety of soil, climate, and production that can be 
found north of the southern limit of the temperate zone, 
and, therefore, though they were shut out fr<»n all the 
world beside, each could still maintain a vigorous natural 
growth from their own domestic resouioes. Indeed, if it 
were possible for the powers of Europe completely to block- 
ade every sea port of Bussia and America, for the next fifty 
years, they would find, in the end, that, so far from crushing 
ike power of either nation, they had only, in each, nursed to 
maturity a compact and homogeneous power, self-balanced 
<Hi its own resources, self-sustained by its own internal life, 
irresistible through its national unity and individualiiy of 
character. £aeh of these countries is capable of becoming 
a world within itself, independent of, and even excluded 
from, the rest of earth. Vast as is the foreign conmierce 
of the United States, it is yet small when compared with 
our domestic trade, and the complete annihilation of our 
trade with foreign nations would not touch the sources of 
our national Ufe, nor even permanently retard our progress. 
Bussia and America are the only two Powers of earth that 
might become great nations if shut out from the rest of the 
world, and therefore the efforts of all other natiims can not 
long or materially obstruct the growth of either. Both 
are impregnable on their own soil, and both may securely 
develop their exhaustless internal resources, without the 
possibility of being prevented by any. The two countries 
also present some points of general resanblance in the 
natural facilities which both possess for internal communi- 
cation, as well as for the omstructions of artificial channels 
for travel and for trade. Bussia can boast of no such 
magnificent diain of internal seas as those of North 


America, but she lias thd Caspioa, eight hunidred mileB 
long, on the east-— the Black Sea along the central por- 
tion of her southern frontier in Europe — and the Baltic 
and the Gulf of Finland, affcnrding her a long line of 
what may be called inland sea coast, in the northvest, 
while her airhole territory is coyered, almost equally with 
the American continent, by a net-work of navigable river^ 
In addition to these natural avenues of commerce, the 
nature of the country presents almost unrivaled facilities 
for the construction of artificial connections, whether canab 
or roads. Bussia may be regarded as one vast plain, 
reaching from the Atlantic to Ihe Pacific, and intersected 
by few mountain ranges, so that no obstacle is presented to 
the establidmient of railways in any required direction, 
while the material for such structures exists in the utmost 
abundance. Both in the United States and Bussia, there- 
fore, are found unlimited resources for a hpme growth, the 
cultivation of an individual and independent national life« 
Ld the external features and relative geographical position, 
then, of these two great nations, we pereeive enough of 
general resemblance to suggest the inquiry whetiier they 
are not to be in wsne manner more closely associated than 
they have hitherto been — ^whether, in the new aspect of 
the world^s affairs, now opening around us, they are not to 
act in concert, and possibly in united self-defense, against 
the Powers of Weston Europe. Especially may we sup. 
pose that this might occur if England and France should 
assume, as they now seem disposed to do, the office of 
rtguHalton of the concerns of nations in both hemispheres, 
which, being interpreted, means simply that they propose 
to combine to repress the progress of any Power whidi, even 
in its legitimate growth, may overshadow their own. Bussia 
and America have been prepared, as it were, in the wilder* 
ness, away from the great theater of European affairs. A 


liltle time since, tbey were scaicely iihoii^t of, much leas 
consulted, in the movements of nations ; they have risen 
togetiier to the position of great Powers on earth, and 
henceforth they can scarcely remain indifferent to each 
other's condition and policy. Unaccountable as it may 
sppear, considering the different character of their political 
institati<mfi, it is doubtless true that Bussia regards Amer^ 
ioa with more friendly feelings than she does any nation 
of Europe, and indications are not wanting that repuUican 
America wiQ, ere long, strongly redprocate this friendship 
of an aheolnte mcmarchy. It is belieyed to be quite impos* 
Bible to estimate correctly, from any descriptions which have 
been given, the actual extent of internal navigation sup- 
plied by the rivers and lakes of Bussia. The country has, 
as yet, to a great extent, been but imperfectly e3q[>lored, 
unless by the government itsdf. Foreigners are acquainted 
only with the larger streams of the empire^ and thousands 
cf miles of river navigation may probably exist, altogether 
unknown to any who have visited Bussia The main streams 
which flow into the Baltic, those which empty into the BladL 
Sea, and the Caspian, and the great rivers of Siberia, have 
been described, in general terms, and we are informed that 
ihey are navigable to certain points. These de8eripti<ms 
have been given mostly by those who know little of river 
narigation as practised in America, Those who are aceus* 
tomed to see American steamboats cm our western rivers* 
carrying on a printable traflBic, with a depth of water from 
fifteen inches to eighteen indies only, will readily under* 
stand, from a map, that the Bnssian territory will yet be 
traversed, in all directions, by steamboats of light draught, 
8Qch as now enliven the rivers of the west, and that such 
capacities for domestic traffic, and for readiing the seaboard, 
are ample for the derelopment of the oountry's resooroes. 


A single statement, farnished by Ennan, throws much lig^t 
upon this interesting snlgect. 

This author, in describing the mines of the Ural moun- 
tains, and the amount of iron cmnuallj produced, states the 
line of rirer navigation, from the mining region to St 
Petersburg, to be 3,350 miles. He also mentions that fr<»xi 
the upper Volga, from 4,000 to 6,000 barges descend annu- 
ally to St Petersburg, by a canal connecting with the Neva ; 
and when we consider that iron from the Ural, destined to 
European Bussia, requires about 1,000 boats annually, car^ 
rying each nearly one hundred iions at the commencement 
of the voyage, the cargo being increased at a certain point 
below, we may form an idea of the amount of the present 
internal commerce of Bussia. Nor must we forget that 
this trade is yet almost entirely carried on in such rude 
boats as a few years since floated on the Mississippi and 
Ohio, and it is not therefore too much to anticipate that in 
the future progress of Bussia, and in a period not remote, 
such a change may be wrought by the introduction of steam 
vessels upon her rivers, as we have already seen from this 
cause in the Mississippi valley. She has begun, and com- 
pleted to Moscow, one of her great trunk lines of railway 
intended to concentrate upon her capital, and it is in 
progress, and nearly finished to Odessa. Let but this be 
carried from Moscow, eastward to the valley of the Amoor, 
an enterprise only equal to our own Pacific Bailway, and 
then a trunk line will connect Moscow with the East Indian 
seas, and from Moscow one branch will pass westward to 
St. Petersburg, and the other southward toward Constanti- 
nople, striking the Black Sea at Odessa. These lines 
would cross the whole system of the navigable rivers of the 
empire, and would be to Bussian commerce, both foreign 
and domestic, what the Pacific road and its branches will 


be to the United States, passing the Ural and its bonndless 
mineral wealth midway, as the American road will the 
Rocky mountains. No one doubts that the American rail- 
way will be completed at no distant period, and who that 
considers the past progress and present power of Russia, 
shall say that she wiU not also construct a Pacific Railway, 
aided by American skill and experience. 

This, for Russia, would only be to construct the modern 
iron road, with steam carriages, along the old highway of 
her Eastern commerce, and certainly it would be an instruct- 
ive sight to the boastful powers of Western Europe if the 
two natioas who have been the chief object of their ridicule, 
one as barbarian, and the other as composed of backwoodsmen, 
should ere long present them with one continuous line of 
railway and ocean steam navigation, reaching round the 
globe and turning the commerce of the East through Hhe 
heart of America and Russia. Such a result is by no means 

. I 


The Territory of Russia may be easily controlled by one Central 

It lias already been remarked that no extent of territo- 
rial possession, however fertile its sdl, or however dense its 
population, will afford a foundation for true national great- 
ness, unless it is a contiguous territory, or can in some 
manner be bound into one whole, so that the remotest 
extremity will feel the influence of a central life. With such 
methods of communication only as the ancients possessed, 
no widely-extended government could long maintain itself 
united and secure ; and with these examples of failure and 
dissolution before them, the wisest of the early American 
statesmen felt little inclination to enlarge our national 
domain ; and only a few years since, the idea of retaining a 
united dominion over our present territory would have been 
rejected by many, perhaps by most, as absurd. But the steam 
vessel, the railway, and the telegraph, practically condense 
a continent into the space of a province, and all are now 
convinced that the magnitude of our country will never 
destroy the efl&ciency or unity of the government. That 
afoiw would not now prevent one central power from con- 
trolling the two Americas. In examining, therefore, the 
elements of power possessed by Bussia, it is necessary to 
consider more particularly than we have hitherto done, the 


nature of these facilities for interooarse between different 
parts of her empire, which she now enjoys, or may prohahly 
create hereafter, in the regular and natural deyelopment 
of her resonroes. We shall then understand whether she 
is likely to remain a firmly-compacted whde, animate with 
a single life, or whether she must beregarded as a mass of 
heterogeneous materials loosely cohering even now, and soon 
to be separated entirely. A glance has been bestowed upon 
this point, in the brief comparison instituted between the 
United States and Bussia, but the means of internal com- 
munication enjoyed by the latter demand a more particular 
description. This may properly commence with the rivers 
of the country. These may be separated into five groups, 
according to the seas into which their waters flow, viz : the 
Pacific, the Arctic Ocean, the Caspian, the Black Sea, and 
the Baltic Beginning in the east with the river basins 
which stretch from the southern base of the Altai mountains, 
southeastward toward the Pacific, there is an extensive 
region of whose rivers little is known, except the Amoor, 
and even in regard to that, our information is scanty and 
unsatisfactory, it having been until quite lately, within the 
guarded Chinese dominions. It must henceforth be regarded 
as a Bussian river, the natural and necessary outlet of the 
whole eastern portion of the empire. It is described as a 
'' splendid stream,'^ having a course of twenty-two hundred 
miles, for a large portion of whi«h it is said to be navigable. 
Such a river must, of course, drain a territory proportionate 
to its own magnitude, and the glowing though indefinite 
accounts of the wide and fertile plains that lie along its 
banks, together with its actual magnitude and the distance 
for which it is navigable, remind one of the Mississippi and 
its valley, below St. Louis. Such a stream must also be sus- 
tained by many important affluents of which nothing defi- 
nite is known to Europeans. Its whole course is through 


an attractive and prodnctiye region, and it requires but a 
Blight efiPort of the imagination to present a picture of this 
great valley as it will be, when fleets of steamers shall cover 
the Amoor and its tributaries, not only bearing the produc- 
tions of the adjacent countries, but interchanging the com- 
modities of Europe, Asia, and America. 

This stream rises in the province of Irkoutsk in southern 
Siberia, and flowing in a southeasterly direction into the 
Sea of Japan, seems to have been formed with especial 
reference to the trade of Asiatic Bussia, reaching from the 
Chinese seas to the head-streams of one of the largest rivers 
in Siberia that empties into the Arctic Ocean, and is thus 
prepared to receive the trade of the valley of the Lena — 
which reaches to the frozen shores of the Polar Sea. 

This extreme eastern portion then of Russia, is a vast and 
fertile river basin, stretching from tiie Sea of Japan north- 
westerly to south-eastern Siberia, traversed by a stream navi- 
gable for more than a thousand miles, according to estimates 
of river navigation made before American steamboats on our 
western rivers had shown bow small a stream is capable of 
floating a profitable commerce. On the head-waters of the 
Amoor, that vast plain is reached which inclines slightly to 
ihe Aictic Sea, and across which flow some of the longest 
rivers of Asia. The traveler from the Pacific, following 
up the valley of the Amoor, would strike first in the prov- 
ince of Irkoutsk, the upper waters of the Lena, then pass- 
ing far westward, he would reach the valley of the Yenisei, 
and finally, at the eastern base of the Ural mountains, he 
would find a third broad river basin, that of the Obi. Each 
of these mighty streams is said to have a course of more 
than two thousand miles. Along tbese vast valleys, for 
about one-half their extent, the cereals of Europe come to 
maturity; and he who knows what success has crowned 
agricultural labor in Minnesota, and even much further 


iK)rth, where the range of the thermometer is much the 
same as in soathem Siberia, will not hastily condode that 
the latter must be regarded only as a frozen, desert waste. 

The actual extent of arable land can not be estimated, 
with our present means of information; bnt the value of 
Tincnltiyated lands in high northern latitudes, is almost 
nniversallj underrated. Immense tracts of natural pas- 
tufe spread oyer these great plains ; heavy forests skirt 
the streams, even within the Arctic cirele, furnishing 
exhaustless supplies of valuable timber, while the fisheries 
of the rivers, and the furs of the northern districts are of 
themselves the sources of a very important trade. On the 
western frontier of Siberia, and along the western edge of 
the valley of the Obi, rise the Ural mountains, embosom- 
ing a mineral wealth without a parallel on the globe, 
except in the great mountain ranges of America. These 
rivers and their tributaries, are navigable for most of their 
course for about six months in the year, and considering the 
Tesouroes and extent of the country, it is easy to perceive 
what it may become, with a railway CTossing these valleys, 
from the head of steamboat navigation on the Amoor, to 
the mineral regions in the Ural, from whence there is 
abeady a river navigation fitted for small steam vessels, to 
the Caspian, the Black Sea, and the Baltic. 

Before any one turns away from such statements, as idle 
and empty speculation, let him calmly consider the progress 
of the United States within the last twenty years, and the 
oertfdnty that the whole breadth of our continent will very 
soon be spanned by a railway having one terminus on the 
Atlantic and the other on the Pacific, and then remendber 
that in rapidity of growth and improvement, Russia stands 
next to America. Siberia then, traversed from north to 
south by rivers, whose magnitude compares with those of 
North America, requires but a line of communication crossing 


them from eaat to west, guch as a railway would supply, 
to develc^ her great resources, and put her in connec- 
tion both with Asia and Europe. Her third system of 
rivers embraces thdse which fall into the Caspian Sea. Of 
these, the Volga abne requires to be mentioned. This is 
the largest river of Europe, being two thousand miles in 
length, one and a quarter miles broad at its mouth, and 
navigable almost to its very source, or perhaps even, for 
steamboats like those of our western rivers, through its 
entire course, as it rises from a lake. It may be compared 
to the Mississippi, reckoning from the Falls of St. Anthony 
to the Gulf of Mexica It receives numerous important 
affluents from the east and north-east, which connect the 
main stream by navigable waters, not only with important 
agricultural districts, but with the mining regions of the 
Ural. In the lower part of its course, it approaches within 
about thirty miles of the Don, at a point where the nature 
of the country offers no impediment to the construction of 
a ship canal, which has been (^ten projected, and even com- 
menced, but not completed. By this comparatively small 
work, the whole valley of the Volga and the western slope 
of the Ural, would be connected directly with the Black 
Sea and the Mediterranean. 

One of the tributaries of the Volga, coming from the 
northeast, has a course of one thousand miles, about equal 
to the Ohio from Pittsburgh to the Mississippi, and another^ 
the Oka, on a branch of which is Moscow, is seven hundred 
miles long, and navigable almost to its source. The Volga 
is united by a canal with the Duna, which empties into the 
Gulf of Riga, and thus uninterrupted navigation is estab- 
lished between the Caspian Sea and the Baltic Another 
canal connects a tributary of the Oka with the Don, and 
this opens an indirect communication between the Black Sea 
and the Cas{nan. Still another canal unites the Volga witih 


the Dwina, which flows into the White Sea, and thus 
another navigable line is formed from the southern ex- 
tremity of the empire, through its very heart, to Archangel 
and the Frozen Ocean, Yet another work opens a connec- 
tion between the Volga and the Lake Onega, and St. 
Fetersburgh, and this dty is also united with Moscow, both 
by canal and railway. There are thus thre^ main lines of 
water communication across the entire breadth of European 
Bussia. One from the mineral region of the Ural to St. 
Fetersburgh and the Baltic ;^ one from the Caspian, north- 
ward, to the Arctic Ocean, and one from the Caspian, and 
also from the Ural, through the Duna, to the Baltic ; and 
even yet another, by the way of the Oka and Moscow, to St. 
Fetersburgh, by the canal. This is quite independent of 
that great number of smaller streams and shorter connec* 
tions known only to the inhabitants of a country. Together, 
they present a perfect network of veins and arteries, along 
which the tides of internal commerce flow. Next, are the 
rivers which flow into the Black Sea. Among these are : 
the Dnieper, which is twelve hundred miles long, a broad 
and deep stream, navigable for a large portion of its course; 
the Bog, or Boug, which is more than four hundred miles 
long, and navigable; the Don, which is also a navigable 
stream, is about five hundred miles in length. The lower 
portion of this stream will be the channel of an immense 
trade so soon as the canal is finished between it and the 
Volga, a distance of about thirty miles ; and, finally, the 
Kouban, a shallow stream, coming from the Caucasus, and 
navigable oalj for boats o£ a light draught. Its length is 
about four hundred miles. 

In addition to the rivers already mentioned, the Danube, 
having sixty navigable tributaries, falls into the Black Sea. 
Bussia has obtained the control of the mouths of this import- 
ant European stream, and her fortress of Ismail commands 


the commeree which passes by the northern or Kilia 
branch. If, as is said, the bar across the mouth of the 
Sulinah, or middle branch, is yearly increasing, the whole 
trade of the Danube may be thrown into the northern 
channel, and must pass under the guns of a Bussian forti- 
fication. Bussia owns the north shore of the Danube as 
far as Galatz, near which town it receives the Pruth, which, 
in a course of more than five hundred miles, flows along the 
province of Bessarabia. The fifth system of Bussian rivers 
is connected with the Baltic Its streams are smaller than 
those already described, but their commercial importance is, 
nevertheless, great. The Neva, on which St. Betersburgh 
is built, has its source in the Lake Ladoga, which is (me 
hundred and thirty miles long, while it averages seventy- 
five miles in breadth. The shores of the Lagoda, and the 
commerce of the streams which empty into this lake, some 
of which bring the productions of the Ural, make the Neva 
the channel of a very extensive trade. The Duna dish 
charges itself into the Gulf of Biga, and, being coimected 
by a canal with the Volga, as has already been stated, it 
floats an extensive commerce. The Vistula is the chief 
river of Poland, and at Warsaw it is about seven hundred 
feet broad. 

This completes a general, but by no means a full, survey 
of the fadlities afforded by the Bussian rivers for internal' 
trade and travel. The government has already begun the 
establishment of lines of river steamers of the American 
build, and they are now running almost to the very base 
of the Ural mountains. No long time will elapse before 
these almost countless streams will present the aspect of 
our American rivers, and business and towns will spring 
up along their banks, as they have already done, by the 
use of similar means, in the Mississippi Valley. The flat 
boat and the horse barges will disappear from Bussian 

!rH£ RUSSIAN £MPIB£. 49 

Waters, as the broad-horns have from the Ohio and the 
Hississiiq>i, and steam, both on the water and on the land, 
will convey the traflSc of the empire. 

As already stated^ the country of the Czar can boast of 
no sach connected chain of great lakes as are found in 
America. Still, it is a land of lakes, and gulfs, and inland 
seas, which afford great facility for its commerce. On the 
west and northwest, almost countless gulfs and bays shoot 
inland from the Atlantic, giving long lines of interior sea- 
coast, and communicating with her navigable rivers. Lake 
Baikal, in southern Siberia, is about the size of Lake Erie, 
and its valuable fisheries form the basis of an important 
commerce. The Caspian Sea is but an immense saltrlake, 
about eight hundred miles long ; and the Black Sea, and 
the Baltic, may also be regarded as merely interior seas, of 
which Bussia will ultimately retain the chief control, in 
spite of the combined efforts of western Europe. The 
Lakes Ladoga and Onega are by no means inconsiderable 
bodies of water, the first having an area of more than six 
thousand square miles, and the latter being one hundred 
and thirty miles long and fifty miles in breadth. ^ Smaller 
lakes, many of them large enough to become channels of 
trade, are scattered through both European and Asiatic 
Bussia. The largest of these are united either naturally 
or by canals, with the navigable rivers, and thus, when the 
progress of the country has covered these countless channels 
with steamboats, and when that system of railways, already 
begun on an enlightened scale, shall be completed, Bussia 
will possess more abundant means for intercourse and 
exchange, for the diffusion of one national life, and the 
preservation of national unity, than any other country on 
earth enjoys, unless it be our own. With a Pacific railway 
crossing Siberia, in addition to her natural advantages, and 
her system of roads in Europe already prqjected and partly 


finished, she may extend her limits almost indefinitely, and 
yet not peril the unity of her gOYemment on aooonnt of her 
magnitude. Her position will be widely different from that 
of England, with possessions in the four quarters of the 
globe, that admit of no union ; she will be one compact and 
living national body, growing and sustained by the power 
of one central life. 


Russia has few yulnenble points, and these hare been rendered 
impregnable to any ordinary attack-*-Her military resouroes mostly 
beyond the reach of an enemy. 

Before entering upon this sulgect, it is well to remind the 
American reader, of the utter worthlessness of many of the 
most popular accounts which have heen given of the resouroes 
of Bnssia, and the character of her military defenses. The 
statements which travelers have made concerning the 
Empire of the Czars, are only to be matched in absurdity 
or wanton misrepresentation, by those which have emanated 
from similar quarters concerning the United States. 
Either a vitiated public sentiment, or a settled design to 
injure, has given rise to a systematic course of ridicule and 
misrepresentation, forming a distorted literary medium^ 
through which both countries have been seen only in car- 
icature. Through this, western Europe has sneered at 
America and the Yankees ; and through this also, Ameri- 
cans have been greatly deluded in regard to Bussia. The 
very last work on Bussia published in this country, 
just now wet from a New York press, and purporting to 
be from the pen of an Englishwoman, breathes the very 
spirit of ill-will and detraction which has characterized 
most of the descriptions of the United States which have 
issued from the English press. OUphant, whose opinions 
are quoted as ri^liable authority in this country, and whose 



statements have just been transferred to an elaborate 
American work, and sent forth to mould public opinion con- 
cerning Russia, with the remark that they are valuable 
because the result of recent observation^ writes thus con- 
cerning Sebastopol, from personal survey, no longer ago 
than 1853, but a few months before the landing of the 
Allied army : 

" Nothing can be more formidable than the appearance 
of Sebastopol from the seaward. Upon a future occasion 
we visited it in a steamer, and found that at one point, we 
were commanded by twelve hundred pieces of artillery; 
fortunately for a hostile fleet, we afterward heard, that 
they could not be discharged without bringing down the 
rotten batteries upon which they were placed, and which 
are so badly constructed, that they look as if they had been 
done by contract. Four of these forts consist of three tiers 
of batteries. We were of course unable to do more than 
take a very general survey of these celebrated fortifications, 
and therefore can not vouch for the truth of the assertion, 
that the rooms in which the guns are worked, are so narrow 
and ill-ventilated, that the artillerymen would be inevitably 
stifled in the attempt to discharge their guns and their 
duty ; but of one fact there was no doubt, that however 
well fortified may be the approaches to Sebastopol by sea, 
there is nothing whatever to prevent any number of troops 
landing, a few miles to the south of the town, in one of the 
six convenient bays with which the coast, as far as Cape 
Kherson, is indented, and marching down the main street, 
(provided they were strong enough to defeat any military 
force that might be opposed to them in the open field,) sack 
the town and bum the fleet.^' 

Such absurdities as these, are gravely sent forth from 
the English press, as the foundation of reliable opinions 
concerning Bussia. Oliphant's work has gone through 


several London editions, has been republished in America, 
and its opinions are extracted and scattered abroad in 
American books. The siege of this fortification thus far, 
is a sufficient commentary upon the value of the book, and 
when the strength of a place, that for months has success- 
fully resisted the most formidable attack which has been 
made in modem times, is thus flippantly misrepresented, 
and when we remember that such impressions concerning 
Bussia are, or have been, almost universal, and have been 
derived from similar sources, it ought at least to induce the 
American people to examine with more care the testimony 
upon which they are asked to noiake up an opinion of the 
resources, character, and policy of the most formidable 
power in Europe. The Allied forces have tested the char- 
acter of the fortifications at Sebastopol, and the same 
science and skill have been employed upon the other defenses 
of the Empire. Especially should we expect that those in 
the west, by which the approaches to St. Petersburgh are 
protected, and which guard her great naval depots, are at 
least equal to those in the remote province of the Crimea. 
It is sufiScient proof of their supposed strength, that the 
Baltic fleet has not yet ventured within reach of their 
guns, and that English papers now declare that the sole 
intention of that fleet is the blockade of the Bussian ports. 
This may undoubtedly be done, unless Bussia chooses to 
risk her navy ; but how, by such a blockade, her prosperity 
is to be seriously afiected, or her progress permanently 
arrested, does not clearly appear. No country of Europe is 
less dependent than she is, upon the foreign trade which 
the Allies can control. 

The principal outlet for the Bussian Empire, on the west, 
is the Gulf of Finland, and here also are three of her 
great naval stations. As this is the only point where she 
can be approached from the Atlantic by a hostile fleet, it is 


well to observe how her fleets, navy yards, military stores 
and capital are protected. At the entrance of the Gulf 
of Finland, are two of the naral stations where she equips, 
and where also she guards her ships. The most important 
is Sweahorg, in the Bay of Helsingfors. This immense 
fortification is constructed upon several small islands, or 
rather rocks of granite, out of which the works have to a 
great extent, been blasted and hewn, after the manner of 
Gibraltar, to which it is scarcely inferior in strength, and 
is denominated the Gibraltar of the North. Eight hun- 
dred pieces of artillery frown from its impregnable walls, 
and command the entrance to a magnificent harbor, which, 
to use the words of a late traveler, is " filled with ships of 
the line and frigates," and in which they may safely ride, 
free from the visits of a foe, unless the rock sides of Swea- 
borg can be scaled in the teeth of eight hundred cannon, 
and in spite of fifteen thousand men, who man them. 
Here too, the walls of the formidable batteries, being of 
solid granite, will not be likely to tumble down when the 
guns are fired, as was expected at Sebastopol. The fortress 
may be truly called impregnable.** Within the harbor, are 
not only the Russian fleets, but here, also, is (me of the 
most extensive naval arsenals on the globe, and the chief 
recruiting station for the Emperor's navy. The province 
in which Sweaborg stands, supplies the finest seamen of the 
North — ^those who are inured to hardship, and who gain 
experience and skill in the fisheries and trade of the Bal- 
tic — and here, too, are exhaustless supplies of the finest 
timber for the construction or repair of ships, as well as of 
pitch, tar, rosin, and other naval stores. Finland is inter- 
sected by numerous bays and lakes, communicating with 

* Since this was written, Sweaborg has been bombarded but not cap- 
tured, nor was the Russian fleet injured. 


each other in a manner which affords great facilities for the 
transport of these heavy materials; while, even in this 
high latitude, its agricultural capacities procured for it the 
name of the granary of Sweden, to which government it 
formerly belonged. Here, safe from all hostile visits, and 
surrounded by materials for unlimited construction, Bussia 
may increase her navy, and accumulate her stores, restricted 
(mly by her necessities, or the condition of her treasury. 
It is impossible, moreover, to cut her off from her supplies, 
for they all reach this point by interior oommunicationsi 
which a foreign force can not touch. 

On the opposite shore of the entrance to the Gulf of 
Finland, is Bevel, another station for the Bussian navy. 
Like Sweaborg, it ia defended by extensive fortifications, 
whose strength Sir Charles Napier did not think proper to 
test with a fleet, which many supposed would be able to 
annihilate the Bussian power in the Baltic Its roadstead 
is among sheltering islands, and the town itself enjoys a 
considerable trade. In the Aland Archipelago, a cluster 
of islands at the entrance of the Gulf of Bothnia, is 
another naval station. Several of 'these islands are strongly 
fortified, but the principal establishment is at Aland, which 
has a harbor capable of sheltering the whole fleet of Bussia, 
and a citadel, where sixty thousand troops may be quar- 
tered. Here is kept up a numerous flotilla, which forms a 
good nursery for Bussian seamen. The vicinity of these 
islands to the coast of Sweden, some of them scarce thirty 
miles distant, forms perhaps their most important feature 
in a military point of view, for from them, at any time, a 
descent may easily be made upon the Swedish coast. 

Cronstadt is however the most important Bussian fortress 
in the Baltic, both as a naval station, and as guarding the 
approach to St. Petersburgh. It is situated at the head of 
the Gulf of Finland, and only about sixteen miles from 


the Capital. The fortifications are constmcted principallj 
upon an island, on one side of which is a narrow channel, 
completely commanded not only hy the long lines of guns 
upon the main island, but also by batteries placed upon 
varioas smaller islands and reefs, to say nothing of the 
powerful fleet always stationied in the harbors. Of these 
harbors there are three, or rather the harbor may be said to 
be separated into three divisions. The outer one is proba- 
bly the most important naval station of the Empire. From 
thirty to forty ships of the line may float here, in addition 
to smaller vessels. The second division contains ship-yards, 
docks, arsenals, warehouses, and all the stores and machin- 
ery necessary not only for shipbuilding, but for the equip- 
ment and repair of the main division of the Eussian navy. 
The third harbor is devoted to trade, and can easily shelter 
a thousand merchantmen. The channel leading from the 
Gulf to the Neva is said to be so narrow, that a single 
vessel only can pass at once, and this passage must be 
effected between lines of cannon that could annihilate in a 
few minutes any ship that floats. Beside this, ships draw- 
ing more than nine feet of water can not ascend beyond 
Cronstadt, so that St. Petersburgh is absolutely secure from 
the visit of a hostile vessel, and the impregnable Cronstadt 
must be annihilated before an enemy could occupy the head 
of the Gulf. The population of Cronstadt, including the 
garrison and the marine, is said to be about forty thou- 

The following very graphic description of Cronstadt, by 
an officer attached to the Baltic fleet, and written on the 
spot, and from personal survey of the works, will give the 
reader a correct idea of this celebrated fortress, and of the 
resources, science, and skill, of the Power by whom these 
defenses have been constructed : 

<< The island of Cronstadt lies in a bight betwixt the two 


gliores of the galf , and is novhere distant moxe than about 
six miles from the mainland on either side ; and even this, 
as a navigable distance, is so mnch straited by spits, shal* 
lows, and mad-banks, that the actual passages are rednoed 
to very confined limits. This is the case especially with 
the midn channel, which runs betwixt the island and the 
south shore, and is so narrow and shallow that its naviga- 
tion alone, except under experienced and skillful guidance, 
is a difficulty. It widens and deepens a little, however, 
toward the southeast end, into a tolerably convenient and 
spacious anchorage, and turning thence toward the south, 
ends in an inner harbor, well locked, and sheltered by a 
bend in the land, and partly protected by the Oranienbaum 
spit, which juts out toward it fnmi the south shore, and 
which, being covered by only a few feet of water, offers an 
effectual barrier to the aj^roach of ships, and is impracti- 
cable for the advance of troops. Two passages lead from 
this, round the southeast side ; but these are so intricate, so 
environed by shallows and patches, that they are navigable 
only by vessels of a small class, and afford no regular 
communication with the north channel, which is broader 
and deeper in the center than the other, though it also 
beccHnes very shallow at some distance from the shore. The 
island itself is about six mUes long, and a mile and a half 
wide at the southeast, its broadest part. This part repre- 
sents the root, and hangs on, like a square piece, to the 
Tongue, which shoots out, narrow and narrower, toward the 
tip, until it ends in a few broken rocks, over which the 
waves ripple. Slightly raised above the level of the sea, a 
little barren tract of rock and sand, it would scarcely afford 
sustenance for a family, or feed a flock of sheep , yet now, 
cut into docks, covered with barracks and storehouses, and 
surrounded by forts, it is a prize which mighty nations 
strive to win and to keep. 


** Let US next see how art has so much enhaaoed the 
value of the spot we have heen surveying. A first object 
in the design, which sought to convert it into a naval 
arsenal, was, of course, to find a suitable site for the docks, 
magazines and defenses, which must grow around the har- 
bor and anchorage. The square end of the island was 
naturally adapted for this purpose. It had a sufficient and 
compact space for the building ; it was surrounded by the 
sea on all sides, save where it was joined by a narrow neck 
of land to the promontory beyond, and would thus be pro- 
tected by a complete line of drcumvallation ; and it offered, 
beside, a facility for the digging of inmiense basins on its 
south side, which might compensate for the smallness of 
the inner harbor, or Little Bead, as it is called. There are 
three of these — the man-of-war, the middle, and the mer- 
chant harbor — all entered by regular locks from the Little 
Bead. In the two former a great part of the Bussian shijA 
lie during the winter months, while their crews are trans- 
ferred to the barracks on shore. 

'* The next step was to defend these harbors, and, as a 
consequence, the old-£Eishioned straggling fortress of Cron* 
stadt arose. Then came Fort Peter ; but, as time went on, 
it was deemed necessary that the Great Bead, and even the 
entrance, should have their defenses. But the passage into 
the harbors was about mid-channel, and could not therefore 
be effectually commanded by forts on either shore. This 
was, however, no obstacle, no difficulty to a system which 
had raised a dty on a marsh ; and straightway there sprang 
up a succession of gigantic island fortresses, oonmianding 
every approach, and threatening at many points a concen- 
tration of fire which must inevitably annihilate any attack- 
ing force. 

** We must review these forts in the reverse order from 
their construction, and begin from the outside, as though 


we were advancing to the attaek. Let us sappoae, then, 
that we are making for their entrance. The first object 
which presents itself is the Talbuken, a tall, solid, beacon- 
tower, standing on a rock, connected probably bj a reef 
witji the Island shore. We steam onward, and on the right 
hand, or soath side, Fort Bisbank rises before us, the latest 
in construction, but not the least f(»rmidable of these extra- 
ordinary erections. Like all the others, it is built on a 
foundation formed by piles driven into the mud* It has 
two tiers of casemates, and on its top are guns mounted en 
barbette. The front facing the entrance obliquely, presents 
a curve springing from the center, with a short curtain on 
either side, which at the an^es rounds off into towers. The 
number of guns in this port is variously stated, but we 
ooold count fifty six embrasures in this front beside the 
guns en barbette, and those which may be mounted on the 
rearface. In describing these fortifications, it is difficult to 
use the proper terms of art, as their peculiar construction 
and peculiar purposes required many and wide deviations 
from general prindples. We must therefore try to be 
intelligible rather than sdentific. A little farther on, on 
the left hand, or north side, Fort Alexander greets us, a 
huge round work, showing a semicircular front, bristling 
with four rows of guns, one row being en barbette. This 
fort IB said to contain one hundred and thirty-two guns ; 
they are of very large caliber, and their fire would effectu- 
ally sweep the entrance of the channel, flanking and cross- 
ing that of Bisbank. Passing Alexander, we are fairly in 
the Gfreat Boad, and come within range of Fort Peter, a 
low fortification, on the same side as Alexander, but nearer 
to the island. ~ Two low curtains, a large tower iti the center, 
and smaller towers at either end, comprise the front of this 
work. It is not equal to the two others, either in dimen- 
rions or number of guns, but is still very formidable from 


its enfilading position. On the opposite side, just in fnmt 
of the point of the Oranienbaum spit, and flanking the 
mouth of the inner harbor, Gronslott, or Cron Castle, 
threatens us* This, the eldest of the series, the first demon- 
stration of the scheme of defense, which has since been 
extended and multiplied so vastly, is inferior to its sue- 
cessors in design and elaborate workmanship. Though 
rather a crude efibrt, it answered its first purpose, as a 
single fortress, well enough, and even now would play no 
mean part in the fianking and concentrating combination, 
which forms the main principle in the defense. Last, but 
not least, either in size, or importance, Fort Menschikoff 
rises, vast and glaring, towering above all the others, with 
its four tiers and its masssive walls. This was evidentlj 
. meant to be the crowning stroke of the inner, as Bisbank 
was of the outer defenses. Unlike its brethren, it stands 
on tfTta firma^ and is built near the mole-head, at the south 
angle of the square end of the island. It is apparently % 
square, solid mass of masonry, constructed without any very 
elaborate or scientific plan, but presenting a front of case- 
mated batteries, which would flank Cronslott, and rake the 
approaches to the inner harbor with a tremendous fire. We 
might think that the acme of defense had been attained 
by such an aggregation of fortresses ; so thought not the 
Bussians, for they have moored some of the lin&of-battle 
ships of their fleet between Menschikoff and Cronslott, thus 
effectually barring the entrance to the inner harbors, and 
forming an overwhelming increase to the force already con- 
centrated for their protection. Beyond this barrier line, 
and behind Menschikoff, are the basins before spoken of; 
and behind them again are the great magazine, the dodc- 
yard, and canaL More to the north are laid out the 
barracks and other public buildings. Such, and so defended, 
is the southern channel of Cronstadt. Such is the place 


which hare-brained theorists expected oar fleet to attack 
and take. English hearts are stout — -English ships are 
strong — ^English seamen are skillful ; but the man who 
would lead them against such fearful odds, would lead 
<hem to certain destruction, and leave the country to mourn 
over a catastrophe greater and sadder than has yet clouded 
her annals. 

'* Let us turn to the north side, and see what are there 
the characteristics of defense and the opportunities (^attack. 
Passing round the Tulbuken, we trace a low glittering line 
of rocks, just rising above the waters ; then a broader belt 
of red sand, slightly sprinkled with trees ; then come houses, 
trees, and some glimpses of vegetation, until the eye rests 
at last on a large, well-designed earthwork, not yet finished, 
around and about the mounds of which workmen are still 
busy with pickax, spade, and barrow. Tracking onward, 
we follow the long, low beach, along which are rows of 
houses, masses of buildings, churches with their gilded 
cupolas and spires, and all the varied olgects which consti- 
tute the features of a town panorama ; while behind and 
above all appear the tops of forts and masts of ships. Look* 
ing very closely and attentively, we can detect at intervak 
small batteries mounting a few guns, and carrying on a 
weak and broken line of defense, which terminates at the 
northeast extremity in a larger and more pretentious 

" Nothing very formidable here as yet — ^nothing very 
obstructive, save the fact that large ships can not approach 
within a less distance than three mUes ; but gun-boats and 
small vessels might easily advance within fair range of 
town and arsenals. Yes, this had been f(»reseen and provided 
against by a novel and ing^ious expedient. From the 
earthwork in the center of the island a barrier had been 
run out obliquely to a distance of three thousand yards, and 


then earned in a slighil j deflecting line to the sh(»*e of the 
mainland, extending to a length of six or seyen miles, and 
indosing the passages opening from the north to the east 
and south sid^ of the island. The barrier consists of columns 
of piles placed at a distance of eighteen feet, and rising 
within two feet of the surface of the water These columns 
are formed of several piles driven into the mud in a circle^ 
the center being filled with rubble. This would suflSciently 
secure the shore from sudden assaults, or the town from tiie 
danger and annoyance of a distant fire ; but the passages — 
the weak and vital points of the northeirn defense— <x>uld 
not be trusted to an obstacle so partial in its obstmctioUy 
and which a daring eflPort might destroy. Accordingly, 
hulks, lightened for the purpose, were moored behind the 
barrier — in some parts within point-Uank range— efifect- 
ually covering it through its whole extent, from the angle 
of the town to the main land. In rear of this, again, a fleet 
of gun-boats, under steam and sail, moved about, ready to 
dash through the intervals, and meet any assailant. Thus 
was a triple barrier raised — ^the first part merely obstructive, 
the second defensive, the third motive, and capable of being 
made aggi'essive.'* 

The English papers make many boastful and sneering 
remarks upon the cowardice of the Russians in holding their 
fleets in safety behind the gruiite walls of their fortificar 
tions, but it is somewhat questionable whether Bussia will 
be the greatest loser even by the blockade of her ports. 
Her fleets, protected in her harbors, are at least safe, «Dd 
much less expensive than when in commission and in active 
service, and she can well afford to wait quietly in her 
places of security, and let her enemies amuse themselves 
with a summer cruise in the Baltic, which, to say tiie 
least, is a somewhat expensive pleasure trip, and of which 
ihey may eventually tire, whUe^ her own lesonroes are 


unexhausted, her fleet uninjared, and the vast interior oom- 
meroe and business of the empire is going on just as unooup 
oemedly as if the English fleet were at andior in the Thames. 

A few facts will throw much light upon this subject. Of 
the fifteen hundred vessels which annually arrive at Cron- 
stadt, many, says an American traveler, come in ballast, 
but all depart laden with the various products of the empire. 
Those, then, who will have their Russian supplies cut off 
by a blockade will suffer even more than Bussia, for her 
exports, finding an outlet through the neutral ports of Prus- 
sia, have not yet been diminished. Again, the proportion 
between the foreign and domestic commerce, and the con- 
sumption of foreign and domestic articles, may be inferred 
from the sales at the great annual fair of Nischnei-Novo* 
gored, a spot from whence is distributed a large portion of 
the goods consumed in central Bussia. The foreign goods, 
imported from Europe and America, sold here in 1842, 
amounted to three millions of dollars. These come, it may 
be presumed, by way of the Baltic, Cronstadt, St. Peters- 
burgh and Biga. This trade a blockade would obstruct, 
unless carried on by neutrals. But at the same fair, seven 
millions dollars worth of foreign goods were sold, brought 
through the interior, from Asia, and, of course, quite safe 
from all visitations from an English fleet, while the goods 
of Bussian manufacture or growth, sold at the same time, 
reached the immense sum of twenty-one millions dollars. 
These statements show how little the prosperity ol Bussia 
is to be affected by a blockade of the Baltic ports, as well 
as the inaccessible position in which she has entrenched 
herself in the western portion of the empire, and where 
her munitions of war are securely defended. 

While the memory of Bonaparte^s expedition to Moscow 
remains, it is not probable that any ci the Powers of west- 
em Europe will risk a land attack on Bussi% and it may 


be regarded as a conceded fact that she will not be assailed 
at any point of her territory between the Baltic and the 
Black Sea ; and, therefore, in studying the elements of her 
power, the nature of the defenses which she has established 
should also be understood. Up to the time of the present 
war, the possessions of Eussia in the Euxine had been 
secure from hostile visits through the closing of the Dar- 
danelles, by Turkey, against the armed vessels of all 
nations. England and France could not send their fleets 
into the Black Sea, nor could the Bussian Navy, stationed 
there, pass out into the Mediterranean. Still, Bussia con- 
structed a powerful Black Sea fleet, and established at 
Sebastopol a strongly fortified station for this division of 
her navy. Here all her operations had heretofore been 
secure, as if upon an inland lake, until, at the commence* 
ment of hostilities, the Turkish government opened the 
Dardanelles for the passage of the allied fleets, whether or. 
not for her own destruction, remains yet to be seen-— for 
perhaps France may think it convenient to remain at Con* 

It might have been expected, that a careless or ineffident 
government, without resources or military skill, or science, 
such as Bussia has been represented to be, and relying upon 
the fact that the entrance to the Black Sea was closed by 
the fortresses of the Dardanelles, would have erected pre* 
cisely such defenses, as Oliphant would have the world 
believe those at Sebastopol were. In such a position, if 
anywhere, would be found the ill-constructed and neglected 
batteries, whose walls, ready to tumble with their own 
weight, could by no means stand the discharge of the guns. 
Here should have been found Bussian officers without science 
or intelligence — here, admirals, such as Oliphant men- 
tions, who lose their way between Odessa and Sebastopol, 
and flag-lieutenants, who pnqpose to go ashore and inquire 


the way — ^instead of all which are fortifications before whose 
massive strength the combined fleets of France and England 
have only made themselves ridiculous, and where the utmost 
efforts of these Powers, with all the appliances of modem 
warfare, have been completely foiled. 

In an elaborate American work, just published, for the 
purpose of giving us a correct idea of Bussia, it is stated 
that '* both the roadstead and harbor (at Sebastopol) are 
protected by three batteries of the most formidable descrip- 
tion,'^ while on the land side, it is said, there are no defenses. 
Such are the descriptions most current in books, of the 
military affairs of the empire in the Black Sea. What the 
Allied forces have actually found there, is now a matter of 
history. It seems probable that Bussia wiU be found as 
impregnable at this point as she is in the west and north. 
On that very " land side," where the latest American book 
states that no defenses have been thought necessary, on 
that very " south side," where Oliphant declares that an 
enemy might land without opposition so far as the fortifica- 
tions are concerned, and march into and bum the city and 
fleet, the Allied forces did land, and, instead of marching 
into the city, after nine months of effort, those which remain 
alive are still without, and under the guns of the town ; and 
this after pouring upon it, from five hundred cannon and 
mortars, such a tempest of shot and shells as earth never 
saw before — and yet in vain. Thus far, the strength of 
the Allied army has been exhausted upon the weakest por- 
tions of the Bussian works. In fact, their progress for 
nine months has been arrested at the very point where we 
were informed no defenses had been ejected, and an army 
could march directly into the main street. Here they have 
been checked, not merely by the main works, but by tem- 
porary earth-works, thrown up by the Bussians under the 
fire of the Allied forces, and their utmost success has been, as 


yet, only the partial destruction of these advanced outworks. 
The main batteries yet frown upon them uniiyured, and 
should all these be carried in the end, and an entrance 
forced into the town, then an army shattered by a pro- 
tracted siege, and what can only be a most bloody assault, 
would find itself commanded by from six hundred to eight 
hundred cannon of the most formidable character, from 
forts and batteries that overlook the town, and which, as 
yet, take little part in the conflict. Such is Sebastopol, in 
reality a fatal snare — ^an ambuscade into which England 
and France have been drawn, and from which they can 
escape only by a most desperate encounter, and a fearful 
expenditure both of blood and treasure. 

The resources rf the Russian Empire, in the East, require 
no labored description. Siberia and the valley of the 
Amoor contain exhaustless supplies of timber and other 
naval stores. The Siberian rivers supply abundant facili- 
ties for transportation, and with the commerce of the East 
Indian seas open to her, and with all materials at her dis- 
posal, in positions inaccessible to an enemy, what shall 
hinder her from establishing on the Pacific, naval stations, 
a mercantile and an armed marine, which shall rival those 
of the West ? Such a work would be naturally expected 
irom whiUi she has already performed elsewhere : it accords 
with the general spirit and policy of the government 

The survey thus far made of the Northern Empire, cer- 
tainly presents it in a most imposing aspect, and exhibits 
the necessary foundations of a national power, whidi, other 
things being equal, would doubtless prove an overmatch {or 
all the rest of Europe. Whether other fitting elements of 
strength and growth exist, will be the subject of future 
inquiry. It is seen that her territory is capable of sup- 
porting a peculation of hundreds of millions, without 
being more densely peopled than the rest of Europe. This 


territory occupies a commanding position in the temperate 
zone, stretching between the Pacific and the Atlantic, open 
to the commerce of Asia and Europe, and forming indeed a 
great national highway between them, on one side of the 
globe, such as America presents on the other. These vast 
possessions are traversed from side to side by channels of 
inter-communication, remote from hostile attack, while her 
few exposed points, strong by nature, have been rendered 
seemingly impregnable by whatever military science can 
perform. Within these defenses, warlike preparations of 
every kind can be carried on, secure from interruption, 
while her treasures of military stores, and even her fleets, 
if she chooses, are placed beyond the reach of an enemy. 
In addition to all this, if the seas are closed against her by 
ft superior maritime power, a large foreign commerce is 
still open to her from the East, through her own territory, 
and her domestic pn)ducti<ms and home trade are so exten- 
sive, as to make her, so far as any nation can be, independ- 
ent of a foreign commerce. 


Russia is controlled by one Dominant Race, the source of a national life. 

It is evident, that however extensive the territOTy of a 
nation may be, however productive its soil, or dense its pop- 
ulation, there wiU still be no solid foundation for great and 
permanent national power, if this population is composed 
of diverse races, bound together by the forise of circum- 
stances only, or forced into contact, not union, by external 
lashings of any kind. The moment the oomfHressing bond 
is loosened in such a case, the disccxrdant materials separate, 
and the whole mass of an imposing dynasty will suddenly 
crumble into fragments, which are scattered apart, because 
they are not the production of a common central life. 
Such has been the fate of most empires that have grown 
out of a succession of rapid conquests. Success has attended 
them, until the mass of material added could no longer be 
assimilated, until the national structure became a mere 
aggregation, not one living body, and the constituent parts 
instead of being united by mutual sympathies, were hurled 
asunder by mutual repulsion. It has been fashionable to 
look upon Bussia as occupying this precise position, and to ' 
represent the Czar as ruling over a rude mass of heteroge- 
neous and discontented tribes, held in subjection merely by 
a cruel and relentless military despotism. 

These views have given rise to the expectation, that in 



any sadden calamity, or in case of the death of Nicholas, 
Russia would be separated into warring factions, and the 
Ck)lossas of the North would vanish like the specter of the 
Brocken, France and England have pleased themselres, 
and calmed in part their fears, by picturing the inherent 
weakness of the Muscovite Empire. The g^eral tone 
which has prevailed, may be seen by the following extracts 
fix)m one of the ablest English Quarterlies, the North Brit' 
mA, in November, 1864. The writer refers to a former 
article, in which was pointed out, as he says, '< elements of 
weakness in the Muscovite Empire which had never hitherto 
been duly estimated." He goes on to say, ^' We reminded 
our readers that the great conquests of Russia had been 
effected by diplomacy and not by actual fighting, and that 
these conquests were cmnexei merely — ^not assimilated. All 
things considered^ it is by no means unlikely, that if the 
present war continues, she may turn out to have been a 
gigantic imposture — ^that when tried by the severities of a 
real struggle, she will prove weak, to a degree which will 
astonish those whom she has so long duped and dazzled ; 
weak from her unwieldy magnitude — ^weak from her bar- 
barous tariffs and restrictive policy — ^weak from the inhe* 
rent inadequacy of her one-eyed despotism— weak from the 
rottenness of her internal administration -» weak from 
the suppressed hatreds she has accumulated round her—* 
weak in everything save her consummate skill in simulat- 
ing strength.^' This was written in February, 1854; in 
November, 1854, the same Bmew says: '' These surmises, 
which at the time they were uttered were considered some* 
what wild and rash, have been not only justified, but sur* 
passed by the event. The feebleness everywhere displayed 
by Russia, both in attack and defense, have been matter of 
ceaseless astonishment. ^ ^ ^ As soon as it was known 
that tlie expedition to the Crimea was resolved upon, we 


took for granted that the Crimea woold be conquered, 
and that Sebastopol would ultimately fall into our hands ; 
hut assuredly, no one anticipated, that after months of 
notice, our armies would have been suffered to land without 
the faintest attempt at opposition ; that our victory would 
have been so signal, so decisive, and so rapid ; or that the 
greatest fortified harbor of Russia — probably the strongest 
in the world — ^would be taken on such easy terms, and in so 
brief a period. Henceforth, the prestige of Russian mili- 
tary power is gone ; Europe need dread her arms no mor& 
The Czar, hitherto the great bugbear of Europe and of Asia, 
has been beaten on all hands/' 

In A subsequent portion of the same article, the writer 
boasts and exults as follows, giving, as will be seen, also, 
a highly significant side-roar of the British lion at the 
Americans, who, after such English victories in the Black 
Sea, will, he thinks, be "a trifle less insolent and over- 
bearing," when they remember that the Baltic fleet can 
winter in the Gulf of Mexico : 

'' But if Nicholas had been less rash or less stubborn, we 
should never have been stirred into activity sufficient to 
afford the world the astounding spectacle it saw in April 
and May. Li a few weeks' time we s«it forth the two 
largest and best manned fleets that ever left our shores, 
and, beyond all parallel, the best equipped army that ever 
sailed from England on any expedition — ^both fleet and anny 
provided with every new invention of science to which expe- 
rience or judgment had given their sanction. * * The 
Baltic fleet alone consisted of forty-two ships, twenty-two 
hundred guns, sixteen thousand horse-power, and twenty* 
two thousand sailors and marines. 

'* In 18 32 and 1853, there were doubts whether we had 
either ships or men sufficient to defend our own shorea 
against a sudden descent. In 1854, we sent to oar Ally, 


"hoQi land and naval aaxUiary forces, which have check- 
matedy conquered, and despoiled his colossal antagonist. 
All this, too, was done rapidly, silently, and easily ; regi- 
ments were recruited, and ships were manned, without 
difficulty ; volunteers flocked both to the militia and the 
navy ; the moment there was a prospect of active service, 
men were forthcoming in ample numbers, and neither 
conscription nor im{»re6sment had to be resorted to. This 
magnificent spectacle will not be lost either on Europe or 
America, or on ourselves. Already a great change of tone 
on aU. hands is observable. Our foes have had a forewarn- 
ing with what sort of a people they will have to deal; our 
iransailimtic cmsins mU become a trifle le98 wsolent and ever- 
bearing when they find that the fleet which mmmers in the 
Baltic ean^ withovt cost or effort, winter in the QtUf ofMexicoJ' 

In the summer, then, England proposes to amuse herself 
witii demolishing Bussia, and in the winter she will be 
occupied with checking the insolence of her ^* transatlantic 
cousins.^^ This, moreover, agrees with the declaration of 
Lord Clarendon, with the corresponding semi-official state- 
ment of the French government, of the far-reaching 
intentions of the English and French alliance, viz : that 
it had reference to the western as well as the eastern hemi- 
sphere. The Bmew thus sums up the results of the first 
campaign, up to November, 1854: 

'^Bussia, the great bugbear of Europe, and the great 
foe of free development, shorn of her prestige, baffled, beaten 
back, blockaded and despoiled— deprived, in a single year, 
of the conquests of half a century of intrigue and violence, 
not only thwarted and checked, but humbled and crippled ; 
retreating across the Pruth, in place of advancing beyond 
the Danube ; and paying for the massacre of Sinope, by the 
loss of Sebastopol and the Crimea. Such are the results of 
the first campaign/' 


Socli is the language not of some vain, flippant travelery 
but of one of the gravest and stateliest Reviews of Ae 
British Empire, and when such a Quarterly as the NorA 
BriUsk will indulge itself in such transparent folly, we are 
led to believe that the British government really sent forth 
its fleets and armies in this same spirit, and with the same 
opinions of Bussia. What a scorching commentary upon 
such an article subsequent events have given ! 

This was the jubilant and arrogant spirit of November, 
18«54, already turning from its supposed prostration of Bus- 
sia, to domineer over *< transatlantic cousins,'^ with its Baltic 
fleets in the Gulf of Mexico; and yet, Americans are 
expected to have sympathy only with England and France 
in the prosecution of this war. Now (in May, 1855), how 
stands the account so complacently stated in Novemb^, 
'54. Where now is that army, "beyond all parallel the 
best equipped that ever sailed from England on any expe- 
dition ?" Even a generous enemy would mourn over its 
fate. It has been almost as completely annihilated upon 
Bussian soil as was that of Napoleon himself. It has 
dashed itself in pieces, and been scattered in fragments, 
under the walls of that fortress, which, in November, was 
described as already captured, and that almost without a 
blow — ^a fortress not only standing after the utmost efRnrts 
of the Allies, but stronger, far, now, than when first their 
armies landed, and to be captured, if at all, only at an 
expense of treasure and of blood as will make it the costliest 
achievement of modern times — a victory which will well 
nigh ruin the conquerors, if, indeed, they succeed. 

And " the two largest and best manned fleets that ever 
left our shores," what have they accomplished? The forty- 
two Baltic ships captured an inconsiderable town, and went 
home without even looking in upon a place of any moment 
in all the Bussian waters. The Black Sea fleet did some 


inoDiisiderable damage to Odessa, where there was little to 
qipose, and made, in concert with the navj of France, an 
attack upon Sebastopol, which was a complete and mortify- 
ing failure. The boasted enthusiasm for enlistment at 
home, has so far subsided, that an attempt has been made 
to raise f<»reign legions, and even in our own cities ; and 
the ^Hransatlantic cousins'^ are called upon for aid and 
sympathy, and the London Times would be happy if Ameri- 
cans would show the Allies how to take Sebastopol. Bussia» 
instead of being ''shorn of her prestige, baffled, beaten 
back, blockaded and despoiled,'' by the scientific and heroic 
defense of her fortress, beleaguered as never stronghold 
was before, has gained a reputation of which even its cap- 
ture now can not deprive her. Its ituocessful defense, thus 
far, is for her>a victory ; even though it falls, its capture 
will, under the circumstances) produce for England and 
France all the consequences of defeat, after the first shout 
of exultation is over. 

These things are not mentioned for the purpose of taunt- 
ing or reproaching England, but as historical facts whose 
significance ought to be calmly considered by Americans. 
They show, first of all, the spirit of England in regard to 
Bussia, and the worthlessness of most opinions and state- 
ments whkji have issued from' the British press, concerning 
their northern neighbors, and it should not be forgotten 
that these views, most derogatory to Bussia, which are pass- 
ing current in our country, have been derived from the repre- 
sentations of England. These facts show, moreover, the 
nature of the stake whidi the United States have in that 
Eastern war, an interest quite difierent from what many 
seem to suppose. They demonsteate a cherished purpose 
of England and France to interfere, not with Bussia alone, 
but with the too n^id growth even of America, and should 
these two powers be permitted to turn from Bussia, flushed 


trith suooess, few things are more certain than that they will 
assume an attitude of menace and dictation toward the United 
States. This wintering of fleets in the Gnlf of Mexico, is 
not to he regarded as a mere pleasantry. And this ought 
to convince Americans and the world, that this war has 
heen undertaken not to defend dither the civil or religious 
liberties of the world, hut to secure the supremacy of Eng- 
land and France, and that too, in " both hemispheres." U 
Bussia should he seriously crippled, the United States will 
not be safe from insult. 

The English Bemew pleases itself with a view of the 
internal weakness of Russia and her imminent danger of 
being rent asunder by domestic strife. Oliphant writing 
in 1858, dilates largely, and with evident satisfaction, 
upon this same topic, and would have us bolieve that 
the whole power of the Czar is needed to protect his 
throne against the discontents and threatened uprisings 
of his own subjects : 

'*Sut the Russian Autocrat is also keenly alive to the 
critical position of matters at home. Before he decides 
upon prolonging indefinitely a hazardous contest, he will 
consider the present aspect of the internal condition of the 
empire as attentively as its external relations. He can not 
forget that an extent of territory, comprising one-half of 
what is no^ called Bussia in Europe, has been annexed 
within the last sixty years — ^that, consequently, more than 
half of the European inhabitants of the empire, having 
been recently subjugated, are more or less disaffected ; ihat 
of these, sixteen miOiions, or about one-fourth of the entire popu- 
lation of Buma, do not profm the Greek faith ; that his 
Mohammedan subjects alone amount to two millions and a 
half ; and that the protection of the Greek religion has 
been proclaimed as the ground upon which the present 
anti'-Mohammedan crusade was commenced. 


^' Sacli is the present condition of those provinces which 
compose the European frontier of this vast empire. From 
the Baltic to the Black Sea— from the shores of the Danube 
to the hanks of the Phasis — extends an indissoluble bond 
of common sympathy — ^a deep-rooted hatred of Bussia, which 
nothing less than the dread of incurring the vengeance of 
a despotism almost omnipotent, could have restrained so 
long; and when at last the auspicious time arrives for 
giving vent to this feeling, the flame will kindle wildly in 
the recently-acquired kingdom of Poland, for there the 
revolutionary spark has never been extinguished' It is 
true that in the southern provinces of the empire all hope 
of freedom has long disappeared, and terror and oppression 
have reigned so long, that the inhabitants of the thinly- 
populated steppe have lost much of the energy of their 
Mongolian ancestors ; but while they may hesitate to start 
at once into open rebellion, they will not fail to use meas- 
ures of passive resistance, as a means of opposing the designs 
of Russia. Opportunities will not be wanting to insure 
some degree of success. When the presence of the allied 
fleets in the Black Sea denies to the Czar transport for his 
troops from the ports upon its margin, in any one direction, 
divisions of the Bussian army will often be compelled to 
march across the inhospitable steppes of the south; and 
here, dependent for food and transport upon whatever a 
barren and thinly-populated country can supply, it is 
probable that they will find their wants altogether disre- 
garded. The Tartars have only to remove their families 
and their cattle out of the line of march, to render the 
onward progress of the army a matter of the utmost diffi- 
culty, if not altogether impossible ; and thus they will be 
able to gratify at the same time their natural hatred to 
the Bussians, and their no leas natural desire of retaining 
possession of their own flocks and herds. Even this dejected 


race might be stimulated to more active measures, hj 
the presence upon their coasts of an overwhelming fleet, 
hostile to Bossia. It is impossible to foretell what the 
result may be of so novel a contingency. It rests with his 
Imperial Majesty to decide whether it will ever arise ; but 
whatever weight he may attach to these considerations, and 
whatever may be the conclusion at which he may ultimately 
arrive, the facts, in so far as they illustrate the present 
internal condition of the empire, are important ; for if, on 
the one hand, they combine to f<Min any of the grounds upon 
whidi Russia may ever be induced to acquiesce in condiiioiui 
proposed by the allied powers of Europe, a due aj^reciatioa 
of the difficulties by which he is surrounded, and which 
have compelled her to pursue a course so repugnant to 
Muscovite pride, must materially influence those upon whom 
the important task devolves of framing terms, the nature 
of which win depend in some measure upon the relative 
physical and moral condition of the hostile countries. But 
if, on the other hand, the attitude of Europe remains such 
that the Czar does not shrink from hazarding a war which 
must test the inmost resources of his empire, then it is well 
for the Powers who are engaged in the struggle to know 
what those resources are, lest, measuring them only by a 
standard provided by Russia, and judging of their value by 
reports which emanate from a source totally unworthy 
of credit, they forget that, when the different elements of 
which the nation is composed are incohesive as sand, the 
extent of a country which comprises scattered populations 
of various kindreds, differing in faith, habits, and interests, 
is really its weakness.^' 

Such have been the unfounded anticipations of the Eng- 
lish and French, in regard to Bussia, and the first conse- 
quences of the war, such the inoonsideraie judgments with 
which they have so fati^y deoeived the world, and now 


there seems to be an obstinate determination to cover from 
sight the actaal strength and skill of their foe, and the real 
difficulties they have enconntered, by raising a deafening cry 
about the mis-management oi the war. Once committed to 
the siege of Sebastopol, it does not yet aj^ar that the fine 
troops which have been sacrificed, or the officers in com- 
mand, have left anything undone which human strength, 
or skill, or courage could achieva The fatal error was that 
of despising their adversary, and underrating his means of 
defense. These quotations and statements may serve to 
show the spirit of those who have for the most part been 
our teachers in regard to the character and resouroes of 
Bussia ; they may aid in guarding ourselves against preju- 
dices derived from such sources, and prepare us at least to do 
justice to Bussia, by a calm, independent, and candid study 
of her actual condition and policy. 

From what has already been stated, it is evident that 
the Muscovite empire must be one of immense strength, if 
in connection with its other advantages, its destiny is in the 
hands of one dominant race, whose social affinities are strong 
enough to produce one compact national unity, and if this 
race possesses an individuality of character, whidi will 
not prevent it frwn being absorbed by any contiguous 
families, but which forbids even any essential modifica- 
tion. The case will be all the stronger if such a race is 
found to possess a vigor that displaces that with which it 
comes in contact. The power which such a social unity 
imparts to a nation, the tenadty of that national life of 
which it is the source, is well illustrated by the example 
of the Jews, who not only preserved through fifteen hundred 
years, a dearly-defined national individuality, but are still 
«fter ages of dispersion and oppression, distinguished by 
iheir national characteristics. The unexampled prosperity 
of America, and the c(»npactness and efficiency of her national 


power, are owing mainly to the fact that her population 
has sprung principally from a single root, which is covering 
the land with the vigorous shoots of one family tree, and 
the best guaranty for the future which our country now 
presents is, the newly-awakened determination to preserve 
our national characteristics, and perpetuate our individual 
national life. Still the proportion of the population of the 
United States which has descended from a single race, is 
much smaller than it is ixi Russia. For although the number 
of foreigti-born may not exceed two and a half millionsy 
there are many more than this who are not of Anglo^ 
Saxon parentage. 

The total population of Russia is differently estimated, 
even by those who are considered to be the best authorities. 
Mr. HasseFs tables give the number of inhabitants in 

1823, as 69,263,700 

Malte Brun believes this to be somewhat exagge- 
rated, and estimates the number, in 1827, at 69,000,000 
The London Quarterly y for April, 1864, states, 
upon what it declares to be good authority, 
the present population to be - - 70,000,000 

Alison estimates it, in 1840, at - - - 60,000,000 
and states the annual increase at near one 
million of souls, which would give now nearly 76,000,000 
If we take HasseFs tables as the basis, and 
reckon according to the conceded rate of in- 
crease, the present population of the empire 
will appear to be about - - - 98,000,000 
If we adopt Malte Bran's estimate, the present 

number would reach about - - - 90,000,000 
The calculation made by the English Reviewer is, it 
appears, very considerably below the estimates which other 
good authorities have supplied, and in the present condition 
of things, and the known temper of English writers in 


regard to Bassia, we may safely assume the possibility at 
least of an under-estimate of the population of the empire. 
The mean of the four estimates given above is a little more 
than 80,000,000. But because the classification which is 
found in the tables of the Quarterly makes it convenient 
to follow them, ther will be mainly adopted, though the 
evidence seems conclusive that the number of inhabitants 
is greater than the reviewer has stated, and the subject 
demands a further examination. 

According to this English authority, of the seventy mil- 
lions now in the Russian empire, fifty-eight millions belong 
to the Sarmatian race, of which fifty-six millions are of the 
Sclavonic branch, and forty-nine millions of these are 

Here, as is seen, are fifty-eight millions belonging to one 
race, fifty-six millions that have sprung from <me branch of 
that race, and, as we learn from authority quite as good as. 
the English Beview, fifty millions bound together by all the 
ties of one family connection. Nowhere else in Christendom 
can be found such a mighty, compact national unity as this. 
We may well illustrate it by supposing the population of 
the United States to be seventy millions, composed of 
native Americans, fifty millions; of Englishmen, eight 
millions, and of all other races, twelve millions. In such a 
case, it would at once be seen that the central dominant 
power would not only control, but absorb, the rest. The 
absurdity of all prophesies of the separation of such a 
nation on account of difference of race, would at once 

But, in estimating this feature of the strength of Bussia, 
another important circumstance should not be overlooked. 
The Russian race proper occupy, geographically, the heart of 
the country, while the tribes which belong to the other races 
are distributed" along the frontier. They are, therefore, 


both from position and from character, incapable of a eook^ 
bination among themselyes^ and are, moreover, under the 
full influence of the assimilating power of the, dominant 
race. Bj this influence, directed by the steady policy of 
Bussia, the Finnish tribes have been almost completely 
transformed. Bussia seeks everywhere, not merely to 
annex, but to engraft and assimilate. She strives to diffuse 
everywhere, the central Bussian life, and to mold all that 
she gains into one homogeneous national body. That 
policy which now brings out so wide and hearty an approval 
from the American nation, has been long and steadily pursued 
by Bussia, and with marked success. She has strengthened, 
by all methods within reach, a Bussian sentiment — an 
attachment to the soil and to the national religion, a 
national pride, a national ambition. The vigorous pulsa- 
tions of the national heart are felt at the remotest 
extremity, and the universal tendency is the substitution 
of the one Bussian life for the individual life of the sepa- 
rate tribes of the frontiers, and there is a gradual melting 
of these individualities into the one national life. 

The native Bussian holds the same relation to the other 
inhabitants of the empire, that the native Americans do to 
the other population of the United States. The active, ener- 
getic '* pushing ''man, every where in the country is the 
native Bussian. For him, others make room. The Bussian 
may be properly called the Yankee of the East. By no means 
exhibiting now the lofty qualities of the Anglo-Saxon 
mind, there is yet in him a true life, whose power and 
destiny can not, as yet, be accurately measured. One 
might unite an American idiom with a Bussian phrase, and 
say that the Bussian is *' bound" to ^*find out Mamethit^J' 
The man whom the Americans call '* shiftless," the Bus- 
sians describe as *' one who can find nothing out." This 
may be regarded as indicating a national characteristic, an 


onmistakable sign which points to fatare A&b&dj. Fi% 
millions of people vho are intent npcm '* finding Bomething 
out/' are not likely to plaj a secondary part in the affiurs 
of Europe^ while yet expanding with a rigorons life, and 
with an almost unlimited territ(Mry still nnoocnpied, ahoandr 
ing with the sources of national wealtii and power. 

It ill becomes any of the Powers of western Enrope^ and 
least of all, England, to predict a dissolution of the Russian 
empire because her peculation is composed of a yariety of 
races, when a comparison is instituted between her situation 
and theirs. In Great Britain are only about nineteen mil- 
lions of Englishmen out of thirty millions of inhabitants, 
and in France are but thirty-two millions of Frenchmen 
out of about thittynsix millions of inhabitants. Austria, 
it is said, has, with her Germans, some serentean millions 
of Sdavonians, while in Bussia are no less than fifty mil- 
lions that present an almost complete family identity, nearly 
forty millions of whom speak exactly the same language, 
from the highest in society to the lowest. Sudi a social 
unity is presented in no other spot among civilized nations, 
and it forms an element of power, whether for defense, or 
offensive war, which, with the aids of an appropriate civili- 
zation, would be perfectly irresistible. What the charac* 
teristics of Bussian civilization really are, and what promise 
it gives for the future, is a question which will be consid- 
ered hereafter. 

This immense mass is not only bound together by fiunily 
ties, not only speaks one language, but the uniformity of a 
single national household prevails in the mann^« and cus- 
toms, including even dress, among nearly forty millions of 
the peq)le, manifesting one great Bussian nationality. To 
these interlacing bonds must be added another, stronger 
than them all, that of a common religion, which has a deep 
hold upon the national mind, because with the Russian 


people, the age of faith has not jet passed away. The 
skepticism of western Europe has, as yet, exerted little 
influence upon Russia. The doctrines of the Church are to 
the mass of the people solemn verities, and in the religious 
ceremonies, there is to them, as yet, a solemn meaning. 
Bigotry and superstition douhtless, to a great extent, 
prevail ; but as an element of power, as well as a hasis of 
national life, a deep, sincere, though misguided religious 
sentiment, is far superior to the infidelity of France or 
Germany ; a skepticism indeed, which almost universally 
now, underlies the forms of the Soman Catholic Church. 
As a bond of union, and as an exciting cause, whereby to 
arouse a national enthusiasm, and knit a people into one 
firmly compacted body, the religion of Russia bears some 
resemblance to the Roman Catholic Church in the days of 
its strength and vigor. Russia is capable of being aroused 
and maddeued for a religious war ; and the course of the 
government now, shows most clearly, that it fully under- 
stands, and is prepared to use this truly terrific power. 
Another tie which unites in one the great Russian family, 
is an attachment to the soil, or rather, as the distinction is 
properly made by Haxthausen, an ardent patriotism ; and 
this idea perhaps has never been so well expressed else* 
where, as by him, in the following extract from his work : 
"Their country, the country of their ancestors, the Holy 
Russia, the people fraternally united under the scepter of 
the Czar, the communion of faith, the ancient and sacred 
monuments of the realm, the tombs of their forefathers- 
all form a whole which excites and enraptures the mind of 
the Russian. They consider their country as a sort of kins- 
manship, to which they address the terms of familiar 
endearment. God, the Czar, and the priest are all called 
Father, the Church is their Mother, and the Empire is 
always called Holy Mother Russia. The Capital of the 


\ Empire is Holy Mother Moscow, and the Volga, Mother 
Volga. Even the high road from Moscow to Vladimir is 

t called * Our dear Mother the high road to Vladimir/ But 
above all, Moscow, the Holy Mother of the land, is the 
center of Bussian history and tradition, to which all the 
inhabitants of the Empire devote their love and veneration. 

^ Every Bussian entertains all his life long, the desire to 

! visit one day the great City, to see the towers of its holy 
diurches, and to pray on the tombs of the patron saints of 
Bussia. Mother Moscow has always suffered and given her 

' blood for Busfiia, as all the Bussian pe<^le are ready to do 
for Jier/' If fiaron Haxthausen, whose book is admitted 
to be the best extant on Bussia, has not painted this picture 
in colors somewhat too warm, then the civilized world has 
cause to regard Bussia with the liveliest interest. Fifty 
millions of people animated by such a spirit, are capable 
either of blessing or cursing the world, to an extent to 
which history probably can furnish no parallel; because this 
tremendous power, thus treasured as it is, in fifty millions 
, of hearts-^a spiritual force — ^has at its disposal all means 
of destruction or defense that are known to modem war. 
Suoh a people may not possess the impulsiveness of the 
Erench soldier, which hurls him like a shot, on his foe ; 
they may not be equal in individual prowess to the English, 
but there is a self-sustaining power of endurance, that 
exhausts and wears out its enemy, that clings obstinately 
to its purposes, rising afresh from every defeat, prepared 
for, and undertaking, or resisting a new attack. This pat- 
riotism, that suffers all things sooner than permit an 
invader to rest securely on their soil, this spirit that waits 
and watches, and suffers long, until its opportunity shall 
come, has been manifested too often to be doubted any 
longer. When, Bussia has been reported through all Europe, 
as beaten continually, in battle after battle, when all the 


natioBs are Bunmioiied to exult over her mins, then the issoe 
has erer been the overthrovr of her adyersarj. The Bna- 
flians have thas far, in the end, shaken every invader from 
them, and made reprisals upon their foe. 

The grand army of Napoleon fell before this inextin- 
guishable lore of country, whieh ;^ferred the sacrifiee of 
all, rather than endure the presence, on their own s(»l, of 
foreign tro<^, and despisers of their religion ; to which the 
ruins and ashes of Smolensko and Moscow were a less 
mournful sight than a hostile army trampling on their 
omsecrated places and the graves of their fathers. This 
same spirit has sunk the Bussian fleet across the harbor of 
Sebastopol, and will probably blow the fortifications into 
fragments, sooner than see them permanently held by the 
Allied Powers. It is perhaps consdiag to French and 
Enj^h feelings to devise hard names for such a spirit, to 
call it fanaticism, Ingotry, superstition, etc; but it should 
not be forgotten, that notwithstanding this gift of hateful 
epithets, its qualities remain the same, its power is undi- 
minished, and the soldiers stand as steadily to their guns, 
and throw their shot and sheUs with an aim as fatally 
accurate, as if they had applied to them terms of admira- 
tion and endearment. The characteristics of the Bussian 
people, their determination to defend their country to the 
last, are not to be changed by bitter language, or by railing 
at the Csar as a bigot, or coward, or hypocrite, or fanatic; 
or unmanly rejoicing at the news of his death. Still 
another element which serves to produce a national unity 
in Bussia, the influence of which is likely to ^tend far 
beyond the present limits of her dominions, is a national 
vanity and a world-wide ambition, which no one can approve 
of, and a traditionary belief that the Sdavonian race is yet 
to rule the world. Every Bussian, it is said, high and low, 
entertains the undoubted opinion, that his race will yet 


oon^xd the destinies of the nations, and regards all e?enta 
as oalj sweeping on toward this ultimate end. This may 
be condemned or ridiculed as mere vanity, as an absurdity, 
demanding no serious attention, and yet it is a fact, and in 
oonneetion with other tilings, it becomes an important fact, 
not to be disregarded in the calculation by which we would 
measure the power, and determine the future of Bussia. 
Though we may be disposed to reject the idea, that what 
iBdividuais and nations perseveringly believe themselves 
capable of, they do generally accomplish, this national chai^ 
acteristio must not be forgotten, as a chief element of 
national power. 

The misleading character <^ most of the statements con- 
cerning Russia, is dearly seen in the light of these facts. 
Nothing could be further from the truth, than to represent 
this Empire as unwieldy and inefficient, as a mass of crude 
material cdiering so slightly, as to be in perpetual danger 
of falling into fragments, or of being rent asunder by 
internal dissension. Those who thus represent the Mus- 
covite nation, either know nothing of the real Bussian, and 
are painting the creature of their dreams, or for special 
purposes they studiously misrepresent. The central homo* 
geneous mass of Bussia, its compact and vigorous nation- 
ality, as compared with the various tribes that skirt its 
wide frontier, may be regarded as a mighty continent with 
a fringe of islands scattered along its shores. This shows 
also, how vain are all expectations that the death of a Czar 
will essentially modify the settled policy of the Empire, or 
endanger its peace. Bossia has evidently entered upon a 
career which is the combined result of her geographical 
position, the nature of her resources, the condition of Europe, 
her national religion, and the genius of her people. These 
have prescribed for her, under the guidance of the God of 
nations, a national mission, which the west of Europe will 


not preyent her from execating. A national policy, with 
its general features yery clearly defined, has become 
inwrought in the public mind of Bussia, and that policy 
will not be suddenly changed, much less abandoned, because 
the characteristics of a great nation can not be at once 
obliterated. Although the character of him who wears the 
crown may accelerate or retard the progress of such a 
nation, it will, under any leader, still moye onward toward 
its ultimate goal. Like a staunch and well-appointed ship, 
with a competent crew united in the determination to pros^ 
ecnte a definite yoyage, that pauses not, eyen though its com- 
mander dies, so the national career of fifty millions of united 
people belonging to one family, wiU not be abandoned on 
account of the loss of any one leader. Her national unity is 
capable of being extended safely, from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, and the Powers of western Europe will not be able 
to arrest eyen her southward march, by underrating her 
strength and resources, nor by sneers at her barbarism, 
her fanaticism, or her despotism. Her barbarism is found 
strangely connected with the yery highest military science, 
her fanaticism appears yery much like an enthusiasm for 
religion and country, and her despotism has not driyen the 
people from an ardent support of the throne. 


Character of the Russians as Soldiers—Can Russia become a Truly 
Oreat Militaiy Power? 

This latter question the Englisli journals, with few ezoep- 
tions, were determined to answer with an enthusiastic No ! 
What changes the campaign in the Crimea maj yet pro- 
dace in puhlic opinion can not now he foreseen, hat English 
writers have almost unitedly represented the whole course 
of the war, up to the siege of Sehastc^l, ba nothing less 
than a series of almost cowardly defeats on the part of the 
Bussian army — as, indeed, little more than a flight from 
the Principalities, and across the Pruth, scarcely allowing 
an opportunity to their enemies to display either valor or 
skill, so as to win a reputation from victory. Ingloriously 
heaten on all sides, they declare, by Turks, French, English- 
men, '' beaten, despoiled, blockadedy^' the Bussian army has 
been represented as almost merely human ^^nine^ns" to 
he knocked down by Allied balls, or ridden over by their 
cavalry, or even, to be pushed down for the amusement of 
the infantry. This is not caricature. It is the spirit 
breathed by prominent English journals. One would sup- 
pose that the writers who, at the conmiencement of the 
American war of 1812, sneered so complacently at a ''few 
fir built frigates" of the Tankees, with a ''bit of striped 
bunting at their mastheads,'^ had risen fr<»n their graves, 



and were enlightening the world onoe more. It is pitiable 
to behold a great nation like England, whose military gloij 
and the courage of whose soldiers no one is disposed to dis- 
pute, and to whom is cheerfully accorded her whole meed 
of renown, engaged in underrating adversaries who prove 
themselves worthy to meet her, foes to whom history will 
assuredly do ample justice, and the more willingly because 
of her own want of generosity and candor. America has 
certainly lost no national fame by the studied and unhand- 
some aspersions of English writers, and England has not 
secured through them any advantage for herself. Similar 
results are equally certain to follow any withholding of 
justice firom Russia Few are disposed to deny that the 
English or French soldier is superior to the Bussian, and 
with equal numbers, and with equal advantages of position 
and circumstance, most would expect that a Bussian army 
would be uniformly defeated, but that French or English' 
troops are always able to triumph over three or four times 
their own number of Bussians, and that a Bussian army is 
little more than an object of contempt, this is simply ridion- 
lous. No such disparity exists between the troops of 
Bussia and the French or English, as has been so indus- 
triously and boastingly represented, and every year, and 
every action of the present war, is bringing Bussia, evai in 
this respect, to the highest level of her adversaries. The 
flag of Bussia has not yet been disgraced in any battle of 
the Crimea. The Allies had littie reason for boasting at 
Alma, or Balaklava, or Inkermann. In some points, by 
their own confession, they are already surpassed, and must 
consent to learn from Bussia, lessons in the art of war. In 
some important matters, the Allies are learners bef<»e 

It will not, perhaps, be uninteresting to the American 
reader to look at a few shoH passages ci history, in which 


the character of the Bussian soldier may he studied on the 
field, and as it was almost half a oentory ago. It is proh- 
ahle that no portion of Bussian history presents in a clearer 
manner the real character of the people, and the qualities 
which distinguish her army, whether soldiers or officers, than 
the record of the French expedition to Moscow. A study of 
that attack, its pn^jress and resultsj^ will enable us to form 
an opinion as to the issue of any future assault by the 
Powers of western Europe, while^ at the same time, the 
capabilities of Bussia, and her national characteristics, will 
appear. Whether one regards the unrivaled qualities of 
the oommMider of that expedition, or of tjie army under 
his command, it will not be considered probable that the 
Northern Empire will again be compelled to meet upon her 
own soil, so formidable a foe, while, at the same time, its 
power of resistance has been immensely increased since the 
invasion of Napoleon. 

A glance at a few of the chief points in that memorable 
attempt at the subjugation of Bussia, can not be without 
interest in the present crisis. In the first place, it is neces- 
sary, in order to understand what the Bussians really accom- 
plished, to consider the relative strength of the opposing 
Powers, at the commencement of the campaign. The total 
effective force with which Boni^rte entered the Bussian 
territwy, as quoted by Alison from the Imperial muster- 
rolls, was as follows : 

Total effectiye force which entered the Rassian territory: Men, 647,158 

Horses, * - ^ - - - . 187,111 

Total nmnber of cannon, - - • . . 1,372 
To this force the Russians had opposed as foUows : 

Inftmtry. OaraUy. ArtiUery. OdJIaagka. 

First army of the west, - - 111,194 20,434 12,985 9,000 

Second army of the west,- - - 42,804 7,862 4,165 4,500 

Third aray of the west, - - 34,996 9,852 3,185 4,500 

Qrand total, • . 188^994 38,138 20,335 18,000 




Intantry, . - - . - 188,d94: 

Cavalry, - - - - - - 88,198 

Artillery, 20,336 

Cossacks, - - .. - - - - 18,000 

Total .... 266,467 

The immense disparity of the forces at the commeiice* 
ment of the campaign should be allowed to have its full 
weight with those who are accustomed to think of the 
Bussians as being driven before the French, onward to Mos- 
cow. The whole French army was 647,168, matched 
against a Bussian force of 265,467 — ^less than one-half 
the number of Napoleon's troops. The French cavalry 
amounted to 96,579, while this part of the Bussian regular 
force was only 88,138, and, including the Cossacks, 
amounted to but 56,138. Such was the relative force of 
the combatants when the grand army entered the French 
territory, to which must be added the matchless ability and 
reputation of Napoleon himself. The state of the Bussian 
people, in view of this overwhelming assault upon their 
country, is thus stated by Alison, on the authority of 
Boutourlieu : ** The intelligence of the invafiion,^' and the 
addresses of the emperor, '' excited the utmost enthusiasm 
in the people and the army. It was not mere military 
ardor, or the passion for conquest, like that which animated 
the French army, but a deep-rooted resolution of resistance^ 
founded on the feelings of patriotism, and the spirit. of 

'< Less buoyant at first, it was more powerful at last ; 
founded on the contempt for life, it remained unshaken by 
disaster, unsubdued by defeat. As the French army 
advanced, and the dangers of Bussia increased, it aug- 
mented in strength ; ahd while the ardor of the invaders 
was quenched by the difficulty of their enterprise, the 
spirit of the Bussians rose with the sacrifices which their 


situation required.'' This may be regarded as describing 
a permanent charaeteristic of the Russian nation ; from the 
earliest period of their history to the siege of Sebastopol, 
this long endurance and gradual .but sure aoeumulation of 
strength to surmount an obstacle, has been conspicuous. 

In the two first inconsiderable actions of this war rf 
invasion, the French were defeated. In the attempt which 
followed, to separate two divisions of the Russian army, 
Napoleon was outmaneuvered by the Russian generals, 
and failed to accomplish his purpose — ^he, however, charg- 
ing the blame upon his brother Jerome. The first consid- 
erable battle was at Mohilow, a strong position held by the 
French Marshal Davoust, with thirty thousand men, the 
difficult defiles of the forest being filled with artillery. 
This strong post was attacked by an inferior force of twenty 
thousand Russians, who fought for hours at the entrance of 
the defiles, in a perfect storm of grape-shot and musket- 
balls, and then retreated in good order and with *' little 
molestation," the loss on both sides being nearly equal — 
about three thousand for either army. The object of 
Napoleon at this point was to cut off Prince Bagration's 
forces from the other divisions of the Russian army, and, 
although he employed for this purpose two armies, each of 
which was as powerful as that of the Russian division, he 
was foiled in the attempt. The Russia^ general, Barclay, 
having assembled eighty-two thousand men at Witedsk, had 
resolved to wait the attack of Napoleon, at the head of one 
hundred and eighty thousand, and Bonaparte felt himself 
sure of his foe. As he retired, on the night of the expected 
battle, he said to Murat : ** To-nH)rrow at five, the sun of 
Austerlitz.'' The two armies lay facing each other, their 
watehfires shining on each other's camps. During the 
night, the Russian general received intelUgenoe that 
decided him to alter his plan, and retreat upon Bmolensko, 


The manner of effecting this retreat exhibited not oni^r 
oonsummate skill, but the highest state of discipline in the 
'Snssian army. To break up a regular encampment of 
eighty thousand men, is not a small matter under any 
circumstances, but to do it in the night, almost under the 
Fery eyes of a watchful enemy, and to do it so silently, and 
4^ such perfect order, as not to awaken eyen a suspidon of 
what was being done, to accomplish the object so p^eetly 
that at day-break when Murat went forward to reoonnoiter, 
not a man, not a bs^gage^wagon, not a weapon, not a 
solitary straggler out of eighty thousand men, could be 
found: this evinced a skill and a military science which 
filled the French officers both with astonishment and morti- 
fication. There was in such movements thus executed, no 
promise of easy victories. The advanced guard of the 
French army sent in pursuit, were unable at tiie separation 
of the roads of St. Petersburg and Moscow, to determine 
wh](^ an army of eighty thousand men had taken. At 
length when the Bussian rear-guard was discovered march- 
ing in perfect order across the plain toward Smolensko, it 
was attacked, but the assailing party was utterly destroyed. 

The influence of the religions sentiment upon the Buft- 
sian people is well exhiUted by the reliance which was 
placed upon it by the Emperor, in rousing the natum for 
defense. The language of his address was, ** The naUanai 
religim, the thnme, the State, can only be preserved by 
tiie greatest sacrifices.'^ He added also to this an appeal 
to i>he love of raeei "Holy clergy, by your prayers you 
have always invoked the Divine blessing on the arms of 
Bussia; people, worthy descendants of the brave Sslawh 
ntofu, often have you broken the jaws of the lions which were 
qpened to devour you* Unite then, with the ero» in yamt 
hearUf and the sword in your hands, and no human power 
shall prevail against yon." The result showed that the 


emperor knew hia people. The popidation ef Moscow voted 
a levy of ten men in the hundred ; the merchants agreed to 
arm them at their own expense ; they agreed to a pro-ratu 
tax for the public servioBy and then made an additi<HiaI 
sttbscriptioQ of nearly one million of dollars. 

The attempts which have been made by some Earopean 
writers, to throw discredit upon ihis heroic spirit of the 
Bossian people^ exhibit neither truthfulness nor generosity. 
They have been represented as acting only through the 
influence of constraint and fear, as offering to make sacrir 
ioes because they knew that otherwise their property would 
be wrested from them by a relentless government. To an 
unprejudiced mind, one willing to do justice even to an 
adversary, every feature of the case presents an unqtialified 
contradiction to such statements as these. Every step of 
the Bussians under their alarming circumstances, shows not 
a cold reluctant support of the emperor, but the spontaneous 
movement which springs from the glowing heart. The 
Czar appealed to his people both as a father and as the 
head of the State, and they responded with the affection of 
children, and the enthusiasm of patriots. No sacrifice 
appeared to them great or unreascmable, if by it their reli-^ 
pffOi and country could be preserved. It reminds one of 
the spirit which pervaded our own country in the time oi the 
Revolution. The whole power of the empire was brought 
to bear upon the execution of a single purpose, to rid their 
soil, at any cost, of the presence of a foa The religious 
diaraeter which was given to the war, the deep religious 
spirit everywhere excited among the peq>le, of whatever 
rank, were made the subjects of mirth and ridicule in the 
infidel camp of the French, though not by Bonaparte. His 
knowledge of human nature was far too profound to treat 
with cont^Dotpt a scene which excited both astonishment and 
apprehension. The next combat in this contest for power 


and conquest on the one hand, and for home, religion, and 
oountry, on the oisher, was one in which twenty-five thousand 
fiossians were opposed to twenty-seven thousand French, in 
which the French were defeated with a loss of four thousand 
men. An a£Pair whidi soon after occurred while both armies 
were directing their march upon Smolensko, will show how 
little occasion there is for sneers at the valor of the Bussian 
soldier. A small body of Bussians, consisting only of six 
tiiousand infantry, and twelve hundred horse, which had been 
detached for a particular service from the main army, found 
themselves suddenly surrounded by eighteen thousand 
French cavalry, and cut off from all possibility of obtaining 
assistance. These troops were new levies, who had never been 
in action. The Bussian Greneral, Newerofskoi, determined 
not to surrender, even under such appalling circumstances* 
He formed his little company into a hollow square, and 
commenced his retreat across the plains, perfectly open as 
they were to the operations of cavalry, that hemmed him 
in on all sides by this dense squadron. With constantly* 
repeated charges, the French hurled themselves upon the 
bristling bayonets, with a headlong valor equaled only by 
the steadiness of their foe ; sometimes driven back by the 
constant rolling fire blazing on all sides of the square, and 
sometimes bursting through the dosed ranks, dashing their 
horses into the center of the living masses, only to be slain 
or driven back, the ever-diminishing number of the Bus- 
sians, still moving on and still closing up their ranks and 
presenting again an unbroken outer line of men and stedi. 
Forty iimeSf during the day, did the French cavalry charge 
that Bussian square, and as many times were they driven 
back, until at night-fall Newerrfskoi extricated himself 
entirely, though with the loss of more than a thousand 
men. The manner in which the dioicest troops of Wei- 
lington withstood the repeated charges of the Imperial 


guard at Waterloo, has been the theme of many a warm and 
just eulogium, but it was fully equaled by the unflinching 
bravery of these Russian raw recruits, exposed through the 
whole day in the open plains, to nearly three times their 
number of the veteran cavalry of France. It suitoly is 
unwise, to say the least, to speak slightingly of the military 
character of a people that can supply soldiers such as these. 
Such articles as within the year 1854, have appeared in 
some of the leading British Reviews and Journals, whose 
object is to disparage the Russian army, to represent the 
Russians as a nation of traders and mechanics, and essentially 
nnwarlike, to prove that most of her distinguished generals 
are, and have been foreigners, that the walls of her forti- 
fications are ready to tumble down, that the Russian fleet 
is mostly unseaworthy, with other similar statements, are 
far more dishonorable to the English, than the Russian 
name. The noblest and the best of England are superior to 
such studied detraction, but when writers — ^who are seeking 
both popularity and remuneration from the British public, 
pursue this course, the only rational inference is, that they 
believe that such sentiments will be agreeable to the public 
sentiment of England, that they will meet^and gratify the 
wishes of the people. By a similar course toward America, 
as impolitic as it was nnjust, England created in the Amer- 
ican heart dislike and resentment which half a century has 
not removed. The wanton injury which English journalists 
are inflicting upon the feelings of the Russians, will yet 
recoil upon her, it may be feared, in the hour of her great 
need. Had England, during the trials of our early career^ 
shown toward the United States a magnanimous spirit, it 
would have bound us to her by ties of sympathy which would 
have made the two nations one. She chose instead, to 
gratify her pride by scorn and ridicule, and she has already 
met her reward, in the mortification and disappointment 


with which she perceives the lack of AmericaiL sympathy in 
her present struggle. 

The next great event in the mardi of the French anuy, 
was the battle at Smolenska The fortifications of this 
ancient city bore no resemblance to those modem defenses 
within which Bussia has now entrenched herself An okl 
bat massive wall surrounded it, but this had only the armar 
ment of fifty old guns, in bad condition, and without cajv 
riages. A citadel of modem constructicm was yet incapable 
of proper defense, having, like all the works of the town, 
been neglected in this interior spot, where no enemy had 
been expected. The town, indeed, was no l(mger of any 
consequence among the defenses of the modem empire, 
though it once occupied an important position. The first 
attack at Smolensko was by Marshal Ney, upon the citadel, 
from which he was promptly repulsed, with great loss. La 
the meantime, the main body of the Russian army has- 
tened to the relief of the city, which at first was held by 
only nineteen thousand Bussians. But, after entering the 
city, it was resolved by the Bussian general not to hazard 
a general battle, when a defeat might cut him ofiP from 
supplies, and he began a retreat toward Moscow, leaving 
thirty thousand men as a rear guard to hdd Smolensko, 
and thus cover his retreat. The Bussian commander had 
placed a stream between himself and the main army of the 
Frelich, which Napoleon in vain endeavored to ford when 
he saw the retiring columns, and then, as a last resource, 
or4ered a general assault upon Smolensko. Napoleon here 
commanded in person. He had at his disposal about two 
hundred thousand men, and five hundred pieces of cannon. 
Of these, seventy thousand were led against the walh 
defended by thirty thousand Bussians, who had now placed 
two hundred pieces of heavy cannon upon the ramparts. 
The French army fought under the eye ti Napoleon, with 


iheir aocnstomed enthnsiasm. Preceded by a heavy artillery 
f<»roe, they advanoed unwaveringly under the terrible firo 
from the ramparts, and were wrapped in the sheets of 
flame that burst from the walls. After an obstinate battle, 
they forced themselves within the suburbs, and then one 
hundred and fifty pieces of artillery were brought to bear 
upon the walls at point blank range. But, notwithstanding, 
ihey were foiled in every eflfort, and at evening Bonaparte 
was obliged to draw oS his troops, with a loss of fifteen 
thousand men. The French howitzers had set fire to a part 
of the city during the day ; the remaining portion was fired 
by the Bussians in the night ; the magazines were destroyed, 
and the Bussian army, with its wounded, and a great part 
of the inhalntants, withdrew before morning, leaving only 
ashes and ruin behind them-^beginning a work that was 
completed at Moscow. 

The two armies next met at Yalentina, where was the 
rear-guard of the Bussiaif army, under Touczoff. A small 
stream divided the combatants who first engaged. The 
French first drove the Bussians from their position, and 
forced them across the rivulet. But when they crossed in 
pursuit, they were themselves defeated, and driven back 
over the stream* In the course of the day, thirty-five 
thousand French were opposed to twenty-five thousand 
Bussians, and at the dose of the battle, the Bussians 
remained masters of their position, and had lost six thou- 
sand men, while the French loss amounted to eight thousand. 
Such was the conduct of Bussian armies up to the bloody 
battle of Borodina 

In the campaign, thus far, tliere is certainly little occasion 
for sneers at the Bussian people, as an unwarlike nation, 
or at the ability or conduct of their generals. Every 
itrategical maneuver on the part of Napoleon was met 


by a promptitude and skill quite equal to his owd, and 
history does not show a more admirable instanoe^ of the 
display of military science and discipline than was exhib- 
ited in the manner in which the Bussian forces retreated 
towards Moscow. Every eflFort of the army was noUy 
seconded by the inhabitants. Cities, villages, mills, stores 
of provisions — ^whatever could, by any possibility, give aid 
or shelter to the invading host, was unhesitatingly destroyed. 
An enthusiastic attachment to their country, which nothing 
could shake, which prepared them for any sacrifice, and any 
effort — ^indignation at the presence of an enemy on their 
native soil — such feelings pervaded all ranks, and fired 
every heart. 

Under these circumstanoes a marked national character- 
latic was exhibited. Thoroughly aroused, almost maddened, 
as the heart of Bussia was, there were no rash counsels, no 
hasty, impetuous action. Instead of risking all in one 
great effort, when failure would lave been ruin, the army 
of Napoleon was subjected to a long, slow, but certain pro- 
cess of exhaustion, by which it was wisely forseen, that his 
destruction, though longer delayed, would be certain and 
complete in the end. With this general policy decided upon, 
impatience was restrained, and they watdied and waited the 
time when the host of Boniqwrte should be so reduced, as 
no longer to be an overmatch for themselves. The name 
of Napoleon was a terror everywhere ; it had of itself a 
power to overmatch thousands of men, and the Russian 
generals may well be excused for being even somewhat 
over-cautious in meeting such an enemy. But the Bussian 
commander, after retreating as far as Borodino, felt that 
unless a blow should now be struck in defense of Moscow, 
that the spirit of the whole nation would be depressed, for 
Moscow was regarded as the Mother of the Empire, and 


every Bussiim heart beat with strong affection tor the Holj 
City. Entosoff felt that a defeat would be less disastrons 
than a refusal to meet the enemy. 

The battle of Borodino was one (^ the most bloody, as 
well as among the most important conflicts of modem times, 
and exhibits the qualities of a Bussian army when engaged 
on the grandest scale of modem war. It will serve to pre- 
pare US to estimate aright the defensive power of Bussia. 
To all human wisdom, it seemed as if on the field ci Boro- 
dino, not only the fate of Bussia, but of Europe might be deci- 
ded. The defeat of the Bussians would open the road to Mos- 
cow, and once in the magnificent Capital of the Old Empire 
of Muscovy, Bonaparte supposed that he should be absdutely 
secure, and that the Emperor and his nation would be pros- 
trate at his feet. The two armies were in numbers nearly 
of equal strength, each numbering abont one hundred and 
thirty thousand men* But ten thousand of the Bussian 
troops were fresh recruits who had never seen a battle, and 
seven thousand were Cossacks. The French force was there- 
fore really superior ; besides, they had thirty thousand cav- 
alry, the finest in Europe, and this gave them an immense 
advantage. The Bussians were superior in the number of 
their artillery by some fifty pieces, a^d they also occupied 
a strong position, and had the advantage of awaiting an 

This position may be made intelligible in its general 
features^ if the reader conceives a strong redoubt in front 
of the center of the Bussian lines, in the rear of this a 
second and much larger redoubt, called the Great Bedoubt ; 
then in the rear of this, crowning several eminences, 
stretdbied the long lines of the main army — all these heights 
as well as the redoubts being defended by artillery. 
Opposed to this Bussian force was the greatest commander 
of his age, whose reputation sione had in it the power ci 


an army, and at his command^ tixx^ unsurpasaed by any 
in Europe, in courage, experience, and Bkill, led on by offi- 
cers who had scarcely known defeat in any great battle. 
Whatever talent, reputation, sdenoe, skill, or courage could 
supply, the French army undoubtedly possessed, and these 
must be considered in estimating the results of the conflict. 

Toward evening, on the day preceding the decisive stru^ 
gle, an attack was made on the smaller redoubt in fnmt, 
which was defended by ten thousand men, and twelve pieces 
of artillery. This attack was led by Murat, at the head 
of a veiy heavy body of cavaby, attended by two divisicms 
of infantry correspondingly strong. The French artillery, 
as they advanced, poured a storm of grapeahot into the 
fedoubt, while the ranks of the assailing columns were 
momentarily thinned by the answering fire from the Bus- 
sian guns, until the attacking party stood within sixty feet 
cf the redoubt. There, for a time, each gave and received 
a destructive fire of musketry, till finally, by an impetuous 
charge, sudii as few but French soldiers are dqw^ble of, the 
Bussians were driven from their intrenchment, and the 
redonbtwaa taken and partly filled with French troops. 
But in a moment more, the tide of battle rolled resistleaaly 
back, those within the redoubt were utterly destroyed, and 
once more it was in the hands of the Bussians. Another 
gallant diarge and the Bussians were hurled back agaiiit 
and masses of the French once more filled the space within 
its low walls, but still again the returning Bussians came 
like an avalanche and swept their foes away, and the eagles 
of the Czar waved once more above the bloody spot 

Three times thus, that outpost was taken and re*takra» 
until in the evening, it remained in the hands of the 
French, and after this desperate struggle, the first point 
was hardly won. On the following day, the same, skill, 
courage, and impetnosity in attack, and the same obstinate 


valor in defense was displayed bj two hundred and sixty 
thousand men, with more than twelve hundred cannon* 
Whatever Napoleon could accomplish with troops worthy of 
such a commander, was done ; and as the result of one of 
the bloodiest fights the world has ever seen in civilized war, 
tlie French army had twelve thousand killed, and thirty- 
eight thousand wounded— -fifty thousand in all ; while the 
Bussians had fifteen thousand killed, thirty thousand 
wounded — ^forty-five thousand in all — and two thougand 
more had been taken prisoners. 

At the dose of the action, the Russian army was 
entrenched in a new position, sl^nonger than that from 
which the French had driven them, and Napoleon drew off 
his forces from the battle-field. Neither army was in •a 
condition to renew the battle, and the Russian commander 
deemed it prudent to sacrifice Moscow, rather than risk 
another engagement before receiving reinforcements. Bon- 
aparte entered Moscow only to see a city of three hundred 
thousand inhabitants, first utterly deserted and silent as a 
city of the dead, and then blazing, as the funeral pyre of 
his hopes, then ashes and ruin, as his hopes were doomed 
to be. Eutosoff threw his army between Moscow and ail 
supplies, while, from the rich provinces in his rear, his own 
troops were refreshed, and from all sides reinforcements 
were continually pouring in. 

It is .needless to pursue the history of this campaign. 
The object for which these few incidents have been intro- 
duced is accomplished. In a few weeks more the grand 
army was annihilated, and scarce an individual of that 
mighty invading host remained on the soil of Russia. 
Such a vengeance had been taken as causes men's ears 
even now to tingle with the recital. The facts here pre- 
sented have been mainly derived from the most reliable 
sources d information, such as the most candid of English 


lustorians, so far as Bussia is concerned, deemed to be 
anthentia They present a picture of the character of 
Bussian soldiers which it would be well for any nation, 
however powerful, to consider, before entertaining high 
hopes of crushing a Bussi^u army with ease, under any 
circumstances whatever. They should bring a blush to the 
cheek of any man who utters a scoff at Bussian courage or 
efficiency. In all the history of the world, there is not a story 
story of a more enthusiastic devotion to country, or of a more 
heroic defense, nor of one more skillfully conducted. The 
Bussian conduct of the campaign was in the main admirably 
suited to their circumstances, and its ultimate and complete 
success justifies the foresight with which it was planned, 
and adds luster to the skill with which it was conducted. 

Such an army, whether we consider its numbers, its 
equipments, its experience, its commander, or its general 
officers, can not now be led against Bussia by her present 
antagonists, while she, according to the conceded rate of her 
growth, must have increased her population since 1812, by 
at least two-thirds of what it then was, while, at the same 
time, she has been perfecting herself in the science of war, 
as the fatal superiority of her artillery at Sebastopol has 
abundantly proved. These facts, taken in connection with 
the events of the present war, are quite sufficient to indicate 
the probable results of any invasion of the soil of Bussia. 
The combat with a Bussian army, and especially a conflict 
with the empire, as a whole, has ever been a deceitful one. 
The manner of resistance which is assumed, partly by the 
force of the national characteristics, and partly because they 
rely much upon the aid which the nature of the country 
affords them, wears the appearance, in the first stages of 
the conflict, of inaction or timidity, sometimes even of con- 
tinued defeat. Bonaparte seemed to be driving the Bussian 
forces like sheep before him, on his march to Moscow, and 


yet lie could never break the perfect order of their retreat, 
even with the matchless cavalry which he commanded, nor 
could hie sacceed, in a single maneuver, by which to sepa- 
rate the divisions of their army, or prevent a junction, or to 
cut them off from supplies. On the other hand, he found 
himself imprisoned and starving in Moscow, and then, not 
only compelled to retreat, but to march back along the very 
desert which his army had made in its advance, and thus, 
and by successive actions, where either nothing was gained, 
or victory purchased at too great a cost, his army was anni- 
hilated, and he transformed into a solitary fugitive, fleeing 
for life. 

In like manner, we have heard of uninterrupted suc- 
cesses, both by the Turks and the Allies, since the com- 
mencement of this new war. The Allied troops could hardly 
obtain an opportunity to show their valor, the enemy was 
so easily, even disgracefully, beaten, and the English people 
were busying themselves with the question, what should be 
done with Sebastopol and the Crimea — ^how this Bussian 
possession and the other should be di^osed of— soberly 
making a new map of Europe, and declaring what they 
would and would not accept or offer as terms of peace, and 
endeavoring to decide how much humiliation Russia would 
safely bear, when at once they find the whole force of 
France, England and Turkey arrested effectually before a 
single fortress, around which most of those splendid troops 
that originally landed in the Crimea, are now lying in their 
graves. The question now is, not what shall be done with 
Sebastopol, the Crimea, and other Bussian possessions, but 
how the Allied troops will extricate themselves from that 
fatal shore, and how France and England will save them- 
selves from disgrace. The most extravagant accounts of 
the new engines of destruction, carried out by the French 
and English armies, were sent round the world. It was 


expected that a hostile fleet would be almost inBtaQtaaeooslj 
destroyed at a distance that would preclude a return shot» 
and Lancaster guns were, in like manner, to batter down 
fortifications, themselves entirely out of the reach of the 
cannon of the fortress. 

Instead of aU. this, it has been stated by English writers 
that the first siege batteries opened by the French, were 
silenced by the Russian guns in three hours, and their 
whole artillery has proved itself superior, both in construe* 
ti<m and in the manner in which the guns have been served. 
A resistance which sustains itself indefinitely, which becomes 
more formidable as a campaign advances, and which wears 
out its foe, and overwhelms him in the end, is the charac- 
teristic of Bussian war when their own soil is invaded. The 
world, however, is informed that the sudden setting in of 
winter, and the destruction of Moscow, were the causes 
of the ruin of Napoleon^s army, that frost and snow, and 
not Bussian skill or weapons, were it^ destroyers. But a 
candid examination, not of partizan statements, or of elab- 
orate eulogies of Bonaparte, will show that his destructi<ni 
in Bussia was inevitable, aside from these causes. The 
people that burned Moscow were equally prepared for any 
other similar sacrifice, and Napoleon was expelled from 
Bussia because the nation was resolved, that cost what it 
might, he should be forced badk across their frontier or be 

The following observations of the elegant English historian 
who has had the courage and the magnanimity to preset 
jhcts in regard to Bussia, will exhibit this matter in its 
true light. When Bonaparte commenced his retreat, the 
Bussian commander first, by a most skillful maneuver, forced 
him back along the path which he had made a desert in 
his advance, while at the same time the Bussian army pur> 
sued him not in the rear, but on a paraUd Km of numAt 


Ihrongli a digtri^ aloanding with supplies. Upon tliii 
Allison r6mai4u as follows : 

'' Jostioe requires that due credit should be given to the 
Bttssian mode of pursuit, by a parallel march, a measure 
which was unquestionablj one of the greatest military 
achievements of the last age. Had Kutosoff pursued by 
the same road as the Erendi, his army, moving in a line 
wasted by the triple curse of three previous marehes, would 
have melted away more rapidly than his enemy's. Had he 
hazarded a serious engagement, before the French were com- 
pletely broken by their sufferings, his own loss would have 
probably been so severe as to have disabled him from taking 
advantage of theirs. Despair rapidly restores the courage 
of an army ; a disorderly crowd of stragglers often resume 
the strictest military order, and are capable of the greatest 
efforts when the animation of a battle is at hand. . 

** The passage of the Beresina, the battle of Gorunna, the 
victory of Hanan, are not required to demonstrate this 
important truth. Well knowing that a continued retreat 
would of itself weaken his enemies, the Bussian general 
maneuvered in sudi a manner as with hardly any loss to 
himself, to make prisoners of above half their army, and 
tiiat at a time when the storms of winter were making as 
great ravages in his own troops as in those of his antag- 
onists. Had he not pursued at all, Napoleon would have 
halted at Smolensko, and soon repaired his disasters ; had 
he fought a pitched battle with him on the road, his army, 
already grievously weakened by the cold, would have, 
probably been rendered incapable of pursuing him to the 

'^ By acting a bolder part, he might have gained a more 
brilliant, but he could not have secured such everlasting 
success ; he would have risked the fate of the empire, which 
hung on the preservation of his army; he might have 


abquired the title of conqueror of Napoleon, but he would 
not have deserved that of saviour of his country. But it 
would have been in vain that all these advantages lay 
within the reach of Russia, had their constancy and firmness 
not enabled her people to grasp them. Justice has not 
hitherto been done to the heroism of their conduct. We 
admire the Athenianswho refused to tr^t with Xerxes 
after the sack of their city, and the Bomans who sent troops 
to Spain after the battle of CkHinae ; what then shall we 
say of tile general, who, while his army was yet reeking with 
the slaughter of Borodino, formed the prefect of envel(^ing 
the invader in the capital which he had conquered? what 
of the citizens who fired their palaces and their temples 
lest they should furnish even a temporary refuge to the 
invader? and what of the Sovereign, who, undismayed by 
the fires of Moscow, announced to his people, in the moment 
of their greatest agony, his resolution never to submit ; and 
foretold the approaching deliverance of his country and the 
world? Time, the ^eat sanctifier of events, has not yet 
lent its halo to these sacrifices; separate interests have 
arisen; the tenor of Bussia has come in place of the 
jealousy of Napoleon, and those who have gained most by 
the heroism of their Allies are too much influenced by 
momentary considerations to acknowledge it. But when 
ih^e fears and jealousiea shall have passed away, and the 
pageant of Russian, like that of French ascendency, shall 
have disappeared, the impartial voice of posterity will pro- 
nounce that the history of the world does not afibrd an 
example of equal moral grandeur.'' 

There is one remark in the foregoing extract which is 
worthy of special attention ; that those who have gained 
most by the heroism of Bussia in breaking the power of 
Bonaparte, have been since unwilling to acknowledge it. 
Had Napoleon not been checked in Bussia, that threatened 


French invaRioii of England might long Binoe hare beocHne 
to her a very sorrowfiil reality, and it ill-becomes her now to 
speak in terms of scorn and disparagement of that gallant 
people, who at snch a fearful cost, interposed itself between 
Bonaparte and the rest of Europe. 

But it is insisted by English writers, Aat however for- 
midable Snssia may be at home, aided by the defenses of 
her climate and country, she is incapable of maintaining an 
army abroad, and of carrying on successfully an offensive 
war. "We are told of the total inefficiency of her commis- 
sariat, and of the immense losses which her armies sustain, 
and we are pointed to the campaigns in the Oaueasus, and 
latterly, to the unsuccessful siege of Silistria, as proofs of 
inefficiency and unskillfulness. More than one point here 
is worthy of consideration. In the first place, will the 
operations of the Bussian army abroad, compare unfavor- 
ably with those of England herself, even when England 
has the command of the sea, and the means of transport 
Has a Bussian army often suffered more from the want of 
order, skill, and efficiency in every department, than the 
English army in the Crimea, if their own witnesses are to 
be credited? Has any campaign in the Caucasus been 
more disastrous or ineffectual than the efforts of the Allied 
troops? Has the siege of Sebastopol produced any more 
brilliant results than the Bussian attack upon Silistria? 
Bussia need not shrink from a oomparison with tiiose who 
affect to despise her. 

But again, if the whole time of the foreign operations 
of Bussia is considered, where has she been suooessfuUy and 
permanently driven back? On all sides, her frontier has 
been continually extended, and at what point has she failed 
to maintain herself? She has been driven back, it is triumph* 
antly said, from the Principalities, across the Danube, across 
the Pruth. But the end is not yet. Will she rtmaiin, there ? 


A qaestien which her past histoiy perhaps will asiswer more 
correctly than present temporary appearances. 

Again, it is not in accordance with the genius or policj 
of Bossia, to make aggressive war for the sake of exten- 
siye and sudden conquest. It is by no means necessary f<^ 
her to do this, in order to become a great military Power. 
She need not attempt to march her armies over the pros* 
trate thrones of Eurc^, after the manner of Bonaparte ; 
ihis is not her mission; not thus is her ultimate position to 
be won. It is only necessary for her to possess and wield 
with skill, sufficient military power to defend herself against 
the o(»nbined assault aS western Eurc^, and then, under 
God, her future is secure. She requires only the meana 
of protecting her natural growtL Within certain limits, 
she intends to displace or control all. It is in this point 
of view, and with this purpose of hers before the mind, 
that the military capacities of that great Empire are to be 
studied. She is not to be extended simply or mainly by 
conquest al<me, by the direct application of military power 
to the acquisition of territory. Her vast military resources 
are demanded to protect her growth, to shield her from 
foreign aggression. As an attacking force pushes its 
columns forward, under the cover of its guns, so Bussia 
gratffB mU on every side with continuous enlargement, under 
the cover of her military power. Behind her fortificati<»ui 
and the lines of her army, within her impregnable home, 
she cherishes and makes strong her interior life, that sweUa 
ever outward by a resistless vigor. 

It is not necessary, for example, that Russia should attack 
and batter down the fortifications of Constantinople, and 
crush, by violence, the Turkish Power. Turkey will proba- 
bly disappear by a process more gradual, and more certain, 
^e will be absorbed by the power of a superior national 
life. She will vanish at last in the same manner that 


Mexico will melt away tefore the steady adyanoe of the 
TTnited States. Doubtless theie has been, there will yet 
be, in eacK case, unholy national ambition, and a wicked 
treading down of weakness by strength, which a just God 
must finally punish, but still, the end is apparent, and 
France and England wiU probably meet with no more suc- 
cess in their attempts to preserve a European balance of 
power against Bussia, than in the effort to establish a simi* 
lar one in the western hemisphere, to check the progress 
of onr own country. Mexico is the Turkey of the western 
hemisphere, and neither country has in it the element of a 
permanent lifa 


The Boseian Army and Navy. 

HAVXNfGy in the preceding chapter, presented some factg 
and statements which show the real character and capabili- 
ties of the soldiers of the Northern Empire, it becomes 
important to inquire how many such soldiers a Bassian 
Emperor can command for offensive or defensive war. 
Certainly, her military power must be regarded as of the 
most imposing character, if the number of effective soldiers 
is in the usual prq)ortion to the population of the country ; 
if they are well armed and disciplined; if the munitions 
of war are abundant, and of suitable quality ; and if stores 
and troops can be readily transported, and aocumulated at 
points where they are required. These points wiU be the 
sulgects of investigation in the present chapter, to which will 
be added, also, an account of the size, position, and condi- 
tion of the Bussian Navy. It is by no means an easy 
matter to ascertain, even with an approximation to accuracy, 
the actual military force of the Muscovite nation. While, 
_on her part, national pride and ambition would lead her to 
present to the world an imposing array, on the contrary, 
tiiose who fear or dislike her, find their interest, as they 
think, in reducing, as far as possible, by all manner of 
deductions, the published statements of the condition of her 



military estaUisliment, and after reducing thus her armies 
within reasonable limits, they proceed to show^ either that 
it can not be supported in the field, or that its different 
corps are bo widely separated that they can not be concai* 
trated upon any single point, and again, that the vast 
extent of territory to be defended absorbs, in its proteetiony 
a large part of the available force of the empire. It is 
also asserted, that the state <£ the country is such as to 
render the transport of large bodies of troops from point 
to point, exceedingly difficult — ^indeed, almost impossible. 

These statements are founded rather on the past than 
the present condition of the Russian Empire, and, though 
not wholly without foundation, must be received with due 
caution, when we remember under what strong temptations 
those who control the press of western Europe now are, to 
underrate the power of their formidable antagcmist, and to 
vail somewhat from the people the actual condition of 
things. By a comparison of the various estimates of the 
population of Russia, it would ajqpear that her numbers are 
nearly, or quite, equal to those of France, England and 

So far, then, as mere numbers are concerned, she should 
be able to present a militaiy array nearly, or quite, as for^ 
midable as the three combined. What the power of Russia 
was in 1812, when the immeuse army of Bonaparte was 
swept away, not alone by frost or the fires of Smolensko 
and Moscow, but equally by the courage and skill of the 
defenders of their country, is now a matter of history, and 
well known to the world. Since that period, she has spared 
neither effort nor money in augmenting her strength, and 
giving to it all the efficiency which can be derived both from 
science and discipline. She has brought to her aid both 
European and American skill and experience, and has been 


steadily and ailenUy perfecting Iier anny, her fdrtificationB, 
and her navy. 

Within the last quarter of a oentnry, no state in Europe 
has augmented its forces in numhers proportionate to the 
increase of Eussia, nor has any other Power so mueb 
improved the quality of its troops. During his long reign» 
Nicholas applied himself with unremitting ardor to perfect 
the whole military c»*gani2ation of the empire. Both his 
capacity and his resources have proved fully equal to the 
task, andf while we have heard only of the poverty of Bua» 
sia, of her borharism, of the inefficiency of every department 
of ihe public service, of the corruption of her officials^ and 
the system of peculation and fraud everywhere established* 
she has built and equipped a navy which places her in the 
foremost rank of naval powers, equalled by England and 
France ahme ; she has established arsenals and depots of 
wood and other nulitary stores, unsurpassed, to say the leasts 
by any; her cannon and her gun practice are, at this 
moment, confessedly the best in die world ; her fortifications 
show the perfection of military sdenoe; her military sdiools 
have no parallel anywhere, and her army is, beyond all 
comparison, the most formidable in Europe, taking into 
consideration its numbers, its discipline, and the resouroes 
froin whidi its losses may be repaired. 

The support of sudi a vast military estahlishsient must 
press heavily upon the general industry of the nation, 
beyond all doubt; military despotism, and the necessary 
hardships of a sdldier's life, are constantly doing their crud * 
work, Imt whether this burthen presses diqmpartionateljf 
upon Bussia, as compared with the establishments of other 
nations of Europe, does not yet sffpeaTt, The magnitude of 
bar army is scarcely beyond tite due proporticm of her popula* 
tien, as compared with other nuUtaiy Powers, while she can 












maintain lier troops at home at leisd expenise than an j other 
nation of Europe. The cost of maintaining a foot soldier in 
the dififerent armies of Europe, has heen estimated as follows : 

£. ■. 
Cost of a foot sol<£ery for a jeiff, in Bussia, 
** " " Austria, 

' " «* ** Prussia, - 

" " " Franoc, - 

" « « England, 

[^Muman^t Vogagm, 

This shows an immense difference in favor of Bussia, and 
much of this is owing to the fact that the food of the com** 
men people, and consequently of the soldier, is abundant 
and cheap. A late German writer, Haxthansen, describes 
the Russian peasantry as physically, a fine race of men, 
generally, indeed, eating meat only once a week, but har* 
ing a variety of other food, and well contented with it, 
comfortably, and even expensively clothed. This proveit 
^at the small cost at which the Bussian army is maintained, 
is owing not to their being ill-fed and scantily dothed, but 
because the means di supporting life with comfort are easily 
obtained. The vast extent of the empire, and the difficulty- 
which is always experienced in moving large bodies of 
troops, by land, from point to point, led the EmperorNichcdaa 
to the adoption of two very important measures, one of 
whieh is Completed, and the other is urged forward as nq^ 
idly as circumstances allow. The first was the arrange* 
xnent of the whole army into different corps, stationed 
according to the geographical charaeter of the country, and 
where they will be needed either for attack or defense. 

The whole available force of the country is divided into 

the army of operations and the local corps. The Grand 

Army of operations ha& been kept constantly on tiie com* 

plete warfooting since 1848, and a short time sinoe its 



position was us f(dlows : Two divisions formed the army of 
Poland, one division was in the Principalities, a fourth divi- 
sion was on the b^nks of the Prnth, a fifth was stationed 
a part near Odessa, and a part on the east coast of the Black 
Sea. The sixth division has its cantonments in or about 
Moscow, but has advanced toward the Crimea. These posi- 
tions are mentioned here merely to show the manner in 
which the arrangements of Nicholas have removed those 
causes which are continually insisted upon by those who 
hate or fear Bussia, as destroying the efficiency of her 
army: that scattered oyer the empire, these divisions 
can not be united, or when united upon central points they 
can not be readily moved to meet an approaching attack. 

The emperor has endeavored to organize and maintain at 
the only points where his troops are needed, f(»roes sufficient 
to meet any exigences which may arise, while apparently 
he depends upon the immense fortifications at his valuable 
points, to arrest an enemy long enough to permit a concen- 
tration o£ forces, if such a union is required. As yet during 
any struggle, there has been no apparent want of troops at 
any point where they have be^a required. Each of these 
divisions consists of forty-nine battallions of infantry, and 
one of sappers, in all, three hundred battallions. Attached 
to each of these corps or divisions, are thirty-two regular 
squadrons of cavalry, lancers, and hussars, making one 
hundred and nmety^wo squadrons of light cavalry. In 
addition to this there are ninety-six squadrons, diiefly of 
heavy cavalry,, and eighty squadrons of dragoons, making 
in all| three hundred and sixty^-eight squadrons of cavalry. 
The artillery consists of one hundred and thirty-eight 
brigades of foot, and si^ of horse artillery, in all, one hun- 
dred and forty-four brigades, with six hundred and seventy- 
two guns, to which must be added, also, the corps of the 
guards and those of the grenadiers, consisting of seven ty-four 


battallbna uid two huBclred and four guns — and this 
immense fon» neither indudes recraits nor old soldiers. 

This is the regular force ready for active duty, deducting 
only what is common in every army In addition, there is 
a reserve corps consisting of men who have been allowed^ 
to retire after fifteen years c^good service, and are organized 
on the plan of the Prussian Landwehr. This reserve 
amounts to two hundred and thirteen thousand men, with four 
hundred and seventy-two guns, presenting a grand total of 
movable troops, ready on any emergency, of six hundred 
and ninety«nine thousand, and one thousand four hundred 
and sixty-eight guns* There must yet be added to this 
enormous force two hundred thousand men, to whom is 
intrusted the internal defense of the empire, and the army 
of the Caucasus, consisting of about one hundred and 
twenty thousand men, and one hundred and eighty guns, 
making the whole available force of the empire more than 
one million of men. Baron Haxthausen, quotes the state- 
ments of a Prussian officer perfectly acquainted, as he says, 
with all that concerns the Russian army, and <' who calcu- 
lates that including Cossacks, the Russian army, under the 
organization due to the Emperor Nicholas, is in a condition 
to supply, in case of a great war, a million of combatants, 
and one thousand eight hundred guns." 

Great pains have been taken, and much ingenuity has 
been shown in various attempts to prove that no such army 
exists in Bussia. A writer in a standard English Beview 
for April, 1854, first makes a sweeping reduction of three 
hundred thousand men, and then adds that not more than 
one half can be considered as movable troops. But every 
known fact in the case contradicts such extravagant state- 
ments. It would seem as if the English and French 
writers believe that the power of Bussia may be effectually 
crippled by denying its existence. Wherever the Bussiaa 


army luui eliown iteelf, in its fortifications or in the field, it 
gives no evidence of the ruinous deficiencies and inefficiency 
of its organization which are constantly pressed upon our 
attention ; on the contrary there is a completeness in every^^ 
thing which appears, a largeness of design, and a thorough- 
ness of execution which would give the strongest supp(»rt to 
the statements and estimates of the German writers, both 
military men, who have been quoted above. 

The English and French goyemments would probably 
have avoided their mortifications in the Crimea, had they 
possessed themselves of reliable information concerning the 
actual strength of Bussia, the character of her defenses, 
and the condition of her army. By stationing this stu- 
pendous force at the different points of the empire, where 
it will be needed most in case of attack, Nicholas obviated 
to a great extent the sudden movements of large bodies of 
troops, when the late war began. His force was ready to 
enter the Principalities, ready to defend Sebastopol, and 
equally prepared to cover St. Petersburg and support the 
garrison at Cronstadt In addition still to all that haa 
been mentioned, tiiere are military colonies throughout the 
empire, intended as a nursery of soldiers. 

But a measure far more important than the <me already 
mentioned, having a bearing upon the internal commeroa 
and general development of the country's res(mroes, as well 
as upon the transport of armies, is the construction of a 
system of railways, already begun, and which, when finished, 
will greatly increase the military efficiency of Bussia. A 
grand trunk line is already in operation from St. Peters- 
burgh to Moscow, about four hundred miles, and from Moa- 
oow to Odessa the work is in progress, and now nearly 
finished. These two lines alone, through the heart of the 
Empire, crossing as they do, so many navigable streams, on 
which steam navigation is already begun, will enable Bussia 


to transport troops, mnnitioiid of war, and supplies of all 
sorts with great facility, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, 
and between her southern frontier and the extreme north. 
These two railways, as any one will see at a glance by con- 
salting a map, wonld, by their connections with a network 
of navigable rivers and uniting canals, command almost all 
the resonroes of the Empire, either for the Black Sea or 
the Baltic. Indeed, with fleets of light steamers on all her 
navigable streams, she possesses means of transport from 
and through every portion of her country, even without 
railways, such as no other country on the eastern continent 
can boast ; and those who believe that she will yet fail, from 
inability to place troops and supplies at any threatened 
point, will be sorely disappointed. 

But the world is constantly reminded of the poverty of 
Bussia, of her limited revenue, and her exhausted treasury, 
and that therefore she can not maintain her military estab- 
lishment in an efiicient position. Those who favor us with 
such stiatements, forget that the achievements of the Czar 
show as yet no evidence of want. He has expended money 
on the most enlarged scale upon every public project, and 
everything has been done in a manner which France and 
England may imitate with advantage. Take the admitted 
fact that for a hundred years, no country has made so rapid 
ft progress in all that constitues a great nation, as Bussia, 
that her population doubles in about fifty years, that this is 
not by immigration, but is mainly caused by the natural 
increase of the people, and add to this that in the mean- 
time, Moscow has been re-built, the ravages caused by the 
invasion of more than six hundred thousand men repaired, 
one of the most magnificent capitals in Europe has been 
created, an army of more than a million, completely 
organized and fully armed, not with the arms of barbarism, 
but with the most formidable weapons of destruction known 


to modem war, that a firstHslass navy has been produced, 
and fortifications erected which hare defied the utmost 
strength of the two great nations of western Europe, that 
at the same time long lines of railway are constructed, 
schools start into being, manufactures increase, and agri- 
culture is improved, and it must be allowed by all who are 
capable of a candid judgment, that we behold on all sides, 
evidenoes of prosperity rather than of ruin. One import- 
ant fact should not be forgotten in this connection. It has 
been the steady policy of the government to foster to the 
utmost its own industry, and to render the nation independ* 
ent by a self-sustaining power. 

Of the actual strength and resources of such a country 
it is difficult to judge, and they are generally underrated, 
and especially by such a commercial people as the English. 
The North American colonies made but an insiguificant 
figure in the world's tables of wealth and power, when each 
farmer of New England manufactured for himself his 
clothing, from materials raised on his own farm, and when 
his food was produced in a similar manner; but when Eng- 
land thought to crush them, she was met by a power that 
did not appear in statistical tables, and there was a solid 
and available wealth in our country that commeree could 
take no note of, and which was sufficient for successful 
defense. There is in Bussia a vast amount of home manu- 
facture, of home strength and resources, which can not be 
expressed by figures, and which does not appear in official 
reports. In such a state of society, there is power which 
does not lie on the surface. The condition of Bussia can be 
more readily understood by an American than by most 
Europeans, for a similar process in reclaiming wild lands, 
and fiUing up a new country, and carrying forward improve- 
ments, is going on there as here, though our national 
character and our free institutions have imparted greater 


vigor and velocity to our movement. The descriptionB of 
tiie log-houses, the lines of unbroken forests, the log, or 
^^eorduroy^^ roads, forcibly remind the American reader of 

It has cost otAT "transatlantic cousins'' some painful 
experiments before they could be convinced that a vigorous 
national life, a substantial and most formidable national 
power could clothe itself in such rude forms, having only 
the aspect of poverty and discomfort. It was necessary for 
them to receive lessons from the broadsides of our " fir-built 
frigates," and from behind earth-walls and cotton-bags, 
before they could comprehend how a country of forests, and 
cabins, and log-roads, and mud-roads, could possibly be a 
powerful country ; how troops could be mustered, or fed, or 
clothed, or paid, or transported. Similar mistakes are evi- 
dently made in regard to Bussia, and they may be corrected 
in a similar manner. 

Again, those who are disposed to amuse themselves with 
the poverty of the Northern Empire, should not forget that 
the gold-mines of the Ural are for Bussia, what California 
is to the United States — what Australia is to Great Britain ; 
and that the produce of these mines is, to a great extent, 
under the control of the government, which has a deposit 
of treasure of its own, whose amount is known to the chief 
officers of the realm alone. One other fact may serve to 
demonstrate that neither the country nor the government 
is exhausted. With the enormous amounts which have 
been expended on public objects since the war of 1812, with 
the expense of its foreign wars added, the debt of Bussia is 
stated at about fifty-five millions pounds sterling. 

A country capable of performing such things, and at the 
same time preserving a rate of advance beyond that of her 
neighbors, and which has had her whole military estab- 
lishment on the war footing since 1848, is not likely to sink 


suddenly from exhaustion mm, with that same armj ta 
Siuj^rt, as before, on her own soil. Besides, if Busaia is 
so soon to suffer national ooUf^se, with but a slight addition 
to her armies, and with her fleets lying in her docks, what 
shall be said of France and England, with their eommon 
expenditures vastly increased, maintaining immense fleets 
in foreign seas, which afford them no supplies, and yast 
armies, far from home, on a spot where nothing can be 
obtained for man or beast--HEu*mies whose diminished ranks 
must be constantly filled up by fresh drains on the popula* 
ticm at home. 

These statements of the wretched condition of the Bussian 
army, of the sufferings and privations of the troops, of the 
terrible ravages of disease, of the inaUlity of the govern-^ 
ment to sustain its establishment on a respectable footing, 
>whieh have fiUed English and French books, Quart^lies 
and newspapers, have been shown by the results of the war, 
thus far, to have originated either in utter ignorance of the 
facts, or in the vain hope of increasing the ehanoes of success 
by a deliberate system of detraction. The Turkish Empire, 
withering under the curse of God, tottering near the goal 
where the unerring word of prophecy declares that it must 
fall, was exhibited, a few months since, to wondering. Europe 
and America, as a nation fiteshly set out on a new career 
of civilization, having in itself a recuperative vital energy, 
which would place it alongside of western nations, and 
which might be able, soon, to oq>e single-handed with Bus* 
sia, if a little help were offered it just^now by the Allies, 
while the Bussian forces were represented as flying before 
the victorious Turks, without the courage or skill to meet 
an enemy anywhere, and the only coniplaint was that vio- 
tory was too cheaply won, and then these journalists sat 
down to a revision ot the map of Europe, as c(mfidently as 
to the carving of a turkey ^ their dinner. The folly of 


fioch prooeediags haa been meet satisfactorily shown, in a 
manner which England and France will have cause to 
remember through, long years. It is now evident that the 
retreat of the Bussian forces from the Principalities was 
dedded upon before the failare of the si^e of Silistria, and 
was determined 1^ this event ; that the Bussian oflSoers 
foresaw, in due season, the real plan of the campaign 
decided upon by the Allies, and their troops were, there- 
fore, withdrawn, and placed in a position to be within 
reach of Bebastc^L 

The course g£ the Bussian army, thus far, has been in 
perfect keeping with the well known national dbaracteria- 
ties. Their enemies are constantly shouting victory and 
progress, but at the same time they are being exhausted, 
and fresh supplies of troops^ ammunition, guns, and warlike 
stores of all kinds, are constantly demanded from home. 
The Mnsoovite Empire has, thus far, exhibited its ancient 
and proverbial fower of resistance, united with a sdenoe, 
skill, and fertility of infention and resources, not displayed 
in previous ware, and this is shown by the testimony of 
those who vae before the walls of SebastopoL The result, 
if it brings no lesson of wisdom to European writers, should 
at least teach Americans to be exceedingly cautious in 
regard to testimony thus furnished against Bussia. She 
diows, by her course, that she is expanding by a vigorous 
life, and the character of this life, and the relations which 
America may sustain to its future developments, should 
become for us a matter of earnest consideration. Giving 
due weight to the most reliable testimony in the case, it 
saams but a fair c<Hiclusion that the statements which 
exhibit the Bussian army as numbering about one million, 
aiie open only to such common reductions as would be made 
in estiiaating the military strength' of any other Euro- 
pean Power, aad that in determining her rdiUive porwer, 


a force of a million may be taken as a standard, nearly 

In endeavoring to obtain materials for a correct exhibition 
of the strength of the Russian navy, still greater diffiool- 
ties present themselves. In regard to the character of the 
Bassian seamen, nothing, perhaps, need be added to the 
remark of Lord Nelson : " Lay yourself alongside a French- 
man, but outmaneuver a Bnssian." This indicates the 
characteristic of the Bussian marine ; great skill in the use 
of artillery, and inflexible obstinacy in standing to their 
guns. The character of their ships has been the theme of 
quite as much idle remark. We are gravely informed that 
their best ships last but a few years ; that a veiy small 
proportion of the whole are seaworthy; that the seamen 
become searsick when they leave the harbors, and the officers 
lose their way, even on the Black SbSL Through this mist 
of misrepresentation^ and in the absence of accurate and 
official statement, it is difficult to ascertain the truth. The 
following list is made out from a comparison of various 
authorities, but the probability seems to be that the esti- 
mate is below the truth, and it does not include any 
addition which may have been made in the last few 
years, during which time Bussia has constructed many war 

Ships of ihe Line. Frigates, small yeesela. Onnboata. 
BalticFlect. -. . - 80 21 400 

Black 8ea Fleet, - • .19 15 

Pacific Fleet, - - not known. ^ 

War Steamers, - number unknown, j 

In addition to the fleet in the Black Sea, there are some 
iron war steamers on the Caspian. There are a few steam* 
ships in the Black Sea, and some in the Baltic One of the 
largest naval stations of the Empire will undoubtedly be 
hereafter in the Pacific, at the mouth of the Amoor, where 


ihB Pacific fleet Tras anchored at the time of the repalse of 
the Allied fleet hefore the small fort, which thej attacked 
in those seas. An approximate estimate of the whole Bus- 
sian navy may he made thus : ships of the line, sixty ; 
frigates, thirty-seven ; steamers, fifty ; corvettes and smaller 
vessels, seventy ; gonhoats, five hundred. 

No great importance is prohably to be attached to the 
numerous statements concerning the unseaworthy condition 
of this navy, when we consider that they are kept continu- 
ally upon the war footing, with armament and stores on 
hoard, and completly manned. It forms a concentrated force ; 
not one which, though large, is scattered over all the earth 
for the defense of colonies. France, England and Turkey 
may well fear this power, always ready to sail on short notice, 
waiting-only a signal from St. Petersburgh. Many sneers 
have been heard at the cowardice of Sussia, in shutting up 
her fleets under the guns of fortresses. Bussia has never 
yet been convicted of cowardice ; let the world reserve its 
opinion until the dose of thie war. Sound policy would not 
justify hCT in risking her fleet in a useless conflict. Her 
enemy can not invade her territory, nor touch her Capital 
witii his ships, nor reach her own. She has but a small 
mercantile marine to protect, or which can be injured, no 
great commercial mart exposed to bombardment, and she 
can well afibrd to permit the Allied Baltic fleet to cruise 
at leisure, with the fruitless boast of ruling the sea. By 
quietly resting in her harbors, she will save both her navy 
and her money, for both of which she wiU perhaps in the 
end, flnd employment. It will prove a somewhat expensive 
pastime for France and England to maintain fleets in com- 
mission sufBdent to regulate the affairs of both hemispheres, 
to establish and maintain a system with Bussia and Amer- 
ica such as they shall dictate — ^wintering, as they propose, 
their Baltic fleets in the Gulf of Mexico— to awe their 


^* transatlantic consins.'^ But it would be wise for these 
arrogant Powers to oonsid^ what Oxe result will be, if sndi 
threats and sach proceedings should yet cause them to see 
the Bussian and American flags floating together. Would 
thej be entirely certain of ruling Europe and America, or 
even the ocean, at the dose of such a contest ? Arrogance 
and lofty threats, and sneers at an enemy, are often very 
costly exhibitions of human weakness; the recoil of bitter 
and proud words is sure, and it sometimes comes with a 
power that crashes worse than shot or shell, and shakes the 
power of the boaster. The supremacy of England on the 
ocean was neyer in greater danger than at this present 
m<»nent, when her boastings are loudest. 


The National Sentiment of Bossia as Affecting National ToMcy and 


Onb of the most suggestive facts taught hy history is, 
that yery often individuals who have reached positions of 
commanding influence, have early felt a consciousness of 
their powers, and have apprehended the general features 
of their allotted task; a fact which, perhaps, gave rise to 
the remark of a distinguished English writer, that, in gen- 
eral, a man's aspirations may be taken as the measure of 
his capabilities. The remark has, doubtless, truth for its 
foundation, though it must be received only with important 
qualifications. The same thing is true of some nations^ 
which have held a sovereign's place among the kingdoms 
of the worlds It appears that in some manner, none, per- 
haps, can tell how, a national sentiment has arisen, pointing 
to some specific ultimate destiny. Its beginnings and its 
progress seem removed from all ordinary causes, till a well 
defined public opinion pervades all classes — becomes, as it 
were, the national soul, and shapes the national policy. 
And, whatever extravagance human pride may attach to 
such popular convictions, there is often a most remarkable 
general resemblance between such national anticipations 
and the results actually reached. When once such a senti- 
ment has been established, and become inwoven with the 



national faith — ^when it has been handed down as a tradi- 
tional belief from the fathers — ^it is readily seen that its 
power is almost resistless. It shapes all national action, 
because the national mind is ever reaching oat for tho 
aooomplishment of destiny. It prompts ever to effort, at 
the same time that it gives to power a definite direction. 
It sustains the courage of a nation under the seyerest 
reverses, because it believes that a superior power has 
already determined its ultimate success. It is national 
faith which, as in the individual, prompts to effort, and 
goes far to make achievement sure. 

The doctrine of " manifest destiny '^ may not be dismissed 
with a sneer. Faith in her destiny, has given a specific 
direction to the national energies of Great Britain, and 
has made her so long mistress both of the seas and of the 
commerce of the world. Faith in destiny rolled the fiery, 
bloody deluge of Mohamedanism into Europe. Faith in 
manifest destiny established the Western* Empire, under 
Charlemagne ; it had made Bome before ; and it has upheld 
the Anglo-Saxon race in all its wondrous career. The 
American mind expands with a vast idea — its " manifest 
destiny.'' Thousands condemn, and thousands ridicule, and 
yet the conception has its origin in the drcumstanoes of 
national position, and in national character ; it has shaped 
itself to existing wants, and even existing probabilities, and 
its very existence is the herald and guaranty of future 

The fact that such an idea may possess the mind of a 
nation, and may become a reality in 'the course of its pro- 
gress, does by no means determine its moral character, or 
prove that the steps are justifiable in themselves by which 
a great national end is finally reached. God causes the 
wrath of man to praise him, and national sins will no less 
be punished because committed in working out a previously 


appointed destiny. Connected with this subject^ another 
faet should he remembered. No nation probably, has been 
conscioas of the hour when it passed its culminating point, 
and when its mission was accomplished, but, on the contrary, 
retains in the decay and infirmity of old age, the brightest 
anticipations of its youth, and all the pride of its day of 
vigor and of power. It refuses to perceive that the scepter 
has passed into other hands, and still pompously commands 
the ohedienoe of the world. It is not generally diflScult to 
determine whether such a national sentiment is connected 
with a youthful and expanding life, or whether it belongs 
to the empty and powerless vanity of old age. 

If now, with these facts in view, we turn to Bussia, we 
find all travelers testifying to the existence of two national 
opinions, which may be said to be universal, with the fifty 
millions of the Bussian race. One opinion is, that they are 
to possess Constantinople, and the other, that they are 
destined to become the most powerful nation of the world, 
and to control all Europe, at least, if not the world. Upon 
fifty millions of minds the impression seems to have been 
made, whether true or false, whether pointing to a reality 
in the future or not, that Bussia is intrusted with a great 
mission in the social regeneration of the world. Whence 
' this impression has arisen, who shall pretend to say ; that 
it will find no corresponding reality in the future, who will 
venture with confidence to declare? That the national, or 
it may also be called the traditional, policy of the empire is 
founded upon these ideas, is now known probably to alL 
That fact alone is worthy of attentive consideration, because 
it shows that the course of Bussia is the result of a national 
impulse, and that no change of rulers can essentially alter 
the policy to which the nation has committed itself, and 
may admonish the Powers of wedtem Europe that it is 
no easy matter, even by severe reverses, completely to 


a&nibilate the pride and the hopes of fifty millions of people, 
subvert an all pervading national sentiment, and compel a 
great empire to a new line of policy. 

In estimating the influence of these sentiments as ele- 
ments of power in a national movement, it must not be 
forgotten that they are found not alone in the breasts of 
the emperor and the nobles, or a few restless and ambitious 
men, but they are cherished and firmly believed in by the 
lowest of the peasantry, and made the basis of a truly 
national anticipation — they are but the expresEoon of a 
national thought, and the determination of a whole people ; 
and when to this is added the fact that this hope stands 
inseparably connected with the spread of their national 
religion, it becomes evident that this idea of ^^ manifest de&* 
tiny'' is the source of a power whose importance cbol 
scarcely be overrated. It renders Russia most mighty for 
the accomplishment either of good or evil. The following 
is an extract from a late American writ^, who regards 
everything Bussian with a somewhat unfavorable eye, and 
presents his c^inion of the character of that race upon 
whom the national sentiment alluded to, is working with 
greatest powen 

'* The great Bussian lives to an extreme old age, longer, 
upon an average, than the man of anoth^ country. His 
generate power is remarkable. In central Bussia the 
increase of the population is beyond all former precedent in 
Europe ; while the natives of the wnquered provinces are di* 
minishing with fearful rapidity, the population of the whole 
empire, refreshed from this exhaustless source, counts every 
year another million among its multitudes. Thousands and 
tens of thousands, in a perpetual stream, flow from this foun^ 
tain head, into the vast regions of the north, south, east, and 
west In every country, and among every people, beneath 
the scepter of the Czar, the Weliki Bussian will be found. 


aflserting the sapremacy of his race, and showing his skiU 
and canning. All the tribes with wh(mi he comes in eon- 
tact yield to his actirity^ and dwindle in significance before 
the "progre&s of his encroachments* He even penetrates 
beyond the frontiers of the empire. While he profits as a 
merdiaBt, he is often ihe secret agent of the government. 
His adyance precedes the march of armies, and his aggres* 
sions pare the way to conquest.'' 

When the idea of a definite national mission or destiny 
has taken full possession of such a race, it is rery likely to 
prodooe important results. The portrait drawn by this 
author can scarcely fail to remind one of many of the 
characteristics of the American race ; and when he adds that 
these Sussians are ignorant and dishonest, it should be 
home in mind that the Yankees have by no means escaped 
imputations of this kind, and yet New England is the work 
of Yankees. And if, as ihe author affirms, the Bussian in 
his superstition imagines that a grea^ work has been com- 
mitted to his country, in the social regeneration of the world, 
it must be confessed that a similar superstition has seized 
also on the minds of Americans. It would perhaps be inter* 
esting to study the present prerailing national sentiment 
in the prominent nations, and inquire how far these presen- 
timents may shadow forth the actual future. The following 
is probably near the truth. Bussia and America are fuU 
of boundless hqpe, and even confidence of ruling, each, over 
half a world. They think of nothing less than expansion 
on every side, and^ progress, reaching far into the future. 
France hopes to head a combination of western States. 
England is filled with apprehension, and no definite future 
opens before her. The preservation of what she possesses 
is probably the pr<Hninent thought. Austria and Prussia 
are nearly in the same position, while Turkey is oppressed 


with a sense of approadiing ruin. Will not these senti- 
ments be rery likely to produce a oorresponding reality ? 

Certain it is that England is no longer the head of 
Western Europe. She follows in the train of Catholic 
France,~and we are led anxiously to inquire to what extent 
she may yet put on the Papal yoke, when such a man as 
Lord John Bussel, with his suite and family, attends high 
mass, with all signs of sincere devotion. When those who 
are at the head of the affairs of England stand in such rela- 
tions to the Papal power, and she deliberately allies herself 
with the Latin Church in the present war, choosing, as she 
has declared^ a Western combination in favor of the Boman 
Catholic Church, rather than the progress of Russia and 
the Greek Christianity, American Protestantism may well 
find cause to rejoice in the traditional sentiment of the 
Muscovite Empire, which has pliwsed it as the present s(de 
bulwark in Europe, against this new advance of the Papacy. 

The world may well hope that both Bussia and the 
United States may attain unto what they consider their 
manifest destiny, because they are the only great Powers 
of the world now, which can be fully relied upon in the 
present struggle with Eome. With the religious aspect 
of this Eastern war fully and clearly before her, England 
has espoused the quarrel of the Pope, and with this evidence 
of her spirit presented to the world, who shall say that in 
the terrible struggle for principle, and for faith, upon which 
the nations have apparently entered, she will again ally 
herself to the right. 


The Educational Institations of Russia. 

The present war is declared by England and France to 
be a war of civilization against barbarism. The ix^TuZon 
Quarterly, for April, 1854, holds the following language, in 
which is expressed the sentiment that England is indnstri- 
onsly striving to spread abroad: " If this contest is to be 
waged between the forces of civilization and liberty, against 
those of a iemi-barharom empirej aspiring to crush the inde- 
pendence of Europe, we neither doubt nor dread the issue 
of the war in which England and France have been eomr 
pdkd to engage.^' How will this appear when impartial 
history shall show that Bussia, so far from being aggresscnr 
in this war, was compelled by the meddling intrigues of 
French Jesuitism either to yield to the pretensions of Borne, 
or defend her own equal rights by arms? How the charge 
of barbarism which rings out from the English Press, and 
which a portion of the American Press is disposed to echo, 
will stand by the side of facts which will soon be presented, 
the reader will judge. 

The North BriUA MemeWy for November, 1854, in 
describing what the consequences of success, then considered 
eertain, would be, says, *' Europe would be for generations, if 
not for centuries, and forever, liberated from the dangers 
of a send-orierUal barbarwn, and England and France, 



differing in the forms» but yet harmonious iQ the tendend)^ 
of their civilization, might go to rest in each others arm%. It 
seemfl indeed not unlikelv that Protestant England will lie 
down in the arms of Catholic France, but whether she will 
awake and find herself still BratesUmt England, admits at 
least of question. '* Semi-oriental barbarism '^ is the phrase 
applied bj this religious journal, to Bussia. <^ A war of 
dvilization against barbarism, of liberty against despotism/' 
and on this ground an appeal is made by England and 
France, to the sympathies of the ^orld, and especially of 
Bepublican America. 

That the war is in no sense a. war of liberty against des- 
potism, will be made to appear, and we shall be enabled to 
judge of the barbarism of Bussia, and of the spirit and ten- 
dency of her institutions, by a glance at her educational 
systems. We shall be able to decide from these whether 
Bussia presents a stationary barbarism, without internal life 
or vigor, or whether she exhibits the spectade of a nation 
rigidly assuming the fonna df a superior civilization, and 
with vig<nrous step advancing in the career of solid improve- 
ment, aiming in all her institutions to cultivate and develop 
her own individual national life. We only deceive ourselves 
when we seize upon phrases such as liberty and despotism, 
civilization and barbarism, and use them in describiiig 
Bussia, without a careful study .of her position and bhaiv 

In studying even an imperfect sketch cf the educational 
system of the empire of the Czar, it should be borne in 
mind that the popular conception seems to be, that what- 
ever improvement has been made in Bussia, is due to 
foreigners, alone. H^ army, it is said, is officered by fnv 
eigners ; by them her ships have been built, her fortifications 
have been constructed ; by them her cannon have been cast, 
and by them her schools are taughk But another conception 


of iliid nation, is, of a people earnest, active, and eapable 
of ayailing themselves freely of the world's science, exp^ 
rienoe and skill, to aid them in their work of national 
elevation. It wiU be fonnd that the latter idea alone can 
explain tiie diaraeter of her educational system. The 
military schools, as the most pnnninent, first demand atten- 
tion. The exaet condition of these schools, now, is not 
known, but insomuch as they have veeeived ihe constant 
and most zealous attenti<xi of the government, it is to be 
presumed ihat the cause of education keeps pace witii the 
improvements and discoveries of modem science^ and that 
the number of the pupils increases in proportion to the 
growth c£ the empire. Some years since, the number of 
pupils at the military sdbook, was reported as follows : 

Papils at Militajy Schools, uzkder Grand Po^Le Michael, • • 3,733 
Pupils at Nayy Board Schools, 2,224 

TotaU . . - . ^ - " . • 10,967 

Hie above are principally, if not entirely, from the best 
families of the empire, and are subjected to the most thorough 
sdentifie and military training, a course which, for complete- 
ness and finish, is not exceeded by any schools of the world* 
By common consent of all who know their character, they 
are admitted to have no superior. Some details will here- 
after be given. These eleven thousand supply the officers 
tor the army and navy. In additi<m to these, there were 
at the same time in the schools under the direction of the 
minister of war, one hundred and sixty-nine thousand pupils, 
making in all, nearly one hundred and eighty thousand cS 
the very flower of the Bussian youth, a number whidi, with 
the increase of the p(^ulation> may now be reckoned at two 
hnndred thousand, who are receiving at the hands of the 
government, the most complete military education that the 
sdenoe of the wchtU is capable of sullying. 


Tliis faet bears with great force apon the question of the 
military power of Bossia, and might be profitably considered 
by those who insist that the army of the empire is inca- 
pable of becoming efficient. The world beside, exhibits no 
snch spectacle, no such scientific preparation for war, and 
the fortresses, the armament and gunnery, bear ample 
testimony to the proficiency of these scholars. 

Although for cony^nienoe sake, reference has been made 
to the estimate made by the Lcwion Quarterly, of the 
population of the Empire^ yet the preponderance of evi- 
dence would seem to show that the number stated is too 
small, and that eighty millions is now nearer the truth. 
This indeed is the estimate of a writer, lately quoted in 
anoth^ English Be view; while the calculations of Malta 
Brun would swell the present population beyond even this. 
But admitting the existence of eighty millions on Bussian 
soil, having a formidable, active, united race, as the central 
life and power of the mighty mass, it is an important ques- 
tion, not for Europe alone, but for Americans to study, what 
is to be the influence of sudi a power upon the world's 
destiny, when directed by the flower of the Empire, with 
the most thorough military education? Let those who sup- 
pose that the power of this great Empire is to be suddenly 
checked, or even ultimately repressed, until its national 
mission is accomplished, study the influence of the schools 
attentively, and they will find good cause to review their 
opinions. - 

Let Americans consider the effect which our one small 
nulitary school has produced upon our army, and even upon 
the whole natitm, and then estimate if they can, the power 
created by the constant education of ten or twelve thousand 
such young men for the control of the Bussian armies, and 
of the regular training of cme hundred thousand more in 
the acquisition of the arts of war. No system of detraction, 


however skillM or deliberate, or perseveringly main- 
tamed, will prevent such institutions from working out 
their legitimate results ; and France and England have been 
compelled reluctantly to admit that they have met in the 
Crimea a military science, particularly in engineering, more 
excellent than their own. This skill, which has baffled the 
Allied armies before Sebastopol, and which has devised and 
directed the terrible artillery that has hurled defiance and 
death from its walls, has been acquired in these military 
schoolB ; and when it is remembered that many of these most 
effidcient guns are taken from the ships in the harbor, it 
may awaken some reflections as to what the gunnery of the 
Bussian navy may yet accomplish. Some idea of the com- 
pleteness of the education in these schools may be obtained 
from a few facts. 

The system of Bussian fortifications, by whu^ tho 
Empire is defended, is separated into ten distinct divisions. 
In the Old Michaeloff Palace, now the Schod of Engi- 
neers, in St. Petersburgh, a separate hall is allotted to each 
of these divisions, in which is collected whatever can iUus- 
^trate the character of the district which the haU represents, 
and the fortifications which it contains. Here, for inspection 
and study, are plans general and in detail, of all the forti- 
ficaticms of the Empire, arranged according to their terri- 
torial divisions, and not only of all the fortresses, but of all 
that have been projected axui are yet unfinished, and each 
particular fortress has a department by itself, in which are 
collected specimens of the materials used, or to be employed 
in its construction, including bricks, and kinds of earth, 
and descriptions of stone whidbi can be found in the neigh- 
borhood, so that each pupil has in this way a local ednca- 
tion in addition to his general scientific training. Here 
fdso, as subjects for study, are accurate models in wood and 
day, of every fortification in Bussia, {nresenting each with 


perfect exadsness, so that not a single ol^ect, even to a tree, 
is omitted. Bjr^gncli means, &e study of the defenses of 
each fortification, and the manner in which it might be 
attacked, may be conned on as perfectly as if on the qiot, 
and every cadet, when he graduates, is prepared for any 
post in the country, understanding beforehand, all the local 
characteristics of the station to which he is a^qwinted. 

It is strongly significant of the traditional policy and 
priayailing feelings of the nation, that here also is a perfect 
and most minute plan of the fortifications of Constantinople ; 
the castles of the Dardanelles, with every feature, are ^"e* 
sented, together with the aspect and character of the 
Straits, so that every young Bnssian oiSSoer studies the 
nature of an attack on Constantinople, in addition to his 
general preparation for war. A single fact is sufficient to 
show ihe practical diaracter of the instruction in the naval 
schools : The senior class of cadets annually take in pieoea 
aiid re-build a large model of an American frigate. The 
instruction in these schools embraces the higher mathema- 
tics, and their application to military and naval architecture* 
and navigi^ion, drawing, in all its departmente, both the 
theory and practice of the constmctioa of fortresses and 
ships, with modem languages, history, and general literar 

The diildren of soldiers, and especially the orphan chil- 
dren, are particularly cared for by the government, placed 
in schools, and educated for the army. At St. Petersbnrgh, 
there is the Miners' SehooL It ooctipies a magnificent 
building, in whkk more than three hundred pupils are 
eonstantly studying, under competent professors, with every 
facility fcst obtaining an education having great breadth and 
tii(Nroughness. In this institution the pupil spends eigh^ 
years, and then, with as perfect a training as science can 
impart, he is sent to superintend the government minoi 


in the TJral ; and this school and the number of its pnpils, 
is enough to indicate the importance of that portion of the 
resources of Bussia. 

Attached to this important^ school, is an immense and 
very complete collection of whaffeve^r cAn illustrate the sci- 
ences of geology and mineralogj^i ibitt paHicularlj that of 
Bussia. These several museunis;^ i^e&^aa is said, beyond 
comparison with any similar oollectioni^»^lsewhere, cont&in 
minerals, geological specimens, and foSsili^ from the most 
interesting localities, not only in Bussia,4but from other 
parts of the world, and here also are ^co^eeted models of 
machinery, and implements, and even models of mines 
themselves. The completeness of the education which the 
government bestows upon its servants, and the enlightened 
character of its policy, may be seen in the expenses incurred, 
and the pains which have been taken to prepare those who 
are to have the care of the public mines and the Imperial 

In addition to what has been already described, artificial 
mines of various kinds have been constructed, by the actual 
excavation of subterranean galleries, such as are found in 
the real mine, and a fac mnUe of a mine in the Ural is 
produced, with the real earths, rocks, and imbedded ores 
and minerals, precisely as they are found in the distant 
mountains. Here, the geological student beholds the iron, 
the copper, the coal, the precious stones, and the gold, in 
iheir natural position, and precisely as he will meet them 
in his future operations in the actual mines. Certainly no 
more admirable device could be found for preparing the 
students of this school for the duties of real life. Is there 
any government in the world which has undertaken the 
development of its mineral resources on so magnificent a 
scale, and in a manner so thoroughly scientific, and at the 
same time so practical? 


The Academy of Fine Arts is a building four hundred 
feet long, and seventy feet high, in which is not only a 
magnificent picture gallery, but a school of Art, in which 
three hundred pupils are supported and educated. A 
School of the Arts is also maintained by the government, 
in which two hundred students, the sons of tradesmen, 
receive not only a general education, but also special 
instruction in the mechanical arts, and who are sent, for the 
general improvement of the country by directing its various 
branches of labor. There is a Normal School of importance ; 
the University, with five hundred students, and fifty-eight 
professors ; a Medical CioUege with five hundred pupils ; a 
Female Institute, in which four hundred young ladies are 
gratuitously educated ; and there are also Theological, Com- 
mercial, and other schools, of various character. 

Among these, the Agricultural School deserves particular 
mention. A farm of seven hundred acres has been laid 
out, under the direction of the government, and on the 
premises, an Agricultural School has been established, 
where both the theory and the practice of agriculture are 
taught to two hundred young peasants. An extensive 
museum is attached to this farm, containing whatever 
relates to the occupation of a farmer, including all descrip- 
tions of agricultural implements, even to the latest 
improvements known in America. Here also, the finest 
breeds of cattle are collected, and model cottages are intro- 
duced, with the design of improving the architecture of the 
Russian farmers, which resembles very much the log-cabins 
of our own " baehwoods.^^ Each province is allowed to send 
annually, a certain number to this school, and each year 
fifty graduates are distributed through the country, bearing 
abroad the skill and science which they have obtained in 
a four-years' course. 

The pupils are also taught here various trades, whicJi 


may be either useful to a fanner remote from markets, or 
which can be followed as a business by the pupils. Black- 
fioniths' and carpenters' work, cooperage, the construction of 
agricultural implements, tiuloring, shoemaking, and cabinet 
making, are included in the course of instruction, and con- 
nected with the school there is a foundry, a brick-yard, a 
pottery, a tan-yard, and a wind-milL 

As, by the testimony of candid travelers, this establish- 
ment is weU conducted, its influence must be extensively 
felt, in the development of the agricultural resources of 
the country. Great care is taken, in this school for farmers, 
to show how the principles of agricultural science shall be 
applied to particular localities, so that the education of the 
papils becomes eminently practical and available. At the 
conclusion of the course, each graduate is presented with a 
farm, and one thousand roubles to stock it, and the govern- 
ment encourages them to become, by theory and practice, 
the teachers of the neighborhood in which they are located. 

Baron Haxthausen, whose notes on Bussia are among the 
most reliable sources of information, made a close exami- 
nation of one of these farms, and describes it as in a good 
state of cultivation, and as having exercised a marked 
influence upon the adjoining country. He found the farm- 
house "comfortable and 9crupul<yu8ltf elean^' — there were 
books indoors and flowers without, and all the furniture of 
the house, as well as the fanning tools and machinery, had 
been made by those who occupied the farms. 

A second government school of this description, on a very 
ext^isive scale, is now in a flourishing condition, at Lipezk, 
in south Bussia, and, in addition to this, a horticultural 
school has also been established by the emperor, and placed 
in charge o( some German teachers. Separate from these 
schools for special purposes, is a school system for the em- 
pire, yet in its youth, but which promises great results for 


the future, and is, indeed, already exerting a transforming 
power upon the character of the nation. 

The whole of Kussia is divided into university districts, 
with a district university in each, with subordinate schools 
attached, and at the head of them all, is the National 
University at Moscow. All the schools of each district are 
under the charge of the district university.^ It is a com- 
pletely organized national system, which, when fully 
carried out, will make the means of education universal in 

The following statements, condensed by the London 
Quaarterhf, from the '^ Notes'' of Baron Haxthausen, will be 
found interesting, as affording accurate information concern- 
ing these schools, and some of tiie institutions of Moscow, 
and throwing light upon the spirit and aims of the govern- 

'' Few capitals can boast so many educational institutions 
as now exist at Moscow, under the crown patronage. Begin- 
ning with the University, the Baron speaks of the upper 
professors as fully acquainted with all that has been written 
in other countries on their respective subjects, nor is he less 
pleased with the state of the numerous schools subordinate 
to this University. Other schools are, those of commerce 
(partly supported by the merchants of Moscow), of drawing, 
for soldiers' orphans, and for cadets ; but the greatest of 
all seems to be the Imperial House of Education, founded 
by Catherine II. It has at least twenty-six thousand chil- 
dren belonging to it, either within its walls or put out to 
nurse in the country — ^aU of them orphans of officers, or 
foundlings. Of the children in the house, the boys are 
brought up to be schoolmasters, or to be sent to the Uni- 
versity; the girls to be governesses — ^learning German, 
French, drawing, dancing, history, geometry, and music, 
besides sewing, knitting, etc. Places are found for them. 


bye^nd-Tjye, but not in either of the capitals, which are 
thought unsafe for "unprotected females/^ They are 
watched for six years, and if marriage comes in their way, 
proper inquiries are made about the swain. Attached to 
the institution is a School of Arts, the pupils of which are 
thoroughly trained in the practice of some one of the dif- 
ferent trades that figure on the list, and which are in 
number eevrnteenJ^ 

• Among the educational institutions of Bussia, the public 
libraries of St. Petersburgh should not be omitted. The 
Imperial Library is one of the largest in the world. It 
contains four hundred thousand volumes, and fifteen thou- 
sand manuscripts. It is open daily for the use of the public 
It is a curious fact that some of the most valuable of the 
state documents of France are now found in the Bussian 
Imperial Library. During the French revolution, these 
treasures of the French government were seized by the 
populace, and sold to the highest bidder, who proved to be 
a Bussian, and by whom they were forwarded to St. Peters- 
burgh. There has been gathered here— partly by purchase, 
partly by presents, and also by the spoils of war — one of 
the very best collections of oriental works to be found in 
the world. The library of the Academy of Science contains 
one hundred thousand volumes, and that of the Hermitage 
has one hundred and twenty thousand. 

The present condition of Bussian literature, and the 
activity of the public mind, may be shown from the fact that 
in the ten years next preceding 1843, seven millions of vol- 
umes of Bussian books were printed, and nearly five millions 
of volumes of foreign works were imported. In a single year 
of this period, eight hundred and eighty works were printed 
and published within the Bussian Empire, and only seventy 
d these were translations from foreign tongues. The 
whole subject of education is committed to one of the great 


departments of state, at the head of which is the Minist^ 
of Fablic Instruction. 

This is necessarily an imperfect sketch of the educational 
institutions, in which many details are necessarily omitted, 
but enough has been exhibited to enable the reader to judge 
of Ihe justice of the epithet " Barbarian/' so constantly 
applied to the Empire of the Czars. No one will fail to 
perceive that these are only different parts of one grand 
and harmonious system. There is an admirable compact- 
ness and unity in the whole design, and two main ideas 
have evidently both originated and shaped the whole — ^first, 
as most important, the defense of the empire, and, sec* 
ondly, the development of the national resources and the 
encouragement of domestic manufactures. In regard to 
the first of these, many an invective has of late been hurled 
at Bussia, because, as is charged, she consumes her strength 
in the equipment and support of an immense military force 
wherewith to threaten or overrun all western Europe ; 
whereas instead, as is maintained, she should have devoted 
herself to the arts of peace and of internal growth. But 
a candid observer of the condition and progress of Europe, 
from the time of the French revolution, will, perhaps, be 
inclined to admit that Bussia has neither gone too fast nor 
too far in her military preparati<»i8, and that her policy has 
not only been a prudent, but a necessary one. The invasion 
o{ 1812 was an admonition not soon to be forgotten, and 
Nicholas has been too keen and too intelligent an observer 
of passing events not to foresee that a second attack on his 
nation was certain to be made, sooner or later, either by 
the infidel democracy of Europe, or, if the repuUican move- 
ment should fail, then from the western Powers, directed 
by the Boman Catholic church. 

The control of the Black Sea is essential to the growth 
and even safety of Bussia, and no Bussian statesman has 


heeh ignorant how restive both England and France have 
been at the predominance of the power of the emperor 
there. Under these drcomstances, Bussia certainly showed 
a true sagacity in holding herself prepared, and the event 
has justified the wisd(»n of her policy. What would have 
been the fate of the nation now, unless western Europe had 
found her with her harness on, awaiting their approach ? 

Bussia can not preserve her nationality, her existence, 
far less execute the mission which she believes has been 
entrusted to her, unless she maintains a military, capable 
of resisting the combined power of western Europe ; or, at 
the very least, as the event has shown, the united strength 
of England and France. She maintains her immense 
force to secure herself from successful attack, not for for- 
eign conquest. Instead of sacrificing internal development 
to the support of an army and navy, she maintains them 
in order that within their circling lines and guns, the 
works of peace may make secure progress in the heart of 
the Empire. France and England have intruded them- 
selves where they have no right to interfere with the 
growth of Bussia, which has been more legitimate, more 
reputable, and marked with less injustice to the weak, than 
the progress of either of her adversaries. As has been 
well observed by an English writer, France made more 
aggres^ons upon neighboring nations in the space of ten 
years, than Bussia has done in as many centuries ; and when 
England complains of Bussia, let her think of her East 
Indian exploits. These things do not lessen the guilt of 
Bussian aggressions, but they ought to silence these, her 
special and busy accusers, who arraign her at the tribunal 
of public opinion, as if they alone were innocent of ambition, 
or oppression, or robbery. 

After the safety of the nation has been cared for, the 
government turns its next care to internal national 


deyelopment ; and certainly no nation in the world can boast 
of a more enliglit>ened, thorough, or scientific system of 
instruction than Bussia herself has established. The great 
soorpes of her national strength, and from which she derives 
her vitality, are agriculture, her mines, and her manufac- 
tures. Constructing as a basis of educational operations, a 
complete national system, which is extending itself regu- 
larly with the progress of the country ; she has then pro- 
vided schools of the most magnificent character, to give the 
minds of the Russian youth that special direction which is 
demanded by the character and policy of the country; and 
from these schools, as centers, an influence is diffused 
through the whole nation, by which the resources of the 
Empire are sought out and developed by a combination of 
science with mechanical sMll. 

*It is doubtful whether any other nation of the world has 
studied its own resources more carefully, or instituted a 
more e£^tual method for making them available. A nation 
capable of such designs, and of executing them on a scale 
of such grandeur deserves not tilie name Barbarian. 


The Gharaoteristios and Capabilities of the Bussian Mind. 

Having made a partial exhibition of the elements of 
greatness which belong to the Bussian Empire, it may be 
well to panse, before the introduction of additional state- 
ments on these points, and bestow some attention upon the 
mental characteristics of the race in whose hands these 
resources and advantages have been placed, in the Provi- 
denoe of GkxL This, perhaps, will enable us to determine 
the probable character of Bussian civilization, and its future 
influence upon the destiny of Europe and America. Tw<5 
interesting questions here present themselves. Will Bussia 
assume ^ form of civilization, individual and national — a 
Bussian or Sclavonic civilization — and if so, what will be its 
distinctive characteristics? It is a common remark of 
French and English writers, that Bussia produces nothing 
original, that she is destitute of the creative power of 
genius, and possesses only the imitative character of some 
of the Oriental nations, and is therefore doomed like them 
to the inferior life of a mere copyist of western Europe. 
She is represented as wearing the garments of civilization 
after the manner of a savage ; a European exterior, which 
can not conceal the barbarian. No intelligent opinion can 
be formed of the future of this great Empire, until we 
decide whether such representations are true or false. In 


the very beginning of such an inyestigatiOn, it shoold be 
remembered that even the highest forms of genius most 
operate with materials already in existence, that strictly 
speaking, it creates nothing, and that its most signal tri- 
umphs are won by presenting familiar things in a new 
light, and throwing them into original combinations. 

Every modern nation to a great extent, is necessarily an 
imitator. Our age is the heir of the past, and has oome 
into possession of the treasures of thought and art, accumu- 
lated by preceding generations, and the only question which 
remains, is, whether from this stock of material, common 
to all Christendom now, a nation can rear a social, political, 
and religious structure, which shall exhibit a distinctive 
and individual character? The nations of the modem 
world, are all the inheritors of the mingled Greek and 
Boman civilization, and these forms of national life have 
been developed, in western Europe, from the materials thus 
supplied — ^the Latin, the German, and the Anglo Saxon. 
These, however, are being now mingled, and the original 
individuality by which they were distinguished, is disap- 
pearing, and a constantly increasing intercourse is sweep* 
ing away the peculiarities of each* It would appear 
impossible, under present circumstances, for any one of tiie 
nations of western Europe, to work out hereafter a sepa- 
rate and individual destiny, or to pursue a strictly national 
policy. Each is molding each, and society must become the 
resultant of conflicting forces. Europe can neither be 
English, nor French, nor German, nor caur either nation 
retain the sharp distinctness of its own original outline. 

It remains to be seen what excellencies these mingled 
elements may exhibit, as they combine. Still Germany, 
France, and England, stamping their own characteristics 
upon the materials furnished by the ancient world, have 
each produced a national form of civilization, a form whick 


France shares with the other branches of the Latin family. 
In ihe same manner the Boman forms received the impress 
of the Oredan mind, and thus Greece herself softened and 
adorned the stately, gigantic grandeur of Egypt. Nor will 
it be easy to discorer any nation this side the deluge that 
has originated, strictly speaking, its modes of thought and 
expression, and its form of national life. Wherever we 
search, we find something still due to the past ; a former 
age has bequeathed its legacy of wisdom and experience. 

If, then, Bussia is able to avail herself of the materials 
which the age affords her, and can construct from them a 
national edifice which shall bear the impress of a distinct 
national character, the world must then admit that she 
possesses an originating power, and can produce a Bussian 
civilization, which, in the end perhaps, will assume the more 
definite, as well as m<Mre comprehensive name, Sclavonian. 
This she may do, although the style of her architecture and 
dress, her manufactures, tools, weapons, etc., have the Euro 
pean form. America presents an example of what is here 
intended. Through forms, which, with the exception of 
the political structure, are essentially European, there 
appears an individual, an American life, which, with each 
snooeeding year, will become more distinct and dominant, 
till the xdtimate result is reached, not an Anglo-Saxon, 
but an American civilization, separate and peculiar. 

The peq)le of the United States are continually reminded 
that they are mere blind imitatiors of what others perform, 
that ihey have no literature, or art, or science, of their 
own, or independent national life or character. Doubtless 
tills is, to a great extent, true, or rather it has been true. 
Still it should have been remembered, that nothing less 
than a miracle, on the most extended scale, could have 
enabled an English colony, with the task of subduing a 
continent on their hands, to present at once aU the 


phenomena of an independent national existence. The 
question should rather have been, whether a germ had been 
planted here, which in its maturity, should have not only a 
territory, but a name, a character, a history, of its own. 

Such considerations should not be lost sight of, in forming 
an estimate of the present condition and prospects of Bussia. 
For, although, if we adopt the mere reckoning of years, 
Bussia may be considered old, yet her true national career 
dates back not more than a hundred years, and indeed it 
was not until the reign of Catharine IL, that she first 
appeared as a great nation upon the theater of Europe. At 
the time of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, the 
population of the empire was about twelve millions, at the 
death of Peter the Great in 1725, about twenty millions, 
and at the ascension of Catharine IL, in 1763, about twenty- 
five millions. One hundred years, then, is quite as long a 
time as can reasonably be assigned as the true national life 
of the Muscovite nation, for the impulse given to the 
nation's growth by Peter the Great, was subsequently lost 
in a great degree, and the attempt to improve the country 
was made in a new direction. It is then quite too soon to 
charge Bussia with a want of original power ; tiie capaTnltiea 
of the Sclavonic race are yet but in the germ. 

In studying the future of this nation we should regard 
not so much the Bussia which now is, as that which is so 
rapidly forming itself from the mass of accumulated mate- 
rial. Travelers have deceived themselves and misled others, 
by dwelling upon and magnifying the fact of the existence 
of many rac^s within the limits <rf the empire, describing it 
as a mere aggregation which must soon fall asunder. They 
forget that there has been a rapid acquisition of territory 
and population, and that sufficient time has not yet elapsed 
to secure a complete consolidation of the mass. But had 
they looked a little beyond the external aspect of things. 


and studied with some care the actual movemen of the 
forces, which shape the course of the nation, they would 
have discovered a central life power which, with an almost 
unexampled energy, is diffusing itself through the whole 
national mass, assimilating or displacing whatever it 
touches, and aided in its operations by the settled policy 
of the government. They would have discovered one 
dominant race, compacted by every tie that can bind a 
people together, inspired by common hopes and a common 
ambiti(»i, wielding a power before which all else disap- 
pears, either by incorporation or removal, and which, unless 
arrested by the providence of God, will inevitably fill the 
vast territory of Russia with one single family, with one 
language, one literature, one government, and one religion. 
Of the mental characteristics of this race, then, we should 
gain, if possible, a distinct idea, in order to estimate the 
future — ^because the future will be the work of their hands. 
There are three methods of estimating the mental charac- 
teristics of a people. They may be studied, as exhibited in 
individuals, or in those public manifestations which are the 
expressions of national thought, or in the characters of 
those great men who sometimes stand forth as the expo- 
nents of their age, an individual expression of the charac- 
.teristics of a nation. The true Bussian possesses, in an 
eminent degree, energy, activity and fertility of resource. 
He is found in every pari <rf the empire, as a merchant, a 
mechanic, a peddler, a speculator, and in all society his is 
the ruling spirit ; he is the shrewd, successful man, to whom 
others give place — removed from his path by superior skill, 
or force, er fraud, as circumstances seem to demand. Society 
receives from him its impulse — ^new schemes are hatched in 
his brain — ^he drives the liharpest bargain — and, like other 
sharp men, he overreaches and deceives. Some travelers 
speak of him in terms that might have been borrowed from 


the descriptions given by southern men of the peddlers and 
dock-sellers from New England. The Eassian universally 
thinks or says he can. His disposition is to surmount 
obstacles, or sweep them from his path. He endures the 
toil, and labors hopefully on. 

De Custine, who was filled with true French disgust 
every moment while in Budsia, who saw almost nothing 
that he could approve^ has, nevertheless, recorded this 
national characteristic as a noble trait. He says : '* One 
of the most attractive traits in their character, at least in 
my opinion, is their dislike to objections ; they refuse to 
recognise either difficulties or obstacles. With his hatchet 
in his hand, which he never lays aside, a Russian peasant 
triumphs over accidents and predicaments which would 
altogether stop the villagers of our own provinces, and he 
answers * yes ' to everything that is demanded of him.'' In 
such a character, there are, at least, the elements of power, 
and a capacity for progress. The native force of the mind 
may, in the uncultivated and unregenerate man, break 
forth in acts of unkindness and cruelty, but this same 
strength, if properly directed, might also be employed in 
creating a national power that would- bless the world. 

His versatility of talent and power of imitation, render 
the Russian a most successful scholar, and he makes rapid 
progress in whatever he undertakes. The raw recruit is 
transformed, in an incredibly short period, into one per- 
forming correctly the evolutions of the regular soldier, and 
assumes, with great facility, the air of the camp. He is 
capable of being metamorphosed, as suddenly, into a trades- 
man, a mechanic, or a peddler. He is crafty, and to a 
remarkable degree insinuating in his address, and without 
being distinguished for muscular strength, is capable of 
great endurance. 

The Russian can scarcely be considered as possessing the 


military spirit, in the ordinary acceptance of that phrase. 
His nature does not prompt him to arm himself and sally 
forth in quest of adventure and conquest. He is neither a 
sea-king to rove the seas for booty, nor a knight-errant, 
fighting for renown, and the mere love of battle. He plana 
no revolutionary uprisings for the rights of universal 
humanity. He is more inclined to the peaceful arts of 
agriculture, manufactures and trade, wherein his skill And 
cunning can be exercised, and where success is obtained by 
superior activity and address, rather than by blows. As a 
fighter, he is distinguished more by resistance than aggres- 
sion. His enemy shouts as victor in the first (mset, but is 
generally exhausted by victory, and in the end destroyed. 
He conquers not in the assault, but in his defense. 

The Russian army, therefore, has heretofore, been far 
more formidable at home than abroad. For although the 
Bussian prefers peace to battle, he defends his property and 
his country to the last extremity. No candid man will fail 
to perceive that a race possessing the qualifications which 
observers attribute to the true Bussia|i, is capable of a 
higher form of civilization than the nation yet has reached. 
Fifty millions of people, with these characteristics, can not 
fail to make an impression upon the world. And, although 
the highest forms of genius have not yet been manifested, 
there «*e germs of intellectual power, whose future expan- 
sion may surpass the present expectations of the world. 
Bussia needs the development which another century will 
give her, before her capabilities can be correctly estimated. 
The progress of the nation for the last hundred years cor- 
responds, in a remarkable degree, to the course of the indi- 
vidual Bussian. What he is to individuals of other races^ 
Bussia has been, and is, to the nations on her frontier. She 
has made an aggressive progress, and without direct wars of 
conquest, has continued to absorb one portion of territory 


after another, till she has swallowed up the contigaous 
countries, or important portions of their domain. 

Another method of determining the mental qualities of 
a people, is. by observing the public manifestations of 
tliought/ in whidi the general mind of a peqple will embodj 
itself, such as their public works and institutions, their 
national policy, the national structure which becomes the 
exponent of the popular thought. Such productions are 
often ascribed to the genius of the individual mind, and a 
Bation is often regarded as the creation of its great men, 
molded by them as day in the hands of the potter. But 
this idea should be received with important qualifications* 
The man of genius, in whatever department he moves, is 
in great degree the exponent of national thought, which 
through him obtains expression, and he becomes a national 
favorite because each one beholds at least a partial revelatioa 
of himself* When a great poet arises, it is as if the hitherto 
dumb nation had found its speech. Similar thoughts had 
been long floating chaotically through the popular mind — 
thousands of hearts had been stirred with similar feelings, 
and at last all are delighted to find them so well expressed* 
The national soul has found its interpreter. Even when 
the poet, like Shakspeare, addresses himself to universal 
humanity, his work still bears the individual impress of his 
nation. Shakespeare is the poet of the race, but his poem 
is English still. There was a basis in the English mind for 
such a production as his. Bums gave an articulate expres- 
sion to the thoughts and feelings of the Scottish peasantry, 
and, wh^^ver we direct inquiry, an individual national mind 
is found, which, by the aid of genius, finds expression in 
national works and institutions. 

The wondrous creations which made glorious the valley of 
the Nile are not to be regarded as simply the oonoeptions of 
individual artists, but as expressions of national thought. 


The grandenr has clothed itaelf in Egyptian farms, the enor- 
mous structures enshrining the vastness and elegance of 
EgTptTifci thought. They exhibited the indiyidnality of the 
national liiind. So, also, the poets^ the orators, the statesmen^ 
the philosophers, the artists of Greece, were all formed after 
a Grrecian intellectaal model ; there was a national Grecian 
sool that molded the genius of the individual. If we study 
a nation as a whole, in all its productions, in all its actions, 
in the chm'acter and direction of its public ^orts, we behold 
in them, all combined, but the legitimate out^growth c£ the 
national mind, the outward forms in which the thought <^ 
the nadon lias expressed itself — even as a plant unfolds 
itself from its germs. 

Russia, when judged by this standard, will neither appear 
like a mere barbarian, nor as only the servile imitator of 
the rest of Europe. In the national structure which she 
is erecting, there are already individual features, and a 
largeness of conception, that give promise of a future 
greatness which shall be known as her own, bearing the 
impress of the Bassian mind. Her territorial idea, which 
she is so rapidly working out, is the grandest conception of 
the kind, of modem times— ^perhaps of any age. Bonaparte 
himself, unless in s<mie of his day-dreams of an Eastern 
Empire, with its capital at Alexandria or Constantinople, 
never conceived of such a kingdcan as that whose image 
fills tiie national mind of Bussia as a definite object of 
pursuit, and toward which she has thus far made a steady 
advance. There is much more of folly than of wisdom in 
sneering at a nation which proposes for itself an entire 
that rests one broad wing on the Atlantic, and the other 
on the Pacific, with one capital controlling the Baltic and 
the adjacwit seas, and the other on the Dardanelles — ^and 
which has so nearly converted her original conception, vast 
as it is, into a historic reality. There is grandeur even in 


the thought of such a dominion, and we may well marvel 
how it could have (originated with a people that was hemmed 
in on every side by surrounding nations, more powerful 
than themselves, without a ship, or even a sea^port ; but 
when we behold that secluded race expanding itself on every 
side, swelling out to the proportions of its great idea, devis- 
ing the means by which it has wrought successfully on 
toward its ultimate purpose, until it seems now to have 
nearly reached its goal, in q>ite of the opposition of Europe, 
it is far wiser to study such a fact, than to turn away with a 
scoff at the ^' barbarians." 

It is simply absurd to deny that the successful working 
out of such an idea, is a task which can be executed only 
by a people capable of greatness. The morality of Russian 
progress is no more to be admired or defended than are the 
national acts of the other Powers of Europe, or even the 
method of our own growth, but viewed as a creation of 
human intellect, and, throwing out of sight the means 
employed, Bussia, as she is, may well challenge the respect 
of the world. The morality of her national acts will 
scarcely suffer in comparison with that of her eiviUzed 
neighbors. The treachery, fraud, oppression and cruelty 
of others, do not, of course, justify her own similar acts, 
but England, France, and even America, might well shed 
some penitential tears over portions of their own territory 
before they sit in judgment upon Bussia. 

Again, the conception of her plan of national defense, 
and her execution of the work, is an exhibition of the char^ 
acter of the Bussian mind. She has not only created a 
powerful navy, but she has constructed for this navy places 
of security, where the two great maritime Powers of the 
world have not, as yet, in two campaigns, been able to touch 
an important prise. I%e holds still her naval treasures 
safe for her future need. Her great fortifications have 


been bailt on a scale of grandeur,^ and have been equipped 
with a Bcienoe irhicb baffles as yet the military skill of 
Europe, and these^ too, are exponents of the national mind» 
and are proofs of its capacity. The same vastness of idea 
characterizes the whole military establishment of the 
eoxmtrjy and is also stamped npon the schools, and indeed 
upon every department of the government. There is not 
seen as yet, perhaps, a perfect adaptation of part to part, 
in the great machine, bnt there is a largeness of idea that 
gives promise of a most imposing future. 

The idea so often insisted upon, that all this is the work 
of foreiguers, is as puerile as that with which England 
pleased herself so long, that our naval victories were won 
by the valor of English sailors, on board our ships. Russia 
is doubtless Wgely indebted to foreign sdienee and skill, 
and BO also is America But this foreign aid has only 
served, in both countries, to assist the growth of the native 
mind, and the foreign effort has been shaped by the national 
modeL With all the assistance which has been rendered, 
Bussia is not a foreign nation, and America is American 
still. The diplomacy ci a nation also affords a criterion 
whereby to judge of national capabilities. Russian intel- 
lect has long been tested in the councils of Europe, in its 
encounter with the most cultivated and distinguished men 
of the surrounding nations, and no one has yet pretended 
that the diplomatic agents of the Czar have been deficient 
in talent or skill, or that they have been wanting in 

On the omtrary, Russia has enlarged and enridbed her* 
self more by her skill in negotiation, than by the conquests 
of her armies. She is, it is true, largely accused of dupli- 
city, and even fraud and bribery, but until the hands of 
other Powers have been somewhat cleansed, such charges 
may be regarded, perhaps, as an expression of those who 


haye been losers in a game where all parties alike wez6 
endeayoring to play with marked cards and loaded dioe. 
Had Bnssia possessed no eapacity bat such as manifests 
itself in treachery and conning, a lofty and unspotted integ- 
rity on the part of the other Powers, might have baffled 
her long ago; bat there is much reason for believing that 
the Czar and his ministers have merely foiled the neigh- 
boring cabinets in the use of their iywn weapons. Bussian 
diplomacy, it mast be confessed, is not distinguished for 
frankness and integrity, but it certainly evinces great 
sagacity, and ccmsummate skill, while it is not easy to show 
that in her political morality she has fallen below the 
standard of her cotemporaries. The vast conception of an 
empire, which she holds steadily before her mind, and which 
by gigantic effort she has well-nigh realized, her immense 
military system, with the resources she has aoeumulated, 
the science and skill evinced in her admirable schools and 
other govemmentf^ institutiens, the style of her one modem 
city, and the success of her diplomacy, are all so many 
witnesses that indicate the power and the characteristics of 
Bussian mind. 

The Bussian empire, as it now is, huge, imposing, 
impregnable as it seems as yet to be, is the production of 
Bussian thought, as truly as was the Egyptian or Grecian 
civilization the proper out-growth of the national mind. The 
national idea is one of grand propcMrtions, it has taken full 
possession of the public thought, and it lies clearly defined 
even before the mind of the Bussian peasant. It h|ui 
shaped itself into a settled public policy, and this policy is 
the expression of the desires, and hopes, and determinations 
of the great Bussian family. Bussia gravitates by a law of 
her national life, toward Constantinople ; her never-ceasing 
endeavor is to realize the national conception of the empire, 
and in all her operations she has exhibited a capacity for 


enlarged thought, a power of extensive comhination, and a 
skillful adaptation of means to ends, not second to any 
Power in Europe. If she is still to he considered only as a 
harharian nation, then, in some important branches, civili- 
zation may weU become the pupil q£ barbarism. 

Another method of determining the diaracteristics of a 
race, and of measuring its capabilities, is by studying its 
great men. A truly great man is the exponent of his age 
and nation. He combines in himself the chief qualities of 
his race. Li the youth of a nation, a great man is in him- 
self a prediction and guaranty of national greatness; in its 
manhood he represents his country as she is ; in its decay he 
is but a proud memorial of the past. Thus Hildebrand 
was the true prophet of the Boman Catholic Church. He 
first conceived, and clearly defined the great idea which 
has since been the center of its life, and shape, and growth. 
Charlemagne was the individual expression of his age* 
Alexander was the true exponent of the Macedonian thought. 
Lonis XIV. was the embodied France of that age, and 
Chatham exhibited England in her proudest hour ; and the 
men of the American Bevolution were predictions of the 
American future. In the same manner Nicholas may be 
regarded as the true exponent of Bussia as she is, and the 
earnest of what she will become. He was not only thor- 
oughly Russian in feeling and aims, but he so combined in 
himself the chief qualities of Bussian character, as to be a 
tme representative of his nation, and Bussia may be pro- 
perly studied in him. He was more thoroughly Bussian 
than any other man in the empire, though his family was 
in part of German origin. 

But the future of Bussia will be shaped not alone by 
Busdana, but by the combined power of the great Sclavonic 
race, organized around a common center, and working out 
the problem of a common national life. 


The Actual Progress of the Russian Empire. 

In connection with these observations npon the character- 
istics of Russian mind, it is interesting to consider the 
actual progress of the Empire, and observe whether it cor- 
responds to these supposed capabilities of the race, and in 
what direction the national effort has been made. It will 
be seen that the policy of the nation has been steadily 
shaped toward certain definite aims, that have not been lost 
sight of, at least for a hundred years, while Nicholas has 
been the first to conceive a truly national scheme fitted to 
accomplish the national purpose. This purpose embraced 
several distinct points, viz : general territorial enlargement, 
the control of the Baltic and the adjacent seas, the control 
of the Black Sea and the Dardanelles, an outlet for her 
Siberian possessions on the Pacific, and a station there for a 
great eastern naval depot for a Pacific fleet and the East 
Indian commerce. In 1452, at the time of the fall of the 
Oreek Empire, the territory of Russia was estimated at 
a little more than two hundred thousand square miles, not 
quite equal to four States of the size of Illinois, and its 
population was only about six millions. It had not a single 
seaport, nor any independent method of communication 
with the commerce of the world. At the accession of Peter 
the Great, in 1689, the territory had been increased to 


nearly four millions of s(][uare miles, while the popula- 
tion was still but fifteen millions. At the present time, 
her territory is considered to be equal to about seven 
millions square miles, and her population is variously esti- 
mated from seventy millions to eighty millions. The fol- 
lowing account of the steps of Bussiaa progress, is taken* 
from Alison's History of Europe: 

1721. — The battle of Pultowa and the treaty of Neustadt 
gave the Bussians the province of Livonia, and the 
site where Cronstadt and St. Petersburgh now stand. 

1772. — ^The frontier of the Empire, on the side of Poland, 
was brought down to the Dwina and the Dnieper. 

1774. — ^By the treaty of Kainajdji, the Muscovite standard 
was brought down to the Crimea, and the Sea of Azoffl 
At about the same time acquisitions from Tartary 
were made, larger than the whole German Empire. 

1783. — The Bussian sway was extended over the Crimea, 
^ and the vast plains which stretch between the Euxine 
and the Caspian, as far as the foot of the Caucasus. 

1792. — ^The treaty of Jassy advanced the frontier to the 
Dniester, and Odessa was brought beneath their rule. 

1793. — In this year they obtained command (rf Lithuania. 

1794. — ^The Bussians extended their frontier to the Vistula, 
and nearly half of the old kingdom of Poland was 
obtained. The peace of Tilsit rounded their eastern 
frontier by a considerable province. 

1809. — ^Bussia attained the whole of Finland, as far as the 
Gulf of Bothnia. 

1812. — Her southern frontier was extended to the Pruth, 
and she gained partial possession of the mouths of the 

1800 to 1814. — Many conquests were made from the Per- 
sians and Circassians, and Georgia obtainetd. 


1815. — The Grand Duchy of Warsaw was added to the 

1828. — The Araxes became the BOuthem frontier of tlieir 
Asiatic territories. 

1884. — The Dardanelles were dosed to armed vessels, and 
the Black Sea was open only to her ships of war; and 
whether France and England will suceeed in holding 
open the gates of the Eaxine, or whether they will 
be closed forever against them> remains yet to be seen. 

Since the above dates, additicmal territory has been 
obtained in Poland ; a province has been gained from China, 
on the Pacific, which gives Bassia the command of the 
riv«r Amoor, navigable in. the direction of south-eastern 
Siberia, for m<H:e than a thousand miles, and affording a 
most important naval statiim at its mouth. In addition to 
this, such are her relations to Denmark and Sweden, that 
she must, ere long, command entirely the Baltic 

Such has been the actual progress of Russia, and such is 
her present position. With her position, resources, and 
means of defense sufficient to arrest the combined power 
of France and England at one of her outposts, it is difficult 
to understand how a reasonable man can entertain the idea 
that Russia can now be persuaded or compelled to abandon 
the settled policy which is interwoven with the thoughts 
and desires of the whole nation, surrender those advan- 
tages which it has cost the labor of a century, and an 
immense expenditure of life and treasure to obtain, and 
give up the very purposes for which the Russian govern- 
ment exists. Russia has too strong a faith in her national 
mission, to be easily checked in her career, or to be turned 
permanently aside from the line of her nation's march. 
The demands which the Allies have made upon her, require 
a oomj^ete revolution in her national policy, the surrender 


(£ her settled scheme of Empire. They ask indeed, that 
modem Bassia should cease to exist, and that the Empire 
should be rolled back a hundred years in policy and posi- 
tion, and should return to its former state of seclusion. 
France and England have virtually demanded that Bussia 
should retire from the field of Europe, and yield the con- 
trol of the world to them ; and it may be safely predicted, 
that the Muscovite wiU never do this while he has people 
and arms. If the Allies choose to force upon Bussia a 
struggle for national existense, they must beware the con» 




Bnssia is aiming at a Civilization distinct from the forms of Weetem 


The popular opinion conoeming Busaia may, perhaps, be 
expressed in a single sentence. Her government is a hor- 
rible despotism, and she is the determined foe of liberty — 
the chief barrier to European progress. This assumption 
underlies all the attempts which have been made, both in 
Europe and America, to arouse against her the indignation 
of the world. Another outcry is popular on both sides of 
the Atlantic, that the ferocious Northern Bear is about to 
seize and devour the Lamb of Turkey, and an armed world 
is bound to rush to the rescue. If this were disinterested 
benevolence, if those who raise the cry were not so anxious 
to be the guardians of the lamb, for the sake of the fleece, 
or to appropriate it entirely to their own use, it would be 
entitled to more respect. But if the lion wars against the 
bear, merely because he desires the prey himself, it is not 
needful, on this account, that American sympathies should 
be strongly excited. Another English charge against Bus- 
sia is made more particularly for home consumption. It is 
that Bussia will not consent to adopt the free trade system, 
and render herself, on that account a huge dependency of 
England, but insists on protecting her own industry, and 
applies herself to the steady development of her own 



resoaroes. Bossia thus threatens to become the competitor 
cf England in the markets of the world, and so England 
sends forth her fleets and armies, in the name of progress 
and liberty, to cripple and arrest her too rapid growth. 

The charge that Bussia is a c<dd-hearted despotism, and 
that she is the chief opponent of European civilization, 
should be studied in the light of some facts which seem to 
have received little attention from many of those who are 
striving to stir up the human race against hex. She is 
diaping a civilization of her own, distinct from that of 
western Europe, based on a separate idea, and intended for 
a separate race, and in connection with a distinct form of 
veligion. The value of this, her national conception, can 
only be estimated by studying carefully the genius of her 
own people, and also the condition of the rest of Europe, 
and the character of the influences by which the western 
nations are controlled. The system of Bussia is intended 
for a separate and peculiar race ; her national idea is not 
only Sclavonic in its origin, but it is Sclavonic also in its 
design. It is a home system, a family institution on a 
great scale, which she wishes to conduct upon a model of 
her own ; and before she is utt^ly condemned, it would be 
well to take a calm survey of the actual state of affiUrs of 
£urope. Three distinct forms of civilization are at this 
fiooment struggling for preeminence on the field of westeni 
Europe— the Papal, which allies itself to civil despotism ; the 
infidel democratic ; and the Protestant, which connects itself 
with the idea of constitutional liberty. These thxee sys^ 
terns are quite distinct from eadi other in theory, and aro* 
separate as actual movements, though the friends of eacb 
are not yet drawn into separate communities. 

It is necessary to study the dmracter of each of these 
foarces, now contending for the mastery in western £nrop?» 
"before we can be prepared to form an accurate opinion of 


the policy of Bussia. The central idea of the Papaqr, upon 
which the whole system is based, is this : the Bomaa Cath^ 
olie Church is the one only true church of the world — that 
out of her pale, there neither is, nor can be^salvation-^thaii 
to her, as the one true church, belongs the supreme power 
of the world, vested in her head, the Pope — ^and that he, 
reigning in the stead and by the authority ei Jesus Christ 
himself, is the rightful king of kings, and that he, at hia 
pleasure, may plant or subvert all civil power, as subser- 
vient to the proper authority of the church ; and that it is 
his duty to overthrow every government which rejects the 
Boman Catholic communion, because it is heretical. Infal- 
lible in doctrine, she claims it to be her duty to prescribe a 
faith for all men, and she considers the mission of the 
Bomish <5hurch to be, to stretch its scepter over all the 
earth, to embrace all the kingdoms of the world in one 
universal monarchy, of which she, by the appointment of 
Ood himself, is the rightful head. This may be called the 
<< Bill of Bights'' of the Catholic Church, the Magna Charta 
which she has granted to the nations — the right to be gov- 
erned in all things, temporal and spiritual, by the Pope — 
the heaven-appointed head of the one true church. 

A right granted to all kings to receive their crowns at his 
hands, and from all men in authority to derive their 
authority from him, and the right to be punished as heretics 
if they assert the right of private judgment, or of inde- 
pendent government. This is tiie one unchangeable idea 
of the Papacy — ^the essential nucleus of her system, the 
center of its life — ^to reign supreme over all the world, as 
the true representative of Jesus Christ, ruling in his stead, 
and wielding his authority as lord of lords and king of 
kings. This idea, from the time it was first proclaimed by 
Hildebrand, has never been abandoned, never lost sight of 
.in her daxkest hours, never despaired of sftnid her sorest 


defeats* This scheme, which seems worthy both of the 
intellect and the pride of the lost archangel himself, is 
pressed at this time, with fresh activity and zeal, upon the 
attention of the world ; and it presents a very grave subject 
of thought, that, in this nineteenth century, when, accord- 
ing to the boast of some, the world has passed so far beyond 
the reach of every form of superstitution, the renewal of 
the most absurd pretensions of the Catholic Church, instead 
of repelling all men from her, is adding to her popularity 
and strength. It has not been without a profound know- 
ledge of human character, that the leaders of the Papacy 
have put forth the new dogma of the Immaculate Concep> 
tion. It is not the offspring of a mere puerile conceit, but 
of a clear-seeing sagacity, which^ knowing the weakness of 
men, uses it for its own purposes, and which understands 
perfectly that no mere intellectual progress, no. influences 
of what we call modem improvement can, of themselves, 
save men from the grossest superstitution, or secure them 
against the vilest imposture of a religious character. 

So far as mere worldly policy is concerned, the Boman 
Catholic Churdi is wise in assmning the loftiest ground of 
Hildebrand, and the Innocents. The very loftiness of her 
demands, bcndering even upon absurdity, will secure the 
respect and belief of thousands. The same world that 
scoffs at moderate pretensions, is inclined to worship the 
man that resolutely persists in declaring himself a god. 
In reviving thesrefore, the most preposterous demand of 
their church in the Middle Ages, and in adding thereto the 
new dogma of the Immaculate Conception, the leaders of 
the Papacy are really playing a safer game with the credu- 
lity of the world, than if they had moderated their 
pretensions. The lUmiish Church, as a mere religious 
denomination, one church among many, is simply a con- 
temptible juggler, that could not command the respect of 


the lowegt ; bat that same church, expanded to the gigantic 
proportions of the rightful ruler of the world, walking in 
queenly robes^ and wearing the triple crown, demanding 
homage and obedience as the vicegerent of the Lord Jesus, 
will excite wonder, and fear, and even the spirit of wor- 
ship, though in the nineteenth century, and amid railroads, 
and printing-presses, and telegraphs. 

A church that proposes to stoop to the level of human 
reason, and make herself and her doctrines fully understood 
by the unregenerate mind, will obtain such measure of 
regard as the rationalist is willing to bestow — ^no more. 
But a church that throws itself above reason, that commands 
the obedience of reason, in the name of God, will make 
even the philosopher tremble* For this reason, ve often 
behold some proud and lofty intellect rejecting the truths 
of salvation as taught by the Protestant Church, yielding 
itself to the pretensions of Bomanism, or mastered by a 
pride and audacity superior to its own. To abate one tittle 
of her proudest claims would be fatal to the Bomish 

The strong re-actionary movement of the Boman Catholic 
Church throughout Christendom is one of the most signi* 
ficant facts oS the present time. A short time since,, ii 
seemed as if her power was broken forever. She appeai?ed 
to be not only at the mercy of the people, but to be rejected 
by them and doomed to destruction. The Pope fled before 
the revolutionary wave, and most periiaps supposed that 
the long-predicted overthrow of the Papacy had finally 
come. It seemed altogether improbable that its influence 
could be again restored, and many looked f<»: the speedy 
triumph of Protestantism in Europe. Now, that Papfd 
power has not only arisen from its apparent defeat, but ia 
wielding, at this moment, the controling influence of western 
Europe; scorning all companionship with the world that 


attaeked her, she re-asserts all the prondest daims of the 
chBrdi in the hour when monarchs bowed before her, and 
has made a great and skillful eflFort for the recovery of her 
supremacy over the nations. Once more her Jesuits are 
busy in embroiling the world. In Jerusalem^ at Constan- 
tinople, in the court of France, they fan the fires of strife^ 
and direct the western Powers npwi Russia. The jealousy, 
ambition, and pride of England are successfully played upon, 
until she marches her armies under the guidance of a Papal 
flag, while every effort is made to win the nation aa a 
whole back to the support of the Pope. 

In the United States a well concerted and persevering 
attadc is made upon the very life of American Protestant 
institutions; the money of Europe is freely used for our 
overthrow ; the strife of parties is emplc^ed to weaken the 
natiimal sentimeitt ; the same spirit which has directed the 
armies of France and England upon Russia, is excited in 
regard to our own country, and there wants but the fitting 
opportunity, and we may expect an armed attack originating 
in the same motives which gave rise to the war on Russia. 
The Papal power is in the ascendancy in the councils of 
western Europe, and all influences tend swiftly to a combi- 
natiim of the Latin nations, with France to lead them, on 
wfaidi new union of these civil Powers, the Papal thrcHie 
will rest once more, for a time at least, securely. This is 
one of the forms of civilization which are now in conflict 
with each other in Europe. Its ambition is as wide as the 
globe, it aims at nothing less than the supreme dominion 
over all nations. History records the meaas which it has 
been accustomed to employ to secure its ends, and these 
same methods it will use again when occasion offers, with 
whatever new instrumentalities the modem world is able 
to suj^ly. What this power can do for the world ia 
already known. 



The condition of society where the Papacy has had nndia- 
puted sway is too clearly marked to admit of a mistake 
The sickening monuments of her misrule stand thick upon 
the earth. Liberty has been crushed, public and private 
morality has been destroyed, industry has been crippled, 
and thought has been repressed. Yet, inexplicable as it 
may appear, upon any theory of the supposed advance which 
the human mind has made in these days of light and phi- 
losophy, the nations are rallying once more, in an unexpected 
manner, around the Papal throne. Thercp may be much 
which is merely political in the movement, but there is 
nothing in the moral or mental condition of Eur(^ which 
forbids the idea that the Papacy may yet bind the people 
of the west of Europe by an earnest faith in her preten- 
sions. The science, and steam, and railroads, and printing 
presses of the nineteenth century have not lifted men above 
the influence of superstition or religious imposture. On the 
contrary, just in proportion as man recedes from the true 
light and Grod, is his liability to embrace false religion, and 
there is but a step between the present infidelity of Europe 
and the blindest superstitions of the Boman Catholic 

Against the Papal form of civilization, Bussia would be 
strongly and watchfully opposed, from two principal consid- 
erations : Eirst, since the separation of the original church 
into the Latin and Greek churches, the Papal Power has 
waged constant warfare upon the Greek church, and has 
left no measure untried to move or force it into subjection 
to the Papal scepter. The quarrel between the two churches 
has been carried on for almost a thousand years ; it is bitter 
and irreconcilable. Bussia — ^as the present head or rqxre- 
sentative of the Greek church — is the inheritor of this 
ancient religious war, and, of course, would regard with 
watchful jealousy any movement of the ancient enemy of 


her moUier chnrch, and nov equally an enemy to herself. 
Uore especially would the BuBsian government guard itself 
against the power of the Soman Catholic church in the 
latter portion of the reign of Nicholas, when the movement 
among the Latin nations in favor of the Papacy has heen 
80 marked, and when a disposi^on has been growing in 
England unfriendly to Bussia, and a tendency to unite with 
tiie Papal Powers against her. The Boman Catholic church 
is not only the most bitter foe of Bussia^ as head of the 
Greek church, but she has been busy in arraying western 
Europe for the overthrow of the power of tiie Czar. Bussia 
standa in opposition to the Papaqr from the necessity of 

The very same feeling which has roused the American 
mind in regard to the Papal Power and its designs and 
aggressions, has excited the Bussian nation also, and with 
far more reason, for the attacks upon Bussia have been more 
palpable and open ; it was but too evident that Borne was 
uming at the prosperity, and even the life of Bussia, and 
therefore Nicholas was on his guard. The sense of danger, 
and the necessity of uniting his people for self-defense by 
tiie power of one national faith, induced Nicholas to sepa- 
rate some Bussian communities from a union with the 
Boman Catholic church, and this has been denounced as 
Ugotry and intolerance. The EUnburgh Jteview^ for April, 
1855, says : *' He gave a persecuting character to the Bus- 
siaB church, and waged a war of a sanguinary character 
against the Boman Catholic faith in Poland.'^ If a man is 
justified in defending his home from the intrigues of a spy, 
or the meditated violence of an enemy, then is the Bussian 
government not to be blamed for repelling everywhere in 
its dominions the influence of the Papacy. 

The Czar was not blind to the character or designs of 
the Papal church, nor of ihe obvious t6nden<7 of affairs in 


Europe, and one necessary preparation for the blow which 
has been at last struck at Bussia, was to exclude as far as 
possible, Cc^holic influences from his dominions. There 
was no other safe course left for him to pursue. As a sov- 
ereign and protector of the interests <^ a vast country, he 
waB bound to protect her against the presence and machi- 
nations of his country^s hereditary, most active, and moat 
bitter foe. If he performed his duty with severity or 
cruelty, for this he should be held responsible ; but Ameri- 
cans, who are themselves awaking to a sense of the necessity 
of destroying the influence (rf the Papacy in the United 
States, or run the risk of destruction at its hands, will 
never join in an outcry against the Czar, because he was 
not disposed to permit the Papal Power to provide the means 
of annoyance or injury within his own dominions. Nicholas 
knew full well that no art of Jesuitism would be left untried 
to excite the spirit of dissatisfaction and to stir up revolt 
among his Polish subjects, and, with the enemy nourished 
and sheltered in the bosom of Poland, how could he be pre- 
pared for that attack which he knew sooner or later would 
come from western Europe. With a strong Papal influence 
in Poland, where would now be the security of Bussia iu 
that pc«ijion of her territory, and how soon the Allied Powers 
would be able to kindle there the fires of insurrection. 

A sound and justifiable policy dictated the exclusion of 
all Papal influence from the dominions of Bussia, and 
Americans, instead of condemning the Czar for the use of 
any proper measures for obtaining security from Jesuitical 
schemes, would show a statesman-like wisdom if they should 
look more narrowly than ever at the intrigues amd designs 
of the Papacy here. 

A second phase of civilization in Europe is the form 
aimed at by the Bevolutionary movement — ^that which seeks 
ike establishment of Democratic institutions. To this. 


doabtless, Nicholas was inflexibly opposed, and therefore he is 
denounced as the foe to progress, and the enemy of freedom. 
To favor this idea England and France are guilty of the 
mockery of inscribing Liberty on their banners when they 
march against the Muscovite. However strongly the Czar 
may be opposed to Bepublican institutions, he is fully 
matched in this q>position by Louis Napoleon, and the 
Engli A nobility, while the hatred of the latter of any rule 
of the people, any form of truly popular institutions is more 
cordial than that of the Czar himself. Let the candid 
American reader once place himself in the position of the 
Emperor of Bussia, let him look out on the revolutionary 
spirit of Europe from his point of view, and then he will be 
able better to understand, if he does not approve, the motives 
of the Czar, in opposing the democratic movement, as earn- 
estly as he does the power of the Boman Catholic Church. In 
the first place, it should be considered that an American starts 
with a deceitful •assumption in regard to the democratic 
movement in Europe. He very naturally looks upon those 
engaged in it as he would upon so many Americans seeking 
a rational liberty embodied in republican forms, such as 
that for which our fathers toiled and died. But American 
Protestant republicanism, is a widely different theory from 
that of European democracy. Let this difference be borne 
in mind, and let it be remembered also that while Bussia 
has steadily opposed European democracy, she has been as 
uniformly the friend of America, and perhaps the motives 
of the Emperor may then be better understood. A firm, 
undoubting religious faith, and a regard for properly con- 
stituted authority, are among the controlling ideas of the 
Bussian mind. This faith is doubtless obscured by super- 
stition, but still it is faith, thougn blindfolded and led 
astray, a faith strong enough to form one of the mightiest 
elements of national power. The respect for authority is 


ako allied to a blind reverence even for despotism, but 
tben, every Christian mind will acknowledge that withont 
these elements, viz: a religions faith, and a regard for 
proper authority, there can not be a State. The founda- 
tions of government are wanting where these absent. 
How then would a man like Nicholas, educated in the forma 
and theories of his national church, cherishing as an indi- 
vidual an undoubting faith, and observant of the forms of 
worship, and referring all earthly authority^ even his own, 
to God, regarding it as resting upon the Divine sanction, 
how would he look upon the democratic theories of modem 
Europe ? He, in common with the rest of the world, would 
regard the whole movement as the direct fruit of the 
French revolution, and that would stand inseparably con- 
nected in his mind, with the invasion of his country, and 
thiB burning of Moscow. He, and every other Bussian would 
from these associations be led to look upon every thing savop- 
.ing of French opinions with extreme suspicion, or even 
with disgust. 

It is not necessary, therefore, to regard the feelings and 
policy of Bussia concerning the republican spirit of Europe, 
as arising rnerdy from a love (^ tyranny or a hatred of eon* 
stitutional forms of government. The Czar may well be 
excused if he should dierish strong feelings of distrust, and 
even dislike, of that ^irit which, receiving its birth in 
France, rushed forth for the overthrow of all the constituted 
forms of society, which regarded nothing astound, and 
from which nothing was safe, which swept over his own 
native land like a storm, and wrapped in flames some of the 
ehief cities of his empire. 

Again, the emperor of Bussia from the very neoessitiea 
of his education and belief, as well as the facts in the case, 
would look upon the democratic spirit of Europe as the 
q^irit of atheism. It would be considered by him as an 



impious attempt to eBtablish a government independent of 
the antbority of God. To him it was a proposition to sub- 
vert the whole structure of society, to banish from the world 
morality and religion, to create a State, and institute a 
society, which should lie without the jurisdiction of God. 
Looking at the theory of the French philosophers of the 
revolution, at the results actually reached in reducing that 
theory to practice, how could a Bassian prince regard it but 
B& the spirit of atheism arrayed against every form of 
belief and worship, the spirit of lawlessness bent upcm 
the levelling of all distinctions and the overthrow of every 
description of authority. Nor was the Bussian emperor sin- 
gular in such opinions. The most candid and judicious 
everywhere, while thankful for such good as was accom- 
plished by the wild outbreak among the nations, headed by 
France, have regarded atheism as the central idea and 
moving power of that bloody era. It was not so much an 
attempt to obtain a rational freedom, as the annihilation 
of every form of authority, and the removal of all restraint 
from the individual man. It was an effort to live without 
God in the world, upon the asssumption that the authority 
of a government rests upon human compacts, and not upon 
God himself, thus annihilating the moral power of a State, 
and substituting instead the mere will of a present majority, 
with no recognition of the eternal right, and wrong, nor of 
God as the ultimate Judge and Supreme Legislator. Not 
can it be denied that this is the character and scope of the 
radical democratic movement of Europe now. Doubtless 
there are many good and true men, who sympathize with 
the disposition to overthrow both the civil and ecclesiastical 
despotism of the continent, and who desire for the people a 
freedom based upon a Protestant faith, but this is not char- 
aeteristic of the modern revolutioncury spirit as a whole. In 
its essential principles it is the antagonism of religion aa 


well as of monarchical forms of government. It abjures a 
Protestant faith as decidedly as the belief in the supremacy 
of the Pope. It rejects the cross as scornfully as the wor- 
ship of saints. It places the Bible among the inventions 
of a priesthood, and the legends of monks. It substitutes 
a holiday for the Sabbath, and the theater, the saloon, and 
the club-house, for the worship of the sanctuary. Such is 
this movement in Europe in its most radical forms, such 
was its spirit as manifested in the French revolution, and 
such do we behold it in thousands who have made our own 
country their home. 

European democracy must not be mistaken for, nor con- 
founded with American republicanism. They have more 
points of antagonism than resemblance. The type of the 
one must be sought in the atheistic movement which was 
originated by the French philosophers of the Revolution, 
while the true model of the other is to be found in Ameri- 
can society as it existed in the colonies and in the era of our 
Eevolution. It separates man from his God, and recognizes 
no higher rule for human action than the present will of 
the present majority. This is the form of civilization which 
Red Republicanism would establish in Europe, and this also 
is the movement to which Russia has stood inflexibly 
opposed. That she has met it with the watchful spirit of 
despotic power is doubtless true. That she has been jealous 
of every movement in favor of popular liberty in Europe, 
is also true — ^but it is also a fact, that the movements of 
the people have partaken of the infidel democratic spirit, 
with the single exception of Hungary, and how far that 
should form an exception, we are not now prepared to judge. 
Had that revolution, however, became a general one, em- 
bracing Italy, Germany and France, its character would 
have been that which has just been described, for such is 
the type of European democracy as a whole. 


The interference of Btissia in Hungary, unjustifiable as 
it was by any moral rule, was not a crusade against liberty, 
but a stroke of policy to secure Austria against that hour 
of need which now has come. Its sagacity as a measure of 
state policy, is suflSciently shown by the late negotiations, 
and the present position of Austria. Let it then be consid- 
ered exactly what is meant by most European writers when 
they charge the Bussian government with being the foe of 
liberty. It means that the whole spirit of the country is 
as strongly opposed as the emperor himself, to the idea of 
an infidel democracy, and that the Czar has shut his coun- 
try up, as far as possible, against such influences, and dis^ 
couraged and repressed it elsewhere, according to his power. 
It would be diflBcult to show how Europe would be improved 
by another French Eevolution — not local, but general in 
its character — ending, as it inevitably would, in the re- 
establishment of military despotisms. It certainly remains 
to be shown that even Eussia would be improved, and the 
condition of the people ameliorated by any form of freedom 
which rejects as its basis a Protestant faith. Bussia has 
not directed her intrigues or her armies against American 
liberties, nor shown herself, in any way, unfriendly to our 
government or our progress. 

The United States have been twice compelled to meet 
England in arms, in order to preserve their liberties, and 
French and English intrigues have been full often arrayed 
against our interests even on this continent ; and both these 
Powers have shown a constant desire to become the self- 
constituted " regulators " of American affairs, while Austria 
and the other Papal states have sought to overthrow the 
Bepublic by the influence of the Soman Catholic church ; 
in short, there is no Power of Europe that has evinced so 
constant and consistent a friendship for this country as 
Bussia. This so^alled foe of liberty and progress has 



shown a steadfast regard for that pe<^le among whom 
liberty and progress are the two national ideas — the chief 
forces by which society is controlled. Americans, then, 
should certainly pause before they echo the clamor against 
Bussia which has been raised by the Papal Powers and 
England, for the purpose of vailing their own designs, and 
to justify the present war. It does not necessarily convict 
Bussia of being the enemy of mankind, to prove that she 
excludes her most bitter foe from any influence in her affairs, 
or that she guards her interests and people from the in- 
trigues of the Jesuits, or even that she does not favor a 
second edition of the scenes of the French Eevolution, She 
may do aU this, and yet the government may have some 
scheme of its own for the elevation of humanity — ^some 
policy fitted for the advancement of the Bussian people, 
different both from Bed Bepublicanism and from the civili- 
zation which is proposed for the world by the Boman Cath- 
olic Church. The exact character of the Bussian govern- 
ment can not be understood from either French or English 
descriptions. Their writers observe and narrate with pre- 
viously formed opinions to which Bussia is made to conform, 
and their testimony is strongly colored by interest and 
prejudice. Such naen visit Bussia in order to see and 
describe the barbarous foe of liberty and civilization. They 
mark and paint in vivid colors whatever is objectiionable in 
Bussian society, or the general condition of the country, 
but feel no sympathy with a people struggling with heroic 
spirit against the difficulties that beset them, and endeavor- 
ing to wqtIs. out a national destiny. 

Another form of civilization which is striving to establish 
itself in Bussia, is that which is the proper outgrowth of a 
Protestant faith. Its influence upon the destinies of the 
eastern world is probably less, so far as National councils 
are Gcmcemed, than at any time since the Beformation. 


The Papal inflaence is the ascendant power in the affairs 
of western Enrope, and England declares that she prefers 
the re-4U2tion in favor of the Papacy, with the French nation 
to lead it, to the further advance of Russia, She is willing 
to see the Soman Catholic CSiurch again lording it over the 
nations,*if only Bussia can he humhled. The influence which 
Protestantism now exerts in Europe is hy the indirect and 
silent power of truth, and not by any great Protestant 
nation standing up in noble defense of the principles of 
the Beformation, as England has done in former times. 
America is> at this moment, the great Protestant Power of 
the world — ^as such, she is watched, hated and plotted 
against by the Papacy, and as such, God is preparing her 
to execute her mission. But Bussia is charged with hos- 
tility to Protestantism. The English journals declare that 
the Bussian Church is as strongly opposed to a Protestant 
faith as Bomanism itself. The assertion is an unfounded 
one. The Bussian Church is not intolerant in its nature, and 
has not one essential element of the Papacy. In the char- 
acter of the Church itself, there are no more reasons for 
hatred of Protestantism, than are found in the Church of 
England against dissenters. The Bussian Church is simply 
a national establishment, with the Greek form of worship. 
The Bomish Church is, by theory, in spirit and practice, 
the changeless foe of all that dissent from her dogmas and 
that refuse her communion. The tolerant spirit of the Bus- 
sian Church, its tendency to affiliate with Protestants, was 
clearly shown in the reign of Alexander, when the govern- 
ment united its efforts with those of Protestant churches 
for the circulation of the Bible, and for the evangelizing the 
world. But now, this policy, it has been said, has been 
abandoned, and Bussia no longer co-operates even in the 
circulation of the Bible. This is true ; but then the cir- 
cumstances of this case are worthy of consideration. In the 


reign of Alexander, England was the ally of Bnssia against 
France. Alexander waa sincerely desirous of elevating and 
refining his people ; he wished to enter in earnest upon the 
career of national civilization, and he was disposed to regard 
with favor the English example of Protestant constitutional 
liberty, and as a basis of the work which he hoped to per- 
form, he engaged in the circulation of the Bible, and 
encouraged the British Bible Society within his domiiuons. 

But Nicholas has been placed in entirely different circum- 
stances. He found himself compelled to prepare for the- 
approaehing hostility of western Europe, including even 
Protestant England, notwithstanding her professions. He 
saw the Papacy and Protestantism, in the person of its chief 
champion, arraying themselves against his dominions, and 
with a far more comprehensive and dear-seeing mind than 
Alexander, he perceived that the future greatness and even 
safety of his country depended not upon giving to Bussia 
the impress of western Europe, but upon the cultivation of 
a true Bussian nationality. When, therefore. Protestant- 
ism, as represented by England, was gradually changing 
from an ally, to the enemy of his throne, it was perfectly 
natural that he should think it needful to repress the 
growth of Protestant influences within his dominions. It 
is altogether unjust, in such circumstances to accuse the 
Bussian government of hostility to a Protestant faitlu 
England has not always been so pure and disinterested in 
her policy as to scorn the idea of using even a religions 
influence for state purposes, and what American statesman 
would desire that even the English church should obtain a 
wide influence in this country, while the government of 
England was not only showing unfriendly feelings, but even 
making preparations for war, and allying herself with a 
Papal Power against us. 

That Nicholas, under such circnmstances as these, should 


discourage the spread of Protestantism in Bussia, is surely not 
a very decided proof that he hated its principles ; but it shows 
most conclasivelj that he was aware of the dangers that 
were gathering round him, and that he had the sagacity to 
perceive the most effectual method of defense, by strength- 
ening the national sentiment, and the attachment of the 
people to their national church. Discerning the real pur- 
poses of England through the veil of her diplomacy, it 
wotild have been suicidal in him to have adopted a diflferent 
course, English Protestantism, in the hands of the gowmr 
Tnent is not a perfectly harmless thing, and what perplexities 
would now surround the Bussian Court if a strong Eng- 
lish religious influence had been permitted to establish 
itseK in the country. In distinction from the three forms 
of society just mentioned — ^the Papal, the infidel democratic, 
and the Protestant as represented by England — ^Bussia has 
been aiming at a civilization which shall be the joint result 
of the national religion, and the cultivation of an inde- 
pendent national life, a civilization not European, but Bus- 
sian — a political, social and religious structure, fitted to the 
genius of the Sclavonians. These considerations, though 
they may not justify the policy of Bussia in all respects, 
serve to explain her course, and to relieve her from the 
charge of mere wanton intolerance and bigotry, whidb has 
been argued against her. Candor should induce us to give 
her the full benefit of such explanations, and not to present 
a mere caricature of her faults. 

The rapid progress which has been made by Bussia within 
the last hundred years, is condusive proof that her system 
has in it the germ of ^ true life. Seventy millions of 
human beings can not be permanently ruled by a mere 
show and cheat, much less can they thus be taught to make 
swift advances in what elevates and refines the ra^se. Nor 
can they long be crushed by a mere heartless despotism which 


has in it no element of good, which affords no protection to 
the people, and bestows no blessing, and where society exists 
for the benefit of a single man and his oonrt. Sndi a sys- 
tem has no perpetual lease of life, even among a barbarous 
people. But Russia presents the spectacle of an endapng 
and an improving life. Individuals have been often hurled 
from the throne, but the system itself has remained 
unshaken, still constantly accepted by the people, and tend- 
ing also continually toward the adoption of more Kberal 
fcNrms. These facts give evidence of the existence of a true 
life, of a system which has been called into being by the 
actual wants of a people, and which continue, because with all 
its faults, those wa^ts arc at least in some degree supplied. 
The system is endurable, and therefore it remains. Upon 
investigation a very important fact is revealed. The germ 
from which the Sclavonic civilization is unfolding, consists 
of two principles which are identical with the central ideas 
of Protestantism, viz: a strong religious sentiment, based 
on a creed which in its ess^itial features is orthodox, and 
the idea that the State, however represented, derives its 
authority only from the higher sanction of God, and there- 
fore that to a properly constituted human authority, obedi- 
ence is rightly due. This theory derives the right of 
government from God himself, and not from human comr 
pact or the mere will of a present majority. While, there- 
fore, the government may properly demand the obedience 
of the subject, when in the proper exercise of its authority, 
because wielding a power derived from God, it is under the 
most solemn obligation to conform its acts to the principles of 
the Supreme Law of God as revealed in the Holy Scriptures, 
nor can the sulgect be rightfully called upon to obey that 
order of the human government which contravenes the statute 
that has been enacted by the Supreme Legislator himself. 
The diffidience between this and the Papal theory is 


essential and apparent. The Pope also rests his authority 
upon that of God, claiming a Divine sanction for his acts, 
hat then he assumes to he himself the sole and infallihle 
judge of the character of these actions, and thus leaving 
no liberty, or right of judgment, or conscience, to the gov* 
eraedy stands in the place of God himself, allowing no 
question, and no right of appeal. The Protestant principlo 
secures to the citizen the rights of conscience and of private 
judgment of the character of the acts of the ruler. The 
one secures a rational liberty, and the other is a crushing 

The Bussian or Sclavonic civilization then in its infancrf 
now, and though it dimly discovers truth as yet, seeing 
*^ men as trees walking " in its imperfect vision, does, never- 
theless, embody a true life, resting upon truthful prin- 
ciples, distinct from the essential and changeless despotism 
of the Papacy on the one hand, and from an infidel move- 
ment on the other, and beyoud comparison better than 
either. True, the religious sentiment is now perverted and 
douded with much of folly and superstition, yet the Bussian 
mind is in the attitude of faith ; it sincerely believes in the 
truths and rites of the national religion, and may therefore 
be regarded with hope. Authority, too, is used in a des- 
potic manner ; cruelties and abuses there are many. Still, 
instead of gathering up all evidences of present wrong, the 
true question should be whether Bussia is capable of a better 
future, and whether she is earnestly and successfully endeav- 
oring to rise to a more elevated position in the scale of 
civilization. While the mind of the nation is bound to a 
religious faith which presents the actual plan of salvation, 
and while governmental authority is respected as emanating 
from Gk)d, Bussia may be regarded as possessing not only 
the elements of national greatness, but as holding to prin- 
ciples from which rational liberty yet may spring. And 


this, perhaps, will more dearly appear, if we oonsider the 
peculiar form which all society in Russia has assumed, a 
form to which there is nothing in the rest of Europe, or at 
least outside of the Sclavonian tribes, that bears a resem- 
blance. The patriarchal idea pervades the whcde social 
and political structure, from the father of a family upward 
through all the gradations to the Czar, the father of the 
nation, and to God the Heavenly Father of all. In theory, 
this is not only beautiful, but true, and could it be properly 
realized in practice, Russia, even though an empire, might 
become a model State. In practice, these Russian fathers are, 
doubtless, often stem, exacting, and cruel ; isuch fathers as 
some of the Czars have been, have conferred no special 
blessings on their millions of children ; still the beautiful 
theory itself remains a witness against those who abuse it, 
to be itself, perhaps, completely vindicated and reduced to 
practice at some future day. 

Covered, as this theory may now be, by the rubbish of a 
despotic government, or by the superstitious observance of 
a corrupt Church, it is still a great truth, and as such it 
wiU survive, and in spite of all obstacles it will, in the end, 
clothe itself in a body of fitting institutions. Aside from 
Protestantism there is no theory of social life and govern- 
ment in Europe so likely to win for itself a noble future, 
as that which prevails in Russia. There is evidently no 
possible hope for Europe through the Papacy. It is utterly 
incapable of conferring any benefit upon the human race. 
It may persecute, and degrade, and destroy, but to elevate 
or to save, is no longer within its power. The atheists 
movement is doomed to destruction because the Almighty 
God watches and reigns in heaven. Protestant and Russian 
civilization may yet affiliate, and the government of the 
North be liberalized, not by association with an infidel 
democracy, but by the spirit of Protestant freedona. K the 


power of England could now be thrown in favor of the right, 
how mighty the influence she might exert in favor of con- 
stitutional liberty. Now every shot she fires is in favor of 
Papal aggression, and tends to hinder or defeat a noble 
experiment in civilization, whose success might open a new 
era for the world, and especially for the wasted East. It 
would be wise for those among us who desire that the influ- 
ence of Eussia may be destroyed, to inquire what will take 
its place in Europe ; what power will be in the ascendant, 
if fiussia fedls. The sole choice lies between the Papacy 
and Atheism ; a thought worthy the serious attention of 
Americans, and especially of American Christians. Protest- 
ant England, even if she remains Protestant, can not now 
rule Europe. She holds, and must continue to hold, with 
her present policy, only a secondary position. She has 
shaken hands with the Papacy, and she must eat the fruits 
of her bargain. A Sclavonic civilization, Atheism and the 
Papacy, are the real contending powers in Europe. With 
which should America sympathize? 


The National Idea of Biuaia. 

The life of a nation resembles that of an individaal. Its 
early portion is spent in mere growth and preparation, which 
has, perhapa, no definite aims. There is enlargement of 
parts, a hnebanding of strength, a diseipHoe of facultiea, 
with no distinct perception of the parpoae which is to be 
attained. But the period at length comes when the object 
for whmh the man is to live and act, presents itself clearly 
to^ the mind, and the individual perc«?iyea his task, his 
mission in life is revealed, and thenceforth bia effort is to 
shape his a<;tnal lifo accorxiiiig to the idea which he has 
foimed, ^ So ako with great nations. There is a preparer 
tory period in which there is no consciousness of a special 
national destiny. Like the boy at school, a nation, in 
childhood, forms no settled plan for the future ; but in the 
progress of its growth, there is gradually shadowed forth, 
no one can explain how, a conception of what the national 
purpose should be, and this, in time, shapes itself to a 
clearly defined idea, and becomes the object of national 
existence and effort. This may be called the national idea, 
and when truly so, it shapes the whole policy of a govern- 
ment, and directs upon itself the whole energy of a people. 
As with an individual, so with a nation, the actual achieve- 
ment wiU bear some proportion to the grandfiur of the 




conception and the loftiness of the aims, for in the arrange- 
ment of the universe there seems to be some correspondence 
between desire and capacity. 

Hussia, as it would seem, has now so far emerged from 
her years of childhood, as to have formed a distinct and 
individual national idea, upon which she has shaped a well- 
defined national policy, and to this all her efforts tend. 
This, then, must he the key to all her movements, and until 
we obtain a dear view of her national idea, Bussia will 
remain an enigma, and we shall hear only of despotism and 
barbarism. This policy will perhaps be best understood 
by presenting, as preliminary, some negative statements. 
And first among these, it may be truly affirmed that the con- 
quest of western Europe is no part of the policy of Bussia. 
The oft-repeated cry that this present war has been under- 
taken for the purpose of preventing the Czar from overrun- 
ning Europe, and that therefore it is a contest of civilization 
against barbarism, has no foundation in fact. There is not 
a single proof that Bussia has ever entertained the idea of 
using her military power for the conquest of England, 
France, Germany, or any of the larger nations of Europe. 
Her designs in this direction have been confined to a control 
of the Baltic, and the adjacent sea. The Bussian Court 
has never been seized with such a madness for conquest. 
The Bussian statesman knows full well that if all these 
western crowns could be laid at the feet of the Emperor, the 
gift, if accepted, would be fatal to hia country. The incor- 
poration of such masses of heterogeneous material into her 
state, is no part of the Bussian scheme. On the contrary, 
such an idea is the exact opposite of the one which really 
rules her. She is much more likely to draw around her a 
cordon of armies to keep Europe out and away, than to use 
them to conquer and incorporate the western nations. In 
fact, this is precisely the signification of her militarj 


system, so far as Europe is concerned. Her fortifications are 
intended to keep Europe away, while within her bristling 
lines of artillery she pursues her national work. Bussia 
would never attack western Europe unless in self-defense, to 
ward off a clearly meditated blow. Whatever has been 
written in regard to the peril of England or France from 
^e arms of Bussia, has been either in ignorance of her real 
and obvious policy, or with the direct design to cover the 
true character and oljjects of the war. That hereafter she 
may seek to cripple these Powers, whenever she has the 
ability, may perhaps be expected. 

France and England have made an issue not to be mis- 
understood or evaded. Their utmost strength is employed 
to humble Bussia, and will be, while a hope of success 
remains. Necessity will compel her to a similar course 
toward them. She has been taught, in a manner which she 
will never forget, that she has nothing to hope except from 
their inability to injure. The idea of the conquest and 
incorporation of the western nations. Papal and Protestant, 
is clearly an absurdity too palpable to be entertained. It 
is not, by any means, a universal dominion of this sort to 
which Bussian ambition aspires. The associating of all 
animals, of different natures, in one harmonious family, and 
within one cage, is a trivial feat compared with bringing 
into peaceful relationship, under one government, the diffeiv 
ent races and reli^ons of Europe. The thing is impossible^ 
even were there adequate physical power, until the people 
shall be all righteous — ^in short, until the millennial age. 

But, possible or impossible, it is not a purpose which the 
rulers of Bussia have ever seriously entertained. Whoever 
will glance at the map of Europe, will perceive at once, 
that so far from its being demanded by any interest of 
Bussia that she should absorb the German states, she 
greatly needs them precisely where they are. They 



oonstitute her sontliem frontier defense, and help to render 
her impregnable, by standing between her and her more for- 
midable western foes. Not conquest and uioorporation of 
Germany, but influence over its policy, is what Kussia both 
requires and seeks; this, through the Sclavonic race, she 
will be very likely to attain. Of this, the course and posi- 
tion of Austria and Prussia afford sufficient proof. Instead 
of meditating aggressive war upon France and England, 
Bufisia merely desires to be free from assault herself, that 
she may pursue, unliindered, her own separate career ; and 
by what means will the influence of Bussia over Austria 
* be prevented, when seventeen millions of the population of 
Austria are Sdavonians ? This fact of the alliance of races 
is the true key to the policy of Austria. 

Neither does the policy of Bussia contemplate aggressive 
war as the mere propagandist of despotic principles and 
forms of government. She abhors the theories of the 
atheistical movement ; they shock the deep religious senti- 
ment which pervades the Bussian mind. The late Czar 
began his reign with the necessity of crushing a conspiracy 
which originated in French influence, and he detested a 
spirit which he regarded not as the spirit of freedom, but 
of lawlessness, which sought to trample all authority under 
its feet, and reproduce, even in his own Empire, the scenes 
of the reign of terror in France. To prove that Bussia 
q>po6es the infidel democratic tendences of a portion of 
Europe, is not necessarily to show that she is the determ- 
ined foe of human liberty. There are millions in England, 
and millions in Bepublican America, who regard the atheist- 
ical movement on the continent as hostile to the best inteiv 
ests of humanity, and tending to enslave, not to liberate 
the race. There are millions of the firm and devoted 
friends of freedom and progress, who would much prefer to 
have every throne in Europe remain, to the triumph of 


that lawless apirit which scoffs at, and rejects all authoritj^ 
both divine and human, and claims to be a lawgiver and a 
god unto itself. No man, of coarse, will attempt to prove 
that Bttssia is not a despotic government, both in s{»rit and 
in practice, bat it does not prove her love of despotism to 
show that she opposes 9uch a democracy as has once con- 
vulsed Eurq)e only to the destruction of popular rights. 
To such a miscalled liberty as many seek to establish in 
Europe, the vast majority of Americans are as steadfastly 
opposed as the Cssar himself. Let, at least, this justice be 
done to Russia. Has she ever sought to overthrow the 
constitutional liberties of England? Has she ever shown 
herself hostile to the Bepublican liberty which has embodied 
itself in our own institutions ? She should have all the 
benefit of a dear discrimination between a rational liberty 
based upon a religious faith and a due recognition of the 
authority of God, and a mere desire to sweep all authority 
and restraint away, and enthrone the individual will, or 
human reason, or the bare decision of a majority, in the 
place of Qod himself. Has Bussia shown a settled hostility 
to any movement for the elevation of the race, except the 
infidel one of Europe ? 

This question should be fairly' answered before she is 
condemned, and- Americans should be careful to distinguish 
between the theory of our Protestant Bepnblicanism, and 
that false theory of freedom which, discarding religion^ 
would begin with bloodshed, and end in the most hopeless 
forms of despotism. 

Neither the conquest of western Europe, nor a propa- 
gandism of despotic principles, nor the arresting of human 
progress, nor the destruction of human rights, are the pur- 
poses which shape the national policy of the Northern 
Empire. What then, it may be asked, is the true national 
idea of Bussia? Her ierriiorial idea is of a kingd<»n which 


Bhall'^iudude the Baltic on the west, which on the south* 
east shall cover the Black Sea, the Caspian, and Constant!* 
nople, with a floating eastern frontier advancing toward 
India, while on the north-east her possessions already lie 
along the Pacific, including the mouth and valley of the 
magnificent Amoor. This is the Bussian conception of 
territorial limits, and it is one whose grandenr stands 
unequalled by any idea of empire, whether of ancient or 
modem times, except by the American thought, which 
embraces the twin continents of the west. Bome herself, 
in the height of her pride and power was but as a third- 
rate power compared with what Bussia would be, could she 
once realize her vast ccmoeption. It is one of the most 
splendid ambitions that has ever stirred the human heart. 
Let those who so lavishly heap the epithets barbarous, and 
ignorant, and rude, upon Bussia, take a map, and sit calmly 
down and study this national idea of territorial greatness. 
In extent and position, in variety and amount of resources, 
in every element of prosperity and power, such an empire 
would be foremost in all the history of earth thus far, and 
instead of its being a mere empty vision — a day-dream, to 
muse over — ^Europe awakes now, with a start, to find this 
whole scheme so nearly accomplished as to render it doubt- 
ful whether the combined strength of the western nations 
can offer any effectual resistance. These vast regions she 
proposes to populate mainly with JBtiMtaiw, or at least 
Sdavonians, and to extend over it all, the influence of a 
single race, and, if possible, a single religion. Lastly, by 
these means she intends to restore to its ancient channels, 
the commerce of the East. These, it must be conceded by 
all, are vast conceptions, and they form together what may 
be regarded in general as the national idea of the great 
northern Power— the scheme which shapes her policy. That 
she has been, or will be, scrupulous in the choice of means 


for the accomplishment of her purposes, will not be pre- 
tended, but judged by the moral rules which have goremed 
the policy of other nations, she will not be found a sinner 
beyond them all, and there is something truly ludicrous in 
the present position of England, which has never scrupled to 
seize and appropriate where she could, in all the repons 
of earth, priding herself now upon her spotless and irre- 
proachable integrity for refusing an offer of the Czar, for 
the partition of Turkey, because it did not suit her interests, 
and after it had been virtually approved. She who has 
swallowed half of India and still declares herself insatiate, 
is shocked, and cut to the heart, that Russia should enlarge 
her territory. Treachery, force, injustice, and oppression 
have marked the progress of every great nation of earth, 
Bussia included, but her virtue is fully equal to that of 
those who are accusing her so loudly ; and of all nations, 
England is least fitted to teach others the commandment, 
«* Thou shalt not steal.'' 

To work out this great idea, and produce the correspond- 
ing reality, is undoubtedly the main ambition of Bussia. 
To the acquisition of this territory, to establish this unity 
of race on the firm basis of a common religion, to direct 
toward herself the riches of the commerce of the enriching 
East, she bends her energies with a steadfastness and 
strength of will that would seem to be the earnest of sue- 
cess. It is not a policy which depends upon an individual 
or a party. It belongs to the nation, and Czars may be 
deposed, or assassinated, or die, in the midst of their 
schemes — still the course 4^ the empire is toward Constan- 
tinople and the East. It will be seen, therefore, that the 
real national idea of Bussia is to become a great commer- 
cial state — the great commercial Power of the world — ^and 
her military array, vast as it is, was never intended for 
conquest, but for self-protection, for an hour like this, when 



Papal hatred and commercial jealousy are seeking to cripple 
her power, to arrest her progress, and to prevent her from 
restoring the Eastern Empire and the Greek Christianity 
on the Sclavonic basis, to far more than their original power 
and splendor. The reader, perhaps, will now be prepared 
to study with increased interest, and more in detail, the 
means which Eussia has chosen, and the facilities which she 
possesses for executing her designs. 



The Poli<7 of Russia tliat of Self-Deyelopment. 

One of the leading ideas of the policy of this government 
undoubtedly is, to render itself independent, as far as pos- 
sible, of all other nations, and henee its steady adherence, 
under great difficulties, to a system of self-culture, and the 
endeavor to stretch its dominion over a territory which would 
afford within her own limits the means of independent sup- 
port. Peter the Great undertook the impossible task of civU- 
izing his country by forcing it into the mold of Europe. He 
put Bussia into foreign costume and declared that the nation 
was civilized. His successors perceived dimly the mistake, 
and did what in them lay, though little, to apply the remedy, 
but Nicholas first saw clearly that Bussia could be made 
great only by being expanded from a national living center 
of her own, and that the individual Bussian character must 
be the basis of the empire. He therefore adopted a thor- 
oughly national system, too exclusive, doubtless, in some 
of its features, but intended to accomplish a purpose worthy 
of a great man and a great nation — the complete develop- 
ment of the resources of his empire. Much had been done, 
indeed, before his reign, but he alone had the comprehensive 
mind which enabled him to form the fragmentary designs 
of his predecessors into one compact and dearly-defined 
system, embracing all the great interests of his kingdom^ 



stimulating, gaiding and protecting its industry, and open- 
ing up its hidden resources* His far-reaching sagacity 
foresaw the coming collision with the west, and he addressed 
himself to the task of rendering his country independent 
of others. 

The sound statesmanship which dictated this poli(7 is 
now abundantly evident to the worlds Bdssia has not only 
been able to bear the shock of western Europe, but such is 
her financial condition, that in the very midst of the conflict 
the rates of exchange have threatened to remove the bullion 
from the B«ik of England to St Fetersburgh, and against 
every effort made to prostrate her credit, it still stands firm 
and unimpaired, and her stocks at this moment command a 
better price and market than many of our first-rate Ameiv 
ican securities, though we are at peace and with no external 
causes to impede our prosperity. England, since the com* 
menooment of the war, has taken occasion to sneer at the 
weakness of Bussia, occasioned, as she declares, by her 
*' barbarous tariff,'^ bat this same barbarous Bussian system, 
by which home production and manufactures have been 
stimulated and improved, has proved in this, her hour of 
peril, the salvation of the empire. England and France 
may blockade every port of Bussia for fifty years, and 
instead of crippling her power or diminishing her resources, 
they will only exhaust themselves, while she grows strong 
within. They may, in this way, for a time, hinder her 
external progress, but she would thereby daily become more 
formidable from the concentration of her strength, from the 
increasing power of her central life, and in the end she 
would burst all barriers away, and sweep far and wide, with 
resistless flow. Such is already the variety and extent of 
her resources and manufactures, that her progress would 
still be steady, even though it were possible to cut off alto- 
gether her European trade, for she could soon produce for 


herself whatever she purchases in the west, and she has an 
eztensivo Asiatic trade which can not be interrupted. Bat 
her Earopean trade can not be cut oflf by any blockade that 
would be tolerated by the rest of the world. After the 
Baltic fleets had blockaded the Russian ports through one 
season, it was discovered that the exports of BuBsia were 
still as large as before. All articles had found their way 
to the markets of the world by having first been conveyed 
to neutral ports; and thus it will continue to be unlesa 
France and England can prevent all neutral nations from 
carrying <hi a trade with Bussia. Had the Gzar been de- 
luded with the policy of England, had he allowed Great 
Britain to become his merchant and manufacturery suffering 
meanwhile his, own resouroe^ to remain untouched, and 
using up the product of his Ural gold min^ yearly to 
settle his account for English goods, he would have been 
completely at the mercy of the western powers, compelled 
either to submit to their every demand, or to see himself 
hmnbled, crippled, exhausted even in a single campaign. 
England seems to have so far convinced heraelfy by her owb 
false reasoning, concerning the doctrine of free trade, as to 
be incapable of believing that Bussia could make progress 
under her " barbarous tariff," and at the beginning of the 
war was rcaUy ignorant of the condition and strength of 
her foe. 

As in our own Bevolutionary war England refused to 
^believe that her soldiers, duly provided with ^* pig-tails," 
and each one properly " pipe^clayed," and understanding 
too, all the mysteries of drill, could by any possibility be 
beaten by men in " tow frocks," who know nothing of " pi^ 
tail,*' or " pipe-day," or ** drill," so with England now it has 
been deemed a sufficient answer to all suggestions of the 
strength of Bussia, to say she is weak, even bankrupt, because 
of her '* barbarous tfuriff." Now that the Muscovite is found 


fall of vigorous life, well-nigh or quite impregnable in his 
positions, England can no more solve the enigma than she 
could understand the battle of Bunker-Hill, when the 
Americans knew no more of the proprieties of war, than to 
slaughter and defeat regularly drilled soldiers in " pipe- 
day and pig4ails.'' The Gsar was too barbarous to com- 
prehend how his state would be enriched by digging and 
coining gold wherewith to purchase abroad what he had 
every facility of producing at home, and so he concluded to 
manufacture for himself what he needed, inasmuch as his 
people had both time and material, and then he would lay 
up the produce of his gold mines against a day of need, or 
he would at least keep it in circulation at home. At the 
same time he employed a liberal portion of this newly- 
created wealth, and newly-developed activity and skill, in 
strengthening and multiplying the defeases of the empire, 
and in this, with liberal hand, he has, it appears, exhausted 
the power of modem science, and thus when the western 
Powers assailed him, instead of finding a needy bankrupt, 
ruined by his ^* barbarous tariff,'' it was discovered that he 
had more bullion in his coffers than the Bank of England, 
and they have dashed themselves against fortifications that 
defy thus feur their utmost effort, and which can only be 
captured, if at all, by a most shocking sacrifice of treasure 
and of life. 

It is quite clear that Bussia, under the influence of her 
home system, had reached a degree of power, of an inde- 
pendent interior strength of which the Allies had no ade» 
quate idea — and for which they were evidently unprepared. 
Under the walls of Sebastopol they are learning the art of 
war from an enemy they have affected to despise ; and the 
piesent aspect of Bussia before the world conveys the most 
impressive lesson in political economy that has been taught 
in modern times. She now presents a practical argument in 


favor of self-development which can neither be evaded nor 
answered. She stands mighty and self-balanoed, and there- 
fore calm, self-reliant, and h6peful, reaping the fruits of a 
wise attention to the culture of her own national life. She 
presents an example well worthy the study of American 
statesmen, of what may be accomplished, even under great 
disadvantages, by a protection of home interests. 

The system which the government has adopted, is one 
which embraces in its design the leading interests rf a 
nation. It has given no more prominence to the military 
department than was demanded by a prudent regard for 
the condition and purposes of the great Powers of Europe. 
Her preparations to meet the assault of the western Powers, 
has neither been too rapid ncnr too extensive. The formi- 
dable character of the present conflict, and the spirit in 
which it is conducted, show conclusively that Bussia has not 
overrated the means needed for her defense. It must not 
be forgotten that the policy which now controls the empire, 
is of recent origin, and owes its present form and efficiency 
mainly to the statesmanship of Nicholas. It has therefore 
had too little time, as yet, to work out completed results. 
There, as in the United States, society is still in the transi- 
tion state, and the Bussians, like ourselves, are struggling 
forward in the career of improvement, under all the disad- 
vantages which are found in a country where resources, 
though abundant, are yet in great measure unused, and to 
a great extent, perhaps, unknown. Peter the Great under- 
took to force upon his country a system of life copied wholly 
from the West, for which his people were unprepared, and 
which was in measure unsuited to their genius, and though 
he awoke Bussia to a new life, yet it wore more of the 
appearance of a masquerade than of a real life. Nicholas, 
on the other hand, proposed to himself to create a civili- 
zation for his empire which should be a proper ont-growtii 


of Bussian mind, and based upon the home resources of the 
country. England is disposed to discourage and sneer at 
these efforts, for obvious reasons, precisely as she derided the 
early attempts at manufacturing in the United States. 
The folly and ruinous consequences of cherishing home 
production was duly pointed out, the rudeness of our 
machinery, the unskillfulness of our workmen, the impos- 
sibility of competing with English establishments, the infe- 
rior character of our fabrics, were all most clearly shown, and 
yet with the fostering care of government only capriciously 
extended and as capriciously withdrawn, and in spite of 
mudi adverse legislation,* American manufactures have 
grown up to their present importance.. The efforts of Russia 
are being crowned with an earlier success because the Impe- 
rial government has extended to this home policy its full 
support. Still the nation has but just entered upon this 
new career, and what it has already accomplished may be 
regarded only as the earnest of a more glorious future. 
The adoption of this policy has placed the national life of 
Russia beyond the reach of the rest of Europe. Her out- 
works maybe perhaps destroyed, but the process of destruc- 
tion wiU be more costly to France and England than their 
erection was to Russia, or than their reconstruction will be. 
The Allies can not afford to demolish many such fortresses 
as Sebastopol — ^while Russia, if she adheres to her present 
policy, will each year be able to construct such defenses 
witb greater facility. 

This system, as has been said, embraces all the great 
interests of a state, although as yet it is not equally devel- 
oped, nor working in perfection anywhere. But great 
results have already been reached, and the promise for the 
future is abundant, and enough has been done to render 
tills future secure. The leading idea is to secure for Rus- 
sia the control of the native race, to fill the territory of the 


empire mainly with the native population. For this reaaoiit 
foreign influenoes and foreign ccmtrol are guarded against 
with a watchful care, and the exclusive policy which has 
brought such showers of reproadies upon Eussia, is one 
whose necessity the native American population is begin- 
ning to feel even here, and when we consider the policy 
which circumstances are forcing upon this nation, we shall 
at least be better able to comprehend the motives of Ena* 
sia. She pursues her conrse, it may be, in a despotie 
manner, which the liberal must condemn, and which sbe> 
in the end, must modify ; but on the other hand, Americans 
now perceive that in their extreme liberality to foreigners, 
they have been unjust to themselves, have put in jeopardy 
the republic, and have even prejudiced the best interests 
of the foreign population themselves. Russian statesman 
are resolved that the native race shall control their country, 
and this is the essential idea of a true national life. 

Then, as next in importance, both for purposes of trade 
and for preserving the national unity, great attention has 
been paid to a system of internal communications. This 
has been conceived and executed on a scale proportionate to 
the extent of the country. The most distant points of the 
empire are already connected with each other by lines of 
river and canal navigation, and these are so located in the 
interior that it is scarcely possible that the domestic trade 
of the country should be affected by foreign war. 

These communications are becoming every day more ind- 
portant and valuable to the inhabitants, on account of the 
introduction of river steamboats, by which, as with us in 
America, the transit of passengers and merchandise is yearly 
rendered more cheap, more rapid, and more certain. The 
navigable rivers are connected by numerous interlacing 
canals, and by means of both, the Caspian, the Euxine, the 
White Sea and the Baltic, have all commnnications with 


eac^ other, ranning through the heart of the empire, 
affbrding^ almost anequaled facilities for the transportation 
of the various commodities which are required hy seventy 
millions of people. 

These works, begun by Peter the Great, have been con- 
stantly extended and improved since his reign, by his 
Bucoessors, as an important feature of national policy ; and 
in addition to these, the late Czar projected a system of 
railroads on a scale equally extensive, two important trunk 
lines of which are nearly completed. 

The government schools already mentioned, are a most 
important feature in this scheme of national poliqr. They 
look equally to the protection of the country, and to the 
rapid and sdentific development of its agricultural, mineral, 
and manufacturing resources. In these schools thousands 
of scholars are scientifically trained, in mining, in agricul* 
tare, and in the mechanical and manufacturing arts, and 
then they are scattered through the country to become the 
practical teachers of the communities in whidi they reside. 
Besults of the most important national character have 
already been reached in the mining and manufacturing 
operations, which are far more extensive and complete than 
most either in Europe or America suppose. This fact per- 
haps can not be more clearly shown than by the following 
quotation from an article lately translated from the French 
for the Msrchxnfyl Magazine: 

'< At the same time Russia attempts to naturalize in her 
provinces all the industrial arts of the West, and has made 
a real progress which is easy to be proved, and of which 
Europe makes too little account. The Czars in their 
haughty pride, do not wish to be obliged to ask anything 
from the rest of the world, and profiting by the diflTerent 
climates united in their vast empire, endeavor to cultivate 
the productions of every dime. They have no colonies for 


the production of sugar; but the provinces of Orel and 
Sacolef are covered with immense plantations of beets from 
which sugar is manufactured. Their southern provinces 
furnish wheat for part of the west ; in 1850 the exportation 
was enormous. The northern provinces produce prodigious 
quantities of flax and hemp. 

** Cotton is cultivated in Gk^orgia and the country taken 
from Persia; since 1845, indigo has been introduced into 
the Caucasian provinces, merino sheep by hundreds of thoa-^ 
sands are all around Moscow, toward the Baltic, and on the 
shores of the Black Sea ; they prosper everywhere, and pro- 
duce abundantly. Silk is. produced in the southern prov- 
inces, and in 1833, the Emperor Nicholas caused four 
millions of shoots of the mulberry-tree to be planted. The 
gold mines of Asiatic Bussia are very productive, and furnish 
annually one hundred millions of francs to the treasury. 

'< Finally, the Czars wished to have their wine independ- 
ently of France, and the Crimea is covered with vineyards. 
We look with astonishment, and almost with fear, at the 
rapid and powerful development of Bussian activity ; for 
the genius which has given and still gives impulse to this 
great movement of Oriental slavism is not the friend of 
liberal institutions, or the tendency of the people toward 
political or religious emancipation. Any nation whatever 
that rises and marches onward in grandeur and prosperity 
has a daim to our respect and to our sympathies, but in 
Bussia it is not the people that rise, it is the Autocrats." 

Here is presented, and apparently in an authentic form, 
some most valuable information concerning the condition 
and progress of Bussia, but one can not avoid being amazed 
both at the narrow spirit in which the article is written, 
and the conclusion which' the writer has reached. It proves 
how impossible it is for France to form a candid judgment 
of Bussia. 


It is certainly difficalt to perceive why a desire to avail 
themselves of the great natural advantages of their terri- 
tory^ even to the utmost, should be stigmatized in the 
Casars as a haughty pride. Hov much more worthy of 
reproach or contempt would they be if they had either over- 
looked these advantages, or knowing them had suffered 
them to remain unused. It has generaUy been considered 
as evidence of wise statesmanship where a government 
understuids and earnestly avails itself of its own resooroeSy 
and by a course of honest industry increases the amount 
and variety of its productions, until, if possible, it can obtain 
an independent support from its own industrial pursuits. 

But it seems that Russia can not appropriate her lands 
to such productions as soil and climate indicate, without 
being charged with a haughty desire to become independ* 
ent of surrounding nations. This desire coupled with pro- 
tection to her own industry, is denounced as an evidence of 
barbarism by England and France. If Russia would con- 
sent to confine herself to the raising of such raw material as 
England and France require, sell it to them at prices estab- 
lished by themselves, and purchase from them all her sup- 
plies of manufactured goods, at their prices, also, and settle 
by specie the yearly balances, thus making herself a huge 
and helpless dependency of the West, then she would be 
admitted to the rank of highly civilized nations, and the 
loud cry against Bussian despotism would be heard no more, 
at least from England. Bussia converted to the wisdom of 
free-trade would be lauded and caressed. 

The Czars of the North see in the free-trade scheme only 
an effectual plan for sending the gold and silver of the 
Ural district to the Bank of England, and they are bar- 
barous enough to desire to hold it in deposit at home, and 
employ it for the general advancement and defense of then* 
country. England and France are sore amazed at this 


uociTilized want of discernment on the part of Bnssia and 
are nowendeayoring to enlighten her with cannon-shot and 
twentjr-two-inoh shellsi under Greneral Pelliasier, the Ardbie 
R'ofet9or of Christian civilization, who, in a most enlight^ 
ened and highly civilized manner, suffocated in their rock 
fortress the brave Arabs whom he could not conquer in an 
honorable battle. 

Bussia barbarously enacts a tariff and dierishes her own 
native industry, and avails herself of all the aids of modem 
art, as found among her neighbors. Haughty Bnsaia> 
exclaims France ; too proud to be dependent ! Barbarous 
Bussia, replies England, she enacts a protective tariff, and 
manufactures for herself, despising the wisdom of free^rade 
and d^ndenee. Why should not the hill-sides of the 
Crimea be covered with vineyards as weU as those of France ? 
Why should not Bussia exclaim, O haughty France, that 
seeks to drink wine independently of my Crimean vineyards ? 

Why should not Merino sheep feed on the hills of Bussia 
as well as on the mountains of Spain, and why should not 
Bnssians if they have the skill be allowed to spin and weave 
their fleeces ? Why is it not as reputable to raise beets 9A 
sugarcane? Is it a better proof of high civilization to 
take forcible possession of some tropical island or province, 
and obtain sugar therefrom by compulsory labor, than to 
grow beets at home ? 

The writer .of the article from which the quotation has 
been made, after presenting a picture that shows most dearly 
the vigorous life which pervades the empire on account of 
its industrial activity, reaches two sad conclusions: first, 
that the tendency is not toward political or religious eman- 
cipation, and second, that the Czar alone is rising, not the 
people. It is doubtless true that the tendency of Bussian 
civilization is not toward such a political or religious eman- 
cipation as France has gained, and it is no less true, that 


no sane, CSiristian well-wisher to hamanity would desire 
such a result. Bussia neither desires a Papal despotism nor 
an infidel liberalism, nor such a repuhlic as France has 
established. Few, however, out of France, will consider 
this a just cause of reproach. 

It vauld perhaps open up a new chapter in political 

economy, if some philosoi^er would explwi how, with this 

general and rapid progress of tiie nation, the Czar alone is 

rising. It has been heretofore supposed that when a nation 

is making swift and permanent progress in agriculture, 

education, commerce, and the manufacturing arts, by which 

new sources of wealth are continually opened, roads are 

laid out, canals are dug, and railways are built, that the 

people are thus inevitably elevated and refined. It has been 

thouglit that these are the means by which modem nations 

are advancing, and it is not dear how Bussia can be an 

exception, nor how one man, the Czar, can reap all the 

advantage of this general movement of the nation. Such 

statements, of course, show either an invincible prejudice, 

<Mr a determination to wrest plain facts to a wrong condu- 

^on. Bussia is doubtless carrying forward her system for 

the stimulation of her home industry with a rapidity and 

success which have astonished and alarmed both France and 

England, and this writer attributes to Bussia a hatred and 

jealousy of England, which certainly has never manifested 

itself by sending her fleets and armies to blockade her 

ports, to destroy her commerce, and to bum her towns and 

batter down her fortifications. 

It is the successful prosecution of the protective policy by 
which she has grown so rapidly into a great and independent 
nation, the foremost power of Europe, able to cope, single- 
handed, with her two mighty foes, that has so aroused the 
fears and jealousies of England as to lead her, goaded on 
by France, with other ends in view, into the present 


disastrous war — disastrous to all parties, whatever ita 
termination may be — ^for it can not. materially and per- 
manently check the growth of Bussia, while all parties 
engaiged may consume upon it the earnings of half a 

• That policy which Russia has adopted for the purpose of 
cherishing her own industry, and to render available her 
own great and varied resources— « system which England 
denounces as barbarous and injurious to her prosperity — ^is 
the best possible proof of political wisdom, showing that 
Bussian statesmen have discovered the only method by 
which their country can attain unto a true civilization. She 
has been reproached with being simply a semi-barbaroui 
military despotism, having neither ccmxmeroe, nor manufac- 
tures, nor literature — ^as contributing nothing to the general 
stock of wealth or knowledge — ^as producing little, origiib- 
atii^g nothing, and worthy of no respect, except such as may 
be given to the strength of her allies. Then when she 
adopts a course whose object is to create a wealth and power 
of another description, a greatness based on the more enno* 
Uing pursuits of a higher civilization, she is accused of 
barbarous exdusiveness and savage ignorance, because she 
is not converted to the free trade philosophy of England. 

Simply as a producer of raw materials, no country, how- 
ever productive its soil may be, can reach the highest stages 
of civilization. The intellectual stimulus and culture are 
wanting, by which alone true national greatness can be 
created. Without commerce or manufactures, Bussia would 
be a nation of agriculturists, miners, fur hunters, and 
soldiers. Such a nation would consume all the earnings of 
its industry upon fipod and those coarse, cheap goods which 
manufacturing nations can supply with the greatest possible 
advantage to themselves, and with all the profit derived 
from machinery. 


It would be the unequal contest between unskilled manual 

labor on the one band, and tbe power of capital, skill, 

machinery and steam on the other, resulting inevitably in 

a low state of civilization, dependence and poverty for 

Bossia — ^in wealth and power for those who might supply 

her wants. There would be for her no basis on which to 

rear the highest forms of civilization, and she would remain 

equally without the means of independence or defense. It 

has l>een long perceived by the Bussian government that 

without an extended commerce, the idea of holding a first 

position among nations must be abandoned, but no profitable 

foreign commerce could be maintained without a manufao 

turing system of her own. The materials for almost every 

variety of manufacture were known to abound within her 

own territory, not excepting exiiaustless deposits of the 

precious metals, and a net*work of navigable rivers and 

lakes offered, throughout all her vast dominions, the means 

of easy transport ; and it was resolved, therefore, to create, 

maintain and perfect, if possible, a system of home manu* 

factures, which should not only render her, in a measure, 

independent of foreign production, but which should also 

open to her a participation in the commerce of the East. 

But how could this be accomplished without that "bar- 
barous tariff,^' which has drawn forth such loud complaints 
from England. The manufiu^tures of Great Britain are 
more effectually protected, by far, than those of Bussia can 
be for a quarter of a century, by all the fostering care of 
the government. The capital and skill of England have 
fenced round her interests more strongly than a tariff of 
prohibition. Her policy aims steadily at a complete protec- 
tion of every branch of her own industry, and from this 
course she has never deviated for a single moment. Her 
firee trade means simply freedom for all nations to sell to 


her tkeir raw material, to the extent of her wants, and 
freedom to purchase from her all manufactured articles, in 
return. She throws no branch of her trade open until she 
is certain that she can defy all competition. 

The only possible course then open to Bussia was to grant 
such a protection to her infant manufactures as should 
shelter them from a ruinous competition from abroad. But 
it is said that by this course the cost of her manufactured 
articles is far greater than it would be if she should pro- 
cure them from England and the west of Europe, and thus 
the tax upon her imports is laid really upon the consumers 
at hcnne. But is not this an entirely inadequate view of 
tiie whole subject? It is necessary to observe the general 
result upon the nation at large ; it is necessary to compare 
the Bussia of today with the empire one hundred years 
ago ; or we may observe only the change whidi has been 
wrought in a quarter of a century by the influence of this 
very system which free trade condemns. If it be conceded, 
for argument's sake, that the tax imposed upon foreign 
goods has been paid by the inhabitants of Bussia, has there 
been rendered to them, and the countiy at large, no equiva- 
lent for this money? 

A new life has been infused into all parts of the empire, 
an increased activity mfu-ks every department of society ; 
roads have been opened, canals have been dug, railroads 
have been constructed, steamboats have been placed on 
rivers ; factories have been built, villages have sprung up, 
and local markets have been qiened for the productions of 
the soiL The establishment of (me principal manufacture 
has called into existence a host of dependent but connected 
branches, and countless new modes of iudustry, and new 
sources of wealth, have been discovered by the inhabitants. 
Bj such means new desires spring up, new wants are created, 


md ingenoity seeks the method of supply. Thus mind is 
stimulated to effort, the intellectual power of the ooantrj 
is increased and guided to profitable action. 

Gapital aocumulates, and is expended upon the refining 
arts of life, a higher taste is cnltivated in architecture, 
dress and furniture, a love for the beautiful is created, the 
fine arts are cherished, and a literature appears. These are 
the processes by which civilization adrances toward perfec- 
tion — upon such a career Russia has entered, and the aspect 
which she now presents in the terrible conflict that is testing 
her powers, is proof conclusive of the efficacy of that system 
in creating the elements of national strength, while the 
extent of her jn^sent eastern commerce reveab the rapid 
progress she is making. If a mighty system of national 
industry, which lays its quickening hand upon the multi- 
tudinooB resources of the land, creating wealth and sending 
it through the empire by ten thousand new channels, can 
be produced simply by the tax on imports, certainly it is a 
most profitable expenditure for the nation, yielding dollars 
in return for cents invested. 

Nothing, however, is clearer than that the active compe- 
tition of the home-workers speedily brings down the cost of 
the domestic article to the price at which the foreign goods 
could be purchased if the trade were free to the foreign 
rival, and the protection granted to the manufacturer, 
instead of becoming a tax upon industry, provides new and- 
more pn^table employment to labor, multiplies the comforts 
of the industrial classes-^who are, in consequence, better 
fed, better clothed and educated — ^while the general awaken- 
ing and stimulus of thought leads in the end to mechanical 
invention, discoveries in science and art, and the higher 
creations of genius. 

The rapid advance of the Northern State, and the new 
career upon which she has entered, have awakened the 


jealomy of England, and aronsed her fears, and lest her 
own commercial snpremacj should be endangered ; she sends 
forth fleets and armies to extinguish, if possible, this 
new light of civilization which is dawning upon the world, 
and in order to protect, in this manner, her own monied 
interests, she is willing that millions of lives should be 
sacrificed, and that the Papal despotism should, through 
France be re-established in Europe. Bat it will prove an 
abortive effort. Sclavonic civilization has become a mighty 
fact — ^its march is eastward, and the Euxine and the Hellea- 
p(mt must yet be the center of its life. 


Russia and the Commerce of the East. 

The determinatioii of Bussia to establish and perfect a 
manufacturing system of her own, on a scale commensurate 
with her territorial greatness, and with the other features 
of her scheme of empire, has for its object not alone the 
development of her native resources, but the control of at 
least an imperial share of that Eastern commerce, the 
exhaustless source from whence the western empires have 
drawn their wealth and the means of civilization. It is 
one of the chief features in her national design, and with 
direct reference to this object, her territorial acquisitions 
have been made. The importance of this position of her 
poncy will be more clearly perceived, by giving a few 
moments' attention to the history of ihis enriching com- 
merce, and the various channels along which it has flowed 
in its westward course. 

At the very outset, it should be distinctly fixed in the 
mind, that the present ocean routes by which this eastern 
trade pours round the Cape of Good Hope, and so to the 
cities of southern and western Europe, is comparatively a 
modem innovation, the result of improvements in the art 
of navigation, and that the policy of Bussia contemplates 
its restoration, in part at least, to the old diannels, by which 
It will be again directed to moi-e northern points, within her 

18 (209) 


present territories, or those which she hopes yet to gain. 
And here again we must allow her the credit due to a great 
conception, though she uses improper methods to attain her 

Long before England had attained any considerable 
importance, and not far from the period of the Norman 
conquest, Eussia was one of the chief western emporiums 
of the commerce of Asia, and in the lieart of her present 
dominions was a flourishing state, greatly enriched by its 
manufactures and trade, whose capital city, Nishnei Novo- 
gorod, contained half a million of inhabitants. Foreign 
conquest, civil wars, despotic governments, and the change 
in the direction of the commerce of the Indies by the dis- 
covery of the Cape route, swept this former prosperity and 
magnificence away, and for centuries the history of Russia 
was a story of confusion, and tyranny, and bloodshed. 

It is not without reason, then, that the Bussia of ta<lay 
fixes her eye and hopes steadily upon the East, and is shap- 
ing, with persevering eflfort, all her policy to turn back 
once more into her bosom those golden streams that en- 
riched her country almost a thousand years ago. It will 
be seen, in the course g£ the investigation, that it is no 
exaftj dream which fills the minds of Russian statesnSn, 
but a stupendous design which she has already brought 
much nearer to its accomplishment than the western Powers 
supposed, and which they will find it exceedingly difficult, 
if not quite impossible, to frustrate. Her outposts already 
stretch far beyond the Black Sea, into Persia, on her east- 
ward march, and it does not yet appear how even the united 
strength of England and France will dislodge her from 
these eastern possessions with which she is encircling Con- 

From the earliest ages, to which history reaches even 
with an uncertain light, it is found that wealth, civilization, 


and power are connected with the commerce of eastern 
Asia, India, China; and the East Indian Archipelaga 
Wherever a depot could he formed for the reception of the 
precious merchandise of the ** far East/' there was a mag- 
nificent center of dominion. From this source Egypt deriyed 
much, or most of her enormous wealth. Her upper and lower 
Capitals were each connected with the Bed Sea and so with 
India, one hj the eelehrated ship canal, portions of whose 
bed stiU are visible, and the other hj a graded road from 
£amac to Kosseir, and their wonderful ruins sufficiently 
attest how Egypt fattened both upon the military and 
commercial spoils of India and the eastern Islands. Solo- 
mon with his Indian seaport at Ezion Geber and the Elan- 
istic Gulf, directed a portion of that commerce by sea 
toward Jerusalem, while Palmyra, that beautiful mirade 
of the desert, was created by the trade of the caravans, 
and the enriching effects upon Judea are graphically 
described in the Scriptures, where it is said, that iron 
became as stones, and silver as iron, and gold as silver in 
the streets of Jerusalem. 

Again, when this trade was <:entered upon the eastern 
shore of the Mediterrarean, it produced Tyre, that ocean 
quebn, and Sidon, scarcely inferior. It was a vast commer- 
cial idea, and not simply a mad thirst for useless conquest 
tiiat originated the eastern expedition of Alexander. It 
was one of the most remarkable conceptions of any man 
in any age, considering the birth, education and position of 
the young Macedonian, dying as he did almost in youth, in 
his thirty-third year. It was the establishment of a 
mighty empire, with an Eastern capital as its center, to be 
enriched by the control of the commerce of India. Vot 
this purpose he founded Alexandria, and attempted to con- 
trol all the East. 

A French writer, from whom a quotation has already 


been made, bears the following testimonj to the sagadtjr 
of Alexander: *^ Alexander opened to Enrope the oommeice 
of the Indian seas, and of eastern Africa, by a road whicli 
if it was at the present day free and perfected as it ought 
to be, would cause the way by the Gape of Q<K)d Hope to 
be entirely abandoned.'' At the san^ time, Alexander 
and his successors did not overlook that more northern 
route upon which Bussia has her eye now fixed, by the Cas- 
pian and Black Seas, and whose advantages were so long 

Alexander built cities on the south and east of the Cas- 
pian, while one of his immediate successors attempted to 
unite the Black Sea and the Caspian by means of a canal 
connecting the Biver Eouban, which empties into the 
Euxine, with the Kouma, which flows into the Caspian, 
thus stretching a line of navigation eastward toward India. 

The idea of Alexander was long and fondly dwelt upon 
by Napoleon, and gave rise to his expedition into Egypt 
He saw that if the East Indian commerce could be diverted 
from its rQute by the <' stormy Cape," and brought onoe 
more along its ancient diannels, through the Bed Sea to 
Egypt, that it would change the seat of the world's wealth 
and dominion, and restore to their former Importance the 
eastern shores of the Mediterranean. England has under- 
taken to monopolize this trpde, by conquering and holding 
the very countries where it originates, and while she makes 
Europe echo with her bitter condemnation of the aggres* 
sions of Bussia, she seems to forget that the annals of 
earth do not present a record of a more grasping, selfish, 
and cruel policy than that which has marked her course in 
India. There is no act of ambition or fraud, selfishness or 
oppression, which Great Britain has ever charged upon 
Bussia in her acquisitions in Europe and Asia, for the pur- 
pose of opening a highway to China and northern India, 


for which impartial higtorj will not find at least a parallel 
in the manner in whieh England has sought occasions of 
quarrel and interference in India, and trampled down the 
weak and wrested their possessions away, for the purpose 
of controling this very commerce of which Bussia once 
enjoyed a part, and which she is now seeking to share with 
the rest of Europe. 

The importance of that portion of this trade whicH once 
poured into Europe by the Black Sea, must not be forgotten 
in an estimate of the present course and aims of Bussia. 
An active commerce between India and the West was car- 
ricd on along this route, in the remotest antiquity to which 
the light of history has reached. The Phoenicians who are 
said to have possessed a powerful navy two thousand years 
before the Christian era, established colonies and built 
cities both on the Dardanelles and the shores of the Black 
Sea, which flourished upon the trade of the remote East. 
The description of the traffic of Tyre, in the twenty-seventh 
chapter of Ezekiel, shows that horses, mules, slaves, and 
other articles were brought from the Black Sea and the 
Caspian, while from thence also, she hired the soldiers by 
which her walls were defended. The route traversed by 
those merchants who brought her the silks and spices of 
China and India is not mentioned, but we should infer from 
other facts, that the course of a part of this trade was by 
the Sea <^ Aral, the Caspian and the Euxine. 

Troy, at or near the entrance of the Dardanelles, was 
also an opulent emporium of eastern commerce, whose 
power is attested by the ten years siege. This city seems 
to have been attacked because, as Constantinople now does, 
it commanded the gates of the Black Sea, whose commerce 
was coveted by the rising and aspiring Greeks ; and thus, 
many centuries before the coming of Christ, the theater of 
the .present war was the scene of bloody conflicts, whose 


olgects were similar to those which have stirred up the strife 
of modem times — ^the command of the Euxine and the 
adjacent waters, with the traffic of the East. 

The Golchiansy at the foot of the Gaacasns, having sprung, 
as is supposed, from an Egyptian colony became greatly 
enriched by this commerce with China, India and the inter- 
mediate regions, and their wealth and luxury having 
attracted the cupidity of the piratical Greeks, gave rise, 
probably, to the famous Argonautic expedition, in which 
some of the towns of the Golchians on the Black sea were 
pillaged. This lucrative conmieroe was soon after monc^ 
olized 1^ the rising power and maritime superiority of the 
Greeks, who not only controlled the trade which flowed into 
the Euxine by its numerous rivers, but extended a line of 
towns and citadels, or fortified halting places for the cara- 
vans far eastward toward India. For centuries the high- 
way from Greece to India lay along the Black Sea, the 
Ctopian, and the Sea of Aral, the precise route which Bns- 
sia is intent upon re-establishing now. 

About one hundred and fifty years before Christ, the 
countries on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean con- 
tended with Bome for the riches of the Black Sea commerce. 
In this contest Bome was victorious, and the Euxine became 
a closed sea, a Boman lake, and under Pompey the country 
was explored toward India for the purpose of extending the 
commerce by which Asia Minor had been enriched. The 
civil wars which followed occupied soon after the whole 
attention of Bome, and when Egypt fell into her hands the 
old highway to India by the Bed Sea was occupied again^ 
and immense Boman fleets, in the time of Augustus passed 
by the ship canal from the Nile to the Bed Sea, on their 
eastern voyages. But this commerce was burthened by the 
emperors with excessive duties, and this tended to force it 
gradually back upon the northern routes toward the Black 


Sea once mora Even at this remote period the iron and 
furs of Siberia were among the articles of Boman traflSe, 
the mountains of the Ural then yielding their precious 

The importance of the commerce on this northern route 
to India at this time, may be understood from a single fact. 
A short time before the Christian era, Phasiona, on the 
lircr Phasis, was the great mart of eastern trade, and sueh 
was its extent that there were one hundred and fifty bridges 
across the stream to accommodate the business carried on 
upon its shores. For some time previous to the Christian 
era, and for several centuries subsequent, the direct trade 
between China and the West, centering upon the Caspian 
and Euxine, was exceedingly active and important, and few 
probably are aware of the extent of tbe Chinese overland 
trade which Eussia at the present time eiyoys, and which 
she is steadily and rapidly increasing. It is a struggle, as 
is perceived, between the ancient highways of traffic, and 
the modern new routes from India, which directing the 
wealth of the Indies upon Western Europe have built up 
London and Paris, as the eastern marts were reared of old 
around the Meditorranean and Black Sea, and upon the 
banks of the Nile. 

Thie removal, by Constantino, of the capital of Home from 
the Tiber to the Hellespont, formed a new and most advan- 
tageous center for commercial interchange between the 
East and the West, and Constantinople soon rose to be the 
foreniost city of the world. To her markets crowded the 
merchants from China, India, Arabia, Persia and Europe, and 
her magnificence in con^quence was without a rival. The 
advantages of her admirable position between Europe and 
Asia, and between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea,were 
understood and wisely used. She was, in all senses, the 
mistress of the ^ast and West, with the single exception 


of the spiritual power of Eome* Thus for some centuries 
she flourished, and then the Arabian power was interposed 
between her and China and India, and Bagdad and other 
lesser Arab cities rose on the fruits of this intercepted 
commerce, and dazzled for a time all the East with their 

Constantinople suflfered in consequence, but was still, in 
the twelfth century, the most splendid city of the world. 
Bagdad alone was worthy to be in any degree compared 
with the Queen of the Hellespont. 

But the hatred of the Boman Church and the ambition 
of Venice and Genoa to possess themselves of an eastern 
commerce, directed an army of the crusaders against Con- 
stantinople which they besieged and plundered, glutting at 
once religious hatred and commercial ambition, and Venice 
obtained the control of the Mediterranean and the Black 
Sea together. She excluded as far as possible Genoa from 
any participation in her advantages, and monopolized and 
fattened upon the business of Constantinople. 

For the possession of this commerce long war was waged 
between Venice and Genoa, but in the fifteenth century the 
conquest of Constantinople by the Turks, and the discovery 
by the Portuguese of the new route to India, seaward, by 
the Cape of Good Hope, changed the whole face of Europe. 
Commerce deserted its ancient seats on and around the 
Mediterranean, and planted the centers of future dominion 
in western Europe, whose cities soon became the depots for 
the eastern trade. 

But previous to this, as has been already stated, one great 
commercial and manufacturing city with half a million of 
inhabitants had been built up in central Bussia where the 
merchandise of India and China was brought to be dis- 
tributed through Europe, and thus centuries before England 
had any importance, as a manufacturing or maritime nation. 


Bussia received by the way of the Black Sea, an enriohing 
portion of the tri^c of India and China. 

But in the meantime Bussia was desolated by a Tartar 
conquest and then by civil strife, ending in a stem, unyield- 
ing despotism, that for a time not only crippled her energies 
but threw her back toward barbarism, and during this 
period the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the Dutch and £ng- 
lishy by their maritime enterprise and skill, had turned 
into their newly-opened ocean route, the trade of India. 

When once more Bussia emerged from obscurity, in th« 
time of Peter the Great, the world^s great centers of power 
were altogether changed. Desolation and silence reigned 
in the once busy marts of the East, the old highways of 
commerce were all deserted, the Mediterranean fleets and 
cities had moldered together; in all the East the Turk ruled 
only to oppress, and exhaust, and ruin, and ocean fleets 
were conveying the riches of China, India, and the Eastern 
Archipelago, to the rapidly advancing cities of southern and 
westeni Europe. 

The Dutch, the French and the English, were all seek- 
ing to establish themselves in India, and to obtain control 
of its commerce, and hold it for their own exclusive benefit. 
In this condition of things — ^the most important and enrich- 
ing trade of all the world in the hands of the westeni 
Powers, which commerce would soon make them the center 
of power and civilization, as it had already done for all who 
had previously enjoyed its advantages — ^Bussia perceived 
dearly that her only hope of becoming a great nation lay 
in her recovering for herself a portion of the Eastern com- 
merce, and that her only route to India and China was the 
andent one — ^by the Black Sea, the Caspian, and the Ural. 
She saw the necessity of producing those commodities whidi 
she might exchange for the precious stuffs of the East, and 
therefore created a manufacturing system of her own, for 


the doable purpose of stimulating her own industry, open- 
ing up her own resources, and to obtain within herself an 
independent supply of manufaetured goods, suitable for the 
Eastern markets. 

In connection with this, she set herself earnestly about 
the construction and securing of her highway to India, with 
her eye fixed on Cionstantinople as the spot where ultimately 
the great emporium of this commerce would be again, as it 
had been in the centuries past. From this point of obser- 
J^ation, thQ policy and course of England and Bussia can be 
distinctly perceived, and easily and intelligently compared; 
and we shall be able also to judge whether the aggressions 
of Bussia are worthy of any severer condemnation than 
those of which Great Britain herself has been guilty, in 
pursuit of the same general object. 

The court of St. James and that of St. Fetersburgh have 
equally resolved to possess themselves of the rich^es of the 
East. England, throned in the midst of the seas, is forced 
by her maritime position to choose the sea-ward route, and 
therefore, having made herself, in a thousand battles, mis- 
tress of the ocean, she sends her ships to Hindostan. 
Driving out from thence all rivals, she conceives ihe ide* 
of subjecting to her exclusive control that immense penin- 
sula, and with a military occupation of a small tract, she 
began the execution of her design. Step by step her ad- 
vances were made, crushing, as she went, the native powers 
that dared oppose. Here she seized by violence, because 
she had the power, without the slightest provocation, and 
there she subverted by fraud. Here she sought occasion of 
quarrel as a pretext for seizing, and there difficulties were 
fomented between the native princes, that she might become 
the arbiter, and in each settlement her own territories were 

The lust ci conquest has only been stimulated by soooess 


—province after province has passed into her possession, 
and the "wealth and territory of India have been absorbed 
together, simply because they were necessary to the great- 
ness of England. Far away northward, to the Hima- 
layas, and north-eastward into Affghanistan, by force, by 
purchase, by treaty, by subversion, at an expense of millions 
of lives of the natives, she has stretched her dominion over 
a country seized solely for purposes of national aggrandise- 
ment, without reference to the interests or wishes of those 
she invaded, till now she boasts that one hundred and fifty 
millions in India acknowledge her sway, while her career 
of conquest is by no means ended, and each year, and almost 
each arrival from India, brings news of some fresh accession 
to her territory. 

This has been, and is, England^s method of securing 
the commerce of India, and when China refuses to receive 
the poisonous productions of her Oriental plantations, she 
compels their purchase at the mouth of her cannon. This 
is the course of a nation which now arraigns Russia as the 
one troubler of the world's peace — the one great aggressor 
upcm the rights of mankind. Turn now to the actual 
course of the Northern Empire, not to justify it in wrong, 
but to show how little qualified the other nations of Europe, 
especially England, are to arraign her before the world. 

Bussia, like England, desired to share in the trade of 
northern India and CShina. For her no path was open across 
the waves but the old highways ; leading from the Euxine 
eastward, though mostly deserted, might, perhaps, be <^ned 
and occupied again. But between her and her goal lay the 
Tartar and the Turk. The question at once arises, was it 
more criminal, more heartless and despotic for Bussia to 
lemove these from her path, than for England to sweep 
away the natives of Hindostan. Great Britain was march- 
ing northward, conquering and absorbing India as she went ; 


BiiBsia was marching south-eastward, conqaeriBg, but also 
incorporating what she subdaed, and making it an integral 
part of her empire. 8he has been displacing and incorpo- 
rating Turkey, while England has been swallowing India, 
and both for the same purpose, viz : the securing that world- 
enriching commerce of the East. 

Bussia has thus advanced to the Crimea, southward to 
the Danube, northward round the Black Sea, and eastward 
still to the Caspian, embracing that also in her acquisitions, 
and now and thus she has enclosed Constantinople in a 
semi-circular line of her possessions, from the mouths of 
the Danube, northward and eastward^ round to near the 
neighborhood of Ezeroum and Trebizond. In addition to 
this, such is her influence with the court of Persia, that her 
route lies open eastward* In all this, Bussia has invaded 
no right of England, has touched neither her territory nor 
her property. She has been endeavoring to open for herself 
a land route eastward, while England held the sea and was 
conquering and overrunning India for her own exclusive 

Tried by the rules of Christian morality, the course of 
Bussia can not be defended ; but on the other hand, when 
compared with the policy of any one of the great nations 
of Europe, she will scarcely suffer in the comparison. She 
stands before the world as one among those powers, swayed 
by the same ambition, and using against others the same 
means and the same arts which were directed against her- 
self, and which every strong one was using like herself 
for the subjugation of the weak. Not to defend or justify 
the acts of the Bussian court, have these remarks been 
made, but to expose the hypocrisy of those who, deeply 
stained as Bussia with the sin of ambition, and selfish and 
jpranton aggression, are now wiping their mouths with an 
affectation of innooency, and crying out against the C2uur 


as if he were the only disturber of the repose of Europe — 
and where this is done merely as a cover for their own ulti- 
mate designs. Let England compare her own march from 
the trading-post of Clive, northward cfVer the subjugated 
provinces of India, with that of Sussia from Moscow to the 
Caspian, and she will find little cause for self-congratula- 
tion. She has established a rule there over one hundred 
and fifty millions of a down-trodden people, the rule of 
strong and exacting masters over comparatively weak and 
defenseless races, that will be crushed out and displaced, 
not elevated to the position of free and civilized communi- 
ties, who will neither share the glory nor the prosperity of 
the nation by which they have been subdued. India is a 
vast plantation owned by England, and worked exclusively 
for the benefit of the dominant race. 

Bussia, on the other hand, instead of conquering and 
holding in a condition akin to servitude, one hundred and 
fifty millions, has expanded her population more by growth 
than by conquest, for fifty millions of the seventy millions 
that she numbers in all, are of the Bussian family, in 
addition to which, her Polish population is also of the Scla- 
vwiie race. She has incorporated with herself what she 
has conquered, nor have they lost by the exchange. By the 
confession of Poles themselves, Bussian Poland, previous to 
the last revolt, was better governed and more prosperous 
than any other portion of that country, and not a province 
has been wrested from Turkey, but is now in better condi- 
tion than it was under the rule of the Ottoman. 

In the partition of Poland England shared by acquiescence, 
and it should be remembered that by affinity of race that 
country stands allied with Bussia, and its acquisition is but 
the initial in a vast design not yet accomplished, but ulti- 
mately to be executed — ^the union of all the Sclavonic 
races under one government, with Bussia at their head. 


The tendency of this separation and re-union of races in 
Europe is too clearly marked to be mistaken, and in all 
probability the Sclaves, the Teutonic and Latin races will 
in the end be drawn each round its own appropriate center, 
and pursue a separate career. In her eastern march and 
aggressions, Russia has directed herself almost exclusivelj 
upon the Ottoman Power, pressing them back into Asia, as 
they forced themselves originally into Europe, and drawing 
around Constantinople the chain of her possessions as they 
did centuries ago ; and wasting their power now, as they 
withered up the Empire of the East. May not this be a 
part of her national mission? 

There is another circumstance to which allusion should 
here b» made in connection with the aggressions of Bussia 
upon Turkey. What has been called the traditional policy 
of the Empire, looking to the conquest of Constantinople, 
is not a modern dream, nor did it originate in mere lust of 
dominion. In a religious point of view, fiussia is the 
daughter of the Greek Church ; Constantinople was her 
holy city, as Jerusalem was to the Jew, as Bome is to the 
Boman Catholic now. It was therefore not without strong 
abhorrence, that the Bussian people saw the Infidels in pos- 
session of the chief city of their Mother Church. Bussia 
felt herself to be the chief defender now left of the Greek 
Church, and the design of expelling the Turks from 
Europe was formed almost as soon as they had occupied 
Constantinople, and, as head of the Greek Church, and heir 
or representative of the Eastern Empire, she has pressed 
toward Constantinople with a religious ardor like that which 
sent the Crusaders to the Holy Land. Thus a powerful 
religious sentiment stimulates the commercial ambition of 
Bussia. It is now easy to perceive why Bussia rejects the 
idea of surrendering her supremacy in the Black Sea. It 
would be to abandon the main object of her national policy, 


it would Iw to turn back with her hand already toaehing 
tlie goal. 

The Allies have chosen to make it a struggle for life 
\nih Bussia, and they have pri^osed terms which will never 
be aoeepted, unless ihej can utterly crush her power. It 
is also a life stru^le with them. Should they fail in their 
attack, no barrier can hereafter be created between her and 
Constantinople, and a bitterness of feeling has already been 
most unwisely created, a hatred of races and differing 
religions, which can scarcely be allayed again. Bussia has 
Iseen made to understand that this blow has been aimed at 
Ler life, and it can never be forgotten. It will arouse her 
far more in the end than the invasion of Bonaparte. It 
will lead her to press heavily upon western Europe when- 
ever she obtains the power, and isolate her from the Latin 
races completely, and probably forever. 

But to return to a consideration of the commerce of the 
East. Bussia aims at the trade of the East Indian Archi- 
pelago, China, Northern India, Persia, and the countries, 
wround the Hellespont, the Euxine and the Caspian. To 
place herself in communication with the wealth of the East 
Indian Islands she has stretched her dominions to the Pacific, 
and along its shore, till she now embraces the mouth and 
the valley of the Amoor, including a large and fertile prov- 
ince obtained from China. This river opens up a commercial 
highway, as has been stated, far westward through north- 
em China into Siberia, toward the Ural, whence a railway is 
practicable into Europe, toward Moscow and Odessa. Bivers 
and canals already connect aU parts of the Empire with 
the Euxine and the Caspian, and then a great ncMrthem 
route stretches out before her, by the way of the Sea of 
Aral, toward Herat and northern India. Already this 
trade has been nourished into great importance. This will 
appear by the following statement copied from the May 


number of the MarchanUf Mitgaainey in an article whose 
authority can scarcely be questioned : 

*^ The Bussian caravans carry the furs of foxes, beavers, 
castors, of Eamkschatka and of America, coral, clocks, 
linens, woolen cloths, wool, leather, looking-glasses, glass, 
etc., and give them to the Chinese in exchange for silk, 
precious stones, tea, cotton, rice, porcelain, rhubarb, gauze- 
crape, mourning-crape, musk, anniseed, silks with threads 
of gold, velvets, tobacco, sugar candy, preserved ginger, 
pipes, combs, dolls made of silk and of porcelain. 

'' In the time of Catherine, this business was valued at 
20,000,000 of francs, equally divided between the Russians 
and Chinese. The business has constantly progressed ever 
since, and in 1850 the Russians exported to China 28,000,000 
francs worth of merchandise. The caravans (^ Kiatka 
have not alone the privilege of the commerce between China 
and Russia; the independent Tartars carry to Oremberg 
and Troizkai the provisions which they purchase in India 
and China. A part of this merchandise, and of that brought 
by other caravans from Thibet, from India, from Khiva, from 
Bokhara, from all central Asia, from Persia, from Georgia, 
from Armenia, arrive at the great fair at Nijnei-Novgorod, 
at the confluence of the Volga and the Oka, where, it is 
said 600,000 merchants assemble. To give an idea of the 
importance of the commerce of Russia with tiie different 
countries of Asia, it» is sufficient to say that sho imports by 
the Caspian 8,000,000 francs' worth of merchandise, to 
which must be added about 10,000,000, to represent the 
productions which she receives by land from the Turkish 
and Persian provinces. She buys 116,000,000 francs' worth 
of Chinese productions, and brings from Bokhara and Tar- 
tary 76,000,000. Her exports by land to Asia amount to 
170,000,000 of francs. 


" It wonld be easy for Russia to bring all this commeroe 
to the Black Sea, without doing any prejudice to her pro- 
vinces in the north of Europe. She is doing everything for 
the aooomplishment of this result, and nature has traced 
the route by which this immense commerce would easily 
flow into the Euxine. The most considerable rivers in 
Russia — the Dnieper, the Dniester, and the Don — empty 
into this sea; and with them, all the agricultural and 
manufacturing riches of Russia would descend into the 
Euxine, attracted there by the merchant vessels of the 
maritime nations of southern Europe, of western Asia, and 
of the north of Africa. In order to prevent any obstacle to 
this powerful current of commerce, which would bring to 
the south the productions of the northeast of Europe, the 
rivers just mentioned were connected with the Baltic and 
the White Sea by means of a vast system of canalization, 
conceived and commenced by the genius of Peter the Great. 

^' The Danube alone could bring into the Russian ports 
of the Black Sea the commerce of a large part of western 
Europe ; for the Danube, united to the Rhine by the canal 
Louis, which puts it in direct communication with France, 
Belgium, and Holland, offers to commerce the most direct 
line of communication between Europe and Asia. The 
Caspian is connected with the Northern Sea by means of 
an immensely important canal, which joins the Volga to 
the Meta, a tributary of the Yolchov, which falls into the 
Lake of Ladoga. This lake communicates with the Baltic 
(Gulf of Finland) ; the Volga itself is connected with the 
Lake of Ladoga by the canal of Tchkvin ; and the canals 
of Koubensk, and of the north, unite the Caspian with the 
White Sea. 

"However great the importance of this net-work of 
canals in Russia in Europe, still they do not suffice to carry 
out but a part of the commercial projects of Peter the 


QrveaL It was still neoessary to bring eastern Asia and 
the Black Sea into communication with the Caspian Sea, 
Peter, as we have already seen, had traced on a map the 
plan of a canal between these two seas ; ihia was no more 
than the renewal of the project of Selencns, of which we 
have spoken in its place. At a later period he decided to 
join these seas by means of a canal between the ClayUa, a 
tributary of the Don, and the Kamychenka, a tributary ot 
the Volga — an enterprise which had been attempted by the 
Yenitians and the Tartars of the Crimea. 

'* There were great difficulties to overcome before com- 
pleting this canal, for the Don is higher than the Volga. 
But Peter undertook to overcome them, and employed an 
English engineer named Perry, who, after three years 
labor, was obliged to abandon it to complete fortifications of 
immediate necessity. Catherine IL caused the enterprise 
to be carried on for two years ; but the Bavine of Peter ihe 
Great, as it is called, is still unfinished. 

'' Now, it is probable a railroad will take the place of a 
canaL The Black Sea has already become almost a Russian 
lake. The Caspian belongs to the Czar, for Persia has lost 
the right to keep an armed force there, and her communi- 
cation with the Black Sea becomes at once of the greatest 
importance to Bnssia. Besides, the Caspian receives the 
Volga, that immense stream which traverses all southern 
and eastern Bussia, which, by the aid of the Eama-— one 
of its tributaries — is connected with the Ural Mountains, 
so rich in mines of gold, platina, iron and copper ; also the 
rich productions of all eastern and central Asia, of Persia, 
of Armenia, and the neighboring countries, flow into the 
Caspian by difierent routes. Now, to carry out the com- 
mercial views of Bussia, it remains to put the Caspian in 
direct communication with all central Asia, as far as 
India and China. Nature had primitively established this 


immense line of oommunication, bj making bat one great 
internal sea of the Aral and Caspian. Ever since the 
epoch of the separation of these two seas by the vast steppes 
of Manquischlaks, a commnnication still existed, if it is tme 
that as late as the tenth or eleventh century of our era the 
ancient Oxus (Amou Daria) emptied into the Caspian, 
placing her in a direct communication with the southwest 
frontiers of China and the north of India ; but in the pre- 
sent day this river empties into the Aral, but still could, 
hj its numerous tributaries and by caravans, easily bring 
the productions of Chinese Tartary, of Thibet, of Cashmere, 
and of India, by Khiva, to the Aral, which receives the 
Scria Daria (Jaxade), which is the route of an active com- 
merce, and the best communication with the table-lands of 
China, Turkistan, southern Eussia, and the Black Sea. 

" From the preceding, it is easy to understand the eflTortg 
made by Bussia to get possession of Khiva, which is at the 
head of the Amou Scria (Oxus). Once mistress of this 
place, Bokhara would soon see her at her gates, and Kho- 
kanee, which is near, would become her prey. Then she 
would at pleasure direct the caravans of China, of Thibet, 
and of India. After that, it would be easy to create a 
communication between the Caspian and the Aral, and the 
Black Sea would be connected with the extreme East. Inde- 
pendently of the facilities of communication by water, just 
mentioned, a prodigious quantity of merchandise would 
come by caravans from the east to the Black Sea. 

" In two hundred days, the caravans can make the jour- 
ney from Chin-Si, on the western frontiers of China, to the 
eastern shores of the Caspian. From there the numerous 
steamers can easily transport the merchandise to Astrakan. 
A large part of the commerce of western Persia, of Arme- 
nia, of Mesopotamia, and other countries bordering on the 
Tigris and the Euphrates, on the northeast of Asia Minor, 


goes to the Black Sea, and Trebizond is its principal depot. 
Now, Trebizond is within a few leagues of the Muscovite 
frontiers. Bussia is preparing to extend herself on the 
south. She already covets Kurdistan and Armenia, and 
would like the possession of the Tigris and the Euphrates, 
so important to her commercial interests; and in 1829, 
during the war against the Turks, General Paskiewiteh, 
who was at Ezeroum, had the intenticm for a moment of 
taking possession of Bagdad, rendered an important city 
by its commerce with Egypt, Arabia, India, Turkistan, and 
Persia, and depot of the merchandise from the East which 
is directed to Syria, Asia Minor, Trebizond, and Constan- 

<^ Bussia, in order to firmly establish her commercial 
power, tries, like an immense polypus, to stretch her thou- 
sand arms over the Eastern world. At the same time, she 
attempts to naturalize in her provinces all the industrial 
arts of the West, and has made a real progress, which is 
easy to be proved, and of which Europe makes too little 
account. The Czars, in their haughty pride, do not wish 
to be obliged to have to ask anything from the rest of the 
world, and profiting by the different climates united in their 
vast empire, endeavor to cultivate the productions of every 
clime. They have no colonies for the production of sugar; 
but the provinces of Oral and of Sacalof are covered with 
immense plantations of beets, from which sugar is manu- 
factured. Their southern provinces furnish wheat for part 
of the west ; in 1850 the exportation was enormous. The 
northern provinces produce prodigious quantities of flax and 
of hemp. Cotton is cultivated in Georgia, and the country 
taken from Persia; since 1845 indigo has been introduced 
into the Caucasian provinces ; merino sheep, by hundreds 
of thousands, are all around Moscow, towiuxis the Baltic, 
and on the shores of the Black Sea — ^they prosper eveiy 


where, aad produce abundantly. Silk is produced in the 
southern provinces, and in 1833 the emperor Nicholas caused 
4,000,000 of shoots of the mulberry tree to be planted. 
The gold mines of Asiatic Eussia are very productive, and 
furnish annually 100,000,000 of francs to the treasury. 
Finally, the Czars wished to have their wine independently 
of France, and the Crimea is covered with vineyards." 

From what has now been presented, the grand commer- 
cial idea of Bussia will clearly appear. It is certainly 
second to no conception of modem times, and it ill becomes 
other nations to accuse her of ignorance and barbarism, 
when she is working out before the world so vast a problem 
as the restoration of the commerce of the East, in part at 
least, to its old highways, that commerce which filled once 
all the space between the Mediterranean and the Indies 
with populous cities, and whose ebbing tide left these seats 
of old dominion to waste and desolation. 

There is one feature of the operations of Bussia which 
seems to indicate a design to render her commercial scheme 
independent of the possession of Constantinople. While 
the Allies are arrested at Sebastopol, she is exceedingly 
active in Asia, in the neighborhood of Trebizond and the 
southeastern extremity of the Black Sea. She evidently 
intends to possess herself of permanent stations there. 
With a seaport at that point, and communication with the 
Euphrates and the Persian Gulf, she would possess a com- 
mercial line to India and the East which would be entirely 
independent of Constantinople and the Mediterranean. 


The Commercial Phase of the ilastem Waf . 

There are two aspects in whicli the present war in the 
East must be regarded, in order to be understood — the 
commercial and the religious one. England is chiefly influ- 
enced by commercial considerations, while in France the 
restless and unscrupulous ambition of the nation has been 
stimulated for this contest by the leaders of the Papacy. 
Eussia presents the most formidable obstacle which exists 
in Europe now, to the reaction which is going on in favor 
of Eomanism, and the attempt is to form a combination of 
the Latin Powers against Russia as the representative of the 
hated Greek Church and Eastern Empire, which combina- 
tion is to be headed by France hereafter, because Austria 
is too closely allied by interest to the Czar. When the 
motives which have led to this war have all been unvailed, 
it will be seen that it has originated in a design of the 
Eoman Catholic Church to combine the Western Latin 
Powers against Russia, with France as their leader. 

France has not forgotten that she was once the head of 
a western empire, and the vision of the empire of Charle- 
magne dazzles the eye of Louis Napoleon, as it did that of 
his greater unde, when he put upon his head the iron 
crown. England, on the other hand, has engaged in this 
conflict with the oool calcalation that by assisting to cripple 


Bnssia she may retaiix her own supremacj in commerce. 
Leaving for the present the religious aspects of the war, 
and the designs of the Papacy, and turning again to its 
commercial phase, the policy of England may he clearly 
understood from the statements which have heen made in 
regard to the commerce of the Black Sea and the eastern 
trade in general. Here it is important to consider a fact 
which every American ought to know, viz : that in this 
conflict Bussia is not the aggressor. In a late number of 
one of the most influentiid of the English Periodicals is 
found the following language. The writer is speaking of 
the proposition made by Nicholas while in England in 1844» 
to agree upon the manner in which the Turkish question 
should be settled upon the fall of that empire, an event 
which he assumed must necessarily be near : 

<< That it would have been most discreditable to England 
to have made such pact is generally admitted — ^f ar more to 
her indeed than to Nicholas, for the aggressive policy 
southward was the traditicm of his race, and he spoke in 
the name of growing and expanding Bussia. But we hardly 
saved our honor in the transaction as it was, for the mimti/ry 
Uetened smiUngltf, and the Times wrois leoMrig articles on 
the sickness of Turkey. Let this pass. We only meant to 
say that he (Nicholas) meant no harm to us, for we can 
not suppose that the Czar could have ruminated on the 
distant closing up of Bussia on England, like the iron 
prison in its last fatal change on the victim of Italian 
revenge. There is no doubt that we have acted wisely, 
most wisely, in preferring the alliance of France to his, for 
France and England are doing each other good every day 
of their united lives ; but still it is not fair that we should 
hear his memory any malice, iron ii was we and not he 
WHO szRt7CiK THE URSS BLOW. He has done nothing to 


deserve at our hands unseemly caricatures, or that his 
death should have heen applauded in an English theater." 

iCn these few honest sentences there is much food for 
thought, and many reasons are found why Americans, at 
least, should hesitate to give credence to the specious deda- 
rations that England has been foreei into this war, in 
defense of civilization and humanity, statements which have 
been made merely to render the war popular, and to excite 
the people against Bussia, a work which has been so thor- 
oughly done, that the English people disgraced themselves 
by savage cheering at the Emperor^s death. England 
having possessed herself, by her maritime superiority, 
and by her conquest of India, of the commerce of the 
East, adopted the double policy of securing to herself 
the advantages she had won, and of excluding if pos* 
sible other nations from a participation in this lucrative 

It has been, therefore, one of the chief anxieties to estab- 
lish, if possible, and hold for her own benefit, a monopoly 
of the East — and for this purpose her jealous care has been 
to prevent the re-opening of any of the old highways of 
that trade whereby it could be diverted from her own 
marts, or to gain possession of them herself. While the 
ocean route could remain the only or the main channel 
between India and Europe, by her ships and her possessioDfl 
in Hindostan the monopoly of the trade would be hers, and 
she would rest content. But when the question of estab- 
lishing other communications arose, England was almost 
omnipresent to secure herself against a rivaL Hence her 
intrigues in Central America, and her establishment on the 
Musquito shore, and her projects on the Isthmus of Panama, 
for ship canals, in order that she might gain possession cf 
the American key to the Indies ; hexuse, also, her fleet at 


the mouth of the Nile when Bonaparte was in Egypt threair 
ening to re-open and hold for France the dd Red Sea route 
to the East ; which scheme, had it been successful, might 
have restored to the citieai of the Mediterranean their 
ancient wealth and power; and hence too, he it remem- 
hered, her anxieties for the fate of Constantinople. 

Not sympathy for the Turk, has ever moved the heart 
of England, hut every movement in connection with Turkey 
has been made with anxious reference to her eastern trade. 
It is because she has not been contented to share this com- 
merce with the rest of the world. She has coveted a 
monopoly of its profits, and has been ready with her fleets 
and her armies to prevent any other Power of Earth from 
building for itself a highway to India. She has endeavored 
to frustrate the United States in Central America ; she sue- 
ceeded in forcing the French army from Egypt — and she 
has now determined not only to prevent Russia from estab- 
lishing herself at Constantinople, but to wre^t from her the 
eontrol of the Black Sea, and prevent her from occupying 
the old northern road to the East. 

Let it not be forgotten here that it is not the conquest 
of British India at which Russia is aiming, or which she 
has ever proposed, but to open for herself a commerce with 
northern Asia by a route of her own ; that she proposes not 
war on England, but an honorable competition for the 
trade of Asia ; and this England opposes with a war whose 
olgect is to destroy forever all hope of maritime or commer- 
cial prosperity for Russia, which done she would hold a 
complete monopoly of the richest commerce of the world, 
while at the same time the manufactures of Russia would 
be ruined, and she would again become dependent on Great 

It is now easy to peimve the real policy of England in 
regard to the proposition made to the British government 


while Nicholas was in London. He frankly informed En^ 
land that the time was near when the Turkish government 
most inevitaUj fall, without any external fon*e, that it had 
no vitality, was in fact alreiady seized by death, and that 
he desired some friendly understanding with England as 
to the course to be pursued when that event should come, 
that all of Europe might not then he embroiled, because other 
nations would be constrained to abide by the joint decision 
of England and Bussia. It is understood that he proposed 
that England should occupy Egypt, while the control of 
Constantinople should be given to Russia. 

&Mply 08 a bargain bettveen Huma aiid Mtfflandj this 
surely was not an ungenerous oflfer for Eussia. The Czm* 
offered to surrender to Great Britain the best of all the 
inland routes to India, the one which gave wealth and 
magnificenee to Egypt, and Jerusalem, and Tyre, the one 
re-opened by the genius of Alexander, the (me which she 
has long coveted, and to secure which she fought the battle 
of the Nile. It was a proposition which, to all appearance, 
would have made her supreme in the West, holding as she 
does, Gibraltar, the Mediterranean key. Nor was it need- 
ful for her to be anxipus in regard to the hostility of France 
it would seem, with Bussia for her aUy. The holy indig- 
nation which England has so abundantly manifested at this 
proposition sihce war was determined <mi, was by no means 
aroused when it was first advanced; on the contray, "the 


The offer was taken into friendly consideration, and sym* 
pathy for Turkey was a rare virtue in England. 

It is perfectly dear that the Czar had never received the 
slightest official intimation that his proposal had been 
nufSavprably received, and that his confidential communicsh 
tions with Sir Hamilton Seymour were but the carrying 


oat, on his part, of the design which he had been led to 
suppose was favorably received, and even virtually decided 
upon by the English government. The Enssian Emperor 
was frank and honorable in his dealings with England, and 
she, on the other hand, receiving his advances with marked 
favor, took them into long Qonsideration, pondering in the 
meantime whether even a better bargain might not be 
effected in some other quarter, and so soon as she had deci- 
ded upon a French alliance,^ endeavored to excite the world 
against Russia for proposing that " atrocious " partition of 
Turkey which the heightened honor of England had so 
decidedly rejected, though when^ presented, ministers had 
looked all smiles and the Times had written leading articles 
to prove that Turkey was as good as dead, and it was time 
to determine England's share in the property. England 
at first was strongly inclined to favor and accept the propo- 
sition of Nicholas, and did not perceive its wickedness 
until the newly projected alliance with France. 

Then the cry was opened upon " barharom iZiwm," which 
was making war upon civilization, which had piratically pro^ 
posed to divide Turkey, and whose advance must now be 
diecked for the salvation of Europe. But this allusion to 
the smiles of ministers and leading articles in the TimeSy 
i& by no means the only evidence which shows that the 
English government was merely playing a part in its 
affected horror at the proposition of Nicholas, and that so 
late as 1854, the Ozar had every public assurance that his 
policy was approved, and would be defended by England. 
A few facts will render this point sufficiently clear, while 
they place the British government in a most unenviable 
position, when compared with the straight-forward frank- 
ness of Nicholas. 

Since 1844, England had been in possessicm of the 
proposal of the Russian Emperor, without a word of 


disapproyal, tacitly consenting. In 1863, when the affairs 
of the East began to wear a threatening aspect, and when 
Bussia was assuming a position which showed that she 
intended to resist the intrigues of France, Lord John 
Bass^ll on behalf of the 'goremment, wrote as fcdlowa to 
the Czar : 

" Her Majesty's government are persuaded that no 
course of policy can be adopted, more wise, more disinter- 
ested, and more beneficial to Europe than that which his 
Imperial Majesty has so long followed, and which will ren- 
der his name more illustrious than that of the most famous 
sovereigns who have sought immortality by unprovoked 
conquest and ephemeral glory." 

In another part of this dispatch are the following 
remarkable words: "The more the Turkish government 
adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, 
the less will the Emperor of Bussia find it necessary to 
apply that exceptional protection^ which his Imperial 
Majesty has found so burdensome and inconvenient, though 


The admission of Lord John Bussell in regard to the cor- 
rectness of the Bussian interpretation of the treaty of 
Kainardji, does not stand unsupported ev^i by English 
testimony. In a history of the Ottoman Empire, f(»*ming 
one of the series of the Micychpedice MktropoUtanat pub- 
lished in 1854, is the following account of that treaty. 
'< The most fatal condition to the Turkish dominion, and at 
the same time the most honorable to Bussia, was the recog- 
nition of the latter Power as Protecti^ess of the Moldavians, 
the Wallachians, and of the Christians generally in the 
Sultan's dominions.'' 

At the time this sentence was penned, it is evident that 
the learned authors of that history believed that the claims 
of Bussia were properly based upon treaty stipulatioosy 


although in a closing chapter, written afUr {he dedo^atim 
of war, Bussia is denounced for adhering to such an inter- 
pretation of this treaty, though it was previously admitted 
to he just, even by themselves. 

Here is the important concession made by a British min- 
ister in 1853, and by British historians^ that Bussia was 
not only right in her demands upon Turkey, but that this 
right was already secured by treaty, precisely as Bussia 
declared, and as Turkey, instigated by France, directed—^ 
England th^n testified that the demands of Bussia were 
just ones, and consequently she waa not the aggressor in 
this war. She was uiyustly attacked, through the influence 
of Papal France, and it is a war in defense of the rights, 
the territory, the faith, and homes of Bussia. Nicholas in 
his conferences with Sir George Seymour, in 1863, said> 
" We must come to some understanding, and this we should 
do, I am convinced, if I could hold but ten minutes' conver- 
sation with your ministers. 

^* And remember I do not ask for a treaty or a protocol ; 
a general understanding is all I require — ^that, between 
gentlemen, is sufficient/' The English government replied 
through Lord Clarendon as follows, in March : '* The gen- 
erous confidence exhibited by the Emperor entitles his 
Imperial Majesty to the most cordial declaration of opinion 
on the part of her Majesty's government, who are fully 
aware that in the event of any understanding with reference 
to future contin^ncies being expedient, or indeed pj^ssible, 
the word of his Imperial Majesty would be preferable to any 
convention that could be framed." After the British fleet 
had been ordered to the Bosphorus, Lord Claxendon informed 
the Bussian minister that the <' British fleet had no hostile 
designs against Bussia." 

After the battle of Sinope, the British government 
informed Bussia, that " measures iviU he taken far preveifiting 


Ihtrhuih shipB oftaarjmn moUdng descerUs upon the coast cf 
RvmnJ^ In the opening debate of 1854, Lord Aberdeen 
dedared ^* that he saw nothing to find fault with the memo- 
randum (containing the proposal of Nicholas), and that he 
looked upon it witk great mH^acHon.^^ Count Nesselrode, 
in a letter to the Russian minister, speaks of '* t&6 late eonir 
fdential aoertarei which Sir H, Seymowr has been %n«bructei 
to make to us/^ but in the publication of the dispatdies bj 
the British goremment all this was sedaouslj concealed. 
The whole had been expunged. 

In the light of such disclosures, how will England con- 
vince the world that she has not been guilty of treachery 
to Russia, while Nicholas was honorably keeping faith with 
her? And what shall be thought of her candor or her 
generosity when at the eleventh hour, while Bussia was 
relying upon her declarations and her honor, having dis- 
covered, as she thought, that she might drive a still better 
bargain by an alliance with France, she deserted the Czar, 
called upon the world to admire the lofty honor that had 
rejected the proposals of Bussia, and declared that she was 
hastening to the defense of Turkey and to protect civiliza- 
tion against the barbarism of the North. 

The value of such pretenses can now be estimated at 
their proper worth, especially when we add to what has been 
stated already, the late significant declaration of Lord Pal* 
merston, that England has designs in this war tMerior to 
the preservation of Turkey. What potent argument in the 
way either of menace or of larger spoil, was ofiered at this 
junction by the French government, that induced the 
change in English policy, lies hidden among the secrets of 
diplomacy ; but that there was a sudden change, and that 
Bussia was deserted and deceived, is too plain to admit of 

But it may be asked, what explanation can be given of 


the oottrse of England, except upon the supposition that she 
▼as sincerely indignant at the proposal of Eussia, and that 
from truly lofty motives she has undertaken this war to 
defend weak and tottering Turkey against her powerful 
foe? First, it is quite dear that she was not indignant 
when the suggestion was made, nor until she had deter- 
mined that an alliance with France would he more valuahle» 
than the friendship of Bussia; and second, her policy is 
si(H*e fully explained hy another suggestion. England 
proposes to herself to hecome the manufacturer for the 
world, and the diief factor of its commerce. The bearing 
which any settlement of the " Eastern question " may have 
upon this main purpose, is the important one in the opinion 
of English statesmen. 

At first view the possession of Egypt and the route to 
India by the Isthmus of Suez, would appear all that Eng- 
land could desire, controlling, as in that case she would, two 
main channels to the East. But then a second thought 
will show that with Bussia holding the Black Sea and Con- 
stantinople, together with the mouths of the Danube, she 
might, with the eastern highway by the Caspian fmd 
the Aral, soon become a formidable rival both in the east- 
em and European markets; and there would be great 
danger that Constantinople would abscnrb much of the trade 
coming through the Bed Sea. If, therefore, the power of 
Bussia could be broken in the Euxine, if her influence at 
Constantinople could be destroyed, and Turkey, as a wymi- 
naUy independent Power, made by the free^trade system a 
mere dependency, a province of England, it would be far 
more advantageous than if she should gain Egypt, with 
Bussia at Constantinople. 

The interests of Turkey have no more been regarded in 
this whole transaction by England than by Bussia. Botii 
Powers have thought only of their own advancement. 


Another consideratiQii seems to hare influexiced the Englifih 
cabinet. France was evidentlj preparing herself for some 
new exhibition upon the theater of nations. She was pro- 
viding herself with a truly formidable navy, and her mili* 
tary arrangements were upon a scale that were significant 
of anything rather than unbroken peace^ England was 
•made to feel her inferiority to her old foe» in military 
strength ; her ablest commanders pointed out the insecurity 
of her position, should the French Emperor find it necessary 
to visit her shores in order to give employment to his army ; 
and the probability of a French invasion was gravely dis- 

When, therefore, a French alliance became possible, it 
was evident that two important objects might be accom- 
plished : that the fleet and army of Louis Napoleon might be 
drawn off from English shores and their strength exhausted, 
or at least employed elsewhere^ and that in addition to this 
securing herself at home, a rival might be crippled or 
crushed abroad. Although the secrets of cabinet councils 
are not disclosed, yet the actiam of the British government 
indicate that such were the ruling motives which led to the 
rejection of the proposal of Nicholas after it had been under 
consultation since 1844, and the acceptance q{ the alliance 
with France. A secondary reason for this choice may^ 
probably be found in the fact, that France had already at 
great cost established herself in Africa, and might be dis- 
posed at some time, if not immediately, to dispute with her 
the possession of Egypt, while Bussia at Constantin<q[>le 
would be comparatively secure within the closed gates of 
the Dardanelles. 

The fear of the English government, that France may 
hereafter seize Egypt and Syria, was clearly revealed in 
the late debate in Parliament upon the Turkish loan. One 
other important fact may have influenced the councils of 


England. An examination of the Bed Sea has shown, it 
is said, that it is not navigable for large steamers. If this 
is so, then Egypt will not answer the purpose of England, 
and she may desire a more northern seaport on the Medi- 
terranean, which may be connected by railway with the 
Euphrates and the Persian Gulf. 

The proposition which the Czar made to the English 
cabinet is a full disclosure of the main features of his 
policy. He was willing to surrender all claim to Egypt in 
behalf of England, and this of itself is conclusive upon one 
point, that he had no sinister designs upon western Europe, 
and that he desired simply a position from whence he could 
safely prosecute his favorite Eastern policy, and establish 
himseK on the road to northern Asia. The right of Bussia 
to execute her design is, to say the least, quite as clear as 
that of England to her acquisitions in India, or that of 
Erance to those provinces of Africa which she has violently 
wrested away. But Bussia has not declared war upon Great 
Britain because she has spoiled the East Indian peninsula, 
n<Nr upon France because of her conquest of Algiers ; yet 
these, but lately mcnrtal foes, have allied themselves for an 
assault on Bussia because she is pursuing a scheme of 
national aggrandizement which, in its moral character, is 
certainly no worse than their own. No candid man will 
deny that the Bussian Emperor was right when he spoke 
of the dissolution of the Turkish empire ba an event not 
only certain, but near. Nor could any one doubt that when 
this should occur it would surely convulse all Europe, unless 
the whole question could be settled by some definite previous 
arrangement. It is diflBicult, therefore, te discover anything 
very atrocious in the frank and open manner in which 
Nicholas lHX>ught tibe subject to the attention of the British 
Ministers ; and in his subsequent conversations with Sir H. 
Seymour, England was certainly treated in an honorable 
• 81 


manner, whatever may be said of the intentions of either 
government in regard to Turkey. 

Bat let it once be conceded that an unavoidable necessity 
of making some disposition of Turkish affairs was near at* 
handy and it will be di^alt to show that the coarse <^ 
Nicholas was more open to censure than that of the other 
Powers who have made themselves parties to this conflict 
If it be granted that a radical change was imminent in tiie 
Ottoman Empire, then it should be remembered that only 
about one-fourth of the inhabitants of that empire are 
Turks, and that no less than twelve millions of them are 
members of the Greek Church, and therefore bound by 
religious affinities to Bussia, and inclined toward her also 
by a common Oriental origin, while between these same 
Greek Christians and the Boman Catholic nations of the 
west, there is cherished an irreconcilable and mutual 

T6 extend the dominion of Bussia over the Turkish 
Empire, would be to incorporate twelve millions who are 
already in at least a partial sympathy with her, while with 
either French or English rule would be introduced a differ- 
ent race and a different religion — and with France, a religion 
intensely hostile. These circumstances should all be taken 
into consideration in explanation of the demands and pur- 
poses of Bussia. They will show that her pretensions in thia 
Eastern question have at least as reasonable a foundation as 
those of her western rivals. The idea of a regeneration <^ 
the Ottoman Empire, with the Turkish element predomi- 
nant, is, in the opinion of the best informed in Europe, a 
mere dream, contrary to every analogy in the Idstoiy of 
the world, and in the nature of things impossible. 

This will be dwelt upon more in detail hereafter. But 
assuming here as true, what will be proved in anotherchap- 
ter, that the dominion of the Turk is already virtually 


<»rer, then the twelve millions of Greek Christians will at 
ODce he the predominant element in the population, and 
their natural affinities lead them to Russia, as the head 
and defender of the Greek Church. This certainly is the 
case with all hut the higher clergy, who, from personal 
amhition, would dislike the control of Bussia. 

It may he safely asserted that an independent state, on 
the present territory of Turkey, composed of Greek Chris- 
tians, could not he maintained hy all the power of western 
Europe. France^ as a Catholic Power, could maintain no 
influence there, except hy force of arms — ^the influence of 
the conqueror over the conquered — ^and England, as the 
ally of a Papal Power, has made herself ohnozious to the 
wh<de Greek Church, which regards this war as, in fact, a 
religious quarrel. The attempt to erect within the limits 
of Turkey an independent Christian state, considering the 
elements that must compose it, would necessarily end either 
in its speedy incorp(M-ation with Bussia or in a continual 
war, for the very san» reasons which hare originated the 
present struggle. 

The single fact that fifty millions in the Bussian Empire 
helong to the Greek rite, and that twelve millions in Tur- 
key are of the same faith, is sufficient to show how the 
Eastern question will he finally settled. And to prove that 
the demands of Bussia are hy no means so preposterous and 
nnjustas France and England would have the world helieve, 
let it he supposed that twelve millions of evangelical Pro- 
testants, allied to the Americans by race and religious faith, 
were, for the present, held in subjection by five millions of 
Mexicans, and that this Mexican rule was weak and totter- 
ing — ^about to fall — ^would France or England be allowed 
to prevent these twelve millions from being incorporated 
with the United States ? Would this government permit 
these to be made an independent state even under French or 


English dictation, that it might be interposed between u 
and the West India islands and South America, hold U8 
within such limits as they should prescribe, and so preserve 
here the balance of pmer? 

It is quite evident that there could be but one settlement 
of such a question. The very existence of this Union 
would depend upon the continent being freed from any such 
foreign control. Every American would dedare that thd 
free development of this country should go on without let 
or hindrance from any others, whose only interest in the 
matter would be that of checking our too rapid advance, 
and keeping us to their own level of power. If the English 
cabinet should say, " our transatlantic cousins are becoming 
too powerful ; they are pressing hard on Mexico, having 
already absorbed some of her finest provinces ; and they 
will soon wrest Cuba from Spain, and so obtain control of 
the West Indian seas ; and they are, moreover, constructing 
a railway to the Pacific, which may endanger our Eastern 
trade ; while at the same time they are building up a man- 
ufacturing system which wiU render them independent of 
our workshops, and enable them to meet us in the markets 
of the world, and we must therefore jamihilate their com- 
merce, blockade their ports, and^eflfectually cripple their 
po^er" — this would, it is believed, be analagous to the 
reasoning which has led to the war of Bussia ; and pa-haps 
the illustration would be more complete if, in the case 
supposed, it should be announced that England had been 
forced into a war to protect Mexico and Spain, and to save 
the world in general from the consequences of American 

This, it is believed, is not an altogether inaccurate repre- 
sentation of the commercial phase of the Eastern war. Li 
what has been presented there is no intention or desire to 
attempt more than a ^ymforaJtive justification cf Russia. 


The idea has simply heen to show that so far as aggressions 
upon other nations are concerned, Eussia is no more guitiyy 
to say the least, than her accasers; that sh§ has not 
assaulted the western Powers, hut that they have attacked 
her, and on the supposition that Turkey must fall, her 
Eastern demands are supported by reasons which can not 
be urged in favor of the course of the Allies. History will 
record that this war, on the part of Bussia, was one of 


The Beligions Aspect of the Easttm War. 

The Bnssian goyernment treats this conflict as a religi- 
oas one, and declares that it has taken arms in defense of 
the national religion- The Bnssian people evidently believe 
this to be true, and the Bnssian soldiers are fired with reli- 
gions enthnsiasm and the love of country. These are 
dangerous elements to cope with, especially when an army 
thus excited is scientifically directed, and abundantly sup- 
plied with every weapon of destruction known to modem 
war. This is sufficiently shown by the wonderful defense 
of Sebastopol. But it is declared that the Bnssian govern- 
ment has imposed upon the people, and has without cause 
maddened them with a fanaticism whose only purpose is to 
stimulate them for the conflict. 

The idea is contemptuously scouted that the struggle is 
in any sen^e to be regarded as a religious war. But not- 
withstanding these confident assertions, the facts in the 
case, as they will appear to any candid observer who will 
view the present in the light thrown over it from the past, 
will disclose a religious aspect to this contest as clearly 
marked as its commercial phase, and even more important. 
Bussia is guilty of no falsehood when she asserts that the 
war is directed against her national faith. Such are not 
the motives of England: as stated in the preceding chapter, 



Bite is swayed by commercial considerations almost exclu- 
sively, holding herself indifferent alike to the Greek Church, 
Bomanism, or Mohammedanism ; or rather choosing, as she 
has deliberately avowed, that the power of the Papacy should 
be revived in Europe under France, than that Bussia should 
not be humbled. 

The real character of the war can not be fully under- 
stood without a careful study of its religious bearings, and 
of the present religious aspect of Europe, and this investi- 
gation should include at least the outline of the history of the 
Greek and Latin Churches. Whoever undertakes to explain 
** the Eastern question " without giving a prominent position 
to the relations of these churches to each other, will only 
deceive himself and others. It belongs in part to the quar- 
rel of the Ages between the East and the West. The his- 
tory and character of the Greek Church are comparatively 
little known to the mass of the American people. Far 
removed from the theater of its life, we have had little 
occasion to study its nature or its movements. 
. With Protestantism and Komanism only before our eyes, 
it has scarcely occurred to us that there is still another 
branch of the original Church which has not only been an 
important actor in the history of the past, but occupies a 
prominent place in the present, and must from its numbers 
and power, influence largely the future. We have, and 
with good reason, been chiefly interested in the movements 
of the Soman Catholic Church, whose emissaries swarm 
around us, intent here as elsewhere, upon schemes for the 
overthrow of all power which stands opposed to Borne. We 
have been fully employed in defending our institutions, our 
liberties and the faith of our fathers' from the Jesuits and 
priests that fill our land with their intrigues, and little 
thought has been bestowed upon the Greek Church, and 
little has been known of it aside from the facts communicated 


by oar missionaries, who have come in contaet wiih it at 
Constantinople and at Athens. 

These however, are but fragments, and deeply cormpted 
ones, of the ancient body, while it is the Russian Charofa, 
fifty millions strong, which has taken its place among the 
great religious Powers of earth, and which is now in real- 
ity the Greek Church. Its character must be studied not 
at Constantinople, nor at Athens, but at home ; for the 
pdicy of the Russian Church will in the end give direction 
and character to all. Because there has been persecatieii 
at Constantinople and Athens, it is ungenerous and deoep* 
tive to assume that the Russian Church is actuated by a 
similar spirit, and so endeavor to arouse against her the 
hatred of^ the world. Let the Church of Russia be judged 
by its acts. 

A majority of readers will probably be better prepared 
to understand this portion of our subject, if their attention 
is first directed to some prominent facts in the history et 
the Greek and Latin Churches, and the Eastern and West> 
em Empires. Through these the origin and true character 
of the war, and the actual position of Russia will more 
clearly appear. Although the scholar will find here only 
the most familiar facts, yet it is believed that those who 
have little leisure for the investigation of such subjects, 
will derive some benefit from this brief epitome of a poN 
tion of history. 

The Church of Christ was for some centuries a united 
body. From the regions beyond the Euphrates, westward 
to its utmost limits, in what is now western Europe, it was 
one undivided whole, its thousands of local churches belong- 
ing to one communion. Then also, one civil power ruled 
over all the theater of the old civilization, and its one capi- 
tal dty was Rome. As was perfectly natural, the Bishops 
of the principal cities in the Roman Empire felt an 


importaiLce proportioned to the positions which they occa- 
pied, and the prelates of Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, 
Borne, and Constantinople, were jealous of each other's 
power, and struggled for the supremacy. The Bishop 
of Bome, located at the Capital of the Empire, possessed 
great advantages over his competitors, and soon secured 
for himself a proud pre-eminence, though not an undis- 
puted one, among his jealous rivals. 

He early asserted for himself the Primacy in the Church, 
and daimed the distinction of Universal Bishop. The pre- 
lates of 'Rome neglected no acts by which the power of the 
other Metropolitans of the Empire could he diminished and 
their own increased. They claimed nothing less than the 
supreme dominion of the world, and each year brought them 
nearer to the accomplishment of their purpose. At last, 
the contest was narrowed down to the Bishops of Bome and 
Constantinople, which latter city having been made the 
Capital of the Boman Empire, by Constantino, soon rivaled 
and even eclipsed both the splendor and power of Bome. 
The Boman Pontiff found himself confronted in the East 
V ft most formidable rival, wielding all those advantages 
which belong to the metropolis of a great empire, and 
which Bome had hitherto exclusively enjoyed. 

The Bishop of Constantinople now naturally hoped to 
hold himself the position of Universal Pontiff, and boldly 
asserted his claim to exclusive dominion over the Church. 
The proud Prelate at Bome, however, was by no means 
inclined to abate one tittle of his loftiest pretensions. A 
bitter quarrel between the two ensued, which was handed 
down to their suecessors — ^a contest between the East and 
the West, between the Latins and the Greek race. The 
Prelates denounced, and even excommunicated each other, 
ftnd bitter hatred sprung up and was cherished by the 


contending parties. Disputes of various kinds continually 
widened the breach. 

The genius of Hildebrand conceived for the Boman 
Catholic Church that stupendous scheme of universal 
dominion, both over the Church and over the governments 
of the world, wluch from his time has shaped the unvary- 
ing policy of the Papacy, which distinguishes its vast 
ambition both from the Greek Church and every other 
body bearing the Christian name, and which directs her 
every eflfort, whether in her hour of weaknesst)r of strengUi, 
to the subjugation of the world. As a consequence of her 
settled policy, the Boman Catholic Pontiff never ceased to 
claim authority over the Bishop of C(Mistantinople, nor 
abandoned the design of finally subduing his power. 

It is probably sufficient for the present purpose to state 
results, without dwelling upon the progress of events. An 
entire separation was finally produced between the East and 
the West— ^between the Greeks and Latins^ or Boman 
Catholics. Constantinople remained the actual capital of 
the Boman Empire, and head of the Eastern or Greek 
Church, while the Pope at Borne was head of the Latin 
Church, the Church of the West The Western, or Latin, 
portion of the Boman Empire was overrun by the Northern 
Barbarians, and when out of its ruins several small king- 
doms sprung up in western Europe, Charlemagne united 
them all in one empire, of which France was the head. 

There was then a Greek Empire and a Greek Church, 
whose chief city was Constantinople, and a western Latin 
Empire, under the crown of Frwce, and a western Latin 
church, whose head was the Pope at Bome. The world was 
divided between the contending interests of the Greeks and 
Latins. When the countries which now form portions of 
the Bussian Empire were converted to Christianity, they 


united themselves mainly with the Greek Churdi, and so 
from the earliest times, Bussia has been allied by religious 
sympathies with the East, and as such has been opposed 
and hated by the Latin Powers and Papal Church. 

The constant efifort of the Pope has been to bring the 
East into subjection to the power of Eome, and force and 
fraud have been alike freely employed to extend over Con- 
stantinople the influence of the Papacy. This hatred of the 
Greek Church and Empire was carried to such a height, 
that in the time of the Crusades, the Latin or Boman 
Catholic Crusaders turned away from their attempts to 
recover Jerusalem from the Turks, and besieged, captured 
and piUaffed Constantinople, with the double purpose of 
centering its Eastern commerce upon the Roman Catholic 
cities of the western Mediterranean, and of subjecting the 
Ch:«ek Church to the power of the Pope. 

From this severe blow Constantinople did not recover. 
The Eastern Empire had been previously partly spoiled of 
its provinces — ^first by the Arabs, and then by the Seljukian 
Turks ; it grew weaker and weaker, and with the capture 
of Constantinople by the Ottomans, in 1453, the Greek 
Empire and Greek Church fell and disappeared together. 
The fragments of the Greek Church proper now found 
within the limits of the Turkish Empire are the descend- 
ants of the remnant which escaped the ferocity of the 
Mussulman conquerors. 

For four hundred years, the fiercest fee that Christianity 
ever encountered has been encamped in Eurqm on the ruins 
of the Empire and the Church which he trampled scorn- 
fully out in tears and blood, filling with <;ruelty*and 
oppression, and withering up the beauty and fertility of 
some of the loveliest portions of the earth ; and now, with 
the shocking barbarities of a thousand years from the time 
(^ the rise of Mahommedanism ringing in the ears of all 


Christendom — with the blood and tears of mfllions of mur- 
dered Christians, victims of Turkish lust and fury,jcrying 
unto God from that fair but desolated land — ^American 
Christians are called upon to pray for the preservation of 
Turkey, to pray that the devastating deluge of Mohammed- 
anism might not ebb away from the plains of Europe. 

But while Constantinople was trodden under foot by the 
Turks, and the Eastern Empire spoiled, and while the 
western world was prostrate at the Papal throne, God was 
nursing a new power in the regions of the unknown North, 
which was to bring once more the Greek Church, in a most 
imposing f<»in, upon the world's theater, and open before it 
another career of greatness. Bussia adopted, from the first, 
the Greek faith and worship, and of course inherited the 
Eastern quarrel with the Bondsh Church, and was cordially 
hated in return by the Catholic Powers of the West, espe- 
cially by the "Pope. 

She looked to Constantinople, as the Catholics regarded 
Bome. There was Russia's mother Church, and there was 
her holy city. From the tinie of the conquest of Constan- 
tinople by the Turks, Bussia meditated their expulsion 
from Europe, And the regaining of her Holy City, whidi, 
like ** Holy Moscow," at home, stirred the reli^ous sympar 
thies of her peqjle. 

This fact is thus stated in BlaekwoocPs Migadney (or 
July, 1855: 

** The close of the reign of Yassili IH. was marked by the 
taking of Constantinople by the Turks. This event made 
a great sensation in Bussia. 'Greece,' says Earamsin, 
* was a second mother-country to us ; the Bussians always 
recollected with gratitude that they owed her Christianity, 
the rudiments of the arts, and many amenities of sociid 
life. In the town of Moscow, people spoke of Ccmstantino- 
ple as in modem Europe they spoke of Paris under Louis 


XIY.' It is among the annalists of that epoch that a 
remarkable pri^hecy was found, on the strength of which 
modern aggression on Turkey appears Justifiable both to the 
church and state of Bos^a. The annalist, after mourning 
over the misfortunes of Constantinople, adds: < There 
remain^ now no orthodox empire but that of the Russians; 
we see how the predictions of St. Methodius and St. Leon the 
Sage are accomplished, who long ago announced that the 
sona of Ishma«el should conquer Byzantium. Perhaps we 
are destined also to see the accomplishment of tiiat prophecy 
which promises the Russians that they shall triumph over 
the children of Ishmael, and reign over the seven hills of 
Constantinople.' It is worth while for us to consider, now 
that this prophecy, since the taking of Byzantium by the 
Turks, has become a fixed and ruling idea with the Russian 
people, quite as much as that of restoration to Judea is to 
the Jews. The priests and popes have taken good care to 
keep it up for their own purposes, as well as those of their 
masters, the Czars ; and when we take the superstition of 
this people into consideration, it is easily seen what a pow- 
erful lever the real or feigned existence of such a prophecy 
must put into the hands of those whose object it is to move 
the Muscovite race.'' 

This feeling has strengthened with the increasing power 
of Russia, and it evinces no unusual degree of national 
ambition or vanity that now, with fifty millions of Greek 
Christians within her own dominions, and twelve millions 
more in Turkey, affiliated to her by a kindred worship, and 
with a million of soldiers at her disposal, she should regard 
herself as the proper head of the Greek Church, the 
defender of its faith, the representative of the Eastern 
Empire, and as commiseaoned to recover and to hold Con- 
stantinople. These facts, though they justify no wrong 
which Russia may have committed, yet serve to explain her 


policy, and to sliow why it is that she seems determined to 
construct for herself, even over prostrate nations, a highwaj 
to Constantinople and the £i^t. 

The following statement is also quoted from Blackwood: 
** Ivan lY. was crowned by the Metropolitan, and saluted 
by the Byzantine title of Autocrat. Thus it seems that he 
wished to be recognized as the heir ci the defunct Grreek 
sovereignty, and the master de jure, if not de faeto, of 
Byzantium. These are important facts, because they show 
that the idea of the acquisition of Turkey does not merely 
date from the time of Peter, but has been a fixed principle 
of action with Bussian sovereigns ever since the fall of the 
Lower Empire. We can not help considering the other 
encroachments of Bussia on the map of Europe as in a 
measure incidental, brought about often by an unforeseen 
concurrence of circumstances, at the same time eagerly 
caught at by the nation as a means to this one great end, 
the possession of Constantinople, and the centralization of 
all the Bussias and their dependencies in the great capital 
on the Bosphorus. This has been and is the one definite 
and distinct object of the ambition of the Czars, the avarice 
of the courtiers, and the fanaticism of the people. That 
Bussia or her sovereigns ever had any distinct design of 
conquering and absorbing the west of Europe we can hardly 
believe, although such would doubtless be to her a consum- 
mation devoutly to be wished. For instance, Grermany was 
divided, bribed, and overawed, not with a view to immediate 
conquest, but with a view to silencing her protest against 
Bussian aggression ; and bere Bussia has fully gained her 
point. Only one thing was wanted — ike revival of the old 
antagonism between England and France, a thing which 
seemed the easiest of all, but turned out, contrary to all 
expectation, the most difiScult — ^that Constantinople should 
be onoe again, the capital of the Eastern workL'^ 


It is only neoessarj to bear in mind the character of this 

ancient quarrel between the East and the West, between 

the Papacy determined to subjugate the Greek Church, and 

that Greek Church equally resolyed upon selMefense and 

wdependence, to comprehend why Bussia would guard with 

most jealous watchfulness against any interference of the 

Boman Catholic Powers with Turkey, and especially when 

coming from France, which is now the most powerful, as well 

as the most earnest defender of the Papacy in Europe ; France 

which to gratify the Pope trampled out the Italian Bepublic, 

and now with a Jesuit as chief adviser of the Emperor, 

makes war on Bussia in the name of drilization and liberty. 

The "Eastern question" then resolves itself mainly into 

the old contest between races and Churches, between the 

East and the West, between Bussia as representing the 

Eastern Empire and Greek Church, and the Latin Powers 

of western Europe, represented in France, to whom, for 

oommerdal purposes, England has for the time allied hep* 

self. The immediate struggle previous to the war, was 

between France and Bussia, on the field of diplomacy at 

at the court of the Sultan : France, by the aid of the Jesuits 

was endeavoring to extend the Papal influence over Turkey, 

and through a Protectorate over one million of Boman 

Catholics in the Ottoman empire, to obtain a pretext for 

interfering with its concerns at some convenient opporu 


It was the old design never abandoned at Bome, of add- 
ing ultimately Constantinople to its dominions. To carry 
out this design France originated the strife concerning the 
Holy Places at Jerusalem, and undertook to repair for 
Boman Catholic use a church which had hitherto been 
daimed by the Greek Church. To effect these purposes 
some musty claims, which had been sleeping a hundred 
years were banted up and revived— by Louis Napotoon 


and in these questions, started by France, for such purposes, 
the immecUaie causes of the war may be found. 

By the custom of seyeral generati<KQs the occupation of 
the Christian churches and other ''Holy Places'' at Jeru- 
salem had been divided between the Greek and Latin 
Churches, but Louis Napoleon by the ^id of Catholic priests 
and Jesuits hunted up some old and neglected treaty stipu- 
lations which the Ottoman government had once made in 
favor of the Boman Catholic CSiurch, and then formally 
demanded that tiie ''Holy Places" should be controlled 
strictly according to the lett^ of the dd treaty which had 
been dragged for tiie purpose, out of its tomb. 

To this Bussia objected, and as Protector of the Greek 
Church demanded that the existing state of things, so long 
settled by custom, should still continue. Here was the 
originating point of the difficulty, the Papal Church search- 
ing out forgotten records in order to revive its old. quarrel 
with the Greek Church, and manufacture an occasion for 
interference with the concerns of Turkey. Bussia only 
asked that the course of several generations should still be 
pursued without disturbance. This very important point 
in the history of this war and the Eastern question, should 
not be forgotten. France, and not Bussia, was the aggressor, 
and it began as a religious quarrel, precisely as Bussia has 

It was a collision between the eastern and western 
churches produced by a demand of France, the very nature 
of which shows every feature of Jesuit intrigue, and that 
it was designed as an entering wedge of difficulty. Let it 
be remembered, too, that France had succeeded in obtaining 
a protectorate over one million of Boman Catholic subjects of 
ihe Porte, the intention of which was of course well understood 
by Bussia. Austria, also, another Boman Catholic Power, 
had obtained from the Turkish government stipulations in 


fsvor of Catholic subjects, while the rights of Bassia in 
regard to twelve millions of Greek Christians rested on 
verbal promises and customs, instead of treaty stipulations, 
excepting, perhaps, the treaty of Kainardji, the meaning of 
which was in dispute, the ralidity of which, as interpreted 
by Bussia, had been acknowledged by an English minister, 
as previously stated. 

With these evidenoes of a settled design on the part of 
the Catholic Powers, and especially France, to secure excluuve 
advantages for themselves, and with the manifest willing- 
ness on the part of the Porte to yield to their demands, 
what was the course of Bussia? No opprobrious epithet 
has been spared in denouncing her conduct at this point, 
and French and English talent has been lavishly employed 
to exhibit her as worthy only of the scorn and hatred of the 
world. What then are the facts ? In regard to the Holy 
Places, Bussia simply demanded that no alteration should 
be made in the existing sti^te of things, which had been 
peacably acquiesced in for " several generations,'' according 
to English authorities. This was so eminently reasonable 
that France did not choose to risk her reputation by refusing, 
and the question of the Holy Places was thus settled by the 
abandonment of the claims of the Papacy. 

But France and Austria had obtained by treaty stipula- 
tion, the right to a protectorate over the one million of Cath- 
olics in the Turkish dominions, while the right of Bussia 
in her protection of twdve mUMom of Greek Christians 
rested, with the exception of the disputed treaty, on a tradi- 
tional privilege, custom, and the verbal promise of the 
Porte, 7u>t upon expreBS treaty, as did those of France. With 
this Bussia had been satisfied until the designs of the Papal 
Powers had been disclosed in the matter of the Holy Places, 
and until it was evident that the Boman Catholic influeno^ 
was likely to become the ruling one with the Sultan. 


Bnssia then asked that the privileges which she had 
enjoyed, and which rested on custom, and pr(»nisesy except- 
ing only the disputed treaty of Kainardji, should now be 
secured by formal contract, as those of France had alreadj 
been, thus placing her rights on the same footing with ihe 
other Powers. She asked for herself no peculiar or exclusire 
advantages ; she demanded simply that the 6reek Christians 
should be placed on the same condition as other Christian 
Powers, and that verbal promises and custom should be 
ratified by assuming the form of a treaty. It has nowhere 
been shown that Bussia demanded any new privileges, 
anything not previously enjoyed, but she only desired that 
existing rights should have the solemn sanction of a 

This point can not be too strongly insisted upon, becaose 
the charge is continually made against Bussia, that after 
the settlement of the question of the Holy Places^ she 
advanced entirely new pretensions, alike incompatible with 
the honor of the Porte and the safety of Europe. This 
has been brought forward on all occasions, to show that 
Bussia was pre-determined upon a rupture with Turkey, 
or upon forcing her to accept such terms as would prove her 
ruin. Let it therefore be remembered that the new demand 
of Bussia was nmply to he sectired by treaty in the rights 
which iJie then poeeened. 

She asked nothing which had not been previously granted 
and secured so far as customary use and verbal promise 
could avail, but fearing that Jesuit artifice and influence 
might induce the Ottoman government to change its mind, 
Nicholas chose to ask the security^ of a written document, 
such as the other Powers had already obtained. This 
request, which history must yet pronounce a most reasQU- 
able one, Turkey, advised by France and England, refused. 

France, England, Turkey, all were willing, perfectly so^ 


to reaffirm eodsting treaties as Turkey construed them. Bat 
all parties were aware that eonsting treaties while they 
^eetired the rights desired by Boman Catholics, did not in Kke 
vnanner provide for those of the Qreeh Church. You have 
our word for it, was the reply of Turkey, and with that 
you should be satisfied. We agree to place the Greek 
Christians on the same footing with others. Let us have 
this in due form of treaty, was the answer of Bussia, and 
ve are satisfied. But Turkey refused. 

We have the authority of the best English writers for 
stating that the promises given to Bussia and the rights 
aha enjoyed, did not differ from those of other Powers. 
^ That engagement toith Russia did not differ in principle 
from any similar promise given to any other Power. ^^ Such 
is the language of the Edinburgh Mevietv, in speaking of 
the engagements entered into between the Porte and the 
European Powers, including Bussia, concerning the Christ- 
ians in Turkey. Bussia then had claimed nothing unusual, 
nothing which other Powers did not possess, and nothing 
which had not been verbally, and as she claimed, by treaty 
also, conceded to her already, and sanctioned by long use. 
What then was the point of difficulty so grave, so incapable 
of removal, as to produce this terrible war ? Once more 
let it be repeated. 

Turkey, by the advice of the Allies, refused to give 
Bussia any formal written legal security for her acknowl- 
edged rightS) when this had already been done in regard to 
other Powers. She was willing to be bound by formal 
treaty in regard to the one million of Boman Catholics, 
when demanded by France and Austria, but she insisted 
that her unsupported word was enough for Bussia, and the 
twelve millions of Greek Christians, and in this position 
she was supported by England and France. They insisted 
that Bassia should not have a kgai and formal right to 


privileges which all parties acknowledged ; and of oonrse^ 
whenever France could persuade or overawe the Turkish 
government, they could be denied altogether. 

It was precisely the ease of a man refusing to give any 
written obligation for a debt which he acknowledges to be 
just, leaving himself the privilege of repudiating it at his 
pleasure. No one could blame a creditor, under such oir* 
cumstances, for endeavoring to secure himself, aud history 
will justify Bussia, first, in believing that Turkey did not 
intend to fulfill engagements to which she refused to bind 
herself in due form, and second, for attempting to secure 
her acknowledged rights— and more especially when every 
movement showed that France was seeking to make it the 
occasion either of quarrel or of reviving her supremiacy in 
the councils of Turkey. 

*' If,'' says the JSdmlmrgh Smew^ *' the new demands of 
Bussia were of a nature to confer upon her in a definite and 
hgal form^ rights of Protectorate over the Christian sub- 
jects of the Forte, they were demands which called for the 
resistance of Europe.'' The world will be inclined to ask 
%ohyf Fredsely such rights of Protectorate had already 
been granted to France in ^^ definite and legal form;^^ why 
then should they be refused to Bussia, particularly when 
for a Jong time she had enjoyed them without dispute, and 
^' they did not difier in principle" from what had been for^ 
mally secured to others ? 

If Bussia would be content with a mere *' re^iffrmatiofk 
^ eaneting treaties" France and England would agree to 
such a note ; but all well knew that this settled nothing, 
because the very sense insisted up<yi by Bussia in thd 
treaty of Eainarcljiy was disputed by France, and finally 
by England also, when it suited her convenience, after her 
marriage with France. Bussia asked only a stipulatioii 
oonfinaing hercaastroction of this treaty, but France and 



England refused to admit this oonstructioH, and coDse* 
quently this proposal to re-affirm existing treaties was a 
mere specious device. The clause in the treaty of Kai- 
nardji is in these words : " The Sublime Porte promises 
constantly to protect the Christian religion and its 

This oertainly in itself is sufficiently indefinite. But 
when Turkey^ under this general rule, enters into certain 
spedfie relations with France and Austria^ she fixes thereby 
her interpetation of the clause, or of her general obliga* 
tions to Christian Powers, and Russia, beyond all dispute, 
has a right to insist upon a similar interpretation of the 
rule in her own case. This was her only demand, and this 
Turkey and the Allies refused. 

When the blinding vail which diplomatic art has thrown 
over this transaction, has been removed by lime, the world 
will perceive that Russia was wronged by Turkey and the 
Allies, and that her only course was to submit to manifest 
encroachment, or prepare herself f<»* resistance. But it 
may be asked, what motive oould have influenced France 
and England to persevere, at the hazard of war, in resist- 
ing a just demand of Russia. The explanation is easy, and 
is given in few words by the Edif^fmrgh Bevies. *' That 
engagement with Russia did not differ in principle from 
any simimilap promise given to any other Power, 
QfioUr danger atUuhed to it in her ecm^ from the alliance 
between the forms of Christianity in Russia and in Tur« 

This furnishes the key to the whole. Because there 
were, in the Providence of God, twelve millions of Greek 
Christians in Turkey who could be influenced by Russia, 
and only one million of Roman Catholics that could be used 
by France, therefore if Russia should possess equal rights 
with other Christian Powers, she would have an advantage 



over them all ; and ^ler^ore, while Boman Catholic interests 
must be se<mre(i by solemn treaty, Russia must rely upon 
the unsupported word of the Porte, a promise which could 
be repudiated at pleasure. 

Such, when stripped of all the wrappage of diplomatic 
mystification, appears to be the real state of the " Eastern 
question,'^ in which the war originated, a war for which the 
world will yet hold France and England justly responsible. 
Bussia saw that she was trifled with, and with reason felt 
that she was insulted, and she decided upon her course 
accordingly. In the whole history of earth, it will be diffi- 
cult to discorer an example where the real merits of a case 
have been more studiously concealed, and western Europe, 
and perhaps most in America have been led to believe that 
France and England have been forced, much against their 
will to enter into this war with Russia. In one sense this 
is true. 

They were forced into a war because Nicholas would 
not consent, after the intrigue of France in regard to the 
Holy Places, to suffer his acknowledged rights to rest any 
longer upon the mere word of the Porte, or upon the lan- 
guage of a disputed treaty, when the mnilar righU of other 
Powers were guaranteed in due legal form. They were 
forced into a war, rather than permit an act of simple and 
manifest justice toward Russia. From their own testimony 
this verdict will assuredly be rendered by history in due 


The Papaoy in its conneotion with tlie Eastern Question. 

"War is going to break out between philosophy and 
faith, between politics and religion, between Protestantism 
and Catholicism ; and the banner raised by France in this 
gigantic straggle will decide the fat« of thQ world, of the 
Church, and, above all, of France herself." * 

This feature of the religious aspect of the Eastern 
question is one which demands from us, as Americans, our 
most serious regard. The activity and zeal of the French 
government in its efforts to obtain a controlling influence 
at Constantinople for the Boman Catholic Church, is only a 
part of a vast design which Kome has conceived for regain- 
ing her lost ascendancy over the world. She is making one 
last but mighty effort to place herself at the head of uni- 
versal dominion. 

She believes herself able even yet to carry out the design 
of Hildebrand and the Innocents, and subject all nations to 
her power once more. Americans should not forget that 
this claim to rule the world in the name of God, and as his 
only and proper representative on earth, has never for one 
moment been abandoui^d by the Papal Hierarchy, nor has 
there been an hour in her history, since the days of Gregory 

^De Cnstine's Russia. 



the Great, when she has not hoth designed and hoped to 
make it good. On this point, no American should either 
remain indifferent, or suffer himself to be deceived. 

The one essential and unvarying claim of the Soman 
Catholic Church is, that she is of right and by the appoint- 
ment of Grod himself, not only the one true Church of the 
earth, but the su^me power of the world; that, as the 
vicegerent of Jesus Christ on earth she is, in the persoB 
of the Pope, the rightful sovereign of all other sovereigns, 
king of kings, and lord of lords; that all out of her pale 
are heathen or heretics ; that all dissenting governments 
ought, as heretical Powers, to be subdued or exterminated ; 
that it is h^r duty to do this whenever and wherever she 
obtains the power ; that for this end, all means whatever 
are justifiable in the sight of God, and her steadfast inten- 
tion is to overthrow every government of earth, whether 
monarchial or republican, that refuses to submit to her 

The Boman Catholic Church has never abated one iota 
of this demand in its widest extent, and she never wUL 
She can not surrender the very loftiest of these pretensions 
without abandoning all. They constitute her life. Without 
these demands, she would become simply one among relig- 
ious denominations, or a local, national church, like that of 
England or Bussia, instead of what she claims now to be— 
the one only church of God, and, as such, the sovereign of 
the nations. 

Nor is it wise to dismiss with an idle sneer either the 
pretensions or the power of the Roman Catholic Church, nw 
blindly rely upon the boasted intelligence of the nineteenth 
century, nor trust implicitly in the present forms and spirit 
of Protestant Christianity, as affording a su£Bicient safeguard 
against the designs of the Papacy, without watchful and 
earnest effort. Few are now ignorant of the remarkable 


change which a few years have wrought in the attitude and 
spirit of the Bomish Church. But a short time has passed 
since the Pope fled, a fugitive, from his capital, and the hopes 
of the friends of freedom and of Protestantism were raised 
to the highest pitch. 

It was thought that the Papal power was broken forerer, 
and the day of the world's deliverance had come. Yet in 
how brief a period was despotism more firmly established in 
Europe than before, and the very Power that claimed to be 
the foremost apostle of liberty, crushed out republicanism 
in Italy, and re-instated the Pope upon his throne. 

Nor has any thinking man failed to observe how, from 
that hour, the boldest, the most impious pretensions ever 
made by the Catholic Church have been revived, and doc- 
trines which even the Middle Ages could scarcely bear are 
openly proclaimed and earnestly defended in republican 
America. A more vigorous life, a more hopeful and aggres*- 
sive spirit, is every where manifested by the Papal Power, 
and the persecuting hierarchy of the dark ages has sud« 
denly re-appeared upon the scene, throwing once more over 
the nations its haughty shadow, breathing defiance, and 
commanding submission. 

Her priests and Jesuits are abroad in every land, a 
mighty band animated by one spirit, and fired with one 
common hope of victory, and revenge for the long dishcmor 
of their Church ; unscrupulous in the use of means, versed 
in every wile of diplomacy, and in every art by which the 
sources of public or private influence are reached, citizens 
nowhere, with no home, or country, and bound by no feeling 
of allegiance, ei^cept to the Pope and their Church alone, 
they are making an earnest, world-wide effort for the com* 
plete sulgugation of the naticms. The attempt which for 
years has been made at Jerusalem and Constantinople, 


is but a part, yet a very important one in the general 

The revival of the old quarrel with the Eastern Church, 
is one step only in a premeditated series of aggressions in 
the East for the purpose of humbling and crippling Russia, 
the representative of the Greek Church and empire, and 
as such, hated and feared. Not from idle curiosity, but 
from settled design originating with his Jesuit advisers, did 
Louis Napoleon search through the f(»*gotten records of two 
hundred years to find an occasion agsunst the Greek Churchy 
and the means of expelling it from its possessions in 
Jerusalem, and at the same time of striking a blow at 

It must be understood that national pride, ambition, and 
commercial interests had also a powerful influence in this 
movement, but behind all these, and using these as the 
instruments of their working, were the leaders of the 
Bomish Church, stirring up national pride and ambition, in 
order through them to advance the interests of the Papacy. 
A papal influence procured from the Forte concessions in 
favor of Catholics, which at the same time it was induced 
to refuse to Bussia and twelve millions of Greek CSiristians, 
leaving them to the hare vmd of the Turkish government, 
while Roman Catholic rights were solemnly secured by 
treaty. A Papal influence has secured an alliance between 
France and England for the crushing of Russia, the only 
formidable foe of the Papacy in Europe, and England hM 
been led so to seek the gratification of her ambition, and 
to take such measures to secure her commercial supremacy, 
as will if possible check and limit the power of Russia, the 
defender of a rival Church, and thus the whole power of 
Protestant England has been made available to re-est^liflh 
the supremacy of the Papacy in Europe. 


Disguise all this as we will, these are the facts, and to 
these conclusions the world ere long must come ; but pos- 
sibly too late to avert a long train of calamities which now 
ure threatening Europe^ if not Protestantism, throughout 
the world. Every interest of Protestant Christianity and 
every interest of America, whether commercial, or religious, 
would be advanced by the defeat of the Allies, and the 
breaking up of the Anglo-French alliance. 

Their success would be the triumph of the Papacy in 
Europe, and in all the East. In England the newly 
awakened vigor of Borne has been manifested in equally 
earnest efforts to win back even this Protestant Power to 
her embrace and ccmtrol. These attempts and the powerful 
influence whidi they have produced upon the English nation, 
are too well known to be dwelt upon here. Whatever may 
be said of the soundness of the heart of the English nation, 
idl of which it is hoped, will prove true, the astounding 
fact is brfore the world, that England has deliberately 
chosen a Papal alliance in a war whose origin was a reU* 
gtous one, that in a struggle between the Greek and Latin 
Churches she has espoused the cause of Eome, and coolly 
avows that the war, if successful, will strengthen the Papal 
power in Europe, and that she prefers this to the progress 
of Bussia. She is therefore the ally of the Latin Catholic 
jiations against the Eastern Church and empire. American 
Protestants may well inquire with some anxiety, what will 
become of English Protestantism ere this war is over ? 

Li our own country, this new struggle for Papal supremacy 
is no less earnest than at Constantinople. Armies of for-* 
rign priests and Jesuits are not permitted to roam at will 
in Bu88ia» fomenting strife, and intriguing against the gov- 
ernment, and therefore fleets and armies, shot and shell, 
are employed to cri^^e her ; while our theory of liberty has 
been that Americans have not even the right to protect 


themselves or their institutions, lest it should abridge the 
liberties of those who are endeavoring to subvert them, and 
therefore the emissaries of a foreign despotism, and mil^ 
lions of emigrants, wherewith they oould work, have been 
directed to our shores — and to them our subjugation haa 
been for the present entrusted. A concerted attack, as 
carefully planned and as determined as that upon Bussia, 
has been made upon the very life of American institutions. 

The very basis of American Protestant Bepublicanism, 
our schools and our Bible — ^these have been assailed by the 
combined talent of the Papal leaders here, aided by the 
whole influence of the Pope and by a liberal supply of funds 
from Europe. The Jesuits in America and those at Jeru- 
salem and Constantinople, are working in concert, with one 
great common end in view — ^the universal re-establishment 
of the Papal authority, and a propagandism that shall rule 
the world. The efforts of the Catholic bishops, priests and 
Jesuits here, the intrigues in the Sultan's court, and the 
batteries at Sebastopol, have but one general significance, 
though distinct commercial interests are connected with the 
questions in the East. Nor should it be forgotten that the 
present revived and threatening aspect of the Boman Cath- 
olic Church is, according to the view of many intelligent 
students of prophecy, clearly foretold in the Word of God. 

They find it stated, as they think, in the prophetic 
record, that previous to the final destruction of the Papal 
power, there will be formed a new combination of the west- 
ern Latin nations in one new western Empire or confederacy, 
which shall give its full support to the authority of the 
Pope, as the Empire under Charlemagne once did, and that, 
possessed once more of the needful power, Bome will again 
seek to glut herself with Protestant blood. The tendency 
toward such a result in Europe is certainly sufiSeiently dear 
to arrest our earnest attention. Napoleon, we know. 


dreamed of the restoration of a Western Empire, and was 
crowned with the iron crown of Charlemagne. His amhi* 
tion also took an Eastern direction, and he meditated upon 
an Eastern dominion, resting on the commerce of India. 

Louis Napoleon is at least the heir of his uncle's amhi- 
tioB. France is at this moment the head and leader of the 
Latin (Catholic) Powers, and under her they are comhined 
against the Greek Church and Bussia in the East, and 
tending toward a confederacy in the West, which shall 
bear up the Papal throne. The influence of Bussia over 
Austria, and her Sclavonic population, unfits her for a 
Catholic leader, and renders her position uncertain ; while 
France, with her bayonets at Bome, her Jesuits at Constan- 
tinople, and her arms at Sebastopol, has prepared herself 
to be the head of Catholic Empire, while, at the same time, 
ahe stands in Africa with her eye upon the East. 

Still another important aim of this new movement of 
the Boman Catholic Churdi is to retain its ascendancy over 
the western portions of the Sclavonic race. The Bohemians, 
the Storraks, the Poles and Lithuonians (all Sclavonians), at 
their conversion to Christianity, attached themselves to the 
See of Bome ; while the Servians, Bosnians, Bulgarians, 
and Bussians, (all Sclavonians, also,) united themselves with 
Constantinople and the Greek Church. The Bussians and 
Poles are, therefore, of one race but different religions, and 
the hostility of the Poles to Bussia is stimulated by Catho- 
lic influence, and were this withdrawn, the ties of race 
would gradually unite again these now separated branches 
of the same family. Hence the desire to wrest Poland 
from Bussia, and prevent this union. Let it be remembered 
that if Poland is not controlled by Bussia, she will be 
crushed by the worse despotism of the Papacy. Boman 
Catholic civilization curses whatever it touches. 

Such being the state of Europe, and such the undeniable 


position, hopes, and efforts of the Eomish Church, it cer- 
tainly requires no far-seeing sagacity to understand the 
interests and dangers of the United States in this momen- 
tous struggle. 

Already, half-uttered but most significant threats are 
directed against us, both by France and England, and lie 
only deceives himself who supposes that we are secure. 
Should the Allies succeed in crippling Russia, there is 
nothing more certain, in all human events, than that, the 
Papal power having thus been re<^Btablished and strength- 
ened in Europe, the Catholic Church, excited by success, 
would seek a quarrel with Protestant America, or in some 
way attempt to weaken and control us ; and why should not 
England lend her aid for precisely the same reasons which 
induce her to join now in an attack on Bussia, to repress the 
growing power of a manufacturing and commercial rival. 
No ties of blood and religious affinities will swerve her 
from the cold grasping pursuit of her interests. 


The Relation of the Eastern Question to American Missions. 

The suggestions contaiBed in the last chapter will enable 
one to perceive how deeply the interests of oar Missions in 
tlie East are involved in the present struggle. It is much 
to he regretted that some of the friends of our Eastern 
Missions should have adopted so heartily the extreme Eng- 
lish view of the war, without a more calm and deliberate 
survey of its causes and merits. The strong sympathy which 
began to be manifested in England in regard to our Turk* 
ish missions, at the time when Eastern affairs assumed a 
serious aspect, was not, perhaps, without its object An 
alliance was projected between English and American 
Christians, which, through the religious press, might pow- 
erfully influence American feeling, and perhaps be followed 
by a union, which would bring assistance in an hour of 
need. England, when preparing for this contest, greatly 
desired at least the moral support of American sympathy. 

It is no longer a matter of indifierenee in Europe to 
which side American feeling inclines. The influence of the 
United States, even while remaining neutral, bears heavily^ 
and her indifference or coldness toward the Allies in this 
war, renders it already more difficult to hold the enthusiasm 
of the people to the effective point, while Eussia is cheered 
and encouraged by the fact. It accorded, then, with every 



feature of English policy to give a warm approval to 
American missionary operations in the Turkish Empire, and 
so enlist Christian sympathies on both sides of the water, 
in favor of the course of the government. 

Knowing well that these missions are among the most 
cherished projects of a portion of the American churches, 
and the great influence which the society that controls them 
wields over the public mind, an earnest attempt was made 
by means of these missions to bind the two nations together. 
England indorsed American efforts with warm approval and 
promises of assistance, and, on the other hand, the friends 
and supporters of these missions, in America, were strongly 
enlisted in favor of England. 

Nor was this an unnatural feeling* The ties of race, 
language, and common religion, create necessarily strong 
sympathies between us and the mother country, and the 
more earnest Christians in the two nations have beconae 
strongly affiliated. Bussia, too, as standing at the head of 
the Greek Church, was associated in most minds with the 
persecutions o£ that Church in Constantinople and Greece, 
and in proportion as American Christians loved and honored 
their devoted missionaries, were they disposed to regard 
Busdia with dislike, and sympathize with the prevailing 
feeling in England. 

Americans have failed to give due weight to some very 
important discriminations which ought to be held steadily 
in view. The policy of the MtgUsih govemmeniy in regard 
to this Eastern question, is a matter widely different from 
the views and feelings of British evangelical Christians in 
regard to missionary operations in Turkey. The policy <£ 
the government may be cold, grasping, and selfish, while 
individual Christians may cherish feelings wholly right in 
regard to the evangelization of the East. It does not 
follow, therefore, that American Christians should indorse 


the policy of the English Cabinet, or respond to copy and 
eircolate the studied detraction of Bussia which loads the 
British journals/ because many English Christians sympa* 
thize with the cause of American Missions. 

We ought still to be both just and generous towards 
Bussia. If English Christians take our position in regard 
to Missions, it is by no means necessary on this account that 
wo should identify ourselves with the British government 
in an attack upon Bussia which touches at every point her 
interests, her reputation, and her life. We are not bound, 
as an independent nation, having a great stake in this 
contest, to be controlled by the interests or prejudices of 
England. As a Christian and neutral nation, we ought 
at least to hold ourselves aloof from a course which would 
needlessly alienate the friendship of a powerful people, 
whose good will, and even assistance, may be valuable to ua 
in times not far remote. 

When the English government shall strip the war of its 
present selfish aspect — ^when it becomes a contest tot Chris* 
tianity, civilization, and the rights of man — ^it may become 
us to espouse her quarrel. But so long as the conflict is 
carried on merely for commercial supremacy, merely to 
cripple a rising sister state, lest she might become a pow- 
erful rival of England, it is difficult to perceive why it 
should enlist the sympathies of the American churches, 
especially when it is more than doubtful whether the success 
of the Allies would promote, in the end, the cause of 
American Missions in the East. 

Again, the Bussian Church is not to be identified with 
the Greek Church, either in Turkey or Greece. The per- 
secutions of these latter, whether at Constantinople or 
Athens, are not to be charged upon Bussia. Indeed, in 
both cases they have been instigated and aided on by Boman 
Catholics, who, true to the interests of their Church, 


endeavor to repress and destroy Protestantism wherever it 
appears. Jesuit influence has undoubtedly increased the 
natural hostility of the Greek Church to our missicmary 
cause. But the Church of Bussia must be judged by its 
own spirit and its own acts. 

Adopting the Greek form of worship, its points of con- 
tact are with Protestantism, and not with the Papal Church. 
It has not shown a persecuting spirit, and all religions 
denominations are tolerated in Bussia. It does not follow, 
therefore, that if Bussia were even established at Con- 
stantinople, she would countenance the intolerant, persecut- 
ing spirit of the Greek Church in Turkey, nor that she 
would repress our missicmary operations there, unless 
exasperated by a hostile spirit exhibited towards her in 
America. Certain as it is that Bussia must exert a large 
influence in Eastern affairs — ^an influence which western 
Europe can not destroy — it is surely wise not to forfeit her 
friendship without a cause, nor permit ourselves to indulge 
in a spirit of hostility and detraction because France and 
England seem disposed to destroy not only the power but 
the reputation of Bussia. 

Let it not be forgotten that England already, in this 
Eastern affair, is compelled to occupy a secondary position, 
and that if the Bussian counterpoise to France should be 
removed, English influence at Constantinople may be over- 
borne, and France and the Papacy may wield the ccmtrol- 
ing power; and where then would our Missions find a 

A course hostile to Bussia has been pursued by some of 
the leading religious papers, because it is imagined that 
the success of the Allies would secure the interests of our 
Turkish missions, which it is supposed would be endangered 
by the triumph of Bussia and the fall of the Ottoman 
Power. Hence the preservation of Turkey is held np to 



the American mind as the great desideratum ibr the United 
States and the world, and we are most earnestly urged to 
espouse the cause of the Sultan. But the pres^vation of 
the Turkish Power is a thought not seriously entertained 
by any one of the parties in this great struggle. So far 
as that idea is still presented in Europe, it is well known 
to be employed simply as a cover for the real designs of 
the war. The most candid and able of the English Jour- 
nals already treat the proposed re-vivifying of the decaying 
"body of the Turkish Empire as impossible and absurd. 
The Mohammedan dynasty has closed, so far as Europe is 
concerned. The three woes pronounced against the Christi- 
anity of the East, and which the West has also shared, 
have, it may be hoped, run their course. The Arab, the 
Turk, and the Ottoman ravaged in their turn the fairest 
portions of Christendom, and glutted their ferocity,, and 
satiated their lust during all their fearful reign. Cruelty 
at whidi the soul sickens, outrage and insult which make 
the ears tingle and the heart hot, have characterized their 
wh<de course until their power was broken, and " christian 
dog '^ was the only name vouchsafed to a follower of Jesus, 
while they dared to use the epithet. Treating the whole 
Christian race as fit only for slaves, they have murdered 
and enslaved, and filled their slave-markets and their 
harems with their victims, until Christian slaves ware a 
drug in the overstocked markets. Naked Christians by 
thousands have been exposed in the streets of Constanti- 
nople ; ladies of noble birth made the slaves of the lowest 
menials ; heads and ears have been piled in pyramids by 
the gates of the Sultan's palace — ^an awful avenue through 
whidi ambassadors of Christian Powers must walk to an 
audience with the Sultan. The national ships of Turkey 
sail into the Gk)lden Horn with the corpses of Christians 
hani^ng from every patt of their rigging ; the heart-rending 


scenes of Sdo being but a specimen of Turkish war- 
fare — a modem example of what was the usual course, 
when time after time, the beautiful Anatolia was ravaged 
Imd crimsoned with the baptism of her children's blood, 
when thousands on thousands of the fair wives and daugh- 
ters of a Christian Empire were subjected to vilest outrage 
and crowded into slave-markets and harems, their fathers, 
husbands and brothers murdered, and their children cir- 
cumdsed and trained up to recruit the armies of the Pro- 

Now, when the loveliest portions of earth have been 
laid waste, and trodden under foot for ages, robbed at first 
from Christians, and held by oppression and rapine since, 
a Power whose deeds have linked its name forever with 
whatever is ferocious in war or brutal in sensuality, a 
Power which has been in all its course the most terrible foe 
that Christianity has yet encountered, we are asked to 
beseech God that the barbarian encampment may not be 
broken up in Europe, and that the Eastern Capital, wrested 
once from the followers of Christ, may not be yielded back, 
and Christian aid and good wishes and prayers are sought 
for the sinking standard of Mohammed. 

Among all the visions of this nineteenth century, the 
preservation of the Ottoman Empire as a Turkish State, is 
probably the most absurd, and more especially when 
indulged by a Christian, with the prophetic record, and his- 
tory, and the present with its unmistakeable signs all open 
before him. Like a tree smitten by lightning, the Turkish 
Empire stands stricken with the evident curse of Grod, and 
moldering to its falL There is no longer in it the power 
of a life. It is hopeless as the tree blasted to its outmost 
branch and lowest root. Individuals may, it is to be 
hoped, yet be won for God, but for Christian missions to 
lean on the arm of the Ealse Prophet for support, ia 


oefHainly an anomaly in Christian policy. Mohammedanism 
like the Papacy is a persecutor by nature, and it can only 
be restrained by the lack of power to execute its will. 

It would seem that no Christian should ever forget that 
tibe wasted and desolate East was once the fairest portion 
of Christendom, studded with prosperous cities, the home of 
a civilization which in wealth and splendor rivaled all that 
the West has produced, and that for ages a government 
existed at Constantinople which other States might profi* 
tably study as a model. Arab, Turk, and Ottoman, have 
successively ravaged it, not in any just quarrel, nor even 
with the forms of regular war, but merely as hordes of 
barbarian robbers rushing forth for slaughter and pillage, 
and the indulgence of brutal passion, maddened against the 
Christian name, and in the name of the False Prophet 
slaughtering and enslaving the followers of Jesus. Their 
occupation both of Christian Asia and of Europe has been 
that of an armed invasion ; the cruel and capridouB rule of 
banditti, rather than the government of a regular State, it 
has be£n a military encampment foraging upon the sur- 
rounding region?, drying np the resources of the land, and 
reducing the population to beggary. 

Ferocious, cruel, scornful, and intolerant, so long as it 
bad the power to be so with impunity, it has yielded only 
to force, as Europe has closed around it ; and quiet now, 
because it dares not attempt to injure, Turkey is suddenly 
praised for her amiable disposition, and prayers in her 
behalf, for her preservation as a State, are asked for in 
Christian lands, because the False Prophet, Christianity's 
most malignant foe, the persecutor of a thousand years, will 
now, it is thought, be found the friend and patron of Christian 
missions. We have been taught to thank God that Charles 
Mfirtel arrested the tide of invasion in the West, and rolled 
badk the hordes of Mohammedan plunderers^ and we are 


appealed to, and justly on behalf of Poland and her S(Ai* 
eski, because they acted in later times to break the Turkish 
poorer ; and who did not rejoice when the Ottomans were 
compelled to yield their possession of Greece, and take 
another step backward toward Asia; and why, therefore, 
when Bussia is performing a similar work in another 
quarter, should all Europe cry out against the barbarism 
of the deed, and rush to arms in defense of this innocent 
lamb of Turkey? Had it not been for the power and infla- 
enoe of Bussia, Turkey might have been this day what she 
once was, the scourge and terror of Europe. Moreover, the 
sincerity of the sympathy professed in France and Eng- 
land for Turkey, is easily tested by their policy in the past. 
Where was this sympathy when Egypt was wrested from 
the Sultan? Where was French and English sympathy 
when their cannon helped to annihilate the Turkish navy 
at Nararino ? 

How long is it since the French government threatened 
to force the passage of the Dardanelles, for some petty object 
of their own? Who has occupied Algiers ? Who has cast 
an eye on Tunis and on Egypt? And lastly, who but the 
French and English are treating the Turks now as if they 
were merely their slaves? Not a drunken French or Eng- 
lish sailor at Constantinople, if accounts are to be relied 
upon, but feels at liberty to trample under foot ihe Turkish 
rule, and treat their capital as a conquered city. As haa 
been already said, nothing is farther from the mind of any 
party engaged in this war than the restoration or preser- 
vation of t)ie Turkish State. 

Nicholas was frank enough to e2:press his opinion, and 
a truthful one, concerning the state of that empire, and to 
declare his purpose. England and France are vailing their 
ultimate designs by an affected regard for Turkey, by 
omtingthe delusive hope that they are warring for httman 



rights, by unmeasured abuse of Bussia, and by declaring 
that they have armed to preserve the civilization of Europe 
against the barbarism of the North. But the progress of 
events will ere leng strip this covering vail away, and 
Americans at least will perceive the true character of the 
irar and the interests which they have at stake. 

The destruction of the Turkish Empire, then, may be 
regarded not only as resolved upon by man, but determined 
by Qod, as the pr(^hetic records show, and evidently not to 
be avoided now, for whatever form European influence — or 
rather dictation — may assume, the Sultan is, from hence- 
forth, a puppet, the Porte a cypher ; indeed the Ottoman 
Power may be considered already among the things that 
were — a nation of the past. The true question, therefore, 
connected with our American Missions is,, whether their 
interests will be better protected under the control of the 
Allies than if Bussia should govern the East. Oonsidering 
the unwise and uncalled for spirit of bitterness and hostility 
which has been manifested toward Bussia by some of the 
friends of these Missions, and their evident and cordial 
sympathy with England, it would not be surprising, should 
this continue, if the Bussian^ government should, in retalia- 
tion, or as a measure of prudence, refuse to favor a Prot* 
estant Mission in any spot within its dominions. Indeed, 
how it could safely do otherwise does not clearly appear. It 
would certainly require a forbearance not often seen to 
induce a government to cherish a religious influence hostile 
to its very existence. Self-defense requires a refusal, and 
such a defense would savor neither of bigotry nor intolerance. 
Should Bussia establish her power in Turkey, and our Mis^ 
sions be excluded, will it not be because they have leagued 
themselves, through the policy of leaders at home, with 
Bussia's deadliest foes, and have thus needlessly become 
parties in the quarrel ? 


Bussia is disposed to regard America as a friend, and 
turns toward her for sympathy, and if her friendship ia 
forfeited, it will he hj inconsiderate acts of our own. Our 
Missions might prohahly have hcen secure under the protec- 
tion and with the friendship of Bussia. If they should he, 
after what has occurred, it will only he hecause she is more 
generous than a portion of the American Churches hare 
shown themselves toward her. What, however, will the 
condition of those Missions he should the Allies hereafter 
remain masters of the East. Let it he rememhered that 
the religious questions connected with this war are alto- 
gether of secondary importance with England — ^that is, with 
the government. Merely for or against the Greek or 
Catholic Church — ^for or against Mohammedanism — ^Eng- 
land would never have armed a soldier or fired a gun. Her 
ohjects are political and commercial alone ; satisfied, as she 
herself declares, even if the Papal power is strengthened 
in Europe, provided Bussia can thereby be crippled. It is 
then a matter of comparative indifference with the British 
government what religious influences control the East, pro- 
vided ulterior ohjects can he gained. 

With France, the case is widely different. In addition 
to thQ commercial interests which sway her, she is the 
recognized champion of the Boman Catholic Church; her 
armies at Bome are the body-guard of the Pope, and her 
unremitted efforts and intrigues at Constantinople in favor 
of Papal supremacy in the East, have brought on the pre- 
sent conflict, and the sacrifice already of half a million of 
lives. Her influence, moreover, in this war, is the control- 
ing one. England plays a secondary part, and must continue 
to do so. 

If Bussia is defeated, the settlement of the Eastern 
question will be dictated by France; nor will England 
object to whatever France may require or even wish, so far 


as religions interests are concerned. What then would be 
the fate of Protestant Missions in Turkey, when, through 
France, the Papal authority is the ruling one at Constanti- 
nople? The question answers itself. Protestants are 
endured by Borne while power is wanting to remove them, 
and not one moment longer. 

The idea of preserving American Missions in Turkey, 
after the success of the Allies, is a dream never to be real- 
ized. Persecution, whenever she has the power, belongs to 
the very nature of the Bomish Church ; there is nothing on 
earth more feared or cordially hated 1^ the Jesuits and 
Boman Catholic priests than American Protestantism, and 
it would be rooted out of Turkey could their power, by the 
success of France, be established there. More than this, it 
may be safely affirmed that England would unite with 
France in preventing the United States from gaining, even 
through our Missions, an influence in the East, which might 
threaten, even though remotely, the supremacy of her own 
oommeroe. American influence, in any form^ would not be 
encouraged in Turkey, if she were under the sole control 
of the Western Powers, and they largely influenced or 
directed by the counsels of the Papacy. Even for our Mis- 
sions, far more may be hoped from Bussia than the Pope. 

Bearing in mind the established fact that new and most 
vigorous efforts are being made in poncert, in Europe, Asia, 
and America, for the restoration of the supremacy of the 
Church of Bome, and that in this movement, France is the 
leading power, has it never entered into the minds of those 
who are exciting fears concerning^ the persecutions of the 
Bussian Church, to consider what the fate of twelve mil- 
lions of Greek Christians in the Turkish Empire will be, 
when by the success of the Allies the Papal power is estab- 
lished there, as it is most certain in that case to be. When 
Bome has it in her power to gratify her hatred, and her love 


of power, together, will she hesitate to do so, especially 
where an olgect sought vainly for centuries is at last 
attained, and when she stands flashed with her victories. 
Rassia alone now stands between the power of the Papacy 
and twelve millicms of Greek Christians, who abhor fiome, 
and who could be subdued to her authority only by foroe. 

It was truly the right, of protection which Nicholas 
claimed for himself in behalf of these, and it was no 
unmeaning phrase. He demanded the right to shield 
twelve millions of his own faith from the intrigues and 
meditated aggressions of Bome. He knew perfectly the 
position and policy of the French government, and the 
designs of the Papal leaders, and had he, under the cir- 
cumstances, failed to insist upon the demands he made, it 
would have been a complete surrender of the Greek Church 
in Turkey, into the hands of France and Rome. Let 
Americans consider for a single moment some of the results, 
in a religious point of view, should Russia be compelled to 
retire, and yield the control of the East to England and to 
France. As has been said, the Papal power would be re-es- 
tablished in Europe in such strength as it has not possessed 
as yet in modem times, and its policy would also control 
the East. Protestantism would be on all sides repressed 
and persecuted, and England in the end would probably be 
made to repent the work of her own hands, unless she too 
could be won, a thing not quite impossible, though we may 
hope improbable. 

What would shield America from danger or actual 
aggression then ? With an army of Jesuits in her very 
bosom, hatching treason while they are warmed and cher- 
ished, in constant correspondence with foes abroad, with a 
large Catholic population as their instruments here, and 
England won, paralyzed, or from commercial considerations 
hostile, as she is to Russia now, where will the United States 


find a friend and ally then, unless it may be in that very 
Power which so many are anxious to have us insult and 
alienate now. Kossuth, from his hatred of Russia, and 
from looking at events almost exclusively from the Revolu- 
tionary stand-point, contents himself with a partial view of 
passing events, overlooking the designs and influence of the 
Papacy. Granting the wonderful sagacity which has char- 
acterized many rf his observations, no intelligent Ameri- 
can can doubt nevertheless, that the policy which he urges 
would be a fatal one for our country. 

American Republicanism will never, in all probability, 
be attacked by Russia. It is altogether a mistaken view 
of her course, that she proposes to herself a crusade for the 
establishment of despotic forms of government. She might 
be gratified if such forms could be adopted, but not for this 
is she building fleets and equipping armies. But a IVote^nt 
American Republic the Papal Power will most assuredly 
assault whenever an opportunity shall offer. From any 
ambition of the Russian Church there is nothing to fear— 
from the Papacy there is nothing to hope, if it has the 
ability to destroy. 

With French armies and influence to support the intrigues 
of priests and Jesuits, and England holding only a sec- 
ondary position, as she now doesy the voice of her embas- 
sadors will be less potential hereafter at Constantinople 
than it has been, if, as has been observed, the Russian 
counterbalance to France is removed; and Sir Stratford De 
Bedcliffe may find himself unable to protect the interests 
of Protestant missions as he has hitherto done. These 
points should at least be considered before American Christ- 
ians engage in a crusade against Russia. 

Nothing certainly will be gained for Christianity or 
civilization if Russia is held back from the Bosphorus only 
that the Papal power should be established at Coifstantinople. 


The following extract from a small bat yalaable work <m 
the Greek Churchy just published, will not be without its 
use in showing not only the designs of the Papacy and the 
intrigues of the Jesuits, but the treatment which Protest^ 
ant Missions would receive, should Roman Catholic France 
gain the ascendancy in the East Let it be hoped that 
American Christians may be seasonably wise. The author 
speaks of the Catholic Churdi as follows : 

''Their paramount dread has respect to the encroach- 
ments of Protestant influence in the East. Long ago the 
Jesuits wrote : ' With regard to the nobles in particular, it 
is necessary above all things to inculcate on them, making 
it a case of concience, that they should have no cannectim 
with the heretics in Poland or in Lithuania, but on the ccm- 
trary faithfully assist the Catholics in eradicating them. 
Thk admce is, in tmr opinion, of ike greatest iraportcance, 
became until the heretics shall he exterminated in our countiy, 
no perfect concord and union between the Greek and CaihoUe 
Churches may be expected to take place in itJ We may fairly 
act on this hint. As Protestants, we are declared to he 
barriers to the union of Borne and Greece ; let us see to it, 
that by our activity and prayerfulness we really prove such. 
Low as the Eastern Church is fallen, let ts not leave her 
to sink into a lower depth, but putting forth a friendly 
hand, and strengthening the agencies that are already at 
work in her behalf, let us seek to raise her to those heights 
of gospel-knowledge, gospel-liberty, and gospel-blessedness, 
to which she is as yet a straoger.'^ 


The Bussian drarcli. 

Js a religions point of view, the contest in the East lies 
between the Russian Church on the one hand, and the 
Boman Catholic on the other. The two leading Powers i& 
the conflict head these two great divisions of nominal, if 
not real Christianity. Protestantism as a religious interest 
does not as jet enter into the war. 

England has armed for national aggrandissement, or to 
speak with greater precision, to prevent what she deems 
the undue expansion of a rival Power, which might lessen 
her comparative importance, and perhaps diminish her 
actual strength. She will not wage war to establish the 
Protestant religion in the East, much less the American 
type of Protestantism. K she gains her commercial ends 
she will rest content. The character of the Russian Church 
iihen becomes an exceedingly interesting subject of inquiry. 

Without understanding the nature of that religion which 
is the faith of fifty millions of Russians, we can form no 
correct judgment upon the influence which Russia would 
exert upon Turkey and the East, should she gain the ascen- 
dancy there. If the world is called upon to choose between 
the Papacy and the Russian Church, as ruler of the East, 
we ought to understand the distinctive features of each. 
As has been already remarked, the Russian Church though 


adopting the Greek rite, and constituting indeed the Greek 
Church of modern times, must not be confounded either 
with the Greek Church in Turkey, or in Greece. 

The latter have shown a persecuting spirit which the 
Bussian Church has not manifested. The three divisions 
doubtless sympathize with each other to a certain degree, 
but the Church of Bussia will eventually control and give 
character to the others, unless the Allies succeed in forcing 
her back and repressing her growth. Many, perhaps most in 
America, confounding the Greek with the Russian Church, 
charge upon the latter the spirit of persecution which 
assailed our missionaries in Turkey and Greece, and are 
therefore led to suppose that the Papal Church and that of 
Russia are of similar character ; and thousands unjustly 
imagine that both are equally bigoted, persecuting and 
corrupt. England endeavors to persuade the world that 
civilization has less to fear from the Papacy than from the 
Church of Bussia. This opinion most certainly has no 
foundation in truth ; but yet it is often expressed. 

It is important, therefore, for Americans to make 
themselves acquainted with the facts connected with 
this question, and form for themselves an independent 
judgment. With the character of the Boman Catholic 
Church, its spirit, its aims, and its doctrines, the United 
States have been made familiar ; and a nation that has 
been goaded to an almost universal uprising against its 
insolent demands, and its ploi» against Bepublican liberty, 
will have very little confidence that liberty will be pro- 
moted through its influence either in Europe or the East 
Indeed one of the most cogent reasons why Americans 
should be sparing of sympathy with the Allies in the preteni 
(upect and aims of this war is, that just in propomon as 
success attends them, will the Papacy be strengthened, and 
in that exact ratio, also, must the cause of human freedom 


be weakened in Europe, for the Papacy and despotism are 
natural and inseparable friends and supporters of each 

The characteristics of the Bussian Church are less known 
to the people of the United States. Bussia has not emptied 
her population by millions upon our shores, nor sought to 
cdonize our territories for religious ends ; and no bands of 
priests or Jesuits have been ordered on from St. Petersburg 
as spies upon our proceedings, and to subvert, if possible, 
jonr institutions. We lack, then, those means of judging 
JEtussia which are unfortunately so abundant in the case of 
Rome. Still the doctrines of the Church of Bussia are 
sufficiently well known, and her practice, history has 
recorded. It will be found that in essential doctrines there 
are almost no points of comparison with the errors of 
Bomanism. As a religious system, the distinction between 
it and the Papacy is broad and palpable, as a comparative 
exhibition of their theories will show, and from this com- 
parison what the nations have to fear from each, may be 
clearly seen. 

The Boman Catholic claims to be the one only true 
Church — the one universal Church, wliose dominion, of right, 
and by the authority of God, extends over all the world, 
that there neither is, nor can be, salvation for any without 
her pale, and that all who reject her authority and refuse 
her ordinances, are heretics, to be punished whenever and 
wherever she has the power, and are to be regarded as in 
rebellion against God. Nor is this a claim to spiritual 
dominion, or in matters of faith only. She claims, as the 
vicegerent of Jesus Christ on earth, to wield, in his name, 
supreme power in all things, and to exercise a rightful 
control over all governments and rulers of the earth. 

This involves not only the right, but the duty, to sup- 
press all Protestant or other states, whether republics or 


monarchies, that refuse submission to her will, and this 
supposed duty she has constantly endeavored to perform, 
either by force or intrigue, and hence her unwearied eflfbrts 
to subvert the government of the United States, her war 
upon th^ Bible, her assault upon our schools, her eflforts to 
control the ballot box. Hence, also, her intrigues at Jeru- 
salem and Constantinople, and the war with Bussia, her 
mighty European antagonist 

These claims are among the essential ones of the Papacy, 
never abandoned, never even abated. Eeligious toleration 
is with her a thing unknown. She eniurei where she must, 
and crmhe» where she can. To establish these claims, to 
compel the nations to acknowledge her authority as supreme 
over all things on earth, she has slain fifty millions of 
people, in war, at the stake, in the dungeons of the Inqui- 
sition, and by every variety of outrage and torture. 
Between such a Church, claiming the right of universal 
dominion, and a mere national establishment like the 
Church of England, local only in its character and claims, 
its jurisdiction confined mthin its territorial limits, there 
is a distinction broad and e»»entiaL The one demands the 
obedience of the world^ of all nations — ^threatening eternal 
damnation to all who refuse, and interposing everywhere, 
and by all means, to enforce its claims, and disturbing 
thereby the peace of earth. The authority of the other 
extends over a single people only, and asserts no right to 
interfere with the conscience or worship of sister states, and 
no commission from God to subdue to its own faith the sur- 
rounding nations. 

The English Church does not pretend that it may right- 
fully interfere with religious worship in the United States 
in order to establish here its own rights, even if it had the 
power. But the l^apal Church not only asserts the right, 
but endeavors to obtain the power, and declares that it only 


vaiis until the power is gained, and that then religioas 
liberty shall be put down in this ooantry, and the people be 
compelled to adopt her forms and creed, or be punished at^ 
her pleasure as heretics. The Bussian Church is simply 
a national establishment like the English Church; like 
thaty it is local only, claiming no jurisdiction beyond its 
own territories— no commission from God to exercise uni* 
vertal dominion, and to go forth to bring all nations into 
subjection to itself, and in the name of God. It claims no 
right to be the troubler of the world, no authority over 
, governments ; it pretends not to be the ruler of princes, 
the governor of kingdoms. 

The claim of the fiussian Church is national only ; that 
of Bome is universal, and the comparative danger to the 
world from each is therefore easily estimated. The Bussian 
Church will be simply co-extensive witib the Empire. It 
will not rule the world, unless Bussia should conquer all 
nations — ^a result which no one apprehends. Again, the 
Bomish Church claims absolute infallibility, claims to speak 
and decide with the unerring wisdom of God himself, in the 
language of the Scriptures, '< showing " herself '' to be 
God.'' Such a Church, from the necessity of its nature 
and demands, must be a persecuting Church. 

Persecution — ^the putting down of error — ^with such a hier- 
archy assumes the form of duty, and heretics are destroyed 
for the glory of God and the safety of the world. The 
Bussian Church makes no such claim and asserts no such 
power ; it is simply the national religion of Bussia, holding - 
its due position in connection with the civil powers. 

The Bussian Church wields no such instrument of power 
and corruption as the Bomish Confessional. No more sub* 
tie or efficient engine of despotism was ever conkived by 
wicked ingenuity, than this has proved to be in the hands 
of the Bman Catholic Priesthood. 


PosaeBang themselvea by this meaiis« not only of the hi»- 
toiy of human actions, but even of the nnuttered thought 
or desire, and pronouncing judgm^t upon all in the name 
of God, it lays the immortal soul bound, helpless, and 
exposed, even to the heart's most secret chambers, at the 
feet of a fellow creature who has usurped the prerogatiTes 
of God. The Church of Bome has in this manner sub- 
verted the virtue of thousands, who but for her priests 
might have remained innocent, has destroyed the puri^ 
and peace of households, trampling in secret upon the hoU- 
est domestic ties, and has managed to guide the policy of 
Courts by its knowledge of State secrets obtained at the 
confessional. It has furnished a power almost sufficient of 
itself for the control of every nation where it has been 
established, and is essential to a perfect spiritual despotism. 
The Church of Bussia teaches the duty of confession, bat 
then this confession may be either specific cr general^ at the 
option of the one who confesses ; and consequently, a practice 
which, as conducted by Bome is almost omnipotent for evil, 
jus in Bussia incapable of being thus perverted, and can 
neither be used for purposes of corruption or oppression. 

The Church of Bome has in all places and time opposed 
with her utmost strength the circulation of the Scriptures 
among the people, knowing well that despotism is secure 
only in proporticHi to the ignorance of those whom it 
oppresses. Hence its persevering attacks upon the Bible 
and the free schools of America. Bussia permits the di^ 
culation of the Word of God among her people, and such 
was the affinity of the Bussian Church f<»: Protestant prin- 
ciples and effort, that in the reign of Alexander, a Bussiaa 
Bible Society co-operated with the British Association for 
the printing and distribution of the Scriptures. 

Nicholas, nvhose policy was more exclusively national, and 
who seemed to forsee from afar the gathering of that storm of 


liOBtility in England and France which burst with such furj 
before his death on Bussia, evidently feared an influenoe 
which he well knew might be used for political purposes, 
and therefore discouraged and broke off the connection with 
the British Bible Society, and suspended altogether the 
work which had been begun. To ascribe this to the intol* 
erant spirit of the Bussian Church seems altogether a 
mistake^ nor is there any evidence that it originated in any 
hostility to the circulation of the Scriptures, which has always 
been allowed. Nicholas was a keen and most sagacious 
obi^rver of the tendency of the affairs of Europe. 

He felt the necessity of protecting his country at all 
points, and he was not willing to expose himself to any 
peril which might arise from a foreign influence of any 
Bort established within his dominions, and by which the 
power of the national church might be diminished. Doubt- 
less he intended to use this national Church for State pur- 
poses ; and viewed merely in the light of worldly policy, his 
sagacity has been clearly shown by the result. He was 
aiabled to concentrate the whole religious sentiment of the 
Empire upon the defense of the nation, the moment he was 
attacked; Bussia's breastworks of united hearts burning 
with religious enthusiasm are more impregnable than her 
granite walls, her frowning artillery, or her sparkling lines 
of bayonets. 

Adiurch that favors the circulation of the Bible, however 
it may be entangled in superstitions observances, holda 
nevertheless within it a living germ, and there is reason- 
able hope of its recovery. Again, the Bussian Church does 
not believe in Purgatory, nor in the sak of Indulgences, 
and consequently does not possess one of the chief means 
of robbery and delusion so freely and profitably employed 
by the Church of Bome. Nor does it prescribe celibacy 
for the clergy, and this of itself presents a feature which 


in comparison m& the Boman Catholic Church, should com- 
mend it to the world's farorable regard. Language is 
incapable of describing the wretchedness, and sin, and delu- 
sion which have been caused in the Papal Church bj "for- 
bidding to many/' It is a mournful characteristic of her 

The Bussian Church is not entirely free from the error, 
but compared with Borne, it is of small importance. The 
lower orders of the clergy are all married, while the 
bishops and the highest officers of the church remain in a 
state of celibacy. These superior ecclesiastics are deriired 
from the one only order of monks existing in Bussia, which 
might rather be called the cloistered clergy. The system 
of monasteries and convents has little or no influence in 
the Bussian State, for they have no rich endowments, and 
are merely establishments supported by a revenue from the 
government ; consequently there can be no such pious rob- 
bery, no such accumulation of land, or hoarding of millions 
of treasure, as has been accomplished by the similar estab- 
lishments in countries governed by Bome. The industry 
and wealth of the country is not devoured in Bussia by 
swarms of monks, friars and priests. 

There are in the Bussian Church two orders of the clergy, 
one constituting the only order of monks in the Empire, 
from whose ranks the higher dignitaries of the Church are 
taken ; but these and their establishments being without 
independent ecclesiastical revenues, have no means <^ 
op|Hressing the peojde, or of making their power formidable. 
Women are not allowed to enter nunneries until they are 
forty years of age ; the men may become monks at the age 
of thirty ; and thus the Bussian Church has wisely guarded 
against the corruptions which have stained all the history 
of Bomanism. 

The intolerance of the Papacy is not found in the CShurdi 


of Bussia. The Bussian clergy will officiate in Protestant 
houses for worship, and will also permit their own churches 
to be used by Protestant ministers. They are tolerant 
toward all other denominations, and do not pretend to con- 
fine salvation to their own Church. They do not refuse to 
administer the consolations of religion to dying Protestants, 
and they permit Protestants to be buried in their ceme- 

Attempts have been made to represent the Emperor of 
Bussia as only an Eastern Pope, to be as truly feared and 
shunned as the Pope himself at Bome. It would be equally 
reasonable to exdte similar prejudices against the Sovereign 
of England, who is the head of the English Church, as the 
Czar is the head of the Church of Bussia. Such are the 
manifestations which distinguish the Bussian from the 
Boman Catholic Church. 

The difference is radical and essential In principle, they 
are utterly unlike. One aims at a despotism universal 
and exclusive. For the attainment of such an end, the 
whole system has been most cunningly devised, and adhered 
to with a constancy which has almost insured its success. 
Its steadfast aim is to rule the world — ^to subject all nations 
to its control. Therefore its interference is everywhere 
felt, its tools and spies are in every land, the disturbers of 
the world's peace. 

The Church of Bussia, on the contrary, is the Church of 
a single nation, having, however, twelve millions in Turkey, 
and some also in Greece, who are in sympathy with its wor- 
ship ; and while it is clogged, debased, and hindered by a 
thousand frivolous and superstitious observances, it has, 
nevertheless, not one essential element of a spiritual des- 
potism, and it rejects every great distinctive error of the 
Boman Catholic Church. With a creed orthodox in its 
essential teachings, and with the Word of God circulated 


among the people, it can not be regarded as beyond the 
leacb of reformation. 

It has a deep, strong hold on the affections of the Bnssian 
nation, and as a body rising rapidly to a prominent position 
among nations, through the swift progress and expansion 
of the mighty state of which it is the religious basis and 
life, it is worthy of a careful study and candid judgment. 
It would reflect no credit upon the generosity or independ- 
ence of the American people, if, in regard to the Bussian 
Church, we either become the mere echo of English preju- 
dices or interested statements, or if we fail to make the 
proper distincticm between the Greek Church in Turkey, 
from which our missionaries have suffered, and the Church 
of the Bussian Empire. 

A country where the Word of God is circulated, where a 
tract distribution is carried regularly on, by which /<mr 
rmlliim tracts have been already distributed, should not be 
treated by Protestants with cold suspicion, much less should 
American Christians permit the ^^tmr interest ^^ in England 
to excite in them a spirit of hostility against its Churchy 
which evidently might be largely influenced by American 


The Religtons Influence of BvBsia upon the East 

The observations which have been made upon the Boman 
Catholic and Bussian Churches, will naturally suggest the 
inquiry, what would be the character of the religious influ- 
ence which Bussia would exert upon the East, should her 
power be established there? Before attempting a direct 
reply to this question, there are some preliminary consid- 
erations which deserve attention. 

Americans are yet in a position to weigh candidly the 
character and claims of Bussia, and they can not fail to 
perceive that if she were fitted in a rdigiom point ofvim^ 
to give Christianity to the regions around and to the East 
of the Hellespont, the Euxine and the Caspian, ihm in other 
respects she is better prepared for this mission than any 
nation of Europe, and unless some great change should 
occur in European politics, America is the only nation that 
could co-operate with her in that work. From this co-opera- 
tion we shall of course exclude ourselves, if we needlessly 
assume a hostile position, and identify ourselves with those 
who have aimed this blow at her life. 

In the religious aspect of this question it can not be 

denied that Bussia has beyond comparison a larger interest 

in the population of the East than any other Power, and 

that she wields over them already an influence greatly 



tnrpassing that of any other nation. Twelve millions <^ 
Greek Christians in Turkey sympathize with her in her 
faith and general policy, and regard her as their head. The 
population of Greece is similarly situated, though from 
position largely under European control 

~ Bussia has stretched the lines of her attachments to the 
foot of the Caucasus, and fastens them upon a Christian 
population there. She has commercial relations and polit- 
icfld influence through all Persia and even beyond, in China 
and northern Asia in general. Her facilities for spreading 
a Christian civilization through all these vast regions are 
greater already than those of all the earth beside. She is 
the only Power of earth that can by expansion incorporoiU 
these territories under one government. They would 
become merely colonial dependencies of France and Eng- 
land, not integral parts of their home governments. Not 
so with Bussia 

These provinces if annexed to her dominions, would 
become incorporated with her, a part of herself, as the 
Louisiana purchase and Texas are now integral parts of the 
United States. Those countries now ruled by a few millions 
of Turkish masters, treating the Christian population as a 
degraded caste, would then be as mudi a part of Bussia as 
the provinces around Moscow, and one social, political, and 
religious structure would be extended over the whole. 
There are, as has been said, twelve millions of Greek 
Christians in Turkey, and only one million of Boman 

Allowing both churches to be on an equal footing in 
purity and spiritual life (which they are not), which is then 
in the most favorable position for spreading Christianity in 
the East? Prance with her one million of Catholics, and 
twelve millions of Greeks, who hate and would oppose her,, 
or Bussia with twelve millions to sympathize with and 


assist her? This of course is upon the supposition that 
they could be spiritually prepared to spread the Gospel of 
Christ. The oriental character of the Bussian nation, and 
the religions affinities which connect her with ihe Christian 
population of the East, designate her as the proper agent 
for recovering that now-wasted land, and making it onoe 
more what it was, during the best days of the Eastern 
Empire. That the breaches are to be restored, the old 
highways rebuilt, and prosperity and the Gospel once m<Nre 
revisit western Asia to the expulsion of Mohammedanism 
and its wasting misrule, the student of prophecy can scarcely 
doubt, but (pinions differ widely as to the agencies whidi 
Grod will probably employ in producing the glorious result. 

American Christians have fondly hoped that this work 
has been committed to the American, or at leafit to Protest* 
ant missions. Doubtless they have accomplished much. 
What has been thus done in the heroic spirit of self-sacrifice 
and Christian enterprise, will not be swq>t entirely away, 
whatever changes may occur, and whoever may rule at 

StUl, in any event that now seems possible, Protestantism 
must enter the East as a protected^ and not as a ruling 
element, because French or Bussian influence will predom* 
inate, and between these two, as c(mtn>lliBg Powers, the 
ch(»oe of the world must lie. 

If, therefore, some Power should bold the East that would 
tolerate the presence and efforts of Protestant Christiansi 
it is the utmost that could be expected while political affairs 
remain unchanged. We know that the Boman Catholic 
Church knows nothing of toleration, and from France and 
the Pope there is absolutely nothing to hope. K, theref<M:ei 
Protestant efforts are to be tolerated at all in these re^^ons, 
hereafter, it must be through the friendship ci Bussia, while 


by her the main religioas influenoe will be exerted, whetiier 
it be good or evil. 

It has been already flhoim that the Bafiaian CSiurdi has 
yet a living germ, has a little skength. The distinctiva 
emjTB of the Papacy do not attach to her. She is not what 
most Protestants believe the Papal Chnrch to be — an iqaos* 
tate and anti-Christian body. On the other hand, die ia 
far from being what she should be. Her sjaritual life and 
power are overborne and well nigh smothered, by idle or 
snperstitions ceremonies, there is a kck of aj^rehension of 
spiritual tmth, and ceremony is in great degree snbstitnted 
for the religion of the heart. But let it be supposed that 
England, instead of sending against her fleets and armiea, 
instead of joining a Papal crusade, had striven to main- 
tain the friendly spirit which existed in the time of Alex- 
ander, when even the government co-operated with the 
British Bible Society, might we not have seen, ere this, a 
spiritual revolution begun in Bussia? 

Might there not have been an arousing of that Eastern 
Church by a contact with the life of Protestantism, and a 
casting aside of dead forms to assume the garments of a living 
holiness? A tract publication and distribution is even now 
going on quite actively in Bussia, and these tracts, and the 
books published and circulated, are of a character to elevate 
the tone of piety, and quicken and strengthen the spiritual 
life. There seems to be no bar to the introduction of Prot- 
estant Christian literature of this description, for it is said 
that the censorship of the government is exercised in a 
candid and liberal spirit in regard to this religious effort. 
Who shall say that important changes might not thus have 
been wrought ere this in Bussia. 

Could she not thus have been enlightened, liberalized, 
advanced in civilizati<Hi, and prepared, by the reception of 


a new life herself, to spread the Gospel of Jesus thronghout 
the East? Such a Christian intercourse might have led to 
a harmonious and righteous settlement of those questions 
which have since plunged Europe into a terrible conflict^ 
whose end as yet no man can see. And if England by her 
present policy, has lost this opportunity <^ doing good to a 
sister state, and of conferring a precious boon on Europe 
and the East, why should not America, instead of indulging 
in needless hostility against Russia, endeavor rather to cul- 
tivate with her a friendly alliance^ and, as the foremost 
Protestant nation of earth, strive to infuse, by the help of 
God, a new life and a new spirit into that mighty people 
of ihe North ? Then, should Bussia succeed in establishing 
herself in Turkey, the American churches may help to pre- 
pare her to CShristianize the East, and share with her the 
labor and the honor of the work. Invectives of the mt«t 
bitter kind have been heaped upon Nicholas, because of the 
proposition which he made to England. Would there have 
been more dishonor in accepting that offer, and thereby 
securing the peace of Europe, than in engaging in this 
bloody war, in order, not to save, but, in conjunction with 
France, to obtdn the exclusive control of Turkey? 

Leaving the question of right, of moral principle to be 
discussed elsewhere, let it be supposed that England had 
accepted the offer of the Emperor of Bussia, and that even 
now the fall of the Turkish Empire were passed, the Czar 
ruling over Constantinople, and England established in 
Egypt, with her railroad or ship-canal, or both, across the 
Isthmus of Suez, opening to Europe once more this old 
highway to India. At the same time, let it be imagined 
that Bussia had perfected one Eastward route, by railroad, 
through Siberia, aci^oss her vast mineral regions, to the 
head ol navigation on the Amoor, thus uniting St. Peters- 
burgh and Moscow with the Pacific; and another Asiatic 


highwajy hj the Caspian, tbe Aral, and tiie oonneciing 
waterg : would £arq)e and the world suffer more from this 
arrqingement than from this sangninary war for much m<»e 
questionable ends ? Could Bussia, hy friendly associatiim 
with such a Protestant Power as either England or Ameriea, 
be made to sympathise with the spirit of evangelical reli- 
gion, she oouU effect more for the recovery of the East than 
all Christendom beside. 

Such an opportunity as was never presented before is now 
(f ered to the American govemm^it and American churches 
to cultivate with that power friendly relations, not as against 
oihen, but such as are proper to establish with alL Would 
not this advance the general cause of liberty and religion 
more than estrangement and a causeless hostiliij ? 


The Condition of the Tarkish Empire ajid the East, if inbjeeted to 
I^ranoe and England, 

Only alwut one-fourtli part of the population of the 
Ottoman Empire are Tarks, and these as masters, hold 
the remaining three-fourths in suhjection, treating them as 
an inferior caste, just in proportion as they are ftoi 
restrained by a fear of European Powers. A very large 
proportion of this subject dass, perhaps fourteen millions, 
bear the Christian name. This fact alone would be suffici- 
ent to show that the days of Turkish domination are num- 

These millions of Christians could not be compelled 
much longer to endure the broken yoke of the Musselman, 
and the Emperor of Eussia only presented a most obvious 
fact to the English Cabinet, when he intimated that it 
would be wise to make some proper provision for the 
approaching change. It is now however urged, both in 
England and by those who sympathize with England here, 
that although the power of the Sultan may be annihilated 
and Turkey proper disappear, still on the territory of the 
Porte, a Christian State may be established, which, under 
the protection of the Western Powers, may give a Christian 
civilization to the East, while barbarism and oppression 
would be the result of the occupatioD of Bossia. Thos it 



is decla]:ed that this war is one of Christian eitrilizaiioii 
against the barbarous fanaticism of the North. This 
opinion sways many Christian minds in this oonntiyy who 
dream of free Christian States, perhaps Bepublics, dotting 
all the East, under the protection of England. 

It is not very difficult, certainly not impossible, to form 
an opinion of what the result of French and English domi« 
nion would be if extended over the East. Their position 
and wants, together with their past conduct and present 
policy, surely afford the data fcK* an accurate judgment of 
the future. 

No one certainly is credulous enough to suppose that 
either of these Powers is carrying on war merely to deliver 
the oppressed, or to promote in any way the general wel- 
fare of mankind, unless at the same time their own inter- 
ests are in some way to be advanced, or their own ambition 
to be gratified. To build upon Eastern soil such a nation 
or nations as Erance and England now are, rivals of them- 
selves in wealth, civilization and power, to restore in short, 
to the East, its old prosperity, and infuse an independent 
life into States to be erected there : this is not in all their 

Nay, more, such a result is not only contrary to every 
feature of their policy, but for no purpose would both Eng- 
land and France put their fleets and armies in motion 
sooner, than to forbid and prevent the interposition between 
themselves and eastern and northern Asia, of powerful and 
independent States. Such a nation as the United States, 
if one could arise there, would be attacked by the western 
Powers, for far more urgent reasons than have moved them 
to the war on Bussia. In order to predict the results of 
French and English rule in these regions, it is only neoea- 
asjj to study these governments as they are, and in the 
light of their history. 



In the rery outset of such an inve8tigatk)n» a fact ia pre- 
sented whose importanoe settles alL Neither France nor 
England can hold any territory ontside of their present 
home Mmits except as colonial dy^mdendea, and this deteiv 
mines of coarse the policy of the government in regard to 
ihem. Neither of these Powers desire, or would ever 
permit independent, self-developing communities in the 
East, but dependencies only, in fact if not in fmnf from 
which tribute could he in some mamier gathered for the 
govenunent and country at home. The olgeet of these now 
Allied Powers is to manufacture for all other nations, and 
to contrd for themselves the conuneroe of the world. What 
they require then is raw material for their mills, and 
markets for thdr products. 

• Let it be remembered, that the rule of France or Eng- 
hjtd over the East must be essentially that of a foreign 
Power, whatever the relation might be. There are no 
affinities of race or religion which might produce or cement 
a union, but, on the contrary, there are violent antipathies, 
especially in regard to France, which are not to be removed, 
or even ecmtroUed, except by the arm of power* The con- 
nection between races thus politically united can be' of one 
kind only — ^that of masters and dependents. In similar 
cases, then, what have been the results? What is the 
effect of English dominion upon the one hundred and fifty 
millions which she governs in the East already ? Turkey 
and the adjacent regions may learn a lesson from British 
India. From the JlfsrcAant'a ifi^Km 
no better authority, either here or in Europe, the following 
statistical information has been derived, which will show 
how India stands related to Great Britain, and how she is 
affected by her rule : 

*' During the last fifteen years,^ there haa been accruing 
from this effeminate people the vast sum of j£34:0,760,0009 


of which 8001 bat £5^000,000 hare beeu speni in pub- 
lic improvements. Its reyenue in India is twentf-seven 
millions pounds, of which but sixty thousand pounds are 
spent for the education of children. Its military expendi- 
tures, in 1839, were eight millions pounds ; in 1852, twelve 
millions pounds, or about forty-six per cent, of the whole 
revenue. The taxes on ^e lands amount to twelve mil- 
lions pounds annually, averaging from sixty to ninety per 
cent, of the whole production of the soil. Wage^ of a 
laiorerfrom six to eight cenU a day. Salt ia not allowed to 
be mauufaetured, and every pound cousumed pays (knc' 
fourths of a fenny ^ tax!^ 

In addition to other articles, India can produce more opium 
than Europe consumes, and therefore England sends a fleet 
and army to China, and says, '^ You must buy from me so 
much q>ium each year, or I shall lay your commercial towns 
in ashes.'' China replied that this poison was ruining her 
subjects, body and soul, and that she had no need of opium, 
indeed, would be in every respect happier and more pros- 
perous without it. England's answer was, '^ I must realise 
a certain sum from my q)ium ; it can not be done unless 
yon buy^ and buy you must. Here am I, with shotted 
guns and matches lighted." 

THis is a sample of the colonial policy of Englsmd, and 
this is the prosperity and civilizati<m which she confers upon 
her present possessions in the East, Such, modified only 
by ctrcumstanees, is the governmental scheme for colonies. 

Colonial policy, as a whole, may be regarded as a system 
designed to convey to the coffers of the home or ruling 
country the largest possible amount of treasure, witk the 
least possible expenditure. England needs cdlonies to raise 
her raw material and grain for her workmen, and for thesa 
she wishes to pay with her manufactured products, at prices 
•eoured by a monopoly bf the trade. 


This would be the governing principle of her policy, as 
"well as of France, if they should gain control of Turkey, 
and the regions around the Euxine and the Caspian. It 
would he there, as in India, a system of oppression and 
exhausting demands. These countries would be allowed to 
produce nothing which could be supplied by the ruling 

Turkey would possess neither manufactures nor an inde* 
pendent commerce, and consequently neither a high state 
of dyilization nor wealth. She would be confined to agri^ 
cultural labor, with wages at the minimum rate, to be paid 
for by inferior goods at such prices as can be maintained 
where competition is not allowed. Even now, England 
absorbs thirty^-seven per cent, of the whole commerce of 
Turkey, and she derives from thence one fourth part of all 
the grain that is imported for her operatives. Hence her 
anxiety concerning the occupancy of the Danubian pro* 

The term colonial policy is used here because, as has been 
stated already, whatever external political form the relation 
between the East and western Powers might assume, it 
would be virival^ one of colonial dependency, because this 
is absolutely required by the commercial interests involved. 

Lamartine has declared that England would sacrifice all 
Ekirope to her commerce, and the remark finds its reason 
in her history. If any are disposed to believe that India 
should not be dted as a fair example of her policy, let him 
consult our own colonial history, and observe the systematic 
and oppressive course pursued by the Mother country to 
rejoess manufactures and commerce here, loading us with 
restrictions and prohibitions, and discouraging every descrip- 
tion of indus^al effort which looked either to independent 
existence, or to the production of anything which England 
oould make or buy for us with her goods, and grasping tba 


profits of our carrying trade by compelliiig a re^ipmeni in 
^gland of our exports to foreign countries. What an i 
able writ^ bas said in regard to France and her rdations j 
to the East, her designs upon Turkey, illustrates vidi \ 
entire accuracy the policy of these western Powers. Haying 
stated that up to 1842, France desired the decay smd dis- j 
memberment of Turkey, he proceeds: 

" The question recurs. Why has she changed her policy, I 
and why to-day does she help to riyet the (^ains by which i 
twelye millions of Christians are made the slayes of a single 
Turk ? We answer at once, it is not the holy prindples of j 
justice, h(Hior, and right, but the desire of eomm^xaal 
supremacy that leads her to attempt to stifle the cry of 
millions f<Hr the blessings of ciyilization, manu&ctures and 

^ To proye this, let us examine the nature of the trade 
with Turkey, and also its amount By these tables (the 
details are omitted here) it will be seen at once that the 
trade of Turkey giyes emjplc^ment to a ninth part of the 
mercantile marine of France ; that it consumes her manu* 
fiactures to the amount <^ twenty-seyen millions francs, and 
aboye all, furnishes her with a raw commodity that is the 
basis of her manufactures, and upon the supply of whidi 
d^ends the prosperity of her cities and pe<^le. In addi- 
tion to Hiis, the increase of her manufactures is diminish^ 
ing her capability of producing grain aiough to feedthem, 
and the failure of a single crop of grain might pred^tate 
the nation into a reyolntion. 

^' The care of its present rulers, who are neyer too firmly 
seated, is to {Nroyide labor and food for the people. Now, 
the raw material and provisions must come from conntrieff 
where manufactores haye no hold, and all are producers. 
Prior to 1830, and eyen to 1840, Bussia was one of the 
nations which could supply her, and in all probabitity wiqiiIiI 


Ibr yeara to come, to aiqr extent in case of emergencj'. 
Bid Ruuia prokibUed her mamife(c6iire$ in order to encourage 
her own, and a single stroke of the Czar's pen could drire 
Iier peasants into rebellion.^^ 

Here, let it Ibe remarked, is the trae canse of this war, 
aside from its religious features and the Papal ambition* 
Bussia had been to England and France only as a huge 
agricultural colony, supplying them with grain and raw 
commodities, and receiving in return their goods. Tired 
of this dependent life, whidi.ihe Bussian statesmen, and 
more especially the comprehensive mind c£ Nicholas i^Wp 
eonld never result in a real civilization, it was determined to 
build up for Russia a mmufaeturing and commercial system 
i>f her own. 

If she succeeds, she will not only consume her own raw 
eommodities and her grain at home, but with her manufao*> 
tures she will meet France and England in the markets of 
the world. To prevent this independent growth, to repress 
the expanding life and civilization of a sister nation, Franoa 
and England have tak^ up arms. It is a war whose 
design is to hold Eussia in a dependent and semi-barbarous 
state, as a mere producer of raw commodities, and Bussia 
is fighting for independence and the right of self^develop- 
m^it; while Jesuitism has taken advantage of commercial 
interests to involve the world, and cmsh if possible the 
great rival of the Papacy. 

The writer already quoted goes on to say: "Turkey 
alone could be ma^ to subserve her ends. She would 
i^eceive her manufactures at three per cent., and pay for 
Ihem in that raw commodity so necessary to France, and 
then in addition to this, the rich fields of Moldavia and 
WaUat^ia were loaded with grain waiting to be borne to 
^ hungry peopla As Lebortinn remarks, Turkey is i^ 
MoiBBsity to the existence ci France. 


"** Let ciyilization with its magie power once be Mt upon 
her soil, and a Ghristiaii popalatkm would make the whole 
nation resoond with the sonnd of industry and mannfao- 
tares ; she would become the oonsumer of her own products 
and raw material, and as a direct result, diminish the jKwer 
of IVanoe.^' Speaking of the present war he in^oeeeds as 
follows, it would be well if ererj American would listen to 
his words : 

** The war they (the Allies) are now waging is not to 
save Turkey, but to cri|qple and destroy the eommerdal 
prosperity of Bussia. They have combined to set bounds to 
the prepress of a nation that first opened to them and theic 
merchant-fleets the whole amimeroe £i the Slaek Sea, and 
whidi poured out the blood of her children like water in orda» 
to wring £rom the barbarous Turk that great been to indB 
and commeroe. Both are leagued together that they may 
monqxdisse the oonuneroe of Sbrope and destroy the coon* 
meree and manufactures of Bussia. K they suooeed in this 
case to whom, let us inquire, will they next prescribe the 
limits of their possessions and the amount of their trade ? 
Who aiqpointed them to set limits to the progress of nati<»8 
and the amount of thdr commeree? For we must nere^ 
i&tgdi that if France and England possess the rig^t to set 
bounds to the expansion of Bussia, (hey possess also the 
same right in regiurd to us. Are we told that they ana 
warring to preserre the integrity (tf an Empire ? 

** Who but these Powers robbed Turkey of Gbeeoe, and 
threatened by force of arms to prevent Bussia fr<»n aiding 
the Sultan in bringing Mohammed Ali , under sutgeetiaOi 
and thus save a flourishing State to the Empire ? Hear 
the official oi^an of the Bcitbh govemment upcm this topio 
d the integrity of Turkey : * To maintain the integrity of 
the Ottoman Emjure in the sense sometimes attributed to 
the jdurase, can never be a political duly, for the simple 

SHB RtrssiAN xutirb; M9 

iMscm that it i« a pdBtical ioqKMnubility. Bnrop^ lias been 
maiifiictmng tins fi&bric for nearly a century; and Taxm ham 
it been mabtained? 

*^ * Half itg doEHinioDs have been lost. Algiers, Egypt^ 
Greece, the Arcb^age, and Bessarabia, wexe imce portions 
of ibe Ottoman Empire. To what gorenunents do thej 
pertain now? What yuitiee did Turkey reoeire at the 
hands of Europe when the P(»te was exdnded from tbo 
proTkions of 1815? when the Oreek insurgents were 
protected by the Allies against their legitimate motiier? 
when tiie Sultan was oon^lled by the fire Po^nsrs not only 
to pardon a rebellions vassal that had threatened the veiy 
throne of Ottoman, but to confirm this rebel in the ha^« 
tazy possession of his Pachalic? In every instance of 
intervention whidb^ has occurred since the decline of the 
Turkish Empire, the interposing States have enforced con- 
dnsions theoretically irreoondlable with the rights of m 
independent monarchy. Nor could it possibly be otherwise. 

** * The plain truth is that a dominion so universally ruinous, 
and unnatural could not really be maintained in its integ^ 
rity ; not can all the Powers of Europe do more than miti- 
gate the successive symptoms of decay, and avert hj pmdewt 
cmoert the esmequeneeB of a pioUnt eaUui/ropheJ Such is 
the testimony of an organ that controls ihe public opinion 
of England, and speaks the sentiments of its ministry." 

This was its language while England was cansidmng the 
prt^KMition of Nicholas, ere it was thought that a more 
parofitable eoDueetion could be formed with France, and 
while England thought equally with the En^ror of Bussia, 
that the consequences of the sudden fall of Turkey ought 
to be averted by *^ prudent eonoertf" the very course Niebolaa 

vWhat,'' continues this writca*, "was the declaration 
afterward? They asserted that they were sick of talking 


aboot upholding Turkey, and they vere warHug agamat 
Btassaa to pievent her from reaching the Bosphoracu A^ 
tempt to disgaise the fact as we may, it is a war in behalf 
«f barbarism, at the expense of civilisati^w, and incited by 
a nation that has robbed India of every right she ever poa* 
sessed, destroyed her mann£EK;tares» starred her people, and 
plundered her treasores ; the other power robbed Algiers 
from the Empire, obtained by means of frand its ablest 
dafender, and to crown their claim to honor, homed in cares 
t^ men who dared to defend their native soil. [The man 
trho was guilty of that savage act is now oommandeMii* 
chief of the armies of France and JEngJand, Pellissier.] 
These are the powers that set themselves up as the dispen« 
sers of justice to oppressed European Empires. Both arm 
to prevent Russia from occupying a princ^[>ality ; but they 
uttered not a single whisper when she absorbed a whole 
nation. But Poland did not border on the Mediterranean. 
' ** When France occupied Algiers, she said it was but a 
eounterpoise to England's Malta. Now, the two Powers 
combine to forever exclude Bussia from that sea to whidb 
she has the same right as they. The mtmte eordiaJe exist* 
ing between them is dangerous to every commercial nation; 
for it is based upon an understanding that no nati<m thai 
f hey consider capable of being their rival in commerce and 
trade shall extend its power beyond the limits they fix. 
To-day the United States may feel indifferent as to the 
result of the contest, but it aflfects our own security and 
prosperity as a commercial nation. Let us remember that 
for years England daimed the right to exdude u$ from tike 
Bast India trade. But she then lacked allies. Today we 
have obtained a foothold for oor manufactures even in Per* 
sia, where she sends yearly a million pounds worth. If she 
can check Bussia in her mardi to the ocean, then she can 


^ Btmuaon ns to leave the Persian Golf, for now she has an 
»> ^ ally as grasping as herself. 

^ ^* She can impress our seamen and search our vessels, for 

i^? she has declared, by her agent, and that lately, since this 

ffffr war commenced, that while she assented to the declaration 

e>fi^ of Denmark's and Sweden's neutrality, she did not relin* 

ipD quish her right of search, nor retract her former definition 

^ as to the rights of neutrals. [These demands caused the 

910 war of 1812.] No American can be indifferent to the 

Dfl result of this war. It affects us as an expansive, acquiring 

1^ and conunerrial people ; it affects us as a liberty-loving and 

B.^ independent nation; for if it succeeds in diying up tha 

e» streams of a mighty nation's manufaotures and trade, it 

n will check in it tiie development of civilization, the intelli* 

«f gence of the masses, and their approach to independence/? 

i No more truthful words than these have been spoken in 

t America even, concerning this selfish and ungenerous wai^ 

I How plain, in this light, iq)pears Lord Clarendon's declara^ 

tion, that the Alliance between France and England was 

intended to control the affairs of both hemispheres ; how 

significant the threats borne occasionally from France and 

England, that fleets shall winter in the West Indian seas, 

r and that any vagaries of ours will be duly corrected, such 

as a disposition to possess ourselves of Cuba, or any other 

scheme not approved of by the self-appointed reffvlatinff 


Before dismissing ibis part of the subject, it may not be 
amiss to add to what has already been said concerning the 
preservation of the Turkish Empire, the opinion of the 
BUnbuargh BmeWy in 1836, before opinions and policy had 
been warped by a Frendi Alliance : 

** Our fears and jealousies of Bussia have been stimulated 
beyond the reasonable pitch, [nineteen years ago,] while in 
order to afford an imaginary counterpoise, we have been 

S12 THX mussiAV xiiPimx. 

edled upon to exert our utraaifc eneigies in jfteatnmg the 
Tmldsli Empiie. To enoGonige qb in so QoixDiJe an 
entepi!ue» e^eiyeflGvi has been made to paint the Torksaa 
employed in tliiowiiig<tf the weight of centuries of ligoftrj 
and mismanagemmt, and ready to assist ns aUy and zeal- 
ously by lefprming their institatiaDS. 

*' We can not bpsitate to ezpreas our cnmcliion thai of 
all df^lii«Hynfs it is <no of the greatest to expect tiiai tlie 
Tnrkish Empire can or will be long maintained in its pre- 
sent shapes bolstered np, as it is, by foreign snpporL" 

Now, En£^j|pd calls on all the world to ezeerate the name 
and memory of Nicholas, because, in 1844^ he made the 
same dedaialion to England, and inyited her, as a matter 
of precaution, to pnmde for the result — a suggestion which 
she thei reoeiyed with smiles, and did not r^ect until 1853. 

The BmeiP, of 1836, proceeds as follows: ''History 
offers no one ina^MMHi of an Empire which, after its strength 
and sinews have moldered away, has recovered them again 
, by the mere quiet process of iutemal improvement. Nor 
need we stop to show how absolute a barrier the Moham- 
medan religion presents between the Turks and European 
dvilization; how utterly impossible it is for a state not 
Ghristian to enter on equal terms into the civil common- 
wealth of CShristendom. But apart from such general 
considerations, no one who has seriously observed the 
national character and peculiar policy of the Turks can 
imagine the possibility of an Empire possessed of Eurc^ean 
strength and concentration, composed of them alcHie or in 
ccmjunction with subject nations. 

They do not build, but destroy. They show no wish to 
adorn the sdl which they inhalnt, or connect in any way 
the existence of the present generation with posterity. 
Their object in this world seems to be mere animal exist- 
ence, as completely as that of the beasts of the field." 


From what has heen presented, two oonclusions seem to 
"be inevitable : first, that the Turkish Empire, as mjfchy can 
not be maintained, and that its preservation forms no part 
of the policj of the Allied Powers, except as a mere depend- 
ency of their own ; and, second, that whatever change may 
occur in the form of the government, the settled policy oif 
France and England requires that the lands of Turkey 
should form merely a vast plantation, worked for the benefit 
of its masters. 

It may well be asked, therefore, and not without some 
ftnxietj, what benefit will the world at large receive, and 
how will the interests of the United States be aJTected, if 
the colonial policy of the Allied Powers is extended over 
Turkey, and if their fleets should control the Mediterranean 
and the Black Sea? If the yoke of the Ottoman Power 
could be broken ofP from the Christian population of the 
Empire, and they be not only permitted, but encouraged, 
to enter upon an independent career, and all the resources 
of that glorious land conld be made available by the power 
of a true Christian civilization ; then, indeed, there might 
be reason for rejoicing if the march of Bussia could be 

But in the present condition of Europe this can not be. 
England and France have chosen to terminate that arrange- 
ment by which the Porte might have tottered on yet longer 
in a state of merely nominal independence, and the only 
question now remaining is, by whom shall Turkey hereafter 
be exclusively controlled — by the East or the West? 
Another inquiry may be added : will it be better for other 
nations, and for Turkey, that it should become virtually a 
colony of the Western Powers, or that it should be incor- 
porated with Bussia ? Between these two alternatives there 
seems now no middle ground. 


Sh« ffiftorioil IfiseioiL of Eiusia, and ih6 InfiuoBoe wkidi she would 
exert upon the Bast 

Thb bistory of the progress of the Bussian Empire, the 
direction which her growth has taken, her present resources^ 
and her topographical position and relation to Earope and 
Asia, show conclusively that the Allies will he unable 
xnateriallf to cripple her power, far less to arrest her pro- 
gress and force her backward within narrower limits. Her 
growth is by the sure operation of causes which are permar 
nent, and which this war can not remove. Two years' 
exertion of the combined strength of France and England, 
with the most formidable armament which the world ever 
saw, so far from crushing or humbling the Empire of the 
North, has not touched her in any vitaJ. part, nor exhausted 
her resources. On the contrary, she has gained a reputa* 
tion and confidence in her skill and powers, which has far 
more than compensated for her losses, and of which even 
defeat can not now deprive her. 

The defense of Sebastopol is beyond all doubt the great 

military achievement of our times, and even should it now 

fall, the honor of Bussia will remain untarnished, and it 

would scarcely dim the glory of the heroic struggle. Our 

troops were driven at last from Bunker Hill, but still the 

moral effect of that brief combat settled the &te of the 


war, and rendered America unconquerable forever. A 
spirit was born there which never quailed under any subse- 
quent disaster, for the memory of Bunker Hill still 
remained. Russia has gained at Sebastopol a great historic 
fact, of whose influence nothing can deprive her. The 
effect of that single siege, upon the national mind, is worth 
the cost of the war. She will feel its inspiriting power not 
alone in camp and dty, but in her remotest rural districts, 
and among the snows of Siberia. A thrill has vibrated 
through the Empire, from the Baltic to the far Padfic. 
Bnssia has suddenly been entrusted with a great military 
reputation, which she is henceforth to watch over and keep. 
The invasion of her country by Napoleon did not gain 
for her the military glory to which she was justly entitled. 
The world, ignorant in a great degree of the facts, regarded 
her defense then as exhibiting little more than the sullen 
energy of a nation in its despair, determined to perish 
amid the ruin of their homes, rather than yield to their 

But at Sebastopol the case is widely different It is a 
vast gladiatorial show, with the world ranged around aa 
spectators. Syrift sailing steamers, the telegraph and the 
printing-press spreading descriptions whose vividness pre- 
sent to all the actual scene, have made all people virtually 
spectators of the ftay. On both sides preparations had been 
long going on upon the most gigantic scale, especially in 
Bussia and France. The power of the nineteenth century, 
concentrated and wielded by the three greatest nations of 
earth, was to be used in a life struggle for national supre- 
macy, in a conflict of religions and races. Strictly speak- 
ing, modem Bussia had not measured her strength against 
I western Europe. It was to be on both sides an ejcperimemt 

I of a very fearful character, by whose results the remote 

r future would be shaped for Europe, perhaps for aU the 

) - 



iTorld. England and France went forth to the great battle, 
confident, boastful, scornful, with pride in the heart, and 
insult on the tongue, jesting upon the weakness, the cow- 
ardice, the barbarism of their foe. The result has been 
that with the eye of the world upon them, England and 
France have been not only matched, but over-matched. 
The boasted science of Christendom has been superseded by 
the superior genius of Russia. The so-called barbarians, 
who it was said were like the Chinese, destitute of all inven- 
tion, mere helpless, servile copyists of others, savages 
awkwardly arraying themselves in the cast-off garments of 
civilization, have suddenly by one master stroke of genius, 
directed by a perfect science and consummate skill, exploded 
the old art of war in sieges, and have accomplished at a 
blow what the highest military authorities had demonstra- 
ted to be impossible. Scientific engineers only sneered as 
they looked on the Russian preparations around Sebastopol, 
and when they found their own batteries, ccmstructed 
" according to book," silenced and knocked into rubbish in 
three hours of the firat bombardment, they comprehended 
nothing of this new conception, they only turned to the 
" best authors," and found that it was impossible. 

The soldiers that were described as mere machines, with- 
out intelligence, without resources, enterprise or active 
courage, have displayed a fertility and povelty of invention 
which France and England have not equalled yet, and an 
active bravery incessantly on the alert, which the best 
Allied soldiers have not surpassed. The Power which the 
world had been taught to regard as an empty boaster, deal- 
ing chiefly in shams and falsehoods, has calmly and in a 
simple, truthful manner, informed the world of the state 
of things, covering no disaster, and denying no fact, and no 
success of the foe — ^merely telling the world that she was 
doing her best against a skillful and powerful adversarj 


who fought with bravery, bat that she still believed she 
should triumph in the end. 

Comparatively, the Allies have lost reputation before the 
world, and confidence in themselves, while in both these 
particulars, Bussia has gained steadily and rapidly from 
the day that the first shot was fired against Sebastopol. 
She stands now within these yet impregnable walls elevated 
by a consciousness of superiority in the whole conduct of 
war, except in the personal prowess and bravery of the indi- 
vidual soldier. With a lofty courtesy contrasting so beau- 
tifully with the insulting detraction of her adversaries, she 
withholds no proper encomium to the gallantry of her ene- 
mies, and the self-styled civilized may well sit down at the 
feet of the despised barbarian, to learn both the science and 
the generous chivalry of war. 

What a page in history, written over with shameful and 
humiliating scenes, the boasted civilization of western 
Europe is now preparing, checked and bafiled in the one 
great enterprise of the war, and sending the two great 
fleets of earth on petty piratical expeditions that any com- 
mon rover of the seas would have scorned, and committing 
outrages that depraved humanity has seldom excelled, cry- 
ing out meanwhile against their barbarous foe. 

Through two summers the huge Allied fleets have been 
like two gigantic cowards looking at Cronstadt from a safe 
distance, gaining '* another brilliant victory ^^ over some 
defenseless village, or some wretched sloop or flat-boat 
loaded with stones, and burning whatever of private 
property could be found within reach, and demolisliing as 
the one great teat of the first expedition, a fortress of 
which very few had ever heard the name, in one of whoso 
forts the garrison capitulated, the force amounting to 
" thirty^wo menr and throwing some shells from safe 
distances into Sweaborg as the sole exploit of the second. 


In all these events the Allies have been rapidly lofiting 
moral power, their solf-respect, and that of the world, 
while Bassia has as rapidly gained. Sebastopol may pos- 
sibly be captured, though it seems not probable, but even 
if it falls it is a triumph for Bussia of which nothing can 
deprive her, and a defeat for France and England, which 
no future success can retrieve. Sebastopol is henceforth a 
spell-word, a war-cry for Bussia, its memory a national 
power, such a source of life as the stirring old memories of 
England have been to her, such as the Bevolutionary battle* 
fields have been to us. 

Should the Allies succeed now in destroying Sebastopol 
let them remember that they have newly fcrtified the heart 
of Bussia, and that the experiment has been worth to her 
more than a million of men in arms. If Bussia has not 
been heretofore a formidable foe, let Europe beware of her 
now. What then will her influence be when, as is very 
likely to be the case, her sway shall be extended over the 
East? It has been shown already that the Allied Powers, 
should they succeed, can only hold Turkey and the adjacent 
regions in a state of colonial dependency, a field to be 
reaped like India and Algiers, rather than to be culti* 
vated for the benefit of the rightful owners. 

It was shown that they could not be incorporated, and 
must therefore remain colonies only, in fact, whatever the 
nominal relation might be, and that nothing is less desired 
or less likely to be permitted even, than the springing up 
of a powerful iniependemt State on the territory of Turkey. 
But by Bussia these countries would be assimilated to her* 
self and made part of her own body, an integral portion of 
the Empire. Three-fourths of the population of Turkey in 
Europe are said to be Sdavonian. This union would be 
accomplished not probably by sudden conquest, but by a 
gradual change, working no violent alteration in the 


Btractare of society. This migbt have been the process but for 
the present war. The future now can scarcely be foreseen. 
Constantinople itself may now become the seat of conflict, 
ere the struggle closes. The national policy of the Empire 
would of course be extended over the East 

That policy is the exact opposite of what the colonial 
system of the Western Powers would be. The Bussian policy 
is one of self^ieyelopment, and would be applied by the 
stimulus of her system of home manufactures to the unfold- 
ing of the latent or half-wasted resources of these rich but 
neglected territories. Twelve millions of the inhabitants 
are already assimilated to her in religious feeling, and she 
would approach them not as a conqueror but a deliverer. 

The position and the necessities of France and England, 
as has been stated in another chapter, would not allow the 
establishment of manufactures in Turkey more than in 
India. They need her grain and raw material only, while 
the profits of manufacturing they must reserve to them- 
selves — ^a policy so well illustrated by England in our own 
colonial history. The same reasons would also prevent all 
independent commerce, and allow only a carrying trade, to 
be conducted, of course, so as to give exclusive employment 
to the French and English commercial marine. 

But Bussia would make that East the chief seat of her 
national commerce. It is for this very purpose that she 
covets its control Such a basis for her commerce is her one 
national necessity. She can not only center upon the Black 
Sea and the I^rdaneUes the trade of the East, without 
injury to her northern provinces and cities, but the interests 
of the Empire require that this should be done. She would 
from necessity restore to the East its ancient commercial 
activity. Constantinople would become the great business 
mart of the nation, and once more an Eastern Emporium 
of trade would receive the wealth of the Indies, and hand 


it over to Europe. Even with the present system, and with 
the present condition of Russia, this would work oat the 
recovery of Western Asia from its exhausted and still 
wasting condition. 

But the future of Russia must not he altogether meas- 
ured by her present. She has entered upon a career of 
civilization in which, for a long period, she can know no 
pause. Her manufacturing system is changing, sw^tly the 
condition and prospects of her population ; a more extended 
commerce will elevate and refine, while it quickens and 
enriches, and this very war in which she is engaged will im- 
part unto her people a higher life, and will lead the nation 
through its crimson flood to the beginning of a new and a 
better era. A war which, in the belief of the pec^Ie, is one 
in self-defense, and in behalf of religion and home, exalts 
the general tone of the national mind, in spite of the demor- 
alizing power of camp and field. 

By all these influences, Russia will be prepared to impart 
to the East a better civilization than that which she now 
possesses herself. If in this manner the vast resources of 
that old seat of empires around the Hellespont, the eastern 
shores of the Mediterranean, the Black Sea and the Cas- 
pian, could be once more unfolded for the use of man, and 
flourishing modern cities spring up on the ruins of those 
ancient ones which once studded that beautiful land, would 
it not be unspeakably better for the world than the con* 
tinuance of the stupid yet crushing oppression of the Turk, 
the endeavor to reinvigorate a doomed and dying despotism, 
or the degrading and exhausting vassalage of a mere colo- 
nial life ? 

The question then naturally arises, is not Russia the only 
Power capable of giving a Christian civilization to the 
East ? Is' not this her appointed mission ? Has she not be^i 
stieadily working forward toward this result, manifestly 


for a hundred years? Would not a map of the world, with 
her position and progress marked, at once suggest the thought 
that she alone, by position and the direction of her growth, 
is being prepared for, and indeed ha» been commissioned 
for, this great end? 

The prosperity of the East can only be restored by 
building anew the foundations of that commerce and indus- 
trial art which produced her former greatness. In the 
present condition of Europe, and while its existing dynas- 
ties remain, the East can not revive itself or become 
independent. It must be recovered under the protection* 
of some great Power. France and England can only make it 
a dependency and hold it in a subordinate position. Bussia 
will incorporate it with her Empire, and feed it with her 
own life. It has been shown already that she alone can 
give to the Orient the Christian religion. 

France has nothing but the Papacy to bestow, and twelve 
millions of Greek Christians will not receive that ; Eng- 
land, holding in this war only the secondary position with 
which she is compelled, for want of troops, to content her- 
self, can not protect Protestantism hereafter, even as she 
has formerly done, and it would seem, therefore, that the 
only remaining hope is that the Bussian Church, having 
already affinities with Protestantism, might be brought into 
friendly relations and co-operation with American Christian- 
ity, and thus be quickened into a new spiritual life, by a 
heavenly baptism, and be made, through the mighty power 
of God, the means of planting once more the Gospel on the 
theater of its earliest triumphs. Certainly there is more 
hope in this direction than in the supremacy of the Bconan 
Catholic Church. 

In such a career, how swiftly the despotic features of the 
Bussian government would be changed, between the joint 
influences of a spiritual religion, a rational republicanism. 


and the liberalizing power of commerce and art It would 
not become a democracy, but it may become a monardiy, 
based on true religions principles, and administered for the 
good of the people. 

The affinities of the wide Orient are with Bnssia rather 
than with western Earope. The points of contact present 
themselves to the Greek faith and the Sclavonic race rather 
than to the French or Saxons. The ties of race and the 
power of religions faith are dissolving all others, even polir 
tical ones. Separations and new combinations are going on 
under these influences, which are working now with an 
activity unknown before in modem times, and the ultimate 
results are already beginning to appear* 

The Latin races are drawing once more into closer union 
on the basis of the Papacy, with France apparently as the 
future head of some form of Boman Catholic confederacy. 
The Sdavonians in like manner are beginning to feel the 
attraction of race, which tends to bring them out from the 
other families of men, and concentrate them upon Russia 
and the Greek rite. Such a movement, unless interrupted 
by force, would inevitably unite Turkey with the Empire 
of the Czar, for three-fourths oi the population of Turkey 
in Europe are Sclavoniana. France and England are 
attempting an unnatural relation which can only be main- 
tained by {orce and subjugation. The fact that there are 
eighty millions of Sclavonians, and fifty millions of these 
are in Sussia, and that they constitute the nation's life, 
and the prospective union with them of some thirty millions 
more of the same race, and that a new type of civilization 
is being shaped by them, which in a few years is to express 
the thought of one hundred millions of people, and be the 
instrument of a great nation's working, this is a very 
grave fact, not to be sneered away, or even reasoned out 


of existence, and which will not vanish because English 
Journalists choose to call it a barbarism. 

T^estern Europe seems to suppose that the only way of 
dealing with this new power claiming now large place 
among the forces of earth, is to send against it fleets, 
armies, shot and shell, and all the horrid machinery of 
war, by which to repress and batter its strength away. 
The only result of this seems likely to be, not alone to 
rouse the indignation of Bussia, and convince her that she 
is truly the first military power of Europe and may safely 
defy the world, but by exciting the spirit of religion and 
patriotism, immeasurably increase her power, and then to 
compact that strength and render it doubly effective. 

The rising Sclavonian civilization will yet remain, speak- 
ing to the world with a hundred millions of voices, and in 
spite of all opposition going forth to its mission, with such 
powers at its disposal, such an array of means and resources 
as before earth has never seen. With this power the world 
lias to do, in spite of protests, and armies, and sieges, ot 
moody fields. ' In its character and aims all nations have a 
Tery deep and very solemn interest. It is evidently a liv- 
ing thing, and apparently not doomed to speedy decay or 
sudden death. Beyond all dispute it must largely influ- 
ence the future of the world. Who shall now be bold 
enough to say that it has no blessings in store for human- 
ity, no great gifts to bestow in its future career? 

It has its historic mission, its place and business in work- 
ing out the great problem of human life, and its post 
evidently can not be a secondary one, with one-seventh of 
the habitable globe in its possession, and a hundred mil- 
lions of people almost within its grasp even now. The 
great interests of humanity would seem to require that 
this important and inevitable experiment of a new form 
<xf national life should be made under the most favorable 


dicumstanoeB, and with sucli support as other Christians 
may have it in their power to give. Certainly it should be 
regarded as a great calamity to mankind if other nations 
banding together their sk^ngth, should in the spirit of sel- 
fish rivalry cripple this rising nation, and trample down its 
light and life. 

We can measure somewhat, now, the loss which the world 
would have incurred, had England succeeded in her two 
attempts to repress the growth of America, and hold this 
nation in subjection. It is the difference between an 
enslaved colony and this free Republic with its advancing 
civilization and power. In a similar manner we may con- 
sider what the nations would lose, if France and England 
now should be able to dictate to Bussia the manner and 
limits of her growth. By whom have they been commis- 
sioned to send their commands abroad over the world, and 
say to each young, expanding people, these are the limits 
we prescribe for you, and if you pass them, here are our 
fleets and armies. 

Bussia has invaded no territory of theirs, has not even 
threatened them. But by the same means which they and 
other nations constantly employ, (bad enough certainly with 
all) she was expanding herself in a way, sanctioned at least 
by common practice as legitimate, and the Allies say, yon 
are growing too fast, and you will soon be too strong, and 
therefore we will deprive you of your fortresses, and if 
possible burn your fleets, and cut off certain portions of 
your territory, and bring you down to such dimensicms as 
we think proper — and then casting their eyes over the 
water, similar things are suggested in significant hints to 
the Unit^^d States. 

Would not the success of Bussia, the forcing back the 
Turk from Christian territory won by robbery, and the 
revival of the commerce and industry of the East under 


her rale be better for the world, and far less dangeroas to 
oar own country, than the dictatorship of these self-elected 
'^regulators'' of nations? The policy of these Powers is 
that of an armed interference with the affairs of all, both 
East and West, to which if Bossia bows, America also most 
submit, or fight. 

The whole aspect of Russia is that of a great power pre- 
paring itself fqr national action on a gigiuitic scale, each 
part of which corresponds to the g^atness of the whole. 
Her territory, her army, her system of fortifications, her 
arsenals, the plan of her navy, not yet completed, her 
schools, her scheme of domestic and foreign policy, her inter- 
nal communications by canals and railways, and her plans 
of aggrandizement, all these have the true proportions of a 
colossal power, a vastness which is at present without a 
parallel in the world. 

Such a national structure is not the conception or the 
work of a people whose only characteristics are ignorance 
and barbarism. To all the calumniators of Bussia, she 
herself, as she stands before the world exhibiting what she 
has done and what she designs, is by far the most effectual 
answer. Western Europe has been arrested before the line 
of her defenses, both in the Crimea and in the Baltic, 
baffled by her superior military science, and overmatched 
by the genius of her commanders, driven to the poor expe- 
dient of magnifying petty plundering into glorious military 
exploits in order to cover their shame from the eyes of the 
people at home, compelled to learn from an enemy they 
affected to despise, not only the art of war, but lessons in 
truthfulness and courtesy. 

It is scornfully insisted upon that Bussia has no inven- 
tion, has originated nothing, has never exhibited a feature 
of genius. But there stands Bussia herself, the creation of 
Bossiaa raind. Surely it is something to have invented 


Biuuda. In all her vastness, and life, and power, she is 
bat the manifestation of Bossian thought. The defenses 
of Sebastopol are an invention not likely to be forgotten, 
and Buflsia presents the first engineer of her age in her 
Todtleben, over whose reported death England was emUged 
>enoagh to rejoice and publicly congratulate, as she cheered 
at the death of Nicholas. 

Does this Power then hold out no great promise to 
the worM? ^e is, it is true, a giant much encnmbered 
yet, working against disadvantages, with a load of despotic 
forms and usages that shackle and impede her, with much 
of the spirit of despotism yet in her. Many things aboat 
her are still crude and unformed, and her people are not 
yet highly cultivated or fitted for the noblest forms ef civil- 
ization. Are the masses of England educated; are the 
peasants of France enlightened? Are the people yet well* 
informed in any country of Eure^? Have not other 
nations passed through in their progress just that condition 
in which Bussia now is, and from which she is emerging? 
Was England never despotic, cfr badly governed — ^was she 
bom mature and fully equipped like Minerva ? Should not 
the world generously recognize the large promise there is in 
Bussia, and ask whether it is not possible that she is dee* 
tined to play a diief part not only in the affairs of Enrqie, 
but in the civilization of the East ? 

The Turk crushed and despoiled the mother Churdi of 
Bussia, and possessed himself of those £ur regions which 
were her early inheritance and of that ciiy which her 
children deemed holy, and which in the eye and heart of 
Bussia was the world's metropolis. Does it not seem at 
least fitting that the Greek Church of modem times, and 
the representative of the Eastern Empire, should be the 
instmment of retribution, and gain back from Mohammed- 
anism the spoils of its robbery? Thus far she has been 


the chief agent in the drying up of the Ottoman delage, 
and who shall say that it is not her appropriate mission ? 
If she executes this mission in the spirit of selfish ambi- 
tion, if she inflicts wrong and outrage, if she ruthlessly 
spoils the weak, then to her, also, will come an hour of 
retribution, when what she metes to others shall be meas- 
ured baek to her. No one can now predict what blessings 
may be in store for tbe world in that yet unfolded germ 
of Sdavonian drilixation. Poland and Bohemia have 
already given indications of what the race is capable. No 
one could have foreseen what weus hidden between the dose* 
folded leaves of British life when Chesar visited the now 
wondrous islMid. 

Like the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Bomans, the 
8daves must now have a civilization and a career. They 
may produce yet a literature, a science, and an art, political 
and social institutions, bearing the impress of their own 
peculiar mental structure, and which may add rich treasures 
to the common stock of civilization. They may under the 
guidance of the Holy Spirit exhibit some higher form of 
Christian life, for we may not suppose that even Protest- 
antism has exhausted aU the excellencies of the Gospel, or 
has shown the utmost that it can do for man. 

The attempt of England and France to crush out the 
life of this rising Power, is evidently a war against the 
interests of humanity, for their own aggrandisement, a 
blow at civilizatiim itself, and at national freedom every* 


The Despotism of Bussiab 

* SiNCB the commenoemeiii of the present war, unwearied 
pains have been taken to spread throughoat the civilized 
world the idea that the government of Bossia is merely a 
heartless, crushing, military despotism, with no redeeming 
quality, no element of progress, cherishing no regard for 
the people, and no desire for their advancement; and 
therefore this war is declared to be one of dvilization 
against barbarism, of bi||aanity against the one great foe 
of liberty and man. ^---5^^^,., 

This accusation is certainly a very grave one, and deserves 
our serious regard If such is the character of Bussia, and 
if her growth is but a prolonged crusade against human 
rights, and happiness, and hopes ; if, moreover, the Powers 
which have assaulted her are the firm friends of popular 
freedom, and have taken up arms to establish it, then have 
they a right to expect American sympathy, and it ought to 
be freely bestowed. But they who remember how our own 
country has been villified in the same quarter, will be dis- 
posed to regard with some suspicion similar charges against 
Bussia, while the idea that the Allies have engaged in a 
contest for the defense of popular rights is already aban* 
doned by most. Again, nothing, can be more ungenerous, 
not to say absurd, than to rake up from the records of ofeher 


ages idiatever can be disooYered there, of ignorance, bar- 
barity or tyranny, and present it as a picture of Bossia 
as she is at present. 

The true question is, whether Russia, in spite of all 
crimes of the past, or errors in her government and general 
policy, is sincerely endeavoring, and with good hope of suo- 
cesSy to establish a form of civilization by which the Scla- 
vonic races may be elevated, and which, to say the very 
least, will not retard the general progress of man? 
Let it be granted that the Emperor of Bnssia possesses 
unlimited power. That does not of itself demonstrate thai 
the govemmcmt is despotic and cruel, regardless of the. 
welfare of its subjects. The true question is how is this 
power actually employed? Is the Czar only a tyrant, 
crushing the proper energies of his people merely that he 
may rule supreme, or is he the exponent of the nation's 
will, the representative of a national sentiment, the recog^ 
nized defender of a nation's faith, the guardian of a 
nation's resources and honor, a chieftain to direct a nation's 
power. ^ 

Doubtless the truth lies between these two suj^positionsy 
but then all the reliable evidence in the case shows that it 
coincides far more nearly with the last supposition than with 
the first. Nothing is more deceitful than names. A mon- 
archy may be liberal, a democracy may be a despotism of the 
most hateful character, and even in a constitutional mon- 
archy, intelligence and merit may be constantly trampled 
under foot by a hereditary and incompetent nobility, 
absorbing both the honor and wealth of a country. 

Notwithstanding all the aspersions which have been cast 
upon the Northern Empire^ it is nevertheless true that 
there is no state in Europe where talent is so certainly 
recognized and employed, where the ablest man so surely 
fills the most important post, where the road to preferment 


is 10 freely q^ned to merit as in Bussia, and that govern- 
ment is not, in the proper sense, a despotism, where an 
unimpeded ascent is opened from the veiy lowest to the 
highest positions in society. The candid and philosophic 
Erman presents the following view of the structure and 
working of the Bussian sysfem, which should be carefully 
studied by those who have been led to think of it only as 
an engine of tyranny : 

" If we were to endeavor to classify the inhabitants of 
the capital, according to those circumstances of life which, 
are pervading and essential, we certainly should not adopt 
the official distribution of the populaticm into fifteen classes. 
The nation, in truth, fall naturally into a few leading' 
groups, which remind us of the division of organic bodies 
in natural history, into Artificial Systems and Natural 
Families. Grouped in this manner, the inhabitants of the 
capital come under the following heads : 

*' 1. The numerous class of persons engaged in the 
service of the state, and enjoying, consequently, high 
privileges, and who, collectively and exdusively, are en- 
titled and bpund to wear the state uniform (Mundir.) 

<' 2. Individuals who enjoy high privileges, not for their 
own services, but owing to their relationship or connection 
with the first class. Considerable estates, and a sort of 
hereditary nobility, distinguish this dass, which is not, 
however, very numerous. 

" 3. Foreigner^, chiefly merchants, who, from a sentiment 
of hospitality ccmverted into a maxim of state, are treated 
with more consideration than is strictly due, according to 
the popular mode of thinking, to their occupations and 

'*4« Russian merchants and handicraftsmen, partly free, 
partly in servitude. 


^'5. Rnssians engaged in trades and manual arts, at 
their own choice and on their own account, or in the service 
of others, and who have the lowest amount of privilege. 
These also are either freemen or serfs ; hut this circumstance 
is here, as in the case of the fourth class, of little outward 
value, and is hardly to be detected in the actual relations 
of life. The clergy do not constitute a particular group, 
but, according to circumstances, belong either to the official 
class ot to the people, and seem to form a mean between 

" In the modem language of St. Petersburgh, one con- 
stantly hears a distinction of the greatest importance con-* 
veyed in the inquiry which is habitually made respecting 
individuals of the educated class, Is he a plain coat or a 
uniform? However one may be surprised and shocked at 
first at the unusual value thus set on an outward decora- 
tion, and at the abrupt line which severs the members of 
the same community, yet the system grows more compre- 
hensible, and less offensive, when we fix our attention on 
its actual working. 

*< In truth, though the Russian official is sharply and 
completely separated from the rest of the people by his 
uniform, yet the aristocracy, thus created, is possibly less 
odious than that of other countries ; for its internal organ- 
ization is extremely simple ; all who belong to the order 
are on a perfectly equal footing ; in the privileged class 
there is no peculiarly favored caste. Again, within this 
wide circle of privileged equals, personal ability and agree- 
ableness of manners are duly appreciated. The way in 
which the interests of the individual are involved with the 
public service gives rise to an *^ eqnrit du oorf%^^^ and, besides, 
entrance into the most favored class in the nation seems to 
be as easy as it is desirable ; thus the public servants in 
Ibpwa form in truth a class of nobility whidii may be called 


an Older of merits whieb has xnamtained itself in gfeftter 
parity here than in other states, beeaose Peter L bestowed 
tiie oflSoes and employments which had formerly been held 
for personal services to the autocrat only as rewards for 
feuAfnl senrioe to the state, 

*^ Every kind of pnblie sendoe carries with it some per- 
sonal immunities, and only a certain advancement in official 
rank is required to makB them hereditary. Thus, for 
example, the aoquisition of landed property and of serfs 
attached it is reserved for a certain rank (the eighth of the 
artificial dasses), but as hereditary succession is inseparable 
from these, there thns arbes hereditary nobility. It is 
lemaikable tkat in sodety in St Fetersburgh, where there 
is a constant rivalry between the official and hereditary 
nobles, the fcMiner always have the upper hand. Here tks 
love of rank or office is spoken of always as a peculiar and 
noble passion, while <me not actuated by the thirst {(» 
homnv is described by the word Nechivd (undeveloped), a 
term applied in old times to those who from immaturity or 
bodily defect, were unfit to bear arms. 

*' The mutual relation of the official and the herecEtary 
Banks in St. Fetersburgh seems to be very distinctly marked^ 
if it be only admitted that a foreigner here can really gei 
an insight into the social system. But the stranger is sure 
to feel immediately the cautious reserve with which the 
natives converse with him; and he soon discovers tibat the 
prompt attention and civility which he experiences in society 
must be ascribed to the desire to conceal the repugnance 
felt towards every thing foreign, which it would be inhoih 
pitable to avow. Among themselves, the Bussians of the 
upper classes are bound t<^ther by a feeling of Idndred* 
in consequence of which tihey never feel quite at ease kit 
in purely national cirdes. 

*i These peculiarities must not be ascribed to the influenoa 


of despotism, Bor to any wish to conceal from strangen 
tiie backwardness cS the oonntrj. They originate in a 
positive homogeneoosness of disposition which unites the 
Bnssians as one people, and makes . them involantarily 
shrink from contact with a foreigner as from sometlung 
heterogeneons. It can not be doubted that in feeUng and 
moral sentiments^ the Bussians diffisr fundamentally from 
the people of western Europe ; and they themselves say 
that a skanger must dmuy«^^ that is, become rum* 
fied^ before he can properly appreciate their national diar* 

" With respect to the intellectoal cultivation of the class 
here referred to, it is impossiUe to make a general estimate 
<tf it, or to describe it in terms universally aj^licaUe, for 
in this very respect are found the widest difierenoes in the 
same rank of life^ Naval o£Bk»rs, civilians engaged in the 
administration of state, and philosophers by profession, 
members of the Aoademy and other public institutions, all 
belong to the privileged dass, and meet together as equals. 
It were more to the purpose, and more capable of being done 
briefly, to explain what they understand by social refine- 
ment. Here the nati<mal drele is diaracterized by av 
unnsual degree of dexterity in the manifold arts of sodety ; 
by a correct and practised sense of outward propriety, and 
an extraordinary faculty of quick comprehension, and of 
lively repartee often combined with great felicity of expres- 
sion. On this point, previous travelers all agreed, though 
they differ most unaccountably on many others. They are 
obviously in the wrong, however, when they ascribe these 
social giflis to the influence of French manners. The social 
refinement of the Bussians is altogether of home growth, 
founded in the moral temperament of the nation, and plainly 
indicated in the structure of the language.'' 


Bussia, then, under the external form« of its Imperial 
government cherishes a trae and most important democra- 
tic element, and has snoceeded, in a degree surpassing any 
other State in Europe, in making merit the baEOs of rank, 
and the condition of power. The same result is aimed at 
as in free America — to place in office the ablest man — and 
if the system is liable to abuse through the sdmost unre- 
strained will of one man, it must also be remembered that 
tile popular mind makes many and most egregious mistakes 
in the selection of its office bearers. 

Bussia depends not upon a hereditary and imbecile aris- 
tocracy for the operations of her government, but draws 
continually fresh life and power from the people at large, 
regarding not birth or wealth in its selection, but elevating^ 
merit only, and having constantly at it disposal the intel- 
lectual strength of the nation. The stimulus which is 
thus infused into the whole mass of Bussian society, reach- 
ing to even the lowest cirdes, may thus be readily conceived. 
An order of merit, an aristocracy of talent js thus estab^ 
lished, to counteract the paralyzing influence of the hered- 
itary nobility ; and though the man who wins rank bj 
«ierit retains it as hereditary in his family, yet that fam- 
ily is in turn open to the free competition of those who 
continually rise from below. 

A man may hold rank as an empty title, but office and 
powa* are bestowed upon those alone who are thought to 
possess fitness and capacity. The liberalizing influence of 
such a feature as a noUlity of merit can scaicely be esti- 
mated, because of the degree to which that word ''despot 
itm" has blinded the judgment to the actual facts. 

If that government is really the most democratic whidt 
q>en8 freely the door of preferment to actual merit, if tiiat 
is most liberal which selects widely from the people those 
who appear most capable, and allows among its officers only 


that oflScial distinction which has heen honeitly won by 
service performed, then Bussia is far more liberal and 
democratic than England, which so bitterly condemns her as 
despotic and barbarous. The Emperor of Bussia need not 
hesitate to compare his system with that of England, and 
let them both be judged by their fruits. England and 
Bussia have confronted each other at Sebastopol, and there 
the world has had a fair opportunity of observing the effi- 
ciency of the two governments as they appear in action, 
and the sympathy of each with merit, aside from birth and 
and rank. 

Bussia in her hour of peril sought for her ablest man. 
The government asked not how many epaulettes were on 
his shoulders, or how many stars shone on his bosom, but 
whether he had courage, skill, di»'ing, invention — in short, 
whether he could defend Sebastopol. 

Such a man was found in a mere captain of engineers, 
and over the heads of all titled and noble ones he was 
placed in command of the defensive w(n-ks of the belea* 
guered fortress, and in two weeks a barrier was erected 
that France and England could neither cross nor force — and 
the whole aspect of modern war was changed. Nor wm 
this the single example of the operation of the system. 
The whole defense, by the reluctant confession of the 
Allies themselves, has exhibited not the forced working of 
mere human machines which had been anticipated, but the 
most intense intellectual activity, that has manifested 
itself in a fertility of resource, a novelty of invention, a 
skill in the use of means, and a judgment to direct the 
right thing at the right time, which has never been sur- 

It demonstrates the efficienqr of that scheme which 
avails itself of capacity wherever found, even in the ranks, 
and elevates it to the fitting position, and bestows the 


proper reward. Sacli a government reaches democratie 
veftolts under the forms of an Empire. 

England, on the contrary, boasts of her Gonstitational 
liberty, of a gOTemment regarding the welfare of the 
people, and calls upon the world to aid in crippling the 
tyranny of Bussia, and inyokes the sympathy of the nations 
on behalf of these down-trodden millions. England called 
for her men of rank, of titles, epaulets and stars, she 
placed men in the ranks and kept them there, whatever their 
merit; she put nobles in office whatever their incapacity, 
and one titled imbecile was only displaced to make room 
for another equally helpless, and so incapacity and mis- 
management have marked every &tal step of her enter- 
prise, and under it the finest army that England has ever 
equipped, has miserably and fruitlessly perished. 

Which then of these two systems should be denominated 
a despotism : that which by entrusting the conduct of affairs 
to the ablest men wherever they can be found, which excites 
and brings into requisition the whole talent ai a country, 
forming a noble order based upon merit only, or that which 
represses and crushes all merit under a weight of titled 
shams and decorated imbecilities? In true democracy ; in 
opening paths by which the pec^le may rise ; in her appre- 
ciation and reward of real merit, however humble its posi- 
tion ; in her disregard of baubles on a man's coat, or the 
names of his ancestors, Bossia is far in advance of Eng- 
land, and approximates in this respect the spirit and prae- 
tice of America. 

It is not entirely a misnomer to call Bussia a Democracy 
governed by an Emperor — England a Gonstitutiimal Mon- 
archy, under the despotism of an aristocracy. 

Another liberalizing influence in the Busssian system, 
of a most important character, tending strongly to tiie 
elevation of the pe<^le, is that municipal system which 


embraces so large a portion of the rural population. 
Sheltered within these small municipalities the germs 
of rational freedom are planted thick throughout the 
Empire, and they oontain the 8a.feguard of the present, and 
the promise for the future. This system must be studied 
in order to understand the condition of the Bussian' peas- 
antry, which has been so widely tmd utterly misrepresented. 
The attention of the reader is invited to the foUowiiig 
accounts of these rural communities, the first condensed by 
the Londm Quarter^ from Baron Haxthausen's notes : 

" The great feature of tSe rural system is that every 
head of a peaaant^mily is a member of a cammimef and a» 
such has a right to a pcartion of land. These village com- 
ximnities, which are found in their most perfect state on 
the domains of tihe crown, have a very regular though oom- 
plieated organi2ati<»iu At the head of eadli village is the 
iBto*afte, who presides over a council called tiie ten — ^because, 
aays the Baron^ every ten families sure entitled to nominate 
a councilor; but we think it more likely, both from the 
distinctness of the tjtle and its application, and from the 
fluctuating number of members which must have attended 
audi a system as the B^on supposes, that the council itself 
consisted originally of ten persons and no more. These 
officers are all eleeted annually by the peasants : their 
duty is to divide the obrok, which is levied upon the com- 
munity collectively, among the individual members accord- 
ing to their ability ; and to distribute any lands which may 
escheat to them by the death of the occupiers ; they also 
form a court for the settlement of local disputes, and the 
punishment <^ minor offenses — ^in short, there is perfect 
self-government as regards internal mattei^. Several of 
these villages form a district under an officer styled a 
MtnanMfum who, witii ammaor^ holds a superior ooart and 


levies the recraitB required for the army ; he is elected bj 
deputies sent from the village within his jurisdiction. A 
number of these starchinates again form a vologt, under a 
functionarj, also electiye, who, with his assessors, presides 
over a court possessing higher as well as wider authority. 
We think it is impossible not at once to be struck with the 
resemblance of this system to that of frankpledge, com«- 
monly said to have been founded by Alfred. Our old tithing 
was generally eo-extensive with the modem parish, and is 
said to have been so called as containing ten freehdders ; 
whether this is exactly correct or not, may be doubtful, 
but certain it is that here, as in Russia, the number ten 
had something to do with the arrangement, and the per- 
sons, whether ten in fact, or more or fewer, were sureties 
or free-pledges to the king for the good behavior of eacb 
other. They annually elected a president called tiie tithing^ 
man or headborough, who therefore answered to the Bussian 
starosta. Ten of these Tithings formed a Hundred under 
its bailiff, who, like the starchina, held his hundred-court 
for the trial of causes. Many of these hundreds together 
formed a shire, having, like the volost, its higher or county 
court under the Shirereeve, who was formerly, as mentioned 
in a statute of of Edward the First's reign (and exactly as 
now in Russia), chosen by the inhabitants. 

<* The condition of the Grown peasants has been very 
much improved, under Nicholas, by the establishment <^ 
the miidttry of domaiM — the Bussian ^ Woods and For- 
ests ' — but said to be more economical in its stewardship 
than ours-^a question too delicate for joumaliAtic decision. 
Its duty embraces a rigid care of all the Imperial estates — 
but more especially the protection (A the poor from the 
extortion of the employes — ^and this function certamly 
seems to be so discharged that the Crown villages are 
everywhere the ^nvy of those belon^ng to jniyate peraong* 


All the peasants are free to go where they like ; and any 
man leaving his village to exercise a trade pays no higher 
trihute than his share would have been at home as an 
unskilled laborer ; whereas the nobles generalUy charge 
the out-living mechanic according to their estimate of his 
earnings/ It is even asserted that the Emperor has been 
considering seriously a plan for the entire abolition of the 
obrok and the substitution of a rent on all Crown lands. 
Meantime the ministry of domains has a sort of museum 
of geology, agriculture, and manufactures, at its office in 
each province ; and in many villages it has established ele- 
mentary schools for the peasants. The * Autocrat's' hand 
is everywhere felt indeed — or at least everywhere wished 
for. By stringent laws — ^whereon no man in that region 
dares to exercise his talent for quibbling, or any other 
-tricks of evasion — he has prevented the mwiufacturers from 
exercising over their people that tyranny which the Man- 
chester school have imported with their cotton from the 
latitude of Louisiana. The sanitary condition of the work- 
8h<^s is matter of most strict surveillance — the truck system 
forbidden — and every master forced to provide a hospital, a 
a physician, and a school. The Baron adds, that some of 
the nobles also treat their serfs with great indulgence — ^for 
instance, M. Scheremetjew glories in the wealth of those 
belonging to him — some of whom have acquired (in his 
name, as they can not hold them by law) six or seven hun- 
dred serfs, nor does he charge them a higher tribute than 
the poorest. 

" In some parts the soil is cultivated by quite a different 
class from any we have hitherto spoken of; they go by the 
name of Polowniki, are perfectly free, and seem to stand to 
the owners of the land in nearly the same relation that our 
tenant-farmers do. Their existence as a distinct class may 
be traced to a very remote period — some antiquaries say 


even so far back as the eleventh century — an ukase in 1726 
declared that, not being serfs, they might go where they 
liked, subject to certain i^gulations ; and their condition 
was further regulated by an order of the Minister of the 
Interior, in 1827. Their present tenure seems to b& nearly 
as follows : the rent consists of half the harvest — the ten- 
ant finding the stock, as also the labor in the erection of 
farm-buildings, for which the landlord provides the mate- 
rials ; the length of the leases varies from six to twenty- 
years, but either party contemplating an actual dissolution 
oi the connection must give a year's notice before the 
expiration of the expressed period.'^ 

The English reviewer finds a parallel to this system, as 
is seen, in the rural institutions of England in the time of 
Alfred, which were the germs of th^ British Constitution, 
and why, therefore, do they not contain idso a guaranty of 
the future of Russia? » The American reader will at onoe 
perceive a strong resemblance in these *' communes '' to those 
Neir England municipalities, the townships, which were the 
nurseries of our intelligence and our liberties. The elevat- 
ing principle of self-government is imbedded in both, and 
that is a principle not only of life but of power. 

The second extract is from a writer in Hdrper^t Magor 
zme, professing to give th^ very words of an inteUigent 
Bussian, explaining the process by which emancipation is 
going swiftly forward, and the condition of the crown serfs^ 
which class must shortly embrace all who are in the king- 
d(mi: The speaker is describing the dawn of freedom for 
the serfs : 

'< A reaction commenced at the beginning of the present 
century; and since that time a system of emancipation has 
been silently operating in Bussia^ to which the world can 


show no parallel. In the first year of the century, Alex- 
ander made it a fundamental law of the empire that no 
more grants of serfs should be made to any individual 
whatever. In the meantime, the extravagance md profli- 
gacy of the nobles had passed all bounds. They became 
pc^ularly known as Vdmye — ' those who say and it is done.' 
Their expenditures outran their income, and they were 
forced to mortgage their estates. Institutions were estab- 
lished by the Emperor for lending money to these spend- 
thrifts, at a high rate of interest, secured by mortgages 
upon their lands and the serfs pertaining to them. As 
these mortgages ran out the crown took possession of the 
estates, and the serfs became peasants of the crown. In the 
fifteen years just past, the numbers of the peasants of the 
crown has increased by a million and a half, notwithstand- 
ing the numerous emancipations that have taken place, 
while the number of serfs has increased but half a million. 
The two classes are now just about equal in numbers ; but 
it is estimated that fully half of the serfs are mortgaged 
to the state beyond hope ci redemption. These must all, 
within a few years, fall into the possession of the crown.'' 

*^ But will they gain any thing by the transfer ? Will 
they not still be serfs?" 

** They will gain much. Instead of being subjected to 
the caprice of individuals, their condition is fixed by general 
laws and principles, which, in intention at least, (^rate in 
their favor. The best evidence that can be offered of the 
superior condition of the crown peasants is the eagerness 
of the serfs to pass into their number. It happens not 
unfrequently that when the government offers for an estate 
a price less than the proprietors are willing to accept, the 
serfs join together and pay the difference, in order that 
they may pass into the hands of the state. Even if the 


system of emancipation goes on without acceleration, tbe 
serfs will be wholly absorbed by the state within the space 
of two or three generations, 

'* The crown peasants are grouped into communities of 
two or three thousand souls. The use of the soil belongs 
to these communities as a mass, the fee simple of it being 
nominally vested in the crown, ^nd each peasant is charged 
an annual obroki or rent, of ten or twelve rubles. The 
whole community is chargeable with the payment of the 
obrok and capitation tax of each of its members. Each 
commune has a sort of elective assembly, presided over by 
the .storisAina, or mayor, which meets at regular periods, 
and has charge of all the internal affairs of the body. It 
apportions to each family its due proportion of the land, 
collects the taxes, has charge of the distribution of the 
recruits among the several families, punishes all petty 
offenses, and has jurisdiction over all disputes arising among 
the members of the commune. In a word, there is proba* 
bly no body of people who have so entire a control of all 
their local affairs, with so little interference from the supe- 
rior authorities, as do the Bussian peasants of the crown. 
It is true, that in the general affairs of the empire they 
have no voice; but in all that concerns their every day life 
they are untrammeled. The government exerdses no 
control over the movements of the peasants. Any one of 
them who wishes to leave the place of his birth can do so 
by obtaining permission of the commune, and this can not 
be refused if he is able to make provision for the perform- 
ance of his communal duties. Provided with a certificate 
from his commune, the whole empire is open before him, 
without let or hindrance. It is from this class chiefly that 
the artisans who flock in such numbers every summer to 
St. Fetersbur^h and Moscow are drawn. They carry on the 


whole of the extensive interior commerce of ihe empire, 
and find ample apace for the exercise of their ironderfal 
mechanical faculty. 

'^Thua, within certain narrow limits, the Bossian crown 
peasant is an absolute freeman. He is, to he sure, subject 
to many extortions from rapacious and unprincipled govern- 
ment employes ; but the occasions upon which he comes in 
contact with these are so few, ccnnpared with those in which 
the serf of the noble is exposed to the exactions of his 
owner and overseers, that his condition is looked upon with 
desire by the aerfs. This is not the hopeless longing with 
which the slave contemplates the state of his master, or the 
poor laborer of other lands regards the M of those above 
him. No impassable barrier separates the two classes. 
The serf knows that in the natural course of things he or 
his diildren will pass into the class of the peasants of the 
crown ; and the crown peasant knows that it is the Czar, 
that has raised him from the condition of the serf.'' 

These statements will enable us to form a more accurate 
judgment concerning what is called ^^Bussian despotism,'^ 
and all may see who will that a noble future is already 
opening before her. 

In connection with the despotism of Bussia, England has 
also raised loud entries against her barbarity in the conduct 
of the war. The charge should crimson every English 
cheek with shame. Did not England know perfectly that 
if Bussian soldiers murdered the wounded on the field at 
Bidaklava or Inkermann, it was because the Turks had 
been allowed to bayonet at pleasure the wounded Bussians, 
at the Alma? Were the English authorities deceived in 
regard to the true character q! the afiair at Hango? Did 
they not know that their own sailors had provoked retal- 
iation ? 


Mr. I\tneh has horrified his readers irith a rq>resenta- 
tiofi of ^'Bossian savages waiting for a flag of trtioe f will 
he be good enough to exercise his skill and wit upon 
some of the scenes at Kertch and Bomarsand? Will he 
be pleased to present that English catter taking sound- 
ings so cunningly under cover of u fiag of truee? Will he 
hear, and record, and illustrate the indignation that swells 
even through Europe at the piratical character whidi the 
Allies have given to the war. 

Another powerful agency in liberalizing the spirit of the 
Bussian government, is found in that system of manufao- 
tures and commerce whidii she is so assiduously endeavor- 
ing to establish, and which France and England are as 
earnestly striving to repress and destroy, and thus far are 
making war upon civilization themselves. A barbarous 
despotism would be quite unlikely in the first place, to 
conceive sudi a system, nor could it l<»ig exist beneath its 
influence, when once in suooessful operatim. A o(»nmer- 
cial and manufacturing state becomes of necessity a highly 
civilized one, and intelligence and wealth sweep away at 
last the despotic features of the throne. 

Just in proportion as the Empire succeeds in its new 
career will the influence of the people in the government 
increase. Nidiolas himself shaped the whole policy of his 
reign toward the liberalizing of his instituticms and the 
elevation of his people, and he died regretting that he had 
been unable to accomplish more. The emancipation of 
twenty millions of government serfs, which the late 
emperor had so far accomplished that they considered them- 
selves virtually free, was a vast step toward a complete 
change in the condition of the lower peasantry, and that 
change is certain now to come. Already, as seen by the 
quotation from Erman, their condition differs but little from 
that of the freeman. 


^ » 


The ooiiditi<m of the Rassian serf may be more clearly 
Been from the following quotation, De Custine's Bassia, pp. 

** The Bnssian peasants are the principal commercial 
agents in this prodigious market. (Nishnei Novgorod.) 
Nerertheless, the law forbids the serf to ask, or the free- 
men to grant him a credit of more tlian fitrn rubles. And 
yet they deal with some <^ these people, on the strength 
of their word only, for from two hundred thousand to 
fire hundred thousand francs ; ^nd the dates foi* payment 
are very distant. 

"A serf niay now become the proprietor even of lands, 
in the name of his lord, without the latter daring to violate 
the moral guarantee by which he is bound to his wealthy 
slave. To despoil this man of the fruit of Ms labor and 
industry would be an abuse of power which the most tyran* 
nical boyar dare not permit himself under the reign of the 
Emperor Nicholas : but who shall assure me that he dare 
not do so under another sovereign? Who shall assure me 
even, that in spite of the return to equity whidi forms the 
glorious characteristic of the present reign, there may yet 
be no avaricious and needy lords, who, without openly rob- 
Ung their vassals, know how skillfully, and by turns, to 
employ threats and kindness, in order gradually to extract 
from the hands of the slave a portion of the wealth which 
they dare not carry away at one swoop? It is difficult to 
believe in the duration of such relations between the mas- 
ter and the serf, and yet the institutions which produce 
this social singularity are stable.'' 

Thus it appears that Bussia is in the midst of a revolu- 
tion, every step of which is in the direction of a larger and 
better liberty, and though there are many defects and fla- 
grant abuses to mourn over, there is rich promise for the 


fatore, and her rulers are earnest in the cao^e of improve- 

England ridiculed the inefficiency of the commissariat of 
Bussia, decried her medical department as worthless, and 
congratulated herself upon her inability to move with 
promptness, or to sustain large bodies of troops— and then 
on the first trial proved herself infmor in every one of 
these particulars to the adversary whom she despised — 
proved in short, the superior efficiency of the government 
of the Czar, so that British ministers in defending their 
9iistakes, offered the mortifying apology that it had not 
been supposed that bodies of troops could have been moyed 
with such celerity from Odessa to Sebastopol ; so that bj 
the confession of England, a.constitutional monarchy, under 
^^red tape,^^ is no match for Bussian despotism, when it 
avails itself of the talent and energy of the people. 

The progress of the country toward a more humane and 
enlightened policy is also shown by abolishing the punish* 
ment of the knout, which was done several years since, bj 
the Emperor Nicholas, while for some time previous it had 
been reduced within narrow limits and strict control, and 
this national reproach has therefore been removed. 

Much indignation has been excited, but with less cause, 
in regard to the treatment of criminals exiled to Siberia.. 
This subject has been but imperfectly understood by most, 
and it has been surrounded with many imaginary horrors. 

Cruelties of a revolting character are undoubtedly c^ten 
practised upon the criminals, before they reach their desti- 
nation, hardships are endured upon their march, under 
which many sink, but if this system could be fairly com- 
pared with the whole practice of others in regard to their 
criminals, it would be found not to deserve the unmeasured 
condenmation with which it has been visited, nor to exhibit 


an excessive inhumanity on the part of the Bussian govern- 
ment, beyond that of the other states of Europe. 

It must be remembered that capital punishment is 
exceedingly rare in Bussid) and that this exile to Siberia is 
its substitute, though it is not confined by any means to 
that class of offenses by which life is elsewhere forfeited. 
The following account of the criminal system of Bussia was 
condensed by the Lcmdon QuarteHy Review, from " Hax- 
thausen's Notes on Russia,'^ and was published before the 

" Political ofienders, who are merely to be kept under 
surveillance, live, to all appearances in the ease of freedom^ 
at Wologda ; those whose sins are of a deeper dye become 
Exiles — ^that is, go to Siberia. The Exiles are removed to 
their destination in convoys of one hundred or two hundred 
under charge of an escort^ and until the number is complete 
they are kept in a comfortable prison, well lighted and 
warmed. While m route they experience much kindness 
from the Russian peasants* who send them presents of their 
best food at every resting-place; and in large towns the 
excess of such contributions over what they can consume, is 
so great that it is sold to buy them better clothing. Before 
starting, the convicts are inspected by a surgeon, and those 
who are unable to walk are put in carriages— of the others, 
every two men carry a chain of four or five lbs. weight. 
They only walk fifteen miles a day, and every third day, 
they rest. Wives are allowed and expected to accompany 
their husbands. The journey lasts seven months. In the 
Asiatic part of it the comforts are not oa the same scale, 
and there is often great mortality ; between 1823 and 
1832 it amounted to about one-fifth, and the average 
number of exiles was ten thousand a-year. On arrival, the 
worst subjects are sent to the mines ; and in former times, 
they hardly ever again saw daylight, but by the present 

848 THs BirssiAir bhpibb. 

Emperor's regolation they are not kept underground more 
than eight hoars a-day, and on Sunday all have undisturbed 
freedom. Those of a less heinous stamp are employed on 
public works for some time, and then allowed to become 
colonists. The least serious offenders are at once settled 
as colonists in Southern Siberia, and thenceforth may be 
considered as quite free, except that they can not quit their 
location. In such a soil and climate, with industry, they 
may within two or three years find themselves established 
in good houses of their own, amid fields supplying every 
want of a rising family. It is asserted that the young 
people reared in these abodes turn out, on the whole, of 
most respectable character, and are associated with accord- 
ingly on the kindest terms by neighbors of other classes — 
espe<jally the peasants of native Siberian race, who, by the 
way, are all entirely free, and many of them very ridi. 
The only drawback to this paradise arises from the recent- 
and rapidly-increasing production of gold, which is said to 
have already done considerable harm to morals ; let us hope 
that the Arcadian simplicity of Van Diemen's Land will 
escape the similar pollution tiireatened it by the vicinity of 
Port Phillip. 

<< A model prison at Odessa is described as greatly more 
successful than any we know of nearer home — ^it contains, 
we are told, seven hundred criminals, who all work at differ- 
ent trades, their earnings being either applied to promoting 
their comfort while in durance, or given them to start in 
an honest life with, on their emancipation. On entering 
the prison they wear a chain, but on good behavior — ^very 
generally within three months — they walk the streets 
without it ; they are allowed to go out to work for private 
individuals, under the direction of one of the best-conducted 
prisoners, and are constantly employed to put out fires, yet 
have scarcely ever been accused of stealing on such occasions. 


After ten years a full pardon is very often granted — ^in 
fact, not one-tenth of the whole number are detained 
"beyond that period, and on its expiry many obtain small 
<^ces under^ government." 

This is abundantly confirmed by the statements of Erman, 
as the foUoiring quotation will show: 

'* Among the yarious tales circuli^d in Western Europe 
respecting Siberia, may be reckoned ihe statement that 
tiie exiles of this or some other deseription are obliged to 
hunt the sable or other fur animals. But, in truth, it is 
only in the Uralian mines and those of Nerchinsk, and in 
certain manufactories, that persons condemned to forced 
labor are ever seen, and several of the rioters whom we saw 
here in Beresov had already served a year of punishment 
in Nerchinsk. All the rest, and the great majority of the 
Russian delinquents, are condemned only to settle abroad ; 
and, if they belong to the laboring classes, to support them- 
selves; yet with this consolation, that instead of being 
serfs as heretofore, they become in all respects as free as 
the peasants of western Europe. Political oifenders, how- 
ever, who belong, in Russia, as elsewhere, generally to the 
upper classes, or those not used to manual labor, are allowed 
to settle only in the towns of Siberia, because the support 
allowed them by the goverment can thus reach them more 

" I have often heard Russians who were intelligent and 
reflecting men, mention as a paradox which hardly admits 
of an explanation, that the peasants condemned to become 
settlers, all, without exception, and in a very short time, 
change their habits, and lead an exemplary life ; yet it is 
certain that the sense of the benefit conferred on them by 
the gift of personal freedom is the sole cause of this con« 
version. Banishment subservient to colonization, instead 
of close imprisonment, is, indeed, an excellent feature in the 


Boflsian code ; and thotigli the sabstitution of forced labor 
in mines f»r the punishment of death may be traced back 
to Grecian examples, yet the improying of the offender's 
condition by bestowing on him personal freedom, is an 
original as well as an admirable addition of a Bnssian 

The authority of these statements is not to be dispnted, 
and they show oondusiyely that whatever the condition of 
Bussia once was', her criminal system, under the enlight- 
ened direction of Nicholas, was so modified as to compare 
favorably with that of any other state of Europe, and per- 
haps surpasses any in the number which it reforms and 
restores to society and to usefulness. 




I The Western ABpeet of the Eaatern Qvestion. 

"^ <' Thjb Alliance with France does not regard the East 

exclusively, but has reference to affairs in both hemi« 

« Our transatlantic cousins will become a trifle less inso- 
lent and overbearing, when they find that the fleet which 
^ summers ' in the Baltic can, without cost or effort, * winter ' 
in the Gulf of Mexico, and our statesmen will not again 
need to speak with * bated breath ' in the cause of humanity 
and justice, from a dread lest the spirit of the country will 
not, or the energies of the country can not, bear them out 
in assuming a loftier tone." f 

** When Bussia is settled, France may safely abate her 
army, and England her navy ; but neither must disarm. 
If they do, not only will other Powers cease to respect them, 
but they will cease to respect eadi other. We miut gtiU be 
able to my ^No^ toaur Uody y<mng brother across the Athntiicy 
if he wants Cuba witkovJt paying for it, or takes any other 
UtUe vagary into his head." X 

oSeittiment expressed hy Lord Clarendon, and indorsed in Franee. 
^ North BritUh Review, NoTember, 1854, written when Bngland thought 
Sebastopol had already faUen, or might he regarded as captured. 
IJBlaOnpoodt Noyember, 1864. 


''England and France together are strong enoogh to 
bind nearly all the world over to keep the peace." * 

These are certainly significant hints, illustrating the 
spirit and designs of England, and they come from high 
authority. They should be considered in connection with 
some facts equally important England has recently 
declared that she does not relinquish her right to search 
our ships. The exercise of this assumed right produced 
the war of 1812. She has hitherto, in this war, respected 
the rights of neutrals ; but she is already growing restive 
because the blockade, whi(^ at wkHi expense she maintains 
in the Baltic, has not diminished materially the exports of 
Bussia, while it has greatly enhanced the price which Eng- 
land pays for sudi Eussian produce as her necessities 
deniand. The trade of Bussia, in 1854:, as stated by the 
^(mptnist, being about equal to that of 1853, and England 
pays her bills, not as formerly, with her goods, but in specie, 
Mrith which the Emperor carries on the war. 

. The following extracts from the Sconamigt and the iVew, 
place this matter in a somewhat unexpected light: 

** There is a fact in connection with the war with Bussim 
as atTecting the commercial interests of that country, and 
through them, the internal prosperity of the people, so 
staggering that it requires peculiar notice, and the more 
80 in the particular conjuncture in which we now stand, or 
are likely very soon to stand, in the arduous contest in 
which we are engaged. That the exchange at St. Peters- 
burg upon London should have risen nearly to par^ from 
the discount of about 20 per cent., at which it stood some 
time since, is a fact which points to important conclusions, 
and whidi indicates a state of internal affairs in Bussia bjf 
ino means lUc^ to aid the efforU of i^ur armies and aw mudeg. 

• Bhckwcod, November 1S6^ 


The exchange at St. Pttersburg had, under the first influ- 
ences of the war, fallen to 32d. per rouble. Latterly it has 
gradually risen, and is now exactly at par, or 38d. the 
rouble, notwitJatandinff that in the meantime an enarrrunu 
forced issue of paper many has been made. A further rise 
of a single penny, or even less, will so far turn the exchange 
in favor of St. Petersburg, that, spite of all eflfort or all law, 
ffold win he drained from the vaults of Threadneedk-street to 
replenish the bullion reserves in the fortresses of St. Peter^s and 
St. PauCs in the Russian QapitaL 

'* Let us first understand the real causes of this phenom- 
enon. They may be stated in a few words. Bussia imports 
of British products only to about the amount of £1,200,000 
a-year. But we import of Russian produce to an annual 
value of not less than six or seven millions sterling. This 
large balance in favor of Russia has hitherto been settled 
by the indirect trade of the country. The shipments of 
British manufactures to the United States, to the foreign 
West India Islands, and to South America, have in reality 
been partly paid for by cotton shipped from New Orleans 
to St. Petersburg, by sugar from Havana, and by coffee 
from Rio Janeiro. Bills drawn in these various markets 
upon St. Petersburg, for shipments of their produce, have 
been remitted to this country in payment for Manchester, 
Leeds, and Sheffield goods, negotiated upon the Boysd 
Exchange, and have formed the medium by which remit- 
tances for the tallow, hemp, grain and copper of Russia 
have been made. 

"So far, all was simple and plain. But let us now 
examine the course which we have pursued, not without 
good reasons, and we will even say upon the whole (J ! !) the 
best for our interests up to this point. When war was 
declared, a strict blockade was no doubt established on the 


coast of Bassia. Direct exports and imports were equally 
prevented. Bat by the policy which we adopted, an indi- 
rect route for the export of Russian produce through Ger- 
many was still left open. Memel became the port of 
shipment in place of St. Petersburg, Riga and Revel ; and 
the result has been as we ventured to predict inany months 
since, that, although the trade of Russia has been carried 
on at a great cost, and although that must have been deeply 
injurious to the actual producer, yet the ctctual qtmntitiea of 
Ruman produce exported in 1854 havefdUen very little^ if at 
Mt short of those of former years, 

" The resvU then has been, that, whiU exports from Mussia 
have been made nearly to the same extent as tmuil, the imparts 
have been greatly curtailed, and thus the means which we have 
hitherto empbyed to pay the baUmce due to Russia have been 
to a great extent cut off; and the indirect eflRect of this has 
been that those tropical markets for our manufactures have 
in some degree suffered by the lessened demand for their 

" The orders in Council, as finally issued, settled the 
principle (fx 8(»nething very like it), that *• free bottoms 
make free goods.' Bond fide Russian property is, of course, 
lawful prize ; but ' neutral' States are a sort of famigators, 
and remove the infection. Russian goods, by passing 
through Prussian hands, are purified and pass free to Eng- 
land, and vice versd. 

'* The advantages to us of the first half of this left-handed 
bargain have been lately proclaimed in the J^t;aZi&£tiM6. It 
has been crowing with too much truth over the fact — one of the 
few favorable facts it has had to chronicle for some months 
past — ^that England receives as much Russian produce as 
ever, only she pays a dovile price for it. The trade returns 
for the eight months ending September 5, 1852, 1853, 












and 1854, give oar imports of the main articles as fol- 
lows : — 


Hemp, - - - - 680,491 
Hides, (untanned), - 311,710 
TaUow, - - . • 376,936 

" In every respect, so far as we can discover, our imports 
of essentially Russian produce are, on the whole, larger this 
year than they have ever been before. Even of com, the 
returns stand thus :— 

1862. 1863. 1864. 

ip9» grs, ^prs. 

Wheat, ... - 1,679,230 3,302,452 3,072,246 • 

Barley, - - - 443,689 666.093 496,217 

Oats, . - - . 670,727 619,731 834,036 

<* We had been fondly dreaming that the com of fiussia 
was rotting on Odessa wharves, that its finances were des- 
perate, and its war carried on by the help of worthless 
paper roubles. No such thing. Our exports to Russia have 
been m7, except of the precious metals." 

In consequence of this state of things, a party in Eng- 
land is already loudly demanding the enforcement of a 
stricter blockade — in other words, to suppress, by force, the 
trade of Russia with neutral nations. A motion was intro- 
duced in Parliament, a short time since, looking to this 
object, but it was then rejected. There is great reason to 
fear that a change of policy will take place when England 
feels more heavily the pressure of the war, and perceives 
tiiat her adversary is not materially injured. 

One of the most powerful of the English periodicals holds 
ihe following language : 

^' The interests of commerce and the usual intercourse 
of nations must give way for a time to the imperious neces- 
sities of war. We must have no more * shilly-shallying,' 
no mare battUng about peace amd humanittf, and the superior 


civilization of our age, which admits of the operations of 
war without disturbing the commerce of the world/' 

In the extracts quoted above from the Ikonomist and the 
Press^ is seen how utterly mistaken are the views of those 
who represent Bussia. as paralyzed in her commerce, and 
on tlie verge of ruin — ^who have estimated the value of grain 
usually exported, and have then set down the amount as so 
much absolute loss to Bussia, presuming that none of it 
could reach a market. 

England, it would seem by her own showing, is suffering 
more from this blockade than Bussia, inasmuch as Bussia 
sells as largely as before, and' England pays the additional 
price which her blockade occasions. She has blockaded her 
own ports, so that no goods can be exported to Bussia, and 
therefore pays for her imp(»rts in specie. This mortifying 
result prompts her to consider the only remedy, viz : the 
armed invasion of the rights of neutrals, and the denial of 
the principle that free ships make free goods. This princi- 
ple once more adopted, as in her necessity it is likely to be, 
and then will come again the exercise of the right of 
search, our ships will once more be condemned in her admi* 
ralty courts, and what but war could follow this ? 

These things are sufficient to show that the Eastern 
question has indeed a Western aspect of a very serious 
character. The interest of the United States in the struggle 
is second only to that of Bussia, and to a great de^:ee is 
evidently identkal with hers. *' Wh^n Bussia is settled," 
what remains but to settle the United States also, inasmuch, 
as the North British suggests, the Allied fleets can spend 
their summers in the Baltic and their winters wil^ as. 
Let those whose sympathies have flowed so freely for the 
Allies consider the tremendous stake which our country has 
in this contest. It is quite natural, and ^itirely right, that 
American Christians should cultivate the most friendly 



feelings with our fellow Christians in England, and that we 
should he grateful for the kindness with which her puhlie 
servants have regarded our missionary efforts in Turkey, 
and that we should feel a deep interest in her as our mother 
country and as a Protestant nation, and it would be an act 
not only of folly but of wickedness to excite against her a 
causeless hostility. 

But it would manifest still greater infatuation if we 
should suffer these things to mislead us in regard to the 
actual character of this war, or close our eyes to the mani- 
fest designs of the Allies, or fail to perceive the selfish, 
arrogant spirit that rules their policy. Let Americans he 
careful, lest by a misplaced sympathy they not only sustain 
a wrong, but endanger their own country. 

It was natural that Americans, in the beginning of this 
conflict, should cheer on France and England with their 
sympathies and their prayers, for then it appeared to be 
what they so loudly declared it was, a war of freedom against 
despotism, of civilization against barbarism ; and it was 
expected that the yoke of enslaved nations would be broken. 
But can it be expected that Americans should still feel 
deeply interested in their success when it is so clearly shown 
by testimony and by actions, that this assault upon Bussia 
has been prompted by no generous motive whatever, by no 
hatred of despotism, no desire for the deliverance of the 
oppressed, no kind regard even for tottering Turkey — 
but simply with the unrighteous design of checking the 
growth and hindering the prosperity of a neighboring 
nation, which might dispute with them their commercial 
supremacy, mingled, on the part of France, with the per- 
sonal ambition and personal pique of her sovereign, and the 
intention of restoring supremacy to the Catholic Church ; 
and when, moreover, it is virtually declared that bo soon as 


Russia is '* settled/' the affairs of the western hemisphere 
will receive attention. 

The fact will not much longer he concealed from the 
world, that the true question involved in this war is whether 
France and England shall be the joint dictators of the world, 
domineering over all oceans with their navies, and prescrib- 
ing limits to the growth of nations ; whether they shall'he 
permitted to say to Bussia, ** You shall advance no farther 
Eastward,'^ or to the United States, *' You shall neither 
have the Sandwich Islands, nor Cuba, nor Mexico, and you, 
and all other Powers, shall dwell within the limits which 
we think proper to allow.'' This is the real significance of 
the Eastern war, to which the United States will do well to 
give heed in time. 

It becomes us to consider in due season whether we are 
prepared to submit to such dictation, or whether we shall 
claim and exercise, at all hazards, the right of unrestricted 
development. The batteries of Cronsladt and Sebastopol 
are ranged in front of American as well as Russian rights, 
and the interest of the United States in the preservation 
of the Russian navy is second only to that of Russia her* 
self. The last war for American independence is yet to 
come, if Russia can be humbled. 

The United States and Russia sustain almost precisely 
the same general relations to France and England, and to 
the main objects of their Alliance. Both are animated by 
a vigorous life, seeking on all sides room for its expauBion. 
Both are already formidable, and promise an overshadowing 
greatness in the future. Both are seeking oommeicial and 
manufacturing importance, and threaten to rival older 
states. Each is advancing at a rate unknown to other 

Both are regarded with intense hostility by the Papal 



Church, and her priests and Jesuits are equally laboring 
for the overthrow of each. Both are seeking to secure for 
themselves a share of the comnoierce of the East, and meet 
alike the opposition of France and England. Both are 
seeking for themselves a theater of national life outside of 
the sphere of Western Europe, and Western Europe inter^ 
feres with both. Both claim the right of making an 
experiment for themselves in a civilization of their own, 
and have been met, each in its turn, not only with sneers, 
but hostility ; and both stand confronted by the Anglo-French 
Alliance — the one in the Baltic and at Sebastopol, the other 
in the Gulf of Mexico, in the Sandwich Islands, and in 
Central America, ready to say ** No" to our progress when 
" Bussia is settled." 

It is declared by many that the commercial relations 
between the United States and England will absolutely 
prevent a collision, and that they will, on the contrary, 
bind the two nations more closely to each other. Before 
we give implicit confkience to these assertions, it would be 
well to look carefully at the character and tendency of pass- 
ing events. One of the most prominent questions before 
the British public is, how England can be rendered inde- 
pendent of the American cotton-fields. By unwearied effort 
she has pushed her experiments to a successful issue. It 
no longer remains a matter of doubt that cotton of the best 
quality can be raised in any quantity, both in India and 

In India every preparation is being made to give to its 
culture a rapid expansion, and railroads are being carried 
from the seaports to the cotton-lands. Capital, suitable 
lands, machinery and cheap labor, are all at the disposal 
of Great Britain, and a revolution will be speedily wrought 
in the production of cotton, which will compel our own 


planters to depend upon home market, and upon countries 
which can not produce cotton for themselves. 

'* One event is then certain : our own manufactures must 
he stimulated to a more vigorous life in order to consume 
what England hereafter may refuse to receive, nor is it 
impossible that as the manufacturing system of Russia is 
enlarged and perfected, she may yet receive American cot- 
ton in exchange for those Eastern products which her trade 
with Northern Asia will procure. If England succeeds, as 
she will, in producing her own cotton, it will work perhaps 
now unthought-of revolutions in the commerce and political 
relations of the world 

Is it altogether impossible that the future may see Busua 
and America forced into an alliance for self-defense against 
that other alliance already formed for the purpose of ruling 
the world? Will American Protestantism and the Russian 
Church yet be leagued against the aggressions of the 
Papacy ; will the united navies of these Powers yet achieve 
for commerce the freedom of the seas ; will America in 
friendly intercourse with Russia help to liberalize her insti- 
tutions by the power of a living Gospel, and thus aid her to 
give Christianity and civilization back to the wasted prov- 
inces and down-trodden populations of the East ; will they, 
mutually sustaining each other in the right of free expan- 
sion, give at last to the world and history two new forms 
of civilization, the Sclavonic and the American? Specu- 
lation is perhaps vain, but it would be well for Americans 
at least to consider the signs of the times. 



Why do not the Americuis SympatJiise with the Allies? 

Much sarprise has been manifested in England, because 
America not only expresses little interest in the success of 
Englatkd and France, but evidently cherishes a growing 
sympathy with Bussia. This is indeed true, and it is a 
fact which casts an ominous shadow far into the future, and 
deserves a serious consideration, both here and in Europe. 

America has not been moved by any sudden caprice, nor 
do her feelings in regard to England belong merely to the 
present hour. They are deep-seated ; their origin lies, to 
a great extent, far back in the past: they grew slowly 
through long years of wrong, deliberately inflicted and 
keenly felt, and they will not suddenly pass away. The 
wounds which we have received at the hands of England 
have not healed, and she is not forgiven, because she has 
neither repented nor offered reparation. Her past injustice 
and scorn are all unatoned for, and therefore not forgotten. 
Two wars have only postponed the final reckoning, and it 
depends upon herself alone whether blood again shall flow. 

It is a mournful fact, which no man who knows the 
American heart will dispute, and which it would be well for 
England to ponder, that a war with no other nation could 
so arouse, unite and enlist in its behalf all American hearts, 
as a conflict with herself, provoked by any new aggression 
SI (361) 


OD her pari Nor is tliis because of cberislied and active 
liatred in the American mind that watches and waits for 
its revenge — ^for America desires no quarrel with England, 
nor will she seek one ; but the wrongs and outrages of other 
days are still freshly remembered, because the taunts, and 
sneers, and hints at meditated interference and aggression, 
which are so often heard, prove that the British govern- 
ment cherishes its ancient spirit stilL 

America is estranged from England, because there are 
such things as memory and history. It is not because we 
have waged two wars with Great Britain — ^for the remem- 
brance of the mere strife of the battle-field stirs no ran- 
corous feeling — and no desire is cherished simply to avenge 
blood with blood. The causes which led to these wars, the 
manner in which they were conducted, the tone and bearing 
of England, then and now^ — these have sunk deep into the 
American heart. The solemn indictment, with its twenty- 
six separate counts, preferred against the English govern- 
ment by the representatives of thirteen colonies, contidning 
a true history of our earlier wrongs and sufferings at her 
hands, is annually read in the ears of the American people, 
and is graven on their hearts, because England has offered 
no reparation — unless that may be called so which was 
forced from her by arms. America has not forgotten the 
cruel insults offered to her in her weakness, previous to the 
last war, because England has not asked to be forgiven. 

America remembers that, previous to the war of 1812, 
England had insultingly impressed more than aix thousand 
ef our seamen, and it is not forgotten — ^because to this day 
she asserts the same claims in regard to the right of seardi 
which led to those outrages, and the second war. The 
exciting, the hiring, the letting loose those hordes of sav- 
ages upon the women and children of our defenceless fron- 
tiers, is a thing not to pass suddenly from the memory of 


America. The earth has not wholly covered the mangled 
forms of ottr mnrdered ones. 

We can not forget, if we would, the visit of Cockbum's 
fleet to the shores of the Chesapeake, burning and plnnder- 
ing defenceless villages and dwellings; and American 
women, violated in <^n day by British sailors, speak yet 
from their graves to the American heart, and especially 
when Bomarsund and Kertch bear testimony that England 
has not yet abandoned this inhunan method of waging war. 
The English government has never shown itself either a 
cordial friend to America, or a generous enemy. 

The tone of her press, with some honorable exceptions, 
has been supercilious and scornful; she meets us at all 
points, not with kindness and encouragement, but with 
coldness or opposition, and her arrogant spirit breaks out 
in schemes for ''regulating'' our eonoerns, and setting 
limits to our growth. 

Still America does not dwell upon these things as the 
French are said to do on the memory of Waterloo, with the 
desire to wipe its stain away with blood. There is no desire 
to make any aggression upon England, to invade any of her 
rights, or to impede her prosperity; and often above all 
rises the love of kindred, and an admiration of the much 
which is truly great and noble in British character and insti- 
tutions ; but there is an abiding sense of many and most 
grievous wrongs, persisted in while there was power, and 
unrepented of even to the present hour ; mingled, too, with 
the belief that they would be repeated should opportunity 
present. England has an important work to do before she 
can win the love or sympathy of America. 

She must change both her spirit and her policy before 
cordiality can be restored ; but if this is forbidden by her 
pride, she must be content to reap such a harvest as in 
an evil hour may spring from such a sowing. Here an 


important discrimmation must be made between English- 
men, and the English government and its policy. Against 
individual Englishmen Americans cherish no ill will ; they 
are freely welcomed, and loved according as they are 
worthy ; they are not ezdnded from the heart because they 
are not Americans — ^we love them as our kindred, as our own. 
It is England as embodied in her policy as shown in her 
national acts, which has thrown the shadow over the 
American souL It can not be removed until that policy is 

If England chooses to ally herself with European pow- 
ers, to hinder our progress and thwart our plans in the 
Western hemisphere, if she will ntoop to such miserable 
instruments ev^i as a Mosquito King to cover her designs, 
if she threatens us with her Baltic fleet and with a settle^ 
mmt so soon as ^' Russia is settled,'' if she considers herself 
commissioned to correct what she pleases to call our *' vaga- 
ries," if in conjunction with France and Spain she forms 
secret treaties with St Domingo after helping to annul one 
which had been concluded with us, so as to exclude us from 
the West Indies, and if this policy is persevered in, then 
there can be but one ultimate result— a war that will settle 
many important questions forever. 

There is a *' Western Question,'' no less important than 
the Eastern one, and if France and England have found 
a Bussia in the East, they will also find an America here; 
neither revengeful nor quarrelsome, but unalterably de- 
termined to submit to no interference from Europe. 
While such things are meditated or threatened, a preparation 
for self defence is much more rational than sympathy with 
the Allies. America remembers with gratitude the France 
which aided her in her hour of need, but France now is 
the ally of the Power she then opposed, and equally with 
England and in union with her» opposes us at every salient 



point of our progress, while with her this policy is dictated 
hj the personal feeling of her Emperor, and by the hostile 
and ambitious spirit of the Boman Catholic church. 

Still, notwithstanding these things, Americans would 
desire the success of the Allies if they could even hope that 
such a victory would improve the condition of Europe, or 
advance in any manner the cause of popular rights, of a 
rational and solid freedom. But not only is there no design 
on the part of the Allies to deliver Italy or Spain, Poland 
or Hungary, but the ruling powers in England and France 
are no less hostile to any form of popular liberty than Bus- 
sia herself, and nothing is farther from their design than 
to set any portion of the people of Europe free. 

The tendency is in the opposite direction, toward the 
re-establishment of the Papal despotism, over every Cath- 
olic country of the Continent, with such liberties for the 
people as that Church has been accustomed to grant, while 
a regard for her own safety and her commercial interests 
will compel England to acquiesce. England is harnessed 
to the Papal car under the guidance of France ; and when 
will she be released, and where is the goal? 

England, as the European champion of Protestantism 
and popular rights, might cause us to forget the past and 
draw us to her side ; but as the ally of a new Papal combi- 
nation which threatens the West as well as the East, she 
will compel us not alone to withhold our sympathies, but to 
look to our defences. 


Bnssia and America, their Future Relations to each other and the World. 

Those in Earope who desire to enlist America in the 
present struggle, would alarm us with the idea that if 
Russia is successful in this war, she will fcwce all Earope 
into a crusade against the United States; and some too 
among us, filled with the same thoughts, declare that she 
is the only foe that we have to fear in our future progress. 
It is difficult to perceive how such opinions can be enter- 
tained by any who have studied attentively the national 
policy of Russia. The mistake arises from the assumption 
that the controlling purpose of this nation is to cruah free 
institutions every where, and establish in their stead des- 
potic governments. This is neither the design nor the 
mission of Russia. To regard her merely as the propa- 
gandist of despotism, the foe of human liberty, is to mis- 
conceive her altogether. 

Her national aims are not necessarily connected with 
forms of government. She intends to establish the great 
Sclavonian race upon a territorial theatre suitable for the 
growth of a civilization of their own, and she considers the 
preservation of her monarchical government and institu- 
tions as essential to her success, and hence her watchful 
jealousy of the revolutionary spirit of Europe, which she 


regards not only as democratic, but as atheists in its chaiv 
acter, as it showed itself to be originally in France. She 
is also, as has been said, watchful, and she has reason to 
be, against the Papacy as the deadly foe of her Chnrdiy 
and the nation as its supporter. The policy of the Russian 
government, the direction of the nation's growth, and the 
limits which she proposes for herself, would not necessarily 
bring her into collision with Western Europe, far less with 

England and France have gone beyond their true national 
spheres of action, and have invaded hers; and yet they 
spread through the world the cry that they have been forced 
into a war in self-defence, on behalf of the rights of man. 
Bussia may overwhelm them with a greatness acquired by 
a growth as legitimate as that of other powerful nations^ 
but she will not make upon them aggressive war, though 
she may be compelled to wage long and bloody war, such 
as she is now carrying on, in self-defense. 

Bussia will never attack America because we have chosen 
a Bepublican form of government. There is no more proba- 
bility of such an assault than that the Congress of the 
United States will declare war upon her because she 
acknowledges the Czar. The shaping of the affairs of 
nations is toward no such ends as these. A calm survey 
of the state of the world will be very likely to convince 
us, that danger will approach us from quite the opposite 
quarter, and that the future is far mwe likely to behold 
America and Bussia as allies than as foes. 

The present policy of western Europe will no more admit 
of an alliance with the United States than with Bussia 
herself, and the reasons for this are obvious and dear: 
First western Europe is now, and for the present must be, 
directed by the Papal Power, in a struggle for religious 
supremacy, and Bussia in the East and the United States 


in the West, are the tvro great antagonists of the Bomirii 
Church ; and a Ptotestant Sepublic is as cordially hated Iqr 
the Papacy as even Imperial Russia. Second, two forms (k 
national life prevail in Christendom that are the antago- 
nisms of each other, and can not be made to harmoniaew 
One is represented by England and France, and the other 
by the United States and Bussia* Chie is the growth and 
expansion of a central life over contiguous territory, and 
the other is the colonial or provincial system, which seeks 
to lay the remotest portions of the globe under contribution 
for the benefit of a distant and foreign center. 

One assimilates all that it touches, like the United 
States, and makes a common law and equal privile^ 
co-extensive with the limits ci dominion and population ; the 
other, like Great Britain and France, exhausts the distant 
and subjected province to increase the wealth and luxury 
of the masters at home. This is a necessary and unalterable 
condition of their power. At home they have reached the 
limit of growth in territory, and neiurly so in population, 
but they may still increase their weidth, luxury, and power, 
if through their armies and their fleets they can force tiie 
other portions of the globe into the condition oS cdonies, 
dependent upon, and tributary to them. Bossia and the 
United States are the only two nations of earth that are 
capable of indefinite enlargement by a growth which extends 
itself over adjacent and c<Hnparatively unoccupied teirito^ 
ries, uniting all that they embrace in one political organi* 

In front of the march of both these nations lie rich and 
almost boundless possessions, held either by dynasties tot« 
tering to their fall, or by communities and races incapaUe 
of national development. Before Bussia lies the wasted 
and almost empty, yet glorious East, destitute of civiliaati<m 
and Christianity. Before the United States is a Western 


world, whose almost faktloos fertility the East can not rival, 
a double contiaent^ whose vast area south of the Unipn is 
occupied mostly by those who will never bless it with 
rational liberty, or a Protestant civilization. But by the 
growth of Bussia in the Bast, and the progress of the United 
States in the West» the great eolimial sdlieme which France 
and England are endeavoring to extend in both hemi- 
spheres is in danger of being straitened and limited. On 
the one hand, Bussia threatens to expand over Turkey, the 
Euxine, the Hellespont, and the Caspian, with a frontier 
still advancing Eastward ; on the other, the United States 
seem likely to overgrow the even now vanishing Mexico^ 
and where the southern boundary of the Union may become 
atationary can scarcely be predicted at present. 

The cistern of France and England comes into collision 
with Bussia on the shores of the Black Sea and the Helles- 
pont, and for predsely similar reasons they propose to meet 
us in the West Indies and Central America. Bussia would 
incorporate Turkey- — ^the Allies would hold those countries 
of the East as colonies. The United States meditate the 
CKtension of the Bepublic southward. France, England, 
and Spain would arrest our progress, and retain as tribu- 
taries the territories that we might annex and bless with a 
Protestant faith and free institutions. Bussia deems h^ 
mission to be to give Chrbtianity and civilization to the 
East, through the instrumentality of eighty millions of 

The United States regard it as their ''manifest destiny '' 
to extend the influence of Protestant BepuUicanism over 
these western continents, through the Anglo-Saxon race ; to 
fill all these lands with the power and glory of a distinctive 
American dvilization. The East is the future theater of 
Sslavonian life — the West belongs to America. The two 
Vowem will not come into hostile collision, but they may 





yet meet in peace in tlie Chinese seas, and co-<q>erate in 
extending oonimeroey dvilization and Christianity theire. 

Two things must come to an end before the world can ' 

have either liberty or permanent peace : the power of the 
Roman Catholic Church, and the commercial despotism which ^ 

England, by the aid of France, would establish on the seaa. * 

Two questions are before the world: Shall the Papacy once 
more be permitted to rule the nations? shall France and 
England prescribe limits to the growth of Bnssia and 

To the last of these questions Sebastopol is giving an 
answer not easily to be forgotten ; but the Allies hav^ pro- 
vided a far more decisive one themselves, by the operations 
of their Baltic fleets. The experiments which they have 
lately made will probably effect as complete a revolution in 
navid war as the genius of Russia has wrought in the | 

defense of fortifications. France and England, in the Baltic 
and the Sea of Azoff, have broken the right arm of their 
power, and the terit>r of their mighty navies is gone for- 

By that single experiment with light vessels, they have 
made America more than the equal of them both. They 
have demonstrated that the most effective ships of war are 
precisely those with which the United States can cover the 
ocean, almost without effort, and in whose construction and 
management she stands without a rival. The Allies boast 
much that they have proved the small importance of stone 
walled fortifications, but unfortunately for their naval 
supremacy hereafter, they have also demonstrated the utter 
worthlessuess of those unwieldly leviathans that form their 
ziavies, and henceforth naval warfare must assume a new 
diaracter, and the worthlessness and insecurity of waivships 
may yet be in direct proportion to their bulk. 

The Russian three deckers sunk in the harbor of Sebaa* 


topol or anchored within the walls of Gronstadt, have heen 
quite as useful, and far less expensive, than those of the 
French and English at sea. They have made an imposing 
but empty show, while the actual service has heen performed 
by light steamers, scarce large enough to be the tenders 
of a line of battle ship. The all-important fact thushrougfat 
out for the consideration of the world is, that the huge 
ships which constitute the present great navies of the world 
may be regarded as obsolete, may indeed in the calcula- 
tion of naval strength, be left almost entirely out of thQ 

For nothing is more certain than that a swift, active 
little steamer, large enough to mount even but a single 
heavy gun of longest range, might be a most dangerous 
antagonist to the hugest liner that floats. For the construe- 
tion and equipment of small, swift steamers, both Busaia 
and America possess unlimited resources, and the lesson 
which has been taught in the Baltic and Euxine by the 
Allies will ere long be practiced against themselves. Bus- 
sia need not long deplore the want of a navy, or trained 
seamen. She can build as many war steamers of small or 
medium size as her necessities may demand, and she will 
need on board of them not so much teamen as guimers, and 
these she can supply. 

This experiment has clearly shown the capabilities of 
the United States, and has really placed us in the first 
rank of the naval Powers of the world, and if England, aa 
she threatens now, should exercise again her so-called 
rights of search, these capabilities may be tested. In the 
change which steam and heavy guns are effiecting in naval 
warfare, England and France combined will not be able 
to rule the seas. America has little cause to fear their 
navies ; she has but to arm her steamers. The plundering 
expeditions of the Baltic and the Sea (d Azoff, can not be 


repeated here, and perhaps the ** Transatlantic cousins " 
may yet have a word to say about the wintering of the 
Baltic fleets in the Gulf of Mexico^ America can darken 
the whole Gulf, and line her coasts, if need he, with 
steamers that would be very perplexing^ even to such ships 
as the Agamemnon, and Napoleon; and the *^ interminable 
forests" of Bnssia wiU some day be found afloat^ 


The Soooess of the Allies would JkAiroj aU Fteaeiit Hope fbr the 

At the oommenoement of tlie war, a vast majority of tihe 
friends of free institations, 1)oih in Europe and America, 
believed that if Bassia could be humbled and forced back* 
ward, a signal, perhaps a decisive, triumph would thus be 
won for the cause of popular rights, and the deliverance of 
the oppressed nations would speedily come. The Allies 
were thought to be sincere when they raised the battle cry, 
'^Liberty against despotisms-civilization against barbar- 
ism/' But the delusion is swiftly passing away, and it is 
not unlikely that the most ardent friends of democracy in 
Europe may ere long sigh for the success of Bussia, as their 
only hope. 

The warning just given to America by Kossuth, in regard 
to the ''right of search,'^ is indicative perhaps of a new 
vision of the future ; for he knows full well that just in 
proportion as that warning is heeded, will America be placed 
in opposition to the Allies, and by the side of Bussia, 
There is, indeed, reason for the United States to be watchful 
and prepared, when motions for a strict blockade are made 
in Parliament, when it is strongly supported by powerful 
journals, and when public meetings ** enthusiasHcaUy'^ cheer 
the proposition to enforce again the *' old M^Uth righi cf 



MdrrA'' as the surest method of termmating speedily the 

The war, on the part of the Allies, is emphatically one 
against freedom every where, on land and sea. It is against 
the liberty of Bussia and America to develope without hin- 
drance their national life, against the freedom of commeroe, 
and against the establishment of civil or religious freedom 
in Europe. France and England are no less determined to 
maintain and perpetuate the despotic governments of west- 
em Europe, and prevent the ascendancy of tibe pq)ular 
element, than they are to cripple -and repress Bussia, if 
possible. Freedom for the people is not in all their 

The character of this Western Alliance is too clear now 
to be mistaken longer. It is essentially a union of the 
Latin nations, with France at their head — a Boman Catho- 
lic c(»nbination, to which England, in an evil hour, luus 
attached herself* and whose leaders now show an intention 
to force into it the small Protestant Powers of the North — 
in short, to treat as enemies those who will not join them. 
It promises, indeed, to produce a true world-battle in the 

The success of this movement would of course give once 
more, as has been already stated, the supremacy to the 
Papal Church over all of western Europe, and this result 
England could not prevent. Where then would be one 
remaining ray of hope for the friends of free institutions? 
The Catholic Church, if once more restored to power, would 
be in practice what she has ever been in iheorj — the un- 
swerving friend of despotism, and the enemy of human 
rights. The civil and ecclesiastical tyrannies would, as of 
old, support each other, and trample out the light of intel- 
ligence and freedom together. 

If this is accomplished, the deliverance of the populations 


jf^ of Europe must be indefinitely poBtponed. Hie double* 
headed despotism of Church and State will then rule 
^ ^ through their dark and bloody day, until one wide uprising 
^ of the wrathful people shall hurl Europe into chaos and 
^ unbelief again-— to be recovered, alas ! when and bow ? 
^ Let it be supposed on the other hand that England and 

^ France are broken and thrown back from their invasion of 
^ Bussia, she meanwhile, being made to feel that the qnn* 
^ pathies of the people and especially of Americans are with 
y ber ; then this blow would fall on dyncutia^ not on liberty; 
f it would smite on the thrones and aristocracies of Western 

p Eurq)e, and not on the people and their cause. 

Then with the pressure of despotic power removed, and 
the scepter of spiritual tyranny broken » the deliverance of 
the nations into the light and freedom of pq>ular institu- 
tions might come. Against the people of Europe united in 
the defence of rational liberty, Bussia would have neither 
the design nor the ability to make war. In any war which 
the peoplU of Europe might wage with an aggressive des- 
potism, they would find America by their side. Nor is the 
progress of Bussia Eastward, or the working out of her 
national policy, incompatible with the constitutional free- 
dom of Western Europe, or with the growth and prosperity 
of our American Bepublic. 

The true despotism which threatens the power of the 
world dwells not in Bussia, but in Western Europe, with the 
Papal Church as the ecclesiastical center of power. Bus- 
sia is free from spiritual despotism on the one hand, 
nor does she desire on the other to establish a tyranny upon 
the seas, or to reduce all lands to the condition of colonial 
territories. She contains within herself the elements of 
salutary change, which will inevitably liberalize the form 
and working of her institutions. A few years of progress, 
and of friendly intercourse with a people really free, and 


ihe transforming power of comineroe and mantifaciarea 
will place the people of Boflsia in a position where they can 
not be led into an aggrewsiye war npon free institatioiia. 
Her order of nobility, based on merit, between the peas- 
antry and the birth-right aristocracy, is the basis of a true 
middle dass that will in the end become tb^ safe-guard of 

Her serfs will be soon emancipated; her mnnicipalitiea 
are true germs of more popnlar institutions ; and raticmal 
freedom based upon the religious sentiment may yet be 
established in Bussia without the shock of revolution. Her 
national aim is not to impose upon others her own form of 
government, but to unite and elevate the Sdavonian race. 
Institutions are but an instrument for the accomplishment 
of her purposes. They will be modified by changing cir- 
cumstances, and the more rapidly in proportion as she 
succeeds in her new career of self-cultivation, as the mul- 
tiplication of her manufactures stimulates mental activity 
at home, and as the ext^ision of her commerce increases 
her intercourse with the world. But it is said that if Bus- 
sia is not checked she will throw over the world the dark 
shadow of her barbarism. This is simply to mislead by 
the power of odious epithets. 

The Sclavonian civilization, so far from being a barbar- 
ism, is rising above the horizon with rich promise to the 
world. The race that has constructed a Bussia, faulty in 
some points though the structure is, aided by the Poles 
and other branches of the Sclavonian family, as they most 
certainly will be, will yet spread over the East, in a sphere 
of their own, a civilization worthy of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. Which nation at this moment really deserves the 
epithet barbarian: Bussia who has calmly and heroically 
breasted the most terrific assault of modem times, await- 
ing within her defences the attack of her invaders, or 


France and England, visiting with conflagration, and plun- 
der, and brutal outrage, every peaceful village on her 
fihores that they can reach with their boats? 

Should Bussia even succeed to the farthest stretch of 
her ambition, have the "nationalities" more to fear from 
her then^ than from a Papal Umpire lording it over Eu- 
rope? Will America have more reason to dread her even 
thea, than that Power which has twice made war upon her 
liberties already, which oppressed and insulted her while 
she could, which meditates aggression still, and which 
studies ojqpositicm and repression at every point of our pro- 
gress ? America and Bussia will give new forms of civiliza- 
tion to the world, of a higher order than any which Europe 
has yet produced, or will be capable of until the Papal ' 
Power is broken. 

They will find that in Boman Catholic Europe they have 
a common foe to meet, and they will have common interests 
to defend. If England chooses the friendship of France 
and the Papacy, if she assumes the office of Dictator for 
the nations, she must be content without the aid or friend- 
ship of America. 

But if she disengages herself from that ill-starred alli- 
ance, and gives her strength in earnest to the cause of 
human freedom, confining herself meanwhile within her 
appropriate sphere of acti<Hi, her '' Trans-Atlantic Cousins " 
will forget the past, and become her steadfast friends. If 
otherwise, that Anglo-French alliance may produce another, 
that will test her utmost strength both by land and sea. 
There is danger that cheers for the " right of search" may 
be answered l^ the roar of shotted guns. 



Sebastopol and tlie Fataxe. 

This work was commenced early in 1855, and now, at the 
dose of tbe second campaign of the war, it affords gratifi- 
cation to the author to know that his original conception of 
its causes and character, as well as the general spirit and 
aims of the book stand supported by the events which hare 
occurred up to the present hour. The evacuation of south- 
em Sebastopol, under the circumstances in which it occurred, 
has fixed no stain upon the honor of Bussia. The prestige 
of her heroic defense remains unimpaired, and she stands 
as yet on more than equal terms with her foes. 

The world is made to ring with shouts of triumph at the 
success of the Allied arms, and yet the real victory remains 
with Bussia. The truth of this assertion wiU readily 
appear from a candid consideration of the facts. The two 
most powerful fieets, and the two best appointed armies of 
our times, combining the science, skill and strength of the 
two great nations of western Europe, the work, at least on 
the part of France, of years of special preparation, appeared 
suddenly before a single Bussian fortress, at the extremity 
of her empire, to which troops and supplies could be for- 
warded only with extreme difficulty, because the naval 
superiority of France and England enabled them to shut 



the Bassian fleet in harbor, and eompletelj to oommand 
the sea. 

The Allies were in direct commonication with all the 
resonroes which their respectire conntries conld supply, with 
abundant means of cheap and rapid trane^rt. Nothing 
was wanting which France and England, and indeed all 
western Europe, could furnish. With this combined army 
of selected troops, the very elite of the two countries, they 
sat down before that fortress, bringing to their aid whatever 
skill and science could suggest, and then ranging their 
formidable fleets before its walls, commenced such a joint 
attack by land and sea as had not been witnessed in modern 

Let it not be forgotten that the whole military power of 
France and England had been concentrated and brought to 
bear upon this single point of the defenses of Bussia, and 
that to fail in reducing the fortress in the ordinary manner, 
and in the usual time, especially when it was accessible both 
to fleets and armies, was in itself a signal defeat, a forced 
acknowledgment both of the skill and courage of the Bubf- 
sian garrison. 

Not only was the first bombardment, l<mg and obstinate 
as it was, a complete failure — ^not only did those formidable 
fleets never venture before the forts again — but at the set- 
ting in of winter, the defenses of the town remained absor 
lutely intact, and indeed were rendered, by the science of 
the Bussian engineers and the laborious courage of the 
soldiers, far stronger than at first. France and England 
fought there with every possible advantage so far as the 
•n^ly of men and warlike stores was concerned; and the 
•ea and railway brought sohliers guns, ammunition — ^what- 
ever was needed — ^to the very trenches; and, moreover, 
they were the besiegers, which dbnCf in modem warfare^ 
has been considered as dedsive of the issue of the contest. 


Busaia, exclu<fed from tlie sea, was omipelled to meet 
tliis tremendous attack by drawing her resottroes from aa 
immenfle distance, and* transporting them across a difficult 
coantry<-*an achievement which the Allied goyemm^iti 
declared at first impossiUe, hat which became practicable to 
the perseverance and energy of the Emperm* and his offioars^ 
and the patient endnrance of his troc^s. With an almost 
overwhelming advantage in favor of the attack, Bnssia has 
aooomplished what has not been done before in modem war. 
For almost a fnll year she held France and England at bay, 
baffling every attempt, or causing 'every inch of groand 
gained by her foes to be drendied in the best blood of two 

Finally, after a bombardment whose fire sarpaased, 
probably, every similar effort made at any time by an 
attacking force, an assault was made in which the Allies 
were hurled back from every pcnnt but one, and were six 
times repulsed from the Malakoff itself, and then the Bus- 
sian garrison was withdrawn from the southern side of the 
dty in such perfect order as to lose scarce a hundred men 
in the passage, and southern Sebastopol shared the fate of 
Smolensko and Moscow, its fortifications were blown up, the 
ships in the harbor were sunk, and the Allies had nothii^ 
before them, when ihe Bussians were gone, but heaps of 
bloody ruins. 

Ten thimsand or more of their own soldiers had been 
slain in the combat, and soutJiem Sebastopol lay unsur- 
rendered, a mass of fragments, merely evacuated, but not 
yet captured, for it lies commanded by the guns of the forts 
and bristling batteries on the north side of the harbor, and 
whether it can be occupied until these are reduced is an 
undecided question. It is claimed by the Bussians that 
the north side is stronger than the soutii was, and if so^ 
tiien Sebastopol is yet to be takoa. In regard to tlm prawnt 


position of the Bossiaa army, a writer of high anthoritj 
in the London Morning JBbrald gives the foUowing deeply 
inte^sting aoooant. He was-attached to the English army 
in the Crimea, and therefore writes from personal obsenra- 
tion, and certainly with no dispositi<»L to present in too 
strong a light the defenses of Bnssia. 

He says that after the battle of Inkerman the Allies 
were so mndhi reduced that it was donbtfol whether they 
wonld be able to keep the field until the arrival of rein* 
forcements, and that daring the winter the siege was virto- 
ally raised. This is now a well known fact. The garrison 
of Sebastopol being thus left to itself was by no means idle, 
and was able to perform an important work whidi this 
writer thus describes : — 

** They were enabled to complete and perfect a line of 
earthworks stretching on the nortii side from the Belbek 
to the valley of Inkerman, and above all to throw up the 
tremendoQs works which cover the road leading to the nortk 
mde by Traktir Bridge and Makenzie's farm. They were 
able also to fortify the rocky pass whidi leads from Bak- 
tcheserai to Sebastopol, and to cover with new batteries and 
earthworks, the whole ridge of the heights of Alma. Thus 
they secured themselves from any movement of the Allies 
toward the norik mde^ from any advance upon Baktchesend 
by way of Eertch, and from any attempts of the Tnrks 
frcxn Eupatoria. 

'* Wi& these defenses the Allies will now have to copot 
in their advance npon the north nok. 

** Your readers, I presume, are already well aoquainied 
with the fiict that the plain of Balaklava is indosed by a 
steep, precipitous ridge of chalk cliffs, which vary from five 
hundred to one thousand feet in heiglit, and stretch almost 
from the water's edge at the head of the harbor of Sebas- 
tcqpol across the plain to the bridge of Traktir. The heights 


thus tar nm dae narfth and aoath ; at Traktir Bridge, they 
fidl back a Uttle, and, taming at a right angle run east 
and west for about three miles, when they again form an 
angle, and trend away to the aoath to Talta. The aeocmd 
angle where they tarn to the south, is Makeazies fann. 
The space inclosed in the angle which MakeuKie's farm 
denominates is a level waste, prodoctive of nothing appa* 
lently but large stones. Crossing Traktir, the road wends 
across the waste I have mentioned, and under the heights^ 
Every part of this road, I need not say, is commanded by 
Bossian redoubts and batteries on the summit of the diffik 
To take these heights from the front would be utterly 
impossible, they sre too steep to be scaled by any but 
expert dimbers. They could only be turned, and that 
could only be aooomplidied by forcing the Makensie road. 

** This famous road is distant from Traktir Bridge about 
two miles. Formerly all communication witii the north 
side of Sebastopol by this route was shut out by the diffis, 
and it was only about fifteen years ago, that the Bussian 
troqMi were employed in cutting the Makenzie road. It 
commences at the fi)ot and in the centor of the chain of 
cliffs that runs east and west from the bri^ to the farm. 
It is cut in the face of the diff, a path about twdve feet 
wide and stretching upward from the plain in a perfectly 
straight line into the angle in which Makenzie's farm is 
situated. Therefore, in ascending the road (which is so 
steep as to be almost useless for purposes of ordinary traflBe) 
the clifib tower above on the left hand, while on the ri^t 
is a sheer descent to the plain below, varying in depth from 
one hundred to six hundred fleet It is this road which the 
Bussians covered with redoubts and batteries during the 
winter. Cut across it are no less than eight batteries, eaek 
one rising above the other at a distance of about two hwot 
died yards apart 


^'When the road reaches the top of the ridge a whole 
mass of guiiB, from the heights on the left, and the heights 
W Makenzie^s farm in front, bear full upon it Any army 
attempting to force this road must march from Traktir 
Bridge, with its left flank exposed to such a ^ mitraiUe' as 
would annihilate even iHronse troops, to the foot of the 
Makenzie road a distance of two miks without returning 
a shot. Then while the main body stands under this fire, 
the storming columns (which can only go twelve abreast at 
the most) must advance up the Makenzie road against the 
w<Nrks I have already mentioned. There is no other way 
of turning these formidable heights, or gaining the north 
side of Sebastopol from Balaklava, by land. 

** Now, do your readers think that in the face of these 
obstacles, the * march' round to the north side will be unde]> 
tak^ in the oflP-hand style our military critics at home 
seem to expect? Or do they think that the Allies will 
try to foroe their way by this route at all? I certainly 
doubt that they will, and give tiie Allied commanders 
credit for possessing more judgment than ever to attempt 
it; for though the troops that took the south side of Sebas- 
t<^l might dare anything, yet I think that even Pelissier 
will pause before attacking the Makenzie road. In such 
an attack we migJU be unsuooessf ul, and we mint be pre- 
pared to loBe haif cur armyP The author doses witii the 
opinion that any movement on the north side is impossible 
at this late season, and that the campaign must be com- 
m^ced in the spring by a new IoMb of the Ahna^ whose 
heights are now much more strongly fortified than before. 

Bttch is the north side of Sebastopol, while the. Russian 
forts and bastions, as has already been stated, still command 
tiie harbor, and the south side. The most important pari 
of the celebrated fortress is still held by the Russians, and 
is thus defended. 


Bat events can not be anticipated. These northern de- 
fences may perhaps be captared, the whole Crimea may be 
temporarily lost to Russia, bat this will not compel her Uf 
a hnmbling peace. It wiU touch her pride» bat not the 
sources of her life or the foandations of her power. The 
tide of her growth may be checked or eyen rolled back* 
but the next swell will prove a <^ flood'' that will sweep 
beyond all previous limits. The East is the inheritance of 
Bussia, and she will ultimately come to tiie possession* 
She grmn at the rate of about a million and a half a year* 
and her resooioes, almost untouched as yet, are inexhaost- 
iUe for centuries. 

The Allies and their friends we shouting and iUumi- 
Bating and mardUing in gay processions in honor of 
victory, and it is well thus to veil realities from view* 
But how stands the account in the light of an impartial 

After a struggle protracted by the science, skill, and 
courage of the Bussians beyond all former precedent, when 
circumstances are considered, one half of a fortress has 
been evacuated^ having first been laid in ruins by its de- 
fenders ; but to effect this, the reducti<m of part of one of 
the remote defences of the Bmpire, the whole power of 
France and England has been employed for a year, and it 
has cost them, as is said, one thousand million of dollars 
and more than one hundred thousand of the finest troops 
of Western Europe* 

They boast of having found seventy milUons sterling 
worth of cannon and other military stores in SebastopoL 
Can they afford to make many such purchases of canncxi? 
At this cost and with such results, Jiow long can France and 
England continue this war? If Bussia retires within her 
interior defences, who will follow her, and bow long can 
Franoe and England shut her in? Should they suocsed 


in capturing the Crimea, who will hold it, and how will 
it he secnred? 

The '^ninning sore'^ that the French Emperor hoasted 
of having opened for draining the Ufe of Russia will he 
transferred to the side of France and England. Can 
France and England afford the cost of retaining the Cri- 
mea? Will they agree concerning the ownership and mode 
of occupation? Bussia's line of communication with Asia 
is all unbroken, ^e stretches (xround the Black Sea» and 
her armies lie to the eastward of Constantinople, and Seb* 
astq>ol is not the only port (ji the Enxine. Bussia has 
indeed lost her Blad: Sea fleet. But have not the experi- 
mentB with light steamers with guns of long range dem<»i- 
strated that she does not need such another, and also, that 
the navy which she does require can he speedily equipped 
when the opportunity comes? 

In fact, Bussia has already been engaged in constrocting 
a new fleet, while that in the harbor of Sebastopol was 
about to be destroyed* The dock-yards at Nikolaieff ai^^ 
and have been, in full operation, and it will soon be per- 
ceived that Budsia's naval power in the East was not confined 
to— did not even center at — Sebastopol. 

A revolution in naval warfare seems inevitable, and it is 

by no means certain that even the naval power of Bussia 

is permanently crippled. The heavy ships of the Allies 

have been as useless as those of Bussia are beneath the 

, waves. 

It is yet too early to decide with confidence that the Czar 
must remain without a navy in the Eastern waters. The 
evacuation of the southern side of Sebastopol has changed 
the aspect of the contest favorably for the Bussians, unless 
the Allies are strong enough to defeat the Bussian army 
in the field, and cut off its final retreat, for the north side 
eommands the south side, and the harbor. New batteriea 


and defenses of all kinds are being erected, while the North 
Star Fort alone is a most formidable work. It may 'prove 
that the new position of the Russians is staroaiger than the 
first, and certainly it can not be attacked until the army in 
the field can be destroyed. 

A short time will decide whether this can be done. One 
fact however is important. The choicest troops of France 
and England sleep nnder the walls of Sebastopd-^the «Kfe 
of Russia's soldiers, the Grenadiers and the Ouards, have 
not yet been in the Crimea. Should they reaoh the scene 
before a general action, the Allies will probably need all 
their prowess. These near events, though they tkonii 
prove disastrous to Russia, and even compel the evacuation 
of the entire Crimea, will but slightly affect the remoter 

The retreat of Russia is often more fatal to her foes &aai 
her attack. If she abandons the Crimea^ she will leave it 
a waste ; and if the Allies occupy it, it will be their turn 
to defend. The attack on Sebast<q)ol may, and probably 
will, prove in the end the most disastrous undertaking ever 
planned by the Western Powers, because it has been written 
on the burning heart of Russia, and its mem<n'y will wait 
tiiere, even a century, if need be, for the hour of vengeance. 
Henceforth, France, England, and Turkey are safe only 
till Russia's hour of strength and retribution shall come»- 
as come it must, and will. The present mag^ perhaps, 
belong to the Allies, but let them beware of the future, 
Russian soldiers stood in Paris after the burning of 

The opinion so confidently asserted that the Czar woold 
be at once compelled to sue for peace, because his army had 
been compelled to evacuate and blow up a part of even the 
formidable Sebastopol, is simply absurd. Lieutenant GeBf 
eral Sir George Brown, who commanded in the Crimea 



during the siege, declares that *^ Eassia is the most gigan* 
tic military power ever seen on earth/' and that her artillery 
has ney^r been equaled. Such a nation^ counting aeyenty 
million people, is not to be crushed, or even humbled, thus. 
Taking into consideration the whoLe course of the conflict, 
since the landing of the Allied armies in the Crimea, and 
she has not failed to exact blood for blood. She knows full 
well that such successes as France and England have gained 
will exhaust them in the end, and she can afford to stand 
on the defensive and wait her time. 

Sebastopol is not yet taken. She can not be driven from 
the north side, if she chooses to hold it, except by such 
another siege as the southern portion has cost already, and 
her guns yet command the harbor. If she is beaten in a 
pitched battle, and forced back to Perekop, then her army 
is at a point where very socm the Moscow railway will sup- 
ply troops and stores more easily than her adversaries can 
obtain them even by sea. The world may be assured that 
France and England will strike no blow at Bussia whick 
will not be returned, and Sebastqrol will yet be avenged. 

Tlie occupation of Constantinople by the Czar may pos- 
sibly be hastened hy the very war designed to prevent it, 
for Bussia is now unshackled by any obligation, and no 
necessity of respecting the wishes of the rest of Europe 
exists now, and the moment she obtains the power, she will 
make the East her own. Hiat moment may, and may not 
be remote, but it will come, Busaia is capable both of 
effort and endurance, which neither France nor England can 
make or bear, and unless she can be annihilated, she will 
conquer in the end. Disasters will only force her in upon 
her centers to jMrepare for the recoil ; and neither danger 
nor suffering has ever shaken the oonstancy of the pe<^le, 
or destroyed the morak of her army. 

The retreat from the southern side of Sebastopol, after 


that terrible conflict, was in perfect order, showing neither 
panic nor discouragement. Whatever stores were aeeded 
had been removed ; the whole had been foreseen and pro- 
vided for, and laying dead more than ten thousand of ^eir 
foes hj a final blow, (twenty thousand, as stated by good 
authority, were killed and wounded), they blew up their 
defenses and retired, as at Borodino, to a new positioii, 
where the enemy did not dare to follow. They suffered 
heavily themselves, but they were not dispirited, and it may 
safely be predicted that any victory gained over them during 
the future progress of the war, will cost at least its value. 
To hold Russia permianently back by the sla^ength of armies^ 
is beyond the power of her adversaries, and to re-construct 
the "nationalities" as a living barrier, is to revolutionize 
Europe and overturn its thrones. A cage for the Bussian 
bear is a difficult thing to construct. 

One of the most important results of the war, thus far, 
is one whose importance is not yet fully perceived, viz : it 
has disclosed the fact that England is no longer a great 
military power. France has succeeded in displaying her 
weakness before the eyes of the world, and she has done it 
with evident satisfaction. England alone at Sebastopol 
would have been crushed at a blow. She has yet strong 
hearts and hands, it is hoped, for the defense of her own 
territory, but she can no more carry on a great war abroad. 
She has become a satellite of France, and already, as pre- 
dicted in preceding pages, the Boman Catholic Church is the 
ascendant power in Western Europe, and France is the 
champion of the Papacy. 

Protestantism, at this moment> exerts scarce an influenoe 
in the councils of Europe, and two Powers only of earth 
prevent now the universal re-establishment of Bomanismin 
its most hateful forms — ^Russia in the East, and Protestant 
America in tho West ; and these two nations will be drawn 



^^ into doser relations by a consciousness of common interests 
'^ ^ and a common danger. 

m m; Since the late success of the Allies, the London Times 
^^^ declares that the French Alliance may last long enough to 
^ ^'t settle the Western TarhUh Question. Such expressions are 
^ ^ not lightly made. They indicate ihe real designs of France 
'f^ and England, and if they do not attempt an interposition 
~ in our affairs, it will only he because they have not the 

power to insure success. 
3^ But any triumph which France and England may gain 

^ ^ in the East or die West will be from necessity of short 
■""^ duration. The future hastens. Ere the close of the oen- 
^ tury, the natural progress of Bussia and America will give 
^ to each a hundred million of people, while the other Powers 
^ of Europe must remain nearly stationary in population. 
The Soman Catholic confederacy, now forming under 
7 France, has its doom already written on the prophetic pages, 
and the two ruling Powers of the not remote future, the 
American and Sdavonian races, are just now stepping upon 
^ the arena of national life, and two new forms of civilization 
must hereafter occupy the attention of the world. Against 
^ the expanding life of these two rising nations, France and 

^ England have chosen to array themselves, and they must 

' abide the issue. 

As has been said, Bussia and America represent one 
great system of national life — ^that of self-protection arid 
home development. France and England are endeavoring 
to impose upon both the exact opposite, a policy which 
would subject all nations to a state of dependency on their 
capital and their workshops, leaving in their treasuries the 
profits both of manufactures and of commerce. Between 
these systems there is a perfect antagonism, and they will 
from necessity, if France and England retain their present 
fqiirit, be brought into collision in both hemispheres. 



The whole policy of the Allies will eonstrain them to 
repress American growth, if they have the power. Russia 
and America are the only two Powers of earth that have 
before them an expanding future, and they will he drawn 
together by common general interests, and by a sense of 
common danger. The feeling of estrangement in regard 
to the Allies, and <^ sympathy with Russia, growing daily 
stronger, and deepened by the hints and threats of Englandi 
is a true foreshadowing of the future. The Gulf of Mexico 
and the adjacent waters, are the " Black Sea'' of the West, 
and France and England are determined that we shall 
neither control it, nor obtain its Sebastqpol, even by honor- 
able purchase* 

Will America submit to the Dictatorahqp? 






Printers, Binders, Pablishers, Stationers, 







The American Eclectic Dispensatoxy-— By JOHN 1 

Kma, M. D., Professor in the Cinciimftti Edeotio Med- ^ 
ical Insiitate. One Yoluae, large Octayo, 1396 pa^ea. 

The teeand edition is jnat ready, and the prospeot ia ^t 1 

loriher editions will soon be demanded, so great is the ' 

flowing interest felt in the principles of the Ambbecak j 
SnrosM PaAonxiONXES ov Medicinx. 

Good Ou> Sohool Autbobitt. — Tb» ^'Ameriean Journal of That- 
flMey/' speaks of the work as followB : " We haTe taken some pains 
to giToit a carefU examination, although preflsed for time, o o o 
The nnmerons Plants which are brought forward, as Ededae Beme- 
dies, emhraoe many of nndoobted value. « o o xhe work embodies 
a large number of ftcts of a therapeutical character, which deserro 
to be studied. Manj of these are capable of being adopted by Phy- 
sidaos, especialljr by GOUNTBY PHYSICIAKB, who haTO the ad- 
vantage of more easily getting the Plants. » « « The attention 
which is now being giTen by the Eclectics, in clasofying and arrang- 
ing fiurts and obsenrations relatiTc to American Plants, will certainly 
be attended with excellent results. « o « 

**Tlie galenical preparations, extracts, syrups, tinctures, eta, 
pecnliar to this Dispensatory, are mostly well-constructed prepara- \ 

tions, oontaining the rirtues of the ingredients used; and we hare 
no doubt that many of them are Taluable agents. An aeooant of 
one of these we haye copied. 

** It would afibrd us much pleasure to extract a number of the ar- 
UdeB firom the Eclbotio DmnNSATamr, that would g^ye a better idea 
of the peouliar Tiews and oinnions of this set of practitioners ; but 
the length of this article admonishes us to stop; yet we cannot close 
irtthout adjudging to Dr. Knra the merit of ipiying perspicuity snd 
order to the Tast mass of material collected under die name of Bo- 
tanical Medicine, and fi>r his determination to oppose the wholesale 
quaoke^ of Eeleotic Chemical Institutes. The Eclectics haye opened 
a wide neld fbr the rational Therapeutist, and the organic Ohemist; 
and we h<nM that l%no«M and ApotheeariM will not be repelled by 
a ftlse pride, or an uj^just feeling of contempt, f^m reaping the hnr- 
test which will accrue to obeenration and experiment.'^ We add 
another extract or two :— 

''This volume is one which, in our opinion, the whole Medieal 
Profession should be proud of. The work, ccmiprising a much larger 
amount of knowledge than any other, relating to the indigenous 
Materia Mediea—to results of American research in Organic GheoH 
Istry, eto., seems to be emphatically an American work, and as such. 
Is better adapted to our oondition, and more applicable to the real 
wants of the Physioiaas of this country. 

** No one can fail to see, from an examination of this volume, that 
the medical resources of this country are being fast developed and 
mtemataxed. Beside the remedies usually treated of in like works, 
this book contains an accurate description of about one hundred and 
ffly %BUth are new, and many of whidi science hereby has rescued 
nom blundering empiricism. About Thirty, active or ooncentrated 



Medioiiial Prinoiples are treated of. These hold sinular lelatiana 
to the crude articles, from which they are derived, that Qninine 
holds to PeruTian Bark, and for conTenienoe and reliability the £o- 
leotio School daim they are unsurpassed.'' — BocheOer Democrat, 

** The examination we have been able to give it, has conyinced xm 
that a yery great deal of labor has been bestowed npon the prodao" 
tionf and that it contains an acoount of a larger number of the 
Medical Plants indigenous to our country, than any oUier work 
with whjtok we are acquainted." — Mchiffan Journal of Medidne, 

Lengthy reports, commendatory of the work, have be^ made, 
and several Medical Colleges have adopted it as a text- 
book. The publishers are happy to say that they are 
constantly teceiving orders from every portion of the 
coimtry. — ^Prioe|6 00. 

King's ficlectfc. Obstetrics.— This work, announced 
some time «ince, and looked for so anxiously for several 
months past, is now in hand, and will be published soon. 

Jones 8l Mozrow's American Bclectic Medical 
Practice. — Ck>mplete in Two Volumes, octavo, 1650 
•pages. Price $7 00. 

In these days of eommon sense in MecUdne, all respectable Fhyd- 
dans are Eclectics. — Benton MecHeal and Surgical Journal, 

That the Eclectic Schools teach principles ytt^ying essentially ftom 
what is tai^t in the Allopathic Colleges, is unmistakable. ^ ^ 

The general and eztensiTO adoption of wtgetabU remedies, a perfect 
and efficient understanding of their therapentie properties, and of 
their applioaMlity to diseased conditions of the body, constitute 
oardinaL features of the Ecleetic practice.— Worcester Jew. o/Modidne. 

It bears upon eyery page the stamp of ]>r. J.'s yigorous, independ- 
ent and practical s^le of thought. Such a work has long been 
needed, and we rejoice to know that it has been produced. — JDr, Bur 
I in JSdectie MbeKcoI JoumdL 

The yiews maintained by the authors are stated with clearness 
and precision ; the style is flowing and litely, and the whole book is 
remarkably free from the yerbiage which is such a general feature 
of medical treatises^--iVk0 York Tribune. 

Pnlte's Homoeopafhic Domestic Pbyslcian— Be- 

vised, enlarged and illustrated with Anatomical Plates. 
Eighteenth Thousand. 1 Yol.12mo.pp.576. Price $1 50. 

It is yery oomprehensiye, and yery 6zpiQclt.^iV. T. EwngditU 
A yery hidd and oiefbl hand-book. Its popfidar langnage, and ezchiBion of dlf- 
flcoli tenninology, are decided fecommendaftionB. Ita snooeet is good evldenoe of 
the value of the work.~i\r. K Timet, 

V "^obl Hoiix Fbaotioe, this woxk U reoommended as miperior to all others, hy 
Br. y andeximigh, of New Yoik, Brs. HuU and Bossman, of Brooklvn, Dr. Gran- 
ger, of 81 Loiis, and othen of equal odehtity in different portiffiM of the oonntty. 


Homoeopathic Mftnnal of Obstelalcs— From tibe 
French of Dr. Croserio. By M. COTE, M. D., 1 VoL 
12mo. Second edition. Price 75 cteu 

It IB one of those Um pMtieal works wMoh will aid praotitioiiers 
At the bedside of the sick, o a o j^^q volume may seem insis- 
nifioant, because it contains only 153 pages ; but our readers oaa 
hardly conceiye the amount of information which the author hap 
oontriTod, in the clearest manner, to express in a few words. « ^ o 
The practice is purely Homoeopathic. — Am, Jour, of JBbm, 

Typhoid Fever, and its Homoeopathic Treatment — Bj 
AUG. &APOU, Doctor of Medicine, Paris. Translated 
by M. Cora, M. D. 1 YoL 12mo. Price 50 cts. 

A Homoeopathic Treatise on the Diseaaea of 
Children— By ALPH. TESTE. Transkfced firom the 
French by Emma H. Cot^. 

The author of this work, an experienced practitioner of the homcs- 
opathic school, and resident physician at the baths of BagnoUa eb 
rOme, in France, professes to haye compiled its directions firom 
Toluminous files of notes taken in his practice. The pathological 
part, that is to say, the portion of it which describes the diseasA, 
and points out the specific method of cure, occupies three-fourths of 
tiie Tolume. It is preceded by a treatise on the Hygiene of children, 
and some preliminary obserrations on the homoeopathic system, de- 
signed to remoYO the prejudices against it. The work is intended 
as a popular manual, to be read by mothers and others who pay 
some attention to domestic medicine. Its directions are not restricted 
to the period of absolute infancy, but extend to the second stage of 
Childhood. The author's methods of cure are marked by a simplicity 
which is not always found in such manuals ; and the reader is not 
embarrassed by a multitude of prescriptions depending <m differ* 
ences in symptoms which are scarcely appreciable^ Those who are 
in the habit of consulting works of this nature, will find in Dr. 
Teste's book, many things not to be met with elsewhere. — New Tori 
Evening Post, 

It is the only treatise on the homoeopathic plan, expressly doTOted 
to tiie diseases of dbildren. With great completeness of detail, it 
describes the principal diseases to which that age is subject, together 
with their appropriate remedies. As a manual of domestic practice, 
it must be welcome to the receivers of Hahnemann's system.— i^^ 
York Tribme, 

k work of this kind has long been wanted. While the science of 
Homoeopathy has steadily increased in influence, it has won the es- 
pecial favor of mothers— not all, but many—who are anxious to 
mform themselves to the utmost, concerning the nurture of their 
offspring. The plan of the book is admirable ; what it says is said 
plainly and gracefully ; while its directions seem so indispensable 
that we wonder how they have been foregone so long.— jBkj^29 


MxB. Ben. Darby— Or the Weal and Wo8 of So- 
cial Life, By A. MABIA COLLINS. Third Edition, 
One Volume, 12mo $1 00 

** ! that men should pat an enemy into their mouths to 
9teal away their brains I that we shonld with joy, roTel, 
pleasure, and applause, transform ourselyes into beasts.''-^ 

Early Engagements, and Florence— (A Se- 
quel). Second Edition. By SAKAH MAESHALL 
HAYDEN. One neat Volume, 12mo. .... 75 

The Life of Blennerhassett — Comprising an au- 
thentic narrative of the celebrated expedition of 
Aaron Bueb, and containing many additional facts 
not heretofore published. By WILLIAM H. SAT- 
EOED. One Vol. 12mo. Cloth. Second Edition. 1 26 

Life of Thomas Chalmers, D. D., L. L. D. — 

By Eev. JAMES C. MOFFAT, D. D., Professor 
of Latin and Lecturer on History in New Jersey 
College, Princeton. OneVoL12mo. pp.436. With 
a fine Portrait on steeL Third Edition. ... 1 26 

After a careful perusal, we are conyinoed that it is supe- 
rior to any other life of the great Scottish champion of Free 
Ohurch Principles. — Christian Advocate. 

Poetry of the Vegetable 'World— -A popular 
exposition of the Science of Botany, in its relations 
to man. By M. J. SCHLEEDEN, M. D., Professor 
of Botany in the University of Jena. Second Amer- 
ican, from the London Edition of Henfrey. Edited 
by Alphonso Wood, M., A., author of the " Okus 
Booh of Botany.*' One Volume. .... 1 26 

It is as interesting as the most attractlye romance, as beau- 
tiAil as nature, and as pleasing as the finest poem,-^Motton 

It is, in the true sense of the words, a popular and philo- 
sophical account of the deyelopment and relation of plants. 
One of those modem labors of profound scholars, by which 
science is becoming in{elligible and interesting to the mass 
of the world, without any loss of Its professional accurate 
and dignity.—Xi^erflfy World. 

The originality of its views, the poetic charm of its illus- 
trations, and the large amount of positive instruction which 
it imparts, will recommend it to every reader of taste and 
intelligence.— jETafjier'^ Magazine. 


Tbe C011XB6 of Creatioii— By JOHN ANDEB. 
SON, D. D., with a Glossary of Scientific Terms 
added to the American edition. With Numerous 
IBusiratians, A popular work on Geology. Third 
Thousand. One Volume, 12mo. pp. 384. ... $1 25 

The simplest, most lucid, and satisfactory ezpositioxi of 
Geologioal Phenomfiiia we have had the good fortune to meet 
idHL'-PkUaddjphia Chromde. 

Better adi^ted than any other in onr language, to convey, 
in short space, to intelligent readers, an accurate view of the 
disooTeries of tiiis most interesting science. — ChritL BetalL 

Scenes and Legends of fhe North of Scot- 
land—By HUGH MTTiTiEB, author of " Footprints 
of the Creator," etc., etc. Fourth Thousand. One 

Volume, 12mo. pp. 436 1 00 

Borne stories and legends in thdr native costome, and in 

The style has a pnriliy and elegance which r^ninds one of 
Irving^ or of &ving's master, Goldsmith.— -Xoiuim Spedator. 

Barfs Valley of the Mississippi— One Yolume, 
12mo. Cloth 88 

A sncoinot Oompilation from authentic docnments, of fiusts 
in the history of the Mississippi valley, to the latest dates. 
The work be«rs the marks of mdnstry and discrimination.— 
N. T. Tribimi, 

Starting with its discoTery and ooloidzation by the French, 
and tracing its subsequent histcry, the author has grouped 
the most prominent eyents, and placed them before the read«r 
in an attractive garb.— JK^MftrnZZs JKntfier. 

Tbe Three Gh»at Temptations of Y011119 
Iflton — ^With several Lectures addressedto Busi- 
ness and Professional men. By SAMUMi W. 
MSHEB, D. D. One VoL, 12mo. pp. 336. Third 
Thousand. 1 00 

We shall put the book by upon one of the choice shelves of 
our private library.— .AMton CongrtgiOkiMUa. 

The style is bold, manly and vigorous, and in some por- 
tions very beautiftil. ... In the name of the young men 
of our cities, we thank Dr. Fisher for prepaiing and sending 
ibrth so timely a volume.— JFVvsSytMm BeraM, 

A Buckeye Abroad— Or Wanderings in Europe 
and the Orient. By SAMUEL S. COX. Third 
Edition. Illustrated 1 25 


Romanism, the Enemy of Edncation, of Free 
Institutions, cmd of Christianity— By N. L. 
EICE, D. D., Pastor of the Second Presbyterian 
Chnrcli, St. Louis. Third Edition, one Volume, 

12mo. Cloth $1 00 

Eminently a book for the people, for the times, and for our 

country. — Frinceton RenAeuo, 
The style of the book is eminently popular — ^rapid, pointed, 

and suggestive. — N, T. EvangeUst. 

Rice and Blanchard's Debate on Slavery — 

Held in Cincinnati, in October, 1845. Fourth 
Thousand. One Volume, 12mo 1 26 

Philosophy of the Flan of Salvationr— A book 
for the times, by an American Citizen, with an In- 
troductory Essay, by CALVIN E. STOWE, D. D. 
Twentieth Thousand. One Volume, 12mo. . . 63 

Buchanan on Grape Cnltnre, and Long- 
worth on the Strawberry— Eifth Bevised Edi- 
tion. One Volume, 12mo. pp. 144. Cloth. . . 63 

The most reliable and complete work we have seen on the 
subject. — Dovming*8 Sortufulttintt. 

Will be found to conyey the most opportune and valuable 
instruction to all interested in tke subjects. — yeill*9 FruU 
and Flower Qardm. 

Woman's Medical Otiide — Containing Essays 
on the Physical, Moral, and Educational Develop- 
ment of Females, and the Homoeopathic treatment 
of their diseases, in all periods of life. Together 
with directions for the remedial use of Water and 
Gymnastics. By J. H. PULTE, M. D., author oi 
*' Homoeopathic Domestic Physician.'' Second Thou- 
sand. One Volume, 12ma, pp. 332 1 00 

As a contribution to popular hjgeine, it may be ranked 
among the most judicious and instructiTe works on the subject 
that haye yet been giyen to tbe publio.> The delicate topics of 
which it treats are discussed with great propriety of senti- 
ment and language, while the copious information with which 
it abounds, is adapted to lead to the formation of correct and 
salutary habits. — N. Y, Tribune, 

The Sacred Melodeon — On a new system ofNo- 
taUon, Designed for the use of Churches, Singing 
Societies, and Academies. By A. S. Hayden. Thir- 
tieth Thousand 71 




" A Y9Tf lacid aod useful hand-book. Its popnlar langnage, and exela- 
sion of difficult terminology are decided recommendations. Its success is 
good eridenoe of the value of the work." — N. Y. Tunet, 

" This appears to be a very successful publication. It has now reached 
As third edition* which is a reyised and enlarged one; and we learn from the 
tide page that eight thousand copies have been published. Various addi- 
tions hare been made to the Homoeopathic directions, and the anatomical 
part of the work has been illustrated with engrayings. The work has re- 
eeiyed the approbation of seyeral of onr most eminent practitioners." — 
Evening Poti. 

*' A nicely printed yolume, and it appears to be a finished one of its kind. 
It embraces all possible directions for the treatment of diseases, with elab- 
orate descriptions of symptoms, and an abridged Materia Medica. "—Bosten 

** It is yery comprehensiye and yeiy explicit." — N. Y. EvangeUst, 

" Though not at present ezclusiyely confined to the medical profession, we 
haye been consulted, during the past year, in some fifty or sixty eases, 
some of which, according to the opinion of the far-sighted and sagacious, 
were yery bad and about to die, and would die if trusted to Homceopathy, 
and some were hopeless, which are now a wonder unto many in the change 
which the homoeopathic treatment alone effected. Now what of all this? 
Why, just this, we have used Dr. Pulte's book for our Directory ; we haye 
tested it as a safe counselor ; — and we say to our friends who haye wished 
we would get up a book for them, just get Pulte's Domestic Physician and 
the remedies, and set up for yourselyes." — Cattaraugu9 Chronicle. 

" I haye recommended it to my patients as bein^ — for conciseness, pre- 
cision, and practical utility — unsurpassed either in my native or adopted 
country." — Dr. Changer of St. I/mu. 

" The plan and execution of Pulte-s Homoeopathic Domestic Physician, 
render it in my opinion the best work of its kind extant for popular use. 



'* I have found, upon careful perusal, * The Domestic Physician,' by Dr. 
Fulte, to be concise and comprehensiye in its description of diseases, and 
accurate in the application of remedies ; but its chief advantace over othet 
works of the same design, appears to me, to be the facility with which it is 
understood hj the lay practitioner. I consider it a valuable and useful book 
of reference jn domestic practice. The professional ability and extensiye 
practical experience of the author, are alone sufiicient r ecomm endation for 
Its value. A. COOKE HULL, M. D.. 

76 State St., Brooklyn. 


" WtU ptnftt more generaUy vufvl, tnan any oUur unru yei 

published on Geology.'* 

THE COURSE OF CREATION : By John Andeesok, D. D., of New- 

burgh, Scotland. With a Glossary of Scientific Terms. 1 vol. 12mo. 

Illustrated, $1.25. 

** It treats chiefly of the series of rocks between the Alps and the Grampians. It ia 
thoroughly scientific, hot popular in its styk and exceediufly entertaining.** — £iom*§ 

** Thc author's style is clear and engafing, and nisgtttphio descriptions ••em to oob* 
vey the reader at once into the fields of geological research to observe for himself."— 
Ohio Observer. 

*<Ahotber Talnable contribution to the eanse of truth and sound science. Its valuo 
is very much enhanced by the Glossary of Scientific Terms appended to it by the pub- 
lishers; for scarcely any one of the sciences has a larger number of terms with which 
ordinary readers are onaoqnainted than Geology." — Presbifterimm ^the West, 

** Wb commend the volume to all who would be instructed in the wonderful works 
of God. Chapters such as that on the "Economic History of Coal," and those on **0t- 
ganio Life" and ''Physical and Moral Progression," have a special value for the sta* 
dent of divine Providence."— A*. Y. Independent. 

**Dk. Andbmon is evidently well skilled in geolc^, and writes with a freedom 
and vivacity rivaled by no writer on the subject~«xcept Hngh Miller."— JlsiAodM< 
Quart^Wy Review. 

** This book is intended for general readers, — and such readers will be entertained 
by it, — but it is none the less thorough, and enters boldly into geological in^nify."— 
Boston Advertiser. 

*' Onb of the most interestirg and valuable works on Geology that we have ever met 
with. The author is a thoroughly scientifio man;— but his scientific accuracy does not 
prevent the work from being understood by nnsciontifio readers, it is a very remdabU 
book.** — Louisville Jonmal. 

<' Bt reading this book a person can obtain a geaoral knowledge of the whole sokjeet." 
-- Western Star. 

***** Highly honorable to the writer and honorable to the pnUishors."— >8M(«ii 

**This valuable volume was printed. :»< well as published, in Cincinnati; and it 
speaks as well for the literary society of that city, as for the enterprise of the publish- 
ers, and the taste and skill of the typographer."— ^Mtoa Post. 

" It is one of the significant signs of the times that we should be receiving a w«rk 
like this, from a city' that had scarcely an existence fifty years ago, got op in a style 
of elegance, that ranks it beside the finest issues of the publishing houses of Boston 
and New York. This fact, however, is but the smallest element of interest that alttaches 
to the volume. It is one of those noble contributions lo natural science, in its relation 
to revealed religion, which in the writings of Hugh Miller, King, Brewster, and others 
have conferred new luster on the honored name of Scotland. • ' • The concluding 
ehapter is a sublime questioning of Geology, as to the tectimony she gives to a CfftaMMr, 
somewhat after the manner of the Scholia, to Newton*s Principia, and is one of the 
noblest portions of the work."— Rieknumd, Fa., JTatekman and Observer. 

*<Thb science of Geology is attracting more and more attention. • • • That 
whioo was once s gigantic chaos, has become developed into a system beaotiAilly sya* 
mttrical, and infinitely gTnnd.**—MereanHle Courier. 

SEPyiCE AFLOAT AND ASHORE during the Mexican 
War: By Lieut. Raphael Ssmmss, U. S. N., late Flag- 
Lieutenant of the Home Squadron, and Aid-de-camp of i 
Major- General Worth, in the battles of the Valley of Mexico. J 
1 vol. 8yo, 91.76. Illustrated with numerous lithographs, ' 
in beautiful style, by Onken, and an official map. 

'* Hk has giren to the puhlic a very attractiye work upon Mexico 
i»elf, as well as upon the Mexican war." — CharlesUm (S. C.) Standard, 

** Hm original descriptions are drawn with great felicity. He is a 
liyelj and spirited narrator. His hattle sketches are extremely yivid, , 

and produce a deep impression on the imagination. His pictures of s 

social and domestic life in Mexico are apparently true to nature, and 1 

present the attractions of a romances-criticises the military operations . 
in a decided partisan spirit, but with evident ability." — N. Y. Tribune, 

" Hi is bold, capable, and courageous. He can wield a pen or a 
sword with admirable force and dexterity. • » • As a writer, Lieut 
Semmes is clear and Cogent. The first forty pages of the volume aro 
occupied with a description of Mexico, its ^vemment and people ; and 
we know of no descripticpt of the kind, which brings the condition of 
things in that unhappy country so distinctly before the mind of the 
reader. The whole volume, as a work of intellect, is worthy of a high ; 

place in the department to which it belongs." — LouimUle Journal, ^l 

"In remarking upon the variotts battles and military movements, it ] 

indulges neither in indiscriminate praise nor indiscriminate censure.— , 

It laud« everybody for something, but none for everything. » • • ^ 

General Scott is often and highly praised for his surpassing abilities— \ 

for what he did do in the cause of his country ; yet, Lieut. Semmes asserts 
that the battle of Ghurubusco, and its consequent slaughter, was entirely 
unnecessary, and brings forward arguments to sustain his assertion. — 
He also declares, and brings evidence to the truth of the declaration, 
that General Scott understood nothiujop of the real use or strenj^ of the 
Molinos del Rey, which were so bloodily defended by the Mexicans, and J 

that time and a^ain our successes were owing to the personal ability I 

and valor of subordinates, and not to the much^vaunted foresi^hf and 
science of the commander-in-chief: With all this, there is no virulence 
or indiscriminate fault-finding. Lieut. Semmes' book differs from all 
that have preceded it, and must attract attention. "We say, " God defend 
the right,*' but let us know what right is, and give honor to whom honor 
is due." — Boston Po9t. 

*' Sailobs are said to be persons of strong prejudices. And it is no 
pniall praise to the author, to say that we have never read a history evi- 
dently so fairly written, with regard to the merits of the numerous 
claimants of military glory. » » * We shall take our sailor and 
soldier out of tlie ranks, and see what he has to tell of a more amusing 
nature than battle fields. • « « After sailing about the Gulf, and < 

cruising from Vera Cruz to Mexico and back again with our author, wt 
have arrived at the conclusion that he is as pleasant a companion as one 
might desire upon a similar journey, and so coifimend him to the favor 
of the reading public." — Literary World. ^ 4 


!i I 





riiis book is under no eircomstaneet to be 
taken from the Building 







form «M 

_ «r Vi .■ \fiu 

m^^^id-^Lj ^