Skip to main content

Full text of "[Publications]"

See other formats 


KING   HENRY    V. 


PARALLEL  TEXTS  OF  THK  FIRST  QUARTO  (1600)  \M>  FIRST  FOLIO 
(1623)  EDITIONS. 


n  A.  K  4  P 

t>l  i 


HENRY  V. 


PARALI.I.L  TEXTS  OF  THK  FIRST  QUARTO  (1600)  AND 
FIRST  FOLIO  (1623)  KUIHONS. 


EDITED  BY 

DR    B.   NICHOLSON. 


With  an  Jutrobudicm 
BY 

P.    A.    DAN  IE! 


PUBL1SHT   FOR 

Sijahsprrr  Sorirtu 
BY  N.  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  57,  59,  LUDGATIC   HILL, 
LONDON,  E.C,  1877. 


no. 


Series  II.     Jo.  9. 

CLAY  AXD  TATLOR,   BCXOAT. 


INTRODUCTION.]  The  Life  of  H fury  tlic  /•'///. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Emitting  this   work    t«i    the  memlx-rs   of  the   New    Shak-pci'  ,   it    in 

I  -.honk!  state  how  I  <  aim-  to  In-  engaged  on  it.  and  fur  wh.i'  share  in  it 
I  .1111  responsible.  It  was  commenced  by  I)r  Hriti-Ii-y  Nicholson,  uiulrr  \\huse  super- 
.  tin-  reprints  of  tin.-  1st  U  .uul  i-t  !•'"  editions  of  ilu-  play  were  i-siu-d  to  the 
Society  in  1875.  The  present  work  was  then  takt-n  in  hand,  the  texts  arranged,  and 
elaborate  collations  ot  the  se\cral  quarto  ami  folio  editions  inaile.  IV. 
few  pag^  were  artu.illy  prepared  hy  the  printer  in  January  1876,  \\hen  illnevi  compelled 
I)r  Ni<  holson  to  sUsjH,-nd  his  lahours. 

In  the  mean  time  it  will  be-  understood  that  the  type  which  had  been  set  up  for  the 
simple  reprints  of  the  texts  hail  -.till   to  remain  in  it-,  forms  awaiting  until   f««r 

thi>  edition,  and  wa>  therefore  unavailahle  for  the  general  work  of  the  printii 

In  Novemht-r  last   it   heranu-  a  question,  in  whieh  hoth  the  eeonomy  of  the  Society 
and  the  romeiiienee  (jf  the  printer  uere  tomerned,  whither  the  \vork   on  whi. 
nuirh   loving   rare  and   lahoiir   had  been  expended  was  to   he  abandoned,  or  u  hether  it 
ionic!  be  carried  to  completion   hy  another  hand.      In  this  emergency,  and  encouraged 
thereto  by  our  Director,  Mr  Furnivall,  I  volunteered  m\ 

:v  of  the  work  and  the  marginal   notint;->  an.'  distinctly  the   \\ 

Dr  Nicholson  ;   ;.;.!  I   must  add  that    for  an  >  m   them,  the  mpomibility 

must  fall  on   my  sh..ulders.      In  his  hands  the  marginal   notes  would  have  bcei. 
much  more  minute  than  they  iio\v 

tlnfortunately,  although   he  had  accumulated  materials,  he  had  not  completed   their 
arrangement;    and    not     feeling    my   ahility   to  cairv    out    Ir.s    intentions    to   their   full 
'.    I    found    myself    <..!U|)tlled    to   sarnli.e    much   that    u  as   already   prepared.      I 
hehcxe.  ho\i«-M-r,  that  e\erything  exsential  to  the  study  of  the  texts  will   IK-  found  in  its 
place;  but  should  it   h<  •  ...  ar  desirable   •  ldition.il   fulness  to  the  - 

it  is  lo  be  hoped  that  I)r  Nicholson  may  himself  'supplement  in 


In  this  edition  the  text  of  the  folio  is  printed,  line  f«T  1  tie.  as  in  the  original.      Bach 
page  presents  half  a  column  of  the  folio      the   number   of    the   ]>••••  and  column   being 

i  within  brackets  on  th«- left  hand  of   t 
are  abo  numlx-rcd  on  tin-  l< n  hand. 

In  the  U     page  th-  md  lines  are  numlx-red  <m  the  right   hand 

It  must  b,-  bonie  m  mind  tint  :  .  t  the  Q?  arc  numbered  to  correspond 

with  those  ot  the  I-       thus  th<    u     i.t   h.mng  any  Kx-ne  corretpooding  with  Sc. 


l  1  nry  the  I  [^  HON. 


t  mne  W  numbered  II.  to  agree  *  '    |  ind  to  one  place—Act  H 

order  of  the  two  set- ne,  in  the  U    In,  U-.-n  re\  ersed. 

TV  leoneac*  of  the  original;  but  the  text  itsell  isi 

sarily  mix  h  broken  up  to  order  to  bring  n»  several  parts  »t  nearly  as  |> 

• 

•      •'     • 

at  page  14.  ( >o.  A  ».]  stgnifin  th.it  hue  ao  oi  the  text  ends  page  A  a.  ot  the  U  ;  and 
. 

la  com*  place*  the  latter  half  of  a  line  <>t'  the  U    text  has  been  dropped  in  order  to 
make  it  correspond  v  ;.  line  6  has  been  pn 

JCI^f.     MMMC  •*  lluak  jroo. 

And  food  my  Lord  proceed. 

to  tmirspund  with  lines  10  & 

Again.  at<  *ame  (eason,  two  lines  of  the  Q?  are  prim.  !  a,  one.  the  d 

being  thai  marked  L  as  to  page  18,  lines  67-8,— 

Noble  Lotd  staad  for  your  owne,  |  Vnwinde  your  bloody  flagge. 

In  the  jrd  Q*.  1608,  many  of  the  lines  of  Q?  i  were  re-arranged  by  its  editor  or 
print  rrangemeiit  i<  marked  iii  our  text  by   the  usual  divisional  sign  /. 

That,  pap       .  108  becomes  two  litx-s  in  U"  3  ending  .  and  line    iiS 

line*,  ending  kt**f»,  function*.    S  Q      two  Bnes  of  Q*  i  are  printed  as  one, 

and  in  a  few  pbces  some  words  were  added  to  the  text :    these  cases  will  be  found 
noted  in  the  margin. 

Cross  reference*  to  corresponding  passages  which  it  was  not   possible  to  pi 
position,  are  printed  within  the   texts  in   br.n  kets.     Thus,  page    36  [lines  M;-4  fol.] 
ten  the  reader  to  tho*e  lines  of  the  same  scene  in  the  folio  text,  page  41,  which 
correspond  with  lines  16-17  "f  'h«-  ' 

I  regret  to  say  that  theie  cros-  ,  are  not  so  complete  as  it  was  evidently  the 

intentioo  of  Dr  Nichokon  to  make  them.  Finding,  in  his  MS.,  references  ot'  this  kind 
throughout  the  work.  I  rashly  concluded  that  all  had  U-en  noted,  and  it  was  not  till  the 
whole  body  of  the  work  bad  passed  through  the  press,  and  I  \\a-  enabled  to  t 
mure  Ictturely  and  comprehensive  view  of  it  for  the  purpose  of  this  introduction,  that 
oveml  the  deficiencies.  They  are  not  many,  however;  and  the  additional  inter- 
lcfmiM.1 «  that  might  have  been  given  are  nearly  all  within  th- 

i  frequently  within  ppoMte  pages  of  oortexta.    The  student  will 

have  no  difficulty  in  discovering  for  hiniM-lt  the  :  passages;  and  for  the  casual 

reader  who  requires  to  be  knowledge-crammed,  1  I  have  but  small  sympati 

regard  to  the  marginal  notings:  when  there  can  IK-  no  doubt  a^  t..  the  word 
or  word*  of  the  text  to  which  the  marginal  variation  refers,  the  text  is  not  quoted  in  the 
margin.     Thus  page  21,  line  8l,  gaimt  ot  U    }  dearly  refers  to  the  ci«<iin<t  of  the 
Wben,  however,  there  is  a  radical  different'  iri.ition,  the  text  is  quoted  behind 

the  bracket;  Urn*  in  line  82  of  the  same  page,  /or]  against  2.  signifies  that  Q?2  in 
place  of  yor  of  the  text  has  agauut.     The  numbi  r  .,f  ili.it  edition   only  in  which  the 


INTRODUCTION.]  The  Life  of  Hfnry  the  Flft.  \  ii 

variation  is  found,  follows  the  marginal  note.  When  the  margin. il  \ariation  is  fuund  in 
all  editions  subsequent  to  the  text,  no  number  follows  ii  :  thus  i  same  page)  line  94,  no 
number  following  the  marginal  note  fear 'd,  it  is  understood  that  the  two  quarto*  sub- 
sequent to  our  text  agree  in  this  v 

The  same  principle  which  regulate*  the  marginal  notings  of  the  Q?  text  applies  alto 
to  that  of  the  F?. 

The  Title-page  of  Q*  i  is  of  course  given  in  full,  page  2  of  our  teit  The  only 
noticeable  variations  in  the  title-pages  of  the  two  subsequent  quartos  arc  in  the  imprint. 

Q*  2  has, — '  |  London  |  Printed  by  Thomas  Creede,  for  Thorn. is  ind  are  to 

be  sold  at  his  shop  in  Cornhill,  |  at  the  sign  of  the  Cat  and  1'arrets  nearc  |  the 
Exchange,  1603.  |  ' 

Q?3  has  only,—'  |  Printed  for  T.  P.  1608.  |  ' 

The  author's  name  is  not  given  on  any  of  these  title-pages. 

The  and  and   }rd  Q°*-    were  both   printed   from  the  1st;  their  variations   frnmtli.it 
edition,  as  Dr  Nicholson   has  remarked   in   his  notice  to  the  reprint  of"  Ii"  I,  neiih 
in  determining  its  eharaeter  nor  in  the  correction  of  the  folio  : 

The  Q?  text  has  1623  lines,  printed  throughout  as  verse,  but  with  little  regard  to 
the  proper  division  of  the  verse  lines,  and  of  :u-  at  all  ;ts  regards  the  prose. 

For  the  F?  text  I  take  the  lines  as  metrically  numl>ered  in  the  (iloln-  edition}  for 
tlu-  play  itself  3256  lines,  add  for  Choruses  223  lines  =  total  .  Very  Dearly 

one-third  of  the  dialogue,  or  lOuo  lines,  is  placed  in  the  mouth  of  King  Henry. 

The  two  principal  points  which  this  parallel-texts  edition  may  assist  in  determining 
are,— 

1.  '1  In-  value  of  the  Q?  as  regards  the  n-\isii>n  of  the  text.    Three  lines  from  it  (ii.  i. 
79,  iv.  3.  43,  Sn  iv.  £.  16)  have  been  received  into  many  modern  editions.      It  enables 
OS  also  to  correct,  with  something  like  certainty,  a  few  words  in  ihe  folio  text  which  had 
been  blundered  by  the  printer;  and  here  and  there  it  affords  some  support  to  \\li 

the  best,  can  only  be  considered  as  conjectural  emendations  of'  that  :  -.  I  think, 

i-.  the  mm".:  tli.it  can  be  said  for  it.      It  does  not,  as  is  the  case  \\ith  other  '  inq*  : 
quartos,  enable  us  to  restore   any  passage  of  importance  which  there  is  reason  to  think 
may  have  been  accidentally  omitted  in  the  folio.     In  what  it  does  gi\e  of  the  fuller 
its  variations  are  generally  for  the  worse. 

2.  The  question  whether  the  U?   is  to  be  accepted  as  the  author's  first  skit*  !i  of  the 
play;    or  to  be   rejected   as  a   mere  imperfect  anil   corrupted  \ersion   of  the  play  as  it 
appears  in  the  folio  edition. 

This  question  i*  of  great  interest  to  many  utmlen  >  in  the 

atlirmati\e  would,  they  Ix-licve,  afford   some  rv.isimable  starting-point   from   wlmh   lo 
trace  the  de\elopment  of  Shakespeare's  method  >  :  tion  from  its  first  coiuvption 

to  its  perfect  growth. 

a  enquiry  as  to  the  date  of  production  of  the  play  i-  here  necessary. 

In  the  Chorus  at  the  beginning  the  following  passage  occurs  : — 

'  Were  now  the  general  of  our  gmciout  imprm, 
As  in  good  time  he  may,  f rum  Ireland  conuag, 


*,„  Th<  Lift  of  Henry  I/,    I  [INTI     .  .  •  HON. 

Bri«CfoC  rateUoa  broached  on  hU  •woid, 

»  may  would  the  pc.v  ..(, 

TowdooMh 


This  t»  onhrrrutly  m-rtred  M  an  .dhiM..n  i"  the  i-\|n-.litii'ii  of  the  Karl  .md 

MiuM  h4\.  departure  i  ,th  April, 

:t  the  name  year.     This  In-ing  grained, 
11  of  tl      play  <  "iild  II.IM-  hei-n  \\rittcii 
ili.it  any  portion  of    H   \v.i-   uriite:i   long  be  I  on-  ili.it 

L  ill    //••;//;»/    //".,  a-,  ill.  of    il 

ill  the  r|u|ttgiie  of  1  1  :       \e«:  — 

•If  i<«  far  MM  too  much  cloyvd  with  bl  meal.  oor  hutnhlr  author  Mill  o.ntinnr  the  story,  will.  Sit    ' 
to  K.  tad  »*kr  MM  •Mm  with  Mr  Kathwine  of  France  :  where,  for  anything  I  know,  Falstaff  slial. 

.', 


The  rarlirtf  djiir  .tHigned  to  ihU  Kcoii't  part  of  //i-wry  /.  ;  Inn  the  l.i; 

prubably  t'  .       Men-.  \vh<i   in    his   '  II'  it*    'l'n-ti\nri/,'    i 

.     u  «ilent  at  rerards  Henry  /'.  .-    ami  it  i-.  hy  nu  iiu-an>.  i-irtaiii  that 
in  }  ,   //'.  h«-  mrluilol  both  parts  i.f  tliat  play. 

(Hi  the  wholv.  tin  n-asonahly  coin  hull-  lh.it  r  -</;  i>  the  ilati-  to  he  assigned 

m  Unarto  eilitioii  uas  published,  the  whole 

play,  »\».  •    it  in  tli'  .i>  in  ixisteiue,  ;ind    had   heeii   proihuvd   on   the 

li  dor*  noi,  howcvrr,  necessarily  follow  that   bectUM  t!      Q         >   n<>t   printed  till 
1600.  it  lhcn-t«irr  could  n«»t  lx*  an  carlii-r  version  than   that   of  1599;    though  in  any 

11  vei      '        !      I    '•'•    ]'•'••        t  to   tin-  pn  M   i;:i!il 
•ome  time  after  ion  on  tl  .    .md   it  mi-lit  he   lairly  argued  that  the 

appearance  of  the  1(99  phnr  waa  the  'craw  ol  the  disimerment  :nd  hastj  printing  of  the 
'lira  tketch';  that  being  the  only  vir-ion  die  unscrupulous  stationer  could  lay  his  hands 
on.  The  internal  t-\  ,.  en-fun-  that  the  U  itself'  affords  is  all  that  \ve  have  to 

<»O  in  forming  our  jud-nunt  a->  to  its  character. 

irljr  all  editors  !  ^ed  a  more  or  less  definite  opinion  as  to  the  relation  of 

the  two  venioos  of  the  play  to  each  other;  but  few  have  deemed  it  :  ;o  adduce 

other  than  general  arguments  in  support  of  their  do  t  either  for  «r 

against  the  '  tint  sketch  '  theory  to  be  desired. 

Pope,  who  in  one  note  instances  the  Essex  allusion  as  a  proof  that  the  play  was  writ 
v9,  in  another  auerts  that  in  the  I'olio  the  sp;  rally  enlarged  and  raised, 

and  that  several  whole  scenes  and  all  the  choruses  were  added,  since  the  edition  of 
1608  [Qj.]. 

CapeU  sars  of  ibe  quartos  that  they  '  are  all  equally  defective  in  a  most  high  degree, 
and  ticiout  in  wbat  they  do  give  us  :   i,  'h'ig  which,  great  use  was  to  be  made 

of  ibrtn,  and  has  been,  in  mending  and  compleating  the  folio,  the  basis  of  the  text  of 

|  IJJT.     The  whole  play  as  it  lyes  in  that  folio,  mast  have  lx.t-n  w  riiten  in  the  year  '99, 
and  in  the  spring  of  that  year.     The  reverse  of  the  Larl  of  Essex's  fortunes,  upon  whom 

1  See  Malooe.  CkrmtltgUml  Oritrtf  tlu  playi.  p.  357.  Vol.  II.,  Variorum  Shakspeare,  ed.  1821. 


INTRODUCTION.]  Tfit"  Life  of  Henry  l/ie  fV//.  ix 

so  handsome  a  compliment  i-  made  in  the  fifth  Chorus,  follow'd  its  composition  to 
quickly,  a  presentation  became  improper;  and  the  suppression  of  this  Chorus,  it  is  pro- 
bable drew  on  that  of  the  others :  From  this  lame  representation,  in  which  the  play 

t  be  otherwise  mangl'd  by  the  persons  pre>cnting  it,  tin-  quarto  of  1600  wa^ 
tainly  pirated,  by  some  >crii>  ind  ignorance,  set  to  work  by  the  printer.' 

Johnaon  apparently  Mieved  the  U  to  !*•  a  tint  sketch  :  in  a  note  <>n  Act  II.  sc.  ii.. 
he  remarks,  'This  whole  scene  was  much  enlarged  and  impn>ved  after  the  first  edition;' 
and  in  a  note  on  Act  IV.  sc.  vii.,  he  speak-,  of  the  play  [the  folio  version]  as  a  'second 
draught.' 

Steevcns  thought  that  the  difference  between  the  two  copies  might  be  accounted  for 
by  the  elder  (the  U° )  having  been  taken  down  during  tin  nation,  or  collected 

from  the  repetitions  of  ;utors  :  the  second  and  more  ample  edition  (the  P)  being  th.it 
which  regularly  belonged  to  the  play-li 

—'The   tair  inference  to   be  drawn  from  the  im|K-rfect  and   mutilated 

-  of  tliis  play,  published  in  1600,  1^02,  and    1608,  is,  not  that  the  \v hole  play,  as 

.v  h.ue  it,  did  not   then  exist,  but  that  those  copies  were   surreptitious;  and  that 

the  editor  in    1600,  not  being  able  to  publish  the  whole,  published  what   he  could.' 

(CkrcBObgieal  »r<l,-r,  ,/,.)    KUewhcre,  in  a  note  on   Act   IV.  -  .  vii.,  he  says,  'The 

quarto  copy  of  this  play  is  m.inifi--tly  an  imperfect   transcript  procured  by  some  fraud, 

and  not  a  first  draught  or  h.^f. 

that  '  the  earliest   editions  are  evidently  corrupted  and    iinpcrt 
and  bear  no  marks  of  being  the  author's  first  co: 

Other  editors  speak  vaguely  of  'additions'  in  the  folio,  thereby   lea\ing  it  to  be 
inferred  that  in  their  opinion  the  Q°  represents  an  earlier  and   independent  versi 
the  ] 

Knight  holds  the  Q?  edition,  though  surreptitiously  obtained,  and  not  printed  till 
after  the  appearance  of  the  fuller  folio  \er-ion.  to  be  a  genuin  irlier  and 

shorter  play,  written  jx-rhaps  hazily  for  a  ti-mpor.iry  purpose.  He  considers  th.it  the 
fuller  \ersiuii  is  manifestly  and  bc\«.nd  question,  from  beginn  !,  the  rcMilt  of 

the  author's  elaboration  of   this  first   skctdlj   and,  in   pr«jof  of  ibis,  in   his   Intri.<h.- 

e,  and  in   his  notes  to  the   play,  he   specially  directs  atUn;..n   to  the  allowing 
passages: — 

I.  sc.  ii.          Q?ll.  4-20 — P  11.  8-34-  )  Instances  of  careful 

Q?  11.  150-57 — P   II.  223-35.    )  elaboration  in  folio. 
1 1    sc.  i.          The  «  li»K-  sir ne  exhibits  the  greatest  care  in  remodelling  the  text 

of  the  ijuartu. 
Act  II.  s<  1      il.  io-,-i4:.     '  Treason  ...  l.dl  of   man.'      I.xlulcts  the  hand 

of  the  master  elaborating  his  original  ski  t«  h. 
A-!  III.si.ij.       The   whole  scene  greatly   changed  and   enlarged.     Completely 

n  modelled. 

Act  III.  ftC.  vii.      '  Mended  in  lh<-  folio— greatly  improtcd  by  t 

Act  IV.  sc.  v.        A  curious  example  of  the  mode  m  which  the  text  of  the  folio  was 

id«-<l  and  amended. 
Act  The  w  hole  scene 


TV  lift  of  Henry  the  I  [INTRODUCTION. 


MrC.4l.ct .  ir*et*y  differ*  somewhat  from  all  others:  he  suppose*  Shakespeare  i 

i  the  Choruse*  as  we  now  ha\r  them  :   th.it  tin-  U  .  omitting 

thnr  Ch.<xi»«>.  give*  but  •  my  :   represent  ;il  ion  of   lh.it   play:   and    that   tlie 

•niarfrd  drama  as  fenad  in  the  folio  WM  not  put  into  the  nmiplftr  shape  in  \vhi<  h  it 
ha»  there  come  down  to  us,  until  shortly  before  1605,  the  date  when  it  \\  .1,  played  at 
i 

N«4e  thai  thb  dale.  1605.  it  founded  on  Mr  P.  Cunningham  *  -  J'mm  the 

Ammh  •Jtke  Krtflt '.  page  204— 

*  On  tbt  7  JuMMfJ  WM  pUjred  the  pl»y  of  Henry  the  f.fi. ' 

I  fear,  however,  that  the  Shakespeare  entries  in  Mr  Cunningham's  '  Ei  tract*;  etc. — 
which  bare  been  declared  by  Sir  T.  Duffus  Hardy,  at.  1  tlu-  lx-st  jud^-s  in  Kn^land,  to 
br  fiafiiiia  ran  hardly  now  be  considered  a  sufficiently  solid  foundation  for  any  t! 

A*  •  tpecinv  abridgment  and  corruption  of  the  Q"  Mr  Collii-r  rites  lines 

U*. — line»«perialh  n-lii-d  on  by  Knight  in  support  of  Im  t: 

ill  elanoaiuin    and  a*  an  instance  of  the  way  in  whit  h  lines  were  inNlu-.ird  an.: 
irpor-  •••  lines  84-5  Q* — 142*4  F^  of  the  same  seem- :   England  in  the  Q? 

bring  nwtpuned  for  in -land  . 

Halliw  rll  regards  the  quartos  as  mutilated  copies  only  of  Shakespeare's  drama,  and  he 
cor»i  the  highest  degree  improbable  that  they  represent  an  author's  imp. 

.inks  it  most  likely  that  they  were  compiUd  from  short-hand  i 
at  i  be  theatre. 

The  Cambridge  Editors  incline  'to  agree  with  Mr  Collier  and  others  in  the  sup- 
poahion  that  the  Quarto  text  was  "  hastily  made  up  from  notes  taken  at  the  t!. 
daring  the  performance,  subsequently  patched  togetl. 

mr  Grant  White  say*  of  the  Q" , '  it  i>  manifest  that  that  edition  was  published  in  great 
hatfe,  from  manuscript  obtained  in  tin-  most  surreptitious  and  inefficient  manner.'  Of 
its  text  be  remarks  that  it  is  'so  mutilated,  as  well  as  so  incomplete,  that  it  is  quite 
Unpoarible  to  decide  by  internal  evidence  whether  the  manuscript  from  which  n 
printed  represents,  even  imperfectly,  an  early  form  of  the  play,  or  still  more  imperfectly 
the  completed  work  as  H  appears  in  the  folio.' 

Without  the  aid  afforded  us  by  comparison  with  the  folio  edition,  it  would,  I  admit, 
be  a  matter  of  extreme  difficulty  to  determine  the  position  of  the  Q°;  with  it,  hov. 
•  reasonably  certain  decision  may,  I  think,  be  arrived  at. 

Tbe  opinion  I  bare  formed  from  a  careful  examination,  line  for  line,  of  Ixith  texts 
H,  that  the  play  of  1599  (the  F°)  was  shortened  for  stage  representation  ;  the  abridge- 
ment done  with  little  care,  and  printed  in  the  Q?  edition  with  less:  probably  from  an 
imperfect  manuscript  surreptitiously  obtained  and  vamped  up  from  notes  taken  during 
the  performance,  as  we  know  was  frequently  done.  Indeed  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
whole  of  the  quarto  edition  was  obtained  in  this  manner;  and  the  fact  that  it  is  printed 
from  beginning  to  end  as  Terse,  would  seem  to  lend  some  support  to  this  conjectuie. 
The  &ct,  ako.  that  the  publishers  of  the  Q°?  were  Milltngton  and  Busbie,  and  tlu-ir 
•ucce*uc  Patier,  may  of  itself  be  taken  as  evidence  that  these  editions  are  of  doubtful 
authenticity.  [See  Mr  Fleay's  Table  of  Q?  editions,  pages  44-5,  Trans.  N.  Sh.  Soc. 
1874,  Part  I.] 


•  v.}  The  Lift  of  Htnnj  the  Fift.  xi 

\V;ih  regard  ID  tin-  more  stately  scenes  of  the  play,  the-  chief  difference  between  the 
P  and  Q°  versions  is,  that  long  passages  are  not  found  in  the  latter;  these  passages 
an-,  in  my  opinion,  in  nearly  all  C.IM-,  precisely  such  as  would  have  been  cut  out  for  the 
purpose  of  a  shorter  •  :i  those  parts  winch 

mrnon  to  both  edition-,  .ire,  alu-r  making  allowance  fur  error  and  corruption  in 
both,  but  tnti 

'Hi  !i  whiih  i  h  king  and  his  lords  appear,  seem,  if  my  theory  is 

-  r,  especially  to  have  suffered  in  the  abridgment. 

The  comic  scenes  are  perhaps  those  on  whit  h  it  is  most  difficult  to  form  a  decided 

opinion.      In  so  tar  a-,  tin  union  to  both  versions,  there  are  \  ;>eech«  in 

the  F.'  that  have  not  tlu-ir  counterpart  in  the  C-l  ;  but  they  are  strangely  ilisordered  and 

incoherent  in  that  edition.      In  some  places  quite  perfect,  in  others  they  bn  ak  down  into 

on  comparison  with  the  F" ,  would  seem   to  be  a   mere  jumble  of  disintegrated 

fragments.      There,  if  anywhere,  txlievcrs  in  the  '  tirst  .sketch  '  theory  might  find  some 

ground  for  their  faith;  but  to  me.  Ix-aring  in  mind  the  general  condition  of  the  Q?  text, 

iith'cult  it  may  be  to  prove  ihe  point,  the   ino»t    n  .IM  n.ihlc  \erdict   must  be — 

imperfect  representation  on  the  part  ot  Q"  j   not,  after  elaboration  in  1     . 

It  would  be  an  endless,  and    1  vmture  to  think  a  luvdlos  labour,  now  that  the  text* 

themselves  are   here  in  evidence,  to  attempt  to  weigh  the  pros  and   o  m  on  every  point 

liable  to  discussion  throughout  I  he  play,  and  I  shall  therefore  only  adduce  tw<.  instances 

in  support  of  my  opinion.     These  being,  I  think,  indisputable,  will  also,  1  presume,  be 

•:<  ictit  ;   f.-r  if  in  a  single  case  it  can  be  clearly  proved,  not  that  ihe  ti"  is 

mere!  ;   in,  but  that   it  actually  minis  any  portion  of  i  ^ott,  judgment 

.1  to  pass  on  other  places  where  the  evidence  is  not  of  so  convincing  a 

mist  be  allowed  to  observe  that  ihe  m*  ihe  Q?  being  so  mu<  h 

shorter  than  the  P?,  is  by  no  means  a  point  in  its  favour;  for  we  know  that   fr«itn  the 
-t  times  down  to  the  present  day  the  constant  practice  ot  the  stage  has  been,  and  is, 
the  shortening  of  the  author's  original  work. 

I  n  .i-k  the  reader  to  turn  to  Act  I.  sc.  ii.  and  compare  lines  47 — 55  of  Q? 

with  lines  67 — 91  n: 

'  Hugh  C«pet  abo,'-    -ovstlu-U   .    \\\\\  ul^>-'  There  is  nothing  in  the  Q°  to  account 

for  this  adverb.      We  mm  to  the  F"   and  find  that  it  is  the  cast-  <>t  King  Pcpin  t<>  wlm  h 

'••ut  which  it  omit*.      Hut  this  is  not  all;   in  the  1  1 1  Ugh 

Capet,  th  1  the  case-  of  King  Ix-wcs,  who  justified   his  possession  ol  the 

•.  n  as  lx-iii  d  from 

'  The  daughter  to  Charles,  \\\t  fortsaid  Duke  of  Loraine.' 

The  Q?,  which  al«>  ha<  this  lin<-.  in. ik«-s  no  previous  mention  of  thin  ' J'«  '     ke  of 

Again  here  in  pn><  •  lUit  still  this  is  not  all :  the  U"  lunhcr  by 

..illy    makes    Hugh   ('.i|Mt.    who   dc|>oscd   and    murdered 

•\  his  tnli-  to  ti.e  •  i  that  he  was  descended 

;he  daughter  of  ti.  :»undmg  at   the  same  time  this  dauglv 

Charles  of  Loraine  with  the  daughter  oi   (  i  ej  and  th<  u,  t.  joining  the  currrnt 


Tti<    /  '    ll-nnj  tin-  /•//'/.  [INTRODUCTION. 


of  il  >i  ii.  it  mm*  up  all  UK-  ihrw  c*«  of  kings  who  claimed  in  '  n  In   and 

lulcofih  of  iwoof  which  n  h.i»  :  mention.     I  have  not  overlooked 

the  ;  \-.\  tumming  up,  the  Q"  turn-  Hint;  /-••//•<•»  into  A'/«»  Clmrlr\,  but 

1  I.-k   m*»n  .  i  :  her   l..r  ..r   against  my  argu- 

rocnti  it  might  U-  n.*  irdaaan  it  :upiion  on  tin-  part  of  tin-  Q.  ,  i,llt  has 

nothing  to  do  with  UK-  <|ur»iii«i  of  omiakin  with  w  hi«  h  I  .nn  prinrip.illy  concerned. 

Thr  other  nioioa  on  the  pot  of  the  Of,  which  I  shall  notice,  is  that 

i      tch  Camp,  commencing  —  'The  Sunnc  doth 
gild  our  Armour  '—  an.l  t  mling  — 

•nc.  come  away 
The  Sttone  b  high,  and  we  oul-weare  the  day.' 

I  he  obtmrrd  that  the  Q*  §iil«-  of  our  hook   is   lu-n-  an  al)M)liiti'  blank    from   tlic 

bqpnniog  to  ibr  rnd  ol'  the  Kcnc.     At  liMsiL;ht  this  absolute  blank  mi-  hi  >ccm  to  ln\,- 

dntrojr«d  all  t^  :          turn  hack  to  tlu-  night   scciu-   in  tin-    Fr<  IK  h   Cam]), 

1   liiitl  that  stc-ni-  in  the  Q°  tagged,  most   inappropiiati-ly,  with 

H-  i*  a  we  from  \vhirh   we   may  inf<-r  that,  at   its  best,  Q?  I    mc-r.-ly  rc- 

MaenU  a  rrru«Ni  uf  thr  play  shortrtird  for  the  stage.  Tin-  two  scenes  in  the  Kn-nch 
C'jmp  wcrr  lo  Ix-  cut  dountn  one;  ami  the  JHTSOD  who  did  the  job,  without  pcneivin^ 
the  blander  be  wa»  committing,  wanting  a  tag  to  tiuisli  off  \viih,  brought  in  the  sun  at 
midnight! 

Proof  of  omisiion  is  JH  -rliajis  all   that  is  nc-oded    for  determining  the  position  of  the 
•at  thrrv  U  one  otncr  n>nsidi-ration  which,  I  think,  may  have  some  weight  in 
deciding  the  order  of  precedence  of  the  U    or  1 

Tbcpbr.asi*  ui-ll  known,  is  founded,  for  its  historical  part  at  least,  on  the  Clin-i 
probably  «  riolimhed's  OOmpUatioiL     Now   in   the  F"  version  are  certain 

luMorical  erron  not  f.umd  in  the  Q"  edition.     We  must  therefore  either  believe  that 
tbne  errors  were  the  result  of  the  elaboration  of  the  '  first  sketch'  (the  Q?),or  we  must 
condode  that   they  were  corrected    in  the  '  shortened  play'    (the   Q?).     The    1 
hjrpotbeaM  teems  to  me  the  only  tenabh 

Tb»  point  —  a  n  :i  .my  rate  I  am  not  aw  are  that  it  has  been  ad\ 

before-—  iUggrs1  to   me  when   making  out  a  table  show  ing  the  distribution   of 

MTU  in  the  tw  .,.     The  table  will   be   found  at  the  end  of  this  Introduction: 

t  it  ap|*Mr«  that,  in  so  far  as  they  have  any  share  in  the  dialogue  of  the  play,  Ely, 


theimelres,  when  their  presence  is  required  on   the  stage,   represented  by   mute 
Mpernamenries. 

peech  by  Ely  (P?  i.  a.  168—174),  which  the  Chronicles  assign  to  Westmore- 
land, H  giicn  in  ilu-  Q  t<.  ls,r,{.  I  believe  it  was  intended  in  the  shortened  play  to 
h»nj;  .  \\  ,  .tmoreland's  part  being  rut  out. 

Weatmoreiand  b  not  mentioned  in  the  Chronicles  as  present  at  Agincourt — he  had 


IN  i  KUDUCTION.]  The  LiJ\     /  //  'try  the  Fift.  xiii 

charge  to  d<  u  ml  England  against  the  inroad-  of  il.c  Si  ul  he  disappears  from  the 

Q?  .    What  remains  of  his  par  :  \v  uk  an  1  !  uul  in  one  place 

where  in  the  folio  he  U  mentiotu.il   in  the  dialogue  liv.  3.  21),  in  the  Q*  Warw 
name  is  substituted. 

Bedford  also  was  not  present  at  the  bat-le,  and  though  he  i-»  once  mentioned  in  the 
text  of  the  U°  (iv.  3.  32), — an  oversight  of  the  corrector,  1  suppose, — what  rein 
part  U  taken  by  Gloucester,  with  t!  -n  of  one  speech  (iv.  3.  7 — 9  Q" ),  wli 

given  to  Clarence. 

Clarence  is  not  mentioned  in  tin-   1  t  V.  *c.  ii.,  after  ihe  King's  return  to 

e  j  but  according  to  the  Chronicles  he  was  present  at  the  battle,  and  he  appear*  in 
the  Q?.     I  am  aw  .ire  that  tin-  Chronicles  say  he  had  leave  to  return  to  England  from 
.ear,  but  they  nevertheless  make  him  present  at  the  battle. 

Act  III.  -  \  1  .  the  U  lias  Bourbon,  and  I  U-lieve  all  editors  from 
Theobald  downwards  (including  Mr  Knight)  h.ac  accepted  this  change  of  personage* 
m  a  correction. 

The  most  remarkable  correction     such  I  suppose  it   to  be    -in  the  (-1°,  is  the  sub- 
stitution of  Bourbon  for  the  D.iuph'm  in  A.  t  1 1 1.  -•.  \  iphin 
wat  certainly  not  present  at  the  battle,  and  even  in  t                                                  find  tint 
he  was  to  stay  with  his  father  at    Koiicn.      On  this  point  Mr  J..hnes  ha>  the   foil.. 
note   to    his  translation  of   Monstrelet  s    Chronicle.    C'.ip.  <  \l\ii.     'The  name  c: 
Guichard  Dauphin  [See  his  name  in  the  list  of  slain.   \«  t  I\  .  sc.  viii.  1.  97]  appears  to 
have  betrayed  Shak-speare  into  the  error  of  making  the  Dauphin  of  France  pre>« 
the  battle  of  Agincourt,  which  he  was  not, — unless  we  suppose  the  error  to  lie  with  the 
confounding  two  persons  meant  by  Shakspeare  to  be  distinct.      In  the  camp 
scene  In-fore  the  battle,  his  Dauphin  does  not  hold  siu h  a  rank  in  the  d< -bate  ami 
venation  as  is  suitable  to  the  heir  of  the  French  Monarchy,  but  prei  inely  that  which  the 
matter  of  the  household  might  hold  with  propriety.    In  one  scene,  he  U  thus  mentioned, 

.ter  Kambures,  Chatilloti,  Dauphin,  and  oil. 

I  1.  this  ni.te  in  full  because  it  does  not  appear  to  have  attracted  the  att 

>f  any  of  Shakespeare's  editors.      Johnes,  I   presume,  quoted  the  •  Knirance  '  with 
which  he  com  hides  his  note  from  memory,  ami  .   t  here  is  none  such 

•IierQ0  or  V" ,  though  it  is  true  that  '  Dolphin  '  is  not  placed  in  his  due  rank  in  the 
'  Entrances '  to  sc.  il.,  and  sr.  \.   A<  t   1\  .     In  the  entry  to  ST. 

omitted  in  Q° — he  ranks  first  as  '  the  Dolphin  -, '  and  in  these  scem-s  in  the  F" ,  though 
be  certainly  U  addressed  with  great  familiarity,  he  is  yet  spoken  of  as  the  Dolphin,  and 
•  prince. 

••re  U  one  other  peculiarity  in  tl      •  .  I  should  here  mention — though 

whether  it  tells  cither  for  or  against  my  m>ti,.n  that  this  re-distributimi  of  parts  in  the 
U  indicates  carrectinn  of  P  errors,  I  am  unable  to  determine.  In  these  French  Camp 
scenes  (iii.  6,  &  iv.  5),  a  personage  named  Gtl-nn  is  introduced.  In  the  first  he  has  a 
speech  which  the  F*  assigns  to  Orleans,  and  in  the  second  an  oath  which  the  F?  give* 
•nstablc.  I  cannot  find  in  the  Chronicles,  in  tl  rench  Lords  present 

at  the  battle,  any  name  bearing  any  resemblance  to  Gtboit ;  possiblv  it  may  have  been 
the  name  of  the  actor  who  played  one  of  the  personages  of  these  scenes,  though 


7>i<  [INTRODUCTION. 

I  do  not  find  any  name  of  ttut   kind  m  the   li>u  of  :    the  Shakespearian 

;    ' 

To  soro  up  all.  it  niay  then  !••  nee  asserted — 

t.  That  the  U"  was  certainly  not  printed  from  an  authentic  manuscript. 

a.  That  when  it  was  printed,  the  fuller  version  had  alrc.idv  l>een  in  existence  • 
• 

That  in  iuclf  it  contains  evidence  of  omission  of  passages  found  in  the  fuller 
'• 

4    That  thi*  circumstance,  and  the  absence  from  it  of  certain  h, >•.,;..  al  errors  found 
in  the  nillrr  version,  are  strong  presumptix.  ,  i   ;;,  later  date  ;  and.  then 

that  instead  of  regarding  it  as  the  author's   tir>t  sketch,  \\<    can  only  |,,,,k  ,,n  it 
imperfect  copy  of  his  work. 


The  following  table  is  made  out.  not  from  thr  '  Kntrances  '  with  which  < .«  !> 
»  beaded,  and  which  are  exceedingly  in.ircurau-  ami  ck-fV< -tivc  in  both  <  .•  ,  hut 

from  the  prefixes  to  the  speeches. 

The  order  in  whuh  the  personages  are  arranged  is  that  of  tin-  first  MVIU-,  cither  of 
• 

The  loaff  dash  in  the  dotted  line  shows  the  scenes  in  which  thev  speak  in  the  P  • 
the  short  dash  below  the  dotted  line,  the  scenes  in  the  Q? . 


IN  I  RODUCTION.] 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  1  •'///. 


xv 


KING  HENRY  V. 

parallel  Crits  of  tfje  Jfirst  Quarto  anto  Jftrst  jfolio 
tuitions,  (Qi)  1600,  Cfi)  1623, 

ARRANGED  SO  AS  TO  SHEW  THEIR  DIFFERENCES. 


AND  WITH 


COLLATIONS  OF  THE  OTHER  QUARTOS  AND  FOLIOS. 


BMHB  n 

DR    B.   NICHOLSON. 


n          '   !  ".    v  •  .• .  I-.    . 


THE 

CRONICLE 

Hiftory  of  Henry  the  fift, 

\\'itli  his  battcll  fought  at  si  gin  Court  in 
nee.     Togithcr  with  Aunticnt 
PittoU. 


Asit  hath  I  '-iii- 
the 


c  fiindry  tinifi  plni/iH'i/  the  Right  honorable 
Lord  Chumicrlainc  hitfcrmints. 


LONDON 

Printed  by  Thomas  Creede,  for  Tho.  Milling- 
ton,and  John  Busby.    And  are  to  be 
fold  athis  houfe  in  Carter  Lane,  next 
the  Powle  head.      1600. 


Tht  Life  t.f  Ilfnry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


M'  WILLIAM 


SHAKESPEARES 

HISTOR[Y 


of 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.] 
Publifhed  according  to  the  True  Originall  Cop[y] 


LONDON 

Printed  by  Ifaac  laggard,  and  Ed.  Blount.  1623. 


4  Tit  Ckroitic/f  II  ry  thfftft.      (Jmtrlu  \f>OO. 


T/ie  Life  of  llcnrtj  the  I  ./.'.      /  W«0  1623. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 


Enter  Prologue. 


OFor  a  Muft  of  Fire,  that  ivoulJ  offend 
7 At  brighttfi  Heauen  of  Inuention  s 

A  Kingdom*  for  a  Stage,  Princes  to  ASt 

And  Monarchs  to  behold  the  J'weUing  Scene. 

Then Jhould  the  H'arlikc  Hurry,  like  himfelfe, 

A/ume  the  Port  of  Marx,  and  at  hit  heelei 

(Lea/hi  in,  like  Houndt)  Jhould  Famine,  Sivord,  and  Fire 

Crouch  for  employment.     Bui  pardon.  Gentle  i  all: 

The  flat  I'nra^ftd  Sfiriti,  that  hath  dar'd, 

On  thii  •vmmrtky  ScaffoLI,  to  bring  forth 

So  great  a>:  Can  thit  CtcS-Pit  hold 

\e  vaflie  JuUi  of  France  ?     Or  may  <wf  cram  me 
'.in  thit  Woodden  O,  the  very  Ca'tket 

That  did  affright  the  Ajre  at  Agincourt  ? 
fince  a  crooted  Figure  may 

Alttjt  in  littlf  place  a  Million, 

An.t  :trt  to  this  great  Accomf>tt 

On  your  imagi-  i  ivorte. 

Suppofe  maumm  the  GirAlt  0}  theft  H'al/t 
2  O         Are  now  ionfin'd  two  might  it  Manor, 

Whofe  high,  ff-reari...  :tng  Front  I, 

The  ftrilloui  narrvui  Ofmn  furti  njun.Ur. 

Pee<e  out  our  imftrjtfliom  with  your  thought  1 1 

Into  a  thoufanJ  parti  diuide  one  Man, 

And  make  imaginarie  Pui/ance. 

Thinke  <vuhen  nut  talke  oj  Horftt,  that  you  fee  them, 
'it ing  their  prowd  Hoofti  t':  Earth  : 

a  8        For  'tit  your  thought  i  that  nmu  mu/l  deck  our  Kings, 

Carry  them  here  and  there  s  lumping  ore  lima  ; 

Turning  tk*  aecompltjhment  of  many  j< 

Into  an  Hont;re-glaffe  :  for  the  which  fufflte, 

Admit  mt  Choru>  to  thti  l/uta 

Win  Prologue -kltt.  your  humble  patience  pray, 

Gently  to  Stare,  kindly  to  iud&e  our  Play.  Exit. 


6.  Aii 
$.]«/. 


I8-]/ 


'  ».»rr  !.->  3.  -.  4  j  J.  4. 
r*»rV.. 


•5.]  PtUHfft  S. 


Tkf  Chron  Icnry  thejift.     Quarto  1600. 


ACT  I.  sc.  i.]  Thf  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


[The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.] 


Actus  Primus.     Scoena  Prima. 


Enter  the  two  B\Jhops  of  Cantert-ury  and  Ely. 

li'llh.    C,int. 
|Y  Lord,  lit-  u-11  you,  tli.it  fdli-  Bill  i-  vrg'd, 

li  in  thVU-uf;:  .  lull  Kings  reign 

[Was  like,  and  hail  indeed  againli  vs  pall, 
But  that  the  fcambling  and  vixjtiiet  time 
Did  pufti  it  out  of  farther  queliinn. 

R[lh.  Eft/.   But  hn\v  in)   I.'.nl  lhall  \VP  rrfift  it  now? 
B'l/h.  Cant.   It  mull  be  thought  on  :  if  it  pailc  agaitift 
We  loofe  the  better  halfr  of  our  I'niU-llion  : 
For  all  tlu-  Tc-ruporall  I.atnl-.,  whifh  im-ti  dcUOUt 
By  Teftament  hauc  giucn  to  the  Church, 
Would  they  ftrip  from  vs;  being  valu'd  thus, 
As  much  as  would  ni.nnt.iim-.  to  tin-  Kini;«  honor, 
Full  Hftcene  Earles,  and  fiftcrnt*  hundred  Knight-. 
Six  thoufand  and  two  hundred  good  Efquires : 


htv]  om.  3.  4. 


'    • 


The  Cknn  "try  tltfffl.     Quarto  1600. 


ACT  I.  sc.  I.]  The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Ft  ft.     Folio  1623. 


And  to  reliefe  of  Lazan,  and  weake  age 

Of  indigent  taint  Soules,  part  corporall  toyle, 

A  hundred  Almes-boufes,  right  u ell  fupply'd : 

And  to  the  Coffers  of  tin-  King  betide, 

A  tliouf.nid  pounds  by  th'yeere.     Thus  runs  the  Bill.  i9.]/wrW  j.  4. 

B{/h.  Ely.  This  would  drinke  der|x.\ 

B'lflt.  Cant.  Twould  drinke  the  Cup  and  all. 

B[Pi.  Ely.  But  what  preuen: 

B[/h.  Cant.    The    King    is   full    of  grace,   and    f.iire   re- 
gard. 

h'i/h.  Ely.  And  a  true  louer  of  the  holy  Church. 

Bilh  Cant.  The  courfes  of  his  youth  pronm'd  it  not. 
The  breath  no  fooner  left  his  Fathers  body, 
But  that  his  wildnefle,  mortify 'd  in  him, 
Seem'd  to  dye  too :  yea,  at  that  very  moment, 
Consideration  like  an  Angell  came, 
And  whipt  th'oftending  Adam  out  of  him  ; 
Leauing  his  body  as  a  Paradi 
T'inuelop  and  containe  Celeltiall  S; 
Neuer  was  fuch  a  fodaine  Scholler  made : 

;ie  Reformation  in  a  Flood, 
With  furh  a  heady  eurr.u  ug  faults: 

neuer  7/i//ra-headed  Wilfulnefle 
So  foone  did  loofe  his  Seat;  and  all  at  once; 
As  in  this  King. 

B\fli.  Ely.  We  are  blerted  in  the  Change. 

tii/h.  Cant.   Meare  him  but  reafon  in  Diuinitie; 
And  all-admiring,  with  an  inward  wilh 
You  would  de-lire  the  Kin^  \vi-re  made  a  Pff! 
Hearc  him  debate  of  Common-wealth  Affaire*} 
You  would  fay,  it  hath  been  all  in  all  his  ftudjr : 
Lift  his  di:  :  Warre }  and  you  fliall  heare 

A  fearefull  Battaile  rendred  you  in  Mufique. 

h  Turne 


55.]  emmml  a.  3.  •/«/  4. 


-    ' 


10 


Thf  Ckron  Inry  thfjifl.     Quarto  1600. 


ACT  I.  sc.  I.]  Th<  J  1,-nry  the  Fift.     I',.!'.,,  1623. 


[cot!  ij      Turne  him  to  any  Caufe  of  Pollicy, 

48       The  Gordian  Knot  of  it  he  will  vnloofe, 

; liar  as  his  Garter  :  that  when  he 
The  Ayre,  a  Charter'd  Libertine,  is  (till, 
And  the  mutt  Uirketh  in  m ens  cares, 

To  fte.ile  i  mil  honyed  Sentences: 

So  that  the  Art  and  1'raetique  part  of  Life, 
Mult  be  the  Miltrell'e  to  this  Theorique 

h  is  a  wonder  how  hU  (Jraee  ihould  gleane  it. 
Since  his  addiction  was  to  Courlls  v.n 
His  Companies  vnletter'd,  rude,  and  (hallow, 

iloures  rill'd  vp  with  Ryots,  Banquets,  Sports; 
And  neuer  noted  in  him  any  itudie, 
60       Any  retyrement,  any  fequeltration, 
From  open  Haunts  and  Popularitie. 

B.  Ely.  The  Strawberry  growes  vnderneath  the  Nettle, 
And  holefome  Berryes  thriue  and  ripen  belt, 
Neighbour'd  by  Fruit  of  baler  qu.il 
And  fo  the  Prince  ohfrur'd  his  Contemplation 
Vnder  the  Veyle  of  Wildnelle,  whit  h  (no  doubt) 
Grew  like  the  Summer  Grange,  faltelt  by  Night, 
68       Vn;  ue  in  his  lam! 

B.  Cant.   It  mult  he  fo  ;   for  Miracles  are  oeaft : 
And  therefore  we  muft  needes  admit  the 
How  things  arc  perfected. 

i/.  But  my  good  Lord  : 

:i  of  tliis  Bill, 

Vrg'd  by  the  Commons?  doth  his  Maieiiic 
Iiu  line  to  it,  «.r  no? 

i    nil.    II.-  feemc*  indilferent  : 

Or  ratlu-r  (waving  more  vpon  our  part, 
Then  cherilhing  th'cxhibiten  again i 
For  I  haue  made  an  offer  to  bis  Maieiiie, 


S4-  tkU\  kh  3.  4. 


; 


' 


•     :     • 


Tkf  CAr»  ij  thefifl.     Quarto  1600.     [AIT   i. 


:       : 


The  Chronicle  Hiflorie 

of  Henry  the  fift :  with  his  battel  fought 

at  --/::///  Court  in  I'raine.     TngithiT  with 

Auncicnt  /Wo//. 


Enter  King  Henry,  Exeter,  2.  E\fh(tpa)  Clarence,  and  other 
Attendants. 


Exeter. 

SHall  I  call  in  Thambafladors  my  Liege  ? 
King.   Not  yet  my  Coufin,  til  we  be  refolude 
Of  fome  ferious  matters  touching  vs  and  France. 


[I.  a] 


ACT   I.  SC.  2.] 


,/   ll-nnj  the 


I 


Vpon  our  Spiritual!  Conuocation, 
And  in  regard  of  Caufe*  now  in  hand, 
Which  I  haue  open'd  to  his  Grace  at  large, 
As  touching  France,  to  giue  a  greater  Sum  me, 
Then  euer  at  one  time  the  Cl<  r^u-  \ct 
Did  to  his  Predeceirors  part  with.ill. 

B.  Ely.  How  did  this  offer  feeme  receiu'd,  my  Lord  ? 

B.  Cant.  With  good  acceptance  of  his  Maiellif  : 
Saue  that  there  was  not  time  enough  to  heare, 
As  I  perceiu'd  his  Grace  would  faine  haue  done, 
The  leueralls  and  vnhidden  pallaget 
Of  his  true  Titles  to  fome  certaine  Dukedomes, 
And  generally,  to  the  Crowne  and  Seat  of  France, 
Deriu'd  from  Edward,  his  great  Grandfather. 

B.  Ely.  What  was  th'impediment  that  broke  this  off? 

B.  Cant.  The  French  Emballador  vpon  that  inli.mt 
Crau'd  audience ;  and  the  how  re  I  thinke  is  come, 
To  giue  him  hearing :   Is  it  foure  a  Clock? 

B.  Ely.  It  is. 

B.  Cant.  Then  goe  we  in,  to  know  his  Emball 

h  I  could  with  a  ready  gueffe  declare, 
Before  the  Frenchman  fpeake  a  word  of  it. 

n.  Ely.  He  wait  vpon  you,  and  I  long  to  heare  it 

Extant. 

Enter  the  King,  Humfrey,  Bedford,  Clarence, 
tl'aru-ifk,  lf'<-\ tmrrland,  and  fcieter. 

H.  Where  is  my  gracious  Lord  of  Canterbury  f 

Not  here  in  prefeix 
A'/'wi'.   Send  f«ir  him,  good  Vn<  kle. 
ffejim.   Sh.ill  we  rail  in  ih'Amlullador,  my  Liege? 
<.  Not  yet,  my  Coulin :  we  would  be  rcfolu'd, 
Before  we  heare  him,  of  fmne  tlnni^  <>»  weight, 
That  Uske  our  thoughts,  concerning  vs  and  France. 


tot.]  ifttket  s.  «A«  3.  4. 


14  Tkt  Chr<  -./'  ll'-nnj  Ihfjift.      Quarto  1600.      [M  . 


•rrj. 


•i.]  But.  Calch-.ord  in 
>,  but  MB.  before  speech. 
Interred  a.  3. 


BL  God  and  !  '-  guard  yonr  i 

And  make  you  long  bcconu-  it. 
King.  Sbure  we  thank  you. 

And  good  my  I,ord  \>: 

Why  tin.  Lawe  Sa/'n  h,  whu-h  tlu-y  liauc  in  I'nince, 
Or  (lit.uld  or  lliould  not,  Hop  vs  in  our  clayiiK-  : 
And  God  forhid  my  will-  and  I< -anu-d  Ix^rd, 
That  you  (hould  falliion,  tranu-,  or  wrHt  tin-  fame. 


For  God  doth  know  how  many  now  in  health, 

Shall  drop  their  hlood  in  approbation, 

Of  what  your  reuerence  lhall  incite  vs  too. 

Therefore  take  heed  how  you  impawnc  our  pc-rfon, 
you  awake  the  ileeping  fword  of  war: 
barge  you  in  the  name  of  God  take  heed. 


After  this  coniuration,  fpeake  my  Ix>rd  : 

And  we  will  Judge,  note,  and  beleeue  in  heart, 

ThatVhat  you  fpeake,  is  waflit  as  pure 

As  fin  in  baptilme.  [2O.  A  2]         [B(fli.] 

Then  heare  me  gracious  foueraigne,  and  you  peeres, 

Which  owe  your  liues,  your  faith  and  feruices 

To  this  imperiall  throne. 

There  is  no  bar  to  flay  your  highnefle  claime  to  France 


20 


ACT   I.  SC.  2.]  Tin-  Life  :f  Henry  t/t,'  /•//>.      f  >,//«  1623. 


r  ttfO 

B.  Coat.  God  and  his  Angels  guard  vour  facred  Throne, 
And  make  you  lung  become  it. 

King.   Sure  \\e  thanke  you. 
My  learned  Lord,  we  pray  you  to  proceed, 
And  iullly  and  religioufly  vnfold, 

the  I,aw  Salikf,  that  they  haue  in  France, 
Or  ftiould  ur  llumld  not  barre  \s  in  our  C'l.mne  : 
And  God  forbid,  my  deare  and  faithfull  Lord, 
That  you  Ihould  falhion,  wreli,  or  bow  your  reading, 
Or  nicely  charge  your  vnderftanding  Soule, 
opening  Titles  mifcreate,  whole  right 
Sutes  not  in  natiue  colours  with  the  truth  : 
For  God  doth  know,  how  many  now  in  health, 
Shall  drop  their  blood,  in  approbation 

li.it  your  reuerence  ih.ill  incite  \s  to. 
Therefore  take  heed  how  you  impawne  our  !Vri«>u, 
How  you  awake  our  fleeping  Sword  of  Warre; 
We  charge  you  in  the  Name  of  God  take  1. 
For  neuer  t\v<>  luch  Kingdomes  did  contend, 
"Without  much  fall  of  blood,  whofe  guiltlelle  drops 
Are  euery  one,  a  Woe,  a  fore  Complaint, 
'Gainft  him,  whole  wrongs  giucs  edge  vtito  the  Swords, 
Th.it  make-.  Inch  wafte  in  briefe  mortalitie. 
Vnder  this  Coniuration,  1'iK-ake  my  Lord : 

\ve  will  heare,  note,  and  U-K  .irt, 

That  what  you  ijH-.ike,  i-.  in  \         >  06  \\.illit, 

As  pure  a>  linuc  uith  Haptilme. 

B.  Can.  Then  heare  me  gracious  Soueraign,  &  you  Peers, 
That  ouc  y..ur  li-Ivies,  your  lines,  and  Icruicei, 
To  this  Impcriall  Throne,    There  is  no  barre 
To  make  againft  your  ilighnelfc  Clay  roe  to  Prance, 


8.  your]  yt»  a. 


*7-l  /*• 


16  THf  Chronic-It-  Hi/loru  ofllfury  the  fift.     Quarto  1600.      [AIT   i 


But  one,  which  they  product  amount, 

No  female  (hall  fucceed  in  f.ilirke  l.nul. 

Which  lalicke  laud  the  I'n  IH  li  vniullly  gloze 

To  be  the  realme  of  Fra- 

And  Faramonl  the  loiunlrr  of  this  la\v  and  female  b.i: 

Yet  their  ownc  writers  l.iitlilully  atHrme 

That  the  land  I'.dickc  lyes  in  (icrnntny, 

Betweene  the  flouds  of  Suink  and  of  Elme, 

Where  Charlt-i  the  tilt  tuning  fubdude  the  Saxons 

There  left  behind,  and  fetleil  rcrtaine  I-'n-nch, 

Who  holding  in  dilUaine  the-  (n-rnuine  \vonuii, 

For  fome  dillumelt  nianers  of  their  lines, 

Eftablilht  there  this  lawe.     To  wit, 

\o  female  lhall  fucceed  in  falieke  land  : 

^Vhich  falicke  land  as  I  faid  before, 

Is  at  this  time  in  Germany  called  Mefene: 

Thus  doth  it  well  appeare  the  falicke  lawe 

Was  not  deuifed  for  the  realme  of  Fran«-, 

Nor  did  the  French  polleUe  the  falicke  land, 

Vntill  400.  one  and  twentie  yeares 

After  the  function  of  king  Faramont, 

Godly  fuppofed  the  founder  of  this  lawe.- 


36 


4° 


44 


Hugh  Capet  alfo  that  vfurpt  the  crowne, 


.2.]  Til,    i  '1,-nnjtltc  i":l'!. 


But  this  which  tin  .  i  Pharamond, 

In  tfrram  Saiuant  Mulier?*  us  Jin  <  nlnuf, 

'A'oman  Hi. ill  fucetvd  in  Satikr  Kind  : 
Which  Sa/ike  Kind,  the  French  vniurtly  gl 
To  be  tin-  Rcalme  of  France,  ami  I'/iaramuinl 
The  founder  of  ihi-  \..\\\.  and  Female  B.irrc. 
Yt-t  tlu-ir  ovviu'  Authors  laitlitully  .itlirnu-, 
That  the  I  .ami  Sti/tki-  \>  in  (irniunu-, 
Hotwiviif  tin-  FlouiU  of"  N.ila  and  »t  l.hii1: 
Wlu-re  Charles  tin-  (in-at  hailing  Uibdn'd  t! 
Thi-n-  Ifft  Ixrhind  and  K-ttU-d  i vrtainc  Frt-i, 
Who  holding  in  difdaine  the  (Jerinan  Women, 
;>>me  dilhoiu-lt  manner-,  ol' their  life. 
Mi  111  t  then  th  ^   :  •     \      Female 

Shcuild  lx-  Inheritrix  in  Salikc  Land: 
Which  Salik,-  (a,  I  lai.l)  'tuixt  F.lne  and  Sal.i, 

:i  (Jermanie.  «  ali'.i 
doth  it  well  apjK-are,  the  .S'n ///•«•  I  .aw 
Was  not  deuifed  for  the  Realme  of"  Fr.i: 

I  the  Freneh  polVelle  the  S,i/ii;-  Land, 
Vntill  loure  hundred  mv  and  tweniie  yecres 

deliiiu'-tion  of  King  Pharamnml, 
Idly  fuppos'd  the  founder  of  this  I^aw, 
\\\\n  died  within  the  yeere  of  our  Kedempt 
Foure  hundreil  twentie  (ix  :   and  Chiirlc*  the  (Jreat 
Subdu'd  the  Saxons  a"*l  «h'd  feat  tin-  Fn-neh 

ml  the  Kiuer  Sala,  in  the  yeere 
Eight  hundred  tine.     Belides,  tlieir  Writers  fay, 
King  Pf/tin,  which  dcpofed  Chtldenkf. 
Did  as  Heire  Gcnerall,  being  defccnded 
Of  Bitthtld,  whieh  was  Daughter  to  King  Cloihair, 
Make  Clayme  and  Title  to  the  Cr«w  ne  of  Prance. 
CII/H-I  alfo,  who  vfurpt  the  Crowne 


47*$*-) 


1 8  Tht  Chronul,   1 1  1 1<  »>,/  t/i<-  ///'/.     Qunrln  1600.     [A(  i    i 


49.)  *•«/*/.  j. 
jo.  I  GNM«V«. 


6O.] 


64.) 


,c  hi*  title  with  fomc  ll.  nth, 

When  in  purr  truth  it  \\.i-.  corrupt  and  0 
Comi.iid  himfcllr  .i»  lu  in-  U>  the  I. .iily  / 


A  2.  V.] 


Daughter  td  Charles,  the  forcfaiil  Duko  <>l  /.nruin, 


So  that  .1-.  cK-aiv  ;!•<  i->  the  loinint-r.^  Sun, 
King  Pippin*  titli-  atul  //w;,r//  Ctipi-t*  <  l 
King  C/inr/,-\  his  latiitaction  all  apju-arc, 
'!'«>  hold  in  right  anil  title  of  tin-  female: 
So  do  the  Lords  of  /•>//;//•.•  vntil  this  day, 

•>eit  they  would  hold  \j>  this  falick  lawe 
To  bar  your  highnelle  rhiming  from  tlu-  ti-malc, 
And  rather  choofe  to  hide-  tlu-in  in  a  nrt, 
Then  amply  to  imbace  their  crooked  i  aules, 
Yfurpt  from  you  and  your  progenitors,     (claime  ? 

AT.  May  \ve  with  right  &  conlcieiire  in. ike  this 

Hi.  The  fin  vpon  my  head  dread  foueraigne. 
For  in  the  booke  of  X umbers  is  it  writ, 
\Vhi-n  the  loiine  ili<-«,  let  the  inheritance 
Defcend  vnto  the  daughter. 
Noble  Lord  ftand  for  your  owne,  ||  Vnwinde  your  bloody  flagge, 


60 


64 


ACT  I.  sc.  2.]     The  Life  »f  Ih-nry  the  I 


Of  Charles  the  Duke  of  I.oraine,  fole  Hcire  male 
Of  the  trut  Charles  \\ 

To  find  his  Title  with  foine  fhe.vcs  of  truth, 
Though  in  pure  truth  it  was  corrupt  and  naught, 

.  -y'd  himfclfe  as  th'lleire  t«>  ill'   I  •;/•«•, 

_;hter  to  Charlemaine,  w  ho  u  nu- 

To  Leu-ex  the  Kmperotir,  an<!  :me 

Of  Charles  tli.    <  illb  Kin^  A(//-.-V  the  Tenth, 

was  lole  Heire  to  the  Yfurper  Capet, 
Could  not  keepe  quiet  in  I 

ring  the  C'rowne  <  :  till  lati-.ticd. 

That  laire  Queene  Ifal-el,  his  Grandmother, 
Was  Lineall  of  the  Lady  Ermrngart, 
Daughter  to  Charles  the  forefaid  Duke  of  I 
By  the  which  Marriage,  the  I.yne  of  C'nirf,  .  the  Grrat 
Was  re-vnited  to  the  C'rowne  of  France. 
So,  that  as  cleare  as  is  the  Summer-.  Sunne, 
King  Pefj'int  Title,  and  Hugh  ('•:  ne, 

King  Leu-es  his  fati-fai  tion,  all  appeal* 
To  hold  in  Rii,ht  and  Title  of  the  Tun 
So  doe  the  Kings  of  France  SUM  ihi-  day. 

'••eit,  they  would  !i  -I  1  \  j>  tlii-  Sali«|iie  I 
I          rre  your  Highneilf  from  ilie  Fen 

And  ratlii-r  chufe  to  liide  them  in 
Then  amply  to  imbarre  their  crook 
Vlurpt  from  you  ami  your  Progenitors. 

A'/-  i  with  rigli  «•  make  this  «  ! 

B'l/h.  Cant.  The  linne  vpoti  my  liead,  dread  Soucraignc : 
For  in  the  Booke  of  \u»  ^rif. 

When  the  roan  dye*,  let  the  Inheritance 
Del.  the  Daughter.      (ir.iciou<» 

•nr  owtie,  vnwiml  \ 
Looke  back  into  your  mighlie  Anoefton  : 


84.] 


nf*m 


96.]  imt^ry.  4. 
•ml  'f*m    to 


too.]  U  ii  3.  4. 


Thf  Chrtwiclt  Hi/t  '  1,-nnj  thf  fift.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  i.  sc.  a. 


69.)  fi*m*tirtt  3. 


74.) 
76.} 


Go  my  dread  Lord  to  your  great  graunfirs  ;• 
From  \vh«un  you  rl.nm 

Ami  y«mr  great  Ynrle  Etlii'nnl  tin-  lil.u  kr  Prince, 
Who  on  the  Fren«-li  i;r.)iiinl  pl.ivil  a  Tragedy 

;^  ilt-fr.it  on  tlu-  full  jxuviT  «)l   I'rainc, 
WhiU-il  his  mult  mighty  f.itlu-r  on  a  hill, 
Stood  fmiling  to  lu-lioKl  his  Lyons  v.  lidpr. 
Foraging  blood. of  From -h  \ohili- 
O  Noble  Knglilli  that  could  rntrrtaim- 
With  hallr  tlu-ir  Korrrs  tlu-  full  power  of  l'r<in«-  : 
And  let  an  other  halu-  ftainl  laughing  by, 
All  out  of  worke,  and  cold  for  action. 


80 


ACT  I.  sc.  2.]  The  Lifcof  Htnry  the  /•'///.     fo/io  1603. 


21 


Coe  my  dread  Lord,  to  your  great  Grand firvs  Toml>  . 
i  whom  you  clayine  ;  inuoke  hi'.  Warlike  Spirit, 
And  your  Great  Vnckles,  Etlutird  the  Black  Prince, 
Who  on  the  French  ground  play'd  a  Tragedie, 

Making  defeat  on  the  lull 

Whiles  his  moil  mightie  Father  on  a  Hill 

Stood  fmiling,  to  behold  hi-.  Lyons  Whclpe 

Forrage  in  blood  of  French  Xobilitie. 

<  '  \  Me  Kngliih,  that  could  enur 

With  halfe  their  Forces,  the  lull  pride  of  France, 

let  another  halfe  Itand  laughing  by, 
All  out  of  worke.  and  cold  for  action. 

BI//I.   Awake  reineinlirance  of  thefc  \aliant  dead. 
And  with  your  puillant  Anne  renew  their  Feats; 
You  are  their  Heire,  you  lit  vpon  their  Throne  . 

1  and  Courage  that  renowned  them, 
in  your  Veines:  and  my  thrice-puillam  I.: 
U  in  ih<  .  h, 

RijK-  lor  Kxploit.s  and  mi-htie  Knterpr.. 

Erf.  Your  Brother  Kings  .111  1  M«.narchs  of  the  Earth 
Doe  all  exped,  that  yon  ihould  rowfc  your  fclfe, 
As  did  the  loriiur  I  ,ir  Bloinl.  (might; 

.  They  kn«m  \"ur  (Jr.ice  h.nh  caufe,  and  me.ins,  and 
So  hath  your  Highneile  :   neticr  King  of  Kngland 

>  richer,  and  more  loyall  Subiecb, 

Whole  hearts  iiaue  left  their  Uiilyei  lure  in  Kngland, 
And  lye  pauillion'd  in  the  fields  of  France. 

li(lh.  Can.   O  let  their  Inxly.  .ire  IJcgO 

,i  Blood*,  and  A  in  \our  Right  : 

:  !e  whereof,  we  of  the  Spirit i. 

Will  r.isfe  \"ur  Highnellr  hi.  ii  .1  in 
As  ncuer  did  the  Clcrgic  at  one  time 
Bring  in  to  any  of  your  Anceflon. 


I07.J  Vrntb.  j.  4. 


116.  All] 

117.]  Bfah  Ely  3.  4- 


«U 


»34-J  Sfiri 


22  The  Chi nun  If  Hi/hrif  <>f  11,-nrij  thfjift.      Quarto  1600.      [ACT    i 


li.  ] 
8a.>r]  j/.; 


\ 


g.  We  muft  not  om-ly  arme  vs  againlt  ilu-  l-'ivneh, 
iy  downe  our  proportion  lor  the  B 
Who  will  make  rode  \|><  <u  \-> 

\\  itli  all  aduatltages. 
M.   Tin-  Marches  gracious  fouer.i:  84 

Ihalbe  I'lilVK  icnt 
To  gu.irdyoiir  Uny/aml  from  tin-  jjillWing  honh-t 

A';//i,'.  \N'r  ill  Hot  nn-aiu-  UK-  coiirlin  ,  oin-ly, 

Hut  Iran-  tin-  in.isiu-  mtfiuli-ini-nt  of  tin-  Siot, 

l'»r  you  Ihall  P  .i«l,  IK-IKT  my  great  grandt'atlu-r  88 

Vuma-kl  hi^  power  lor  France, 

H  it  that  tin-  Srot  on  his  \nl"uriiilht  Kiiigdoiiu-, 

C.iuu-  pouring  like  the  Title  into  a  breach, 


That  England  being  empty  of  defences, 

H.ith  fliooke  and  trembled  at  the  brute  hereof. 

Bi.  She  hath  bin  then  more  feared  then  hurt  my  Ix>rd : 
For  heare  her  but  examplitied  by  her  felfe,  [94.  A  3] 

When  all  her  chiualry  hath  bene  in  France  96 

And  Ihe  a  mourning  widow  of  her 
She  hath  her  felfe  not  only  well  defended, 
But  taken  and  impounded  as  a  ft  ray,  the  king  of  Scots, 
Whom  like  a  cay  title  fhe  did  leade  to  France,  100 

Filling  your  Chronicles  as  rich  with  praife 

As  is  the  owfe  and  bottome  of  the 

With  funkcn  wrack  and  IhiplelTc  treafuric. 

Lord.  There  is  a  faying  very  old  and  true,  104 

If  you  will  France  win,  ||  Then  with  Scotland  firft  begin  : 
For  once  the  Eagle,  England  being  in  pray, 


ACT  I.  sc.  2.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  rift.     /V/'/o  1623. 


King.  We  muft  not  onely  arme  t'inuade  the  Frem  h, 
But  lay  downe  our  proportions,  to  defend 
Againft  the  Scot,  who  will  make  roade  vpon 
ill  aduantages. 

B\/h.  Can.  They  of  thole  Marches,  gracious  Soueraign, 
Stall  be  a  Wall  fufficient  to  defend 
Our  in-land  from  the  pi  Ill-ring  Borderers. 

King.  We  do  not  meane  the  courting  fnatrhert  oncly. 
But  feare  the  maim*  intendment  of  the  Scot, 
Who  hath  been  ftill  a  giddy  neighbour  i 

.ou  lhall  reade,  that  my  great  Grandfather 
Neuer  went  with  his  lorres  into  Franrr, 
But  that  the  Seot,  on  h;s  vnfurnimt  Kingdoine, 
Came  pouring  like  the  Tyde  into  a  hreadi, 
With  ample  and  brim  fulnelfe  of  his  t'. 

,'  the  gleaned  I^and  with  hot  Alfayes, 
Girding  with  grieuous  fiege,  Caftles  and  Town«  : 
That  England  being  emptie  of  delV 
Hath  rti<x>ke  and  trembled  at  th'ill  neighbourhood. 

B.  Can.  She  hath  bin  the  more  fear'd  the  harm'd,  my  I 

heare  lu-r  but  exampl'd  by  her  h-!: 
When  all  her  Clieu  ilr c  hath  been  in  France, 
And  (hee  a  mourning  Widdow  of  her  Nobles, 
Shee  hath  her  felle  not  onely  well  «K -fended. 
But  taken  and  impounded  as 

King  of  Scots:  whom  line  did  fend  to  Fr.r 
To  fill  King  Edu-ards  fame  with  pri loner  King*, 
And  make  their  Chronicle  a*  rirh  \viih  pr.i 
As  is  the  <  )\vie  and  bottome  <>t  tin 

fnnken  Wrack,  and  fum-Ielle  Trealn- 

Bf/h.  Ely.  But  there's  a  faying  \  id  true, 

If  that  ynn  trill  Frnncf  irin,  thrn  trit/i  Scotland  Jint  legia. 
For  once  the  Eagle  (England)  being  in  prey. 


151. 


24  The  Chronn/f  Hi/lor  it  jtlicfift.      Quarto  1600.      [ACT    i 


tot.] 


116. 


i«  3. 


1*7.]  mrrrr  a. 


To  hi*  vnl'urnilh  nelt  the  wea/el  j(3 

\\    .ild  luck  her  eg»,  / 

playing  tin-  monk-  in  abfenee  of  I  he 
To  fpoylc  and  li.nioi  k  more  thru  ihe  <  .in  c.il. 

.    It  l'..II,.\vr,  then,  tlu-  rat  mull  lt.iv  ;it  home, 
\  ( t  tliat  i>  hut  a  rurlt  i  III 

Since  we  ham-  tr.r,  •«  h  t)u-  jx-tty  themes  : 

Whillk-  that  the  armed  Iiand  doth  fight  ahroad 
The  aduiled  head  eontrolles  at  home  : 
For  gouernment  though  high  or  1 

hi-ing  put  into  p. iris,  n6 

Congrueth  with  a  mutunll  lonlVni 

like  niul. 

lit,  Trae  :   therefore  doth  heauen      diuide  the  fate  of  man 
in  diucrs  functions.  / 

Whereto  !•>  added  as  an  ay  me  or  but,  obedience  : 
For  fo  liue  the  honey  Bees, 

creatures  that  by  a\ve  120 

Ordaine  an  a&  of  order  to  a  peopeld  Kingdome  : 
They  haue  a  King  and  (jifieer^  of  fort, 
Where  fome  like  Magiltrates  correct  at  home  : 

Others  like  Marchanti  venture  trade  abroad  :  i  24 

Others  like  fouldiers  armed  in  tlieir  flings, 
Make  hoote  vpon  the  fommers  veluet  bud  : 
Wliich  pillage  they  with  niery  march  bring  home 
To  the  tent  royall  of  their  Emperour,  128 

Who  bulled  in  hi>  maieltie,  behold 

The  finging  mafons  building  roofes  of  gold  :  [130  A.  3  v] 

The  ciuell  citizens  lading  vp  the  honey, 


ACT  i.  sc.  2.]  The  I  Fb£oi6l5, 


172 


•  76 


180 


184 


188 


192 


.96 


200 


To  her  vnguarded  Nell,  the  Wea/ell  (Scot) 
Comes  fneaking,  and  I'o  luck*  her  Princely  Egges, 
Playing  the  Muufe  in  a1 

une  and  hauocke  more  then  (he  can  r 

.'.    It  tollowes  then,  the  Cat  mult  Itay  at  borne, 
Yet  that  MS  but  a  crulh'd  neci •: 
Since  we  haue  lockes  to  fafegard  n 
And  pretty  traj>s  to  ratfli  the  petty  tin •• 
While  that  the  Armed  hand  doth  light  abr. 
Th'aduifed  head  defend-,  it  felfe  at  home:  . 

For  (Joiu-rnment,  though  high,  and  low,  and  lower. 
Put  into  parts,  doth  keepe  in  one  ccnlcnt, 
Congreeing  in  a  full  and  natural  dole, 
Like  Mulirke. 

Cant.  Therefore  doth  heauen  diuide 
The  llate  of  man  in  diners  functions, 
Setting  endeuour  in  rontinual  motion  : 

hirh  is  fixed  i^  or  butt, 

Obedience  :  for  fo  \v<irke  the  Hony  Bees, 
Creatures  that  by  a  rule  in  Nature  teach 
The  A6t  of  Order  to  a  peopled  Kingdunu  . 
They  haue  a  King,  and  Officers  of  forts, 

:e  fome  like  M.i-iltrates  corred  at  lion 
Others,  like  Merchant-,  venter  Trade  abroad  : 
Othen,  like  Soiildiers  armed  in  their  llings, 

boote  vpon  the  Summers  Yeluet  budde*  : 
Which  pillage,  they  with  merry  inanh  bring  home 
To  the  Tent-royal  of  their  Kmperor  : 
Who  bulled  in  his  '  I'urucyei 

fmging  Mafons  building  roofi-s  of  Gold, 

(      /ens  kneading  vp  the  hony  j 
The  poore  Mechamckc  Porters,  crowding  in 

r  heauy  burthens  at  his  narrow  g  r 

h   a 
i 


174.  <M«]  tf»  s. 

175.  tin*}  tktm 


183.]  cloaca. 


194.] 


197.)  •M/Onl  a.  j. 


26 


Chroniclf  Hi/lorif  of  I Ifnry  the  ///'/.      (Jmirtn  1600.  i    i    sc.  2. 


,;, 


t;<         -',     •    ; 


155-6.;  One  LDC  in  3. 


TV*. 


The  fad  eyde  luftice  with  his  furly  humme,  131 

I)i  lnu-ring  vp  to  executors  pule, 

the  I.i/y  railing 

ThU  I  infer,  that  ao.  art  ions  once  n  foote, 
May  nil  end  in  one  moment. 
As  ni.iny  Arrowes  lofrd  leuerall  waves,  live  to  one  in.irke  ;  136 

As  m.iny  feuerall  wayes  meete  in  one  tn\vi 
As  m.iny  Irelli  Itreames  run  in 
A*  m.iny  lines  dole  in  the  liy.ill  center  : 

So  may  ;i  thoulancl  nations  om  140 

Knd  in  one  moment,  and  he  all  well  borne  without  <! 
Therefore  my  Liege  to  Fra- 
Diuule  your  happy  England  into  foure, 
Of  whieh  take  you  one  cjunrter  ini 
And  you  withall,  lliall  make  all  (inf/ia  lhake. 
If  wr  with  thrice  that  power  left  at  home, 
Cannot  defend  our  owne  doore  from  the  <1" 

I  IK-  lx>aten,  and  from  henreforUi  lofe  j  ,9 

The  name  of  pollicy  and  hnrdinelVe. 

A'i.  Call  in  the  mciTengcr  fent  fro  the  ])ol])hin, 

And  by  your  ayde,  the  noble  finewes  of  our  land, 
France  being  our-.  wt-i-le  l>ring  it  to  our  a 
Or  brcake  it  all  in  peeces : 


Eyther  our  Chronicles  flial  with  full  mouth  fjH-ak 

Freely  of  our  a6b, 

Or  elfe  like  toonglefle  mutes  l  ,$ 

Not  worfhipt  with  a  paper  Epitaph  : 

Enter  Thamlafladors from  France. 


ACT    1.  SC.   2.] 


Thf  Lift  <>('  llfnry  thf  /•//'/.       lotto  1623. 


[COL.  i]       The  fad-ey'd  luftice  with  hi-  lurly  humme, 
Deliuering  ore  to  Kxeoitor.  pale 
The  la/ie  \a\\ning  Drone  :    I  this  inferre, 
That  many  things  tuning  full  reference 
ao8       To  one  confirm,  may  worke  contrarioufly, 
As  many  Arrowes  loo  fed  feuerall  wayes 
<      DC  to  ojie  nurke:  a-  in  my  wayes  meet  in  one  tow  ne. 
As  many  frelh  ftre..::ie-  med  in  one  fah 
212        As  many  Lym-s  rloj'e  in  the  Di.il-  center : 
So  may  a  thoufand  . 

And  in  one  pu-  '.  !>e  .ill  well  borne 

Without  del-  \   Liege, 

216        Diuide  your  hap;  .re, 

Whereof,  take  \.>u  one  quarter  into  Fr 
And  you  with  all  lhall  make  all  (i.illia  lhake. 
If  we  with  thrice  Inch  jniwers  left  at  h-  ::i<-, 
220       Cannot  defend  our  owne  doores  from  the  dogge, 
Let  vs  be  worried,  and  our  Nation 
The  name  of  hardinelle  and  jx'li 

.   Call  in  the  '  i  the  Dolphin. 

224       Now  are  we  well  refolu'd,  and  by  Gods  helix.- 
And  y«»urs,  the  noble  linewes  of  our  power, 
Fraiu-j-  t>ein^  ours,  wee'l  bend  it  to  our  Awe, 
Or  breake  it  all  to  peeces.     Or  there  wce'l  lit, 
228       (Ruling  in  large  and  ample  Hmperie. 

Ore  Frame,  and  all  her  i  i.ni-ly  1  >nkedome>) 

Or  lay  thefe  IMHUN  in  an  \nwort! 

ileile,  w  \ih  no  remeinhrance  oner  them   : 
Hither  our  Hilt..ry  lliall  with  full  mouth 

AcN,  «.r  t-lfe  our  graue 

Tnrkilh  mute,  itiall  h.iue  a  longuclelle  mouth, 
worihipt  with  a  waxen  Hpit.iph. 

'  AmlaJj'adoTt  iff  Freitct. 


The  Chronicle  I  Imry  thtjift.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  I. 


Now  are  we  well  prepared  to  know  the  Dolphins  pi,  .iiurv, 
.For  we  heare  your  comming  is  from  him. 

Amtaff'a.  Pleaieth  your  Maiellie  to  giue  vs  leaue  160 

.  to  render  wh.it  vv e  haiu-  in  charge: 
Or  Hull  I  Iparint;!)-  ihevv  a  farre  oil', 
The  Dolphins  plcalure  ami  our  Kinballage? 

King.  We  arc  no  tyrant,  but  a  Chriiiian  King,  164 

To  whom  our  fpirit  is  as  lubiect, 

As  are  our  wretches  fettered  in  our  prilons.  [166.  A  4] 

Therefore  freely  and  with  vncurlK-d  boldnciK- 
'IV 11  vs  the  Dolphins  mimic.  i6B 

Amlaf.  Then  this  in  fine  the  Dolphin  faith, 

Whereas  you  clayme  certaine  Townes  in  Frame, 

From  your  predeceflbr  king  Edu-ard  the  third, 

This  he  returnes.  172 

He  faith,  thcrcs  nought  in  France  / 

that  can  be  with  .1  nimble 

Galliard  wonne  :  /  you  cannot  reuel  into  Dukcdomes  there  :  / 

Theix'toro  he  fendeth  meeter  tor  your  Ihnly, 

This  tunne  of  t  real  lire  :  and  in  lieu  of  this,  176 

Defires  to  let  the  Dukedomes  that  you  crane 

pa  no  more  from  you:  This  the  Dolphin  faith. 
King.  What  trealure  Yurie  ? 

Ere.  Tennis  balles  my  Liege.  180 

King.  We  are  glad  the  Dolphin  is  fo  plealant  vvitli 

Your  meflage  and  his  prefent  we  accept  : 

When  we  haue  matched  our  rackets  to  thefe  balles, 

We  will  by  Gods  grace  play  fuch  a  let,  184 

Shall  Arike  his  fathers  crowne  into  the  hazard. 

Tell  him  he  hath  made  a  match  with  fuch  a  wrangler, 


ACT  i.  sc.  a.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Flft.     flu/Mi  1623. 


29 


Now  are  we  well  prepar'd  to  know  the  pleafure 
Of  our  faire  Colin  Dolphin  :  for  we  heare, 
Your  greeting  U  from  him,  not  from  the  King. 

Alni.   M.u't  ple.iie  your  Mai.-ltie  to  giuc  v»  leaue 
Freely  to  render  what  we  haue  in  charge : 
Or  lli  ill  we  fparingly  ihew  you  farre  off 
The  Dolphins  meauing,  and  our  EmbalMf. 

King.  We  are  no  Tyrant,  but  a  Chrilh'an  King, 
Vuto  \vhofe  grace  our  paUion  is  as  fubie& 

H  our  wretche-.  fett  red  in  our  prifons, 
Therefore  with  franke  and  with  vncurbcd  plainnefle, 
Tell  vs  the  Dolphins  miude. 

Ami.  Thus  than  in  ti- 
Your  Highnelle  lately  fending  int 
Did  claime  fume  ivrtaine  Dukedome*,  in  the  right 
Of  your  great  Predccelfor,  King  Edirard  the  third. 
In  anfwer  of  which  claime,  the  Prime  our  Malier 

.  that  you  f.Miour  t(K>  much  of  your  youth, 
And  bids  you  be  aduiVii :  There's  nought  in  France, 
That  can  be  with  a  nimble  Galliard  wonne  : 
You  cannot  reuell  into  Dukedomes  there. 
H<  then-!'  'iv  iend>  you  meeter  for  your  fpirit 
lliis  Tun  of  Treafure;  and  in  lieu  of  this. 
Defires  you  let  the  dukedome*  that  you  claime 
re  no  more  of  you.     This  the  Dolphin  fpeakes. 

King.  What  Treafure  Vnde? 

Ere.  Tennis  balles,  my  I.iege. 

Kin,  We  are  glad  the  Dolphin  i-.  fo  pleafant  with  v«, 

•  li  nt,  and  your  paines  we  thanke  \<i 
When  we  ham-  matcht  our  I:  thefc  Ballet, 

will  in  France  (by  Gods  grace)  play  •  li  t. 
Sh.ill  Itnke  hi>  J.uhrr-.  Crown.-  into  the  hazard. 
Tell  him,  he  hath  made  a  match  with  huh  .1  Wrangler, 


24*.] 


30  Tht  Chnmult  liitim  ,   •<   II  nnj  ///<•////.      Quarto  1600.      [ACT   i.  K 


195. )  im  the  /Asm/  3. 
196.]  we  tjut  3 

197.  ItJt]  tilt 

198.  tp//4]  ora.  t. 


ail.  r,fU/mt:]  ri 


That  all  the  Courts  •  •  tli.ill  i>o  dilhirhd  with  chafes. 

An. I  -ihind  him  ui-ll,  h«>w  he  « ..ines  ore  V« 

Wiili  utir  wiKli-r  daycH,  /  not  meafurini;  u!i  it  \  li-  uc  : 

of  lllOIU.  / 

iirurr  valued  thii  jMx.n-  ml. 

An. I  therefore  gaue  our  li-lui-.  to  Ixirluroi;-.  liirn 
As  tis  common  Irene  /  that  men  :ire  im-nirli  wlu-n  tlu-y 

from  home.  / 

Hut  tell  the  Dolphin  we  will  kerpe  our  It. 
Be  like  a  King,  mi^hiie  ;md  eommauml, 
When  \ve  do  ro \vll-  v^  in  tlirone  nt   . 
For  this  haue  we  laid  by  OUT  MaieOiu 
And  plodded  lide  a  man  for  working  <! 
But  we  will  rife-  tin  re  with  fo  lull  ol'gl.iry, 
That  we  will  da/.ell  all  the  i-  :<•<•, 

I  ftrike  the  Dolphin  hlinde  to  looke  on  vs,  /  fit..- 

And  tell  him  this,  /  his  mock  hath  turnd  his  haues  to  gun 

[201.  A  ^.  v.] 
And  his  foule  lliall  fit  fore  charged  for  the  wailful!  / 

(vengeance 

That  ihall  flye  from  them.  /  For  this  his  mocke  / 
Shall  mocke  many  a  wife  out  of  tin  ir  deare  ln^hands. 
Mocke  mothers  from  their  foniu-s,  mocke  Callles  dow  nc, 
I  foine  are  yet  vngotten  and  vnhorne, 
That  Ihall  haue  caufe  to  curfe  the  Dolphins  Iconic. 
But  this  lyes  all  within  the  will  of  God,  /  to  whom  we  doo 

(appeale, 
And  in  whofe  name  /  tel  you  the  Dolphin  we  are  coming  on  / 

enge  vs  as  we  may,  and  to  put  forth  our  hand 
In  a  rightfull  caufe  :  fo  get  you  hence,  and  tell  your  1'rn 
His  left  will  fauour  but  of  (hallow  wit, 
When  thousands  weepe,  more  then  did  laugh  at  it. 
Conuey  them  with  fafe  conduct  :  fee  them  hence. 


ACT   I.  SC.  2.] 


77/f  /  Henry  ///<•  fV/>. 


1623. 


That  .ill         «  .          B  H  ill  be  dirturb'd 

With  Chaces.      An  1  \s  :,»!  him  well, 

^  he  come*,  u're  \s  with  our  wilder  dayes, 

\ot  ir.cal'urin.;  v.  h.u  vie  \\  e  made  of  them. 

.v'il  thii  poon  ;tul, 

And  therefore  l:u  .  did  giue  our  li-lfe 

To  barbarous  !  it  'ti->  eucr  common, 

Th.it  iiuMi  .ire  inerrii-lt,  when  tin  i  Intnu-. 

But  tell  the  Dolphin,  I  will  kerpe  my  St.iie, 
Be  like  a  Kinij,  and  llu-w  my  la\  K-  «t  llr.-.Uiu-lU', 
When  I  ili)  row  ll-  me  in  my  Throne  ol  I'r.uue. 

li.il  I  hane  layd  by  my  MaielUe, 
And  plodded  like  a  man  tor  work:; 
But  I  will  rile  there  with  fo  full  a  glorie, 
That  I  will  da/le  all  the  e\ei  ot  Kr.ince, 

Ihike  the  I)»lfihln  blinde  to  louke  mi  \>. 
Anil  tell  the  plealant  1'ritire,  tlii-.  '  hU 

Hath  turn'd  hi-.  \> .  .lie 

Shall  Itaiid  fi.re  «  har^i-d,  for  the  w.ilte'.ull  \»-ni;e.iinv 
That  Jh.ill  live  \v  ;th  them  :  for  many  a  liuutfand  ui>! 

..ut  of  t!u-ir  .!>-.  i   li'ul. 
ki-  mothers  from  their  loiines.mofk  I'.iltli-.  dov\  ne  : 

yet  vngotteii  and  \nbornc, 
•  lli.il  hane  mile  to  curie  the  I)»//t!iin*  Iconic. 
But  this  lyes  all  within  tlu    A  I  .  i  God, 
To  whom  I  do  appe.ile,  ami  in  whole  name 
,ou  the  Dnlfi/ii'i.  I  .1111  cominin^  on, 
i-ni;e  me  a-.  I  may.  and  to  put  forth 

;ll  hand  in  a  wel-!i  ife. 

So  get  you  hence  in  peace  :   And  tell  the  I).>f/>hin, 
Hi-.  Iclt  will  f.iuour  Init  of  lhallow  wit, 
When  thouf.mds  WWJK-  mi-r  it. 

Conuey  them  with  fafc  condud.     Fare  )ou  well. 

•int  Amlnfladort. 


' 
tmtr  om.  3.  4. 


i..rr/ 


jot  j*.  .w  j.  4. 


32              T/if  Chr.                 ioric  of  llrnry  ///<•///?.     Qua 

.  This  was  a  merry  mortage. 

King.  We  hope  to  make  tin-  inn 

Tlu-rfore  let  our  collefliu  for  UK-  \va 

For  God  before,  wi-t  11  (heck  tin-  D. 

Thcrrfoiv  K-t  i-ut-ry  man  now  t.iskr 

That  this  faire  adion  may  on  1<>oU- 

(do 

g»»t,  / 

;ht. 


ACT  I.  sc.  2.]     The  Life  of  Henry  thf  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


This  was  a  merry  Mortage. 
King.  We  hope  to  make  the  Sender  blu(h  at  it  : 

••>re,  my  Lords,  omit  no  happy  howre, 
That  may  giue  turth'rance  to  our  Expedition  : 
For  we  haue  now  no  thought  in  vs  but  Fni: 
Sane  tin  ill-  to  God,  that  runne  before  our  bufinede. 
Therefore  let  our  proportion*  tor  thele.  WarrcJ 
Be  foone  collected,  and  all  things  thought  vpon, 
That  may  with  reafonable  fwittnelle  adde 
More  Feaihers  to  our  Wings:  for  God  before, 
Wee'le  chide  this  Dolphin  at  his  fathers  doore. 
Therefore  let  euery  man  now  taske  his  thought, 
That  this  faire  Aftion  may  on  foot  be  brought. 

Flour'i/h.     Enter  Chorus. 
Now  all  the  Youth  of  England  are  on  fire, 
And  filken  Dalliance  in  the  Wardrobe  lyes : 

thriue  the  Armorers,  and  Honors  thought 
Reignes  folely  in  the  bread  of  euery  man. 
;  :'.-ll  the  Palhire  n<>\v,  to  buy  the  Horfr; 

Following  the  Mirror  of"  all  Chrillian  Kings, 
With  winged  beelcs,  as  F.nglilh  M 
-.jK-ft.ition  in  tin-  A 

And  hides  a  Sword,  from  Hilts  vnto  the  Point, 
With  Crowm-,  Impt-riall,  Crowncs  and  Con 
Promis'd  to  Harry,  and  his  followers. 
The  Frenrh  aduis'd  In  gc«»d  intelligence 
Of  this  mod  dreadfull  preparation, 
Shake  in  their  feare,  and  with  pale  Pollicy 
Seeke  to  diucrt  the  Knglilh  pur  pole*. 
O  England  :  Mfxlell  to  thy  inward  Greatncfle, 
Like  little  Body  with  a  mightie  Heart: 


Exeunt. 


What 


5.] 


Q          1600.     [ACT  ii.  sc.  I. 


:  '    • 

•MFVW 

•.]  CM*  i 


'  a,   GAM/ 
3- 


Enter  Nim  and  Bardolfe. 
Bar.  Godmorrow  Corporall  Xim. 

''i.  Godmorrow  Lk'fu-nant  liardnlfe. 
Bar.  What  is  antient  Pistoll  and  thee  friends  yet  ? 

Aim.  I  cannot  tell,  things  muft  be  as  they  may  : 
I  dare  not  fight,  but  I  will  winke  and  hold  out  mine  Iron 


[II.  J] 


ii.  sc.  I.]          Thf  Life  of  Henry  the  /'///.     l-\,li,,  1623. 


What  mightfl  thou  do,  that  honour  would  thee  do, 
Were  all  thy  children  kinde  :ind  natural!  : 
But  lee,  thy  fault  France  hath  in  thee  found  out, 
A  neft  of  hollow  bofomes,  which  he  filles 
With  treacherous  Crownes,  and  three  corrupted  men: 
One,  Richard  Earle  of  Cambridge,  and  the  fecund 
Henry  Lord  Scroope  of  Ma/ham,  and  the  third 
Sir  Thomas  Grey  Knight  of  Northumberland, 
tor  the  Gilt  of  France  (O  guilt  indeed) 
Confirm'd  Confpiracy  with  fearetull  Trance, 
And  by  their  hands,  this  grace  of  Kings  mud  dye. 
It  Hell  and  Treafon  hold  their  promifes, 
Ere  he  take  ihip  for  France;  and  in  Southampton. 
Linger  your  patience  on,  and  wee'l  digell 
Th'abufe  of  diftance  ;  force  a  play  : 
The  him  me  is  payde,  the  Traitors  are  agreed, 
The  King  is  fet  from  London,  and  the  Scene 
Is  now  tranfported  (Gentles)  to  Southampton, 
There  is  the  JMay-houfc  now,  there  muft  you  lit, 
And  theme  to  France  lliall  we  conuey  you  fafe, 

bring  you  backe  :  Charming  the  narrow  feat 
To  giue  you  gentle  Pa  lie  :  for  if  we  may, 
Wec'l  not  ortcml  one  ftomackc  with  our  Play. 
But  till  the  King  come  forth,  and  not  till  then, 
Vnto  Southampton  do  we  ihift  our  Scene.  Eiit. 

r  Corporall  \ym,  and  Lieutenant  Bardtilft. 
llnr.    \Vdl  iix-r  Cor|x.r.tll   A 

I.   Good  morrow  Lieutenant  Martini ff. 
Jinr.  What,  are  Ancient  /'{//'///  and  you  fricndi  yet  ? 

:uy  part,  I  care  not:  I  fay  little:  but  when 
time  111. ill  frrur.  there  ill. ill  IM-  t'ui.l.--.  hut  that  lliall  be  M 
it  may.  I  dare  not  fight,  but  I  will  winkc  and  holdc  out 


85.]  Gny  3.  4. 


SO.J  -to*.  4. 
51.]*. 


54.  //»•»)  /»r  j.  4. 


AY-, 


Thr  Chrnniclr  1 1  try  thrjift.      (Jmirtn  l6oo.      [ACT    11     1C.] 


*7u VOT/J. 


•:  .     '  .        . 


at.]  GMrfmrrvwa. 


98.  kmttt\  oro.  3. 


St.]  AV-. 

[FoL  IL  4i-a  p.  39] 


It  U  a  fimplc  one,  but  what  tho  ;  it  will  li-rue  to  toftc  ch. 
And  it  \\ill  endure  cold  as  an  other  mans  lucid  u  ill, 
And  there*  the  humor  ot'  it. 

Bar.  Y  faith  iniflrell'e  quickly  did  thee  great  wi 
For  thou  weart  troth  plight  to  JUT.  [10.  H.) 

I  inuft  do  a*  I  may,  tho  patience  be 
Yi  t  iheel  plotl,  ,-ind  kniucs  haue  rdges, 

And  iiu-ii  in.iv  uYrjx-  and  hauc  thrir  thrott-s  about  them 
At  th.it  time,  and  there  is  the  humour  of"  it. 

Har.  Come  y  faith,  He  U-tfow  a  hn-.ikr.ilt  to  make  /'///"// 
And  thec  friendes.  What  a  plague  Humid  we  carrie  kniues 
To  cut  our  owne  throates.  [II.  83-4  fol.] 

\im.  V faith  He  Hue  as  long.TS  I  may,  that*  the  tertaine  of'it. 
And  when  I  cannot  liue  any  longer,  He  do  as  I  may, 
And  theres  my  reft,     and  the  randeuous  of"  it. 


Enter  Piftoll  and  H«ft>-s  Quickly,  his  n-ijl: 

Bar.  Godmorrow  ancient  Pi.otnl/. 
Here  comes  ancient  Pisto/l,  I  prithee  Nim  be  quiet. 
/.  How  do  you  my  Hofte  ? 

Put.  Bafe  flaue,  calleft  thou  me  hod 
Now  by  gads  lugges  I  fweare,  I  fcorne  the  title, 
Nor  lhall  my  A'<7/  keepe  lodging. 

Hoft.  No  by  my  troath  not  I, 

For  we  canot  bed  nor  boord  half  a  fcore  honeft  gctlewome 
That  liue  honeltly  by  the  prick  of  their  needle, 
But  it  is  thought  ftraight  we  keepe  a  bawdy -houfe. 
O  Lord  heeres  Corporall  Nims,  now  fhall 
We  haue  w  ilful  adultry  and  murther  committed  : 
Good  Corporall  Nim  fhew  the  valour  of  a  man, 
And  put  vp  your  fword.  Aim.   Pulh. 


ACT  it.  sc.  i.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Flft.     Folio  16*3. 


37 


mine  yron  :  it  is  a  fimple  one,  but  what  though  ?  It  w  ill 
toile  Cheele,  and  it  will  endure  cold,  as  another  mam 
fword  will  :  and  there'!  an  end. 

Bar.  I  will  bellow  a  breakfaft  to  make  you  n-tendet, 
and  wee'l  bee  all  three  fworne  brother*  to  France:  Ix-t't 
be  fo  good  Corporal  1  \ym. 

Nym.  Faith,  I  will  liue  To  long  as  I  may,  that's  the  cer- 
taine  of  it  :  and  when  1  cannot  liue  any  longer,  I  will  due 
at  I  may  :  That  is  my  reft,  that  is  the  remleuou-,  of  it. 

Bar.  It  is  certaine  Corporall,  that  he  is  marryed  to 
Nell  Quickly,  and  certainly  iho  did  you  wrong,  tor  you 
were  troth-plight  to  her. 

Nym.  I  cannot  tell,  Things  muft  be  as  they  may:  men 
may  fleepe,  and  they  may  haue  their  throats  about  them 
at  that  time,  and  fume  lay,  k  nines  haue  edges  :  It  mull 
be  as  it  may,  though  patience  be  a  tyred  name,  yet  (hoe 
will  plodde,  there  murt  be  Conclusions,  well,  I  cannot 
tell. 

Enter  /'{//«//,  W  Quickly. 

Bar.  Heere  comes  Amient  I'ijioll  and  his  wife:  good 
Corporall  be  patient  heere.  How  now  mine  HoaJU 


'.  Hate  Tyke,  cal'ft  thou  mce  I!  it  .  now  by  this 
band  I  fwe.tn-  I  U-nrne  the  tenne  :  n<»r  (hall  my  AV/  keep 
I."  •!.:•  n, 

//    '.  \o  by  my  troth,   not    long:    For   we   rammt    lodge 
and   board  a  dozen    <>r    fount  •  :,  •umneii    tint    liue 

boneflly    by    tin-    pricke    nf    their    Needle,    hut     it     will    bee 

thought  we  keepe  a  Hawdy-houl'e  itr.ii-lu.  O  welliday 
Lady,  if  he  be  not  hewne  now,  \ve  lli.ill  ire  uil:ul  .ulultc- 
ry  and  murther  committed. 

Bar.    Good    Licnten.int,    good    Corporal    oiler    nothing 
h.,:i.  Nym.  1'ilh. 


7.]  M  but  «  j,  4. 


ii.]  L*fi  4. 


15.]  rtmdnmvmi  4. 


38  Thf  Chrnniflt  /////onV  <>f'll< -nnj  tin-  ////.      Quarto  l6oO.      [ACT   1 1 . 


43.] 


6aj  /a  tar  It  ft  a. 


A'lut  dull  ihou  pulh,  thou  pi. 


land  ? 


JVim.  Will  you  (hog  oil"?   I  would  ham-  you  lolus. 

Pitt.  Solus  egregious  dog, 

that  lulus  in  thy  tin 

And  in  thy  lungs,  and  \vl  ithin 

Thy  mt-lVull  mouth,  I  d»  retort  that  loins  /  in  thy 
Bowels,  and  in  thy  law,  perdu- :  lor  I  can  talke,  / 
And  Putnlls  flalhing  firy  cock  is  vp. 

Nlm.   I  am  not  Itarl-aj  mnot  coniuro  nu- : 

I  haue  an  humour  P'utull  to  knock  you  indilicrently  wdl, 
Aiul  you  fall  foulc  with  me  I'istnll,  /  He  fcoure  you  with  my 
Rapier  in  faire  termes.  /  If  you  will  walke  oll'a  little,  /  U5  *».  \  -J 
IK-  prick  your  guts  a  litle  in  good  terraca, 
And  theres  the  humour  of  it. 

;.  O  braggard  vile,  and  damned  furious  wight, 
/  The  Graue  doth  gape,  and  groaning 
is  neare,  /  therefore  exall.  / 
They  drain: 

Bar.  Heare  me,  he  that  ftrikes  the  firft  blow, 
He  kill  him,  as  I  am  a  fouldier. 

Pist.  An  oath  of  mickle  might,  and  fury  fliall  abate. 


Xim.  He  cut  your  throat  at  one  time  or  an  other  /  in  faire 
And  theres  the  humor  of  it.  /  (termes, 

Pist.  Couple  gorge  is  the  word,  I  thee  defie  agen  : 
A  damned  hound,  thinkft  thou  my  fpoufe  to  get  ? 
No,  to  the  powdering  tub  of  infamy, 
Fetch  forth  the  lazar  kite  of  Crefides  kinde, 
Doll  Tear-fbeete,  (he  by  name,  and  her  efpowfe 


ACT    II.   - 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  /  / '      / 


39 


4*  J«rr]  Mr  3.  4. 


4$.] 


Piji.  I'ilh  for  thee,  Iiland  dogge  :  thou  prickeard  cur 
of  III 

Hojh    Good    Corporall    JVym    ihew    thy    valor,  and    put 

vp  your  fword.  [Qe  II.  33-4  p.  36.] 

m.  Will   you   ftiogge   otT?     I    would    haue  you   folus. 

P'l/l.  Solus,  egregious  dog?  O  Viper  vile;  The  i 
in  thy  moll  meruailous  fact-,  the  folus  in  thy  teeth,  and 
in  thy  throutc,  and  in  thy  halt-full  Lungs,  yea  in  thy  Maw 
perdyj  and  which  U  worfe,  within  thy  nallie  mouth.  I 
do  retort  the  folus  in  thy  bowels  lor  I  can  take,  and  Pi- 
Jlok  cocke  is  vp,  and  flalhing  tire  will  follow. 

Nym.  I  am  not  Barbafon,  you  cannot  coniure  mee  :  I 
haue  an  humor  to  knocke  you  indifferently  well :  If  you 
grow  fowle  with  me  Piftoll,  I  will  fcoure  you  with  my 
Rapier,  as  I  may,  in  fay  re  tearmes.  If  you  would  walke 
oil,  I  \vould  pricke  your  guts  a  little  in  good  tearmes,  M 
I  may,  and  that's  the  humor  of  it. 

;.  O  Braggard  vile,  and  damned  furious  wight, 
The  Graue  doth  gape,  and  doting  death  U  neere, 
Therefore  exhale. 

Bar.  Hi. ire  me,  heare  me  what  I  fay:  H»e  that  tfrikcs 
the  tint  ilroake,  He  run  him  vp  to  the  hilts,  as  I  aro  a  »«.!- 
dier. 

P\ft.  An  oath  of  micklc  might,  and  fury  lliall  a1 
Gtue  me   thy  firt,  thy  forc-foote  to  me  giuc  :  l*hy   fpiritcs 
are  m«»ii  tail. 

m.   I  will  cut  thy   throate  onetime  or  other  in 
termes,  that  is  the  humor  of  it. 

••It   a  gnrgf,  th.it    i-   the  w«.rd.      I  *!«•!;<•   tl' 

gaine.  O   lumml   of  ('reef,  think'lt   thou   my  fpoufc  to  get  ? 

No,  to  the  fpittle  goe,  and  from  the   I'oudring   tub  of  in- 

farnv,    ti-t«  h    forth    the    I.a/ar    Kite    of   fr.y/i"7i    kindr,    Do// 

lie   hy  name,  antl   her  <  I         ;e,  and    I 


70.)  Lntr  .' 


40  The  Chroniclf  Hi/iorie  uf  Henry  tHtJSft.     (Juurtn  1600.     [ACT  n.  v 


66.)  mtrmnf  j. 


far/**/  3. 


8a.  «W1  Mr/  3.  [Probably 
press  error  lor  ««r.  j 

•4.)  BmtUr  a. 


I  haue,  and  I  will  hold,  the  quandom  quit  1 
For  the  oncly  (he  and  I'aco,  there  it  is  imnigh. 

Mi-  /toy. 

Boy.  Hoflet  you  mull  <-i>int-  lir.ii.-'it  t..  my  lu.iiliiT, 
And  > 
Put  thy  nufe  betwcciu-  the  il  tin-  <.ili<  , 

^  pan. 


Host.  By  my  tro.uh  ?u-.  •>«•  a  pudding  one 

(of  t  licit-  dayef. 
He  go  to  him,  hiub.md  youle  come  ? 

Bar.  Come  Pistol/  IK-  frii: 
Kim  prithee  be  friends,  and  if  thou  wilt  nut  /  be 
Enemies  with  me  too.  / 


Nl.  I  ftial  haue  my  eight  millings  I  woon  of  you 

at  beating? 

P\/L  Bafe  is  the  flaue  that  payes. 

Him.  That  now  I  will  haur,  and  theres  the  humor  of  it. 
P'{fl.  As  manhood  (hall  compound.          They  draw. 
Bar.  He  that  ftrikes  the  firil  blow, 
He  kill  him  by  this  fword. 

Pi/I.  Sword  is  an  oath,  and  oathes  muft  haue  their  courfe. 

[78.  B  2] 
Xi"i.  I  (hall  haue  my  eight  (hillings  I  wonne  of  you  at 

beating  ? 

P(ft.  A  noble  (halt  thou  haue,  and  readie  pay, 
And  liquor  likewife  will  I  giue  to  tlu-e, 
And  friend Ihip  fliall  combind  and  brotherhood  : 
He  line  by  \im  as  \im  lliall  Hue  by  me  .• 
I»  not  thU  iult  ?  for  I  rtiall  Sutk-r  be 
Vnto  the  Campe,  and  profit  will  occruc. 


v  r  ii.  sc.  i.]  The  Life  »f  Henry  the 


will   hold   the   Quondam   Quukfly  for  the  onely  (bee  :  and 
Pauca,  there's  enough  to  go  to. 
Enter  the  Boy. 

Boy.  Mine    H«wft    /'//?«//,   you   muft  come  to   my  May- 
and  your    I !  is  very  ficke,  &  would  to  bed. 

Good  Bardolfr,  put    thy  face   betweene   his   (heels,   and  do 
the  Office  of  a  Warming-pan  :   Faith,  he'»  very  ill. 

Bard.  Away  you  Rogue. 

HojL  By  my  troth  he  1  yeeld  the  (TOW  a  pudding  one 
of  tbefe  dayes:  the  King  has  kild  hi-,  heart.  Good  Huf- 
band  come  home  prefently. 

Bar.  Come,  mall  I  make  you  two  friend*.  Wee  muft 
to  France  together :  why  the  diuel  lh«»uld  we  keep  kniues 
to  cut  one  another*  throats?  [11.  16-17  Quarto.] 

:'.ood-»   ore-lwell,    and    fiend*    for    food    li- 
on. 

Nym.  You'l  pay  me  the  eight  ihillings  I  won  of  you 
at  Bettinq? 

/*{//.  Bafe  is  the  Slaue  that  payes. 

Aym.  That  now  I  w  il  haue  :  tliat's  the  humor 

P'(ft.  As  manhood  mal  compound  :  puih  home.     Draw 

Bard.  By  this  fword,  hee  that  makes  the  fir»t  thrult, 
He  kill  him  :  By  this  fword,  I  wil. 

/';.  Sword  U  an  Oath,  &  Oaths  muft   haue  their  courie 

Bar.  Coporall    A'y/n,   &    thou    wilt    be   friends   be   frend*. 
and  thou  wilt  not,  why  then  be  enemies  with   u. 
thee  put  vp. 

>le  ili. ilt  thou  haue,  and  pi. -lent  pay,  and 
Liquor  likewifc  will  I  i;iue  to  thec,  and  frietullhipi>c 
(hall  combyne,  and  brotherluxxl.  He  line  by  \ymmc,  & 
Nymme  mall  Hue  by  me,  U  not  thin  iufl  •  F..r  I  ih.il 
U  r  be  vnto  the  Campe,  and  prolits  will  accrue.  Gtue  roec 
thy  hand. 

h    3  Nym. 


7«.  kif  tkf  3.  4. 

( 'srmimf-mMm  j.  4 


81.  **•*('<> 


loot.'  \tmmt  » 


Tkt  Chnn  >  Henry  tlifjift.     Quarto  1600.      [ACT  II.  SC.  2. 


S.J  »/ 


•i.   I  Ihall  haue  my  noble? 
Put.  In  cam  inoft  truly  paid. 
A7w.   Why  thiTi-s  t!u-  humour  of  it. 
£n/rr  // 

i  came  of  men  conn-  in, 
Sir  Inhn  poorc  foule  is  In  troubled 
With  a  burning  talhan  i«niigi.in  K-IKT,  ti->  \soiulcrfull. 


Put.  Let  vs  condoll  the  knight:  for  lamkins  we  will  line. 

int  uinncs. 

Enter  Exeter  and  Glostrr. 
Gloft.  Before  God  my  Lord,  his  Grace  is  too  bold  to  truft 

thcfe  traytors. 
Eif.  They  fhalbe  apprehended  by  and  by. 


92 

[II.  2] 


Glnst.  I  but  the  man  that  was  his  bedfellow 
Whom  he  hath  cloyed  and  graced  with  princely  fauours 
That  he  fliould  for  a  fbrraine  purfe,  to  ft- 1 1 
HU  Soueraignes  life  to  death  and  trechery. 

Ext.  O  the  Lord  of  M of  sham. 

Enter  the  King  and  three  Lords. 

King.  Now  firs  the  windes  faire,  and  we  wil  aboord  j 
My  Lord  of  Cambridge,  and  my  Lord  of  Alnfsham, 
And  you  my  gentle  Knight,  giue  me  your  thoughts, 


ACT  ii.  sc.  2.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  I'iJ't. 


•M 


-*.  I  Jhall  haue  my  Noble5 
Pijl  In  cafli,  moll  iuftly  payd. 
\ym.  Well,  then  thai  the  hiunur 

Enter  llnflfff'e. 

//./?.    A*  cuer  you   come  of   women,  come  in  qu 
to  fir  luhn  :  A  poore  heart,   hee   is   lo   ih.ik  d  of  a  burning 
quoticli.in    Tertian,    that     it     is    moft    lamentable    to    behold. 
S\veet  men,  come  to  him. 

'ii.    The  King  hath  run   bad   humors  on   the  Ki. 
that's  the  euen  of  it. 

Plfl.  Nym,   thou   haft   Ipoke   the    right,  his    heart    is   Ira- 
ded  and  corroborate. 

Nym.  The  King  is  a  good  King,  but   it   mud  bee  at  it 
may :  he  partes  fome  humors,  and  carreeres. 

Let   vs   condole   the    Knight,   for    (Lambckiih)    we 
liue. 

Enter  Ereter,  Bedford,  &  It'tflmerland. 
Bed  Fore  God  his  Grace  is  bold  to  trult  thefe  traitors 
Ere,  They  lhall  lx-  apprehended  by  and  by. 
//  inooth  and  euen  they  do  bear  themielues, 

As  if  allegeance  in  their  bofomes  fate 
CroMV-ned  with  faith,  and  conliant  luyalty. 

Bed.  The  King  hath  note  of  all  that  they  intend, 
By  interception,  which  they  dreame  imt  of. 

.  but  the  man  that  was  hi>  lR-ilMlow, 
\\" In -in  he  h.iih  (lull'd  and  duy'd  with  gracious  fauours; 
That  he  lliould  for  a  furraigne  purfe.  l"«i  ii-11 
His  Soueraignes  life  to  death  and  treachery. 

Sound  Trumi 

Enter  the  King,  Scroope,  Cambridge,  and  (> 
King.  Now  fits  the  winde  faire,  ami  we  will  aboord. 
My  I  tmirldge,  and  my  kinde  Ixird  of  Mqlham, 

And  you  my  gentle  Knight,  giue  me  your  thought^ 


10. 


5-1 

7-1 


44  Thf  C/ininit If  1  i  .ri/thf/i/t.      (Jmntu  1600.      [AIT   II.  iC,   I, 


19.]  omitted  3. 


Do  you  not  thinkc  tin-  j  :>eare  with  \-, 

Will  nuke  v»  cumjuen»r!»  in  tin-  tit-Id  of  France  ? 


\«>  doubt  my  Licgc,  if  each  man  do  his  hell. 

['.>•  N  *  v] 


Cam.   Neuer  was  Monarch  better  leaned  and  loiu-d  then 
i^  \  uur  maieltie. 

Gray.  Euen thole  that  were  your  fathers  encn 
Haue  Iteeped  their  galle.s  in  honey  for  your  lake.  j($ 

King.  We  therefore  haue  great  caufe  of  thankfulnefle, 
And  (hall  forget  the  office  of  our  hands : 

Sooner  then  reward  and  merit,  20 

According  to  their  caufe  and  worthineile. 

Majtia.  So  feruice  fliall  with  fteeled  (inewes  Ihine, 
And  labour  lhall  refrelh  it  felfe  with  hope 
To  do  your  Grace  incetfant  feruice. 

King.   Yncle  of  Exrli-r,  24 

enlarge  the  man 

Committed  yefterday,  that  rayled  againft  our  jx-rfon, 
We  conlider  it  was  the  heate  of  wine  that  fet  him  on, 
And  on  his  more  aduice  we  pardon  him. 

Mqjha.  That  is  mercie,  but  too  much  fecuritie  :  28 

Let   him    bee  punilht   Soueraigne,  /  leaft   the  example  of 
Breed  more  of  fuch  a  kinde.  /  (him, 

King.  O  let  vs  yet  be  mercifull. 


ACT  II.  »c.  2.]          The  Life  of  Henry  ihf  i'ift. 


1623. 


45 


Thinke  you  not  that  the  powres  we  beare  with  rs 
Will  cut  their  palfage  through  the  force  of  France  ? 
Doing  the  execution,  ntul  the  ade, 

hich  we  haue  in  head  alVembled  ilu-m. 

Sera.  No  doubt  mv  I.iege,  if  each  man  do  his  bed. 

/.  I  doubt  not  that,  fince  we  are  well  perf waded 
We  carry  not  a  heart  with  vs  from  hence. 
That  growes  not  in  a  fain-  content  with  ours: 
Nor  leaue  not  one  behinde,  that  doth  not  w  ilh 
Succefle  and  Conqnelt  to  attend  on  vs. 

Cam.  Neuer  was  Monarch  better  fear'd  and  lou'd, 
Then  is  your  Maiefty  ;  there's  not  I  thinke  a  fubied 
That  fits  in  heart -greefe  and  vnealinelle 
Vnder  the  tweet  lhade  of  your  gouernment. 

A'wi.  True:  thok-  that  were  your  Fat  hers  enemies, 
H.iue  fteep'd  their  gauls  in  hony,  and  do  li  rue  you 
With  hearts  create  of  duty,  and  of  zeale. 

A'/w^'.  We  tlu-n-fore  haue  great  caufe  of  thankfulnes, 
And  lhall  forget  Uie  otiiiv  of  our  hand 
Sooner  then  cjuittanix-  <if  dt-li-rt  and  merit, 
According  to  the  weight  and  worthnx 

So  ti-niii-e  lliall  with  ftreled  linewes  toyle, 
And  labour  lhall  relrelh  it  lelfe  with  hope 
To  do  your  (irace  irmir.iut  h-ruicei. 

•  li;e  no  Irlle.      Vnkle  of  Kictcr. 
Inlarge  the  man  < •••mmiltrd  \elterdajr, 
That  ra\l'd  ngainrt  our  i^-rloii     \\  <    «  .  ;i(idrr 
It  was  excefle  of  Wine  that  U-t  him  <>ii. 
And  on  hi-  ir.  .  ^"i-  pardon  him. 

I  hat's  mrrcy,  hut  too  miu-h  I. 
Let  him  be  punilh  d  s.iueraigne,  lea  ft  e\am|»U- 
Breed  (by  hU  futl.  •  tin  h  a  k; 

'.  O  let  vs  yet  be  ineu  itull. 


a$.]  IMI  «  3.  4. 


99.  KnI.IG' 

30.] 


Tke  Ckrotti  f  <>f  Usury  thff'J't. 


i6co.     [ACT  ii.  ^ 


...  w  fa. 


5B-1  Grey  3  («nd  so  on- 
vanl) 


40 


44 


So  may  your  hightu  lU-,  and  punifli  too. 

Gri:  hew  great  men  :;iue  him  life, 

After  the  Ufte  of  hi*  correct! 

King.  Alas  your  too  much  care  and  louc  of  me 
Arc  heauy  orifons  gainft  the  poore  \\  rcu  h,  36 

If  litle  faults  proceeding  on  diiiemper  /  fliould  not  bee 

(winked  at,  / 

How  fliould  we  ftn-:  .  \\lien  capitall  crimes, 

Chewed,  fwallowi-d  and  dilgefu-d,  apjx-are  Ul  •:.-  ^ 

\et  enlarge  the  man,  tho  Cambridge  and  the  reft 
In  their  deare  loues,  aiul  tender  preferuation  of  our  li 
Would  hatie  him  puniflu.  ||  Now  to  our  I'rench  can: 
Who  are  the  late  Commilliom 

/  Cam.  Me  one  my  Lord,  /  your  highnefle  bad  me  aske  for 
it  to  day.  /  [45.  B.  3] 

Majh.  So  did  you  me  my  Soueraigne. 

Gray.  And  me  my  Lord. 

King.  Then  Richard  Earle  of  Cambridge  there  is  yours.  48 

There  is  yours  my  Lord  of  M<i/ftam. 

And  fir  Thomas  Gray  knight  of  Northumlerland,  /  this  fame  is 
Read  them,  and  know  we  know  your  worthinefle.       (jours  :  / 
V tickle  Exeter  1  will  aboord  to  night. 
Why  how  now  Gentlemen,  why  change  you  colour  ? 
What  fee  you  in  thole  papers 

That  hath  fo  chafed  your  blood 

out  of  apparance  ? 

Cam.  I  do  confelTe  my  fault,  and  do  fubmit  me 
To  your  highnelle  mercie. 

Mq/h.  To  which  we  all  appeale. 

King.  The  mercy  which  was  quit  in  vs  but  late, 
By  your  owne  reafons  is  foreftald  and  done.- 


ACT  11 .  M  The  1  '  Icnry  the  /•//).      Folio  1623. 


Cam.  So  may  your  Highnelle,  and  yet  punilh  too. 
,  y.  Sir,  you  (hew  great  mercy  it'  you  giue  him  I 
After  the  talle  of  much  corre. ' 

King.  Alas,  your  too  much  lone  and  care  of  me. 
Are  heauy  Orifons  'gainft  this  poore  wretch: 
If  little  faults  proceeding  on  dilicmpcr, 
Shall  not  be  wink'd  at,  how  ihall  we  ftretch  our  eye 
When  capital!  crimes,  chew'd,  fwallow'd,  and  digei: 
Appeare  before  1  yet  inlarge  that  man, 

Though  Caml-rldgt,  Scroop?,  and  (irni/,  in  their  deere  care 
And  tender  preferuation  of  our  perfon 

.  haue  him  punilh'd.  And  now  to  our  French  caufes, 
Who  are  the  late  C'ommillioners   ? 

Cam.  I  one  my  Lord, 
Your  Highncile  bad  me  aske  for  it  to  day. 

Scro.  So  did  you  me  my  Liege. 

/.  And  I  my  Royall  Souer.iigne. 

King.  Then  Richard  Karle  of  Camiridge,  there  is  yours- 
There  yours  Lord  Scroope  of  Mqjnam,  and  Sir  Knight : 
Gray  of  Xurthuml-crluml,  this  fame  is  yours  : 
Readc  them,  and  know  I  know  your  worthinelle. 
My  Lord  of  II  \-jtincr  land,  and  Vnkle  E 
We  will  aboord  to  night.     Why  how  now  Gentlemen  ? 
What  fee  you  in  thole  papers,  that  you  loofe 
So  much  complexion  ?  Lookc  ye  how  they  change  : 
Their  cheekes  are  paper.     Why,  what  readc  you  there. 
That  haue  fo  cowarded  and  chac'd  your  blood 
Out  of  ap; 

Cam.  I  do  confcfle  my  fault, 
And  do  fubmit  me  to  your  HighncHe  mercy. 
'».  To  whuli  we  all  apjK-.de. 

King.  The  merry  ih.it  wasquickc  in  v.  1m: 
By  your  owne  counfailc  U  fuppreH  and  kill'd : 


66.] 


=       '    •' 


75-) 


48  The  Chmni.  .      I  '/.      (Jmirln  1600.      [ACT  II.  I 


69.]  r.// a. 


•    ,    . 


7*.]  mif*M  bn*  3. 

79.]     WnUst  Hum  fcnv 
fntetudt . . .  tut  f  3. 


V..n  murt  not  dare  for  ih  une  to  aake  for  in 
For  your  uwnr  confcicnce  turue  vpon  your  l>o|: 
A*  dogs  vpou  their  maillcrs  worrying  them. 
Sec  you  my  Princes,  ami  my  noble  Peerea, 

I  Knglilli  muni- 

My  Ix>rd  of  Caml-riJge  here, 

You  ktxm  how  npt  we  were  to  grace  him, 

In  all  things  belonging  to  liis  honour: 

Ami  this  vililf  man  hath  for  a  f> 

\y  confpiri-d  and  fworiK-  vnto  tin-  pr.u  tifes  of  Fru 
To  kill  vs  here  in  Hampton.     To  the  which, 

Tliis  knight  no  lelfe  in  bountie  bound  to  vs  72 

Then  Caml-riili;,-  is,  haah  liki-wife  fworne. 
Hut  oh  what  lhall  I  fay  to  thee  fallc  man, 
Thou  cruell  ingrati-full  and  inhumane  creature, 
Thf)ii  that  didft  beare  the  key  of  all  my  counfc.ll, 
That  knewft  the  very  fecrets  of  my  heart, 
That  almoft  mighteft  a  coyned  me  into  gold, 
Wouldeft  thou  a  pradifde  on  me  for  thy  vfe : 

Can  it  be  poflible  that  out  of  thee  80 

Should  proceed  one  fparke  that  might  annoy  my  fin: 

[81.  B  .3  v] 

Tis  fo  ftrange,  that  tho  the  truth  doth  fhowe  as  grofe 
As  black  from  white,  mine  eye  wil  fcarcely  l< 


ACT  11.  sc.  a.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     I  olio  1623. 


You  mud  not  dare  (for  (hanic)  to  talkc 

Fur  your  ownc  reafun*  tunic  into  your  bofowes, 

As  dogs  vpoii  their  nuillen,  worrying  > 

See  you  my  Princes,  and  my  Noble  Peeres, 

Thele  Englilh  monlicr*  :   My  Lord  ot  Camtrulgt  I 

You  know  how  apt  our  loue  was,  to  accord 

To  furnilh  with  all  appcrtinenti 

Belonging  to  his  Honour;  and  tin-,  man, 

Hath  tor  a  few  light  Crownes,  lightly  confpir'd 

And  fworne  vnto  the  pra&ifes  of  France 

To  kill  vs  heere  in  Hampton.     To  the  which, 

Thii  Knight  no  Idle  Ibr  bounty  bound  to  Vs 

Then  Cambridge  is,  hath  like  wile  fworne.     But  O, 

What  lhall  I  fay  to  thee  Lord  Scroofte,  thou  cruel!, 

Ingratefull,  J'.iuage,  and  inhumane  Creature  ? 

i  that  didrt  beare  the  kt-y  <>t  all  my  counf.ii! 
That  knew'll  the  very  bottomc  of  my  limit- , 
That  i.iln:.>l;/  might'll  haue  coyn'il  me  int<    <  . 
\V,nild'rt  thou  liaue  pradia'd  on  me,  for  th\ 
M.i\   it  be  pt>l>il)le,  dial  forraignc  I 
Could  out  of  thee  extract  one  fparke  ot  euill 
That  might  annoy  my  finger       I   -  .  .  li range, 
That  though  the  truth  of  it  llaiuU  oil'a»  grofltf 
As  blacke  and  white,  my  eye  will  \ 
Treafon,  and  murilu-r,  euer  kept  together, 
As  two  yoake  diueU  fwornc  to  eythers  purj) 

king  fo  grotUIy  in  an  naturall  can 
That  admiration  did  not  hoopc  at  them. 
But  thou  (gainrt  all  projx.rtion)  didil  bring  in 

ler  to  waiie  on  treafon,  and  on  murtix 
And  whatfoeucr  cunning  lu-nd  it  was 
That  wrought  vpon  thee  fo  pn-p«jrtcroufly, 
Hath  got  the  voyce  in  hell  for  excellence  : 


\ 


<«(  3.  4. 


9*-}  « 


; 


107. 


50  The  CkronicU  Hi/hi  ry  theffi.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  n.  sc.  a. 


/Their  faults  are  open,  /  arreft  them  to  the  aiifwer  ot  the  lawe,  / 
And  God  acquit  them  of  their  pra&ifes. 

Eie .  I  arreft  thee  of  high  treafon, 
By  the  name  of  Richard,  Earle  of  Cambridge. 


84 


ACT  ii.  SC.  2.]  The  Life  •!/"  llfnnj  the  FiJ't.     /Wio  1623. 


And  other  diuels  that  fuggeft  by  treafons, 

Do  botch  and  bungle  vp  damnation, 

With  patches,  colour.,  and  with  formes  being  fetcht 

From  glilVring  femblances  of  pit 

But  he  that  temper'd  thee,  bad  thee  ftand  vp, 

Gaue  thee  no  inftanec  u  hy  thou  ftunildft  do  tre.iloii, 

Vnlerte  to  dub  thee  with  the  name  of  Traitor. 

If  that  Lime  Daemon  that  hath  gull'd  thee  thus, 

Should  with  his  Lyon-gate  walke.  the  whole  world, 

He  might  returne  to  vaftie  Tartar  backe, 

And  tell  the  Legions,  I  can  neuer  win 

A  foule  fo  eafie  as  that  Engliihmans. 

Oh,  how  haft  thou  with  iealoulie  infected 

The-  fweetnelle  of  affiance?  Shew  men  dulifull. 

Why  fo  didrt  thou  :  feeme  they  grant-  aiul  learned? 

Why  fo  didft  thou.     Come  they  of  Noble  F.imiK  • 

Why  fo  didft  thou.Seemc  they  nii^'i. 

Why  fo  didft  thou.     Or  arc  tlu-y  Ipan-  in  diet, 

Free  from  grorte  palVion,  or  of  mirth,  or  anger, 

Conftant  in  fpirit,  not  fwi-rning  with  the  blood, 

Garnilh'd  and  di-ck'd  in  modeft  complement. 

< irking  with  the  eye,  without  the 
And  but  in  purged  Judgement  trufting  neither, 
Such  and  fo  finely  boulted  didft  thon  lee  me : 
And  thus  thy  fall  hath  left  a  kinde  of  blot, 
To  make  thee  full  fraught  man,  and  bell  indued 
With  fome  fufpition,  I  will  weepe  for  thee. 
For  this  reuolt  of  thine,  me  thinkes  is  like 
Another  fall  of  Man.     Their  faults  are  ojx-n. 

•  them  to  the  anfwerof  the  Law, 
And  God  acquit  them  of  their  pradifcs. 

Ere.    I    arreft   thee   of  High   Trvalon,   by   the 
Richard  Earlc  of  Cambridge  . 


||    i;|;,  ,  .( 


113.  mifkt]  m*r  4 


136.] 


t4a]  and  /  4. 


51  Tf"  "' llcnry  thfjift.      (Jinn  In  1600.      [ACT   II.  M 


96.]  mtrcit  a.     merry  3. 
97.)  «M**rV3. 

98.]  frotiiimd  3. 


104.]  Ctijfou  ke*tt,  3. 


I  an-rt  tbee  of  high  treat 

iie  name  of  Henry,  Ixjrd  of  Mq/ham. 
I  arcft  tin 

/  By  the  naiiu-  ui  7  •    '/y.  /  knight  of 

Mil/h.   Our  |)ur|).«ii-,  (i,)il  iulily  halh  dilt DI 
And  I  n-jK-nt  my  fault  nion-  tlu-n  my  il< 
Which  I  iK-U-fch  your  m.ik-ltie  forgitu-, 
Alllui  my  body  pay  the  price  of  it. 


SS 


King.  God  quit  you  in  his  mercy.  /  Heare  your  fcntcnce.  / 
Y<m  haue  con  1  pi  red  againft  our  royall  jK-rfon, 
!  witJi  an  enemy  proclaimed  and  lixt'd. 
And  fro  his  coffers  receiued  the  golden  earned  of  our  death 


Touching  our  perfou  we  feeke  no  redreffe. 

But  we  our  king  domes  fafetie  muft  fo  tender 

Whofe  mine  you  haue  fougjit, 

That  to  our  lawes  we  do  deliuer  you.  (death, 

Get  ye  therefore  hence  :  poore  miferable  creatures  to  your 

/  The  tafle  whereof,  God  in  his  mercy  giue  you 


100 


104 


ACT  i:  "      The  Life  of  Henry  the  I ""'(.      /'<///«  1623. 


I   arreft  thee  of  High  Treafon,  by  the  name  of 
Lord  Scroof*  of  Afar/ham. 

I   arreft   thee  of  High  Treafon,  by  the  name  of  Thomas 
Knight  of  Northumberland. 

Scro.  Our  purpofe*,  God  iuftly  hath  difcouer'd. 
And  I  repent  my  fault  more  thru  my  <! 
Which  I  befeech  your  Highncilc  to  forgiue, 
Although  my  body  pay  the  price  of  it. 

Cam.  For  me,  the  Gold  of  France  did  not  feduce, 
Although  I  did  admit  it  as  a  motiue, 
The  fooner  to  effect  whnt  I  intruded  : 
But  God  be  thanked  for  preuention, 

h  in  fufferance  heartily  will  reioyce, 
Befeeching  God,  and  you,  to  pardon  mee. 

Gray.    Xeiicr  (lit!  f.iithfull  lubiect  more  reioyce 
At  the  difcouery  of  moft  dangerous  Treal'on, 

:i  I  do  at  thi*  houre  ioy  ore  my  felfe, 
Preuented  from  a  damned  enterprize; 
My  fault,  but  not  my  body,  pardon  Soueraigne. 

A'ii^.  God  quit  you  in  hi*  mercy:  Hear  your  li  ntence 
You  haue  conlpir'd  againft  Our  Royall  perfon, 
lojrn'd  with  an  enemy  pnx-laimM.  and  from  his  Coffer*, 
Recejru'd  the  Golden  K.irnelt  of  Our  death  : 

Wherein  you  would  liaue  fuld  your  King  to  (laughter. 
n«-..  and  In-  IVcrcs  to  ferilitude. 

» Is  to  opj-n-i>ion,  and  contempt, 
And  his  wholr  Kingdome  in-  <>n: 

;:ng  our  perl.  :  «•  no  n-uenge, 

But  we  our  Kingdome*  f.itety  mull  1«.  tender, 
Whofe  mine  you  fought,  that  to  her  Lawe» 
\N>  do  drliuer  you.     Gt-t  you  tin 
(Poorr  miferahle  wn-trhes)  !••  your  .Icith: 
The  tafte  whereof,  God  of  In.  mercy  giuc 


159.]  Wkiek  I  .* 
160.  amJjfm]  oat.  3.  4- 


171. 


176.]  ym  tkm  wqfA* 


54  Thf  Chroni*  >'t.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  n    - 


i.]  St.n*ti  a. 


Patience  /  to  endure,  and  true  repentance  of  all  your  deeds 
Beare  them  hence.  Erit  three  Lords. 

Now  Lords  to  France.     The  enteq>rife  whereof, 
Shall  be  to  you  as  vs,  huo-ilim-ly. 


Since  God  cut  off 


iis  d.mgerous  treaibn  lurking  in  our  way 


Chcerly  to  fea,  the  fignes  of  war  adunnce  : 
Xo  King  of  England,  if  not  King  of  France. 


,  Enter  Nlm,  P[ftollt  Bardo/fe,  ffofles  and  a  Br/y. 
?.  I  prethy  fweete  heart,  /  let  me  bring  thee  fo  farre  as 

(S  'lanes. 
P'\fl.  No  fur,  no  fur. 

Bar.  Well  fir  lohn  is  gone.     God  be  with  him. 


Hqft.  I,  he  is  in  Arthors  bolom,  if  euer  any  were 
He  went  away  as  if  it  were  a  cryfombd  childe, 
Betweene  twelue  and  one, 
luft  at  turning  of  the  tide: 
His  nofe  was  as  fliarpe  as  a  pen: 
For  when  I  faw  him  fumble  with  the  (heetes, 
And  talk  of  floures,  and  fmile  vpo  his  fingers  ends 
I  knew  there  was  no  way  but  one. 
How  now  fir  Inkn  quoth  I  ? 
And  he  cryed  three  times,  God,  God,  God, 


ACT  ii.  sc.  2.]  The  Life  of  Hfttry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


55 


You  patience  to  indure,  and  true  Repentance 

Of  all  your  deare  offences.     Beare  them  hence.  Eril. 

Now  Lords  for  France :  the  enterprife  whereof 

Shall  be  to  you  as  vs.Iikc  glorious. 

We  doubt  not  of  a  faire  and  luckie  Warre, 

Since  God  fo  graciuully  hath  brought  to  light 

This  dangerous  Trealon,  lurking  in  our  way, 

To  hinder  our  beginnings.     We  doubt  not  now, 

But  euery  Rubbe  i>  fmoothed  on  our  way. 

Then  forth,  deare  Countreymen :  Let  vs  doliuer 

Our  Puilfance  into  the  hand  of  God, 

Putting  it  ftraight  in  expedition. 

Cbearely  to  Sea, the  fignes  of  Warre  aduance, 

ng  «»t  Kngland.if  not  King  <  >:  F1our'{/h. 

Enter  Pijhll,  Mm,  Bardolph,  Boy,  and  HojWf. 
•,;//;•.    Try  t  bee    honey   fweet    Husband,  let    me    bring 
thec  to  Staines. 

Ptfloll.  No:  for  my  manly  heart  doth  erne.  Bardolpk, 
be  blythc:  \im,  row  Ye  thy  vaunting  Vrines:  Boy,  brttsle 
thy  Courage  vp  :  fur  fatjlatfc  bee  b  dead,  aud  wee  mull 
erne  therefore. 

Bard.  Would  I  were  with  him,  whcreiomcre  bee  is, 
eyther  in  Heauen, or  in  IK-ll. 

llfifltflc.  Nay  fure,  bee's  not  in  IK-ll:  hec's  in  Arthurs 
Bofomc,  if  euer  man  went  to  Arthur  $  Bofome :  a  made  a 
finer  end,  and  went  away  and  it  had  beene  any  Chriftomc 
Child :  a  parted  eu'n  lull  bctweenc  Tw  clue  and  One,  eu'n 
at  the  turning  o'th'Tyde:  for  after  I  law  him  rumble  with 
the  Sheets,  and  play  with  Flowers,  and  fmile  vpon  his  fin- 
gers end,  I  knew  there  was  but  one  way :  for  bis  Nofe  was 
as  (harpe  as  a  Pen,  and  a  Table  of  grecne  fields.  How  DOW 
Sir  lohn  (quoth  I  ?)  what  man  ?  be  a  good  cheare :  fo  a 
cryed  out,  God,  God,  God,  three  or  fourc  times  :  now  I, 


id.] 


186.]  ••/.  a.    MS  3.  4- 
187.)  ttfiMmtmf. 
iM.  «•]  im  4. 


t93-  Flourish]  £x*«at 
I.]  kjnty.  3.  4. 
3.  6.)  /rr«/ 3.  4. 

7.]  mtorttitr*  4. 

10.  au/r  «]  ••*//  3.  4. 


56  Thf  Chm nit  Is  1 1  r,/  (!„•  /T/>.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  n.  - 


|6.    <*/]    M  3. 


19.  *•*]  om.  3. 
to.] 


04.  A/-  W]  W  3. 


31.  //»]  om.  3. 


38.] 


Now  I  to  comfort  him,  b:ul  dim  not  think  of  God, 
;.f  there  was  no  fuch  need. 

Then  he  bad  me  put  more  i  l.uthe-.  .it  hi-  f.  16 

And  I  I'd l  to  them,  ami  they  \vi-rv  as  < old  a>>  any  lh>r. 

And  to  hit  knees,  atnl  they  were  as  rold  as  any  l; 

Ami  1«>  \p\vanl,  ami  vpward.  and  all  was  as  cold  as  any 

.  he  cridc  out  on  S  to 

Unit.    I  that  he  did. 

1  i.t'  women. 

Hojl    No  that  he  did  not 
Boy.  Yes  that  he  did.*  and  he  led  they  were  diuels  incnrnat.       24 


Indeed  carnation  was  a  colour  he  neuer  loiu-d. 
A'/'m.   Wdl  he  did  cry  out  on  wonu-n. 

IfrtfJ.  Indeed  he  did  in  Tome  fort  handle  women, 
But  then  he  was  rumaticke,  /  and  talkt  of  the  whore  of  28 

(Bahjlon.  I 

Bay.  Hoftes  do  you  remember  he  faw  a  Flea  ftand 
Vpon  Hariln/frs  Xofe,  and  fed  it  was  a  black  foule 
Burning  in  hell  fire  ?  [3 1  B  3  v] 

Bar.  Well,  God  be  with  him,  31 

That  was  all  the  wealth  I  got  in  his  feruicc. 

Nlm.  Shall  we  fhog  off? 
The  king  wil  be  gone  from  Southampton. 

/'//?.  Cleare  vp  thy  criftalles,  36 

Looke  to  my  chattels  and  my  moueables. 
Truft  none:  the  word  is  pitch  and  pay : 
Mens  words  are  wafer  cakes, 

And  holdfaft  is  the  only  dog  my  deare.  40 

Therefore  cophetua  be  thy  counfellor, 


ACT  II.  sc.  3.]          The  Life  of  Ihnnj  the  /V/>.      / 


57 


to  comfort   him,  bid  him  a  mould  not   tliinko  «.t"  God;    I 
bop'd   there  was  no  neede  to    trouble   himulu-   uidi    any 
fuch    thoughts   yet  :   fo  a   bad    m<-   lay    in         <         .es  on  hi* 
I   put  my  h.iml  into  the  Bed,  nml  felt   ilu-in,  and  they 
as  cold  as  any  ftone :  then  I  felt  to  hi-  knees,  an 
vp-pecr'd,  and  vpward,  and  all  was  as  cold  as  any  Hone. 

\im.  They  I'.iy  he  cryed  out  ol"  Sack. 

ll-ftefff.   I.  that  a  did. 

Bard.  And  of  Women. 

HoJIeffe.  Nay.  that  a  did  not. 

Boy.  Yes  that  a  did,  and  laid  they  were  Denies  incar- 
nate. 

Woman.  A  could  neuer  abide  Carnation.  i\vas  a  Co. 
lour  he  neuer  lik'd. 

Boy.  A  faid  once,  the  Deule  would  bane  him  about 
Women. 

//"/V-/V     A    did     in     fome     fort  (indeed)  handle    V. 
but   then   bee  was   rumatiquc,  and  tnlk'd  of  the  Whore  of 
Babylon. 

Boy.  Doe  you  not  remember  a  faw  a  Flea  fticke  rpon 
BanlutpJu  Nofe,  and  a  faid  it  was  a  bKn  k<  S.mle  burning 
in  Hell. 

Bard.  Well,  the   fuel  I    is    gone    that    maintain'd    lh.it    : 
that's  all  the  Riches  I  got  in  his  leruice. 

.Vim.  Shall  wee  fhogg?  the  King  will  be  gone  from 
Southampton. 

/*(/?.  Come,  let's  away.  My  Loue,  giue  me  thy  Ltppes: 
Looke  to  my  Chattels,  and  my  M<>nc.il>|t  s :  Let  Sencn 
rule:  The  world  is,  I'iti-h  airtl  pay:  trnli  mmr:  for  Oatho* 
are  Strawes,  mens  Faiths  are  \\'afer-Cake«,  and  hold-fall 
is  the  otiely  Dogge:  My  Du<  ke.  tluniorr  Caueto  bee 
thy  Counfailor.  Goe,  cleare  thy  ChryllalU.  Y..k.-- 
fellowes  in  Armes  ,  let  vs  to  Frantv ,  like  I ! 

'.    •  : . « 


•si 


«W  mfttorJ.  \.  4 

.  aW  aV/J  4ml  om.  J.  4. 


58  The  Chronicle  Hi/lorit  of  Henry  thcjifi.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  u.  sc.  3. 


Touch  her  foft  lips  and  part. 

Bar.  Farewell  hoftes. 

.   I  cannot  kis:  and  theres  the  humor  ot  it. 
But  adieu. 

/'«/.  Keepe  faft  thy  buggle  boe. 

Exit  omnes. 

Enter  King  of  France,  Bourbon,  Dolphin, 

and  others. 

King.  Now  you  Lords  of  Orleance, 
Of  Bourbon,  and  of  Berry, 
You  fee  the  King  of  England  is  not  flack, 
For  he  is  footed  on  this  land  alreadie. 


44 


[II.  4] 


[1.  149  fol.  p.  67] 


Dolphin.  My  gratious  Lord,  /  tis  meet  we  all  goe 
And  arme  vs  againft  the  foe :  (foorth,  / 


ACT  II.  sc.  3.]          Tht  Life  of  lleiiry  iht  rift- 


1623. 


59 


leeches   my   Boyes,   to   fucke,  to   fucke,   the  very   blood  to 
fucke. 

Boy.  And  that's  but  vnw  holriome  food,  they  fay. 

PijL  Touch  her  foft  mouth, and  man  h. 

Bard.    Harwell  Holtelle. 

•/.    I   cannot    kiile  ,    that    !•>    the    humor    of    it  :    but 
adieu. 

P\fl.    Let     Hufwiferie     appearc :     kcepe     clyle   ,   I     thec 
command. 

Hojleffe.  Farwell  :  adieu.  Kicunt. 

Flour  (Ih. 

Filter  the  French  King,  the  I)»lfihin,  the  Dukes 
of  Berry  and  Rritaine. 

King.  Thus  comes  the  Englilh  with  full  power  vpon  vs, 
And  more  then  can-hilly  it  vs  concernes, 
To  anfwer  Royally  in  our  defences. 
Then-fun.1  the  Dukes  of  Berry  and  of  Britaine. 
Of  Brabant  and  ofOrleance,  mall  make  forth, 
And  you  Prince  Dolphin,  with  all  fwift  difpatch 
To  lyne  and  new  rep.i\  re  our  Townes  of  Warre 
With  men  of  courage,  and  with  m  canes  defendant: 
For  England  his  approaches  makes  as  fierce, 
As  Waters  to  the  fucking  of  a  Gulfe. 
It  tits  vs  then  to  be  as  prouident, 
As  feare  may  teach  vs,  out  of  lat<-  (  \  mi  pies 
Left  by  the  fatall  and  neglected  Englilh, 
Vpon  our  fields. 

Dolphin.  My  moll  redoubted  Father, 
It  is  mod  meet  we  arme  vs  'gam it  the  Foe : 

ice  it  k-ltc  lliould  not  fo  dull  a  Kingdom.-. 
(Though  War  n«»r  no  ki.owne  Quarrel  were  in  «jm  l: 
But  that  Defencei,  Mulh -p.,  Preparations, 
Should  be  maintain'd,  aflerabled,  and  colledcd, 


.- .   ...  •. 


4.]  BriHim  3.  4- 


60  The  Chmnl  '••  >f  11  '//.     (Jmirin  1600.     [ACT  i 


sa  Jwfctf]  *wMrf 3. 


And  view  the  weak  &  fickly  parts  <>t 
But  let  v*  do  it  with  no  (how  of  t< 
No  with  no  more,  tlu-n  it"  \vr  lu-ard 
England  were  buficd  with  a  Moris  dai 
For  my  good  Lord,  (he  is  fo  idi-ly  kingd, 
Her  fceptcr  fo  f.mtaftically  borne, 
So  guided  by  a  (hallow  humorous  youth, 
That  feare  attends  her  not. 

Con.  O  peace  Prince  Dolphin,  you  deceiue  your  l<  lie, 


Queftion  your  grace  the  late  EmbaflTador, 
With  what  regard  he  heard  his  Embaflage, 
How  well  fupplied  with  aged  Counli  Hours, 


And  how  his  refolution  andfwered  him, 
You  then  would  fay  that  Harry  was  not 


C«5- 


16 


King.  Well  thinke  we  Harry  ftrong  : 
And  ftrongly  arme  vs  to  preuent  the  foe. 


ACT  ii.  sc.  4.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.     folio  1623. 


61 


As  were  a  Warre  in  expectation. 
Therefore  I  fay,  'tis  meet  we  all  goe  forth, 

A  the  fick  and  feeble  parti  of  France : 
And  let  vs  doe  it  with  no  lluv. 
No,  with  no  more,  then  if  we  heard  that  England 
\Virc  bulled  with  a  \\liiifon  Morris-d.i: 
For,  my  good  Liege,  ihee  i->  lb  idly  King'd, 
Her  Scepter  fo  phant.iltu.il  ly  borne, 
By  a  vaiue  giddie  lliallow  humorous  Youth, 
That  feare  attends  her  not. 

Const.  O  peace,  Prince  Dolphin, 
You  are  too  much  miliaken  in  this  King : 
Queftiun  your  Grace  the  late  Embank 
\Viih  what  great  State  he  heard  their  Kmbalfie, 
How  well  fupply'd  with  Noble  Councillors, 
How  modelt  in  exception  ;  and  w  iih.ill, 
How  terrible  in  conflant  relbluiion  : 
And  you  (hall  find,  his  Vanities  ibrc-fpent, 
Were  but  the  out-lide  of  the  Roman  lirutus, 
Couering  Difcretioii  with  at  lly  ; 

As  Gardeners  doe  with  Orduiv  hide  thole  Hoots 
That  lhall  tirft  fpring,  and  be  moll  delicate. 

Dolphin.  \Vi-ll,'ii,  not  fo,  my  Lord  High  Conftablc. 
But  (hough  we  thinki-  it  lb,  it  is  no  matter  : 

lies  of  dil  iiell  to  weigh 

The  Enemie  more  mightie  then  he  fecmes, 
So  the  proportions  of  defence  are  til  I'd  : 

;i  of  a  weake  and  niggardly  proiection, 
Doth  like  a  Mifer  fpoylc  his  Coat,  with  scanting 
A  little  Cloth. 

King.  Thinke  we  King  Harry  ftroog: 

Princes,  looke  you  ftrongly  anne  to  meet  him. 
The  Kindred  of  him  bath  beene  flelht  vpon 


4S-] 


6a  The  Chnmi  :  ry ///,-////.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  n.  sc.  4. 


•9]  ulft-mtfltding. 


Con.  My  Lord  here  is  an  Einl);ill;i(l-.r 
From  the  King  of  England. 

Kin.  Bid  him  come  in. 
You  fee  this  chafe  is  hotly  followed  Ix>rds. 


Do/.  My  gracious  father,  cut  vp  this  Englifh  lliort, 

Selfeloue  my  Liege  is  not  fo  vile  a  thing, 
As  felfe  negle&ing. 

Enter  Exeter. 

King.  From  our  brother  England  ? 

Exe.  From  him,  and  thus  he  greets  your  Maieftie: 
He  wils  you  in  the  name  of  God  Almightie, 
That  you  deueft  your  felfe  and  lay  apart 
That  borrowed  tytle,  which  by  gift  of  heauen, 


ACT  ii.  sc.  4.]     The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


And  be  U  bred  out  of  that  bloodie  ftraine, 
'rh.it  haunted  vs  in  our  familiar  Patbes: 
Witneile  our  too  much  memorable  lhame, 
When  Crelly  Battell  totally  was  ftrucke, 
And  all  our  Princes  captiu'd.by  the  hand 
Of  that  black  Name, Edtvard, black  Prince  of  Wales  : 
Whiles  that  his  Mountaine  Sire,on  Mountaine  (landing 
Vp  in  the  Ayre.crown'd  with  the  Golden  Sunne, 
Saw  his  Heroicall  Seed.and  fmil'd  to  fee  him 
Mangle  the  Worke  of  Nature,and  deface 
The  Pattemes,that  by  God  and  by  French  Fat  hen 
Had  twentie  yeeres  been  made.     Tim  i-.  a  Stem 
Of  tl  ms  Stock  :  and  let  vs  feare 

The  Natiue  mightinefle  and  fate  of  him. 
Enter  a  Mefllngtr. 

Mfff.  Embartadors  from  Harry  King  of  England, 
Doe  craue  admittance  to  your  Maiellie. 

King.  Weele  giue  them  prefent  audience. 
Goe.and  bring  them. 
You  fee  this  Chafe  is  hotly  followed,  friends. 

Dolphin.  Turne  head,and  ftop  purfuit:for  coward  Dogs 
Moft  fpend  their  mouths,  who  what  they  feem  to  threaten 
Runs  farre  before  them.     Good  my  Soueraigne 
Take  vp  the  Englilh  ihort.and  let  them  know 
Of  what  a  M  <>u  are  the  Head  : 

Selfe-louc,my  Liege, is  not  fo  vile  a  finnc, 
At  fclte- neglect  ing. 

Enter  Eitter. 

King.  From  our  Brother  of  England  ? 

.  From  him, and  thus  he  greets  your  Maicflie  : 
He  wills  you  in  the  Name  of  God  Almightte, 
That  you  deueft  your  lelte.and  lay  apart 
The  borrowed  Glories,that  by  gift  of  Heauen, 


68.] 


64  T/if  Cltntiii,  .r  of  lit  in y  ihrjift.  i  600.      [ACT    n.  sc .  4. 


57.]  Orfltamti  3.  knctms  a. 
58.]  /nwr«.  3. 


61.  u  kit'  ii  tlie  3. 


Of  lawe  of  nature,  .iixl  o! 'nation-.,  longs 

..:id  to  In-,  heirc-.,  namely  the  crowne 
And  .ill  wide  ttrctched  tiilcs  tli.it  belongs 

Vmo  «lu-  (  :!i.it  you  may  know 

:i<»  liniltiT,  iu»r  Jio  .i\vki-\v.ini  t  l.iinu-, 
I'ii-kt  Inuu  tin-  \viiriiu-hdK-.  nl'olil  \.in:lht  daye«, 
Nor  from  tlu-  dull  of  old  ohliuiuii  r.itkii-, 

;uli  you  tln-li-  ijioli  iiu-iiiorjl)K-  I\ 
In  curry  br.uirh  truly  dcinoiiltnitcd  : 
Willing  you  om-rluokc  this  ju-di^rec, 
And  \\IK-M  you  lindc  him  cuuily  dcriued 
Kroin  hi>  moll  fanu-d  and  fanioitt  ancc  r 

>d  the  third,  he  bitU  you  then  relignc 
Your  (Titwnc  and  kingdome,  indirectly  held 
From  him,  ihe  natiue  and  true  challenger. 

King.    It  not,  M  hat  foil,, 

Ei,-.   Hloody  eultraint,  for  if  you  hide  the  crown 
Kuen  in  your  hearts,  there  will  he  r.ike  for  it  : 
Therefore  in  fierce  tempelt  !.->  he  comming, 
In  thunder,  and  in  carthcjnake,  like  a  /«//<•, 
That  if  requiring  faile,  he  will  conipell  it : 


And  on  your  head-,  tunics  he  the  widowes  teares, 
The  Orphanes  cries,  the  dead  mens  bones, 
The  pining  maydens  grones. 
For  husbands,  fathers,  and  dirtrelTed  louers, 
^S'hich  lhall  be  fwallowed  in  this  controuerfie. 
This  is  his  clatme,  hU  threat ning,  and  my  melfage. 
Yules  the  Dolphin  be  in  prefence  here, 
To  whom  exprclly  we  bring  greeting  too. 


40 


44 


[49-  C  v] 


60 


ACT  ii.  sc.  4.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


By  Law  of  Nature,  and  of  Nations,  longt 

To  him  and  to  his  He-ires,  namely,  the  Crowne, 

And  all  wide-ll retched  Honors,  that  pertaine 

By  Cutfome,  and  the  Ordinance  of  Times, 

Vnto  the  Crovrne  of  France :  that  you  may  know 

'Tis  no  finilter,  nor  no  awk-ward  Clayme, 

Pickt  from  the  worme-holes  of  long-vanimt  dayes, 

Nor  from  the  dull  of  old  Obliuion  rakt, 

He  fends  you  this  mod  memorable  Lyne, 

In  euery  Branch  truly  demonftratiue  ; 

Willing  you  ouer-looke  this  Pedigree  : 

And  when  you  find  him  euenly  deriu'd 

From  his  mod  fam'd,  of  famous  Anceftors, 

Etlu-ard  the  third ;  he  bids  you  then  refigne 

r  Crownc  and  Kingdome,  indirectly  lidd 
From  him,  the  Natiue  and  true  Challenger. 

King.  Or  elle  what  followes  ? 

Ere.  Bloody  constraint :  for  if  you  hide  the  Crowne 
Euen  in  your  hearts,  there  will  he  rake  for  it. 
Therefore  in  fierce  Temped  is  he  comming, 
In  Thunder  and  in  Earth-quake,  like  a  lout  : 
That  if  requiring  faile,  he  will  compel!. 
And  bids  you,  in  the  Bowels  of  the  Lord, 
Deliuer  vp  the  Crowne.and  to  take  mercic 
On  the  poore  Soules,  for  whom  this  hungry  Warre 
Opens  his  vaftie  lawes:  and  on  your  head 
Turning  the  Widdowet  Teares,  the  Orphans  Cryei, 
The  dead-mens  Blood,  the  priuy  Maidens  Groancs, 
For  Husbands,  Fathers,  and  betruihed  Loucn, 
That  mall  be  fwallowed  in  this  Contnmerfie. 

-.  his  Clayme,  his  Threat  ning,  and  my  Mrflagc  : 
Vnleile  the  Dolphin  be  in  prcfencc  here  } 
To  whom  exprcllcly  I  bring  greeting  to. 

King.  For 


91.] 


117.]  *• 


66  The  Chronic  n.     (Jumto  1600.     [ACT  n.  sc.  4. 


67.]  m 


86  ]  weigket  3. 

88.  ke\  wt 

89.  J   »W/./*r«t3. 


Do/.  For  the  Dolphin  .»  I  fl.md  here  lor  him,  64 

What  to  heart*  1'nnn  Kn^l.md. 

£rr.  Scum  &  drii..  ..t  regard,  contempt, 

And  any  thing  that  may  not  mi-.l»i  > 
The  niiglilie  fender,  doth  hi-  prile  you  at: 
Thus  faith  my  king.     Vnles  your  tuihers  liighiicilc 

Sweeten  the  bitter  mocke  you  U-nt  his  Mail  itit-, 

Heele  call  you  to  fo  lomi  an  aiiiwi-n-  lor  it, 

That  caues  and  wmulK-ly  v.mlic--.  oi  l-'nun-e  7* 

Shall  chide  your  trefpaUl-,  and  return  your  mo<k, 

In  fecond  accent  of  his  onU  nam v. 

Do/.  Say  that  my  father  render  fairc  reply, 

It  is  again  ft  my  will  :  76 

For  I  defire  nothing  fo  much,  ||  As  oddes  \viili  Kngland. 
And  for  that  caule  according  to  liis  youth 
I  did  prefent  him  with  thofe  Paris  balKs.  80 

Exe.  Heele  make  your  Paris  Loner  lliake  for  it, 
Were  it  the  miftrelU:  Court  of  mightie  Eurojn: 
And  be  affured,  youle  finde  a  difference 
As  we  his  fubie&s  haue  in  wonder  found  :  [84.  C  2] 

Betweene  his  yonger  dayes  and  thefe  he  mufters  now, 
Now  he  wayes  time  euen  tt>  the  lateft  graine, 
Which  you  (hall  finde  in  your  owne  lofles 
If  he  (lay  in  Frame. 

King.  Well  for  vs,  you  fliall  returne  our  anfwere  backe 
To  our  brother  England. 

Erit  omncs. 


ACT  ii.  sc.  4.]         The  Liff  of  Henry  the  Fifl.     Folio 


King.  For  vs,  we  will  confider  of  thu  further: 
To  morrow  lliall  you  beare  our  full  intent 
Back  to  our  Brother  of  England. 

Dnlph.   For  the  Dolphin, 

id  here  fur  him  :  what  to  him  from  England  ? 

Scorne  and  defiance,  Height  regard,  contempt, 
And  any  thing  that  may  not  mil-become 
The  might  ie  Sender,  doth  he  prize  you  at. 
Thus  fayes  my  King  :  and  if  your  Fathers  HighnetK- 
Doe  not,  in  graunt  of  all  cK-m.m.U  at  large, 
Sweeten  the  bitter  Murk  you  fent  his  Maiertiej 

le  call  you  to  fo  hot  an  Anfwi  -r  of  it, 
That  Caues  and  Wombie  Vaultages  of  France 
Shall  chide  your  Trelpas,  and  retunie  your  Mock 
>nd  Accent  of  hi-.  Onlin 

n»lph.   Say:  if  my  Father  render  fain-  ret  time, 

i  -4:1  in  it  my  will  :   for  I  delire 
Nothing  but  Oddes  with  England. 
To  that  end,  as  matching  to  his  Youth  and  Vanilie, 
I  did  prefent  him  with  the  Pari-.-H.ilU. 

Exe.   Hee'le  make  your  I'.iri-  I.OUIT  \\\  .ike  for  it, 
Were  it  the  Miitretfe  Court  of  mightie  Europe: 
And  be  allur'd,  you'll-  tind  a  dirTr< 
At  we  his  Subiects  haue  in  wonder  found, 
Betweene  the  promife  of  his  greener  dayes, 
And  thefe  he  matters  now  :  now  he  weighcs  lime 
Euen  to  the  Mm-  lit  (Jr.iim-:   th.il  you  lli.ill  reade 
In  your  owne  1  in-  ft  ay  in  France. 

King.  To  morrow  ihall  you  know  our  mind  at  full. 


j>atch  vs  with  all  fpetxl,  leaft  that  our  King 
Come  hen-  hiiiili-lfe  to  queHion  our  delay  ; 

he  u  footed  in  this  Land  already.  [Q*  I.  4,  p.  58] 


133.    rr *<*/•)  *WtfT  4. 


138]   /J*9tr*.      /^t*r  3 
l*v 


• 


68  The  Chrom  nj  tit,-  fif't.     dmirtn  1600.     [ACT  ii.  s, 


ACT  ii.  sc.  4.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Flft.     1 


King.  You  ihalbe  foone  difpatcht,  with  faire  conditions, 
A  Night  U  but  Imull  breathe,  and  little  pa  A 
To  anfwer  matters  of  this  consequence.  Exeunt. 


rictus  Secundus. 


Flourf/h.     Entfr  Chorus. 

Thus  with  imagin'd  wing  our  fwift  Scene  flyet, 
In  motion  of  no  lellc  celeritie  then  that  of  Thought. 
Suppofe,  that  you  haue  feene 
The  well-appointed  King  at  Douer  Peer, 
Embarke  his  Koy.iltie:  and  his  braue  Fleet, 
With  lilken  Streamers,  the  young  Phtbus  fayning; 
Play  with  your  Fancies  :  and  in  them  behold, 
Vpon  the  Hempen  Tackle,  Ship^oyes  climbing; 

the  ihrill  Whittle,  which  doth  order  giue 
To  founds  confus'd  :  behold  the  threaden  Sayles, 
Borne  with  th'inuilible  and  creeping  Wind, 

v  the  huge  Bottomes  through  the  furrowed  Sea, 
Bruiting  the  loftie  Surge.     O,  doe  but  thinke 
You  Hand  vp<m  the  Riuage,  and  behold 
A  Citie  on  th'inconftant  Billowes  dauncing: 
For  fo  appeares  this  Fleet  Maiefticall, 
Holding  due  courfe  to  Harflew.     Follow,  follow  : 
Grapple  your  minds  to  fternage  of  this  Nauie. 
And  le.me  your  Kngland  as  dead  Mid-night,  Hill, 
Guarded  with  Grandlircs,  Babyct,  and  old  Women, 
Eythcr  part,  or  not  arriu'd  to  pyth  and  puiflanoe : 
vho  U  he,  whofe  Chin  U  but 


•$••] 


i        .:.-. 


.  S-4. 


9.  Hurt]  HtJ't  4 


7©          The  Chronicle  Hiflorle  of  Hfitry  the Jlft*     Qnnrtn  1600.     [AC  i    in.  tc  i. 


ACT  ill.  sc.  I.]          The  I  Henry  the  I'ift.     fb/io  1623. 


With  one  appearing  -hat  will  not  follow 

Tbefe  cull'd  and  choyfe-drawne  Caualiers  to  France? 

ke,  worke  your  Thoughts,  and  therein  foe  a  Siege: 
Behold  the  Ordenance  on  their  Carriage!, 
With  fatall  mouthes  gaping  on  girded  Harflew. 
Suppofe  th'Emballador  from  the  French  comes  back: 
Tells  Harry,  That  the  King  doth  offer  him 
Kathrrint  his  Daughter,  and  with  her  to  Dowrie, 
Some  petty  and  vnprofitable  Dukcdomes. 
The  offer  likes  not :  and  the  nimble  Gunner 
With  Lynllock  now  the  diuellilh  Cannon  touches, 
stlarum,  and  Chamicrs  got-  «//'. 
And  downe  goes  all  before  them.     Still  be  kind, 
And  eech  out  our  performance  with  your  mind. 

Enter  the  King,  Eiftrr,  Bedford,  and  (.. 

Alarum  :  Seating  Ladtlers  at  Hur/lfir. 
King.  Once  more  vnto  the  Breach. 

re  friends,  once  m< 

Or  clofe  the  Wall  vp  with  our  Knglilh  de:nl  : 
In  Peace,  there's  nothing  fb  becomes  a  man. 
As  modeft  ftillnetle,  and  hum  ! 
But  when  the  Malt  of  Warn-  blowes  in  our  earw, 
Then  imitate  the  adion  of  the  Tyger  : 
Stiffen  (he  linewi-s,  commune  vp  the  blood, 
Difguife  faire  Nature  with  hard-fauour'd  Rage: 
i  lend  the  Kye  a  terrible  afped : 

;>ry  through  the  portage  of  the  Head, 
Like  the  Brafle  Cannon  :  let  the  Brow  o'rcwhelmc  it, 
Ax  fearefully,  as  doth  a  galled  Rocke 
O're»hang  and  iutty  hi>  confounded  B 
Swill'd  with  the  wild  and  watlfull  (Kean. 

the  Teeth,  and  ftrtrtch  the  Nollhrill  w 


^  Mm.]  Am.  3.  4. 

• 


' 


73  '        (Jmirlii  1600.      [Ad     MI.  sr.    i 


I.]   kttrtf$. 


Enter  Nim,  Banlolfe,  Piftoll,  Boy. 


\im.  Before  God  here  is  hote  feruice. 


/';'»/.  Tis  hot  indeed,  blowes  go  and  come, 
Gods  valfals  drop  and  die. 

A'i/w.  Tis  honor,  and  theres  the  humor  of  it. 

Boy.  Would  I  were  in  London  : 
Ide  giue  all  my  honor  for  a  pot  of  Ale. 


[II! 


ACT  in.  sc.  I.)           The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Flft.     Folii> 


Hold  hard  the  Breath,  and  bend  vp  euery  Spirit 

To  his  full  height.     On,  on,  you  Noblifli  Eogliih, 

Whofe  blood  is  fet  from  Father*  of  Warre-proofe : 

Fathers,  that  like  fo  many  Alexanders, 

Haue  in  thefe  parts  from  Morne  till  Euen  fought. 

And  iheath'd  their  Swords,  for  lack  of  argument. 

Dithonour  not  your  Mothers:  now  att 

That  thofe  whom  you  call'd  Fathers,  did  beget  you. 

Be  Coppy  now  to  me  of  grortor  blood, 

And  teach  them  how  to  Warn*.     Anil  you  good  Yeomen, 

Whofe  Lyms  were  made  in  England  ;  Ihew  v»  here 

The  mettell  of  your  Pafture  :  let  vs  fweare, 

That  you  are  worth  your  breeding :  which  I  doubt  not : 

For  there  is  none  of  you  fo  meane  and  bafe, 

That  hath  not  Noble  luiu-r  in  your  ryes. 

I  lee  you  ftand  like  Grey-homuii  in  the  flips, 

Straying  vpon  the  Start.     The  Game's  afo 

Follow  your  Spirit ;  and  vpon  this  Charge, 

Cry,  God  for  Harry,  England,  and  S.  George. 

Alarum,  and  Chamlers  got  off. 

Enter  Mm,  Bardolph,  r(flnll,  and  Boy. 

Bard.  On,  on,  on,  on,  on,  to  the  breach,  to  the  breach. 

\im.  Tray  thee  Corporal!  ftay,  the  Knocks  are  too 
hot :  and  for  mine  owne  part,  I  hauc  not  •  Cafe  of  Lines : 
the  humor  of  it  is  too  hot,  that  is  the  very  plaine-Song 
of  it. 

Pi/?.  The  plaine-Song  is  mod  iuft:  for  humors  doe  a- 
bound:  Knocks  goe  and  come:  Gods  Vaflals  drop  and 
dye:  and  Sword  and  Shield,  in  bloody  Field,  doth  w 

Boy.  Would  I  were  in  an  Ale-boufe  in  London,  I 
would  giue  all  my  fame  for  a  Pot  of  Ale,  and  fafetie. 

Pj/?.And 


It  Om.  m.]  Om. 


•$•«")  turn  4. 


•8.] 


m 


S3-1 


~4  TV  ('/;•  t't.      Quarto  1600.      [AC  i    HI.  I 


7.]  AmJ 


9.]  /  Wi rai.-.ih. 


17.]  L*ff-fasf.  3. 
18.]  kalftftntt.  3. 


And  I.      It' withes  would  prnciilc, 
uM  nol  Hay.  hut  ihilla-r  would  I  Inc. 


G<xlrs  pi  ml  vp  to  tin-  l>rr:i- 
You  rafcaU,  will  you  not  vp  lo  the  \m-.u 

.    Ab.iti-  thy  r.igi-  Iwit-ti-  knight, 
Abate  thy  rage. 


12 


Boy.  Well  I  would  I  were  once  from  them : 
They  would  haue  me  as  familiar 
With  metis  pockets,  as  their  gloues,  and  their 
Handkerchers,  they  will  fteale  any  thing. 
Bardolff  ftole  a  Lute  cafe,  carryed  it  three  mile, 
And  fold  it  for  three  hapence. 
\im  ftole  a  fier  (hoiu-ll. 
I  knew  by  that,  they  meant  to  carry  coales : 


[fol.  II.  44-5] 


20 


: .]         The  Life  of  Henry  thf  /'///.      /  .  fi 


75 


And  I :  If  withes  would  preuayle  with  roe,  my 
purpofe  Ihuuld  not  fayle  with  me;  but  thither  would  I 
high. 

Boy.    As  duly,   but   not   as   truly,  as   Bird   doth   fing  on 
bough. 

Enter  Fluellen. 

Flu.     Vp     to     the    -breach,    you     Dogges;     auaunt    you 
Cullions. 

i.    Be    mere! full    great   Duke   to  men   of  Mould:    a- 
bate   thy    Rage,   abate   thy   manly    Rage;    abate   thy  Rage, 
great    Duke.      Good   Bawcock   bate   thy    Rage:    vie   K: 
fweet  Chuck. 

•'i.    Thefe   be  good   humors :    your     Honor    wins  bad 
humors.  Exit. 

Boy.    As  young  as   I   am,  I   haue  obferu'd   thefe   three 

Swaihers :   I   am  Boy  to  them  all  three,  but  all  they  three, 

though    they    would    ferue    me,  could    not    be   Man  to  me 5 

tor  indeed  three  fuch  Antiques  doe  not  amount   to  a  nun 

Hartlnlpli,    bee   is   white-liuer'd,    and    red-fac'd ;    by    tin- 

u-s  whereof,  a   faces   it   out,  but  fights  not:    for  /'; 

bee   bath   a   killing  Tongue,   and   a  quiet    Sword ;    by  the 

meanes     whereof,     a     breakes    Words,    and    kecpes    whole 

Weapons:     tor    A'/m,    hee    hath    heard,   that   men  of   few 

is  are  the  U-tt   men,  and   therefore   bee   fcornes  to  (ay 

his   Prayers,    li  it    a    ihould   be   thought   a   Coward:   but  his 

few   bad  Words   are   mau-ht   with   as   few   good  Deeds;  for 

a  neuer  broke  any  mans  Head  but  his  ownc,  and  that  wa* 

againlt  a  Pol),  w  lu-n  he  was  drunke.      They  will  ftealc  any 

thing,   and   call    it    Purchafe.      Hardnlfth    dole   •    Lute-cafe, 

bore   it    tweluc   Leagues,  and   fold    it   for   three  halir  pence. 

••ilnlfth  are   fworne    Brothers   in    til.  lung:   and 

!li. i-  they  Hole  a  fire-lhoucll.     I   knew  by  that  peece 

of    Scniice,   the    men    would    carry   Coales.      They   would 


17.)  *•*•/ 

it.]   CW/KOI    4. 


• 


76  Tht  ry  the  fij't.      (Jtturto  1600.      [ACT   III.  - 


•ad  the]  MM)  3. 
•3.] 


99  1  Jtskm  3. 


[fol.  11.  44-5,  see  Q°  11.  i  , 


Will,  if  they  will  not  leaue  me, 
I  roeane  to  leauc  them. 

Exit  Nim,  Bardolfc,  Piftoll,  and  the  Boy. 

'  (icwcr. 

Gotttr.  Captain  Flftrellen,  you  muft  come  ftrait 
To  the  Mines,  to  the  Duke  of  Glojler. 

Flfu.  Looke  you,  tell  the  Duke  it  is  not  fo  good 
To  come  to  the  mines : 

the  concuaueties  is  otherwilV. 
You  may  difcufle  to  the  Duke,  tin-  fiu-niy  is  digd 
Himfelfe  fiue  yardes  vnder  the  countermines : 
By  lefus  I  thinke  heele  blowe  vp  all 
If  there  be  no  better  direction. 


28 


ACT  in.  sc.  2.]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     fW/'o  1623. 


77 


haue  me  as  familiar  with  mens  Pockets,  a*  their  Glooe* 
or  their  Hand-kerchers :  which  make*  much  again  rt  mjr 
Manhood,  if  I  mould  take  from  anothen  Pocket,  to  put 
into  mine;  for  it  ii  plaine  pocket  ting  vp  of  Wrongs. 
I  muft  leaue  them,  and  feeke  fome  better  Scruice:  their 
Villany  goes  againft  ray  weake  ftomacke,  and  therefore 
i  mud  call  it  vp.  Exit. 

Enter  Gou*er. 

Gawer.  Captaine  Fludlen,  you  muft  come  prefently  to 
the  Mynes;  the  Duke  of  Gloucefter  would  fpeake  with 
you. 

Flu.  To  the  Mynes?  Tell  you  the  Duke,  it  U  not  f<> 
good  to  come  to  the  Mynes :  for  looke  you,  the  Mynes 
it  according  to  the  difciplines  of  the  Warre;  the  coo- 
cauities  of  it  is  not  fufficient :  for  looke  you,  th'athuer- 
farie,  you  may  difcuile  vnto  the  Duke,  looke  you,  U  digt 
himfelfe  foure  yard  vnder  the  Countermines:  by  Chejhit, 
I  thinke  a  will  plowe  vp  all,  if  there  is  not  better  directi- 
ons. 

Gower.  The  Duke  of  Gloucefter,  to  whom  the  Order 
of  the  Siege  is  giuen,  is  altogether  directed  by  an  Irilh 
man,  a  very  valiant  Gentleman  ylaith. 

Welch.  It  is  Captaine  Makmorrice,  U  it  not  ? 

Gotvrr.   I  thinke  it  be. 

Welch.  By  Chejhu  he  is  an  Aife,  as  in  the  World,  I  will 
veritie  as  much  in  his  Beard:  he  ha's  no  more  directions 
in  the  true  difciplines  of  the  Warrcs,  looke  you,  of  the 
Roman  difciplines,  then  is  a  Puppy-dog. 

ter  Makmorrice ,  and  Captaine  lamy. 

Gou-er.  Here  •  comes,  and  the  Scots  Captaine,  Captaine 
lamy,  with  him. 

;.-.     Captaine    lamy   U    •    maruellous    falorous   Gen- 
tleman,  that  is  certain,  and  of  grett  expedition  and  know- 


56.)  OTM* 


so-J 


»»r 


73.) 


x          Thf  Clutniii.,  ,  (>f  lltinij  i/ic  fi/'t.     Outirtti  1600.     [A(  i    in 


ACT  in.  sc.  2.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  /•'{//. 


1623. 


79 


ledge  in  th'aunchiant  Warres,  rpon  my  particular  know* 
ledge  of  bis  directions:  by  Ch^/hu  be  will  maintaine  bit 
Argument  as  well  as  any  Militant*  man  in  tbe  World,  in 
tbe  difciplines  of  the  Prill  ine  Warres  of  tbe  Roman*. 

Scot.  I  fay  gudday,  Captaine  Fluellrn. 

Welch.      Godden     to     your     Worihip,     good     Captaine 

A  :•.'.•,  -. 

Gower.  How  now  Captaine  Mackmnrrice,  baue  you 
quit  the  Mynes  ?  haue  the  Pioiu-rs  giuen  o're? 

Ir{flt.  By  Chriih  Law  tilh  ill  done:  tbe  Worke  ilh 
giue  ouer,  the  Trompet  found  the  Retreat.  By  my  Hand 
I  Iweare,  and  my  fathers  Soule,  the  Worke  ilh  ill  done: 
it  ilh  giue  ouer:  I  would  haue  blowed  vp  the  Towne, 
fo  Chriih  lane  me  law,  in  an  boure.  O  tilh  ill  done,  tiflj  ill 
done :  by  my  Hand  tilh  ill  done. 

H'elcH.  Captaine  Mackmorricf,  1  befeech  you  now, 
will  you  voutfafe  me,  looke  you,  a  few  deputation*  with 
you,  as  partly  touching  or  concerning  the  dilciplincs  of 
tbe  Warre,  the  Roman  Warres,  in  the  way  of  Argument, 
looke  you,  and  friendly  communication:  partly  to  frtisfie 
my  Opinion,  and  partly  for  the  f.itiifaction,  iooke  you,  of 
my  Mind:  as  touching  tbe  direction  of  tbe  Mil. 
cipline,  that  is  the  Point. 

Scot.  It  fall  be  vary  gud,  gud  feith,  gud  Captens  bath, 
and  I  fall  quit  you  with  gud  leue,  as  I  may  pick  occafion : 
that  fall  I  mary. 

Ir[lh.  It  is  no  time  to  difcourfe,  fo  Chriih  faue  roe: 
tbe  day  U  hot,  and  the  Weather,  and  the  Warres,  and  the 
King,  and  the  Dukes:  it  is  no  time  to  d  the  Town 

is  bcfeech'd:  and  tbe  Trumpet  call  vs  to  the  breech,  and 
we  talke,  and  be  Chriih  d<>  nothing,  tis  ihame  fur  v«  all : 
fo  God  fa'me  tis  Ihame  to  (land  ttill,  it  i«  Ihame  by  my 
band :  and  there  U  Throats  to  be  cut,  and  Worke*  to  be 


•4  )   CVtruft.  Ltw.  4 


88.]  *m  mt.  4. 


toy]  Dmtt 
104.) 


8o  onictt-  It  llfiiry  thcjij  !<>  1600.      [AI  i    m.  M 


Alarum.    Enter  ftc.  3. 


Enter  the  King  and  his  Lords  alarum. 

King.  How  yet  refolues  the  Gouemour  of  the  Townc  ? 
This  is  the  lateft  parley  weele  admit : 


ACT  in.  sc.  2.]      The  Life  of  Henry  tfif  rift.     Folio  1613. 


81 


done,  and  there  ifh  nothing  done,  fo  Chrift  fa'me  law. 

Scot.  By  the  Met,  ere  tlu-ife  ey«-s  of  mine  take  them- 
felues  to  iloiiitxT,  a  vie  de  gud  feruice,  or  IN-  ligge  i'th' 
grund  for  it ;  ay,  or  goe  to  death :  and  He  pay't  a»  valo- 
ronlly  as  I  may,  that  i.il  I  fm-rly  tlo,  that  is  the  brelf  and 
the  long:  mary,  I  wad  full  faiue  heard  forac  qucftioo 

u  tway. 

i.  Captaine  Matkmnrrl^e,  I  thinke,  looke  you, 
vnder  your  correction  ,  there  U  not  many  of  your  Na- 
tion. 

lr[fh.  Of  my  Nation?  What  ifli  my  Nation?  Irti  a 
Yillaine,  and  a  Bafterd,  and  a  Kiuue,  and  a  Rafcall.  What 
ilh  my  Nation  ?  Who  talkes  of  my  nation  ? 

Il'clch.  Looke  you,  if  you  take  the  mattrr  otherwife 
then  is  meant,  Captaine  Mackmorrict,  peraduenlure  I 
lli.ill  thinkr  you  din-  not  \(\-  nu-  \\iih  that  atiabilitic,  as  in 
dilctvtion  you  ought  to  vfe  me,  looke  you,  being  as  good 
in  as  your  fclfe,  both  in  the  difctplines  of  Warre,  and 
in  the  dcriuation  of  my  Birth,  and  in  other  particula- 
rities. 

Ir'i/h.    I  doe  not   know  you   fo  good  a  man  as  my  1 
fo  Chrifli  faue  me,  I  will  rut  oil' your  Head. 

Guu-tr.  (iciitlemi-n  both,  you  will  mill.ike  each  other. 

Scot.  A,  that's  a  foule  fault.  A  Parley. 

Gourr.  The  Townc  found*  a  Parley. 

Welch.  Captaine  Mackmnrr'nt,  wlxrn  there  U  more 
better  oportunitie  to  be  rei|uirt-il,  looke  you.  I  \*  ill  be 
fo  bold  as  to  tell  you,  I  know  the  difciplincs  of  Warre: 
and  there  is  an  end.  Exit. 

Enter  the  King  and  all  hit  TVotM  ttjvrt  the  Gat*. 
King.  How  yet  rvfoluc*  the  Gouernour  of  the  Towne  ? 
This  U  the  lateft  Parle  we  will  admit : 

There- 


*»rtr  3.4. 
na.«U/M]  um  5.  4. 


Tli'  'lf.fifi'     Quarto  1600.     [AC  i    MI    » 


Therefore  to  our  bcft  mercie  giue  your  u  lues, 
Or  like  to  men  proml  ol  iK-llrutt: 

dctic  vs  to  our  \voi(l, 

For  at  I  am  a  fimKlirr.  n  n.-imi-  ih.u  in  my  thoughts 
Become*  me  beft,  if  we  begin  tin-  h.itu-ry  oiu-t-  ;i 
I  will  not  Ii-aiu-  tin-  halfr  atchicui-d  HartK-w, 
Till  in  her  allu-s  ilu-  In-  buried, 
The  gates  of  mercie  are  all  lluit  vp. 


ACT  in.  sc.  3.]          The  i  ! 


Therefore  to  our  beft  mercy  giue  your  (clue*, 

Or  like  to  men  prowd  of  deftruction, 

Defie  vs  to  our  word  :  for  as  I  am  a  Souldier, 

A  Name  that  in  my  thoughts  becomes  me  bcft  ; 

If  I  begin  the  batt'rie  once  agaiiu-, 

I  will  not  leaue  the  halfe-atchieued  Harflcw, 

Till  in  her  alhes  Ihe  lye  buryed. 

Gates  of  Mercy  lliall  tx-  all  lluit  vp. 
And  the  tU-ih'd  Souldier,  rough  and  hard  of  heart, 
In  libertie  of  bloody  hand,  lliall  raunge 

'  .is  Hell,  mowing  like  Gr 

Your  frelh  faire  Virgins,  and  your  flow  ring  Infants. 

:  then  to  me,  if  impious  Warn-, 
Arrayed  in  flames  like  to  the  Prince  of  Fiends, 
Doe  with  his  fmyrcht  complexion  all  fell  teats, 
(  kl  to  wall  and  delolation  ? 
:-.'t  to  me,  when  you  your  feluca  are  caufe, 
>ur  pure  Maydens  fall  into  the  hand 
Of  hot  and  forcing  Violation  ? 

t  Reyne  can  hold  licentious  Wicke.lii' 
n  downe  the  Hill  he  holds  lii^  ti<         '         --re? 
nay  as  bootlelie  fjx-iul  our  \aitie  Command 
Vpon  th'enragcd  Souldiers  in  their  fpu\Ie. 
As  i  :ti/h(in,  to  come  afliore. 

Tht-:  .  men  <>t  H.irl 

Take  pitty  of  your  Towne  and  of  your  People, 
1«  yet  my  Souldiers  are  in  my  Command, 
Whiles  yet  the  coole  and  temperate  Wind  of  Grace 

•  r,  ttu-  hlthy  and  contagious  Clouds 
Of  headly  Murther,  Sjxivle.  and  Villany. 

liy  in  a  moment  lookc  to  fee 
Mind  and  bloody  Souldier,  with  foulr  hand 
Defirc  the  Locks  of  your  fluill-lhriking  Daughter* : 


14.] 

16.] 


S&l 

- 


J.4- 


The  Chroniclf  H  ' '//<•;/ n/  tln-fift.      '  1 600.     [AI  i    in. 


13.]  tmttfttt  3. 


and  X//V*  3. 

i.]      ./f//V*    3 
throughout). 


3-1 


(and     so 


What  fay  you,  will  y<m  \vt-M  ;uul  lliis  ano\d, 
Or  guiltii-  in  dcf<  tier  hi-  thus  ck-lh 
vcr//f»7/r. 

Gourr.  Our  expectation  hath  this  day  :in  i-nd  : 
Tlu-  Dolphin  whom  of  liic(our  \M-  rntn-.it' 
Rrturnes  vs  word,  hi-  pouns  an-  not  yi-t  r< 
To  raife  fo  great  a  liege.-  thm-ton-  dnad  King, 
We  yeeld  our  to\vru-  and  liurs  to  thy  loft  im-rde 
Enter  our  gatis,  dilpofe  ot'vs  and  < 
Tor  \\t-  no  longer  arc  dcd-nliiR-  in 


ii 


16 


Enter  Katherine,  Alli«v. 
Kate.  All'uf  vcnccia,  vous  aues  cates  en, 
Vou  parte  fort  bon  Angloys  englatara, 


Coman  fae  palla  vou  la  main  en  francoy. 
Allice.  La  main  madam  de  ban. 


[III.  4] 


[3-  C  3] 


ACT  in.  sc.  3.]         Tht  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.     I-'uliu  1623. 


Your  Fathers  taken  by  the  filuer  Beards, 

And  their  mort  reuerend  Heads  datht  to  the  Walls  : 

Your  naked  Infant*  fpitu  .  kes, 

Whiles  the  mad  Mothers,  \viih  their  howles  confus'd. 
Doe  breake  the  Clouds  j  as  did  the  Wines  of  lewry. 
At  Herods  bloody-hunting  Daughter-men. 
What  lay  you  ?     Will  yon  yevld,  and  this  auoyd? 
Or  guiltie  in  defence,  be  thus  deltroy'd. 
Enter  Gouernour. 

Gouer.  Our  expectation  hath  this  day  an  end  • 
The  Dolphin,  whom  of  Succours  we  entreated, 
Returnes  vs,  that  1.  •;  ready, 

To  rayfe  fo  great  a  Siege  :  The  re  lore  great  King, 
We  yeeld  our  Towne  and  Liuea  to  thy  lull  Mir 
Enter  our  Gates,  dil'pofe  of  vs  ami 
For  we  no  longer  are  defenlihle. 

King.  Open  your  dates  :   Come  \ 
Goe  you  and  enter  Harlle\v  ;  there  rein 
And  tbrtifie  it  ftrongly  'gainlt  the  Kre:n  h  : 

to  them  all  I*T  \N,  deare  Vnckle. 
The  Winter  roiuming  on,  and  Su  knelle  growing 
Vpon  our  Souldiers,  we  will  retyre  to  Calis. 
To  night  in  HartU  \v  will  we  be  your  CJuelt, 
To  morrow  for  the  March  are  we  addrcft. 

Flour'(/ht  and  enter  the  Totrne. 

Enter  Katherine  and  an  old  Gentletvonan. 

Kathe.  Alice,  tu  as  ejte  en  Angleterre,  &  tit  lit*  parla* 
le  Language. 

Alice.  En  peu  Madame 

Katfi.  If  /«•  firie  m'enjign'm,  U  foul  ftie  ie  afifircnd  a  far. 
Un  :  Cnmicnt  nftftelle  voiu  le  main  en  Anglou  ? 

Alice.  Le  main  il  &  appelte  de  Hand. 


86          The  Cfi>"  >iit  It- 1 1  1600.     [ACT 


8-jOwye 


19.]  w>«  . . .  A*'hr  3. 


Kate.  E  da  bras. 

Allicf.  De  arma  madam. 

Kntf.   I  A?  main  da  ban  la  bras  de  arma. 

A/lice.  Owyi-madam. 

A'a/e.  E  Coman  fa  pel  la  vow  la  menton  a  la  coll. 

Cilice.  De  neck,  e  de  cin,  madam. 

Kate.  E  de  neck,  e  de  cin,  e  de  code. 

Allice.  De  cudie  ma  foy  le  oblye,  mais  le  tvim-mbi-i-, 
Le  tude,  o  de  elbo  madam. 

Kate.  Ecowte  le  reherfera,  towt  cella  que  lac  apoandrt-, 
De  han,  de  arma,  de  neck,  du  cin,  e  de  bilbo. 

A llice.  De  elbo  madam. 

Kate.  O  lefu,  lea  obloye  in;i 

ecoute  le  recontera 
De  han,  de  arma,  de  neck,  de  cin,  e  de  elbo,  e  ca  bon. 

Allice.  Ma  foy  madam,  vow  parla  au  fe  bon  Angloys 
Afie  vous  aues  ettue  en  Englatara. 

Kate.  Par  la  grace  de  deu  an  pettie  tanes, 

le  parle  milleur 


12 


16 


20 


ACT  in.  sc.  4.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  /'///.     I'utiu  1623. 


Kath.   De  Hand. 

Alice.  Elediiytt. 

Kat.  Le  duytt,  ma  fay  It  out  lie,  e  doyt  mays,  ie  mefouemeray 
U  diiyts  if  penfe  <ju'i/s  ont  aft/vile  dejingres,  on  dejingrei. 

Alice.  Le  main  de  Hand,  le  doyts  U  Fingret,  ie  penfe  aue  ie 
fu'u  le  ton  efcholier. 

Kath.    fay  gaynie  diux   mots  <T  Anglais  vijiement,   coment 
appelle  wits  le  ongi 

Alice.   Le  angles,  Its  appellons  de  A'ay/cj. 

v  efcoute :  dites  may,  Ji  ie  parle  Hen :  de 
d,  de  Fingret,  e  de  Xay.' 

Alice.   Cejl  iien  dul  Madame,  il  &fort  ton  Anglais. 

Kath.   Ditex  mni/  I' Anglais  pour  le  Iras. 

Alice.  De  Arme,  Madame. 

Kath.   E  de  cttudee. 

Alice.  D'Ell-ow. 

Kath.  D' Ell  on-.    I,-   men  fay  le  rrpiticio  de   '.  mott 

aue  vous  mares,  apprins  dex  a  pr,/ 

Alice.   II  &  trap  difficile  Madame,  mmnif  /••  /,< 

Kath.    /-.' ;  <  tife    moy    Alice   efcoute,    d Hand,    de    Fingre,   de 
Nayles,  dArma,  de  Hill-out. 

Alice.   D'MI-'iii;  Madame. 

Kath.   O  Seigneur  Dieu,  ie  men  oublie  d"  Ell-ou;  coment  ap- 
pelle  vous  le  col. 

At;  k,  Madame. 

Kath.   I)e  Nick,  e  le  menton. 

Alice.   De  Chin. 

Kat'  /,•  ,,,/  d,-  \ii-k,  If  men t»n  de  Sin. 

Alice.   Ouy.  ,'tre    hnnneur   en    verite    t-oiw   pronoun- 

cies  let  mots  auji  droirt,  aue  le  \atift  fAngl*! 

Kath.  Ie  ne  doute  point  d'apprendre  par  de  grace  de  Die*, 
&  en  peu  de  temps. 

Alice.  N'aue  vot  y  deft  a  out  lie  ce  aue  ie  votu  a  enjignie. 


»>)  ***•*  *•*  . . 

MO 
•S-J 


o^ 

i§.]  ^//. . 

19.]  m*jtm 


»3-l . .  m'm  /U*  It 

M*m  4t  I, . 
•4-]  •'«•«•  . .  .  44* 

.          . 


*?•]  fArmt 


fc} 


M-] 

&}  fttntmtim  •.  >  «* 


• 


88         Tkt  CkmucU  H  '// ///r. /•:'•'  '>oo.    [ACT  111.10.4, 


•4.]  X...M»  3. 


•8.]  ttomtt  3. 


jl.]  dimmtr.  a. 


Bourbon.  3* 


3.]   (73*...  /vjnrr,)3. 


Coman  fe  JH-||;I  von  It-  jx-id  r  K-  robe. 

^Y/.  i         '    •.  it,   i-    It-   con. 

Kate.    Ix-  Jut.  c  K-  ion,  u  Irl'n  '    I<-  in-  vcw  jiuind  parlc, 
Sic  phiN  di-u.iiit  K-  cht-  i-lu-ualin-s  (It-  Ir.iiK  ;i, 
Pur  nnr  million  m.i 

Allicr,   Mad.iin,  dt-  foot<>,  e  !»•  ron. 

A'«/<-.  ()  i-i  ill  aunV,  t-cowtr  Allicc,  do  lian,  de  arma, 
De  nwk,  dc  cin,  It-  1'ootf,  e  d. 


Ml\ce.  Cet  fort  bon  madam. 
Kale.  Aloues  a  diner. 


Erit  unmet. 


Enter  King  of  France  Lord  Conftalle,  the  Dolphin, 

and  Burbon. 
King.  Tis  ci-rlainc  he  is  pall  the  Riuer  Some. 


Con.  Mordeu  ma  via  :  Shall  a  few  fpranes  of  vs,  [2.  C  3.  v.] 
The  emptying  of  our  fathers  luxerie, 


Outgrow  their  grafters. 

Bur.  Normanes,  baflerd  Xormanes,  mor  du 
And  if  they  paffe  vnfoughtwithail, 
He  fell  my  Dukedorne 


ACT  in.  sc.  4.]          The  Lift  of  Henry  thr  I   "..     I 


•• 


Kath.  Aumc  ie  redter  a  a  voiu  prompUmnt,  d  Hand,  dt 
Fingre,  de  Mat/lee*. 

Alice.  De  Xayles,  Madame. 

Kath.  De  \ayles,  de  Arme,  de  lltow. 

Alice.  Sans  vo/ire  honeus  d"  El  tow. 

Kuth.  Ainji  de  ie  d"  Elbow,  de  Xuk,  V  de  Sin  :  content  ap- 
pelle  vout  les  pied  &  de  ml  a. 

Alice.  Le  Foot  Madame,  &  le  Count. 

Kath.  Le  Foot,  &  le  Count:  O  Seignieur  Dieu,  il  font  It 
mots  de  Jon  mauvais  corruptible  groffe  &  impuditjuf,  &  non 
pour  le  Dames  de  Honeur  d'vfer :  Ie  ne  voudray  pronouncer  ce 
mots  dfuant  le  Seigneurs  de  France,  pour  toute  le  monde,fo  le 
Foot  &  le  Count,  neant  moy\,  ra  vn  autrcfm/t  ma  lecom 

enfeml-e,  d Hand,  dt  Fingre,  de  Nayles,  d"Arme,  d' Elcou-,  de 
.,  de  Sin,  de  Foot,  le  Count. 

Alice.   Eicellcnt,  Madame. 

Kath.   C"eJJ  affes  pour  vnefoyes,  alons  nous  a  diner. 

Erit. 

Enter  the  King  of  France,  the  Dolphin,  the 
Conjlal'le  of  France,  and  oth 

King.  Tis  certainc  he  hath  part  the  Riuer  Some. 

Conjl  And  if  he  be  not  fought  withall,  my  Lord, 
Let  vi  not  Hue  in  France  :  let  vs  <juit  all. 
And  giuc  our  Vineyards  to  a  barbarous  People. 

Dolph.  O  Difu  i-iuant :  Shall  a  few  Spraye*  of  rsf 
The  emptying  of  our  Fathers  Luxurio, 
Our  Syen-*,  put  in  wilde  and  fauage  Stock, 
Spirt  %|>  to  iiuKk-nly  into  the  Clouds, 
And  oucr-lookc  their  Grafters  ? 

Brit.  Normans,  but  balbrd  Normans,  Norman  boflards : 
A/or/  du  ma  vie,  if  they  march  along 
Vnfought  withall,  but  I  will  fell  my  Dukcdome, 

To 


44-) 


S*]  to, 


Si)/-  •'*• 

ja.]    MM/  mtun 
ti*t+y 

• 
54-J  *  <**•  S-  4- 


90  Tilt  Chronii-k  II  llony  I  he  ////.      (liuirto  1600.      [AC  i    III.  I 


7  ]  (port  of  I.  7.  p.  M.) 


16.1   /(tti(klt)t. 


i  foggy  farmc 
In  th.it  Ihort  nookc  lie  of  England. 

CoiyL  Why  \\hrnce  haue  thry  tlm  mettall? 
h  not  their  clymatc  raw,  foggy  and  colde. 
On  whom  as  in  dihLiinr,  the-  SIIIHH-  li..iki->.  ] 
Can  barley  broatli,  a  drench  for  hvolnr  I.uk-s 

Tlieir  fudden  water  decockt  I'uch  litu-Iy  blood  f 

And  lli.ill  our  quick  blood  Ipiriicd  uilli  wine 

Seeme  frofly  ?     O  for  honour  of  our  n.\. 

Let  vs  not  hang  like  frozm  1 

Vpon  our  houk-s  tops,  while  tlu-y  a  more  frofty  clymate 

Sweate  drops  of  youtliiull  blood. 


ACT  in.  sc.  5.]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


To  buy  a  ilubbry  and  a  durtie  Fanne 
In  that  nooke-lhotten  lie  of 'Albicm. 

Con  ft.  Du-u  df  Battailes,  where  haue  they  this  niett 
Is  not  their  Cl) mate  foggy,  raw,  and  dull  ? 
On  \vhom,  as  in  defpight,  the  Sunne  loukcs  pale, 
Killing  their  Fruit  with  frowne*.     Can  fodden  Water, 
A  Drench  tor  lur-reyn'd  lades,  their  Early  broth, 
Decoct  tlieir  cold  blood  to  fuch  valiant  heat  ? 
And  (hall  our  quick  blood,  fpiriled  with  Wine, 
Seeme  frolVte  ?  <  >,  tor  honor  of  our  Land, 
Let  vs  not  hang  like  roping  Ifycklet 
Vpon  our  1  Ionic-.  Thatch,  whiles  a  more  froftie  People 
Sweat  drops  of  gallant  Youth  in  our  rich  licldi  : 
Poore  we  call  them,  in  their  Xaiiuc  Lords. 

Dolphin.  By  Faith  and  Honor, 
Our  M.i James  mock  at  vs,  and  plainely  (ay, 
Mcttcll  is  bred  out,  and  they  will  giue 
Their  bodyes  to  the  Lull  of  Knglilli  Youth, 
ranee  with  Bartard  Warriors. 

Brit.  Tli  so  the  EngliOi  Dancing-Schooto, 

And  teach  Lauoltu't  high,  and  fwift  Carraato's, 

ly  in  our  Heclea, 
And  that  we  are  molt  lottie  Ruti-awayes. 

King.   Where  is  Munti'n/  tlu-  Herald  ?   fpeed  him  h< 
Ixrt  him  greet  England  w  ith  our  lharpe  defiance. 
Vp  Princes,  and  with  ipirit  of  Honor  edged, 
More  lliarper  then  your  Swords,  high  to  the  field  : 
Charl,-!  Dt-lnl-reth,  High  ConlKible  of  France, 
You  Dukes  of  Orleancf,  Hurbon,  and  of  Berry, 
Alanfnn,  lirntant,  Hnr,  and  Hurgtm'u, 
lat/ues  ChattiHinn,  Raml-ures,  1'andemant, 
Beam  ;  .uj/i,  and  FaulcontrUgt, 

Loys,  LrjlraU,  BouiijuaU,  and  Charaloyei, 


m.]  fir  Ike  AMMT  3.  4. 


a6.)  wt  BMy 


A*'  4 


«•>] 

. 
44-  J 


^  4- 


The  C/i>  Henry  thffift.      (Jintrtti  1600.      [AC  r   in.  K 


•a  !/»«*.  a.   0)3. 
•i.]  ffkoiuy. 


««</ Flewellen  3. 


King.  Conftable  difpatch,  fend  Montioy  forth, 

To  know  what  willing  raunfome  he  will  ghu-  ? 
Sonne  Dolphin  you  fhall  ftay  in  Rone  with  inc. 

Dol.  Not  fo  I  do  befeech  your  Maieftie. 

King.  Well,  I  fay  it  malbe  fo. 

Exeunt  omnes. 
Enter  Gower. 

Go.  How  now  Captain  Fleu-ellen,  /  come  you  fro 

the  bridge? 
Flew.  By  lefus  there  excellet  feruice  admitted 

at  y  bridge. 

Gour.  Is  the  Duke  of  Exeter  fafe? 
Flew.  The  duke  of  Exeter  is  a  ma  whom  I  loue,  /  &  I  honor, 


20 


rm. 


ACT  in.  so.  5.]          Thf  Lift  of  Usury  the  F\fl.     Folio  1623. 


93 


High  Dukes,  great  Prince*,  Barons,  Lords,  and  King* ; 
For  your  great  Seats,  now  quit  you  of  great  (names : 
Barre  Harry  England,  that  fweepe*  through  our  Land 
With  Penons  painted  in  the  blood  of  Harflew: 
Rulh  on  his  Hoaft,  as  doth  the  melted  Snow 
Vpon  the  Valleyes,  whole  low  Valla  1 1  Seat, 
The  Alpes  doth  fpil,  and  void  his  rhewme  rpon. 
Goe  downe  vpon  him,  you  h;me  Power  enough, 
And  in  a  Captiue  Chariot,  into  Roan 
Bring  him  our  Pri  loner. 

I  his  becomes  the  Great. 
Sorry  am  I  his  numbers  are  fo  tew. 

Mjuldiers  fick,  and  familht  in  their  M.ir«  h  : 
For  I  am  fure,  when  he  (hall  fee  our  Army, 
drop  his  heart  into  the  linrk  of  feare, 
And  for  atchieuement,  oiler  v>  his  ilanfome. 

King.  Then-fore  Lord  Conftahle,  hart  on  Mont 
And  let  him  fay  to  England,  that  we  fend, 
To  know  what  willing  Ranfome  he  will  giue. 
Prince  Dolphin,  you  lhall  ftay  with  vs  in  Roan. 

Dolph.   Not  fo,  I  doe  befeech  your  M 

Be  patient,  for  you  lhall  remaine  with  v». 
Now  forth  Lord  Conftable,  and  Prince*  all, 
And  quickly  bring  vs  word  of  England*  fall.  <«/. 

Enter  Cafttaines,  Engl'i/h  and  H'cLh,  Gotver 

and  Fluellen. 

Gon-cr.    How    now   Captaine    Flutllen,  come   jroa    from 
the  Bridge  ? 

Flu.    I  allure  you,  there  is  my  excdl«  ••«  com- 

milled  at  the  Bridge. 

Gou-rr.  It  the  Duke  of  Exeter  fafc  ? 

Hu.  The  Duke  of  Exeter   U    M  magnanimous  m  Ago- 


66.    A" 
J-4 


rj  AW  /.  / 


W«fcb  Md  E-cWk  J.  4- 


,4  /'  »J  III? Jiff-     Quarto  1600.     [AIT   til.  I 


10  f, 


.-.:«    OIU.   3. 


19.]  a/rwvr  * 


one  line  3. 


38.] 


And  I  worfliip,  with  my  l-mle,  /  ami  my  heart,  and  my  lite,  / 

And  my  lands  niul  my  linings, 

Ami  t  >tt  powers.  ||  The  Duke  is  looke  \ 

/God  be  praifed  and  plealed  tor  it,     no  harme  in  th 

He  i»  tn.iini.iin  i  he  bridge  very  gallently :  /  there  is  an  Enfigne 

ThtTe./I  do  not  k:>  ill  him, /but  by  iH'iis  I  i 

He  U  as  valient   a  m.m   as  Mnrkc  Anlhnme,  /  lu-  doili  maintain 

the  bridge  molt  gallantly:  /  yet  he  is  a  man  <>t   tx>  n.-<  kiniini;  : 

But  I  did  lit-  him  do  gallant  fmiice.  [10.  C  4] 

Go;.  do  you  rail  him  ? 

Flfu:   I^^  n.iiiu-  is  a:  //. 

Goui-r.   I  know  him  not. 

Enter  4n<i,->it  Piltoll. 

Flew.  Do  you  not  know  him,  here  comes  the  man. 

Pist.  Captaine,  I  thee  befeech  to  do  me  fauour, 
The  Duke  of  £/v/cr  doth  lone  thee  well.  (his  hands. 

Pint'.  I,  and  I  praife  God  I  haue  nu-rrited  fome  lone  at 

Pist.  Bardolfr  a  fouldier,  one  of  buxfome  valour, 
Hath  by  furious  fate  ||  And  giddy  Fortunes  fickle  wheele, 
That  Codes  blinde  that  ftands  vpon  the  rowling  reftlefle  ftone. 

Fleu'.  By  your  patience  ancient  Pistol/, 
I  Fortune,  looke  you  is  paint 
Plind  /  with  a  muHcr  before  her  eyes,  / 
To  fignifie  to  you,  that  Fortune  is  plind  : 
And  (he  is  moreouer  painted  with  a  wheele, 
Which  is  the  morall  that  Fortune  is  turning, 
And  inronlt.mt,  and  variation  ;  and  mutabilities : 
And  her  fate  is  fixed  at  a  fphericall  (lone 
Which  roules,  and  roules,  and  roules : 
Surely  the  Poet  is  make  an  excellet  defcriptio  of  Fortune. 
Fortune  looke  you  is  and  excellent  morall. 

Pist.  Fortune  is  Bardolfts  foe,  and  frownes  on  him, 
For  he  hath  itolne  a  packs,  and  hanged  mud  he  be  : 


ACT  HI.  sc.  6.]  The  Life  of  Henry  ihf  Fift.     Folio 


95 


80] 


a8 


memnon,  and  a  man  that  I  loue  and  honour  with  my  foulo, 
and  my  heart,  and  my  dutie,  and  my  line,  and  my  liuing, 
and  my  vttermoft  power.  He  is  not,  God  be  prayfcd  and 
blelfed,  any  hurt  in  the  World,  but  keepe*  the  Bridge 
:  valiantly,  with  excellent  di  In  pi  inc.  There  U  an  aun- 
chient  Lieutenant  there  at  the  Fridge,  I  thinke  in  my  very 
confcience  bee  is  as  valiant  a  man  as  Marke  Antfi-mif,  and 
bee  is  a  man  of  no  estimation  in  the  World,  but  I  did  fee 
him  doe  as  gallant  feruice. 

<•/-.  What  doe  you  call  him  ? 
Flu.  Hee  is  call'd  aunchient  Pijlull. 
Cower.  I  know  him  not. 

Enter  Pi/lolL 
Flu.  Here  is  the  man. 

/';/?.  Captaine,  I  thee  befeech  to  doe  me  fauoun :  the 
Duke  of  Exeter  doth  loue  thee  well. 

Flu.  I,  I  prayfc  God,  and  I  hauc  merited  foine  loue  at 
his  hands. 

Pitt.  Bardolph,  a  Souldier  firme  and  found  of  heart, 
and  of  buxome  valour,  hath  by  cruell  Fate,  and  giddier 
Fortunes  furious  fickle  Wbeele,  that  Goddctle  blind,  that 
ftands  vpon  the  rolling  reftlelle  Si  one. 

Flu.    By   your    patience,    aunchient     .  i   >rtune    is 

painted    blinde,   with   a    Muffler  afore   his  eyes,   to  fii; 
to  you,   that    Fortune   is   blinde;    and    fliee   is   painted   alfo 
with  .1    N'  .  fignifie   to  you,   whirh   i%  the    M.>r 

it,    that    (lux*    it    turning    and    iruonli.mf,   and    mutabilitie, 
and   variation:    and    her    foot,    lookr  fixed   rpoo    a 

\vhi<  h    ro-Ales,   and    rowlc*,  and  rowks: 
in  good   tnith,  the    F'IK-I    makes  a  molt   e\«»-llent    d.  t. 
on  of  it :  Fortune  is  an  excellent  Morall. 

Pl/1.    Fortune    i>    linrdolpkt  foe,  and    frotrnes    on    h 
for  he  hath  itolnc  a  Pax,  and  hanged  mud  a  be:  a  damned 


jt    •  /tfWM/]  OM.  « 


96  The  Clirnni,  v  nf  Henry  flic  ///'/.      (ln<irti>  1600.      [Air   in.  - 


S3]  «//3- 


6a.]  /; 


79  rot*] 


A  damned  death,  let  gallowea  gape  for  dogs, 

Let  man  go  free,  and  let  not  death  hi-.  \*  -indpipe  flop. 

But  Exeter  hath  giuon  the  dooine  of  death,  [40.  C  4.  \.] 

For  packs  of  pet  tie  j 

Therefore  go  fpeake,  the  Duke  will  heare  thy  voyce, 

And  let  not  H(in{<>/f}-\  vitall  threed  he  cut, 

With  edge  of  penny  cord,  and  vile  appt 

Speake  Captaine  lor  his  lite,  and  I  will  thee  requite. 

t'lcir.  Captain  Pi/in/l,  I  partly  vnderliand  your  meaning. 
•  lien  reiovi-e  therefore. 

Flfii'.  Certainly  Antient  /»///.//.  '  ti-,  not  a  thing  to  reioyre  at,  / 
For  if  he  were  my  owne  brother,  I  would  wifh  the  Duke 
To  do  his  pleafure,  and  put  him  to  executions  :  /  for  hxik  you, 
Difciplines  ought  to  be  kept,  /  they  ought  to  !>••  1 

Pist.  Die  and  be  damned,  and  figa  for  thy  friendship. 

Flew.  That  is  good. 

Put.  The  figge  of  Spaine  within  thy  lawe. 

Flew.  That  is  very  well.  [Eiit  Piiin/l. 

Piit.  I  fay  the  fig  within  thy  bowels  and  thy  durty  maw. 

Fie.  Captain  Gnur,  cannot  you  hear  it  lighten  &  thunder  ? 

Gour.  Why  is  this  the  Ancient  you  told  me  of? 
I  remember  him  now,  he  is  a  bawd,  a  cutpurie. 

Flew.  By  lefus  heei-.  vtter  as  praue  words  vpon  the  bridge 
As  you  mall  defire  to  fee  in  a  fommers  day,  /  but  its  all  one, 
What  he  hath  fed  to  me,  /  looke  you,  is  all  one.  / 

Go.  Why  this  is  a  gull,  a  foole,  a  rogue  /  that  goes  to  the  wars 
Onely  to  grace  himfelfe  /  at  his  returne  to  London  :  / 
And  fuch  fell  owes  as  he, 
Are  perfed  in  great  Commaunders  names. 
They  will  learne  by  rote  where  feruices  were  done, 
At  fuch  and  fuch  a  fconce,  at  fuch  a  breach, 

At  fuch  a  conuoy  :  who  came  off  brauely,  who  was  fliot, 
Who  difgraced,  what  termes  the  enemie  ftood  on. 
And  this  they  con  perfe&ly  in  phrafe  of  warre, 


ACT  in.  sc.  6.]          The  Liff  of  Hfnry  the  Fift.     Fo/«o  1623. 


97 


death :  let  Gallowes  gape  for  Dogge,  let  man  goe  free, 
and  let  not  Hempe  his  Wind-pipe  fuftbcate:  but  Eseter 
bath  giuen  the  doome  of  death,  for  Pax  of  little  price. 
Therefore  goe  fpeake,  the  Duke  will  bcare  thy  roycej 
and  let  not  Bardolphs  vitall  thred  bee  cut  with  edge  of 
Penny-Cord,  and  vile  reproach.  Speake  Captaine  for 
his  Life,  and  I  will  thee  requite. 

Flu.  Aunchient  P\jlollt  I  doe  partly  vnderftand  your 
meaning. 

Pi/1.  Why  then  reioyce  tlu-ivfore. 

Flu.  Certainly  Aunchient,  it  is  not  a  thing  to  reioyce 
at :  fur  if,  looke  you,  he  were  my  Brother,  I  would  define 
the  Duke  to  vie  his  good  pleafure,  and  put  him  to  execu- 
tion ;  for  difcipline  ought  to  be  vied. 

/*(/?.  Dye,  and  be  dam'd,  and  Figo  for  thy  friendlliip. 

Flu.  It  is  well. 

Pi  ft.  The  Figge  of  Spaine.  Exit. 

Flu.  Very  good. 

Gower.  Why,  this  is  an  arrant  counterfeit  Rafcall,  I 
remember  him  now :  a  Bawd,  a  Cut -pur il-. 

Flu.  He  allure  you,  a  vtt'red  as  praue  words  at  the 
Pridge,  as  you  lhall  fee  in  a  Summers  day  :  but  it  is  rerjr 
well :  what  he  ha's  fpoke  to  me,  that  is  well  I  warrant  you, 
when  time  is  ferue. 

Gou-rr.  Why  'tis  a  Gull,  a  Foole,  a  Rogue,  that  now  and 
then  goes  to  the  Warres,  to  grace  himfelfc  at  his  rcturne 
into  London,  vnder  the  forme  of  a  Souldier:  and  fuch 
frllowes  are  perfit  in  the  Great  Commanders  Names,  and 
they  will  Jearoe  you  by  rote  where  Sendees  were  dooe; 
at  fuch  and  fuch  a  Sconce,  at  fuch  a  Breach,  at  fucb  •  Con- 
uoy :  who  came  off  braucly,  who  was  (hot,  who  dif- 
grac'd,  what  termes  the  Enemy  flood  on:  and  this  they 
conne  perfit ly  in  the  pbrafe  of  Warrei  which  they  trick* 


^  s          Tfi<  '  . 


A(  r  in.  - 


73-1 
7J.1 

78.] 


i          : 


88.  Mu yvm  mow]  om.  3. 


;•  \\ith  IH-W  tunrd  oathes,  /  &  what  a  herd 
( )f  the  Genera  I U  cut,  /  and  a  horiil  ihoui  oi  the  rampe  /  [74. 1)J 
\\  ill  il.i  .1111. .11.;  (In-  tinning  bolt  !r<>  ami  ak-u.iilit 
It  wonderlull  to  IK-  thought  on  :   but  you  mult  h 
To  know  huh  il.iuiuU-i-  ^e, 

Or  t-l  k-  you  in. iv  inarm  IIoullv  IK-  niiiiooki-. 

Flfir.  Cx-rtaiii  captain  Cioircr,  it  is  not  the  man,  /  looke  you, 
That  I  diil  take  him  to  be  :  /  but  when  time  thall  lerne, 

1  (lull  tell  him  a  litle  /  of  my  defines  :  here  comes  lu\  M.i, 


Fnter  King,  C'larence,  G loiter  and  »t 

King.  How  now  FU-u-cllcn,  come  you  from  the  bri 
/'/«•«•.    I  and  it  lhall  pleafe  your  Maieliie, 
There  U  excellent  feruice  at  the  bridge. 


80 


King.  What  men  haue  you  loft  F/eu-ellen  ? 

Flru*.  And  it  (hall  pleafe  your  Maieliie, 
The  partition  of  the  aduerfarie  hath  bene  great, 
Very  reafonably  great  :  but  for  our  own  parts,  like  you  now, 
I  thinkc  we  haue  loft  neuer  a  man,  vnlefle  it  be  one 
For  robbing  of  a  church,  one  Bardolfe,  if  your  Maieftie 
Know  the  man,  his  face  is  full  of  whelkes  and  knubs, 
And  pumples,  and  his  breath  blowes  at  his  nofe 
Like  a  cole,  fometimes  red,  fometimes  plew  : 
But  god  be  praifed,  now  his  nofe  is  executed,  /  &  his  fire  out.  / 


ACT  in.  sc.  6.]      The  I  !'nry  the  Fifl.     Folio  1623. 


vp  with  new-tuned  Oatbes:  and  what  a  Beard  of  the  Ge- 
neralls  Cut,  and  a  horride  Sate  of  the  Cainpe,  will  doe  •• 
mong  turning  Bottles,  and  Ale-walht  Wits,  is  wonder- 
tail  to  be  thought  on :  but  you  mult  learnc  to  know  fucb 
llanders  of  the  age,  or  ell'e  you  may  be  maruelloully  mi- 
ftooke, 

Flu.  I  tell  you  what,  Captaine  Gowtr :  I  doe  percerae 
bee  is  not  the  man  that  bee  would  gladly  make  Ihew  to 
the  World  hee  is:  if  I  tinde  a  hole  in  hi*  Coat,  I  will  tell 
him  my  miude :  hearke  you,  the  King  is  comming,  and  I 
mult  fpeake  with  him  from  the  1'ridge. 

Drum  and  Colours.     Enter  the  King  and  his 

poore  Sonltlit-rs. 
Flu.   God  plelfe  your  Maiellie. 

King.  How  now  Flut-llcn,  cam'll  thou  from  the  Bridge? 
Flu.     I,    To    pU-afe  your   Maiellie :    The    Duke  «>t    Kxeter 
ha's  very   gallantly   maintain' J    the   Fridge;    the   French   is 
gone  otf,   lookc  you,   and   there   is  gallant   and  moll  prauc 
paflages:     marry,     th'athuerfarie     was    haue     poflelfion     oi 
the    I'ridge,   but    he  is  enforced   to   rrtyri-.   ami    the     Du 
M.iltrr  of    the    1'riilge  :     I    eaii   tell    your    M: 
the  Duke  i>  .1  pram-  man. 

'•  :>at  nirii  ham-  you  lull,  Flm-llfit  f 

Flu  \  jK-nlition  of  th'athuerfarie  bath  bccnc  Tory 
great,  reafounable  great :  marry  for  my  part,  I  thmke  tin- 
hath  loll  IU-IHT  a  man,  but  one  that  ii  hki-  to  be  exe- 
cuted for  robbing  a  Church,  one  Bardolph,  if  your  Maie- 
llie  know  the  man :  his  face  is  all  bubuklc*  and  whclkes, 
and  knobs,  and  flames  a  fire,  ami  hit  lippes  blowe*  at  hu 
nofc,  and  it  is  like  •  coale  of  fire,  lumen  met  plcw,  and 
fomctimes  red  ,  but  his  nofe  b  executed,  and  bb  fire's 
out. 


81.  t^rJkf]  AM/>  j,  4. 


ioo       The  Chronicle  H  >y  the  ///'/.     C  '>oo.     [A<  r  MI. 


96.]  Affvtw 

99.] 


the  FmnA  3. 


104-5.]  0°*  Wne  3. 


no.]  our/W/jr.  a. 


We  would  hniu*  ;ill  <>ii;  -n<!«-rs  l",>  cut  off, 
Anil  we  here  giu<-  rxpn-lii-  <  <>intuaun<lm<-iit, 
That  there  be  nt-tliin^  taken  1'rom  th«-  villages  /  !mt  ; 
\  «\  tin-  Frrnch  .il)i:: 

Or  abraideti  \\nli  diKhinlull  langn  < 

i  cruelty  atul  loniiir  pl.iy  tor  a  Kiiigclo; 
The  gcntleft  gamefter  is  the  fooner  witnu-r. 


too 


Enter  Frwh  llcrmthl. 
Hera.  You  know  me  by  my  habit. 
Ki.  Wi-ll  the,  we  know  thee,  /  what  Ihuld  we  know  of  thee?  / 

Hera.  My  maiflers  minde. 

King.  Vnfold  it. 

Hcrul.  Go  thee  vnto  Harry  of  England,  and  tell  him, 
Aduantage  is  a  better  fouldier  then  ralluielfc  :          [i°7-  ^-  v.] 
Altho  we  did  feeme  dead,  we  did  but  (lumber. 


Now  we  fpeake  vpon  our  kue,  and  our  voyce  is  imperiall, 
England  (hall  repent  her  folly :  fee  her  rafhnefle, 
And  admire  our  fufferance.     Which  to  raunfome, 


His  petti  nefle  would  bow  vnder : 

For  the  effufion  of  our  blood,  his  army  is  too  weake : 

/  For  the  difgrace  we  haue  borne,  himfelfe 

Kneeling  /  at  our  feete,  a  weake  and  w  orthlefle  fatiffa&ion.  / 

To  this,  adde  defyance.  / 

/  So  much  from  the  king  my  maifter.  / 


108 


I  12 


116 


ACT  ill.  sc.  6.]  T/if  Life  of  Henri)  flu  It:.      /W«o  1623. 


lot 


King.  Wee  would  haue  all  fuch  oflendor*  To  cut  off: 
and  we  giue  exprelle  charge,  that  in  our  Marches  through 
the  Countrey,  there  be  nothing  compell'd  from  the  Vil- 
lages; nothing  taken,  but  pay'd  fur:  none  of  the  French 
vpbrayded  or  abufed  in  diulaiiu-iul  Language;  for  when 
Leuitie  and  Crueltie  play  for  a  Kingdome,  the  gentler 
iefter  U  ihe  fooneit  winner. 

Tucket.      Enter  Mmin.' 
Mountioy.  You  know  me  by  my  habit. 
King.    Well    then,  I  know  thee :    what  (hall  I  know  of 
toe? 

Mountioy.  My  MauYrs  mind. 

A'/'/i.'.   YiitoUl  it. 

Mountiny.  Thus  fayes  my  King:  Say  thou  to  Harry 
of  England,  Though  we  feem'd  dead,  we  did  but  fleepe: 
Aduantage  is  a  better  Souldier  tlu-n  ralluu-iU-.  Tell  him, 
wee  could  haue  rebuk'd  him  at  Harrlewe,  but  that  wee 
thought  not  good  to  bruife  an  iniurie,  till  it  were  full 
ripe.  Now  wee  fpeake  vpon  our  Q.  and  our  voyce  i*  im- 
periall.-  England  fljnll  repent  his  •-•  bit  weake- 

,  and  admire  our  fuiU-raiuv.  Bid  him  therefore  coo- 
fider  of  his  ranlbmc,  which  mull  proportion  the  lone*  we 
haue  borne,  the  iubieds  we  haue  loft,  the  dilgrace  we 
haue  digefted;  which  in  weight  to  re-anfwer,  his  pctti- 
nefle  would  bow  vnder.  For  our  lodes,  his  Exchequer  is 
too  poore;  for  th'  ellulion  of  our  bl»nid,  the  Mulhr  < 

dome  too   faint  a   number)   and   for   our  difgrace,   his 

ownc  perfon  kneeling  at  our  fr»-t,  but  a  weake  and  worth- 

fatisfaaion.     To  this  adde  defiance:   and   tell  him  lor 

condufion,    he    hath    betrayed    his    followers,    whofe    con- 

:i  i*  pronounc't :    So  fiure  my  King  and   Mafterj 

fo  much  my  Office. 


.07.] 


••   • 


101          7V  (7/Hi//;,  •'  ll.'iri/l',  -00.      [All     III.  SC.  6,     i 


iao.  Mr]  /A/  a. 


*V)3- 


131.") 


Kt  mt,  3. 


132.  7>w|  oro.  3. 
j  ./irr  3. 


140.]  Ourt'i  3. 
141.  our]  your  a. 

143.  «•///]  tkall  a. 


A'injf.   Wh.it  i»  thy  name  •   we  know  thy  <|tialitie. 

Herald.    Munlini/. 

King.  Thou  dolt  thy  otlice  faire.  returne  t! 
And  tell  i!  !  cln  not  li-t-kr  liiin  i 

But  could  be  well  <  <>nu  nt,  without  ini]. 
To  inarrh  on  to  Cullis:   for  to  f.iy  the  Tooth, 
Though  tis  no  wil'.lonu-  to  conti-tli.-  fo  much 
Ynto  an  fiu-inic  of  craft  and  vantage. 
My  fouldirrs  an-  with  fn-kiu-llo  nun  h  infi-chK-d, 
My  Army  K-lloned,  and  tholi-  li-wi-  I  h.iur, 
Almort  no  better  thi-n  fo  many  French  : 
Who  when  they  were  in  heart,  I  U-ll  thn-  Hcrauld, 
I  thought  vpon  one  paire  of  Englilh  legges, 
Did  march  three  French  mens. 
\\-{  forgiiu-  me  God,  that  I  do  brag  thus: 
This  your  heire  of  France  hath  blowne  this  vice  in  me. 
I  muft  repent,  go  tell  thy  maifter  here  I  am, 
My  raunfome  is  this  frayle  and  worthlefle  body, 
My  Army  but  a  weake  and  fickly  guarde. 
Yet  God  before,  we  will  come  on, 
If  France  and  fuch  an  other  neighbour 

flood  in  our  way : 

If  we  may  pafle,  we  will :  if  we  be  hindered, 
We  flial  your  tawny  ground  with  your  red  blood  difcolour. 
So  Montioy  get  you  gone,  there  is  for  your  paines  : 
The  fum  of  all  our  anfwere  is  but  this, 

We  would  not  feeke  a  battle  as  we  are  .•  [J42-  D.  2.] 

.is  we  are.  we  lay  we  will  not  Hum  it. 

Herauld.  I  (hall  deliuer  fo :  thanks  to  your  Maieftie. 
Glof.  My  Liege,  I  hope  they  will  not  come  vpon  vs  now. 


120 


124 


128 


132 


136 


140 


'44 


ACT   in.  sc.  6.]  Tht  Lift  of  Henry  tht  I'ift.     fo/io  1623. 


King.  What  is  thy  name?     I  know  thy  qualitie. 

Mount.   Mountioy. 

King.  Thou  doo'ft  thy  Office  fairely.    Turnc  tbee  back. 
And  tell  thy  King,  I  doe  not  feeke  him  now. 
But  could  be  willing  to  march  on  to  C .ill ice. 
Without  impeachment  -.  for  to  fay  the  footh. 
Though  'tis  no  wifdome  to  confetti*  fo  much 
Vnto  an  enemie  of  Craft  and  Vantage, 
My  people  are  with  ficknettc  much  enfeebled, 
My  numbers  leflen'd  :  and  thofe  few  I  haue, 
Almoft  no  better  then  1<>  many  French ; 
Who  when  they  were  in  health,  I  tell  thcc  Herald, 
I  thought,  vpon  one  payre  of  Englifti  Ix'gges 
Did  march  three  Frenchmen.     Yet  forgiue  me  God, 
That  I  doe  bragge  thus ;  this  your  ayre  of  France 
Hath  blowne  that  vice  in  me.     I  muft  repent  : 
Goe  therefore  tell  thy  Matter,  heere  I  am ; 

Ilanfome,  is  th'u  tr.ivle  and  worthlette  Trunkej 
\rrny,  hut  a  \veake  and  fickly  Guard 
Yet  God  before,  tell  him  we  will  come  on, 
Though  France  himfelfe,  and  lurh  another  NVighU»r 
Stand  in  our  way.     There's  for  thy  labour  Moimt'toy. 
Goe  bid  thy  M.ilter  well  aduife  himft  ' 
If  we  may  pafle,  we  will :  if  we  be  hindred, 
We  (hall  your  tawnie  ground  with  your  red  blood 
Difcolour:  and  fo  Mnuntint/,  fan-  you  well. 
The  fumme  of  all  our  Anfwer  is  but  thi-; 
vould  not  feeke  a  Battaile  as  we  are. 
Nor  as  we  are,  we  fay  we  will  not  limn  it  •. 
So  tell  your  Matter. 

Mount.     I    ih.ill    deliuer    To       Thankn    to    your    High- 
nefle. 

Clouc.  I  hope  the>-  will  not  come  rpon  r»  now. 


144.  ««]/*/ 3. 


104        The  Chronicl*  lliiitnif  <>f  I It-nnj  tin- Jift.     O//////N  1600.     [AI  r  in.  - 


148.]  Exit.  3.  (Ital.) 
3. 


8.  a  tkt\  »ftkt  3. 


King.  We  are  in  God»  hand  brother,  not  in  theirs 

To  night  we  will  mrampc  beyond  the  bridge, 
And  on  (o  morrow  l>id  them  march  av. 

Enter  lUirbon,  Coiiibble,  Ork-ancf,  (; 


Con/I.  Tut  I  haue  the  beft  armour  in  the 

Orlfoace.  You  haue  an  excelli-nt  armour, 
Hut  It-t  my  hork-  ham-  hi-,  dm-. 


Burl-on.  Now  you  talke  of  a  horfe,  /  I  haue  a  hVcd  like  the 
Palfrey  of  the  fun,  /  nothing  but  pure  ay  re  and  fire,  / 
And  hath  none  of  this  dull  element  of  earth  within  him. 


Orleance.  He  is  of  the  colour  of  the  Nutmeg. 
Bur.  And  of  the  heate,  a  the  Ginger. 


[See  lines 
5-6  above.] 


148 

[in.  7] 


ACT  in.  sc.  6.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     /      -,  1623. 


' 


King.  We  are  in  Gods  hand,  Brother,  not  in  their*  : 
March  to  the  Bridge,  it  now  drawes  toward  night, 
Beyond  the  Riuer  wee'le  encampe  our  feluet, 
And  on  to  morrow  bid  them  march  away.  £xnin/. 

Enter  the  Conjlat-le  of  France,  the  Lord  Ramturt, 
Orleance,  Dolphin,  with  others. 

Con/1.  Tut,  I  haue  the  bed  Armour  of  the  World : 
would  it  were  day. 

Orleance.  You  haue  an  excellent  Armour-  but  let  my 
haue  his  due. 

Conjl.  It  is  the  beft  Horfe  of  Europe. 

Orleance.  Will  it  neuer  be  Morning  ? 

Dolph.  My  Lord  of  Orleance,  and  my  Lord  High  Coo- 
ftable,  you  talke  of  Horfe  and  Armour? 

Orleance.  You  are  as  well  prouided  of  both,  as  any 
Prince  in  the  World. 

Dolph.  What  a  long  Night  is  this?  I  will  not  change 
my  Horfe  with  any  that  treadcs  but  on  foure  poftures: 
ch'ha:  he  bounds  from  the  Earth,  as  if  his  entrayles  were 
hayres:  le  Cheual  volante,  the  Pegafus,  ches  la  marines  de 
feu.  When  I  bertry«le  him,  I  loan-,  I  am  a  Hawkc:  be  trots 
the  ayre:  the  Earth  fmgs,  when  he  touches  it:  the  baJeft 
home  of  his  hoofe,  is  more  Mufifall  then  the  Pipe  of 
Hermes. 

Orleance.     Hee's  of  tin-  colour  of  the  Nutmeg. 

Do/ph.  Anil  of  the  beat  of  the  Ginger.  It  is  •  Beaft 
for  /'.//;//>  hi-c  is  pure  Ayre  and  Flrej  and  the  dull  Ele- 
ments of  Earth  and  Water  ncuer  appearc  in  him,  but  on- 
ly in  patii-nt  fiillnrile  while  his  Rider  mounts  him:  bee 
is  indecde  a  Horfe,  and  all  other  lade*  700  may  call 
Beafb. 


io6        Tin-  ('//•  >t/  tin-  JiJ't. 


1600.     [ACT  in.  sc.  7. 


ii.  Ikt]  om.  a. 

ia      Wonder  of   nature.] 
ltd 

13  ]  4 J*^  *.;*<•  x 


18.]  mt-th**£*t  3. 


Turne  all  the  lands  into  eloquent  ton 
And  my  horfe  is  argument  lor  t IK-ID  all : 


I  once  writ  a  Sonnet  in  the  praife  of  my  horfe, 
And  began  thus.     Wonder  of  nature. 

Con.  I  haue  heard  a  Sonnet  begin  fo, 
In  the  praife  of  ones  Miftrefle. 

Hurl-.   Why  then  did  they  immitate  /  that 
Which  I  writ  in  praife  of  my  horfe,  / 
For  my  horfe  is  my  milirefle. 


Con.  Ma  foy  the  other  day,  me  thought 
Your  mirtrelfe  fliooke  you  flirewdly. 


;.]          The  Lift  of  Henry  the  /•'//?. 


fp.  82] 
aS 


44 


ConjL     Indeed   017   Lord,   it  U  a  moft  abfolutc  and 
cellent  Horfe. 

Dnlph.  It  is  the  Prince  of  Palfrayes,  h*M  Neigh  b  like 
the  bidding  of  a  Monarch,  and  hit  countenance  enforce* 
Homage. 

Orleatict.  No  more  Coulin. 

Dnlfth.  Nay,  the  man  hath  no  wit,  that  cannot  from 
tin-  riling  of  the  Larke  to  the  lodging  of  the  Lambe, 
varie  dell-rued  prayfe  on  my  Pal  fray :  it  U  a  Theame  as 
fluent  as  the  Sea :  Turne  the  Sands  into  eloquent  tongues, 
and  my  Horfe  is  argument  for  them  all  :  'tis  a  fubied 
for  a  Soueraigne  to  reafon  on,  and  for  a  Sooeraignes  So- 
ueraigne  to  ride  on:  And  for  the  World,  familiar  to  T», 
and  vnknowne,  to  lay  ajvirt  their  particular  Functions, 
and  wonder  at  him,  I  onre  writ  a  Sonnet  in  his  prayfe, 
and  began  thus,  ll'mder  of  Nature. 

Orleanct.  I  haue  heard  a  Sonnet  begin  fo  to  ones  Mi- 
ftrefle. 

Dolph.  Tlien  did  they  imitate  that  which  I  composed 
to  my  Courfer,  for  my  Horfr  i-.  my  Miftn-r 

Orleanct.  Your  Milin-tfe  beares  ^ 

Dolfth.  Me  well,  wliidi  i-  (h«-  pr, •!'.  rijx  prayfe  and  per- 
feclion  of  a  good  and  pnrtirul.ir  Miltn  il.-. 

Confl.     Nav,   lor    me    thought    yi itcrday    your    Miftrrfle 
tlly  Ihooke  your  bark. 

Dolph.  So  perhaps  did  yours. 

Coi\j\.  Mine  was  not  bridled. 

Dolph.  O  then,  belike  (he  was  old  and  gentle,  and  you 
rode  like  a  Kerm-  of  Ireland,  your  French  Hofe  off,  and  in 
your  ftr.iit  Siroflers. 

Coi\fl.  You  haue  good  iudgemcnt  in  Hucfcman- 
ftiip. 

Dolph.    Be  warn'd  by  me  then:   they  that  ride  fo.  and 


54] 


47- 


W.S1 


IO8         The  Chronicle  Ili/inri,-  <>f  Henry  t  : '>OO.     [A(  r   in.  - 


•7.]*  a. 


3<x]  ntt-faced  3. 


Exit.  3.  (lul.) 


Bur.  I  bearing  me.     I  trll  \\wv  Ixird  ConrtabK-, 

vc-an-s  her 

Con.   I  could  make  as  good  a  !>».nt  of  that, 
If  I  bad  bad  a  low  to  my  mifmili-. 

Bur.  Tut  thou  wilt  maki-  \  k-  of  anything. 

Con.  Yd  I  do  not  vie  my  hurfe  fo«  my  niiltrcllL-. 


Bur.  Will  it  neuer  be  morning  ? 
He  ride  too  morrow  a  mile, 
And  my  way  flialbe  paued  with  Englifli  faces. 

Con.  By  my  faith  fo  will  not  I, 
For  feare  I  be  outfaced  of  my  way. 


[28.  D.  2  v.]       28 


[For  foL  lines  86-9.  see  Q?  lines  52-6.] 

Bur.  Well  ile  go  arme  my  felfe,  hay. 

Gel-on.  The  Duke  of  Burl-on  longs  for  morning 


ACT  HI.  sc.  7.]      The  Life  of  Hfnry  thf  h'ifl.     Folio  1613. 


'     - 


ride  not  warily,   Tall  into  fuulu   Boggs:    I   had  rather  haue 
my  Horfe  to  my  Milin-iU-. 

Con  it.   I  had  as  Hue  hatu  my  Milhvfle  a  lade. 

Dolph.  I  tell  thce  Conftable,  my  Millreflc  wearea  his 
owne  ha\ 

Conjl.  I  could  make  as  true  a  boaft  as  that,  if  I  had  a 
Sow  to  ray  Miiin-r 

Dolph.  Le  chien  eft  rttourne  a  fan  propre  vem\flrment  rft 
la  leuye  lauee  au  l-ourl-'ur:  thou  mak'rt  %'fe  of  any  thing. 

Cor[fl.  Yet  doe  I  not  vfe  my  Horfe  for  my  Miftrefle, 
or  any  fuch  Prouerhf,  fo  little  kin  to  the  purpofe. 

Ramb.  My  Ix>rd  Conftable,  the  Armour  that  I  faw  in 
your  Tent  to  night,  are  thole  Starres  or  Sunnes  vpon  it  ? 

Cnnjl.  Starres  my  Lord. 

Dolph.  Some  of  them  will  fall  to  morrow,  I  hope. 

Conjl.  And  yet  my  Sky  lhall  not  want. 

Dolph.  That  may  be,  for  you  beare  a  many  fuperflu- 
oully,  and  'twere  more  honor  fome  were  away. 

I  u'n  as  your  Horfe  bearcs  your  prayfe«,  who 
would  trot  as  well,  were  fome  of  your  bragges  ^ifipnun. 
ted. 

Dolph.  Would  I  were  able  to  loade  him  with  his  do- 
fert.  Will  it  neucr  be  day  ?  I  will  trot  to  morrow  a  mile, 
and  my  way  (liall  he  paued  with  Englifti  Faces. 

Confl.  I  will  not  fay  fo,  for  feare  I  rtumld  be  far't  out 
of  my  way:  but  I  would  it  were  morning,  for  I  would 
faine  be  about  the  cares  of  the  Englilh. 

liaml-.  Who  will  goe  to  Hazard  with  me  for  twentie 
Prifoners? 

Con/1.   You  muft  firft  goe  y<»  to  hazard,  ere  you 

haue  them. 

Mid  -night,  lie  goe  arme  my  felfe.  £n/. 

OrU-ance.  The  Dolphin  longs  for  morning. 


61    /,./] /K*T  3.  4. 


M,  *]«•.*.  4. 

(•6-9.  M  Qj  B. 

i 


IIO          Thf  Cfitntiiitf  I!  fl<-nn/t/iffif'l.      (jmirto  1600.      [ui     in 


35-]  ***tr  *t*tr  a. 
t«wa;/4. 


Or.   I  In-  luni;s  io  e.tte  the  Knglilh. 

Co«.    I  thillke  herli-  t\ltr  .ill   In-  killcs. 

Orlf.  O  peace,  ill  uill  tuiu-r  f.iid  \\i-ll. 

Con.  He  cap  that  prom-rU-,  36 

With  there  is  flattery  in  friendihip. 

Or.  O  fir,  I  can  ani'wm-  tli.it, 
With  giue  the  iliuel  his  due. 

Con.  Haue  at  the  eye  of  that  prouerbe,  40 

\Viih  a  logge  of  the  diuel. 

Or.  Wi-H  the  Duke  of  linrl-nn,  is  limply, 
The  moft  actiue  (JeniK-iuan  of  /•"/' 

Con.  Doing  his  adiuitie,  and  lu-ele  ftil  be  doing.  44 

Or.  He  neuer  did  hurt  as  I  heard  nil'. 

Con.  No  I  warrant  you,  nor  neuer  will. 

Or.  I  hold  him  to  be  exceeding  valiant. 

Con.  I  was  told  fo  by  one  that  knows  him  better  the-  you.  48 

Or.  Whofe  that  ? 

Con.  Why  he  told  me  fo  himfelfe  : 
And  faid  he  cared  not  who  knew  it. 

Or.  Well  who  will  go  with  me  to  hazard,  [fol.  11.  86  5* 

For  a  hundred  Englifh  pri loners  ?  87 

Con.  You  muft  go  to  hazard  your  felfe,  88 

Before  you  haue  them.  89] 


[For  fol.  I20-I,  see  Qto  40-1.] 


ACT  in.  sc.  7.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  fV/>.     fo/io  1623. 


in 


Raml-.   He  longs  to  eate  the  Englilk 

Cotl/l.   I  thinke  he  \N  ill  e.ite  all  he  kills. 

Orleance.   By  the  white  Hand  of  my  Lady,  bee's  a  gal- 
lant Pi 

ConjL   Sweare  by  her  Foot,   that   ftie  may  tread  out  the 
Oath. 

Orleance.     He  is  Amply   the   mod   a&iuc   Gentleman  of 
ice. 

C»njl.  Doing  is  a&iuitic,  and  he  will  iVill  be  doing. 

Orlt-ir ;.    .    II     neuer  did  harme,  ihal  I  heard  «t. 

CtinjL     Nor    will    doe    none    to    morrow :    bee    will  kcrpc 
that  good  name  ftill. 

Orleance.  I  know  him  to  bo  v;iliant. 

Conjl.    I    was   told  that,  by  OIK-  tliat    kuowcs   him  better 
thru  \ou. 

Orleantf.  What's  bee? 

Conjl.  Marry  bee  told  me  fo  himfelfe,  and  bee  fiiyd  bee 
car'd  not  who  knew  it. 

Orleance.     Hee   ueedes   not,   it    is    no    bidden   vcrtiu 
bim. 

Const.    By  my  faith  Sir,  but   it   is:    nruer   any  body  law 
it,   but   his    I.  K.  jury:     'tis    a    hooded   valour,  and   wh< 
appeares,  it  w  ill  bate. 

Orlcamc.    Ill  will  nriu-r  l.iyd  wi-!l. 

Conjl.    I  will  cap   th.ii    1'rouerbc   witb,  Tbere  is    flat 
in  Irii-iullliip. 

Orleance.  And  I   will  take  vp  ili.it    w;:h,  Giue  tl»c  IX-uill 
. 

Conjl.    Well   plac't :    there    Hands    your    ti  the 

Dcuill :    hauc   at   the   very   eye   ol    tliat    Proucrbe   witb,   A 
Pox  of  the  Deuill. 

Orleance.  You  are  the  better  at  Prouerbs,  by  bow  much 
a  Foolcs  Bolt  i*  fbonc  (hot. 


it:        Thf  Chronic  It-  II  '' llfnry  thfjft.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  in. 


6a  *-  «*  J  6*  am  a.   am  3, 


r 


Mc(T-  My  IxmN,  the  Knglilh  lye  within  a  hundred 
Paces  of  your  IVnt. 

Con.  Who  hath  menfured  the  ground? 

:  The  Lord  Graapeere. 

Con.  A  valiant  man,  a.  an  expert  Gentleman. 
Come,  come  away  :  [61-3,  see  Fol.  IV.  ii.  63-4] 

The  Sun  is  hie,  and  we  weare  out  the  day. 

[-52.  D.  3.] 


ACT  in.  sc.  7.]          The  Life  of  Htnry  thf  Fiji.     Folio  1623. 


Const.  You  haue  (hot  OIK  r. 

Orltance.  'Tis  not  the  tirll  lime  you  were  ooer-dx*. 

Enter  a 


Mtff.  My  Lord  high  Conftable,  the  Kiijjliih  I..  «,I|IMI 
ritteene  hundred  paces  of  your  Tents. 

Cinfl.  Who  hath  nu-aiur'd  the  ground  ? 
The  Lord  Grandpree. 

Conji.    A   valiant   and    moft    expert   G.  v,     .'  : 

it    \VI-M-    day  ?     Alas   poore    Harry  of   England  :    bee    long! 
not  t"..r  the  Dawning,  as  wee  doe. 

Orlt-ance.  What  a  urrtrhed  and  peeuifh  fellow  ii  tin* 
King  of  England,  to  mope  with  his  fat-brain  \\  tollowen 
fo  farre  out  of  his  knowledge. 

Canjl.  If  the  Englilh  had  any  apprehenlion,  ibey 
would  ruune  away. 

Orltanct.   That  they  lark  :    i'.,r   it   ilu-ir  heads  had  any  in* 
telle6tu.il     Armour,    (hey    could    IH-IUT    weare    fuch    heauic 
'.-piece*. 

Ramb.  That  Hand  <>t  Kti^l.nul  hreedes  very  valiant 
Creatures  ;  their  Maltiili>  an-  <>t  vnrnatchable  cou- 
rage. 

Orltance.  Foolilli  Cunvs,  tlwt  runne  winking  into 
the  mouth  of  a  Rulli.i:  r  heads  i 

like   rotten   Apples:    you  may  as  well    lay,    that'*  a  v.i 
Flea,  that    dare    eatc    his    break  <>f  a 

I 

Conjl      lurt,    iuft  :      ami    the     men    il<«-     lyinp.ilhi/c     with 

the     Matt  i  tie*  ,    in     robuAious     and     rough     comming    on, 

leauing    their     Wits     with      their      \\  m,  ,        an.  I     then     giue 

Meale*  of  Beefe,   an.  I    Iron   and    Stcck?}    they 

will  eate  like  Wolues,  and  light  lik 

Or/nur. 

"T~         8 


140.  j  WMnr  wqr  *«*  3 


3.  4 


114         Tk*  CAromicU  Hi/lor.  'ylhrJ'J  •  ''OO.      [A.TIII.  .M 


ACT  III.  SC.  7.]         The  Life  of  lien nj  the  Fift.      Folio  1623. 


IP-  83 


i6c 


[IV] 


12 


Orlcancc.      I,    but     thefe     Englilh    are     ihrowdly    out    of 

Const.  Then  lhall  we  finde  to  morrow,  they  hane  only 
ftomackes  to  eate,  ami  nonr  to  light.  Now  is  it  time  to 
arme  :  come,  Hull  we  about  it  ? 

Orleance.  It  is  now  two  a  Clock :  but  let  me  fee,  by  ten 
(hall  haue  each  a  hundred  Englilh  men.  Exeunt. 


Actit.t  7V/V/M.V. 


Chorus. 

entertainc  coniefture  of  a  time, 
When  mi-ping  Murmure  and  I  he  poring  Darke 
FilK  the  wide  VelU-Il  of  the  Vniuerle. 
From  C.imp  to  C.tiiip,  through  the  loule  Womb  of  Night 
The  ilumtiu-  ot'eyther  Army  llilly  fouiuU  ; 
That  the  li\t  Centiiu-Ii  almoft  receiue 
The  ll-mt  Whilju-r-  of  e.ieh  others  Waul). 

•.d  through  their  paly  flames 
il.it Mile  fees  the  other-,  vmtx-r'd  I 

<  d,  in  high  and  boalifull  Neighs 
\ights  dull  Eare  :  and  from  the  Tents, 
The  Armourers  areomplilhing  the  Knights, 
With  In. ii<-  Hammers  clofing  Riuets  vp, 

in  ailtull  note  of  preparation. 

The  Coumrey  Cocks  doe  <-n.w,  the  (locks  doe  towle  : 
And  the  third  howre  of  drowjie  Morning  nam'd, 
«1  ot  their  NumlH-rs,  and  fecure  in  Smile, 
ontident  and  ouer-lultie  Freiuli, 


155.]  ikmedly 


161.) 


Il6  TV  Cknmkk  Ht/hrif  of  Henry  //,,  'luarto  1600.  r  iv. 


J 


ACT    IV.] 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Flft.     Polio  1623. 


117 


Doe  the  low-rated  EngliuS  play  at  Dice; 
And  chide  the  creeple-tardy-gated  Night, 
Who  like  a  foule  and  ougly  Witch  doth 
So  tedioufly  away.     The  poore  condemned  Englilli, 
Like  Sacrifices,  by  their  watchful  I  i 
Sit  patiently,  and  inly  ruminate 
The  Mornings  danger:  and  their  gefture  fi 
Inuefting  lanke-leane  Cheekes,  and  Warre-worne  ( 
Presented  them  vnto  the  gazing  Moone 
So  many  horride  Ghofts.     O  now,  who  will  behold 
The  Royall  Captaine  of  this  ruin'd  Band 
Walking  from  Watch  to  Watch,  from  Tent  to  Tent} 
Let  him  cry,  Prayfe  and  Glory  on  his  lu 
For  forth  he  goes,  and  vilits  all  his  Hoaft, 
Bids  them  good  morrow  with  a  modeft  Smyle, 
And  calls  them  Brothers,  Friends,  and  Countreymen. 
Vpon  his  Royall  Face  there  is  no  note, 
How  dread  an  Army  hath  enronnded  him  ; 
Nor  doth  he  dedicate  one  it.t  of  Colour 
Vnto  the  wearie  and  all-watched  Night : 
But  freihly  lookes,  and  ouer-hoares  Attaint, 
With  rhearefull  femblamv,  and  fweet  V 
That  euery  Wretch,  pining  and  pale  before, 
'.ing  him,  plucks  comfort  from  his  Lo 

II,  like  the  Sunne, 
doth  giue  to  euery  one, 

Thawing  cold  fearc,  that  meane  and  gentle  all 
Behold,  a*  may  vnworthineile  define. 
A  liltle  touch  of  H  '        V  ;lit. 

And  fo  our  S(  »ne  muft  to  th<-  llye  : 

Where.  ()  for  pitty,  we  lliall  much  difgrace, 

tiue  rnort  vile  and  ragg< 
(Right  ill  difpm'd,  in  brawle  ridirulous) 


35.  kit]  this 


nS  TV  Cftrmfcfc  Hj/hrif  of  llr*ry  tkfjtfl.     '.  '.oo.     [ACT  i\     i 


\r.  sc.  i.]           The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fift.     l-nlin  i'>:  j 


119 


The  Name  of  Agincourt :  Yet  fit  and  fee, 
Minding  true  things,  by  what  their  Mock'ries  bee. 

Exit. 

Enter  the  King,  Bedford,  and  Gloucejler. 

King.  Gloftcr,  'tis  true  that  we  are  in  great  danger, 
Tin-  greater  then-lore  ihould  our  Courage  be. 
God  morrow  Brother  Bedford:  God  Almightie, 
There  is  fome  foule  of  goodnefle  in  things  euill, 
Would  men  obferuingly  diftill  it  out. 
For  our  bad  Neighbour  makes  vs  early  ftirrers, 
Which  is  both  healthfull,  and  good  husbandry. 
Belides,  they  are  our  outward  Confciences, 
And  Preachers  to  vs  all ;  admonifliing, 
That  we  iliould  drefle  vs  fairely  for  our  end. 
Thus  may  we  gather  Honey  from  the  Weed, 
And  make  a  Morall  of  the  Diuell  himfelfe. 

Enter  Erpingham. 

Good  morrow  old  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  : 
A  good  fof't  Pillow  for  that  good  white  Head, 
Were  better  then  a  churl ilh  turfe  of  France. 

Erfting.  Not  fo  my  I.iege,  this  lodging  likes  me  better, 
Since  I  may  fay,  now  lye  I  like  a  King. 

King.  'Ti»  good  for  men  to  lone  their  prefent  paines, 
Vpon  example,  fo  the  Spirit  is  eafed  : 
And  when  the  Mind  is  quickned,  out  of  doubt 
The  Organs,  though  defunft  and  dead  before, 
Breake  vp  their  drowlie  (Jraue,  and  newly  moue 
With  'igh,  and  frelli  legeritie. 

I/end  me  ihy  Cloake  Sir  Thomas:  Brothers  both, 
Commend  me  to  the  Princes  in  our  Campej 
Doe  my  good  morrow  to  them,  and  anon 


3.]   Goflrf  murr<no  3.  4. 


18.]  faimt. 


I  JO        Tkr  Cknmidt  li^ant  of  Henry  t  .  i '.oo.     [ACT  r  I, 


/Ac-  King  dij'guijrd,  lo  him  1'ilioll. 
••  re  la  ? 

K'utg.  A  friend. 

/*(//.  Difcu*  rnto  me,  art  ili-.i.  (JrirK-inaii  ? 
Or  art  ihou  common,  bafc,  .ml  p<>] 

A"iȣ.   No  fir,  I  am  a  Gt-niK-in.ui  '        .pany. 

Put.  Traile*  ibou  the  puitr.uit  ]  . 

What  arc  you? 

/*j^.  As  good  a  gentleman  as  the  Emperour. 
/.  f)  thrn  ihou  art  belti-r  llu-n  the  King? 

The  king*  a  bago,  and  a  hart  of  gold. 
/*(/?.  A  lad  of  life,  an  impe  of  fame : 
Of  parent*  good,  of  t.i:  nx.it  valiant : 
1  kit  hi*  durtie  (hoe:  and  from  my  hart  firing* 
I  looe  the  looelr  bully.     What  is  thy  n 
Ki*g.  Harry  le  Roy. 

.'.  Le  Roy,  a  Cornilh  man : 
Art  tboo  of  Corniih  crew  ? 

Km.  No  fir,  I  am  a  Wealchman. 

Ptf.  A  Wealchman:  kiKiwIl  thuu  /••/••« •«•//«•»? 

Kim.  I  fir,  be  b  my  kinfman. 


[IV.  ,] 


12 


20 


ACT  iv.  sc.  i.]         The  Lift  of  Henry  the  l\fl.     1 


121 


.if-  83] 

[COL.  a] 
28 


4° 


44 


Defire  them  all  to  my  Pauillion. 

Glojltr.  We  (hall,  my  Liege. 

Erping.  Shall  I  attend  your  Grace  ? 

King.  No,  my  good  Knight  : 
Goe  with  my  Brothers  to  ray  Lords  of  England  : 
I  and  my  Bofome  mud  debate  a  \vliiii-, 
And  then  I  would  no  other  company. 

Erfang.    The     Lord     in     Heauen     bleile      thee  ,     Noble 
Harry.  -mt. 

King.    God   a   mercy   old    Heart ,   thou    fpcak'ft    cheare- 
fully.  Enter  Pifloll. 

Che  vous  la  ? 

King.  A  friend. 

Pijl    Difcuire   vnto   me ,   art    thou   Officer,  or   art    thou 
bafe,  common,  and  popular  ? 

King.  I  am  a  Gentleman  of  a  Company. 

Piii.  Tr.iv!' ft  thou  the  puiflant  Fyke  • 

King.  Euen  fo  :  what  are  you  ? 

Plft.  As  good  a  Gentleman  a>.  the  Emperor. 

King.  Then  you  are  a  better  then  the  King. 

P\fl.  The   King's  a   Bawcock,  and   a    Heart   of  Go! 
Lad    of   Lite,  an    Impe   of   Fame,  of    Parents  good,  of   Fill 
moft   valiant  :     I     kille    h^    duriie    ihom-,    and    from    hcart- 
flring  I  loue  the  lonely  Bully.     What  is  thy  Name  ? 

King.   Harry  le  Roy. 

P\fl.  Le  Roy  ?  a  Cornilh  Name  :  art  thou  of  Cornilh  Ci 

King.  No,  I  am  a  Welchman. 

Pl/l.  Know'ft  thou  Flutllen  ? 
•ig.  Yes. 

Pi/I  Tell   him   He  knock  his  Lceke  about  his  Pate  vp«>n 
S.  Dauifs  day. 

King.  Doc   not   you  weare  your   Dagger   in   your   Cappe 
that  day,  lead  he  km«  k  that  al>out  yours. 

i  a  Put.  Art 


40.  am  a]  am  4. 


44.  a]  oro.  4. 


57-]  te*t  3-  4- 


TV  C*n»iflf  Hifarir  of  Henry  iktffl.     Quarto  1  600.     [ACT  iv. 


Art  Ihou  his  friend* 

! 

P\fl-  "••  ft*  the*  then  :  my  n  '  •/••//. 

K«.  It  forts  well  with  your  fierce: 
Pi/W/  b  my  name. 


24 


Go«vr  o« 
<r.  Captaine  Flnpftlen. 
rtftr   In  the  name  of  Icfu  fpeake  Icwcr. 
If  »  the  grratcft  folly  in  the  worrll,  \vhc-n  tin-  nun 
Prrmgatiun  of  ibe  warm  be  not  I 
I  warrant  jroa,  if  700  looke  into  the  warm  of  1  1 
Sail  tindc  no  t  .  nor  bible  balilt-  tit 

[SI.DSV.] 

Bat  you  (hall  finde  the  cares,  and  the  fearcs, 
And  the  cm  monies  to  be  oilu-rv 


Goirr.  Why  the  enemy  is  loud  :  you  heard  him  all  night. 

Flrtr.  Godet  fullud,  if  the  enemy  be  an  AlTe  &  a  F< 
And  a  prating  cocks-come,  is  it  nm-t  t:  .ilfu  /  a  foolc, 

And  a  prating  cocks-come,  /  in  your  c<  "  / 

Go*r.  lie  fpeake  lower. 

fTnr.  I  bcfccch  yon  do,  good  Captainc  f/'  >ner. 

Em  -Hi 

Ki».  Tbo  it  appcare  a  litlc  out  of  tail 
Yet  (beret  much  care  in  this. 

Enter  three  Souldiers. 


28 


31 


36 


40 


ACT  IV.  sc.  I .]      The  Life  of  Henry  the  h'ifl.      1 


[P-  84] 
[COL.  i] 

60 


68 


80 


PIU.  Art  thou  his  friend  ? 

King,  And  his  Kinfman  too. 

P'lft.  The  Figo  for  thee  then. 

King.  I  thanke  you  :  God  be  with  you. 

Pijl  My  name  is  /'//.V/o/caU'd.  Exit. 

King.  It  forts  well  with  your  fierceneiK  . 

Manet  King. 

* 

Enter  Fluellen  and  Gower. 

Cower.  Captaine  Ftnellcn. 

Flu.  'So,  in  tin-  Name  of  lefu  Chrift,  fpeake  fewer:  i( 
is  the  greateft  admiration  in  the  vniuerfall  World,  when 
the  true  and  aunehient  Prerogatives  and  Lawes  of  the 
Warres  is  not  kept :  if  you  \vould  take  the  paines  but  to 
examine  the  Wanvs  of  Pompey  the  Great,  you  lliall  tinde, 
I  warrant  you,  that  there  is  no  tiddle  tndle  nor  pibble  ba- 
ble  in  Pompeyes  Campe :  I  warrant  you,  you  fliall  finde 
the  Ceremonies  of  the  Warres,  and  the  Cares  of  it,  and 
the  Formes  of  it,  and  the  Sobrietie  of  it,  and  the  Modeflie 
of  it,  to  be  otherw: 

Gotrer.    Why    the    Enemic   is    lowd,    you    heare    him     all 
;.t. 

..    If  the  Enemie  is  an  Afle  and  a  Foole,  and  a  pra- 
ting   Coxcombe;    is    it    meet,    thinke    you,    that    wee    Oiould 
alfo,  looke  you,  be  an  Afle  and  a  Foole,  and  a  prating  Cox- 
,  in  your  owne  confeience  now? 

Gou:   I  will  fpeake  lower. 

Flu.  I  pray  you,  and  lu-li -ei  li  you,  that  you  will.  Exit. 

King.  Though  it  appearc  a  little  out  of  faihion, 
There  is  much  care  and  valour  in  tlii-.  \\\  K  Innan. 

Enter  three  Sotildiem,  lohn  Hates,  Alexander  Court, 
and  Michael  William*. 


67  ]  it  nude*  t  4. 


70-1.]  t.iddlt  .  . 
3-  4- 


t:« 


CknmkU  Ht/hrtf  '.          1600.    [ACT  iv.  sc.  i, 


54.  «•»)«"*> 


I.  $•*/.  It  DOC  that  the  morning  >•• 


».  &>*!.  I  we  Tec  i  he  beginning. 
God  known  whether  we  ftu>l  t  no. 


3.  Sou/.  Well  I  ih-nki-  (he  king  could  wiih  himklfe 

•  the  necke  in  the  middle  of  the  Thames, 
And  to  I  would  be  were,  at  all  adumturo,  and  I  \viih  I 

KM.  Now  marten  god  morruw,  what  rheare  ? 

j.  S.  I  fail  h  fmall  cheer  forae  of  \i  is  like  to  haue, 
Ere  I  bb  day  ende. 

Kin.  Wby  fear  nothing  man,  the  king  is  frolikc. 

».  S.  I  he  may  be,  for  he  hath  no  fuch  caufe  as  we 

KM.  Najr  fay  not  fo,  he  i«  a  man  as  we  are. 
The  Violet  fmeU  to  him  as  to  \ , 


48 


Therefore  If  be  fee  reafons,  be  fearea  as  we  do. 


ACT  IV.  sc.  I.]         The  Life  uf  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


1*5 


Court,  Brother  lohn  Bates  ,  is  not  that  the  Morning 
which  brakes  yonder  ? 

Bates.  I  thinke  it  be  :  but  wee  haue  no  great  caufe  to 
de-fire  the  approach  of  day. 

Ifit/iaw*.  Wee  fee  yonder  the  beginning  of  the  day, 
but  I  thinke  wee  ilull  ncucr  fee  the  end  of  it.  Who  goes 
there? 

King.  A  Friend. 

IPlttiams.  Vnder  what  Captaine  ferue  you  ? 

King.  Vnder  Sir  lohn  Erpingham. 

IPlUiams.  A  good  old  Commander,  and  a  nioft  kinde 
Gentleman  :  I  pray  you,  what  thinkes  he  of  our  eftatu  ? 

King.  Euen  as  men  wrackt  vpon  a  Sand,  that  looke  to 
be  walht  olf  the  next  1 

Ba:  'h  not  told  his  thought  to  the  King? 

King.  No :  nor  it  U  not  meet  he  ihould  :  lor  though  I 
fpcakc  it  "to  you,  I  thinke  the  King  is  but  a  man,  as  I  am  : 
the  Violet  fmells  to  him,  as  it  doth  to  me  ;  the  Element 
mewes  to  him,  as  it  doth  to  me ;  all  his  Scnces  haue  but 
humane  Conditions :  his  Ceremonies  layd  by,  in  his  Na- 
kedneile  he  appeares  but  a  man ;  and  though  his  aife&i- 
ons  are  higher  mounted  then  ours,  yet  when  they  Itoupe, 
they  ftoupe  with  the  like  wing:  therefore,  \v  IK-H  lu- 
reafon  of  feares,  as  we  d<x.  ;  1>U  Ic.ires,  out  of  doubt,  be  of 
the  fame  rellilh  as  ours  are  :  yet  in  realon,  no  man  ihould 
pr.iK-ile  him  with  any  appearance  «  :  U-alt  bee,  by 

llievving  it,  Ihould  dis-hearten  his  Army. 

Bti'  llu-w    what    oulw.inl    roiirage    he    will: 

but   I  belecue,  as  cold  a  Night  as  'tis,  bee  could  wilh 
m   Thames  vp  to   llu-  I   1«>   I   would  he 

and  I  by  him,  at  all  adiu -ntut.  «}uit  here. 

•:g.  By  my  troth,   1   will  fpcake   my  e   of  the 


no.]  Utt  3,  4. 


Cfaftjdtr  Hl/tari*  tf  ttntry  //.  .  ',00.     [ACT  i\     •>  .  i. 


3.  So/.  But  the  king  hath  a  heauy  reckoning  to  innkr, 
/f  bis  caufe  be  not  good  :  when  all  thuf'u  Joules 
Wbofc  bodies  (hall  be  flaughtered  here, 
Shall  ioync  together  at  the  latter  day, 
And  (ay  /  dyed  at  fuch  a  place.     Some  ("wearing : 
Some  their  wiues  rawly  It-It : 
Some  leaning  their  children  poore  behind  them. 

[<5».  D  4] 

Now  if  hit  caufc  be  bad,  /  I  think  it  will  be  a  greeuous  matter 

(to  him.  / 


[Fol.  144-6.  tee  Quarto  69,  70.  71.] 

Kwg.  Wbjr  fo  jroo  may  fay,  if  a  man  u-nd  hi-,  ieruant 
As  FaAor  into  another  Countrey, 
And  be  by  any  meancs  mifcarry, 


i.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  FIJI.     i"uim  1623. 


I   ihinke  hex-  would   not    \\ilh   hiiufclfe   any  where, 
but  where  hee  is. 

Bu:  ulJ  he  were  1  ;  fo  Humid  he  be 

Cure  to  be  rani  !  a  many  poore  men*  lines  faued. 

g.  I  dar^  i   loue   him  not   fo  ill,   to  wilh  him 

here  r   you    fpeake     this     to     feele    other 

mens   minds,  me   thinks   1  could  not  dye  any  wlici 

1,  as   iu   the  Kin.js  company;  his  CaulV  b.ing   iull,  and 
his  Quarrel!  honorable. 

Wi/liams.  That'-,  more  then  we  know. 
Bu  more   then   wee   ihould   feeke    after  j    tor 

know    enough,    if   wee    know  wee   are    the   Rings  Sublets: 
if  hi-,   Caule   be  wrong,   our   obedience   to   the   King 
the  Cry  me  of  it  out  > 

H'iUiams.  But  if  the  Caufe  be  not  good,  the  King  him- 
fclfe  hath  a  heauie  Reckoning  to  make,  when  all  thole 
Legges,  and  Armes,  and  Heads,  chopt  o.l  in  a  Bar 

r  at  the  latter  day,  and  cry  all,  Wee  dy- 
ed at  fuch  a  place,  fume  fwearing,  foine  crying  for  a  Sur- 
gean ;  loine  \puii  their  Wines,  left  poore  behind  them; 
fome  vpon  tl.  .  •  ,  foine  \pon  iJn-n 

rawly   left  :     I   am   afear'd,  there  are   ; 
in  a  lor  how   can    they   charitably    diJpofe   o\ 

thing,  when   lUcjod  i->  their  argument  ?     No  A,   if  tlu-le  men 
.veil,  it  uill    be   a    black    matter    for   the    King, 
that    led   them    to    it;   \vlio   to  difobey,  were  againlt   all   pro- 
| 

:    a   Sonne  that    is    by    hi-,    Father    lent    about 
IIKJ   linfully    milrarry    vp<m   the  Sea;    the    im- 
putation .:iclle,    by    your    rule,    ihould    be    im- 
.:»   hi-.   Fatlu-r   that    lent  him:  or   if  a    Seruant,  \n- 
der    hi-.    ."•  ijx>rting    a    fumm.- 
ney,  be  •!              j   Robbers,  and  dye  in  many  irrecontird 


119.  /]  ora. 


136.]  Surgtm; 


139- 


3.  4. 


TV-  CknmirU  Ili/hri*  of  llfury  I  G  ^oo.     [ACT  iv.  st     i 


You  may  lay  the  bufinede  of  UK  m.nr 
Was  the  author  of  his  frruau:  une. 

I..'        :. 

And  be  fall  into  any  leaud  adion,  you  may  fay  the  father 

Was  the  author  of  bit  foones  damn .ui«m. 

But  the  mailer  U  not  iu  r  his  feruants, 

The  father  for  his  fonn< .  n»r  ilu-  king  for  his  fubieds  .• 

For  they  purpole  D«  .iliw,  /  whc  tht-y  <  r.mr  ilu-ir  : 

Some  there  are  that  hauc  the  gift  /  of  premeditated     (uices :  / 

Murder  on  them :  / 

Others  the  broken  feale  of  Forgery,  in  beguiling  mayd 


:  I  thcfe  outftnp  the  bwe, 

they  cannot  efcape  Gods  ptiniilum-nt. 

'      .    <•  v,  u  :-  (.    k  PI  Dgeance  80 


Eoery  mans  feruice  U  the  kings : 

But  euery  mans  foule  U  his  ownc. 

Tberfbre  I  would  hauc  eucry  fouldier  examine  himfelfe, 

And  wafli  euery  moalh  out  o!"  his  confcience : 

That  In  fo  doing,  he  may  be  the  readier  for  death  : 

Or  not  dying,  why  the  time  was  well 

Wherein  fuch  preparation  was  made. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  i.]          The  LiJ\  /  the  Fifl.     Polio  1623. 


129 


[P- 84] 
[COL.  a] 

*5» 


160 


164 


168 


17* 


176 


180 


Iniquities;  you  may  call  the  bufmeife  of  the  Mafter  the 
author  of  the  Seruants  damnation:  but  this  is  not  fo: 
The  King  is  not  bound  to  anfwer  the  p.inicular  endings 
of  his  Souldiers,  the  Father  of  his  Sonne,  nor  the  Mafter 
of  his  Seruant;  for  they  purpofe  not  their  de.ith,  when 
they  purpofe  their  feruiiv-.  H  li.l .--.  there  i-  no  King,  be 
his  Caufe  neuer  fo  fpotleife,  if  it  come  to  the  arbitre- 
ment  of  Swords,  ean  trye  it  out  with  all  vnfpotted  Soul- 
diers :  fome  (peraduentuie)  haue  on  them  the  guilt  of 
premeditated  and  contriued  Murther;  fome,  of  begui- 
ling Virgins  with  the  broken  Seales  of  Periurie;  fome, 
making  the  Warres  their  Bulwarke,  that  haue  before  go- 
red the  gentle  Bofoine  of  IVaie  with  Pillage  and  Robbe- 
rie.  Now,  if  thefe  men  haue  defeated  the  Law,  and  out- 
runne  Natiue  punilhment ;  though  they  tan  out-ftrip 
men,  they  haue  no  wings  to  flye  from  God.  Warre  is 
his  Headle,  W.irre  i-  hi-  \Vn  ;e.inee  :  fo  that  here  men 
are  puniftit,  for  before  bre.uh  of  the  Kings  Lawes,  in 
now  the  Kings  Quarrell  :  where  they  feared  the  death, 
they  haue  borne  life  away;  ami  where  they  would  bee 
(afe,  they  perifh.  Then  if  they  dye  vnprouided,  no  more 
is  the  King  guiltie  of  tin  ii  damnation,  then  bee  was  be- 
tjuiltie  of  thole  Impieties,  for  the  \\lnVh  they  .ire 
now  vifued.  Euery  Subjects  Duiie  i-  the  Kings,  but 
euery  Subie&s  Soule  i-  hi-  o\v  ne.  Therefore  ihould 
euery  Souldier  in  the  Warre*  doe  as  euery  licke  man  in 
his  Bed,  warn  euery  Moth  out  of  his  Con  and 

dying  fo,  Death  is  to  him  aduantage;  or  not  dying, 
the  time  was  hleifedly  loft,  wherein  fuch  preparation  was 
gayned :  and  in  him  that  efcapes,  it  were  not  fume  to 
thinke,  that  making  God  fo  free  an  offer,  he  let  him  out- 
liuc  that  day,  to  fee  hi-  (ir.  .itnetle,  uiul  to  teach  others 
how  they  fhouKl  prepare. 

//•/; 


175   /4v]oro.  4. 


I  jo        7*r  Cknmtdt  llninn.  /  thtjifi.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  iv.  sc.  I, 


§»!>»«. 

HI* 


•    • 


j.  IW*/    N  •  ue:  88 

!. 
I  would  not  hatu  i he  king  anfwerr  f«>i 

:n. 

I  bc«rd  thr  king,  be  w.-l.l  IKK  !.<•  r.mi-inilc.  92 

(<>  nuke  v«  fight  . 

But  v  •.  be  may  be  ranl'onulr. 

And  we  ncu«-r  the  v 

!!••  iirm-r  trul: 

[./>.  I)  4.  r.] 

a.  So/.  Mas  yoiilo  pay  him  tlu-n,  /  lis  a  grrai  dilplc.iliirc 
gun,  can  do  :i 

1 


Yonle  nere  lake  hi*  word  again,  your  a  nafle  goe.  j  oo 

King.  Your  rcproofe  i-  ;  too  bin- 

Were  it  not  a(  :  ild  be  angry. 

a.  So/.  Why  K-(  it  be  a  quarrell  it"  thou  wilt. 


King.  How  (hall  I  know  tbee?  ,04 

:*  my  glouf,  which  if  eurr  I  ftv  in  iliy  hat, 
lie  challenge  tbee,  and  Alike  i  i 

A"i*.   Here  is  likcwiu-  another  of  mine, 


And  aflure  ibee  ile  wearr  it. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  I.]  The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Flft.     I 


[P-  85] 
[COL.  l]  "'//.    "T'>  certaine,  euery   man   that  dyes  ill,  the  ill   vpon 

184       his  owne  head,  the  King  is  not  to  anfwer  it. 

Bates.  I   doe   not    deli  re    lice    Humid    anfwer    for  me,  and 
yet  I  determine  to  fight  lullily  for  him. 

King.   I    my    felfe    heard    the   King    lay  he  would  not  be 
1 88       ranfom'd. 

Itlll.     I,    hee    laid   fo,  to  make   vs  fight   chearefully  :    but 
when  our  throats  are  cut,   hee    may   IK-    rausom'd.  aiul 
ne're  the  wifer. 

192  King.   If   I   line  to  fee  it,  I   will  neuer    trull   h'-.   word  af- 

Ur 

•/////.  You  pay  him  then:  that's  a  perillous  lliot  out 
of  an  Elder  Gunne,  that  a  poore  and  a  priuati-  difpleafure 
196  can  doe  again  ft  a  Monarch:  you  may  as  well  goe  about 
to  turne  the  Sunne  to  yce,  with  fanning  in  hi-,  late  with  a 
Peacocks  feather  :  You'le  neuer  trull  his  word  after; 
come,  'tis  a  foul  i  ill  faying. 

200  King.    Your    reproofe    is    fomething    too    round,    I    fliould 

In-  angry  with  you,  if  the  time  \\en-  conuenient. 

//'///.       Ix.-t     it     bee    a    Quarrell     betweene    vs,    if    you 
liue. 
204  King.   I  embrace  it. 

//';//.   How  (hall  I  know  theeagaine? 

King.  Giuc    me    any    Gage  of  thine,  and  I   will  wcare  it 
in   my    Bonnet  :    Then    if  euer    thou    dar'll    acknowledge    it, 
108        I  will  make  it  my  Quarrell. 

//'///.       Heerc's     my     Gloue  :     Giue     mee     another     of 
thine. 

King.  There, 
aia  //'///.    This   will    I  alfo  weare  in   my  Cap:   if  em -r  il>.  u 

to    I7H-,    and    lay.    alter    to    morrow,   Thi-.   is    my    Gloue. 
by  thi*  Hand  I  will  take  thee  a  box  on  the  . 

King.    1 1  euer  I  liue  to  fee  i(,  1  will  challenge  it. 


183  ]  ill  U  vfmi  4. 

184  ]  for  it.  3.  4. 


194.  o*t]  fur  4. 

195.  am/  a]  a  om.  3.  4. 


198.]  a/ftr.  *,  3  ;  (!)  4. 


aoi.  vrrre'.om.  4. 


l 


TV  CVwuf/r  Hi/larif  of  llfmry  ihfjtf).     Quarto  1600.      [ACT  IV.  SC.  I, 


t.  So/.  Tboo  dar'rt  a»  well  be  hangd. 


j.  So/.  Be  friends  you  foole*, 
We  bane  French  qoarreU  aoow  in  li.uxi  • 
.ntc  no  need  of  Engtifli  brojln. 


Kim.  Tta  no  tmTon  to  cut  Fn-m-li  trow  m^. 
For  to  morrow  the  king  him fd fc  wil  be  a 

./  the  foul 


113 


ACT  iv.  sc.  i.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  lift.      FO//G  1623. 


[P- 85] 
[COL.  i] 


124 


aa8 


936 


240 


a48 


mil.  Thou  dar'lt  as  well  be  hang'd. 

King.  Well,  I  will  doe  it,  though  I  take  thee  in  the 
Kings  companie. 

//'///.  Keepe  thy  word:  fare  thee  well. 

Bates.  Be  friends  you  Knglilh  fooles,  be  friends,  wee 
haue  French  Quarrels  enow,  if  you  could  tell  how  to  rec- 
kon. Kiit  S<mlilifr<i. 

King.  Indeede  the  French  may  lay  twentie  French 
Crownes  to  one,  they  will  beat  vs.  for  they  beare  them 
on  their  (boulders :  but  it  is  no  Knglilh  Treafon  to  cut 
French  Crownes,  and  to  morrow  the  King  himfelfe  will 
be  a  Clipper. 

Vpon  the  King,  let  v-,  our  Lines,  our  Soules, 
Our  Debts,  our  curetiill  \Vii: 
Our  Children,  and  our  Sinnes,  lay  on  the  King  : 

ailt  In-are  all. 

O  hard  Condition,  Twin-borne  with  Greatm-ili-, 
Subiect  to  the  bre:ith  of  euery  f«>ole,  whole  i 
No  more  can  teele,  but  his  owne  wringing. 
What  infinite  hearts-cafe  mult  Kings  negled, 
That  priuate  men  en 
And  what  haue  Kin^s,  that  I'riuatcs  haue  not  too, 

('eremonie,  laue  geiierall  Ccrcmonie  • 
And  what  art  thoii,  llum  Moll  (%en-m<-: 
What  km.i  't  tin MI  •      that  futfer'ft  more 

Of  mortal!  gricfes,  then  d(*  thy  worlhippers. 
What  are  thy  Rents  "*   what  are  thy  Commings  in  ? 
O  Ceremonie,  llu-w   me  l>ut  thy  worth. 
What  •  is  thy  Soule  of  Ocloraiion  ; 
Art  thou  oui;lit  «-lle  but   1'l.n  r.  Dri;ree,  and   For; 

ing  awe  and  leare  in  other  n 
Whcn-in  thou  art  It  ti«-  happy,  Ix-in^  li-ar'd, 
1       n  they  in  fearing. 


Exeunt  .  .  . 


a3i.   Wt\  //t*  4- 


935.]  k4*rt-4*u  3.  4. 


44.]   £*«/  3.  4. 

ttOH  f 


154        TV  Cftrmfefe  Hi/hrit  of  Hrtry  ikf  fij).     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  iv.  sc.  I, 


ACT  iv.  sc.  I.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  rift. 


i 


'35 


[P- 85] 

LOL.  l] 


152 


256 


160 


264 


168 


272 


276 


280 


What  drink'll  ihou  oft,  in  Head  of  H  Bt, 

But  poyfon'd  llalterie?  ( ),  IK-  l"n  k,  great  GreatnriU-, 

And  bid  thy  Cereinonie  giue  thee  cure. 

Thinks  thou  the  fierie  Feuer  will  goe  out 

With  Titles  blowne  from  Adulation  • 

Will  it  giue  place  to  flexure  and  low  bending? 

thou,  when  thou  command'!*  the  beggi-rs  kn.  r. 
Command  the  health  of  it  ?      No,  thou  prowd  Dreame 
That  play'lt  lo  lubtilly  with  a  Kin^-,  Kv  ;• 
I  am  a  King  that  fiiul  (liee  :   and  I  know, 

:iot  the  Bahne,  the  Sivptt-r,  and  the  Ball, 
The  Sword,  the  Male,  the  Crowne  Imperiall, 
The  enter-tilUied  Robe  of  Gold  and  I'earle, 
The  farled  Title  running  'lore  the  King, 
The  Throne  he  lils  on  :   nor  tl  1  roin|>e. 

That  l>eau>  vpon  the  high  lliore  of  this  World: 

II  tiiele,  thrice-gorgeoiu  t'eremonie  ; 
-\  .  l.iy'd  in  Bed  Maieftirall, 

Can  lleepe  fo  foundly,  a>>  the  \viet»lied  Slaue  : 
Who  with  a  body  lill'd,  and  vacant  mind, 

aim  to  relt.  «ram'd  with  diftrellefull  bread, 

r  lei-s  horrule  Night.  I  he  Child  of  Hell  : 
But  like  a  Lacquey,  from  the  Kit 

-.  in  the  «  and  all  Night 

Sleepes  in  Elizium  :  next  day  at;<  r  <!.I\MIC, 
,tnd  helpe  Ili/ierin  to  his  Horfe, 
And  followi-s  fo  the  euer-running  yeere 
With  profitable  labour  to  his  (Iraue  : 
And  but  for  Ceremonie,  I'm  h  a  Wretrh, 
Winding  vp  Dayes  with  toyle,  ami  Nights  with  l! 
Had  the  lore-hand  and  vantage  of  a  King. 
The  Slaue,  a  Member  of  th<  <  i*  peace, 

e*  it  ;  but  in  grolle  braine  little  wots, 


»    H  /:/   ii'/ 


fat]  Tko*  3.  4- 


365.]  Ctrtmtmts. 


.     l 
Hiftrio* 


T*V  C4rw.iV/*-  Hi/hrif  of  Hrnry  t/ifffl.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  i  v.  sc. 

•Mr*  to 

Kmlft  tke  King,  Gl<ilirr,  Epingnm.  ""</ 

Altrtda 

A'.  O  God  of  battels  fleele  my  1'ouKIirrs  kin*, 

Take  from  them  now  the  fence  of  n-kioning, 

iiy*|  *^p**^«  & 

That  the  appofed  multitude*  \\hi<  h  (land  IK-IOIV  tlu-m, 

<*•*» 

May  not  apjull  ilu-ir  murage. 

oa>)  *»...«»...  OS- 

O  not  to  day,  not  to  day  d  God, 

ke  on  the  fault  my  father  made, 

In  cotnpafltng  the  crowne. 

I  Itickards  bodic  hauc  interml  i: 

And  on  it  hath  beftowd  more  contrite  tearcs, 

Then  from  it  ilfued  forced  drops  of  blood  : 

A  hundred  men  haue  I  in  yearly  pay,                             [I35-  I 

Which  cuery  day  tlu-ir  witlu-red  hands  hold  vp 

To  beauen  to  pardon  blood, 

HI     H 

And  I  haue  built  nv<»  chanceries, 

more  wil  I  do  : 

Tho  all  that  I  can  do,  is  all  too  litlc. 

Enter  Glotler. 

Gtott.  My  Lord. 

King.  My  brother  Gtruttrs  voyce. 

Glosl.  My  Lord,  the  Army  ftayes  vpon  your  prefence. 

Ki»g.  Stay  Gtattrr  Hay,  and  I  will  go  with  thee, 

»* 

The  day  my  friend^,  and  all  things  Hayes  for  me. 

116 


120 


124 


128 


ACT  iv.  sc.  I.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  /•'//>. 


'37 


What  watch  the  King  keopes,  lo  niaintaine  tlu- 
Whofe  howres,  the  IVi.uit  1><  it  adu.mtagw. 

Enter  Erpingfuint. 

Erp.  My  Lord,  your  Noble*  iealous  of  your  abfcnce, 
Seeke  through  your  Cainpe  to  find  you. 

King.  Good  old  Knight,  colled  them  all  together 
At  my  Tent  :    Hebe  before  tliee. 

Erp.  I  lhall  doo't,  my  Ixird.  Erit. 

King.  O  God  of  B.itt.iiles,  fteele  my  Souldiers  hearts, 

;le  them  not  with  fe.ire  :   Take  from  them  now 
The  fence  of  rerkning  of  th'oppofed  numb 
riiu-k  their  hearts  from  them.     Not  to  day,  O  Lord, 

0  not  to  day,  thiiike  not  vpon  the  fault 

My  Father  made,  in  com  palling  the  Crowne. 

1  Richards  body  haue  interred  new, 

And  on  it  haue  bellowed  more  contrite  teares, 
Then  from  it  iil'ued  forced  drop-,  of  blood. 
Fiue  hundred  poore  I  haue  in  yeerely  pay, 
Who  tui«-  .1  d.iy  their  wither'd  hands  hold  vp 
;  1  Heauen,  to  pardon  bl 

And  I  haue  built  two  Chauntries, 
\N"here  the  f.i.l  and  folemnu  Priefts  fing  Hill 
For  Richards  Soule.     More  will  I  doe : 
Though  all  that  I  can  doe,  is  nothing  worth  ; 
Since  that  my  IVniun<  tier  all, 

Imploring  pardon. 

Enter  (Jlouu-jii-r. 

Glouc.  My  Liege. 

King.  My  Brother  Gloucrflers  voyce  ?  I : 
I  know  thy  errand,  I  will  goe  with  thee: 
The  day,  my  friend,  and  all  thing*  Hay  for  me. 

Exeunt. 
i  J  Enter 


991.  rtf]  tk*  3.  4. 


308.  /.-]of«.  3.4. 


Ij8         Tkf  CkromttU  lltflnrif  -./  Hft>  >t 


(jnaitn  1600.      [AI  i    i\    ft 


2.]  Tin-  I. iff  <f  Henry  the  I'ift.      I'olio 


Enter  the  Dolphin,  Orlcam.-,  Rnml sir*,  and 

lifuunuint. 

Orleance.    The    Sunne    doth    gild    our    Armour    \j>,    my 
Lord-. 

Do/fih.      Monte     Cheual:      My     Horfe,     Verlot     Lacyutiy: 
Hi. 

Orliiiim-.   Oh  braue  Spirit. 
Dolph.    I  la  /fi  »•«•<•  v  tlf  t 
Orleance.   R'n-n  puis  le  air  &  feu. 

Dolph.   (          i      ;im  Orleance.  Enter  Conjiuile. 

\    A  my  I.ord  Conlhible? 

Conft.     Hcarke     how     our    Stecdes,    for    prolc-nt     Si-ruice 
neigh. 

Dolph.  Mount  thiMii,  and  make  incilion  in  their  Hides, 
Thai  tlieir  hot  blooil  may  Ipin  in  Kngliih  eyes, 
And  doubt  them  with  (hperflooiM  courage:  ha. 

Ram.  What,  wil  you  ham-  them  weep  our  Horfes  blood? 
How  lliall  we  then  behold  their  naturall  teares? 

Enter  Mi-l/i-nger. 

/feng.      The     Englith     are     embattail'd,     you     Frein  li 
Peerw. 

Conjl.  To  Horfe  you  gallant  Princes,  (traight  to  I  lorle. 
Doc  but  behold  yond  poore  and  ftarucd  Band, 
And  your  la  ire  llu-w  lliall  link  away  their  Souli-s, 
!          :ig  them  but  the  lhales  and  huski-s  of  men. 
:e  is  not  workc-  enough  tor  .ill  our  hands, 

B  lil-«.«l  i-iiMii-h  in  all  tlu-ir  liekly  \\-ines, 
To  glue  eat  h  naked  Curt  lea  \  .1  It  .:•. 
i  .ur  l-'ren«-h  (Jallanl-.  (hall  to  day  draw  out, 

And  tlieath  tor  I.H  k  ol  l|><.rt.      I.<  1  \«.  but  blow  on  them. 

i|><uir  ol' our  Valour  will  o're-turne  them. 
I       :     ;.  ;.inilt  all  e\«  ••|'ti«M)s,  Lords, 

our  rujK-rtluous  I.aecjuii".,  and  our  IVf.i: 


•tour,  uf  a.  3.    Ar~ 
mo*r,  *f.  4. 

3.  I'trlot]  Valtt 


6.]  Citn  3.  4. 


at.]  Cmrtlt-**  4. 
•3.]  tktm  4. 
•5-1  •/ 

«S.)  t 


1 40         TV  CkntHtflt  Hi/iorir  of  Henry  thfjifl.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT   i\ 


ACT  iv.  sc.  2.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


141 


Who  in  vnnecc ilaric  a&ion  fwarme 

About  our  Squares  of  Battaile,  were  enow 

To  purge  this  field  of  fuch  a  hilding  Foe; 

Though  we  vpon  this  Mountaines  Bails  by, 

Tooke  ftand  tor  idle  ('peculation  : 

But  that  our  Honours  murt  not.     What's  to  fay  ? 

A  ver>-  litt If  little  let  vs  doe, 

And  all  is  done  :  then  let  the  Trumpets  found 

The  Tucket  Souuance,  and  the  Note  to  mount : 

For  our  approach  (hall  fo  much  dare  the  field, 

That  England  (hall  couch  downe  in  fe.ire,  and  yeeld. 

Enter  Graundpree. 

Grandpree.  Why  do  you  ftay  fo  long,  my  Lords  of  France  ? 
Yond  Hand  Carrions,  defperate  of  their  bones, 
Ill-fauoredly  become  the  Morning  field  : 
Their  ragged  Curtaines  poorely  are  let  loofe, 
And  our  Ayre  (hakes  them  palling  fcornefully. 
Bigge  Mars  feenu-%  bamju'nmt  in  their  begger'd  Hoaft, 
And  faintly  through  a  ruflie  Bcuer  peepes. 

The  Horl'emen  I'll  like  fixed  C'andlellicks, 
With  Tordi-ltaui-.  in  their  hand  :  and  their  poore  lades 
Lob  dow  ne  their  head-,,  dropping  the  hides  and  hips  : 
The  gum  me  downe  roping  from  their  pale-dead  eyes, 

i)  their  pale  dull  mouthe*.  the  Ivniold  Bitt 
Lyes  foule  with  ihaw'd-gralle,  (till  and  motionlelle. 
And  their  executors,  the  knauilh  Crowes, 

o're  them  all,  impatient  lor  their  howre. 

uinot  lute  it  lelte  in  words, 
To  demonltrate  the  Life  of  fuch  a  Battaile, 
In  life  fu  liuelelle.  a^  it  ihewcs  it  felle. 
Cof\)\.  They  haue  laid  iheir  prayers. 
And  they  Hay  for  death. 

Shall  we  goe  fend  them  Dinners,  and  frc(h  Sutes, 


lll-favoH rdly  3. 


47.]  Jr»>fi*g  tht  kiJt 


50.]  tkawd gnuu 


14:         Tkf  Ctnuiirlf  Hiflorit  qf  Hrnry  I/if  tifl.     Qutirtu  1600.      [AIT   iv.  * 


f .)  Ck. . . . 


a 


I'l.irrin  <-.  (il'.lti-r,  F.ictrr.  anil  S;ilisl)uri«-. 


[IV,  ;] 


My  Lords  the  Fn-iu  h  an-  \i-ry  ftrong. 
There  is  tine  to  onr,  and  yrl  lln-y  all  arc  trvll) 
/fffr.  Of  fighting  nu-n  llu-y  ham-  full  fcjrtie  thuuland. 
SaL  The  oddes  is  all  too  great. 

Fan-wi-ll  kind  Lords  : 


Brauc  Clarence,  and  my  Ixird  of  Gloster, 
My  lx>rd  of  H'arif'uki-,  and  to  all  fart-well. 

C*/ar.    F.irrwt  II  kind  Lord,  right  valiantly  tc  day, 
And  yit  in  irnth,  I  do  thcv  wrong, 
For  ihou  art  made  on  the  rrue  fparkcs  of  honour. 


Enter  King. 

liar.  O  would  we  had  but  ten  thoufand  nu>n 
Now  at  this  inftant,  that  doth  not  workr  in  Kngland. 

King.  Whofe  that,  that  wiftie*  fo,  my  Cmifi-n  IVaru-'tck  ? 


ACT  iv.  sc.  a.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


And  giue  their  fading  Horfes  Prouender, 
And  after  fight  with  them  ? 

Con/i.  I  flay  but  for  my  Guard :  on 
To  the  tit-Id,  I  will  the  Banner  from  a  Trumpet  take, 
And  vie  it  for  my  bade.     Come,  come  away, 
The  Sunne  is  high,  and  we  out-weare  the  day. 


Exeunt. 


Enter  Gloucejler,  Bedford,  Exeter,  Erpingham 
ti'ith  ail  his  Hoqft :  Salisbury,  and 

•merland. 

Glouc.  Where  is  the  King? 

Bedf.    The    King    bimfelfe    is   rode    to    view    their    Bat- 
taile. 

H'tjl.    Of  fighting   men   they  haue   full   threi  Icore    thuu- 
fand. 

Ere.  There's  fiue  to  one,  befides  they  all  are  frelh. 
SaJisb.  Gods  Arme  ftrike  with  v>,  'tis  a  fearefull  oddes. 
God  buy'  you  Princes  all ;   He  to  my  Charge: 
If  we  no  more  meet,  till  we  meet  in  He:u. 
Then  ioyfully.  my  Noble  Ix>rd  <»f  Bedford, 

1  (Jlouivfter.  ami  my  good  Lord  Exeter, 
And  my  kind  Kiufmau,  Warriors  all,  adieu. 

Farwdl  good  SaJistury,  &c  good  luck  go  with  thee : 
And  yet  I  d«x-  tlu-c-  wrong,  to  mind  thee  of  it, 
For  thou  art  fr.ui)'d  of  the  tirme  truth  of  valour. 

ell  kind  I»rd:   ti.;ht  valiantly  to  day. 
''.    He  is  a-,  full  of  Valour  as  of  Kindneile, 
PriiHvly  in  l>oth. 

tar  i fn-  King. 

1  iliat  we  now  lutl  here 

But  one  ten  thoiifaiid  of  thofe  men  in  F.iii;laiid, 
That  doe  no  worke  to  day. 

King.   Wh.it'-.  he  that  wilhe«to? 


4] 


144        Tit  CknmicU  Htfloi  -y  the  ////.     tjunrtu  1600.     [ACT  iv.  sc.  3. 


Gods  will,  I  would  not  loofe  tlu-  honour 

One  man  \vouKl  lliarv  from  me,  ||  Not  for  my  Kingdome. 

No  faith  my  C<mll-n,  \vjlh  not  one-  man  more,  16 

Rather  prorlaime  it  prefently  through  our  ram  pi*, 

Hut  he  that  h.uli  no  linmacke  to  this  : 

Ix-t  him  depart,  his  pafporl  (hall  IHV  drawnr, 

And  crowncx  for  conuoy  put  into  his  purfe,  [20.  E  v]       20 

We  would  not  die  in  that  mans  company, 

That  feares  bis  tellowiliip  to  die  with  vs. 

Tbb  day  is  called  the  day  of  Cryfpin, 

He  that  out  Hues  ihi-  day,  and  fees  old  age,  24 

Shdl  ll.ind  a  tiptoe  when  tin's  dav  is  named, 

And  rowfc  him  at  the  name  of  Cryfpin. 

He  that  oulliues  thi-  day,  and  comes  fafe  home, 

Shall  yearely  on  the  vygill  teaft  his  friends, 

And  lay,  to  morrow  is  S.  Cryfpines  day  : 

Then  (hall  we  in  their  flowing  bowk-, 

Be  newly  remembred.     Hurry  the  King, 

Bedford  and  Erfttr,  Clarence  and  Glostcr,  32 

tram-irk  and  York. 

Familiar  iu  their  mouthes  as  houOiold  words. 


ACT  IV.  SC.  3.]          Tht  Life  of  Henry  the  rift.      r«l',»  1623. 


'4.-, 


My  Coufm  Wcjlmerland.     No,  in\  i      iliu 

I  f  we  are  markt  to  dye,  we  are  enow 

To  doe  our  Count  rev  loife     and  if  to  line, 

The  fewer  men,  the  greater  lhare  of  honour. 

Gods  will,  I  pray  thee  wifh  not  one  man  more. 

By  lout,  I  am  not  couetous  for  Gold, 

Nor  care  I  who  doth  feed  vpon  my  coft  : 

It  yernes  me  not,  if  men  my  Garments  weare; 

Such  outward  things  dwell  not  in  my  tk-lires. 

But  if  it  be  a  finne  to  coiu-t  Honor, 

I  am  the  moft  offending  Soule  aliue. 

nth,  my  Couze,  wilh  not  a  man  from  England  : 
Gods  peace,  I  would  not  loofe  fo  great  an  Honor, 
As  one  man  more  me  thinkes  would  lhare  from  me, 
For  the  beft  hope  I  haue.     O,  doe  not  wilh  one  more  : 
Rather  proclaime  it  (H\iimi'rland)  through  my  Ho.ift. 
Tli.it  he  which  hath  no  ftomack  to  this  fight, 
Let  him  depart,  his  Pafport  fhall  he  made, 
And  Crownes  for  Conuoy  put  into  his  I'm 
We  would  not  dye  in  that  mans  companie, 

feares  lus  ti-llowftiip,  to  dye  wilh  vs. 
This  day  is  rall'd  the  I-'east  of  Crij/ 
He  that  out-liucs  this  day,  and  comes  fafe  home, 
Will  Hand  a  tip-toe  when  th;-.  d.iy  is  naim-il, 
And  rowfe  him  at  the  Name  of  Cnfp'ian. 

it  ihall  fee  this  day,  and  line  old  age, 
Will  yeerely  on  the  Vigil  li-art  his  neighlv 
And  fay,  to  morrow  ii  Saint  Crifpian. 
Then  will  he  ftrip  his  fleeue,  and  Ou-w  hU  skarres: 
Old  men  forget ;  yet  all  lliall  lx-  forgot : 
But  hee'le  remember,  with  adunnt 
What  feats  be  did  that  day.     Thru  lhall  our  Name*, 

'iar  in  his  mouth  as  h<>u(Vhold  words, 


Harry 


33.]  Utt  a.  4. 
34.] 


50.]  ik*ll  not  A* 


to 


146        Tkf  Gt'Mt.  i  '>oo.     [ACT  i v.  HC.  3. 


«' 


' 

vwdbMOMtedlopof 


top  U 


This  rtory  (hall  the  good  man  tell  his  f«»nne, 

And  from  this  day,  roto  the  general  I  il««<  36 

But  we  in  it  Hull  be  renu-m!  • 

AC.  we  bond  of  brothers. 
For  be  to  day  that  (beads  hu  blood  by  mine, 

Sbalbe  my  brother.-  be  he  nere  fo  bale,  40 

This  day  (hall  gentle  bis  condition. 
Then  (hall  be  i;  <  ues,  and  ihew  his 

And  (ay,  tbefe  wounds  I  had  on  Crifpines  day  : 
And  Gentlemen  in  England  now  a  bed,  44 

Shall  thinkc  tbemfelue*  accurfi, 
And  hold  their  manhood  cheape, 
While  any  fpcake  /  that  fought  with  \s 
Vpoo  Saint  Crifpines  day.  /  48 

Glott.  My  gracious  Lord, 
The  French  is  in  the  field. 

.  Why  all  things  are  ready,  if  our  minds  l>e  fo. 
WOT.   1'crilh  the  man  whole  mind  is  backward ^now.  52 

•ig.  Thou  doft  not  wi(h  more  help  fro  England  coulen  '. 

War.  Gods  will  my  Liege,  would  you  and  I  alone, 
Without  more  helpe,  might  fight  this  battle  out.          [55. 
Why  well  faid.     That  doth  pleafe  me  better, 
Then  to  wi(h  me  one.     You  know  your  charge, 
God  be  with  you  all. 

Enter  the  Herald  from  the  French. 

Herald.  Once  more  I  come  to  know  of  thee  king  Henri/, 
Wliat  thou  wilt  giue  for  raunfome  ?  60 


ACT  iv.  sc.  3.]     The  Lift-  i >f  flt'nry  the  I   '/.      l'»tm  1623. 


Harry  the  Kiii;^,  // 

Ifaru'ick  and    .  ••;/  and  (i 

Be  in  tlu-ir  flowin-.;  Cup-  frelhly  remembred. 

Tl>i>  1  tlu-  ijooi!  in.m  teach  hi-  lonne  : 

And  Crifpine  Crifpian  lhall  ne're  goe  by, 

Prom  thU  day  to  tin-  enditikj  of  the  World, 

But  we  in  it  lhall  IK-  remembrcd  ; 

A'e  happs  iunil  of  broth 

P'or  IK-  to  day  that  llu-  !-  his  blood  with  IIH-, 
Shall  be  my  brother :  be  he  tu-'re  fo  vile, 
ThU  day  (hall  gentle  hi*  Condition. 
And  Gi-ntli-nu-n  in  Kn^land,  now  a  bed, 
Shall  thinkr  tlu-iuU-hu-.  ai-rurli  they  were  not  h 
And  hold  their  Manhoods  cheape,  while-,  any  l"|) 
That  fought  with  vs  vpon  Saint  Crif/>: 

Enter  Salisl-ury. 

So/.   My  Soueraign  Lord,  bellow  your  f.-lle  with  lj> 
The  French  are  br.iuely  in  tlieir  b.itt.iiles  let, 
And  will  with  all  expedience  charge  on 

•.   All  ihingH  are  ready,  if  our  minds  be  fo. 

ih  the  man,  whole  mind  U  backv 
King.   Thou     do'lt    not   wilh    more    helpe    from 
Couzc  ? 

.  Gods  will,  my  I.iet;e,  would  you  and  I  alone. 
Without  more  lu-lpe,  <  •  uld  right  tliis  Royall  battaile. 

King.   Why  now  thoii  halt  vnwillit  hue  thouland  men  : 
Which  lik<  >  me  better,  then  to  wilh  vs  one. 
;r  places:  God  be  with  you  all. 

vr  Mont, 

Mont.  Once  more  I  0  know  of  ihec  King  Harry, 

thy  Kanfonu-  thou  wilt  now  compound, 
It  allured  <  hlcrthrow  : 


64.]  gtmtilt  4. 
65.]  a-itd  3, 4. 


68.]  Crisfi.t*  ,4. 


75-1  G*l  3.  4- 


148         T1*CI**iM*Hybr**fHe*rythtfj  '>oo.     [A,  r.  3. 


iio  h.illi  li-nt  thee  now? 
tie  Conftablc  ot 

Kin.  I  prethy  bearc  my  furmer  nniut-r  1. ,i< 
Bid  ibrm  atchicue  me,  and  then  u  II  my  l» 
Good  God,  why  (hould  they  mock  good  ti-1! 
The  man  that  once  did  (VII  the  Lions  skin,  (thus  " 
While  the  bead  lined,  was  kild  with  hunting  him. 
A  many  of  oar  bodies  (hall  no  doubt 

Finde  grants  within  your  realme  of  Fru  • 

Tho  buried  in  your  dunghils,  we  (halbe  fann-d. 
For  there  the  Sun  (hall  greet e  them, 
And  draw  vp  their  honors  reaking  vp  to  heauen, 
Loaning  their  earthly  parts  to  choke  your  clyme  : 
The  fmel  wherof,  (hall  breed  a  plague  in  France : 
Marke  then  abundant  valour  in  our  Englilh, 
That  being  dead,  like  to  the  bullets  crating, 
Breakes  forth  into  a  fecond  courfe  of  mifchiefe, 
Killing  in  relaps  of  mortalitie  : 
Let  me  fpeake  proudly, 


Ther'i  not  a  peece  of  feather  in  our  campe, 
Good  argument  I  hope  we  (hall  not  flye  : 


ACT  iv.  ic  3.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  l-'ift.     /'.///«  1623. 


149 


uly,  thou  an  lb  net-re  the  Gulte, 
Thou  needs  muft  be  englutted.     Betides,  in  mercy 
The  Couftable  delires  thee,  thou  wilt  mind 
Thy  followers  of  Repentance}  that  their  Soulei 

;>eacefull  and  a  fweet  ret 

From  off  thefe  lields :  where(wretches)their  poore  bodies 
Mult  lye  and  feller. 

King.  Who  hath  fent  thee  now  ? 

.(.,  The  Conftable  of  Fra 

King.  I  pray  thee  beare  my  fonner  Anfwcr  back  : 
Bid  them  atchieue  me,  and  then  fell  my  lx. 
Good  God,  why  mould  they  mock  poore  fellowes  thus  ? 
The  man  that  once  did  fell  the  Lyons  skin 
While  the  beall  liu'd,  was  kill'd  with  hunting  him. 

four  bodyes  Hull  no  doubt 
Find  \.itiue  Graues :  vpon  the  which,  I  trull 
Shall  u  itnelle  line  in  Bralfe  of  this  dayes  worke. 
And  thole  that  leaue  their  valiant  bones  in  Fran 

15  like  men,  though  buryed  in  your  Dunghill-., 
They  ih.ill  be  f.im'd  :   for  there  the  Sun  ihall  greet  them, 
And  draw  their  honors  reeking  vp  to  Hi-auen. 
Ix-auini;  their  earthly  parti  to  choakc  your  Clyine, 
The  fmell  whereof  ih. ill  breed  a  Ha^ue  in  Fran 

e  then  aboondiag  valour  in  our  Kn^lilh  : 
That  being  dead,  like  to  the  bulleti  <  r.ii 
Breake  out  into  a  ferond  t  onrli-  <il  mil<  : 
Killing  in  relapfe  <•!  Mortalitie. 
Ix-t  me  fpeake  prowdly  :  Tell  the  C'onftable, 

re  but  W.irnor-.  t'.r  the  working  «! 
Our  (Jaym-ile  an«l  our  (Jilt  are  all  befmynht 
Witl>  ray n if  Mardiiin;  in  ih<-  painefull  ! 
Therc't  not  a  piece  of  feather  in  our  I  load: 
Good  argument  I  hope)we  will  not  ll 


«<>7-J  £*•"•*.<. 


112.]  k-imjr<kt  3.  4 


150       TV  CknmifU  Htfton  Q    ..•/«  1600.     [AC  i    i\ 


*>] 


liar. 


And  lime  bath  worae  v»  into  tl.mendry. 

But  by  tlte  mat,  our  beam  are  in  tin-  trim, 

And  my  poore  fouldicn  tel  me,  \<  i  ere  night  84 

Tbaylc  U  r  robes,  or  they  will  jilneke 

The  gay  new  cloathe*  ore  \  «m  Fn-m  1>  ii.ul.: 

And  turnc  them  out  of  feruice.     It  they  do  this, 

i  pleafe  God  they  fhall.  88 

Tben  (ball  our  ranfome  (bone  be  leuied.  [89.  K  2.  v.] 

Sane  tbou  thy  labour  Herauld  : 
Cone  tbou  no  more  t«>r  ranfom,  gentle  Herauld. 
They  (ball  hauc  nought  I  lueare,  but  thel'c  my  boiic->. 
Which  it' they  haue,  as  /  wil  le.me  am  them, 
Will  ywld  them  lille,  tell  the  Cunltable. 
/  lh.il!  deliuer  lo. 

Exit  Ucrnnltl. 


ke.  My  gracious  Lord,  vpon  my  knee  /  craue,  96 

Tbe  leading  of  the  vaward. 

Take  it  braiu-  Yorke.  /  Come  louldiers  lets  away  :  / 
And  as  thou  plcafeft  God,  difpofe  the  day. 

Exit. 

[In  the  Qq.  the  following  scene  is  preceded  by 
next,  "  Emltr  tkt  fourt  Frtnck  Lords.",  and 
begins  page  E.  3  v.] 

Enter  Pijloll,  the  French  man,  and  the  Boy.  [IV.  4] 

1  cur,  eyld  cur. 


fp.  87] 

[cot.  a] 


ACT  iv.  sc.  3.]          The  Life  of  Hrnry  tin-  /•'//>.     /'"//«  1623. 


120 


124 


138 


[IV.  4] 


And  time  hath  vvorne  vs  into  flouenrie. 
But  by  ;  <>ur  hearts  are  in  the  trim  : 

And  ray  poore  Souldiers  tell  me,  yet  ere  Night, 
Thev'Ie  be  in  freiher  Robes,  or  they  will  pluck 
The  i^iy  new  Coats  o're  the  French  S  mldiers  In 
irne  them  out  of  feruice.      If  they  doe  this, 
(r>d  plcale,  they  lhall;   my  Kanfomc  then 
Will  foone  be  leu  veil. 

iiild,  l.iue  thou  thy  labour: 

Come  thou  no  more  tor  Ranfome,  gentle  Her.uild, 
They  Hull  haue  none,  I  fwe.ire,  but  thcfe  my  ioynti  : 
Which  if  they  haue,  as  I  will  Kane  vm  them, 
Shall  yeeld  them  little,  tell  the  Coiiftahle. 

Mont.   I  lhall,  King  Harry.     And  fo  fare  thee  well  : 
Thou  neuer  llialt  heare  Herauld  any  more. 

King.  I    feare   tbou   wilt   once   more   come   againe    for   a 
Kanf.  ime. 

Enter  Yorke. 

Yorke.  My  Lord,  moft  humbly  on  my  knee  I  beggc 
The  leading  of  the  Vaward. 

King.  Take  it,  bmue  Yurkc. 
Now  Souldiers  march  a- 
And  bow  thou  pleafell  Gtxl ,  difpofc  the  day.  Exeunt. 

Alarum.      Ercnrfinm. 
Enter  l'iji»It,  French  Sou  Idler,  Bay. 
Yeeld  Cum-. 

French,   fe  prnfe  (jut  vous  ejleis  If   Gentilhnme  ilf  /«/;    ,jua- 
litff. 

f.    Qualtitic    calmic    culture    me.    Art    thou    a    (lent Io- 
nian ;   What 

French.   O  Seigneur  Dim. 

•'.   O   Signieur   Dewc    lliould    be    a   Gentleman :    per- 


130.]  ikatl  $. 


a.]  C,tmtil~*,<mt 
3-] 


Tf»f  Cknuiielf  Hi/lot  nj  ihfjijl.      (Jtmrtn  1600.      [AII     i 


«. 


"*.  a. 


t*  —  .«*/«. 
I*]  l.lufca, 


O  Mi»  .-us en  prec  auc.  |><-n<-  d. 

/*{//.  Moy  (lull  n»i  :  /  will  h.iui-  ,.ys. 


Hoy  askc  him  bis  name. 

Boy.  Comant  cttcs  vous  apcllcs  ? 
M  /;.   Muiiiicr  1-Yr. 

Boy.  He  fines  hi>  n.um-  i-  M.iltc: 

P\/L  He  Per  him,  and  k-rit  him,  and  ferkc  him  : 
Boy  difcus  the  fanu-  in  Fn-tu  h. 

Boy.  Sir  I  do  not  kinnv,  \vhats  French 
For  fer,  fcrit  and  fcarkt. 

P[/?.  Bid  him  prepare,  for  I  wil  cut  his  (In  12 

Boy.  Feate,  vou  prcai,  ill  vonlK-s  i-iiujH?lr  votre  gage. 

Pitt.  Ony  e  ma  foy  couple  la  gorgr. 
VnlefTe  tbou  giue  to  me  egregious  raunr..Mu-,  dye. 

One  poynt  of  a  foxe.  16 

French.  Qui  dit  ill  monflere. 
Ill  ditye  fi  vou  ny  vouly  pa  domy  luy. 

Boy.  La  gran  ranfumc,  ill  vou  lucres. 

Frtnck.  O  lee  vous  en  pri  pcttit  gentclhome,  parle  20 

A  cee,  gnm  capataine,  pour  aui-/.  n. 
A  rooy,  cy  lee  donerees  pour  mon  ranforae 
Cioquante  ocios.     le  fuyes  vngentelhome  de  France. 

Pitt.  ^Tiat  fayes  he  boy  ?  24 


ACT  iv.  sc.  4.]  The  Life  o/'  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


[P-  87] 
[COL.  a] 


16 


4 


pend  ray  words  O  Signieur  ^.id  nurke  :  O   Signieur 

>.•,   thou    dyelt   on    point    of"    Fox,   except   O    Signieur 
thou  doe  giue  to  me  egregious  Ilanfome. 

French.   O  prennes  mijerecurdie  aye  pitez  de  may. 
Pyj.  Moy  (hall   not    feme,   I    will   haue   turtle  Moyes :  tor 
I    letch   thy  rymme  oul  at    thy  Throat,  in  droppes   of 
Crimlbn  blood. 

•:ch.    E/i  il  impttjjiile  d'ejilinpfn-r  If  f»n  •«•  </,   tun  Iras. 
Pyl.   Bralfe,   Curre  •    thou    damned   and    luxurious    Moun- 
taine  Goat,  oiler' ft  me  15: 
French.   O  perdonne  moy. 

P'l/1.  Say'rt  thou  me  lor  i-,  that  a  Tonne  of  Moyes? 
Come  hither  boy,  a-.ke  me  tlm  llaue  in  French  what  is  his 

.(.'. 
Boy.   Efomtc  fiHHHient  <;//<-.v  t'ous  appdle.  ? 

•:ch.    Mnunjh'ur  If  ! 
Boy.  He  fas  M./,  r. 

Piji.  M.  r,  r .-  IK-  t'vr  him,  and  tirke  him,  and  ferret  him  : 
di fcti lie  the  lame  in  French  vnto  him. 

Boy.  I  doe  not  know  the  French  for  fer,  and  ferret,  and 
tirke. 

Bid  him  prepare, ti»r  I  will  cut  his  throat. 
'ic/t.    QUC  (lit  il  Muun/ietir  ? 

/.  //  me  commande  a  vous  dire  que  vous  faite  vous 
prejl,  car  ce  foldal  icy  c.\t  dif[»ifce  tout  ajiure  de  couppts  vojlre 
gorge. 

P\fl.  Owy,  i-nppelc  gorge  jH-rmafoy  jK-fant  ,  \nlelle 
thou  giue  me  Crou  ne-.,  braue  Crownes ;  or  mangled  flialt 
thou  be  by  this  my  Sword. 

French.  O  Ie  vous  fupplie  /»>ur  1'amnur  de  Dieu  :  ma  par- 
donnrr,  Ie  fu'u  It  GentUhome  de  Ion  maifon,  garde  nut  r/< ,  &  Ie 

Innneray  deux  < 
P\ft.  What  are  hi»  words? 

Boy.  He 


ii.]  pmtmtx  ....  - 

.  .  .  ajret  .  .  .  fit  it 


15.]  fit-it . .  .  U  fart*  a. 
3.  4.    imfiusiHU  3.  4. 


18.] 


98.] 
23.] 


30]  iit'UMoiuintrf 

31.  -]  * 

tvmt  faiU  emu]  < 
VOHI  feme* 


34.)  pt 


37  •  *•<•  j  ••* 

38.  U\  om. . . .  kmmt 


154        TktCknmicb  HjfimofHtinrythfJifl.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  iv.  s. 


Boy.  Marry  fir  be  fayr*.  he  i«  a  (  i  of  a  great 

Hottfe,  of  /Vwrr  .•  and  for  hit  ranlbme, 
» ill  giuc  you  500.  crowne*. 
.'.  My  fury  (hall  abate, 
And  1  (be  Crownct  will  lake. 


28 


And  as  I  fuck  blood,  I  will  fomc  mcrcic  fliew. 
Follow  roc  cur. 


Exit  omnef. 


[In  Qq.  the  following  scene  precedes  the  last  above.") 


Enter  thefoure  French  Lords. 


[IV.  5] 


[P.  as; 

cuL.  I 


68 


[IV. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  4.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  rift.     l\,li» 


'55 


Boy.  He  prayes  you  to   f  a  Gentleman 

of  a  good   houfe.  and  tor   his   raiif.mi   he  will  giue  you  two 
hundred  Crownes. 

Pill.  Tell  him  my  fury  lhall  abate,  and  I  the  Crowoes 
will  take. 

Fren.Pt :  \r  que  dlt  il '.' 

Boy.  Encore  yu'H  ft  contra  fun  /urement,  </<•  pardonner  au- 
cune  prtfonner ;  ncant-mons  pour  I  •/<•  mm  layt  a  pro- 

mets,  il  ejl  content  a  votis  dnnrn-s  /«•  /il-crt,-  /<•  frunc/iiffinrnt. 
Fre.   Sur    mes  gt'nmt.i  J'c    i-<>n*    dminc*    mil/cn   rcim-rclf. 
le  me  ejlime  heurex  yue  Ic  intomke,  cntrc  let  main,  d'vn  Che- 
valier le  peufe  /«•  plus    iraue  valiant  ct    /r,-.v   dijilnie  Jtgnicur 
<£  Angleterre. 

Expound  vnio  me  boy. 

Boy.  He  giues  you  vpon  his  knees  a  thoufaml  thanks, 
and  he  L-lUi-nu-s  himU-lte  happy,  that  he  hath  falne  into 
the  haiub  of  one  (as  lie  thinkes)  the-  moll  hraue ,  valorous 
and  thrice-worthy  figiu  ur  <•!'  England. 

it   I   lucke  hloixl,   I    will  fome  mercy   lhe\v.      Fol- 
low race. 

Boy.  Saaue  vous  le  grand  Capilainel 
I    did    neuer    know   1<>    full    a  vouv   itlue 
heart  :  hut    the   laying    U    n          i  ;1M    makes  the 

greatcll  lound,  //</;./.,//,-  and  A'yw  had  temie  times  more 
valour,  then  this  roaring  diuell  i'th  olde  play,  that  euerie 
one  ;  re  hi->  navies  with  a  wtHxliK-n  dagger,  and 

they  arc  both  hang'd,  and  f<>  \v«.uKl  tliis  IK-,  it"  hee  durrt 
fleale  any  thing  aduui'iir-milly.  I  mult  It  ay  with  the 
Lackies  with  the  luggage  <  up,  tin-  French  might 

bauc  a  good  pray  of  vs.  it   li<    k:u\v  there  is  none 

to  guard  it  hut  boyes. 

Enter  ConJlaHe ,  Orlr>:  Dolphin, 

,:•    |    /-,'      •    '     •  .. 


46.1  ditil  a. 
47.]  til  eomtrt 

48-9.]  prisomnier:     ne-.nt- 
tmy 


.  .  .   . 

fromttln  (fromittn  3.3.) 
.  .  .   Jf  Vifiu  Jammer   I* 


50-3.]  it  iv*  t  <&*«/  .  .  . 
rtmertitmeiit,  fr*  te  .  . 
kfurtux  .. 


m.iim  .  .  .  it  ftntt 
duttnf 


53.  kit]  u  3. 
56. 


6t .  1  S.tmv  a.     Snavt  j.  4, 
3.  4. 

// 


156        Tkf  Cknmitlt  Ifyiot  .  \  <>oo.     [ACT  i 


haj 


...  A-../: 

Md    . 


AVnc*  *«/*>  c. 


Cr.  O  diabello. 

Confl.  Mor  du  ma  vie. 

Or.  O  what  a  day  is  thU/ 

Bur.  O  lour  del  houte  all  U  gone,  all 


Con.  We  are  ioough  yet  liuiug  in  the  fa-UI, 
To  (mother  vp  the  Kngliih, 
If  any  order  might  be  thought  vpon. 

Bur.  A  plague  of  onk-r,  oiuv  more  to  the  tieKl, 
And  he  that  will  not  follow  Burl-on  now, 
Let  him  go  home,  and  with  hi-,  cap  in  hand, 
Like  a  bace  leno  hold  the  clumber  doorc, 
NVhy  lea  it  by  a  flaue  no  gentler  then  my  dog, 
flu  faircft  daughter  !•>  contamuraeki  . 

Com.  Diforder  that  hath  fpoyld  vs,  right  vs  now, 
Come  we  in  heapes,  w -ei-le  otier  vp  our  Hues 
Vnto  tbefe  Englilh,  or  elle  die  with  lame. 

Come,  come  along, 

Let*  dye  with  honour,  our  (hame  doth  lad  too  long. 

•mines. 
Enter  the  King  and  hh  Xul-lcs,  Piftoll. 


King.  What  the  French  retire?  [j.  E.  3.  v] 

Yet  all  b  not  done,  yet  keepe  the  French  the  field. 

Lie.  The  Duke  of  Yorke  commends  him  to  your  Grace. 


16 


[IV.  6] 


ACT  IV.  SC.  5.]  Thf  Life  o/'  Henry  the  /•///.      /  o//., 


'57 


[P  88] 

[COL.  i] 


16 


[IV.  6] 


Con.   0  Dialle. 

Or  I.  OJtgueur  It  tour  et  perdia,  toute  et  per  die. 

Dol.  A/or  Dieu  ma  vie,  all  is  confounded  all, 
Reproach,  and  euerlafting  ihame 

Sits  mocking  in  our  Plumes.  AJhort  Alarum. 

O  mefchante  Fortune,  do  not  runne  away. 

Con.  Why  all  our  rankes  are  broke. 

Dol,  O  perdurable  lhame,  let's  ihib  our  felues : 
Be  thefe  the  wretches  that  we  plaid  at  dice  for  ? 

Or/.   Is  this  the  King  we  lent  too,  for  his  ranlbme  ? 

Bur.  Shame,  and  eternall  lhame,  nothing  but  fliame, 

-.  dye  in  once  more  backe  againe, 
And  he  that  will  not  follow  Burl-on  now, 
Let  him  go  hence,  and  with  his  cap  in  hand 
Like  a  bafe  Pander  hold  the  Chamber  tloore, 
Whilft  a  bafe  flaue,  no  gentler  then  my  dogge, 
His  faired  daughter  is  contaminated. 

Con.  Diforder  that  hath  fpoyl'd  vs,  friend  vs  now, 
Let  vs  on  heapes  go  offer  vp  our  lines. 

Or/.  We  are  enow  yet  liuing  in  the  Field, 
To  fmother  \|>  the  Knglilh  in  our  throngs, 
If  any  order  might  be  thought  vpon. 

Bur.  The  diuell  take  ( )nler  now,  He  to  the  throng; 
Let  life  be  fliort,  elfe  lhame  will  be  too  long.  Exit. 

Alarum.     Enter  the  King  and  hit  Irayne, 

trit/i  I'ri/iirii'rs. 

Kini;.\\\-\\      haue     we      done,     thrife-vnliant      Countrimen, 
But  all's  not  don»'.  yrt  keepc  the  Freneh  the  field. 

Exe.  The   D.   of  York   commend*   him   to  your  Maiefty 


10.]  to 

is  <//')/>* 


I.I  thrift  valiant  4. 


158        1%f  Ckromiclt  Hi/hi  ry  thfffl.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  iv.  sc.  6. 


• 


M-J 


•' 


s*.  Lines  be  good  Vn.  k'  :  u\ve  him  downe, 

>  againe: 
Fnun  hrlimt  to  the  fpurre,  all  bleeding 

i  aray,  braue  fouldier  doih  IK 
Larding  the  plainea,  and  by  his  bloody  i 
Yoakc  fellow  to  his  honour  'lying  \vou 
The  noble  Earle  of  S«//  1  v  ea. 

Suffolk  firft  dyde,  and  )"•-/•'•  .ill  h 

Come*  to  him  where  in  Mo.,  i  12 

And  takes  him  by  the  beard,  k 
That  bloodily  did  yane  vpon  his  face, 
And  crydc  aloud,  tary  dean- 1 -on  fin  5//// 
My  foule  Ihall  thine  keep  company  in  lieatu-n 
Tary  deare  u»ule  awlul.  :o  reft  : 

glorious  and  well  loiighteii  tic-Id, 
\W  kept  t.i^itjirr  in  our  chinaldry. 

i  ihefe  words  I  came  and  rheerd  them  vp, 
i  1<  tooke  me  by  the  hand, 

laid  deare  my  Lord, 

Commend  my  lenwv  to  my  foneraigne. 
So  did  he  turn  <  ke 

He  threw  his  u.mtided  anne,  and  lo  elpoufed  to  ,:  24 

With  blood  h<  \n  argument 

Of  ncuer  ending  loue.  / 

The  preiie  and  l\vret  maner  of  it,  / 
Forfl  thofe  waters  from  me,  which  I  would  haue  ftopt, 
But  I  not  fo  much  of  man  in  me,  28 

But  all  my  mother  came  into  my  eyes, 
And  gaue  me  vp  to  teares. 

;.  I  blame  you  not :  for  hearing  you, 
I  mud  conucrt  to  teares. 

Alarum  foundes. 
What  new  alarum  is  this  ? 


ACT  iv.  sc.  6.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 


1623. 


159 


[p.  88] 
[COL.  2] 


16 


28 


A~ifl£.Liucs  he  good  Vnckle :  thrice  within  this  houre 
I  law  him  downe;  thrice  vp  againe,  and  righting, 
From  Helmet  to  the  Ipurre,  all  blo<xl  be  was. 

Ere.  In  which  array  (braue  Soldier)  doth  he  lye, 
Larding  the  plaine:  and  by  his  bloody  fide, 
(Yoake-  fellow  to  his  honour  -owing-  wounds) 
The  \..!ile  Karle  of  Sutfolke  alfo  lyes. 
Sulfolke  rirft  dyed,  and  Yorke  all  hagled  ouer 
Comes  to  him,  where  in  gore  he  by  in  deeped, 
And  lakes  him  by  the  Heard,  kiiU-s  the  gullies 
That  bloodily  did  yawne  vpon  his  i 
He  cryes  aloud  j  Tarry  my  Cofin  SmTolke, 

tile  lhall  thine  keepe  company  to  heanen  : 
Tarry  (fweet  foule)  for  mine,  then  flye  a-breft  : 
As  in  this  glorious  and  wcll-foughten  field 
We  kept  together  in  our  Chiualrie. 
Vpon  thefe  words  I  came,  and  cheer'd  him  vp, 

mil'd  me  in  the  face,  raught  me  his  hand, 
And  with  a  feeble  gripe,  fayes :  Deere  my  Lord, 
Commend  my  feruice  to  my  Soueraigne, 
So  did  he  turne,  and  ouer  SutTolkes  necke 
He  threw  bis  wounded  nrme,  and  kill  hi-  lippes, 
And  fo  efpous'd  to  death,  with  blood  he  lea  I'd 
A  Tellamcnt  of  .\«l>lr-endillg-loue  : 

prcttie  and  fweet  manner  of  it  fore  d 
Thofe  waters  from  me,  which  I  would  haue  ftop'd. 
But  I  hail  not  lb  much  of  man  in  mee, 

all  my  mother  came  into  mine  eyes. 
And  gaue  me  vp  to  teares. 

King.  I  blame  you  not, 
For  bearing  this,  I  mud  perforce  compound 
With  mixtfull  eyes,  or  they  will  nliu  Alarum 

But  hearkc,  what  new  alarum  is  this  lame  ? 


7.]  Soldier  t  $. 


«.]  e**fkt  3.  4- 


160        Tkt 


Hi/for*-  of  Hntry  ikffj't.     (+«nt'>  1  *oo.     [ACT  iv.i 


tt.]  /.  . 


«$•)•*» 


Bid  euery  fouldicr  kill  1  :•-  p:  .Toner. 

i       ,  ' 


[35  F,  4] 


Enter  FlfU'ellen,  and  Captain?  Goinr. 

Flfit:  Gode»  plud  kil  the  boyes  and  the  lugyge, 
•lie  arrants  peece  of  knauery  as  can  be  ddin d, 
In  the  won-11  »«•«  ,  in  your  conli-ifiuv  now. 

GOUT.  TU  cerUiiu-,  tlu-re  is  not  a  B<>y  U-tt  aliiif, 
And  the  cowerdly  rafcals  th.it  ran  from  the  l>attrll, 
Thrmfclurt  haue  dotu-  tliis  llaughtt-r : 
Bcfide,  they  haue  carried  away  and  burnt, 
All  that  was  in  the  kings  Tent : 
Whenrpon  the  king  caufed  euery  prifoners 
Throat  to  be  cut.     O  he  is  a  worthy  king. 

Flfte.  I  he  was  born  at  Mnnnmrth. 
Captain  Gourr,  what  call  you  the  place  where 
Alexander  the  big  was  borne  ? 

Goirr.  Alexander  the  great 

flew.  Why  I  pray,  b  nat  big  great  ? 
As  if  I  (ay,  big  or  great,  or  magnanimous, 
I  hope  it  is  all  one  reconing, 
Sane  the  frafe  is  a  litle  varation. 

Coirr.  I  thinke  Alexander  the  great 
Wai  borne  at  Macedon, 
IK  father  was  called  Philip  of  Macedon ,  II  As  /  take  it. 

Flew.  I  thinke  it  was  Macedon  indeed  /  where  Alexander 


[IV.  7] 


12 


20 


j    ACT  iv.  sc.  6.]  The  Life  of  //<v/r;/  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


161 


[p.  88]  I 

[COL.  al!      Tl>f  I'rench  haue  re-entorc'd  their  Icatter'd  men: 
Then  euery  fouldiour  kill  hi-»  1'iiloners, 
Giue  the  word  through. 


u 


ao 


Aetna  Quartus. 


Enter  Fluellen  and  (Jnu-cr. 

Flu.  Kill  the  poyes  and  the  luggage,  'Tis  exprelTMv 
againli  the  Law  of  Armes,  tis  as  arrant  a  peece  of  knaue- 
ry  inarke  you  now,  as  can  bee  offert  in  your  Confciemv 
now,  is  it  not  • 

Gou:  Tis  certaine,  there's  not  a  boy  left  aline,  and  the 
Cowardly  Rail-alls  that  ratine  from  the  baltaile  ha'  done 
this  flaughter:  beJides  they  haue  burned  and  carried  a- 
way  all  that  was  in  the  Kings  Tent,  wherefore  the  King 
moft  worthily  hath  caus'd  euery  foldiour  to  cut  his  pri- 
•>  throat.  O  'tis  a  gallant  King. 

Flu.  I,  hee  w.is  porne  at  Moiimnuth  C.iptaine  (i<m-cr : 
What  call  you  the  Townes  name  \%  1  nndcr  the 

pig  was  borne  ? 

Gou'.  A  It- ran  tier  t: 

Flu.  Why  I  pray  you,  is  not  pig,  great?  The  pig,  or 
the  grcar,  or  the  mighty,  or  the  huge,  or  the  magnani- 
mous, are  all  one  reckonings,  fuue  ilu-  phr.ife  is  a  liile  va- 
riations. 

G»n  r.  I  ihinke  Alfinndfr  the  Great  was  bome  in 
Macetlon,  his  l-.itlur  w  .u  called  Phillip  of  Mtitedon,  U  I 
take  it. 

Flu.  I  thinkc  it  is  in  Ma,-,->li>n  u  It- rr  M.^nn.lt-r  is 

pome. 

"7"  U 


37.] 


io.]  pritontr'i  3.  4. 


\<>.}gn*t 


ioi        TV  CfewMctr  Hi/hi               ry  ikefj                   i'>oo.     [ACT  iv.  M 

Was  borne  ;  /  looke  you  captainc  Gostrr,  / 

And  if  you  lo.                 >c  mappcs  of  the  won  11  \\«  11, 

You  (hall  finde  litle  difference  betwiv 

MaffJam  and  Mcmmorth.     Looke  >•  >ti,  t  hero  b 

A  Riuer  in  Mactdo*.  and  there  b  allo  a  K 

/M  Mammorlk,  the  Riuers  name  at  Monmorlh, 

A  called  Wye. 

But  tit  out  of  my  l>                               i  ..nne  of  tlu-  <.: 

)«.*^jfr> 

But  ti«  all  one,  ti-  f«  hkt  -,  a-,  my  lingers  is  to  my  fingers, 

And  there  b  Samom  n 

Looke  Jon  captaine  Gosttr,  and  you  marke  it,        [34.  E  4.  v.] 

You  (hall  finde  our  King  b  mine  after  ,7A  »</•/.  /Yr. 

God  known,  and  you  know,  that  AU-mndcr  in 

'**.» 

Bowles,  and  his  allcs,  and  his  wrath,  and  In-,  ditpk-afurcs, 

And  indignations,  was  kill  hi-  friend  Clltus. 

Gosrrr.  /  but  our  King  is  not  like  him  in  that, 

For  he  neuer  killd  any  of  his  frit 

Ftftf.  Looke  you,  tis  not  well  done  to  take  the  tale  out 

Of  a  mans  mouth,  ere  it  is  made  an  end  and  tinillud  : 

I  fpeake  in  the  companions,  .1               !,r  is  kill 

Hb  friend  Clitus  :  fa  our  King  being  in  his  ripe 

•*  and  Judgements,  is  turne  away,  the  fat  knite 

With  the  great  belly  doublet  :   1  am  forget  his  name. 

Gostvr.  Sir  lohn  FaljiafTe. 

Fteu:  I,  I  thinke  it  is  Sir  lohn  Fa/,i<i/Je  indeed, 

I  Can  tell  you,  there*  good  men  borne  at  Mmmnrth. 

'»»  Ktuf  «*J  t  f*4i.  ». 

.   «w  y§ 

Enter  King  and  the  Lords. 

48 


ACT  iv.  M    -.]     The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


163 


porne  :  T  tell  you  Captaine,  if  you  look<.-  in  the  Maps  of 
tin-  Old,  I  warrant  you  fall  tinde  in  the  companions  be- 
tweene  Man-don  &  A/on  mouth,  that  the  (ituations  looke 
you,  is  both  alike.  There  it  a  Riuer  in  Macednn,  &  there 
is  alfo  moreouer  a  Riiier  at  Afonmn'tth,  it  is  rall'tl  Wye  at 
Afonmouth :  but  it  is  out  of  my  primes,  what  is  tin-  name 
of  the  other  Riuer  :  but  'tis  all  one,  tis  alike  as  my  fingers 
is  to  my  fingers,  and  there  i-.  Salmons  in  both.  If  you 
marke  Alexanders  life  well,  Harry  of  Mottmmttktt  !;: 
come  after  it  indifferent  well,  for  there  is  figures  in  all 
things.  Alerander  God  knowes,  and  you  know,  in  hi-. 
rages,  and  his  furies,  and  hi-,  wraths,  and  his  rhollers,  and 
his  moodes,  and  his  difpleal'ures,  and  his  indignation^ 
and  alfo  being  a  little  intoxicates  in  his  praines,  did  in 
his  Ales  and  his  angers  (looke  you)  kill  his  belt  friend 
Clytus. 

Gotr.  Our  King  is  not  like  him  in  that,  he  neuer  kill'd 
any  of  his  friends. 

Flu.    It    is    not   well   done   (marke  you  now)   to  take   the 
out   of  my  mouth,   ere   it    is  made  and  tinilhed.I    fpeak 
but    in    the   figures,   and    companions    of    it  :     as    .-I/,  i  <///</<•;• 
kild  hi-,  friend  t'.'i/f«,  being  in  his  Ales  and  hi>  C'upjHrs ;  fo 
alfo     Harry    Mnnmouth    being    in    hi*    right    \\ittes,    and    Ir- 
good    judgements,    turn'd    away    the    fat     Knight    with    tin- 
great    belly   doublet  :    li  11    of   ielts,    and    gypcs,    and 
kn.uu-rir-..  and  mo<  kes,  I  haue  forgot  hi^  name. 
Sir  Inhn  !•'<!/ / iti/fr. 

Flu.  That    is   he:    lie   tell   you, there    is   good    men     \> 
at    Moiimniith. 

Crocc.  Heerc  comes  his  Mai 

Alarum.      Enter  King  Hurry  and  Hurl «n 
n-it/i    irijiim-r*.      /.-. -.iilh. 


47-]  • 


TV  CAromY/,  /Jj*pr«  «///r»fy  Mr./?/).     Quarto  1600.     [AC 


*•*)••> 


into 

VntiU  Out  bourr. 
Take  •  iromprt 

And  ride  mto  the  horfinen  on  yon  hill  .• 
If  they  will  fight  with  v*  bid  t  ••  nr. 

Or  lenw  the  field,  they  do  offend  our  ( 
•  lie/  do  neither,  we  will  come  t  •  >  • 
And  nuke  them  »kyr  away,  n^ 
At  ftone*  enfbrft  from  th»  m  flings. 

Befidea,  week  cat  the  throats 
And  not  one  aliue  fliall  tufte  our  mercy. 
Enter  the  HeraultL 


God*  will  what  meanci  this?  knowft  thou  n..i 
That  we  bane  fined  thefe  bones  of  ours  for  : 

Herald.  1  come  great  king  for  charitable  fauour, 

To  fort  our  Nobles  from  our  common  mm, 


We  may  hane  leane  to  bury  all  our  dend, 
Which  in  the  field  lye  fpoyled  and  troden  on. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  7.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


[P-  89] 
[COL.  i] 


60 


68 


76 


80 


King.  I  was  not  angry  fince  I  came  to  France, 
Vntill  this  inlt.int.     Take  a  Trumpet  Herald, 
Ride  thou  vnio  the  Horfemen  on  yond  hill: 
If  they  will  fight  with  vs,  bid  them  come  downe, 
Or  \oyde  the  field:  they  do  offend  our  fight. 
If  tbey'l  do  neither,  we  will  come  to  them, 
And  make  them  sker  away,  as  fwift  as  (tones 
Enforced  from  the  old  Ailyrian  llings: 
Belides,  wee'l  cut  the  throats  of  thofe  we  haue, 
And  not  a  man  of  them  that  we  lhall  take, 
Shall  tafte  our  mercy.     Go  and  tell  them  fo. 
Enter  Montiny. 

M  «if  the  French,  my  Liege 
••/.   His  eyes  are  humbler  then  they  vs'd  to  be. 

King.    How    now,    what    meanes    this     Herald    ?    Know  ft 

thou  not, 

That  I  haue  fm'd  thefe  bones  of  mine  for  ranloi: 
Com'ft  thou  againe  for  ranlome  ? 

Ht-r.  No  great  King.- 
I  come  to  thee  for  than;  nfe, 

Tliat  we  may  wander  ore  tliis  bloody  field. 
To  booke  our  dead,  and  then  to  bury  tl 

:  t  our  Nobles  from  our  common  men. 
For  many  of  our  Princes  fwoe  the  while) 
Lye  drown'd  and  foak'd  in  i  blood  : 

So  do  our  vulgar  drench  their  peafant  limbes 
In  blood  of  1'riiiio,  aii<l  with  womuleil  freed* 
Fret  fet-Iocke  deepe  in  gore,  and  w  iih  wilde  rage 
Yerke  out  tin  ir  armed  heeles  at  their  dead  mailer*, 
Killing  them  twice.     O  giue  v>  leaue  great  King, 

Of  their  dead  bodies. 


Uth]iktir 


1 66         Tkt  Ckrvniflf  ////for*  of  Usury  //<  OO.      [At  i    i 


»4   '- -V- Ar 


A'II.   I  trll  thcc  truly  II.r.iuM,  /  I  do  nui  Lunv  ulirilii-r 
The  day  be  oun  or  no  :  /  [67.  F] 

For  jret  •  man/  of  )•<  h  do  keep  tin-  : 


The  day  U  y 
A*i«.  Praifed  be  Gtnl  tlu-n-fore. 
What  Caftle  call  you  that  ? 

.-.  We  call  it  Jgin< 

A'».  Then  call  we  this  tin-  IK  1.1  <>f  Agmcwirt. 
Fought  OQ  the  da/  of  Cryfpin,  Cryjfiin. 

Ftrte.  Your  grandfather  of  fainuiu  mcmorie, 
If  your  grace  be  remembrcd, 
U  do  good  (eruice  in  France. 


Kin.  Tit  true 

FlfU'.  Your  Maicflie  (ayes  verie  true.  80 

And  it  pleafe  your  Maicflie, 
The  Wcalchmen  there  was  do  good  feruicc, 
In  a  garden  where  Leekes  did  grow. 
And  I  thinkc  your  Maicttie  wil  take  no  f<  orne,  84 

To  weare  a  Leake  in  your  cap  vpon  S.  Dau'u-s  day. 

Kin.  No  Fleu'ellcn,  for  I  am  wealcb  as  well  as  you. 

Fine.  All  the  water  in  /7'i/cwil  not  wafli  your  wealch 
Blood  out  of  yon,  God  keep  it,  and  pnlrruc  it,  88 

To  his  graces  will  and  pleafure. 

Ki*.  Thankes  good  countryman. 
Fine'  By  lefus  I  am  your  Maiefiies  countryman  : 
I  care  not  who  know  it,  fo  long  as  your  maiclty  is  an  honeft 

(man. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  7.]          The  Life  "f  Henry  the  Fift.     Folin  1623. 


[p.  8n] 
84 


88 


joo 


104 


108 


Ill 


Kin.  I  tell  thee  truly  HeraKl, 
I  know  not  if  the  day  be  ours  or  no, 

t  a  many  of  your  horfemen  peere. 
And  gallop  ore  the  field. 

Her.  The  day  is  yours. 

Kin.   I'raifed  be  God,  and  not  our  ftrength  for  it : 
What  is  this  Caftle  call'd  that  Hands  hard  by. 
They  call  it  Agincourt. 

King.  Then  call  we  this  the  field  of  Agincourt, 
Fought  on  the  day  of  Crifpin  Crifpianus. 

Flu.  Your  Grandfather  of  famous  memory  (an't  pleafe 
your  Maielty)  and  your  great  Vncle  Ktlu-ard  the  Piacke 
Prince  of  Wales,  as  I  haue  read  in  the  Chronicles,  fought 
a  moft  praue  pattle  here  in  1-Yance. 

Kin.  They  did  Fluellcn. 

Flu.    Your   Maiefty   fayes  very   true :    If   your    Maiefties 

is  remembred  of  it,  the  Welchmen    did   good    feruice    in  a 

ii    where    Leekes   did   grow,    wearing    Leekes    in    their 

nouth   caps,    which    ym.r    M.n-fty    know    to    this    houre 

is   an   honourable  badge  of  the   feruice  :  And  I  do  beleeue 

your  takes   no  .ire   the    I^-eke   vppon 

King.  I  weare  it  tor  a  memorable  honor  : 
For  I  am  Wt-lrh  y<-u  know  good  Countriman. 

Flu.  All  the  water  in  Wye,  cannot  walh  your  M.I  c- 
fties  Wi-llh  plood  out  of  your  pody,  I  can  tell  you  that  : 
God  pit-lie  it,  and  preferue  it,  as  long  as  it  pleafes  his 
Grace,  and  his 

Kin.  Thankes  good  my  Countrymen. 

Flu.     By    lefhu,    I     am    your  Couiilrvyman,    I 

care  not  who   know  it      I  will    tonfclle  it   to   all  the  Orld,  I 
need  not  to  be  alhamed  of  your    M  1   be  God 

fo  long  as  your  Maiefty  U  an  hondi  mm. 


96.  a  moil]  mfit  3.  4. 


109  pit  M  it.}  f.i 
in.] 


*  4- 


: 


CknmicU  Hijhr  -rythrjij-  '>oo.     [M  i 


J  Aspnwj 


•***]  ***»*<.»  .1 


MS-*)  Ac  prow  3. 


JC.  God  keep  me  To.     Our  Herald  go  with  him, 
And  bring  v»  the  number  of  the  fcattred  French. 

Erit  Heralds. 

Call  700*!  •  hither. 

ftfu:  You  fill<>\v  come  to  the  king. 

A*M.  Fellow  why  dooft  thuu  wearu  that  gluuc  in  thy  hat  ? 


Sou/.  And  plcafe  your  maicftie,  tis  a  r.il'(  .ils  that  fwngard 
With  me  the  other  day:  and  hr  h.ith  one  of  mine, 
Which  if  eucr  I  iVe,  I  ham-  fwornc  to  ftrike  him.       [100.  F  \] 
So  bath  be  fwornc  the  like  to  me. 


A'.  How  think  you  Fl well  en,  is  it  lawful)  he  keep  his  oath  ? 

Ft.  And  it  plcalc-  your  maielly,  tis  lawful  he  kc-t-p  his  \ 
If  be  be  pcriur'd  on<-»-,  he  is  as  arrant  a  beggerly  knaue, 
As  treads  vpon  too  blacke  (hues. 

Kin.  His  enemy  may  be  a  gentleman  of  worth. 

Ftnr.  And  if  be  be  as  good  a  gentleman  as  Lucifer 
And  Belzebub,  and  the  diuel  himfelfe, 
Tis  meete  be  keepe  hi»  \owe. 


Ki*.  Well  firrba  keep  your  word. 


Voder  what  Captain  ferueft  thou  ? 


100 


104 


1 08 


ACT  IV.  SC.  7.]  Tilt  Life  of  Henry  the  k'ift.     Fulio  1623. 


169 


[p.  80 


120 


124 


1      - 


King.  Good  keepe  me  fo. 

Enter  Iftlliarru. 
Our  Heralds  go  with  him, 
Bring  me  iuft  notice  of  the  numbers  dead 
On  both  our  parts.    Call  yonder  fellow  hither. 
Ere.  SouKlier,  you  muft  come  to  the  King. 
Kin.  Souldier,  why  wear' ft  thou  that  Gloue  in  thy 
Cappe  ? 

Will.   And't   pleafe  your   Maiefty,   tis   the  gage    of    one 
that  I  mould  tight  withall,if  he  be  aliue. 
Kin.  An  Englishman  ? 

It'll.  And't  pleafe  your  Maiefty,  a  Rafcall  that  fwag- 
ger'd  with  me  laft  night :  who  if  aliue,  and  euer  dare  to 
challenge  this  Gloue,  I  haue  fworne  to  take  him  a  boxe 
a'th  ere :  or  it"  I  can  fee  my  Gloue  in  his  cappe,  which  he 
fwore  as  he  was  a  Souldier  he  would  weare(if  aliiuyl  wil 
ftrike  it  out  foundly. 

Kin.  What  thinke  you  Captaine  Flucllcn ,  is  it  fit  this 
fouldier  keepe  his  oath. 

Flu.  Hee  is  a  Crauen  and  a  Villaine  clfe,  and't  pleafe 
your  Maiefty  in  my  conference. 

King.  It  may  bee,  his  enemy  is  a  Gentleman  of  great 
fort  quite  from  the  anfwer  of  his  degree. 

Flu.  Though  he  be  as  good  a  lentlenun  as  the  din  I  :>, 
as  Lucifer  and  Belzebub  himfelte,  it  is  mvriKiry  (looke 
your  Grace)  that  he  keepe  his  vow  and  hi*  oath  :  If  bee 
bee  periur'd  (fee  you  now)  liis  reputation  is  as  arrant  a 
vill.iine  and  a  lacke  fawce,  as  euer  his  bl.u-ke  ihoo  trodd 
\|>«ti  Gods  ground,  and  his  earth,  in  my  coiiUiciue  l.uv 
King.  Then  keepe  thy  vow  firrah,  w  hen  thou  mect'ft 
the  fellow. 

WH.  So,  I  wil  my  I.iege,  as  I  I 
King.  Who  fcru'ft  thou  \iuler  ? 


116.  6V*iJ  God  j.  4. 


125.]  EmgHtk  man  3. 


129.]  o'lk'  tar  4. 


133.]  oatk  t 


143.]  ttmititntt.  4. 


i;o        Tkt  Cknmtcte  Hlftoi  .rythcfijt.     Unmtn  1600.     [AI  i    nr.  * 


'• 

I**!0». 


1*4   ttffl/l  WfU  5. 


So*/.  Voder  Captaine  Gotver. 

flftr.  Captaine  Gotrrr  U  •  good  Captain.  : 
And  hath  good  littr.itun-  in  the  warns. 
i.  Go  call  him  hill 

SM/.   I  will  my  Lord.  /    :t  f<mld'nr. 

Kit.  Captain  Fteuvllcn,  when  Al»nfnn  and  I  /  was 
Downe  together,  /tooke  this  glom-  <>;|  ii,,m  \\\*  lu-lim-i,  / 
Here  FttivtUt*,  wearc  it.  /  K  any  do  challcn 
He  b  a  friend  of  Alonfotu,  / 
And  an  enemy  to  mce. 

fit.  Your  maieftie  doth  me  a«  gn-nt  n  fauoiir 
As  can  be  defired  in  tlu-  bans  of  his  fubie&s. 
/would  fee  that  man  now  that  llimiU!  rhalrnge  this  gloue: 
And  it  pleafe  God  of  his  grace.  /  would  but  foe  him, 
'1  !,,:  ||   •'•'. 

Kin.  Fltu'tllen  knowft  thou  Captaine  Gower  ? 

fit.  Captaine  Gou-i-r  is  my  frii-nd. 
And  if  it  like  your  maii-ltir,  /  know  him  very  wi-11. 

Kin.  Go  call  him  hitlu-r. 

:  I  will  and  it  lliall  plcafe  your  maieftie. 


112 


116 


120 


.24 


.28 


Kin.   Follow  Flett'fllen  clofely  at  the  heeles, 
The  gloue  he  weares, 

it  was  the  fouldiers  : 


It  may  be  there  will  be  harme  betweene  them, 
For  I  do  know  Fltu-ellen  valiant, 
And  being  toucht,  as  hot  as  gunpowder : 
And  quickly  will  rcturne  an  iuiury. 


132 


[1.3.3— 


136 


x    i    iv.  s.  .7.]          Tlu>  Lift-  of  lien rtj  the  /•//>.      / 


1-  i 


0-  9 


1 60 


168 


180 


//"i//.   Vmler  Captaiia-  Gou-er,  my  Liege. 

/Y«.  Gvwfr  is  a  good  Captaine,  and  is  good  know- 
ledge and  literatured  in  the  Warre*. 

King.  Call  him  hither  to  me,  Souldier. 

WW.  I  will  my  Liege.  Erit. 

King.  Here  Fluelltn,  weare  thou  this  fauour  for  me,  and 
ft  i  eke  it  in  thy  Cappe  :  when  Alanfon  and  my  felfe  were 
downe  together,  I  pluckt  this  Gloue  from  his  Helme  :  If 
any  man  challenge  this,  bee  is  a  friend  to  Alanfon,  and  an 
enemy  to  our  Perfon  ;  if  thou  encounter  any  fuch,  appre- 
hend him,and  thou  do'ft  me  loue. 

Flu.  Your  Grace  doo's  me  as  great  Honors  as  can  be 
deiir'd  in  the  hearts  of  his  Subie&s:  I  would  faine  fee 
the  man,  that  ha's  but  two  legges,  that  fhall  tiiul  himfelfe 
agreefd  at  this  Gloue ;  that  U  all :  but  I  would  faine  fee 
it  once,  and  pleafc  God  of  his  grace  that  I  might 

King.  Know'll  thou  Gou-cr  ? 

Flu.  He  is  my  dcare  friend,  and  pleafe  you. 

King.  Pray  thee  goe  feeke  him,  and  bring  him  to  my 
Tent. 

Flu.  I  will  feu-h  him. 

King.  My  Lord  of  H'aru-iii-,nnd  my  Brother  Glofler, 
I-'i»H(»w  Fluellfn  clofely  at  the  heeles. 
The  Gloue  which  I  haue  giuen  him  for  a  fauour, 
May  haply  pun  hall-  him  a  box  a'lh'eare. 
It  is  the  Souldiers:   I  by  bargaine  Ihould 

re  it  my  felfe.      Follow  good  C.'oulin  H'aru-i,k: 
If  that  the  Souldier  Itrike  him,  as  I  iudge 
By  his  blunt  bearing,  he  will  kei-jn-  hit  word; 
Some  fiKlaine  miUlurfc  may  arilt-  ot  it  : 
For  I  doe  know  Fluellfn  valiant. 
And  tomht  with  L'holer,  hot  as  Gunpowder, 
And  (juickly  will  returne  an  in.urie. 


•rttv'd*.  ignn'4 
3.4- 


70.]  «A«r  a.  *'/*'  4. 


176.  By  til]  ny  Ikit  j.  4. 


1 71         Tkt  CknmicU  Hi/hi  iry  thsfift.     '  i  '>oo.     [.MI    i\. 


" 


Go  lee  there  be  no  barmc  bet  \\vrne  t 


Enter  Gouxr,  ftewellen,  <///./  ///«•  Sou/Jier.  I  \ 


'.  Captain  Gowvr,  in  tin-  nanu-  of  Ic  hi, 
Come  to  his  MfHH^,  there  is  mure  good  tuwunl )  mi, 
Then  you  can  dreauic  off*. 

Sotd.  Do  you  hcare  you  fir?  /  do  you  know  this  gluuc  ? 

ftfw.  I  know  the  the  glouc  is  a  gloiu  . 

SottJ.  Sir  1  know  this,  and  thus  1  challenge  it. 

llcjiiikc*  htm. 
Ftrte.  Code  pint,  and  his. 


Captain  Gou'er  fland  a 
lie  giue  trcafon  his  due  prclcntly. 


Enter  tht  King,  Wanvickf,  Clarence,  and  Ex<, 

Kin.   How  now,  what  is  the  matter  ? 

flfu'.  And  it  (hall  pleafe  your  Maieftie, 
Here  is  the  notableft  peece  of  treafon  come  to  light, 
As  you  (hall  ddire  to  fee  in  a  fommers  day.  1 2 


Here  is  a  rafcall,  beggerly  rafcall, 


is  ftrike  the  gloue, 


ACT  iv.  sc.  7.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  F//V.     Folio  1623. 


'73 


[p.  90] 
[COL.  i] 


[IV.  8] 


12 


Follow,and  fee  there  be  no  harme  betweene  them. 
Goe  you  with  me,  Viu-kle  of  Kxeter. 


Exeunt. 


Enter  Gouvr  and  If'illiams. 

trill.  I  warrant  it  is  to  Knight  you,  Captaine. 
Enter  Flurllcn. 

Flu.  Gods  will,  ;iiul  his  pleafure,  Captaine,  I  befeecb 
you  now,  come  apace  to  the  King :  there  is  more  good 
toward  you  peraduenttire,  then  is  in  your  knowledge  to 
dre.in 

ll'ill.  Sir,  know  you  this  Gloue? 

Flu.  Know  the  Gloue.9  I  know  the  Gloue  is  a  Gloue. 

ll'ill.  I  know  this ,  and  thus  I  challenge  it. 

Strikes  htm. 

Flu.  'Sblud,  an  arrant  Tray  tor  as  anyes  in  the  Vniuer- 
fall  World,  or  in  France,  or  in  England. 

Gower.  How  now  Sir  ?  you  Villaine. 

//"*//.  Doe  you  thinke  He  be  forfworne  ? 

Flu.  Stand  away  Captaine  Gower,  I  will  giue  Treafon 
his  payment  into  plowes,  I  warrant  you. 

mil.   I  am  no  Tray  tor. 

Flu.  That's  a  Lye  in  thy  Throat.     I  charge  you   in    his 
!ties  Name  apprehend  him,  he's  a  friend  of  the  Duke 
Alanfons. 

Enter  Il'unrick  and  Glnucefler. 

ll'tinr.   II>»w  now,  how  MOW,  whafs  the  matter? 

Flu.    My    I-ord    nf    Warwick,    hit-re    is,    pray  fed    be    God 
for   it,  a   mod   contagious   Treafon    come    to    light ,   looke 
you,  as  you  ihall   delire   in  a   Summers   day.       Heere  is  his 
itie.  /•  King  and  1. 

King.  How  now,  what's  the  matter? 

Flu.  My  Liege,  beere  u  a  Villaine,  and  a  Traytor, 
that  iooke  your  Grace,  ba's  ftrooke  the  Gloue  whi>h 


181.  *•]  mot  4. 


amjit  4. 


3.    'Stat.  4. 


Tkr  CknmMt  Ifi/hr  '»o.     [ACT  i 


t«M»«r 

-     ,     . 

' 


Which  jroor  MaJeftfe  /  tookc  cut  ,,r  the  helmet  of  Alunfnn  :  / 
And  jour  Maieflie  will  beare  me  witnes,  /  ami  u-iiiin 
And  •noocbiDcnta,  /  that  this  >•>  the  -lone.  / 

.So*/.   And  it  plcafe  y..ur  Maieltie,  /  thai  u.i^  my  gloue.  / 
Ho  th.it  I  K.UH-  it  too  in  tlu-  t> 
Pnxnilctl  n»c  to  wean-  it  in  hi->  hat : 
I  promised  (<>  iir.k.-  liint  it'lu*  did. 
I  BMC  that  Gentlcm.m,  with  tny  glouc  in  hi-  hat, 
And  I  tbinke  I  baue  bene  as  good  as  my  won). 

fir*:  Your  Maicdic  hearcs,  /  viuK-r  your  '\ 
1,  /  what  a  bcggrrly  lo\\  lie  knauc  it  is.  / 


20 


A'in.  Let  me  fee  thy  gloue.  /  Lookc  you, 
This  is  the  fellow  of  it.  / 

It  was  I  indeed  you  promtfed  to  Hrike.  [a;  F  2.  v.] 

And  thou  thou  baft  giuen  me  mod  bitter  words. 
How  canft  thou  make  vs  amends  ? 

Flfu:  Let  his  necke  anlwi-rr  it, 
If  there  be  any  m.irili.iK  l.uve  in  the  worcll. 

Soul.  My  Liege,  /  all  offences  come  from  the  In-art  :  / 
Neucr  came  any  from  mine  /  to  oH'eud  your  Makltic.  / 


You  appeard  to  me  as  a  common  man  ••  / 

lie  the  night,  your  garments,  /  your  lowliru-lU-, 
And  whatfoeuer  /  you  receiued  \  tuk-r  that  habit,  / 
I  befeech  your  Maicftie  impute  it  /  to  your  owne  fault 
And  not  mine.  /  For  your  li-lle  came  not  like  your  felle  :  / 
Had  you  bene  as  you  feemed,  /  I  had  made  no  offence.  / 
Therefore  I  befeech  your  grace  to  pardon  me. 

Vnckle,  fill  the  gloue  with  crownes, 
And  giue  it  to  the  fouldi<  .;e  it  fellow,  / 


28 


40 


v.  sc.  8.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.     Folio  1623. 


175 


your     Maic-llie     is     take     out     of    the     Helmet    of     Alan- 
fon. 

in!/.  My    I.iege,  this  was  my  Gloue,  here   is   the  fellow 
of  it:  and  he  that   I  gaue  it  to  in  change,  promis'd  to  v 
it  in  his  CapjK-  :  I  promU'd  to  lirike  him,  if  he  did  :  I   met 
t!ii>  man  with   my  Gloue   in   his  Cappe,  and   I   haue  been  as 
good  as  my  \vord. 

Flu.    Your  heare    now,    failing    your    Maieftie-. 

:iood  ,    what     an     arrant     rafcally ,     beggerly  ,    \> 
Knaue  it    i-  :     I    hope  your  M.iieltie   is  peare   me    teftimonie 
and    witnelle,  and    will   auouehment,   that    this   is  the   Glour 
of  Alanfon,   that  your    M.iieftie    is   giue   me,  in   your   Con- 
fcietice  now. 

King.  Giue  me  thy  Gloue  Souldier; 
Looke,  heere  is  the  fellow  of  it : 
'Twas  I  indeed  thou  promifed'rt  to  ftrike, 
And  thou  haft  giuen  me  moft  bitter  termcs. 

Flu.    And    pleafe   your   Maieflie,   let   his    Neck    anfwm- 
for  it,  if  there  is  any  M.irlhall  Law  in  the  World. 

King.  How  canil  thou  make  nu  on? 

/.  All  ortenres,  my  Lord,  come  from  the  heart:  ne- 
uer  came  any  from  mine,  that  might  offend  your  M.i- 

Klng.  It  was  our  felfe  thou  didft  abufe. 

7.  Your  Maieltie  came  not  like  your  felfe :  you 
appear  (1  to  me  but  as  a  common  man ;  w  itnelle  the 
Night  ,  your  Garments  ,  your  IxjwlinelFe :  and  what 
your  Highneite  futler'd  vndcr  that  lhape,  I  befeech  you 
take  it  for  your  owne  fault,  and  not  mine:  fur  had  you 
becne  as  I  tooke  you  for,  I  made  no  offence;  therefore  I 
befeech  your  HighnelTe  pardon  me. 

Vm  kl«-  /.;./•.  r.  till  this  Gloue  with  Crownes, 
And  giue  it  to  lhi>  Ullo\v.     Ket-jK-  it 


33.]  kaiu]  kavt  luvt  a. 


35.] 


jfi.Mtiitstuii]  .I/..-  ; 


59.  AmJ\  AM  a. 


T*r  CA-  :'»oo.     [ACT  iv.  si 


- 
SB.) 


At  ra  honour  in  thy  cap,  (ill  I  do  challenge  it. 

(          (    . 
I  mud  need!  bane  you  friends. 

/  flnr.  By  lefus,  the  fellow  hath  met  tall  enough 
In  hit  belly.  /  Harke  you  r.mldier,  there  is  a  rtiilling  for  you,  / 


And  keep  your  li-lu-  <>ut  of  brawles  /  &  brahlts,  & 
And  fooke  you,  it  (hall  be  tin-  IH-U.T  loi 
&••/.  lie  none  of  your  moru-y  iir,  not  I. 


Ftfte.  Why  its  a  good  (hilling  man. 

Why  (hoold  you  be  qucamiih  ?  /  Your  fhoes  arc  not  fo  good  :  / 
It  will  feme  you  to  im-ml  your  flioes. 


44 


Km.  What  men  of  fort  are  taken  vnckle  ? 

Erf.  Charles  Duke  of  Orlcanc?,  Xephcw  to  the  King. 
lokn  Duke  of  Burl-on,  and  Lord  Bou'ch<jua/l. 
Of  other  Lords  and  Barrens,  Knights  and  Squiers, 
Full  fifteenc  hundred,  befides  common  men. 
This  note  doth  tell  me  of  ten  thoufand 
French,  that  in  the  field  lyes  flaine. 
Of  Nobles  bearing  banners  in  the  field, 


60 


ACT  iv.  sc.  8.]          Tltf  Life  of  Henry  the 


I  '<>ti« 


177 


[p.  90] 
[COL.  a] 


68 


80 


88 


65.  to  semi]  strut  3.  4. 


And  weare  it  ;  nor  in  thy  Cappc, 

Till  I  doe  challenge  it.     Giue  him  the  Crownes : 

And  Captaine,  \ou  mult  needs  IK-  friends  with  him. 

Flu.  By  this    Day  and    this    Light,    the    fellow    ha's    met- 
tell   enough  in   his    belly;     Hold,    then-    is    t  weluc-jH  in 
you,  and   I   pray  you   to   feme   (J.>d,  ami  keepe   you  out  of 
prawles    and    prabbles,    and    quarrels    and    dillentioiiv    and    I 
warrant  you  it  is  the  better  tor  yon. 

//'///.   I  will  none  of  your  MOD 

Flu.   It   is  with   a  goodwill:   I   can    tell  you   it   will    ferue 
JOU    to    mend    your     ihooes :     come,    wherefore     llionld    you 
be   fo   palhfull,   your   (hooes     is    not   fo  good  :  'tis   a   good 
filling  I  warrant  you,  or  I  will  change  it. 
Enter  Hrrauld. 

King.  Now  Hemuld,  are  the  dead  numbred  ? 

Herald.      Heere     is      the     number     of     the      flaught'red 
Frm<  h. 

King.     What        Prifonen      of      good       fort       are       lakrn 
Vn.kle? 

.    Charles  Duke  of  Orleaiuc,  NYphcw  to  the  Kini;. 

lohn  Dnke  of  Borboo,  and  Lord  //<•//» /f/,y//<//i/ .- 

Of  other  Lords  and  I  .  :iighls  and  Sc; 

Full  fifteene  liundred,  lu-fulcs  lommon  men. 

King.  This  Note  doih  tell  me  often  ihoiifand  French 
That  in  the  field  l\e  ll.iine  :    of  Princes  in  lli:>  nuiiii 
And  Xol)le>  hearing  Banners,  there  lye  dead 
One  hundred  tweir  led  to  ih 

Of  Knights,  Khjnires,  and  gall. nit  (unilemcn, 
Eight  thoufand  ami  foil  re  hundred:   of  the  which. 
Flue  hundred  were  but  yelterday  dubb'd  Knights. 
So  that  in  thefe  ten  thoufand  they  hane  loll, 
There  are  but  fixteene  hundrc<|  M 
The  nil  .;:  ti>,  I-ord-.,  Knights,  Squires, 

And 


178        TV  '>oo.      [AI  i    i 


66.) 


ff.)  «wt  »«  3. 

f  3. 


•k]  f*»U,mJ  j. 


Char  If*  d<  It  H  •  «irr. 

/•yiMVof  Ckallilliait,  A<linir.ill  ••! 
The  Mairtcr  of  the  cn»l>. 

The  brauc  :  •  '  //•///«.», 


1 ' 

I  .  -  .  •      :     1    /.  _   /     .  . 

Here  was  a  ro}  .uh. 

Where  i*  l ho  uumlx-r  (»fnur  1  n  ;!;ll)  il< 
JWnwrfibc  Dtiki-,.f}V  :/;./*,-, 

Klijuicr  : 
And  of  all  oil. 

but  I  UK-  and  t  \\cniir. 

Ami  \uto  llur  .il.mr,  .ilirilH-  ur  pr.iil'c. 
NN'luu  \iiiluait  I 

And  in  t-urii  llux:k  of  battle,  \v  a>  HUT  lu-.ird 
So  great,  and  litlc  loil'r, 

on  oiu-  part  and  an  other. 
Take  it  God,  for  it  is  ont-ly  thine. 

Ert.  Tw  wondcrfull. 

King.  Come  let  vs  go  <»n  prorcllion  through  the  camp  : 
I^et  it  be  death  proclaimed  to  any  man, 
To  boafi  hereof,  or  take  the  praife  from  God, 
h  b  hi.  due. 

Fku:  A  it  lawful,  and  it  pleafe  your  Maieftie, 
To  i.  II  bow  many  b  kild  ? 

K'utg.  Ye»  Fteivcllen,  /  but  with  this  acknowledgement,  / 
That  God  fought  for  \,. 


80 


84 


88 


ACT  iv.  sc.  8.]     The  Lift  of  Hfnry  the  FiJ'l.     Folio  1623. 


179 


[p-9'1 
[COL.  i] 


:  ;o 


104 


1 08 


I  12 


116 


120 


And  Gentlemen  of  blond  ami  <|iialiiie. 

The  Names  oft  hole  their  \o!>It->  that  lye  «'. 

Charlfs  Dflaireth,  High  Conliahle  of  I  r.i; 

fayuts  of  Chatilion,  Admirall  of  France, 

The  Mailer  of  the  Crolle-l>  1  Raml-ures, 

•  Mailer  <>!  France,  the  brain  '/anl  Dofp/iin, 

lohn  Duke  of  Alanl'on,  Antfmnie  Duke  of  Brabant, 
The  Brother  to  the  Duke  of  Burguudie, 
And  Edu-ard  Duke  of  Banr :  of  luftie  Karles, 
Grandprce  and  Rnuflle,  Fauconiridge  and  Foyes, 
Beaumont  and  Marie,  I'andemont  ami  L<-Jtnile. 

t  Royall  tellowlhip  of  death. 
Where  is  the  number  of  our  Knglilh  il 
Edward  the  Duke  of  Yorke,  the  Karle  of  Sutfolke, 
Sir  Richard  Kctly,  Dauy  (iani  Klijuire ; 
None  elfe  of  name  :   and  of  all  other  men, 
But  Hue  and  txvi-ntie. 

O  God,  thy  Arme  was  heere : 
And  not  to  vs,  but  to  thy  Arme  alone, 

H-  we  all  :    uhen,  without  llralagem, 
But  in  plaine  lho«  k.and  euen  play  ol'  Hattaile, 
Was  euer  knowne  fo  great  and  little  loiU-  ? 
On  one  part  and  on  th'other,  take  it  God, 
For  it  U  none  but  thine. 

Eret.  'TU  wonderful  1. 

A'i/Jif.  Come,  i;oe  me  in  pnKi-ilioti  to  the  Village: 
And  bt-  it  death  prorlaymed  through  our  Hoaft, 
To  boaft  of  this  «r  take  that  prayle  from  (iod, 
iely. 

Flu.  Is  it    not    lawfull   and   pleafe  your    Maieltie,  tr>   tell 
how  many  i-.  kill'd  ? 

King.  Yet  Captaine:  but  with  this  acknowledgement, 
That  God  fought  for  vs. 


98.]  Amlkomii 


lot.] 

103.}  Vamdcmmt 


109.]  King,  prefixed 


115.]  mmt'i  4. 
117.  mu]wt 


l8o        Tkf  (brunt  Jr  Htforit  of  Henry  t  Q  1 600.     [AI  i    iv.  sc.  8. 


/far.  Y«  in  my  coofdeoce,  be  did  vi  great  good. 

K'vtg.  Let  there  be  fung,  Nououes  ami  tc  Deum. 
The  dead  with  chant 

Weele  ibeo  to  CWuv.  and  t<>  l.n.  ! ni.l-tln-n, 
Where  nere  from  France,  arriudc  more  bappirr  men. 

Eait  unities. 


UTT   iv.  SC.  8.]  Thf  Lift  of  Henry  tltt  Fift.      Fnlin 


181 


[COL.  i]  Flu.  Yes,  my  confcience,  he  did  vs  great  good. 

King.   Due  we  all  holy  Rights: 
Let  there  be  fung  \<>n  W/t,  and  TV  Deum, 
128      The  dead  with  charitie  enclos'd  in  Clay  : 
And  then  to  Callice,  and  to  England  thru, 
Where  ne're  from  France  arriu'd  more  happy  men. 

Exeunt. 


.  I  ,'us  Quint  us. 


Enter  Chorus. 

Vouchfafe  to  thofe  that  haue  not  read  the  Story, 
That  I  may  prompt  them :  and  of  fuch  as  baue, 
I  humbly  pray  them  to  admit  th'excufe 
Of  time,  of  numbers,  and  due  courfe  of  things, 
Which  cannot  in  their  huge  and  proper  life, 
Be  here  prefented.     Now  we  beare  the  King 
Toward  Callice  :  Graunt  him  there  j  there  feene, 
Heaue  him  away  vpon  your  winged  thoughts. 
Athwart  the  Sea  :  Behold  the  Englilh  beach 
Pales  in  the  flood  j  with  Men,  Wines,  and  Boyes, 
Whofe  fhouts  &  claps  out-voyce  the  deep-mouth'd  Sea, 
Which  like  a  mightie  WhimVr  'ton-  the  King, 
Seemes  to  prepare  his  way  :  So  let  him  l.uul, 
And  folcmnly  fee  him  fct  on  to  London. 
So  fwift  a  pace  hath  Thought,  that  cuen  now 
16       You  may  imagine  bin)  vpon  Hl.u  k- Hrat h  : 

\Vln-rr,  th.it  hi*  Lords  deftre  him,  to  haue  borne 
His  bruifr.l  H.  hurt,  and  his  bended  Sword 
Before  him,  through  the  Citie:  be  forbids  it. 


7.]  ;  And  tktrt  bring  ttemt. 


to.]  with  IVntt. 

II.] 


TV  CfamicU  Htflorit «/ 'Henry  ///<•////.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  v. 


Gower,  and  Flnrellen. 

Gowrr.  But  why  do  you  weare  your  Leeke  to  day  ?  [  i 
Saint  Dauifs  day  is  pail  ? 

/T«r.  There  is  occafion  Captaine  Gower, 
Looke  you  why,  and  wherefore, 


F3V.] 


[V.   ,J 


ACT   V.  SC.  I.]  T/u-  I. iff  nf  llrnry  th,    I't/'t.       ! 


[P-  9'] 
[COL.  2] 


28 


[V,  i] 


Being  free  from  vain-nelle,  and  lelfe-Jorio;. 

Giuing  full  Trophee,  Si-nail,  and  Orient, 

Quite  from  himU-hc,  t<>  (1ml.     Hut  in 

In  the  quick  Forge  and  working-honk-  ot  Tli»u_;hi, 

!on  doth  powre  out  lu  i  < 
The  Maior  ami  all  hi-  Brethren  in  IK-  ft 

:iatour-  <>t"  th'antique  llmne, 
With  the  Plebeian-  I'M  -arming  at  their  hei  ! 
Goe  forth  and  fetch  their  Conqu'ring  drj'ar  in  : 

-.  but  by  louing  likelyhood, 
•c  now  the  Gent-rail  of  our  gracious  KmprelU-, 
As  in  good  time  he  may,  from  Ireland  comming, 
Bringing  Rebellion  broached  on  his  Sword; 

;ild  the  peacefull  Citie  quit. 

vclrome  him?  much  more,  and  much  more  c.uilc. 
Did  they  this  Harry.     Now  in  London  place  him. 
As  yet  the  lamentation  of  the  French 
Inuites  the  King  of  Englands  ftay  at  home  : 
The  Emperour's  comming  in  behalfe  of  Fr.r 

•der  peace  bet  v.  :n  :  and  omit 

All  the  occurrences,  what  euer  ch 
Till  Harry  ft  backe  n-turne  againe  t 
Tliere  muft  we  bring  him  ;  and  my  fclfe  liaue  j.I 
The  interim,  by  n-membring  you  'ti^  part. 

:i  brooke  abridgement,  and  your  eyes  aduance, 
your  thoughts,  ftraight  ' 

'<  -r  Fluellen  and  Gf>n 


Goufr.    Nay,    that\    r;^hf  :    l>nt    why    weare    you    your 
:  •  ; 

Flu.   There  is  occaftons  and   caufo  why  and   wbcr< 


40,]  <ka*ed, 


43.  J  I*Unm. 


. 


I&4  t%t  Chi  unit  l<  (Jtnittu  1600.       [ACT  V, 


« 


*7  ]  /  But  to  tbr 


The  other  day  looke  you, 

\Vlurh  you  know  i»  a  man  of  no  im-riies 

In  the  worcll.  i*  conn-  wlu-rr  I  w.i-.  the  other  «!     . 

And  brings  bread  ami  fault,  and  bids  me 

Eate  my  Leeke  :  twas  in  a  place,  lookr 

Where  /could  inoiu-  no  diUx-iuion-.: 

But  if  /can  At*  him,  /  ih.ill  ti-ll  him, 

A  tide  of  my  dvlircs.  12 

Gottf.  Here  a  comes,  fwclling  like  a  Turkecocke. 

r  /'///«//. 

i    -  n<»  m.itu-r  tor  hi-,  fwi-llini;,  and  his  tnrkirc- 
God  plrlU-  \.1U  Anticnl  /'///..//,  you  liall, 
Bcggcrly,  Kmlii-  kn.itu-,  (iod  pit-lie  you.  16 

.  art  limn  Ix-dli-m  ': 
iiou  thnrft  baft-  Troy  an, 

mi-  toldi-  \j>  /'//M-./*  t.nall  web? 
Hence,  /  am  qualmifh  at  tin-  fim-ll  of  I^eeke.  20 

.    •  i  in  /Wo//.      I  would  di-firc  you  becaufe 
It  dotli  not  agree  /  with  your  ftomacke,  and  your  appetite,  / 
And  your  digeflions,  to  eate  this  Leeke. 


Not  for  Cadu-all trier  and  all  his  go.i'  24 

-  There  is  one  goate  for  you  Antieni  1'iftol. 

Hejirikes  him. 
<i.  Bace  Troy  an,  thou  (hall  dye. 

I.I  know  I  ihall  dye,  /  meane  time,  I  would 
Defire  you  /  to  liue  and  eate  this  Leeke.  /  28 


v.  sc.  i.]          The  Life  of  Henry  I/it-  /•'///.     I'll/it!  1623. 


185 


[P-  9'] 


II 


16 


20 


in  all  things:  I  will  tell  you  a  ill*  my  friend,  Cap 
Gou'fr;  the  rafcally,  fcauld,  beggerly,  low  lie,  praggiog 
Knaue  Pijloll,  which  you  and  your  felfe,  and  all  the  World, 
know  to  be  no  petter  then  a  fellow,  looke  you  now,  of  no 
merits:  hee  is  come  to  me,  and  prints  nit-  pread  and 
fault  yefterd.r.  .  and  bi.i  eke: 

it    w.i-    in  a   plan-  where   I   could  not    breed    no   contention 
with  him;  but  I  will  l>e  fo  bold  as  to  weare  it  in  my 
till  I  fee  him  once  againe,  and  then  I  will  tell  him  a  little 
piece  of  my  delires. 

Enter  Piftnll. 

Gouvr.   Why   heere   hee   «  elling    like    a    Turky- 

cock. 

Flu.  'Tis  no  matter  for  his  fwellings,  nor  liis  Turky- 
cocks.  God  plelle  you  aunchient  Pistolt:yo\\  fcuruie  Io\v  - 
lie  Knaue,  God  plelle  you. 

Pi  irt     thou     bedlam?     d(x-lt     thou     thirrt,     bale 

Troian,   to    haue   me    fold   vp    Parcas   fatall    Web?      Hence; 
I  am  ({ualmilli  at  the  liuell  of  Ixvke. 

Flu.    I     ;  >  oti     heartily,    fruruie    lowlie     Knaue,    at 

my   defires,   and    my   recjuefts,   and    my    petin  eate, 

looke   you,    this    Leeke;    becaufe,    looke   you,   you   doe    not 
it,    nor    \our    alKvtions,    and    your    apjx-tittN    and    your 
difgcftions   doo's    not    agree    with     it,    I    would    delire     \on 
to  eate  it. 

Pyj.  Not  for  Cadtralladfr  and  all  his  Go 

Flu.  There  U  one  Goat  for  you.  *«  him. 

Will  you  be  fo  good,  fcanld  Knaue^s  eate  it  ? 

Pi/I.  Bafe  Troian,  thou  lhalt  dye. 

Flu.  You  fay  very  true,  frauld  Knaue,  when  God* 
will  is:  I  will  drlire  you  to  line  in  the  meane  time,  and 
eate  your  Victual*:  come,  there  is  fa  wee  for  it.  You 
call'd  me  ycflerday  Mount.iine-Sijui. T  ,  l>ut  1  w  ill  make 


16.]  netlJimg,  4. 

17.  fit sst  you]  fUtit  3.  4. 

18.]  tUtu  3.  4. 


•6.]  tott  4. 


:  Tkf  CkroHntf  Ili/lorif  /  thfffi.     (Jmnto  1600.     [ACT  v.  sc.  i. 


31  ]  •(/*/<  KMV 


ftw  jc]  •*•  «M!M» 
<*•«  flttai  bar  of 


of  the 


ji.1 


Look*  pm  now.  /A«rv 

i  \ 


»] 

I 


boy 


Crotrrr.  Inough  Ciptaiitc,  /  \  Mtonilht  him.  / 

Fine.  Alixiiilhl  him.     by  A-Iii.  lie  Ix-atr  liis  head 

Foore  dajm,  /  and  four?  n-  -!n-.  Inu  lie 

Make  him  /  catc  Tome  part  «\  my  !.<•<•! 


/*/«/.    Wrll  mult  I  by 


[13- 


-.  I  out  of  queftiou  or  doubt,  or  ambiguities 
You  muft  byte. 


Pitt.  Good  good.  36 

Ftttv.  I  Leekes  are  good,  Antient  Pistol  I.  / 
There  is  a  (hilling  for  you  /  to  he;ile  your  bloody  coxkome. 

/';•/.   Me  a  (hilling. 

Ftnv.  If  you  will  uot  take  it, 
I  bane  an  other  Leeki-  t-i  you. 

I  take  thy  (hilling  in  earned  of  recoiling. 

Fleu'.  If  I  owe  you  any  thing,  /  ile  pay  you  in  cudgels,  / 
You  (halbe  a  woodmonger,  ^ 

And  by  cudgels,  God  bwy  you, 
Antient  P'utoll,  God  bit-Ill-  you, 
And  heale  your  broken  pate. 

Antient  P'utoll,  if  you  fee  Leekes  an  other  time,  48 

Mocke  at  them,  that  is  all  :  God  buy  you. 

Exit  Fleu-ellen. 
All  hell  (hall  ftir  for  this. 


ACT  v.  sc.  I.]  The  Life  of  Henry  tin-  Fift.      Folio  1623. 


187 


fc.  •        •*•      + 

[COL.  i]      you  to  day  a  fquire  of  low  degree.     I  pray  you  fall  too ,  if 
you  can  mocke  a  Leeke,  you  can  eate  a  Leeke 
Gour.  Enough  Captaine,  you  baue  a  ft  on  i  (lit  him. 
Flu. I   I'.iy,   I   will   make  him  eate  fome  part  of   my  leeke. 
4°      or  I  will  peate  his  pate  foure  dayes:  bite  I  pray  you.  it 
good    for    your    greene    wound,   and    your    ploodie    ( 
comix-. 

Mult  I  bile. 

Flu.    Yes    certainly,  and    out    of  doubt    and    out    of    que- 
Itioii  i. KI,  and  ambiguities. 

/'///.     By    this     Ix-eke,     I    will     nioli    horribly    reuenge    I 
eate  and  eate  I  Iwe.ue. 

Flu.   Eate    I    pray    you,   will  you    haue    fome    more    lauee 
to  your  Leeke  :  there  is  not  enough  Ix-eke  to  fweare  by. 
/';//.  Quiet  thy  Cudgell,  thou  dolt  fee  I  eate. 
Flu.    Much    good    do   you    fcald    knaue,    heartily.       Nay, 
pray  you    throw   none   away,  the   skinne   is   good   for    your 
broken     Coxcombe  ;     when     yon     take     occarions     to     fee 

-es  heereafter,  I  pray  you  mocke  at  'em,  that  is  all. 
/'///.  Good. 

Flu.  I,    Leekes   is  good:    bold  you,  there   is  a  groat   to 
beale  your  pate. 
Me  a  gr< 

Flu  Yes  verily,  and  in  truth  you  (hall   take  it,  or  I  haue 
60       another  Leeke  in  my  poeket.  whirh  you  lhall  eate. 
/'///.    I  take  thy  groat  in  earnelt  of  reuenge. 
Flu.  It   I   owe  you  any  thing,    I    will    pay  you    in    Cud- 
gels, you    (hall    be   a   Woodmonger,   and    buy   nothing    of 
me  but  cudgels  ••    God  bu'y  you,  and   keepe  you,  Ac  heale 
your  ; 

All  hell  lhall  ftirrc  for  . 

Cow.  Go,    go,  you    arc    a     counterfeit  cowardly   Knaue. 
68      will   you   mocke  at  an   ancient   Tradition   began   vppon  an 


36.  *»] 


43-] 


•;'      '     •• 

47.J  talamd.  tat.  4. 


67.1 


.  a. 


TV  Cknmiclf  Hifarit  of  Hfnry  thcfft.     Quart n  1600.     !  v.  i •   \ sc.  I. 


"  '        '    ' 


*».)/*». 


Doth  Fortune  play  the  hufwye  with  me  now? 
Is  honour  rudgcld  from  my  warlike  lines  ? 
Wi-Il  r'mni-e  t.ir\\«  II,  ncwes  haue  I  certainly 
That  Doll  is  ficke.     One  mallydie  of  France, 
The  waires  affbrdcth  nought,  home  will  I  trug. 
Bawd  will  I  lurne,  and  vfe  tin-  llyte  of  hand  : 
To  England  will  I  fteale,  ||  And  tin  re  He  fteale. 
And  patches  will  I  get  vnto  tlu-u-  skarres, 
And  fweare  I  gat  them  in  the  G.illia  warres. 

Exit  Piflnft. 
Enter  at  one  doore,  the  King  of  England  and  his  Lords.    And  at 

the  other  doore,  the  King  of  France,  Queene  Katberine,  the 

Duke  of  Burbon,  and  others. 

Harry.  Peace  to  this  meeting,  /  wherefore  we  are  met.  / 
And  to  our  brorher  France,  Faire  time  of  day.          [i — F  4  v] 

Faire  health  vnto  our  louely  coufen  Katherine. 
And  as  a  branch,  and  member  of  this  flock  : 

We  do  falute  you  Duke  of  Burgondie. 

Fran.  Brother  of  England,  /  right  ioyous  are  we  to  behold 
Your  face,  / 

fo  are  we  Princes  Englim  euery  one. 


s* 


60 
[V.aJ 


ACT  v.  sc.  i.]  The  I  'Icnnj  ///,•  rift.     /•'.,/;«  1623. 


189 


[COL.  i]  honourable  refpcft,  and  worne  as  a  memorable  Trophee 
of  predeoeafed  valor,  and  dare  not  auouch  in  your  deeds 
any  of  your  words.  I  haue  feene  you  gleeking  &  galling 
at  this  Gentleman  twice  or  thrice.  You  thought,  bec.iule 
he  could  not  fpeake  Englilh  in  the  natiue  garb,  he  could 
not  therefore  handle  an  Englilh  Cud^ell  :  you  linde  it  o- 
therwife,  and  henceforth  let  a  Wellh  corre&ion,  teach 
you  a  good  Englilh  condition,  fare  ye  well. 

P'\fl.    Doeth    fortune    play    the   hufwife    with    me    now  ? 
*  haue  I   that  my  Dull  is  dead  i'th   Spittle  of  a  mala- 
dy  of    France,    and    there    my   rendeuous  •  is    quite    cut    off: 
80       Old    I    do    waxe,    and    from    my    wearie     limbes    honour    is 
Cudgeld.     Well,    Baud    He   turne,  and    form-thing   leane   to 
Cut-purfe  of  quicke  hand :    To  England   will    I    Ik-ale,    and 
there  He  ik-ale  : 

And  patches  will  I  get  vnto  thefe  cudgeld  fcarres, 
And  fwore  I  got  them  in  the  (i.illia  warres.  Etit. 

[V.  a]          Enter  at  one  doore,  King  Henry,  Ereter,  Bedford, 

and  other  Lords.     At  another,  Quccne  //«/•»•/ , 
the  King,  the  Duke  of  Bourgnnttm-  ,<ind 

other  French. 

King.   Peace  to  this  meeting,  wherefore  we  are  met  ; 
Vnto  our  brother  France,  and  to  our  Siller 

h  and  faire  time  of  day :   loy  and  good  willies 
To  our  moft  faire  and  Princely  C'oline  Katfarine: 
And  as  a  branch  and  member  of  ilii*.  Royalty, 
By  whom  this  great  ailcmhly  i.i  contriu'd, 
We  do  falute  you  Duke  of  Burgogne, 
And  I  m  h  and  Pecres  health  to  you  all. 

Fra.  Right  ioyous  are  we  to  U-ln.l<l  \our  face, 
Moll  worthy  brother  Kn^l.ui'!  .net, 

So  are  you  Princes  (Englilh)  t-uery  one. 


Bemrgoigmt*.  ff*t-pn'fm  3. 


7-1  Bmrgtifn.  «.  4.  &tr- 
to.  flinfy]  fiin  ».   JUr 


190         Tkf  Ckt<  liorit  of  Usury  tHf  fij).     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  v.  sc.  a. 


t.  Art!)  am.  3 


I)nk.   With  pardon  vnto  both  your  mightines. 
!.«•!  it  not  ililplr.ilr  you.  if"  I  dfiiKiund 
What  i uh  or  bar  hath  thus  l";ir  hindred  you, 
To  keepe  you  from  the  gentle  fpoech  of  peace  ? 


ACT  V.  SC.  2.]  Tlu    I  ;  It-nnj  the  rift.      l-'itlin  1623. 


16 


20 


Quff.  So  happy  be  the  I  line  brother  Ireland 
Of  this  good  day,  ami  of  ill.-  :nceting, 

As  we  are  now  glad  to  liehold  your  eyes, 
Your  eyes  which  hitherto  haue  borne 
In  tl.  :t  i he  French  that  met  them  in  their  bent, 

The  fatall  Halls  of  numbering  Baliliskes: 
The  \viioiue  of  fin  I)  I  .-xike-.  \ve  fairely  hope 
Haue  loft  their  qualilie,  and  that  this  day 
Shall  change  all  griefes  and  quarrels  into  loue. 

Eng.  To  cry  Amen  to  that,  thus  we  appeare. 

Quff.   You  Knglilh  Princes  all,  I  doe  falute  \ou. 

Burg.   My  dutie  to  you  both,  on  cquall  loue. 

Kings  of  France  and  Kngland  :   that  I  haue  labour'd 
With  all  my  wits,  my  paines,  ami  ftrong  cndcuors, 
To  bring  your  molt  Imperiall  M.ii 
Vnto  this  Barre,  and  Iloyall  ciiU-n  icw  ; 
Your  Mightinelle  on  Ixjth  part-.  In-lt  ran  witnelle. 

6  then  my  ( )tlice  hath  lo  Jarre  pn-ua\  I'd, 
That  F.I.I-  to  Face,  and  Roy.i: 
You  li.n.'  •<•(!:    let  it  not  difgrace  me, 

It   I  demand  before  thU  Royall  \ 
What  Rub,  or  what  Ini|Kiliiiu-nt  then- 
Why  that  the  naked,  poore,  and  mangU-il  1' 
Dean?  Xourfe  of  Ari>,  I'U-ntyes,  and  ioyj'ull  Hirths, 
Should  nol  in  thU  l>ell  (Jarden  of  the  World, 
Our  fertile  France,  put  vp  her  lonely  Vila. 
Alas,  llu-e  hath  troin  IM  l.-n^  been  chas'il, 

:ll  hir  IIu-.liandry  doth  lye  on  heapes, 
!»pling  in  it  o\\  tie  lertilt: 
\iiie,  the  imrry  <  hearer  of  the  heart, 
VnpruiH.l,  dye-  :    her  Hrdi;.-.  euen  pleach'd, 

I'rifoiu-r-.  wildly  mi.  r--r..\\  ne  with  hayre, 
1'ut  forth  diliirder'd  T-.Mg>  :   h<  r  lallow   Lett* 


»J] 


•  •  •  '*  '*«•  / 
Again  il  .... 
tfMt.  [to  arranged 
•.3.4-J 


97.]  A»r.  3.  4. 


3.4- 
4J-]  mtn.  filt*t  4V  3.  4. 


TV  Otro*f<  /«•  /  •  //-••      ',  ';//.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  v.  s< 


.   If  DuKe  of  Burgondy,  you  \\old  haue  j>eace, 


You  muft  buy  that  peace, 

According  as  we  haue  drawne  our  ani<  Irs. 


ACT  v.  sc.  2.]     The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


193 


[COL.  a]       The  Darnell,  Hemlock,  and  ranke  Ft  nu-tary, 

Doth  root  vpon ;  while  that  the  Culter  rufts, 

That  Ihould  deracinate  fuch  Sauagery  : 
48       The  cm  u  Meadf,  that  errt  brought  fweetly  forth 

The  freckled  Cowllin,  Burnet,  and  greene  Clouer, 

Wanting  the  Sythe,  withall  vncorreded,  ranke ; 

Conceiues  by  idlenefle,  and  nothing  teenies, 

But  hatefull  Docks,  rough  ThilUe-,  Kekfyes,  Burres, 

Looting  both  beaut  ie  and  vtilitie ; 

And  all  our  Vineyards,  Fallowes,  Meades,  and  Hedges 

Defediue  in  their  natures,  grow  to  wildnelfe. 
56       Euen  fo  our  Houfes,  and  our  felues,  and  Children, 

Haue  loft,  or  doe  not  learne,  for  want  of  time, 

The  Science*  that  Ihould  become  our  Count  rev  ; 

But  grow  like  Sauages,  as  Souldiers  will, 
60      That  nothing  doe,  but  meditate  on  Blood, 

To  Swearing,  and  iK-rne  Lonkcs.  d.-fi^'d  At- 

And  euery  thing  that  feemes  vnnaturall. 

Which  to  reduce  into  our  former  fauour, 
64       You  are  allembled  :  and  my  fpeech  entreats, 

That  I  may  know  the  Let,  *hy  gentle  Peace 

Should  not  expell  thefe  in< •onueniencet, 

And  blelle  vs  with  her  former  qua! 
68  Eng.  If  Duke  of  Burgonie,  you  would  the  Peace, 

Whofe  want  giues  growth  to  th'iin[>erfedions 

Which  you  haue  cited  j  you  muft  buy  that  Peace 
;i  full  accord  to  all  our  iuft 

Whofe  Tenures  and  part  . 

i  haue  enfrhedul'd  brieti-ly  in  your  hand-,. 
Burg.    The  King    hath    heard    th.  in   to    the    which,  a^ 

-e  is  no  Anfwer  m.i 
76  • ;,'.  Well  then  :  the  Peace  which   you   before  fo  vrg'd. 

Lyes  in  his  Anfwer  .• 

Francr.   I 

*     ~7T 


45.]  Fmmitory.  4. 


53.]  Ktdtiiu,  j.  4. 
53.]  Loiimg 


68.) 


194          The  Cknmiflf  llijloi  ".      (Jtmrin  1600.     [ACT  V.  1C.  9, 


it]  On 


-.  : 


/Van.  We  bain-  luit  \s  illi  a  curl' 
Orrticwd  llu  in  {>lc.ili-th  your  (Jr 
!ot  Ionic  oi  .:u.  II  lit  unli 


ih.il!  n-iurno  our  pernnpiory  a.n 
//.;•    (to  Lords,  and  lit  unit  ih<m, 
And  bring  *»  anrwcre  backe. 


Yi-t  It-aue  our  couli-n  Kntfn-rin,-  lu-u-  In-liind. 


Fran<>.   \Viih.ill  our  licarts. 

^  King  and  the  L<>r,l*.   Mfirn-t,  Hrry,  Kathe- 
rinr,  and  the  Gentlfirnmnn. 


ao 


r.  SC.  2.]  The  Lift-  of  Henry  tlie  /•'///.      /'-//-,  1623. 


»95 


[COL.  i] 
80 


84 


Bfl 


100 


104 


i    •> 


France.   I  haue  but  w  ith  a  eurfelane  eye 

_;lane't  the  Article-*  :    1'Ieafcth  your  Grace 
To  appoint  fome  of  \  our  Councell  prcfeiilly 
To  fit  with  vs  once  more,  with  IK-MIT  heed 
To  re-fur  uey  them;   we  will  hidden  ly 
I'.ilie  «.ur  .-.<  iept  and  peremptorie  Anl'v. 

England.    Brother  we  ihall.      G<K-  Vnckle  En-ti-r, 
And  Brother  Clarence,  and  you  Brother  (iUmcfjlcr, 
If'anruk,  and  Huntlngtun,  goe  with  the  King, 
And  take  with  you  tree  power,  to  ratilie, 
Augment,  or  alter,  as  your  Wifdomes  bed 
Shall  fee  aduantageable  Jor  our  Dignitie, 

tiling  in  or  out  of  our  Demand-,, 
And  wee'le  conligne  thereto.     Will  you.faire  Sifter. 
Goe  with  the  Princes,  or  It  ay  here  with 

Quee.  Our  gracious  Brother,  I  will  goe  with  them  : 
Happily  a  Woman-,  \'oyie  may  dm-  f»me  good, 
When  ArtiiU-.  too  nicely  vrg'd.be  Hood  on. 

England.   Yet  leaue  our  Coulitl  Kat/n-rin,-  here  wiih 
She  is  our  «ajiiiall  IX-mand.eomprUM 
Within  the  fore-ranke  of  our  Art;. 

Quce.   She  hath  g..  .  •;/ 


Mn  in-t  King  and  Katherine. 

King.   Fa  ire  Kathfrinf,\\\v\  molt  l 
Will  you  Vi.uehfale  to  leach  a  Souldier  tearmes, 
Such  as  w  ill  enter  at  a  Ladycs  eare, 
And  pleade  his  Ixme-fuit  to  her  gentle  1 

Ktilfi.  Your    Maieltie    lhall    mmk    at    me,  I    cannot 
your  England. 

King.  O    faire    Kathcrine  ,   if  you    will    loue    me    foundly 
with  your   Frem  h   h«-art,    I    will    IK-  gl.id    to  heare  you 
fcfle  it   brokenly   with    your    Knglnl.     I          ••       Doe    you 


lj>eakc 


78.]  cmrulary 
79.]  OrtgUmtt 


94-} 


a.  3. 


too. 


3.  4. 


Tkt  Ckn  iitrit  of  Henry  the  jft.     Qmntn  ifioo.      [ACT  v 


•3-  HaM.]  Kate,  a 


Hate.  Now  Kale,  /  you  hauc  a  blunt  uoot-r  here 
Left  with  you.  / 


It  I  could  win  tbce  at  leapfrog, 

Or  with  vawting  with  my  armour  on  my  hacke, 

Into  my  laddie, 

Without  brag  be  it  fpoken, 

Ide  make  compare  with  any. 


ACT  V.  sc.  2.]  The  Lift  of  Henry  the  /•///.     1-nlio  1623. 


fp-  93] 
[COL.  i] 


112 


116 


I2O 


124 


138 


136 


140 


like  me,  A'a/<r? 

A'a/A.  Pardonne  may,  I  cannot  tell  wat  is  like  me. 

King.  An  Angell  is  like  you  Kate,  and  you  are  like  an 
Angel  1. 

Kath.   Qut  dit  U  aue  Itfu'ufemllalle  a  Its  Angts  ? 

Lady.   Ouy  verayment  (faiif  vnjhe  Grace)  alnjl  dit  il. 

King.  I  laid  fo,  deare  Catherine,  and  I  muft  not  blufli 
to  affirme  it. 

Kath.  O  ton  Dieu,  les  leagues  des  horn  met  font  plein  de 
tromft 

King.  What  fayes  (he,  faire  one  9  that  the  tongues  of 
mi- n  are  full  of  deceits  ? 

Lady.  Owy.dat  de  tongeus  of  de  mans  is  be  full  of  de- 
ceits :  dat  is  de  Prina-ilr. 

King.  The  Princefle  is  the  better  Engliih-woman : 
yfaith  Kate,  my  wooing  is  fit  for  thy  vnderthmding,  I  am 
glad  thou  canft  fpeake  no  better  Englilh  ,  for  if  thou 
could'rt,  thou  would'ft  finde  me  fuch  a  plaine  King,  that 
thou  wouldll  thinke,  I  had  fold  my  Farme  to  buy  my 
Crowne.  I  know  no  wayes  to  mince  it  in  loue,  but  di- 
redly  to  fay,  I  loue  you;  then  if  you  vrgc  me  farther, 
then  to  lay,  Doe  you  in  faith'-  1  wean-  nut  my  liiite:  Giuc 
me  your  anfwer,  yfaith  doe,  and  fo  clap  haiuU,  and  a  bar- 
gaine  :  how  fay  you,  Lady  ? 

Kath.   Sniif  vnftre  honcur,  me  viulerllaud  well. 

King.   Marry,    if    you    would     put    me    to    Yerfct,    or     t<> 
Dance  for  your  fake,  A'«/--,why   \»\\  \ndid    me:    for  the  one 
I    haue    neither   words    nor    mealure  ;    and    for    the    oil. 
hauc    no    ftrvngth    in    meal'ure,  yet    a    realonalile    meafure    in 
ftrcngth.     If  I  could  winne  a  I-ady  at    I .eape-frogge,  or  by 

ng  into  my  Saddle,  with   my  Armm.r  on    n. 
vnder  the  correction   of   bragging  be   it    ij>«k< n.    I    Ihonld 
quickly   Icapc   into   a   Wife:    Or  if  I    might    !  my 


114.]  raiment 


119.  tkf]  om.  4 


ia6.J 


.-I  om.  3.  4. 
133.] 


139.]  »%»»//««/ 3.  4. 


Tkf  CkrmicU  Hj/fortV  (Juurin  1600.     [.u-r  v. 


34-1 


«*)/' 


Hut  leauing  (I. 
>u  takel!  i> 

Thou  Ih.ilt  h.lUr  inr  .11   I  In-  \v 

And  10  wearing,  thuti  llult  li.nu-  nit-  l><  tli  r  ;md  ln-lii-r, 

Thou  lhah  ham-  .1  t'.in-  ili.it  i-.  not  worth  (mi-  burning. 

But  dood  thou  thinkr,  (hat  thou  ami  I, 

'  Bcturcnc  Sa 

lli  ill    •,  ;    i  boy, 
1  1  i.i  II  goe  to  Constantinople,  / 
And  take  the  great  Turke  by  the  Ix-anl,     lia  A'a/e  ?  / 


[Sec 

lines  82, 
83,  84, 
85,  86, 
87,  88.] 

[See  quarto 

lines  89, 

90,  91,  92.] 

Kate,  h  it  puflible  dat  me  fall 
Looe  de  enemte  de  France. 

*  npoflible 

You  (hould  loue  the  enemie  of  France  :  / 
For  Katt,  I  loue  France  fo  well, 


40 


44 


ACT   V.  SC.  2.]  Tilt    I  Ht-nry  tlif  rift.      l'<iti<*  1623. 


199 


[P-  93] 

. 


'44 


I48 


160 


1 68 


Loue,  or  bound  my  Horle  tor  her  fauours,  I  could  lay  on 
like  a  Butcher,  and  lit  like  a  lack  an  Ap;>,  neuer  oil".  Hut 
before  God  A"<//<-,  I  cannot  looke  greenfly,  nor  gafjx;  out 
my  eloquence ,  nor  I  haue  no  cunning  in  proteftation ; 
out  ly  downe-right  Oat  lies,  which  I  IK-UIT  \  fe  till  vrg'd, 
nor  neuer  breake  lor  vrging.  It"  thou  canrt  loue  a  fellow 
of  this  temper,  Kate,  whole  tare  i>  not  \\orth  Sunnv-bur- 
ning?  that  neuer  lookes  in  his  GlalVe,  for  loue  of  any 
thing  he  fees  there  ?  let  thine  Eye  be  thy  Cooke.  I  fpeake 
to  thee  plainc  Souldk-r  :  If  thou  canrt  loue  me  for  this, 
take  me  ?  if  not  ?  to  fay  to  thee  that  I  ihall  dye,  is  true;  but 
for  thy  loue,  l>y  the  L.  No:  yet  I  loue  thee  too.  And 
while  thou  liu'il,  deare  Kate,  take  a  fellow  of  plaine  and 
vncoyned  Conrtancie,  for  he  jK-rforce  muft  do  tluv  right, 
becaufe  he  hath  not  the  gift  to  wooe  in  other  places :  for 
tlu-i'i-  tl-llowes  of  infmit  tongue,  that  can  rynie  theinfelues 
into  Ladyes  fauours,  tlx-y  doe  al waves  n-afon  themklue-. 
out  againe.  What  ?  a  fpeaker  is  but  a  prater,  a  Kyine  is 
but  a  Ballad;  a  good  Leggc  will  fall,  a  lir.iit  Uaeke  will 
ftoope,  a  blucke  Beard  will  lurne  while,  .1  curl'd  Pate  will 
grow  bald,  a  f.iire  Rue  will  wither,  a  full  Kye  will  wax 
hollow  :  but  a  good  Heart,  A  ^;inne  and  the 

Moone,  or  rather  the  Sunnr,  ;ind  not  the  Mooiie  ;  for  it 
Ihines  bright,  and  IK-.  cs,  but  keepes  hi-,  rourfe 

truly.       If    thou    would    haue    huh    a    on.-,    take    me    ?  and 
take  me;    take  a   Souldier:    take  a  SouUlier ;  take  a  King. 
And   what   fay'rt   thou   then   to   my    Loue?  fpeake   my 
and  Curdy,  I  pray  thee. 

Knth.    Is    it     poiiible    dat    I    fould    loue    de    ennemic    of 
Fraunce  ? 

t    i%    not    pollililc    you    iliould    loue    the     i 
ul    Fran.  l>ut    in    louing    me.    you    lliould    loue 

the    l-'neiid   of   I'Vaiu  <• :    t-r    I    loue  France  fo  well,  that   I 


146.]  «"V  3.  4- 


150. 


157.] 


179. /»«]  that /M»  3.4. 


aoo        Tkf  Cknmictf  1 1  in/tHeJijL    O/mr/o  1600.    [ACT  v.  sc.  a. 


5»  '  AT**  f  a. 

»!•'««••> 
*)  **• 


«. 


Thai  He  not  le.me  a  Village,  ||  lie  ham-  it  all  mine:  then  A'<//r, 
When  Fraxce  i*  mine,  ||  And  1  am  \our-.  48 

Then  France  is  your.,  ||  And  you  arr  mine. 

Kalt.  I  cannot  tell  what  is  dat. 

Harry.   No  Kate,  \\  Why  lie  tell  it  you  in  Fn-n.-h.  51 

Which  will  hang  vpon  my  tongue,  like  a  bride 
On  her  new  married  Husband. 
Ix-t  me  let-,  S.iuit  l),->mi<  IK-  my  l"i>eed. 
Qu.i:  ft  mon.      A'a/.1.    Dal  is,  when  Franc,-  is  yours. 

Hnrrji.    Kt  \ou.settesaiiioy.  ||  Kate.  And  1  am  to  you.  60 

Harry.    I)oti<  k  France  cites  a  vous  : 

A'fl/c.    Den  Fraiti;-  fall  lie  mine. 

Harry.  Et  le  fuyues  a  vous. 

A'ote.  And  you  will  be  to  me.  64 

Har.  Will  beleeue  me  A"a/e  ?  tis  eafier  for  me 
To  conquer  the  kingdome,  /  the  to  fpeak  fo  much 
More  French.  /  [67— G  v] 

Kate.  A  your  Maicfty  /  has  falfe  France  inough  68 

To  deceiue  /  de  beft  Lady  in  France.  / 

Harry.  No  faith  Kate  not  I.  /  But  Ka/<-, 
In  plnine  termes,  /  do  you  loue  me  ? 

Kate.  I  cannot  tell. 

Harry.  No,  can  any  of  your  neighbours  tell  ? 
lie  aske  them.  j|  Come  Kale,  I  know  you  loue  me. 
And  foone  when  you  arc  in  your  cloilet, 
Youlc  queltion  this  Lady  of  me. 
But  I  pray  thee  fweete  Ku/<-,  vfe  me  mercifully, 
Becaufc  I  loue  thee  cruelly. 


[See  quarto 
11.35-6.] 


ACT  v.  sc.  a.]     Thf  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


201 


[P-9J] 

[COL.  a] 

•  76 


1  80 


184 


'$/' 


aoo 


204 


will  not  part  with  a  Village  of  it  ;  I  will  haue  it  all  mine: 
and  Kate,  when  France  is  mine,  and  I  am  yours;  then  yours 
is  France,  and  you  are  mine. 

Kath.   I  cannot  tell  wat  is  dat. 

King.  No,  Kate  ?  1  will  tell  thee  in  French,  which  1  am 
fure  will  hang  vpon  my  tongue,  like  a  new-married  \Yite 
about  her  Husbands  Necke,  hardly  to  be  fhooke  off;  /< 
quand  fur  le  pojfejfion  de  Fraunce,  &  quand  vous  aue.t  le  pof- 
fejfion  de  may.  (Let  mee  fee,  what  then  ?  Saint  Dennis  bee 
my  fpeede)  Done  vojlre  ejl  Fraunce,  &  vous  ejh-s  mienm: 
It  U  as  eafie  for  me,  Kate,  to  conquer  the  Kingdome,  as  to 
fpeake  fo  much  more  French  :  I  (hall  neuer  moue  thee  in 
French,  vnleile  it  be  to  laugh  at  me. 

Kath.  Sauf  vnftre  honcnr,  It-  Francois  ques  vous  parlels,  il 
&  melifus  que  f  Anglois  le  quel  le  park . 

King.  No  faith  is't  not,  Kate:  but  thy  fpeaking  of 
my  Tongue,  and  I  thine,  moft  truely  fallely,  mull 
needes  be  graunted  to  be  much  at  one.  But  Kate,  doo'lt 
thou  vuderftand  thus  much  Englifli  ?  Canft  thou  loue 

lllr<-  '• 

Kath.  I  cannot  tell. 

King.  Can  any  of  your  Neighbours  tell,  Kate  ?  He 
aske  them.  Come,  I  know  thou  louelt  me:  and  at  night, 
when  you  come  into  your  Clofet,  you'le  queltinn  thi-. 
Gentlewoman  about  me;  and  I  know,  Km,-,  you  will  to 
her  difprayfe  thofe  parts  in  me,  that  you  lone  with  your 
heart  :  but  good  Kate,  mocke  me  mercifully,  the  rather 
gentle  Princcfle,  becaufe  I  loue  thee  cruelly.  If  euer  thou 
beeft  mine,  Kate,  as  I  haue  a  fauing  Faith  \vithin  me  tells 
me  thou  lhalt  ;  I  get  thee  with  Gambling,  and  thou 
mult  therefore  needes  prone  a  good  Souldier-breeder : 
Shall  not  thou  and  I,  betweene  Saint  Dennis  and  Saint 
George,  compound  a  Boy,  balfc  French  halfc  Knglilh, 

k  that 


189.]  mtlms  3.  4. 


303.  a]  om.  3.  4. 


:     :  Tkt  Cknmiclt  ////for  nj  ihffift.      (Jnnrtn  1600.      [ACT    V.  i< 


Thai  I  (hall  dye  Ko/«-,  in  furc  : 

But  !«-r  thy  li-tu-.  l»y  I  hi-  I.oni  lu-iier. 

;.!.. 

\  :••  ; ..•  -A  II  grow  e  •  rooked 

A  round  cjrc  will  growc  liiilli>\\i-. 
A  grrtl  leg  will  \\.-i\r  fiiKill, 
A  curld  p.itc  pnmc  baldc  : 
But  •  good  lie.irt  Katr,  ^  ilic  i'un  niul  tin- 
And  rather  the  Sun  ami  not  tin-  M 
And  thrrt-l.Ti-  Kutt   t.ikr  IIH-, 
Take  a  fouldicr  :  t.ike  a  fouldicr. 
Take  a  King. 


80 


84 


88 


[See  quarto 


Therefore  tell  me  Kate,  w  ih  thou  hnuc  nu  ; 


92 


ACT  v.  sc.  2.] 


The  Lift  of  I  Iain/  tin-  /•'///. 


1623. 


20.3 


[p-  94] 

[COL.  i] 


212 


220 


224 


128 


a40 


that    ll>  ill    goe   to  Constantinople,    and    take    tin-    Turki-    In 
the    Beard.       Shall    wee    not  r     what    fay'll    thuu,    my 
Flo  wer-de- Luce. 

Kate.  I  doe  not  know  dat. 

King.  No:  'tis  hereafter  Ui  know,  but  now  to  prom  iff  : 
doe  but  now  promifs  Kate,  you  will  endeauour  for  your 
French  p.irt  of  fuch  a  Hoy  ;  and  tor  my  Englifh  moytie, 
take  the  Word  of  a  King,  and  a  Batcheler.  How  anlWr 
you,  La  plus  belle  Katherlnt  du  nionde  man  trefcher  &  deu'in 
deejje. 

Kath.  Your  M.iieftee  aue  faufe  Frenrhe  enough  to 
deceiue  de  moft  fage  Damoifeil  dat  is  en  Fr.iur. 

King.  X«»w  lye  vpon  my  fa  lie  French:  by  mine  Honor 
in  true  Englilh,  I  lone  thee  Kate  \  by  which  Honor,  I  dare 
not  fwearc  thou  loueit  me,  yet  my  blood  begins  to  flat- 
ter me,  that  thou  doo'll  ;  notwithilanding  the  poore  and 
vn tempering  effect  of  my  Vifage.  Now  belhrew  my 
Fathers  Ambition,  hee  was  thinking  of  (  i  II  Warres 
when  hee  got  me,  therefore  was  I  created  with  a  Ihib- 
borne  out -fide,  with  an  afj>ect  of  Inm,  that  when  I  conn- 
to  wooe  Ladyes,  I  fright  them:  but  in  faith  Kate,  the  el- 
der I  wax,  the  better  I  111  .ill  appe.ire.  M\  comfort  is,  th.it 
Old  Age,  that  ill  layer  vp  of  Heautie,  can  doe  no  more 
fpoyle  vpon  my  Face.  Thou  halt  me.  if  thou  h.ilt  me,  at 
the  worft  ;  and  thou  fhalt  weare  me,  if  thoti  \\«-are  me. 
better  and  better:  and  therefore  tell  me,  molt  fa  ire  A"//- 
thtrine,  will  you  haue  me1  I'm  oil'  \<.:ir  M.ud<  n  \\\\\\\\ -., 
auouch  the  l*houghts  of  your  Heart  wiih  the  IxmRes  of 
an  Fmprelle.  t  ik«  me  by  the  H.ind  ,  and  fay,  Unrry  of 
England,  I  am  thine  :  which  Word  thou  fhalt  no  f. 
blelle  mine  Eare  withall,  but  I  will  tell  thee  aloud.  Eng- 
l.md  is  thine,  Ireland  is  thine.  France  is  thine,  and  Henry 
is  thine  ;  who.  though  I  fpe.ikc  it  In- 1  ore  hi* 


215.]  R*l(ktler  3.  4. 


319.]  A«OT«/jr/ 3. 4. 


993.]  doait;  yet  *«tm-  3. 4. 


234.  ytmr\  tk»u  j.  4. 


204  TV  Ckronic A  /  Iniry  thffft.      Quarto  1 600.      [ACT  V.  SC.  2. 


Katf.  Dal  is  as  plcafe  the  King  my  father. 
Harry.   X.iy  it  will  plrak-  him  : 
Nay  it  (hall  plcafe  him 


And  vpon  that  condition  K<;/(  lit-  kiifc  you. 


Ka.  O  mon  chi  It-  ne  vouclroy  fairc  quelke  chofle 
Pour  totitr  1 1-  mondc, 
Ce  ne  poynt  votnv  t'.n-hion  en  fonor. 

Harry.  What  faies  (he  Lady  ? 

Lady.  Dat  it  is  not  de  fafion  en  France, 
For  de  maidcs,  before  da  be  married  to 
May  foy  ie  oblye,  what  is  to  baflu*? 

liar.  To  kis,  to  kis.  /  ()  that  tis  not  the 
Fafliion  in  /  .  '  for  the  maydes  t<> 

Before  they  are  married.  / 

Lady.  Owye  fee  votree  gr. 

Har.  Wdl,  weele  breake  that  cuftome. 


[102— G  3] 


IOO 


104 


08 


ACT  V.  sc.  2.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  /•'///.      /  W/o  1623. 


005 


[P-  94] 
[COL.  i] 


344 


248 


252 


260 


264 


168 


273 


Face,  if  be  be  not  Fellow  with  the  beft  King,  tlmu  ih.ilt 
fmde  the  bed  King  of  Good-fellowes.  Come  your  An- 
in  broken  Mulick  ;  for  thy  Voycc  is  Mulii  k,  and 
thy  Englilh  broken  :  Therefore  Queene  of  all,  Katharine, 
breake  thy  niinde  to  me  in  broken  Englilh  ;  wilt  thou 
haue  me  • 

Kath.  Dal  is  as  it  lhall  pleafe  de  Roy  mon  pere. 

King.  Nay.it  will  pleafe  him  well,  Kate;  it  lhall  pleafe 
him,  / 

Kath.  Den  it  fall  alfo  content  me. 

King.  Vpon  that  I  kiile  your  Hand,  and  I  call  you  my 
Queene. 

Kath.  La'iffe  mon  Seigneur,  la'dle,  /«///«•,  may  fuy  :  If  ne 
veus  point  tjue  voiu  aiiu([]l-  vnjtre  gnmtl<-n\  ,  at  luifant  It- 
main  cTune  nostre  Seigneur  indignie  feruiteur  etcufe  m»y.  It 
vousfupplie  mon  tref-pinffhnt  ^elgncur. 

King.  Then  I  will  kille  your  Lippi->,  Knti-. 

Kath.  /..-»  I)nnn:i  &  Damtiiffl*  {>»'ii  ciirc  /•<///,'•,•  ilcint'il 
leur  nopcejf  il  net  {HI*  /••  cojinm,-  </,•  frainn;-. 

King.   Madame,  my  Interpreter.wh.it  f.iye-  ihee  ? 

Lady.  Dat  it  is  not  IK-  de  falhoii  |Miur  le  Indies  <a 
Fraunre;  I  i-annot  tell  wat  is  buille  en  Anglilh. 

King.  To  kill. 

Lady.   Yuur  Maiellee  entendre  l-ettre  ijue  mm/. 

King.  It  i^  not  a  l.illiion  for  the  Maids  in  Frauncc  to 
kiife  before  they  are  marryed,  would  Ihe  fay  ? 

Lady.   Ouy  verayment. 

King.  O  Kati-,  '  .liomes  curfie  t«>  ijreal  Kings. 

K<it,-,  you  ill  I  rannot  bee  contin'd  within  ihe 
weake  Lyft  of  a  Countreycs  falltion  :  wee  are  (he  m.i- 
ke«  of  Manners,  Kat,-;  and  the  liln-rtie  that  follower 
our  Placet,  ftoppes  the  mouth  of  all  tinde-f.mli- ,  ai  I 
will  doc  your.,  for  vpholding  the  nice  falhion  of  your 


250.]  *t«>//3.  4. 

954.]  gramJtmr. 
256.]  /.///, 
358] 


a6i,  il]  om.  3.  4. 

*<*• 

fjiltiom 
a6a.]  wk.it  4. 


•  > 


a6s .]  //  //  3.  4. 


Tke  Cknm'ulf  litii  1 1,  wry  tin-  ///>.     Quarto  1600.      [ACT  v.  - 


Then  i  •;«   Knif  patience  perforce  and  yeeld. 

Before  God  K<it<-.  you  li.uu-  \\iulnr.itt 

In  your  kilFes : 

Aiu!  may  jK-rfwadc  with  uu-  more, 

Then  all  tlu-  Kn-iu  h 

Your  |:II!KT  is 


112 


the  King  of  France,  and 
the  Lor, 


ACT  v.  sc.  2.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623. 


007 


[P-  94] 
376 


380 


288 


393 


396 


300 


Countrey,  in  denying  me  a  Kille:  therefore  patiently, 
and  yeelding.  You  haue  Witch-craft  in  your  Lippes, 
Kate  :  there  is  more  eloquence  in  a  Sugar  touch  of 
them,  then  in  the  Tongues  of  the  French  Councell ;  and 
they  iliould  foouer  perfwade  Harry  of  England,  then  a 
genera  II  Petition  of  Monarchs.  Heere  comes  your 
Father. 

Enter  the  French  Power,  and  the  Engl\/h 
Lords. 

Burg.  God  faue  your  Maieftie,  my  Royall  Coufin, 
teach  you  our  Princelle  Englilh  ? 

King.  I  would  haue  her  learne,  my  faire  Coufin,  how 
perfectly  I  loue  her,  and  that  is  good  Englilh. 

Burg.  Is  ihee  not  apt  • 

King.  Our  Tongue  is  rough,  Coze,  and  my  Conditi- 
on is  not  I'month :  fo  that  hauing  neyther  the  Voyce  nor 
tiie  Ileart  of  Flatterie  about  me,  I  cannot  fo  coniure  vp 
the  Spirit  of  Loue  in  her,  that  hee  will  appeare  in  his  true 
liken  , 

Burg.  Pardon  the  frankneilc  of  my  mirth,  if  I  anfwrr 
you  for  that.  It*  you  would  coniure  in  her,  you  mult 
make  a  Circle  :  if  coniure  vp  Loue  in  her  in  his  true 
likuieile,  hee  mud  appeare  naked,  and  blinde.  Can  you 
blame  her  then,  being  a  Maid ,  yet  ro»'d  ouer  with  the 
Virgin  Crimfon  of  Modeltie,  if  Ihee  deny  the  appantnce 
of  a  naked  blinde  Boy  in  her  naked  feeing  felfe?  It  were 
(my  Lord)  a  hard  Condition  for  a  Maid  to  configne 
to. 

Kini,'.  Vet  they  doe  winke  and  yeeld,  at  Loue  is  blind 
and  enforces. 

Burg.   They  are   then  cxcus'd,  my  Lord,  when  they  fee 


285.  *ot\  om.  3.  4. 


•96.] 


:    •>  Thf  Ckrwticlt  Hiflarif  illnfifl.     Quartn  1600.     [ACT  v.  sc.  2. 


tlj.) 


How  now  my  Lords  ? 

France.  Brother  of  England, 
We  baue  orered  the  Articles, 
And  haue  agreed  to  all  that  we  in  fedule  had. 


116 


ACT  v.  sc.  2.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     fo//o  1623. 


209 


fp-  94] 
304 


308 


312 


3ao 


3»4 


328 


332 


not  what  they  doe. 

King.  Then  good  my  Lord,  teach  your  Coufin  to 
content  winking. 

Burg.  1  will  winke  on  her  to  content,  my  Lord,  if  you 
will  teach  her  to  know  my  meaning  :  for  Mai.le-,  well 
Summer'd,  and  warme  kept,  are  like  Flyes  at  Bartholo- 
mew-tyde,  blinde,  though  they  haue  their  eyes,  and  then 
they  will  endure  handling,  which  before  would  not  abide 
looking  on. 

King.  This  Morall  tyes  me  ouer  to  Time,  and  a  hot 
Summer;  and  fo  I  lhall  catch  the  Flye,  your  Coufin,  in 
the  latter  end,  and  ftiee  muft  be  blinde  to. 

Burg.  As  Loue  i>  my  Lord,  before  it  loues. 

King.  It  is  fo :  and  you  may,  fome  of  you,  thanke 
Loue  for  my  blindneile  ,  who  cannot  fee  many  a  faire 
French  Citie  for  one  fain-  French  Maid  that  ftaiuU  in  my 
way. 

French  King.  Yes  my  Lord ,  you  fee  them  perfpec- 
tiuely  :  the  Cities  turn'd  into  a  Maid;  for  they  are 
all  gyrdled  with  Maiden  Walls,  that  Warre  hath  en- 
trcd. 

England.  Shall  Kate  be  my  Wife  ? 

France.  So  pleafe  you. 

England.  I  am  content,  fo  the  M  <  lies  you 

talke  of,  may  wair  on  her :  fo  the  Maul  that  flood  in 
the  way  for  my  With  ,  lhall  ihew  me  the  way  to  my 

WOL 

France.  Wee  haue  contented  to  all  tearme*  of  re«- 
fon. 

England.  N't  fo,  my  Lords  of  England  • 

Wtjl.  The  King  hath  graunted  » 
His  Daughter  tirlt  ;  ami  in  lequelc,  all, 
According  to  their  tirme  propofed  natures. 

• 


905.]  (tmttnt  to  wiH*i*jf. 


31  x]  tin  3.  4- 


King. 


J34.]  fWtben  im 


2 to          Thf  Ckronntf  Ili/lorif  of  Urnry  ihffft.     Quarto  1600.     [ACT  v.  sc.  2. 


•**•!. 


it$.l 


• 


Only  be  hath  not  fubfcribed  th  *. 
Where  TOUT  maieftie  demaund*. 
That  the  king  <>t  ii.ming  any  ocean"  on 

To  write  for  matter  of  graunt, 
Shall  name  your  higluu-iU-.  in  tliis  forme  : 
And  with  this  addition  in  l-'rcnc  h. 
Nqflrr  trtlhrrjli,  Henri, 
E  heart  dt  f^tMt,-.      And  lluis  in  Latin  : 


[133  —  G  3  v] 


PrtcJarjffimusJiJius  nnitcr  Hcnrium  Rex  Anglic, 
Et  hfret  Fran. 

Ftan.   \or  this  h.iue  we  fo  nicely  ftood  vpon, 
But  you  fbire  brotlu-r  may  intrc.it  tin-  famr. 

liar.   Why  tlu-n  let  this  among  the  reft, 
H.itu-  his  full  courfe  :  And  withall, 
Your  daughter  Kathmne  in  manage. 

Fran.  This  and  what  elk-, 
Your  maicftie  mall  craue. 
God  that  difpoicth  all,  giue  you  much  ioy.       [Fol.  11.  359-60] 


llnr    \\'hy  then  faire  Katherine, 
Come  giue  me  thy  hand  .- 


1  20 


124 


132 


136 


Our  manage  will  wt-  pn-frnt 

And  end  our  hatred  by  a  bond  of  loue. 


140 


u  i    \.  KX  2-J  The  Life  of  I  leu  ry  the  rift.      1'uliu  r 


211 


[?•  95] 


344 


348 


356 


360 


[COL.  a] 


Onely  la-  hath  nut  yet  fubfcribed  tlm  : 
Where  your  Maietlie  demands,  That  the  King  of  Fi.uxe 
hauing  any  occalion  to  write  lor  matter  of  Grauni,  llull 
name  your  Highnellc  in  this  tonne,  and  with  tin-,  additi- 
on, in  French  :  \n/irc  trrj'chfr  Ji/z  Henry  Roy  d'  Anglrt<-rn- 
llt-rctere  de  Fraunct  :  and  thus  in  Latiiu-  ;  /'/</•«  -larijjlmu* 
Filius  nofter  Henricus  Rex  Angliee  W  Heres  Francue. 

.France.  Xor  this  I  haue  not  Brother  fo  deny'd, 
But  your  requell  lhall  make  me  let  it  patio. 

England.  I  pray  you  then,  in  loue  and  deare  allyamv, 
Let  that  one  Article  ranke  with  the  reft, 
And  thereupon  giue  me  your  Daughter. 

France.  Take  her  faire  Sonne,  and  from  her  blood  rayle  vp 
Iflue  to  me,  that  the  contending  Kingdomes 
Of  France  and  England,  whofe  very  Ihoares  looke  pale, 
With  enuy  of  each  others  happinelll-, 
May  ceafe  their  hatred  ;  and  this  deare  Coniun6tion 
Plant  Neighbour-hood  and  Chriftian-like  accord 
In  their  Tweet  Bofomes  :  that  neuer  Warre  aduance 
His  bleeding  Sword  'twixt  England  and  faire  Kramv. 

Lords.  Amen. 

King.  Now  welcome  AVi/<-  :  and  beare  me  witnelFe  all, 
That  here  I  kifle  her  as  my  Soueraigne  Queene. 


Quee.  God,  the  beft  maker  of  all  Marriages, 
Combine  your  hearts  in  one,  your  Realmes  in  one  : 
As  Man  and  Wife  being  two.are  one  in  loue, 
So  be  there  'twixt  your  Kingdomes  fuch  a  Spoufall, 
That  neuer  may  ill  Office,  or  fell  lealoulie, 

i  troubles  oft  the  Bed  of  blefTed  Marriage, 
Thrurt  in  betweene  the  Pation  of  thefe  Kingdomes, 
To  make  diuorce  of  their  incorporate  Leagiu- 
That  Knglilli  may  as  French,  Freiu  h  Knglilhmcn, 


338.  amy\  om.  3.  4. 

340.1  Rofd  a,  3.  Rey,f  4. 


353.] 


365.]  r*»u>*  3,  4. 


367.]  F.tflitk  mt*  3.  4. 


:  i :  Tke  Ckromiclf  //t/foriV  of  Henry  Ihrjift.     Quarto  1600.      [ACT  V.  w 


Then  will  I  fweare  to  Katf,  and  Kat<- 1<» 

Ami  in.i>  our  \OMT»  tiucc  made,  vnbroken  bee. 

i  i  \  ; 


[64] 


ACT  v.  sc.  2.]           The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.     Folio  1623.                             213 

Receiue  each  other.     God  fpeake  this  Amen. 

All.  Amen. 

King.  Prepare  we  for  our  Marriage  :  on  which  day, 

370  w]  om.  3.  4. 

My  Lord  of  Burgundy  wce'le  take  your  Oath 

And  all  the  Peeres,  for  luretie  of  our  Leagues. 

Then  mall  I  fweare  to  A'a/<-,and  you  to  me, 

And  may  our  Oatbes  well  kept  and  prufp'roas  be. 

St-nct.                          Exeunt. 

Sonet 

Enter  Chorus. 

Thus  farre  with  rough,  and  all-vnable  Pen, 

Our  bending  Author  hath  purfu'd  the  Story, 

In  little  roome  confining  mightic  men, 

Mangling  by  Ibrts  the  full  courfe  of  their  glory. 

Small  time  :  but  in  that  I'm  all,  moft  greatly  liued 

This  Starre  of  England.  Fortune  made  his  Sword  ; 

By  which,  the  Worlds  Deft  Garden  he  atchieued  : 

And  of  it  left  his  Sonne  Imperiall  Lord. 

8.]  Lard, 

Henry  the  Sixt,  in  Infant  Bauds  rrmvn'd  King 

Of  France  and  England,  did  this  King  fucceed  : 

Whofe  State  fo  many  had  the  managing, 

That  they  loft  France,  and  made  his  Kngland  bleed  : 

13.]  m.ttt 

Which  oft  our  Stage  hath  llxmne  ;  and  for  their  lake, 

In  your  faire  mind-.  let  this  acceptance  take. 

FINIS. 

[Triangular   tail  -piece  as    generally  inserted   in   original   whenever 

UlEM****  space  is  left.  ] 

ki 

/     '  <>f  I'ul-lications  of  the  New  Shaksperf  Society.  315 

Series  L  Tratuattitmt.  1.  Part  I,  containing  4  Papers,  and  editions  of  the 
genuine  part*  of  Timott  and  Prrirtt*,  by  the  li  «ith 

Ducuvion*  on  the  Paper*,  Mr  Spedding's  Paper  on  Entry  rill,  &c.    [1874. 
,  Series  II.  Play*.     I  First  two  Quartos  of  Rom*  mud  Jvlitt,  1697  and 

1699,  in  «.  simple  II. -print-  ;  //.  PuralM  Tt>xU,  arranged  so  as  to  show  tin  ir 
Difference*,  anil  with  ColUtions  of  all  the  Quurtus  and  Fulios;  all  edited  b\  1'. 
\.  II..MI-I.  Esq.  [b.  va*  prtuhtrd  to  'y  ll.ll.ll.  Prinn  Leopold, 

out  ••'•ctiJrtttt.]  [1*1, 

Series  IV.   >'./:•;.  7     '.      1.  Part  I.  1692-8  A.D.  (Greenes  Groatos- 

worth  of  Wit  [writu  n  in  1V.'2],  l.'.0<; :    i  'Kind-liar' 

fwn:  <];    •  Knglandm   '•  16031;    A   Mour: 

tire  sections  from  Fr..  Pmttadit  Tamia.  : 

4e.)  ;  !  Injjlfhy,  !  [\*H. 

•    Itr  ln,]I,b>t'*  Still  I.i,. 

rinu*'*  Coinmt'ntariea,  vxrt  pri»rnt«l  tu  trtry  .Mnnbrr.  [1874. 

Series  II.  Play*.     4.  i:-,m,o  and  Jnlirt,  t.  n  t  i.m  of  thi-  Quarto  of  1699, 

t  Quurtoa  and  the  Folios;  edited  by  1'.  \.  1'nml,  E«qn 

with  NoU-«  and  Intnxlurtion.  [1876. 

/.  Reprints  of  the  Quarto  and  Folio,  edited  by  Dr  Bnulsw 
•  via.  [1s 

es  I.  Transaction*.  2,3.  Ti-an>.,  1S74,  I'art  II;  ls7.">-f,,  I'.rt  I,  containing 
I'ap'-rs  by  Messrs  H;i.  dding,  and  Profs.  Ingram 

ana  IMius,  with  I>i> 

»rie«  III.    Original*  ami  1.    Part   I.  a.  The  Traj;1 

Komi  us  and  Juli. !.  ^  :iowe  in  Engluhe 

by  Ar[thur]  Br[ook«   .  A.  The  goodly 

bystury  of  the  true  and  <  >  and  JulictU;  • 

.ter-s  Palac*  of  PU<u*r»,  1667 ;  edited  by  P.  A.  Daniel,  Ksq.  [1871. 

Mr   Hallitcell   prurntrti  to  retry  Member  «  copy  of  Mr  A.   H.  Pa 
"  Shakespeare's  Plays :  a  Chapter  of  Stage  History."  [1876. 

Series  VI.  6i*4»)MrV«  A«y/,i»«/.  -~».  a.  Kit-  Troth*  S'tw-ynrtt  Gift,  1693,  with 
The  pattionate  Morritt.  o.  John  Lane's  Tout  Till-  Troths  NWSMft,  m*4  hit  Pnu 
Complaint,  1600.  e.  Thomas  Po»  all  Tradti,  or  tht  Plaint  Pathway 


n>31.    d.  Tht  Olaut  o>  .9}. 

..btrt  of  tlu  &«,<  [187«. 

9.  William  Stafford's  Comp**dio**  <  tminatto*  nf  trrtry*t  onlimnry 

CumplaintM  of  diirri  of  our   f..u,,frryimii,  in  thrtt  our  ji.iy>.  1681  ;   With   an 
Introduction    by   F.    I».    M  ittii.  w.    Iv  y    F.   J.    1'un.i 

l»s 

Phillip  BtcwbsVa  Anatointe  of  Abu*  with  fxtrart*  fr<>tn  )IM 

:  ^76. 

Series  II  d  Fletcher;  «. 

A   I  '.y  llur.  .Id 

in.     (Thr   Later  i  n      •   I  by  RMtrt 

J  •/,IIIOHt  &.) 

ttUtmin,     1     I  .n^«  letter  on  the  Author. 

Two  Xoolt  Ktmmr*,  on  the  Chaneteristios  of  SuAKm-niK'a  - 

and  the  (n-rn  t  <  '-h  a  Mrmoir  of  1 

*7«. 

Aeries  rLSM^H^i  £»9l**i.     1  ...«  of  E»fl*»4 

,11,  M.A.     Port 
I,  with 
and  Not 
Series  I     / 

^      M  ;      .1  . 


t 

J«riM  VIIL  M 
ahi    of  Tht 


.  .. 

lun  by  ran  d«n  Kecre,  1691, 

Mril    I!.  \\ 

,.S  fl,  containing  Papers  by  Prof.  Italia*, 
S.  It.  <iar-i-.ii.  r,  fta. ;  eiiracu  from  Appian,  &c,     . 


ai6  '  <,f  Pull  n  tit  iotn  '  'inksperf  S»»  /'«/;/. 


M  It  rt*v»-     9.  7/rwry  J".  ».  Parallel  Texts  of  tbe  Quarto  and  Folio;  pro- 
perd  by  Dr  Brinalcy  Nicbolsoa  ;  edited  by  P.  A.  Daniel,  Esq. 

Pmblfeatioiu  of  the  NEW  SIIAKBPERK  SOCIKTT  now  at  Prut: 

s  I.   ».   TV»«>si<friii,  1877-R,  Part  I,  with  Papers  by  Jas.  Spcxhling,  Esq.,  4;c. 

•arise  n.  -flays,   TlW  TV*  AeMr  JSmsurn. 

t  '  if- 


'tktiMf,  a    He-print  of    tin 
1623,  and  a  -i  and   Note*,  l>\ 

Creijr,  M.  A..  Trinity  ('..llt-p',  DuMin.  ."ttrnry  V  :  e.  a  Rcvisd  Edition,  with 
Kolas  aad  Introduction  ;  editr.1  \<\  '  Ksq. 

•  IT.  AUmtiom  AwJb.     2.  Sbakspere's  Ctnturir  of  1'rayu,  2nd  edition.    Pre- 
tntoi  to  U»  Society,  and  edited,  by  Dr  C.  M.  Inglebj. 
r«y/*W. 


r«y/*W.    6.  Stubba'a^Na/oMMo/^MCf,  1 

br  F.  J.  Ku  nnall      6.  Harmon's  Dtteriplion  of  England,  1677,  1687,  Part 
Kurairmll. 

imf  fir  Strir*  I'll.    Myitrrut,  ft.      Thrrt  \bth-ctntury  ilh  a 

.  rr^,.  ,-  unique  Digbr  MS.  133  In   i 

' 


ttofmmf  /*r  Strirt  I'l.   Kk»k*ftrt'$  EnfUtnd.     Wills  of  the  Acton  and 
ot  HUabclh'i  and  Janiet  1's  times,  edited,  with  Notes,  by  Coluncl  J.  J, 


r /W-  AN**  F.  Gmtrmporary  Drama.    Edward  III,  a.  a  Reprint  of  the 
Qaartn.  1696,  witb  a  collation  of  the  2nd  Qu  A.  R  revisd 

editioa,  witb  Introduction  and  Note*  ;  c.  the  Sou: 

•art,  aad  Winter's  /W«w  </  Flta*u,i ;  edited  by  .  Esq.,  and 

F.  1  F.nnraJI.  M.A. 

Robert  Cbestrr's  UrSt  Martyr—  from  which  Shaksperi-'s  lines  to  the  'Phoenix 
aad  Turtle*  were  taken— «<!!'•  <1  by  the  K«r.  A.  li.  (Jrosart. 

1  &TM*  ///.   Oriainah  atld  Analogue*.     A  Shakupcre  Jlolinnhrd :  tlic 
I  and  tbe  Historical  Plays  compur'd  :  by  Walter  D.  Stone,  i 


trimf  Ar 

Chronicle 


Publications  Suggested. 

II.  1.  Parallel  Texts  of  the  Imperfect  sketches  of  b.  Hamlet  and  its  Quarto 
2  (witb  tbe  Folio  and  a  rerisd  ; >!.  i  ry  Wives  of  Windsor,  and  Folio 

1  ;  d  Tbe  Contention,  and  Henry  VJ,  Part  2,  in  F  1  ;  The  True  Tragedy, 
aad  Henry  VI.  Part  3.  in  F  1. 

2.  Parallel  Texts  of  the  following  '.  ITS  and  their  versions  in  the 

First  Folio,  witb  collations:  Richard  111,  (j  1  .  J  li.  :..;.  IV.  U  1  ;  Troilus 
aad  Crtesida,  Q  1 ;  Lear,  Q  1.  Of  Othello,  four  Toti:  Q  1,  (I  2,  F  1,  and 

S.  Parallrl  Text*  of  the  two  earliest  Quartos  of  Midsummer  Night's  Dream 
(to  be  ed.  by  tbe  1:  :  M»worth,  M.A.),  and  The  M. 

4.  The  First  Quartos  of  Much  Ado  about  Nothing;  Loucs  Labour's  Lost; 
Rkbard  II ;  1  Henry  IV ; — from  which  the  copies  iu  the  F<>lio  were  printed. 

Reprints  in  Quarto  of  the  remaining  Folio  Plays,  with  collations. 

T.  Tkt  CW«ey>f«T»  Itrama  (suggested  by  the  lat-  <1  Simpson). 

a.  Tbe  Work*  of  Robert  Greene,  Thomas  Nash  (with  a  selection  from 

('          i:       •       ;     •    -  i        .  .   :  H.  :  :•.  <  :..  •••,. 

».  Tbe  MartiaUt  aad  Aata-Martiuist  Plays  of  1-589.91,  and  the  Plays 
resatiatT  to  tbe  aaarrel  between  Dekki-r  and  Jonson  in  1600. 

«.  Lists  of  all  tbe  Companies  of  Acton  in  SHAKM-KKE'S  time,  their  Direct- 
on,  Playm.  PUym,  aad  Poets,  4e.  Ac. 

si  Dr  Wav  Gmger's  Mtltaftr,  a  tragedy,  printed  October,  1692. 
Xitkard  //.  MM)  tbe  otber  Plays  in  Egerton  MS.  1994. 
J%t  Sttmrm/nm  ArvMSMu,  1606,  to  be  ed.  by  the  Rer.  A.  B.  Grosart 


NOTICE. 


a  tljc  ftftlj. 

FOLIO  1623. 


THE  following  pages  were  set  up  from  Booth's  reprint  of  1863, 
read  with  the  Staunton  Photo-lithograph  fac-similc  of  1866,  and 
wherever  doubt  arose,  compared  with  three  out  of  the  four  originals 
in  the  British  Museum,— 644.  m.  i. — C.  9.  d.  King's — Grcnville, 
11631. 

In  form  they  follow  the  folio  line  by  line.  The  first  three  pages 
contain  the  first  page  or  p.  69,  where  the  prologue,  like  the  rest  of 
the  text,  is  given  in  double  columns.  After  these,  every  four  pages 
represents  one  double-columned  folio  page, — each  opening  of  two 
pages,  one  column, — and  each  page,  half  a  column.  The  folio  pagin- 
ation is  repeated  in  its  usual  place,  and  opposite  it  is  COL.  I  or  2 
within  brackets.  At  the  sides  are  the  divisions  into  Acts  and 
Scenes,  as  now  universally  adopted,  and  the  numbering  of  the  lines 
in  each  scene.  In  the  lower  margin  arc  the  catchwords  and 
signatures  of  the  original  wherever  these  occur,  and  the  signatures 
and  pagination  of  the  reprint. 

The  slight  and  infrequent  curvatures  and  irregularities  of  the 
lines  occurring  chiefly  at  the  top  or  bottom  of  the  pages,  the  in- 
stances, between  three  and  half-a-dozen,  where  one  or  more  letters 
of  a  word  have  dropped  slightly  below  the  level,  about  the  same 
number  of  imperfect  letters,  and  the  varied  shapes  of  some  of  the 
italic  capitals,  have  not  been  imitated.  Of  a  frequent  irregularity 
in  the  spacing,  or  not  spacing  of  the  punctuation  points — some- 
times due  to  the  length  of  the  line,  but  far  more  commonly  a  mere 
irregularity — specimens  only  have  been  given,  and  a  good  exempli- 
fication of  the  commonest,  the  non-sp.icing  after  a  comma,  \\ill 
be  found  on  page  30.  All  other  irregularities  and  errors  have  been 
followed,  and  from  the  care  of  the  printer,  it  is  believed,  that 
the  above  exceptions  and  form  of  type  excepted,  and  the  greater 
spacing  out  of  the  prose  required  by  the  greater  width  of  the 
reprint-page,  this  reprint  will  be  found  a  faithful,  and— for  all 
working  purposes— am  exact  reproduction  of  the  original 

B.  NICHOLSON. 


THE   LIFE   OF 

HENRY  THE   FIFT. 


III 


HENRY  THE  FIFT. 


WRITTKN    IV 


WILLIAM  SHAKESPEARE. 


The  (Edition  of  1623.  nrtoln  ^ebieeb  anb  Corrected, 


WITH  NOTES 

AND 
AN  INTRODUCTION, 


WALTER  GEORGE  STONE. 


PUBLISHT   FOR 

CT!if  p. flu  Sljafcsprre 

BY  N.  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  57,  59,  LUDGATE  HILL, 

,  E.C.,  i88a 


Smts  IT.     |(o.  10. 


••MAY  :  CUT  A*I>  TATU>»,  THE  CHAVCKB  PECM. 


INTRODUCTION. 


IN*  the  following  pages  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  how  in  the 
construction  of  Henry  V.  Shakspcre  dealt  with  the  historical  matter  he 
derived  from  Holinshcd.  For  this  purpose  the  play  has  been  compared, 
as  far  as  possible,  scene  by  scene,  with  the  corresponding  passages  in  the 
Chronic! fs,  from  which  large  extracts  have  been  made,  in  order  to  enable 
the  reader  to  judge  more  clearly  of  the  extent  of  Shakspcrc's  obligations, 
and  the  method  of  his  work.  Deviations  from  his  authority  have,  when 
they  occur,  been  pointed  out  and  commented  on.  . 

Shakspere  did  not,  it  appears  to  me,  turn  to  any  other  historical 
source  for  his  play,  except  perhaps  in  a  few  unimportant  instances,  which 
have  been  noticed  in  their  places.  The  wooing  scene  in  The  Famous 
Victories  of  Henry  V.  has  long  been  regarded  as  the  prototype  of 
the  similar  scene  in  Shakspcre's  play,  and  I  have  therefore  devoted 
some  space  to  their  comparison. 

Although  I  do  not  profess  to  survey  the  events  of  Henry  the  Fifth's 
reign  from  the  historian's  point  of  view,  yet  in  subordination  to  my  chief 
design,— the  examination  of  Shakspcrc's  debt  to  Holinshcd, — I  considered 
it  might  be  interesting  to  trace  in  the  notes  to  this  Introduction  the 
original  sources  from  which  the  Chronicles  themselves  were  compiled, 
and  also  to  add  such  historical  details  as  served  to  connect  and  illustrate 
my  subject. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  comparison  of  Shakspcre  and  Holinshed, 
some  brief  remarks  on  the  editions  and  date  of  Henry  I'.,  the  Globe 
Theatre  and  scenic  arrangements  in  Elizabethan  England,  may  be 
necessary. 

.  I.  EDITIONS.  The  earliest  is  a  Q!  published  in  1600,  which  Mr. 
Daniel  has  shown '  is  not,  as  has  been  supposed,  a  first  sketch,  the  F*.  of 
1623  giving  Shakspcrc's  revision  of  his  work ;  but  is  printed  from  a 
surreptitious  and  defective  copy,  so  that  the  F!  must  be  regarded  as 
containing  the  only  genuine  text.  The  Q*  was  reprinted  in  1602  and 
1680. 

»  lltmry  V.t  Parallel  Texts,  ed.  Nicholson.  Introduction,  pp.  x.— iir. 

c  * 


U        Editions  and  date  of  HENRY  V.     Its  epic  character. 

II.  DATE.    The  date  of  f/tmiy  V.  is  fixed,  by  an  allusion  in  the  Pro- 
k§M  of  Act  V.  IL  29 — 34,  to  the  expected  triumphant  return  of  the  earl 
of  Ettcx  from  Ireland.   In  March,  1 599, a  large  force  under  the  command 
of  EMC*,  who  had  been  made  lord-deputy,  was  sent  thither  to  subdue 
the  revolt  caused  by  Hugh  O'Neal,  earl  of  Tyrone.    Shakspcre  would 
be  hkely  to  feel  a  special  interest  in  this  expedition,  because  the  earl  of 
Southampton,  his  friend  and  patron,  accompanied  it.1     Essex  ended  his 
campaign   by  a  truce   with    O'Neal,  and   returned    to    England    in 
September  without  having  effected  anything. 

III.  SCENIC  DIFFICULTIES.    THE  GLOBE  THEATRE.    One  of  the 
first  things  which  strikes  one  in  this  play  is  the  constant  and  almost 
painful  solicitude  of  Shakspcre  to  win  his  audience's  indulgence  for  the 
poverty  of  the  stage  accessories.    As  these  were  probably  neither  better 
nor  worse  than  those  to  which  play-goers  were  then  accustomed,  one  is 
led  to  speculate  on  the  cause  of  his  anxiety. 

I  offer  an  explanation  which  Knight*  has  suggested  in  answer  to 
Schlegcl's  remark  that  Shakspere  has  not  deemed  it  necessary  to  make 
the  like  apologies  in  his  other  historical  plays. 

The  epic  character  of  Henry  the  Fifth's  wars,  while  it  impressed  the 
poet  with  a  sense  of  the  inadequacy  of  outward  shows  in  reviving  the 
memory  of  such  mighty  deeds,  yet  encouraged  him  to  call  upon  his 
audience  to  strive  for  the  sort  of  passionate  forgetfulness  of  the  present, 
with  which  a  Greek  might  listen  to  a  rhapsodist  chanting  the  epos  of 
Achilles.  Note  the  fiery  earnestness  of  Shakspere's  appeal  to  the 
imagination — 

"  O,  do  but  think, 

You  stand  upon  the  rivage,  and  behold, 
A  city  on  th'  inconstant  billows  dancing ; 
****** 

Follow,  follow ! 

Grapple  your  mind  to  sternage  of  this  navy  ; 
And  leave  your  England,  as  dead  midnight,  still." 

Prol.  Act  III.  11.  13—19. 
And  again : — 

"  Now  we  bear  the  king 
Toward  Calais  :  grant  him  there  ;  there  seen, 
Heave  him  away  upon  your  winged  thought 
Athwart  the  sea."— /V0/.  Act  V.  IL  6—9. 


iade  bin  general  of  the  bone,  contrary,  Camden  says,  to  Elizabeth's 
-AmnaUj  Kermm  Anflicarmm  et  Hibenuarum,  rtgnante  Elitabetha,  ed. 

Heine,  iii.  719,  and  793.    The  queen  was  offended  with  Southampton  for  marrying 

wfefaoot  her  leave,  and  expressly  accepted  him  from  promotion. 
llhutrationi  of  Henry  V.  Act  I. 


Elizabethan  stage  arrangements.  Hi 

The  epos  must  be  national,  and  the  heroes  of  their  own  land  the 
actors,  if  the  hearts  of  the  hearers  were  to  be  deeply  moved,  and  there- 
fore,  though  in  Julius  C&sar,  for  example,  larger  destinies  are  at  stake, 
yet — save  for  the  touches  of  human  nature  akin  through  all  the  ages — 
Shakspere  was  in  this  drama  evoking  the  shadows  of  great  names 
reverenced  in  a  far-off  time  by  an  alien  race,  but  in  his  own  generation 
awakening  a  sober  historical  interest  rather  than  the  feeling  of  a 
personal  share  in  their  glory  which  inspired  the  descendants  of  the 
victors  at  Agincourt.  This  was  the  chord  of  sympathy  to  be  touched, 
and  the  measured  applause  which  might  reward  a  well-planned  historical 
play  could  ill  compensate  for  the  outburst  of  patriotic  pride  he  hoped  to 
call  forth. 

Scenes  and  stage  machinery  were  introduced  soon  after  the  Restor- 
ation.1 We  may  picture  an  Elizabethan  theatre  from  Mr.  Paget's 
description.  "  The  buildings  were  simple  in  form  ;  in  the  larger 
theatres  only  the  stage,  the  'tiring  rooms,  and  galleries  were  roofed 
over,  the  central  space,  or  yard,  being  open  to  the  sky."  "There 
was  no  scenery  ;  the  walls  were  draped  with  tapestry  or  curtains,  and 
other  curtains  placed  between  the  front  of  the  stage  and  the  back, 
called  traverses,  increased  or  lessened  the  visible  area,  according  as 
they  were  drawn  together  or  thrown  apart."  "  The  actors  were  left 
on  a  naked  platform,  to  tell  the  poet's  story  by  their  own  unaided 
efforts."' 

Sir  Philip  Sidney,  in  his  Apologie  for  Poetrie^  has  treated  the  incon- 
gruous results  which  an  inattention  to  the  unities  involved,  with  much 
sarcastic  humour.  He  says,  "  you  shal  haue  Asia  of  the  one  side,  and 
Affrick  of  the  other,  and  so  many  vnder-kingdoms,  that  the  Player,  when 
he  commeth  in,  must  euer  begin  with  telling  where  he  is  :  or  els,  the  tale 
will  not  be  conceiued.  Now  ye  shal  haue  three  Ladies,  walke  to  gather 
flowers,  and  then  we  must  beleeue  the  stage  to  be  a  Garden.  By  and 
by,  we  heare  newes  of  shipwracke  in  the  same  place,  and  then  we  are 
to  blame,  if  we  accept  it  not  for  a  Rock.  Vpon  the  backe  of  that,  comes 
out  a  hidious  Monster,  with  fire  and  smoke,  and  then  the  miserable 
beholders  are  bounde  to  take  it  for  a  Caue."  What  a  hardened  offender 
against  the  unity  of  place  Shakspere  is  in  the  play  we  are  considering  ! 
The  spectators  must  "digest  the  abuse  of  distance  .  .  .  the  scene 
Is  now  transported,  gentles,  to  Southampton  * : 

1  Scenery  was  introduced  by  Sir  William  Davenant ;  "carious  machines."  by 
Betferton.  They  ran  away  with  the  player's  profit,  which  to  Hart's  company  once 
amounted  to  £1000  a  year  for  whole  sharers.— Hutori*  Histriomita  in  Dodsley's  Old 
Playi,  xii.  346,  ed.  1780. 

»  Skakuftartt  Playt :  *  Ckafter  o/Stogl  Hitttry,  pp.  8, 

>  Albert  Reprint,  pp.  63.  64. 


hr    Ttu  Globe  Tktatrt.    HolituhtJ  was  Shakspfre's  authority. 

"  There  U  the  pUyhoute  now,  there  must  you  sit  : 
And  thence  to  France  shall  we  convey  you  safe." 

Prol.  Act  11.11.  3'—  37- 

"  lo  the  mean  time/'  continues  Sir  Philip,.  "two  Armies  flye  in,  repre- 
sented with  foure  swords  and  bucklers,  and  then  what  bardc  bean  will 
not  receiue  U  for  a  pitched  fielde  ?  "  Cf.  ProL  Act  IV.  11.  49—52  '— 

44  O  for  pity  !  —  we  shall  much  disgrace 
With  four  or  five  most  vile  and  ragged  foils, 
Right  ill-disposed  in  brawl  ridiculous, 
The  name  of  Agincourt." 

Such  violations  of  another  unity  as  ''jumping  o'er  times"  *  and  setting 
one  down  again  after  the  lapse  of  five  years  —  the  interval  between  Act 
IV.  and  V.  in  Htnry  V.  —  are  commented  upon  in  the  same  sarcastic 
spirit. 

The  Globe,1  a  large  circular  or  polygonal  building,  "  this  wooden  O  " 
stood  on  the  Banksidc,  Southwark,  about  a  hundred  yards  west  of  the 
Surrey  foot  of  London  Bridge.  It  was  built  by  Burbage  in  1599,  the 
year  in  which  our  play  is  dated,  as  a  successor  to  the  Theatre,  situate 
near  the  site  of  the  present  Standard  Theatre,  Shoreditch.  The  Globe 
was  partially  open  to  the  weather,  and  was  therefore  called  a  summer- 
house.* 

IV.  AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED.  The  reign  of  Henry  V.  in  Holins- 
hed  *  was  Shakspere's  chief  authority.  The  edition  I  have  used  is  the 
2nd,  published  in  1  587. 

The  historians  and  editions  consulted  by  me  are  — 

Hall's  Chronicle,  cd.  1809. 

Elmham  —  Vita  et  Gesta  Henrici  Quinti,  ed.  Hearne,  1727. 

Titus  Livius(Foro-juliensis)  —  Vita  Henrici  Quinti,  ed.  Hearne,  1716. 

Gesta*  Henrifi  Quinti,  ed.  Williams,  1850. 

Walsingham—  Historia  Anglicana,  ed.  Riley,  1863-4 

Monstrekt—  Chroniques,  ed.  Buchon,  1829. 

St.  Rcmy—Mfmoirfs,  ed.  Buchon,  1829.  (With  Monstrelct  in  the 
Collection  <Us  Chroniques  Rationales  Francises.  ) 

I  have  also  had  much  help  from  Nicolas'  s  History  of  the  Battle  of 
Agincourt,  2nd  ed. 


•  FarahnTJs  tmtndmctio*  to  Uu  Leopold  Skaksfere.  p.  xvi.  and  note. 
»  Hutoria  Hitirumua,  p.  343.     plays  were  always  acted  there  by  daylight. 
«  It  occupies  pp.  543-585- 

»  The  fint  put  of  the  Cetla  was  written  by  one  of  Henry's  chaplains,  who  accom- 
panied the  king  in  his  first  French  campaign. 


Henry's  Rouen  speech  (Pro/.  I.).  y 

V.  SHAKSPERE'S  USE  or  THE  CHRONICLES.— We  find  the  first  trace 
of  Shakspere's  Holinshcd  reading  in  the  Prologue  to  Act  1, 11.  5 — 8  :— 

"Then  should  the  warlike  Harry,  like  himself, 
Assume  the  port  of  Mars  ;  and,  at  his  heels, 
Leash'd  in  like  hounds,  should  famine,  sword,  and  fire. 
Crouch  for  employment." 

From  the  Chronicles*  we  learn  how,  when  Henry  was  beleaguering 
Rouen  in  1419,  a  certain  Rouen  orator  "  seene  in  the  ciuill  lawes " 
besought  the  king  to  allow  the  unhappy  creatures  who  had  been  cast 
out  of  the  city — as  being  useless  for  its  defence — to  pass  through  the 
English  lines:  urging  moreover  that  "if  he  durst  manfullie  assault 
the  citie,  and  by  force  subdue  it,  he  should  win  both  worldlie  fame, 
and  merit  great  meed  at  the  hands  of  almightie  God,  for  hauing  com- 
passion of  the  poore,  needle,  and  indigent  people."  Henry,  "  with  a 
fierce  countenance,  and  bold  spirit,"  thereupon  rebuked  the  men  of 
Rouen's  "malapert  presumption,  in  that  they  should  seeme  to  go 
about  to  teach  him  what  belonged  to  the  dutie  of  a  conqucrour : " 
saying,  "the  goddesse of  battell  called  Bellona  had  three  handmaidens, 
euer  of  necessitie  attending  upon  hir,  as  blood,  fire,  and  famine.  And 
whereas  it  laie  in  his  choise  to  vse  them  all  three  ;  yea,  two,  or  one  of 
them  at  his  pleasure,  he  had  appointed  onelie  the  meekest  maid  of  those 
three  damsels  to  punish  them  of  that  citie,  till  they  were  brought  to 
reason.  And  whereas  the  gaine  of  a  capteine  atteined  by  anie  of  the 
said  three  handmaidens  was  both  glorious,  honourable,  and  woorthie  of 
triumph  :  yet  of  all  the  three,  the  yoongest  maid,  which  he  meant  to  vse 

*  Ck.  567/1/38.  (CkromitUs,  p.  567.  col.  i,  L  38.  First  line  of  extract  is  given.) 
The  CkromitUt  abridged  Henry's  speech  from  Hall,  p.  85.  Hall's  speech  is  in  the 
first  person.  He  may  have  followed  a  speech  which  Redmann  makes  Henry  deliver 
in  answer  to  the  imprudent  one  of  the  advocate  who  pleaded  the  Koucn  folk's  cause  :— 
/fmorart  Galli  miki  vidtmtmr,  quid  Mli  ratio,  ttqtiitiimo  jmrt,  summit  dmtifms 
itmftr  (OHcentnt.  Cujut  ayuitas  mo*  falitur,  qmi  itiptriores  ft  J  it  nut.  ml  vietit  fvttns 
ad  alttriut  pritscnptum  qmam  ad  mum  arbitrimm  imftrtnt.  Ommimm  gtmtimm  arm* 
contra  me  wnum  txdtartm.  it  private  eomtilio,  mom  fublito  comsemsm,  Mlmm  demmmti- 
atttm.  Btmigmt  tl  tltmtmttr  ommia  mt  admimittrart  mtmo  tit  out  mom  imttlligat,  emm 
famu  fotimt  qmam  JLtmma,  ftrro,  ami  tamgmimt,  Rotomagmm  ad  dtditiomtm  ftrftUo. 
I'titra  crmdtlit,  imfmdtmt,  tt  immodtrala  immmmtamitaj  m  tor  mm  komimmm  kumami- 
tatem  imqmimant,  ti  ad  ommia  tjmi  ofcia  turn  froftrndtrtmt.  Qmid  tmim  trmdtlita 
qmam  Ummiom  ftr  immmmm  utlmi  cnitatt  txftlltrt,  ac  kottiomt  imit  objittrt  t  Qmod 
vivniit,  qmod  Imcit  mtmra  frmmmlmr  tt  ifiritmm  commmmtm  dmcmmt,  mtm  tttmumtut, 
mom  vtitra  mamtmttudimi,  ateeftrnm  rt/eraml.  Nmllam  Juriiiima  urvitmtii  tomdtti- 
omtm  rttmtato,  fotitu  qmam  tmbditi  mti  aliqmid  dttrimtmti  faliamtmr. —  Kedmanni. 
//i>/.  Htm.  V..  ed.  Cole.  1858  (Rolls  Series),  p.  SS.-F.  J.  F.  Henry's  genuine 
utierances  as  recorded  in  •  contemporary  English  poem  (Arctueologia,  iuiL  967—371) 
and  the  spesch  asaigned  him  by  Elmham  (pp.  108,  199)  difler  verbally  and  substantially 
from  ftmT  fimyihar.  and  neither  bear  any  rewotbtance— except  in  the  bit  about  the 
people  in  the  ditches— to  Hall's  speech. 


vi          Tkt  M//OT  co*Jucati*g  church  property  (I.  i.). 


profitable  tad  commodious.  And  as  for  the 
Iwng  m  the  ditches,  if  they  died  through  famine,  the  fault 

>  theirs,  thai  like  cruell  tyrant*  had  put  them  out  of  the  towne,  to  the 
he  should  slaie  them  ;  and  yet  bad  he  saucd  their  liues,  so  that 
•  tf  aah  lack*  of  cbaritie  waa,  It  rested  in  them,  and  not  in  him.  But  [as] 
t»  their  cloked  request,  be  meant  not  to  gratitic  them  within  so  much, 
bat  they  sboald  keepc  them  still  to  help  to  spend  their  vittels.  And  as 
lo  amah  the  towne,  he  told  them  he  would  they  should  know,  he  was  both 
able  and  willing  thereto,  as  be  should  see  occasion  :  but  the  choise  was 
to  his  hand,  to  tame  them  either  with  blood,  fire,  or  famine,  or  with  them 
all, whereof  he  would  take  the  choise  at  his  pleasure,  and  not  at  theirs." 

The  discourse1  between  Henry  Chichclcy,  archbishop  of  Canterbury ; 
aad  John  Fordbam,1  bishop  of  Ely,  concerning  Henry  the  Fifth's  altered 
demeanour,  is  Shaksperc's.  The  Chronicles,1  following  Hall  here,  state 
that  the  clergy,  fearing  the  bill  brought  forward  in  Henry  the  Fourth's 
days  to  deprive  them  of  "  temporal!  lands  dcvoutlie  giucn  "  might  be 
revived,  proposed  by  "some  sharpe  inucntion"  to  turn  the  king's 
to  other  objects.  Accordingly  Chichclcy  in  a  speech  at  the 
at  of  Leicester,  1414,  set  forth  Henry's  claim  to  Normandy, 
Aqohaine,  and  the  other  ancient  appanages  of  the  English  crown  ;  as 
also  his  title  to  the  whole  realm,  derived  from  Edward*  the  Third.  In 
order  clearly  to  understand  the  scope  of  this  confiscation  scheme,  it  may 
be  well  to  review  its  previous  history. 

[During  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fourth  the  Commons  had  made  two 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  complete  disendowmcnt  of  the  Church.  In 
1404  Henry,  a  needy  prince,  always  in  want  of  money,  was  obliged  to 
assemble  a  parliament  at  Coventry  in  order  to  obtain  supplies,  although 
he  had  been  disappointed  by  the  parliament  which  met  at  Westminster 
in  the  same  year,  and  after  its  sittings  bad  been  prolonged  for  twelve 
weeks,  separated  without  relieving  his  necessities.  With  the  hope  of 
effecting  his  object  more  easily  he  directed  the  sheriffs  to  prevent  the 
election  of  those  who  had  any  skill  in  the  laws  of  the  realm  :  qui  injure 
rtgmi  vtl  dtcti  jttiiunt  vel  apprentuii  ;  sed  tales  onutino  mitttrentur  ad 
k*c  mif9timm,qn0s  constant  ignorare  cujusque  juris  methodum.*  These 
ttUcti  milittt  Parliametitales  proposed  as  a  source  of  revenue  the  entire 
confiscation  of  the  Church's  temporal  goods  :  ut  Ecclesia  generaliter  de 

•  Actl.sc.1. 

•  John  Fonfham.  tramlated  from  Durham  to  Ely  in  1388.  died  1425.— Godwin's 
£**•%•»  tf  On  IK+ift  tf  BmgUmd.  p.  274.  ed.  1615.     He  was  one  of  the  English 
•abuMdon  wbo  anaigBii  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Troyes.— Ck.  573/1/48. 

>  r*  S4s  >  t<^  H»U,  p. 49. 

«  Edawad  Moruatcr.  earl  of  March,  who  was  then  living,  had  a  better  title,  being 
dssccaded  ntMB  Uonrl  duke  of  Clarence,  third  son  of  Edward  III. 


The  bill  defeated.     Revived.  vii 

bants  temporalibus  firirarftur.1  Such  a  sweeping  measure  caused  bitter 
discussions  between  the  laymen  and  clerks  present  at  the  parliament, 
the  former  maintaining  that  they  not  only  made  larger  contributions  for 
the  king's  service,  but  risked  their  lives  in  his  defence,  while  the  clergy 
sat  idly  at  home.  To  this  Thomas  Arundel,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
replied  by  asserting  that  on  the  contrary  the  king  received  tenths  from 
the  clergy  oftener  than  fifteenths  from  the  laity ;  the  Church  vassals  who 
followed  him  to  the  war  were  not  less  in  number  than  the  military 
tenants,  while  night  and  day  the  prayers  of  the  Church  were  offered  up 
for  his  success.  Observing  the  scornful  mien  of  Sir  John  Cheney,  the 
speaker,  who  "  in  replieng,  by  plaine  speach  seemed  little  to  esteeme  such 
praiers  of  the  church  ;"*  the  archbishop  "being  set  in  a  great  chafe," 
expressed  his  conviction  that  no  kingdom  could  stand  which  neglected 
appeals  for  divine  aid,  and  threatened  to  make  Sir  John  suffer  personally 
for  any  robbery  be  might  commit  on  the  Church.  Seeing  Henry  hesi- 
tate, Arundel  knelt  before  the  king,  and  adjured  him  to  remember  his 
oath  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  Church,  warned  him  of  God's  anger, 
and  the  weight  of  ecclesiastical  censures.  Receiving  a  reassuring  answer, 
the  archbishop  returned  to  his  place,  and  addressing  the  knights,  pointed 
out  how  they  and  others  like  them  had  advised  Henry  and  his  prede- 
cessors to  confiscate  the  property  held  by  French  and  Norman  ecclesi- 
astics in  England,  yet  their  present  sovereign  was  not  half  a  mark  the 
better  for  it.  Ail  this  wealth  had  been  absorbed  by  them  ;  greed  was 
their  only  motive  in  advising  such  measures,  and  if  the  king  were  to 
yield  now  to  their  counsels,  by  next  year  he  would  not  be  a  farthing  the 
richer.  As  the  knights  persisted  in  urging  the  king  to  confiscate  the 
temporalities,  Arundel,  "  as  an  other  Argus,  bauing  his  eie  on  each  side, 
to  markc  what  was  doone,"  *  appealed  to  the  temporal  lords,  and  with 
success.  Some  of  these  nobles  were  averse  on  principle  to  depriving 
the  Church  of  her  property,  and  moreover  felt  grateful  to  the  archbishop 
and  bishops  for  opposing  a  former  proposal  of  the  knights  for  the 
resumption  by  the  crown  of  all  grants  of  land  made  since  Kdward  the 
Second's  reign.  The  knights  were  silenced,  and  even  asked  the  arch- 
bishop for  his  forgiveness.] 

But  in  1410  they4  presented  a  schedule  to  Henry  the  Fourth,  con- 
taining the  calculations  which  Shakspere  has  given  in  Act  I.  sc.  i.  11. 
12—19.  It  ran  thus:— 

•  Wattiufkam.  IL  965. 

•  Vmltm  vettqmt  frattmdiiitt  p*t*ti(t  M  frteaStettti*  p*rvifie*Jtrt.— W«1stagh*m. 
U  36$.    G*.  506/1/33.    Sir  John  Cheney  wu  mid  to  have  left  (he  •rnrfcc  of  the 
Chorcfa.tawhfcn  be  had  been  ordained  •  deacon,  without  a  dispensation.   He  became 
•  soldier.—  Waiting***,  U.  966. 

*  Artkttpittofmi  vtrv.  ml  Arfmi.  rilimut  ex  »mmi  forU pmfuitiu.— Walstaghfe 
fi.«66,«67.     Ch.  536/2/34. 

*  WaMnfban,  on  this  occasion.  calU  the  knights  StitUittt  PiUtato.-U.  aBa. 


viii       Tfc  Kktd*lt  (I.  i.).     Parliament  at  Westminster. 


**  To  the  roort  «nrirfrtm  lord  our  K.  and  to  all  the  nobles  in  this 
assembled,  your  faithfull  commons  doo  bumblio 
;  oar  tmrnttgrt  lord  tbe  king  might  baue  of  the  temporal! 
Uod»  &  reuenues  which  are  lewdlie  spent,  consumed  and 
I  by  the  bishops,  abbots,  and  priors,  within  this  realme,  so  much 
in  value  a*  would  suffice  to  find  and  susteine  one  hundred  and 
tftrie*,  ooe  thousand  &  f»uc  hundred  knights  six  thousand  and  two 
hundred  esquiers,  and  ooe  hundred  hospitals  more  than  now  be."  l 

[Tbe  knights,  however,  were  unable  to  show  with  sufficient  dcfinite- 
nes*  from  whence  this  revenue  was  to  be  derived  ;  and  the  prince, 
afterwards  Henry  V.,  forbad  them  ever  to  moot  such  a  project*  again. 
Tbe  Lollard  feeling  which  had  been  thus  manifested  in  the  Common* 
was  detested  by  the  prince,  whose  orthodoxy  is  a  frequent  subject  for 
our  historians'  praise. 

Hall  '  seems  to  be  the  sole  authority  for  the  revival  of  the  confisca- 
tion scheme  in  Henry  the  Firth's  reign,  and  for  Chicheley's  speech. 
That  a  parliament  was  held  at  Leicester  in  1414  we  learn  from  Elmham,4 
who,  however,  records  nothing  of  importance  save  the  act  passed  against 
the  Lollards,  tbe  rest  of  tbe  chapter  being  a  panegyric  of  the  king's 
teal  for  tbe  purity  of  the  Christian  faith.  Nicolas,*  who  refers  to  the 
parliamentary  rolls  as  his  authority,  ignores  the  Leicester  parliament 
altogether,  and  says  that  Henry  Beaufort,  bishop  of  Winchester,  who 
was  then  chancellor,  propounded  the  king's  war  policy  in  a  speech  to 
the  parliament  which  met  at  Westminster  on  November  18,  1414. 

Beaufort,  taking  for  his  text  so  much  of  Gal.  vi.  10  (dum  tempts 
ktltmtu  operemttr  bonum)  as  suited  his  purpose,  told  the  parliament 
that  the  king,  considering  the  peaceable  state  of  the  kingdom  and  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  deemed  tbe  time  was  now  come  to  assert  his  rights. 
To  obtain  these  his  vassals  must  aid  him  with  their  counsels,  his  people 

•  Ch.  5J6/I/SO.  Extilltmtitiinu  Domino  mostn  Kegi,  et  ommUtu  Proctril**  in 
ffHifmaHf  e**ttitmtis,  ommtt  tommumts  JideUs  dtmonttrant  kmmilittr. 
wrifcr,  fMrf  Dtmimtu  Hotter  Rtx  poUst  haltrt  dt  bom  it  Itmpyralibui  f*r 
it  AMttrt,  *e  Prions,  occmfatu,  ae  suftrbe  vasiatit  in  rtgmo,  quindtcim 
Cimtiit.  milk  fmiiftmlM  milila.  tex  millia  dmctmtot  armigerot,  et  fen  tutu  xtnodoekia, 
ptmrm  fm*m  mmme  immt,  ttmt  ttJMtlitertmtttmtata  dt  tirrit  et  teitementis  Hunt  inutiliter 
tt  tmftrit  9**t*tit.—  WaWofhanj.  U.  aSa,  983.  In  tbe  Chronicles  qnimdtcim  Comitei 
It  vreaffty  trunlatad.  Shahipfre.  who  followed  the  Ckroniclts  even  in  their  errors, 


recorded  by  WalttHgkam,  li.  964—467  ;  and  it.  382.  283. 
with  tbe  speeches  of  Chicbeky,  Westmoreland,  and  Exeter  on  the 
copia  pp.  40-56.    We  meet  with  Ralph  Neva,  earl  of  West- 
to  Hwj  IV..  Pu.  I.  aad  II. 

pp.  4.  j.    Yet  Nicolas  says  Cbkbeley  coonselled  Henry  V.  to  claim 


Chichtley's  speech  (I.  ii.).  £* 

with  their  support,  and  his  subjects  generally  with  a  large  subsidy.  By 
the  enlargement  of  the  king's  dominions  his  subjects'  burdens  would 
be  lessened,  and  great  honour  and  glory  would  accrue  to  them.  The 
authenticity  and  justice  of  the  Salic  law,  questions  which  form  the 
theme  of  Chicheley's  speech  as  given  by  Hall,  were  not  touched  upon 
by  Beaufort.] 

In  Act  I.  sc.  ii.  Shakspere  has  closely  followed  Chicheley's  argument, 
showing  the  fictitious  nature  of  the  Salic  law,  and  its  frequent  violation 
by  the  French  themselves.  LI.  69 — 7 1  are  almost  a  verbal  transcript  from 
the  Chronicles:* — 

"  Hugh  Capet  also — who  usurped  the  crown 
Of  Charles  the  duke  of  Loral nc,  sole  heir  male 
Of  the  true  line  and  stock  of  Charles  the  Great." 

The  Chronicles  give  the  passage  thus :  "  Hugh  Capet  also,  who  vsurped 
the  crowne  vpon  Charles  duke  of  Loraine,  the  sole  heir  male  of  the 
line  and  stocke  of  Charles  the  great."  The  simile,  "  clear  as  is  the 
summer's  sun"  (1.  86),  comes  from  Holinshed's *  " more  cleere  than 
the  sunne  it  openlie  appearetb."  In  1.  77,  Shakspere  has  been  misled  by 
the  Chronicles  into  putting  Lewis  the  Tenth  for  the  Ninth.  This  mistake 
affords  an  incidental  proof  with  respect  to  the  authority  used  by  him 
in  this  play.  Hall,  from  whom  the  Chronicles  derive  Chicheley's 
speech,  has  Lewis  the  Ninth.  On  the  Chronicles1  authority,  Shakspere 
has  made  Chicheley  cite  Numbers,  xxvii.  8,  in  support  of  Henry's  title 
(11.  98 — 100).  The  long  speeches  assigned  by  Hall  to  the  archbishop, 
the  duke  of  Exeter,  and  the  earl  of  Westmoreland,  bear  no  resem- 
blance to  those  which  Shakspere  puts  in  their  mouths.  Shakspere 
took  the  substance  of  Westmoreland's  speech  (the  similes  are  his  own), 
and  the  adage  about  France  and  Scotland  from  Holinsbed,  but  alters 
Exeter's  discourse  in  order  to  lead  up  to  the  archbishop's  simile  of  the 
bees.  In  Holinshcd,  Exeter  argues  that  France  supplies  Scotland  with 
money  and  training  in  arms  ;  if,  then,  the  French  are  conquered  the 
Scots  will  prove  an  easy  prey.  The  king's  opening  words  (11.  9—32), 
and  his  description  (II-  '46—154)  of  the  usual  Scottish  policy  when 
England  was  at  war  are  not  in  the  Chronicles.  The  lines  (11.  180 — 183) 
wherewith  Exeter  likens  government  to  harmonious  music  were  perhaps 
derived  from  a  passage  in  Cicero's  Republic?  Chicheley's  comparison 

•  Ck.  546/1/1.    The  CknmUUi  account,  wilb  the  tpeecbq,  occupy  pp.  545.  546. 

•  Ck.  546/1/19. 

•  Ut  tmim  in  fdilmi  ant  tikieit.  <•//•/  •/  in  tamtm  if  to  at  wxibm  ttmttmtmi  til 
guidam  ttmtmdui  ex  dttlmdeti  muni,  a  Htm  immmtatmm  ami  diurtfamltm  amrtt 
erudiUefem  mom  fonmmt ;  iifut  eomttmtmt  tx  ditiimiUmmamm  twtrwi  moderation 
€9*ctrt  tame*  eJUit*r   tt   tomgrmtmt :    uit   t*    tmmmtu   tt  imfmmtu  el    meJttit 
imttrittltu  ordntil*!.  tt/  tomtit.  mod<r*l*  ratiomt  ttvtl<ii  tomttmttt  Jnnmillmmorum 


story  (I.  ii.). 

of  the  beet  to  the  t object »  of  a  well-ordered  sute  is,  as  Malone  pointed 
ool,1  taken  from  Lyly**  Emfihiui  t*4  kit  England,  1 580.  The  Chronicles 
record  At  u  i  lildAfljft  iflh  of  an  unprecedented  subsidy  from  the  clergy 
(U.  iJJ— 135-  And  Act  I.  se.  I.,  U.  75— 81).  [Shakspere  has  omitted 
a  picturesque  incident  with  which  the  debate  in  parliament  closed. 
After  the  duke  of  Exeter's  speech,  "  all  the  companie  began  to  crie ; 
Warrc,  warre ;  France,  France."  *] 

In  the  scene  with  the  French  ambassadors,  Shakspere  modifies 
Holinsbed*s  account  in  order  to  bring  the  tennis-balls'  story  into  greater 
prominence.  The  CkronuUs  *  relate  how  during  Lent,  1414,  when  Henry 
was  at  Kenilwortb,  ambassadors  came  to  him  from  the  Dauphin  and 
presented  "  a  barrcll  of  Paris  ballcs  ...  a  token  that  was  taken  in 
verie  ill  part,  as  sent  in  scorne,  to  signific  that  it  was  more  meet  for  the 
king  to  passe  the  time  with  such  childish  exercise,  than  to  attempt  any 
worthie  exploit."  The  king  wrote  to  the  Dauphin,  "  that  yer  ought  long, 
be  would  tosse  him  some  London  balles  that  perchance  should  shake 
the  walles  of  the  best  court  in  France."  This  passage  and  The  Famous 
HUtrvVs  of  Henry  tht  Fifth*  supplied  the  material  for  the  latter  part 
of  Act  I.  sc.  ii. ;  and  the  king's  speech  beginning,  "  We  are  glad  the 
Dauphin  is  so  pleasant  with  us,"  &c.  From  1L  281—282  :— 
44  And  tell  the  pleasant  prince  this  mock  of  his 
Hath  turned  his  balls  to  gun-stones" 

it  may  be  conjectured  that  Shakspere  had  also  read  in  Caxton*  (Chron., 
ed.  1482,  sign.  L  5)  the  following  passage  :  "  And  than  the  Dolphyn  of 

ttmeimit:  §1  fm*  kannania  *  mutictit  dieitur  in  cant*,  ea  tit  in  crvitalt  coneordtA, 
^rtttUfmmm  *tf*i  fftmmmm  im  omnei  re  public  j  vinculum  incolumitatu  ;  eaqutiin* 
imititu  nnlU  faeU  tut  potttt.— Cicero  Dt  Republica.  rec.  F.  Osannus,  lib.  ii.  cap. 
xtt.  A  few  fragments  only  of  the  ZV  Republiea,  preserved  in  other  works,  were 
koowa  to  Sbakspere's  dote.  This  passage  was  quoted  by  S.  Augustine  (Civitas 
Dti.  Kb.  i.  cap.  MU).  Ckero  was  indebted  to  Plato  (Dt  Republica,  lib.  iv.  pp.  433 
and  443)  for  the  similitude. 

•  I'nittmm  IMtftrt.  xrii.  979,  where  the  extract  from  Lyly  will  be  found.  Also 
to  Albert  ed.  of  Empkma.  pp.  363-364.  •  Ch.  546/2  9. 

>  Ck.  HiftJ*.  The  authority  cited  by  the  Chronicles  for  this  story  is  the  Ckroniea 
4t  Eytfm,  npposed  to  have  been  written  by  Thomas  of  Otterbourne.  Eodem  anno 
(1414  im  Q**4r*ftri*w  rtgi  exitttnle  apmd  Kenilvxtrtk,  Karoltu,  rtgii  Franeomm 
flint.  Dm/fUmmt  mftmtni,  mitit  pilas  Parisian**  ad  Imdendum  cum  pneris.  Cui  rex 
Amgttrmm  nttnptH,  duent,  u  in  brevi  pilot  wuuurum  Londoniarum  quibtu  terreret 
tf  e»mfmm4t»tt  ima  tttta. — Otterbourne  in  Duo  Rerum  Anglicarum  Striptores  I'ettrts, 
«d.  HUB  at.  pp.  «74.  075.  Elmbam  records  the  incident  of  the  Parinat  pilot  in  a 
kit  of  Henry  V.  to  Latin  imt.—Agineourt,  p.  9.  note.  Holiniktd,  545/1/4.  and 
5*v.  p.  s6c  ed.  1605.  nave  "  Paris  balks ;  "  Hall,  p.  57.  "  tennis  balks." 

«  HMftfs  Sl»l**p~ri*  Library.  It.  II.  ToL  L  pp.  352.  353.  Cf.  "  My  lord  Prince 
Dotofcto  is  my  piaasaat  with  me."  p.  353.  and  Act  I.  sc.  ii.  1.  359. 

i  ktodly  soppiied  me  with  the  Caxton  exttacts  and  references  in  this 


Embassy  to  Pans,  Feb.  1415.  \i 

frauwce  ansucrd  to  our  amb  issatours,  and  sayd  in  this  maner  that  the 
kyng  was  ouer  yong  &  to  tcndre  of  age  to  nuke  ony  werre  /  as  ayenst 
hym,  &  was  not  lyke  yet  to  be  no  good  werryour  to  do  &  to  make  sue  he 
a  conqueste  thcrupon  hyra  /  And  somwhat  in  scorne  &  despyte  he  sent 
to  hym  a  toune  ful  of  tenys  holies  /  by  cause  he  wold  haue  somwhat  for 
to  play  with  al  for  hym  &  for  his  lordes.  and  that  became  bym  better  than 
to  maymene  ony  werre  / "  Henry — when  the  Dauphin's  wit  was  reported 
to  him — "  was  wonder  sore  agreucd  .  .  .  and  anone  lete  make  tenys 
balles  for  the  dolphyn  in  al  the  hast  that  they  myjt  be  made,  and  they 
were  grete  gonnt  stones  for  the  Dolphyn  to  playe  with  aU  "  (sign.  t.  5). 
In  a  metrical  history  l  of  Henry's  invasion,  attributed  to  Lydgate, 
the  king — while  besieging  Harfleur — thus  alludes  to  the  Dauphin's  insult : 

"  My  gonnys  shall  lyn  upon  this  grcne, 
For  they  shall  play  with  Harflete 
A  game  at  tynes  as  y  wene  ; " 

and  again : — 

"  Myne  pleyers  that  y  have  hedyr  brought, 
Ther  ballys  beth  of  stonys  round." 

Shakspere— for  the  sake  most  likely  of  dramatic  effect — transfers 
the  duke  of  Exeter's  embassy  to  the  period  of  Henry's  landing  near 
Harfleur.  "For  he  [Henry  V.]  is  footed  in  this  land  already."1  I 
shall  here,  however,  take  this  event  in  its  chronological  order.  The 
Chronicles  relate  how,  after  the  parliament  I  have  just  described  was 
over,  Henry  sent  a  splendid  embassy  headed  by  his  uncle,  the  duke  of 
Exeter ,'  to  Paris,  to  demand  Normandy  and  the  other  ancient  posses- 
sions of  England  in  France,  and  also  to  claim  the  French  crown.  If 
these  conditions  were  granted,  the  king  offered  to  marry  the  princess 
Katherine,  and  endow  her  with  the  wrongfully  withheld  territories.  Or 
else,  Henry  "  with  the  aid  of  God,  and  helpe  of  his  people,  would 
recouer  his  right  and  inheritance  wrongfullie  withbolden  from  him,  with 
mortall  warre,  and  dint  of  sword."  *  The  English  ambassadors  were 
honourably  received,  "banket ted  right  sumptuouslie,"  and  entertained 
with  "iusts  and  in.irti.ill  pastimes,"  in  which  Charles  VI.  himself 
"manfullic  brake  speares  and  lustilie  tournied."  They  returned, 
however,  without  obtaining  more  than  a  promise  that  an  embassy 
should  shortly  be  sent,  bearing  the  final  resolve  of  the  French  court. 

•  Hart.  MS.  565.  printed  in  Agtmtomrl.  tee  pp.  $07  and  309  for  the  lines  quoted. 
Hearoe  printed  what  Nicolas  belkxd  was  another  copy  of  the  same  poem  in  the 
appendix  to  ElmMtm,  pp.  359- 375- 

•  Act  II.  K.  I v.  I.  143. 

>  Tbomas  Beaufort,  carl  of  Dorwt.  created  duke  of  Enter,  Nov.  18.  1416.— Agim- 
tfmrt,  p.  043.  ool*.    Ha  was  Cardinal  Beaufort's  brother.    The  dale  of  the  < 
was  Feb.  1415.  «  Ct.  546/8/69. 


Ill 


Iltnry's  demands. 


On  DOtrinf  Ihdr  report,  Henry  determined  to  have  recourse  to  war, 
•ad  btfan  inakinf  great  preparations  of  arms  and  military  stores.1 

PI  may  bt  well  here  to  add  a  few  particulars  relating  to  these 
negotiations  from  Sir  H.  Nicolas'*  account  of  them  in  Agincourt* 

He  «ay»  referring  to  the  FtrJtra— that  the  ambassadors  were  the 
bbbopt  of  Durham  and  Norwich,  the  earl  of  Salisbury,  Richard  lord 
Grey,  Sir  John  1'elham,  Robert  Watenon,  Esq.,  and  Dr  Ware.  Their 
first  claim  was  the  crown  of  France,  and  waiving  this,  but  without  prc- 
jodice  to  Henry's  rights,  the  sovereignty  over  the  duchies  of  Normandy 
and  Tooraine,  the  earldoms  of  Anjou  and  Maine,  the  duchy  of  Britanny, 
the  earldom  and  lands  of  Flanders,  together  with  all  other  pans  of  the 
duchy  of  Aquitaine,  the  territories  ceded  to  Edward  III.  by  the  treaty 
of  Bretigny,  and  the  lands  between  the  Somme  and  the  Graveling. 
Also  the  county  of  Provence,  the  castles  and  lordships  of  Beaufort  and 
Nogent,  and  the  arrears  of  King  John's  ransom.  The  princess  Katherine 
was  to  have  a  dowry  of  2,000,000  crowns.  According,  however,  to 
Monstrelet  *  the  ambassadors  were  the  earl  of  Dorset  (afterwards  duke 
of  Exeter),  Lord  Grey,  and  the  bishops  of  Durham  and  Norwich. 
Neither  Monstrelet  nor  St  Rcmy  state  that  they  claimed  the  French 
throne  for  their  sovereign,  but  the  former  historian  attributes  the  failure 
of  the  negotiations  to  "  demandts  trop  excessive*,  comme  la  duchf  de 
K*rma*&4  ft  la  comte  de  Ponthieut  avec  la  duche  d° Aquitaine  d  enjouir 
kfriUMement  pour  toujours."  * 

Probably  the  claim  to  the  French  throne  was  held  in  reserve,  only 
to  be  brought  forward  if  the  lesser  demands  were  refused.  This  view 
!•  supported  by  the  following  expressions  occurring  in  a  letter6  from 
Henry  V.  to  Charles  VI.,  dated  July  28.  "  The  Sovereign  judge  of 
Sovereigns  will  one  day  be  our  witness  of  the  sincere  inclination  with 
which  we  have  sought  peace  ....  even  by  giving  up  the  possession  of  a 
State  which  belongs  to  us  by  hereditary  right tand  which  nature  would  oblige 
us  t»  preserve  for  our  posterity"  "To  avoid  a  deluge  of  human  blood, 
fWfenr  to  us  our  inheritance  which  you  unjustly  detain,  or  render  us  at 
least  that  which  we  have  so  many  times  demanded  by  our  ambassadors!^ 

1  The  account  ia  the  Ckronules,  pp.  546.  547.  of  the  embassy  and  Henry's  prepara- 
tion! far  war.  was  derived  from  Hall.  pp.  57,  58.  •  Agincourt.  pp.  a.  3. 

*  U«utnl*.  H.  *73-  4  Ibid.  iii.  289. 

>  Afimt»mr1,  appendix,  p.  5.  Englished  by  Nicolas  from  the  Histoire  dt  CkarUs 
17*  td.  Laboureor.  This  letter,  which  will  be  referred  to  again,  is  also  in  Monstrelet. 
H.  y*.  It  fe  dated  em  metre  ckatel  dt  Hamtomme  [Southampton],  an  rivage  de  fa  HUT, 
*•>•  S  l«4«Sl-  Laboureur's  text  is  dated  July  28.  St  Remy's  words  support  the 
vkw  a«Cfa*ed  in  the  text.  The  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  reply  to  the  proposals 
«*  tbeFreadi  taihaaadon  at  Winchester,  said  that  //Guienne.  Normandy,  Ac.,  were 
a"  K&tHtt  BHrjr  •*•»'  imltmtiim  de  dettemdrt  en  France ;  et,  a  Said*  de  Die*,  de 
rwMvrcr  *mt  U  nymmlm*  qui  tmi  doit  affarttntr.—St  Remy.  viL  483.  And  SO,  to 
•web  the  »»e  eflect.  Uemttrelet.  ui.  303. 


The  French  embassy,  June  1415  (Pro/.  III.).  xiii 

In  June,  1415,  the  French  ambassadors  appeared  before  Henry,  who 
was  then  at  Winchester,  and  offered  him  through  their  spokesman, 
Guillaume  Bouratier,  archbishop  of  Bourges,  "a  great  sumtne  of 
monie,  with  diuerse  countries,  being  in  verie  deed  but  base  and  poore 
as  a  dowrie  with  the  ladie  Catherine  in  marriage,  so  that  he  would 
dissolue  his  armie,  and  dismisse  his  soldiers,  which  he  had  gathered 
and  put  in  a  readinesse."  l  This  embassy  is  merely  alluded  to  by 
Shakspere  in  the  Prologue  of  Act  III.  11.  28—31 : — 

11  Suppose,  the  ambassador  from  the  French  comes  back ; 
Tells  Henry  that  the  king  doth  oiTcr  him 
Katberine  his  daughter  ;  and  with  her,  to  dowry, 
Some  petty  and  unprofitable  dukedoms." 

The  Famous  Victories  brings  in  the  archbishop  of  Bourges  as  the 
bearer  of  the  tennis-balls  ;  and  afterwards  his  grace  just  gets  back  to 
France  in  time  to  announce  Henry's  arrival.  But  the  tennis-balls' 
incident,  if  true,  belongs  to  the  preceding  year.  Shakspere,  wishing  to 
make  use  of  this  story,  places  it  in  its  right  chronological  order,  and 
passes  over  the  embassy  of  1415  with  a  brief  notice. 

[The  archbishop  of  Bourges' s  oration  "dissuading  warre,  and 
praising  peace,"  being  ended,  the  ambassadors  were  feasted,  sitting 
at  the  king's  table.  On  a  day  appointed,  Chicheley  replied  to  the 
French  proposals  by  a  speech  claiming  for  his  sovereign  Aquitaine, 
Anjou,  and  other  ancient  possessions  of  Henry's  ancestors,  as  a  dowry 
with  the  princess  Katherinc.1  Chicheley  did  not — if  we  are  to  judge 
from  the  silence  of  the  Chronicles  —  bring  forward  on  this  occasion 
Henry's  title  to  the  crown  of  France.  "  The  king/'  we  are  told, 
"auowed  the  archbishops  saieng,  and  in  the  word  of  a  prince  pro* 
mised  to  performe  it  to  the  vttermost."  Blood,  fire,  and  sword  were,  of 
course,  the  penalties  of  disobedience.  The  archbishop  of  Bourges, — 

•  «.  547238. 

•  The  archbishop  of  Bourges  finally  proposed,  4th  July,  1415.  to  add  the  city  and 
castle  of  Limoges,  which  included  (he  Urge  and  populous  towns  of  Limoges  and  Tulle. 
to  the  fifteen  towns  before  offered ;  and  pay  40.000  gold  crowns  in  addition  to  the 
princess's  dowry  of  800.000.    The  bishop  of  Winchester.  [Henry  Beaufort]  6tb  July, 
declared  the  king's  final  resolve  in  a  speech  to  this  effect :  the  conoruions  of  the 
French  ambassadori  were  insignificant  when  compared  with  the  crown  of  France,  the 
duchies  of  Normandy  and  Touraine.  the  counties  of  Anjou  and  Maine,  and  the  sove- 
reignty of  Brittany  and  Flanders ;  nor  was  the  manner  in  which  the  proffered  territory 
was  to  be  held  specified.     The  king  however  would  have  been  content  with  the  same 
conditions  a»  those  on  which  peace  was  made  with  Edward  III.  (the  treaty  of  Bretigny 
la  here  referred  to) ;  but  from  their  offers  be  was  convinced  that  their  master  was  only 
trifling  with  him.  and  he  moat  therefore  nave  reooune  to  other  means  to  obtain  juMtoe. 
This  to  Sir  H.  Ntcolas's  account,  derived  from  the  HitUirt  *  ClurUt  VI*  cd. 

r.— Afim&urt,  pp.  *j,  to. 


xi»  Portraits  tfEJuard  III  (Pro/.  II.). 


the  OtflMfcto  style  In  a  marginal  note  "a  proud  presumptuous 
t"  V—  vexed  at  the  ill  success  of  his  diplomacy,  "after  cert  cine  brags 
at  with  impatience,"  prayed  safe-conduct  to  depart.  In 
ing  it  Henry  addressed  the  French  ambassadors  with  characteristic 
of  expression.  M  I  little  esteeme,"  said  he,  "  your  French  brags, 
it  by  your  power  and  strength  ;  I  know  perfectlie  my  right  to 
my  region,  which  you  usurpe  ;  and  except  you  denie  the  appar.mt  truth, 
so  doo  your  selues  also  :  if  you  neither  doo  nor  will  know  it,  yet  God  and 
the  worldc  knoweth  it."  After  asserting  himself  to  be  the  equal  of  the 
French  king  in  puissance,  and  in  the  love  of  his  subjects,  Henry  went 
on  to  say,  "  In  the  raeane  time  tell  this  to  the  vsurper  your  master,  that 
within  three  monetbs,  I  will  enter  into  France,  as  into  mine  owne  true 
and  lawful!  patiitnonie,  not  with  brag  of  words,  but  with  deeds  of  men, 
and  dint  of  sword,  by  the  aid  of  God,  in  whome  is  my  whole  trust  and 
confidence."  He  ended,  "  I  trust  sooner  to  visit  you,  than  you  shall  haue 
cause  to  bid  me  welcome."  *] 

In  the  Prologue  of  Act  II.  L  6,  Henry  is  called  "the  mirror  of  all 
Christian  kings."  For  this  title  Sbakspere  was  perhaps  indebted  to 
Hall,*  who,  in  closing  bis  review  of  the  king's  character,  asserts  that 
Henry  V.  was  "  the  blasyng  comete  and  apparent  lanterne  in  his  dales, 
At  mirror  of  Christendome,  and  the  glory  of  his  countrcy,  he  was  the 
floure  of  kynges  passed,  and  a  glasse  to  them  that  should  succcde." 
LL8—  10, 

"  For  now  sits  Expectation  in  the  air  ; 
And  hides  a  sword,  from  hilts  unto  the  point, 
With  crowns  imperial,  crowns,  and  coronets  ;" 

contain  a  reminiscence  of  the  wood-cut  portrait4  of  Edward  III.  in  the 
CkromicUs  (ist  ed.).  The  king  there  appears  bearing  a  sword,  encircled 
near  the  point  by  two  crowns. 

•  The  spirited  speech  of  the  archbishop  of  Bourges,  to  which  our  historians  generally 
apply  bard  terms,  will  be  found  in  Momstreiet,  iii.  303,  304.    Hall  (pp.  58,  59)  englished 
to.    The  CkromicUt  omit  it.    According  to  Des  Units,  whom  Nicolas  quotes,  the 
archbtsbop  reminded  the  king  of  the  insecure  title  he  had  even  to  the  crown  of  England. 
—Afimtvmrt.  p.  31. 

•  The  account  of  the  French  embassy  in  the  Chronicles,  pp.  547,  548,  is  derived  from 
H»U.  pp.  58.  59.    Moostreiet  (iii.  301—303)  is  his  authority.     Henry's  speech  (Ck. 
S47/**9  :  Hall.  p.  59)  to  not  in  Monstrelet.     Henry  was  considered  to  have  acted 
geacfumly  in  giring  the  ambassadors  a  safe-conduct  to  depart.—  EtmAam,  p.  30. 


>  Hilt.  p.  it).  Henry  V.  "both  liued  and  died  a  paterae  in  princchood,  a  lode- 
ttam  !•  honour,  and  [a]  mimtir  of  magnificence."  —  Ck.  583/2/61. 

«  Eaffrara!  in  the  Illustrations  of  Act  II.  Henry  V..  in  Knight's  Pictorial  Shaksfert. 
IB  RaddTs  Ptttymt  •/PtofU  there  is  an  imposing  full  length  portrait  of  Edward  III. 


Conspiracy  against  Henry  (II.  it.).  *v 

Passing  over  the  first  scene — where  the  characters  are  taken  solely 
from  Elizabethan  London,  and  not  from  books — to  the  consideration  of 
Act  II.  sc.  ii.,  it  is  first  to  be  noted  that  the  Chronicles '  gave  Shakspere  no 
hint  for  the  dramatic  method  by  which  Henry  leads  the  traitors  on  to 
their  self-condemnation.  According  to  the  Chronults,  their  treason  was 
discovered  the  night  before  the  day  fixed  for  the  king's  departure  from 
England.  After  the  conspirators  had  confessed  their  plot,  which  was 
either  to  betray  the  king  to  the  French,  or  murder  him  before  leaving 
England, — the  inducement  thereto  being  a  large  bribe  *  from  the  French 
court, — Henry  assembled  his  nobles,  and  doomed  the  traitors  in  the 
words  paraphrased  in  11.  166—181.  The  king  said,  addressing  the 
criminals,  "  Hauing  thus  conspired  the  death  and  destruction  of  me, 
which  am  the  head  of  the  realme  and  goucrnour  of  the  people,  it  raaie 
be  (no  doubt)  but  that  you  likewise  baue  sworne  the  confusion  of  all 
that  are  here  with  me,  and  also  the  desolation  of  your  owne  countrie. 
To  what  horror  (O  lord)  for  any  true  English  hart  to  consider,  that  such 
an  execrable  iniquitie  should  euer  so  bewrap  you,  as  for  pleasing  of  a 
forren  cnimic  to  imbrue  your  hands  in  your  bloud,  and  to  mine  your 
owne  natiue  soile.  Reuenge  herein  touching  my  person,  though  I  seeke 
not ;  yet  for  the  safegard  of  you  my  deere  freends  &  for  due  presentation 
of  all  sorts,  I  am  by  office  to  cause  example  to  be  shewed.  Get  ye 
hence  therefore  ye  poorc  miserable  wretches  to  the  rcceiuing  of  your 
iust  reward,  wherein  Gods  maicstie  giue  you  grace  of  his  mercie  and 
repentance  of  your  heinous  offenses."  * 

The  whole  of  Henry's  first  speech  beginning, 

"  The  mercy,  that  was  quick  in  us  but  late, 
By  your  own  counsel  is  suppress'd  and  kilTd  :  " 

is  due  to  Shaksperc's  invention,  save  only  11.  94—99,  and  127— 137,— in 
which  the  king  inveighs  against  the  ingratitude  of  Scrope, — which  were 

1  The  account  in  the  CkromUUs,  pp.  548, 549,  of  the  conspiracy  to  derived  from  //a//, 
pp.  60,  61 .  St  Rcmy'i  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  traitors  bean  a  curious  rewnv 
blance  to  Sbakspere's  scene.  This  chronicler  relates  that  the  conspirators  advised  the 
•art  of  March  to  feign  sickness  as  an  excuse  for  not  going  with  the  king  to  France ; 
promising  to  place  the  earl  on  the  throne  during  Henry's  absence.  March  revealed 
this  proposal  to  Henry,  and  the  king  thereupon  called  a  council,  and  after  declaring  bis 
knowledge  of  a  plot  to  deprive  him  of  his  crown,  asked  his  nobles  what  should  be  done 
to  the  men  who  were  guilty  of  such  treachery.  The  question  was  put  to  each  lord  in 
•secession,  and  the  conspirators  replied  thai  such  traitors  ought  to  suffer  a  death  so  cruet 
as  to  be  a  warning  toothers.  Henry  then  confronted  the  earl  of  March  with  Cambridge 
and  his  accomplices,  who  speedily  confessed  their  guilt— St  Remy.  vii.  488.  489. 

•  "A  myllyoo  of  gold."— (Canton,  Ckrom.  ed.  1481.  sign,  t  5.  back.)    And  so 
Lydgale  in  a  poem,  Hart.  MS.  565.  referred  to  above.— Agimtemrt,  p.  43.  note. 

*  Ck.  548/3/34.    Henry's  speech  in  Halt.  p.  61,  differ*  verbally,  but  not  substan- 
tially, from  the  CkroititU*  version. 


Jtri       Scropts  ingratitude.     Cambridge's  motives  (II.  ii.). 


by  the  following  passage  in  the  Chronicles  :  l  "  The  said  lord 
Sctope  was  in  such  fauour  with  the  king,  that  he  admitted  him  sometimes 
to  be  hi*  bedfellow  («*  Act  II.  sc.  ii.,  L  8),  in  whose  fidclitie  the  king 
rapoted  inch  trust,  that  when  anie  priuat  or  publike  councell  was  in 
hand,  this  lord  had  much  in  the  determination  of  it.  For  he  represented 
•to  great  grauitie  in  his  countenance,  such  modest  ie  in  behauiour,  and 
to  vertuous  xeale  to  all  godlinesse  in  his  talke,  that  whatsoeuer  he  said 
was  thought  for  the  most  part  neccssarie  to  be  doone  and  followed." 
The  obscure  words  of  Cambridge,  11.  155—  157* 

"  For  me,—  the  gold  of  France  did  not  seduce  ; 
Although  I  did  admit  it  as  a  motive, 
The  sooner  to  effect  what  I  intended," 

refer  to  a  statement  in  the  Chronicles  *  whereby  we  learn  that  the  carl 
of  Cambridge  hoped  to  raise  his  brother-in-law,  Edmund  Mortimer, 
earl  of  March,  to  the  throne  ;  and  —  as  the  latter  was  unlikely  to  have 
any  issue  —  to  succeed  him. 

"  And  therefore  (as  was  thought)  he  rather  confessed  himsclfc  for 

I  need  of  monie  to  be  corrupted  by  the  French  king,  than  he  would 

declare  his  inward  mind,  and  open  his  verie  intent  and  secret  purpose, 


1  Cm.  $48/3/3-  The  CkronUlu  follow  Walsingkam  and  Afomstrelet  here. 
AMUW  mamqtu  [Scrope]  tamtam  gravitatem  in  vitltu,  tantam  in  gestu  modestiam, 
Umiam  im  afatm  rtlifiomtm,  ml  qtticquid  ifse  dictasset,  velut  oraculum  t  each  lapsum 
Hot  fftfttn  JUri  jmttifant,"  —  Walsingham,  ii.  305.  Men  often  slept  together  in 
At  •1Mb  ages.  It  was  a  "  curtasye  "  to  offer  your  bed-fellow  his  choice  of  a  place  in 
the  bed.  See  Tht  Bates  Book,  ed.  Furnivall,  307/293.  Monstrelet  is  the  authority 
for  the  statement  that  Scrope  was  Henry's  bed-fellow,  Uqutl  [Scrope]  eouchoit 
tvmtit  let  mutts  avtc  U  roi.  —  iii.  312.  His  ungrateful  return  for  the  king's  con- 
ftdence  was  considered  to  have  so  aggravated  Scrape's  guilt  that  he  was  drawn 
from  the  Westgate  to  the  Northgate  of  Southampton  to  be  beheaded.—  Agincourt,  p. 
41.  According  to  Walsimgkam  Henry's  confidence  enabled  Scrope  to  carry  on  a 
intercourse  with  the  French,  while  he  aroused  the  king  with  hopes  of 
i  from  them.  On  their  return  the  French  ambassadors  assured 
that  Henry  bad  either  abandoned  his  enterprise,  or,  as  was  more 
likely,  was  slain.—  ii.  305,  306. 

•  Ck.  548/2/72.  Nicolas  disbelieves  this  statement,  because  although  the  earl 
of  Cambridge  bad  married  Anne,  daughter  of  Roger  earl  of  March,  her  brother 
alive,  and  only  twenty-three  years  of  age.  But  Hall,  who  is  followed 
by  HoUnshcd,  says  that  the  earl  of  Cambridge,  "  consideryng  that  the  carle  of 
!  for  dtaene  secrete  impediments  was  not  hable  to  haue  generation,  he  was  sure 
come  to  him  by  his  wife,  or  to  his  children,"  p.  6r.  Hall 
this  account  with  the  expression,  "diuerse  write,"  but  does  not  name  bis 
Goodwin,  in  his  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fifth,  p.  64,  states  that  the  earl  was 
by  the  French  ministers  of  his  wife's  claim  to  the  crown  ;  and  Nicolas 
his  authority  to  have  been  an  anonymous  historian  of  the  reign  of  Henry 
VI..  whose  MS.  was  then  in  the  possession  of  D.  J.  Sotheby.—  Agincourt,  pp. 
43-44- 


Richard's  death  avenged.  xvii 

which  if  it  were  espied,  he  saw  pl.iinlie  that  the  carle  of  March  should 
haue  tasted  of  the  same  cuppe  that  he  had  drunken,  and  what  should 
haue  come  to  his  owne  children  he  much  doubted."1  This  story  U 
contradicted  by  the  Chronicles  themselves,  for  we  find  further  on  that 
the  earl  of  Cambridge  and  Sir  Thomas  Grey  were  distinctly  charged 
with  such  a  conspiracy  in  their  indictment.* 

In  this  episode  we  have  the  firit  sign  of  the  Nemesis  which  was  to 
follow  Richard's  de.ith.  Once  again,1  in  this  brilliant  and  triumphant 
play  we  see  the  shadow  of  the  corning  retribution,  when  the  firm  heart 
of  the  king,  resolute  to  face  earthly  foes,  quails  at  the  thought  of 
Richard's  appeal  for  vengeance,  and  he  cries, 

"  Not  to-day,  O  Lord, 
O,  not  to-day,  think  not  upon  the  fault 
My  father  made  in  compassing  the  crown  !  "* 

A'e  may  well  imagine  that  Shakspere's  eye  rested  on  the  comment 
which  the  chronicler  makes  after  recording  Henry's  speech  to  his 
lords  on  the  discovery  of  the  plot.  "  This  doone,  the  king  thought 
that  suerlie  all  treason  and  conspiracic  bad  bccne  vtterlie  extinct :  not 
suspecting  the  fire  which  was  newlie  kindled,  and  ceassed  not  to  increase, 
till  at  length  it  bur^t  out  into  such  a  flam.-,  that  catching  the  beames  of 

•  Ck.  549/1/8. 

•  Ck.  549  i  25.     From  the  parliamentary  rolls,  iv.  65.  66  (perhaps  the  Ckroaidtf 
authority),  it  appears  that  the  earl  of  Cambridge  and  Sir  Thomas  Grey  were  charged 
with  having  conspired  to  conduct  the  earl  of  March  to  the  frontiers  of  Wales,  and 
there  proclaim  him  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne,  in  case  Richard  II.  was  actually 
dead.     Henry  V.  was  to  be  styled  in  a  proclamation,  "  Henry  of  Lancaster,  Usurper 
of  England."    A  certain  Thomas  de  Trumpyngton,  who  resembled  Richard  II.  in 
person,  was  to  be  brought  from  Scotland,  with  Henry  Percy  and  many  Scots,  to  make 
war  against  the  king.    The  dukes  of  Clarence.  Bedford,  aad  Gloucester,  and  other 
magmaits  were  to  be  put  to  death.    Lord  Scrope  was  accused  of  knowing  and  con- 
cealing these  designs.    Sir  Thomas  Grey  was  sentenced  by  a  commission,  consisting 
of  seven  peers,  a  knight,  two  judges,  and  a  common  jury,  appointed  to  try  the  three 
conspirators,  out  the  earl  of  Cambridge  and  Lord  Scrope  having  iffmieA  to  the 
judgment  of  their  peers,  a  new  commission  was  formed,  presided  over  by  the  duke  of 
Clarence,  which  simply  reviewed  the  proceedings  of  the  previous  tribunal,  and  confirmed 
its  sentence  without  hearing  any  evidence.    The  French  bribe  was  not  mentioned  in 
the  conspirators'  condemnation.  The  earl  of  March  was  on  this  commission.   He  was 
accused  by  the  earl  of  Cambridge  of  assenting  to  the  scheme  for  placing  him  on  the 
throne.—  Afimeturt.  pp.  38—44.    Monstrelet  says  that  he  revealed  the  plot  to  Henry 
and  named  the  traitors— Ui.  31*.    The  conspirators  confessed  their  guilt.    The  con- 
fession of  the  earl  of  Cambridge,  and  a  letter  beseeching  mercy,  addressed  to  Henry 
V.,  will  be  found  in  the  appendix,  Agimtvmri.  pp.  19.  so.    Richard  earl  of  Cambridge 
was  the  second  son  of  Edmund  of  Langtey,  the  duke  of  York  in  Riekant  //..  and 
brother  of  the  duke  of  York  In  this  pUjr,  who  was  Aumerle  to  Kifkant  II.    Conrtenav 
•ays  that  Lord  Scrope  WM  a  nephew  of  Archbishop  Scrope ;  and  Sir  Thomas  Grey  was 
of  the  same  family— perhaps  a  lineal  ancestor— of  Earl  Gny.—C*mmt*tjntt  om  tkt 
Hntorittl  Pla/i  •/  SkaMiftrt.  I.  174.  175.  notes.  »  Act  IV.  sc.  i.  n.  309—311. 

C  t 


xviii     Henry's  doting  */x*fA  (II.  ».)•     Black  Prince  (II.  iv.). 


hit 


and  familie,  bis  line  and  stocke  was  cleane  consumed  to 


At  the  conspirator*  pass  out  to  tbeir  punishment,  the  king  turns  to 
bit  lords,  and  cries  :— 

"  Now,  Iord«,  for  France  ;  the  enterprise  whereof 
Shall  be  to  you,  as  us,  like  glorious. 
We  doubt  not  of  a  fair  and  lucky  war  ; 
Since  Cod  so  graciously  hath  brought  to  light 
This  dangerous  treason,  lurking  in  our  way, 
To  hinder  our  beginnings; — we  doubt  not  now 
But  every  rub  is  smoothed  in  our  way."* 

The  Ckronults*  relate  how,  after  the  traitors  were  led  forth  for 
execution,  "  the  king  calling  his  lords  againe  afore  him,  said  in  words 
few,  and  with  good  grace.  Of  his  enterprises  he  recounted  the  honor 
and  glorie,  whereof  they  with  him  were  to  be  partakers,  the  great 
confidence  he  had  in  their  noble  minds,  which  could  not  but  remember 
them  of  the  famous  feats  that  their  ancestors  aforetime  in  France  had 
atchieved,  whereof  the  due  report  for  cuer  recorded  remained  yet  in 
register.  The  great  mcrcie  of  God  that  had  so  gratiouslie  revealed 
rnto  him  the  treason  at  hand,  whereby  the  true  harts  of  those  afore  him 
[were]  made  so  eminent  &  apparant  in  his  eie,  as  they  might  be  right 
sure  be  would  ncucr  forget  it." 

The  following  passage  in  the  Chronicles*  may  be  considered  a 
sufficient  authority  for  the  council  held  by  Charles  VI.  in  order  to 
concert  measures  for  resisting  the  English  invasion.5  "  The  French 
king  being  aducrtised,  that  king  Henrie  was  arriued  on  that  coast,  sent 
in  all  hast  the  lord  de  la  Breth  constable  of  France,  the  seneshall  of 
France,  the  lord  Bouciqualt  marshall  of  France,  the  seneshall  of 
Henault,  the  lord  Lignie  with  other,  which  fortified  townes  with  men, 
victuals,  and  artillerie  on  all  those  frontiers  towards  the  sea."  The 
speeches  are  imaginary,  the  French  king's  words  only — 

"  Whiles  that  his  mountain  sire, — on  mountain  standing, 

Up  in  the  air,  crown'd  with  the  golden  sun, — 

Saw  his  heroical  seed,  and  smiled  to  see  him 

Mangle  the  work  of  nature,  and  deface 

The  patterns  that  by  God,  and  by  French  fathers 

Had  twenty  years  been  made."  ' 

*  Ck.  548/9/66.     From  Hall.  p.  61.  *  Act  II.  sc.  ii.  11.  182—188. 

>  Ck.  548/9/43.  The  speech  in  Hall,  p.  61,  differs  substantially  from  the  Ckroniclet 
vetakm.  It's  querulous  and  distrustful. 

«  Ck.  549  a  55-     Hall,  p.  62.  s  Act  II.  sc.  iv. 

•  Act  II.  ic.  ir.  U.  57—62.    There  is  a  somewhat  similar  scene  in  the  Famotu 
MUM*  BHftfs  &t.  Lit.  PL  II.  TOL  L  pp.  356—359. 


Exttfr's  tmlassy  (II.  iv.J.    Henry's  fact  (Pro/.  III.).         *i« 

as  well  as  the  similar  lines  in  Chicbcley's  speech,1  being  suggested 
by  the  account  in  the  Chronicles  of  the  battle  of  Crlcy,  where  we 
read  how  Edward  III.  viewed  the  prowess  of  bis  son,  "  where  he  stood 
aloft  on  a  windmill  hill."1  Shakspere  has  made  Exeter  prefer  Henry's 
claim  to  the  crown,  after  the  king  had  landed  in  France.  "  For  he  is 
footed  in  this  land  already  "  (1.  143).  As  we  have  seen,  the  embassy  in 
which  Exeter  took  part,  was  sent  before  preparations  for  war  were  begun. 
The  Chronicles*  relate  how  Henry,  ere  leaving  Southampton,  "first 
princelie  appointing  to  aduertise  the  French  king  of  his  comming, 
therefore  dispatched  Antelope,  his  pursuant  at  armes,  with  letters  to 
him  for  restitution  of  that  which  he  wrongfully  withheld,  contrarie  to  the 
lawes  of  God  and  man  :  the  king  further  declaring  how  soric  he  was 
that  he  should  be  thus  compelled  for  repeating  of  bis  right  and  iust  title 
of  inheritance,  to  make  warrc  to  the  destruction  of  Christian  people,  but 
sitbens  be  bad  offered  peace  which  could  not  be  receiued,  now  for  fault 
of  Justice,  he  was  forced  to  take  armcs.  Neuerthelcsse  exhorted  the 
French  king  in  the  bowels  ofjesu  Christ ',  to  render  him  that  which  was 
his  owne,  whereby  effusion  of  Christian  bloud  might  be  auoided." 
This  letter  has  supplied  Shakspere  with  one  line  of  Exeter's  speech: 

"And  bids  you,  in  the  bowels  of  the  Lord, 
Deliver  up  the  crown."  • 

On  Sunday,  Aug.  1 1,  1415,  the  wind  being  fair,  Henry  set  sail.'  His 
fleet  numbered  about  a  thousand  vessels.  To  the  magnitude  of  the 
fleet,4  Sbaksperc  calls  attention  in  the  Prologue  of  Act  III.  1.  15  :  "A 

*  Act  I.  sc.  ii.  II.  108-110. 

*  CM.  372,3,36.    The  prince  was  hardly  beset,  and  "smt  a  messengar  to  the 
kynge  who  was  on  a  lytell  wyndmill  hill "  to  ask  for  help.     Edward  refused,  and  bad* 
the  messenger  (ell  (be  earls  of  Warwick  and  Stafford,  who  bad  sent  him,  to  suffer  the 
prince  "  this  day  10  wynne  his  spurres,  for  if  God  be  pleased,  I  woll  (his  journey  be 
bis  and  (he  honour  tlicrof  and  (o  them  (hat  be  abou(e  hyra."— Berner's  Fnuiurt. 
quoted  in  note  (o  Johnes's  Frviuart.  i.  167,  ed.  1848. 

'  548/i/44>  No*s  t*k»rt«u  it  tmtraiiltt  dt  Jttmt-Ckritt.— Monstrelet.  hi.  309.  A 
translation  of  this  letter,  and  two  others  writfn  by  Henry,  taken  by  Nicolas  from 
the  Hntoirt  dt  Ckarfa  17..  ed.  Latioureur,  with  Charles's  answer  to  them,  from 
Dtt  Unim.  will  be  found  in  Agiittomrt,  appendix,  pp.  i — 7.  The  dates  run  from 
April  7  to  August  24.  1415.  4  Act  II.  sc.  iv.  1.  too. 

*  The  royal  ship  was  named  U  Trimilt.—GttU,  p.  13. 

*  The  numbers  given  by  different  chroniclers  vary  from  toco  to  acoo  ships.    The 
above  estimate  is  Livim't,  p.  8.  whom  the  CknnuUt  follow.    Nicolas' s  estimates  for 
the  army  are  :  about  2500  men-at-nrms,  4000  hone  arcbcii,  4000  foot-archers,  and 
looo  miners,  gunners,  artizans.  labourers,  ftc.    Each  man-at-«nns  would  be  accom- 
panied by  bis  valctte.  and  men  of  rank  might  bring  each  on*  or  more  servants,  which 
would  raise  (be  total,  say.  to  about  y>.aoo.—Afime»*rt.  p.  47.  48.  Lists  of  (he  army 
win  be  found  in  Agim«>»ri.  pp.  333—963.  and  373—3*9.    On  the  i3th.  the  fleet 
anchored  at  a  place  called    Kldecaws  by  the  author  of  (he  G*it*.  a  headland  of 
the  Pays  de  Caux,  distant  about  three  rail*  from   Harfleur.    Ckitif  dt  C*ml*. 


xx  7/i*«ry'j  landing.     Inactivity  of  the  French. 

cfcy  on  the  inconstant  billows  dancing."  LL  32—34  picture  to  us  "  the 
nimble  gunner," '  who— 

"  With  linstock  now  the  devilish  cannon  touches, 

And  down  goes  all  before  them." 

The  Cltr9*i(Us*  mention  "cngins  and  ordinance,"  as  used  by  Henry 
at  Harfkur,  and  Elmham  grandiloquently  records  the  havoc  caused  by 
the  cannon. 

[The  king's  landing  was  unopposed.  The  French  were,  it  would  seem, 
taken  by  surprise.  The  landing-place  was  defended  by  fosse  and 
rampart, — between  the  points  where  the  cliff  was  too  precipitous  to  be 
•caled,  and  a  marsh  lying  in  the  direction  of  Harflcur, — but  its  guardians 
were  absent.  Plenty  of  rocks  and  stones  available  for  missiles  were  at 
hand.'  If  we  may  trust  Elmhatn's  pompous  expressions,  nobles  and 
peasant*  alike  fled  panic-stricken  to  spread  the  news  of  the  invasion.4 
Reinforcements  were  thrown  into  Harflcur  before  the  blockade  was 
completed,*  but  troops  could  not  be  collected  in  sufficient  numbers  to 
raise  the  siege.*  The  utmost  the  French  were  then  able  to  do  was  to 
guard  other  places  in  Normandy,  and  skirmish  with  the  English  when 
in  quest  of  provisions.  Just  after  apparently— there  is  a  discrepancy  in 
the  date — the  capture  of  Harflcur,  a  summons  for  a  general  muster  was 
issued  by  Charles  VI.  and  his  council.  The  dissensions  in  France 
caused  these  delays.  The  nobles  of  Picardy  disregarded  a  previous 
summons,  because  the  duke  of  Burgundy  had  enjoined  them  to  obey 
no  order7  save  his.  Finally,  the  two  great  rivals,  the  dukes  of  Orleans 

according  to  the  writer  of  the  Chronique  de  Normandie,  p.  168  (Gesta,  pp.  167 — 208), 
and  the  editor  of  the  Gesta  explains  in  a  note  that  Kidecaws  is  an  English  corruption 
of  (kief  (or  (tiff)  dt  CJHX,  the  headland  or  promontory  of  the  Pays  de  Caux. — Gesta, 
p.  13. 

1  "  The  nimble  gunner,"  and  the  "  chambers  "  he  let  off  caused  the  destruction  of 
the  Globe  Theatre.  "  Vpon  S.  Peters  day  last "  [1613]  the  Globe  was  burnt  down 
"  bjr  negligent  discharging  of  a  peale  of  Ordnance,  close  to  the  South  side  thereof,  the 
Thatch  took  fire,"  &c.  The  house  was  "filled  with  people,  to  behold  the  play,  viz.  of 
Htmrj  the  eight."  No  one  was  hurt.  Stow's  Annales,  ed.  Howes,  1631,  p.  1003 
(ugn.  I  iii).  It  was  rebuilt  much  more  handsomely,  witness  the  Water  Poet : 
"As  gold  is  better  that's  in  fier  try'd, 

So  is  the  Bank-side  Globe,  that  late  was  burn'd, 
For  where  before  it  had  a  thatched  hide, 

Now  to  a  stately  theatre  'is  turn'd." 

— J.  Taylor'i  Skttller,  p.  31,  Ep.  xxii.  Variorum  Skakspere,  iii.  68. 
"  Ci.  549 'a, '73.  Elmham,  cap.  xx. ;  Livius,  pp.  9,  10  ;  and  the  Geita,  capp.  v.— 
ti..  describe  the  siege  operations.  Henry  used  cannon  at  the  siege.  Elmham  speaks  of 
the  JMMtfto  tajthroma,  at  oris  ignivomi  faucibtis  mira  quaittilatis  la  fides  ajfftatu 
vt&fmtmlitrim*  4  vioUntia  mirabili  exsfuencia,  their  thundering  reports,  and  the 
dotroction  and  terror  caused  by  them.— p.  43.  The  usual  catapults  and  balistae  were 
•ployed  abo. 

»  GftU,  pp.  14.  15.  *  Elmham.  p.  37. 

p.  ao.  •  Afonstreltt,  iii.  316.  1  Monstrelet,  iii.  322. 


Ilarflenr  iesief*cd  (III.  i.  ii.).  xxi 

and  Burgundy,  were  induced  to  send  their  forces  for  the  support  of  the 
common  cause,  and  the  former  headed  them  in  person.1 

On  the  i/th  of  August,  Henry  appeared  before  Harfleur,  and  on  the 
1 9th  the  lines  of  circumvallation  were  drawn  close.*]  The  siege  was  carried 
on  chiefly  by  mining  operations.  This  kind  of  warfare  is,  of  course,  quite 
unfitted  for  dramatic  representation,  and  Shakspere  has  therefore  very 
properly  departed  from  his  authority  here,' and  introduced  Henry,  cheer- 
ing on  his  soldiers  as  if  for  a  general  assault.  Some  outworks,4  however, 
were  taken  by  storm,  and  these  words  in  the  Chronicles?  "  And  dailie  was 
the  towne  assaulted,"  are,  we  shall  most  likely  agree,  warrant  enough  for 
the  splendid  speech  beginning : — 

"  Once  more  unto  the  breach,  dear  friends,  once  more ; 
Or  close  the  wall  up  with  our  English  dead  !" 

[A  contemporary  chronicler4  records  an  address  of  Henry's  to  his  men 
at  the  siege  of  Harfleur,  which  in  its  homely  naiveti  affords  a  curious 
contrast  to  Shakspcrc's  lofty  rhetoric.  The  king  said,  "  felowys,  bcj>  a 
good  chcr<-,  &  ablowc  yow  &  kele  yow  wel  [be  of  good  cheer,  and  take 
your  breath,  and  cool  yourselves  well]  &  cowmyth  vp  alUr  w/tA  yowr* 
ese,  for*  w/M  |>*  loue  of  godc  we  schull  haue  good  tydynges." — F.  J.  F.J 

In  assigning  the  direction  of  the  mines  to  the  duke  of  Gloucester,' 
Shakspere  has  followed  the  Chronicles.  [Attempts  to  capture  the  place 
by  mining  were  twice  defeated  by  the  enemy's  countermines,  and  severe 
tijhting  took  place  underground.  The  .English  were,  says  Elmbam,'  on 
account  of  the  long  truces,  unskilled  in  this  species  of  warfare.  On  the 
night  of  the  i7th  of  September,  an  incessant  shower  of  stones  was  burled 
from  the  military  engines  upon  Harfleur.  The  king  intended  to  storm 
the  town  next  day,  and  hoped  thus  to  wear  out  the  besieged.*  This  led 
to  negotiations  for  a  truce. 

In  describing  the  capitulation  the  Chronicles*  follow  Wabingham." 
Finding  the  town  was  no  longer  defensible, the  custodts**  Q[  Harfleur  sent 

1  Monstidet,  iii.  3*5.  *  Gttta.  p.  ao.  >  Act  III.  «c.  I.  H.  1—34. 

•  The  capture  of  ao  outwork  called  "  the  bulwerke  "  is  specially  mentioned.—^/./. 
p.  »8.  »  Ck.  54ft 8/69. 

•  Cott.  Cleop.  4.  leaf  aa. 

'  Ck,  549 '3/70.    Elmkam,  p.  42.   Livimi.  p.  9.          •  Elmkam,  p.  45. 

•  Gtila.  p.  ao.  *•  Ck.  550/1/17. 
"    Wtltimgkam.  »•  308. 

"  Moostrekt  says  the  seigneur  d'Ertoutvilk  was  the  captain  of  Harfleur.  Several 
other  •dcnenn,— whose  names  Monttrafet  fiva.— and  many  cbevaUen.  and  iquire*. 
forming  a  gmrrison  of  about  400  men-al-amu,  were  in  the  town.— MonttrtUt,  iii.  313. 
One  of  then  •rigneur*— de  Gaucourt— brought  in  the  reinforcement  for  Harfleur.  to 
which  1  have  referred  above.  According  to  Waltimgktm,  ii.  307,  the  teigneura 
d'Eatoutvflle.  d'Hacqueville,  and  de  Clera  were  ciuleJti  of  Harfleur,  and  negotiated 
Its  MI  tender. 


llarjifitr  capitulates  (III.  iii.). 

a  •CffMOt-at-artm  on  the  night  of  Tuesday  the  i7th  of  September,  to 
the  duke  of  Clarence,  to  request  him  to  intercede  with  the  king  for  the 
appointment  of  commissioners  '  on  Henry's  side  to  discuss  with  them  the 
terms  of  surrender.  They  asked  for  a  truce  until  the  6th  of  October, 
offering,  If  the  king  of  France  or  the  Dauphin  did  not  raise  the  siege 
before  that  date,  to  give  up  the  town,  provided  the  garrison  were  allowed 
to  depart  unharmed  in  person  and  property.  Henry  at  first  demanded 
an  unconditional  surrender  on  the  following  morning,  but  afterwards 
yielded  so  far  as  to  grant  a  truce,  which  was  to  last  until  one  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  September  22nd.  Twenty-two  knights,  squires, 
and  principal  inhabitants  of  I  iartlcur  were  to  become  hostages,  and  it 
relief  did  not  arrive  before  the  truce  expired,  the  town  was  to  be  surren- 
dered, and  the  lives  and  goods  of  its  inhabitants  were  to  rest  at  Henry's 
mercy.  According  to  other  writers,*  as  the  Chronicles  have  noticed,  the 
terms  agreed  on  were,  that  Harfleur  should  be  surrendered  if  not  relieved 
within  six  days,  thirty  men  of  rank  were  then  to  be  delivered  up  to 
Henry,  either  for  death  or  ransom,  the  garrison  and  citizens  being 
permitted  to  depart  without  their  arms  and  goods.  These  conditions 
were  confirmed  by  the  delivery  of  twelve  hostages.  The  French  were 
to  be  allowed  in  the  mean  while  to  send  messages  to  King  Charles  and 
the  Dauphin  to  ask  for  aid.] 

The  governor  of  Harfleur  answers  Henry's  su.nmons  to  surrender  in 
these  words : — 

"The  Dauphin,  whom  of  succours  we  entreated, 
Returns  us — that  his  powers  are  yet  not  rctniy, 
To  raise  so  great  a  siege"  * 

"  The  lord  Bacquevil  *  was,"  we  learn  from  the  Chronicles?  "  sent  vnto 
the  French  king,  to  declare  in  what  point  the  towne  stood.  To  whome 
the  Dolphin  answered,  that  the  kings  power  was  not  yet  assembled,  in 
such  number  as  was  convenient  to  raise  so  great  a  siege"  The  duke  of 
Exeter  received  the  governorship  of  Harfleur.' 

1  The  commissioners  appointed  were,  the  earl  of  Dorset  [Exeter],  Lord  Fitz  Hugh, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham. —  Walsingham,  ii.  308. 
'  F.lmkjm.  p.  47.  °   I.ivtHS.  pp.  10,  II. 

*  Act  III.  sc.  in.  11.  45—47. 

4  GuilUume  Mattel,  seigneur  de  Bacqueville,  one  of  the  defenders  of  HarftVur,  was 
afterwards  killed  at  Agincourt.  He  bore  the  Oriflamme,  which  was  then  displayed  for 
the  last  time.  It  was  of  bright  scarlet,  with  several  swallow  tails. — Agimcourt,  p. 
115,  awl  note,  and  Monttrtltt,  iii.  313.  The  Oriflamme  and  some  other  banners  borne 
M  Ay  Dcourt  are  engraved  in  Agituomrt.  p.  330. 

»  Ck,  550  i  68.     Hall,  p.  62  ;  MomttrtUt,  iii.  316. 

•  Ck,  550  a  31.    Hall,  p.  6a     His  lieutenant  was  Sir  John  Fastolfc,  whom  we  meet 
vHk  ta  Hemry  Y/.  Pt.  I.      Monstrclet  dills  the  governor  appointed  by  Henry  sire 

327. 


The  march  to  Calais.  xxiii 

[As  the  winter  was  approaching,  the  king  resolved  to  close  the 
campaign,  and  march  to  Calais.1  The  latter  step  was  attended  with 
peril,  for  his  forces  were  greatly  diminished  by  sickness,*  and  a  large 
French  army  was  collected  to  bar  his  progress.  Moreover,  "The 
French  king  hearing  that  the  towne  of  Harflue  was  gotten,  and  that  the 
king  of  England  was  marching1  forward  into  the  bowels  of  the  rc.Uinc 

1  While  at  Harfteur  Henry  formally  challenged  the  Dauphin  either  to  acknowledge 
his  title,  or  meet  him  in  single  combat ;  the  succession  to  the  French  throne  after  the 
death  of  Charles  VI.  was  to  fall  to  the  victor.  See  the  Gate,  pp.  34.  35.  and  the 
challenge  from  the  Faedera  in  the  appendix  to  As>i*to*rt,  p.  39.  Receiving  no 
answer  within  the  time  limited,  the  king  held  a  council.— on  the  5th  of  October  as 
Nicolas  conjectures,  Agimeourt.  p.  73. — to  consider  whether  he  should  return  al  once 
to  England  by  sea,  or  march  overland  to  Calais.  He  decided  on  the  latter  course  on 
the  ground  that  be  wished  to  see  his  dominions,  was  under  divine  protection,  and  must 
not  suffer  the  enemy  to  accuse  him  of  losing  his  right  through  fear.— Liviiu,  p.  ta. 
Nicolas  has  collected  and  considered  the  estimates  of  the  army  which  marched  to 
Agincourt.  They  are  hopelessly  at  variance, — the  French  being  if  course  much  larger 
than  the  English.  Taking  the  roll  of  those  who  were  present  at  Agincourt  as  a  guide, 
Nkolas's  estimate  is  from  6000  to  9000  fighting  men. — Agiitcs*rt,  pp.  74 — 78. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Henry  quitted  Harfleur  on  the  ist  of  October,  as  the  writer 
of  a  brief  itinerary  in  Hardyng,  pp.  389 — 391,  and  some  MS.  authorities  stale,  or  on 
the  8th,  according  to  the  Get  fa.  See  Agincourt,  p.  81.  and  note.  If  the  former  are 
right,  Henry  must  have  taken  ten  days  to  get  from  Harfleur  to  Arques.  a  distance  of 
about  forty  miles,  for  from  the  Gesta  it  appears  tli.it  he  was  at  Arques  on  the  nth.  For 
the  details  of  the  march,  see  Agincourt,  pp.  81 — 104 ;  ar.d  the  Gtsta,  engUsbed  by 
Nicolas,  pp.  219 — 243.  compared  with  other  chroniclers,  and  illustrated  with  notes. 

*  Both  besieged  and  besiegers  suffered  from  dysentery,  but  the  English  more 
severely.     Snt  ealort  inastueto  ferutti,  sen  potacioni  post  graves  tudorts  indiurtte 
dediti,  vtl  crudarum  camium  tin  ntgligenti  nrfiut  talurali,  in  ventru  Jluxum 
gravisiimum  sunt  dejecli.— Elmham,  p.  44.    Walsingham  also  says.  Durantt  elsidiome 
rtfa/i,  plurts  t*  eta  fruclitum  el  algore  Medium,  futortqut  tadtverum  dhvriarum 
pecudum,  quat  maelavere  per  cattrorum  circuitum,  et  me*  operueranl  cetpitilui  tivt 
terra,  met  tn/eeerant  in  ayuis  Jtwiattlibui,  Hi  eorum  putridtt  exkalationu  tolltrtnt, 
Jtmxu  vtmtrii  vet  dyunteria  fer/ere.—ti.  309. 

Richard  Courtenay,  bishop  of  Norwich,  who  was  much  beloved  by  the  king,  died 
from  this  disease ;  and  the  duke  of  Clarence  and  many  other  men  of  rank  had  licence 
to  return  to  England  on  account  of  it. — Getla,  pp.  a6.  97,  and  Elmkam,  p.  50.  The 
Chronic  In,  553 'a, '74,  following  //.*//.  p.  68,  make  the  duke  of  Clarence  present  at 
Agincourt.  A  contemporary  biography  of  the  com te  de  Richemont .  afterwards  duke 
of  Brittany,  who  was  taken  prisoner  at  Agincourt,  states  that  Henry  saved  his  brother 
Clarence's  life  in  the  battle.— Afimcourt,  p.  367,  note.  Elmkam.  p.  67,  and  f.ivim. 
p.  so,— the  latter  to  followed  by  the  Cknuitles,  SSS'a,  65.— tell  this  story  of  the  duke  of 

*  Walsingham  has  summed  up  the  hardship*  of  the  march.    On  reaching  their 
camping-places  the  English  used  to  And  that  the  enemy  had  carried  off  all  the  iMuiidDM. 
Bread  ran  short,  and  most  people  bad  to  content  thenmilrei  with  filberts  and  dried  or 
roast  meat,  «w/Ar*u  mmeilmt  ttanii  tamibmi.   For  about  eight  or  ten  days  (the  march 
Usted  twenty,  according  to  this  writer.)  water  was  the  only  drink  for  the  poorer  soldiers, 
and  even  thto  became  scarce  on  tLe  ew  of  the  battle.   The  march,  whkh  was  impeded 
by  the  broken-down  bridges,  was  weartiome ;  the  men  were  worn  out  with  watching. « 


xxiv  Pauagt  of  the  Somme  (III.  v.). 

of  France,  tent  out  proclamations,  and  assembled  people  on  eucrie 
tide,  committing  the  whole  charge  of  his  armie  to  his  sonne  the  Dolphine 
mod  duke  of  Aquiuine,  who  incontinentlie  caused  the  bridges  to  be 
broken,  and  the  passages  to  be  kept.  Also  they  caused  all  the  come 
and  ritteb  to  be  conucied  awaie,  or  destroicd  in  all  places,  where  it  was 
conjectured  that  the  Englishmen  would  passe."  l 

Harassed  by  attacks  from  the  garrisons  *  passed  on  the  route,  Henry 
pushed  steadily  onward  till  "  he  came  to  the  passage  of  Hlanchtake  [on 
the  Somme]  where  his  great  grandfather  king  Edward  the  third  a  little 
before  had  striken  the  battcll  of  Crcssie." s  Finding  the  ford  staked, 
and  the  French  mustered  to  oppose  him,  Henry  marched  patiently  on, 
skirting  the  river,  and  dogged  by  the  enemy  on  the  opposite  bank,  who 
the  C*/wwV/«*  say  "eucr  kept  the  passages,  and  coasted  aloofe,  like  a 
hauVe  though  eager  yet  not  bardie  on  hir  preie."  This  vigilance  how- 
ever was  at  last  eluded,  and  the  English  crossed  near  Nesle.6] 

At  this  point  we  rejoin  the  order  of  Shakspcre's  play.  Sc.  v.  opens 
with  these  words  of  the  French  king,  addressed  to  his  nobles,  "'Tis 
certain  he  hath  pass'd  the  river  Somme."  The  Chronicles6  relate  how 

fiftliit  mattrati,  and  chilled  by  the  night  frosts.— ii.  310.  The  army  took  eight  days' 
provision*.  At  Arqucs.  Doves,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Eu,  bread  and  wine  was 
obtained  bjr  threatening  to  burn  the  villages. — Gala,  p.  42.  The  Chronicles,  552/1/37, 
following  /fa//,  p.  64.  say  that  the  peasants,  hearing  of  Henry's  justice  in  punishing  a 
robber  who  stole  a  pyx,  willingly  supplied  the  English  with  provisions.  The  English 
marched  in  three  columns,  aties  principals,  with  two  wings,  alas,  ttt  marts  est. — 
Elmham.  p.  51 ;  at  conmeverunl  Anglici,—  \Jw\v&,  p.  12. 

1  Ck.  551/1/3-  Hall,  p.  63,  is  the  Chronicles'  authority.  Monstrelct  gives  the 
proclamation  of  Charles  VI.,  dated  Meulan,  Sept.  20,  for  a  general  muster  ;  noire  tres 
dur  et  Ms  aim*  Jilt  It  due  <f  Aquiuine  [the  Dauphin]  is  called  in  it  notre  lieutenant 
tt  t*fitai*t  gfntral.— iii.  322. 

•  Sallies  were  made  by  the  French  from  Eu,  Oct.  12 ;  from  Corbie,  Oct.  17 ;  and 
from  Peronne,  Oct.  n.—Gtsta,  pp.  37,  41,  45. 

»  Ck.  551/1/25.  Hall,  p.  63.  Monstrclet  says  that  Henry  avoit  volunte  de passer 
it  rivitrt  ft  Somme  a  la  Blanch-To che,  ok  jadis  fossa  son  aieul  Edottard,  rot 
fAmgltterrt.  qmand  il  g.tgna  la  bataille  de  Crecy,  centre  le  roi  Philippe-de-Valois. — 

a.  328. 

«  Ck.  551/1/39.  The  Chronicles  are  here  following  Hall,  p.  64,  save  in  their 
mention  of  the  staking  of  the  ford,  which  is  derived  from  another  source.  Elmhtm, 
p.  52.  and  Lh'imi,  p.  13,  record  it.  Hall's  authority  is  Monstrelet ;  </.  especially  these 
words,  Et  tamjomrs  Unfits  Francois c&toyoient par  fautre  lade  la  Sommf,  iii.  229,  230, 
which  suggested  to  him  the  hawk  simile. 

•  Gtito.  pp.  43.  44.    The  order  and  rapidity  with  which  the  army  was  passed  over 
showed  Henry's  military  skill.    The  French  had  broken  up  the  roads  leading  to  the 
two  lords.    A  body  of  the  enemy's  horse  appeared  on  the  opposite  bank  during  the 
pnsftfe,  but  soon  retired. 

•  CM,  552/142.    Hall,  p.  64.    Monstrelet  is  the  authority,  iii.  330.    He  does  not, 

.  mention  Montjoy's  mission.   The  earl  of  Ponthieu  was  the  Dauphin  whom  we 
with  la  Hemrj  VI,  Pt.  I.;  afterwards  Charles  VII.    The  Dauphin  of  this  play 


French  council  (III.  v.).     The  Ternoise  crossed  (III.  vi.).      xxv 

Charles  VI. — who  was  then  at  Rouen — held  a  council  "  to  the  number 
of  fiue  and  thirtic,"  the  Dauphin,  the  dukes  of  Berry  and  Dritanny,  and 
the  earl  of  Ponthicu  being  present ;  to  consider  whether  Henry  should 
be  suffered  to  reach  Calais  unmolested,  or  not.  The  latter  course  was 
resolved  on,  by  a  majority  of  thirty.  "So  Montioy  king  at  armes  was 
sent  to  the  king  of  England  to  defic  him  as  the  encmie  of  France,  and 
to  tell  him  that  he  should  shortlie  haue  bat  tell."  The  names  of  the 
French  nobles,  whose  patriotism  is  invoked  in  11.  40—45,  were  taken  by 
Shakspere  from  a  list  given  by  the  Chronicles*  of  those  who  were  slain 
or  captured  at  Agincourt.  To  these  he  added  the  names  of  Burgundy 
[Jean  sans  Peur]  and  Charolois  [Philippe  le  Bon,  afterwards  duke  of 
Burgundy].  Charles  VI.  calls  upon  his  captains  to  bring  Harry  of  Eng- 
land "  in  a  captive  chariot  into  Rouen."  *  The  Chronicles s  have  recorded 
how  on  the  eve  of  Agincourt,"  The  noblemen  had  deuised  a  chariot,  where- 
in they  might  triumphant  lie  conucic  the  king  captiue  to  the  citie  of  Paris, 
crieng  to  their  soldiers  :  '  Haste  you  to  the  spoile,  glorie  and  honor.'" 

As  Sc.  v.  closes,  Charles  VI.  says  to  the  Dauphin :  "  Prince  Dauphin, 
you  shall  stay  with  us  in  Rouen."  *  "  The  Dolphin,"  we  are  told,  "  sore 
desired  to  haue  bcene  at  the  battell,  but  he  was  prohibited  by  his 
father."6 

Sc.  vi.  introduces  us  again  to  Flucllen,  who  praises  the  valour  of  the 
duke  of  Exeter  in  the  defence  of  a  bridge.6  This  was  the  bridge  over  the 
Ternoise,  a  river  which  had  yet  to  be  passed.  Henry,  fearing  lest  the 
enemy  might  check  his  advance  by  breaking  down  the  bridge,  s:nt 
forward  some  troops  to  seize  it.  When  the  detachment  arrived  the 
work  of  destruction  had  already  been  begun,  and  a  sharp  engagement 
ensued  which  ended  in  the  repulse  of  the  French.7  As  the  Chronicles 
merely  say  that  "certeine  capteins  with  their  bands"  were  sent  to 
secure  the  bridge,  Shakspere  was  quite  at  liberty  to  give  the  command 
to  whom  he  pleased.* 

i  Ck.  555V30.  •  Act  III.  sc.  v.  I.  54. 

•01.554/1/7.     tfjlt,  p.  68.  «  Act  III.  ic.  v.  L  64. 

s  Ck.  552/1/72.  //.///.  p.  65.  Monstrelet  says  that  the  Dauphin  would  have  gone 
in  spice  of  bis  father,  but  King  Louis  of  Sicily  and  the  duke  of  Berry  prevented  him. 
r .  Ixxiis  II..  duke  of  Anjou.  titular  king  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  was  the  son  oi 
Charles  the  Sixth's  eldest  uncle,  and  father  of  Rene",  duke  of  Anjou.  whose  daughter 
Margaret  married  Henry  VI.  The  duke  of  Berry  was  Charles  the  Sixth's  uncle. 
The  comte  de  Charolois.  meeting  with  the  Mine  prohibition  from  his  father,  n  rttraku 
tn  ta  tkamlre,  trti  fort  fltmraml. — in.  333. 

•  Act  III.  sc.  vi.  D.  i— ia.  '  Ck.  552/9/3. 

•  The  Ckromielti  do  not  give  the  name  of  the  river.    Hall  omits  this  incident 
altogether.    Elmkam.  p.  56.  and  Livimt.  p.  15.  record  it.     In  the  GtJta.  p.  46,  the 
river  is  called /«•/«•»  GbuHormm.  I  n  the  Cknmtqmt  dt  Sormtmdit,  p.  170,  it  is  spoken 
of  as  riuurt  <jmi  tomrt  a  Rlttmgy  tn  Ttnoyt.     Neither  of  these  last-named  authorities 
mention  the  engagement  at  the  bridge. 


xxvi       UfMry's  disciplint.     Mvnljoy's  mission  (III.  vi.). 

We  here  part  company  with  poor  llurdolph,  for  the  details  of  whose 
exit  Shakspere  availed  himself  of  the  following  story  in  the  (.///«/.. 
"  A  tOttHfrw  tooke  a  pix  out  of  a  church,  for  which  he  was  apprehended, 
ft  the  king  not  once  reroooued  till  the  box  was  restored,  and  the  otTcndor 
strangled."  The  CknmicUs  '  affirm  that  the  English  paid  for  everything 
they  took,  aad  this  was  the  only  outrage  committed  on  the  march.  To 
FlocUcfl,  who  tells  him  of  liardolph's  crime  and  its  punishment,  Henry 
answer* :  "We  would  have  all  such  offenders  so  cut  off:— and  we  give 
express  charge,  that,  in  our  marches  through  the  country,  there  be 
nothing  compelled  from  the  villages,  nothing  taken  but  paid  for,  none 
of  the  French  upbraided  or  abused  in  disdainful  language."  *  This — 
the  ideally  perfect  state  of  things— is,  certainly,  well  provided  for  by  the 
injunction  I  have  just  quoted  ;  but  Shakspere  has  not  committed  himself 
to  a  statement  of  its  exact  fulfilment.  The  king  speaks  in  the  present 
tense,  the  Chronicles,*  however,  record  how  on  Henry's  "  first  comming 
on  land,  he  caused  proclamation  to  be  made,  that  no  person  should  be 
so  bardie  on  paine  of  death,  either  to  take  anie  thing  out  of  anic  church 
that  belonged  to  the  same,  or  to  hurt  or  doo  any  violence  either  to 
priests,  women,  or  anie  such  as  should  be  found  without  weapon  or 
armor,  and  not  readie  to  make  resistance." 

While  Henry  is  thus  conversing  with  Fluellen,  Montjoy — who,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  been  sent  by  Charles  VI.  to  defy  King  Harry — enter-, 
and  delivers  his  master's  message.  The  terms  in  which  Montjoy's 
defiance  is  couched  are  not  given  in  the  Chronicles.  The  king  replied : 
"  Mine  intent  is  to  doo  as  it  pleaseth  God,  I  will  not  seeke  your  maister 
at  this  time ;  but  if  he  or  his  seeke  me,  I  will  meet  with  them,  God 
willing.  If  anie  of  your  nation  attempt  once  to  stop  me  in  my  iournie 
now  towards  Calls,  at  their  ieopardie  be  it ;  and  yet  wish  I  not  anie  of 
you  so  vnadvised,  as  to  be  the  occasion  that  /  die  your  ta-wnie  ground 
with  your  red  bloud?  * 

Shakspere  copied  the  last  words  of  Henry's  answer  almost  verbatim. 

1  Ck.  552/1/34.  The  discovery  was  made  just  after  the  skirmish  at  Corbie  on  the 
iTth  of  October.  Combining  the  accounts  of  Elmkam,  p.  53,  and  Livitu,  p.  13.  we 
find  that  the  king  at  once  ordered  a  halt ;  the  offender,  after  sentence  passed  upon 
him.  was  paraded  before  the  whole  army,  and  finally  hung  near  the  church  which  he 
bad  robbed.  The  sacred  vessel  was  restored.  The  author  of  the  Gesta  adds  that  the 
pyx  ben*  copper-gilt,  the  thkrf  may  have  taken  it  for  gold.  He  hid  it  in  his  sleeve,  p 
41.  According  to  Halt,  p.  64,  he  ate  the  host,  but  for  this  I  can  find  no  authority. 
There  was  an  express  provision  against  the  theft  of  a  pyx  in  the  disciplinary  regulations 
far  the  army  baaed  by  Henry  on  his  landing.— Elmkam,  p.  39.  See  also  the  original 
ordtaaaoM  poblkbed  at  Mantes  by  Henry. — Agincoxrt.  appendix,  p.  31. 

•GLSSa/i/aa  *  Act  III.  sc.  vi.  11.  113— 118. 

4  Ck,  5492.27.  These  ordinances  are  recorded  by  Elmkam,  p.  39,  and  Livius. 
p-f.  •  Ck.  5521.57. 


The  French  army  appears.  xxvii 

"  If  we  may  pass,  we  will  ;  if  we  be  hindered, 
We  shall  your  tawny  ground  with  your  red  blood 
Discolour."  * 

The  ransom  which  Mont  joy  asks  for  in  his  master's  name,  was,  as  the 
Chronicles  *  state,  demanded  by  a  herald  who  appeared  before  Henry 
just  before  the  battle  began.  "  There's  for  thy  labour,  Montjoy,"  says 
the  king,  as  he  bids  the  herald  farewell.  Montjoy,  we  read,  was 
dismissed  with  "  a  princelie  reward."  *  Before  ending  my  comments  on 
this  scene,  I  must  remark  that,  according  to  the  Chronicles^  Montjoy 
delivered  the  defiance  to  Henry  after  the  passage  of  the  Sommc,*  not, 
as  Shakspere  has  represented,  on  the  evening  before  the  battle,  after  the 
second  river,  the  Ternoise,  had  been  crossed. 

[To  resume  the  historical  narrative.  After  crossing  the  Ternoise,  the 
duke  of  York,  who  commanded  the  van-guard,  was  warned  by  a  scout 
that  the  French  army  was  at  band.  The  duke  informed  the  king,  who, 
directing  the  centre  division  —  which  he  led  himself  —  to  halt,  rode  forward 
to  view  the  enemy.  The  English  —  as  we  learn  from  the  author  of  the 
Gesta  *  —  passed  the  bridge  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  upon  attaining  an 
eminence  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  beheld  the  French  army  ap- 
proaching them.  The  French  halted  about  half  a  mile  opposite,  filling 
the  wide-stretching  plain  like  a  swarm  of  locusts.7  Fearing  an  attack, 
Henry  drew  up  his  army  in  battle  array.  The  short  autumn  evening 


»  Act  III.  K.  vi.  H.  169-171.  •  Ck.  554/1/14.  • 

4  He  seems  to  have  been  sent  immediately  after  the  council  of  war  at  Kouen  had 
decided  on  giving  Henry  battle.  On  Montjoy  's  return  with  Henry's  answer,  it  was 
"  prodamed,  that  all  men  of  warn  should  resort  to  the  constable  to  fight  with  the 
king  of  England."—  Ck.  553/1/68.  Then  follows  the  account  of  the  engagement  at 
the  bridge  over  the  Temoise. 

•  From  Klmkam.  pp.  54.  55.  and  I  trim.  pp.  13.  14.  we  learn  that  after  the  pasaage 
of  the  Somn.e  the  French  gererals.  considering  the  enfeebled  condition  of  the  Knglish 
army,  exhausted  by  sickness,  hunger,  and  the  fatigue*  of  a  long  march,  thought  the 
time  was  now  come  to  challenge  Henry  to  battle.  Three  heralds  (ftritUt,  f  JMT  termm 
limgu*  «*«*/  argUu.—  Livius.  p.  14)  appeared  before  the  king,  and  told  him  that  he 
should  have  battle  before  reaching  Calais.  To  which  Henry  replied.  -  The  will  of  the 
Lord  be  done."  The  heralds  desired  to  know  by  what  route  the  king  would  advance. 
He  answered  that  he  should  keep  the  straight  course  to  Calais  ;  if  his  enemies  obstructed 
his  path  it  must  be  at  their  own  peril,  he  would  not  seek  then,  neither  would  he  slacken 
or  hasten  his  march  on  their  account.  He  exhorted  them,  adds  Livius,  not  to  oppose 
him.  nor  seek  for  such  an  effusion  of  Christian  blood.  This  speech  in  F.lmham  and 
Livius  differs  verbally  but  not  in  substance.  The  Ckrmitttt  follow  Hall,  who  seems 
to  have  read  LJvius's  version,  bat  has  hilflUMed  to  effect  with  hit—"  I  in  my 
defaaoa  yhall  coloure  and  make  radde  your  tawny  ground*  with  the  deathes  of  your 
seHes,"  Ac.,  p.  64.  A  hundred  gold  crowns,  French  money,  were  given  to  the  heralds. 
—Lmms.  p.  14.  •  Gesfe.  p.  46. 

1  Agr*m  refit  mitt  htinimmm.  tumli  in  immmtraHli  ma  it  it  tut  im  l*cmtt*rmm.— 
Gesta.  p.  46. 


X\\lll 


Tht  /wo  armifs  encamp. 


was  •MGttded  by  a  darkness  so  intense  that  a  man  could  scarcely  see  bis 
hand.  The  English  then  resumed  their  march,  seeking  for  a  camping 
place.1  The  country  was  unknown  to  them,  but  they  fortunately  chanced 
"  vpon  a  beaten  waie  white  in  sight  "*  which  led  to  a  little  village, — 
Agincourt,  or  Maisoncelles.*  Here  the  camp  was  pitched.]  "  Order  was 
taken  by  command c mem  from  the  king  after  the  armic  was  fust  set  in 
battell  arraic,  that  no  noise  or  clamor  should  be  made  in  the  host ;  so 
that  in  marching  foorth  to  this  village,  euerie  man  kept  himsclfe  quiet."4 
In  Act  IV.  sc.  i.  11.  65—72,  after  the  English  are  supposed  to  be 
encamped,  Fluellen  is  introduced,  scolding  Cower  for  speaking  louder 
tea  Pompey**  regulations  permitted.  Certainly  the  English  were  great 
transgressors  of  "the  laws  of  the  wars,"  if,  as  Hall4  relates:  "The 
Englishmen  that  night  sounded  their  t rumpcttcs  and  diucrsc  instrumentes 
Musical!  with  grcatc  melody,  and  yet  they  were  bothe  hungcry,  wcry,  Sore 
traueled  and  muche  vexed  with  coldc  descases." 

For  the  jesting,  swaggering  talk  between  the  Dauphin  and  the  French 
nobles  in  Sc.  vii.,  Shakspcrc  had  merely  a  bint  from  the  Chronicles? 
"  They  [the  French]  were  lodged  euen  in  the  waie  by  the  which  the 
Englishmen  must  needs  passe  towards  Calis,  and  all  that  night  after 
their  comming  thither,  made  great  chcare  and  were  vcric  metric,  pleasant 
and  full  of  game."  Rambures  proposes  to  go  to  hazard  for  twenty 
Englishmen.1  The  Chronicles*  state  that  "  the  Frenchmen  in  the  meane 

1  CM.  552/2/18.  The  Chronicles  follow  Elmham,  pp.  56—59.  orLivius,  pp.  15,  16, 
in  thdr  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  French  army,  and  the  subsequent  night  march. 
Elmham  mentions  the  intense  darkness  which  came  on,  p.  58,  \\  liich  is  not  noticed  in 
the  Ckrvnitles. 

*  Ck.  552/a/37*    Cujusdam  strata  Candida. — Elmham,  p.  58 ;  alba  quatdam  via.— 
LJvfos,  p.  15. 

*  Urn  fttit  village  nommt  Maisoneclles. — Monstrelet,  iii.  335. 

4  Ck.  552/2/41.  The  soldiers  were  ordered  by  Henry  to  abstain  a  tumult*  if  so, 
qmi  antfj  in  exercitm  tuojieri  magno  clamore  solebat. — Elmham,  p.  58. 

*  Hall,  p.  65.    He  has  englished  Monstrelet.   £t  Itsdits  Anglais  en  toute  ctlle  nuit 
unmerent  leurs  tromfettes  et  flutieurs  man  if  res  a"  instruments  de  musiqut,  tellement 
fue  tf*tt  la  terre  en  tour  d'tux  reten  tissoit  far  leurs  sons;  nonobstant  qu'ils  fussent 
memll  fastis  et  travailUs  de/aim,  defroid,  et  autres  mA.iisfs.-iii.  335,  336. 

*  CM.  552/2/59.    Hall,  p.  65.  i  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  11.  93,  94. 

*  £*•  554  '3-     Hall,  p.  68.    Monstrelet  says  the  French  nobles  on  reaching  their 
camping  ground. /ftov*/  leurs  bannieres  en  grand"  Hesse.— w.  335.    The  earliest 
authority  for  (be  dice-playing  is  a  passage  in  the  Gesta,  p.  49.     Et  ut  dicebatur  tarn. 
uturts  tt  rtfufabamt  [the  French]  de  nobis,  quod  regem  nostrum  et  nobiles  suos  node 
HIM  tut  jaftu  ale*  posuerunt.    Hall,  whom  the  Chronicles  cite,  may  have  followed 
Carton  (Ckron.  ed.  1482.  sign.  t.  6,  back),  ••/  &  al  nyjt  to  fore  the  batail  the  frenssh- 
••I  made  manj  grete  fyres.  and  moche  reuel  with  houting  and  showtyng  and  playde 
core  kyng  ft  hit  lordes  al  the  disc  /  ft  an  archer  alwey  for  a  blank  of  hir  money  / 
For  they  wendea  al  had  been  hens"/    See  also  the  Famous  Victories,  Haziitt'i 
5i.  LiM.  PL  II.  voL  L  pp.  361,  362. 


The  French  nol'ks*  talk  (III.  vii.).  xxu 

while*  (on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  just  before  the  armies  dosed)  "as 
though  they  had  beene  sure  of  victorie,  made  great  triumph,  for  the 
capteins  had  determined  before,  how  to  diuide  the  spoile,  and  the 
soldiers  the  night  before  had  plaid  the  Englishmen  at  dice."  While 
these  facetious  gentlemen1  are  chaffing  one  another,  a  messenger  enters, 
and  says — "  My  lord  high  constable,  the  English  lie  within  fifteen 
hundred  paces  of  your  tents."1  According  to  the  Chronicles?  the 
French  encamped  "  not  past  two  hundred  and  fif tic  paces  distant  from 
the  English."  As  the  scene  closes,  the  Constable  lays  it  down  as  a  rule 
concerning  our  countrymen — "  give  them  great  meals  of  beef,  and  iron 
and  steel,  they  will  eat  like  wolves,  and  fight  like  devils."  "  Ay,"  replies 
Orleans,  "  but  these  English  arc  shrewdly  out  of  beef."  "  Then,"  says 
the  Constable,  "  shall  we  find  to-morrow,  they  have  only  stomachs  to 
eat,  and  none  to  fight."  Hall4  gives  the  Constable  a  brisk  and  cheery 
speech,  addressed  to  his  men  on  the  morning  of  the  battle.  The  victory, 
they  were  told,  must  be  easy.  "  For  you  must  vnderstand,  y*  kepe  an 
Englishman  one  moncth  from  his  warme  bed,  fat  befe  and  stale  drynke, 
and  let  him  that  season  last  colde  and  suffre  hunger,  you  then  shall  se 
his  courage  abated,  his  bodye  waxe  Icane  and  bare,  and  euer  desirous 
to  returne  into  his  owne  countrey."  *  The  "  stale  drynke  "  is,  I  presume, 
our  ale,  which  he  once  libellously  called 

1  The  speeches  in  this  scene  assigned  to  the  Dauphin  by  the  folio  are  in  the  4to 
given  to  Bourbon.  See  Mr.  Daniel's  remarks  on  this  point  in  his  introduction  to  the 
Parallel  Texts  of  Henry  V.,  p.  xiii.  The  Dauphin  was  not  present  at  Agincourt.  The 
duke  of  Bourbon,  who  fought  there,  was  taken  prisoner. 

•  Act  111.  sc.  vii.  U.  135.  136. 

*  Ck.  553/2 '49.    The  French  ducentot  6*  f*i»f*agi*ta  fat  tut  vix  dutatomt  ft 
A ngluu.— I  Jvius,  p.  16.     Vix  distaneia  umim  qmart*  mtliartt  Angliei. — Elmham. 
p.  59.     Velml  infra  ifatium  n»»//iar/V.— Walsingham.  ii.  310.     Troii  traiti  fart  fm 
tnvtrvn.— Monstrelet,  iii.  335.    According  to  the  last-named  writer  the  French  were 
encamped  at  Kuissauville  and  Azincourt.  the  English  at  MaisonceUes.— Ui.  334.    Bat 
Nicolas  lays  that  Ruissauville  is  two  miles  and  a  half;  Azincourt  rather  more  than  a 
mile  from  MaJsonceUc*.— Afimvmrt,  p.  107,  note.     Perhaps  the  distance  between  the 
outposts  is  meant.   . 

4  //j//,  p.  66.  This  speech  was  delivered  when  the  French  were  "  only  waityng 
for  the  blouddy  blast  of  the  terrible  Irompet."— p.  65. 

s  This  was  perhaps  a  standard  French  joke,  for  we  find  Alenoon  saving  of  the 
English.  "  They  want  their  porridge  and  their.  Cat  bull-beeves."— i  He*.  Y/n  I.  U.  9 ; 
and  King  John  thus  ridicules  Edward  the  Third's  soldiers  :— 

"And  what,  I  pray  you,  U  his  goodly  guard  ? 

Such  as.  but  scant  them  of  their  chines  of  beef, 

And  take  away  their  downy  feather  beds, 

And  presently  they  are  as  resty-stiff 

As 'twere  a  many  over-ridden  jades." 

King  Edward  tit..  Act  III.  sc.  iii.   See  ate  the  Aaww  Kb*rfer,  HatUtl's  Sk.  L*. 
Ft.  U.  vol.  I.  p.  362.    The  writer  bad  evidenilv  read  HalTs  speech. 


\v\ 


The  night  I'ffort  the  battle  (Pro/.  IV.). 


"  sodden  water, 
A  drench  for  sur-rcined  jades."  * 

\Vbcn,  in  the  prologue  of  Act  IV.,  we  read— 

"  The  bum  of  cither  army  stilly  sounds, 
That  the  fixed  sentinels  almost  receive 
The  secret  whispers  of  each  other's  watch : "' 

we  are  reminded  of  the  short  distance  between  the  hostile  camps,— only 
250  pace*,  according  to  the  Chronicles. 

11  Steed  threatens  steed,  in  high  and  boastful  neighs, 
Piercing  the  night's  dull  ear  ;"8 

is  a  line  which  one  would  feel  safe  in  writing,  yet  it  is  a  curious  fact, 
recorded  by  Monstrclel*  and  St.  Remy, — the  latter  was  present  with 
toe  English  army,  and  his  observation  was  confirmed  by  a  friend's  who 
was  sen-ing  in  the  French  army,— that  hardly  a  single  horse  was 
heard  to  neigh  in  the  French  camp  during  the  night  Of  the  "poor 
condemned  English,"  with  their  "  lank-lean  cheeks  and  warworn  coats," 
who  sit  brooding  over  the  watch-fires,  the  Chronicles*  thus  speak  :  "  The 
Englishmen  also  for  their  parts  were  of  good  comfort,  and  nothing 
abashed  of  the  matter,  and  yet  they  were  both  hungric,  wearie,  sore 
trauelled,  and  vexed  with  manie  cold  diseases.  Howbcit  reconciling 
themselues  with  God  by  hoosell  and  shrift,  requiring  assistance  at  his 
hands  that  is  the  onelie  giuer  of  victorie,  they  determined  rather  to  die, 
than  to  yeeld,  or  flee."  The  "  watchful  fires  "  answering  one  another, 
through  whose 

"  paly  flames 
Each  battle  sees  the  other's  umbier'd  face,"* 

had  been  kindled  as  soon  as  the  English  reached  their  camping  place, 
after  the  night  march  I  have  already  described.  "  At  their  comming 
into  the  village  [Agincourt  or  Maisoncelles]  fiers  were  made  to  giue  light 
on  euerie  side,  as  their  likewise  were  in  the  French  host."7 

»  Act  III.  sc. ».  IL  18,  19.  *  LI.  5-7. 

»  LL  to.  n. 

•  Momttrtltt.  Ui.  335.     It  was  considered  a  bad  omen  for  the  French,  de  la  quelle 
e**u  (kacum  avoiemt  grants  merveilles.  tt  it  y  prendoient  pas  ban  pied  let  Franchoit, 
rt  tmkmmt  e*  ditoiemt  commt  lemdemai*  t*  advint. — St.  Remy,  viii.  2.     St.  Remy's 
Mend  wa»  mum  re  Jean,  U  bat&rd  de  Wamrin,  seigneur  de  Forestel. 

•  Ck.  55*  a  63.    Hall,  p.  65.     Waltingham.  ii.  310,  is  perhaps  his  authority. 

•  Prol  1   33  ;  11.  8.  9. 

»  Ck.  553  2  46.  Elmhtm.  p.  59,  and  Liviui,  p.  16,  mention  the  lighting  of  watch- 
fin*  on  Loth  ride*.  About  midnight  the  moon  shone  brightly,  and  the  king  then 
ordered  some  knights  to  explore  toe  battle-field,  and  fix  upon  the  positions  his  troops 
i  to  occupy  in  the  ensuing  confiKi.—F.imAam,  p.  59. 


Character 'i  in  Act  IV.     Henry's  prayer  (IV.  i.).        xxxi 

On  the  dramatis  persona  in  Act  IV.,  it  must  be  remarked  that 
Exeter  had  been  left  in  charge  of  Harfleur.  The  Chronicles  state  this, 
but  afterwards  inadvertently  introduce  him  as  commanding  the  rear- 
guard at  Agincourt.1  Bedford*  was  regent  in  England  ;  and  Westmore- 
land, we  learn  from  the  Chronicles,  was  appointed  "  to  keepe  the  frontiers 
and  marches  of  Scotland,"  because  Henry  "  thought  good  to  tike  order 
for  the  resisting  of  the  Scots,  if  (according  to  their  maner)  they  should 
attempt  anie  thing  against  his  subiects  in  his  absence."9  Neither 
Warwick4  nor  Salisbury  are  mentioned  by  the  Chronicles  as  present 
at  Agincourt  About  the  latter  I  cannot  speak  positively, — he  is  the 
Salisbury*  we  meet  with  again  in  Henry  VI.  Pt.  I. 

In  the  first  scene  of  this  Act  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  enters,  to  whom 
the  king  lovingly  says  : — 

"  Good  morrow,  old  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham : 
A  good  soft  pillow  for  that  good  white  head 
Were  better  than  a  churlish  turf  of  France."  • 

When  the  two  armies  faced  each  other  on  the  morning  of  the  memorable 
2 $th  of  October,  the  French  hesitated  and  held  back.  Henry  at  last 
determined  to  attack  them,  and  thereupon  the  English  advanced, 
"  before  whome,"  we  read,  "  there  went  an  old  knight  sir  Thomas 
Erpingbam  (a  man  of  great  experience  in  the  warrc)  with  a  warder  in 
his  hand  ;  and  when  he  cast  up  his  warder,  all  the  armie  shouted,"  r  &c. 
Passing  over  for  the  present  the  converse  between  Henry  and  his 
soldiers,  with  the  king's  soliloquy,  the  historical  facts  to  be  noticed  in 
this  scene  are,  the  transference — recorded  by  the  Ckroniclts  '—of  Richard 
the  Second's  body  from  Langley  to  Westminster — "  I  Richard's  body 
have  interred  new  ; "  '  and  Henry's  almsdeeds  in  his  memory — "  Five 

1  Ck.  SS3'i/«3. 

I  His  grant  of  office  U  in  the  Patent  Rolls:  Scemmda  Pattmt  dt  Ammo  3*  Rtgit 
Htnriet  Qtiimti.  Joknts  Dux  BtJfvrf  tntt«s  rtgmi  Am f  Hat  at tjtu /O//J/<M.— Calend. 
Rot.  Pat.  p.  065.  b.  41.  •  Ck.  548  i  23. 

«  Richard  Beauchamp.  earl  of  Wanrkk.  "  1li'lii|  ill"  I  lilmajf  •*•••.  h  In 
Henry's  French  wars,  and  on  the  death  of  the  regent  Bedford  wa*  ranrtt  Uentenani- 
general  of  France  and  Normandy.— CoUin't  Pttrmgi,  U.  397,  ed.  1714.  Ocland  gives 
him  the  command  of  the  left  wing  at  Agincourt.— AmfUrmm  Print ut.  15*3,  sign.  % 
3.  back. 

•  Thomas  de  Monlacute,  earl  of  Salbbury.   He  gained  great  distinction  as  •  general 
in  the  French  wan  of  Henry  the  Sixth's  reign.    Was  killed  at  the  tiege  of  Orleans,  in 
Ma8.-//r«rr  17.,  II.  i.  Act  I.  ic.  iv. 

•  U.  i3-»S.  T  «•  SS4/I/SS. 

•  OL  543  a  57-    The  body  "was  honorablie  interred  with  queene  Anne  hit  Ant 
wife  [Anne  of  Bohemia],  In  a  tolemne  toome  erected  and  nt  vp  «t  the  charges  of  this 
king  (Richard  II.]."    And  see  Stow.  Ammakt.  p.  560,  ed.  160$. 

•  Act  IV.  K.  L  I.  312. 


xixii  The  Constable's  guidon  (IV.  ii.). 

hundred  poor  I  have  in  yearly  pay/' '  mentioned  by  Fabyan '  and  Stow. 
Moreover,  the  king  pleads  :— 

44 1  have  built 

Two  chantries,  where  the  sad  and  solemn  priests 
Sing  still  for  Richard's  soul."  > 

We  now  return  to  the  French  camp.  The  sun  has  risen,  and  the 
nobles,  full  of  vaunting  confidence,  are  bestirring  themselves  for  the 
conflict.  The  Constable  delivers  a  boastful  harangue,  then  Grandprc** 
rushing  in,  upbraids  their  tardiness.  As  they  go  out,  the  Constable 

•claims:— 

"  I  stay  but  for  my  guidon.    To  the  field  : 

I  will  the  banner  from  a  trumpet  take, 
And  use  it  for  my  haste."  * 
•'They  thought  themselucs  so  sure  of  victorie,"  say  the  Chronicles* 

•  L-3'5- 

•  F*ty*»,  (ed.  Ellis,  p.  577.)  says — "After  a  solemn/-  termcnt  there  holdcn,  he 
1/nmjdjA  that  .iiii.  tapers  shuldc  brenne  daye  and  nyght  about  his  graue,  whyle  the 
world  codureth  ;  and  one  day  in  the  weke  a  solempnc  dirigc,  and  vpon  the  morowe 
•  mane  of  Requiem  by  note  ;  after  which  masse  endyd.  to  be  gyuen  wckely  vnto  pore 
people  .xi.  /.  viii.  d.  in  pens :  &  vpon  y«  day  of  his  anniucrsary,  after  y«  sayd  massa 
iJ  Requiem  is  songe.  to  be  ycrely  distrybuted  for  his  soule  .xx.  It  in  .d." — P.  A.  D. 
To  the  same  effect  Caxton  (Chron.  sign.  u.  5)  and  Stow,  Anna  Us.  p.  560,  ed.  1605. 

i  1 J.  317 — 319.  In  1414  Henry  founded  three  religious  houses  at  Shcne  [now  kith- 
mood.  Surrey] ;  one  for  Brigettinc  nuns,  the  other  two  for  Carthusian  and  Celestino 
MMskfc—  Walsingkam,  ii.  300.  Elmham  and  Livius  mention  two  foundations  only, 
for  Carthusian  monks  and  Brigcttine  nuns.  The  former  the  king  named  Bethlccm, 
the  bitter  Syoo. — Elmham,  p.  25 ;  Livius,  p.  5.  Shene  had  been  a  favourite  residence 
of  Richard  II.  The  Chronicles  Ao  not  mention  these  foundations,  but  Stow  (/tnnales, 
p.  559,  cd.  1605)  has  recorded  them,  and  Shakspere  may  have  taken  the  fact  which 
suggested  U.  317—319  from  him.  Bcthleem  and  Syon  survived  the  dissolution  of  the 
religious  bouses.  The  inmates  of  the  former  settled  at  Mechlin,  and  the  nuns  finally 
eitabUshed  themselves  at  Lisbon.  See  Robinson's  Anatomy  of  the  English  Nunnery  at 
Ijittn,  1622.  rep.  in  Morgan's  Phceitix  Britannitus,  pp.  328,  329.  Fabyan  says  that 
the  pope,  when  Henry  IV.  applied  to  him  for  absolution  for  Richard's  death,  bade 
t  he  king  cause  continual  prayers  to  be  offered  up  so  that  Richard's  soul  might  live,  whose 
body  Henry  had  deprived  of  life.  "  Whiche  penaunce,  for  that  his  fader  by  his  lyfe 
dyd  not  perfourme.  this  goostly  knyght  [Henry  V.]  in  most  habundau/rt  maner  per* 
tummjil  it.  for  first  be  buyldyd  iii  houses  of  relygyon,  as  the  Charterhous  of  monkes 
called  Shene.  the  house  of  close  nunnes  called  Syon,  and  the  thirdc  was  an  house1  of 
ObwrtHUMtes  buyldyd  vpon  that  other  syde  of  Thamys."— Fabyan,  ed.  Ellis,  p.  589. 
From  Caxton  (Ckron.  u.  5,  back,  &  u.  6)  it  would  seem  that  Henry  founded  these  two 
bouses  (the  Observants  are  not  mentioned)  for  his  own  soul. 

«  Act  IV.  sc.  il  1.  38.  5  LI.  60—62. 

•  CM.  S54/i/a&    The  Cknnults  authority  is  Livius.  p.  17.     Elmham,  who  adds 
that  the  duke  was  slain,  also  records  the  same  incident,  p.  63.  Antoint,  due  de  Brabant 
.  ,  .  menmfffni  dt  pttit  nombrt  u  bouta  entre  laditt  avant-garde  [the  van  which  the 
Eacttsh  had  rooted]  tt  kUai/le  [the  centre  division].  Et  pour  la  grand"  h&te  qu'ilavoit 
emt  fffU  Uiuiiagau  derriert :  mats  sans  tUlai  ilfut  mis  a  mart  desdits  Anglois.— 
Moostrcfet.  iiL  343.    The  duke  was  the  brother  of  Jean  sans  Peur,  duke  of  Burgundy. 


Numbers  of  the  French.     Westmoreland? s  wish,      xxxiii 

"that  diuerse  of  the  noble  men  made  such  haste  towards  the  battcll, 
that  they  left  manic  of  their  seruants  and  men  of  warre  behind  them, 
and  some  of  them  would  not  once  staie  for  their  standards  :  as  amongst 
other  the  duke  of  Brabant,  when  his  standard  was  not  come,  caused  a 
baner  to  be  taken  from  a  trumpet  and  fastened  to  a  speare,  the  which 
he  commanded  to  be  borne  before  him  in  steed  of  his  standard." 

In  the  next  scene  we  find  the  English  lords  bidding  each  other  adieu, 
ere  each  goes  to  his  post.  Sensible  of  the  danger  they  are  in,  they 
speak  modestly,  but  yet  resolutely.  "  The  king,"  says  Bedford,  "  himself 
is  rode  to  view  their  battle."  !  [Henry,  we  learn  from  Elmharo,'  rode 
a  noble  horse,  as  white  as  snow.  The  same  chronicler  thus  describes 
his  appearance :  "  Now  the  king  was  clad  in  secure  and  very  bright 
armour :  he  wore,  also,  on  his  head,  a  helmet,  with  a  large  splendid 
crest,  and  a  crown  of  gold  and  jewels  ;  and,  on  his  body,  a  surcoat  with 
the  arms  of  England  and  France,  from  which  a  celestial  splendour 
issued  ;  on  the  one  side,  from  three  golden  flowers,  planted  in  an  azure 
field,  on  the  other,  from  three  golden  leopards  sporting  in  a  ruby  field."] 
Westmoreland's  *  estimate  of  the  enemy's  numbers  is  that  which  the 
Chronicles*  give,  "threescore  thousand  horssemen,  besides  footmen, 
wagoners  and  other."  The  wish  ascribed  by  Shakspcrc  to  Westmoreland, 

44  O  that  we  now  had  here 
But  one  ten  thousand  of  those  men  in  England 
That  do  no  work  to-day,"  • 

was  uttered,  according  to  the  Chronicles,  by  an  indefinite  "  one  of  the 
host,"  and  was  as  follows :  <4 1  would  to  God  there  were  with  vs  now  so 
manic  good  soldiers  as  are  at  this  hourc  within  England  !  "•  We  know 

I  Act  IV.  sc.  iii.  1.  a. 

*  f'trwmj  vtn  rtgia,   imdutx  tttara  6*  /HfiJittima  armatara,   <&f*.i  «ei*m 
immtiui  jmktrii  darilatt  circmmamifia   rtifltmJtmti  gulta,   y*am  con**  *mmr. 
fmlgmraxtn  gtmwkirmm  frteiata  torn*,  cirtulm  cirtumtim\  it,  armortm  A*flnt  6* 
/•'rjmitf  drtumarnitlur  tmttita.      In  qua  iliac  trimm  Jtermm  aurtentm,   i*  afr* 
pl<i*Utor*m  aiurto,  ifU*dor  tydtrtMi  emioi^tl ;  illat  twrv  Ira  bopardi  amrti.  im 
agro  laxiviemta  pmrpurte.  afparatm*  rtgtttm  *«*  medumm  wUmmtumt. — pp.  60, 
61.     Led  bones  with  rich  (rapping*  followed  him.— p.  61.    The  punfe  in  the  text 
WM  eaglished  by  Knight  in  hit  Introductory  Notice  to  Henry  V. ,  Pittort*!  JTiii^fc 

•  Act  IV.  K.  iii.  I.  3. 

«  Ck.  559/0/57.  The  Ckromidti  dt«  MonMrelet  in  the  margin,  but  he  niyt  that  tho 
French  numbered  lit*  unl  ei*i*amtt  milU  Juv*mtkt*ri.—\&.  335.  Further  on  be 
remark*  that  the  French  were  htm  t*  momlrt  HX/HI  mmUmt  fit  Ut  AmglMt.—V^.y^; 
a  statement  which  Hall  follows,  p.  65. 

•  Act  IV.  sc.  iii.  II.  16-18. 

*  Ck.  S53/a  4  S     1. 'vim.  pp.  16.  17.    Elmham  says  thai  the  king  overheard  fm*Um 
ofljmltt  ml  fnifttmfHt  fnetrtt  rtgmi  Amglm  aJ  Aft  Jr**tW«  kmtt  *qptit  »*/•  4*iff* 
nUffiifmt.—p.  61.    The  speech  be  assigns  Henry,  though  like  la  substaaoe,  diflea 
verbally  from  LMus  •  verakw.  which  the  CkntuUt  have  englhhed. 

C  d 


IhlutshtiTs  version  of  Hfttry's  sfxech  (IV.  iii.). 

from  the  author  of  the  Gesta  Utnrici  Regis,  who  was  present,  that  the 
^Ml  in  was  Sir  Walter  HungerfunL1 

The  king's  answer—  which  I  shall  transcribe  —  differs,  as  we  shall  see, 
not  only  verbally,  but  in  substance,  from  Shalcspere's  version.  Henry 
said  :  "  1  would  not  wish  a  man  more  here  than  I  haue,  we  are  indeed 
in  comparison  of  the  enimies  but  a  few,  but  if  God  of  his  clemencio 
doo  fauour  vs,  and  our  iust  cause  (as  I  trust  he  will)  we  shall  speed  well 
inough.  Hut  let  no  man  ascribe  victorie  to  our  owne  strength  and  might, 
but  onelie  to  Gods  assistance,  to  whome  I  haue  no  doubt  we  shall  worthilie 
haue  cause  to  give  thanks  therefore.  And  if  so  be  that  for  our  offenses 
sake*  we  shall  be  deliuered  into  the  hands  of  our  enimies,  the  lesse 
nttmlxr  wt  Af,  tkt  lesse  damage  shall  tht  realme  of  England  sustfine  : 
but  if  we  should  fight  in  trust  of  multitude  of  men,  and  so  get  the 
victorie  (our  minds  being  prone  to  pride)  we  should  thervpon  perad- 
ucnture  ascribe  the  victorie  not  so  much  to  the  gift  of  God,  as  to  our 
owne  puissance,  and  thereby  prouoke  his  high  indignation  and  dis- 
pleasure against  vs  :  and  if  the  enimie  get  the  vppcr  hand,  then  should 
our  realme  and  countrie  suffer  more  damage  and  stand  in  further 
danger.  But  be  you  of  good  comfort,  and  shew  your  selues  valiant, 
God  and  our  iust  quarrell  shall  defend  vs,  and  deliuer  these  our  proud 
aduersaries  with  all  the  multitude  of  them  which  you  see  (or  at  the  least 
the  most  of  them)  into  our  hands."  f 

The  passage  italicized,  which  corresponds  with  — 

"If  we  are  mark'd  to  die,  we  are  enow 
To  do  our  country  loss,"  * 

forms  the  sum  of  Shakspere's  borrowings  here.  The  contrast  between 
the  tone  of  this  speech  and  Shakspere's  is  remarkable.  The  theme  of 
one  is  the  over-ruling  power  of  God,  —  be  alone  awards  victory  to  whom 
he  pleases,  and  mortal  men  must  not  venture  to  claim  a  share  in  the 
triumph.  In  the  other  the  king  dwells  solely  upon  the  honour  he  and 
his  comrades  will  win  for  themselves,  if  victorious,  and  only  uses  God's 
name,  or  Jove's,  to  swear  by.  The  key-note  of  the  Holinshed  speech 
is  the  sentence,  "  let  no  man  ascribe  victorie  to  our  owne  strength  and 
might,  but  onelie  to  Gods  assistance  ;  "  of  Shakspere's,  "  The  fewer  men 
the  greater  share  of  honour."  Yet  Henry's  piety  is  often  brought 


p.  47.  Sir  Walter  wished  for  ten  thousand  de  mtlioribtu  sagittariis 
lta.  The  king  said  :  Stmlie  loqneris,  quia  per  Deum  caeli,  cujus  annixus  sum 
grmt**,  tt  im  fuo  ett  miMi  tfes  Jfrma  victoria,  nolUm  habere  elsi  pcssem  pluret  per 
mmmm  qmam  kateo.  Nam  kit,  quern  habeo,  Dei  fop*  IMS  est,  et  quern  me  k&t  vice  dig- 
kaltrt.  An  non  credit,  OmnipoUmtem  im  hdc  humili  paucilate  suA  vincert 
tfptaitsm  tmptrHam  Gatiuorum,  q*i  it  in  mvltiludine  et  propriit  virituj 


«  CM,  ss^a/47.  '  Act  IV.  sc.  iii.  D.  20.  ax. 


Its  rejection  by  Shaksptre  considfrtd.  xxxv 

forward  in  this  play,  and  but  a  short  time  had  passed  since  the  kin; 
had  humbled  himself  before  God  in  terms  which  would  befit  the  most 
devout  saint.  The  difficulty,  I  think,  may  be  thus  explained.  The 
Holinshed  speech  seems  to  me  to  resemble  some  sermons,  the  sen- 
timents are  pious,  but  do  not  rouse  a  spirit  of  religious  enthusiasm. 
Finding  the  speech  wanted  energy  enough  to  produce  this  state  of 
feeling,  Shakspere  laid  it  aside  entirely,  and  constructed  one  which 
appealed  to  other  influences,— the  love  of  hard  fighting,  the  point  of 
honour,  and  the  spirit  of  chivalrous  self-devotion.  We  must  remember 
also,  that  Henry  V.,  unlike  him  "  Whose  church-like  humours  fits  not 
for  a  crown,"  l  had  the  chivalric  as  well  as  the  religious  element  in  his 
character.  The  former  was  likely  to  come  uppermost  whenever  his 
heart  was  stirred  by  the  immediate  prospect  of  battle.  Thus  Henry 
addresses  his  soldiers  in  the  same  way  at  the  assault  on  I  larflcur.  In 
calmer  moments, — for  he  was  not  always  striving  after  honour,  like 
Hotspur, — in  seasons  of  anxiety,  as  on  the  night  before  the  final  struggle, — 
in  the  outburst  of  thankfulness,  after  all  was  won,  Henry's  natural  piety 
again  shines  forth.  But  amid  the  clang  of  arms,  he  speaks  in  a  rapture 
of  martial  ardour,  which  sweeps  every  other  thought  from  his  mind.1 
Johnson,'  grimly  sarcastic,  observes  :  "  The  king  prays  like  a  Christian, 
and  swears  like  a  heathen."  Possessed,  however,  as  Henry  was  by  the 
joy  of  conflict,  we  may  pardon  bis  "  God's  wills  "  and  "  By  Jove's," 
mere  unconscious  expletives  as  they  were,  remembering,  too,  how  the 
soldier  was  once  described  as  "  full  of  strange  oaths." 

The  Chronicles*  have  given  a  brief  abstract  of  an  oration  which  Hall 
has  put  in  Henry's  mouth.  When  the  English  were  drawn  up  for  battle, 
and  all  was  ready,  the  king  "  calling  his  captcins  and  soldiers  about  him, 
made  to  them  a  right  graue  oration,  moouing.thcm  to  plaie  the  men, 

»  Htnry  VI.  Pt.  a.  Act  I.  «c.  I.  L  47. 

•  Nicolas  has  remarked  on  Henry's  speech  in  Act  IV.  sc.  iii.  that  II.  61,  63— 

"For  he  to  day  that  sheds  hb  blood  with  me 
Shall  be  my  brother ;  be  he  ne'er  so  vile. 
This  day  shall  gentle  his  condition  " 

have  given  rite  to  a  belief  that  every  one  who  served  at  Agincourt  was  allowed 
to  assume  whatever  armorial  bearings  he  pleased.  Henry  issued  writs  in  1417  to 
restrain  persons  serving  in  his  expeditions  from  assuming  coat  armours  which  they 
had  no  right  to  bear,  but  expressly  excepted  "  those  who  bore  arms  with  us  at  the 
Battle  of  Agincourt  "  from  producing  any  proof  of  their  claim.— Afi*co*rt,  pp.  169— 
171. 

•  In  a  note  on  Htnry  V.t  Variorum  Shakspere.  jtvtt.  415. 

4  Ck-  55J  a  3°-  Livius.  p.  16,  only  says  that  Henry  MM  kerlatotmr  ad  U  f»W 
forfeJtf/  ftrtamf*.  WaUingham  ha*  given  him  a  short  ipetch.  ii.  311.  31*  ;  Hall  a 
longer  one,  pp.  67.  68.  St.  Remy.  who  was  present  with  the  English  army,  has  gives 
the  beads  of  the  king's  address,  viL  511,  sisv 


Henry  encourages  hu  men.     Hu  ransom  (IV.  iii.). 

to  obtcine  a  glorious  victoric,  as  there  was  hope  ccrteinc  they 
,  the  rather  if  they  would  but  remember  the  iust  cause  for  which 
they  fottfht,  and  whome  they  should  incounter,  such  faint-hartcd  people 
as  thdr  ancestors  had  so  often  oucrcomc.  To  conclude,  manie  words  of 
courafe  he  rttcred,  to  stirre  them  to  doo  manfullie,  assuring  them  that 
*^^«^  should  ncucr  be  charged  with  his  ransome,  nor  anie  French- 
man triumph  oucr  him  as  a  captiue ;  for  either  by  famous  death  or 
glorious  victoric  would  he  (by  Gods  grace)  win  honour  and  fame." 

[In  Caxton  (Ckrom.  ed.  1482,  sign.  t.  6,  back)  Henry's  behaviour  on 
the  morning  of  Agincourt  is  described  in  these  simple  and  touching 
words :  "  And  than  oure  kyng  beholdyng  &  seyng  the  multitude  & 
nombre  of  his  enemyes  to  withstonde  his  wey  /  &  yeue  hym  batayll  / 
Than  the  kyng  with  a  meke  hert  &  a  good  spirite  lyft  vp  his  bandes  to 
aJmyjty  god  &  besoujt  hym  of  his  belpe  and  socour  /  &  that  day  to  saue 
his  trewe  seruauxtes  And  than  our  kyng  gadred  al  his  lordes  &  other 
peple  aboute  and  bad  hem  al  be  a  good  chere  /  For  they  shold  haue  a 
fayre  day  &  a  gracious  victorye  /  &  the  better  of  al  hir  enemyes  /  and 
praid  hem  all  to  make  hem  redy  vnto  the  bataylle  /  for  he  wold  rather 
be  dede  that  day  in  the  feld  than  to  be  take  of  his  enemyes  /  for  he 
wold  ncucr  put  the  reame  of  england  to  rauwsounc  for  his  persone  .... 
the  morn  aroos  /  the  day  gan  spryng  /  and  the  kynge  by  good  auyse 
lete  araye  bis  bataill  /  and  his  wynges  &  charged  euery  man  to  kepe  hem 
bole  to  geders.  &  prayd  hem  al  to  be  of  good  chere  /  And  whan  they 
were  redy  /  he  asked  /  what  tyme  of  the  day  it  was.  &  they  sayd  pryme  / 
Than  sayd  our  kynge  /  Nowe  is  good  tyme  /  For  al  England  praith  for 
vs  /  and  thcrfor  be  of  good  chere  /  and  lete  vs  goo  to  our  lourneye  / 
And  than  he  sayd  with  an  high  voys  /  In  the  name  of  Almyghty  god  / 
&  of  seynt  George  a  vauwt  Baner  /  and  seynt  George  this  day  thyne 
helpe."] 

As  the  chivalrous  king  ends  his  speech,  Salisbury  enters,  announcing 
that— 

"  The  French  are  bravely  in  their  battles  set, 
And  will  with  all  expedience  charge  on  us."  * 

Then  trumpets  are  heard  without,  and  Montjoy,  sent  now  by  the 
Constable,  again  presents  himself.  Once  more  the  herald  exhorts 
Henry  to  offer  ransom,  ere  it  be  too  late.  "  Here  we  may  not  forget," 
the  CkroHtctts  *  observe,  "  how  the  French  thus  in  their  iolitie,  sent  an 
herald  to  king  Henrie,  to  inquire  what  ransom  he  would  offer.  Where- 
rnto  he  answered,  that  within  two  or  three  houres  he  hoped  it  would 
so  happen,  that  the  Frenchmen  should  be  glad  to  common  rather  with 
the  English  for  their  ransoms,  than  the  English  to  take  thought  for  their 

>  Act  IV.  «c.  itt.  D.  69-7*  »  «.  S54,'i .13.    Hall.  p.  68. 


De  Helly.     The  vaward  entrusted  to  York  (IV.  iii.).     xxxvii 

deli  iterance,  promising  for  kis  owne  Part,  that  kit  dead  carcase  should 
rather  be  a  prize  to  the  Frenchmen,  than  that  his  lining  bodie  should  pate 
ante  ransonu"  l 

[A  few  remarks  on  the  authority  for  this  story,  which  the  Chronicles 
took  from  Hall,  may  not  be  out  of  place  here.  1  cannot  find  anything 
bearing  a  resemblance  to  it,  except  the  following  lines  from  The  Siege  of 
Harflet,  fir-  Batayl  of  Agencourt  by  K.  Hen,  $. :  «— 

"  The  Lord  Haly  un  trewe  knyjt 
Un  tel  cure  kyng  he  come  in  hye, 
And  sayd,  '  Syre  jcW  jow  w*  oute  fyjt, 
And  save  jowre  selfe  &  jowre  meyny. 
And  oure  kyng  bade  hym  go  hys  way  in  by, 
And  byde  no  longer  in  my  Syjt.'"* 

Of  this  dominus  de  I  felly  Livius  *  gives  a  different  account.  He  had 
been  a  prisoner  of  war  in  England,  but  had  escaped.  Just  before  the 
battle  began  be  appeared  before  Henry,  accompanied  by  two  men  of 
rank,  and  offered  to  meet  in  single  combat  any  Englishman  who  should 
accuse  him  of  unknightly  conduct  in  thus  escaping  from  custody.  The 
king  answered  that  the  present  time  was  unfit  for  such  a  purpose,  and 
desiring  De  Helly  to  return  to  his  comrades,  and  urge  them  to  advance, 
added  a  hope  that  his  dishonourable  conduct  might  on  that  day  be 
punished  either  by  re-capture,  or  death.  In  reply,  De  Helly  refused  to 
take  orders  from  any  one  save  his  sovereign,  Charles  VI.  The  French, 
he  said,  would  choose  their  own  time  for  fighting.  Henry  then  told  De 
Helly  and  his  companions  to  depart,  promising  to  follow  them  speedily.] 
The  herald  departed,  York  enters  and  says  : — 

"  My  lord,  most  humbly  on  my  knee  I  beg 
The  leading  of  the  vaward. *  ' 

In  bis  dispositions  for  battle,  Henry,  the  Chronicles  *  tell  us, "  appointed  a 
vaward,  of  the  which  he  made  capteine  Edward  duke  of  Yorke,  who  of 
an  haultie  courage  had  desired  that  office."  Some  lines  in  a  poem 

»  C/.  Act  IV.  K.  iii.  II.  laa.  183. 

•  Printed  by  Heart*  in  the  appendix  to  Us  ad.  of  F.lmkam,  pp.  359— 375.   Nicolas 
printed  another  version  of  this  poem  (Agimeourt,  pp.  901—339),  which  to  attributed  to 
Lydgate,  in  which  lhe«e  Una  do  not  occur. 

»  Elmkam,  p.  368. 

«  Ltvim.  pp.  18.  19.  De  Helly  was  ilain  in  the  battle.— Uvimt,  p.  si.  Si.  Remy. 
viii.  7,  speak*  of  negotiations  between  Henry  and  the  French  on  the  morning  of  the 
35th.  The  king  proposed  to  surrender  Harflcur.  and  resign  hto  cUim  to  the  French 
throne  on  receiving  in  lieu  thereof  the  duchy  of  Guienne,  with  five  dli«  betooffinf  to 
It,  the  county  of  Pontbiea,  and  the  hand  of  the  princeti  Katharine,  wbott  dowry  was 
to  be  800,000  crown*. 

•  Act.  IV.  K.  iii.  11.  139-132,  •  C%  SO/t/SS-    H*lt.  p.  67. 


xxxviii  The  lattU. 

attributed  to  Lydgate  '—from  which  I  have  already  made  an  extract- 
thus  describe  this  incident  :— 

"  The  Duke  of  York  thannc  full  MB 
Before  cure  kyng  he  fell  on  knc, 

'  My  liege  Lord,  graunt  me  a  bon, 
For  his  love  that  on  croys  gan  die, 
The  fore  ward  this  day  that  ye  graunt  me, 
To  be  before  you  in  this  feld ; 
Be  myn  boner  slayn  wil  y  be, 
Or  y  will  turne  my  backe  or  me  yclde.'  * 

[As  the  details  of  the  actual  battle  are  passed  over  by  Shakspcre,  I 
shall  not  enlarge  upon  them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  between  nine  and 
ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  the  two  armies  were  drawn  up  awaiting 
each  other's  onset  As  the  French  did  not  move,  and  the  day  was 
wearing  away,  Henry  ordered  an  advance,  and  the  battle  began  with  a 
storm  of  arrows  from  his  archers.  The  French  laboured  under  great 
disadvantages.  They  were  marshalled  in  three  large  divisions,  one 
behind  the  other.  The  space  in  their  front  was  so  hemmed  in  on  each 
side  by  two  woods,  and  the  men  were,  in  consequence,  so  crowded 
together,  that  they  could,  it  is  said,  hardly  raise  their  arms  to  strike. 
Moreover,  the  ground,  which  was  soft,  owing  to  the  rain  that  had  fallen 
in  the  night,  had  been  trampled  into  a  quagmire  by  the  horses  which 
the  pages  and  varlets  had  been  previously  walking  about.  The  French, 
St.  Remy  says,  had  been  on  horseback  all  night.  Besides  these 
impediments,  the  men-at-arms  were  encumbered  with  unusually  heavy 
armour.  Many  of  the  French  suffered  from  the  arrows  before  the 
armies  closed.  The  van,  however,  charged  and  drove  the  English  back 
for  a  short  distance,  but  at  this  juncture  a  body  of  horsemen,  appointed 
to  disperse  the  English  archers,  retreated  in  confusion — their  horses 
being  utterly  unmanageable — from  the  hail  of  arrows  they  encountered, 
and  broke  the  ranks  of  the  van,  which  was  driven  back  upon  a 
newly  sown  field.  Thereupon  the  English  archers,  casting  aside  their 
bows,  rushed  with  bills  and  swords  upon  the  disordered  masses,  and 
pressing  through  the  gaps  in  the  French  ranks,  fell  to  hacking  and 
hewing  right  and  left  After  this,  the  battle  merged  into  a  carnage. 
The  English  literally  butchered  their  way  through  the  French  van  and 
centre,  till  they  came  to  the  men-at-arms  in  the  rear,  who  were  still 
mounted.  The  greater  part  of  this  division,  terrified  at  the  fate  of 
their  comrades,  broke  and  fled.  About  six  hundred  men,  kept  together 

I  H*rl.  MS.  565.  printed  in  Agituourt,  pp.  301—329.  The  lines  quoted  in  the  text 
ate  ta  pp.  319.  320.  This  incident  is  recorded  also  in  Carton's  Chron.  (ed.  1482,  sign. 
t6,Uck). 


Pislvl  and  the  French  soldier  (IV.  iv.).  xxxix 

with  difficulty  by  their  leaders,  made  an  effort  at  resistance,  ending  in  the 
death  or  capture  of  the  whole  force.  Here  and  there,  small  bodies 
of  the  French  tried  to  rally,  but  were  routed  with  ease.1 

I  must  not  omit  the  curious  description  given  by  the  Chronicles*  of  the 
English  archers,  to  whom  the  honour  of  the  victory  was  chiefly  due. 
"  In  those  daies  the  yeomen  had  their  lims  at  libertie,  sith  their  hosen 
were  then  fastened  with  one  point,  and  their  iackes  long  and  easie  to 
shoot  in  ;  so  that  they  might  draw  bowes  of  great  strength,  and  shoot 
arrowes  of  a  yard  long  ;  beside  the  head."] 

In  Sc.  iv.  we  meet  with  an  old  friend  who  is  reaping,  without  any 
risk  to  himself,  a  golden  harvest  in  the  midst  of  the  general  panic.  The 
episode  of  Ancient  Pistol  and  the  French  soldier  might  have  been 
suggested  by  a  few  lines  in  the  Chronicles  and  a  scene  in  the  Famous 
Victories.  From  the  former  source  we  learn  how  towards  the  end  of  the 
battle  "  the  king  minding  to  make  an  end  of  that  daies  iornie,  caused 
his  horssemen  to  fetch  a  com  passe  about,  and  to  ioine  with  him  against 
the  rereward  of  the  Frenchmen,  in  the  which  was  the  greatest  number 
of  people.  When  the  Frenchmen  pcrceiued  his  intent,  they  were 
suddenlie  amazed  and  ran  awaie  like  sheepe,  without  order  or  arraie. 
Which  when  the  king  perceiued,  he  incouraged  his  men,  and  followed  so 
quickelie  vpon  the  enimies,  that  they  ran  hither  and  thither,  casting  awaie 
their  armour :  tnanie  on  their  knees  desired  to  haue  their  Hues  saued?  * 

1  I  hare  derived  the  account  of  the  battle  from  hfomttrtltt.  iii.  341—345 ;  and 
St.  Rcmjr.  viii.  9—15.  The  English  were  drawn  up  in  three  divisions.  The  ran. 
commanded  by  the  duke  of  York,  was  disposed  as  a  right  wing,  and  the  rear,  under 
the  conduct  of  Lord  Cantors,  as  a  left  wing.  The  centre  was  led  by  Henry  in  person. 
Interspersed  with  these  divisions  were  bodies  of  archers,  who  were  defended  from  the 
enemy's  cavalry  by  stakes  planted  in  front  of  thcm.—Gtsfj,  p.  50;  Elmktm.  p.  60. 
Hall  says,  "  This  device  of  fortinrng  an  artnye  was  at  this  tyroe  fyrst  invented."  and 
remarks  that  it  has  since  been  superseded  by  the  use  of  calthrops.  by  means  of  which 
"the  sely  pore  beasts  an  compelled  to  fal  and  rumble  to  the  ground."— p.  67.  The 
ChronUUi  extracted  Hall's  account.  553/a/a.  The  rear  of  Henry's  army  was  protected 
by  the  village  in  which  the  king  had  passed  the  night,  and  the  flanks  by  hedges  and 
bushes.— Ltvimt,  p.  16.  The  Preach  were  marshalled  in  three  divisions,  or  laltilUs. 
In  the  ran.  led  by  the  Constable,  the  dukes  of  Orleans  and  Bourbon,  and  other  nobles. 
were  chevaliers,  squire*,  archers,  and  cross-bowmen.  The  centre,  with  whom  were  the 
dukes  of  Bar  and  Alencon.  resembled  the  van  in  its  composition.  In  the  rear  were  the 
remainder  of  the  men-at-arms.  On  one  wing  were  1600  men-at-arms,  who  were  to 
make  a  flanking  movement  on  the  English  ;  on  the  other.  800  picked  men-at-arms  on 
horseback,  who  were  to  disperse  the  English  archers.— Momttrtttf.  iii.  337.  338. 

'  Ck.  553/1/71.  From  Fatya*  (ed.  Ellis,  p.  570).  Sc  Reroy  thus  describes  the 
archers :  Lttqmtli  artktrt  tttoitmt,  la  fimgmml  f*rtit,  ut*t  mrmmrtt  4  Itmr  fomrf*imt; 
lean  tkatuus  avaHttt,  ayamt  katktt  et  ttgmttt  [clubs]  ftm4mmtt  4  Itmn  ttimtmrti.  fm 
bmgku  ttfttt.  Us  amltmnt  tout  nndt  fitdi.  ft Ut  amltwmi  ferUitmt  kamttlti  Mr  e^ftltmtt 
[low  hats]  tie  emir  kmilli.  //  ///  antttimi  dontr,  nor  litfmtfl  avtnl  *mt  trnsmn  dt  ftr. 
— riii.  o>  And  to  the  same  eflect  MemrfrtUt.  UL  341. 

•  Ck. 


M\  Tke prisoners  massacred  (\\.  v i . ) . 

In  the  famous  Victoria '  there  is  a  character  named  Derrick  who 
figure*  in  the  comk  scenes.  While  a  party  of  the  French  are  plundering 
the  Engliih  baggage  at  Agincourt,  Derrick,  who  is  wandering  vaguely 
about,  is  »cued  by  a  French  soldier,  who  demands  400  crowns  as  ransom. 
Derrick  offers  as  many  crowns  as  will  lie  on  the  Frenchman's  sword, 
which  he  thus  induces  his  captor  to  place  on  the  ground.  Then  catching 
up  the  sword  he  becomes  master  of  the  situation,  and  the  Frenchman  takes 
to  his  heels.  We  here  catch  a  last  glimpse  of  FalstarT's  boy.  He  goes  out 
laying  he  "  must  stay  with  the  lackeys,  with  the  luggage  of  our  camp : 
the  French  might  have  a  good  prey  of  us,  if  he  knew  of  it ;  for  there  is 
none  to  guard  it  but  boys."  *  This  leads  me  to  make  some  remarks  on 
the  only  incidents  of  the  battle  introduced  by  Shakspcre. 

At  the  close  of  Sc.  vi.  Henry  exclaims— 

44  But,  bark  !  what  new  alarum  is  this  same  ? 
The  French  have  reinforced  their  scattered  men  : — 
Then  every  soldier  kill  his  prisoners  ; 
Give  the  word  through."* 

In  Sc.  vii.  Fluellen  and  Cower  enter,  the  former  abusing  some  French 
fugitives  who  have  plundered  the  king's  baggage,  and  killed  the  boys  left 
in  charge  of  it.  Cower  tells  him  that  Henry  has  therefore  "most 
worthily,  caused  every  soldier  to  cut  his  prisoner's  throat."  *  During  the 
battle,  as  the  Chronicles  *  state,  some  French  horsemen,'  who  had  been 
the  first  to  fly,  fell  upon  the  English  baggage  and  began  plundering. 
44  But  when  the  outcries  of  the  lackics  and  boies,  which  ran  awaie  for  feare 
of  the  Frenchmen  thus  spoiling  the  campe,  came  to  the  kings  cares,  he 
doubting  least  his  enimies  should  gather  togither  againe,  and  begin  a 
new  field  ;  and  mistrusting  further  that  the  prisoners  would  be  an  aid  to 
his  enimies,  or  the  verie  enimies  to  their  takers  in  deed  if  they  were 
suffered  to  Hue,  contrarie  to  his  accustomed  gentlenes,  commanded  by 
sound  of  trumpet,  that  euerie  man  (vpon  paine  of  death)  should  incon- 
tinentlie  slaie  his  prisoner."  T  Johnson  •  censures  Shakspere  for  making 

>  Sk.  LU^  Pt.  a.  i.  368.  «  Act  IV.  sc.  iv.  11.  79—82. 

•  Act  IV.  sc,  »i.  1L  35—38.  *  Act  IV.  sc.  vii.  1L  9,  10. 

•  d.  S54/3/39. 

'  Their  leaden  were  Rifflart  de  Clamassc.  Robinet  de  Bournonville.  and  Isambart 
d'Arincourt.  About  600  peasants— the  Chronicles,  following  Hall,  p.  69.  erroneously 
say  bonemen— accompanied  them. — MonslreUt.  iii.  344.  St.  Remy  calls  them  Ctttt 
mamjitt  amfiaigmit  de  Framchois,  qui  aussi  fcrtnt  meurir  celle  noble  chevallerie. — 
»m.  14-  Bournonville  and  d  Arincourt  were  imprisoned  for  a  long  time  by  the  duke 
at  Burgundy,  on  account  of  this  affair,  although  they  had  tried  to  make  their  peace  by 
gi*iag  the  duke's  son,  Philip,  a  jewelled  sword  belonging  to  Henry,  which  formed  part 
of  the  plunder.— Uonttrtltt,  iii.  345. 

•  C*.  534  a  57-      Hdll,  p.  69.     Monstrelet.  iii.  344.     St.  Remy  describes  the 
borcfaery.    The  captors — thinking  of  their  ransoms — didn't  like  to  kill  their  prisoners, 
to  two  hundred  archers  were  sent  to  do  the  work.— viii.  14. 

•  Vmriermm  Skakspere,  jtvii.  438,  note. 


The  French  horsemen  (IV.  vii.).    Johnson's  stricture,     xli 

Henry  imply  one  reason  for  the  slaughter  of  the  prisoners,  namely,  the 
fear  lest  they  should  turn  upon  their  captors  ;  while  Cower  speaks  as  if 
the  king  acted  from  feelings  of  resentment.  Both  motives  are  natural 
under  the  circumstances,  and  we  may  suppose  that  the  former  reason 
for  this  massacre  was  communicated  by  Henry  to  his  officers,  the  latter 
being  the  popular,  soldier's  version  of  the  affair. 

As  Fluellen  and  Cower  are  chatting,  the  king  re-enters,  and  orders  a 
herald  to  go  to  some  French  horsemen  stationed  on  a  hill,  and  bid  them 
either  come  down  and  fight,  or  retire  from  the  field,  threatening,  if  they 
do  neither,  to  attack  them.  "  Besides,'  he  adds, 

"  We'll  cut  the  throats  of  those  we  have ; 
And  not  a  man  of  them  that  we  shall  take, 
Shall  taste  our  mercy."  l 

Johnson  *  here  remarks :  "  The  king  is  in  a  very  bloody  humour.  He  has 
already  cut  the  throats  of  his  prisoners,  and  threatens  now  to  cut  them 
again  ;"  and  suggests  a  "dislocation  of  the  scenes."  The  Chronicles? 
after  describing  the  butchery  of  the  prisoners,  thus  proceed :  "  When 
this  lamentable  slaughter  was  ended,  the  Englishmen  disposed  thera- 
selues  in  order  of  battell,  readie  to  abide  a  new  field,  and  also  to  inuade, 
and  newlie  set  on  their  enimies,  with  great  force  they  assailed  the  earles 
of  Marie  and  Fauconbridge,  and  the  lords  of  Louraic,  and  of  Thine,  with 
six  hundred  men  of  armes,  who  had  all  that  daie  kept  togitber,  but  [were] 
now  slaine  and  beaten  downe  out  of  hand.  Some  write,4  that  the  king 

i  Act  IV.  sc.  Til.  U.  66—68.  •  Variorum  Skakspm,  jnrii.  440.  note. 

»  Ck.  554374.     //•'//.  p.  69.    Monstrtlet.  iii.  345. 

•  Elmkam.  pp.  67.  68.  and  l.ivittt.  p.  ao,  record  this  incident  According  to  the 
former.  Henry,  after  overthrowing  the  French  centre,  which  was  opposed  to  the  English 
under  his  own  command  (p.  60),  saw  a  large  body  of  Frenchmen  in  his  front  pre- 
paring for  battle.  After  a  little  while,  flut  fiamt*.  the  other  divisions  of  the  Bs^Ns) 
army  also  succeeded  in  routing  the  troops  opposed  to  them.  The  soldiers  were  by 
this  time  weary,  and  were,  moreover,  insufficiently  provided  with  offensive  weapons, 
a mt i i  imttMt.  It  was  feared,  test  on  renewing  the  conflict,  this  fresh  body  of  the 
enemy  might  be  aided  by  the  French  who  had  been  made  prisoners,  many  of  whom 
therefore  the  English  slew,  even  nobles,  lift/  motiUt.  1 1  U  not  said  that  Henry  ordered 
the  massacre.  The  king  sent  heralds  to  the  French  who  had  caused  the  alarm,  bidding 
them  either  advance,  or  retire  from  the  field.  He  threatened  in  the  former  case.  Urn 
if  it,  fitam  eaftivi  ttd  hut  imptrrtitet,  attfHt  miitritordta,  diriitima  vimdttt*.  f*jm 
AngH  foutmt  iujtigrrt.  interim! ,  p.  68.  The  menace  proved  effectual  and  the  French 
withdrew.  To  the  same  effect  l.ivimi.  p.  ax  Out  ton'*  account  (Ckrtm.  ed.  1483,  sign. 
t.  6.  back),  though  brief,  accords  in  the  main  with  Elmham  and  Uvios.  Elmtum 
casually  mentions  the  plunder  of  the  baggage,  p.  69.  but  the  Cknnielei.  following  Hall, 
whose  authority  to  Monstrelet.  attribute  the  msssacre  of  the  prisoners  to  the  panic 
caused  by  these  French  plunderers;  introducing  Elmham's  and  Uvius's  account  after- 
wards  with  the  words,  ••  Some  write,"  and  omitting  the  reason  they  give  for  the  slaughter 
of  the  prisoners.  The  r-»n>»«r//i  in«m  thb  Incident  after  their  description  of  the  stand 
made  by  the  earls  of  Marie  and  Faiiconbridge;  and  the  wordstbUowinf  it.  "And  so 


xlii  Johtisvn's  objection  answered. 

pefcdving  hit  eoimies  in  one  part  to  assemble  togithcr,  as  though  they 
meant  to  giue  a  new  bat  tell  for  preseruation  of  the  prisoners,  sent  to 
them  an  herald,  commanding  them  either  to  depart  out  of  his  sight,  or 
ebe  to  come  forward  at  once,  and  giue  batteli :  promising  herewith, 
that  if  they  did  offer  to  fight  againe,  not  onelie  those  prisoners  which 
his  people  alreadie  had  taken ;  but  also  so  manic  of  them  as  in  this  new 
conflict,  whkh  they  thus  attempted  should  fall  into  his  hands,  should  die 
the  death  without  redemption." 

This  account,  I  think,  explains  Johnson's  difficulty,  and  shows 
Shakspere's  care  in  following  the  Chronicles.  For,  in  the  first  place,  it 
b  reasonable  to  suppose  that  many  new  prisoners  would  be  made  in  the 
jOCOOd  engagement  with  the  French  commanded  by  Marie  and  Fuucon- 
bridge :  and  secondly,  the  consecutive  order  in  which  the  incident  of  the 
horsemen,  summoned  by  Henry  to  retire,  is  placed,  leads  us  to  infer 
that  the  compilers  of  the  Chronicles  regarded  it  as  subsequent  to  the 
defeat  of  the  troops  against  whom  the  English  turned  after  the  massacre 
of  the  prisoners.  It  was  a  second  batch  of  prisoners,  therefore,  which 
Henry  afterwards  proposed  to  slay.  Now  let  us  compare  Shakspere 
with  the  Chronicles.  In  Sc.  v.  the  Constable,  Orleans,  and  Bourbon,1 
tortured  with  shame  at  their  defeat,  resolve  to  renew  the  conflict  at  all 
hazards.  Immediately  after  their  exit,  Henry  enters.3  The  stage- 
direction  in  the  P.  reads:  "Alarum.  Enttr  the  King  and  his  trayne, 
with  Prisoners."  In  this  scene — which  is  not  long — the  deaths  of  York 
and  Suffolk  are  related  to  the  king  ;  then  comes  the  alarm,  and  Henry 
orders  the  captives,  those — we  may  conjecture — whom  he  has  brought  with 
him,  to  be  killed.  He  then  goes  out.  While  Flucllen  and  Gower  are 
confer  sing  in  Sc.  vii.  Henry  was,  we  may  imagine,  opposing  the  desperate 
onslaught  of  the  Constable  and  Bourbon.  The  talk  between  Flucllen 
and  Cower  is  interrupted  by  Henry's  return.  The  stage-direction  is : 
"Alarum.  Enter  King  Harry  and  Burbon  with  prisoners"  These,  I 
presume,  are  the  prisoners  whom  the  king  threatens  to  slay  also. 
Shakspere  then,  it  seems,  has  departed  from  his  authority  only  by 
substituting  a  despairing  effort  made  by  the  Constable  and  Bourbon  to 
retrieve  the  fortunes  of  the  day;  for  the  resistance  offered  by  the 
French  men-at-arms  under  Marie  and  Fauconbridge.3 


fonre  of  the  clocke  in  the  after  noone,  the  king  when  he  saw  no  appcrance  of 
&C.,  show  that  they  regarded  it — as  their  authorities  justify  them  in  doing — 
as  the  test  event  of  the  battle.  In  a  muster  roll  printed  by  Nicolas  in  Agiiuourt,  p. 
369.  Henry  is  Hid  to  have  massacred  his  prisoners  because  20,000  men  bad  rallied 
under  the  command  of  "  Sir  William  Tyboniulle,  Lord  of  de  la  Riviere." 

>  Charles  due  d'Orleans,  nephew  of  Charles  VI.,  and  father  of  Louis  XII.    Jean 
doc  de  Bourbon,  son  of  Louis  due  de  Bourbon,  who  was  Charles  the  Sixth's  uncle. 

•  Act  IV.  K.  vi. 

*  I  hare  derived  this  explanation  from  the  notes  of  M.  Mason  and  Malone. — 

SAaJLtftrt,  vriL  w  44*- 


Henry's  talk  ultk  Montjoy  (IV.  vii.).  xliti 

As  Henry's  herald  goes  out,  to  bid  the  last  remnant  of  the  French 
host  depart,  Montjoy,1  with  saddened  aspect  now,  comes  again,  and 
begs  leave  to  sort  the  noble  dead  from  the  common  men,  with  whom 
they  lie  mingled  in  indistinguishable  heaps.  "  In  the  morning,"  the 
Chronicles  *  record,  "  Montioie  king  at  armes  and  foure  other  French 
heralds  came  to  the  K.  to  know  the  number  of  prisoners,  and  to  desire 
burial!  for  the  dead."  The  king  affects  not  to  be  sure  that  the  day  is 
his,  and  when  Montjoy  shortly  answers,  "  The  day  is  yours,"  Henry 
asks,  "What  is  this  castle  call'd  that  stands  hard  by?"  Montjoy 
replies,  "  They  call  it  Agincourt."  "  Then,"  says  the  king, 

"call  we  this  the  field  of  Agincourt, 
Fought  on  the  day  of  Crispin  Crispianus."  * 

To  resume  the  extract  from  the  Chronicles.*  "  Before  he  made  them 
answer  (to  vnderstand  what  they  would  saie)  he  demanded  of  them  whie 
they  made  to  him  that  request,  considering  that  he  knew  not  whether 
the  victoric  was  his  or  theirs  ?  When  Montioie  by  true  and  iust  confession 
had  cleered  that  doubt  to  the  high  praise  of  the  king,  he  desired  of 
Montioie  to  vnderstand  the  name  of  the  castcll  neere  adjoining:  when 
they  had  told  him  that  it  was  called  Agincourt,  he  said,  Then  shall  this 
conflict  be  called  the  battcll  of  Agincourt."  *  Elsewhere  the  Chronicles 
give  the  date  of  the  battle  —  "  the  fiue  and  twentith  of  October  in  the 
yeare  1415,  being  then  fridaie,  and  the  feast  of  Cri  spine  and  Crispinian,  a 
day  faire  and  fortunate  to  the  English,  but  most  sorrowfull  and  vnluckie 
to  the  French."* 

I  have  not  come  across,  in  the  Chronicles,  the  story  which  Fluellen 
reminds  Henry  of,  about  "  the  Welshmen  who  did  good  service  in  a 


»  Act  IV.  «c.  vii.  1.  69.  «  CM, 

»  Act  IV.  K.  vii.  U.  93.  94.  4  CM.  sss'i  '39- 

•  Hall,  whom  the  CknmitUt  follow,  derived  this  account  from  Momtrrlet.  but  ha* 

lome  alterations  in  it.  Monstrelet  lajri  that  while  the  English  were  stripping 
the  dead—  the  context  shows  that  the  time  roost  have  been  the  dose  of  the  day  oa 
which  the  battle  was  fought—  Henry  called  Monijoy  and  many  other  heralds,  both 
English  and  French  (Hall  says  four  French  heralds),  to  him,  and  pot  to  them  the 
questions  given  in  the  text.  Before  asking  these  questions,  he  told  the  heralds  that 
not  he,  but  God.  had  caused  tht*  slaughter.  oa  account  of  the  sins  of  the  French.  Hall 
makes  Henry  attribute  the  victory  to  "  the  suffraunce  of  GOD  for  iniury  and  mi  ruth 
that  we  haue  receiued  at  the  handes  of  your  Prince  and  his  nadon."  The  CknmieUt 
do  not  record  either  Monstrelet  s  or  Hall's  version  of  this  remark  of  the  king's.  Hall 
provides  Montfoy  with  a  speech  in  answer  to  the  king's  first  question.  The  Cknmicta 
omit  this  also.  Hall,  p.  70.  Mtmitrtbt.  iii.  346.  St.  Remy  say*  nothing  about 
the  heralds,  and  only  mentions  Henry's  enquiry  touching  the  name  of  the  castle.— 
vui.  15. 

•  CM.  552  'a  70.      Rt  jut*   M  fttta  S*mctor*m   Critpimi  e>  Critfimi-tii  U*t* 
victtri*  tibi  [Henry  V.]  «Ut*r,  tmmi  du,  dmnmtt  vii*  ima,  OTMMTMM  4*  tudtm  i* 
SUM  mtuamm  imarmm  •mdnit,—  Piaham,  p.  68.    And  so  Liviti,  pp.  so,  ti. 


xliv    Altntpn't  glove.  French  and  English  losses  (IV.  vii-viii.). 

garden  where  leeks  did  grow,  wearing  leeks  in  their  Monmotith  cap»." l 
There  U  something  like  it  in  Brand,1  who  cites  Th*  Royal  Apopkthtgms 
0f  King  J,tm*s,  1658,  to  this  effect :  "  Tkt  Wtlchmtntin  commemoration 
9/tkt  Grttt  Fifkt  fy  tkt  Black  Princt  of  Walts,  do  wear  Lttks  as  their 

chOMBOUign." 

Relieved  from  his  anxiety,  the  king  in  pursuing  his  joke  with 
Williams,  gives  a  glove  to  Flucllen,  professing  to  have  taken  it  from  the 
duke  of  Alenc.on's  helmet.  Alengon,  Monstrelet'  tells  us,  cut  his  way 
to  the  king,  wounded  and  struck  down  the  duke  of  York,  and  dealt 
Hear)- — who  was  stooping  in  order  to  raise  his  cousin — a  blow  on  the 
helmet  which  cleft  from  it  a  part  of  the  encircling  crown.  The  Chronicles* 
record  the  rest :  "  The  king  that  daie  shewed  himselfe  a  valiant  knight, 
albeit  almost  felled  by  the  duke  of  Alanson  ;  yet  with  plaine  strength  be 
slue  two  of  the  dukes  companie,  and  felled  the  duke  himselfe  ;  whomc 
when  he  would  haue  yelded,  the  kings  gard  (contrarie  to  his  mind)  slue 
out  of  hand." 

The  list  of  the  French  dead,  which  the  English  herald J  presents  to 
Henry,  was  taken  by  Shakspere  from  the  Chronicles,9  and  put  into  blank 
verse,  with  but  slight  alterations  or  omissions.  The  same  remark 
applies  to  Exeter's  report  concerning  the  prisoners. 

Shakspere  preferred  accepting  an  incredibly  small  estimate  of  the 
English  losses,7  regardless  of  the  Chronicles'  caveat.  "Of  Englishmen," 
we  read,  "  there  died  at  this  battell,  Edward  duke  of  Yorke,  the  carle  of 
Suffolke,  sir  Richard  Kikelie,  and  Dauie  Gamine  esquier,  and  of  all 
other  not  aboue  fiue  and  twentie  persons,  as  some  doo  report,  but  other 
writers  of  greater  credit  (Grafton  is  cited  in  the  margin)  affirme,  that 
there  were  slaine  aboue  fiue  or  six  hundred  persons.  Titus  Livius 
saith,  that  there  were  slaine  of  Englishmen,  beside  the  duke  of  Yorke, 
and  the  carle  of  Suffolke,  an  hundred  persons  at  the  first  incounter."  * 

>  Act  IV.  sc.  vii.  1L  103—104. 

•  Brand's  Popular  Antiquities,  I.  104,  ed.  1849.     (Bohn's  Ant.  Lit.) 

•  il*utrtltt,  tti.  355.      Alencon  held  up  his  hand,  crying  to  the  king,  "  Je  svis 
U  dme  fAlemton,  tt  mt  rends  a  vans."      Rut  the  gardes  du  corps  du  rot  slew  the  duke 
before  Henry  could  interfere.     Jean  due  d*  Alencon  was  the  father  of  the  Alen9on  we 
meet  with  in  Htmry  VI.  Pt.  x. 

4  Ct  554,'a/ao.     Hall,  p.  69.  •  Act  IV.  sc.  viii.  11.  85—105. 

•  clt-  55S  2  30-    Hall,  pp.  71,  72,  gives  more  names,  taken  from  Monstrelet 's  long 
Kfc— W-  348—354.  «nd  p.  356. 

•  Act  IV.  K.  viii.  11.  108— i ii. 

•  C*.  SSS/a/S*-     Hall,  whom  the  Chronicles  follow,  says  of  this  estimate,  "  if  you 
wfl  feoe  credite  to  such  as  write  miracles :  but  other  writers  whom  I  soner  beleue. 
a/fame  that  there  was  slain  aboue  v.  or  vj.  c.  persons."— p.  72.     He  doesn't  mention 
Uvwi's  estimate.     I  know  not  from  what  source  the  precise  total  of  the  slain  on  the 
Eaffish  side.  "  not  aboue  five  and  twentie  persons,"  was  derived.    The  Harl.  MS. 
Tta,  comammf  the  names  of  those  present  at  Agincourt,  records  as  slain,  "  The  Doc 
of  Yorke.  the  Countie  de  Suff.,  Le  Sr.  de  Richard  Kykellev,  Davy  Game,  Esquier  of 


Thanksgivings  Jor  the  victory  (IV.  viii.)  xlv 

The  thanksgivings  for  the  victory,  which  Henry  directs  to  be  offered 
up,1  are  thus  described  in  the  ChronicUs  .-*  "  And  so  about  foure  of  the 
docke  in  the  afternoone,  the  king  when  be  saw  no  apperance  of  eniinics 
caused  the  retreit  to  be  blowen  ;  and  gathering  his  armie  togither,  gaue 
thanks  to  almightie  God  for  so  happie  a  victorie,  causing  his  prelats  and 
chapleins  to  sing  the  psalme :  In  eritu  Isratl  de  jEgypto^  and  com- 
manded euerie  man  to  kneele  downe  on  the  ground  at  this  verse :  A'o* 
nobis  Dominf,  non  nobis,  sed  nomitu  tut  da  gloriam.  Which  doone,  be 
caused  Tt  Dfum,  with  certeine  anthems  to  be  soong,  giuing  laud  and 
praise  to  God,  without  boasting  of  his  owne  force  or  anie  humane 
power."  I  regret  to  say,  that  one  of  the  "  holy  rites/'  "  The  dead  with 

Wales,  and  x  *nbcn."—Agimetmrt.  p.  369.  Walsingham  says,  "  Dt  furtt  Ktgit 
ttfiJtrt  Domimus  Edwardmt  Dux  Elvrati.  et  Domimtu  Mukatl  Comet  So*tk/oUkim. 
fiutiior  miltta  et  mum  armiger.  ditttu  '  David  Game,"  et  de  tammmnibm  vifimti 
•cto."— li.  313.  This  Michael  de  la  Pole,  third  earl  of  Suffolk,  was  succeeded  to  the 
title  by  his  brother  William ;  the  Suffolk  whom  we  meet  with  in  Hemry  VI.,  Pt*.  I 
and  a.  His  father  died  at  the  siege  of  Harflettr.  "  Davydd  gam.  i.  e.  squint-eyed 
David."  was.  Dr.  Meyrick  says,  a  native  of  Brecknockshire.  Having  killed  a  kinsman 
in  an  affray  in  the  High  Street  of  Brecknock,  he  was  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  Fnglml, 
He  became  a  devoted  partizan  of  the  House  of  Lancaster,  and  a  bitter  enemy  of  Owen 
Glendower.  Gam  was  a  nickname,  his  real  name  being  David  Llewelyn,  "and  there 
are  good  grounds  for  supposing  that  Shakspere  has  caricatured  him  in  Captain 
Fluellin."  These  "good  grounds"  are  not  stated  by  DC.  Meyrick.— See  note  in 
the  appendix  to  Agineomrl,  p.  60. 

Nicolas  has  collected  and  discussed  the  authorities  for  the  French  and  English 
\uue*.—Agi*eo*rt.  pp.  132—137.  The  discrepancies  which  appear  in  regard  to  the 
former  may.  he  thinks,  be  reconciled  by  supposing  the  lesser  estimates  to  include  only 
persons  of  superior  rank,  and  men-at-arms,  while  in  the  larger  all  ranks  are  counted. 
His  total  is  between  ten  and  eleven  thousand  men.  As  to  the  English  losses  the  French 
and  English  writers  are  irreconcilable,  the  estimates  varying  between  Monstrelet's  and 
St.  Remy's,  1600  of  all  ranks,  and  the  absurd  computation  of  the  Gtita.  p.  58. — the 
duke  of  York,  earl  of  Suffolk,  two  knights,  moviter  imtigmitot  mililet.  and  nine  or 
ten  other  persons.  Pierre  de  Fenin  computed  the  English  loases  at  400  or  500  slain : 
Berry,  the  French  herald,  at  300  or  400,  Nicolas  reconciled  these  estimates  with 
Monstrelet's  and  St.  Remy's  on  the  supposition  that  men-albums  only  were 
The  English  chronicler*  do  not  even  accord  with  one  another  in  their 
Nicolas  says.  "  the  gross  amount  of  the  slain,  one  hundred,  as  asserted  by 
and  LJvius.  appears  to  be  an  ample  proportion  of  inferior  persons,"  p.  135.  He 
reminds  the  reader,  however,  that  St.  Remy  was  present  with  the  English  army, 
and  infers  from  expressions  in  the  chancellor's  speech  to  parliament  on  the  sad  of 
November.  1415.  and  in  (he  decisions  relative  to  the  wages  of  those  who  served  in  the 
expedition  to  France  (appendix,  pp.  51.  $a).  that  the  number  of  the  slain  exceeded  the 
English  chroniclers'  calculations.  The  chancellor  said  the  victory  was  woo  MJM 
framdferdt  de  let  Emgteu.— Agtncourt.  p.  161.  note. 

*  Act  IV.  sc.  viii.  1.  ia8.     I  cannot  And  any  authority  for  11.  no>  iw  — 

"  And  be  it  death  proclaimed  through  our  host. 
To  boast  of  this."  Ac. 

•  Ck.  sss'i.ai.    Hall,  p.  70. 


xlvi  Henry's  return  and  reception  (Prol.  v.). 

charity  enclosed  in  clay/'1  was  neglected.  The  Chronicles*  record 
bow  "The  same  randaie  [Saturday,  Oct.  26]  that  the  king  remooued  from 
the  campe  at  Agincourt  towards  Calls,  diuerse  Frenchmen  came  to  the 
fielde  to  view  againe  the  dead  bodies  ;  and  the  pezants  of  the  countrie 
spoiled  the  carcasses  of  all  such  apparell  and  other  things  as  the 
Englishmen  had  left :  who  tooke  nothing  but  gold  and  siluer,  iewels, 
rich  apparell  and  costlie  armour.  But  the  plowmen  and  pezants  left 
no  thing  behind,  neither  shirt  nor  clout :  so  that  the  bodies  laic  starke 
naked  vntill  wednesdaie." 

Henry  sailed  from  Calais  on  the  6th  of  November,  arriving  the  same 
day  at  Dover.  The  statement  of  the  Chronicles?  that  "  In  this  passage, 
the  seas  were  so  rough  and  troublous,  that  two  ships  belonging  to  sir 
John  Corncwall,  lord  Fanhope,  were  driuen  into  Zcland  ;  howbcit, 
nothing  was  lost,  nor  any  person  pcrisht,"  may  be  alluded  to  in  the 
Prologue  to  Act  V.  11.  11—13: — 

"  the  deep-mouth'd  sea 

Which,  like  a  mighty  whiffler4  'fore  the  king, 

Seems  to  prepare  his  way." 

Stow1  relates  how,  "  When  the  king  had  passed  the  Sea,  and  was  come 
to  arriue  and  to  take  land  at  Doucr,  innumerable  people  of  Religion, 
Priestcs,  and  Noblemen,  and  of  the  commons  came  running  to  meete  the 
King  in  cuerie  way."  The  Prologue*  depicts  this  scene — 

>  L.  199. 

•  Ck.  55S'i/68.     Momstrtltt,  iii.  357—359.       Philippe  comtc  de  Charolois,  caused 
all  the  bodies  left  unclaimed  on  the  field,  5800  in  number,  to  be  buried  in  three  pits. 
The  burial-place  was  consecrated,  and  enclosed  by  a  strong  hedge  to  keep  out  wolves 
•ad  dogs.    Some  of  the  dead  were  removed  for  interment  in  their  own  churches. 
Many  men  who  had  been  mortally  wounded  in  the  battle  died  in  the  towns  and  villages 
of  the  neighbourhood,  or  in  the  woods  near  the  battle-field.     Amongst  the  slain  who 
were  borne  away  by  their  servants,  Monstrclet  mentions  the  dukes  of  Brabant  and 
Alencon.  the  Constable,  and  the  comte  de  Fauquembergue.  be  who,  with  the  remnant 
of  (be  rear-guard,  made  the  last  stand  against  the  English. 

•  CA.   SS*/*/«4-     Hall.  p.  72.    Monstrelct,  whom  Hall  and  the  Chroincles  follow, 
smys  the  sea  was  moult  fort  troublit.—'ak.  360.    According  to  Elmham  and  Livius, 
though  the  passage  was  rough,  yet  the  wind  was  fair  for  England.     A  number  of 
prisoners  of  the  highest  rank  were  on  board  the  royal  ship.    They  suffered  severely 
from  the  mat  de  mer,  to  much  so,  quod  [haec]  illis  dies  nan  actrba  minus  videbatur 
qu*m  tmm  tafti  cum  tanta  ruorum  itragt,  Livius,  p.  22 ;  and  both  writers  record  the 
•HonhboMBt  of  the  French  nobles,  mar  is  elacionibus  non  assutti.  as  Elmham  remarks, 
•I  Henry's  perfect  immunity  from  that  distressing  disorder.    The  king,  says  be,  was 
not  only  in  good  health,  iutolumtn,  but  }o\\y,j<xundum, — Elmham,  p.  70;  Livius, 
p.  ma. 

4  "The  whimers  were  generally  pipers  and  horn-blowers  who  headed  a  procession, 
and  cleared  the  way  for  *."—Hallnoeirs  Diet.  s.  v.  Whiffler. 

•  AmmaUs.  p.  574.  ed.  1605.     Tamtus  erat  amor  expettatioque  rtgis,  ut  in  if  sum 

tmam  plurimi  ptdibus  ad  regiam  navtm  profisctrentur,  ilium  in  ulnis  et 
l*ffi  tmit  ad  Urram  4/0r*d/*r».— Livius.  p.  22,  and  see  Elmham,  p.  71. 

•  LL  9— si. 


Henry's  humility.  The  Emperor's  mission  (Prol.  v.).     xlvii 

"  behold,  the  English  beach 
Pales  in  the  flood  with  men,  with  wives,  and  boys 
Whose  shouts  and  claps  out-  voice  the  deep-mouth'd  sea  ;  " 

and  proceeds:— 

"  You  may  imagine  him  upon  Blackheath  : 
When  that  his  lords  desire  him  to  have  borne 
His  bruised  helmet,  and  his  bended  sword, 
Before  him,  through  the  city  :  he  forbids  it, 
Being  free  from  vainness  and  self  -glorious  pride  ; 
Giving  full  trophy,  signal,  and  ostent, 
Quite  from  himself  to  God."1 

Then  we  are  to  imagine  — 

"  How  London  doth  pour  forth  her  citizens  ! 
The  mayor,  and  all  his  brethren,  in  best  sort, 

****** 
Go  forth,  and  fetch  their  conquering  Gesar  in.*1 

Or,  as  the  Chronicles*  have  it:  "The  maior  of  London,  and  the 
aldermen,  apparelled  in  orient  grained  scarlet,  and  foure  hundred  com- 
moners dad  in  beautifull  inurrie,  well  mounted,  and  trimlic  horsscd,  with 
rich  collars,  &  great  chaines,  met  the  king  on  Blackheath,  reioising  at 
his  returnc  :  and  the  clergie  of  London,  with  rich  crosses,  sumptuous 
copes,  and  massie  censers,  receiued  him  at  saint  Thomas  of  Waterings 
with  solemne  procession. 

"  The  king  like  a  graue  and  sober  personage,  and  as  one  remembring 
from  whom  all  victories  are  sent,  seemed  little  to  regard  such  vaine 
pompe  and  shewes  as  were  in  triumphant  sort  deuised  for  his  welcom- 
ming  home  from  so  prosperous  a  ioumie,  in  so  much  that  he  would  not 
suffer  his  helmet  to  be  caried  with  him,  whereby  might  haue  appeared 
to  the  people  the  blowes  and  dints  that  were  to  be  scene  in  the  same."* 

LI-  38—  39» 

"  The  emperor's  coming  in  behalf  of  France, 
To  order  peace  between  them  ;  " 


»  I  J.  16-  w.  •  LL  H   •*  •  Ck.  556/1/38.    Hall.  p.  73. 

•  The  Ckromiclti  die  Uviui  (pp.  aa.  93)  in  the  margin,  but  KCTO  rather  to  haw 
followed  Elmharo.  tf.  556/1/45—48.  "  neither  would  he  suffer  any  ditties  to  be  mad* 
or  toon*  by  minstrel*  of  his  g  lorious  victorie.  far  that  be  would  whoUe  bane  the  praise 
and  thanks  altogether  giuen  to  God"  with  wli  •mmipottnii  Dto  tt  v«Jb  vitUrtom 
imfnljri,  ommtbmt  //<*»/  rt/trt.  im  tamtam,  f**4  tvmtmi  di  tmo  trimmfktftri,  urn  frr 
(itkjrhlai,  vtt  alioi  qtuttmrnqmt  eamtari  ftmitm  frvkiMal.  p.  72.  On  Henry  '•  entry 
into  London,  boys  perched  on  lowers  sang  thankagrvtngs  and  chants,  and  LJriua 
merely  says  thai  the  king.  k«<  tteHM  riM  **»  ftrptMmr,  tti  Dtf  l**itm  »m*tm 
rt/trt  &  florism,  p.  aa.  The  pageant  is  described  In  the  Gttla.  pp.  61—68. 


xl  viu  Conference  at  Mfulan. 


the  visit  of  the  emperor  Sigismund  in  1416,  who  "  came  into 
Enfr*1"1.  to  the  intent  that  he  might  make  an  attonement  betweene  king 
Hcnne  and  the  French  king." » 

The  events  which  preceded  the  interview  at  Troyes— dramatised  by 
Shakspere  in  Act  V.  sc.  it — must  be  briefly  touched  upon.  Henry 
returned  to  France  in  1417  with  a  large  army,  and  by  a  series  of  success* 
ful  skges  reduced  Normandy  to  submission.  In  1419,  Jean  sans  i'cur, 
duke  of  Burgundy,  who  was  then  the  virtual  ruler  of  France,  opened 
negotiations  for  peace  with  Henry,  and  proposed  a  personal  conference. 
This  took  place  at  Meulan,  the  queen,  Isabel  of  Bavaria  and  her 
daughter  Katherine  being  also  present.*  "  The  said  ladie  Katharine," 
we  read,  "  was  brought  by  hir  mother,  onelie  to  the  intent  that  the  king 
of  England  beholding  hir  excellent  beautie,  should  be  so  inflamed  and 
rapt  in  hir  loue,  that  he  to  obteine  hir  to  his  wife,  should  the  sooner 
agree  to  a  gentle  peace  and  louing  concord."'  But  in  consequence 
either  of  the  excessive  demands  made  by  the  king,  or  perhaps,  as 
Monstrelet4  hints,  through  the  intrigues  of  the  Dauphin,  who  sought  by 
pfofas  of  friendship  to  draw  away  the  duke  from  the  English  alliance  ; 
the  numerous  conferences  between  the  two  parties  led  to  no  result,  "  saue 
onlic,"  as  the  Ckroitidts*  assure  us,  "that  a  certeine  sparke  of  burning 

1  CM.  556 '1/39.  Han  says  that  the  emperor  "  came  front  the  farthest  part  of 
Hturgary  into  Fnuwce  and  after  into  England,  imendyng  to  knit  together  all  christen 
princes  in  one  line  and  amiiee.  and  so  bey  ng  frendes  together,  to  make  war  and  reuenge 
thdr  quardles  against  the  Turke  the  persecutor  of  Christes  failbe  and  enemie  to  all 

•  The  spot  chosen  fur  this  interview  was  bounded  by  two  fosses,  which  were  con- 
nected with  the  Seine  ;  a  triangular  space  being  thus,  I  presume,  enclosed.     Within 
these  boundaries  two  pavilions  were  pitched  for  the  accommodation  of  the  diplomatists 
engaged  on  either  side.     In  order  to  preserve  due  decorum,  a  post  was  fixed  in  the 
middle  of  the  enclosure,  beyond  which  limit  the  princely  personages  present  were  not 
to  approach  one  another.     Each  party— encamping  outside  the  enclosed  space — was 
to  bring  no  more  than  3500  soldiers  to  the  place  of  meeting.— Elmkam,  pp.  317,  318 ; 
l.n-imi,  pp.  73.  74.    Monstrelet  says  that  the  enclosure  was  tret  bitn  clot  dt  bonnes 
b+tlUt  (fertti).  fortant  dt  bont  ait  hauls,  aff>njr/i  dt  toltvts  tn  aucum  cStit  .  .  .  tt  y 
•MKS  plmttemn  tmtrftt  fcrmtet  4  troit  barrieret. — iv.  154.     Hall,  p.  90,  says.  "  The 
Frenchmen  dkfaed.  trenched,  and  paled  thdr  lodgynges  for  feare  of  afterclappes  : 
Bat  the  Englishmen  had  their  parte  only  barred  and  ported."  Elmham,  however,  simply 
remarks  that  the  foue  on  the  French  side  was  deeper  and  wider.— p.  217. 

>  CM.  oSo/a/n.  Hall,  p.  91.  The  ChronicUt  follow  Hall  in  this  passage.  His 
•nthority  mnm  to  have  been  Monstrelet.  who  noticing  the  fact  that  the  princess 
KatheffcM  did  not  return  to  Mrulan  after  the  interview  which  opened  the  negotiations, 
lays  she  was  brought  there  afn  qmt  ltdit  rot  d"Angleterrt  la  vtt,  lequtl  ttoit  moult 
mtmrmmt  4*  ftt+tr  tn  mariagt,  tt  y  avoit  bitn  came,  car  tilt  etoit  moult  belle  damt 
dt  mtmt  Utm  it  dt  graatmtt  mamiert.—vi.  156.  The  French  court  was  then  at  Pontoise ; 
Heavy  was  at  Mantes.  Meulan  lie*  between  these  two  places. 

«  M**ttr*Jft.  r*.  156.  Tannegny  du  Chatd.  the  chief  actor  in  the  duke's  subsequent 
was  the  bearer  of  the  Dauphin's  proposals. 

•  Cm.  fSo/a/JjI.      Siti  firUuit  amorit  tcintilla,  ri  qma  fmtrit,  inter  re^em  tt 


Meeting  at  Troyes.    Henry's  marriage.  xlix 

loue  was  kindled  in  the  kings  heart  by  the  sight  of  the  ladie  Katherine.* 
The  duke  was  shortly  afterwards  assassinated  in  the  presence  of  the 
Dauphin  at  the  bridge  of  Montereau,1  although  a  treaty  of  peace  had 
previously  been  concluded  between  them.  Jean  sans  Peur's  son,  Philippe 
re  Bon,  was  by  this  treacherous  deed  driven  into  an  alliance  with  the 
English,  which  lasted  many  years,  and  contributed  much  to  the  retention 
of  their  hold  upon  France  during  the  weak  reign  of  Henry  VI.  The 
first  fruit  of  the  Dauphin's  and  his  advisers'  policy  was  the  re-opening  off 
the  negotiations  broken  off  at  Moulin.  A  trace  having  been  arranged, 
Philip,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  in  the  supreme  direction  of  the 
state,  held  a  conference  with  Charles  VI.,  Queen  Isabel,  and  the  English 
ambassadors  at  Troyes.  It  was  agreed  that  Henry  should,  on  his 
marriage  with  the  princess  Katherine,  be  recognised  as  heir  to  the  throne 
of  France  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Dauphin.*  In  May,  1420,  the  king 
entered  Troyes,  where  Charles  VI.  and  the  French  court  awaited 
him.  Here  his  betrothal  and  marriage1  to  the  princess  took  place.  A 
treaty  of  peace  in  accordance  with  the  terms  stated  above  was  finally 
ratified  ;  the  duke  of  Burgundy  and  many  other  French  nobles  taking  at 
the  same  time  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  Henry  as  their  future  sovereign. 

Courtcnay4  says  that  Shakspere  confounds  the  meetings  at  Meulan 
and  Troyes,  but  I  can  find  only  one  allusion  which  points  to  the  former. 
Henry's  quarters  at  Meulan  were, we  are  told,  "barred  about  and  ported."* 
Burgundy,  in  his  appeal  for  peace,  reminds  his  hearers  of  the  pains  he 
has  taken  to  bring  the  kings  of  France  and  England  "  Unto  this  bar, 
and  royal  interview  :  "  •  where  "  this  bar  "  doubtless  means  the  barrier* 
which  it  was  usual  for  each  party  to  erect  on  such  occasions,  in  order  to 
preserve  decorum  and  guard  against  treachery.  No  mention  is  made  of 
a  like  precaution  at  Troyes,  the  previous  amicable  understanding  having 
of  course  rendered  such  an  arrangement  unnecessary. 

Charles  VI.,  who,  on  account  of  his  mental  malady,  was  not  present 
at  the  Meulan  conference,  had  so  far  regained  his  health  as  to  be  able  to 
Uke  an  official  part  in  the  meeting  at  Troyes,  although  he  may  still  have 
been,  as  Monstrelet  supposes,  so  entirely  under  the  influence  of  his 
advisers  as  to  sanction  measures  which  were  prejudicial  to  bit  own 
interests.'  Regarding  the  English  nobles  introduced  in  this  scene,  I 

I/MM  moMutimam  Katktrimam  praatttm*,  tx  kilt  vititmt  mmtmit  til  mtfrimt 
tmjUmmila.— Elmtuun.  p.  aj6.     \in  qitod  vit*  rtgut  K*llunmm  f«W*«  •morn 
jUmm*  Marl  turn  rtftm  Imme  frimmm  *ttt*4it.— LMui,  p.  75. 
Toe  Buroer  •  dawnbao  by  MMutftut,  Iv.  chap  "9* 
•ffotiaooo*.  hr.  MS.  M& 


The  marriage  took  place  on  June  sttd.  14*0. 

CommumUriti  on  tiu  Harriett  *%///  ffSMfk^ttrt,  L  sat. 

CM.  stya/s.     Hall,  p.  90.  •  Art  V.  K.  H.  I.  •?. 

Henry  on  arriving  at  Troyes  went  without  daUjr  to  visit  Charia.  and  was  i 

C  • 


I  Mtfting  at  Troyes  (V.  ii.). 

muu  obterve  that  Exeter,  who  point*  out  the  unsubscribed  article  of  the 
treaty;  aod  the  dukes  of  CUrence  and  Gloucester  were,  the  Ckrottuits 
uate,  present  at  the  Mculan  conference.1  Westmoreland,  to  whom  11. 
460  463  are  assigned  by  the  K%  was  not  present  at  either  meeting. 
The  dukes  of  CUrence  and  Gloucester,  and  the  earls  of  Warwick  and 
Huntingdon,  whom  the  king  dismisses  in  11.  84,  85,  with  full  powers  to 
ratify  the  treaty,  did,  according  to  the  Chronicles,  accompany  Henry  to 
Troyes,' 

Henry's  salutation  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy  at  the  opening  of  the 


"  And  as  a  branch  and  member  of  this  royalty, 
By  whom  this  great  assembly  is  contriv'd, 
We  do  salute  you,  duke  of  Burgundy — "  * 

sets  forth  the  fact  that  peace  was  due  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy's 
counsels.  The  speeches  of  the  sovereigns  and  nobles  in  this  scene  have 
no  parallel  in  the  Chronicles,  Courtenay,4  however,  sees  a  similarity 
which  does  not  strike  me  between  11.  68 — 71 — 

"  If,  duke  of  Burgundy,  you  would  the  peace, 
Whose  want  gives  growth  to  the  imperfections 
Which  you  have  cited,  you  must  buy  that  peace , 
With  full  accord  to  all  our  just  demands  ;  " 

and  the  parting  words  of  Henry  V.  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy  [Jean  sans 
Peur]  on  the  breaking  up  of  the  conference  at  Meulan,  "  Coosine,  we 
will  haue  your  kings  daughter,  and  all  things  that  we  demand  with  hirt 
or  we  will  driue  your  king  and  you  out  of  his  rcalme."  * 

received.  Thereupon  Ln/ius  remarks :  Karoltii  emim  per  id  temporis  sua  valetudint 
qna  tola  tattfatat,  ad  temfui  partimper  levatui  trat — p.  83.  Klmham's  words,  in 
idadnf  the  nine  event,  are :  qni  [Charles  VI.]  licet,  mt  supra  relatnm  tsl.  plerumqnt 
r*f»*mit  pateretnr  exilinm,  modo  tame*,  /orfasiis  bentficium  inlervatli  Intidioris 
mdeptns,  A><.— p.  951.  Monstrelet  comments  thus  upon  the  treaty  of  Troyes :  Etfut 
tnU  et  dtssms  dit  [the  terms  of  the  treaty],  accordt  par  U  rot  Charles,  Uquel  em  long- 
tempi  par  avamt  m'avoit  ell  en  sa  vive  mtmoirt,  comme  dit  est  deuns.  Et  etoit  content 
facttrder  et  trailer  em  tout  flats  selon  r opinion  de  ctux  qtii  ttoient  assistants,  on  em 
t*  prf tenet,  tant  em  torn  prejudice  comme  antrememt. — iv.  aa6. 

•  Cm.  569'!  Vf.    Httlt,  p.  91. 

•  Cm.  STa/3,'9.    Hall,  p.  95.    Exeter,  with  other  ambassadors,  went  to  Troyes 
to  settle  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  returned  to  Rouen,  where  Henry  then  was.— 
Cm.  J7«/l/4». 

John  Holland,  earl  of  Huntingdon,  created  duke  of  Exeter,  ai  Hrn.  VI.,  distin- 
fMked  himx-If  in  the  French  wars.— Collins  s  Peerage,  ed.  1714,  ii.  125.  His  son 
Heery  HoJUnd.  duke  of  Exeter,  appears  in  Henry  VI.,  Pt.  3.  Act  I.  sc.  i. 

Richard  Beaocnamp.  earl  of  Warwick,  appean  in  Henry  IV.,  Pt.  2.     Died  1439. 

•  LLs-7- 

4  Commentaries  on  (me  Historical  Plays  of  Skaksfxare,  \.  909. 

•  Cm.  569/8/45.    At  the  last  of  the  Meulan  conference,  Henry,  finding  that  his 

I  not  be  complied  with,  said  to  the  duke  of  Burgundy  :  "  Btau  consist. 


Wooing  scene  in  the  FAMOUS  VICTORIES.  li 

The  Famous  Victorus1  has  a  concluding  scene  which  somewhat 
resembles  this  of  Shakspere's.  Henry  enters  in  a  most  uncompromising 
mood,  and  orders  his  secretary  to  read  aloud  the  conditions  of  peace, 
which  are :  his  immediate  coronation  as  king  of  France,  and  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  same  dignity  to  his  heirs  for  ever.  Charles  demurs  at 
tirat,  but  in  the  end  takes  a  copy  of  the  ultimatum,  and  retires  to  consider 
it.  Having  sent  off  his  lords,  Henry  soliloquizes.  He  reflects  upon  the 
small  claim  to  the  princess's  favour  which  his  treatment  of  her  father  has 
given  him.  From  what  follows  Shakspere  has  taken  some  hints.  The 
princess,  entering  with  her  ladies,  tells  Henry  that  her  father  has  sent 
her  to  obtain  better  tenns  from  him.  The  king  commends  his  royal 
brother's  discernment  in  choosing  such  an  ambassador,  and  asks  can  she 
"tell  how  to  louc?"  She  cannot  hate,  is  the  reply,  'twould  be  more 
unfit  for  her  to  love.  Henry  then  demands  if  she  can  love  the  king 
of  England,  adding— 

"  I  cannot  do  as  these  Countries  [  ?  Countys]  do, 
That  spend  halfe  their  time  in  woing : 
Tush,  wench,  I  am  none  such." 

"  I  cannot  look  greenly,"  says  Shakspere's  Henry,  "  nor  gasp  out  my 
eloquence."  *  Katherine  wishes  she  had  the  king  as  fast  in  love  as  be 
has  her  father  in  wars ;  she  wouldn't  vouchsafe  a  look  till  Henry  abated 
his  demands.  Henry  is  sure  she  wouldn't  use  him  so  hardly,  and  repeats 
his  question.  She  replies — 

"  How  should  I  loue  him,  that  hath  dealt  so  hardly 
With  my  father?" 

Shakspere's  Katherine  answers  the  same  question  thus,  "  Is  it  possible 
dat  I  sould  love  de  enemy  of  France  ? "  *  Henry  says  be  won't  be  so  hard 
with  her,  but  what  is  her  answer  ?  If  she  were  at  her  own  disposal  she 
could  give  one  i  but  she  stands  at  her  father's  direction,  and  must  first 
know  his  will.  "  Wilt  thou  have  me  ? "  Shakspere's  Henry  asks,  at  the 
end  of  his  final  appeal.  "  Dat  is  as  it  sail  please  de  roy  mon  firt,"*  is  the 
response.  The  king  wants  to  know  if  he  has  ktr  good  will.  She  can't 
give  him  any  assurance,  but  wouldn't  have  him  despair.  Henry  is 
delighted,  and  swears  she's  a  sweet  wench.  The  princess  here  indulges 
in  an  aside  on  her  good  fortune,  and  then  the  king  say* — 


•Mtf  9f*U*t  f*i  tvftf  Mtkitt  qmt  *<nt  a*iv*t  la  flit  At  Mftv  *W.  ft  /*»/  ft  fm't 
dtmamJJ  avte  tilt.  9*  momt  It  Momtervmi,  It  WMrf  tmui,  ttn  it  w*  rwnt ••»/." 
Ann)  milt  i  paroltt  Mil  dmt  rjfomdtt :  "  Sir*.  t+*t  Jitti  tWrr //«**«>;  mth  4tv«/ 
f  «'«pr*  <//&>•//  mamuigmtmr  ft  mom  ktrt  4t  torn  royammt,  vnu  urn  Htm  Uut ;  it  A 
(t  m/Sfitfmi  mmllt  4»mlt."— Moostrdet,  I*.  157. 

'   Sh.  /.<>..  pt.  8.  I.  3*9-371 

•  L.  14*  •  U  17*.  179-  «  I-  «*7- 


lii          Henry's  agility.  His  personal  appearance  (V.  ii.). 

"  Sweete  Kate,  tcl  thy  father  from  me, 
That  none  in  the  world  could  sooner  haue  perswaded  me  to 
It  then  thou,  and  so  tel  thy  father  from  me." 

This  reminds  one  of — "  You  have  witchcraft  in  your  lips,  Kate  :  there  is 
more  eloquence  in  a  sugar  touch  of  them  than  in  the  tongues  of  a  French 
council:  and  they  would  sooner  persuade  Harry  of  England  than  a 
general  petition  of  monarch*." l  The  writer  of  Tkt  Famous  Victories 
has,  however,  omitted  the  kiss,  which  Shakspere,  with  more  truth 
to  nature,  made  Henry  claim  at  this  juncture.*  The  king,  after 
Katherine  has  left  him  with  the  valediction,  "  God  kdepe  your  Maiestie 
in  good  health,"  brutally  remarks  that,  if  he  wasn't  sure  of  her  father's 
good  will  he  would  make  Charles  glad  to  bring  her  to  him  on  hands  and 
knees. 

Henry's  strength  and  agility — "  If  I  could  win  a  lady  at  leap-frog,  or 
fcy  vaulting  into  my  saddle  with  my  armour  on  my  back,  under  the 
correction  of  bragging  be  it  spoken,  I  should  quickly  leap  into  a  wife  "  * — 
are  amply  vouched  for.  "  In  strength  and  nimblcncssc  of  bodie  from  bis 
youth  few  to  him  comparable,  for  in  wrestling,  Itaping,  and  running,  no 
man  well  able  to  compare.  In  casting  of  great  iron  barres  and  heauie 
stones  he  excelled  commonlie  all  men."  *  His  depreciation  of  his 
outward  seeming, — as  one  "  whose  face  is  not  worth  sun-burning,  that 
never  looks  in  his  glass  for  love  of  anything  he  sees  there,"6 — the 
"  aspect  of  iron  "'  that  frights  ladies  when  he  comes  to  woo  them, — hardly 
accords  with  the  Chronicles''  description.  "  Knowen  be  it  therefore,  of 
person  and  forme  was  this  prince  rightlie  representing  his  heroicall 

i  LL  301—306. 

1  At  the  first  of  the  Meulan  meetings,  Henry  saluted  both  the  qneen  and  the 
pdMHB  with  a  kiss.  The  latter,  Elmham  tells  us  in  very  fine  language,  blushed.  — 
p.  aaa.  Monstrelet  relates  the  same  incident,  but  is  decorously  silent  concerning  the 
effect  of  the  king's  salutation. — iv.  155. 

•  LL  14^-145- 

«  CM.  583/1/58.  Hall.  p.  112.  Om net  coataneos  stiffs  solitude  fraeusit.— 
Elmham.  p.  la.  If  we  believe  Elmkam,  p.  la,  and  Livitts,  p.  4,  Henry  was  so  fleet 
of  foot  as  to  be  able  often  to  catch  deer,  driven  from  their  coven.  Two  chosen 
companions  joined  him  in  the  chase,  but  he  used  neither  dogs,  or  missiles.  His  ability 
for  throwing  heavy  weights  is  not  mentioned. 

•  LI.  I53—I55-  *  L.  244. 

»  CM.  583/9/54,  Hall,  p.  113.  Uvius  thus  pictures  Henry :  Hie  era/  prinetps 
ultra  mtdiam  statmram^  facie  decora,  oblongo  collo,  carport  gracili,  membris  ntblilibus, 
mirii  tame*  viribut. — p.  4.  Elmham's  words  are :  Fades  ejus  multa  favore  perfusa 
trot,  collum  txtentum,  corpus  graeiU,  membra  ejus  no*  multum  musevlosa  came 
tmmtmtia,  multa  tamtn  fortitudine  mirabiliter  viriuosa.—  p.  12.  As  to  his  stature, 
Ebnham  says :  mediocri  statura  decemter  emit  nit.— p.  12.  I  do  not  know  Hall's 
authority  for  the  colour  of  his  hair.  There  is  a  portrait  of  Henry  V.  in  the  Provost's 
Lodge  at  Eton,  resembling,  if  my  memory  serves  me,  Vertue's  engraving,  "  From  an 
Anuent  Picture  now  in  the  Palace  at  Kensington." 


FAMOUS  VICTORIES.     Treaty  ofTroyes,  art.  25  (  V.  ii.).     liii 

affects,  of  suture  and  proportion  tall  and  manlie,  rather  leane  than 
grose,  somewhat  long  necked  and  blacke  haired,  of  countenance 
amiable." 

To  resume  the  comparison  with  the  Famous  Victories.  After  a  scene 
in  which  Derrick  and  his  friend  John  Cobler  turn  up  for  some  more  buf- 
foonery, Henry  V.  enters  with  the  duke  of  Exeter  and  the  earl  of  Oxford : 
then  follow  Charles  VI.,  the  Dauphin,  and  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  The 
instrumentality  of  the  last-named  in  bringing  about  peace  is  never  even 
alluded  to  throughout  the  play.  The  Dauphin  was  of  course  not  present 
at  this  or  the  former  meeting.  Charles  objects  to  Henry's  being  forth- 
with crowned  king  of  France.  Henry  insists,  and  then  complains  of 
certain  Frenchmen  unknown,  who  fired  his  tent  at  the  last  parley 
[  ?  Meulan].  He  suspects  the  Dauphin  of  complicity,  and  threatens. 
The  French  king  assures  him  of  bis  son's  innocence,  and  proposes  that 
Henry  should  be  "  proclaimed  and  crowned  heire  and  Regent  of  France." 
Henry  assents,  with  the  further  stipulations  that  the  crown  shall  descend 
to  his  heirs,  and  the  French  nobles  shall  swear  allegiance  to  him.  These 
being  granted,  the  duke  of  Burgundy  is  sworn  on  Henry's  sword,  and 
the  Dauphin  follows  suit.  The  king  has  one  more  demand  :  the  hand 
of  the  princess.  Again  he  asks  her  if  she  can  love  the  king  of  England, 
ind  again  she  retorts,  "  How  should  I  loue  thee,  which  is  my  father's 
enemy?"  Henry  is  sure  she  is  really  proud  of  having  the  king  of 
England  as  a  suitor,  and  her  father  begs  her  to  hesitate  no  longer.  She 
yields,  frankly  remarking  that  she  had  better  secure  Henry  while  he  is 
willing.  Charles  requests  Henry  to  fix  the  wedding  day,  which  being 
done,  "  The  first  Sunday  of  the  next  moneth,"  the  trumpets  sound  and 
exeunt  omnes.1 

The  article1  which  Exeter  points  out  as  still  unsubscribed,  is  the  2$th 
in  the  treaty  of  Troyes,  and  runs  thus  in  the  Chronicles :  *  "  Also  that 
our  said  father,  during  his  life,  shall  name,  call,  and  write  vs  in  French 
in  this  maner :  Nostrt  treschier  fil*  Henry  tTEngleUrrc  ktretert  ttt 
France.  And  in  Latine  in  this  maner  :  J'nrclarissimus  filiu*  noster 
Henricus  rex  Anglia  &•  hetres  Frontier.*  The  23rd  article  had 
provided  that  "letters  of  common  Justice,  and  also  grants  of  flffiifs 
and  gifts"*  &c.,  should  bear  the  name  and  seal  of  Charles  VI.  It  was  to 
be  lawful,  however,  for  Henry  to  issue  such  if  necessary  (I  presume 
Charles's  mental  malady  is  implied)  "  in  our  fathers  behalfe  and  ours," 
as  regent  of  France.  In  the  24th  article  Henry  engages  not  to  use  the 

1  54.  Lit.,  pt  a,  I.  375-377- 

•  Li.  364  -370.    The  numeration  at  the  articles  U.  I  tnppoie.  due  (o  Hall.  They 
are  not  numbered  In  Elmham  or  MoMtrelet. 

•  Ck.  574/3/69.    //«/',  P-  99- 

•  Ck.  574  a  49.  Halt,  p.  98.    Compare  "That  (he  king  of  France  having  any 
OCCMJon  to  write  for  matttr  of  'grant."— U.  364,  366. 


liv     Burgundy's  oath  (V.  ii.).     Summary  (I.  Pro/.— II.  iv.). 

style  of  king  of  France  during  bis  father-in-law's  lifetime.1     Pracla- 

riuimtu  is  a  misprint,  copied  from  the  Chronults,  for  I'twarissimHs.1 

Shakspere  ends  his  play  with  these  words,  spoken  by  Henry  : — 

"My  lord  of  Burgundy,  we'll  take  your  oath, 
And  all  the  peers',  for  surety  of  our  leagues. 
Then  shall  I  swear  to  Kate,  and  you  to  me  ; 
And  may  our  oaths  well  kept  and  prosperous  be ! "» 

The  Chronicles*  give  the  duke  of  Burgundy's  oath  in  ertenso.  He  and 
the  other  French  nobles  swore  fidelity  in  the  same  terms  on  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty,  and  before  Henry's  marriage  took  place. 

VI.  SUMMARY  OF  RESULTS.  Prologue.  Act  1. 1L  5—8  (Henry  and 
the  dogs  of  war)  Chronicles. 

Act  1.  sc.  i.  11.  9—19  (Confiscation  bill)  Chronicles;— 1L  75—81,  and 
Act  I.  sc.  ii.  11.  132 — 135  (The  clergy's  subsidy)  Chronicles. 

Act  I.  sc.  ii.  U.  33 — 100  (Chichelcy's  speech)  Chronicles.  In  1L  69 — 
71  (Hugh  Capet's  title)  the  Chronicles  have  been  copied  almost  verbatim; 
— L  77  (Lewis  X.)  Chronicles;  Hall,  Lewis  IX  ;— 1.  86  (Simile  of  the 
summer's  sun)  Chronicles;— 1L  98 — 100  (Citation  from  Numbers  xxvii. 
8)  Chronicles  ;—\\.  108—110,  and  Act  II.  sc.  iv.  1L  57  —  62  (Edward 
III.  at  Crecy)  Chronicles;— 1L  167,  1 68  (Westmoreland's  adage) Chron- 
icles; — 11.  180—183  (Exeter's  speech.  Harmony  in  a  state)  Cicero  De 
Kffiublua;  —  \\.  183  —  204  (Chicheley's  bee  simile)  Lyly*s  Euphues ; 
— U.  254 — 266  (Tennis-balls'  story)  Chronicles;  Famous  Victories  of 
Henry  V.; — L  282  (The  gun-stones)  Caxton's  Chronicles. 

Prologue.  Act  II.  L  6,  "the  mirror  of  Christendome."— Hall  i— 11. 
8— 10  (Expectation)  Woodcut  of  Edward  III.  in  the  Chronicles ; — 11. 
20 — 30  (Cambridge's  conspiracy)  Chronicles. 

Act  II.  sc,  ii.  L  8;  11.  96,  97  ;  1L  127—137  (Henry's  confidence  in 
Scrope)  Chronicles; — 1L  155 — 157  (Cambridge's  ambitious  designs) 
Chronicles  ^-  1L  1 66 — 188  (Henry's  addresses  to  the  conspirators  and  to 
his  nobles)  Chronicles. 

Act  1 1.  sc.  iv.  (The  first  French  council  of  war)  Chronicles;  Famous 
Victories; — 1L  102 — 109  (Exeter's  speech)  are  based  on  the  Chronicles; — 

1  The  Ckrtmitla  extracted  the  treaty  from  Hall.  pp.  96—100.  Hall  seems  to  have 
englisbed  the  text  given  by  F.lmham,  pp.  253 — 266.  who  says,  "tarn  in  lingua  Galliea, 
fmam  AnglUa,  tjusdtm  concord  HZ  artumli  pa  lam  per  urbis  [Troyes]  medium  procla- 
wiaMfmr,  qmtntm  quidtm  artuulontm  de  verbo  in  verbum  tenor  sequitur  in  hunc 
•**/»•».••— p.  253.  Hall  shortened  the  preamble,  and  left  out  all  the  diffuse  expressions 
of  the  test  clause,  in  which  Henry  swore  to  observe  the  treaty,  and  confirmed  to  Charles 
VI.  the  rights  guaranteed  him  in  previous  clauses.  In  Monstrelet's  French  version, 
hr.  040—353.  the  preamble  is  different,  and  the  whole  document  runs  in  the  name 
of  Charles  VI.  '  Hall  has  Pracariuimta.  3  LI.  399—402. 

4  From  Livimj.  p.  85.  The  CMramciesgive  the  Latin  text,  and  an  English  version 
of  it..  01.572 'a  48. 


Summary  (II.  iv. — IV.  iii.).  IT 

L  102,  "  in  the  bowels  of  Jesus  Christ  "—Chronicles.    Shakspcrc  has 
altered  the  date  of  Exeter's  embassy  from  February  to  August,  1415. 

Prologue.  Act  1 1 1. 11.  28—31  (The  archbishop  of  Bourges's  embassy) 
Ckromu'tts. 

Act  III.  sc.  ii.  U.  58— 70  (Siege  operations  at  Harfleur  conducted  by 
Gloucester.  The  countermines)  Chronicles. 

Act  III.  sc.  iii.  1L  44—58  (Surrender  of  Harfleur.  Harfleur  entrusted 
to  Exeter.  Sickness  in  the  English  army.  The  march  to  Calais  resolved 
on).  In  11.  46,  47,  from  "that  his  powers,"  to  "great  a  siege,"  the 
Chronicles  have  been  copied  almost  verbatim. 

Act  III.  sc  v.  (The  second  French  council  of  war)  Chronicles. 
The  speeches  are  Shakspere's.  For  L  I  (Passage  of  the  Somme) ; — 11. 
40—45  (Roll  of  the  French  nobles)  ;— 11.  54,  55  (The  captive  chariot  for 
Henry  V.) ; — and  L  64  (The  Dauphin  detained  at  Rouen)  the  CkronUUs 
are  his  authority. 

Act  III.  sc.  vi.  11.  I— 12,  and  1L  94—100  (Defence  of  the  bridge  over 
the  Ternoise)  Chronicles;— 1L  41,  42,  and  11.  105,  106  (Execution  of  a 
soldier  for  stealing  a  yy*)  Chronicles  ; — 11.  113 — 118  (Henry's  disciplinary 
regulations)  Chronicles; — 1L  149  — 151  ;  169 — 174  (Henry's  answer  to 
Montjoy)  Chronicles; — 11.  170,  171,  "I  die  your  tawnie  ground  with 
your  red  bloud" — Chronicles;  —  L  167  (Money  given  to  Montjoy) 
Chronicles.  Montjoy's  defiance  was  delivered  after  the  passage  of 
the  Somme,  according  to  the  Chronicles. 

Act  HI.  sc  vii.  (The  French  nobles'  swaggering  talk)  suggested  by 
the  Chronicles ,-— 1L  93,  94,  and  ProL  Act  IV.  U.  18,  19  (The  French  cast 
dice  for  the  English)  Chronicles,*— U.  135,  136,  and  ProL  Act  IV.  IL 
5 — 7  (Distance  between  the  two  camps),  according  to  the  Chronicles^ 
about  250  paces; — 1L  161—166  (Englishmen  can't  fight  if  deprived  of 
their  beef)  Hall;  I  Htm.  VI.;  Kin^  Edward  III.;  and  Famous  Victories; 
— 1L  168,  169  (Orleans's  boast)  According  to  the  Chronicles^  the  French 
were  drawn  up  ready  for  battle  between  9  and  10  a.m. 

Prologue.  Act  IV.  IL  8,  9  (The  watch  fires)  Chronicles ,^-D.  22—28 
(Sickly  aspect  of  the  English)  Chronicles. 

Act  IV.  sc  i.  L  312  (Re-interment  of  Richard's  body)  Chronicles; 
— U.  315  —  319  (Henry's  alms-deeds  and  chantries)  Fabyan;  Sitmj 
possibly  Caxton's  Chronicles  also. 

Act  IV.  sc.  ii.  11.  60—62  (The  Constable's  guidon)  Chronicles.  This 
story  is  told  of  Antony,  duke  of  Brabant 

Act  IV.  sc.  iii.  L  3  (Number  of  the  French)  Chronicles;—^  16— 18 
(Westmoreland's  wish)  Chronicles,  where  the  wish  is  attributed  to  "one 
of  the  host*  ; — U.  20  —  67  (Henry's  answer  to  Westmoreland)  differ > 
entirely  from  the  Chronicles'  version,  except  in  U.  :o,  21  ;— II.  79—81 
(Henry's  ransom  demanded)  Chronicles.  According  to  the  Chronicles  t 


l\i  Summary  (IV.  Hi.— V.  ii.). 

a  herald  was  sent ;— 1L  122,  123  (The  French  shall  have  naught  save 
Henry's  dead  body)  Chronicles;— 1L  129—132  (Command  of  the  vaward 
given  to  York)  Chronicles. 

Act  IV.  «c.  iv.  (Pistol  and  the  French  soldier)  Famous  Victories, 
perhaps  the  Chronicles  also. 

Act  IV.  sc.ri.lL  36—38  (Massacre  of  the  prisoners)  Chronicles. 

Act  IV.  sc.  vii.  U.  I— 10  (A  raid  on  the  English  baggage  the  cause  of 
the  massacre)  Chronicles?— U.  59—68  (Remnant  of  the  French  host 
ordered  to  depart)  Chronicles ;— 11.  74—94  (Montjoy  asks  leave  to  bury 
the  dead.  Henry's  talk  with  Montjoy)  Chronicles  /— 1L  161,  162  (Henry's 
encounter  with  Alenc.on)  Chronicles. 

Act  IV.  sc.  viii.  11.  81—105  (Lists  of  the  French  taken  captive  or 
slain)  Chronicles.  The  Chronicles  have  been  followed  very  closely  ;— 11. 
loft— in  (The  English  losses)  Chronicles.  Shakspere  has  taken  the 
lowest  estimate;— L  128  (Thanksgiving  for  the  victory)  Chronicles. 

Prologue.  Act  V.  U.  9—11  (Henry's  reception  on  landing),  perhaps 
from  Slow;— 1L  12, 13  (The  homeward  voyage)  The  turbulent  sea,  which, 
according  to  the  Chronicles,  Henry  encountered,  may  be  alluded  to 
here  ;— 1L  16 — 28  (Henry's  reception  on  Blackbeath.  His  humility) 
( 'hronicles ;— U.  38,  39  (The  emperor  Sigismund's  mission  of  peace) 
Chronicles. 

Act  V.  sc  ii.  fl.  5 — 7  (The  meeting  at  Troyes  brought  about  by 
Philippe  Ic  Bon)  Chronicles; — IL  68 — 71  (Henry's  conditions  of  peace), 
perhaps  suggested  by  the  Chronicles;— IL  98 — 306  (The  wooing  scene) 
Famous  Victoria.  Special  resemblances  may  be  traced  in  11.  149,  150 
(Henry's  lack  of  eloquence);  IL  178,  179  (Katherine  says  she  can't  love 
the  national  foe) ;  L  267  (She's  at  her  father's  disposal) ;  and  IL  301—306 
(Her  influence  over  Henry);— IL  142—145  (Henry's  agility)  Chronicles; 
— IL  364 — 370  (Henry  styled  Metres  Francice)  Chronicles;—^.  399,  400 
(Oath  of  the  French  nobles)  Chronicles. 

Dramatis  Persona.  Act  III.  sc.  vi.  (Exeter).  According  to  the 
Chronicles,  "certeine  captains"  were  sent  to  secure  the  bridge. 

Act  IV.  The  Chronicles  do  not  record  that  Bedford,  Westmoreland, 
Warwick,  and  Salisbury  were  present  at  Agincourt.  They  make  Exeter 
present  at  the  battle. 

Act  V.  sc.  ii.  Exeter  was,  according  to  the  Chronicles,  present  at 
the  Meulan  conference  in  1419.  They  make  Clarence  and  Gloucester, 
Warwick  and  Huntington  present  at  Troyes  in  1420.  Westmoreland's 
presence,  either  at  Meulan  or  Troyes,  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Chronicles. 

VII.  CHARACTER  OF  HENRY  V.  Having  now  compared  our  play 
scene  by  scene  with  the  Chronicles,  I  shall  endeavour  briefly  to  consider 
the  character  of  Henry  V.,  as  Shakspere  has  conceived  it  There  is  at 


Henry's  soliloquy  (i   HENRY  IV.  I.  ii.)-  Kii 

the  end  of  Henry  the  Fifth's  reign,  in  the  ChronicUs}  a  summing  up  of 
the  Icing's  qualities,  moral,  mental,  and  physical,  written  by  Hall ;  to 
which  perhaps  Shakspere  turned  for  hints  on  the  general  treatment  of 
his  hero's  character.  An  examination  of  Shakspere 's  debt  to  Holinshed 
here  may,  I  trust,  prove  interesting.  But  before  entering  on  it,  I 
should  like  to  say  a  few  words  on  Henry's  reformation. 

In  Henry  IV.?  Pt  I,  the  prince,  the  boon  companion  of  Poins  and 
Falstaff,  tells  us  that  his  dissoluteness  is  a  mere  disguise  to  be  easily 
cast  off,  when  he  thinks  proper  to  allow  men  to  see  his  real  self. 

"  So,  when  this  loose  behaviour  I  throw  off 
And  pay  the  debt  I  never  promised, 
By  how  much  better  than  my  word  I  am, 
By  so  much  shall  I  falsify  men's  hopes ; 
And  like  bright  metal  on  a  sullen  ground, 
My  reformation  glittering  o'er  my  fault, 
Shall  show  more  goodly  and  attract  more  eyes 
Than  that  which  hath  no  foil  to  set  it  off." 

Such  conduct  is  defined  by  Bacon*  as  Simulation,  "when  a  man 
industriously,  and  expressly,  faigns,  and  pretends  to  be,  that  he  is  not."  ' 
Simulation,  Bacon  holds  to  be  the  "  more  culpable,  &  lesse  politicke," 
of  the  three  habits  of  mind  he  is  discussing :  Secrecy,  Dissimulation, 
and  Simulation.  He  says  it  shows  "  a  natural!  Falsenesse,  or  Fcareful- 
nesse ;  Or  a  Minde  that  hath  some  maine  Faults ;  which  because  a  man 
must  needs  disguise,  it  maketb  him  practise  Simulation,  in  other  things, 
lest  his  Hand  should  be  out  of  ure."  '  Putting  aside  the  consideration 
of  the  first  and  last  characteristic  as  obviously  inconsistent  with  any 
worthy  object,  it  is  to  be  observed  concerning  the  second,  Fearfulness 
as  a  cause  or  sign,  that  the  affectation,  for  example,  of  vicious  living  for 
the  sake  of  allaying  the  suspicions  of  a  jealous  tyrant,  has  for  its  justifica- 
tion a  reasonable  aim,  whatever  we  may  think  of  its  method.  Thus  Casar 
may  have  feigned  tobe  an  idle  profligate  in  order  to  soothe  the  misgivings 
of  Sulla.  Here  besides  the  motive  of  self-preservation,  the  conscious- 
ness of  the  great  destinies  reserved  for  him,  upon  which  the  hopes  of 
his  party  and  his  country  depended,  was  a  reasonable  cause  for  such 
simulation.  This  case  is  covered  by  Bacon's  salvo.  He  held  Simulation 
to  be  "  more  culpable  and  lesse  politicke  ;  except  it  be  in  great  and  rare 
Matters."  Let  us  take  another  case.  A  man  may  deliberately  live 
dissolutely  for  a  time,  thinking  that  for  the  formation  of  a  many-sided 

1  CM.  583/1/59.    Halt.  pp.  us.  113. 

*  Act  I.  K.  U.  D.  819—041.  *  LL  •31—139. 

«  Emys.  «L  Of  SimmUtiom  »m4  Diuimmlttio*.  p.  18,  ed.  Wrfcht     (<MU» 
Trwmry  Strut.)  •  P.  i o.  •  P  at 


Iviii 


Henry's  soliloquy  (i   HENRY  IV.  I.  ii.). 


character,  life  must  be  experimentally  studied  in  its  evil  as  well  as  good 
phMM,  both  being  allowed  to  have  a  share  in  building  up  his  personality. 
In  such  a  case  there  is  no  simulation  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  who  pursues 
this  plan  of  self -culture  disregards  the  censures  of  those  who  judge  him 
by  his  present  conduct.  Warwick  evidently  looked  upon  the  young 
Henry's  manner  of  life  as  a  useful  training  for  his  future  duties  ;  although 
be  does  not  give  the  prince  the  credit  of  foreseeing  an J  designing  this 
result : — 

"The  prince  but  studies  his  companions 
Like  a  strange  tongue,  wherein,  to  gain  the  language, 
Tis  needful  that  the  most  immodest  word 
Be  look'd  upon  and  learn'd  ;  which  once  attain'd, 
Your  highness  knows,  comes  to  no  further  use 
But  to  be  known  and  hated.     So,  like  gross  terms, 
The  prince  will  in  the  perfectness  of  time 
Cast  off  his  followers  ;  and  their  memory 
Shall  as  a  pattern  or  a  measure  live, 
By  which  his  grace  must  mete  the  lives  of  others, 
Turning  past  evils  to  advantages." l 

In  the  lines  quoted  above,  the  prince  shows  us  the  end  he  has  in  view 
throughout  his  simulation.  At  first  sight  one  might  suppose  it  was  the 
gratification  of  most  inordinate  vanity :  be  won't  try  now  to  win  the 
"  golden  opinions"  which  would  tickle  his  self-esteem ;  but  he  will  belie 
himself  to  gain  a  double  meed  of  popular  applause,  when  at  last  his  true 
nature  is  revealed : — 

"  Yet  herein  will  I  imitate  the  sun, 
Who  doth  permit  the  base  contagious  clouds 
To  smother  up  his  beauty  from  the  world, 
That,  when  he  please  again  to  be  himself, 
Being  wanted t  he  may  be  more  wonder 'd  at, 
By  breaking  through  the  foul  and  ugly  mists 
Of  vapours  that  did  seem  to  strangle  him. 
If  all  the  year  were  playing  holidays, 
To  sport  would  be  as  tedious  as  to  work  ; 
But  when  they  seldom  come,  they  wish'd  for  come, 
And  nothing  pleaseth  but  rare  accidents. wf 
His  reformation,  Henry  tells  us,  will  thus 

"  show  more  goodly,  and  attract  more  eyes 
Than  that  which  hath  no  foil  to  set  it  o/?  * 

»  Htmry  IV.  P».  a.  Act  IV.  sc.  fr.  U.  68—78. 
»  Hauy  IV.  Pt  i.  Act  I.  ic.  it  IL  aai-«3i. 


Its  interpretation.  lix 

Now  if  Henry  was  really  influenced  by  such  a  motive,  one  might  not 
only  take  exception  to  his  method,  as  in  the  cases  propounded  above, 
but  must  condemn  his  aim  as  contemptible.  A  man  to  whom  this  was 
a  cherished  hope  could  not  be  expected  to  reach  a  heroic  standard. 
His  nature  must  be  a  radically  false  one,  and  his  objects  petty.  We 
cannot  suppose  the  hero  of  Shakspere's  drama,  a  king  whose  fame  still 
lives  among  us,  could  ever  reason  thus ;  and  we  must  therefore  seek 
some  other  meaning  in  these  obscure  words. 

We  must,  I  think,  put  aside  also  the  culture-in-evil  theory,  which 
Warwick  broaches,  because  the  prince  never  even  hints  at  this  as  a 
motive.  Let  me  then  suggest  another  interpretation.  During  his 
princedom,  Henry's  conscience  often  sorely  pricked  him  for  his  careless, 
unprofitable  existence.  Then  he  would  say : — 

44  I'll  so  offend  to  make  offence  a  skill ; 
Redeeming  time  when  men  least  think  I  will. "  * 

I  suppose  Henry  means  that  when  hereafter  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  a  sovereign  shall  rest  upon  him,  he  does  not  doubt  his  ability  to 
abandon  his  old  way  of  life,  and  adapt  himself  to  the  new  conditions. 
He  will  then  be  the  more  beloved  from  the  sheer  force  of  contrast 
between  his  past  and  present,  for  men  will  observe  bow  swiftly  he  can 
cast  aside  his  own  pleasure  when  the  well-being  of  England  is  concerned 
thereby.  Sometimes  he  would  affect  to  mock  at  the  devouring  thirst  for 
glory  which  consumed  Hotspur,  he  who  "  kills  me  some  six  or  seven 
Scots  at  a  breakfast."  *  In  his  graver  moments,  when  stirred  by  his 
father's  reproaches,  and  nettled  at  hearing  the  praises  of  Hotspur, 
— always  harped  upon  in  invidious  contrast, — his  defence  was  in  substance 
the  same :  Poorly  as  you  think  of  me,  I  can,  if  I  choose,  lay  aside  my 
follies,  to  win  as  much,  nay,  more  honour  than  your  paragon  has  spent 
his  life  in  strenuously  toiling  after.  When 

"  This  gallant  Hotspur,  this  all-praised  knight, 
And  your  un-thougbt  of  Harry  chance  to  meet. 
For  every  honour  sitting  on  his  helm, 
Would  they  were  multitudes,  and  on  my  head 
My  shames  redoubled  !  for  the  time  will  come, 
That  I  shall  make  this  northern  youth  exchange 
His  glorious  deeds  for  my  indignities." * 

'  I J.  040,  241-  »  Htmry  IV.  Pt.  i,  Act  II.  K.  hf.  I  It* 

*  Htmry  //'.  Pt.  i.  Act  III.  §c.  II.  II.  140-146.    lib  father knew  wfaat  lay  beneath 
the  surface  in  the  prince's  character,  although  he  chid  him  to  wvereljr. 
"Asdiiaoluteaaoapenue;  yet  through  both 
I  Me  MOM  apart*  of  bet  Mr  hope. 
Which  elder  jrc*n  may  happily  brinff  forth," 
•aid  Bolingbreke,  when  be  baud  of  hto MM'*  chalieace.- Ato4tr4  //.  Act  V.  K.  iii.  IL 


tx  f/mry**  geniality. 

After  the  victory  at  Shrewsbury  he  fell  back  into  the  old  courses.  The 
need  for  exertion  was  passed.  Thus  I  understand  the  at  first  sight 
repulsive  lines  where  he  says  his  reformation  will 

"  Show  more  goodly,  and  attract  more  eyes 
Than  that  which  hath  no  foil  to  set  it  off* 

not  to  be  the  deliberate  calculations  of  vanity,  but  a  salve  for  his  con- 
science, a  sophism  to  excuse  his  unwillingness  to  leave  his  joyous  youth 
behind  him,  and  turn,  so  early  as  the  king  would  have  him,  to  the 
wearisome  duties  of  his  station.  At  last,  by  proving  himself  better  than 
even  a  sober,  well-conducted  prince  could  have  been  expected  to  be, 
he  would  win  men's  beans  by  storm.  In  the  mean  while  he  might  follow 
his  bent.  For  he  liked  those  men,  Falstaff,  Bardolph,  and  the  rest,  they 
were  constant  food  for  his  sense  of  humour,  of  which  he  had  a  large 
share ;  and  he  liked  too  a  free  life,  unencumbered  by  state,  and  mingling 
with  the  people, — with  the  rogues  especially,  because  they  were  so  amus- 
ing,— noting  their  ways,  unmoved  by  their  coarseness,  but  regarding  them 
with  the  tolerance  of  a  large  mind.  Read  the  opening  of  the  scene  in 
the  Boar's  Head,  where  he  is  brimful  of  laughter  at  a  fresh  bit  of  human 
nature,  and  chuckles  over  his  mastery  of  drawers'  language.  He  has 
"  sounded  the  very  base  string  of  humility  " l  for  this  new  insight.  There 
b  no  sneering  in  his  merriment,  he  doesn't  despise  the  poor  fellows  who 
have  amused  him ;  surely  a  more  genial,  lovable  young  prince,  with 
a  more  catholic  feeling  for  humanity,  never  was  seen.  He  could  truly 
say :  Homo  sum:  kumani  nil  a  me  alienum  puto* 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  prince's  sins  are  very  venial 
ones.  Even  if  he  takes  a  purse,  the  money  is  repaid  to  the  owner  with 
interest.*  He  is  never  guilty  of  cruelty  or  injustice.  The  Chronicles 


With  more  assurance  the  king  spoke,  when  his  son  offered  to  meet  Hotspur 
in  single  combat. 

"  And.  prince  of  Wales,  so  dare  we  venture  thee. 
Albeit  considerations  infinite 

Do  make  against  it."— Henry  IV.  Pt.  i,  Act  V.  sc  L  1L  101—103. 
»  Henry  IV.  PL  r.  Act  II.  sc.  ir.  L  6. 
•  Havton  Timorvmenoi.  I.  i.  25. 

'  After  the  prince  bad  robbed  the  robbers,  and  had  his  joke  with  Falstaff,  he  said : 
"The  money  shall  be  paid  back  again  with  advantage."— Henry  IV.  Pt.  i,  Act  II .  sc. 
hr.  L  599.  Perhaps  Shakspere  came  across  this  passage  in  Stow:  "being  accompanied 
with  some  of  his  young  Lords  and  Gentlemen,  he  would  waite  in  disguised  aray  for  his 
owne  receiueii,  and  distresse  them  of  their  money  :  and  sometimes  at  such  enterprises 
both  he  and  his  company  were  surely  beaten :  and  when  his  receiuers  made  to  him 
their  complaints  bow  they  were  robbed  in  their  coming  vnto  him,  hee  tcould give  them 
dtxkarge  tftt  mutch  money  as  they  had  fat;  and  besides  that,  thiy  should  not  depart 
fnm  kirn  withont  great  rewards  for  their  trouble  and  vexation,  especially  they  should 
be  lew  aided  that  best  had  resisted  him  and  his  company,  and  of  whom  be  had  receiued 
d  most  strokes."— Annalts,  p.  557,  ed.  1605. 


Henry's  youthful  pranks.     His  remorse.  Ui 

are  clear  on  this  point.1  "  Indeed  he  was  youthfullie  giuen,  growne  to 
audacitie,  and  had  chosen  him  companions  agreeable  to  his  age ;  with 
whomc  he  spent  the  time  in  such  recreations,  exercises,  and  delights  as  he 
fancied.  But  yet  (it  should  seerae  by  the  report  of  some  writers)  that 
his  behauiour  was  not  offensiue  or  at  least  tending  to  the  damage  of  anie 
bodie  ;  sith  he  had  a  care  to  auoid  dooing  of  wrong,  and  to  tedder  his 
affections  within  the  tract  of  vertue,  whereby  he  opened  vnto  himselfe  a 
redie  passage  of  good  liking  among  the  prudent  sort,  and  was  beloued 
of  such  as-could  discerne  his  disposition,  which 'was  in  no  degree  so 
excessiue,  as  that  he  deserued  in  such  vehement  maner  to  be  suspected." 
When  the  old  king  was  dying  the  prince  was  seized  with  a  remorse 
which  no  sophisms  could  dull :  "  My  heart  bleeds  inwardly  that  my  father 
is  so  sick."  He  must  not  weep  for  the  father  he  had  grieved  by  his 
frivolous  ways,  least  his  comrades  should  taunt  him  with  hypocrisy. 
Poins  speaks  plainly  enough.  Said  the  prince,  "  What  wouldst  thou 
think  of  me  if  I  should  weep?"  Poins  would  think  him  "a  most 
princely  hypocrite."  Bitterly  Henry  replied,  "  It  would  be  every  man's 
thought ;  and  thou  art  a  blessed  fellow  to  think  as  every  man  thinks : 
never  a  man's  thought  in  the  world  keeps  the  road-way  better  than 
thine :  every  man  would  think  me  a  hypocrite  indeed."*  I  have  spoken 
of  the  prince's  offences  as  venial ;  yet  they  lowered  him  in  the  eyes  of 
the  nation,  and  sapped  his  self-respect.  The  lime  was  close  at  hand 
now  for  his  promised  reformation,  but  it  might  have  been  less  easy  if 
it  had  not  been  for  this  clear  vision  of  himself  as  such  graceless  fellows 
saw  him.  He  found  the  light-hearted  geniality  which  was  at  the  root 
of  all  his  follies  mistaken  by  his  gross-judging  associates  for  inborn 
baseness.  He  was  cut  off  from  a  part  of  humankind,  forbidden  the 
tears  which  good  men  were  not  ashamed  to  shed,  because,  as  Poins 
argued  with  unflattering  candour,  "  you  have  been  so  lewd,  and  so  much 
engrafted  to  Falstaff."  *  A  profligate  young  prince's  grief  for  a  worn- 
out  old  king,  whose  death  left  him  free  to  follow  his  own  devices,  was  a 
thing  incredible.  Once  more  Henry  visits  his  old  haunts,  but  while  he 
listens  to  the  shameless  wit  of  Falstaff,  the  tidings  of  Archbishop 
Scrape's  rebellion  come,  and  the  prince  exclaims : — 

"  By  heaven,  Poins,  I  feel  me  much  to  blame, 
So  idly  to  profane  the  precious  time."  * 

1  Ck.  S39/a/3$-  Elinhmra  iketcbe*  the  youthful  Henry  thui:  "Pnt*mf«rtj*vtmfmtit 
faetvi*  emulator  attiJmm.  imttmmtmln  orgtmitii  plmrimttm  drditmt.  l**t  fmjififi* 
frtn»,  lint  Mart  it  tamt*  Vemtris  miluia  /trvfHttrmilita*!.  ipiimi/jfitmi  jmxmtltltr 
trttuakit.  alii  i  qmoqut  intettmeiit,  mtatis  imJemtlf  ttmfier*  t»ncfmi/an/tJmi.  imttr  fni+ 
fttt*  militaria  vaeart  tobkU."— p.  i  a.  The  prince's  fondniM  for  music  is  not  noticed 
by  the  Cknmittet. 

»  Ht*ry  IV.  Pt  »,  Act  II.  ft  H.  H  St-«4. 

•  U  66,  67.  «  ll<*ry  IV.  ft.  s.  Act  II.  M.  hr.  U.  J90.  jfl. 


Ixii 


Death  of  Henry  17.     Prince  Henry's  grief. 


We  detect  in  the  would-be  heartlessncss  of  his  words l  as  he  enters  the 
dying  king's  chamber  a  last  touch  of  his  old  reckless  temper. 

Before  concluding  this  part  of  ray  subject,  1  wish  to  draw  attention 
to  Elmham's  *  account  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  death,  where  an  incident, 
not  to  be  found  in  Holinshed,  is  recorded,  which  recalls  to  one  Warwick's 
description  of  the  prince's  demeanour  when  his  father  was  dying. 
Briefly,  Elmham's  narrative  is  as  follows :  The  king,  whose  eyes  were 
dim  from  weakness,  tit  ysaac,pra  la*gort  ceecaio,  asked  Prince  lit  nry 
what  the  priest,  who  was  then  celebrating  the  divine  mysteries  in  the 
presence  of  the  dying  monarch,  was  engaged  in.  The  prince  replied 
that  the  elements  were  being  consecrated,  and  exhorted  his  father  to 
adore  Christ,  "by  whom  kings  reign,  and  princes  have  dominion." 
Raising  himself  in  the  bed,  as  far  as  his  strength  would  permit,  the  king 
with  outstretched  arms  gave  thanks  and  praises  to  the  Saviour ;  then, 
just  before  the  elevation  of  the  cup,  desiring  the  prince  to  draw  near  and 
kiss  him,  he  blessed  his  son,  saying,  "  May  the  blessing  which  Isaac 
gave  to  his  son  Jacob  be  upon  thee,  my  son  ;  and  may  the  Lord  grant 
thee  moreover  to  rule  virtuously  and  peaceably."  Thereupon  the  prince, 
unable  to  bear  the  sight  of  his  father's  death,  withdrew  in  bitter  grief  to 
a  certain  oratory,  overwhelmed  with  the  thought  of  the  responsibilities 
now  resting  upon  him,  and  full  of  regret  for  his  ill-spent  life.  The 
chronicler  puts  a  declamatory  prayer  in  his  mouth,  which  I  pass  over, 
and  then  adds:  "Amidst  these  ejaculations,  and  countless  like  them, 
he  cast  himself  bare-kneed  on  the  ground,  and  often  beating  his  humbled 
breast,  and  invoking  the  Saviour's  mercy  with  a  remorseful  soul,  drew 
from  the  fountains  of  his  eyes  most  copious  showers  of  tears."  '  Com* 
pare  the  speech  of  Warwick,  whom  the  king,  after  missing  his  crown, 
had  sent  to  command  the  prince's  attendance : — 

*4  My  lord,  I  found  the  prince  in  the  next  room, 
Washing  with  kindly  tears  his  gentle  cheeks, 
With  such  a  deep  demeanour  in  great  sorrow 
That  tyranny,  which  never  quaff' d  but  blood, 
Would,  by  beholding  him,  have  wash'd  his  knife 
With  gentle  eye-drops."  * 

When  night  came  on,  Elmham  further  informs  us,  the  prince  went  to  a 
certain  recluse  who  lived  in  Westminster,  to  whom  he  confessed  his  past 
sins,  and  after  receiving  absolution  for  them,  "  having  cast  off  the  mantle 
of  guilt,  he  returned,  fitly  arrayed  in  the  cloak  of  virtue."  5 

1  Idtm.  Act  I V.  sc.  v.  1.  9  *  Elmham,  pp.  13,  14. 

'  Imttr  ktte.  6*  imntimtra  timilia.  nvdis  gtttibus  in  terram  provolutus,  cor- 
kumilulmm  frtqmtnttr  tnndtni,  6*  comfuneto  spirit*  miserifordiam  Salvatorti 
t*MK«*s.  ymtrtt  largiuimot  laerimamm  ab  otuhrum  fonlibus  dtrivavit. — Elmham, 
p.  15.  «  Henry  IV.  Pt.  a.  Act  IV.  sc.  v.  II.  83-88. 

*   exmtnt  vitiontm  dtpleidt,  virtu  turn  clamidt  rtdit  dectnttr  ornatut. — Elmham, 


Henry  V.  a  just  King.  Ixiii 

We  see  Henry  presented  to  us  in  this  play  under  a  three-fold  aspect ; 
as  a  king,  a  soldier,  and  a  man.  In  the  preceding  plays  we  have  but  a 
partial  glimpse  of  his  soldierly  qualities:  at  Shrewsbury  his  father 
commands,  and  Henry  fights  like  a  knight-errant  in  quest  of  honour ; 
as  a  man,  hardly  more  than  one  side  of  his  nature  is  shown  us,  with  the 
promise  only  of  a  better  one  coming  into  view  hereafter. 

Henry  possessed  in  full  measure  a  most  important  ingredient  of  the 
kingly  character :  justice.  Even  in  his  wild  days  his  sense  of  right  made 
him  submit  to  the  punishment  imposed  on  him  by  Gascoignc.  In  the 
tir^t  hours  of  his  reign,  when  his  brothers,  Gascoignc,  and  even  Warwick 
— he  who  could  speculate  so  philosophically  upon  the  disposition  of  the 
prince— greeted  the  king  with  such  looks  as  the  bassas  and  kindred  of 
the  Great  Turk  might  bestow  on  their  new  lord,  Henry  relieved  their 
fears  by  the  noble  words  with  which  he  acknowledged  the  unvarying 
principle  of  justice: — 

"  You  are  right,  justice,  and  you  weigh  this  well ; 
Therefore  still  bear  the  balance  and  the  sword  : 
And  I  do  wish  your  honours  may  increase, 
Till  you  do  live  to  see  a  son  of  mine 
Offend  you  and  obey  you  as  I  did."  l 

He  undertakes  the  French  war,  not  from  lust  of  conquest,  nor  for  the 
reason  which  moved  his  politic  father  to  dally  with  the  project  of  a 
crusade — 

"  Lest  rest  and  lying  still  might  make  them  look 

Too  near  unto  my  state  ; "  * 

but  for  the  recovery  of  a  right  pertaining  to  him  as  a  divinely-appointed 
monarch,  which  he  could  not  in  conscience  forego.  A  law  seems  to 
stand  in  the  way  of  Henry's  claim  to  the  French  crown,— this  is  enough  ; 
the  king  must  be  convinced  of  its  baselessness,  lest  he  may  incur  the 
guilt  of  engaging  in  an  unjust  quarrel.  Solemnly  the  archbishop  is 
exhorted  : — 

"God  forbid,  my  dear  and  faithful  lord, 
That  you  should  fashion,  wrest,  or  bow  your  reading, 
Or  nicely  charge  your  understanding  soul 
With  opening  titles  tniscreatc,  whose  right 
Suits  not  in  native  colours  with  the  truth."  ' 

But  if  the  king  is  sure  of  his  right  its  enforcement  becomes  a  sacred 

duty, — he  will  not  count  the  cost: — 

"  For  God  doth  know  how  many  now  in  health 
Shall  drop  their  blood  in  approbation 
Of  what  your  reverence  shall  incite  us  to."  * 

l  Henry  IV.  Ft.  a.  Art  V.  ic.  ii.  II.  103-106. 

•  Htm.  Act  IV.  ic.  v.  11.  at  a.  913. 

»  Htmry  f.  Act  I.  M.  U.  II.  15-17.  «  Htm.  IL  lS-*x 


Ixir 


Henry  lunches  his  "  misrulie  mates." 


Again— he  condemn*  the  traitors,  not  for  seeking  his  own  hurt :  "  Touch* 
ing  our  person  seek  we  no  revenge,"  *  but  for  plotting  the  destruction  of 
their  country ;  and  no  feeling  of  former  affection  or  weak  pity  makes 
him  hesitate  for  a  moment.  Here  we  may  compare  the  Ckro>. 
when  we  read  that  his  "  people  him  so  seucre  a  iusticer  both  loucd  and 
obeted  (and  so  humane  withall)  that  he  left  no  offense  vnpunished,  nor 
Crcendship  vnrewarded  ;  a  Ummr  to  rebels^  and  suppressour  of  sedition" 
Deeply  conscious  of  the  responsibilities  of  a  ruler,  Henry  on  his 
accession  to  the  throne  at  once  and  for  ever  dismissed  the  companions  of 
bis  careless  youth,  and  drew  around  him  wise  and  good  counsellors.  1 1 1* 
future  course  is  sketched  out  in  these  words  addressed  to  Gascoigne ; — 

M  Now  call  we  our  high  court  of  parliament ; 
And  let  us  choose  such  limbs  of  noble  counsel, 
That  the  great  body  of  our  state  may  go 
In  equal  rank  with  the  best  govcrn'd  nation  ; 
That  war,  or  peace,  or  both  at  once  may  be 
As  things  acquainted  and  familiar  to  us."* 

"  This  king,"  the  Chronicles*  tell  us,  "euen  at  first  appointing  with  him- 
sclfc,  to  shew  that  in  his  person  princelie  honors  should  change  publicke 
manners,  he  determined  to  put  on  him  the  shape  of  a  new  man.  For 
whereas  aforetime  he  had  made  himselfe  a  companion  vnto  misrulie 
mates  of  dissolute  order  and  life,  be  now  banished  them  all  from  his 
presence  (but  not  vnrewarded,  or  else  vnprefcrred)  inhibiting  them  vpon 
a  great  paine,  not  once  to  approch,  lodge,  or  soiournc  within  ten  miles 
of  his  court  or  presence :  and  in  their  places  he  chose  men  of  grauitic, 
wit,  and  high  policie,  by  whose  wise  counsel  he  might  at  all  times  rule 
to  his  honour  and  dignitic."  There  was  never  any  occasion  to  dread 
the  influence  of  ambitious  favourites  during  Henry's  reign,  far  less  of 
those  "  shallow  jesters  and  rash  bavin  wits  "  •  who,  his  father  feared, 
would  swarm  in  the  court  of  another  Richard.  Even  when  Henry 
stoops  from  his  state,  and  somewhat  in  the  old  way  jests  and  talks  with 
his  subjects,  it  is  with  men  like  the  trusty  soldier  Williams,  or  Fluellen, 
who  "  need  not  to  be  ashamed  of  your  majesty,  praised  be  God,  so  long 
as  your  majesty  is  an  honest  man."  • 

I  pass  now  to  the  consideration  of  Henry's  military  genius,  and  shall 
first  quote  the  Chronicles'  estimate  of  him  as  a  soldier.  This  "  capteine 
against  whome  fortune  neuer  frowned,  nor  mischance  spurned," 7  was  "  of 
courage  inuincible,  of  purpose  vnmutable,  so  wise-hardie  alwaies,  as  feare 
was  banish t  from  him  ;  at  euerie  alarum  he  first  in  armor,  and  formost 

»  Htm.  Act  II.  sc.  ii.  I.  174.  •  Ch.  583/1/63. 

» //<w/7/K.  Pua.ActV.tc.ii.il.  134— 139.  '01.543/1/58. 
9  Hairy  IV.  Ft.  I.  Act  III.  sc.  ii.  I.  6r. 

•  Hrmry  V.  Act.  IV.  sc.  TO.  1L  118,  iao.  »  Ck.  283'!  '61. 


His  soldierly  qualities.  Uv 

in  ordering.  In  time  of  warre  such  was  his  prouidence,  bountie,  and 
hap,  as  he  had  true  intelligence,  not  onelie  what  his  enemies  did,  but 
what  they  said  and  intended  :  of  his  deuises  and  purposes  few,  before  the 
thing  was  at  the  point  to  be  done,  should  be  made  privie.  He  had  such 
knowledge  in  ordering  and  guiding  an  armie,  with  such  a  gift  to  encourage 
his  people,  that  the  Frenchmen  had  constant  opinion  he  could  neucr  be 
vanquished  in  battell.  Such  wit,  such  prudence,  and  such  policie  withal!, 
that  he  neucr  enterpriscd  any  thing,  before  he  had  fullie  debated  and 
forecast  all  the  main  chances  that  might  happen,  which  doone  with  all 
diligence  and  courage  he  set  his  purpose  forward.  What  policie  he  had 
in  finding  present  remedies  for  sudden  mischecues,  and  what  engines  in 
sauing  himsclfc  and  his  people  in  sharp  distresses :  were  it  not  by  his 
acts  they  did  plainlie  appcare,  hard  were  it  by  words  to  make  them 
credible."1 

One  of  the  capacities  ascribed  to  Henry  in  this  eulogium  has  been 
brought  out  by  Shakspcrc  :  namely,  his  "  gift  to  encourage  his  people." 
Observe  how,  at  the  assault  of  Harflcur,  Henry  touches  the  point  of 
honour,  differing  according  to  the  rank  of  his  hearers.  The  men  of 
noble  birth  arc  exhorted  to  remember  their  victorious  ancestry,  and 
justify  by  preeminent  valour  their  right  to  be  the  leaders  of  the  com- 
monalty in  war. 

M  On,  on,  you  noblest  English, 
Whose  blood  is  fet  from  fathers  of  war-proof  I 
Fathers  that,  like  so  many  Alexanders, 
Have  in  these  parts  from  morn  till  even  fought 
And  sheathed  their  swords  for  lack  of  argument : 

•  •  •  • 

Be  copy  now  to  men  of  grosser  blood, 
And  teach  them  how  to  war." 

The  yeomen  are  stirred  up  by  an  appeal  to  national  rather  than  personal 
pride,— let  them  remember  they  arc  Englishmen  :— 

"  And  you,  good  yeomen, 

Whose  limbs  were  made  in  England,  show  us  here 
The  mettle  of  your  pasture  ;  let  us  swear 
That  you  are  worth  your  breeding  ;  which  I  doubt  not." 
Then  to  all  collectively  the  king  addresses  these  impassioned  words  :— 
"  I  see  you  stand  like  greyhounds  in  the  flips, 
Straining  upon  the  start.    The  game's  afoot  : 
Follow  your  spirit,  and  upon  this  charge 
Cry  '  God  for  Harry,  England,  and  Saint  George  !'•• 

Ck,  5*3 'a  17. 

•  Htmry  V.  Ad  III.  ss.  I.  II.  17-^    Compw*  Efdht  Bwmfcrt ipwch  lo  the 
C  / 


Ixvi  Henry's  hars/intss  in  war. 

On  the  night  before  the  battle,  Henry's  serene  and  kingly  demeanour  is 


"  That  every  wretch,  pining  and  pale  before, 
Beholding  him,  plucks  comfort  from  his  looks  : 
A  largess  universal  like  the  sun 
His  liberal  eye  doth  give  to  every  one, 
Thawing  cold  fear." 

With  the  sobered  remains  of  his  old  geniality  too,  he  associate 
soldiers  with  himself  as  sharers  of  a  common  peril : — 

"  Bids  them  good  morrow  with  a  modest  smile 
And  calls  them  brothers,  friends,  and  countrymen." 

The  "  courage  inuincible  "  of  the  fearless  king  shines  forth  in  his  looks  : 

"  Upon  his  royal  face  there  is  no  note 
How  dread  an  army  hath  enrounded  him  ;  "l 

yet  he  knows  well  the  desperate  straits  his  men  are  in. 

"  Gloucester,  'tis  true  that  we  are  in  great  danger ; 
The  greater  therefore  should  our  courage  be."1 

Shakspere  has  shown  a  trait  of  military  sagacity  in  his  Henry  V. 
which  is  not  mentioned  in  the  passages  from  the  Chronicles  quoted 
above.  While  checking  with  the  utmost  severity  any  purposeless  outrage 
on  the  defenceless  natives  of  the  invaded  country, because  "when  lenity 
and  cruelty  play  for  a  kingdom,  the  gentler  gamester  is  the  soonest 
winner  "  ; J  the  ferocity  of  his  soldiers  is  a  reserve  force,  the  terror  of  which 
Henry  uses  to  overcome  obstinacy.  So  in  his  speech  to  the  men  of  Harfleur 
he  threatens  to  inflict  on  them  the  utmost  miseries  which  can  befall  the 
defenders  of  a  captured  town  if  they  do  not  yield  at  once.  Yet  Bardolph 
for  stealing  a  "  pix  of  little  price  "  is  hanged.  The  king  might  let  loose 
the  dogs  of  war  if  he  thought  fit,  but  till  then  he  kept  a  firm  hand  on 
their  collars.  In  justice,  however,  to  the  historical  Henry  it  must  be  said 
that  he  seems  always  to  have  respected  the  lives  and  honour  of  women. 
At  the  storming  of  Caen,4  for  instance,  the  unpardonable  violence  which 
Shakspere  makes  him  threaten  at  Harfleur  was  forbidden . 

defender*  of  the  Garde  Dolourcuse.  "  She  addressed  the  various  nations  who  composed 
her  little  garrison,  each  in  appropriate  language.  To  the  English ,  she  spoke  as  ch ildren 
of  the  soil,— to  the  Flemings,  as  men  who  had  become  denizens  by  the  right  of 
hospitality. — to  the  Normans,  as  descendants  of  that  victorious  race,  whose  sword  had 
made  them  the  nobles  and  sovereigns  of  every  land  where  its  edge  had  been  tried."— 
Scott's  Bttrotktd.  chap.  viiL 

»  Prologue.  Act  IV.  II.  41-45  ;  1L  33.  34;  11.  35.  36. 

«  Act  IV.  sc.  i.  H.  i.  2.  »  Act  III.  sc.  vi.  11.  118—120. 

•  Elmham  thus  describes  the  capture  of  Caen :  Immtntavirlutii  Atiglicorumeunti 
rigidi,vtllamfmrHundotircMmtunUsimp€tM,  .  .  .  ctrvicts  dtjugabant  corforibia, 


His  bodily  vigour.     Tltf  march  to  Calais. 


Ixvii 


Physical  endurance,  a  power  by  no  means  unnecessary  to  a  military 
leader,  was  possessed  by  Henry  in  an  uncommon  degree.  He  was  "  no 
more  wearie  of  hamesse  than  a  light  cloakc,  vcric  valiantlie  abiding  at 
needs  both  hunger  and  thirst ;  so  manfull  of  mind  as  neuer  seene  to 
quinch  at  a  wound,  or  to  smart  at  the  paine  ;  not  to  turn  his  nose  from 
euill  sauour,  nor  close  his  eics  from  smoke  or  dust."  *  "  He  slept  veric 
little,  but  that  verie  soundlie,  in  so  much  that  when  bis  soldiers  tmnf 
at  nights,  or  minstrels  plaied,  he  then  slept  fastest"  *  At  the  battle  of 
Shrewsbury,  Henry,  then  prince  of  Wales,  was  wounded  by  an  arrow  in 
the  face.  He,  however,  refused  to  withdraw  from  the  field.  This 
incident  has  been  made  use  of  by  Shakspcre.1  Henry's  faculty  for 
doing  without  sleep  is  hinted  at  in  the  Prologue4  of  Act  IV.  :— 

"  Nor  doth  he  dedicate  one  jot  of  colour 
Unto  the  weary  and  all-watched  night, 
But  freshly  looks  and  overbears  attaint 
With  cheerful  semblance  and  sweet  majesty." 

As  for  the  great  enterprise  which  forms  the  chief  subject  of  this  play, 
it  may  be  thought  perhaps  that  in  attempting  it,  Henry  showed  himself 
to  be  rather  foolhardy  than  "  wischardie."  But  we  should  remember  that 
if  he  had  returned  to  England  by  sea,  it  would  have  been  generally 
believed  that  although  he  could  subdue  an  ill-supported  garrison  like 
Harfleur,  yet  he  dared  not  face  the  French  army  in  the  field.  Thus  his 
military  reputation  must  have  been  seriously  impaired.  On  the  other 
hand,  whether  he  succeeded  in  beating  or  evading  the  French  he 
was  sure  to  win  renown.  Nothing,  except  a  defeat,  could  show  the 
weakness  of  France  more  clearly  than  her  inability  to  interrupt  such  a 

alia  membra  tnweamtet,  6*  mliteritmt  impHmenlet  vmlmera.  e*itt  rrutris  Mtmitt. 
mmlMri  tame*  itxmi.  6*  tarn  <rtati  temerf  qvjm  ttmili  p*rte*tu.  fJ*g*  urvtuim* 
1,1  H  fume  Aa/»/4»A<i*/.— p.  in.  Not  only  were  the  lives  of  women,  the  nerd,  and 
children  spared,  but  PrttHttraiit  honor  urn  uxtu/tmimtiu  mulla  d»f**Jia.  urn  l*i*r*m 
nrpormm  i**t  ftrftni. — p.  113.  On*  of  the  ordinances  published  by  Henry  in  hte 
ftnt  expedition  to  France  forbad  any  one  on  pain  of  death  "  to  hurt  or  doo  anie 
violence  either  to  priest*,  women,  or  ante  such  as  ihould  be  found  without  weapon  or 
armour."  Ac.— Ot.  540/0/31.  If.  howe»er.  Shakipere  turned  to  the  account  in  the 
CkroHieUt  of  the  pitiieia  beteaguennrnt  of  Rouen  in  1418—19.  ai  from  the  ProlofM  of 
Act  I.  II.  5—7.  we  may  Mppoae  be  did.— he  would  have  read  enough  to  show  him  how 
rrlentleu  Henry  could  be  in  war. 

1  Ck.  s83'i/74. 

•  Ck.  583/8/14.  During  the  riege  of  Harfleur  Ifu  [Henry  V.)  emim  tit  ft.  JeHth 
Helium  inarm m  vifilin.  omrnt  mttt.  *t  dttmtt.  }r*Mn*hu.  fitr  mrJ,mm  f*t*li 
txcmhtmlii  /rtqnt*ter  tritnt,  ptr  t*n(t<t  tltHtomii  item  ommtm  emitniiam  «Mw 
u'lttat.  qmod  ton  ft  eftttmalittr  fad  mm  frvipieit.  c#mmt*J*l>*t.  f*itf*Mt  «aJM 
Jfftfiui  t*tjat*it.  in  mthmt  nu  t*fit*ri<s  rtJigttot,  *c.— FJmhmn.  p.  46.  And  to  in* 
Mtne  effect  l.tvim,  p.  ia 

»  Htury  IV.  ft.  i.  Act  V.  te.  Ir.  «  U  37-40. 


Ixviti        Henry's  pitty  instancrd.     (Montjmfs  dffiancf.) 

long  nurch.  Once  undertaken,  however,  ruin  must  assuredly  have  been 
the  result  of  delay  or  changed  counsels.  Here  his  "  purpose  vnmutable  " 
Mood  Henry  in  good  stead.  Delay — by  giving  the  enemy  time  to  bring 
hi*  hastily-collected  and  somewhat  unwieldy  host  into  better  order,  and 
complete  the  work  of  destroying  the  fords  and  bridges — would  have  been 
fatal ;  the  scarcity  of  provisions  was  moreover  an  imperative  reason  for 
pushing  on  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  French  could  probably— except 
f  mhi|ll  at  an  early  stage  of  the  march — have  cut  off  Henry's  retreat  with 
ease,  and  have  either  blockaded  him,  or  obliged  him  to  fight  at  a  disad- 
vantage. Henry's  infirm  and  hungry  soldiers,  dispirited  by  a  harassing 
retreat,  diminished  in  number,  and  with  their  confidence  in  their  le  ulcr 
perhaps  seriously  shaken  ;  must  thus  at  last  have  been  compelled  to  face 
their  inexorable  foes.  Throughout  the  latter  part  of  the  march,  the 
French,  though  avoiding  a  battle,  were  too  near  at  hand  to  be  eluded  by 
a  hasty  withdrawal. 

Shakspcre  has  in  this  play  made  piety  the  most  marked  characteristic 
of  Henry  as  a  man.  On  God's  aid  the  king  relies  in  the  hour  of  danger  ; 
to  God  he  gives  the  glory  of  the  victory.  His  was  not  the  mere  con- 
ventional acknowledgment  of  a  supreme  being,  whose  influence  it  were, 
however,  difficult  to  trace ;  but  a  real  belief  in  an  active  ruler  of  the 
world  who  both  can  and  will  cause  the  right  to  prevail.  Thus  he  answers 
the  French  king  :— 

"  My  ransom  is  this  frail  and  sickly  trunk  ; 
My  army  but  a  weak  and  sickly  guard  ; 
Yet,  God  before,  tell  him  we  will  come  on, 
Though  France  himself  and  such  another  neighbour, 
Stand  in  our  way."1 

Since  Henry  is  convinced  of  the  justice  of  his  claim,  his  faith  supplies 
him  with  the  firm  assurance,  that  the  Lord  of  hosts  will  go  before  him, 
and  smite  the  upholders  of  wrong,  who  have  naught  on  their  side  to 
trust  in  save  earthly  weapons,  and  a  multitudinous  concourse  of  mortal 
men.  He  speaks  of  their  defeat  as  certain  : — 

"  If  we  may  pass,  we  will ;  if  we  be  hinderM, 

We  shall  your  tawny  ground  with  your  red  blood, 

Discolour."  • 

There  seems  to  be  something  significant  in  his  using  the  word  "  shall," 
as  though  he  would  disclaim  for  himself  any  part  in  the  coming  victory, 
which  an  immutable  Will  has  now  decreed.  Montjoy's  arrogant  message 
tempted  him  for  a  moment  to  reply  as  if  he  confided  only  in  the  prowess 
of  his  countrymen,  but  even  while  the  boastful  words  were  passing 
his  lips,  came  swift  remorse,  and  the  king  said  : — 

>  Henry  V.  Act  lit.  sc.  vi.  U.  163—167.  '  Idem.  11.  169—171. 


(Before  the  battle.)     (The  Dauphin's  insult.)          Ixix 

M  Yet,  forgive  me,  God, 
That  I  do  brag  thus ! — this  your  air  of  France 
Hath  blown  that  vice  in  me  ;  I  must  repent." l 

But  a  man  even  of  so  robust  a  faith  as  Henry's  was  has  his  dark  hour  to 
pass  through, — the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death  must  be  crossed.  Thus 
after  those  weary  night-watches,  as  he  stood  perhaps  listening  to  the 
cl  mg  of  the  church  clocks*  striking  out  the  morning  hour,  the  sound  of 
the  armourers'  hammers  now  fast  achieving  their  work,  the  distant 
murmur  of  his  men's  voices,  praying  and  confessing  their  sins,  broken 
ever  and  anon  by  a  cheerful  shout,  or  a  peal  of  insolent  laughter  from 
the  hostile  camp  ;  watching  the  slow  dawn  of  the  long-lookcd-for,  but  at 
this  moment  half-dreaded  day :  then, — the  fear  which  his  father  had 
striven  in  vain  to  drug  to  sleep  with  the  orthodox  opiates  of  his  age 
clutched  Henry's  heart  also.  Was  Richard's  death  atoned  for  yet,  or 
was  the  justice  of  God  still  unsatisfied  ?  To  the  heart  of  this  devout, 
faithful  man  there  came  no  distinct  answer.  But  one  noble  and  truly 
religious  thought,  which  raised  him  in  moral  dignity  far  above  those  who 
fancied  they  could  bribe  the  eternal  justice  with  crusades  and  costly 
gifts  to  holy  shrines,  visited  his  troubled  soul.  All  he  had  done  was 
nothing,  repentance  might  avail ;  let  the  issue  rest  with  God. 

"  More  will  I  do ; 

Though  all  that  I  can  do  is  nothing  worth. 
Since  that  my  penitence  comes  after  all, 
Imploring  pardon." ' 

Yet  Henry's  piety  was  not  of  the  emotional  sort,  unapparcnt  in  his  daily 
life,  but  speedily  aroused  when  some  great  crisis  was  passing  over  him. 
It  was,  as  it  were,  an  evcry-day  garment.  We  have  seen  how  he  rebuked 
himself  during  the  interview  with  Mont  joy ;  and  on  another  occasion, 
when  stung  to  bitter  wrath  by  the  taunts  of  the  Dauphin,  he  checks  his 
terrible  threats  to  say : — 

"  But  all  this  lies  within  the  will  of  God, 
To  whom  I  do  appeal ;  and  in  whose  name, 
Tell  you  the  Dauphin,  I  am  coming  on 
To  vcngc  me  as  1  may,  and  to  put  forth 
My  rightful  hand  in  a  wcll-hallow'd  cause." ' 

In  the  discovery  of  the  traitors  he  sees  the  hand  of  God,— an  omen  of 
success ;  in  God's  name  he  calls  on  the  French  king  to  surrender  the 

1  /</<••».  U.  159 — 161. 

•  Pnt.  Act  IV.  1. 15.    An  MMkcbrooiwn  which  I  leave  Sbakipm  to  answrr  for. 

•  Htmry  V.  Art  IV.  tc.  I.  U.  319-308. 
4  Utm.  Act  I.  K.  U.  U.  389-393. 


Ixx 


Henry's  humility.     Bigotry. 


when  the  roll  of  the  slain  is  brought  to  him  after  the  battle 
his  first  word*  are  :— 

"  O  God,  thy  arm  was  here, 
And  not  to  us,  but  to  thy  arm  alone, 
Ascribe  we  all"1 

"  Take  it,  God  I 
For  it  is  none  but  thine ; " 

and  on  his  triumphal  entry  into  London  he  resists  the  entreaties  of  his 
lords  to  indulge  himself  with  the  spectacle  of  the  exultant  people  gazing 
on  the  " bruised  helmet,  and  bended  sword"  of  their  valiant  sovereign. 
Some  may  think  the  last  instance  of  Henry's  piety  I  have  referred  to 
betokens  a  superstitious  nature,  haunted  by  the  fear  of  a  Nemesis  dogging 
the  steps,  ready  to  strike  at  the  least  sign  of  presumptuous  pride,  or 
biding  her  time  to  make  the  present  seeming  good  fortune  the  very 
source  of  future  misery.  Looking  at  Henry  from  this  point  of  view,  we 
might  compare  his  refusal  to  have  his  battered  helmet  and  sword  borne 
before  him  with  the  superstitious  feeling  which  required  the  victorious 
Roman  imperator  to  ascend  the  stairs  of  the  Capitol  on  his  knees.*  This 
question  must  be  settled  by  each  one's  intuition  ;  no  proof  is  forth- 
coming. To  me,  the  piety  of  Shakspcre's  Henry  the  Fifth  seems  genuine. 
There  was  a  side  of  the  historical  Henry's  religion  which  Shakspere 
has  left  alone.  We  call  it  bigotry,  and  as  such,  we  may  well  suppose, 
Shakspere  deemed  it  I  doubt,  however,  whether  his  audience  would 
have  regarded  Henry's  orthodox  zeal  against  the  Lollards — so  much 
belauded  by  the  chroniclers  of  the  1 5th  century — from  our  standpoint. 
Those  amongst  it  who  looked  upon  the  Lollards  as  their  spiritual  ances- 
tors could  not  have  endured  the  presentation  of  what  had  seemed  to 
a  mediaeval  mind  a  cardinal  virtue  in  Henry's  character ;  yet  the  repro- 
bation, as  a  general  principle,  of  all  penalties  imposed  upon  religious 
belief  was  a  mental  attitude  uncommon  in  Shakspere's  age.  Not  much 
was  changed  in  this  respect,  save  that  the  heretics  of  the  Plantagenet 
era  were  become  the  martyrs  of  the  Elizabethan.  In  turning  over 
Holinshcd  Shakspere  might  have  lit  upon  a  passage  which  would,  I 
suspect,  have  made  kirn  shudder.  The  Chronicles  relate,  on  the  authority 
of  Walsingham,  how  John  Badbie,  a  heretic,  was  burnt  "  in  a  tun  or 
pipe"  at  Smithfield  in  1411.  Henry— then  prince  of  Wales — offered 

»  Mem.  Act  IV.  sc.  riii.  11.  111—117. 

*  The  historical  Henry  did  something  very  much  like  this  on  his  entry  into  Harflcur, 
in  1415.  Or  tit  vrai  que  quaitd  off  res  Us  traittis  faiets  entre  U  roy  fAngletere  et 
etmlx  4*  la  viJU  de  H<irJUur,  et  que  Us  frfies  feurent  ouvcries,  et  ses  commit  entrfs 
ded**t,  A  fentrte  qn'il  feit  dedans,  descend  it  dt  cheval  et  se  frit  dSehausser  ;  et  en 
tttte  maniert  atta  jnsqnes  d  ttgtist  Saint-Martin,  paroissiale  dt  cette  ville,  et  feit 
tern  oraitfm,  refnscuutt  son  crtattur  dt  sa  bonne  fortune. — St  Rony,  vii.  494. 


Zeal  for  morality.     His  bitter  wrath. 


Ixxi 


him  pardon  if  he  would  recant,  and  on  his  refusal  ordered  the  fire  to  be 
kindled.  Moved  by  the  unfortunate  man's  cries,  "the  prince  caused 
the  fire  to  be  plucked  backe,  exhorting  him  being  with  pitifull  pa  me 
almost  dead,  to  remember  himself c,  and  renounce  his  opinions,  promising 
him  not  onelie  life,  but  also  three  pence  a  daie  so  long  as  he  liued  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  kings  coffers  ;  but  be  hauing  recouered  his  spirits  againe, 
refused  the  princes  offer,  choosing  eftsoones  to  last  the  fire,  and  so  to 
die,  than  to  forsake  bis  opinions.  Wherevpon  the  prince  commanded 
that  he  should  be  put  into  the  tun  againe,  from  thenccfoorth  not  to  haue 
anic  fauour  or  pardon  at  all,  and  so  it  was  doone,  and  the  fire  put  to  him 
againe,  and  he  consumed  to  ashes."  l  Shocking  as  this  story  is,  we 
mu^t  in  fairness  admit  Henry's  evidently  sincere  wish  to  save  Badbie's 
life  as  a  proof  of  a  humane  temper.  A  man  is  to  be  judged  by  the 
standard  of  his  own  times,  not  by  that  of  later  and  more  tolerant  days ; 
and  we  can  hardly  place  ourselves  even  in  imagination  in  the  position 
of  a  devout  Catholic  of  the  middle  ages. 

In  the  Chronicles'  summing  up  of  Henry's  character,  which  I  have 
already  referred  to,  the  religious  side  is  passed  over  in  silence  ;  but  at 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  we  find  these  remarks :  "  But  now  that  the  king 
was  once  placed  in  the  roiall  scat  of  the  realme,  he  vertuouslic  considering 
in  his  mind,  that  all  goodnessc  commeth  of  God,  determined  to  begin 
with  some  thing  acceptable  to  his  diuine  majestic,  and  therefore  com- 
manded the  cleargie  sinccrclie  and  trulic  to  preach  the  word  of  God, 
and  to  Hue  accordinglie,  that  they  might  be  the  lanternes  of  light  to  the 
tcmporaltic,  as  their  profession  required.  The  laic  men  he  willed  to 
serue  God,  and  obeie  their  prince,  prohibiting  them  abouc  all  things 
breach  of  matrimonie,  customc  in  swearing;  and  namelie,  wilful) 
pcriurie."  ' 

Shakspere  makes  Henry  the  Fourth  describe  his  son  thus : — 

"  For  he  is  gracious,  if  he  be  observed : 

He  hath  a  tear  for  pity,  and  a  hand 

Open  as  day  for  melting  charity  : 

Yet,  notwithstanding,  being  incensed,  he's  flint ; 

As  humourous  as  winter,  and  as  sudden 

As  flaws  congealed  in  the  spring  of  day."  ' 

This  conception  is  carried  out  in  the  succeeding  play.    The  Dauphin's 
insult  goads  the  usually  sober-minded  king  into  a  state  almost  of  fury. 
He  begins  with,  and  tries  to  keep  up,  a  tone  of  bitter  irony : — 
"  We  are  glad  the  Dauphin  is  so  pleasant  with  us  ; 

His  present,  and  your  pains,  we  thank  you  for  ; " 

>  C*.  536/1*6.      Waltimgtom.  U.  a8a.    tedbfe  w*s  •  "  Uilor,  or  (<u  tome  »riie) 
•  tmith."    Walstoftuun,  whodoem'tiivehlsMme.  •^r*hewfti*rt//tfer. 
•  Ck.  543/3/30.  *  Htmry  IV.  PL  •,  Act  IV.  K.  Ir.  u.  30-3$. 


Uxii 


Henry's  franktuss. 


but  soon  lapses  into  open  menaces,  and  ends  with  these  pitiless  words : 

M  So,  get  you  hence  in  peace  ;  and  tell  the  Dauphin, 
His  jest  will  savour  but  of  shallow  wit, 
When  thousands  weep,  more  than  did  laugh  at  it." 

Just  before,  Henry  had  set  forth  with  cruel  precision  the  practical  issue 
of  the  Dauphin's  witticism: 

"  many  a  thousand  widows 

Shall  this  his  mock  mock  out  of  their  dear  husbands ; 

Mock  mothers  from  their  sons,  mock  castles  down : 

And  some  are  yet  ungotten  and  unborn, 

That  shall  have  cause  to  curse  the  Dauphin's  scorn."  * 

The  frank  sincerity  of  Henry's  nature  appears  in  his  admission  to 
Montjoy : — 

"  to  say  the  sooth, 

(Though  tis  no  wisdom  to  confess  so  much 

Unto  an  enemy  of  craft  and  vantage) 

My  people  are  with  sickness  much  enfeebled  ; 

My  numbers  lessened  ;" 
unless  we  are  to  regard  it  as  meant  to  lead  the  way  to  the  national  boast : 

"  I  thought  upon  one  pair  of  English  legs 

Did  march  three  Frenchmen." J 

When  conversing  with  the  soldiers  on  the  night  of  the  battle,  he  acknow- 
ledges that  kings,  though  obliged  to  assume  a  higher  port,  have  at  times 
their  secret  misgivings,  and  are  generally  conditioned  like  other  men  ; 
nay,  in  his  out-spoken  honesty,  Henry  anticipates  I  Icrr  Tcufclsdrockh's 
Clothes  Philosophy,*"  his  ceremonies  laid  by,  in  his  nakedness  he  appears 
but  a  man."4  In  the  wooing  scene  the  king  courts  the  princess  Kathcrine 
with  a  bluff,  devil-may-care  straightforwardness.  He  seems  to  take 
pleasure  in  insisting  on  his  unattractive  visage,  and  lack  of  courtly 
graces ;  he's  a  fellow  with  a  "  face  not  worth  sun-burning,  that  never 
looks  in  his  glass  for  love  of  anything  he  sees  there;"  he  has  "  an  aspect 
of  iron  ;  *  "  when  I  come  to  woo  ladies  I  fright  them  ;  "  he  speaks  "  plain 
soldier."  If  Katherine  doesn't  care  for  the  true  heart  he  can  offer  her, 
why — "  that  I  shall  die,  is  true  :  but — for  thy  love,  by  the  Lord,  no  ; 
yet  I  love  thee  too."  Truly  he  loves  her  "no  more  than  reason,"  as  is 
plainly  shown  when  Charles  VI.  and  his  nobles  re-enter,  for  Henry  is 
not  so  much  elated  by  his  successful  wooing  as  to  bate  one  jot  of  his 
rights.  He  is  content  Kate  should  be  his  wife,  "  so  the  maiden  cities 

»  Hcmry  V.  Act  I.  sc.  H.  U.  259-396.        »  Idem.  Act  III.  sc.  vi.  U.  151—159. 
»  Sartor  Rtsarttu,  chap.  ix.  "  a  forked  Radish  with  a  head  fantastically  carved," 
is  Teufrbdrockh's  definition  of  man  under  similar  conditions. 
«  Henry  V.  Act.  IV.  sc.  i.  11.  109.  no. 


Wooing  scent  criticized.     Henry**  practical  jokes.    Ixxiii 

you  talk  of  may  wait  on  her  ;  *  the  article  too,  conferring  on  him  the  title 
of  H<*res  Francur,  must  be  conceded  ;  then,  and  not  till  then,  he  says : 

"  Now  welcome,  Kate : — and  bear  me  witness  all, 
That  here  I  kiss  her  as  my  sovereign  queen."  * 

We  see  something  of  the  "purpose  vnmutable  *  again  here. 

Johnson*  criticized  the  wooing  scene  unfavourably.  He  remarked  : 
"  This  military  grossness  and  unskilfulness  in  all  the  softer  arts  does 
not  suit  very  well  with  the  gaieties  of  his  [Henry  the  Fifth's]  youth,  with 
the  general  knowledge  ascribed  to  him  at  his  accession,  or  with  the  con- 
temptuous message  sent  him  by  the  Dauphin,  who  represents  him  as 
fitter  for  a  ball-room  than  the  field,  and  tells  him  that  he  is  not  to  revel 
into  dutches^  or  win  provinces  with  a  nimble  galliard.  The  truth  is,  that 
the  poet's  matter  failed  him  in  the  fifth  Act,  and  he  was  glad  to  fill  it  up 
with  whatever  he  could  get ;  and  not  even  Shakspcare  can  write  well 
without  a  proper  subject."  No  doubt  Shakspcrc  has,  as  Malone  pointed 
out,  taken  the  similar  scene  in  The  Famous  Victories  as  his  model  here, 
but  he  has  greatly  refined  it.  The  wooer  is  coarse  and  conceited  in  the 
original.  I  fancy  Johnson  misunderstood  Henry's  character  as  delineated 
by  Shakspere.  Henry  the  king,  was,  it  is  true,  majestic  in  demeanour 
and  wise  in  counsel;  but  the  man  Henry  allowed  his  naturally  homely 
and  genial  temperament  to  have  full  play.  As  to  the  other  objection, 
Henry  never  figures  as  a  courtier,  like  he  of  the  pouncet  box,  who  ex- 
cited the  spleen  of  Hotspur.  That  exquisite  gentleman,  I  dare  say, 
thought  the  prince's  associates,  including  Poins  and  plump  Jack,  were 
vulgar  fellows.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Osrics  of  his  father's  court 
were  too  shallow  and  affected  to  afford  Henry  more  than  a  passing  laugh. 
Shrewd,  plain  men  like  Fluellen,  or  witty  rogues  like  FalstafT,  pleased 
him  ;  not  a  popinjay  "  perfumed  like  a  milliner,"  and  using  "  holiday 
and  lady  terms."  Revelling  and  dancing  galliards— though  the  Utter 
has  ft  spice  of  courtliness  about  it — are  amusements  which  do  not 
necessarily  suggest  to  one  an  idea  of  the  polished  society  they  must  have 
been  indulged  in. 

I  have  already  noticed  Henry's  geniality,  ill-regulated  in  his  youthful 
days,  sobered  in  his  mature  manhood,  but  always  remaining  part  of 
himself  ;  and  shall  now  glance  at  a  nearly  allied  quality  possessed  by 
him, — humour  and  a  love  for  mystification.  In  the  midst  of  his  deepest 
anxieties,  a  few  hours  only  before  the  dawn  of  the  most  momentous 
day  in  his  life,  he  could  solace  himself  by  arranging  a  practical  joke  on 
Williams  and  Fluellen,  and  one  of  his  first  thoughts  after  the  victory 

«  Act  V.  K.  H. 

•  Variant*  SMaMtptrt,  xrU.  470.    MaloM's  Dote  neoeeds  JohownV 


Uxir  Henry's  casuistry.     Royalty  analyzed  iy 


:'.. 


With  the  same  zest  he  once  planned  the 


robbery  of  Falstaff,  in  order  to  enjoy  the  old  rogue's  boastful  subterfuges, 
and  disguised  as  a  drawer  heard  Jack's  unguarded  sarcasms,  just  as 
afterwards,  wrapped  in  a  soldier's  cloak,  he  listened  to  the  candid 
opinions  of  his  men.  His  argument  with  Williams  on  the  responsibility 
of  kings  whose  subjects  die  impenitent,  fighting  in  their  quarrel,  illustrates 
another  of  Henry's  characteristics, — a  taste  for  casuistry.  He  had 
crcwhilc  tried  to  solve  a  case  of  conscience— how  could  his  unworthy 
life  be  justified — by  such  specious  reasoning  as  we  cannot  suppose  really 
satisfied  him  ;  now,  however,  while  showing  the  same  casuistical  tend- 
ency, be  establishes,  in  my  judgment,  a  virtually  firm  position. 

I  understand  Henry's  argument  thus :  Supposing  a  king  wages  an 
unjust  war,  he  is  guilty  of  the  deaths  of  all  who  die  in  his  cause,  whether 
they  are  good  or  bad  men.  His  guilt  is  not  incurred  because  some 
of  his  soldiers  being  evil-livers  are  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  their  sins.  If 
this  were  so  the  king  must  be  accountable  for  their  deaths  even  if  they 
died  in  a  just  war.  As  long  as  a  man  persists  in  iniquity,  he  does  so 
with  the  full  knowledge  that  he  may  be  called  to  account  for  his  trans- 
gressions at  any  moment.  If  so,  is  the  manner  or  agency  by  which  this 
is  brought  about  at  all  material?  Knowing  his  imminent  danger  and 
responsibility  also  for  his  actions,  can  any  of  his  guilt  be  transferred  to 
the  king,  who,  engaging  his  services  amongst  a  number  of  other  men  of 
all  shades  of  morality,  was  the  indirect  means  of  causing  him  to  die 
impenitent  ?  If  so,  war  is  wrong,  per  sf,  whether  waged  for  just  or 
unjust  reasons,  since  it  is  clearly  impossible  to  select  pious  soldiers  only. 
If,  however,  war  is  allowable  for  just  causes,  we  shall  conclude  that  a 
sovereign's  responsibility  in  the  matter  depends  solely  on  the  justice  of 
his  quarreL 

The  last  subject  upon  which  I  wish  to  offer  a  few  remarks  is  the 
significance  of  Henry's  soliloquy  before  the  battle.  Shakspere  has 
presented  us  with  two  other  analyses,  like  Henry's,  of  the  kingly  estate 
stripped  of  its  pomp  and  circumstance.  But  Richard  II.,  Henry  IV., 
and  his  heroic  son  regard  the  general  result  they  arrive  at — the  vanity 
of  mere  prideful  domination — from  different  points  of  view. 

Richard  II. — sinking  into  despair  as  soon  as  fortune  has  passed  from 
him  to  his  rival— can  think  of  nothing  save  the  mutability  and  deceitful- 
ness  of  all  which  surrounds  a  king.  He  sees  the  royal  actor,  allowed 

"  a  little  scene 
To  monarchizc,  be  fearM,  and  kill  with  looks," 

swaying  his  sceptre,  and  assuming  the  airs  of  a  divinity ;  mocked  the 
while  by  the  apish  Death,  till  the  jester  grows  weary  of  his  sport,  and 
with  a  touch—*'  farewell  king."  Richard  once  thought  he  was  fashioned 


Richard  11.  and  Htnry  IV.  hxv 

of  a  different  clay  from  other  men  ;  the  illusion  has  vanished  :  "  I  live 
with  bread  like  you,  feel  want,  taste  grief,  need  friends."  He  cannot 
attain  the  dignity  of  a  deposed  ruler,  who,  if  not  a  sovereign  tU  fatto, 
yet  as  a  king  iU  jure,  fails  not  to  exact  in  adversity  the  deference  du<s 
to  his  rank.  No — he  will  "  talk  of  graves,  of  worms,  and  epitaphs ; " 
and  say  to  his  faithful  followers : 

"  Cover  your  heads,  and  mock  not  flesh  and  blood 
With  solemn  reverence  ;  throw  away  respect, 
Tradition,  form,  and  ceremonious  duty." l 

These  are  the  utterances  of  a  weak  man,  insolent  and  cruel  in  prosperity 
—witness  Richard's  treatment  of  his  dying  uncle;* — but  in  adversity, 
nerveless,  irresolute,  feebly  bemoaning  his  ill  (ate,  instead  of  bearing  it 
with  dignity,  or  striking  for  his  right. 

Henry  IV.  dwells  upon  the  toils  of  the  regal  office,  the  anxious 
watching  over  the  state  machine : — 

"  You  perceive  the  body  of  our  kingdom 
How  foul  it  is  ;  what  rank  diseases  grow, 
And  with  what  danger,  near  the  bean  of  it," 

he  says  to  Warwick.  There  arc  traitors  to  be  opposed,  among  them  is  one 
who  erewhile  "  like  a  brother  toiled  in  my  affairs."  How  unkindly  has  the 
friend  who  was  once  ready  to  venture  all  for  Bolingbrokc  leagued  himself 
with  the  enemies  of  the  King  !  The  politic  monarch  is  weary  in  heart 
and  brain  ;  sleep,  which  the  meanest  of  his  subjects  enjoy,  has  fled  from 
him.  He  fancies  now  that  if  he  could  have  seen  the  goal,  he  would  have 
turned  back  on  the  path  of  his  ambition  : — 

"  The  happiest  youth,  viewing  his  progress  through, 
What  perils  past,  what  crosses  to  ensue, 
Would  shut  the  book,  and  sit  him  down  and  die." 

Yet  the  king's  vigour  and  promptitude  in  defending  the  crown,  the 
possession  of  which  has  given  him  so  little  happiness,  is  unabated  for  all 
his  moralizing.  We  sec  him,  enfeebled  by  his  last  sickness,  toiling  in 
state  affairs  at  the  dead  hour  of  the  night,  ready  as  ever  to  thwart  the 
schemes  of  traitors.  Note,  how  he  casts  off  his  passing  despondency 
when  Warwick  has  finished  laying  bare  the  cause  of  Northumberland's 
treachery : — 

"  Are  these  things  then  necessities  ? 
Then  let  us  meet  them  like  necessities  ; " 

turning  afterwards  to  speak  of  the  forces  the  rebels  can  bring  into  the 
>  Rittord //.  Act  III.  K.  u.  U.  144-177-       '  '*«•  Ad  II.  K.  L  D.  115-113. 


btxvi 


lltnry  Vs  analysis  of  royalty. 


field.  And  alto,  how  the  dissimulation  which  had  helped  him  to  tho 
throne  comes  out,  either  from  habit,  or  from  some  indistinct  sense  th.it 
it  may  still  be  useful.  Recalling  the  days  when,  with  Northumberland's 
aid,  he  was  just  about  to  supplant  Richard,  he  says — 

41  Though  then,  heaven  knows,  I  had  no  such  intent, 
But  that  necessity  so  bow'd  the  state, 
That  I  and  greatness  were  compelled  to  kiss." l 

We  have  here  the  picture  of  a  strong,  ambitious  man,  to  whom 
"  Fortune  will  never  come  with  both  hands  full,"  *  saddened  by  the  cares 
besetting  the  object  he  strove  for,  but  still  holding  that  object  to  be  his 
highest  good.  He  may  say,  "  Uneasy  lies  the  head  that  wears  a  crown," 
but  never  will  he  relax  his  grasp  of  that  " golden  care"  while  life 
cndum. 

In  his  son's  soliloquy,*  we  are  led  to  compare  the  analysis  of  the 
ceremonious  pomp  which  attends  a  king  with  Richard's  reflections  on  the 
same  subject.  Richard  seems  rather  to  regret  the  vain  and  transient 
nature  of  that  regal  ceremony  which  flatters  a  king  into  the  belief  that 
he  can  "  monarchize,  be  fcar'd,  and  kill  with  looks."  To  Henry  V.  such 
slavish  homage  would  have  been  distasteful  even  if  it  were  real  and 
lasting.  He  wished  to  govern  free  men,  sharing  in  their  good  fortune  or 
adversity,  zealous  for  their  honour,  labouring  for  their  good.  He  shrank 
from  the  moral  solitude  in  which  a  tyrant  dwells,  ruling  like  a  careless 
god  over  sorrowful,  quaking  slaves,  whose  piteous  laments  die  away  ere 
they  can  cross  the  abyss  which  separates  him  from  them.  This  feeling, 
I  think,  prompted  Henry's  questionings  touching  ceremony : — 

"  Art  thou  aught  else  but  place,  degree,  and  form, 
Creating  awe  and  fear  in  other  men  ? 
Wherein  thou  art  less  happy  being  feared 
Than  they  in  fearing." 

The  rash  censures  of  the  soldier  led  Henry  to  make  bitter  reflections  on 
the  infelicity  of  kings.  For  he  would  fain  be  a  patriotic  king,  united 
by  intelligent  sympathy  with  his  people;  and  therefore  the  fear  that 
he  might  be  misjudged,  even  ignorantly,  was  very  grievous  to  him.  He 
knew  how  errors  of  judgment,  deviations,  however  slight  or  momentary, 
from  the  path  of  duty,  which  in  private  men  are  condoned  as  venial, 
stand  out  distinctly  defined  : — 

"  In  that  fierce  light  which  beats  upon  a  throne, 
And  blackens  every  blot."4 


>  Henry  IV.  Pt  a,  Act  III.  sc.  i. 

»  Henry  V.  Act  IV.  ic.  i.  1L  247—301. 

4  Tennyson  s  IdjlU  o/tMt  King.    Dedication. 


8  Idem.  Act  IV.  sc.  iv.  1.  103. 


The  Subordinate  Characters.  Ixxvii 

All,  moreorcr,  it  laid  on  him— the  lives,  the  eternal  salvation  even  of  his 
subjects.  With  sad  sarcasm  he  says — 

"  Upon  the  king  !  let  us  our  lives,  our  souls, 
Our  debts,  our  careful  wives, 
Our  children,  and  our  sins,  lay  on  the  king : 
We  must  bear  all" 

Toiling  honestly  for  the  common  welfare,  required  to  reconcile  the 
conflicting  interests  of  all  classes  of  his  people,  he  i* 

"  Subject  to  the  breath  of  every  fool,  whose  sense 
No  more  can  feel  but  his  own  wringing  I  * 

Condemned  by  one  whose  clear  egotistic  vision  can  discern  no  half  lights 
or  shadows  surrounding  his  particular  advantage.  If  happiness  only, 
the  king  muses,  be  an  object  in  life,  then 

"  the  wretched  slave, 

Who,  with  a  body  fill'd,  and  vacant  mind, 
Gets  him  to  rest,  cramm'd  with  distressful  bread," 

is  happier  than  he.  The  slave  lacks  nothing  but  this  worthless  ceremony, 
his  "  profitable  labour "  holds  his  thoughts  all  day,  he  sleeps  well  o* 
nights,  while  his  sovereign  watches.  With  another  appeal  against 
shallow,  irresponsible  carpers,  Henry  ends  his  musings  : — 

"  The  slave,  a  member  of  the  country's  peace, 
Enjoys  it ;  but  in  gross  brain  little  wots 
What  watch  the  king  keeps  to  maintain  the  peace, 
Whose  hours  the  peasant  best  advantages." 

In  this  soliloquy  we  recognize  a  wise,  strong  ruler,  who  possesses  all  his 
father's  energy  and  politic  skill,  but  regards  them  only  as  means  for 
insuring  the  well-being  of  his  country ;  whose  sole  cause  of  sorrow  is  not, 
— how  hard  it  is  to  be  ever  contending  with  traitors,  who  would  rob  me 
of  my  crown,  but, — how  bitter  is  the  ingratitude  of  men  who  owe  all  to 
my  provident  care,  yet  for  whose  patience  I  may  crave  in  vain. 

f  iMtrodmdiom,  p.  lii.  What  Henry  says  In  Act  I.  ic.  U.  II.  a66-*S8  Kerns  to 
support  a  culture-in-e%  il  explanation  of  hi*  conduct  when  •  prince.  But  I  tmaftne 
th.it  this  to  •  retrospective  judgment  of  the  influence  on  his  character  of  his  past  life  ; 
an  influence  of  which  he  was  unconscious  before. 

VIII.  THE  SUBORDINATE  CHARACTERS.— There  is  little  in  this  play 
to  divert  our  thoughts  from  the  central  figure  of  the  king  whose  name  it 
bears;  nevertheless,  the  comic  scenes,  which  vary  the  uniformity  of  (he 
historical  action,  present  to  us  a  few  well-marked  characters.  Our  old 
friends— Pistol,  Bardolph,  and  Nym ;  Mrs.  Quickly,  and  the  Boy— 
reappear,  and  are  finally  dismissed.  The  Boy,  we  may  hope,  met  with 


Ixxviii       FalstaJJPs  men ;  Kathfrine ;  the  French  nolle*. 


death  in  defending  the  baggage  against  the  cowardly 
raiders.  He  showed,  I  fancy,  before  passing  from  our  sight  for  ever, 
some  signs  of  a  better  spirit,  awakened,  perhaps,  by  the  example  of  him 
who  had  once  been  called  "the  madcap  prince  of  Wales."  The  others 
came  to  wretched  and  disgraceful  ends,  Pistol  exceptcd,  the  most 
cowardly,  and,  next  to  Sir  John,  the  most  amusing  rascal  of  all  that 
famous  company.  He  retires  with  nothing  worse  than  a  cudgelling,  to 
be  turned  to  good  account  amongst  the  "  ale-washed  wits  "of  the  London 
taverns.  But  we  know  his  fate  as  well  as  if  Shakspere  had  recorded  it. 
The  first  trade  by  which  the  quondam  Ancient  proposed  to  nourish  his 
declining  age  was  a  tolerably  safe  and  lucrative  one ;  but  the  second 
was  sure,  sooner  or  later,  to  be  cut  short  at  the  gallows.  We  hear  of  Sir 
John,  smitten  by  a  mortal  sickness,  and  lying,  neglected  and  forgotten, 
in  some  shabby  room  of  the  old  Boar's  Head,  the  scene  of  his  former 
jollity ;  with  none  about  him  save  his  graceless  retainers,  waiting  half- 
sorry,  half-curious  for  the  end.  And  Mrs.  Quickly  tells  us,  in  her  own 
unconscious  way,  of  her  well-meant  attempts  at  comfort ;  unspeakably 
bitter,  alas  1  they  must  have  been  to  the  remorseful  soul  of  the  dying 
sinner. 

The  Princess  Kathcrine  is,  I  suppose,  a  sketch  of  *  jeune  fille.  Like 
a  well-bred  JtmoistlU,  she  will  accept  without  demur  the  suitor  chosen 
by  her  father,  but  Henry  can  win  no  confession  of  love  from  her.  And 
until  he  brings  forward  this  last  argument,  her  father's  pleasure,  he  gets 
nothing  but  pretty  compliments  and  evasive  answers.  After  due  remon- 
strance did  she  yield,  with  resignation  only,  to  that  rude  custom  of 
England  ?  We  know  not  Yet  there  is  a  spice  of  coquetry  in  the  reply 
when  hard  pressed,  "  Is  it  possible  dat  I  sould  love  de  enemy  of  France?" 
and  a  passing  ripple  of  mischievous  mirth  must  have  lit  up  the  downcast 
eyes,  or  stirred  the  demurely-curved  lips,  while  the  king  was  painfully 
building  up  an  unusually  long  sentence  in  French.  He  perceived  it,  and 
exclaimed,  "  I  shall  never  move  thee  in  French,  unless  it  be  to  laugh  at 
me."  The  princess's  first  lesson  in  English  is  a  scene  which  has  met 
with  much  disapproval  from  the  earlier  critics.  Theobald  evidently 
thought  it  unworthy  of  Shakspere ;  Warburton  called  it  "  ridiculous,"  and 
would  gladly  have  treated  it  as  an  interpolation  ;  Hanmcr  and  Farmer 
regarded  it  as  spurious ;  Johnson  pronounced  the  scene  to  be  "  mean 
enough,  when  read,"  yet  he  admitted  that  it  was  amusing  on  the  stage. 
In  the  self-complacency  of  the  pupil,  and  the  flattery  of  the  teacher,  he 
saw  French  vanity  and  servility. 

The  liveliness,  pugnacity,  and  overflowing  self-confidence  of  the 
Dauphin  and  the  French  nobles  present  to  us  the  usual  conception  of 
our  neighbours'  national  character.  These  gallants  rush  to  the  battle 
"  with  a  light  heart,"  troubled  by  no  thought  of  the  future  save  that  the 
run  can't  possibly  last  long.  It  is  not  perhaps  a  fanciful  suggestion,  that 


Fluellcn.     Other  military  character!.  Ixxix 

the  license  of  repartee  indulged  in  by  the  Constable  and  two  princes  of 
the  blood  royal  illustrates  another  national  trait ;  namely,  the  social 
equality  which  Frenchmen  value  more  even  than  political  liberty.  The 
Dauphin  is  a  martialist ;  he  is  soon  tired  of  bandying  jests  with  the 
Constable,  and  goes  away  to  arm  himself,  although  it  is  but  midnight. 
The  absolute  perfection  of  his  war-horse  is  his  stock  subject  of  discourse. 
In  vain  docs  Orleans  try  to  divert  the  talk  into  another  channel,  and 
though  at  last  he  despairingly  exclaims,  "No  more,  cousin,"  yet  the 
Dauphin  inexorably  rehearses  the  accustomed  praises,  convinced  that  no 
rational  creature  can  be  weary  of  such  a  theme. 

In  Fluellcn,  the  military  Welshman,  we  find  the  same  amusing 
pedantry  which  was  a  chief  characteristic  of  Shakspcre's  Welsh  pOTtoa, 
Fluellcn  felt,  as  did  Sir  Hugh  Evans,  that  his  mission  was  to  set  people 
right.  And  his  duties  in  this  respect  were  not  confined  by  any  narrow 
professional  limits,  to  the  exposition  of  the  "  disciplines  of  the  wars,"  for 
he  promptly  exposes  the  inaccuracy  of  Pistol's  description  of  Fortune, 
adding,  moreover,  a  moralization  for  the  Ancient's  further  benefit ;  and 
explains  to  Cower  the  use  of  synonyms  and  the  true  application  of  a 
simile.  Fluellcn  was  somewhat  of  a  martinet,  yet  his  sense  ol  the  dignity 
of  human  nature  had  not  been  drilled  out  of  him,  for  his  answer  to 
Henry's  tentative  remark  (IV.  vii.  141 — 143)  shows  more  regard  for  per- 
sonal honour  than  for  military  discipline.  He  was  devoted  to  Henry ; 
with  loving  pride  he  claims  the  victorious  king  as  a  countryman  ;  he  is 
overjoyed  at  receiving  his  sovereign's  glove  to  wear  as  a  favour ;  but  all 
this  is  unalloyed  by  any  servility.  He  renders  to  Henry's  greatness  the 
willing  deference  of  an  ingenuous  mind,  but  with  a  qualification,  "  so  long 
as  your  majesty  is  an  honest  man."  Significant,  too,  of  Fluellen's 
affectionate  nature  is  the  eagerness  with  which  he  seizes  an  opportunity 
of  saying  a  good  word  for  Cower  (IV.  vii.  156,  157),  whose  fancied  good 
fortune  he  afterwards  so  joyously  announces  (IV.  viiL  2— $)»  and  the 
tender  simplicity  of  his  reply  to  Henry's  question,  "  Knowest  thou 
Cower?"  "  He  is  my  dear  friend,  an  please  you."  Though  "  hot  as 
gunpowder,"  Fluellcn  is  no  reckless  brawler;  he  can  stomach  an  affront 
so  long  as  military  discipline  or  etiquette  impose  upon  him  the  duty  of 
forbearance.  The  bully  Pistol,  who  took  advantage  of  this  apparent 
pusillanimity,  found  at  last  to  his  cost  that  the  despised  Welshman's 
cudgel  had  only  been  held  in  reserve  till  time  and  place  might  befit  its 
use.  When  Pistol's  day  of  reckoning  comes  we  notice  a  kind  of  gri*n 
humour  (although  humour  was  not  Fluellen's  characteristic)  in  the  jest- 
ing allusion  to  the  Squirt  <>f  Low  Dtgrtt,  and  the  gift  of  a  groat  to  heal 
the  discomfited  swaggerer's  bro'-.cn  pate. 

Macraorris  is  touchy,  and  given  to  scold  everybody  and  fume  with 
impatience  if  matters  don't  turn  out  so  well  as  he  h.id  hoped.  His 
angry  answer  (III.  ii.  132 — 135)  betrays,  I  fear,  the  weakneu  of  bring 


Ixxx       Erettr ;  Charlts  VI;  Burgundy.     Scotophobia. 

half-ashamed  of  his  country.  Jamy  is  a  calm  and  reasonable  being,  who 
will  do  his  best,  but  won't  (ash  himself.  He  is  ever  on  the  look  out 
for  crumbs  of  knowledge,  and  regards  an  irritable  temper  as  a  mournful 
proof  of  human  folly.  Cower  is  an  honest,  estimable  man.  Bates  and 
Williams,  if  one  judged  them  by  their  words,  might  pass  for  most  disloyal 
subjects,  but  in  reality  they  only  avail  themselves  of  the  freeman's 
privilege  of  sharply  criticizing  the  ruling  powers.  The  king  knew  their 
hearts,  and,  indeed,  Bates  soon  (IV.  i.  200,  201)  justifies  his  confidence. 

The  speeches  of  the  English  nobles  have  usually  either  been  derived 
from  or  suggested  by  the  Chronicles  and  other  sources.  Exeter  holds 
the  most  important  place,  and  to  him  alone  is  assigned  a  quite  original 
speech,  in  a  scene  also  which  has  no  parallel  in  the  Chronicles.  The 
speeches  of  Charles  VI.  are  calm  and  prudent,  although  in  Act  III.  sc. 
v.  he  is  somewhat  infected  by  the  bluster  of  his  son  and  the  French 
nobles.  The  anarchy  caused  by  the  king's  want  of  "sound  memorie," 
as  the  Chronicles '  term  it,  contributed  to  Henry's  success,  but  Sbakspere 
makes  no  allusion  to  this.  There  is  a  marked  contrast  between 
Burgundy's  dignified  and  statesmanlike  language  when  pleading  for 
peace  and  his  clumsy  and  not  very  refined  raillery  on  re-entering  after 
the  wooing  scene.  What  he  caught  sight  of  on  his  return  assured  him 
that  all  was  well,  and  his  outburst  of  jocosity  manifests  relief  from  deep 
anxiety,  veiled  till  now  beneath  the  calm  demeanour  of  a  diplomatist 

IX.  POLITICAL  TEACHING  OF  HENRY  V.— Mr.  Simpson  has  pointed 
out  that  Shakspere  has  gone  beyond  the  Chronicles  in  giving  Henry,  in 
Act  I.  sc.  ii.,  a  speech  full  of  anti-Scottish  feeling ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  Act  III.  sc.  ii.  introduces  us  to  the  Scotch  captain  Jamy,  who,  as 
we  may  infer  from  his  words  and  his  association  with  the  other  captains, 
serves  in  the  English  army  not  as  a  mere  mercenary,  but  as  a  loyal  sub- 
ject. Hence  Mr.  Simpson  suggested  that  "  Henry  V.  was  planned  at  a 
time,  like  1598,  when  there  was  ill-feeling  towards  France  and  Scotland." 
The  meeting  of  the  four  captains  to  discuss  a  tactical  question  of  com- 
mon interest  to  all  was,  he  considered,  intended  to  symbolize  the  Essex- 
ian  policy  of  a  union  of  the  four  nations  as  partakers  in  the  perils  and 
glories  of  a  foreign  war.*  The  following  consideration  tends  to  confirm 
Mr.  Simpson's  belief  that  Shakspere  had  such  a  special  purpose  in  view. 
The  fact,  recorded  by  the  Chronicles?  that  Henry  employed  Irish  troops 
in  his  French  wars  might  possibly  have  suggested  to  him  the  introduc- 
tion of  an  Irish  captain  ;  but  Jamy  was  created  in  despite  not  only  of 
Shakspere' s  chief  authority,  but  also  of  a  very  strong  national  prejudice. 
Moreover,  I  am  inclined  to  regard  Henry's  openly-professed  pride  in  his 

1  £*•  557/a/'-    Hall,  p.  75.    bonnt  mtmoire.— Monstrelet,  i.  55. 

•  Tk*  Polities  ofSkaksptrei  Historical  Plays,  in  the  New  Sh.  Soc.  Trans.,  1874 
U.  416.  417. 

•  Ch.  565 'a  70.     From  Hall,  p.  83.    AfonstrtUt  (iv.  115)  gives  a  singular  descrip- 
tion of  these  Irish  auxiliaries,  who  were  present  at  the  siege  of  Rouen. 


Macmorriis  "  nation."     Religious  disstniiont       Ixxxi 

Welsh  descent,  and  the  severe  rebuke  which  Pistol  receives  from  Cower 
for  insulting  Flucllcn  on  the  score  of  his  nationality,  as  forming,  when 
taken  together,  a  lesson  to  those  whose  narrow  provincialism  caused 
them  to  delight  in  vulgar  jests  at  their  neighbours'  character  and 
customs.1 

I  should  here  observe  that  Dr.  Nicholson  assigns  to  the  F*  sc.  ii.  in 
Act  III.  a  later  date  than  the  Q*  version  of  it,  believing  that  the  former 
is  part  of  a  revision  and  expansion  of  the  Q°  edition  of  Henry  V.  (in 
which  Jamy  and  Macmorris  do  not  appear),  made  by  Shakspere  after 
the  union  between  England  and  Scotland  was  an  accomplished  fact.  If 
this  be  so,  Jamy  was  not  a  political  forecast,  but  a  character  to  which 
a  Jacobean  audience  was  becoming  accustomed.  According  to  this 
hypothesis,  M acmorris's  anger  when  his  "  nation  "  was  mentioned  it 
explained  by  the  fact  that  all  hope  of  independence  for  Ireland  had  been 
crushed  by  the  successes  of  Lord  Mountjoy,  under  whose  vigorous  rule 
Tyrone  had  been  reduced  to  submission.  Nationality  was  thus  a  very 
sore  subject  with  Macmorris,  and  in  the  slightest  reference  to  it  his 
morbid  sensitiveness  detected  a  coven  sneer.  The  hit,  too,  would  be 
appreciated  by  an  English  audience. 

But  besides  the  racial  antipathies  which  divided  the  inhabitants  of 
these  islands,  there  was  a  potent  source  of  disunion  among  Englishmen. 
A  large  part  of  the  nation  was  allied  by  faith  to  the  national  foe,  and,  at 
the  crisis  of  the  struggle  with  Spain,  politicians  might  justly  fear 
lest  the  ties  of  religion  should  prove  stronger  than  those  of  patriot- 
ism. Moreover,  the  increasing  severity  of  the  government  tended  to 
widen  still  more  the  breach  between  Protestant  and  Catholic ;  and,  it 
might  be  apprehended,  to  inspire  in  the  Litter  a  desire  for  revenge  even 
at  the  cost  of  his  country's  freedom.  The  reign  of  Henry  V.  was  a  good 
subject  for  a  dramatist  who  wished  to  cure  his  countrymen  of  these 
suicidal  hatreds  through  an  appeal  to  the  national  pride,  by  showing 
them  what  their  ancestors  had  achieved  when,  abandoning  civil  strife, 
they  bent  all  their  energies  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  a  foreign  war. 
This  I  presume  to  be  the  general  political  teaching  of  our  play,  but  in 
two  instances  Shakspere  seems  to  address  his  audience  more  directly. 
When  Bates  said  to  Williams  and  the  disguised  king,  who  were  exchang- 
ing defiances  on  the  very  eve  of  the  great  battle,  "  Be  friend*,  you 
English  fools,  be  friends  ;  we  have  French  (tcil.  Spanish)  quarrels  enow, 
if  you  could  tell  how  to  reckon, ' *  may  we  not  suppose  that  Shakspere 
thus  warned  his  hearers  that  their  dimensions  put  a  dangerous  weapon 
into  the  band  of  the  common  enemy?  Such  an  interpretation  is,  of 
course,  a  conjectural  one,  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  II.  16—30  in 
'be  prologue  of  Act  II.  were  levelled  at  those  traitors  who,  by  their 

»  Cf.  Act  IV.  ic.  trtl.  II.  109.  no.  and  Act  V.  K.  ».  II.  73— *S- 
•    Ad  IV.  M.  1.  II.  »*-«4t. 


Ixxxii 


Parry's  cast. 


iai%ues  with  the  Spaniard,  endangered  the  liberties  of  England,  or,  at 
least,  checked  her  career  of  conquest.1 

We  do  not  learn  from  the  Ckroiticlts  that  the  conspirators  against 
Henry  V.  showed  any  sorrow  for  their  treason.  Shakspere,  however, 
••IBM  them  utter  the  most  fervent  expressions  of  penitence.  After  the 
king's  scathing  speech,  remorse  forbids  any  further  pleas  for  mercy,  and 
they  acknowledge,  with  more  than  resignation,  the  justness  of  their  doom. 
This  somewhat  unusual  magnanimity  of  sentiment  finds  a  parallel  in  the 
words  of  Dr.  William  Parry,  who  was  executed  in  1585  for  plotting  the 
queen's  assassination.  Parry  pleaded  guilty  at  his  trial,  and,  moreover, 
with  his  assent,  a  detailed  account  of  the  plot,  written  by  himself,  was 
openly  read  in  court  Thus  his  confession  became  widely  known.  For 
the  government,  having  been  accused  of  acting  in  such  cases  from 
bigoted  motives,  desired  to  give  the  utmost  publicity  to  Parry's  voluntary 
avowal,  by  which  it  might  clearly  appear  that  he  was  not  condemned 
to  death  for  religion's  sake,  but  for  treason.  At  the  foot  of  Parry's  con- 
fession occur  these  words,  in  their  spirit  resembling  the  speeches  of  the 
traitors  in  Henry  V. — "  God  prescrue  the  queene,  and  incline  hir  merci- 
full  hart  to  forgiue  me  this  desperat  purpose,  and  to  take  my  head  (with 
all  my  hart)  for  hir  better  satisfaction."  *  There  is  also  a  verbal  likeness 
between  the  last  line  of  Sir  Thomas  Grey's  speech  and  a  phrase  in  a 
letter  written  by  Parry  to  Elizabeth,  which  ends  thus  :  "  I  haue  no  more 
to  saie  at  this  time,  but  that  with  my  hart  &  soule  I  doo  now  honour  & 
louc  you,  am  inwardlie  soric  for  mine  offense,  and  readic  to  make  you 


1  So  late  M  1628.  Earle  said  of  the  Church  Papist :  "  But  we  leaue  him  hatching 
plots  against  the  State,  and  expecting  Spinola." — Afiero-toimograpkit,  xo,  Arber's  cd., 
p.  32.  Shakspere  had  a  kindly  feeling  for  followers  of  the  old  faith  who  didn't  meddle 
with  state  affairs.  He  gave  us  two  benevolent  friars  in  Much  Ado  and  Romeo  and 
Juliet,  but  in  John.  III.  L  147*171,  spoke  his  mind  plainly  about  the  pope's  pretensions. 
In  1587  appeared  a  pamphlet  written  by  Cardinal  Allen,  defending  the  conduct 
of  Sir  William  Stanley  in  surrendering  Deventer  to  the  Spaniards.  Mr.  Simpson 
thought  that  Henry's  argument  (IV.  i.  154—196)  was  an  answer  to  Allen's.  See  Nem 
Sk.  Soc.  Trim,  for  1874.  Pt.  II.  p.  419.  From  this  conclusion  I  venture  to  dissent. 
Allen's  purpose  was  to  show  that  no  Roman  Catholic  soldier  could,  by  pleading  the 
command  of  his  sovereign,  excuse  his  serving  against  the  followers  of  his  own  faith. 
Dying  in  such  a  cause,  be  was  assuredly  damned.  The  moral  obligations  of  the 
soldier,  and  the  prudence— considering  the  dangers  of  his  profession— of  being  careful 
to  obtain  absolution  for  their  violation,  are  matters  hardly  touched  upon.  These, 
however,  form  the  subject  of  Henry's  argument,  while  the  soldier's  duty  in  relation  to 
a  heretic  prince  is  not  even  alluded  to.  Compare  with  Henry's  words  (II.  186,  187), 
quoted  by  Mr.  Simpson,  Allen's  Defence  of  Sir  William  Stanley  s  surrender  of 
Dntnter  (Cbetbam  Soc.).  pp.  13  and  18—22. 

•  CJL  1387/1/8.  There  is  a  very  full  account  of  Parry's  case  in  the  Chronicles,  pp. 
1383—1395.  See  also  Margrave's  Suit  Trials,  vol.  i.  coll.  121 — 128,  ed.  1776. 
These  words  of  Parry  are  printed  as  a  postscript  in  the  State  Trials.  In  the 
CkrtmUUs  they  are  preceded  by  a  paragraph  sign  and  followed  by  his  signature. 


Essex's  Irish  policy. 


Ixxxiii 


amends  by  my  death  and  patience.    Discharge  me  A  <M//<J  but  not  A 
far**,  good  ladie." ' 

An  allusion  in  the  prologue  of  Act  V.  affords,  as  I  have  already 
remarked,  good  grounds  for  supposing  that  Htnry  V.  was  produced 
during  the  absence  of  the  earl  of  Essex  in  Ireland.  The  conciliatory 
policy  to  which  Essex  was  inclined  was  in  advance  of  the  times,  and 
exposed  him  to  the  suspicions  of  the  queen,  and  the  misconstructions  of 
his  political  enemies.  It  is  possible  that  the  maxim  which  Shakspere 
put  into  the  mouth  of  his  Henry  V., "  When  lenity  and  cruelty  play  for  a 
kingdom,  the  gentler  gamester  is  the  soonest  winner,"  *  conveyed  the 
poet's  approval  and  recommendation  of  Essex's  proposed  method  of 
dealing  with  the  Irish  question.  During  his  administration  of  Ireland, 
Essex  wrote  to  the  queen  a  remarkable  letter,1  containing,  besides  sug- 
gestions for  the  prosecution  of  the  campaign,  a  proposal  for  overcoming 
the  rebels'  resistance  by  means  of  corruption  and  an  apparent  acquies- 
cence in  their  desire  for  freedom  from  English  rule.  After  pointing  out 
that  the  cattle,  oatmeal,  and  other  victuals  were  in  the  rebels'  hands,  that 
before  his  arrival  they  had  been  masters  of  the  field,  and  now  expected, 
through  Spanish  help,  to  gain  most  of  the  towns  before  relief  could  be 
sent,  the  earl  proceeded  thus  :  "  So  that  now  if  your  Maiesty  resolue  to 
subdue  these  Rebels  by  force,  they  are  so  many,  and  so  framed  to  be 
Souldicrs,  that  the  wane  of  force  will  be  great,  costly,  and  long.  If  your 
Maiesty  will  seeke  to  breake  them  by  (actions  amongst  themselues,  they 
are  couetous  and  mercinary,  and  must  be  purchased ;  and  their  lesuites 
and  practising  Priests  must  be  hunted  out  and  taken  from  them,  which 
now  doe  sodder  them  so  fast  and  so  close  together.  If  your  Maiesty 
will  haue  a  strong  party  in  the  Irish  Nobility,  and  make  vse  of  them,  you 
muu  hide  from  them  all  purpose  of  establishing  English  gouernement, 
till  the  strength  of  the  Irish  be  so  broken,  that  they  shall  see  no  safety 
but  in  your  Majesties  protection."  In  a  subsequent  letter  *  to  the  council 


pointed  out  the  similarity.-  Viritrmm  Sk..  ini.  314. 


The  lettar  to  daud 


>  Ck.  138-;  «  57 
ed.  1821. 

•  Act  III.  tc.vi.IL  uS—  tao. 

»  Printed  by  Morytoo  to  his  /Hmmiy.  Pt.  If.  pp.  34—37- 
June  35.     I  quote  Uoryv*.  II.  35. 

*  Birch's  Klitabtik,  ii.  4*3.    The  querulous  to«e  of  thto  extract  often  recun  in 
Essex's  letters  from  Ireland.    He  complained  of  the  Incompetence  of  the  OHBal 
there  ;  the  lessening  of  bis  authority  by  the  queen's  mterfareooe  with  his  appointment 
of  Southampton  as  muter  of  the  hone  ;  the  sfcUmeai  of  the  army.  and  the  number  of 
desertions  from  it  ;  certain  unnamed  persona  who  treated  secretly  with  Ibe  rebels  ;  and 
0*  tosumciem  faron  at  his  dtspn-al.-  Birch's  Bli~**k,  ii  4*0.  4«.  4»J.  4*4.  4*7- 
In  the  letter  I  quote  at  p.  boosV.  Eaatx  oosaphhMd  of  Cobban  •  and  Raiatfh's 
favour  with  EBabeth.    "I  wffl  fortiaare  otbrn  Cor  Ihair  ptoow  salt*."—  JsrVpiM.  II. 
36.    In  a  letter  dated  Sept  14,  tb«  qu«a«  cridctoad  Ea««s  conduct  erf  the  camfajp 

art.  rnotm  blamed  him  for  ftlltof  bto  papers  »  «ith 


nent  argumenu.  betof  in  7001  froerall  Letters.  Mvoortof  SOU  to  maoy  potou  of 


Ixxxiv  The  treaty  with  Tyrone. 

he  again  refer*  to  this  scheme  in  these  terms  :  "  Shall  I  reduce  this  king- 
don  by  composition?    1  might  justly  have  conceived  great  hope  of 
effecting  it,  had  her  Majesty's  wonted  favour  towards  me  continued,  and 
had  it  shined  over  me  in  such  brightness  as  this  service  requircth.      But 
now  who  will  be  desirous  to  come  under  a  roof  that  threatcneth  ruin  ? 
or  who  will  make  his  way  to  safety  by  him  that  is  no  way  safe  himself?" 
Shortly  before  his  sudden  return  to  England,  Essex  had  two  interviews 
with  Tyrone,  who,  finding  himself  in  a  position  to  dictate  his  own  terms 
of  peace,  demanded  a  general  pardon  for  the  rebels,  the  reinstatement 
of  the  Irish  in  the  lands  which  the  English  had  dispossessed  them  of, 
and  toleration  for  the  Roman  religion  throughout  the  kingdom.1     Essex 
accepted  these  conditions,  made  a  truce  with  Tyrone,  and  soon  aft 
wards  arrived  in  England.    With  regard  to  the  last-named  article  of  the 
truce,  there  is  a  discrepancy  between  authorities.    Essex  was  speedily 
called  to  account  by  the  council  for  agreeing  to  such  derogatory  condi- 
tions ;  and,  according  to  Camden,1  he  advised  that  the  queen  should 
confirm  them  all,  and.  urged  in  his  own  defence  Tyrone's  refusal  to  listen 
to  any  others.     Moryson,1  however,  reports  that  Essex,  in  his  after 
examination  at  York  House,  said  that  he  flatly  rejected  Tyrone's  request 
for  toleration  in  religion.    The  conference  with  Tyrone  was  one  of  the 
five  offences  laid  to  Essex's  charge  by  Attorney-general  Coke  in  his 
speech  at  York  House  in  June  1600.    Speaking  on  this  bead,  Coke 
humours,  that  concrme  the  priuate  of  you  our  Lord  Liefetenant ;  we  doe  tell  you 
pUineljr.  that  are  of  that  Councell.  that  we  wonder  at  your  indiscretion,  to  subscribe  to 
Letters  which  oooceme  our  pnblike  seruice.  when  they  art  mixed  with  any  mans 
prfoale,  and  directed  to  our  Counsel!  Table,  which  is  not  to  handle  things  of  small 
importance." — t/orytom,  II.  40.     This  letter  caused  Essex's  return. 
1  Camden's  Anmals,  ed.  Henrne.  iii.  796. 

•  Ibid.    At  10  a.  m.  on  Michaelmas  eve  Essex  arrived  at  Nonsuch,  where  the 
coon  was  assembled.    The  queen  received  him  graciously,  but  soon  showed  displeasure 
at  his  abrupt  return  from  Ireland,  and  in  the  afternoon  the  earl  was  examined  by  some 
of  the  council.     Nothing,  however,  was  determined.     Next  morning  a  full  council  met 
to  consider  his  conduct.     From  a  p.  m.  to  5  p.  m.  Essex  was  present  and  made  his 
defence. — Collins's  Sydney  State  Papers,  ii.  127 — 129.  This  latter  council  is,  I  presume, 
the  one  mentioned  by  Camden. 

•  "  My  Lord  of  Camtertmritt  [Whitgift's]  question  was  concerning  the  conditions 
of  yeelding  vnto  Tyrone  in  tolleration  of  religion  ;  the  Earle  heartily  thanked  him  for 
mouing  that  doubt,  ft  then  protested,  that  it  was  a  thing  mentioned  in  deed,  but  neuer 
yeelded  vnto  by  him,  nor  yet  stood  vpon  by  the  Traitor,  to  whom  the  Earle  had  said 
plainely ;  Hang  thee  vp,  thou  carest  for  religion  as  much  as  my  horse.     Master 
Secretary  also  cleered  the  Earle  in  that  respect,  that  he  neuer  yeelded  to  Tyrone  in 
that  foule  condition,  though  by  reason  of  Tyrants  vaunting  afterwards,  \cf.  Camden's 
Ammalt,  Hi.  799,  801]  it  might  haue  some  shew  of  probability." — Moryio*,  II.  73. 
Yet  in  his  speech  in  the  Star  Chamber,  Nov.  28,  1509,  Secretary  Cecil  spoke  of  tolera- 
tion m  relijjion  as  one  of  Tyrone's  conditions,  and  remarked  that  it  was  a  needless  one, 
because  the  kws  against  harbouring  priests  are  not  used  with  severity  there,  and 
•awe*  and  popish  trumpery  are  common,  and  the  queen  has  ever  been  disposed  to 
reenmmrnd  the  reformation  rather  by  prayer  to  God   than  by  violent  compulsion  to 
those  poor  ignorant  people.— Statt  Pafert,  Domestic,  1598—1601,  p.  350. 


Essex  is  charged  uith  treason.  Ixxxv 

inveighed  against  Essex's  willingness  to  tolerate  the  Roman  religion.1 
And  there  is  reason  for  supposing  that  the  earl  would  have  secured  for 
the  Roman  Catholics  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  if  his  attempt,  in 
the  following  year,  to  obtain  supreme  influence  in  the  state  had  been 
successful.*  However  this  may  be,  the  indications  still  traceable  of 
Essex's  policy,  slight  as  they  are,  lead  us,  I  think,  to  surmise  that  if  he 
had  been  permitted  to  use  his  own  discretion  in  governing  Ireland  he 
would,  like  Shakspere's  Henry  V.,  have  tempered  strictness  with  some 
measure  of  lenity  and  compromise,  instead  of  enforcing  the  unmitigated 
gospel  of  fire  and  sword,  in  which  many  of  his  contemporaries  had  far 
too  much  faith. 

His  Irish  policy  exposed  Essex  to  grave  suspicions  of  disloyalty,  and 
be  never  recovered  the  queen's  favour.  The  earl's  popularity  was  great,1 
and  in  order,  therefore,  to  show  more  convincingly  that  his  execution 
was  a  political  necessity,  the  government  published  an  official  declara- 
tion4 of  the  treasonable  practices  in  which  Essex  had  been  engaged  before 
his  open  rebellion.  The  desire  of  being  the  first  person  in  a  kingdom 
separated  from  England  by  the  sea,  and  of  having  at  his  disposal  an 
array  to  support  him  in  his  ambitious  designs,  were,  it  was  stated,  the 
motives  which  induced  him  to  undertake  the  administration  of  Ireland. 
In  order  that  the  Irish  might  look  to  him  alone  for  grace,  and  that  be 
might  thus  be  enabled,  by  lenient  treatment,  to  win  their  affections,  he 
required  that  his  commission  should  empower  him  to  pardon  all  rebels  at 
his  own  discretion,  Tyrone  even  not  being  excepted.  The  prosecution 
of  the  war  formed  no  part  of  Essex's  plans  ;  he  purposely  wasted  time  in 
useless  operations,  and  sought  the  first  opportunity  of  coming  to  terms 
with  Tyrone.  All  these  imputations  of  motives  rested  upon  mere  con- 
jecture, but,  in  regard  to  the  last  point,  evidence  was  offered  to  show 
that  the  result  of  the  conference  between  Tyrone  and  Essex  was,  that 


.  II.  70. 

•  At  the  trial  of  Eiwx  in  1601.  Sir  Christopher  Bkxtot  was  examined  :  "  Being 
asked  upon  his  Conscience.  Whether  the  Earl  of  EiuxtoA  not  give  him  Comfort,  that 
tf  be  came  to  Authority,  there  should  be  a  Toleration  for  Religion  ?  he  confesseth.  he 
should  have  been  to  blame  to  have  denied  it  "—Margrave'*  StJtt  Trta/t.  vol.  I.  col. 
•03.  ed.  1776.  Essex.  he  Mid.  had  often  told  him  "  that  he  liked  not  the  forcing  of 
men's  consciences  :  and  to  bis  usual  talk  would  say.  he  misliked  thai  any  should  be 
troubled  for  their  conscience,  "—Utm,  vol.  vii.  col.  50. 

»  When  the  newt  of  Essex's  revolt  reached  Flushing,  the  governor.  Sir  William 
Browne,  thought  it  expedient  to  administer  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  garrison.— 
Collins's  Sydmty  Paftri.  ii.  aai.  When  Essex  tay  sfck  at  York  House,  he  was  pubUdjr 
prayed  for  in  many  of  thn  London  churches.  This  was  forbidden  by  the  government. 
—Idtm.  153.  156. 

«  Written  by  Bacon,  at  the  quern's  command.  It  was  reprinted  in  Basil  Montagu's 
edition  of  Bacon's  Work*,  vt  999-390.  The  charges  to  relation  to  Essex's  govern- 
ment of  Ireland,  and  the  evidence  to  support  thereof,  occupy  pp.  303  -313  and  365- 
369.  Cf.  J/«7«M,  II.  44- 


Ixxxvi  The  union  of  England  and  Scotland. 

Tyrone  agreed  to  supply  Essex  with  troops  for  the  conquest  of  England, 
receiving  for  his  services  some  substantial  reward,  variously  represented 
as  the  sovereignty  of  Ireland,  the  viceroyalty  of  the  same,  or  large 
possessions  in  England.  It  is  foreign  to  my  purpose  to  notice  the  other 
charges  against  Essex,  and  I  can  only  remark  that  this  alleged  treason- 
able compact  was  attested  by  evidence  of  the  most  vague  and  insufficient 
character.  Thus  the  expedition  to  Ireland,  which  Shakspcrc  hailed  with 
such  happy  auguries,  was,  as  Bacon1  had  predicted,  fatal  to  Essex.  For 
with  his  personal  liberty  he  did  not  regain  his  political  influence  ;  he  was 
excluded  even  from  the  queen's  presence,  and  the  consciousness — so 
bitter  to  a  proud  and  active  spirit — that  be  had  become  a  mere  cypher 
in  the  state  tempted  him  to  seek  restoration  to  power  in  a  rash  enterprise 
which  cost  him  his  life. 

When  the  French  king  and  queen  spoke  the  closing  speeches  of 
Henry  K,  their  words — to  some,  at  least,  of  the  audience — might  have 
seemed  to  presage  the  new  commonwealth  in  which  Englishman  and 
Scot  should  clasp  hands  in  brotherly  accord,  rather  than  to  recall  the 
long-vanished  dream  of  a  great  Anglo-Gallic  monarchy.  By  this  time 
events  had  tended  towards  making  the  succession  of  James  VI.  almost 
certain.  Still  the  nation  was  uneasy,  for  no  bequest  of  the  queen  or 
decree  of  parliament  had  placed  the  matter  beyond  dispute.  During 
the  year  preceding  the  appearance  of  our  play,  James's  agents  travelled 
about  in  England  and  Ireland,  endeavouring  to  win  the  affections  of  the 
people  for  their  future  sovereign  by  praising  his  firmness,  prudence, 
justice,  mildness,  and  other  kingly  virtues.  Books  were  disseminated, 
vindicating  his  title,  and  pointing  out  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
preferring  him  to  any  other  candidate  for  the  throne.  England,  it  was 
•ftd,  would  be  aggrandized  by  the  long-coveted  accession  of  Scotland  ; 
the  king  would  put  an  end  to  the  Spanish  and  Irish  wars,  and  give 
freedom  to  commercial  intercourse ;  he  was  powerful,  had  children  to 
succeed  him,  and  was  on  very  friendly  terms  with  the  other  princes  of 
Christendom.*  To  the  last  James  was  apprehensive  of  intrigues 
against  him  in  the  English  court.  Thus,  in  June  1601,  he  instructed 
his  ambassadors  to  obtain  a  renewal  of  the  queen's  promise  that  his 
right  should  be  respected;*  Cecil  and  others  were  to  be  conciliated, 
and  warned  that  the  king  would  be  mindful  hereafter  of  ill  offices  The 
temper  of  the  people,  especially  of  the  Londoners,  was  to  be  ascer- 
tained, and  if  the  queen  should  be  in  an  uncompliant  humour  the 
ambassadors  were  to  court  the  friendship  of  the  lieutenant  of  the  Tower, 

1  Afobgy  ctmeerximg  tkt  Earl  of  Esstx,  Bacon's  Works,  cd.  Montagu,  vi.  353. 
•54- 

*  Camden's  Annals,  ed.  Hearoe.  iii  781,  782. 

S  ••  Nor  no  checce  under  cure  reservid  against  me,  excepted  allwayis."  the  king 
sarcastically  adds,  "  if  she  be  not  to  endure  as  long  als  the  sonne  and  the  moone." — 
Birch's  Etuaictt,  ii.  512.  James's  letter  and  instructions  occupy  pp.  510 — 513. 


hlizaitthan  prisons  (I.  ii. ;  V.  ii.).  Ixxxvii 

endeavour  to  secure  the  services  of  the  fleet,  do  all  in  their  power  to 
attach  nobles  and  knights  to  the  king's  interest,  and  see  that  his  friends 
in  every  county  were  well  provided  with  arms.  If  I  have  interpreted 
aright  the  speeches  of  the  French  king  and  queen,  Shakspere  must  be 
numbered  amongst  those  who  favoured  the  succession  of  James  VI. 
And  thus  we  again  find  Shakspere  in  political  sympathy  with  Essex.1 
For  the  confirmation — by  a  parliament  summoned  for  the  purpose— of 
James's  title,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  union  of  England  and  Scotland, 
was  one  of  the  chief  motives  for  the  earl's  unhappy  attempt  to  seize  the 
reins  of  government.* 

X.  SOCIAL  ALLUSIONS  IN  Henry  V.  Twice  in  this  play  we  find 
an  allusion  to  the  state  of  the  prisons  in  the  Elizabethan  age.  Henry 
tells  the  French  ambassadors  that  bis  passion  is  under  constraint  as 
rigid  "as  are  our  wretches  fetter'd  in  our  prisons."1  The  unpruned 
hedges  of  France  are  likened  by  Burgundy  to  the  shaggy,  unkempt  hair 
of  prisoners.  From  the  commiserating  word  "wretches,"  I  infer  that 
Shakspere  had  the  debtors  in  his  mind.  The  humanity  that  tempers 
even  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  acknowledged  criminals  is  a  modern 
refinement ;  but  the  misery  of  debtors — especially  of  those  who  had 
fallen  into  the  clutches  of  some  blood-sucking  usurer — caused  deep 
sorrow  and  shame  to  Shakspere's  contemporaries.  Stubbes  tells  us  how, 
while  walking  in  the  streets,  it  grieved  him  to  hear  the  pitiful  cries  of 
the  debtors  "  wishing  and  thyrsting  after  death  to  set  them  at  libertie, 

•  Cbettle  reproves  the  "sfluer  tonged  Mtliftrt"  (Shakspere)  for  not  bestowing  a 
verse  on  (he  memory  of  (he  great  queen  who  bad  "  graced  hit  desert."  Several  oiher 
poets  are  censured  for  (he  same  neglect. — Chetde's  Emgljmti  Mourning  G*rm«mt, 
ed.  Ingleby  (.\>w  Sk.  Soe..  Series  IV.  Pt.  i.  p.  98).    Mr.  Furaivall  remarked  that 
Shakspere's  company  expected  favour*  from  James.     Laurence  Fletcher,  one  of  their 
members,  had  acted  before  toe  king  in  Scotland.— Intnd.  L~p»H  Sk.  p.  art 

•  The  earl  of  Essex  told  Mr.  Ashton.  formerly  a  preacher  at  Essex  House,  thai  th« 
revolutionary  enterprise  of  1601  had  for  its  object  the  summoning  of  a  parUarKol  which 
Should  formally  acknowledge  Junes' s  title. — A  fatter  to  Mr,  A.  Bate*  nmetmimg  Uu 
B*rl  of  Etitx.  published  by  Hearne  in  (he  notes  to  his  edition  of  Canxlea's  Amnjli. 
W.  059,  960.    The  earl  said  that  "in  this  Intention  he  had  many  of  the  worthiest 
Persons  of  the  Land  in  Consent  with  him."    Prudential  motives  induced  the  govern- 
ment to  forbid  the  disclosure  of  their  names.— Afrit,  p.  960.    C/.  Ui.  859.    Eatex  had 
previously  assured  James  of  his  support,  and  had  even  proposed  to  assert  the  king's 
claim  by  force  of  arms.     Lord  Mountjoy.  who  bad  succeeded  Essex  in  the  goiuument 
Of  Ireland,  was  to  bring  four  or  five  thousand  men  from  Ireland  In  the  assistance  of  (he 
carl's  adherents.     But  James  being  unready  for  action,  and  Mountjoy  having  ceased  to 
regard  such  an  attempt  as  justifiable,  the  affair  went  no  farther.— Sir  Chariot  Daren's 
confession.  In  Birch's  Eliuktk.  Ii.  470.  471.     In  1594.  Father  Paraom  dedicated  ha 
C»H/rrrmtt  •but  tkt  Snettnif»  to  Eases,  remarking  that  bone  was  "  like  to  haw  a 
greater  pan  or  sway  In  deciding  of  this  great  aflair  (when  lime  shall  come  for  that 
determination)  (ban  your  honour."    Essex  was  greatly  alarmed  at  this  dangerous 
compliment.— Collins' s  Sydnty  SUU  P*f*ri.  I.  350.  357. 

•  Act  I.  sc.  u.  U.  841—443.  **d  Act  V.  sc.  ii.  U.  44-44. 


Ixxxviii  Treatment  of  prisoners. 

and  loose  them  from  their  shackles,  giues,  and  yron  bands."1  At  a  later 
time  and  perhaps  in  Stubbes's  days  also — some  of  these  unhappy  beings 
were  allowed  to  beg  alms  from  visitors,  who,  as  they  entered  the  Fleet, 
heard  the  oft -repeated  entreaty:  "  Pray  remember  the  poor  debtor*."1 
Hurgundy's  simile  pictures  to  us  the  squalid,  half-savage  aspect  borne 
by  the  prisoners ;  the  outward  token  of  the  crushing  burden  of  bodily 
UU  and  mental  anguish  that  had  robbed  them  of  hope  and  self-respect 
"  They  are  all  suited  in  the  same  forme  of  nastie  pouerty,"  said  Earle. 
"  Oncly  to  be  out  at  elbowes-is  in  fashion  here,  and  a  great  Indecorum, 
not  to  be  thredhare." '  The  fortunate  ones,  who  could  pay  for  decent 
lodging  and  good  food,  and  satisfy  the  jailor's  demands  for  fees,  might 
perhaps  suffer  from  little  else  save  the  loss  of  liberty.  But  for  the 
penniless  debtor  there  was  no  mercy.  He  must  lie  upon  filthy  straw, 
naked  and  hungry,  often  fettered,  thrust  into  narrow,  reeking  dungeons 
amid  a  crowd  of  others  his  fellows  in  wretchedness,  many  of  whom  were 
afflicted  with  loathsome  or  infectious  diseases.  Mynshul  said  of  a  prison  : 
"  It  is  a  place  that  hath  more  diseases  predominant  in  it,  then  the  Pest- 
house  in  the  plague-time,  and  it  stinkes  more  then  the  Lord-Mayor's 
dogge-housc  or  Paris-garden  in  August."  If  a  prisoner  resented  an 
injury,  he  might  be  put  in  irons.  The  applicants  for  entrance-fees 
were  the  porter,  jailor,  gardener,  steward,  and  cook.  The  prisoner's 
chamber-fellows  also  claimed  a  gratuity  called  "garnish."  From  Taylor, 
the  Water-Poet,  we  learn  that  if  a  prisoner  couldn't  or  wouldn't  pay  the 
fees, he  was  sent  to  the  "hole,*  which  was  the  worst  part  of  the  prison. 
Those  who  paid  for  better  lodging  had  little  for  their  money,  seeing  that : 

"  Perhaps  the  Jaylor  in  one  stinking  roome 
Hath  sixe  beds,  for  the  Gallant  and  the  Groome, 
In  lowsie  linnen,  ragged  couerlets  : 
Twelue  men  to  lodge  in  those  sixe  beds  he  sets  : 
For  which  each  man  doth  pay  a  groat  a  night,"  &c. 

Minshul  confirms  this  report  of  the  comforts  of  a  jail,  and  the 
exorbitant  price  charged  for  them.4 

>  Tkt  Anatomie  of Abu  its,  1583.  ed.  F.  J.  Fumivall  (New  Sh.  Soc.),  Pt.  I.  p.  127. 
Cf.  Decker's  Sent*  Deadly  Sin  ties  of  London,  1606.  ed.  Arber,  p.  45. 

*  In  Tkt  Cries  oftkt  Oppressed,  1691.  by  Moses  Pitt,  there  is  a  frontispiece  showing 
the  courtyard  of  the  Fleet,  in  which  some  visitors  are  walking  about.  At  two  grated 
ground-floor  windows.  OB  each  side  of  the  archway  leading  to  the  outer  gates,  appear 
the  debtors.  From  the  mouth  of  one  of  them  issues  a  label,  bearing  the  words  1  have 
quoted.  The  engraving,  and  an  account  of  Pitt's  book,  will  be  found  in  R.  Chambers'! 
AM*  o/Dayi,  L  466-468. 

•58.     "A  Prison,"  in  Aficro-tosmografkie,  ed.  Arber,  p.  82. 

4  StmMtt,  Pt.  1.  p.  197.  Mynshul's  Essayes.  1618,  ed.  1821,  pp.  14.  49—53,  64. 
Taylor's  Brood  of  Cormorants.  A  London  Serieant  and  Jaylor.— Spenser  Soc.  's  repr.  of 
his  Workt.  p.  492.  Concerning  the  " syckenes  of  the  prisons,"  Borde  wrote  :  "And 
some  auctoors  doth  say  that  it  is  a  Canker,  the  whiche  doth  corode  and  eate  the  suprrial 
partes  of  the  body,  but  I  do  take  it  for  the  sickenes  of  (he  prison."  The  cause  was  :  cor- 


Prisoners?  petition.     Tke  mirris-dznce  (II.  ir.).      Ixxxi.x 

In  1593,  the  prisoners  in  the  Fleet  attempted  to  bring  before 
parliament  a  bill  for  the  redress  of  their  grievances.  About  seven  years 
previously  they  had  presented  to  the  lords  of  the  Council  a  petition, 
setting  forth  the  iniquities  practised  in  the  Fleet.1  These  efforts  led  to 
no  result,  and  the  first  step  towards  a  reformation  of  prison  abuses  was 
not  taken  until  1727,  when  the  victims  of  Thomas  Bambridge,  acting 
warden  of  the  Fleet,  were  examined  by  a  committee  of  the  House  of 
Commons.* 

The  semi-martial  character  of  the  morris-dance — with  its  loud  music, 
prancing  hobby-horses,  and  gaily  dressed  actors  personating  Robin 
Hood  and  his  men — gave  point  to  the  Dauphin's  sneering  comparison 
between  this  favourite  Whitsuntide  amusement  and  the  threatened 
invasion.*  It  would  be  just  such  an  idle  pastime,  with  an  accom- 
plished Lord  of  Misrule  like  the  reveller  of  Eastcheap,  as  its  leader. 
The  morris-dance  was  an  established  part  of  the  Whitsuntide  festivities. 
The  performers  were  "  all  the  wilde-heds  of  the  Parish,"  according  to 
Stubbes,  who  has  described  their  dresses  and  doings  in  a  tone  of  wither, 
ing  irony.4 

But  if  this  simple  rustic  sport  stirred  Puritanic  bile,  there  was  a 

ruprion  of  the  ayer.  and  the  breth  and  fylth  the  which  doth  come  from  men.  as  many 
men  to  be  together  in  a  lytle  romp,  hauyng  but  little  open  ayer." — Brtmyary,  Hot 
xxvi.  back,  quoted  in  the  Forewords  to  Horde's  In  trod  net  ion  o/fCmawUJgt  (E.  E.  T.  S. 
ed  ).  p.  73.  To  the  "slinking,  noysome  and  vnsauory  smcls  "  in  the  Compier.  Fennor 
attributed  the  "  perpetual!  sickness*  and  disease  in  it  ...  it  hath  more  stckneues 
predominating  in  it.  then  there  are  in  twenty  French  Hospitals,  or  at  the  Bathe,  in  the 
spring  or  fall  of  the  leafe."—  Tkt  Compten  Ctmmon-vxaltk.  Ac..  1617.  sign.  C.  In 
1586.  thirty-eight  Portuguese  prisoners  of  war  were  sent  "  rnto  the  gaole  of  the  oastell 
of  Exon.  and  there  were  cast  into  the  deepe  pit  and  stinking  dungeon."  There  they 
contracted  the  disease  known  as  the  "gaole  sickenesse."  AU  the  other  prisoners  in 
the  jail  were  attacked  by  it.  and  many  of  them  died.  These  Portuguese  wen  brought 
up  for  trial  at  the  Exeter  antes,  and  shortly  afterwards  th*  judge,  many  of  the  leading 
men  in  the  county,  officers  of  the  court,  jurymen,  and  cpectators.  were  seivd  by  the 
same  fatal  sickness)  and  also  died.  Those  who  were  present  in  the  court  carried  the 
infection  hone,  and  when  John  Hooker— who  sent  the  account  to  HoUnshed— wrote, 
in  October  of  the  same  year.  1.586  persons  bad  died  of  this  disease.— C4.  tj47/»/sj6» 

1  The  petitioners  complained  that  the  Warden  had  farmed  the  profits  of  the  Fleet  to 
John  Harvey  and  Thomas  Newport,  two  very  poor  men.  who  extorted  from  them 
"  new  Customs.  Fines,  and  Payments."  put  them  in  dose  confinement  if  they  remon- 
strated, and  deprived  them  of  "  Meat.  Drink,  and  other  Necessaries  aad  Commodities," 
to  which,  by  the  customs  of  the  Fleet,  they  were  entitled.  Harvey  had  the  "  Victualling 
and  Lodging  "  of  the  Fleet ;  the  other  profits  of  the  prison  were  taken  by  Newport, 
who  was  deputy  warden.  In  twenty-eight  articles  sopoorting  the  proposed  bill. 
Joachim  Newton,  the  deputy  warden  in  1593.  was  accused,  inttr  alt*,  of  maiden.— 
Sirype's  Sta»,  edit.  1790.  vol.  L  bk.  Ui.  p.  a*6. 

•  The  report  of  the  committee  it  printed  in  Margrave's  Sl+tt  Tritlt.  voL  is.  coIL 
107—113.  ed.  1776. 

•  Act  II.  sc.  it  H.  14.  1$. 

«  Amjiamu  <f  Ahuti.  p.  147.  For  particulars  concerning  the  morris-dance,  con- 
sult Brands  Popular  Anlujnttttt.  Straits  Sftrt*  «W  PttHmtt,  and  Donees  ///**• 


xc  English  dancing-schools  (III.  v.). 

greater  abomination  yet,  against  which  Stubbes  and  Northbrooke 
discharged  volleys  of  condemnatory  authorities,  biblical,  patristic,  theo- 
logical, or  anything  else  that  might  serve  the  turn.  This  sprang  from 
the  "  English  dancing-schools,"  of  which  Bourbon  speaks,1  for  in  them 
"  Tlu  ktrrMt  Viet  of  pestiferous  dauncing,"  as  Stubbes  calls  it,  was 
made  a  serious  study.  Northbrooke  bitterly  remarked  that  "wee 
now  in  Christian  countries  baue  schools  of  dauncing,  howbcit  that  is 
no  wonder,  seeing  also  we  haue  houses  of  baudric."1  "Yea,"  quoth 
Stubbes,  "  thei  [the  English]  are  not  ashamed  to  erect  schools  of  dauwc- 
ing,  thinking  it  an  ornament  to  their  children  to  be  expert  in  this  noble 
science  of  heathen  diuelrie :  and  yet  this  people  glory  of  their  christianitie 
&  integritie  of  life."*  "What  good,"  Northbrooke  impolitely  asked, 
'  doth  all  that  dauncing  of  yong  women,  holding  vpon  mcncs'  armes 
that  they  hop  the  higher  ? "  •  So  grave  a  moralist  could  not,  of  course, 
be  expected  to  know  the  name  given  to  this  sinful  diversion  by  its 
deluded  votaries,  but  I  take  it  to  have  been  the  /<n>o/(a.*  Nor  would  he 
admit  that  these  dancing-school  arts  had  even  elegance  to  recommend 
them.  "  They  daunce,"  said  he,  "  with  disordinate  gestures,  and  with 
monstrous  thumping  of  the  feetc."  *  Both  he  and  Stubbes  would  allow 
men  to  dance  with  men  ;  women  with  women.  Such  decorous  gambols 
Stubbes  pronounced  "a  very  tollcrablc  exercise." T  Even  the  tolerant 
I.upton  called  the  pupils  in  a  dancing  school,  "  Antickes,"  and  observed, 
seemingly  as  a  reproach,  that  "  when  they  are  out,  I  thinke  you  will 
iudge  as  I  doe,  they  loue  the  Fxminine  gender  more  then  the  Masculine." 
He  laid  it  down  as  rule  that  "these  Schooles  learne  men  to  begin  merrily, 
Icauc  off  sighing,  and  therefore  they  are  players  of  Tragedies,  not 
Comedies ;  I  think  hee  that  seldome  dances,  liues  well ;  but  he  that 
neuer,  liues  best."  He  concluded  :  "  I  had  rather  haue  my  body  not 
dance  here,  for  feare  my  Soule  should  not  like  the  Musicke :  Giue  me 
that  place  where  all  is  Musicke,  but  no  Dancing/' 8  On  the  other  hand, 
Sir  George  Buc  placed  dancing  among  the  liberal  arts,  and  wrote  thus 
concerning  it :  "  The  art  of  dancing  called  by  the  ancient  Grecians, 
Orchcsticc,  and  Orchestis  (although  Tullyin  bis  austerity,  and  out  of  his 

trmtions  of  Shaksftart,  Diss.  iii.  An  engraving  of  the  characters  in  a  morris-dance— 
taken  from  an  ancient  window— was  given  in  Johnson  and  Steevens's  Skaksfert.  at 
the  end  of  Henry  IV.  Pt.  I.,  and  in  the  frontispiece  to  Knight's  Old  England,  vol.  i. 

•  Act  III.  sc.v.  11.  33.  33. 

•  A  Treatise  wherein  Dicing.  Daunting .  .  .  art  .  .  .  refroued,  1579.  ed.  Collier 
(Old  Sh.  Soc..)  p.  166. 

•  Anatomte  of  Atutes.  p.  154.  4  Northbrooke,  Ibid. 

•  The  lavotta  is  described  in  the  notes  on  Henry  V.  in  Douce's  Illustrations  of 
Shahtpeart.    See  also  Sir  John  Davies's  Orchestra,  stanzas  70—73. 

•  \'*rthbroohe,  p.  171. 

•  NortUroohe.  pp.  152,  154.    Slmbbes,  p.  165. 

•  Lenaom  and  tkt  Covntrty  Carbonadoed  and  Qnartrtd  into  seuerall  Characters, 


Bear-baiting  (III.  vii.).  xci 

splcene  towards  M.  Anthony,  seeing  him  dance,  said,  Kemo  saJt.it 
sobrins\  is  notwithstanding  an  art  &  quality,  not  iustly  obnoxious  to 
that  his  bitter  imputation  :  but  contrariwise  commendable  &  fit  for  a 
Gentleman,  being  opportunely  and  modestly  vsed."1 

The  praise  bestowed  by  Rambures  upon  the  English  mastiff,  and 
Orleans's  reply,*  remind  us  of  a  popular  Elizabethan  sport  which  the 
Puritans  visited  with  unsparing,  and,  in  this  case,  very  just  censure. 
In  condemning  music,  acting,  and  dancing,  they  ignored  the  artistic 
element  in  hu  nan  nature,  and  its  ennobling  influence ;  but  we  can 
sympathize  with  their  zeal  for  the  repression  of  the  savage  instinct 
that  seeks  a  degrading  excitement  amidst  scenes  of  blood  and  cruelty. 
Lord  Macaulay  denied  that  pity  for  the  beast's  sufferings  had  any- 
thing  to  do  with  their  opposition  to  bear-baiting.'  In  this  instance,  I 
think  the  Puritans  have  hardly  received  justice  at  his  bands.  Cer- 
tainly, Stubbes  was  a  typical  Puritan.  The  following  passaje  in 
his  Anatomie  of  Abuses^  shows  that  his  dislike  to  bear-baiting  was 
not  wholly  due  to  austerity,  or  Sabbatarianism :  "  What  christen 
heart  caw  take  pleasure  to  see  one  poore  beast  to  rent,  teare,  and  kill 
another,  and  all  for  bis  foolish  pleasure  ?  And  although  they  be  bloody 
beasts  to  mankind,  &  seeke  his  distructioa,  yet  are  we  not  to  abuse 
them,  for  his  sake  who  made  them,  &  whose  creatures  they  are.'' 
Time  and  money,  he  also  added,  are  wasted  in  this  sport.  Yet  bear- 
baiting  had  its  defenders.  An  anonymous  writer6  (tfmp.  Jac.  I.)  urged 
that  as  seeing  plays  was  a  meet  recreation  for  the  educated,  so 
was  bear-baiting  fit  for  the  vulgar.  The  latter  knew  not  well  how  to 
use  the  liberty  which  it  was  right  that  they  should  enjoy  on  holidays : 

i   Tkt  TTkirJ  Vmivtnitit  of  R*gl**d,  ch.  xliv..  printed  in  Stow's  AmmaUt.  ed.  1631. 

•  Act  III.  «c.  vii.  II.  150-155. 

•  "The  Puritan  haled  bearbaiting.  no.  became  It  gave  pain  to  the  bear,  but 
because  it  gave  pleasure  to  the  spectator*.     Indeed,  be  generally  contrived  to  enjoy  the 
double  pleasure  of  tormenting  both  spectators  and  bear."— Hitt*rytf  RmfU»4.  voL  I. 
ch.  ii.  p.  168.  ed.  1858.    One  of  the  two  quotations  died  in  support  of  this  is  not 
entitled  to  much  weight,  being  written  by  a  royalist  satirist,  with  waggish  intent. 

4  P.  178.     Bear-baiting  was  a  Sunday  amusement.     See  5/»Mu,  p.  179,  and 
Crawler's  Stlett  Warki.  ed.  J.  M.  Cowper.  p.  17  (£.  E.  T.  S.). 

•  Quoted  in  a  paper  on  the  London  theatres,  signed  Eu.  Hood  [Joseph  Hasle- 
wood].    See  the  GtmtUmen'i  &t*f*um*.  vol.  Ixxxvi.  Pu  I.  p.  005.     In  180*.  the  Rt. 
Hon.  William  Windham.  M.P..  opposed  a  bill  Cor  the  abolition  of  buU-baitioc  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  unfair  to  legislate  against  this  amusement  of  the  poor,  and  pass 
over  field  sports,  the  amusement  of  the  rich.    He  said  :"  This  was  an  *iiempttu  reform 
the  manners  of  the  people  by  those  who  had  tried  to  reform  the  Constitution.    To 
accomplish  this  end.  two  parties  were  combined  ;  the  Methodists  and  the  Jacobin  : 
both  sprung  from  the  same  ancestry  :  for.  the  Puritan  of  old  and  the  modem  Jacobin 
were  equally  determined  in  their  hostility,  to  what,  in  cant  language,  they  called  lewd 
sports  and  aristocratic  pastimes,"  Sheridaa  supported  the  bill  in  a  humourous  speech, 
but  the  House  decided,  by  a  majority  of  13.  on  syhosdiog  bull-baiting  and  the  British 
Constitution.— £/«//s«4«'f  .\fjf*ti*t,  vol.  Ixxti.  PL  II.  p.  053.  954. 


xcii  Paris  Garden.     English  mastiffs. 

therefore  let  them  have  thU  pastime  to  keep  them  in  good  humour. 
Jt  was  better  that  these  unruly  persons  should  be  drawn  to  one  spot, 
where  their  doings  could  be  no  secret,  and  they  could  easily  be  found 
IfwNtted. 

The  chief  place  of  resort  for  the  amateurs  of  bear-baiting  was  the 
Bear  House  in  Pahs  Garden,  Southwark.  Hither  flockc  J  bullies,  sh.irpcrs, 
drunkards,  loose  women,  "boy»trous  Butchers,  cutting  Coblers,  hard- 
handed  Masons  and  the  like  rioting  companions,"  &c.  Lupton  said  that 
"  idle,  base  persons  (most  commonly)  that  want  imployment,  or  else  will 
not  be  otherwise  imploy'd,  frequent  this  place  [Paris  Garden] ;  .  .  . 
here  come  few  that  either  regard  their  credit,  or  losse  of  time  :"  l  &c. 
/JMMiff  this  motley  rout  sellers  of  apples,  pears,  and  nuts  went  to  and  fro, 
and  pickpockets  plied  their  trade.  The  place  recked  with  tobacco* 
smoke  and  foul  smells.'  The  taste  for  this  barbarous  amusement  was  not, 
however,  confined  to  people  of  the  sort  just  described.  Bear-baiting  was 
exhibited  at  court  Laneham  has  left  us  a  most  sprightfully-written 
account  of  a  match  witnessed  by  him  during  the  queen's  sojourn  at  Kcnil- 
worth  in  1 57  5.'  Stubbes  censured  gentlemen  who  kept  mastiffs  for  bail- 
ing  beasts,and  made  bets  of  20,40,  or  too  pounds  upon  the  issue  of  each 
combat4  Sir  John  Davies  satirized  a  law-student  for  going  down  into  the 
arena  at  the  Bear  House  in  Paris  Garden,  and  egging  on  the  dogs.'  On 
August  14, 1666,  Pepys  went  there  and  recorded  that  "  one  very  fine  went 
into  the  pit,  and  played  his  dog  for  a  wager,  which  was  a  strange  sport  for 
a  gentleman ;  *  &c.  Although  "  the  bull's  tossing  of  the  dogs  "  was  "  good 
sport,"  yet  he  decided  that "  it  is  a  very  rude  and  nasty  pleasure."  '  About 
far  years  later,  Evelyn  was  at  the  same  place,  where  he  saw  cock-fight- 
ing, dog-fighting,  bear-baiting,  and  bull-baiting.  He  was  "  most  heartily 
vwy  of  the  rude  and  dirty  pastime,"  which  he  had  not  seen  for  twenty 
years.1  Rambures's  praise  of  the  English  mastiffs  was  well  deserved. 
They  were  huge,  grim-faced,  deep- voiced  dogs,  of  undaunted  courage, 
enured  to  battle  by  frequent  conflicts  with  savage  beasts,  or  with  men 
armed  with  pikestaff,  dub,  or  swbrd.  Three  mastiffs  were  accounted  a 

«  The  quotation  beginning  "boystrous  Batchers."  Ac.,  is  from  Tke  Aclort  Rmum- 
tfrjmft.  *c..  1643.  printed  in  Tkt  English  Drama  and  Slagi  (Roxburgh*.  Lib.),  p. 
>6t.  For  the  mt  MC  Lupton  (title  quoted  abovr).  p.  67. 

•  Hentraeri  Itiiurarimm,  p.  197.     Acton  Rtmonstrantt,  p.  261.     The  spectators 
viewed  the  combats  from  scaffoldings  and  galleries.— S/uMet.  p.  179.     In  Growler's 
IkM  Iftmf.  Ed.  VI.).  twopence.  •  penny,  or  a  half-penny  was  charged  for  admission. 
— Crowter**  Stbtt  Worki.  ed.  J.  M.  Cowper.  p.  17  (E.  E.  T.  S.). 

•  Laneham' i  Ltttrr.  ed.  1821.  pp.  33—25.    See  also  Rathgeb's  description  of  a 
boB-baitfaf  at  which  the  duke  of  Wirtemburg  was  present,  in  Rye's  England  as  tun 
fy  Ftntfmtn.  p.  46. 

•  SfmUa.  p.  178.  '  Epigram  43. 

•  fHary.  ed.  Braybrooke.  1848,  iii.  356. 
»  Mcmoin,  ed.  Bray.  1827.  ii.  322. 


Russian  bears.     English  diet  (III.  vii.).  xciii 

match  for  a  bear ;  four  for  a  lion.1  The  bears  were  imported  from 
Russia.1  The  names  of  some  who  became  public  favourites  have  been 
handed  down  to  us.*  When  fighting  they  were  fastened  behind,  but  were 
otherwise  at  liberty.4 

The  stupid  valour  of  those  English  mastiffs,  at  whom  Orleans  mocks, 
is,  the  Constable  tells  him,  a  mere  animal  ferocity  which  must  be  kept  up 
to  fighting  point  by  "great  meals  of  beef."*  We  might  have  consoled 
ourselves  by  ascribing  this  derogatory  judgment  to  national  prejudice,  but 
unhappily  an  Englishman,  more  candid  than  discreet,  has  borne  his  testi- 
mony to  the  existence  of  this  fatal  defect  in  our  countrymen's  character. 
These  were  the  warning  words  addressed  to  Edward  VI.,  by  the  Rev. 
William  Forrest,  in  the  year  1 548  : 

"  Wheare  they  weare  valiaunt  /  stronge  /  sturdy  /  &  stowte, 
to  shoote  /  to  wrastle  /  to  dooe  anye  mannys  feate, 
to  matche  all  natyons  /  dwellinge  heere  abowte, 
as  hitherto  (manlye)  they  holde  the  chief  seate  : 
if  they  bee  pinched  /and  weyned  from  meate, 

1  J.  Cains  Dt  Canibm  Britannicis.  recogn.  S.  Jebb.  pp.  18.  19. 
1  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  I.  154.   Butler  sang  of  his  bear  : 

"  He  was  by  birth,  some  authors  write. 
A  Russian,  some  a  Muscovite  ; "  Ac. 

HmdHrat,  Pt.  I.  canto  ii.  11.  365.  266. 

•  In  a  petition  to  James  I..  Henslowe  and  Alleyn  refer  to  their  loss  of  "  a  goodly 
beare  of  the  name  of  George  Stone."  Another  of  Alleyn's  bean  was  known  as  "  I  Jttle 
Besse  of  Bromley."— Lyson's  Environt  of  London,  vol  i.  Pi.  I.  p.  70,  ed.  1811.    Harry 
Hunkes  and  Sacanon — Blender's  Sacanon — Are  mentioned  by  Sir  John  Oavies  in  his 
epigram  "  In  Publium."  43. 

«  Htm/MHtr.  p.  196.  The  following  bill,  found  among  the  Alleyn  papers,  shows 
what  a  liberal  variety  of  amusements  was  provided  by  the  beanrards  for  their  patrons: 
"To-morrow  being  Thundak.  shal  he  seen  at  the  bear-garden  on  the  fonkside.  a  greate 
match  plaid  by  the  gamesters  of  Essex,  who  hath  challenged  all  comers  whatsoever,  to 
ptaie  5  dogges  at  the  single  beare.  for  5  pounds  ;  and  also  lo  weahe  a  bull  dead  at 
the  stake  ;  and  for  their  better  content,  shall  have  pleasant  sport  with  the  horse  and 
ape,  and  whipping  of  the  blind  bear." 

"  Vhr»t  Re*." 

Lyson's  Envirvni.  Ac.,  vol.  I.  Pt.  I.  p.  68.  The  pleasantry  specified  above  M 
"  whipping  of  the  blind  bear  "  is  described  by  Ht*tt*tr,  p.  197.  quoted  by  A>r.  p. 
si6. 

•  We  learn  from  Fynes  Moryton  (hat  "  hennes,"  rabbits,  venison,  and  white 
meals,  were  much  eaten  in  England.    Brawn  was  a  peculiarly  English  dish.     Hi»  dors 
not  mention  beef.  —  /limtrary ,    Pi.   III.   p.   149.     To  (he  other  evidence  on  this 
Important  subject,  (see  Introd.  p.  uix.  and  note  5).  1  ben  add  Defoe's  : 

'•The  Climate  makes  them  Terrible  and  Bold; 
And  A*/'"4  Beef  their  Courage  does  uphold  : 
No  Danger  can  their  Daring  Spirit  pall. 
Always  provided  that  their  Belly's  falL" 

The  True  Horn  Emgiitkm**,  Part  II.  II  t r— 14,  ed.  1703. 


xciv  Tkf  swaggerer  (III.  vi.). 

Iwitte,  O  Kynge  /  they,  in  penurye  thus  pendc, 
•lull  not  bee  able  /  thye  Royalme  to  dcfcndc. 

Owre  Englischc  nature  /  cannot  lyve  by  Rooatis, 
by  water  /  hcrbys  /  or  suche  beggerye  baggage : 
that  maye  well  scrue  for  vile  owtelandische  Cooatis : 
geeue  Englische  men  meate  /  after  their  old  vsage, 
Beeif,  Mutton,  Veale,  to  cheere  their  courage, 
and  then  I  dare  /  to  this  byll  sett  my  hande  : 
they  shall  defcndc  this  owre  noble  Englande." 

Sir  (= Rev.)  Wm.  Forrest's  PUasaunt  Potsyt  of  Printtlu  Pr,> 
MS.  Reg.  17  D  iii.,  If.  61,  back.    Since  printed  in  Heritage's  Part  I.  of 
E*gt**4i*Ou  Rtig*  of  Hen.  VIII.,  E.  E.  T.  Soc.  1878,  p.  xcv*. 

Shakspere,  by  the  mouth  of  Cower,1  has  exposed  the  paltry  arts  of  a 
swaggerer,  or  military  bully ;  a  social  pest  common  enough  in  the  days 
of  the  great  war  with  Spain.  Some  thirty  years  before,  Ascham  had 
seen  such  a  blustering  Thraso  among  the  courtiers  ;  and  had  noted  his 
brave  looks,  to  which  "  a  slouinglie  busking,  or  an  ouerstaring  frounced 
bed,"  gave  effect'  His  ordinary  discourse  bristled  with  technical  military 
terms,  and  affectedly  blasphemous  oaths  like  "Renounce  me,"  "  Refuse 
me." J  If,  when  he  was  present,  the  talk  took  a  warlike  turn,  he  at  once 
seised  the  opportunity  for  descanting  upon  his  exploits  past  and  future. 
The  foes  who  had  fallen  by  his  hand,  the  campaigns  he  had  been  engaged 
in,  the  honours  he  had  won  ;  his  schemes  for  the  reconquest  of  France, 
and  for  driving  the  Spaniard  from  the  Indies  and  the  Turk  from  Con» 
suntinoplc, — such  were  the  subjects  upon  which  his  lofty  imagination 
expatiated.*  He  would  often  mention,  with  an  easy  air,  the  name  of  some 
distinguished  general  under  whom  he  had  served.'  If  anyone  angered 
him,  his  menaces  were  terrible  :  "  He  threatens  stabs  and  death,  with 
hart,  wounds  and  blood ;  yet  a  bloody  nose  hath  made  him  call  for  a 
Chirurgion."*  Perhaps  our  swaggerer  lacked  the  means  for  maintaining 
the  life  of  gentlemanlike  indolence  which  befitted  his  dignity.  In  that 
case  a  little  light  labour  with  a  picklock,  or  some  false  dice,  might  serve 
to  redress  the  balance  of  envious  Fortune.7  Or  he  would  meet  you  on 
the  highway,  and,  with  tremendous  oaths,  demand  your  purse.'  There 

•  Act  III.  ic.  vi.  11.  70-83. 

•  SfMtmmtttr.  1570,  Arber's  ed.  p.  54.    Written  between  1563-8. 

•  Sir  John  Davits  i  epigram  "  In  Gallum, "  24.     Sne  also  Fitzgeofrrey's  Notes  from 
Rlifk/rian.  quoted  in  a  note  on  this  epigram  in  Dr.  Grosart's  ed.  of  Davies's  works, 
vol.  i.  p.  93.  (Early  English  Poets).    And  compare  Taylor's  Dogge  of  Warrt  in  the 
Spenser  Society's  ed.  of  bit  works,  p.  367. 

4  Timtt  WkistU.  1614—1616.  ed.  J.  M.  Cowper.  pp.  24,  25  (E.  E.  T.  S.). 

•  Decker's  Gmltt  Hornbook.  1609,  chap.  v.  pp.  26.  27,  ed.  1862. 

•  Rowlands'*  Dtagimu  Lamikomt,  1607,  sign.  B  2. 
i  Hid. 

•  Rowlands'*  Ltokt  tt  it ;  for  I U  Stalk  yt.  1604,  sign.  D  a. 


The  swaggerer.  xcv 

were  some  striking  vicissitudes  in  his  lot,  but  be  bore  them  philosophically. 
Samuel  Rowlands,  a  close  observer  of  his  character,  remarked  :  *  He 
scornes  to  dvell  in  a  suite  of  apparell  a  weeke  :  this  day  in  sat  tin,  to* 
morow  in  sackcloath  :  one  day  all  new,  the  next  day  all  seamrent  :  now 
on  his  backe,  anon  at  the  brokers  :  and  this,  by  his  reckning,  is  a  gentle- 
mans  humour."  l  Such  were  the  humours  of  a  swaggerer  :  his  outward 
semblance  Rowlands  has  described  in  the  following  line*  : 

Th*  Picture  of  a  Swagerer. 

*  A  Bedlam  looke,  shag  haire,  and  staring  eyes, 
Horse  coursers  tongue,  for  oths  and  damned  lyes, 
A  Pickt-hatch  paire  of  pockey  lymping  legs, 
And  goes  like  one  that  fees  in  shackels  begs. 
A  Nose  that  smoketh  with  Tabacco  still, 
Stincking  as  lothsome  as  doth  Hecla  HilL 
His  fist  with  hangmans  nre-workc  closely  fill'd, 
His  itching  ba:ke,  with  Bridewell  medicine  kill'd. 
His  rapier  pawn'd,  —  that  borowed,  which  he  weares,— 
And  dares  not  see  a  Sergeant  for  his  cares. 
His  richest  ware-house  is  a  grcasie  pocket, 
And  two-pence  in  Tabacco  still  doth  stocke  it  ; 
His  bootes*  that  keepe  his  legs  from  nakednes, 
(Houlding  a  pairc  of  stock  ins  but  excesse) 
Came  to  him  from  a  friend  that  late  did  dye, 
Being  indeed  a  Tyburne  legacy. 
For  there  they  cap'red  to  their  owners  paine, 
And  there  he  meanes  to  bring  them  backe  againe. 
Which  showes  some  conscience  in  the  cursed  crew, 
That  will  not  cheate  the  hangman  of  his  due."  * 

i6i3(?).  Saml.  Rowlands.  More  Knaves  yet  1  The  Knaxes  of  Shades 
and  Diamonds.    Sign.  £  2,  back. 

»  Rowlands'*  Ditgimtt  Ltmthemt.  sign.  B  a. 

•  "  Yon  that  weare  Bootes,  and  Ginglers  at  jroor  heelea, 
Yet  when  you  ride,  your  couch  hath  bat  two  wheetea." 

Rowlands'!  U«k»  U  it:  for  tit  StoHi  yt.  rijn.  D  a. 
1  This  portrait  require*  two  more  touches.    Taylor  said  of  then  gentry  ; 

••Some  like  Domi*it*U  Letters 

to* 
In  scarlet  from  the  top 

to  toe."  Ac. 


The?  alas  alfccted 

a  iharp-pototed  beard,  called,  from  iu  shape,  the  stiletto  beard.     See  Makme  •  note 
on  "a  beard  of  the  general  •  cot  "  to  the  Ktrwrv*  54.,  »ol.  *vii.  p.  366,  ed.  ilat. 


xcvi  Dramatization  of  Hfttry  V's  reign. 

XI.  STAGE-HISTORY  or  Htnry  V.  Shakspcre's  Hfttry  V.  was 
preceded  by  two  or  three  plays  dealing  with  the  same  subject.  From 
one  of  theie,  namely,  Tkt  Famovs  Victories  of  Henry  the  fifth,  Shakspere 
took  some  bints.1  It  was  licensed  in  1594.  Two  years  before  that  d.ne 
Nash*  noticed  a  play  on  Henry  V.  which  had,  we  find,  a  scene  in  it 
resembling  one  in  the  famous  Victoria.  Another  play  is  known  to  us 
by  name  only.  In  Hcnslowe's  accounts  it  appears  as  "h.treythe  fifte 
Hfe  tad  death,"  acted  by  the  Lord  Admiral's  players  on  the  26th  of  May, 
1 597.*  From  the  reference  made  by  the  Chorus  to  the  earl  of  Essex's 
campaign  in  Ireland,  we  may  fairly  assume  that  the  Shaksperian 
Henry  V.  was  acted  before  September,  1 599.  We  have  no  theatrical 
notices  of  Htnry  V.  for  more  than  a  century  after  this  date.  Lord  Orrery's 
Htnry  V.,  presented  at  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields  in  1664,  was  an  entirely 
different  play,4  but  some  fragments  of  the  Shaksperian  drama  were  worked 
into  Aaron  Hill's  Htnry  the  $th;  or  the  Conquest  of  France  by  the  English, 
acted  at  Drury  Lane  in  1723.  Hill  omitted  all  the  comic  scenes,  except 
that  in  which  the  French  nobles  boast  of  to-morrow's  triumph.  To 
supply  the  place  of  these  omissions,  he  enlarged  the  Dauphin's  and  the 
princess  Katherine's  parts ;  and  added  a  new  character,  named  Harriet, 
who  is  a  niece  of  Lord  Scroop,  and  a  cast-off  mistress  of  the  king,  whom 
she  follows  to  France,  disguised  in  boy's  clothes.  Henry  is  supposed  to 
have  visited  France  before  the  time  at  which  the  play  opens,  and,  under 
the  assumed  name  of  Owen  Tudor,  tp  have  won  the  princess's  love.' 
Henry  V.  was  acted  at  Goodman's  Fields  on  November  26,  1735, 
but  whether  this  was  Shakspere 's  or  Hill's  play  has  not  been  ascertained, 
for  the  characters  are  not  recorded.  Geneste  believed  it  to  be  Shakspere's 
Htnry  K,  because  Giffard,  who  was  then  manager  of  that  theatre,  had 
very  good  judgment  in  the  revival  of  plays.*  About  this  time  a  renewed 
interest  in  Shakspere  had  arisen,  due,  perhaps,  to  the  publication,  since 
the  beginning  of  the  i8th  century,  of  five  critical  editions  of  his  plays. 
Some  ladies  of  rank  and  distinction  formed  a  Shakespear  Club,  in  order 
to  raise  by  subscription  the  necessary  funds  for  placing  his  plays  on  the 
slage.T  King  John  and  Richard  //.,  freed  from  the  perversions  of 

1  See  above,  pp.  x  ;  xviii.  note  6  ;  xxviii.  note  8  ;  xxix.  note  5  ;  li,  lii.  liii. 

•  "  What  a  glorious  thing  it  is  to  haue  Henry  the  Fifth  represented  on  the  stnge, 
leading  (he  French  king  prisoner,  and  forcing  both  him  and  the  Dolphin  sweare 
fcaitie."— Puree  PtmmiUut.  1593.  ed.  Collier  (Old  Sh.  Sac.),  p.  60.    Compare  the 
last  scene  of  the  Famous  Vutorus.  in  Hailitt  s  Sh.  Lit.,  Pt.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  376. 

•  I'anomm  bkaksfxre,  iii.  307.     A  play,  believed  by  Malone  to  be  the  Famous 
Victoria,  was  performed  on  the  28th  of  November,  1595.— l<Um,  p.  305. 

4  See  Geneste  s  A  (fount  o/Uu  English  Stage,  i.  53. 

•  Hill's  play  b  analyzed  in  Gtntite.  iii.  129  —131. 

•  It  WM  acted  seven  nights  successively. — Gtmettt.  iii.  483.    On  Feb.  5.  1736, 
"  Hen.   V.    ft  Lover' i  Opera "  were  played  at  Goodman's- Fields.  —  Gentleman'i 
Mtgnimt.  vL  98.    On  April  13.  "  K.  Hen.  ft  Lovt  kit  own  Rival" — Id.  p.  234. 

•  Whiocop  gives  Ibis  account  of  the  dub.     "  Besides  the  Honour  done  to  Skate- 


Performances  of  b/iakspere's  HE.NHY  V.  xcvii 

Gibber  and  Tate,  were  revived  at  Govern  Garden  ;  and  on  Feb.  23,  1738, 
the  genuine  Henry  V.t  which,  according  to  the  bills,  had  not  been  acted 
for  forty  years,  was  also  presented  there.1  In  December,  1747,  when  it 
was  acted  for  the  first  time  at  Drury  Lane,  the  cast  included  Barry  as 
the  King,  Macklin  as  Fluellcn,  and  Yates  as  Pistol  Garrick  spoke  the 
Choruses.1  On  Nov.  13,  1761,  when  the  remembrance  of  the  coronation 
of  George  III.  and  Queen  Charlotte  was  still  fresh  in  the  public  mind, 
Rich,  the  manager  of  Covent  Garden,  produced  a  representation  of 
Henry  the  Fifth's  coronation  procession  from  the  Abbey.  Mrs.  Bellamy 
played  {Catherine,  and  afterwards  walked  in  the  procession  as  the  newly- 
crowned  queen.*  The  pageant  was  most  favourably  received  by  the 
spectators,  and  was  repeated  twenty-three  times  consecutively.  Besides 
the  coronation  procession,  a  champion  mounted  on  a  real  horse  formed  part 
of  the  closing  spectacle  on  the  22nd  of  September,  1769.*  In  1789, 
Kemble's  revised  version  of  Henry  V,  was  performed  at  Drury  Lane.  A 
contemporary  review  noticed  it  in  these  rather  cool  terms.  "  OCTOBER  I. 
King  Henry  V.  was  revived  at  Drury  Lane,  and  in  a  manner  very 
creditable  to  both  the  Manager  and  the  Theatre.  The  part  of  King 
Henry  was  performed  by  Mr.  Kemble,  who  sustained  the  dignity  and 
importance  of  the  English  Hero  in  a  manner  which  deserved  and  obtained 
the  approbation  of  the  audience.  Fluellin  was  not  disgraced  by  Mr. 
Baddeley,  and  the  other  performers  did  at  least  justice  to  their  parts."* 

tptar'i  Memory  by  the  Monument  [in  Westminster  Abbey]  erected  to  it  as  afore  men- 
tioned, a  still  greater  was  done  it.  about  the  same  Time,  by  the  Ladies  of  Gnat 
Britain,  when  some  of  the  first  Quality,  eminent  likewise  for  their  Beauty,  Virtue, 
and  just  Taste,  of  which  this  is  a  Proof,  entered  into  a  Society,  and  dbtingubh'd 
themselves  by  the  Name  of  the  SHAKESPEAR  CLUB,  in  order  to  support  his  Plays 
OQ  the  Stage,  while  the  greatest  Part  of  the  Town  were  encouraging  ridiculous 
Pamtvmimtj  and  Frtntk  Dancers."— List  of  all  tk*  Emglitk  Dramjtie  Potto,  1747.  p. 
146.  "  They  bespoke,  every  week,  some  favourite  pUy  of  this  great  writer  ; "  Ac,— 
Davies's  Lift  of  GarritM,  voL  i.  p.  ao.  ed.  1808.  There  seems  to  have  been  an 
opposition  Fletcher  Club.  In  Fielding's  Hutoriral  Rtgitttr,  ad  fin..  Medley  says : 
"  and  yon.  ladies,  whether  you  be  Shakespear's  Ladies,  or  Beaumont  and  Fletcher's 
Ladies.  I  hope  you  will  make  allowances  for  a  rehearsal."  Ac. 

•  Acted  four  tiroes  successively,  and  three  times  afterwards.    The  cast  b  given  ia 
Gtntttt,  iii.  555. 

•  Gouttt,  hr.  935.  •  14.  iv.  647.  «  Id.  v.  976. 

•  Rmnptan  Afoguiiu.  *vi.  990.     Tkt  Prvmfttr  praised  Kemble  and  Miss  Collins, 
—the  latter  played  Queen  Isabel.— but  disapproved  of  Baddetoy's  FraeUea.--G/*s///. 
vi.  579.     Boadea did  not  think  that  even  Keroble's  Corioburas  'exceeded  his  "  royal 
Hal."    As  a  co*p  It   Tktatrt,  his  »urting  up  from  prayer  at  the  sound  of  the 
trumpet,  ia  the  passage  where  be  Hales  his  attempted  atonement  to  Richard  the 
Second,  fanned  one  of  the  most  spirited  •xatenxmts  that   the  stage  has  ever 
<Usplayed.'-4SMM*>>  o/y.  P.  KtmU*.  vol.  ii.  p.  8.    Of  Kemble's  revision  of  Htmrj 
V.  (ed.  1789)  I  here  subjoin  a  specimen      Line-number*  from  the  Cambridge  Shi- 
No  Chorus  to  Act.  I. 

OMIT /.  i.  ii  'being  valued  thus' to  so. 'cup  and  all;'    14  '  The  courses.' to  68 
*  perfected  ;    §  T*«  '  He  seems  iodiucrenl.  and  96.  7* 
C  k 


xcviii  Performers  in  HKNIXY  V. 

Hairy  V.  was  revived  at  Covent  Garden  in  1803  and  1811.  Kcmble 
agaia  appeared  as  die  King.  On  its  revival  at  the  same  theatre  in  1819, 
and  1839,  Macready  acted  the  King.1  In  1859,  Mr.  Charles  Kean  revived 
Henry  /".,  with  elaborate  scenic  effects,  at  the  Princess's  Theatre  ;  and 
the  play  has  recently  (1879)  been  produced  at  Drury  Lane  by  Mr.  George 


Of  the  actors  who  appeared  in  Henry  V.,  we  have  no  authentic 
record  earlier  in  date  than  1738,  when  the  play  was  revived  at  Covent 
Garden.  On  this  occasion  Dclane,  a  handsome  and  popular  young  actor, 
personated  the  King.'  King  Henry  was  one  of  Barry's  chief  characters,4 
and  Smith,  a  refined  and  graceful  actor,  was  also  successful  in  this  part.* 
Elliston,  we  are  told  by  his  biographer,  rivalled  Kemble  in  his  conception 
of  Hotspur  and  Henry  V.,  displaying  in  them  romantic  gallantry  of  tone 

/.  ii.  S4-S4.  30-a.  34.  I  35.  3*.  46-55.  ««•*  63.  6648  (•  Did  hold.'  89),  93-5.    Be- 

L  loo- 1 10  '  Gracious  lord '  are  given  to  Exeter. 

L  111-114  *re  given  to   Gtotter. 

1. 115-121  are  given  to  Westmoreland. 

L  1*5-131  are  given  to  Exeter. 

OMIT  i  1.  138.  to  •  to  us'  145  :  150-2. 

,.      166  to  4  213  •  Therefor*  to  France.' 

„      |  225  to  'epitaph '  232. 


•64  'And  lei!  him  that  **  undertUnd,' 

OMIT  2704,  276-7,  281-287.  309-310.— (F.  J.  F.] 

>  Oct.  25,  1803.- -</*»«/*.  vii.  612.  March  4.  1811. — Id.  viii.  332.  Oct.  4.  1819. 
—Id  ii.  41.  June  10.  1839.—"  King  Henry  the  Fifth."  in  All  the  Year  Round,  N. 
S..  voL  xxtii.  p.  514. 

*  Geoeste  did  not  index  all  the  performances  of  Henry  V.  recorded  in  his  work. 
The  following  list  is  compiled  from  Geneste.      COVENT  GARDEN  :  Feb.  33.  March 

6.  Dec.  5.  22.  1738  ;  Jan.  si.  1739;  March  n.  1740;  April  19.  1744 ;  Nov.  18,  Dec. 
ii.  1745  :  Jan.  16.  Feb.  19.  24,  Nov.  20.  30,  1750  ;  April  17.  ?  May  8, 1754  (bill  fenej 
me)  ;   Feb.  18.  Dec.  3.  1755  ;  Nor.  5. 1757  ;  April  13.  1758  ;  Feb.  i.  April  25,  Dec.  28, 
1759 ;  Nov.  18,  1760  ;  Nov.  13.  1761 ;  April  12,  Oct.  16,  1762  ;  Feb.  15,  1764 ;  Sept. 
23.  1766 ;  Sept.  22,  1767 ;  Sept.  22,  1769 ;  Oct.  25.  1770 ;  May  ix,  Sept.  21,  1778. 
Jan.  i,  Sept.  so,  (779:  May  20,  1782  ;  Oct.  25. 1803  ;  March  4.  1811  ;  Nov.  i,  1813  ; 
Oct.  4, 1819.  DaURY  LANE  :  Dec.  16— 18,  31,  1747 ;  Oct.  13, 1748 ;  Oct.  x,  5.  12. 19,  26, 
Nov.  2.  9.  16.  23.  Dec.  7,  28.  1789  (most  of  these  dates  from  Gent.  A/of.  1789)  ;  Oct. 

7.  1790 ;  Oct.  17. 1791  (D.  L.  Company  at  Haymarket);  Sept.  23.  1794 ;  Dec.  14. 1801  ; 
June  2.  1825 ;  March  8.  1830.   HAYMARKET  :  Sept.  5.  1803.  BATH  :  April  17, 1777  ; 
July  29.  1793  (£104  taken)  ;  June  7.  1798  ;  March  10.  1801.     LIVERPOOL  :  July  26. 
1773.    DuauM  :  Feb.  28.  1755  (£36.  18.  10.  Irish  money,  taken).    The  dates  of  the 
following  performances  of  Htnry  V.  are  taken  from  the  paper  in  All  Ike  Year  Round, 
referred  to  at  p.  jtcriii.  note  x.     SADLER'S  WELLS  :  1852.    QUEEN'S  THEATRE  : 
1876.    WIKOSOB  CASTLE  :  (Sadler's  Wells  Company  and  some  membm  of  Mr  C. 
Keaa's  troop)  Nov.  10.  1853.    MANCHESTER  :  x87s.    NEW  YORK  :  1875. 

•  Geneste,  tiL  555.  and  iv.  307.  308. 

*  Id,  v.  570.    First  appearance  as  King  Henry  V.,  Dec.  16.  1747.— Id.  iv.  235. 

•  Id.  vi.  483.    First  appearance  as  King  Henry  V.,  Feb.  18,  1755. 


Theatrical  costumes.     Pistol's  leaver. 


xcix 


and  action  combined  with  dignity.1  Hippisley,  who  as  a  rule  gave  free 
scope  to  his  great  comic  genius,  carefully  avoided  any  buffoonery  in  his 
representation  of  Fluellcn.*  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  outdo  Pistol,  and  in 
this,  his  best  part,  Theophilus  Gibber  excited  great  mirth  by  "  a  ridiculous 
importance  of  deportment,  with  turgid  action,  long  immeasurable  strides, 
extravagant  grimaces,  and  the  sonorous  cant  of  the  old  Tragedizers."  ' 
Mrs.  Macklin  played  the  Hostess,  and  was  unequalled  in  the  description 
of  FaktafTs  death.4  Afterwards  Mrs.  Pitt  gained  distinction  in  this 
part.*  Garrick  often  delivered  the  Choruses.  They  were,  on  one 
occasion,  undertaken  by  Henderson,  who  recited  them  with  much 
correctness  and  energy.* 

The  gorgeous  apparel  worn  by  the  Elizabethan  actors  compensated 
in  some  degree  for  the  total  absence  of  stage  illusions  to  which  I  have 
advened  above.  In  an  inventory  of  the  theatrical  costumes  belong- 
ing to  the  Lord  Admiral's  men,  we  find,  under  date  the  loth  of 
March,  1598:  "Item,  Harey  the  fyftes  dublct.  Item,  Harey  the 
fyftes  vellet  gowne."  And  again,  under  March  13,  1598  :  *  Item,  Harye 
the  V.  sattin  dublet,  layd  with  gowld  lace."7  Custom  required  that 
Pistol  should  wear  a  hat  of  preposterous  size.  Nokes,  an  actor  at 
Lincoln's  Inn  Fields,  caused  much  laughter  by  presenting  himself  in  a 
hat  larger  than  Pistol's.'  More  than  a  century  later,  the  facetious  Francis 
Grose,  in  his  advice  to  young  officers,  thus  refers  to  this  stage  tradition  : 

I  Elliston  Pipers,    ed.  O.    Raymond.   in   Ainiworik't  Mafatim*.   hr.   30.     Fir* 
appearance  as  King  Henry  V.,  Sept.  5.  1803. 

•  GtmtiU.  ir.  953.     First  appearance  as  Fluellen.  Feb.  33.  1738. 

•  Id.  533.     First  appearance  as  Pistol  in  Htmty  V.,  March  ti.  1740. 

•  Id.  55$.    Geneste  refers  to  the   Dramatic  Center.     "  1747.   174!.     Probably 
Hostess  in  Henry  5th."—  Geneste.  ir.  556. 

•  Id.  vii.  76.    First  appearance  as  Hostess  in  Hntry  V.  (7)  May  I,  1754  (bin  ftmti 
•* 

•  On  Jan.  i.  1779.—  Gtmrtt.  ri.  91.    G.  refers  to  Ireland's  Mtmoirt  •/  He*der»m. 
Besides  those  mentioned  in  the  text,  the  following  celebrated  actors  and  actresses 
are  recorded  by  Geneste—  in  his  lists  of  their  impersonations—  as  having  played  parts 
in  Hemry  V. 

Hemry  •  Wroughton.  1778  ;•-  Coo  way.  1813.    Arttoiikef  tf  Camttrhiry 


•  Chapman.  1738  ;  —  Delane.  1747  ;—  Hull  1778.  FlmtlUm  mm  Yatca.  1748  ;  — 
Shuter.  1754  ;  •.  Edwin,  1777.  Pnt»l  —  Woodward,  1744  ;  —Ymr*.  1747  ;  •Quick. 
1778  ;  —  Soett.  1789  ;  —  Thomas  Knight.  1793.  N*m  —•  Edward  Knight.  1815.  TI* 
&?_  Miss  Hallara  (Mrs.  Mattocks).  1758.  Dampktm  -  Woodward.  174$:- 
Havard.  1747.  Q*t*m  of  Frame*  -•  Mrs.  Honon.  1750.  //>u//u  «  Mrs.  Datrvoport. 
1803.  Cktrmim*  Ryaa.  1750.  1754  ;  —  Powrll,  1767  ;  —  Dimond.  1777  :  ••  Hun.  1779. 
In  Bell's  Skakiftrt.  vol.  xii..  there  is  a  character  platt  (dated  1785)  of  Mrs.  Siddoos  as 
the  princess  Kalherine. 

»   I'ariomm  Skaktftrt.  iii.  309.  316. 

•  Gtml.  Mag.  »ii.  aoo.     In  order  to  outdo  this  drollery  at  the  rival  hoosn,  Nefl 
Gwyn.  by  Dryden's  direction,  wore  a  hat  "the  circumference  of  a  hinder 
wheel.*  while  speaking  the  prologue  to  his  Ammg**«.  at  the  Theatre  Royal.- 


c  Ttme-Analysis  (I.  i. — II.  iii.). 

"  Ever  since  the  day*  of  Anticnt  Pistol,  we  find  that  a  Urge  and  broad- 
rimmed  beaver  hat  been  peculiar  to  heroes.  A  hat  of  this  kind  worn 
your  right  eye,  with  two  large  dangling  tassels,  and  a  proportionate 
and  feather,  will  give  you  an  air  of  courage  and  martial 
gallantry."1 

XII.  TIME- ANALYSIS  or  Henry  V.  Day  1.  Act  I.  sc.  L  and  ii. 
London.  In  Act  I.  the  unity  of  time  has  been  respected. 

First interval— about  fifteen  months'— during  which  England  pre- 
pares  for  war. 

Day  9.  Act  II.  sc.  L  Near  the  Boar's  Head,  Eastcheap.  Morning. 
Nym  bids  Bardolph  *  Good-morrow."  We  may,  I  think,  fairly  assume 
that  Bardolph 's  promise  of  a  breakfast  (1.  12)  is  to  be  fulfilled  at  once. 
Breakfast — an  unusual  meal  in  the  Elizabethan  age* — would  not  be 
later  than  8  a.nv  The  Boy  enters  and  tells  Pistol  and  the  Hostess  that 
FalstafT  is  very  sick.  The  Hostess  hurries  out,  and  soon  returning, 
entreats  Pistol  and  the  others  to  "come  in  quickly  to  Sir  John."  From 
the  words  "come  in,"  I  infer  that  this  scene  is  laid  near  the  Boar's  Head, 
Sir  John's  old  haunt  Pope  ended  Act  I.  with  this  scene.4 

Second  interval.  About  twenty-four  hours.  Falstaff  died  "  between 
twelve  and  one."  It  is  unnecessary,  I  think,  to  suppose  that  a  longer 
interval  elapses  between  sc.  L  and  it* 

Day  8.  Act  II.  sc.  ii.  Southampton.  Morning.  The  Chronicles 
merely  state  that  the  nobles'  plot  was  revealed  to  Henry  "the  night 
before  the  daie  appointed"'  for  the  embarkation  of  his  army.  When 
sc.  ii.  ends,  the  spectator  is  instantly  transported  to  London. 

Act  II.  sc.  iii.  London.  Morning.  Nym  warns  his  companions — 
who  have  been  listening  to  the  Hostess's  account  of  Falstaffs  last 

1  Aaviee  to  the  Often  of  the  British  and  Irish  Armiei,  1789,  p.  79.  Written  on 
the  nine  plan  as  Swift's  Directions  to  Servants.  The  valiant  captain,  whom  Roderick 
Random  met  with  on  bis  journey  to  London,  had  a  hat  "  very  much  of  the  size  and 
cock  of  Pistol's." — Roderick  Random,  vol.  I.  ch.  xi. 

•  The  parliament  of  Leicester — dramatized  in  Act   I.  sc.  ii. — assembled  on  "  the 
last  daie  of  A  prill."  1414.— Ch.  545  *  7-     Henry  invaded  France  in  August,  1415. 

»  Harrison  (Sew  Sh.  Soc.  ed.).  Pt.  I.  p.  162. 

•  1  subjoin  his  note  :  "Between  this  and  the  foregoing  Scene  (Act  I.  sc.  ii.).  in  all 
the  editions  hitherto  it  inserted  the  Chorus  which  I  have  postpon'd.      That  Chorus 
manifestly  it  intended  to  advertise  the  Spectators  of  the  Change  of  the  Scene  to 
Southampton,  and  therefore  ought  to  be  f lac  d  just  be/ore  that  Change,  and  not  here, 
where  the  Scene  is  still  continued  in  London."— Pope's  Shahsfere,  ed.  a,  iv.  389. 

•  Mr.  Daniel  thinks  that  an  interval  of  at  least   a  week  should  be  allowed  for 
Fataaffs  "  sickness,  death,  and  burial."—  Time  Analysis  of  Henry  V.     But  a  few 
hours'  serious  illness  might  be  enough  to  carry  off  Sir  John,  worn  out  by  age,  dissipation, 
and  heart -grief.    I  do  not  think  that  his  followers— Bardolph,  perhaps,  excepted— cared 
enough  (or  him  to  stay  for  his  funeral.     It  is  unlikely  that  be  left  any  legacies,  or  loose 
cash  to  be  searched  for  and  "  conveyed." 


Time- Analysis  (II.  iv.— III.  iv.).  ci 

moments — that  it  is  time  to  set  out  for  Southampton.  In  sc  it  Henry 
says,  "  We  will  aboard  to-night*  Fynes  Moryson,  a  contemporary  of 
Shakspere,  states  that  in  the  southern  and  western  parts  of  England 
post-horses  could  be  obtained  at  every  ten  miles,  and  that  a  traveller 
able  to  bear  the  fatigue  could  ride  at  the  rate  of  about  ten  miles  an 
hour.1  The  distance  byroad  from  London  to  Southampton  is  7$  miles. 
Nym  and  his  comrades  could  reach  Southampton  in  time  for  the 
embarkation. 

Third  interval.  Henry  sails  for  France,1  lands  near  Harfleur,  and 
sends  an  ultimatum,  by  Exeter,  to  Charles  VI.  When  announcing 
Henry's  arrival  (II.  iv.  141 — 143),  Exeter  speaks  as  though  the  king  were 
near  at  hand,  and  we  may  therefore,  perhaps,  infer  that  the  French 
court  was  then  at  Rouen. 

Day  4.  Act  1 1.  sc.  iv.  ?  Rouen.  The  first  French  council  of  war. 
Exeter  delivers  Henry's  ultimatum. 

Fourth  interval.  About  a  month.'  Siege  of  Harfleur.  The  town  is 
on  the  point  of  capitulating  when  Act  III.  opens. 

Day  5.  Act  III.  sc.  i.,  ii.,  and  iii.  Harfleur.  In  sc.  i.  we  witness  the 
List  of  the  many  assaults  upon  Harfleur.  There  are  no  intervals  between 
sc.  L,  ii.,  and  iii.  While  Henry's  captains  are  conversing  in  sc.  ii.,  the 
town  sounds  a  parley.  Thereupon  (sc.  iii.)  Henry  enters  and  demands 
an  immediate  (1.  33)  surrender.  The  governor  of  Harfleur,  despairing 
of  help,  opens  his  gates,  and  the  English  march  in.4 

Fifth  interval.  Allow  time  for  the  march  towards  Calais,  begun  on 
the  day  after  (III.  iii.  57,  $8)  the  surrender  of  Harfleur.* 

[Act  III.  sc.  iv.  The  French  King's  palace.  I  agree  with  Mr. 
Daniel  in  supposing  that  this  scene  should  be  referred  to  the  interval 
following  Day  4.  After  the  negotiations  for  a  marriage  between  Henry 
and  Katherine  had  been  broken  off  (Chorus  III.  28 — 31),  it  was  no 
longer  necessary  that  the  princess  should  learn  English.  Yet  here  she 
has  her  first  lesson  in  it*] 

•  "  In  England  towards  th«  South,  and  in  the  West  parts,  and  from  /**<&•*  to 
Btrwitk.  vpon  the  confines  of  St*l*m<t,  l\>st -hones  an  established  at  euery  lea  miles 
or  (hereabout*,  which  they  ride  a  Ulie  gallop  after  vxne  ten  miles  aa  howei  some- 
time*," *c.— Itinerary,  Pt.  III.  p.  61. 

•  I"    «S9S»    Fynes    Morysoo  smiled   from   Dieppe  to   Dover   In    14   boon.— 
ttintrary.  Pt.  I.  p.  197.    An  average  passage,  perhaps.     N.B.  The  ship  was  drawn 
out  of  the  Haven  of  Dieppe  by  a  boat.  p.  196. 

•  Harflrar  was  sui rendered  "on  the  date  of  saint  Mauri**  (Sept.  a*),  being  the 
•ram  and  thirtith  date  aft*  tbe  stege  was  first  kkL-C».  sso/a/i.- 

«  The  historical  dates  are  given  above,  pp.  nri.  uti. 

•  The  historical  dales  are  given  above,  p.  uul.  note  t. 

•  Dr.  Nicholson  has  suggested  to  me  that  Charles  VI.— pietored.  be  thinks,  by 
Sbakspsre.  as  a  timid,  irresolute  man-would  be  U^  to  keep  the  marriage  in  prospect 
as  srfll  poHMfc    Gnating  this,  It  is  strange  that  K.tbrrtoe  did  not  begin  learning 


in  Time- Analysis  (III.  v. — IV.  Hi.). 

Day  6.  Act  III.  K.  v.  Rouen.  See  1L  54*  64-  The  second 
French  council  of  war.  News  of  the  passage  of  the  Somme  has  been 
received  at  Rouen. 

SirfA  intfrval.    A  day  or  two.     March  to  Calais  continued. 

Day  7.  Act  III.  sc.  vt  The  Ternoise,  Pas  de  Calais.  October  24. l 
It  was  drawing  toward  night  (vi.  179—181)  when  the  army  moved  for- 
ward in  order  to  encamp  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river. 

Srvtnth  interval.  The  English  resume  their  march  and  encamp. 
The  French  also  encamp. 

Act  III.  sc.  vii.  to  I.  97.  The  French  camp  near  Agincourt.  Wit- 
combat  between  the  Dauphin  and  the  Constable.  At  "  midnight "  (L  97) 
the  Dauphin  goes  out  to  arm  himself. 

Day  8.  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  from  1.  97  to  1.  134,  inclusive.  Same  place. 
Just  after  midnight  Orleans  takes  up  his  cousin's  cudgels. 

Eighth  interval.  Nearly  two  hours  elapse  from  the  Dauphin's  exit  at 
midnight  (L  97)  to  the  end  of  the  scene,  when  Orleans  says  that  it  is  two 
o'clock.  Orleans's  last  quip  (1-  >34)  seems  either  to  have  silenced  the 
Constable,  or  obliged  him  to  find  some  other  subject  for  raillery,  not  set 
down  by  Shakspcre.  The  action  is  supposed  to  be  resumed  when  the 
messenger  enters. 

Act  III.  sc.  vii.  1.  135  to  end.  Same  place.  Two  a.m.  The  French 
nobles  scoff  at  the  English. 

Kimth  interval.  About  four  hours.  The  clocks  strike  three  (Chorus 
IV.  i$X  We  may  suppose  that  the  incidents  represented  in  Act  IV.  sc. 
i.  follow  each  other  in  unbroken  sequence  ;  the  scene  being  thus  limited 
by  the  time  necessary  for  its  performance.  If  so,  sc.  i.  opens  shortly 
before  daybreak.  See  1L  87, 88.  Or  intervals  may  be  imagined  between 
these  incidents,  in  order  that  the  hours  from  3  a.m.  to  about  6.30  a.m. 
may  be  accounted  for. 

Act  IV.  sc.  i.    The  English  camp  near  Agincourt.    Early  morning. 

Ttnth  interval.  The  Constable's  words  (sc.  ii.,  last  line)  show  that 
the  morning  was  far  advanced  when  this  scene  ends.  Compare  also 
Orleans's  exclamation  at  the  opening  of  sc.  ii.  According  to  the  Chronicles, 
the  French  awaited  the  signal  for  battle  "  till  the  houre  betweene  nine 
and  ten  of  the  clocke."1 

Act  IV.  sc.  ii.  The  French  camp.  Morning.  The  battle  is  imminent 
when  the  Constable  rushes  out 

Act  IV.  sc  iii.  The  field  of  battle.  Morning.  The  English  were, 
I  presume,  drawn  up  outside  their  camp  before  this  scene  opens. 
See  ii.  14.  While  Henry  animates  his  men,  the  Constable  hastily 

English  before.    Since  the  close  of  Act  II.  there  has  been  a  return  embassy  to  Henry 
V..  and  Harfleor  has  been  besieged  and  taken. 

1  The  battle  was  fought  on  the  "  day  of  Crispin  Crispianns  "  (Oct.  25).  See  IV. 
vfi.94-  «  Ck.  553  i  35. 


Time-Analysis  (IV.  iv. — V.  iL).  ciii 

marshals  the  French,  and  during  the  remainder  of  the  scene— from  L 
68  to  end — the  two  armies  face  each  other  on  the  field  of  battle.  A  brief 
delay  is  caused  by  Montjoy*s  mission.  York  receives  the  command  of 
the  vaward,  and  Henry  thereupon  advances  against  the  French.  See 
last  lines. 

Eleventh  interval.  About  six  hours.  The  last  phases  of  the  battle 
are  represented  in  sc.  iv.,  v.,  vi.,  and  vii.  (i— 68).  The  ChronicUt 
record  that  by  about  4  p.m.  the  residue  of  the  French  army  had  quitted 
the  field. 

Act  IV.  sc.  iv.,  v.,  vi,  and  vii.  Same  place.  Afternoon.  For  a 
comparison  of  these  scenes  with  the  Chronicles,  with  especial  reference 
to  the  connection  of  sc.  v.,  vi.,  and  vii.,  I  beg  to  refer  the  reader  to  pp. 
xl — xlii  of  this  Introduction. 

Twelfth  interval.  An  hour  or  two.  The  heralds  went  out  at  vii. 
123,  but  they  could  hardly  have  numbered  the  prisoners  and  the  slain  in 
less  time.  In  the  mean  while,  Williams  and  Flaellen  are  searching  for 
Cower,  whom  the  king  wishes  to  sec.  See  11.  158,  and  175,  176. 

Act  IV.  sc.  viii.  Before  King  Henry's  pavilion.  In  the  last  scene 
Flucllen  was  told  to  bring  Gower  to  the  royal  tent.  During  the  last 
interval,  Williams  has  found  Gower  and  delivered  the  king's  summons. 
He  now  (viii.  i)  enters,  congratulating  his  captain.  They  are  ncaring  the 
pavilion  when  Flucllen — who  has  hitherto  sought  in  vain  for  Gower — 
meets  them.  Warwick — who  has  kept  Fluellen  in  sight  during  the 
interval — then  enters,  and  is  followed  by  Henry  and  Exeter,  who  have 
been  in  another  part  of  the  field  (vii.  190,  191),  and  are  now  returning 
to  the  pavilion. 

Thirteenth  interval.  Rather  more  than  four  months.  The  only  facts 
which  can  be  relied  on  are  :  That  France  was  the  scene  (V.  i.  92),  and 
March  *  the  day  (V.  L  2  and  9—13.  March  I  is  St.  David's  day)  of 
Pistol's  cast  igat  ion.  Mr.  Daniel  brackets  sc.  i.  in  Act  V.,  supposing  it  to 
have  taken  place  a  few  days  after  the  battle.  But  he  suggests  that  Pistol, 
with  Fluellen  and  Gower,  might  have  remained  in  garrison  at  Calais  till 
the  following  year.  I  accept  this  explanation,  although  it  is  very  possible 
that  Sha'cspere  didn't  care  to  adjust  his  St.  David's  day  to  the  almanack. 

Day  0.  Act  V.  sc.  i.  France.  Fluellen  tells  Pistol  "  a  little  piece  of 
my  desires." 

Fourteenth  interval.  Nearly  four  years  and  two  months.  Henry 
returns  to  France  and  carries  on  the  war.  Peace  negotiations  are  at 
last  set  on  foot,  and  in  the  next  scene  we  witness  their  successful  issue. 

Day  10.  Act  V.  sc  ii.  Troyes  in  Champagne.  May  ao,  1420. 
Henry  and  {Catherine  are  affianced. 

This  play  embraces  a  period  of  about  six  yean,  from  the  opening  of 
the  parliament  at  Leicester,  April  30,  1414,  to  Henry's  betrothal  to 
Katherine,  May  20,  1420,  I  arrange  the  action  and  intervals  thus : 


civ  Summary  of  Time- 4 nu lysis. 

i»t  CHORUS.    Prologue. 
Day  i.  Act  I.  sc.  i.,  and  ii. 

2nd  CHORUS.    Interval. 
Day  a.  Act  II.  sc.  i. 

Interval. 
„    3.  Act  II.  sc.  ii.,  and  iii. 

Interval. 
„    4.  Act  II.  sc.  iv. 

3rd  CHORUS.     Interval. 
Day  5.  Act  III.  sc.  i.  to  iii. 

Interval. 

[Act  III.  sc.  iv.    Interval  following  Day  4.] 
„    6.  Act  III.  sc.  v. 

Interval. 
„    7.  Act  III.  sc.  vi 

Interval. 

„    „   Act  III.  sc.  vil  toL  97. 
„    8.  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  L  97  to  L  134. 

Interval. 
„    „  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  L  135  to  end. 

4th  CHORUS.    Interval. 
Day  8.  Act  IV.  sc  i. 

Interval. 
„    „   Act  1 V.  sc.  ii.,  and  iii. 

Interval. 
,    „  Act  IV.  sc.  iv.,  v.,  vL,  and  viL 

Interval. 
„    „  Act  IV.  sc.  viii. 

$th  CHORUS.    Interval. 
Day  9.  Act  V.  sc.  i. 

Interval. 

Day  io.  Act  V.  sc.  ii. 
6th  CHORUS.    Epilogue, 

Having  now  considered  the  particular  aspects  whence  this  play  may 
be  regarded,  a  few  points  in  it,  of  a  less  special  nature,  may  be  briefly 
touched  upon.  In  dealing  with  Henry  the  Fifth's  reign,  Shakspere's 


The  King  in  HEN  RY  V.     Comic  scenes.     Chronology.        cv 

power  as  a  dramatist  had  little  scope  for  display,  because*  as  I  have 
already  observed,  the  epic  element  predominates  in  that  part  of  our 
history.  In  the  reigns  of  John,  Richard  II.,  Henry  VI.,  and  Richard 
III.,  there  is  good  store  of  matter  both  for  plot  and  tragedy.  The 
reign  of  Henry  IV.  is  a  chronicle  of  political  intrigue  blended  with 
tragedy  of  a  less  sombre  cast.  But  in  the  annals  of  Henry  V.  little  else 
is  recorded  save  wearisomely  painful  details  of  battles  and  sieges.  The 
conspiracy  against  Henry  is  the  only  tragic  incident '  available  as  a 
contrast  to  the  somewhat  monotonous  prosperity  of  his  career.  Having, 
then,  to  deal  with  a  subject  almost  void  of  dramatic  interest,  Shaksperc 
concentrated  all  his  power  upon  the  portraiture  of  the  King.  A  special 
feature  in  this  play  is  the  chorus  before  each  act,  a  device  which  suited 
his  purpose  of  presenting  Henry's  character  in  its  fulness  to  the  audience* 
for — as  Gervinus  remarks — Shakspere  is  thus  enabled  "  to  place  the  hero 
of  his  poem  in  the  splendid  heroic  light  in  which  from  his  unassuming 
nature  he  cannot  place  himself,  and  in  which,  when  arrived  at  the  height 
of  his  fame,  be  expressly  wishes  not  to  be  seen  by  those  around  him."  ' 
The  other  personages  are  slightly  sketched,  and  appear  as  satellites  or 
foils  to  the  central  figure.  Flue-lien  is  a  new  and  original  study,  but  his 
nature  was  not  many-sided  enough  to  permit  him  to  take  a  large  share 
in  the  action. 

The  comic  scenes  have  no  organic  connection  with  the  play  like 
the  similar  scenes  in  Henry  IV.  In  Henry  IV.  Shaksperc  had  to  draw 
the  character  of  a  wild  young  prince  :  hence  a  primary  necessity  for 
bringing  vividly  before  us  the  men  who  were  the  prince's  companions. 
The  incidental  comic  scenes  in  Henry  V.  serve  merely  to  vary  the  same- 
ness of  the  historical  action,  and  give  more  reality  to  the  events  by 
associating  them  with  ordinary  human  interests  and  people.  Doubtless 
Shakspere  did  well  in  not  redeeming  his  promise  of  indulging  us  with 
one  more  glimpse  of  FabtafT.  Unity  of  conception  and  truth  to  nature 
alike  forbade  Sir  John's  reformation.  All  our  laughter  must  have  been 
swallowed  up  in  pity  at  the  contrast  between  Fabtaff  in  his  dishonoured 
old  age,  and  the  martial  figures  of  the  new  generation,  full  of  chivalrous 
enthusiasm  and  devotion  to  their  country. 

We  do  not  find  in  Henry  V.  the  contempt  for  chronology  exhibited 
in  the  First  Part  of  Henry  VI.  A  dramatist  may  be  allowed  the  license 
of  sometimes  referring  distinct  events  to  one  time, — if  they  be  not  very 
remote  from  one  another, — in  order  to  avoid  cutting  up  his  play  into  too 
many  scenes,  and  also  for  the  sake  of  giving  greater  dramatic  effect  to 
his  incidents.  Thus,  if  Exeter's  embassy  had  been  dramatized  in  its 

1  It  may  be  that  Shaiupere'i  «en«e  of  an  abiding  irony  in  the  nature  of  thing*— 
take,  as  examples,  the  gravediggers*  talk  in  Hamltt.  and  the  porter's  soliloquy  in 
Js%atafft— led  him  to  place  the  discovery  of  the  noble*'  plot  between  two  comk  i 
InlowHt* 

'  Oerriaos's  Skaittftart  C»mmumt-tritt.  p.  530.  ed.  1875. 

c  i 


cvi     Hi\turic  toosition.     Place  in  Shakspere's  2nd  Period. 

chronological  order,  Shakspere  must  either  have  brought  the  duke  in 
•prfli  upon  much  the  same  errand,  or  have  sacrificed  the  impressive 
entry  that  interrupts  the  deliberations  of  Charles  VI.  and  his  council 

Htmry  V.  is  the  centre  round  which  the  other  English  historical 
play* — John  exccpted— group  themselves.  Through  Richard  If.  and 
Ht*ry  IV.  we  watch  the  chequered  dawn  of  the  good  fortune  th.it 
reaches  her  full  meridian  splendour  in  Henry  V.t  and  fades  away  amid 
the  ever-deepening  gloom  of  Henry  VI.  Richard  III.  is  a  supple- 
mentary drama,  showing  how  the  Nemesis  that  followed  the  House  of 
Lancaster  was  bequeathed  as  a  fatal  legacy  to  its  supplanter.  Blood 
still  called  for  blood,  crime  still  suggested  crime. 

Henry  V.  was  finished  when  Shak-spcre  had  nearly  passed  his  thirty- 
fifth  year,  the  keystone  in  the  arch  of  human  life.1  In  the  history  of 
his  poetic  development  the  play  belongs  to  a  period  distinguished  from 
an  earlier  time  by  increase  of  power,  and  from  a  later  by  light-hearted- 
ness,  only  saddened  a  little  towards  its  close.  We  do  not  detect  any 
note  of  sadness  in  this  play  ;  there  is  no  forewarning  of  the  coming  time 
when  he  was  to  learn  through  bitter  experience  the  darker  secrets  of  the 
human  heart  :  here  all  is  triumph  and  joyful  anticipation  ;  to  the  paean 
of  victory  succeeds  the  solemn  benediction  upon  the  marriage  that  is  to 
heal  the  wounds  of  civil  war,  and  unite  two  long-hostile  nations  under 
the  sceptre  of  HENRY  V. 

1  LA  dftm  it*  it  pmmlo  tomma  di  qutito  area,  per  qttclla  disag/fnagtiamia  [in  the 
height  of  the  arch]  ckt  delta  i  di  sopra.  i  forte  da  Mfxre  ;  ma  ntlli  pi k  io  credo  tra  I 
tmttsimo  t'  I  qmartmtetimo  anna  :  t  io  credo  ckt  mtlli  ptrfcttamctite  maturati  esso  *e 
si*  mil  IrtMtacimqmuimo  anno. — So  Dante  in  his  Convita,  tratt.  iv.  cap.  23.  Cf. 
Imftrmo,  i.  i,  and  the  usual  comment  upon  the  line. 

«%  All  the  line-number  references,  hi  this  Introduction,  are  taken  from  the  Globt 
Skaksptrt.  Throughout  Section  V.  of  the  Introduction,  the  supplementary  matter, 
not  relating  to  Sbakspere's  use  of  the  ChroiticUs,  is  enclosed  by  heavy  brackets  Q.  ]). 


THE   LIFE  OF 

HENRY  THE  FIFT. 


DRAMATIS    PERSONS. 


Kixo  HF.SRY  the  Fifth.  I.  U.  T  ;  II.  U.  la ;  III.  i.  i  ;  iii.  i ;  vi.  85 ;  I V.  i.  i ;  iU.  18  : 
vi  i ;  Ytt.  53  ;  viiL  23 ;  V.  iL  i. 

DCKE  or  •CLARENCE.  I.  U. ;  V.  ii. 

DUKE  or  BEDFORD.  II.  U.  i ;  IV.  iii.  a.  *  I.  ii. ;  III.  i. ; 


IV.  i. ;  V.  ii. 


brothers  to  the  King. 


DOB  or  GLOUCESTER.  III.  vi.  162  ;  IV.  i.  a8  ;  iii.  i ; 

vtt.  6$.    t  I.  ii.  ;  III.  i. :  IV.  riti. ;  V.  H. 
DOKB  or  EXETER,  uncle  to  the  King,  I.  U.  a ;  II.  ii.  a  ;  iv.  76  ;  IV.  iii.  4  ;  vi.  3  ; 

viL  64 ;  vHL  69 ;  V.  ii.  saa.    fill.  i. 
DUKE  or  YORK,  cousin  to  the  King,  IV.  iii.  139. 
EARLS  or  'HUNTINGDON,  V.  ii.:  SALISBURY.  IV.  iii.  5  :  WARWICK.  IV.  viii.  18 

5  I.  ii. ;  IV.  vii. ;  V.  ii. :  and  WESTMORELAND.  I.  ii.  3  ;  II.  ii.  3 ;  IV.  in.  3  ; 

V.  ii.  319. 

ARCHBISHOP  or  CANTERBURY.  I.  i.  x  ;  H.  7. 
BISHOP  or  ELY,  I.  L  6 ;  ii.  115. 
EARL  or  CAMBRIDGE,  II.  ii.  35.  % 

LORD  SCROPB.  It.  ii.  19.  \  conspirators  against  the  King. 

SIR  THOMAS  GREY,  II.  U.  39. 
SIR  THOMAS  ERPINGHAM.  IV.  i.  16.   T  IV.  iii. :  CAPTAINS  FLCELLEN  III.  ii.  54 ; 

vi.  3 ;  IV.  i.  65 ;  vii.  i ;  viii.  a ;  V.  i.  3 :  GOWER.  III.  ii.  52  I  «.  i ;  IV.  i.  64  ;  vii. 

5;  via.  10 ;  V.  i.  i:  JAMY,  III.  ii.  78:  and  MACMORRIS,  III.  n.  82.  officers 

in  King  Henry's  army. 
BATES.  IV.  i.  86:  COURT.  IV.  L  84:  and  WILLIAMS,  IV.  i.  88;  vii.  119;  viii.  i, 

soldiers  in  the  same. 
BARDOLPH.  II.  i.  x  ;  iii.  7 ;  III.  ii.  i :  NYM.  II.  i.  2 ;  iii.  25 :  III.  ii.  a  :  and  PISTOL, 

II.  L  26 ;  iii.  3 ;  III.  ii.  5 ;  vi.  19 ;  IV.  i.  35  ;  iv.  i ;  V.  i.  18. 
A  Boy.  servant  to  BABDOLPH,  PISTOL,  and  NYM,  II.  i.  751  «'•  ^ :  "I-  "•  lo: 

IV.  iv.  23. 
An  English  Herald,  IV.  viii.  69. 

CHARLES  the  Sixth.  King  of  France.  II.  iv.  x  ;  III.  v.  i ;  V.  ii.  9. 
LEWIS,  the  Dauphin,  II.  iv.  14 ;  III.  v.  5  ;  vii.  7  ;  1 V.  ii.  2  ;  v.  3. 


Dramatis  Ptrsont*.  3 

DUKES  of  BOCKBOM.  HI.  v.  10 :  IV.  v.  10.  *  IV.  vii. :  BURGUNDY.  V.  IL  13.  *  III. 
v.:  «W  ORLEANS.  III.  vii.  3;  IV.  it  i ;  v.  a.  *  111.  v. 

DOKES  of  •  BERRY.  II.  iv. ;    III.  v. :   •BRITTANY.  II.  iv. :  «ALENCON.  »BAR. 

«W  BRABANT,  III.  v. 
The  Constable  of  France.  II.  ir.  99 ;  III.  Y.  15  ;  rii.  i ;  IV.  ii.  8  ;  v.  i. 

GRANDPR!  IV.  ii.  38.  5  III.  v. :  and  RAHBURES.  III.  rii.  66 ;  IV.  iL  is.  *  III.  v. ; 
IV.  Y..  French  Lords. 

•The  Admiral  of  France.  III.  v. :  •BEAUMONT,  HI.  ». ;  IV.  ii. :  •BouctCAtrr. 
•CHAROLOB.  •FAUQUEMBEROUE.  *Foix.  •LurzAUt,  •  Router,  tmd 
•  VAUDEMONT,  French  Lords.  III.  Y. 

French  Governor  of  Harfleur.  III.  in.  44. 

MONTJOT.  •  French  Herald.  HI.  vi.  109 ;  IV.  iii.  79  ;  vii.  68. 

A  French  Soldier.  IV.  hr.  •. 

French  Ambassadors  to  the  King  of  England.  I.  ii.  337. 

ISABEL.  Queen  of  France.  V.  ii.  ta. 

KATHERINE.  daughter  to  Charles  and  Isabel.  III.  IY.  r  ;  V.  ii.  roa. 

ALICE,  a  Lady  attending  on  the  Princess  Katberine.  III.  iv.  3 ;  V.  iL  nr. 

Hostess  of  the  Boar's  Head  Tavern  in  Eastcbeap.  formerly  MISTRESS  QUICKLY. 
now  married  to  PISTOL.  II.  i.  39 ;  iii.  i. 

Lords.  Ladies.  Officers.  Soldiers.  Citizens.  Messengers,  and  Attendants. 
Chorus,  before  each  of  the  Five  Acts,  and  at  end  of  Act  V. 
SCENE  :  /«  ENGLAND,  to  emdof\\.  iii..  a/Urward*  im  FRANCE. 


An  atteritk  •  before  a  MUM  denote*  «  /TOMM  m*ta.  The  firrt  line  of  each  dtaraettrt  Ant 
speech,  and  the  «et  awl  MM  in  which  it  tuuxfa.  U  given.  A  paragrapa  1  pmiiai  UM 
acts  aad  Keoet  in  which  th«M  chanMMn  appear,  but  do  not  (peak. 


PROLOGUE. 

Enter  Prologue. 

or  a  Mufe  of  Fire,  that  would  afcend 
Tkt  brig  fit  eft  Heauen  of  Inuentib n, 

A  Kinrdomejor  a  Stage,  Princet  to  A3, 
4  And  Monarch  to  behold  the  fuelling  Scene ! 

TkenJkouU  the  Warlike  Harry,  like  himfelfe, 

Mum  the  Port  of  Mars ;  and  at  hit  heeles, 

Lea/ht  in,  like  Hounds,  Jhould  Famine,  SiuorJ,  and  Firt 
8  Crmchfor  employment.     But  far  Jon,  Gentlet  alt, 

The  flat  vnrajtfed  Spirits  that  hath  dar'd, 

On  thii  vnnvorthy  Scaffold,  to  bring  forth 

So  great  an  Obit  ft :     Can  thii  Cock-Pit  hold 
1 3  The  vajiie  fields  of  France  f    Or  may  <we  cramme 

Within  thii  Woodden  O  the  very  Casket 

That  did  affiight  the  Ayre  at  Agincourt  ? 

O,  pardon  !  fince  a  crooked  Figure  may 
l6  Atteft,  in  little  place,  a  Million; 

And  let  vi,  Cyphers  to  this  great  Accompt, 

On  jour  imaginarie  Forcet  ivorke. 

Suppofe,  within  the  Girdle  ofthefe  Walls, 
2O  Are  now  confin'd  tivo  mightie  Monarchies, 

Whofe  high  vp-reared  and  abutting  Fronts, 

The  periUous  narrvw  Ocean  parts  afunder  i 

Peece  out  our  imperfections  ivith  your  thoughts ; 
24  Into  a  thoufand  parts  diuide  one  Man, 

And  make  imaginarie  Puiffance : 

Thinke,  when  ive  talke  of  Horfei,  that  you  fee  them 

Printing  their  pronud  Hoofes  i'th"  receiuing  Earth  i 
28  For  'tiijonr  thoughts  that  nvw  mufl  deck  our  Kingt, 

Carry  them  here  and  there  ;  lumping  o're  Times  ; 

Turning  th1  accompU/hment  of  many  yeeres 

Into  an  Hovsre-glajfe  :  for  the  iuhich  fupplie, 
32  Admit  me  Chorus  to  this  Historie  ; 

Who  Prologue-like, your  humhle  patience  pray, 

Gently  to  heart,  kindly  to  iudge,  our  Play.    "  [Exit. 


[ACT  i.  so  i.]    5 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 


I.  i. — London      An  ante-chamber  in  the  KING'S  palace. 

Enter  the  ARCHBISHOP  OP  CANTERBURY  and  the 
BISHOP  OP  ELY. 

Cunt. 

W5?ffl V  Lord.  He  tell  you :  that  felfe  Bill  is  vrg'd, 
HsiMjlHWhichi.  in  th'eleuenth  yere  of  y  laft  Kings  reign, 
flKJflpflWas  like,  and  had  indeed  againlt  vs  pad, 
4  But  that  the  fcambling  and  vnquiet  time 
Did  pulh  it  out  of  farther  quedion. 

Ely.  But  how,  my  Lord,  ihall  we  refill  it  now  ? 
Cant.  It  mud  be  thought  on.     If  it  \  arte  againd  vs, 
8  We  loofe  the  better  halfe  of  our  Poflellion : 
For  all  the  Temporall  Lands,  which  men  deuout 
By  Tedament  haue  giuen  to  the  Church, 
Would  they  drip  from  vs ;  being  valu'd  thus : 
12  As  much  as  would  maintaine,  to  the  Kings  honor, 
Full  fiAeene  Earles,  and  fifteene  hundred  Knights, 
Six  thousand  and  two  hundred  good  Efquires ; 
And,  to  relicfe  of  Laura,  and  weake  age 
1 6  Of  indigent  faint  Soules,  pad  corporall  toyle, 
A  hundred  Almes-houfes,  right  well  fupply'd  j 


ACT  I.  sc  L]  Tht  Liff  of  Henry  the  Ftft. 

And  to  the  Coffer*  of  the  King,  befide, 

A  thoufand  pounds  by  th'yeere.     Thus  runs  the  Bill. 

Ely.  This  would  dritike  deepe. 

ao      Cant.  'Twould  drinke  the  Cup  and  all. 

Ely.  But  what  preuention  ? 
Cant.  The  King  is  full  of  grace  and  faire  regard. 
Ely.  And  a  true  louer  of  the  holy  Church. 
34      Coat.  The  courfes  of  his  youth  promU'd  it  not. 
The  breath  no  fooner  left  his  Fathers  body, 
But  that  his  wildnefle,  mortify'd  in  him, 
Seem'd  to  dye  too :  yea,  at  that  very  moment, 
28  Consideration,  like  an  Angell,  came, 

And  whipt  th 'offend  ing  Adam  out  of  him, 
Leauing  his  body  as  a  Paradifo, 
T  imu-lop  and  containe  Celeftiall  Spirits. 
32  Neuer  was  fuch  a  fodaine  Scholler  made  j 
Neuer  came  Reformation  in  a  Flood, 
With  fuch  a  heady  currance,  fcowring  faults; 
Nor  neuer  //irfra-headed  Wilful  nefle 
36  So  foone  did  loofe  his  Seat,  and  all  at  once, 
As  in  this  King. 

Ely.  We  are  blefled  in  the  Change. 

Cant.  Heare  him  but  reafon  in  Diuinitie, 
And,  all-admiring,  with  an  inward  wifh 
40  You  would  defire  the  King  were  made  a  Prelate : 
Heare  him  debate  of  Common-wealth  Affaires, 
You  would  fay, '  it  hath  been  all  in  all  his  ftudy : ' 
Lift  his  difcourfe  of  Warre,  and  you  fhall  heare 
44  A  fearefull  Battaile  rendred  you  in  Mufique : 
Turne  him  to  any  Caufe  of  Pollicy, 
The  Gordian  Knot  of  it  he  will  vnloofe, 
Familiar  as  his  Garter ;  that,  when  he  fpeakes, 
48  The  Ayre,  a  Charter'd  Libertine,  is  ftill, 
And  the  mute  Wonder  lurketh  in  mens  earea. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  L  so  L]     7 

To  fteale  bis  fweet  and  hony'd  Sentence*; 

So  that  the  Art  and  Pradique  part  of  Life, 
53  Mult  be  the  Miftrefle  to  this  Theorique  : 

Which  is  a  wonder,  how  hi*  Grace  (hould  gleaiie  it, 

Since  his  addidion  was  to  Courfe*  vaine, 

His  Companies  vnletter'd,  rude,  and  ihallow  ; 
56  His  Houres  HUM  vp  with  Ryots,  Banquets,  Sports  -, 

And  neuer  noted  in  him  any  ftudie, 

Any  retyrement,  any  fequeftration, 

From  open  Haunts  and  Popularitie. 
60      Ely.  The  Strawberry  growes  vndemeath  the  Nettle, 

And  holefome  Berryes  thriue  and  ripen  bed, 

Neighbour'd  by  Fruit  of  baler  qualitie : 

And  fo  the  Prince  obfcur'd  his  Contemplation 
64  Vnder  the  Veyle  of  Wildnefle ;  which,  no  doubt, 

Grew  like  the  Summer  Grafle,  fafteft  by  Night, 

Vnfeene,  yet  crefliue  in  his  facultie. 

Cant.  It  mull  be  fo ;  for  Miracles  are  ceaft ; 
68  And  therefore  we  mud  needes  admit  the  meaucs 

How  things  are  perfected. 

Ely.  But,  my  good  Lord, 

How  now  for  mittigation  of  this  Bill 

Vrg'd  by  the  Commons  ?  dot  h  his  Maieftie 

Incline  to  it,  or  no  ? 
72      Cant.  He  feerocs  indifferent } 

Or,  rather,  fwaying  more  rpon  our  part, 

Then  cheriftung  th'exhibiten  againft  v» : 

For  I  haue  made  an  offer  to  his  Maieftie,— • 
76  Vpon  our  Spiritual!  Conuocation, 

And  in  regard  of  Caufcs  now  in  hand, 

Which  I  hauc  opcn'd  to  his  Grace  at  larf(e» 

Ai  touching  France, — to  giue  ft  greater  Surcme 
80  Then  euer  at  one  time  the  Clergie  yet 

Did  to  his  Predeceiron  part  withall. 


ACT  i.  sc.  il]  Thf  Lift  of  Henry  ihe  Fift.  8 

Ely.  How  did  this  offer  feeme  rccciu'd,  my  Lord  ? 
Cant.  With  good  acceptance  of  his  Maieftic  : 
84  Saue,  that  there  wa»  not  time  enough  to  heare, 

— At,  I  pcrceiu'd,  hb  Grace  would  faioe  haue  done, — 
The  frurralb,  and  vnhiddon  paflages 
Of  hi*  true  Titles  to  fome  certaine  Dukedomes, 
88  And,  generally,  to  the  Crowne  and  Seat  of  France, 
Deriu'd  from  Edward,  his  great  Grandfather. 

Ely.  What  was  th' impediment  that  broke  this  off) 
Cant.  The  French  Embaflador,  vpon  that  inftant, 
92  Crau'd  audience ;  and  the  howre,  I  thinke,  is  come, 
To  giue  him  hearing :  Is  it  foure  a  Clock) 
Ely.  It  is. 

Cant.  Then  goe  we  in,  to  know  his  Embaflie ; 
96  Which  I  could,  with  a  ready  guefle,  declare, 
Before  the  Frenchman  fpeake  a  word  of  it. 

Ely.  He  wait  vpon  you,  and  I  long  to  heare  it.        [Exeunt. 

I.  ii. — The  same.     The  Presence  chamber. 

Enter  the  KINO,  CLABBNCB,  BEDFORD,  GLOUCESTER,  EXETER, 

WARWICK,  WESMERLAND,  and  Attendants. 

K.  Hen.  Where  is  ray  gracious  Lord  of  Canterbury  ? 

Exeter.  Not  here  in  prefence. 

K.  Hen.  Send  for  him,  good  Vnckle. 

Wejbn.  Shall  we  call  in  th'  Ambaflador,  my  Liege  ? 
4      K.  Hen.    Not  yet,  my  Coufin  j  we  would  be  refolu'd. 
Before  we  heare  him,  of  fome  things  of  weight, 
That  taske  our  thoughts,  concerning  vs  and  France. 

Enter  the  ARCHBISHOP  OP  CANTERBURY  and  the 
BISHOP  OP  ELY. 

Cant.  God  and  his  Angels  guard  your  facred  Throne, 
And  make  you  long  become  it ! 
8      K.  Hen.  Sure,  we  thanke  you. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  L  sc  it  ]    9 

My  learned  Lord,  we  pray  you  to  proceed. 

And  iulUy  and  religioufly  vnfold 

Why  the  Law  Salike,  that  they  haue  in  France, 
1 2  Or  mould,  or  mould  not,  barre  vt  in  our  Clayine : 

And,  God  forbid,  my  deare  and  faithfull  Lord, 

That  you  Ihould  lalhion,  wreft,  or  bow  your  reading, 

Or  nicely  charge  your  vnderttanding  Soule 
16  With  opening  Titles  mifcreatc,  whole  right 

Sutet  not  in  natiue  colours  with  the  truth : 

For  God  doth  know,  how  many,  now  in  health, 

Shall  drop  their  blood,  in  approbation 
ao  Of  what  your  reuerence  (hall  incite  vs  to. 

Therefore  take  heed  how  you  impawne  our  Perfon, 

How  you  awake  our  deeping  Sword  of  Warre: 

We  charge  you  in  the  Name  of  God,  take  heed : 
24  For  neuer  two  fuch  Kingdomes  did  contend. 

Without  much  fall  of  blood  -,  whofe  guiltlefle  drops 

Are  euery  one  a  Woe,  a  fore  Complaint, 

'Gainft  him  whole  wrongs  giues  edge  vnto  the  Swords 
28  That  makes  fuch  watte  in  briefe  mortal!  tie. 

Vnder  this  Coniuration,  fpeake,  my  Lord : 

For  we  will  beare,  note,  and  beleeue  in  heart, 

That  what  you  fpeake,  is  in  your  Confcience  waftit, 
32  As  pure  as  finne  with  Baptifme. 

Cant.  Then  beare  me,  gracioui  Soueraign,  &  you  Peers 

That  owe  your  felues,  your  Hues,  and  frruices, 

To  this  Imperiall  Throne :  There  is  no  barre 
36  To  make  againtt  your  Highnertc  Clay  me  to  France* 

But  this,  which  they  produce  from  Pharamond  : 

*  In  terrain  Salicam  Mulirret  nefucctdant?  \ 

'  No  Woman  (hall  fucceed  in  Salike  Land : ' 
40  Which  Salike  Land,  the  French  vniuftly  gloie 

To  be  the  Realme  of  France,  and  Pharamond 

The  founder  of  this  Law,  and  Female  Barre. 


ACT  I.  sc  il]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  10 

Yet  their  owne  Authors  faithful!/  affirme, 
44  n>-'t  the  Land  Saiikc  is  in  Germanie, 

Betwecne  the  Flouds  of  Sola  and  of  Elue ; 

Where  Charlet  the  Great,  hauing  fubdu'd  the  Saxons, 

There  left  behind,  and  fettled  certaine  French, 
48  Who, — holding  in  difdaine  the  German  Women, 

For  fome  dilhonert  manners  of  their  life, — 

Eftablilht  then  this  Law ;  to  wit, '  No  Female 

Should  be  Inheritrix  in  Salike  Land: ' 
52  Which  Salike,  as  I  laid,  'twixt  Elue  and  Sala, 

Is  at  this  day  in  Germanic  calTd  Meifen. 

Then  doth  it  well  appeare,  the  Salike  Law 

Was  not  deuiied  for  the  Realme  of  France  j 
56  Nor  did  the  French  poflefle  the  Salike  Land 

Vntill  foure  hundred  one  and  twentie  yeeres 

After  ill-function  of  King  Pharamond, — 

Idly  fuppos'd  the  founder  of  this  Law, — 
60  Who  died  within  the  yeere  of  our  Redemption 

Foure  hundred  twentie  fix ;  and  Charles  the  Great 

Subdu'd  the  Saxons,  and  did  feat  the  French 

Beyond  the  Riuer  Sala,  in  the  yeere 
64  Eight  hundred  fiue.     Bi  fides,  their  Writers  fay, 

King  Pepin,  which  depofed  Childerike, 

Did,  as  Heire  Generall, — being  defcended 

Of  Ritthild,  which  was  Daughter  to  King  Clothalr, — 
68  Make  Clayme  and  Title  to  the  Crowne  of  France. 

Hugh  Capet  alfo, — who  vfurpt  the  Crowne 

Of  Charles  the  Duke  of  LoYaine,  fole  Heire  male 

Of  the  true  Line  and  Stock  of  Charles  the  Great, — 
72  To  find  his  Title  with  fome  ihewes  of  truth, 

— Though,  in  pure  truth,  it  was  corrupt  and  naught, — 

Conuey'd  himfelfe  as  th'Heire  to  th'  Lady  Lingare, 

Daughter  to  Charlemaine,  who  was  the  Sonne 
76  To  Lewes  the  Emperour,  and  Lewes,  the  Sonne 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  L  sc.  il]    1 1 

Of  Charles  the  Great.     Alib  King  Lewes  the  Tenth, 

Who  was  fole  Heire  to  the  Vfurper  Capet, 

Could  not  keepe  quiet  in  his  conftittace, 
80  Wearing  the  Crowne  of  France,  'till  fatisn'd 

That  faire  Queene  Ij'al-ri,  his  Grandmother, 

Was  Lineall  of  the  Lady  Ermengare, 

Daughter  to  Charles  the  torefaid  Duke  of  Loraine  : 
84  By  the  which  Marriage,  the  Lyne  of  Charles  the  Great 

Was  re-vnited  to  the  Crowne  of  France. 

So  that,  as  cleare  as  is  the  Summers  Sunne, 

King  Pepins  Title,  and  Hugh  Capets  Clayme. 
88  King  Lewes  his  fatistattion,  all  appeare 

To  hold  in  Right  and  Title  of  the  Female  : 

So  doe  the  Kings  of  France  vnto  this  day ; 

Howbeit  they  would  hold  vp  this  Salique  Law 
92  To  barre  your  Highnelfe  clayraing  from  the  Female ; 

And  rather  chufe  to  hide  them  in  a  Net, 

Then  amply  to  imbarre  their  crooked  Titles 

Vfurpt  from  you  and  your  Progenitors. 

96      A'.  Hen.  May  I,  with  right  and  conference,  make  this  claim  ? 
Cant.  The  finne  vpon  my  head,  dread  Soueraigne  ! 

For  in  the  Booke  of  Numbers  is  it  writ, 

'  When  the  man  dyes,  let  the  Inheritance 
100  Defcend  vnto  the  Daughter.'     Gracious  Lord, 

Stand  for  your  owne ;  vnwind  your  bloody  Flagge  \ 

Looke  back  into  your  mightie  Anceftors  : 

Goe,  my  dread  Lord,  to  your  great  Grandfim  Tombe, 
104  From  whom  you  clayme  j  inuoke  his  Warlike  Spirit, 

And  your  Great  Vnckles,  Edward  the  Black  Prince, 

Who  on  the  French  ground  play'd  •  Tragedir, 

Making  defeat  on  the  lull  Power  of  France, 
108  Whiles  his  mod  mightie  Father,  on  a  Hill, 

Stood  fmiling  to  behold  his  Lyons  Whelpe 

Forrage  in  blood  of  French  Nobilitie. 


ACT  i.  sc  il]          THc  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  12 

O  Noble  Engliih,  that  could  cntertaine 
112  With  halfe  their  Force*,  the  full  pride  of  France} 

And  let  another  halfe  (land  laughing  by, 

All  out  of  worke,  and  cold  for  acTion  ! 

Ely.  Awake  remembrance  of  thefe  valiant  dead, 
116  And  with  your  puiflaut  Arme  renew  their  Feats  j 

You  are  their  Heire,  you  fit  vpon  their  Throne : 

The  Blood  and  Courage,  that  renowned  them, 

Runs  in  your  Veinesj  and  my  thrice-puirtant  Liege 
1 20  Is  in  the  very  May-Morne  of  his  Youth, 

Ripe  for  Exploits  and  mightie  Enterprife*. 

Ere.  Your  Brother  Kings  and  Monarchs  of  the  Earth, 

Doe  all  expect  that  you  mould  rowfe  your  fclfe, 
1 24  As  did  the  former  Lyons  of  your  Blood.  (might : 

H',jt.  They  know  your  Grace  hath  caufe,  and  means,  and 

So  hath  your  Highnefle  ;  neuer  King  of  England 

Had  Nobles  richer,  and  more  loyal  1  Subie&s, 
128  Whofe  hearts  haue  left  their  bodyes  here  in  England, 

And  lye  pauillion'd  in  the  fields  of  France. 

Coal.  O,  let  their  bodyes  follow,  my  deare  Liege, 

With  Blood,f  and  Sword,  and  Fire,  to  win  your  Right : 
132  In  ayde  whereof,  we  of  the  Spiritualtie, 

Will  rayie  your  Highnefle  fuch  a  mightie  Summe, 

As  neuer  did  the  Clergie  at  one  time 

Bring  in  to  any  of  your  Anceftors. 
136      K.  Hen.  We  muft  not  onely  arme  t'inuade  the  French, 

But  lay  downe  our  proportions  to  defend 

Againft  the  Scot,  who  will  make  roade  vpon  vs, 

With  all  aduantages. 
140      Cant.   They  of  thofe  Marches,  gracious  Soueraign, 

Shall  be  a  Wall  futficient  to  defend 

Our  in-land  from  the  pilfering  Borderers. 

K.  Hen.  We  do  not  meane  the  courfing  matchers  onely, 
144  But  feare  the  maine  intendment  of  the  Scot, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  i.  sc.  iL]    13 

Who  hath  been  dill  a  giddy  neighbour  to  vs ; 

For  you  (hall  reade,  that  ray  great  Grandfather 

Neuer  went  with  his  forces  into  France, 
148  But  that  the  Scot,  on  his  vnfurnilht  Kingdome, 

Came  pouring  like  the  Tyde  into  a  breach, 

With  ample  and  brim  fu Incite  of  his  force ; 

Galling  the  gleaned  Land  with  hot  Aflayes ; 
152  Girding  with  grieuous  fiege,  Cartles  and  Townes : 

That  England,  being  emptie  of  defence, 

Hath  (hooke  and  trembled  at  th'ill  neighbourhood. 

Cant.  She  hath  bin  then  more  fear'd  then  harm'd,  my  Liege ; 
156  For  heare  her  but  exampl'd  by  her  fclfe : 

When  all  her  Cheualrie  hath  been  in  France, 

And  (hee,  a  mourning  Widdow  of  her  Nobles, 

Shee  hath  her  felfe  not  onely  well  defended, 
1 60  But  taken,  and  impounded  as  a  Stray, 

The  King  of  Scots,  whom  (hee  did  fend  to  France, 

To  fill  King  Edwards  fame  with  prifoner  King*, 

And  make  hert  Chronicle  as  rich  with  prayle, 
164  As  is  the  Owfe  and  bottome  of  the  Sea 

With  funkcn  Wrack  and  fum-lefle  Treasuries. 
West.  But  there's  a  faying  very  old  and  true  : 

'  If  that  you  will  France  win, 
1 68  Then  with  Scotland  first  begin.'  t 

For  once  the  Eagle,  England,  being  in  prey, 

To  her  vnguarded  Ncft,  the  Wcazcll  Scot 

Comes  freaking,  and  fo  fucks  her  Princely  Egget, 
172  Playing  the  Moufe  in  abfcnce  of  the  Cat, 

To  taint  t  and  hauocke  more  then  (he  can  eate. 
Eset.  It  followes  then,  the  Cat  mud  (lay  at  home : 

Yet  that  is  but  a  crum'd  necefsitj, 
176  Since  we  haue  lockes  to  (aicgard  neceflTarict, 

And  pretty  traps  to  catch  the  petty  theeucs. 

While  that  the  Armed  hand  doth  fight  abroad. 


ACT  i.  sc  ii.]          Tlit  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 

Th'aduifed  head  defends  it  felfe  at  home ; 
i  So  For  Goucrnment — though  high,  and  low,  and  lower. 

Put  into  parts— doth  keepe  in  one  confent, 

Congreeing  in  a  full  and  natural  clofe, 

Like  Muficke. 

Cant.  Therefore  doth  heauen  diuide 

184  The  (late  of  roan  in  diuers  fun&idas, 

Setting  endeuour  in  continual  motion  ; 

To  which  is  fixed,  as  an  ayme  or  butt, 

Obedience  :  for  fo  worke  the  Hony  Bees ; 
1 88  Creatures  that,  by  a  rule  in  Nature,  teach 

The  Ad  of  Order  to  a  peopled  Kingdome. 

They  haue  a  King,  and  Officers  of  forts : 

Where  fome,  like  Magistrates,  correct  at  home ; 
192  Others,  like  Merchants,  venter  Trade  abroad  , 

Others,  like  Souldiers,  armed  in  their  (lings, 

Make  boote  vpon  the  Summers  Veluet  buddes. 

Which  pillage,  they  with  merry  march  bring  home 
196  To  the  Tent-royal  of  their  Emperor  : 

Who,  bufied  in  his  Maiefties,  furueyes 

The  (inging  Malbns  building  roofes  of  Gold  ; 

The  ciuil  Citizens  kneading  vp  the  hony  j 
200  The  poore  Mechanicke  Porters  crowding  in 

Their  heauy  burthens  at  his  narrow  gate ; 

The  fad-ey'd  luflice,  with  his  furly  humme, 

Deliuering  ore  to  Executors  pale 
204  The  lazie  yawning  Drone.     I  this  inferre  : 

That  many  things,  hauing  full  reference 

To  one  confent,  may  worke  contrarioully  : 

As  many  Arrowes,  loofed  feuerall  wayes, 
208  Come  to  one  marke ;  as  many  wayes  meet  in  one  towne ; 

As  many  frefti  ftreames  meet  in  one  fait  fea ; 

As  many  Lynes  clofe  in  the  Dials  center ; 

So  may  a  thoufand  actions,  once  a  foote, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  L  sc  il]    15 

212  End  t  in  one  purpofe,  and  be  all  well  borne 

Without  defeat     Therefore  to  France,  my  Liege ; 

Diuide  your  happy  England  into  foure, 

Whereof,  take  you  one  quarter  into  France, 
216  And  you  wit  hall  (hall  make  all  Gallia  (hake. 

If  we,  with  thrice  fuch  powers  left  at  home, 

Cannot  defend  our  owne  doom  from  the  doggc, 

Let  vt  be  worried,  and  our  Nation  lofe 
220  The  name  of  hardinclfe  and  policie. 

K.  Hen.  Call  in  the  Meflcngen  fent  from  the  Dolphin. 

[Exeunt  tome  Attendants. 

Now  are  we  well  refolu'd ;  and,  by  Gods  helpe, 

And  yours,  the  noble  finewes  of  our  power, 
224  France  being  ours,  wee'l  bend  it  to  our  Awe, 

Or  breake  it  all  to  peeces :  Or  there  wee'l  (it, 

Ruling  in  large  and  ample  Emperie, 

Ore  France  and  all  her  almoft  Kingly  Dukedomes; 
228  Or  lay  thefe  bones  in  an  vnworthy  Vrne, 

Tomblefle,  with  no  remembrance  ouer  them  : 

Either  our  Hiftory  (hall,  with  full  mouth, 

Speake  freely  of  our  A6b ;  or  elfe  our  graue, 
232  Like  Turkilh  mute,  (hall  haue  a  tonguelelfc  mouth, 

Not  worihipt  with  a  waxen  Epitaph. 

Enter  Ambafladon  of  France. 

Now  are  we  well  prepar'd  to  know  the  pleafure 
Of  our  faire  Co(in  Dolphin  ;  for  we  hetre 
236  Your  greeting  is  from  him,  not  from  the  King. 

Amb.  May't  pleafe  your  Maieftic  to  giue  v§  Icaue 
Freely  to  render  what  we  haue  in  charge  ; 
Or  (hall  we  fparitigly  (hew  you  farrc  off 
240  The  Dolphins  meaning,  and  our  Emba&e  ? 

K.  Hat.  We  are  no  Tyrant,  but  a  Chriltian  King, 
Vnto  whofc  grace  our  pafton  is  as  fubied. 


ACT  i.  sc  ii. J          The  Life  of  Henry  the  FY/>. 


16 


As  is  our  wretches  fettred  in  our  prifons : 

*44  Therefore,  with  franke  and  with  vncurbed  plainncfle, 
Tell  vs  the  Dolphins  mi  tide. 

Amb.  Thus,  than,  in  few. 

Your  Highnefle,  lately  fending  into  France, 
Did  clairae  fome  certaine  Dukedomes,  in  the  right 

248  Of  your  great  Predeceflbr,  King  Edwdrd  the  third. 
In  anfwer  of  which  claime,  the  Prince  our  Mailer 
Sayes,  'that  you  fauour  too  much  of  your  youth, 
And  bids  you  be  aduis'd  :  There's  nought  in  France, 

252  That  can  be  with  a  nimble  Galliard  wonne ; 
You  cannot  reuell  into  Dukedomes  there.' 
He  therefore  fends  you,  meeter  for  your  fpirit, 
This  Tun  of  Treafure  j    [//«.•  deliuereth  a   Tunne  of  Tennis 
Balles.]  and,  in  lieu  of  this, 

256  Defires  you  let  the  dukedomes  that  you  claime, 
Heare  no  more  of  you.     This,  the  Dolphin  fpeakes. 
K.  Hen.  What  Treafure,  Vncle  ? 

Ere.  Tennis  balles,  my  Liege. 

K.  Hen.  We  are  glad  the  Dolphin  is  fo  pleafant  with  vs ; 

260  His  Prefent,  and  your  paines,  we  thanke  you  for : 
When  we  haue  matcht  our  Rackets  to  thefe  Balles, 
We  will,  in  France,  by  Gods  grace,  play  a  fet, 
Shall  ftrike  his  fathers  Crowne  into  the  hazard. 

264  Tell  him, '  he  hath  made  a  match  with  fuch  a  Wrangler, 
That  all  the  Courts  of  France  will  be  difturb'd 
With  Chaces.'     And  we  vnderftand  him  well, 
How  he  comes  o're  vs  with  our  wilder  dayes, 

268  Not  meafuring  what  vfe  we  made  of  them. 
We  neuer  valew'd  this  poore  feate  of  England  ; 
And,  therefore,  liuing  hence,  did  giue  our  felfe 
To  barbarous  licenfe ;  As  'tis  euer  common, 

272  That  men  are  merrieft  when  they  are  from  home. 
But  tell  the  Dolphin,  '  I  will  keepe  my  State ; 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  L  sc  il]    j  7 

Be  like  a  King,  and  (hew  my  faylc  of  Great  nefle. 

When  I  do  rowfe  me  in  my  Throne  of  France : 
276  For  that  I  haue  layd  by  my  Maieftie, 

And  plodded  like  a  man  for  working  dayet ; 

But  I  will  rife  there  with  fo  full  a  glorie. 

That  I  will  dazle  all  the  eyes  of  France, 
280  Yea,  ftrike  the  Dolphin  blinde  to  looke  on  v*. 

And  tell  the  pleafant  Prince, '  this  Mocke  of  hi* 

Hath  tura'd  hU  balles  to  Gun-ftone* ;  and  his  foule 

Shall  (land  fore  charged  for  the  waltefull  vengeance 
284  That  (hall  flye  with  them :  for  many  a  thoufaud  widow* 

Shall  this  hii  Mocke,  mocke  out  of  their  deer  husband* ; 

Mocke  mother*  from  their  fonne*,  mock  Cattle*  downe  j 

And  fome  are  yet  vngotten  and  vnborne, 
288  That  mal  haue  caufe  to  curie  the  Dolphins  fcorne.' 

But  this  lyes  all  within  the  wil  of  God, 

To  whom  I  do  appeale,  and  in  whofe  name, 

Tel  you  the  Dolphin, '  I  am  comming  on, 
292  To  venge  me  as  I  may,  and  to  put  forth 

My  rightful!  hand  in  a  wel-hallow'd  caufe.' 

So,  get  you  hence  in  peace  j  And  tell  the  Dolphin, 

'  Hi*  left  will  fauour  but  of  (hallow  wit, 
296  When  thoufands  weepe  more  then  did  laugh  at  it.' 

H  Conuey  them  with  fafc  conduct.     H  Fare  you  well. 

[Exeunt  Ambafljdon. 
Ere.  This  wa*  a  merry  Meflage. 
A'.  Hen.  We  hope  to  make  the  Sender  blulh  at  it. 

[DrfcmJsfrom  kit  throne. 
300  Therefore,  my  Lord*,  omit  no  happy  howre 

That  may  giuc  furtherance  to  our  Expedition  ; 

For  we  haue  now  no  thought  in  v«  but  France, 

Saue  thofe  to  God,  that  runne  before  our  butinetfe : 
304  Therefore,  let  our  proportion*  for  thefe  Warrc*. 

Be  (bone  collected,  and  all  thing*  thought  vpon. 


ACT  ii. J  The  Lift  of  Henry  the  fV/*.  18 

That  may,  with  reafonablc  lw  ift  turtle,  adde 
More  Feathen  to  our  Wings ;  for,  Gtxl  before, 
308  Wee'le  chide  this  Dolphin  at  hit  fatben  doore. 
Therefore,  let  euery  man  now  taske  bis  thought, 
That  this  fairc  Action  may  on  loot  be  brought.          [Exeunt. 


ACT   II. 

Flourtfh.     Enter  Chorus. 

Now  all  the  Youth  of  England  are  on  tire, 
And  (ilken  Dalliance  in  the  Wardrobe  lyes  j 
Now  thriue  the  Armorers,  and  Honors  thought 
4  Reignes  fulely  in  the  bread  of  euery  man. 
They  fell  the  1'allure  now,  to  buy  the  Horfe } 
Following  the  Mirror  of  all  Chriftian  Kings, 
With  winged  heeles,  as  Englilh  Mercuries. 
8  For  now  fits  Expectation  in  the  Ayre ; 
And  hides  a  Sword,  from  Hilts  vnto  the  Point, 
With  Crow  ties  Imperial!,  Crownes,  and  Coronets, 
Promis'd  to  Harry,  and  his  followers. 

12  The  French,  aduis'd  by  good  intelligence 
Of  this  molt  dreadful!  preparation, 
Shake  in  their  feare ;  and  with  pale  Pollicy 
Seeke  to  diuert  the  Englifh  purpofes. 

1 6  O  England  ! — Modell  to  thy  inward  Greatnefle, 
Like  little  Body  with  a  mightie  Heart, — 
What  mightlt  thou  do,  that  honour  would  thee  do, 
Were  all  thy  children  kinde  and  natural! ! 

20  But  fee,  thy  fault  France  hath  in  thee  found  out. 
A  ncft  of  hollow  bofomes,  which  he  filles 
With  treacherous  Crownes ;  and  three  corrupted  men,- 
One,  Richard  Earle  of  Cambridge ;  and  the  fecond, 

24  Henry  Lord  Scroope  of  Mq/ham ;  and  the  third, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  11.  sc,  L]    19 

Sir  Thomas  Grey,  Knight,  of  Northumberland,-— 
Haue,  for  the  Gilt  of  France,  (O  guilt,  indeed !) 
Confirra'd  Confpiracy  with  fearefull  France  j 

t8  And  by  their  hands,  this  grace  of  Kings  murt  dye, 
—If  Hell  and  Treafon  hold  their  promifes,— 
Ere  he  take  (hip  for  France,  and  in  Southampton. 
Linger  your  patience  on,  and  wee'l  digeft 

32  Th'abufe  of  dirt  a  nee ;  force  a  play. 

The  fumme  is  payde ;  the  Traitors  are  agreed ; 
The  King  is  fet  from  London  -,  and  the  Scene 
Is  now  tranfported,  Gentles,  to  Southampton  : 

36  There  is  the  Play-houfe  now,  there  muft  you  fit : 
And  I  hence  to  France  (hall  we  conuey  you  faff, 
And  bring  you  backe,  Charming  the  narrow  feas 
To  giue  you  gentle  Pafle  ;  for,  if  we  may, 

40  Wee'l  not  offend  one  ftomacke  with  our  Play. 
But  till  the  King  come  forth,  and  not  till  then, 
Vnto  Southampton  do  we  Hiitt  our  Scene.  [En/. 

II.  L — London.     A  street . 
Enter  Corporall  NYM,  and  Lieutenant  BAKDOLH. 

Bar.  Well  met,  Corporall  JVym. 
Nym.  Good  morrow.  Lieutenant  Bardolft. 
Bar.  What,  are  Ancient  P\floll  and  you  friends  yet  ? 
4      Aym.  For  my  part,   I  care  not :    I  fay  little :    but  when 
time  (hall  feme,  there  (hall  be  fmiles ;    but  that  (hall  be  as 
it  may.     I  dare  not  right,  but  I  will  winke  and  holde  out 
mine  yron :  it  is  a   Ample  one,  but  what  though  ;     It  will 
8  tofte  Cheefe,  and  it  will  endure  cold  as  another  mans  fword 
will  :  and  there's  an  end. 

Bar.    I   will   beftow   a   break/aft    to   make  you   rriendes . 
and  wee'l   bee  all   three   fwornc  brothers  to  France:    Let't 
i  a  be  fo,  good  Corporall  Nym. 

ffym.  Faith,  I  will  liue  fo  long  aa  I  may,  that's  the  certain* 


ACT  a  sc  i.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl. 


20 


of  it ;  and  when  I  cannot  Hue  any  longer,  I  will  doe  as  I  may : 

That  is  my  reft,  that  is  the  rendeuous  of  it. 
1 6      Bar.    It    a   oertaine,  Corporal),  that    he    is    marrycd    to 

Nell  Quickly;   and,  certainly,  Ihe  did  you  wrong,   for  you 

were  troth-plight  to  her. 

A'ym.  I  cannot  tell :  Things  muft  be  as  they  may :  men  may 
20  fleepe,  and  they  may  haue  their  throats  about  them  at  that 

time;  and  fome  lay,  kniues  haue  edges.    It    muft  be  as  it 

may :  though  patience  be  a  tyred  mare,  t  yet  (hee  will  plodde. 

There  muft  be  Conclusions.     Well,  I  cannot  tell. 

Enter  PISTOLL  and  Hoftefle  QUICKLY,  his  wife. 

34      Bar.    Heere  comes   Ancient   P(ftoll  and   his   wife:   good 
Corporall,  be  patient  heere.   U  How  now,  mine  Hoafte  Pijloll  ? 

Plfl.  Bafe  Tyke,  cal'ft  thou  mee  *  Hofte  ? ' 
Now,  by  this  hand  I  fweare,  I  fcorne  the  terme ; 
28  Nor  (hall  my  Net  keep  Lodgers. 

Hojl.  No,  by  my  troth,  not   long :    For  we  cannot  lodge 

and  board   a  dozen    or   fourteene   Gentlewomen,   that   liue 

honeftly   by   the   pricke   of  their   Needles,   but   it   will    bee 

32  thought   we   keepe  a   Bawdy-houfe  ftraight.     [Nym  draws."] 

0  welliday,  Lady,  if  he  be  not  hewne !    Now  we  (hall  fee 
wilful  adultery  and  murther  committed. 

Bar.  Good  Lieutenant,  good  Corporal,  offer  nothing  heere, 
•36      Nym.  Pifti! 

P\fl.  Fifh  for  thee,  Ifland  dogge !  thou  prickeard  cur  of  Ifland  ! 

Hoft.  Good  Corporall    Nym,   fhew  thy   valor,  and  put  vp 
your  fword. 
40      -Nym.  [To  HOSTBSSE.]  Will  you  fhogge  off  ?     [To  PISTOLL.] 

1  would  haue  youfolus.  [Sh  fat  fas  his  sword. 

P\ft.    Solus,  egregious  dog  ?     O  Viper  vile ! 
Thefolus  in  thy  moft  meruailous  face ; 
44  Thefolus  in  thy  teeth,  and  in  thy  throate, 

And  in  thy  hatefull  Lungs,  yea,  in  thy  Maw  perdy, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  IL  sc  L]    ai 

And,  which  is  worfe,  within  thy  nailie  mouth ! 

I  do  retort  the/o/uj  in  thy  bowels ; 
48  For  I  can  take,  and  P'tflols  cocke  U  vp, 

And  Halhing  fire  will  follow. 

Nym.  I  am  not  Barlafon;  you   cannot  coniure   nu-c.     I 

haue  an   humor  to  knocke  you  indifferently  well.     If  you 
52  grow   fowle  with  me,  Pilioll,     I   will  fcoure  you  with  my 

Rapier,  as  I   may,  in  fayre  tearmes.     If  you  would  walke 

ort",  I  would  pricke  your  guts  a  little,  in  good  (carmes,  as 

I  may  -,  and  that's  the  humor  of  it. 
56      Pi/1-  O  Braggard  vile,  and  damned  furious  wight ! 

The  Graue  doth  gape,  and  doting  death  U  neere ; 

Therefore  exhale.  C^*Vy  drau'e. 

Bar.   Heare  me,  heare  me  what  I  fay  :    Hee  that  (bikes 

60  the   tint   llruuke,  He  run  him  vp  to  the   hilts,  as   I  am  a 

foldier.  [Draw. 

Pyi.  An  oath  of  mickle  might ;  and  fury  (hall  abate. 

[Shealhts  kit  word. 

Giue  me  thy  fid,  thy  fore-foote  to  me  giue  : 
64  Thy  fpirites  are  mod  tall. 

Nym.  I  will  cut  thy  throate,  one  time  or  other,  in  fiure 

termes ;  that  is  the  humor  of  it*  [Shraihfi  kit  tu-onL 

pyioU.  Coupe  la  gorge  U  the  word.      I  thec  detie  againc.t 
68  O  bound  of  Greet,  think'ft  thou  my  fpoufe  to  get  ? 

No  j  to  the  fpittle  goe, 

And  from  the  Poudring  tub  of  infamy 

Fetch  forth  the  Lazar  Kite  of  CrcJitU  kindc, 
72  Doll  Ttare-Jhttte  (he  by  name,  and  her,  efpoufe : 

I  haue,  and  I  will  hold,  the  Quondam  Quicktly 

For  the  onely  (hee  $  and — Pauca,  there's  enough. 

Go  to.t 

JbferfAt  Boy* 

76      Boy.  Mine  Hoaft  P(floll,  you  rouft  come  to  my  Mayfler, 
and  your   Hodelfe:     He   is    vcr.-    ficke,   It    would   to  bed. 


ACT  ii.  sc  i.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Flfl.  22 

9  Good  Banlnlff,  put  thy  face   bet  w  PC  no   his  (beets,  and  do 
the  Office  of  a  Warming-pan.     Faith,  he's  very  ill. 
80      Bard,  Away,  you  Rogue. 

//«•//.  By  my  troth,  he'l  yeeld  the  Crow  a  pudding  one 
of  thefe  dayes :  the  King  has  kild  his  heart.  11  Good  Huf- 
band,  come  home  profently. 

[Erfunt  Holu-iU-  QUICKLY  and  the  Boy. 

84  Bar.  Come,  (hall  I  make  you  two  friend*  ?  Wee  muft  to 
Prance  together :  why  the  diuel  ihould  we  keep  kniues  to  cut 
one  .mothers  throats  ? 

/';//.  Let  flood*  ore-fwell,  and  fiends  for  food  howle  on  ! 
88      Nym.  You'l  pay  me  the  eight  (hillings  I  won  of  you  at  Betting  ? 
Pyi.  Bafe  is  the  Slaue  that  payes. 
Nym.  That  now  I  wil  haue  ;  that's  the  humor  of  it. 
Pi/1.  As  manhood  (hal  compound  :  pu(h  home.    [They  draw. 
92      Bard.  By  this  fword,  hee  that  makes  the  first  thrult,  He  kill 
him  ;  By  this  fword,  I  wil. 

Pi.  Sword  is  an  Oath,  &  Oaths  muft  haue  their  courfe. 
Bar.  Co[r]porall  Nym,  &  thou  wilt  be  friends,  be  frends : 
96  and  thou  wilt  not,  why,  then  be  enemies  with  me  t«  >[  ].  Prethee 
put  vp. 

[\ym.  I  shall  haue  my  eight  shillings  I  wonne  of  you  at 
Betting  ?] 

i  oo      P'lfl.  A  Noble  (halt  thou  haue,  and  prefent  pay ; 
And  Liquor  likewife  will  I  giue  to  thee, 
And  friendfhippe  (hall  combyne,  and  brotherhood  : 
lie  Hue  by  Nymme,  &  Nymme  (hall  Hue  by  me ; — 
104  Is  not  this  in  ft  ?— For  I  (hal  Sutler  be 
Vnto  the  Campe,  and  profits  will  accrue. 
Giue  mee  thy  hand. 

Nym.  I  (hall  haue  my  Noble  ? 
1 08      Piji-  In  calli  mod  iuftly  payd. 

JVym.  Well,  then,  that 's  t  the  humor  oft. 

[They  sheathe  their  twords. 


Th*  Lift  of  Henry  the  f-V/f .    [ACT  IL  sc.  it]    13 

Re-enter  Holletfc  QUICKLY. 

Ho/I.  AM  euer  you  come  of  women,  come  in  quickly  to  fir 
lokn  :  A,  poore  heart !  bee  is  To  (hak'd  of  a  burning  quotidian 
112  Tertian,  that  it  U  molt  lamentable  to  behold.  Sweet  men,  come 
to  him. 

Nym.    The  King  hath  run   bad   humors  on  the  Knight, 
that's  the  euen  of  it. 

Xi6      /*///.  Nym,  thou  haft  fpoke  the  right; 
His  heart  U  traded  and  corroborate. 

Nym.  The  King  U  a  good  King:   but   it  muft  bee  as  it 
may  ;  he  pafles  fome  humors,  and  carreeres. 

P\fl.  Let  vs  condole  the  Knight ;   for,  Lanibekins,  we  will 
120  Hue.  [Lxtunt. 

U.  ii. — Southampton.     A  council-cfiaml-fr. 
Enter  EXETER,  BEDFORD,  and  WBSTMKRLAND. 

Bed.  'Fore  God,  his  Grace  U  bold,  to  truft  thefe  traitors. 

Ere.  They  (hall  be  apprehended  by  and  by. 

H'ejL  How  iinooth  and  euen  they  do  bear  themfelues ! 
4  As  if  allegeance  in  their  bofomes  fate, 
Crowned  with  faith  and  con  It  ant  loyalty. 

Bed.  The  King  hath  note  of  all  that  they  intend. 
By  interception  which  they  dreame  not  of. 
8      Ere.  Nay,  but  the  man  that  was  his  bedfellow, 
Whom  he  hath  dull'd  and  cloy'd  with  gracious  fauoun : 
That  he  would,  for  a  forraigne  purfe,  fo  fell 
His  Sooeraignes  life  to  death  and  treachery ! 

Trumpets  sound.     Enter  the  KINO,  CAMBRIDGE, 

SCKOOFS,  GREY,  and  Attendants. 

12      A'.  Hen.  Now  fits  the  winde  faire,  and  we  will  aboord. 
My  Lord  of  Cambridge,  and  my  kinde  Lord  of  Alq/kam, 
And  you,  my  gentle  Knight,  giuc  me  your  thoughts: 
Thinke  you  not,  that  the  powre*  we  beare  with  vs 
1 6  Will  cut  their  partagc  through  the  force  of  France  j 


ACT  ii.  sc  ii.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Rft.  24 

Doing  the  execution  and  the  ade, 

For  which  we  haue  in  head  affembled  them  ? 

Srro.  No  doubt,  my  Liege,  if  each  man  do  his  belt. 
20      A'.  Hen.  I  doubt  not  that ;  fincc  we  are  well  perfwaded 

We  carry  not  a  heart  with  vs  from  hence, 

That  growe»  not  in  a  fairc  con  font  with  ours; 

Nor  leaue  not  one  bchinde,  that  doth  not  wi(h 
24  Succerte  and  Conqueft  to  attend  on  vs. 

Cam.  Neuer  was  Monarch  better  fear'd  and  lou'd 

Then  is  your  Maiefty  :  there's  not,  I  thinkc,  a  fubied, 

That  fits  in  heart-greefe  and  vneafinerte, 
28  Vnder  the  fweet  (hade  of  your  gouernment. 

Grey.  True :  thofe  that  were  your  Fathers  enemies 

Haue  fteep'd  their  gauls  in  bony,  and  do  ferue  you 

With  hearts  create  of  duty  and  of  zeale. 
32      A".  Hen.  We  therefore  haue  great  caufe  of  thankfulnes ; 

And  (hall  forget  the  office  of  our  hand 

Sooner  then  quittance  of  defert  and  merit, 

According  to  the  weight  and  worthinefle. 
36      Sen.  So  feruice  mail  with  fteeled  finewes  toyle, 

And  labour  fhall  refrefh  it  felfe  with  hope, 

To  do  your  Grace  inceflant  feruices. 

K.  Hen.  We  ludge  no  lefle.     H  Vnkle  of  Exeter, 
40  Inlarge  the  man  committed  yefterday, 

That  rayl'd  againft  our  perfon :  We  confider 

It  wm  excefle  of  Wine  that  fet  him  on, 

And,  on  his  more  aduice,  We  pardon  him. 
44      Scro.  That's  mercy,  but  too  much  fecurity  : 

Let  him  be  punifh'd,  Soueraigne,  leaft  example 

Breed,  by  his  fufferance,  more  of  fuch  a  kind. 

K.  Hen.  O,  let  vs  yet  be  mercirull. 
48      Cam.  So  may  your  Highnefle,  and  yet  punifh  too. 
Grey.  Sir, 

You  fhew  great  mercy  if  you  giue  him  life, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  IL  sc  il]    25 

After  the  tafte  of  much  corre&ion. 
52      A'.  Hen.  Alas,  your  too  much  loue  and  care  of  me. 

Are  heauy  Orifons  'gainft  this  poore  wretch. 

If  little  faults,  proceeding  on  diftemper, 

Shall  not  be  wink'd  at,  how  (hall  we  ftretch  our  eye 
56  When  capital!  crimes,  chew'd,  fwallow'd,  and  digefted, 

Appeare  before  vs  ?     Wee'l  yet  inlarge  that  man, 

Though  Cambridge,  Scrooftt,  and  Grry,t  in  their  dcere  care 

And  tender  preferuation  of  our  perfon, 
60  Wold  haue  him  puni Jh'd.  And  now  to  our  French  caufcs ; 

Who  are  the  late  Commiflioners  ? 
Cam.  I  one,  my  Lord : 

Your  High  nolle  bad  me  aske  for  it  to  day. 
64      Scro.  So  did  you  me,  my  Liege. 

Grey.  And  I,  my  Royall  Soueraigne. 

K.  Hen.  Then,  Richard,  Earle  of  Cambridge,  there  is  youn: 

U  There  yours,  Lord  Scroope  of  Majham  :  U  and,  Sir  Knight, 
68  Grey  t  of  Northumberland,  this  fame  is  yours  : — 

Reade  them  ;  and  know,  I  know  your  worthinefle. 

U  My  Lord  of  Wejlmerland,  and  Vnkle  Ereter, 

We  will  aboord  to  night.     H  Why,  how  now,  Gentlemen  ! 
72  What  foe  you  in  thofe  papers,  that  you  loofe 

So  much  complexion  ?    11  Looke  ye,  how  they  change  ! 

Their  cheekes  are  paper.     H  Why,  what  reade  you  there, 

That  hath  t  fo  COWMfdeJ  and  chac'd  your  blood 

Out  of  apparance  ? 
76      Cam.  I  do  oonfefle  my  fault ; 

And  do  fubmit  me  to  your  Highnefle  mercy. 

I   To  which  we  all  appeale. 

K.  Hen.  The  mercy,  that  was  quicke  in  rt  but  late, 
80  By  your  owne  counfailc  is  fuppreft  and  kill'd : 
You  muft  not  dare,  for  flume,  to  talke  of  mercy  j 
For  your  owne  reafons  turne  into  your  boforacs. 


ACT  IL  80  il]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 

As  dogi.vpon  their  maiftcn,  worrying  you. 
84  U  See  you,  my  Princes,  and  my  Noble  Pecres, 

Tbefe  Knglilh  monllen  !  My  Lord  of  Cambridge  heere,- 
You  know  bow  apt  our  loue  was,  to  accord 
To  lurniih  [him]  with  all  appcrtinenti 
88  Belonging  to  his  Honour  •,  and  this  man 

Hath,  for  a  few  light  Crownes,  lightly  confpir'd, 
And  fworne  vnto  the  pra&ifes  of  France, 
To  kill  vs  heere  in  Hampton :  To  the  which, 
92  This  Knight,  no  lefle  for  bounty  bound  to  Vs 

Then  Cambridge  is,  hath  likewife  fworne. — f  But,  O ! 
What  (hall  I  lay  to  thee,  Lord  Scroope  ?  thou  cruell, 
Ingratefull,  feuage,  and  inhumane  Creature  ! 
96  Thou,  that  didfl  beare  the  key  of  all  my  counfatles, 
That  knew 'ft  the  very  bottome  of  my  foule, 
That  almofl  might 'ft  haue  coyn'd  me  into  Golde, 
Would'ft  thou  haue  pradis'd  on  me  for  thy  vfe : 

loo  May  it  be  possible,  that  forraigne  hyer 

Could  out  of  thee  extract  one  fparke  of  euill 
That  might  annoy  my  finger  ?  'Tis  fo  ftrange, 
That,  though  the  truth  of  it  ftands  off  as  grade 

104  As  blacke  and  white,  my  eye  will  fcarfely  fee  it. 
Treaion  and  raurther  euer  kept  together, 
As  two  yoake  diuels  fworne  to  eythers  purpofe, 
Working  fo  groflely  in  a  t  naturall  caufe, 

1 08  That  admiration  did  not  hoope  at  them  : 

But  thou,  'gainft  all  proportion,  didfl  bring  in 
Wonder,  to  waite  on  treafon,  and  on  murther : 
And  whatfoeuer  cunning  fiend  it  was 

us  That  wrought  vpon  thee  fo  prepofteroufly, 
Hath  got  the  voyce  in  hell  for  excellence  : 
And  other  diuels,  that  fugged  by  treafons, 
Do  botch  and  bungle  vp  damnation 

116  With  patches,  colours,  and  with  formes  being  fetcht 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  11.  sc  il]    17 

From  glift'ring  femblances  of  piety  ; 

But  he  that  temper'd  tbee,  bad  thee  (land  vp, 

Gaue  thee  no  inftance  why  thou  (houldft  do  treafon, 
1 20  Vnlefle  to  dub  thee  with  the  name  of  Traitor. 

If  that  fame  Daemon,  that  hath  gull'd  thee  thus, 

Should  with  his  Lyou-gate  walke  the  whole  world. 

He  might  returne  to  vaftie  Tartar  backe, 
124  And  tell  the  Legions, '  I  can  neuer  win 

A  foule  fo  eafie  as  that  Englishman*.' 

Oh,  how  hail  thou  with  iealoufie  infixed 

The  fweetnefle  of  affiance !   Shew  men  dutifull  ? 
128  Why,  fo  did  ft  thou  :   Seeme  they  graue  and  learned  ? 

Why,  fo  didft  thou :  Come  they  of  Noble  Family  ? 

Why,  fo  didft  thou :   Seeme  they  religious  ? 

Why,  fo  didft  thou :  Or  are  they  fpare  in  diet ; 
132  Free  from  grofle  palsion,  or  of  mirth  or  anger ; 

Conftant  in  fpirit,  not  fweruing  with  the  blood  j 

Garni  fli'd  and  deck'd  in  modeft  complement ; 

Not  working  with  the  eye  without  the  eare, 
136  And,  but  in  purged  iudgement,  trufting  neither? 

Such,  and  fo  finely  boulted,  didft  thou  feeroe : 

And  thus  thy  fall  hath  left  a  kinde  of  blot, 

To  ma[r]ke  the  t  full  fraught  man  and  beft  indu'd, 
140  With  fome  fufpition.     I  will  weepe  for  thee ; 

For  this  rcuolt  of  thine,  me  thinkes,  is  like 

Another  fall  of  Man.     f  Their  faults  are  open : 

Arreft  them  to  the  anfwer  of  the  Law  j 
144  And  God  acquit  them  of  their  pra&ife* ! 

Exe.    I   arreft   thee  of  High  Treafon,   by   the    name   of 

Richard  Earle  of  Camlridgr. 

I  arreft  thee  of  High  Treafon,  by  the  name  of 
148  Lord  Scroope  of  Mq/ham.t 

I   arreft   thee  of  High  Treafon,  by  the  name  of 

Grey,  Knight,  of  \'orthumitrland. 


ACT  IL  sc  ii.J         The  Life  of  Henry  the  FiJ'l.  28 

Scro.  Our  purpofe*,  God  iuflly  bath  difcouer'd; 
152  And  I  repeat  my  fault  more  then  my  death  j 

Which  I  befeech  your  Highnede  to  forgiue. 

Although  my  body  pay  the  price  of  it. 

Cam.  For  me :  the  Gold  of  France  did  not  feduce  j 
156  Although  I  did  admit  it  as  a  motiue. 

The  fooner  to  effed  what  1  intended : 

But  God  be  thanked  for  preuention ; 

Which  [I]  in  fufferance  heartily  will  reioyce, 
1 60  Befeeching  God,  and  you,  to  pardon  mee. 

Grey.  Neuer  did  faithfull  fubied  more  reioyce 

At  the  difcouery  of  mod  dangerous  Treafon, 

Then  I  do  at  this  houre  toy  ore  my  felfe, 
164  Preuented  from  a  damned  enterprize  : 

My  fault,  but  not  my  body,  pardon,  Soueraigne ! 

A*.  Hen.  God  quit  you  in  his  mercy  1     Hear  your  fentence. 

You  haue  confpir'd  againft  Our  Royall  perfon, 
1 68  loyn'd  with  an  enemy  proclaim'd,  and  from  his  Coffers 

Receyu'd  the  Golden  Earned  of  Our  death ; 

Wherein  you  would  haue  fold  your  King  to  (laughter,    . 

His  Princes  and  his  Peeres  to  feruitude, 
172  His  Subie&s  to  oppression  and  contempt, 

And  his  whole  Kingdome  into  defolation. 

Touching  our  perfon,  feeke  we  no  reuenge ; 

But  we  our  Kingdomes  fafety  mult  fo  tender, 
176  Whofe  mine  you  [haue]  fought,  that  to  her  Lawes 

We  do  deliuer  you.     Get  you  therefore  hence, 

Poore  miferable  wretches,  to  your  death  : 

The  talte  whereof,  God,  of  his  mercy,  giue 
1 80  You  patience  to  indure,  and  true  Repentance 

Of  all  your  deare  offences !     H  Beare  them  hence. 

[Exeunt  CAMBRIDGE,  SCROOPE  and  GREY,  guarded. 

U  Now,  Lords,  for  France  j  the  enterprife  whereof 

Shall  be  to  you,  as  vs,  like  glorious. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  u.  sc  ill]    29 

184  We  doubt  not  of  a  faire  and  luckie  Warre  ; 

Since  God  fo  gracioufly  hath  brought  to  light 

This  dangerous  Trealbn,  lurking  in  our  way, 

To  hinder  our  beginnings.    We  doubt  not  now 
188  But  euery  Rubbe  is  fmoothed  on  our  way. 

Then  forth,  deare  Countreymen :  Let  vs  deliuer 

Our  Puitfance  into  the  hand  of  God, 

Putting  it  ftraight  in  expedition. 
19*  Cbearely  to  Sea ;  the  figncs  of  Warre  aduance : 

No  King  of  England,  if  not  King  of  France ! 

[AYoarj/ft.     Exeunt. 

II.  iii. — London.    Before  the  Boar's  Head  Tavern  in  Eattcbcap. 

Enter  PISTOLL,  Nm,  BARDOLPH,  Hoftefle  QUICKLY,  and 

the  Boy. 

Hojlfffe.  'Prythee,  honey  fweet  Husband,  let  me  bring  thec 
to  Staines. 

P\fioll.  No  j  for  my  manly  heart  doth  erne. 
4  U  Bardolph,  be  blythe  :  U  Nlm,  rowfe  thy  vaunting  Veine* : 
f  Boy,  brilile  thy  Courage  vp  j  for  Fa\fiaffe  hec  u  dead. 
And  wee  muft  erne  therefore. 

Bard.    Would    I    were   with    him,   wherrfomere    bee    is, 
8  eyther  in  Heauen  or  in  Hell. 

Hojlefft.  Nay,  fure,  bee's  not  in  Hell :  bee's  in  Arthur* 
Bofome,  if  euer  man  went  to  Arthur i  BoComc.  A  made  a 
finer  end,  and  went  away  and  it  had  beene  any  Chriftome 
i  a  Child ;  a  parted  eu'n  iuft  betweene  Twelue  and  One,  eu'n 
at  the  turning  o'thTyde:  for  after  I  faw  him  fumble  with 
the  Sheets,  and  play  with  Rowers,  and  frailc  vpon  hb  fingers 
end,  I  knew  there  was  but  one  way ;  for  hb  Noie  was  at 
1 6  Iharpe  as  a  Pen,  and  a  babbled  t  of  greene  fields.  '  How  now, 
Sir  lohn  ?  quoth  I :  what,  man !  be  a  good  cheare.'  So  a 
cryed  out  'God,  God,  God!'  three  or  foure  times  :  now  I, 
to  comfort  him,  bid  him  a  mould  not  thinke  of  God|  I 


ACT  it  sc.  iiL]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.  30 

ao  hop'd   there   was  no  neede   to    trouble   himfelfe  with    any 
iiK-h   thought*  yet:  To  •  bad  roe  lay  more  Clothe*  on  his 
feet :  I  put  my  hand  into  the  Bed,  and  felt  them,  and  they 
were  as  cold  as  any  ftoue ;  then  I  felt  to  his  knees,  and  fo 
94  rpward,  and  vpward.t  and  all  was  as  cold  as  any  (lone. 
\im.  They  fay  he  cryed  out  of  Sack. 
Haflfffe.  I,  that  a  did. 
Bard.  And  of  Women. 
28      Hofltflc.  Nay,  that  a  did  not. 

Ay.  Yes,  that  a  did ;  and  faid  they  were  Deules  incarnate. 
Hqftefff.  A  could  neuer  abide  Carnation  ;  'twas  a  Colour  he 
neuer  lik'd. 

32      Bay.  A  faid  once,  the  Deule  would  haue  him  about  Women. 
Hoflfffe.  A  did  in  fome  fort,  indeed,  handle  Women ;  but 
then  bee  was  rumatique,  and  talk'd  of  the  Whore  of  Babylon. 

Boy.  Doe  you   not   remember  a   faw  a  Flea   fticke  vpon 
36  Bardolphs    Nofe,  and  a  faid  it  was  a  blacke  Soule  burning 
in  Hell  [lire]  ? 

Bard.  Well,  the  fuell   is   gone   that   maintain'd    that    fire : 
that's  all  the  Riches  I  got  in  his  feruice. 

40      Nim.  Shall   wee   ftiogg?    the   King    will    be    gone    from 
Southampton. 

P'l/l.  Come,  let's  away.     U  My  Loue,  giue  me  thy  Lippes. 
Looke  to  my  Chattels  and  my  Moueables : 
44  Let  Sences  rule ;  The  word  t  is  '  Pitch  and  pay  ; ' 
Truft  none; 

For  Oathes  are  Strawes,  mens  Faiths  are  Wafer-Cakes, 
And  hold-fall  is  the  onely  Dogge,  My  Ducke ; 
48  Therefore,  Caueto  bee  thy  Counfailor. 

Goe,  cleare  thy  Chryftalls.     U  Yoke-fellowes  in  Armes, 
Let  vs  to  France !  like  Horfe  leeches,  my  Boyes  j 
To  fucke,  to  fucke,  the  very  blood  to  fucke ! 
52      Boy.  And  that's  but  vnwholefome  food,  they  fay. 
Fiji.  Touch  her  foft  mouth,  and  march. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  u.  sc  iv.]    31 

Bard.  Farwell,  Huftclfe.     [A'ustng  her.] 
A'iai.  I  cannot  kille,  that  is  the  humor  of  it ;  but,  adieu. 
56      Pi/1.  Let  Hufwiferie  appeare :  keepe  clofc,  I  thee  command. 
Hoflejfe.  Farwell;  adieu.  [Exeunt. 

II.  iv.— France.     The  FBBMCH  KINO'S  Palace. 

Flouri/h.     Enter  the  FRENCH  KINO,  the  DOLPHIN,  the  CON- 

•TABLE,  the  DUKES  or  BERRY  and  BRITAINB,  and  other*. 

Fr.  King.  Thus  comes  the  Engliih  with  full  power  vpon  v» ; 

And  more  then  carefully  it  vi  concemes 

To  anfwer  Royally  in  our  defence*. 
4  Therefore  the  Dukes  of  Berry,  and  of  Britaine, 

Of  Bribant,  and  of  Orleance,  (hall  make  forth, — 

f  And  you,  Prince  Dolphin, — H  with  all  fwift  difpatch. 

To  lyne,  and  new  repayre  our  Townes  of  Warre, 
8  With  men  of  courage,  and  with  meanes  defendant , 

For  England,  his  approaches  makes  as  fierce 

As  Waters  to  the  fucking  of  a  Gulfe. 

It  fits  vs  then,  to  be  as  prouident 
la  As  feare  may  teach  vs,  out  of  late  examples 

Left  by  the  fatall  and  negleded  Engliih 

Vpon  our  fields. 

Dolphin.  My  mod  redoubted  Father, 

It  is  moft  meet  we  arme  vs  'gainft  the  Foe : 
1 6  For  Peace  it  felfe  mould  not  fo  dull  a  KingJome, 

Though  War  nor  no  knowne  Quarrel  were  in  queftion. 

But  that  Defences,  Mutter*,  Preparations, 

Should  be  maintain'd,  aflrmbled,  and  collected, 
ao  As  were  a  Warre  in  expectation. 

Therefore,  I  fay,  'tis  meet  we  all  gne  forth 

To  view  the  fick  and  feeble  parts  of  France  § 

And  let  vs  doe  it  with  no  (hew  of  feare ; 
24  No,  with  no  more  then  if  we  heard  that  England 

Were  bufied  with  a  Whitfon  Morris-dance  : 


ACT  ii.  sc  iv.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift. 

For,  my  good  Liege,  (hee  is  fo  idly  King'd, 

Her  Scepter  fo  phantaftically  borne 
28  By  a  vaine,  giddie,  (hallow,  humorous  Youth, 

Th.it  feare  attends  her  not. 

Const.  O  peace,  Prince  Dolphin ! 

You  are  too  much  miftaken  in  this  King : 

H  Queftion,  your  Grace,  the  late  Embafladora, — 
32  With  what  great  State  he  heard  their  Embafiie, 

How  well  fupply'd  with  Noble  Councilors, 

How  modeft  in  exception,  and,  withall, 

How  terrible  in  conllant  refolution, — 
36  And  you  (hall  find,  his  Vanities  fore-fpent 

Were  but  the  out-fide  of  the  Roman  Brutus, 

Couering  Difcretion  with  a  Coat  of  Folly  j 

As  Gardeners  doe  with  Ordure  hide  thofe  Roots 
40  That  (hall  firft  fpring,  and  be  mod  delicate. 

Dolphin.  Well,  'tis  not  fo,  my  Lord  High  Conftable ; 

But  though  we  thinke  it  fo,  it  is  no  matter  : 

In  cafes  of  defence,  'tis  beft  to  weigh 
44  The  Enemie  more  mightie  then  he  feemes : 

So  the  proportions  of  defence  are  fill'd ; 

Which,  of  a  weake  and  niggardly  proie&ion, 

Doth,  like  a  Mifer,  fpoyle  his  Coat  with  scanting 

A  little  Cloth. 
48      Fr.  King.        Thinke  we  King  Harry  ftrong ; 

And,  Princes,  looke  you  ftrongly  arme  to  meet  him. 

The  Kindred  of  him  hath  beene  fleiht  vpon  vs  -, 

And  he  is  bred  out  of  that  bloodie  ftraine 
52  That  haunted  vs  in  our  familiar  Pathes : 

Witnefle  our  too  much  memorable  (hame 

When  Creify  Battell  fatally  was  ftrucke, 

And  all  our  Princes  captiu'd,  by  the  hand 
56  Of  that  black  Name,  Edward,  black  Prince  of  Wales ; 

Whiles  that  his  Mountaine  Sire, — on  Mountaine  (landing, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  11.  sc  iv.]    33 

Vp  ID  the  Ayre,  crown'd  with  the  Golden  Sunne,— 

Saw  his  Heroicall  Seed,  and  fmil'd  to  fee  him 
60  Mangle  the  Worke  of  Nature,  and  deface 

The  Patternes  that  by  God  and  by  French  Father* 

Had  twentie  yeeres  been  made.     This  it  a  Stem 

Of  that  Victorious  Stock  ;  and  let  vs  feare 
64  The  Natiue  might  indie  and  fate  of  him. 

Entfr  a  Mrllenger. 

Mfjf.  Embaifadors,  from  Harry  King  of  Engbnd, 
Doe  craue  admittance  to  your  Maiettie. 

FT.  King.  Wee'le  giue  them  prefent  audience.     Goe,  and 
bring  them. 

[£jtrwn/  Mcflenger  and  certain  Ixirdv 
68  You  fee  this  Chafe  is  hotly  follow 'd,  friends. 

Dolphin.  Turne  head,  and  flop  purfuit ;  for  coward  Dogs 
Mod  fpend  their  mouths,  when  what  they  feem  to  threaten. 
Runs  farre  before  them.     Good  my  Soucraigne, 
72  Take  vp  the  Englilh  rtiort,  and  let  them  know 
Of  what  a  Monarchic  you  are  the  Head  : 
Selfe-loue,  my  Liege,  u  not  fo  vile  a  fume 
As  fclfe-negleding. 

Rf-tntfr  Ix>nl«,  with  ExRTti  and  train. 

Fr.  King.  From  our  Brother  of  England  : 

76      Ere.  From  him  ;  and  thus  he  greets  your  Mail-die. 

'  He  wills  you,  in  the  Name  of  God  Almightie, 

That  you  deuert  your  felfe,  and  lay  apart 

The  borrow fd  Glories,  that,  by  gift  of  Heauen, 
80  By  Law  of  Nature,  and  of  Nations,  'longs 

To  him,  and  to  his  Hcirw  $  namely,  the  Crowne, 

And  all  wide-dretched  Honor*  that  pertaine, 

By  CuHome  and  the  Ordinance  of  Times, 
84  Vnto  the  Crowne  of  France.     That  you  may  know 
C  D 


ACT  it  sc  iv.]        The  Lift  of  lltnry  //if  / 


34 


Tb  no  finiilrr  nor  no  awk-w«rd  Clayme, 

Pickt  from  the  worme-holes  «>t "long-\  .inilln  dayw, 

Nor  from  the  duft  of  old  Obliuion  rakt, 
88  He  femU  you  this  moft  memorable  I.ync, 

In  cuery  Branch  truly  famoaArathM  ; 

Willing  you  ouer-looke  this  Pedigree  :          [Prffcnts  a  Paper. 

And.  \vlu-n  you  find  him  eucnly  deriu'd 
92  From  his  moll  fam'd  of  famous  Anccftora, 

Edn-ard  the  third,  he  bids  you  then  refigne 

Your  Crowne  and  Kingdome,  indirectly  held 

From  him,  the  Natiue  and  true  Challenger.' 
96      Fr.  King.  Or  elle  what  follower  ? 

Exe.  Bloody  conftr.iim  ;  for  if  you  hide  the  Crowne 

Euen  in  your  hearts,  there  « ill  he  nike  for  it: 

Therefore  in  fierce  Tcinpeft  is  he  rmnming, 
100  In  Thunder,  and  in  Karth-quakc,  like  a  loue, 

That,  if  requiring  faile,  he  will  compel! ; 

And  bids  you,  '  in  the  Bowels  of  the  Ix>rd, 

Deliuer  vp  the  Crowne,  and  to  take  mercie 
104  On  the  poore  Soules  for  whom  this  hungry  Warre 

Opens  his  vaftie  lawes  :  and  on  your  head 

Turning  the  Widdowes  Teares,  the  Orphans  Cryes, 

The  dead-mens  Blood,  the  priuy  Maidens  Groanes, 
1 08  For  Husbands,  Fathers,  and  betrothed  Louers, 

That  lliall  be  fwallow'd  in  this  Controuerfie.' 

Thit  is  his  Clayme,  his  Threatning,  and  my  Meflage  : 

Vnleffe  the  Dolphin  be  in  prefence  here, 
112  To  whom  expreflely  I  bring  greeting  to[o]. 

Fr.  King.  For  vs,  we  will  confider  of  this  further : 

To  morrow  (hall  you  beare  our  full  intent 

Back  to  our  Brother  of  England. 

Dolph.  For  the  Dolphin, 

116  I  (land  here  for  him  :  what  to  him  from  England? 

Eif.  Scorne  and  defiance  j  Height  regard,  contempt, 


The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  it.  sc  iv.]    3 

And  any  thing  that  may  not  rail-become 

The  raightie  Sender,  doth  he  prize  you  at. 
120  Thus  (ayes  my  King  :  '  and  if  your  Fathers  Highnelfc 

Doe  not,  in  graunt  of  all  demands  at  large, 

Sweeten  the  bitter  Muck  you  lent  his  MaieAie, 

Hee'le  call  you  to  fo  hot  an  Anfwer  of  it, 
124  That  Caues  and  Wombie  Vaultage*  of  France 

Shall  chide  your  Trcfpas,  and  returne  your  Mock 

In  fecund  Accent  of  his  Ordinance.' 

I)n/ph.  Say  :  '  if  my  Father  render  faire  retunir, 
128  It  is  againft  my  will ;  for  I  define 

Nothing  but  Oddes  with  England  :  to  that  end. 

As  matching  to  his  Youth  and  Vanitie, 

I  did  prefent  him  with  the  Paris- Balls.' 
132      Eie.  Hee'le  make  your  Paris  Louer  (hake  for  it, 

Were  it  the  Mirtrefle  Court  of  mightie  Europe : 

And,  be  aflur'd,  you'le  rtud  a  dilf[e]renoe, 

— As  we,  his  Subieds,  haue  in  wonder  found, — 
136  Betweene  the  promife  of  his  greener  dayes, 

And  thefe  he  marten  now  :  now  l»e  weighes  Time 

Euen  to  the  vtmoft  Graine  :  that  you  (hall  n-.ul  • 

In  your  owne  Lofles,  if  he  ftay  in  France. 
140      Fr.  King.  To  morrow  (hall  you  know  our  mind  at  full. 

[Floury*. 
Ere.  Difpatch  v«  with  all  fpeed,  lead  that  our  King 

Come  here  himfelfe  to  queftion  our  delay  . 

For  be  is  footed  in  this  Land  already. 
144      Fr.  King.  You  lhalbe  foone  difpatcht,  with  faire  condition*: 

A  Night  is  but  (mall  breathe,  and  little  pawfe. 

To  anfwer  matters  of  this  confluence.        (Floartfk. 


ACT  ill.]  Thf  Liff  of  Henry  the  /•'///.  36 


ACT  III. 

Flour'tfh.     Enter  Chorus. 
Thus  with  imagin'd  wing  our  fuift  Scene  flyes, 
In  motion  of  no  lelfe  ccleritie 

Then  that  of  Thought.     Suppofe  that  you  haue  feene 
4  The  well-appointed  King  at  Hampton  t  Peer 
Embarke  his  Royalties  and  his  braue  Fleet 
With  filken  Streamers  the  young  Phetus  fanning :  t 
Play  with  your  Fancies,  and  in  them  behold, 
8  Vpon  the  Hempen  Tackle,  Ship-boyes  climbing ; 
Heare  the  flirill  Whittle  which  doth  order  giue 
To  founds  confus'd ;  behold  the  threaden  Sayles, 
Borne  with  th'inuilible  and  creeping  Wind, 

12  Draw  the  huge  Bottomes  through  the  furrow'd  Sea, 
Brelting  tlie  loftie  Surge.     O,  doe  but  thinke 
You  ftand  vpon  the  Riuage,  and  behold 
A  Citie  on  th'inconftant  BiUowes  dauncing ; 

1 6  For  fo  appeares  this  Fleet  Maiefticall, 

Holding  due  courfe  to  Harflew.     Follow,  follow  ! 
Grapple  your  minds  to  fternage  of  this  Nauie, 
And  leaue  your  England,  as  dead  Mid-night,  ftill, 

20  Guarded  with  Graudfires,  Babyes,  and  old  Women, 
Eyther  part,  or  not  arriu'd  to,  pyth  and  puiflance : 
For  who  U  he,  whofe  Chin  is  but  enricht 
With  one  appearing  Hayre,  that  will  not  follow 

24  Thefe  cull'd  and  choyfe-drawne  Caualiers  to  France  ? 
Worke,  worke  your  Thoughts,  and  therein  fee  a  Siege  j 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  in.  sc.  L]    37 

Behold  the  Ordenance  on  their  Carriages, 
With  fatal!  mouthe*  gaping  on  girded  HarriW. 

28  Suppofe  th'Embalfador  from  the  French  comes  back  , 
Telia  Harry , «  That  the  King  doth  ort'er  him 
Katherine  his  Daughter ;  and  with  her,  to  Dowrie, 
Some  petty  and  vnprotitable  Dukedomes.' 

32  The  offer  like*  not :  and  the  nimble  Gunner 
With  Lynllock  now  the  diuelliih  Cannon  touches, 
Alarum,  and  Chambers  got  off'. 
And  downc  goes  all  before  them.     Still  be  kind. 
And  eech  out  our  performance  with  your  mind.  [£ri/. 

Before  H.irlk-ur. 

III.  i. — Alarum.     Enter  the  KINO,  KXF.TER,  BEDFOBD,  and 
GLOUCESTKE  :  Soldiers  wtthfcaling  ladders. 

K.  Hen.    Once  more  vnto  the  Breach,  deare  friends,  once 

more; 

Or  clofe  the  Wall  vp  with  our  Englilh  dead  ! 
In  Peace,  there's  nothing  fo  becomes  a  man. 
4  As  modeft  ftillnerte  and  humilitie  , 
But  when  the  blaft  of  Warre  blowes  in  our  eares. 
Then  imitate  the  action  of  the  Tyger  : 
Stiffen  the  finewes,  summon  t  vp  the  blood, 
8  Difguife  faire  Nature  with  hard-fauour'd  Rage : 
Then  lend  the  Eye  a  terrible  afpert  ; 
Let  it  pry  through  the  portage  of  the  Head, 
Like  the  Bralfe  Cannon ;  let  the  Brow  o'rewhelme  it, 
12  AH  fearefully  as  doth  a  galled  Rocke 
O're-hang  and  iutty  hi*  confounded  H.iic. 
Swill'd  with  the  wild  and  waftfull  Ooein. 
Now  fet  the  Teeth,  and  flretch  thr  N*>iilirill  wide, 
16  Hold  hard  the  Breath,  and  bend  vp  eucry  Spirit 

To  his  full  height !    *  On,  on,  you  Noblert -t  Knglirtt, 


ACT  ill.  sc.  it]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.  38 

Wbofc  blood  U  fet  from  Father*  of  Warre-proofe  !— 

Father*  that,  like  fo  many  dlfrandm, 
ao  Haue  in  thefe  parts  from  Morne  till  Euen  fought, 

And  (heath'd  their  Swords  for  lack  of  argument : — 

Dilhonour  not  your  Mother* ;  now  atteft 

That  thofc  whom  you  call'd  Fathers  did  beget  you  ! 
24  Be  Coppy  now  to  me[n]  of  grader  blood, 

And  teach  them  how  to  Warre !     51  And  you,  good  Yeomen, 

Whofe  Lyms  were  made  in  England,  (hew  vs  here 

The  met  tell  of  your  Pafture  ;  let  vs  fweare 
28  That  you  are  worth  your  breeding:  which  I  doubt  not; 

For  there  is  none  of  you  fo  meane  and  bafe, 

That  hath  not  Noble  lulter  in  your  eyes. 

I  fee  you  ftand  like  Grey-hounds  in  the  flips, 
32  Straining  tvpon  the  Start.     The  Game's  afoot: 

Follow  your  Spirit ;  and,  rpon  this  Charge, 

Cry  '  God  for  Harry/'  '  England ! '  and  '  S.  George ! ' 
[Eieunt.     Alarum,  and  Chambers  got  off. 


Thefame. 
III.  U. — Enter  NIM,  BARDOLPH,  PISTOLL,  and  Boy. 

Hard.  On,  on,  on,  on,  on !  to  the  breach,  to  the  breach  ! 
Nim.  'Pray  thee,  Corporall,  (lay :  the  Knocks  are  too  hot ; 
and,  for  mine  owne  part,  I  haue  not  a  Cafe  of  Liues :  the 
4  humor  of  it  U  too  hot,  that  is  the  very  plaine-Song  of  it. 

Pijl  The  plaine-Song  is  mod  iurt  j  for  humors  doe  abound : 
Knocks  goe  and  come ;  Gods  Vallals  drop  and  dye  ; 

And  Sword  and  Shield, 
8  In  bloody  Field, 

Doth  winne  iinmortall  fame. 

Boy.    Would  I  were  in  an  Ale-houfe  in  London !   I  would 
giue  all  my  fame  for  a  Pot  of  Ale  and  fafetie. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fi/7.    [ACT  in.  so  il]    39 

la      Pyi  And  It 

If  will ics  would  preuayle  with  me, 
My  purpofe  mould  not  faylc  with  me ; 

But  thither  would  I  high. 
1 6      B<>y.         As  duly,  but  not  as  truly, 

As  Bird  doth  fing  on  bough. 

FLUBLLBM  eaters  and  bcates  them  in. 

flu.    Vp    to    the   prcach.t    you   Dogges!    auaunt,  you 
Cullions ! 

*o      Plil  Be  merciful!,  great  Duke,  to  men  of  Mould ! 
Abate  thy  Rage,  abate  thy  manly  Rage ! 
Abate  thy  Rage,  great  Duke ! 
Good  Bawcock,  bate  thy  Rage !  vfe  lenitie,  fweet  Chuck ! 

24      Aft*.    Tbefe    be   good   humors:    your    Honor  wins  bad 

humors.  [Exfunt.     Manet  Boy. 

Boy.    As  young  as   I   am,  I   haue  obferu'd   tbefe   three 

Swalhers.     I  am  Boy  to  them  all  three :  but  all  they  three, 

28  though  they  would  1'erue  me,  could  not  be  Man  to  me , 
for,  indeed,  three  fuch  Antickst  doe  not  amount  to  a  man. 
For  BarJutph :  bee  is  white-liuer'd,  and  red-fac'd;  by  the 
meanes  whereof  a  faces  it  out,  but  fights  not.  For  /'//»•«//. 

32  bee  hath  a  killing  Tongue,  and  a  quiet  Sword ;  by  the 
meanes  whereof  a  brcakes  Words,  and  keepes  whole 
Weapons.  For  A'iw .-  bee  hath  beard  that  men  of  few 
Words  are  the  beft  men ;  and  therefore  hec  fcorne*  to  fay 

36  his  Prayers,  left  a  (hould  be  thought  a  Coward :  but  his 
few  bad  Words  are  matcht  with  as  lew  food  Deeds;  for 
a  neuer  broke  any  mans  Head  but  his  owne,  and  that  was 
again  It  a  Pol),  when  be  was  drunke.  They  will  fleale  any 

40  thing,  and  call  it  •  Purchafe.'  Banlo/pH  Hole  •  Lute-cafe, 
bore  it  twelue  leagues,  and  fold  it  for  three  h*lte|»rnre. 
\im  and  Hardnlph  are  fworne  Brothers  in  filching,  and 
in  Callice  they  ftofe  a  tire-fhouell  •.  I  knew,  by  that  peece 


ACT  in.  sc  it]        The  Life  of  llcnnj  I/it  J-V//.  40 

44  of  Scniioe,  the  men  would  carry  Coalcs.  They  would 
hum  me  at  familiar  with  men*  Pocket i  as  their  Gloues 
or  their  Hand-kcrchent ;  uhuh  nuke*  muc  h  .i^.iinil  my 
Manhood,  it  I  lliuuld  take  from  another*  P«K  ki-t  to  put 

48  iuto  mine)  for  it  is  plaine  pockettiog  vp  of  Wrongs. 
I  muft  leaue  them,  and  livki-  i.'iiu-  U-iicr  Seruice :  their 
Villany  goes  againft  my  weake  Homacke,  and  therefore 
I  mull  oil  it  vp.  [I. i it. 

Enter  GOWER  and  FLUELLEN. 

5*  Gotrer.  Captaine  Fluellen,  you  mud  come  prefently  to  the 
Mynes  j  the  Duke  of  Gloucefter  would  fpeake  with  you. 

Flu.    To  the   Mynes!     Tell  you   the  Duke,  it  is  not  fo 

good   to  come   to  the   Mynes;    for,   looke  you,  the  Myiu-s 

56  is  not  according   to  the  dilciplines  of  the  Warre:   the  con- 

cauities  of  it   is   not   fufticient ;    for,  looke   you,  th'athuer- 

farie — you  may  difcufle  vnto  the  Duke,  looke  you, — is  digt 

himfelfe  foure  yard  vnder  the  Countermines:    by  Chtjhu,  I 

60  thinke  a  will  plowe  vp  all,  if  there  is  not  petter  t  directions. 

Gowtr.    The  Duke  of  Gloucefter,   to   whom   the   Order 
of   the   Siege   is    giuen,   is   altogether   directed   by   an    Irilh 
man,  a  very  valiant  Gentleman,  yfaith. 
64      Flu.  It  is  Captaine  Makmorrice,  is  it  not  ? 
Cower.  I  thinke  it  be. 

Flu.  By   Chejhu,  he  is  an  Afle,  as  in   the  *orld:t  I  will 
veritie  as  much  in  his  Peard:t   he  ha's  no  more  directions 
68  in   the   true  difciplines  of    the  Warres,   looke  you,  of  the 
Roman  difciplines,  then  is  a  Puppy-dog. 

Enter  MAKMORRICE  and  Captaine  IAMT. 

Gou-er.    Here  a  comes ;  and  the  Scots  Captaine,  Captaine 
lamtf,  with  him. 

7 a  Fttt.  Captaine  lamy  is  a  maruellous  falorous  Gentleman, 
that  is  certain;  and  of  great  expedition  and  knowledge  in 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.   [ACT  HI.  sc.  u.]    41 

th'aunchiant  Warres,  vpon  my  particular  knowledge  of  hi* 
directions:    by    Ch^/hu,  he  will  maintaine   hi*  Argument  at 
76  well   as  any  Militant  man  in   the   'orld,t  in  the   dii'cipline* 
of  the  Priftine  Warres  of  the  Romans. 
lamy.  I  fay  gudday,  Captaine  Fluellm. 
Flu.  Godden  to  your  Worlhip,  food  Captaine  /awy.t 
So      Cower.    How  now,  Captaine  Mackmorrice  /  haue  you  quit 
tlu-  Mynes  ?  haue  the  Pioners  giuen  o're  ? 

Mac.  By  Chrilh  law !  tiih  ill  done :  the  Worke  uli 
giue  ouer,  the  Trumpet  found  the  Retreat.  By  my  Hand 
84  I  fweare,  and  my  fathers  Soule,  the  Worke  iih  ill  done ; 
it  ilh  giue  ouer:  I  would  haue  blowed  vp  the  Tow  tie. 
fo  Chrilh  faue  me  law !  in  an  houre.  O  tiih  ill  done,  tilh  ill 
done ;  by  my  Hand,  tifli  ill  done  1 

88  flu.  Captaine  Alackmorrice,  I  pefeech  t  you  now,  will  you 
voutfafe  me,  looke  you,  a  few  difputations  with  you,  as  partly 
touching  or  concerning  the  difciplines  of  the  Warre,  the 
Roman  Warres,  in  the  way  of  Argument,  looke  you,  and 
92  friendly  communication ;  partly  to  fatutie  my  Opinion,  and 
partly  for  the  fatUfa&ion,  looke  you,  of  my  Mind,  as  touching 
the  direction  of  the  Militarie  discipline?  that  U  tbe  Point. 

lamy.    It  (all  be  vary  gud,  gud  feith,  gud   Captens  bath, 
96  and  I  (all  quit  you  with  gud  leue,  as  I  may  pick  occauon ; 
that  fall  I,  in.iry. 

Mac.    It   b   no   time  to    difcourfe,   fo   Chrilh    faue   me: 

the  day  U  hot,  and  the  Weather,  and   the  Warres,  and  tbe 

100  King,  and  the  Dukes:  it  U  no  time  to  difcourfe:  the  Town 

is  befeech'd,  and   the  Trumpet  call  vs  to   the  breech,  and 

we  talke,  and,  be  Chrilh,  do  nothing,  tis  fliamc  fur  vt  all : 

fo  God  fa'me,  tis  (hame   to  fland  rtill,   it  is   (hame,  by  my 

104  hand :    and  there  i«  Throats  to  be  cut.  and  Workes   to  be 

done,  and  there  ilh  nothing  done,  fo  Chrift  fa'me  law  ! 

lamy.    By  the   Met,  ere   thetfe  eyes  of  mine  take  thcm- 
fclues  to  flomber,  ayle  de  gud  feruice,  or  He   liggr    i'lb* 


ACT  IIL  sc.  iii.]       The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.  42 

108  grand  for  it ;  ay,  or  goe  to  death :  and  He  pay't  as  valo- 
roufly  M  I  may,  that  lal  I  fuerly  do,  that  is  the  breft*  and 
the  long :  nury,  I  wad  full  faine  heard  fotne  queftion 
iwerii  you  tway. 

112  Flu.  Captaiue  Mackmorrice,  I  thinke,  looke  you,  vnder  your 
correction,  there  b  not  many  of  your  Nation — 

A/or.  Of  my  Nation  ?    What  ilh  my  Nation  ?  [Aloud.]    Jfti  a 
Villaiue,  and  a  Bafterd,  and  a  Knaue,  and  a  Raft-all. — [Aside.] 
116  What  ifli  my  Nation  ?     Who  talkes  of  my  Nation  ?  [Aloud. 

Flu.  Looke  you,  if  you  take  the  matter  otherwife  then 
is  meant,  Captaiue  Mackmorrice,  peraduenture  I  fliall  thinke 
you  doe  not  vfe  me  with  that  atiabilitie  as  in  difcretion  you 
1 20  ought  to  vfe  me,  looke  you ;  being  as  good  a  man  as  your 
felfe,  pot ht  in  the  difciplines  of  Warre,  and  in  the  deriuation 
of  my  Pirth,t  and  in  other  particularities. 

Mac.    1  doe  not   know   you   fo  good  a  man  as  my  It-lie: 
124  fo  Chrifli  faue  me,  I  will  cut  off  your  Head. 

Gou'fr.  Gentlemen  both,  you  will  miftake  each  other. 
lamy.  A!  that's  a  foule  fault.  [A  Parity  founded. 

Gou'tr.  The  Towne  founds  a  Parley. 

128  Flu.  Captaine  Mackmorrice,  when  there  is  more  pettert 
oportunitie  to  be  required,  looke  you,  I  will  be  fo  poldt 
as  to  tell  you,  I  know  the  difciplines  of  Warre;  and  there 
b  an  end.  [Exeunt. 

The  fame. 

lU.  iii. — Some  Citizens  on  the  u-alls ;  the  Engl'ifli  Power 
telou:     Enter  the  KINO  and  all  his  Traine  before  the  Gates. 

K.  Hen.  How  yet  refolues  the  Gouemour  of  the  Towne  ? 
This  b  the  lateft  Parle  we  will  admit : 
Therefore,  to  our  beft  mercy  giue  your  felues ; 
4  Or,  like  to  men  prowd  of  deftruction, 
Defie  vs  to  our  worft  :  for,  as  I  am  a  Souldier, 
— A  Name  that,  in  my  thoughts,  become*  me  beft, — 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Pi/).    [ACT  IIL  so  ill]    43 

If  I  begin  the  batt'rie  once  againe, 
8  I  will  not  leauc  the  halfe-atchieued  Harflew, 

Till  in  her  alhes  (he  lye  buryed. 

The  Gates  of  Mercy  lhall  be  all  flint  vp( 

And  the  flelh'd  Souldier,  rough  and  hard  of  heart, 
12  In  libertie  of  bloody  hand  (hall  raunge, 

With  Confcience  wide  as  Hell ;  mowing  like  Grailc 

Your  frefli  faire  Virgins,  and  your  flowring  Infant*. 

What  is  it  then  to  me,  if  impious  Warre, 
16  Array 'd  in  flames,  like  to  the  Prince  of  Fiends, 

Doe,  with  his  fmyrcht  complexion,  all  fell  feats 

Enlynckt  to  waft  and  defolation  ? 

What  k't  to  me,  when  you  your  felues  are  caufc, 
20  If  your  pure  Maydens  fall  into  the  hand 

Of  hot  and  forcing  Violation? 

What  Reyne  can  hold  licentious  Wickednefle, 

When  downe  the  Hill  he  holds  his  tierce  Carriere  ? 
24  We  may  as  bootlelle  foetid  our  vaine  Command 

Vpon  th'enraged  Souldiers  in  their  fpoyle, 

As  fend  Precepts  to  the  Leviathan, 

To  come  aihore.     Therefore,  you  men  of  Harflew, 
28  Take  pitty  of  your  Towne  and  of  your  People, 

Whiles  yet  my  Souldiers  are  in  my  Command  ; 

Whiles  yet  the  coule  and  temperate  Wind  of  Grace 

O're-blowes  the  filthy  and  contagious  Clouds 
32  Of  heady  t  Murther,  Spoyle,  and  Villany. 

If  not,  why,  in  a  moment,  looke  to  fee 

The  blind  and  bloody  Souldier  with  foule  hand 

Denlet  the  Locks  of  your  (hrill-mriking  Daughters  j 
36  Your  Fathers  taken  by  the  filuer  Beards, 

And  their  moft  reuerend  Heads  damt  to  th*  Walls  j 

Your  naked  Infants  fpittcd  vpon  1'ykcs; 

Whiles  the  mad  Mothers  with  their  Howies  confus'd 
40  Doe  breakc  the  Cloud*,  as  did  the  Wiues  of  lewry 


ACT  in.  sc  iv.]       The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Ftft.  44 

At  Herods  bloody-hunting  flaughter-men. 
What  fay  you  ?    Will  you  yeeld,  and  this  auoyd, 
Or  guiltie  in  defence,  be  thus  dcflroy'd  ? 

Enter  the  Gouernour  of  Harflew. 

44      Cotter.  Our  expectation  hath  this  day  an  end : 
The  Dolphin,  whom  of  Succours  we  entreated, 
Returnes  vs  '  that  his  Powers  are  yet  not  ready 
To  rayfe  fo  great  a  Siege.'    Therefore,  great  King, 

48  We  yeeld  our  Towne  and  Liues  to  thy  foft  Mercy  : 
Enter  our  Gates ;  difpofe  of  vs  and  ours  j 
For  we  no  longer  are  defenfible. 

K.  Hen.  Open  your  Gates.     IT  Come,  Vnckle  Exeter, 

52  Goe  you  and  enter  Harflew  ;  there  remaine, 
And  tbrtifie  it  flrongly  'gainft  the  French  : 
Vfe  mercy  to  them  all.     For  vs,  deare  Vnckle, — 
The  Winter  comming  on,  and  Sicknefle  growing 

56  Vpon  our  Souldiers, — we  will  retyre  to  Calls. 
To  night  in  Harflew  will  we  be  your  Gueft  j 
To  morrow  for  the  March  are  we  addreft. 

[Flouri/h.     The  King  and  his  Traine  enter  the  Towne. 

The  FRENCH  KINO'S  Palace. 
IH.  iv. — Enter  KATHERINB  and  ALICE,  an  old  Gentlewoman. 

Kath.   Alice,  tu  as  ejlf  en  Angleterre,  &  tu  paries  lienf  le 
Language. 

Alice.  Un  t  peu,  Madame. 

4      Kath.  le  te  prie,  m'enfeignez  ;  ilfaut  yue  tapprenne  a  parler. 
Comment  appellez  vous  /at  main  en  Anglois  ? 
Alice.  La  main  ?  elle  ejl  appellee^  de  Hand. 
Kath.  De  Hand.     Et  les  doigts  ?t 

8  Alice.  Les  doigts?  ma  fay,  toublie  les  doigts;  mais  ie  me 
fouviendray.  Les  doigts?  ie  penfe  quils  font  appetlis  de 
migres  j  owy,t  de  fingres. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  m.  sc  w.]    45 

Rath.  La  main,  de  Hand ;  Its  doigts,  de  Fingre*.     It  penft 
12  aue  itfu'u  la  tonne  efcholier  ;   fay  gaignte  deux  molt  d"  Anglais 
v\flement.     Comment  appellez  votu  les  t  angles  f 
Alice.  Les  angles  f  nous  t  les  appellant  de  Nayle*. 
Kath.  De  Nayles.     Efcoutez ;    dites  may  Jl  if  park 
1 6  de  Hand,  de  Fmgrw,  r/t  de  Nayle*. 

Alice.  Cejl  tien  difl,  Madame  ;  il  ejltfort  fan  Anglou. 
Kath.  Dites  moy  f  Anglais  pour  le  l-ras. 
Alice.  De  Anno,  Madame. 
ao      K.ith.  Et  te  coude?t 
Alice.  De  Elbow.f 

Kath.  DC  Elbow,  le  m'en  fay  la  repetition  de  tout  les 
yue  i>ous  m'avex  apprife  t  des  a  prefent. 
24      Alice.  //  ejl  t  trap  difficile,  Madame,  com  me  le  penfe. 

Kath.  Excufn  moy,  Alice;  efcoutn:  De  Hand,  de  Fingrr, 
de  Nayles,  de  Arme,t  de  Bilbow. 

Alice.  De  Elbow,t  Madame. 

28      Kath.  O  Seigneur  Dieu,  ie  m'en  oullie !  De  Elbow.     Com- 
ment appellez  t  row*  le  col  ? 
Alice.  De  Nick,  Madame. 
Kath.  De  Nick  :  Et  t  le  mmton  ? 
3*      Alice.  DC  Chin. 

Kath.  De  Sin.     Le  col,  de  Nick  ;  le  menton,  de  Sin. 
Alice.  Guy.     Sauf  voftre  honneur,  en  veriti,  vous  prononcn 
lei  mots  anjfi  t  droifi  que  les  \alifs  d"  Angleterre. 
36      Kath.  Ie  ne  doute  point  fapprendre  par  la  t  grace  de  Dieu, 
&  en  peu  de  temps. 

Alice,     ffai'ez   votu  pas  drjia   out-life  ce  yue  ie  rous  ay 
enfeignle  ?  t 

40      Kath.  Nan,  ie  reciteray  a  vout  promptement:  dc  Hand,  de 
Fingre,  dc  Mayle* — t 

Alice.  De  Nayles,  Madame. 
Kath.  De  Nayks,  de  Anne,  de  Ilbow. 
44      Alice.  Sauf  rojlre  hon ««trr,  dc  Elbow.t 


ACT  lit  sc.  v.)         Thf  Life  of  llrnry  the  l-'ifl.  46 

Kath.  Ain/t  di<  it :  de  Elbow,  de  Nick,  &  de  Sin.     Comment 
aftpelln  t-ous  If  pifd  &  la  ro*e  ?f 

Alice.  De  Foot,  Madame ;  &  dc  t  Count. 

48  A'oM.  DC  Foot,  (^  de  Count  ?  O  Seigneur  Dieu  !  ce  font  des 
mots  at  fox  mauvais,  corruptible,  gras,  &  impudique,  &  non  pour 
'es  Dames  d  Honneur  d'vfcr :  It  ne  rnuJrnis  prononcer  cet  mots 
tieuant  Its  Seigneurs  de  France  pour  tout  le  monde.  Foh  /  te 
5*  Foot  &  U  Count !  Neant-moint,  le  reciteray  une  outre  foil  ma 
lefon  enfemble:  de  Hand,  de  Fingre,  de  Nayles,  de  Arme,  de 
Elbow,  de  Nick,  de  Sin,  de  Foot,  de  t  Count. 

Alice.  Excellent,  Madame/ 
56      Kath.   C"ejl  qffl*i  pour  unefois  ;  allons  nous  a  difner.  t 

[Ereunt. 
Rouen.     The  FRENCH  KINO'S  Palace. 

III.  T. — Entrr  the  KINO  OP  FBANCE,  the  DOLPHIN,  the  CON- 
STABLE OP  FIANCE,  the  DUKE  OF  BURBON,  and  others. 

Fr.  King.  'TU  certaine  he  hath  part  the  Riuer  Some. 
Con/1.  And  if  he  be  not  fought  \vithall,  my  Lord, 
Let  v*  not  Hue  in  France ;  let  vs  quit  all, 
4  And  giue  our  Vim-yards  to  a  barbarous  People. 

Dolph.  O  Dieu  riuant  /  Shall  a  few  Sprayes  of  vs, — 
The  emptying  of  our  Fathers  Luxurie, 
Our  Syens,  put  in  wilde  and  fauage  Stock, — 
8  Spirt  vp  fo  fuddenly  into  the  Clouds, 
And  ouer-looke  their  Grafters  ? 

Bur.  Normans,  but  baftard  Normans,  Norman  baftards ! 
Mort  de  t  ma  vie  !  [and]  if  they  march  along 
12  Vnfought  withall — but  I  will  fell  my  Dukedome, 
To  buy  a  flobbry  and  a  durtie  Farme 
In  that  nooke-motten  He  of  Albion. 

Confl.  Dieu  de  Battailes  /—where  haue  they  this  mettell  ? 
16  Is  not  their  Clymate  foggy,  raw,  and  dull ' 

On  whom,  as  in  defpight,  the  Sunne  lookes  pale, 
Killing  their  Fruit  with  firownes  ?     Can  fodden  Wati-r, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  FV/>.    [ACT  in.  sc.  *.]    47 

A  Drench  for  fur-reyn'd  lade*,  their  Early  broth, 
20  Decort  their  cold  blood  to  fuch  valiant  beat  ? 

And  (hall  our  quirk  blood,  fpirited  with  Wine, 

Seeme  froftie  ?  O,  for  honor  of  our  Land, 

Let  vs  not  hang  like  roping  Ifyckles 
*4  Vpon  our  Houfes  Thatch,  whiles  a  more  froftie  People 

Sweat  drops  of  gallant  Youth  in  our  rich  field*  j 

Poore,  we  [may]  call  them,  in  their  Naiiue  Lords. 

Dolphin.  By  Faith  and  Honor, 
a8  Our  Madame*  mock  at  vs,  and  plainely  fajr, 

'Our  Mettell  b  bred  out,  and  (hey  will  giue 

Their  bodyes  to  the  Lull  of  Englilh  Youth, 

To  new -(lore  France  with  Baftard  Warrior*.' 
31      Bur.  They  bid  vs  '  to  the  Englilh  Dancing-Schoole*, 

And  teach  Lauoltas  high,  and  fwift  Carrantdt ; 

Saying,  '  our  Grace  is  onely  in  our  Heeles, 

And  that  we  are  molt  loftie  Kun-awayes.' 
36       Fr.  King.  Where  is  Man  liny,  the  Herald  ?  fpeed  him  hence  j 

Let  him  greet  England  with  our  (harpe  defiance. 

Vp,  Princes!  and,  with  fpirit  of  Honor  edg'd, 

More  (harper  then  your  Swords,  high  to  the  field  : 
40  Charles  Delahrrth,  High  Conftable  of  France. 

You  Duke-  of  Orleancf.  Burton,  and  of  Berry, 

Alanfnn,  Hniiant,  Bar,  and  Burgonit, 

Ivjuts  Chatttllton,  Ramb*rf$t  /  oW/-won/,t 
44  Hfumnnl,  Graxdpreef  Aoii^r,  and  Faulconl-nJgf, 

Foy*,^  Isiirnlf,  Hutu  t'/u<itt  +  and  Charaloyet ; 

High  Dukes,  great  Princes,  Barons,  Lords,  and  Knights.t 

For  jour  great  Seats,  now  quit  you  of  great  (names  ^ 
4!  Barrr  Harry  England,  that  fwecpes  through  our  Land 

With  Pcnons  painted  in  the  blood  of  Hartiew : 

Ru(h  on  his  Hoaft,  «  doth  the  melted  Snow 

Vpon  the  Valleyes,  whofe  low  Vanalt  Seat 
52  The  Alpes  doth  (pit,  and  void  his  rhewme  vpon : 


ACT  ui.  sc.  vi.]       The  Life  of  Ilfnry  the  Fifl.  48 

Goe  downc  vpon  him, — you  haue  Power  enough, — 
And  in  a  Captiue  Chariot  into  Roan 
Bring  him  our  Pri loner. 

Const.  This  becomes  the  Great. 

56  Sony  am  I  his  numbers  are  fo  few, 

His  Souldiers  fick,  and  famiflit  in  their  March; 
fbr,  I  am  furr,  when  he  (hall  fee  our  Army, 
Hee'le  drop  hi-  heart  into  the  finek  of  fcare, 
60  And,  for  atchieuement,  otter  vs  his  Ranfome. 

Fr.  King.  Therefore,  Lord  Conftable,  haft  on  Montioy  ; 
And  let  him  fay  to  England,  that  we  fend 
To  know  what  willing  Ranfome  he  will  giue. 
64  H  Prince  Dolphin,  you  (hall  (lay  with  vs  in  Roan. 
Dolph,   Not  fo,  I  doe  befeech  your  Maieftie. 
Fr.  King.  Be  patient,  for  you  (hall  remaine  with  vs. 
II  Now,  forth,  Lord  Conftable,  and  Princes  all, 
68  And  quickly  bring  vs  word  of  England*  fall.  [Flourish.  Exeunt. 

The  English  camp  in  Picardy. 
III.  vi. — Enttr  Captaines  GOWER  and  FLUBLLEN,  meeting. 

Gftuvr.    How   now,   Captaine   Fluellen !    come   you   from 
the  Bridge  ? 

Flu.    I  aflure  you,  there  is  very  excellent  Seruices  com- 
4  mitted  at  the  Pridge.t 

Gou'er.  Is  the  Duke  of  Exeter  fafe  ? 

Flu.  The   Duke   of  Exeter    is    as   magnanimous   as  Aga- 
memnon ;  and  a  man  that  I  loue  and  honour  with  my  foule, 
8  and  my  heart,  and  my  dutie,  and  my  life.t  and  my  liuing,  and 
my  vttermoft  power.  He  is  not — God  be  prayfed  and  plefled  ! — t 
any  hurt  in  the  forld,t  but  keepes  the  Pridget  mod  valiantly, 
with  excellent  difcipline.     There  is  an  aunchient  Lieutenant 
12  there  at  the  Pridge,  I  thinke,  in  my  very  conference,  hee  is  as 
valiant  a  man  as  Marke  Anthony  ;  and  hee  is  a  man  of  no  eft  i- 
mation  in  the  'orld ;  t  but  I  did  fee  him  doe  as  gallant  feruice — 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  in.  sc  ri]    49 

-r.  What  doe  you  call  him  ? 
1 6      Flu.  Hee  is  call'd  aunchient  P\floll. 
Gower.   I  know  him  not. 

Eater  PIJTOLL. 
Flu.  Here  is  the  man. 

Pifl.  Captaine,  I  thee  befeech  to  doe  me  fauoun  • 
ao  The  Duke  of  Exeter  doth  loue  thee  well. 

Flu.  I,   I  prayfe  God,  and  I   haue  merited   fome   loue  at 
his  hands. 

Put.  Bardolph,  a  Souldier  tinne  and  found  of  heart, 
*4  Oft  buxome  valour,  hath, — by  cruell  Fate, 
And  giddie  Fortunes  furious  fickle  Wheele, 
That  Goddetle  blind, 

That  ftands  vpon  the  rolling  reftlelle  Stone. — 

28      Flu.     By    your    patience,    aunchient    Pj/fo/A     Fortune    U 

painted   plinde,t   with  a  Muffler  afore  hert  eyes,  to  fignitie 

to  you,   that    Fortune  is  plinde ;  t   and  ihee  i«   painted   alfo 

with  a  Wheele,  to  (ignifie  to  you,  which  is  the    Morall  ol 

3*  it,   that   Ihee    is    turning,   and    inconftant,   and    mutabilitie, 

and   variation  :    and    her   foot,   looke   you,   is   fixed    vpon   a 

Spherical!    Stone,    which    rowles,   and   rowlei,    and    rowles : 

in   good   truth,  the    Poet    makes  a  moft  excellent   drfcripti- 

3^  on  of  it :  Fortune  is  an  excellent  Morall. 

P\fl.  Fortune  is  Bardolphs  foe,  and  frownes  on  him ; 
For  he  hath  ftolne  *  Pax,  and  hanged  mull  a  be : 
A  damned  death  1 

40  Let  Gallowes  gape  for  Dogge ;  let  man  goe  free, 
And  let  not  Hcmpe  his  Wind-pipe  fuffbcate : 
But  Bitter  hath  giuen  the  doome  of  death 
For  Pax  of  little  price. 

44  Therefore,  goe  fpeake ;  the  Duke  will  bearc  thy  voyce  | 
And  let  not  Bardotplu  vital!  thred  bee  cut 
With  edge  of  Penny-Cord,  and  rile  reproach. 
Speake,  Captaine,  for  his  Life,  and  I  will  thee  requite. 
C  » 


ACT  IIL  sc  vi.]       Tht  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  50 

48      Flu.    Aunchicnt    /'j //«»//.    I    doe    partly    vnderftand    your 
meaning. 

/»{/?.  Why  then,  reioyoe  therefore. 

Flu.    Certainly,  Aunclm-nt,   it    is   not   a    thing   to  reioyce 
57  at :  for  if,  looke  you.  he  were  my  Proiher.t  I  would  defire 
the  Duke  to  vie   his  good  plealure,  and  put   him  to  execu- 
tion ;  for  difcipline  ought  to  be  vfed. 

/';//.  Dye  and  be  dam'd !  and  Figo  for  thy  friendship ! 
56      Flu.  It  is  well. 

/»(/?.  The  Figge  of  Spaine  !  [Exit. 

Flu.  Very  good. 

Gotrrr.    Why,    this    is   an    arrant    counterfeit     Rail  all ;     I 
60  remember  him  now ;  a  Bawd,  a  Cut-purle. 

Flu.     He   ailiire    you,   a   vtt'red   as    praue    'ordst   at    the 
Pridge  as  you   ihall    fee  in  a  Summers  day  :     but  it  is  very 
well ;  what  he  ha's  fpoke  to  me,  that  is  well,  I  warrant  you, 
64  when  time  is  feme. 

Gottvr.  Why,  'tis  a  Gull,  a  Foole,  a  Rogue,  that  now  and 

then  goes  to  the  Warres,  to   grace  himfelfe,  at   his  returne 

into    London,   vnder   the   forme   of  a    Souldier.     And   fuch 

68  fellowes  are   perfit   in   the   Great  Commanders  Names,   and 

they  will  learne  you  by  rote  where  Seruices  were  done ; — at 

fuch  and  fuch  a  Sconce,  at  fuch  a  Breach,  at  fuch  a  Conuoy ; 

who  came  off  brauely,  who  was   mot,  who  difgrac'd,  what 

72  termcs  the  Enemy  flood   on  ; — and    this  they  conne   perfitly 

in  the  phrafe  of  Warre,  which  they  tricke  vp  with  new-tuned 

Oathes :  and  what  a  Beard  of  the  Generalls  Cut,  and  a  horride 

Sute  of  the  Campe,  will  doe  among  foming  Bottles  and  Ale- 

76  waiht  Wits,  is  wonderfull  to  be  thought  on.     But  you  muft 

learne  to  know  fuch  (landers  of  the  age,  or  elfe  you  may  be 

maruclloufly  miftooke. 

Flu.    I   tell  you  what,  Captaine  Gower :    I   doe   perceiue 

80  hee  is  not  the  man  that   hee   would  gladly   make  (hew   to 

the  'orldt  hee  is:  if  I  finde  a  hole  in  his  Coat,  I  will  tell 


The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  lit  sc  vi]    51 

him  my  minde.     [Drum  heard.]     Hearke   you,  the  King  u 
comming ;  and  I  mud  fpeake  with  him  from  the  Fridge. 

Enter  the  KING  and  h'u  poore  Souldirrs,  uith  Drum  and 
Colours :  GLOUCESTER,  and  others. 

84      Flu.  God  plelle  your  Maieftie  ' 

K.  Hen.  How  now,  Fluellen  I  cam'li  thou  from  the  Bridge  ? 

Flu.    I,   fo   pleale  your   Maieftie.     The  Duke  of   Exeter 

ha's   very   gallantly   maiutain'd    (he    Fridge :    the   French   i< 

88  gone  off,  looke   you;   and   there   is  gallant   and  molt  prauc 

paiHiges :     marry,     th'athuerl'arie     was    haue     portellion     of 

the  Fridge;   but  he  is  enforced  to  retyre,  and  the  Duke  of 

Exeter   is   Mailer  of  the  Fridge:    I  can  tell  your    Maieftie, 

92  the  Duke  is  a  praue  man. 

K.  Hen.  What  men  haue  you  loft,  Fluellen  9 
Flu.  The  perdition  of  th'athuerfarie  hath  beene  very  great, 
reafonnable  great :  marry,  for  my  part,  I  thinke  the  Duke  hath 
96  loft  ueuer  a  man,  but  one  that  is   like  to   be   executed   for 
robbing  a  Church,  one  Bardolph,  if  your  Maieftie  know  the 
man :  his  face  is  all  pupukles.t  and  whelkes,  and  knobs,  and 
flames  a  fire;    and  his  lippes  plowest  at  his  nofe,  and  it  is 
100  like   a   coale   of  fire,  fometitnes   plcw,  and   fometimes  red ; 
but  his  nofe  is  executed,  and  bis  fire's  out. 

K.  Hen.   Wee  would  baue  all  fuch  otTendors  fo  cut  off: 

and  we   giue  expreflc  charge,  that  in  our  Marches  through 

104  the  Count  n-y,  there  be  nothing  com  pell 'd  from  the  Villages  { 

nothing  taken  but  pay'd  for;  none  of  the  French  vpbrayded 

or  abufed  in  diulaint-ful  Language;    for  when  Lenitiet  and 

Cruel  tic  play    for  a  Kingdome,  the   gentler  Gamefter  is  I  he 

1 08  fooneft  winner. 

Tucket.     Enter  Mourn  or. 
Mountitiy.  You  know  me  by  my  habit. 
A".  Hen.  Well  then,  I  know  thee :  what  (hall  I  know  of  tnac  ? 
Jlfnuntiny.   My  Mnfters  mind. 


ACT  III.  SC  vi.]        The  Life  uf  lltnry  t/i. 


112      A.  //,«.  Vnlold  it. 

Mott*tioy.  Thus  fayc*  my  King:  'Say  tlmu  to  Harry 
of  England:  Though  «e  u-nu'd  dead,  we  did  but  llti-pe : 
Aduantage  b  a  better  Souldicr  then  rartmelle.  Tell  him, 

ii6wce  could  haue  rvbuk'd  him  at  Harflewc,  but  that  wee 
thought  not  good  to  bruife  au  iniurie  till  it  were  full  ripe: 
Now  wee  fpeake  vpon  our  kue.t  and  our  voyce  is  imperiall : 
England  lliall  repent  his  folly,  fee  his  weakenerte,  and  admire 

1 20  our  fufferance.  Bid  him,  therefore,  confider  of  his  ranfomc, 
which  muft  proportion  the  lodes  we  haue  borne,  tin-  lubiccts 
we  haue  loft,  the  difgrace  we  haue  digefted ;  which,  in  weight 
to  re-anfwcr,  his  pettineile  would  bow  vtuler.  For  our  l<iiK-s, 

1 24  lii>  Exchequer  'is  too  poore ;  for  th'  effulion  of  our  bloud,  the 
Mufter  of  his  Kingdome  too  faint  a  number;  and  for  our 
difgrace,  hi*  owne  perfon  kneeling  at  our  feet,  but  a  weake 
and  worthlefle  fatisfa&ion.  To  this  adde  defiance:  and  tell 

128  him,  for  conclufion,  he  hath  betrayed  his  followers,  whofe 
condemnation  is  pronouncV  So  farre  my  King  and  M.iii<-r , 
fo  much  my  Office. 

A'.  Hen.  What  is  thy  name?     I  know  thy  qualitie. 

132       Mount.    Mnunliny. 

K.  Hen.  Thou  doo'ft  thy  Office  fairely.     Turne  thec  back, 
And  tell  thy  King, '  I  doe  not  feeke  him  now, 
But  could  be  willing  to  march  on  to  Callice 

136  Without  impeachment : '  for,  to  fay  the  footh, 
— Though  'tis  no  wifdome  to  conferte  fo  much 
Ynto  an  enemie  of  Craft  and  Vantage, — 
My  people  are  with  (icknefle  much  enfeebled  ; 

140  My  numbers  leflen'd;  and  thofe  few  I  haue, 
Almoft  no  better  then  fo  many  French ; 
Who,  when  they  were  in  health,  I  tell  thee,  Herald, 
I  thought,  vpon  one  payre  of  Englilh  Legges 

144  Did  march  three  Frenchmen. — Yet,  forgiue  me,  God, 
That  I  doe  bragge  thus !  this  your  ayre  of  France 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.   [ACT  in.  sc  riL]   53 

Hath  bluwne  that  vice  in  me;  I  muft  rrpent. — 
Goe,  therefore,  tell  thy  Matter,  '  heere  I  am  ; 
148  My  Ranfome  is  this  frayle  and  worthlefle  Trunkej 
My  Army  but  a  weake  and  fickly  Guard : 
Yet,  God  before,  tell  him  we  will  come  on. 
Though  France  himfelfe,  and  fuch  another  Neighbor, 
>52  Stand  it)  our  way.'     There's  for  thy  labour,  Moumtioy. 

[dii-et  him  a  Purtf. 

Goe,  bid  thy  Matter  well  aduife  himfelfe : 
*  If  we  may  patte,  we  will ;  if  we  be  hindred, 
We  mall  your  tawnie  ground  with  your  red  blood 
156  Di (colour : '  and  fo,  Mountioy,  fare  you  well. 
The  fumme  of  all  our  Anfwer  is  but  this : 
'  We  would  not  feeke  a  Battaile  ai  we  are ; 
Nor  as  we  are,  we  fay,  we  will  not  ihun  it : ' 
1 60  So  tell  your  Matter. 

Mount.  I  ihall  deliuer  fo.     Thankes  to  your  Higlutclfe. 

[Erit. 

Glnuc.  I  hope  they  will  not  come  vpon  vs  now. 
K.  Hen.  We  are  in  Gods  hand,  Brother,  not  in  their*. 
164  March  to  the  Bridge ;  it  now  drawes  toward  night : 
Beyond  the  Riuer  wee'le  encampe  our  fclues ; 
And  on  to  morrow  bid  them  march  away. 

[Erettnt.     Drum  t-caling. 

The  French  camp,  near  Agiucourt. 

III.  vii. — Enter  the  CONSTABLE  or  FIANCE,  the  LORD 
RAMBURS,  OBLEAMCI,  the  DOLPHIN,  u-ith  othert. 

Conjl.  Tut !  I  hauc  the  beft  Armour  of  the  World.     Would 
it  were  day ! 

Orltance.    You    haue   an   excellent    Armour;   but    let    my 
4  Horfe  hauc  hit  due. 

Con/I  It  is  the  bett  Horfe  of  Europe. 
Orleance.  Will  it  neuer  be  Morning  ? 


ACT  in.  sc.  vil]       The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  54 

Dolpk.   My  Lord  of  Orleance,  and  my  Lord  High  Con- 
8  ftabte,  you  talke  of  Horfe  and  Armour — 

Or/MHcr.     You   are    M    well    prouided    of   both    at  any 
Prince  in  the  World. 

Dolpk.    What  a   long  Night   n  thit!     I   will  not  change 
i  a  my   Horfe  with  any  that    treades  but   on   foure   pafternes.t 
fa,  Aa/t  he  bounds  from  the  Earth  as  if  his  enlraylea  were 
hayret;  It  Chenal  tW<z/i/,t  the  Pegafus,  rArit  1,-s  narines  de 
feu  /    When  I  beftryde  him,  I  foare,  I  am  a  Hawke :  he  trots 
1 6  the  ayre;    the  Earth    fmgs  when   he  touches   it;   the  bait  it 
home  of  his  hoofe  is  more  Muficall  then  the  Pipe  of  Hermes. 
Orleance.     Hoe's  of  the  colour  of  the  Nutmeg. 
Dolph.  And  of  the  heat  of  the  Ginger.     It  is  a  Beaft  for 
ao  Perfeus:  bee  is  pure  Ayre  and  Fire;  and  the  dull  Elements 
of  Earth  and  Water  neuer  appeare  in  him,  but  only  in  patient 
ftillnefle  while  his  Rider  mounts  him  :  bee  is,  indeede,  a  Horfe, 
and  all  other  lades  you  may  call  Beafts. 

34      Confl.     Indeed,  my    Lord,  it   is  a   moft  abfolute  and  ex- 
cellent Horfe. 

Dolph.    It   is   the  Prince   of  Palfrayes;   his   Neigh  is   like 
the   bidding   of   a    Monarch,   and   his   countenance  enforces 
28  Homage. 

Orleance.  No  more,  Court  n. 

Dolph.    Nay,  the  man   hath   no  wit,   that  cannot,   from 

the    rifing   of   the    Larke   to   the    lodging   of    the    Lambe, 

32  varie  deferued  prayfe  on   my    Palfray :    it   is   a   Theame   as 

fluent  as  the  Sea :    Turne  the  Sands  into  eloquent  tongues, 

and  my  Horfe  is  argument  for  them  all :  'tis  a  fubied  for  a 

Soueraigne   to  reafon  on,  and    for  a   Soueraignes  Soueraigne 

36  to    ride    on;     And    for    the    World — familiar    to    vs,   and 

vnkuowne — to  lay  apart  their  particular  Functions,  and  wonder 

at  him.     I  once  writ  a  Sonnet  in  his  prayfe,  and  began  thus : 

'  f fonder  of  Nature ' — 

40      Orleance.  I  haue  heard  a  Sonnet  begin  fo  to  ones  Miftrefle. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  in.  sc  vil]    55 

Dolph.    Then    did    they   imitate   that   which   I   compos'd 
to  my  Courier ;  for  my  Horfe  is  my  Miftreile. 

Orlranct.  Your  Mi  tin-ill'  beares  well. 

44      Dolph.    Me  well;  which  U  the  prelcript  prayfe  and  pcr- 
fedion  of  a  good  and  particular  Mill  relic. 

Con/1.     Nay,   for   me    thought,   yefterday,  your    Millrcilc 
ihrewdly  ihooke  your  back. 
48      Dolph.  So,  perhaps,  did  yours. 
Conji.  Mine  was  not  bridled. 

Dolph,   O!    then  belike  (he  was  old  and  gentle,  and  you 
rode,  like  a  Kerne  of  Ireland,  your  French  Hole  oil.  and  in 
52  your  ftrait  Strollers. 

Confl.  You  haue  good  Judgement  in  Hodemanlhip. 
Dolph.    Be  warn'd  by  me,  then :    they   that  ride  fo,  and 
ride  not  warily,   fall  into  foule    fioggi:    I    had   rather   hauc 
56  my  Mode  to  my  MiftrelTe. 

Coi\Jl.  I  had  as  liue  haue  my  Miftreue  a  lade. 
Dolph.     I    tell   thec,  Conftable,    my    Miftrelfc   weares   his 
owne  hayre. 

60      Coryi.    I  could  make  as  true  a  boaft  as  that,  if  I  had  a 
Sow  to  my  Miftrefte. 

Dolph.    '  Le  chifn  eft  retournf  A  fon  proprt  vom^Jfment,  ft 
la  truyt  t  laut,-  au  lourlirr: '  thou  ID ak'll  vie  of  any  thing. 
64      Con/1.    Yet   doe  I    not   vie   my    Horfe   for   my  Mirtrctic, 
or  any  fuch  Prouerbc,  fo  little  kin  to  the  purpofe. 

Itamf-.    My    Lord   Conftable,   the   Armour   that  1  faw  in 
your  Tent  to  night,  are  thofe  Starres,  or  Sunncs,  vpoo  it  ? 
68      Con/1.  Starre*,  my  Lord. 

Dolph.  Some  of  them  will  fall  to  morrow,  1  hope. 
Con/1.  And  yet  my  Sky  (hall  not  waut. 
Dolph.   That  may  be,  for  you  bcare  a  many  fuperituoully, 
72  and  'twere  more  honor  fomc  were  away. 

Con/1.     Eu'n   as    your    Horie   beam   your   prayiesf    who 
would  trot  as  well,  were  fome  of  your  faa]ffW  diunountmi. 


ACT  ill.  sc  vil]      The  Lift  of  Henry  the  l-'i/t.  56 

Dolpk.   Would  I  were  able  to  load?  him  with  his  defert!— 
76  Will  it  ncuer  be  day  ?— I   will  trot  to  morrow  a  mile,  and 
my  way  (hall  be  paucd  with  KngliOi  Face*. 

ton//.    I    will   not  fay  fo,  for  feare  I   (liould  be  fac't  out 
of  my  way:    but    I    would  it   were  morning,  for   I    would 
80  fame  be  about  the  earn  of  the  Engliih. 

liiinil .    Who   will   goe   to   Hazard   with   me   for  twume 
Prifonen  ? 

Con/L    You  mud   rtrft  goe   your  felfe  to  hazard,  ere  you 
84  haue  them. 

DolpH.  "TU  Mid-night ;  He  goe  arme  my  felfe.         [£»//. 
Orteancf.  The  Dolphin  longs  for  morning. 
Kami-.  He  longs  to  eate  the  Englilh. 
88      Con/I  I  thinke  he  will  eate  all  be  kills. 

OrUance.    By  the  white  Hand  of  my   Lady,  hee'«  a   gal- 
lant Prince. 

Con/L    Sweare  by  her  Foot,    that   (he  may  tread  out  the 
92  Oath. 

Orleancf.    He  is,  (imply,  the    moft   actiue    Gentleman   of 
France. 

Conjl.   Doing  is  a&iuitic,  and  he  will  ftill  be  doing. 
96       Orltanct.  He  ncuer  did  harmc,  that  I  heard  of. 

Confl.    Nor   will    doe    none   to   morrow :    hee   will  keepe 
that  good  name  ftill. 

Orlfance.  1  know  him  to  be  valiant. 

too      Confl.    I   was   told    that  by  one  that   knowea   him  better 
then  you. 

Orlennce.  What's  hee? 

Confl.  Marry,  hee  toU  me  fo  himfelfe ;  and  hee  fayd  '  hee 
104  car'd  not  who  knew  it.' 

Orleance.  Hee  needes  not ;  it  is  no  hidden  vertue  in  him. 
Const.    By  my  faith,  Sir,  but  it   is;    neuer  any  body  faw 
it   but   his   Lacquey:    'tis   a   hooded   valour;    and    when    it 
108  ippemn,  it  will  bate. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  HL  sc  viLJ    57 

Or  I  t-ame.  '  111  will  neuer  fayd  well.' 

Conjl.  I  will  cap  that  Prouerbc  with  'There  it  flat  t  eric 
in  tririulihip.' 

iia  Orleanct.  And  I  will  take  vp  that  with  'Gtue  the  Dctiill 
his  due.' 

Conjl.  Well  plac't :  there  Hand*  your  friend  for  the  Deuill : 
haue  at  the  very  eye  of  that  Prouerbe  with  'A  Pox  of  the 
i»6Deuill.* 

Orleanct.    You  are  the  better  at  Proucrbs,  by  bow  much 
'  A  Koolrs  Bolt  is  foone  (hot.* 
Const.  You  haue  (hot  ouer. 
1 20      Orleanct.  Tis  not  the  firft  time  you  were  ouer-lbot. 

Enter  a  Meflenger. 

M<:(T.  My  Lord  high  Conflable,  the  Englifh  lye  within 
fifteene  hundred  paces  of  your  Tents. 

Conjl.  Who  hath  meafur'd  the  ground  ? 
124      Mejf.  The  Lord  Grandpree. 

Conjl.  A  valiant  and  mod  expert  Gentleman. — Would 
it  were  day  ! — Alas,  poorc  Harry  of  England !  bee  longs 
not  for  the  Dawning  as  wee  doe. 

128  Orleanct.  What  a  wretched  and  peeuifh  fellow  U  thi« 
King  of  England,  to  mope  with  his  fat-brain'd  followers 
fo  farre  out  of  bis  knowledge ! 

Conjl.     If  the  Knglifli  bad  any  apprehenfion,  they  would 
132  runne  away. 

Orlranct.  That  they  lack ;  for  if  their  bead*  h.id  any  in- 
telleduall  Armour,  they  could  neuer  weare  fuch  hcauk- 
Head-pieces. 

136  Kami:  That  Hand  of  England  brvedes  wry  valiant 
Creatures ;  their  Maftiffes  are  of  vnmatch.iblc  t  iHirage. 

Orleanct.      Poolilh     Curres,    that     runne    winking     int.. 

the  moulb  of  a  Ruffian  Bearr,  and   haue  their  brad*  rnillii 

140  like  rotten  Apples!    you   may  a*  well    fay,  that's   a  valiant 


ACT  iv.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.  58 

Flea    that    dare    eatc    hit    breakefaft    on    the    Lippe   of  a 

Lyoo. 

CouJl.    luft,  iuft ;    and   the  men  doe  fympathize  with  tin- 
144  Martiffen  in  robuftious  and  rough  comming  on,  leauing  their 

Wiu  with  their  Wiue* :  and  then  giue  them  great  Meales  of 

Beefe,  and  Iron  and  Steele,  they  will  eate  like  Wolues,  and 

tight  like  Deuik 
148      Oil  fame.  I,  but  thefe  Englilh  are  (hrowdly  out  of  Beefe. 

Const.    Then    (hall  we   finde  to   morrow,  they  baue  only 

ftomacke*  to  eate  and   none  to  fight.      Now  is  it  tinu-   t<> 

arnie  :  come,  (hall  we  about  it  ? 
152       Orlfoace.  It  is  now  two  a  Clock  :  but,  let  me  fee: — by  ten 

Wee  foall  baue  each  a  hundred  Englilh  nu-n.  [Exeunt. 


ACT  IV. 

Enter  Chorus. 

Now  entertaine  coniedure  of  a  time, 

When  creeping  Murmure,  and  the  poring  Darkc, 

Fills  the  wide  Veflell  of  the  Vniuerh-. 
4  From  Camp  to  Camp,  through  the  foule  Womb  of  Night, 

The  H uiiinK-  of  eyther  Army  ftilly  founds, 

That  the  tixt  Centinels  almoll  receiue 

The  fecret  Whifpers  of  each  others  Watch. 
8  Fire  aufwera  fire;  and  through  their  paly  flames 

Each  Battaile  fees  the  others  vmber'd  face. 

Steed  threatens  Steed,  in  high  and  boaftfull  Neighs 

Piercing  the  Nights  dull  Eare  ;  and  from  the  Tents, 
12  The  Armourers,  accomplishing  the  Knights, 

With  bufie  Hammers  doling  Riuets  vp, 

Giue  dreadfull  note  of  preparation. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  f V/>.         [ACT  iv.J     59 

The  Countrty  Cocks  doe  crow,  the  Clock*  doe  towle : 
1 6  And,  the  third  howre  of  drowfie  Morning  nam'd, 

Prowd  of  their  Numbers,  and  It-cure  in  Soule, 

The  confident  and  ouer-luftie  French 

Doe  the  low -rated  Englilh  play  at  Dice ; 
20  And  chide  the  creeple-tardy -gated  Night, 

Who,  like  a  foule  and  ougly  Witch,  doth  lirope 

So  tediouily  away.     The  poore  condemned  Englilh, 

Lake  Sacrifices,  by  their  watchfull  Fires 
34  Sit  patiently,  and  inly  ruminate 

The  Mornings  danger ;  and  their  gefhire  (ad, 

Inucfting  Unke-leane  Cbeekes,  and  Warre-worna  Coats, 

Prelentetht  them  vnto  the  gazing  Moone 
38  So  many  horride  Ghofts.     O,  now,  who  will  behold 

The  Royall  Captaine  of  this  ruin'd  Band, 

Walking  from  Watch  to  Watch,  from  Tent  to  Tent, 

Let  him  cry  '  Prayfe  and  Glory  on  his  head ! ' 
32  For  forth  he  goes,  and  vifits  all  his  Hoail; 

Bids  them  good  morrow  with  a  modeft  Smyle ; 

And  calls  them  '  Brothers,  Friends,  and  Countrcymen.' 

Vpon  bis  Royall  Face  there  is  no  note 
36  How  dread  an  Army  hath  cnroundcd  him  ; 

Mor  doth  he  dedicate  one  iot  of  Colour 

Vnto  the  wearic  and  all-watched  Night ; 

But  frvlhly  lookes,  and  ouer-beares  Attaint 
40  With  cbearefull  femblance  and  fweet  Maieftie  $ 

That  cuery  Wretch,  pining  and  pale  before, 

fit-holding  him,  pluck*  comfort  from  his  Looke*: 

A  Largcne  vntuerfall,  like  the  Sunne, 
44  His  liberal!  Eye  doth  giue  to  curry  one, 

Thawing  cold  fearc,  that  mcanc  and  gentle  all 
•  •••••• 

Behold, — as  may  vnworthinenc  define,— 

A  little  touch  of  Harry  in  the  Night  j 


ACT  iv.  sc.  i.J          The  Life  of  Hftiry  the  Fift.  60 

48  And  lo  our  Scene  muft  to  the  Baitaile  tl 

Where.  — O  for  pitty ! —  we  fliall  much  dil'grace — 
<A    li  tuurc  or  fine  moft  vile  and  ragged  foyles, 
Right  ill  diipos'd,  in  brawle  ridiculous — 

5*  The  Name  of  Agincourt.     Yet,  fit  and 

Minding  (rue  things  by  what  their  Mock'rie*  bee.        [L 

The  English  camp  at  Agincourt. 
JV.  i. — Enter  the  KINO,  and  GLOUCESTER. 

K.  Hen.  Glofter,  'tis  true  that  we  are  in  great  danger; 
The  greater  therefore  fliould  our  Courage  be. 

[Enter  Bedford.] 

U  Go[o]d  morrow,  Brother  Bedford,    f  God  Almightic ! 
4  There  is  fomc  foule  of  goodnelle  in  things  euill, 
Would  men  obferuingly  dillill  it  out : 
For  our  bad  Neighbour  makes  vs  early  llirrers, 
Which  is  both  healthful!,  and  good  husbandry. 
8  Bcfidcs,  they  are  our  outward  Consciences, 
And  Preachers  to  vs  all  j  admonilhing 
That  we  fliould  dreile  vs  fairely  for  our  end. 
Thus  may  we  gather  Honey  from  the  Weed, 
12  And  make  a  Morall  of  the  Diuell  himfelfe. 

Enter  EBPINGHAM. 

Good  morrow,  old  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  : 

A  good  foft  Pillow  for  that  good  white  Head, 

Were  better  then  a  churlilli  turfe  of  France. 
1 6      Erpi*g'  Not  fo,  my  Liege,  this  Lodging  likes  me  better, 

Since  I  may  fay, '  Now  lye  I  like  a  King.' 

A'.  Hen.  'Tis  good  for  men  to  loue  their  prefen'.  paines, 

Vpon  example ;  fo  the  Spirit  is  eafed  : 
20  And,  when  the  Mind  is  quickned,  out  of  doubt, 

The  Organs,  though  defunct  and  dead  before, 

Breake  vp  their  drowlie  Graue,  and  newly  moue 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  WJ).    [ACT  iv.  sc  L]   6 1 

With  called  Hough  and  frelh  legeritie. 
24  r  Lend  me  thy  Cloake,  Sir  Thomas,     f  Brother*  both, 
Commend  me  to  the  Prince*  in  our  Campe , 
Doe  my  good  morrow  to  them ;  and,  auon 
IX-lirv  them  all  to  my  Pauillibn. 
28      Gloflrr.  We  rtiall,  my  Liege. 

Erfting.  Shall  I  attend  your  Grace  ? 

K.  Hen.  No,  my  good  Knight  ; 

Goe  with  my  Brothers  to  my  Lord*  of  England  • 
1  and  my  Bofome  mud  debate  a  while, 
32  And  then  I  would  no  other  company. 

Erring.  The  Lord  in  Hcauen  blelfc  tber.  Noble  Harry. 

[Kifiinl.      Manet  KlNU. 
A'.  Hen.  God  a  mercy,  old  Heart !  thou  fpeak'd  rbearcfully. 

Enter  PISTOLL. 
Plfl.  Qui  valtltt 
36      A'.  Hen.  A  friend. 

P\fl.  Difcufle  vnto  me ;  art  thou  Officer ! 
Or  art  thou  bafe,  common,  and  popular  ? 

A".  Hen.  I  am  a  Gentleman  of  a  Company. 
40      F[ll.  Tray  I'll  thou  the  puidant  Pyke  ? 
A'.  H?n.  Kuen  fo  :  what  are  700  ? 
P'(ft.  Ai  good  a  Gentleman  a*  the  Kmperor. 
A'.  Hen.  Then  you  are  a  better  then  the  King. 
44      />{//.  The  King's  a  Bawcock,  and  a  Heart  of  Gold, 
A  Lad  of  Life,  an  Impe  of  Fame, 
Of  Parents  good,  of  Fid  mod  valiant : 
I  kifle  hU  durtie  (hooe,  and  from  heart  ft  ring 
48  I  louc  the  lonely  Bully.     What'*  t  thy  Name  f 
A*.  Hen.   Harry  le  Roy. 

P'lfl.  Le  Roy  /  •  Corniih  Name  :  art  thou  of  Cornim  Crew  ? 
K.  Hen.  No,  I  am  a  Welchimn. 
52       Fiji.   Know'd  thou  r'lurllen' 


ACT  iv.  sc  LJ         The  Life  of  Henry  the  H/>.  62 

A'.  Hen.  Ye*. 

/';/'•  '1 VII  him,  He  knock  his  Leeke  about  hi*  Pate, 
Vpon  S.  Dailies  da/. 

S^      A*.  Hen.  Doe  not  you  weare  your  Dagger  in  your  Cappe 
that  day,  It-alt  he  knock  that  about  yours. 

t'iji.  Art  them  his  frinul  • 

A'.  Hen.  And  his  Kinfman  too. 
60      P\fl.  The  ftgo  for  thee,  then  !  [Tunu  to  go. 

K.  Hen.  I  thanke  you :  God  be  with  you ! 

/»f/?.  My  name  is  Ptfol  call'd.  [Exit. 

A".  Hen.  It  forts  well  with  your  fiercenciU-. 

Enter  FLURLLEN  and  GOWER. 

64      Cower.  Captaine  Fluellen! 

Flu.  'So !  in  the  Name  of  Chefliu  t  Chrift,  fpeake  lower. t    It 

U    the    greateft   admiration    in    the    vniucrfall    'orld.t    w  lu-n 

the    true    and    aunchient    Prerogatifes    and     Lawes   of    the 

68  Warrcs   U   not  kept :    if  you  would  take  the  paines  but  to 

examine  the  Warns  of  Pompey  the   Great,  you  (hall   finde, 

I  warrant  you,  that  there  is  no  tiddle  tadle,  nor  pibble  pahK-.t 

in    Pompeyes   Campe:    I   warrant   you,   you    (hall   finde   the 

72  Ceremonies   of  the   Warres,  and   the   Cares   of  it,  and    the 

Formes  of  it,  and  the  Sobrietie  of  it,  and  the   Modeftie  of 

it,  to  be  otherwife. 

Gou'fr.  Why,  the  Enemie  is  lowd;  you  heare  him  all  Night. 
76      Flu.  If  the  Enemie  is  an  Affe,  and  a  Foole,  and  a  prating 
Coxcombe,  is  it  meet,  thinke  you,  that  wee  (hould  alfo,  looke 
you,  be  an  Affe  and  a  Foole,  and  a  prating  Coxcombe;   in 
your  owne  confcience,  now  ? 
go      Gntv.  I  will  fpeake  lower. 

Flu.  I  pray  you,  and  pefeech  t  you,  that  you  will. 

[Exeunt  GOWER  and  FLUELLEM. 
A'.  Hen.  Though  U  appeare  a  little  out  of  talliion, 
There  is  much  care  and  valour  in  this  Welchman. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  fV/>.    [ACT  IT.  sc.  i]   63 

Enter  three  Souldien,  IOHW  BATES,  ALEXANDER  COVET, 
and  MICHAEL  WILLIAMS. 

84  Court.  Brother  John  Bates,  is  not  that  the  Morning 
which  breake*  yonder  ? 

Bates.  I  thinke  it  be  :    but  wee  haue  no  great  caufc   to 
defire  the  approach  of  day. 

88  Williams.  Wee  fee  yonder  the  beginning  of  the  day, 
but,  I  thinke,  wee  (hall  neuer  fee  the  end  of  it.  ^1  Who  goes 
there? 

A".  Hen.  A  Friend. 

92      IPiJtiams.  Vnder  what  Captaine  feme  you  ? 
K.  Hen.  Vnder  Sir  Thomas  t  Erpingham. 
Williams.    A  good    old   Commander,  and   a   mod   kinde 
Gentleman  :  I  pray  you,  what  thinkes  he  of  our  eftate  ? 
96      K.  Hen.    Euen  as  men  wrackt  vpon  a  Sand,  that  looke  to 
be  waflit  off  the  next  Tyde. 

Bates.  He  hath  not  told  his  thought  to  the  King? 

A'.  Hen.  No ;  nor  it  Is  not  meet  he  (hould.     For,  though  I 

100  fpeake  it  to  you,  I  thinke  the  King  is  but  a  man,  as  I  am  : 

the  Violet  fmells  to   him  as  it  doth  to  me;   the  Element 

fltcwes  to  him  as  it  doth  to  me)    all  his  Sence*  haue  but 

humane  Conditions :   his  Ceremonies  layd  by,  in  his  Naked- 

104  neife   he  appearrs  but  a   man ;    and    though   hi*   artccbow 

are  higher  mounted  then  oun,  yet,  when  they  (loupe,  they 

(loupe  with   the  like  wing:    therefore,  when   he  fees  rrafon 

of  feares,  as   we  doe,  bis   (earcs,  out  of  doubt,  be  of  the 

1 08  fame  rcllilh  as  oun  are :  yet,  in  reafon,  no  man  would  |>ot1efle 

him  with  any  appearance  of  feare,  Icaft  bee,  by  (hewing  it, 

mould  dU-hcarten  hU  Army. 

Batri.    He   may   (hew   what  outward   courage    he    will ; 
1 5  a  but,  I  beleeue,  as  cold  a  Night  as  'lit.  hoe  could  wilh  him- 
fclfe  in  Thames  vp  to  the  Neck ;  and  fo  I  would  he  were, 
and  I. by  him,  at  all  aduentum,  fo  we  were  quit  here. 

AT.  Hm.  By  my  troth,  I  will  fpeake  my  confcience  of  tti* 


ACT  iv.  sc  I]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  /•'///.  64 

u6King:  I  thinke  bee  would  not  wilh  himfelfe  any  u  In TV 
but  where  hee  is. 

Batfs.  Then  I  would  he  were  here  alone ;  fo  Humid  he  be 
lure  to  be  ranfomed,  and  a  many  poore  metis  Hues  faued. 

»*o  AT.  Hen.  I  dare  fay,  you  louc  him  not  fo  ill,  to  wiHi  him  lu-n- 
alone,  howfoeuer  you  fpeake  this  to  feele  other  mem  minds :  me 
thinks,  I  could  not  dye  any  where  fo  contented  as  in  (he  Kings 
company ;  his  Caufe  being  iuft,  and  his  Quarrell  honorable. 

1 24      iniliams.  That's  more  then  we  know. 

Bates.  I,  or  more  then  wee  fliould  feeke  after ;  for  wee 
know  enough,  if  wee  know  wee  are  the  Kings  Subie&s: 
if  his  Caufe  be  wrong,  our  obedience  to  the  King  wines 

1 28  ihe  Cryme  of  it  out  of  vt. 

If'U/iams.  But  if  the  Caufe  be  not  good,  the  King  him- 
felfe  hath  a  heauie  Reckoning  to  make,  when  all  thofe 
Legges,  and  Armes,  and  Heads,  chopt  off  in  a  Battaile, 

132  lhall  ioyne  together  at  the  latter  day,  and  cry  all,  'W»* 
dyed  at  huh  a  place;  fome,  fwearing;  fome,  crying  for  * 
Surgean  j  fome,  vpon  their  Wiues  left  poore  behind  them  -. 
fome,  vpon  the  Debts  they  owe ;  fome,  vpon  their  Children 

136  rawly  left.'  I  am  afear'd  there  are  few  dye  well  that  dye 
in  a  Battaile;  for  bow  can  they  charitably  difpofe  of  any 
thing,  when  Blood  is  their  argument  ?  Now,  if  thefe  men 
doe  not  dye  well,  it  will  be  a  black  matter  for  the  King 

140  that  led  them  to  it;  who  to  difobey  were  againft  all  pro- 
portion of  fubie&ion. 

K.  Hen.  So,  if  a  Sonne,  that  is  by  his  Father  fent  about 
Merchandize,  doe  fmfully  mifcarry  vpon  the  Sea,  the  im- 

144  putation  of  his  wickednefle,  by  your  rule,  mould  be  impofed 
vpon  his  Father  that  fent  him:  or  if  a  Seruant,  vnder 
his  Matters  command,  tranfporting  a  fumme  of  Money, 
be  aflayled  by  Robbers,  and  dye  in  many  irreconcil'd 

148  Iniquities,  you  may  call  the  bufincfle  of  the  Matter  the 
author  of  the  Seruants  damnation :  but  this  is  not  fo : 


The  Life  of  Htnry  the  fifl.    [ACT  iv.  sc.  L]    65 

The  King  is  not  bound  to  anfwer  the  particular  ending*  of 
his  Souldiers,  the  Father  of  his  Sonne,  nor  the  Matter  of  his 

152  Seruant }  for  they  purpofe  not  their  death,  when  they  purpofc 
their  feruices.  Betides,  there  is  no  King,  be  his  Caufe  neuer 
fo  fpotleife,  if  it  come  to  the  arbitrement  of  Swords,  can 
trye  it  out  with  all  vnfpotted  Souldien  :  fume,  peraduenture. 

156  haue  on  them  the  guilt  of  premeditated  and  contriued  Murther . 
fome,  of  beguiling  Virgins  with  the  broken  Scales  of  Penurie ; 
fome,  making  the  Warres  their  Bulwarke,  that  haue  before 
gored  the  gentle  Boforae  of  Peace  with  Pillage  and  Robberie. 

1 60  Now,  if  thefe  men  haue  defeated  the  Law,  and  out-run  ne 
Natiue  puniflimcnt,  though  they  can  ouNflrip  men,  they  baue 
no  wings  to  flye  from  God  Warrc  is  his  Beadle,  Wane  is 
his  Vengeance;  fo  that  here  men  are  punilht,  for  before 

164  breach  of  the  Kings  Lawes,  in  now  the  Kings  Quarrel  I  : 
where  they  feared  the  death,  they  haue  borne  life  away;  and 
where  they  would  bee  fafe,  they  perifli :  Then  if  they  dye 
vnprouided,  no  more  is  the  King  guilt  ie  of  their  damnation, 

168  then  hee  was  before  guiltie  of  thofe  Impieties  for  the  which 
they  are  now  vifited.  Euery  Subiccb  Dutie  is  the  Kings,  but 
euery  Subieds  Soule  U  his  owne.  Therefore  mould  euery 
Souldier  in  the  Warres  doe  as  euery  ficke  man  in  his  Bed, 

772  wad)  cucry  Moth  out  of  hi*  Confcience  :  and  dying  fo.  Death 
is  to  him  aduantage;  or  not  dying,  the  time  was  blelledlv 
loft,  wherein  fuch  preparation  wa«  gayned :  and,  in  him  that 
efcapes,  it  were  not  finne  to  thinke,  that  making  God  fo  free 

176  an  offer,  be  lot  him  out-liue  that  day  to  fee  1m  Great  ndfc, 
and  to  teach  others  bow  they  Humid  prepare. 

Will.    Tis  cenaine,  euery  man  that  dyes  ill,  the  ill  rpon 
his  owne  head,  the  King  is  not  to  anfwer  it. 

1 80  Bat  ft.  I  doe  not  defire  hee  (hould  anfwer  for  me;  ami 
yet  I  determine  to  fight  luftily  for  him. 

K.  Hat.  I  ray  felfe  beard  the  King  fay  he  would  not  be 
ranfom'd. 

C  » 


ACT  iv.  sc.  i.]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  66 

184  Hill.  \,  hoc  faid  fo,  to  make  vs  fight  chearefully  :  but, 
when  our  throats  are  cut,  hoe  may  be  ransom'd,  and  wee 
oe'rc  the-  \v 

A".  Hen.  If  I    liue   to  fee  it,  I  will  neuer  truft  hit  word 
1 88  after. 

ll'itl.  You  pay  him  then!  That's  a  perillous  (hot  out 
of  an  Elder  Gunne,  that  a  poore  and  a  priuate  difplcalurc 
can  doe  a  gain  It  a  Monarch !  you  may  as  well  goe  about 
>9*  to  tunic  the  Sunne  to  yce  with  fanning  in  his  face  with  a 
Peacocks  feather.  You'le  neuer  truft  his  word  after !  come, 
'tis  a  tuoliili  faying. 

A'.  Hen.   Your  reproofe  is  fomething  too  round :  I  mould 
196  be  angry  with  you,  if  the  time  were  conuenient. 

IV Ul.  Let  it  bee  a  Quarrell  betweene  vs,  if  you  liue. 
K.  Hen.  I  embrace  it. 
If 'ill.  How  mall  I  know  thee  againe? 

200  K.  Hen.  Giue  me  any  Gage  of  thine,  and  I  will  weare  it 
in  my  Bonnet :  Then,  if  euer  thou  dar'ft  acknowledge  it, 
I  will  make  it  my  Quarrell. 

mil.  Heere's  my  Gloue:  Giue  mee  another  of  thine. 
204      K.  Hen.  There ! 

IVill.    This  will   I  alfo  weare  in   my  Cap :    if  euer  thou 
come  to  me  and  fay,  after  to  morrow,  'This  is  my  Gloue,' 
by  this  Hand,  I  will  take  thee  a  box  on  the  eare. 
208      A'.  Hen.  If  euer  I  liue  to  fee  it,  I  will  challenge  it. 
IVdl.  Thou  dar'ft  as  well  be  hang'd. 

K.  Hen.   Well,  I  will   doe   it,  though   I  take  thee  in  the 
Kings  companie. 
212      IVUl.  Keepe  thy  word  :  fare  thee  well. 

Bates.  Be  friends,  you  Englifti  fooles,  be  friends ;  wee  haue 
French  Quarrels  enow,  if  you  could  tell  how  to  reckon. 

K.  Hen.     Indeede,   the    French   may  lay   twentie   French 

216  Crownes  to  one,  they   will   beat   vs,   for  they   beare   them 

on   their   (houlders :    but    it   is   no   Englim   Treafon   to   cut 


The  Life  of  Htnry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  tv.  sc  L]  67 

French   Crowne*;   and,  to  morrow,  the    King    himfelfe  will 

be  a  Clipper.  [Exeunt  Souldien. 

220  Vpon  the  King ! — let  n  our  Liue*.  our  Sou  let, 

Our  Debt«,  our  carefull  Wiue», 

Our  Children,  and  our  Sinnes,  lav  on  (he  King  j— 

We  mull  beare  all. 
224  O  hard  Condition !  Twin-borne  with  Greatncfle, 

Subieci  to  the  breath  of  euery  (bole,  whole  fence 

No  more  can  feele,  but  hit  owne  wring. ng ! 

What  infinite  hearts-cafe  muft  King*  mgled, 
228  That  priuate  men  enioy  ! 

And  what  haue  Kings,  that  Priuates  haue  not  too, 

Saue  Ceremonie,  faue  general  I  Ceremonic  ? 

And  what  art  thou,  thou  Idoll  Ceremonie? 
232  What  kind  of  God  art  thou,  that  fuller' ft  more 

Of  mortall  griefes  then  doe  thy  worlhippen  ? 

What  are  thy  Rents  ?  what  are  thy  Comming*  in  ? 

0  Ceremonie,  (hew  me  but  thy  worth  ! 
236  What  is  thy  Soulc  of  Adoration  ?t 

Art  thou  ought  elfe  but  Place,  Degree,  and  Forme, 

Creating  awe  and  feare  in  other  men  ? 

Wherein  thou  art  leflc  happy,  being  fear'd, 
240  Then  they  in  fearing. 

What  drink'ft  thou  oft.  in  ftead  of  Homage  fweet, 

But  poyfon'd  fbtterie  ?  O,  be  fide,  great  Greatneflr, 

And  bid  thy  Ceremonie  giue  thee  cure ! 
244  Think'ftt  thou  the  fieric  Feuer  will  goe  out 

With  Title*  blowne  from  Adulatidn  ? 

Will  it  giue  place  to  flexure  and  low  bending  ? 

Canft  thou,  when  thou  command'!)  the  beggen  knee, 
2^3  Command  the  health  of  it  ?     No,  thou  prowd  Drrame. 

That  play'ft  fo  fubiilly  with  •  King*  Kepofe  j 

1  am  a  King  that  find  thee ;  an  I  I  know, 
Tii  not  the  Balmr,  the  Scepter,  and  the  Ball, 


ACT  iv.  sc  L]         The  Lift  of  Hrnry  the  Fift.  68 

152  The  Sword,  the  Male,  the  Crowne  Imperial!, 

The  entrr-tiflu'd  Robe  of  Gold  and  Pearle, 

The  farfed  Title  running  'fore  the  King, 

The  Throne  he  fits  on,  nor  the  Tyde  of  Pompe 
256  That  beates  vpon  the  high  lliore  of  thU  World  : 

No,  not  all  thefe,  thrice-gorgeous  Ceremonie, 

Not  all  thefe,  lay'd  in  Bed  Maiefticall, 

Can  fleepe  fo  foundly  as  the  wretched  Slaue, 
260  Who,  with  a  body  fill'd,  and  vacant  mind, 

Gets  him  to  reft,  cram'd  with  diftreflefull  bread ; 

Neuer  fees  horride  Night,  the  Child  of  Hell, 

But,  like  a  Lacquey,  from  the  Rife  to  Set, 
264  Sweates  in  the  eye  of  Phelus,  and  all  Night 

Sleepes  in  Elizium  ;  next  day,  after  dawne, 

Doth  rife  and  belpe  Hiperic[n]  to  his  Horfe, 

And  followes  fo  the  euer-running  yeere, 
268  With  profitable  labour,  to  his  Graue  : 

And,  but  for  Ceremonie,  fuch  a  Wretch, 

Winding  vp  Dayes  with  toyle  and  Nights  with  fleepe, 

Had  the  fore-hand  and  vantage  of  a  King. 
272  The  Slaue,  a  Member  of  the  Countreyes  peace, 

Enioyes  it ;  but  in  grofle  braine  little  wots, 

What  watch  the  King  keepes  to  maintaine  the  peace  j 

Whofe  howres  the  Pefant  belt  aduantages. 

Enter  ERPINGHAM. 

276      Erp.  My  Lord,  your  Nooles,  iealous  of  your  abfence, 
Seeke  through  your  Campe  to  find  you. 

K.  Hen.  Good  old  Knight, 

Colled  them  all  together  at  my  Tent : 
He  be  before  tbee. 

Erp.  I  (hall  doo't,  my  Lord.  [Exit. 

280      A'.  Hen.  O  God  of  Battailes  !  fteele  my  Souldiers  hearts ! 
Portefle  them  not  with  feare !  Take  from  them  now 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  fV/J.    [ACT  tv.sc.ii.]   69 

The  fence  of  reckning,  iff  th'oppofed  number* 

Pluck  their  hearts  from  them !     Not  to  day,  O  Lord, 
284  O  not  to  day,  thinke  not  vpon  the  fault 

My  Father  made  in  compafling  the  Crowne ! 

I  Richards  body  haue  interred  new ; 

And  on  it  haue  beftow'd  more  contrite  team, 
288  Then  from  it  iflu'd  forced  drop*  of  blood. 

Fiue  hundred  poore  I  haue  in  yeerely  pay. 

Who  twice  a  day  their  wither'd  hands  hold  rp 

Toward  Heaucn,  to  pardon  blood ;  and  I  haue  built 
292  Two  Cbauntries,  where  the  fad  and  folemne  Pricfls 

Sing  ftill  for  Richards  Boole.     More  will  I  do; 

Though  all  that  I  can  doe  is  nothing  worth. 

Since  that  my  Penitence  come*  after  all, 
296  Imploring  pardon. 

GLOUCESTER,  without. 

Cfouc.  My  Liege! 

K.  Hen.  My  brother  Gloucrftert  royce  ? — 1 1 

I  know  thy  errand,  I  will  goe  with  thee : — 
The  day,  my  friend[s],  and  all  things  (lay  for  me.  [Rrit. 

IV.  it— The  French  camp. 
Enter  the  DOLPHIN,  OKLRAKCE,  RAMBURS,  and  BEAUMOHT. 

Or  I  fane  *.    The    Sunnc   doth   gild   our   Armour)    vp,   my 

Lords! 

Dolph.  Monte*  a  t  Chrual  /  f  My  Horfe !  far  let  /f  Lacyway  I 
Ha! 

Orlrancf.  Oh  brauc  Spirit ! 
4      D»lph.  Via  /  le$  taux  et  la  t  terre  - 
Orleancc.  Ritn  puts  f  Fair  et  le  tyJni— 
Dolph.  Cifl.'t  Coufin  Orleance. 

[Enter  CONSTABLE.]     f  Now,  my  Lord  Con fl able ! 


ACT  iv.  sc  ii.]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fi/>.  70 

8      Con/1.  Hcarke,  how  our  Strode*  fur  prefent  Scruice  neigh  ! 

Dvlph.  Mount  them,  and  make  incifion  in  their  Hides  , 
That  their  hot  blood  may  fpin  in  Englilh  eyes, 
And  dout  t  them  with  lupcrfluous  courage :  ha ! 
12      Ram.  What,  wil  you  haue  them  weep  our  Horfes  blood? 
How  th.ill  we  then  behold  their  natural!  teares ) 

Enter  Meflenger. 

Affffi-nfr.  The  Englilh  are  embattail'd,  you  French  Peeres. 
Coi\fl.  To  Horfe,  you  gallant  Princes !  ftraight  to  Hurfe ! 
1 6  Doe  but  behold  yond  poore  and  ftarued  Band, 

And  your  faire  (hew  ihall  fuck  away  their  Soules, 

Leauing  them  but  the  (hales  and  huskes  of  men. 

There  is  not  worke  enough  for  all  our  hands ; 
20  Scarce  blood  enough  in  all  their  fickly  Veines, 

To  giue  each  naked  Curtleax  a  ftayne, 

That  our  French  Gallants  (hall  to  day  draw  out, 

And  (heath  for  lack  of  fport.     Let  vs  but  blow  on  them, 
24  The  vapour  of  our  Valour  will  o're-turne  them. 

Ts  pofitiue  'gainft  t  all  exceptions,  Lords, 

That  our  fuperfluous  Lacquics,  and  our  Pefants, — 

Who,  in  vnneceflarie  aftion,  fwarme 
28  About  our  Squares  of  Battaile, — were  enow 

To  purge  this  field  of  fuch  a  hilding  Foe, 

Though  we  vpon  this  Mountaines  Bafis  by, 

Tooke  (land  for  idle  fpeculation  : 
32  But  that  our  Honours  mud  not.     What's  to  fay  ? 

A  very  little  little  let  vs  doe, 

And  all  is  done.    Then  let  the  Trumpets  found 

The  Tucket  Sonaunce.t  and  the  Note  to  mount : 
36  For  our  approach  (hall  fo  much  dare  the  field, 

That  England  (hall  couch  downe  in  feare,  and  yeeld. 


The  Life  of  Hfnry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  iv.  sc  Ul]    71 

Enter  GaAUMDraat. 

Grandprtt.  Why  do  you  ftay  fo  long,  my  Lords  of  France  ? 

Yond  Hand  Carrions,  defperate  of  their  bone*, 
40  Ill-fauor'dly  become  the  Morning  field  : 

Their  ragged  Cnrtaines  poorely  are  let  loofe, 

And  our  Ayre  (hakes  them  palling  fcornefully ; 

Bigge  Mars  fecmes  banqu'rout  in  their  begger'd  Hoaft, 
44  And  faintly  through  a  ruftie  Beuer  peepet  j 

The  Horfemen  fit  like  fixed  Candlcfticks, 

With  Torch- ftaues  in  their  hand ;  and  their  poore  lades 

Lob  downe  their  beads,  dropping  the  hides  and  hips, 
4$  The  gnmme  downe  roping  from  their  pale-dead  eyes, 

And  in  their  pale  dull  mouthes  the  lymold  Bitt 

Lyes  foule  with  chaw'd-graile,  Hill  and  motionlefle  : 

And  their  executors,  the  knauifh  Crowes, 
52  Flye  o're  them,  all  impatient  t  for  their  howre. 

Defcription  cannot  futeit  felfe  in  words, 

To  deraonftrate  the  Life  of  fuch  a  Battaile, 

In  life  fo  liuelelle  as  it  (hewes  it  felfe. 

56      ConJI.  They  haue  faid  their  prayers,  and  they  ftay  for  death. 
Dolph.   Shall  we  goe  fend  them  Dinners,  and  frvlh  Sutes, 

And  giue  their  fading  Horfes  Proucndcr, 

And  after  fight  with  them  ? 
60      Con/1.  I  ftay  but  for  my  Guidon. t — To  the  field ! 

I  will  the  Banner  from  a  Trumpet  take. 

And  vfe  it  for  my  hade.     Come,  come  away  \ 

The  Sunne  is  high,  and  we  out-weare  the  day.  [Estunt. 

IV.  m.—H,fore  the  English  camp. 

Enter  GLOUCBSTII,  Bcoroto,  and  KXBTEM  :  EariwoHAM, 
with  all  hit  Hoajl :  SALIMUKT.  and  WBSTMBILAMD. 

Clone.  Where  is  the  King? 

Bedf.  The  King  himfelfc  is  rode  to  riew  their  Battaile. 


ACT  nr.  sc  iii.]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.  73 

H'rfl.  Of  fighting  men  they  haue  full  threefcore  thoufand. 
4      Est.  There's  fine  to  one  j  betides  they  all  are  frefti. 

SaJitl:  God*  Armc  ftrike  with  vs  !  'tis  a  fearefull  oddes. 
God  buy*  you,  Princes  all ;  lie  to  ray  Charge : 
If  we  no  more  meet  till  we  meet  in  Heauen, 
8  Then,  ioy fully,  my  Noble  Lord  of  Bedford, 
H  My  deare  Lord  Gloucefter,  f  and  my  good  Lord  Exeter, 
H  And  my  kind  Kinfman,  Warriors  all,  adieu  ! 

JBtdf.  Farwell,  good  Salisbury,  &  good  luck  go  with  thee ! 
I  a      Ext.  Farwell,  kind  Lord;  fight  valiantly  to  day: 
And  yet  I  doe  thee  wrong  to  mind  thee  of  it, 
For  thou  art  fram'd  of  the  firme  truth  of  valour.        [Exit  Sal. 

Btdf.  He  is  as  full  of  Valour  as  of  Kindnefle; 
Princely  in  both. 

Enter  the  KINO. 

1 6      IPeJl.  O  that  we  now  had  here 

But  one  ten  thoufand  of  thofe  men  in  England, 

That  doe  no  worke  to  day ! 

K.  Hen.  What's  he  that  wiflies  so? 

My  Coufin  Wejhntrland  ?     No,  my  faire  Coufm  : 
20  If  we  are  markt  to  dye,  we  are  enow 

To  doe  our  Countrey  lofle  j  and  if  to  liue, 

The  fewer  men,  the  greater  (hare  of  honour. 

Gods  will !  I  pray  thee,  with  not  one  man  more. 
24  By  hue,  I  am  not  couetous  for  Gold, 

Nor  care  I  who  doth  feed  vpon  my  coft ; 

It  yernes  me  not  if  men  my  Garments  weare ; 

Such  outward  things  dwell  not  in  my  defires : 
28  But  if  it  be  a  fmne  to  couet  Honor, 

I  am  the  mod  offending  Soule  aliue. 

No,  'faith,  my  Couze,  wifli  not  a  man  from  England : 

Gods  peace !  I  would  not  loofe  fo  great  an  Honor, 
32  As  one  man  more,  me  thinkes,  would  (hare  from  me, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  JFV/V.   [ACT  iv.  sc.  iii.]   73 

For  the  beft  hope  I  haue.     O,  doe  not  with  one  more ! 
Rather  proclaime  it,  Weftmerland,  through  my  Hualt, 
That  be  which  bath  no  itum.uk  to  this  fight, 
36  Let  him  depart ;  bis  Pafport  fliali  be  made, 
And  C' rowm-*  for  Conuoy  put  into  bis  Purfe : 
We  would  not  dye  in  that  mans  com  panic. 
That  feare*  his  fellowfliip  to  dye  with  vs. 
40  This  day  is  call'd  the  Feast  of  Crifpian  : 

He  that  out-liues  this  day,  and  comes  fafe  home. 
Will  Hand  a  tip-toe  when  this  day  is  nam'd, 
And  rowfe  him  at  the  Name  of  CriJ'pian. 
44  He  that  (hall  Hue  this  day,  and  fee  t  old  age, 
Will  yeerely  on  the  Vigil  feaft  his  neighbours, 
And  fay,  '  To  morrow  is  Saint  Crifpian  ' : 
Then  will  he  ftrip  his  flceue,  and  (hew  bis  skarres, 
48  [And  say, '  These  wounds  I  had  on  Cropines  day.'] 
Old  men  forget ;  yet  all  (hall  be  forgot, 
But  hee'le  remember,  with  aduantages, 
What  feats  he  did  that  day.    Then  (hall  our  Names, 
53  Familiar  in  his  mouth  at  houfehold  words, — 
Harry  the  King,  Bedford  and  Exeter, 
Warwick  and  Tallot,  Salisbury  and  Gloucefler,—~ 
Be  in  their  flowing  Cups  frethly  remembred. 
56  This  (lory  (hall  the  good  man  teach  his  fonnc; 
And  Cnfft'me  Crifpian  (hall  ne're  goe  by, 
From  this  day  to  the  ending  of  the  World, 
But  we  in  it  (hall  be  rememb[e]red  ; 
60  We  few,  we  happy  few,  we  band  of  brothers  j 
For  he  to  day  that  (heds  his  blood  with  me, 
Shall  be  my  brother ;  be  he  ne're  fo  vile. 
This  day  (hall  gentle  his  Condition : 
64  And  Gentlemen  in  England,  now  a  bed, 

Shall  thinkc  themfelue*  accurft  they  were  not  here  j 
And  hold  their  Manhoods  chcape,  while*  any  fpcakes. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  iil]       The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.  74 

That  fought  with  vs  vpon  Saint  Crtftttnet  day. 
Re-enter  SxLISIVtY. 

68      Sal.  My  Sooeraign  Lord,  beftow  your  felfe  with  fpccd : 
The  French  are  brauely  in  their  battailcs  fet. 
And  will  with  all  expedience  charge  on  vs. 

K.  Hen.  All  things  are  ready,  if  our  minds  be  fo. 
72      Ifrfl.  Perifli  the  man  whofe  mind  is  backward  now ! 

A".  Hen.  Thou  do'ft  not  wifli  more  hclpe   from  England, 

Couze? 

Weft.  Gods  will !  my  Liege,  would  you  and  I  alone, 
Without  more  helpe,  could  fight  this  Royall  battaile ! 
76      AT.  Hen.    Why,   now   thou    haft    vnwimt    flue    thoufand 

men; 

Which  likes  me  better  then  to  with  vs  one. 
^  You  know  your  places  :  God  be  with  you  all ! 

Tucket.     Enter  MOHTIOT. 

Mont.  Once  more  I  come  to  know  of  thee,  King  Harry, 
So  If  for  thy  Ranfome  thou  wilt  now  compound, 

Before  thy  moft  allured  Ouerthrow : 

For,  certainly,  thou  art  fo  neere  the  Gulfe, 

Thou  needs  muft  be  englutted.     Betides,  in  mercy, 
84  The  Conftable  defires  thee, '  thou  wilt  mind 

Thy  followers  of  Repentance  j  that  their  Soules 

May  make  a  peacefull  and  a  fweet  retyre 

From  off  thefe  fields,  where,  wretches,  their  poore  bodie» 

Muft  lye  and  fcfter.' 

88      K.  Hen.  Who  hath  fent  thee  now  ? 

Mont.  The  Conftable  of  France. 
K.  Hen.  I  pray  thee  beare  my  former  Anfwer  back : 

Bid  them  atchieue  me,  and  then  fell  my  bones. 
92  Good  God !  why  fhould  they  mock  poore  fellowes  thus  ? 

The  man  that  once  did  (ell  the  Lyons  skin, 


The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  nr.  sc.  ill]    75 

While  the  bead  liu'd,  was  kill'd  with  hunting  him. 

A  many  of  our  bodyes  (hall,  no  doubt, 
96  Fiud  Natiue  Graues  j  vpon  the  which,  I  irurt. 

Shall  witnerte  Hue  in  Brailc  of  this  dayes  worke  : 

And  thofe  that  leaue  their  valiant  bone*  in  France, 

Dying  like  men,  though  bury'd  in  your  Dunghills, 
100  They  (hall  be  fam'd ;  for  there  the  Sun  Hull  greet  them. 

And  draw  their  honors  reeking  vp  to  Hcauen  ; 

Laming  their  earthly  parts  to  choake  your  Clyme, 

The  fmell  whereof  ihall  breed  a  Plague  in  France. 
104  Marke  then  abounding  valour  in  our  Englilh, 

That,  being  dead,  like  to  the  bullets  grafing.t 

Breake  out  into  a  fecond  courfe  of  milchicfe, 

Killing  in  relapfe  of  Mortalitie. 
1 08  Let  me  fpeake  prowdly  :  'Tell  the  Conftable, 

We  are  but  Warriors  for  the  working  day  j 

Our  Gaynerte  and  our  Gilt,  are  all  befmyrcht 

With  raynie  Marching  in  the  painefull  field  -, 
112  There's  not  a  piece  of  feather  in  our  Hoaft, 

— Good  argument,  I  hope,  we  will  not  flye,— 

And  time  hath  worne  rs  into  flouenrie  : ' 

But,  by  the  Mafic,  our  hearts  are  in  the  trim  ; 
1 1 6  And  my  poore  Souldiers  tell  me,  'yet  ere  Night 

They'le  be  in  frefher  Robes ;  or  they  will  pluck 

The  gay  new  Coats  o're  the  French  Souldiers  heads, 

And  turne  them  out  of  feruice.'     If  they  doe  this, 
lao  — As,  if  God  pleafe,  they  Ihall, — my  Ranfome  then 

Will  foone  be  leuy'd.     Herauld,  due  thou  thy  labour ; 

Come  thou  no  more  for  Ranfome,  gentle  Herauld  : 

They  (hall  hauc  none,  I  fweare,  but  tbefe  my  ioynts, 
1 24  Which  if  they  hauc  as  I  will  leaue  vm  them, 

Shall  yccld  them  little,  tell  the  Conftable. 

Mnni.  I  (hall,  King  Harry.     And  fo  (are  tbce  well : 

Thou  neocr  (halt  heare  Herauld  any  more.  [£n/. 


ACT  iv.  sc  iv.]       The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fijt.  76 

A'.  Hen.  I   feare    tbou'lt    once    more    come    againe   fur 
128           kaufomc.t 

Enter  YOMKI. 

Yorke.  My  Lord,  moft  humbly  on  my  knee  I  bcgge 
The  leading  of  the  Vaward. 

A'.  Hen.  Take  it.  braue  Yorke.    U  Now,  Souldicrs,  march 

•wayl 
13*  U  And  how  thou  pleafcft,  God,  difpofe  the  day  !  [Exeunt. 

IV.  iv.— The  Field  of  Battle. 

Riorum.     Excursions.     Enter  PISTOLL,  French  Souldier, 
and  the  Boy. 

Pi/?.  YeeId,Curre! 

Fr.  Sol.  le  penfe  que  vous  ejles  Gentilhomme  de  lonne  qualiti.f 
P\ft.  Qoalitie ! '  Calen  ot  custure  me  I '  Art  thou  a  Gentleman  ? 
4  What  is  thy  Name  ?  difouTe. 
Fr.  Sol.  O  Seigneur  Dieu  / 
Pi/1.  O  Signieur  Dewe  mould  be  a  Gentleman  : 
Perpend  my  words,  O  Signieur  Dewe,  and  marke  > 
8  O  Signieur  Dewe,  thou  dyeft  on  point  of  Fox, 
Except,  O  Signieur,  thou  doe  giue  to  me 
Egregious  Ranfome.  [Makes  menacing  gestures. 

Fr.  Sol.   O  prennez  mifericorde  I  ayez  pitit  t  de  moy  ! 
12      Pi/?.  Moy  (hall  not  ferae;  I  will  haue  fortie  Moyes; 
Ort  I  will  fetch  thy  rymme  out  at  thy  Throat, 
In  droppes  of  Crimfon  blood. 

Fr.  Sol.  EJl  il  impoffiile  fefchapper  la  t  force  de  ton  Iras? 
1 6      P{/?.  Brafle,  Curre  ! 

Thou  damned  and  luxurious  Mountaine  Goat, 
Offer'ft  me  Brafle  ? 

Fr.  Sol.  O  pardonnez  t  moy  ! 

20      P(fl.  Say'ft  thou  me  fo  ?  is  that  a  Tonne  of  Moyes  ? 
Come  hither,  boy :  aske  me  this  flauc  in  French, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  iv.  sc.  hr.]    77 

What  it  his  Name. 

Boy.  Efcoutfi  :  t  comment  ejlet  voiu  appellt  f 
»4      Fr*  Sot.  Monfieur  t  If  Fer. 

Boy.  He  fayea  his  Name  is  M[aster]  Per. 
P\ft.  M [aster]  Fer!  He  fer  him,  and  firke  him,  and  ferret 
him :  difcurte  the  fame  in  French  vnto  him. 
28      Boy.  I  doe  not  know  the  French  for  '  fer/  and  '  ferret/  and 
'firke.' 

Pijl.  Bid  him  prepare,  for  I  will  cut  hie  throat. 
Fr.  Sol.   Que  dit  |7,  Monfieur  ?t 

$a       Boy.  11  me  commands  df  t-ous  dirt  yue  fouifailn  rout  prrfl ;  car 
eefoldal  icy  ett  dtfpoft  lout  <i  cftte  keure  de  aw/Mr  t  i-ojire  gorge. 

P\fl.  Owy,  cuppele  gorge,  ptrmafoy, 
Pefant,  vnlefle  thou  giue  me  Crownes,  braue  Crownea  j 
36  Or  mangled  (halt  thou  be  by  this  my  Sword. 

[Miiuruhes  ku  tu-orJ. 

Fr.  Sol.   O,  le  votu  fupplie,  pour  Contour  de  Diett,  me  par- 
donner  !   lefuis  Gentilhomme  de  tonne  majfon,  garde*  t  ma  vie, 
&  le  vous  donneray  deux  cent  efau. 
40      1'ifi.  What  are  his  words  > 

Boy.  He  prayes  you  to  faue  his  life :  he  is  a  Gentleman 
of  a  good  houfe  j  and  for  his  ranfom  he  will  giue  you  two 
hundred  Crowne*. 

44      /'i//.  Tell  him  '  my  fury  (hall  abate,  and  I 
The  Crowne*  will  take.' 

Fr.  Sol.  Petit  Monsieur,  yue  dit  Uf 

Boy.  Encore  au'il   ett   contre  fan    lurement,  de  pardonner 

48  aucun   prifonnirr,    neant-moinj,  pour   let  efcut  que  v&u  Taiv» 

prom'u,  U  ejl  content  de  votu  donner  la  t  tiler  If,  le  franck^emrnt. 

Fr.  Sol.  Sur  met  gnotut  it  votu  donne  mille  remerciementi ;  el 

le   m'eJKme   Heureux  out  le  tuit    lomU   entrt  let  matnt   fvn 

52  Chevalier,  le  penfe,  le  plut  l-raue,   valiant,  el   trt$   d(fling*t 

feigneur't  d 'Angleterre. 

P'\fl.  Expound  vnto  me,  boy. 


ACT  iv.  8C.  v.]        THt  Life  of  Hmry  the  F//V.  78 

Boy.  He  giues  you,  vpon  hi*   knees,  a  thoufanH   thanks ; 

56  and  be  efteeme*  himfelfc  happy  that  he  hath  falne  into 
the  hands  of  one,  as  he  thinkes,  the  moft  braue,  valorous, 
and  thrice-worthy  figneur  of  England. 

P'yL  As  I  fucke  blood,  I  will  ionic-  mercy  (hew. 

60  f  Follow  nice  !  [Eiit  PISTOLL. 

Boy.  Suiun^  vous  le grand  Cafiitainf.  [Exit  French  Souldier. 

I   did   neuer  know  fo  full   a  voyce  iflue  from  fo  emptie  a 

heart :  but  the  faying  is  true,  '  The  empty  veflel  makes  the 

64  greateft  found '.  Bardolfe  and  Nym  had  tenne  times  more 
valour  then  this  roaring  diuell  i'th  olde  play,  that  euerie 
one  may  payre  his  nayles  with  a  woodden  dagger;  and 
they  are  both  hang'd;  and  fo  would  this  be,  if  bee  durll 

68  rteale  any  thing  aduenturoufly.  I  muft  (lay  with  the 
Lackies,  with  the  luggage  of  our  camp:  the  French  might 
haue  a  good  pray  of  vs,  if  he  knew  of  it,  for  there  is  none 
to  guard  it  but  boyes.  [I'.iit. 

IV.  V. — Another  part  of  the  Field. 

Emitter  the  CONSTABLE,  ORLEANCE,  BURBON,  the  DOLPHIN, 
and  RAMBUHS. 

Con.  O  Diable '. 

Orl.  O  feigneur  !  le  inttr  est  perdu,  tout  est  perdu  !  t 
Dol.  Mart  de  t  ma  vie  !  all  is  confounded,  all ! 
4  Reproach  and  cuerlafting  fliame 
Sits  mocking  in  our  Plumes. — O  mefchante  Fortune  ! — 

[AJhort  Alarum. 
Do  not  runne  away. 

Con.  Why,  all  our  rankes  are  broke. 

Dol.  O  perdurable  (hame !  let's  (lab  our  felues. 
8  Be  tbefe  the  wretches  that  we  plaid  at  dice  for  ? 

OrL  Is  this  the  King  we  fent  to  t  for  his  raufome  ? 
Bur.  Shame,  and  eternall  (hame,  nothing  but  (hame ! 
Let's  t  dye  in  [honour]  :  once  more  backe  againe  j 


Tkt  Life  of  Hfttry  the  F'tfl.    [ACT  iv.  §c  vi]   79 

ia  And  he  that  will  not  follow  Burton  now, 
Let  biro  go  hence,  and,  with  his  cap  in  hand, 
Like  a  bale  Pander,  hold  the  Chamber  doore, 
Whilft  by  a  t  flaue,  no  gentler  then  my  dogge, 
1 6  Hit  faired  daughter  is  contaminated. 

Con.  Diforder,  that  hath  fpoyl'd  n,  friend  v§  now ! 
Let  vs,  on  heapes,  go  offer  vp  our  Hue*. 

Or/.  We  are  enow,  yet  lining  in  the  Field, 
20  To  fmother  vp  the  Knglilh  in  our  throng*. 
If  any  order  might  be  thought  vpon. 

Bur.  The  diuell  take  Order  now !  lie  to  the  throng : 
Let  life  be  (hort ;  elfe  Ota  me  will  be  too  long.  [firm*/. 

IV.  Ti— Another  part  of  the  Field. 
Alarum.     Enter  the  KINO  and  his  trayne,  u-ith  Prisoner* 

AT.  Hen.  Well  baue  we  done,  thrice-valiant  Countrimen  : 
But  all's  not  done ;  yet  kecpe  the  French  the  field. 

[Enter  KIETKR. 

Ere.  The  D[uke]  of  York  commend*  him  to  your  Maieily. 
4      A'.  Hen.  Liuet  he,  good  Vnckle?  thrice  within  thu  boure 
I  faw  him  duwne ;  thrice  vp  againe,  and  fighting ; 
From  Helmet  to  the  I'purrc,  all  blood  be  wa*. 

Ere.  In  which  array,  braue  Soldier,  doth  he  lye, 
8  Larding  the  plaine:  and  by  hi*  bloody  fide, 
(Yoake-fellow  to  hi*  honour-owing-wound*,) 
The  Noble  Karle  of  Suffolke  alfo  lye*. 
Suffulke  tint  dy'd  :  and  Yorke,  all  hagled  o«ier, 
1 2  Come*  to  him,  where  in  gore  he  by  inrterp'd, 
And  take*  him  by  the  Beard ;  kilic*  the  gaOte* 
That  bloodily  did  yawne  vpon  hi*  face, 
And  t  crye*  aloud, '  Tarry,  my  Cofm  Suffolk*  ! 
1 6  My  foule  (hall  thine  keepe  company  to  hajMwat 
Tarry,  fweet  fotile,  for  mine,  then  rtye  a-breft  j 
A*,  in  thi«  glorious  and  well-foughten  field. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  vil]       The  Lift  o/  Henry  the  Ft/I.  80 

We  kept  together  in  our  Chiualric ! ' 
ao  Vpon  tbefe  word*  I  came,  and  cbeer'd  him  \;> ; 

He  fmil'd  me  in  the  face,  raught  me  his  hai»l, 

And,  with  a  feeble  gripe,  (aye* : '  Deere  my  Lord, 

Commend  my  feruice  to  my  Sourraigne.' 
94  So  did  he  turne,  and  ouer  Suffblkes  necke 

He  threw  his  wounded  arme,  and  kid  his  lippes  j 

And  To,  efpous'd  to  death,  with  blood  he  feal'd 

A  Teftament  of  Noble-ending-loue. 
28  The  prettie  and  fwect  manner  of  it  forc'd 

Thofe  waters  from  me,  which  I  would  haue  ftop'd  j 

But  I  had  not  fo  much  of  man  in  mee, 

And  all  my  mother  came  into  mine  eyes, 

And  gaue  me  vp  to  teares. 
3»      K.  Hen.  I  blame  you  not  ; 

For  bearing  this,  I  muft  perforce  compound 

With  mistfull  t  eyes,  or  they  will  iilue  to[o].  [Alarum. 

51  But,  hearke  !  what  new  alarum  is  this  fame  ? 
36  The  French  haue  re-enforc'd  their  fcatter'd  nu-n  : 

Then  euery  fouldiour  kill  his  Prifoners  ; 

Giue  the  word  through.  [Eifiu/t. 

IV.  vii. — Another  part  of  the  Field. 
Enter  FLUELLEN  and  GOWER. 

flu.  Rill  the  poyes  and  the  luggage !  'Tis  expreflely 
againil  the  Law  of  Armes :  'tis  as  arrant  a  peece  of  knauery, 
marke  you  now,  as  can  bee  offert :  in  your  Confcience  now, 

4  b  it  not  ? 

Gou:  Tis  certaine  there's  not  a  boy  left  aliue ;  and  the 
Cowardly  Rait-all*  that  ranne  from  the  battaile  ha'  dom> 
this  (laughter:  befides,  they  haue  burned  and  carried  away 

8  all  that  was  in  the  Kings  Tent  j  wherefore  the  King,  moll 
worthily,  hath  caus'd  euery  foldiour  to  cut  his  prifoners  throat. 
O,  'tis  a  gallant  King ! 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.    [ACT  iv.  sc.  vii.]    81 

Flu.    I,  bee  was  pome  at   Monmuuth,  dtftihtr  Goutr. 

12  What  call  you  the  Townei  name  where  Alexander  the 
Pig  was  porne  ?  t 

Gou>.  Alexander  the  Great. 

Flu.   Why,  I    pray  you,  is  not  pig,  gmt  ?     The  pig,  or 

1 6  the  great.t  or  the  mighty,  or  the  huge,  or  the  magnani- 
mous, are  all  one  reckonings,  faue  the  phrafe  is  a  litle 
variations. 

Gou'er.     I    thinke   Alexander    the    Great    was    borne    in 

20  Macedon ;  his  Father  w.t>  called  Phillip  of  Macfdon,  as  I 
take  it. 

Flu.    I    thinke    it    is    in    Macedon    where    Alexander    is 
porne.      I   tell  you,   Captaine,   if   you    looke   in   the  Mips 

24  of  the  Old,  I  warrant  you  fall  finde,  in  the  companion* 
betweene  Macedon  &  Man  mouth,  that  the  fituatiom,  looke 
you,  is  poth  t  alike.  There  w  a  Riuer  in  Macedon ;  &  there 
is  alfo  moreouer  a  Riuer  at  Monmoutk :  it  is  call'd  Wye  at 

28  Monmouth ;  but  it  is  out  of  my  praines  what  is  the  name 
of  the  other  Riuer;  but  'tis  all  one,  'tis  alike  as  my  fingers 
is  to  my  fingers,  and  there  is  Salmons  in  both.  If  you 
marke  Alexanders  life  well,  Harry  of  Monmonlkes  life  is 

32  come  after  it  indifferent  well ;  for  there  i*  figure*  in  all 
things.  Alexander, — God  known,  and  you  know, — in  his 
rages,  and  his  furies,  and  bis  wraths,  and  hit  i  hollers,  gad 
his  moodes,  and  his  difpleafurcs,  and  his  indignation*. 

36  and  alfo  being  a  little  intoxicates  in  his  praines,  did,  in 
his  Ales  and  his  angers,  looke  you,  kill  his  pelt  t  friend, 
Clyltu. 

(,<,,,      (  >'.:r     K     ..'      ^   ::•>'     ••    hfal      I    ft  >'  .    !•    •)     •  ••     >  •       '• 

40  any  of  his  friends. 

Flu.  It  is  not  well   done,  marke  you   now,  to  take  the 

tales  out  of  my  mouth,  ere  it  is  made  and  finifhed.     I  fpeak 

but   in   the   figures  and    com  pan  lorn   of  it :    a*    Alexander 

44  kild  hU  friend  Clytu*,  being  in  his  Ales  and  his  Cuppr* ,  fo 

C  o 


ACT  iv.  sc.  vil]        The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  8 a 

alfo  7/arry  Monmouth,  being  in  his  right  wittes,  and  his 
good  judgements,  turn'd  away  the  fat  Knight  with  the 
great  pclly  t  doublet:  he  was  full  of  iefts,  and  gypcs,  and 
48  knaueries,  and  mockes ;  I  haue  forgot  his  name. 

Gw.  Sir  lohn  Fa{jiqffc. 

Flu.  That  is  he:  He  Jell  you,  tlun    is  good   men  pome 

at  Monmouth. 

53      Gow.  Heere  comes  his  Maiefty. 

Alarum.     Enter  KINO  HARRY  tnth  RURBON  and  Prisoners: 
GLOUCESTER,  EXETER,  WARWICK,  and  other  Lords.     Flour\fli. 

K.  Htn.  I  was  not  angry  fince  I  came  to  France, 

Vniill  this  inllant.     f  Take  a  Trumpet,  Herald ; 

Ride  t  hull  vnto  the  Horfemen  on  yond  hill  • 
56  '  If  they  will  fight  with  vs,  bid  them  come  downe, 

Or  voyde  the  field  j  they  do  offend  our  fight : 

If  they'l  do  neither,  we  will  come  to  them. 

And  make  them  sker  away,  as  fwifl  as  ft  ones 
60  Enforced  from  the  old  Aflyrian  flings : 

Befides,  wee'l  cut  the  throats  of  thole  we  haue  ; 

And  not  a  man  of  them  that  we  mall  take, 

Shall  tafte  our  mercy.'     Go  and  tell  them  fo.      [Eril  Herald. 

Enter  MONTIOT. 

64      Exe.  Here  comes  the  Herald  of  the  French,  my  Liege. 
Glou.  His  eyes  are  humbler  then  they  vs'd  to  be. 
K.  Hen.    How  now !   what  meaues  this,  Herald  ?     Knowfl 

thou  not 

That  I  haue  fin'd  thefe  bones  of  mine  for  ranfome  ? 
Com'ft  thou  againe  for  ranfome  ? 
68      Mont.  No,  great  King : 

I  come  to  thee  for  charitable  Licenfe, 
That  we  may  wander  ore  this  bloody  field, 
To  booke  our  dead,  and  then  to  bury  them  -, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  iv.  sc  viL]   83 

72  To  fort  our  Nobles  from  our  common  men : 
For  many  of  our  Princes  (woe  the  while  !) 
Lye  drown 'd  and  tbak'd  in  mercenary  blood ; 
— So  do  our  vulgar  drench  their  peafant  limbe* 
76  In  blood  of  Princes ; — aud  their  t  wounded  deeds 
Fret  fet-locke  deepe  in  gore,  and  with  wilde  rage. 
Yerke  out  their  armed  heeles  at  their  dead  in  alter*, 
Killing  them  twice.     O,  giue  v*  leaue,  great  King, 
80  To  view  the  field  in  fafety,  and  difpofe 
Of  their  dead  bodies. 

A".  Hen.  I  tell  tbee  truly,  Herald. 

I  know  not  if  the  day  be  ours,  or  no ; 
For  yet  a  many  of  your  horfemen  peere 
And  gallop  ore  the  Held. 
84      A/on/.  The  day  is  your*. 

K.  Hen.  Praifed  be  God,  and  not  our  ftrength,  for  it ! 
What  is  this  Gallic  call'd  that  Hands  hard  by  ? 

Mont.  They  call  it  Aglncourt. 

88       K.  Hen.  Then  call  we  this  the  Held  of  Agincourl, 
Fought  on  the  day  of  Crifpin  Crifpianus. 

Flu.  Your   Grandfather  of   famous    memory,   an't    pleafe 
your   Maiefty,   and    your    great    Yin  Ir    Edu-ard  the    PUcke 
92  Prince  of  Wales,  at  I  haue   read  in  the  Chronicle*,  fought 
a  mod  praue  pat  tie  here  in  France. 
K.  Ht*.  They  did,  FlatUem. 

Flu.   Your   Maicfty  (ayes  very  true:    If  your    Mate&es 

96  is  remembred  of  it,  the  Welchmen  did   good   feruke   in  a 

Garden   where    Leekes  did   grow,   wearing    Leekes   in  their 

Hmmouth  can* ;  which,  your  Maiefty  know«,t  to  thu  houre 

in  an  honourable  padge  t  of  the  feruicc :  And,  I  do  peleeuc.t 

i  oo  your   Maiefty  takes   no   fcorne   to   weare   the    Leeke   vppuu 

S.  Tauies  day. 

K.  Hen.  I  weare  it  for  a  memorable  honor  : 
For  I  am  Welch,  you  know,  good  Countriman. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  vii.]       Thf  Life  of  llnmj  the  Fifl.  84 

104  Flu.  All  the  water  in  Wye  cannot  wafli  your  MaiHiu-> 
Wcllh  plood  out  of  your  pody,  I  can  tell  you  iliat  :  (....1 
I'K  ill-  it  and  preferue  it,  as  long  as  it  pleafes  hi*  Grace, 
and  his  Maiefty  too ! 

108      A'.  //«•«    Thankes,  good  my  Countryman. 

Flu.  By  Cheft»u,t  I  am  your  Mali-it  lo  c:ountreyman,  I  care 
not  who  know  it ;  I  will  confi-lU-  it  to  all  the  Grid :  I  need 
not  to  be  amamed  of  your  Maiefty,  praifed  be  God,  fo  long 

112  as  your  Maiefty  is  an  honcft  man. 

Enter  WILLIAMS. 

A'.  Hen.  God  t  keepe  me  fo !    f  Our  Heralds  go  with  him  : 
Bring  me  iuft  notice  of  the  numbers  dead 
On  both  our  parts.     U  Call  yonder  fellow  hither. 

[Points  to  WILLIAMS.     Exeunt  MOMTIOT 

and  the  English  He-raids. 
1 1 6      Ere.  Souldier,  you  muft  come  to  the  King. 

A'.  Hen.  Souldier,  why  wear' 11  thou  that  Gloue  in  thy 
Cappe? 

HWi.   And't   pleafe  your   Maiefty,   'tis   the  gage   of    one 
120  that  I  mould  fight  withall,  if  he  be  aliue. 
K.  Hen.  An  Engliihmnn  ? 

Will.  And't  pleafe  your  Maiefty,  a  Rafcall  that  fwagger'd 
with  me  laft  night  j  who,  if  a  liue  t  and  euer  dare  to  challenge 
124  this  Gloue,  I  haue  fworne  to  take  him  a  boxe  a'th  ere: 
or  if  I  can  fee  my  Gloue  in  his  cappe, — which  he  fwore,  as 
he  was  a  Souldier,  he  would  weare  if  aliue, — I  wil  ftrike  it 
out  foundly. 

128  A'.  Hen.  What  thinke  you,  Captaine  Fluellen?  is  it  fit  this 
fouldier  keepe  his  oath  ? 

Flu.  Hee  is  a  Crauen  and  a  Villaine  elfe,  and't  pleafe 
your  Maiefty,  in  my  conference. 

132  A'.  Hen.  It  may  bee  his  enemy  is  a  Gentleman  of  great 
fort,  quite  from  the  anfwer  of  his  degree. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  nr.  sc.  rii.)   85 

Flu.  Though  he  be  as  good  a  leotleman  as  the  diuel  is, 
at   Lucifer   and    Pelzebubt   himfclfe,  it   u  neceuary,   louke 
136  your  Grace,  that  he  keepe  his  TOW  and  hU  oaih :     If  bee 
bee    periur'd,   fee  you    now,   his  reputation   U   m  arrant   a 
villaine  and  a  lacke   fawce,  as  cuer  his  placket  (hoo  trodd 
vpon  Gods  ground  and  his  earth,  in  my  confcience  law ! 
140      K.  Hen.  Then  keepe  thy  row,  firrah,  when  thou   inert 'il 
the  fellow. 

mil.  So  I  wil,  my  Liege,  at  I  Hue. 
A'.  Hen.  Who  feru'ft  thou  vnder  ? 
144      It 'ill.  Vnder  Captaine  Gowrr,  my  Liege. 

Flu.    Cower  is    a    good    Captaine,   and    is   good   know, 
ledge  and  literatured  in  the  Warm. 

A'.  Hen.  Call  him  hither  to  me,  Souldier. 
148      inn.  I  will,  my  Liege.  [£ri/. 

K.  Hen.  Here,  Fluellen ;  weare  thou  this  fan  our  for  me,  and 
rtickc  it  in  thy  Cappe  :  when  Alanfon  and  my  fclfe  were 
downe  together,  I  pluckt  this  Gloue  from  hi*  Hclme:  If 
152  any  man  challenge  thi«,  bee  is  a  friend  to  Alanfon,  and  an 
enemy  to  our  Perfon  ;  if  thou  encounter  any  fuch,  apprc> 
bend  him,  and  thou  do'ft  me  loue. 

Flu.   Your  Grace  doo's   me  as  great    Honors  a*  can   be 
156  defir'd  in   the   hearts  of   his    Subieds:    I   would    fainc   fee 
the  man,  that  ha'«  but  two  legge*.  that  (hall  find   him  idle 
agreefd   at   this  Gloue,  that   is  all}    but   I  would   faine   fee 
it  once,  and  pleafe  God  of  hi*  grace  that  I  might  fee. 
160      A'.  Hen.  Know'ft  thou  Gouvr? 

flu.  He  U  my  deare  friend,  and  pleafe  you. 
A'.  Hen.  Pray  thce,  goe  feeke  him,  and  bring  him  to  my 
Tent. 
164      Flu.  I  will  fetch  him.  [£ril. 

A'.  Hen.  My  Lord  of  Jl'aru-itk,  and  my  Brother 
Follow  Fluellen  clofcly  at  (he  heclei : 
The  Gloue,  which  I  baue  giuen  him  for  a  fauour. 


ACT  iv.  sc.  viii.]     The  Life  of  Henry  the  Pift. 


86 


168  May,  haply,  purchafe  him  •  box  a'th'earc; 

It  ift  the  Souldicn;  I,  by  bargain*,  flumKl 

Wttre  it  my  felfc.     Follow,  good  Coufin  Warwick : 

If  that  the  Souldier  ftriki-  him, — as  I  iudge 
172  By  his  blunt  bearing,  he  will  keepc  his  word, — 

Some  fodaine  mifchiefe  may  ante  of  it ; 

For  I  doe  know  Ftuetlen  valiant, 

And,  toucbt  with  Choler,  hot  as  Gunpowder, 
1 76  And  quickly  will  returne  an  iniurie  : 

Follow,  and  fee  there  be  no  harme  betweene  them. 

f  Goe  you  with  me,  Vnckle  of  Exeter.  [£nnmt 

IV.  viii. — Before  KINO  HENRY'S  Pavilion. 
Enter  GOWER  and  WILLIAMS. 

Will.  I  warrant  it  is  to  Knight  you,  Captaine. 
Enter  FLUELLBN. 

Flu.  Gods  will  and  his  pleafure,  Captaine,  I  pefeech  t  you 
now,  come  apace  to  the  King:   there  is  more  good  toward 
4  you,  peraduenture,  then  is  in  your  knowledge  to  dreame  of. 
mil.  Sir,  know  you  this  Gloue  ? 
Flu.  Know  the  Gloue  ?  I  know  the  Gloue  is  a  Gloue. 
mil.  I  know  this,  [Points  to  glove  in  Flu.'s  cap.]  and  thus  I 
8  challenge  it.  [Strikes  him. 

Flu.  'Splud.t  an   arrant  Tray  tor  as  anyes  in   the  Vniuer- 
I all  'orld,  t  or  in  France,  or  in  England. 
Gotver.  How  now,  Sir  !  you  Villaine  ! 
1 2       inil.  Doe  you  thinke  He  be  forfworne  ? 

Flu.  Stand   away,  Captaine   Cower;    I  will  giue   Treafon 
his  payment  into  plowes,  I  warrant  you. 

trill.  I  am  no  Traytor. 

1 6  'Flu.  That's  a  Lye  in  thy  Throat,  f  I  charge  you  in  his 
Maiefties  Name,  apprehend  him :  he's  a  friend  of  the  Duke 
Alanforu. 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  iv.  sc  viiL]    87 

Enter  WABWICK.  and  GLOUCBSTBB. 

U'aru".  How  now,  how  now  !  what's  the  matter  ? 
10      Flu.    My   Lord   of  Warwick,   heerc   b—  pray  fed   be   God 
for  it ! — a  raoft  contagious  Trcafon  come  to  light,  loukc  you, 
M  you  (hall  defire  in  a  Summers  day.     Hccrc  U  hit  Maicllie. 

Enter  the  KING  and  EXBTKB. 

A'.  Hfn.  How  now !  what's  the  matter  ? 

24  Flu.  My  Urge,  heere  n  a  Villaine,  and  a  Traytor,  thai, 
looke  your  Grace,  ha'»  ftrooke  the  Gloue  which  ytmr  Maictiic 
M  take  out  of  the  Helmet  of  Atanfon. 

til//.  My   Liege,  thi«  wa«  my  Gloue  j  here  U   the  fellow 

28  of  it ;  and  he  that   I  gaue  it  to  in  change,  promit'd  te  weare 

it  in  hU  Cappe :  I  promU'd  to  ftrike  him,  if  he  did :  I  met 

this  man  with  my  Gloue  in  his  Cappe,  and  I  haue  been  w 

good  as  my  word. 

32      Flu.  Your    Maieftie,   heare   now !— failing  your   Maicftie* 

Manhood, — what  an  arrant,  rafcally,  peggerly.t  luwftc  Knaueit 

is :  I  hope  your  Maicllic  i*  pcare  me  tertimonie,  and  witncili-. 

and    will    auouchment,   that   this  is   the   Gloue   of  Alan/on, 

36  that  your  Maieftie  is  giue  me ;  in  y«ur  Confcience,  now  ? 

K.  Htn.  Giue  me  thy  Gloue,  Souldier:     Looke,  been  b 
I  lie  fellow  of  it. 

'Twas  I,  indeed,  thou  promifcd'fl  to  ftrike, 
40  And  thou  haft  giuen  me  moft  bitter  terme*. 

Flu.    And    pleafe  your   Maieftie,   let   his    Neck    anfwere 
for  it,  if  there  is  any  Marihall  Law  in  the  World. 
A'.  Hm.  How  canft  thou  make  me  fatUMMhi  I 
44      Ifl/l.  All  offence*,  my  Lord,  come  from  the  heart :  ncuor 

^~  » 

came  any  from  mine  that  might  offend  your  Maieftie. 
A".  Hm.  It  was  our  felfe  thou  didft  abul'e. 
trill.  Your  Maieftie  came  not  like  your  fclfe :  you  appear  J 
48  to   me   but  as  a  common  man ;    witneflc   the  Night,  your 


ACT  iv.  sc  viii]      The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  88 

Garments,  your  Low  lincfle  j  and  what  your  Highne(Te  futfer'd 

vndrr  that  (hape,  I  befeech  you  take  it  for  your  ownc  fault, 

and  not  mine:  for  had  you  bccne  as  I  tookc  you  for,  I  made 
52  no  offence;  therefore,  1  befeech  your  Highnrlle,  pardon  me. 
A'.  Hen.  f  Here,  Vncklc  JErr/rr.  till  this  Glouc  with  Crownes, 

And  giue  it  to  this  h  How.     *,'.  Keepe  it,  fellow, 

And  wearc  it  for  an  Honor  in  thy  Cappe, 
56  Till  I  doe  challenge  it.     H  Giue  him  the  Crownes : 

H  And,  Captaine,  you  mult  needs  be  friends  with  him. 

Flu.  By  this   Day  and   this   Light,   the  fellow   ha's   met- 

tell  enough  in  his  pelly.t    H  Hold,  there  is  twelue-pence  for 
60  you ;  and  I  pray  you  to  ferue  God,  and  keepe  you  out  of 

prawles,  and  prabbles,  and  quarrels,  and   ditfentions,  and,  I 

.warrant  you,  it  is  the  pettert  for  you. 

IV ill.  I  will  none  of  your  Money. 
64      Flu.  It  is  with  a  good  will,  I  can  tell  you :  it  will  ferue 

you   to   mend  your    (hooes:    come,   wherefore    ihould    you 

be   fo  nalhtull  ?    your  Ihooes   is   not   fo  good :    'tis   a  good 

filling,  I  warrant  you,  or  I  will  change  it. 

Enter  an  English  Herauld. 

68      A'.  Hen.  Now,  Herauld ;  are  the  dead  numbred  ? 

Herald.  Heere  is  the  number  of  the  flaught'red  French. 

[Delivers  a  Paper. 

K.  Hen.  What  Prifoners  of  good  fort  are  taken,  Vnckle  ? 
Ere.  Charles  Duke  of  Orleance,  Nephew  to  the  King  j 
72  lohn  Duke  of  Burbon,  and  Lord  Bouchiijuald : 
Of  other  Lords  and  Barons,  Knights  and  Squires, 
Full  fifteene  hundred,  betides  common  men. 

A'.  Hen.  This  Note  doth  tell  me  of  ten  thoufand  French, 
76  That  in  the  field  lye  flaine :  of  Princes,  in  this  number, 
And  Nobles  bearing  Banners,  there  lye  dead 
One  hundred  twentie  fix :  added  to  thefe, 
Of  Knights,  Efquires,  and  gallant  Gentlemen, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.   [ACT  iv.  sc  viil]   89 

80  Eight  thoufand  and  foure  hundred  ;  of  the  which, 

Fiue  hundred  were  but  yeftcrday  dubb'd  Knights: 

So  that,  in  thefe  ten  thoufand  they  haue  loft. 

There  are  but  fixtcene  hundred  Mercenaries  | 
84  The  reft  are  Princes,  Barons,  Lords,  Knights,  Squires, 

And  Gentlemen  of  bloud  and  qualitie. 

The  Names  of  thofe  their  Nobles  that  lye  dead : 

Charles  Dflatrtth,  High  Conftable  of  France ; 
88  toques  of  Chatilion,  Admirall  of  France  ; 

The  Mafter  of  the  CrotTe-bowes,  Lord  Rambttret ; 

Great  Mafter  of  France,  the  braue  Sir  Gtdckard  Dolpkut ; 

hhn  Duke  of  Alanfon,  Anthonie  Duke  of  Bra" bant, 
92  The  Brother  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundie  ; 

And  Edward  Duke  of  Barr :  of  luftic  Earles, 

Grand/tree  and  Roujfie,  Fauconl-riJgf  and  Foyei, 

Beaumont  and  Marie,  Vaudemonl  t  and  Lrjlralr. 
96  Here  was  a  Roy  all  fellow  mi  p  of  death  ! 

Where  is  the  number  of  our  Engliih  deed) 

[Herald  present  t  another  Paper. 

Edward  the  Duke  of  Yorke,  the  Earle  of  Suffolk?. 

Sir  Richard  Ketly,  Dauy  Gam,  Efquire : 
100  None  elfe  of  name;  and,  of  all  other  men. 

But  fiue  and  twentie.     5f  O  God,  thy  Arme  was  beerc ! 

And  not  to  vs,  but  to  thy  Arme  alone, 

Afcribe  we  all !     When,  without  ftratagem, 
104  But  in  plaine  (hock  and  euen  play  of  Battaile, 

Was  eucr  knowne  fo  great  and  little  lone. 

On  one  part  and  on  th'othrr  ?     Take  it,  God, 

For  it  is  none  but  thine ! 

Eret.  Tis  wonderful! ! 

108      K.  Hen.  Come,  goe  wet  in  procdfion  lo  the  Village | 

And  be  it  death  prodaymed  through  our  Hoaft, 

To  boaft  of  this,  or  take  that  prayfc  from  God, 

Which  is  his  onely. 


ACT  T.]  Thf  Life  of  Hfnry  tht  Fift.  90 

112      Flu.  It  it   not    lawfull,  and   pleafe  your   Maietfie,  to   tell 
bow  many  is  kill'd  ? 

A".  7/fw.  To,  Captaine;  but  with  this  acknowledgement, 
Tint  God  fought  for  vs. 
1 1 6      fin.  Yea,  my  conference,  he  did  vs  great  good. 

A'.  Hen.  Doe  we  all  holy  Rights; 
Let  there  be  fung  A'on  nol-is,  and  Te  Dfum  ; 
The  dead  with  charitie  enclos'd  in  Clay : 
1 20  And  then  to  Callice,  and  to  England  then  ; 

Where  ne're  from  France  arriu'd  more  happy  men. 

[Exeunt. 


ACT  V. 

Enter  Chorus. 

Vouchfafe  to  thofe  that  haue  not  read  the  Story, 
That  I  may  prompt  them :  and  of  fuch  as  haue, 
I  humbly  pray  them  to  admit  th'excufe 
4  Of  time,  of  numbers,  and  due  courfe  of  things, 
Which  cannot  in  their  huge  and  proper  life, 
Be  here  prelented.     Now  we  beare  the  King 
Toward  Callice  :  Graunt  him  there  j  there  feene, 
8  Heaue  him  away  vpon  your  winged  thoughts, 
Athwart  the  Sea  :  Behold,  the  Knglifh  beach 
Pales  in  the  flood  with  Men,  Wines,  [M.iids.]  ..nd  Boyes, 
Whole  fhouts  &  claps  out-voyce  the  deep-mouth'd  Sea, 

12  Which,  like  a  mightie  Whiffler  'fore  the  King, 
Seemes  to  prepare  his  way  :  So  let  him  land, 
And  fulemnly,  fee  him  fet  on  to  IxMulon. 
So  fwift  a  pace  hath  Thought,  that  euen  now 

16  You  may  imagine  him  vpon  Black-Heath, 
Where  that  his  Lords  define  him  to  haue  borne 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.    [ACT  v.  sc  i.]   91 

Hi*  bruiled  Helmet,  and  his  bended  Sword, 
Before  him,  through  the  Citie :  he  forbids  it, 

20  Bring  free  from  vain-nerte  and  felfe-gloriom  pride ; 
Giuing  full  Tropbee,  Signall,  and  Oftcut, 
Quite  from  himfelfe,  to  God.     But  now  behold. 
In  the  quick  Forge  and  working-houfe  of  Thought, 

a  4  How  London  doth  powre  out  her  Citizens ! 
The  Maior  and  all  bis  Brethren,  in  befl  fort, — 
Like  to  the  Senatours  of  th'&ntique  Rome, 
With  the  Plebeians  fwarming  at  their  heeles, — 

*8  Goe  forth  and  fetch  their  Conqu'ring  Ctrfar  in : 
As,  by  a  lower,  but  by  louing  likelyhood, 
Were  now  the  General!  of  our  gracious  Emprelle, 
— As,  in  good  time,  he  may, — from  Ireland  comming, 

3*  Bringing  Rebellion  broached  on  his  Sword, 
How  many  would  the  peaceful!  Citie  quit. 
To  welcome  him  ?  much  more, — and  much  more  caufe,— 
Did  they  this  Harry.     Now  in  London  place  him, 

36  — As  yet  the  lamentation  of  the  French 
Inuites  the  King  of  Englands  ftay  at  home : 
The  Emperour's  comming  in  behalfe  of  France, 
To  order  peace  betweene  them — and  omit 

40  All  the  occurrences,  what  euer  clunc't, 
Till  If  any  ft  backe  returne  againe  to  France  : 
There  mud  we  bring  him  ;  and  my  felfc  haue  j»l.i\M 
The  interim,  by  rcmcmbring  you  'tis  part. 

44  Then  brooke  abridgement,  and  your  eyes  aduanrr, 

After  your  thoughu,  ftraighi  backe  againe  to  France.       [I  nt. 

V.  L— Prance.    Tkt  English  Camp. 
Enter  PLUCLLKX  and  GOWBB. 

Gotrtr.    Nay,    that's    right  |   hot    why    we«re    yoo    your 
Lcvke  to  day  ?  S.  Daiiiet  day  b  p*Jt 


ACT  V.  SC.  i.]  The  Life  of  llfnry  the  /•'//>.  », : 

flu.   There  is  occafions  and  caufos  why  and  wherefore 

4  in   all   things:    I   will    tell    you,   a  lie  my   friend,   Captaine 

Gou'er:    the    rafcally,    fcauld,   peggerly.t    low  fie,   Dragging 

Knaue  P(//o//, — which  you  and  your  felfe,  and  all  the  'orld.t 

know  to  be  no  pettcT  then  a  fellow,  looke  you  now,  of  no 

8  merits, — hee    U  come    to   me,   and    prings    me   pread    and 

fault  ycfterday,  looke  you,  and  pidt  me  eate   my    Leekc: 

it  was   in  a  place  where  I  could  not  preedt  no  content i<m 

with  him ;  but  I  will  be  fo  pold  t  as  to  weare  it  in  my  Cap 

12  till  I  fee  him  once  againe,  and  then  I  will  tell  him  a  little 

piece  of  my  defires. 

Enter  PISTOLL. 

Gourr.  Why,  heere  hee  comes,  fwelling  like  a  Turkycock. 
Flu.     '1  is   no   matter   for   his   fwellings,   nor    his    Turky- 
16  cocks.     U  God  plerte  you,  aunchient  Pistoll !  you  fcuruie,  low  lie 
Knaue,  God  plelfe  you  ! 

/'///.  Ha !  art  thou  bedlam  ?  doeft  thou  third,  bafe  Troian, 
To  haue  me  fold  vp  Parcas  fatall  Web  ? 
20  Hence !  I  am  qualmith  at  the  fmell  of  Leeke. 

Flu.  I  pefeech  you  heartily,  fcuruie,  lowfie  Knaue,  at 
my  defires,  and  my  requefts,  and  my  petitions,  to  eate, 
looke  you,  this  Leeke;  becaufe,  looke  you,  you  doe  noi 
24  loue  it,  nor  your  affections,  and  your  appetites,  and  your 
difgeftions  doo's  not  agree  with  it,  I  would  define  you 
to  eate  it. 

Pi/?.  Not  for  Cadwallader  and  all  his  Goats. 
28      Flu.  There  is  one  Goat  for  you.  [Strikes  him. 

Will  you  be  fo  good,  fcauld  Knaue,  as  eate  it  ? 
Pi/?.  Bafe  Troian,  thou  flialt  dye ! 

flu.  You   fay  very  true,  fcauld   Knaue,  when  Gods  will 

32  is:    I  will   define  you  to  Hue   in  the  meane  time,  and  eate 

your  Victuals :    come,  there  is    fawce  for  it.     [Strikes  Aim.] 

You  call'd  me  yefterday  '  Mountaine-Squier,'  but  I  will  make 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  fV/>.    [ACT  v.  sc.  LJ   93 

you  to  day  a  '  fquire  of  low  degree.'     I  pray  you,  fall  to  $  t  if 
36  you  can  raocke  a  Leeke,  you  can  eate  a  Leeke.        [Urait  him. 
Gow.  Enough,  Captaine;  you  baue  aftonifht  him. 
Flu.  I  fay,  I  will  make  him  cate  fome  part  of  my  Iceke. 
or  I  will  peate  his  pate  foure  dayea.    f  Pile  1 1  pray  you ;  it  is 
40  good  for  your  grecne  wound,  and  vour  ploudie  Co&ecombe. 
/'j//.  Mult  I  bite  ? 

Flu.  Yes,  certainly  j  and  out  of  doubt,  and  out  of  qucftioo 
too,  and  ambiguities. 

[//cr  maket  ANCIBKT  PISTOL  t-itt  of  tkt  Lttkt. 
44      P\fL  By  this  [same]  Leeke,  I  will  moft  horribly  rcuenge! 
I  eale  and  eke  t 1  fweare — 

Flu.  Eate,  I   pray  you:   will  you  baue  fume  more  Owcc 
to  your  Leeke  ?  there  is  not  enough  Leeke  to  fweare  by. 

[Aw/1  him. 
48      PI/I  Quiet  thy  Cudgell ;  thou  doft  fee  I  eate. 

Flu.    Much   good   do  you,  fcald   knaue,   heartily.      Nay. 
pray  you,  throw  none  away ;   the  skinne  U  good   for  your 
proken  t  Coxcombe.     When  you  take  occafions  to  fee  Leeke* 
52  heereafter,  I  pray  you,  mocke  at  'em,  that  is  all. 
P[fl.  Good. 

Flu.  I,    Leeke*   is  good:    hold  you,    there   is  a  groat    to 
beale  your  pate. 
56      Pyl  Me  a  groat ! 

Flu  Yes,  verily  and  in  truth,  you  mall  take  it  j  or  I  hcue 
another  I^eeke  in  my  pocket,  which  you  mall  eate. 

P[fl.  I  take  thy  groat  in  carncfl  of  rrueoge* 
60      Flu.  If  I  owe  you  any  thing,  I  will  pay  you  in  Cudgrb : 
you   lli.il!    be  a  Woodmonger,  and  buy  nothing  of  me  but 
cudgels.   God  bu'y  you,  and  keepe  you,  Ac  beale  your  pate.  [  £1  ii 

P\fl.  All  bell  mall  ftirrc  for  ibis. 

64  Gow.  Go,  go  |  you  are  a  counterfeit  cowardly  Knaue. 
Will  you  mocke  at  an  ancient  Tradition, — begun  t  vppuct  an 
honourable  refped,  and  worm  at  a  memorable  Tropbrp 


ACT  v.  sc.  u.]          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fifl.  94 

of  predeceafed  valor, — and  dare  not  auouch   in  your  deeds 

68  any  of  your  words  ?  I  baue  feene  you  glecking  &  galling 
at  this  Gentleman  twice  or  thrice.  You  thought,  becaufe 
be  could  not  fpeake  Knglilh  in  the  naliue  garb,  he  could 
not  therefore  handle  an  Englilh  Cudgell :  you  rimle  it  other- 

71  wife j  and,  henceforth,  let  a  Welih  correction  teach  you  a  good 
Englilh  condition.  Fare  ye  well.  [Ejrit. 

PijL  Doeth  fortune  play  the  bufwife  with  me  now  ? 
Newe*  haue  I,  thai  ir,\    A.  ,Y  +  U  ili-.nl  i'tli  Settle, 

76  Of  malady  t  of  France ; 

And  there  my  rendeuous  is  quite  cut  off. 
Old  I  do  waxe  ;  and  from  my  wearie  limbes 
Honour  is  Cudgeld.     Well,  Baud  He  turne, 

80  And  fometbing  leane  to  Cut-purfe  of  quicke  hand : 
To  England  will  I  fteale,  and  there  He  fteale : 
And  patches  will  I  get  vuto  thefe  cudgeld  fcarres, 
And  fweare t  I  got  them  in  the  Gallia  warres.  [Eilt. 

V.  ii. — Troyes  in  Champagne.     The  FRENCH 

KING'S  Palace. 

Enter  at  one  doore,  KINO  HENRY,  CLARENCE,  BEDFORD, 
GLOUCESTER,  EXETER,  HUNTINGTON,  WARWICM. 
WBSMERLAND,  and  other  English  Lords.  At  another,  the 
FRENCH  KINO,  QUBENE  ISABEL,  the  PRINCESS  KATHERINB, 
ALICE,  and  other  Ladies:  the  DUKE  OF  BOURGONGNE,  and 
other  French  Lords. 

K.  Hen.  Peace  to  this  meeting,  wherefore  we  are  met ! 

II  Vnto  our  brother  France,  and  to  our  Sifter, 

Health  and  faire  time  of  day !     f  loy  and  good  wifhes 
4  To  our  moft  faire  and  Princely  Cofine  Katherine  I 

H  And,  as  a  branch  and  member  of  this  Royalty, 

By  whom  this  great  aflembly  U  contriu'd, 

We  do  falute  you,  Duke  of  Burgognf  I 
8  H  And,  Princes  French,  and  Peeres,  health  to  you  all ! 


Thf  Life  of  Henry  tht  Fj/>.    [ACT  v.  sc.  it]   y 

Fr.  King.  Right  ioyous  are  we  to  behold  your  free, 

Murt  worthy  brother  England  ;  faircly  met ! 

U  So  are  you,  Prince*  Englilh,  euery  one, 
i  a      Q.  7*0,  So  happy  be  the  Illue,  brother  EngUud.t 

Of  this  good  day,  and  of  this  gracious  meeting. 

As  we  are  DOW  glad  to  behold  your  eyes  | 

Your  eyes,  which  hitherto  baue  borne  in  them, 
16  Againft  the  French  that  met  them  in  their  bent. 

The  fatall  Balls  of  numbering  RjJilukes : 

The  venome  of  fuch  Lookes,  we  faircly  hope, 

Haue  loft  their  qualitie ;  and  that  this  day 
20  Shall  change  all  griefes  and  quarrels  into  loue. 

A".  Hen.  To  cry  Amen  to  that,  thus  we  appeare. 
Q.  Ita.  You  Englilh  Princes  all,  I  due  fclutr  you ! 
Burg.  My  dutie  to  you  both,  on  equall  loue, 
24  Great  Kings  of  France  and  England  !     That  I  haue  labour'd 

With  all  my  wits,  my  paines,  and  llrong  endouors, 

To  bring  your  mod  Imperial  I  Maiefties 

Vnto  this  Barre  and  Royall  enterview, 
28  Your  Might  mctfe  on  both  parts  bell  can  witnelle. 

Since  then  my  Office  bath  fo  farre  preuayl'd, 

That,  Face  to  Face,  and  Royall  Eye  to  Eye, 

You  haue  congrceted  ;  let  it  not  di  I  grace  me, 
32  If  I  demand,  before  this  Royall  view. 

What  Rub  or  what  Impediment  ihcre  is, 

Why  that  the  naked,  poore,  and  mangled  Peace, 

Dearc  Nourfe  of  Arts,  Plrntyes.  and  ioyfull  Births 
36  Should  not,  in  this  beft  Garden  of  the  World. 

Our  fertile  France,  put  rp  her  louely  Vifage  ? 

Alas !  (hoc  hath  from  France  too  long  been  chaa'd. 

And  all  her  Husbandry  doth  lye  on  Iteapea, 
40  Corrupting  in  it  owne  fcrtilitie. 

Her  Vine,  the  merry  cbearer  of  the  heart. 

Vnpraned  dyes  j  her  Hedges  euen  pleach'd. 


ACT  v.  sc  u.]         The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.  96 

Like  Prifoners  wildly  ouer-growiu-  with  hayre, 
44  Put  forth  dilorder'd  Twigs ;  her  fallow  Lett, 

The  Darnell,  Hemlock,  and  ranke  Fumitory ,t 

Doth  root  vpon  ;  while  that  the  Culter  rufts, 

That  Ihould  deracinate  fuch  Sauagcry  : 
48  The  euen  Mcade.  that  erft  brought  fweetly  forth 

The  freckled  Cowflip,  Burnet,  and  greene  Clouer, 

Wanting  the  Sythe,  all  t  vncorre&ed,  ranke, 

Conceiues  by  idlenefle,  and  nothing  teenies 
52  But  hatefull  Docks,  rough  Thirties,  Kekfyes,  Burres, 

Looting  both  beautie  and  vtilitie; 

And  all  our  Vineyards,  Fallowes,  Meades,  and  Hedges. 

Defe&iue  in  their  natures,  grow  to  wildnefle. 
56  Euen  fo  our  Houfes,  and  our  felues,  and  Children, 

Haue  loft,  or  doe  not  learne,  for  want  of  time, 

The  Sciences  that  Ihould  become  our  Countrey ; 

But  grow  like  Sauages, — as  Souldiers  will, 
60  That  nothing  doe  but  meditate  on  Blood, — 

To  Swearing,  and  rterne  Lookes,  defus'd  Attyre, 

And  euery  thing  that  feemes  vnnaturall. 

Which  to  reduce  into  our  former  fauour, 
64  You  are  ailembled  :  and  my  fpeech  entreats, 

That  I  may  know  the  Ler,  why  gentle  Peace 

Should  not  expell  thefe  inconueniences, 

And  blcilc  vs  with  her  former  qualities. 
68      K.  Hen.  If,  Duke  of  Burgonie,  you  would  the  Peace, 

Whofe  want  giues  growth  to  th'imperfe&ions 

Which  you  haue  cited ;  you  mud  buy  that  Peace 

With  full  accord  to  all  our  tuft  demands, 
72  Whofe  Tenures  and  particular  effects 

You  haue,  enfchedul'd  briefely,  in  your  hands. 

Burg.  The  King  hath  heard  them ;   to  the  which,  as  yet, 

There  is  no  Anfwer  made. 

K.  Hen.  Well  then,  the  Peace, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  v.  ic  iL]    97 

76  Which  you  before  fo  vrg'd,  lies  in  his  Anfwer. 
Fr.  King.  I  haue  but  with  a  curforary  t  ejre 

O're-glanc't  the  Articles  :  Plcafcth  your  Grace 

To  appoint  fome  of  your  Councell  prefcntly, 
80  To  fit  with  vi  once  more,  with  better  heed 

To  re-furuey  them,  we  will  fuddenly 

Parte  our  accept  and  peremptorie  Anfwer. 

AT.  Hen.  Brother,  we  (hall.     U  Goe,  Vnckle  tetter, 
84  H  And  Brother  Clarence,  H  and  you,  Brother  Glwcejlrr, 

U  Warwick,  H  and  Huntington,  goe  with  the  King ; 

And  take  with  you  free  power,  to  ratifie, 

Augment,  or  alter,  as  your  Wifdomes  belt 
88  Shall  fee  aduantageable  for  our  Dignitie, 

Any  thing  in,  or  out  of,  our  Demands, 

And  wee'le  configne  thereto.     H  Will  you,  faire  Sifter, 

Goe  with  the  Princes,  <  r  (lay  here  with  vs? 
93       <?•  1*°'  Our  gracious  Brother,  I  will  goe  with  them  • 

Haply  a  Womans  Voyce  may  doe  fome  good, 

When  Articles  too  nicely  vrg'd,  be  flood  on. 

K.  Hen.  Yet  leaue  our  Coufm  Kaiherine  here  with  vt : 
96  She  is  our  capital!  Demand,  compris'd 

Within  the  fore-ranke  of  our  Article*. 

Q.  Jia.  She  hath  good  leaue.  [Err**/. 

Manent  KINO  HiMtv,  KATHBBIMR.  and  ALICB. 

K.  Hen.  Faire  Kathfrittr,  ami  moA  fair* ! 

Will  you  vouchfafe  to  teach  a  Souldier  trarme*. 
100  Such  at  will  enter  at  a  Ladyea  earv, 

And  pleade  his  Loue-fuit  to  her  gentle  bean  > 

KalH.  Your  Maieilie  (hall  mock  at   me  i    I  cannot  fpeake 
your  England. 

104  K.  Hen.  O  faire  Kaiktrint,  if  you  will  loue  me  foundly  with 
your  French  heart,  I  will  be  glad  to  heare  you  coafrfle  n 
hmkenly  with  rour  Kn^li(h  Tongue.  Dm*  yon  like  me,  Kmtf  * 


ACT  v.  sc  iLj  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Ftfl.  98 

A'aM.  Pardonnnt  moy,  I  cannot  tell  vat  t  is  *  like  me.' 
108      A*.  Hen.  An  Angell  U  like  you,  Kate,  and  you  are  like  an 
Angell. 

A'aM.  Que  dit  U  ?  atte  le  fu'u  femMalle  a  Its  Anges  ? 
Alice.  Ouy,  veraymfnt.faufvoflre  Grace,  ainfi  dit  U. 
na      A'.  Hen.  1  laid  To,  deare  Kai/icrinc ;  and  1  muft  not  bluih 
to  affirme  it. 

A'a/A.  O  ton  Difu!  let  langues  des  horn mes  font  pleinest  de 
tromperifs. 

116      A'.  Hen.  What  fayea  ftie,  faire  one?    that  the  tongues   of 
men  are  full  of  deceits  ? 

Alice.  Ouy,  dat   de  tongues  t  of  de   mans  is  be   full   of 
deceits  :  dat  is  de  Princerte. 

120      K.  Hen.  The  Princefle  is  the  better  Englifh-woman.   Yfaith, 

Kale,  my  wooing  U  fit  for  thy  vnderftanding :   I  am  glad  them 

c.inrt  fpcake  no  better  Englifh  ;   for,  if  thou   could'ft,  thou 

woulil'it   finde  me  fuch   a   plaine   King,  that   thou  wouldft 

1 24  thinke  I  had  fold  my  Farme  to  buy  my  Crovvne.     I  know 

no  wayes  to  mince   it   in  loue,  but  directly  to  fay,  '  I  loue 

you ' :    then,  if  you  vrge  me  farther  then  to  fay,  '  Doe  you, 

in  faith  ? '    I  weare  out   my  fuite.     Giue   me  your   anfwer ; 

128  y faith,  doe:  and  fo  clap  hands  and  a  bargaine:  how  fay  you, 

Lady? 

A'a/A.  Saufvojbe  honneur/t  me  vnderftand  vell.t 

K.  Hen.  Marry,   if  you   would   put   me   to  Verfes,  or   to 

132  Dance  for  your  fake,  Kate,  why  you  vndid  me:  for  the  one, 

I   haue   neither  words   nor  meafure;    and   for  the   other,  I 

haue   no   ftrength  in  meafure,  yet  a  reafonable   meafure    in 

ftrength.     If  I  could  winne  a  Lady  at   Leape-frogge,  or  by 

136  vawting   into   my  Saddle   with    my  Armour  on   my  backe, 

— vnder  the  correction  of  bragging  be  it-  fpoken, — I  fhould 

quickly  leape  into   a  Wife.     Or,  if  I    might   buffet   for  my 

lyoue,  or  bound  my  Horfe  for  her  fauours,   I-  could  lay  on 

140  like  a  Butcher,  and  fit  like  a  lack  an  Apes,  neuer-  off.     But, 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.   [ACT  v.  sc.  iL]   99 

before  God,  Kate,  I  cannot  looke  greenely,  nor  gafpe  out 
ray  eloquence,  nor  I  haue  no  cunning  in  protcltation ; 
onely  downe-right  Oat  he*,  which  I  ncuer  *fe  till  vrg'd. 

144  nor  neuer  breake  for  vrging.  If  tbou  caurt  loue  •  fellow 
of  this  temper,  Kate,  whofe  face  u  not  worth  Sunne-buruing, 
that  neuer  lookes  in  his  Glalfe  for  loue  of  any  thing 
he  fees  there,  let  thine  Eye  be  thy  Cooke.  I  fpeake  to 

148  thee  plaine  Souldier :  If  thou  canll  loue  roe  for  thU,  take 
me ;  if  not,  to  lay  to  thee  that  '  I  (hall  dye,'  it  true ;  but 
for  thy  loue,  by  the  L(ord,]  No;  yet  I  loue  thee  too.  And 
while  thou  liu'rt,  dcare  Kate,  take  a  fellow  of  pbine  and 

151  vncoyned  Conftancie;  for  he  perforce  mull  do  thee  right, 
becaufe  he  hath  not  the  gift  to  wooe  in  other  placet :  for 
tbefe  fcllowes  of  infinit  tongue,  that  can  nme  thcmirlun 
into  Ladyes  fauours,  they  doe  alwaye*  reafon  themfcluc* 

1 56  out  againe.  What!  a  fpcaker  u  but  a  prater;  a  Ryme  a 
but  a  Ballad ;  a  good  Legge  will  fall ;  a  rtrait  Backe  will 
ftoope;  a  blacke  Beard  will  turne  white;  a  curl'd  Pate  will 
grow  bald ;  a  faire  Face  will  wither ;  a  full  Eye  will  wai 

1 60  hollow :  but  a  good  Heart,  Kate,  i*  the  Smmc  and  the 
Moone ;  or,  rather,  the  Sunne,  and  not  (be  Moune;  for  it 
mine*  bright,  and  neuer  change*,  but  keepe*  bu  courfe 
truly.  If  thou  would  haue  fuch  a  one,  take  me:  and 

164  take  roe,  take  a  Souldier;  take  a  Souldier,  take  a  King. 
And  what  lay'ft  thou  then  to  my  Loue?  fpeake,  my  fjirr, 
and  f.itn-ly.  I  pray  thee. 

Katk.  I*    it    p  iilihtc    dat    I    fould   loue    de    enncntie    of 

1 68  Praunce  ? 

A'.  Hen.  No ;  it  U  not  poflible  you  mould  loue  the  Eitcmic 
of  France,  Kate:  but,  in  louing  roe,  you  mould  loue  the 
Friend  of  France ;  for  I  loue  France  fo  well  that  I  will 

172  not  part  with  a  Village  of  it ;  I  will  haue  it  all  mine:  and, 
Katf,  when  France  U  mine  and  I  am  yourt,  then  your*  u 
France  and  you  are  mine. 


ACT  v.  sc.  ii.]          The  Life  of  Henry  flif  rift.  100 

Katlt.   I  cannot  trll  vat  t  is  dal. 

176  X.  Hn.  No,  Kate?  I  will  U-ll  thpf  in  Kn-nrh  ;  which  I  am 
fure  will  hang  vpon  my  tongue  like  a  new-married  Wife 
about  her  Husbands  Nock?,  hardly  to  be  (hooke  oil'.  Quand 
lay  t  lefHtQrffion  de  Fraunce,  &  quand  vous  aunt  It  pofleffion  de 

iSomuy.  (Let  mee  fee,  what  then?  Saint  Dennis  bee  my 
fpeede !)  Done  vaftre  ejl  Frounce,  &  iw/.t  «;//«••»  mienne.  It 
is  as  eafie  for  me,  Kate,  to  «III<|IKT  the  Kingdome  as  to 
fpeake  fo  much  more  French  :  I  lliall  m-iu-r  moue  thee  in 

184  French,  v  niello  it  be  to  laugh  at  me. 

Kath.  Saufvofhe  honneur,  Ir  Frnnfoi*  ////<•  VOHX  parlez,  il  est 
mtilleur  t  que  C  Angloix  l,;/url  Ie  parle. 

K.  Hen.  No,  faith,  is't  not,  Kate :  but  thy  fpeaking  of  my 

188  Tongue,  and    I    thine,  moft  truely   falh-ly,   muft    needes  be 
graunted  to  be  much  at  one.      But,  Kate,  doo'rt  thou  vndcr- 
It.ui.l  thus  much  Englifli  ?     Canft  thou  louc  mee  ? 
Kath.  I  cannot  tell. 

192  K.  Urn.  (.'an  any  of  y«»ur  N\-iKl>l">urs  t.  II.  Kntr  ?  IK« 
aske  them.  Come,  I  know  thou  loueit  me:  and  at  night, 
when  you  come  into  your  Cloiet,  you'le  queftion  this 
Gentlewoman  about  me ;  and  I  know,  Kate,  you  will,  to 

196  her,  difprayfe  thofe  parts  in  me,  that  you  lone  with  your 
heart :  but  good  Kate,  mocke  me  mercifully ;  the  rather, 
gentle  Princeire,  becaufe  I  loue  thee  cruelly.  If  euer  thou 
beeft  mine,  Kate, — as  I  haue  a  lauing  Faith  within  me  tells 

200  me  thou  lhalt, — I  get  thee  with  skambling,  and  thou  muft 
therefore  needes  prone  a  good  Souldier-breeder.  Shall  not 
thou  and  I,  betweene  Saint  Dennis  and  Saint  George,  com- 
pound a  Boy,  halfe  French,  halfe  Englilh,  that  lhall  goe 

204  to  Conftantinople  and  take  the  Turku   by  the  Beard  ?     Shall 
wee  not  ?  what  fay'ft  thou,  my  faire  Flower-de- Luce  ? 
Kath.  I  doe  not  know  dat. 
K.  Hen.  No ;  'tis  hereafter  to  know,  but  now  to  promife  : 

208  doe   but    now    promife,   Kate,  you  will    endoauour   for   your 


The  Life  of  Henry  the  Ftfl.    [ACT  v.  sc.  ii.)    101 

French  part  of  luch  a  Boy  j  and,  for  ray  EnglUh  tuoytie,  take 
the  Word  of  a  King  and  a  Batcbeler.  How  anlwer  you,  La 
plus  btlle  Katherime  d*  mondt,  mon  trefchtr  &  dfuin  dfrffi. 

212  A'oM.  Your  Alalfflt  'aucfaufle  t  Frrnche  enough  to  deceiuc 
de  moil  fag f  Damotfelle  t  dat  u  en  Fraunc*. 

K.  Hem.  Now,  lye  vpon  my  falle  French !    By  mine  Honor, 
in  true  Englilh,  I  loue  the*,  Kate ;  by  which  Honor  I  dare 

216  not  fweare  thou  loueii  me ;  yet  my  blood  begins  to  flatter  me 
that  thou  doo'ft,  notwithstanding  the  poore  and  vntempering 
effect  of  my  Vitage.  Now,  brlhrcw  my  Fathers  Ambition ! 
bee  was  thinking  of  Ciuill  Warres  when  bee  got  roe :  therefore 

220  was  I  created  with  a  ftubborne  out -fide,  with  an  afpec)  of 
Iron,  that,  when  I  come  to  wooe  Ladyes,  I  fright  them. 
But,  in  taith,  Kate,  the  elder  I  wax,  the  better  I  mall  appeare  . 
My  comfort  is  that  Old  Age,  that  ill  layer  rp  of  Beautie 

224  can  doe  no  more  fpoyle  vpon  my  Face:  Thou  haft  me,  it 
thou  haft  me,  at  the  worft  ;  and  thou  (halt  wearc  me,  if 
thou  weare  me,  better  and  better :  and  therefore  tell  me, 
molt  faire  Katherine,  will  you  baue  me  ?  Put  off  your  Maidrn 

228  Blulhes;  auouch  the  Thought*  of  your  Heart  with  the  Lookrt 
of  an  Emprcllc ;  take  me  by  the  Hand,  and  lay,  '  Harry  of 
England,  I  am  thine : '  which  Word  thou  i)i.ilt  no  fooncr 
blcil'e  mine  Eare  withall,  but  I  will  tell  thee  alowd,  '  Eug- 

232  land  is  thine,  Ireland  is  thine,  France  is  thine,  and  Hemrj 
Plantaginet  is  thine  ; '  who,  though  I  fpeake  if  before  his 
Face,  if  he  be  not  Fellow  with  the  belt  King,  thou  (hall 
findc  the  beft  King  of  Good-fellowea.  Come,  your  Anfwer 

236  in  broken  Mufick  ;  for  thy  Vuyce  is  Mulick.  and  thy  Englilh 
broken :    therefore,   Queene   of   all    KatHenitrt.*  brrake   thy 
mindc  to  me  in  broken  Englilh  ;  wilt  thou  haue  roe  * 
Kath.  Dat  is  as  it  (hall  pleafc  de  Roy  mon  fere. 

240  A'.  Hen.  Nay,  it  will  pleafe  him  well,  Kale ;  it  (hall  pleafc 
him,  Kate. 

Kath.  Den  it  fall  alfn  content  me. 


ACT  v.  sc.  ii.j          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fiji.  102 

A*.  //••;.  Vpoa  that  I  kifte  your  Hand,  and  I  call  you  my 
944  Quccne. 

Katk.  Latff'ez,  ma*  Seigneur,  latfez,  la\0ez :  ma  foy,  It  ne 
vexx  point  yue  vous  allaijjlez  t'ujlre  grandeur  en   taij'anl   la 
main  dune  de  vosfre  Sfigneurie  indigne  ferviteure ;    excufn  t 
948  may,  le  vousfupplif,  man  tref-pu(ffant  Seigneur, 
K,  Hen.  Then  I  will  kille  your  Lippcs,  Kate. 
Kath.  Let  Dames  &  DamuiJellfS  pour  ejlre  iaijecs  deuant 
leurs  nopces,  it  nest  pas  la  COH  flume  t  de  Frounce. 
252      A'.  Hen.  Madame  my  Interpreter,  what  fayes  ihee? 

Alice.    Dat   it   is  not   be  de   falhon  pour  lest   Ladies  of 
Fraunce, — I  cannot  tell  vat  t  is  '  baiser,'  t  en  Angliih. 

A'.  Hen.  « To  kiffe.' 
256      Alice.  Your  Maicftee  entendre  belt  re  que  may. 

K.  Hen.  It  u  not  a  faihion  for  the  Maids  in  Fraunce  to 
kifle  before  they  are  marryed,  would  me  iay  ? 

Alice.  Ouy,  verayment. 

260  A'.  Hen.  O  Kate,  nice  Cuftomes  curfie  to  great  Kings. 
Deare  Kate,  you  and  I  cannot  bee  conftn'd  within  the  weake 
Lyft  of  a  Countreyes  faihion  :  wee  are  the  makers  of  Manners, 
Kate;  and  the  libertie  that  followes  our  Places  ftoppes  the 
264  mouth  of  all  finde-faults ;  as  I  will  doe  yours,  for  vpholding 
the  nice  faihion  of  your  Countrey  in  denying  me  a  Kifle : 
therefore,  patiently  and  yeelding.  [Kffing  her.']  You  haue 
Witch-craft  in  your  Lippes,  Kate:  there  is  more  eloquence 
268  in  a  Sugar  touch  of  them  then  in  the  Tongues  of  the  French 
Councell ;  and  they  ihould  fooner  perfwade  Harry  of  England 
then  a  generall  Petition  of  Monarchs. — Heere  comes  your  Father. 

Re-enter  the  FRENCH  KING,  QUEEN  ISABEL,  BURGUNDY, 
CLARENCE,  BEDFORD,  GLOUCESTER,  EXETER,  WESTMER- 
LAND,  and  other  French  and  English  Lords. 

Burg.     God    faue    your    Maieftie !     my    Royall    Coufin, 
272  teach  you  our  Princefle  Engliih  ? 


The  Lift  of  Henry  the  Fiji.    [ACT  v.  «c  u.]    103 

K.  Hen.  I  would  baue  her  learne,  my  faire  Coufm.  bow 
perfectly  I  louc  her;  and  that  U  good  Engliih. 

Burg.  Is  (hee  not  apt  ? 

276      JIT.  Hen.   Our    Tongue   U   rough,   Coze,  and  mjr   Condi- 
tion is  not  fmooth;    fo  that,  hauing  neyther  the  Vorce  nor 
the  Heart  of  Flatterie   about  me,  I   cannot   fo  coniure   rp 
the  Spirit  of  Loue  in  her,  that  bee  will  appearc  in  his  true 
280  likenefle. 

Burg.    Pardon   the   franknefle   of  my  mirth,  if  I   anfwer 

you    for  that.      If   you   would   coniure   in   her,  you   mult 

make  a   Circle  :    if   coniure  vp   Loue   in   her  in   hit    true 

284  likenefle,   bee   muft   appearc   naked,   and   blinde.     Can  you 

blame  her  then,  being   a   Maid    yet    ros'd    ouer  with   the 

Virgin    C  rim  Ion   of  Modeftie,   if    (hoe   deny   the   apparent  c 

of  a  naked  blinde  Boy  in  her  naked  feeing  fclfe  ?     It  were, 

288  my  Lord,  a  bard  Condition  for  a  Maid  to  contigne  to. 

K.  Hen.  Yet  they  doe  winke  and  yeeld,  as  Loue  U  blind 
and  enforces. 

Burg.    They  are  then  excus'd,  my   Lord,  when  they  fee 
292  not  what  they  doe. 

K.  Hen.    Then/  good    my   Lord,   teach    your   Coufm   to 
content  winking. 

Burg.  I  will  winke  on  her  to  confent,  my  Lord,  if  you 

296  will   teach   her   to   know    my   meaning :     for    IftHta,  well 

Suramer'd,    and   warme    kept,   are    like    Fives   at   Bartholo. 

mew-tyde,   blinde,  though   they  haue   their  eyes;   and   then 

they  will  endure   handling,  which    before  would   not    abide 

300  looking  on. 

K.  Hen.  This    Moral  I   ryes  me  ouer   to  Time,  and  •  hot 
Summer;    and  fo   I  (hall  catch  the   Flye,  your   Coufio,  in 
the  latter  end,  and  (hee  mud  be  blinde  to[<>]. 
304      Burg.  A*  Loue  U,  my  Ixird,  before  it  louc*. 

K.  Hen.    It  M  fo :    and  you  may,  fomc  of  you,  thanke 
Loue,   for    my   blindnelfe,   who    cannot    fee    many   a    faire 


ACT  v.  sc  u.)          The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  104 

French  Citie  for  one  faire  French   Maid  that  ftands  in  my 


308 

Fr.   King.    Yes,   mjr   Lord,  you    foe   them   perfpectiuc-Iy, 
the    Cities  turn'd    into  a   Maid  ;    for  they  are  all   gyrdU  d 
with  Maiden  WalU  that  Warre  hath  [never]  entred. 
3  1  a      A'.  Ufn.  Shall  Kate  be  my  Wife  ? 
Fr.  King.  So  pleale  you. 

A'   Hen.    I  am  content  ;    fo  the  Maiden  Cities  you  talke 
of  may  wait  on  her  :    fo   the   Maid   that    Hood  in  the  way 
316  for  my  With  (hall  (hew  me  the  way  to  my  Will. 

Fr.  King.  Wee  haue  con  fen  ted  to  all  tearmes  of  reafon. 
A.",  lien.  N't  fo,  my  Lords  of  England  ? 
H\yi.  The  King  hath  graunted  euery  Article  : 
320  His  Daughter  firft  ;  and  [then]  in  sequele,  all, 
According  to  their  rirme  propofed  natures. 

Ere.  Onely,  he  hath  not  yet  fubfcribed  this  : 
Where  your  Makftie  demands,  'That  the  King  of  France, 
324  bailing   any   occafion   to   write   for   matter   of  Graunt,   fliall 
name  your  Highnefle  in  this  forme,  and  with   this   addition, 
in    French:    Noftre   trefcher  Jilz  Henry,   Roy   £    Angle  terre, 
Htritier't  de  Fraunce  ;    and   thus  in  Latine  :    Preeclarijfimus 
328  Filius  nafler  Henricus,  Rex  Anglice,  &  H«er«t  Francue.' 

Fr.  King    Nor  this  I  haue  not,  Brother,  fo  deny'd, 
But  your  requeft  (hall  make  me  let  it  paffe. 

A".  Hen.  I  pray  you  then,  in  loue  and  deare  allyance, 
332  Let  that  one  Article  ranke  with  the  reft  ; 
And,  thereupon,  giue  me  your  Daughter. 

Fr.  King.  Take  her,  faire  Sonne,  and  from  her  blood  rayle  vp 
IiTue  to  me;  that  the  contending  Kingdomes 
336  Of  France  and  England,  whofe  very  ihoares  looke  pale 
With  enuy  of  each  others  happinelfe, 
May  ceafe  their  hatred  ;  and  this  deare  Conjunction 
Plant  Neighbour-hood  and  Chriftian-like  accord 
340  In  their  fweet  Bofomes  ;  that  neuer  Warre  adiwnce 


The  Lift  of  Htnry  the  Fi/J.      [ACT  r.  sc.  U.)     105 

Hi*  bleeding  Sword  'twill  England  and  faire  France. 
Lords.  Amen  ! 

A".  Hen.  Now  welcome,  Katt  :  and  beare  me  witneflc  all, 
344  That  here  I  kilTe  her  as  my  Soueraigne  Queene. 


Q.  ha.  God,  the  bcft  maker  of  all  Marriage*, 
Combine  your  hearts  in  one,  your  Realmes  in  one  ! 
As  Man  and  Wile,  being  two,  are  one  in  loue, 

348  So  be  there  'twixt  your  Kingdome*  fuch  a  Spoufall, 
That  neuer  may  ill  Office,  or  fell  Icaloufie, 
Which  trouble*  oft  the  Bed  of  bleiU-d  Marriage, 
Thruft  in  betwerae  the  Pa[c]iion  of  thefe  Kingdome*, 

352  To  make  diuorce  of  their  incorporate  League; 
That  Engliih  may  as  French,  French  Englilhnien, 
Receiue  each  other  !     God  fpeake  this  Amen  ! 
Alt.  Amen! 

356      K.  Hen.  Prepare  we  for  our  Marriage  :  on  which  day, 
My  Lord  of  Burgundy,  wee'le  take  your  Oath, 
And  all  the  Peeres,  for  furetic  of  our  Leagues. 
Then  fliall  I  fweare  to  Katt,  and  you  to  me  j 

360  And  may  our  Oatbes  well  kept  and  profp'row  be. 

[Scnnrt.      Eretatt. 

EPILOGUE. 
Enter  Chora*. 

Thus  farre,  with  rough  and  all-vnablc  Pen, 
Our  bending  Author  bath  purfu'd  the  Story, 
In  little  roome  confining  mighiie  men, 

4  Mangling  by  ftarts  the  full  courfe  of  their  glorjr. 
Small  time,  but  in  that  fmall.  moft  greatly  liu'd 
Tim  Starre  of  England.     Fortune  made  his  Sword  ( 
By  which  the  Worlds  beft  Garden  he  atchieu'd, 

8  And  of  it  left  his  Sonne  Imperiall  Lord. 


EPILOGUE.]  The  Life  of  Henry  the  Fift.  106 

7/rnry  the  Silt,  in  Infant  Bands  crown'd  King 
Of  France  and  England,  did  this  King  fucceed  \ 
Whofe  State  fo  many  had  the  managing, 
I  a  That  they  loft  France,  and  made  1m  England  bleed  : 
Which  oft  our  Stage  hath  fhowne ;  and,  for  their  Take, 
In  your  fatre  minds  let  this,  acceptance  take.  [I-'.iit. 


FINIS. 


APPENDIX. 

LIST  or  READINGS  IN  TUB  FRENCH  (Fi)  TEXT  or  Htmry  P. 

The  readings  of  the  French  text  in  Fi  are  given  in  this  lift;  words 
or  letters  inserted  without  brackets  in  the  revised  text  being  here 
bracketed,  and  the  corrupt  words  italicized. 

ACT  in.  sc  ir. 

L  tu  Men  parltu]— 8.  EH]— 4,  6.  *ft*sig*it*,  \\  but  qoe  it  *ppnm4 
a  parUn  :  Comitmt  appelle[s]  vous  //]— 6.  Lt  main  it  6-  appelle^c] — 7. 
E[t]  le[s]  <&//».]— 8-10.  LeCs]  diy*»,  ma  foy  //  oublie,  [IM1!  <*!T'  •KF*t 
ie  me  soaemeray  le[s]  </<y/j  ie  pense  qu'ils  [s]ont  appcllc{s]  de  fingrt% 
ou[y] — 11-13.  Le  main  de  Hand,  le[s]  doyts  It  Kingres,  ie  pense  quc  ie 
suis  Ie  bon[ne]  escholier.  I'ay  gay  nit  diitx  mots  d'Anglois  vistement, 
com[m]ent  appelle[z]  vous  le[s] — 14.  Lc{s]  ongles,  [nous] — 10,  10. 
es:oute[z]  :  dites  moy,  si  ie  parle  bicn  :  de  Hand,  de  Fingres,  e(t]— 17. 
il  .H-80.  E[t]  <U  cou4tt.\-VL  //Elbow.]— 83,  88.  /TElbow  :  Ie  men 
fay  //  repiticio  de  touts  les  mots  que  vous  Mftwr,  qfjrtmi] — 84.  II  6^} — 
90,  86.  Excu«e[i]  moy  Alice  escoutefs],  <THand,  de  Fingre,  de  Nayles, 
d'.-lrma,}-M.  // Elbow,]-88,  89.  men  oublie  ^Elbow,  com(m)ent 
appclle[i]-81.  E[i] -84,  30.  pr**o»mdti  les  mots  au<s>}-8«.  <U\- 
88,  30.  N'auefi]  vo[u]«>-  desia  oublie(e]  ce  que  ic  vous  a[y]  fntifnu\— 
40,  41.  Nomt  ie  reciterafy]  a  vous  promptement,  f  Hand,  de  Fingre, 
de  M*jk*i.\-* 44. 5-tfiu  vostre  AMVK/  <T Elbow.}- 40, 
de  Nick,  &•  de  Sin  :  com(m]ent  appeUe(s]  vous  ///  pied  ft 
47.  A/  Foot  Madame,  &  //]  -48-04,  Lt  Foot,  &  //  Count :  O  Setgnirur 
Dicu,  il  sont  //  mots  de  son  mauvais  corruptible  fruit  ft  impudique, 
ft  non  pour  lc(s]  Dames  <k  Hoo[n]eur  d' vser  :  Ie  ne  vrtuinty  prt+mmctr 
ce(s]  mots  decant  le(t]  Seigneurs  de  France,  pour  /**/t  Ie  monde,  fo(h] 
Ie  Foot  &  Ie  Count,  neant  *»<»//,  Ie  reciterafy]  vn(e)  *«r/r//»//  ma  IMM 
ensemb[l]e,  <T  Hand,  de  Fingre,  de  Nayles  ^Arme,  -TEJbow,  dt  Nkkt 
de  Sin,  de  Foot,  //]— 00.  tuttt  pour  vne/./w,  aJ(I]oos  nous  A  di(*)Mr} 


108 

ACT  in.  sc.  v. 


11. 

ACT  III.  8C  vii. 
13.  clfka  .•]—  14.  volemtt}—  <k*s}—  68,  63.  vtmisstment  est  la  levye]. 

ACT  IV.  SC  I 
83.  Cktvotts  la?]. 

ACT  iv.  sc.  ii. 

8.  Monte[x  1}—  Vtrlof}—  5.  «w  &  [la]—  <*•  R»en  PHIS  //  air  &  [le]— 
7.  O*,]. 

ACT  iv.  sc  iv. 

8.  le  Gentilhom[m]e  de  bon[ne]  qualitee.  —  11.  prennes  nriserecordie 
ayc{i]  pile*}—  15.  /*]—  19.  perdonne]—SQ.  Escoute[z]—  24.  Mounsieur} 
—  31.  MouHsitur]  —  32,  33.  a  vous  dire  que  vous  faitefs]  vous  prest, 
car  ce  sold.it  icy  est  disposef  tout  asture  de  couf>pes~\—  37,  38.  ma  par- 
donner,  le  suis  /<f  Gentilhom[m]e  de  bon[ne]  maison,  garde[z]  —  47-49. 
e[s]uY»»//Yison  Iuremcnt,depardonner/TMc////^prisonn[i]er  :  ncantmo[i]ns 
pour  les  fsfufs  que  vous  layt  a  promets,  il  est  content  a  vous  donnes 
le\—  5O-58.  st  vous  donnes  milles  remercious,  et  le  me  estiine  hcure[u]x 
que  le  tntombe,  entrc  les  main[s].  d'un  Cheualier  \t  peuse  le  plus  braue 
valiant  et  tres  distinie  signitur]  —  61.  Saaue~\. 

ACT  iv.  sc.  v. 
8.  sigvfur  le  iour  e[s]t  perdia,  toiite  e[s]t  perdie]  —  3.  Mor  Dieii}. 

ACT  v.  sc  ii. 

107.  Pardonne[z]—  114.  plein[es]—  130.  hon[n]eur]-178,  179.  le 
quand  tur]  —  179.  aues]  —  185,  186.  hon[n]eur,  le  Francois  qaes  vous 
parleist'A  &"  melieus]  —  212.  ^faiestee  aue  fause]  —  213.  Damoiseif]  — 
245-247.  Laisse[z]  mon  Seigneur,  laisse[z],  laisse[z],  may  foy  :  le  ne 
I'fus  point  que  vous  abbaiss[i]e[z]  vostre  grandeus,  en  baisant  le  main 
d'une  [de]  nostre  Seigneur[,e]  indignie  serviteurfe]  excuse[z]  —  250, 
251.  Damoiscl[le]s  pour  e>tre  baisee[s]  deuant  leur[s]  nopcese  il  ne[s]t 
pas  U  co[u]itume]—  253.  le[s]—  254.  buisse]. 


109 


NOTES. 


THE  TEXT  of  this  edition  b  •  revision  of  Ft.  In  some  caws 
of  the  Qq.  ind  the  later  Ft,  or  the  emendation*  of  modern  editors,  have  been 
adopted.  On  referring  to  the  note*,  the  reader  will  learn  the  source  from  which 
each  alteration  of  the  text  has  been  derived.  A*  the  member*  of  the  New 
Shakspere  Society  have  in  their  possession  the  parallel  text  edition  of  //<mrr  K, 
I  have  not  noticed  the  reading*  of  the  Qq.  and  the  later  Ft.  when  tht  lot  of  Fl 
prevented  no  difficulty.  As  a  general  rale,  I  have  annotated  thote  Itnea  only 
which  are  considered,  whether  ju«tly  or  not.  to  require  emendation  or  explana- 
tion. The  reading*  and  conjectures  recorded  in  the**  note*  are  Meetly  taken 
from  the  Variorum  Skaksfitrt,  ed.  i8ai,  and  the  CmminJgt  ,f>ia»/«am  A  frw 
sources  of  Htnry  V.t  which  escaped  me  when  writing  the  lotrodactioa,  arc 
given  in  the  Notes. 

A&itioni  to  tht  Text,  whether  comitling  of  sentence*.  words,  or  letter*,  am 
enclosed  in  brackets.  Emendation*  are  marked  by  an  obelus. 

Tk*  Pintttuatiox  has  been,  necessarily,  revised  throughout.  A*  to  this  matter. 
I  can  only  say  that  no  wanton  change*  have  been  made.  Generally,  the  puoc- 
rua'ion  has  been  rather  supplemented  than  diminished  ;  lbo*c  stops  only  which 
obscured  the  sense  being  removed. 

Tke  Sttuuio*  oftkt  Liiut—to  far  at  it  it  slfccled  by  the  retention  or 
of  the  -fJ  in  preterites  and  patt  participles—  was.  as  •  rule,  attended  to  !• 
old  eilitions.    I  have  silently  corrected  the  (ew  oversights  that  occur.     An 
pronunciation  of  a  word,  rendered  neccMary  by  the  metre,  is.  In  lW»  oikioa, 
marked  with  an  accent. 

SftUing  amJ  Cafitali.—\  have—  except  in  a  frw  imfances,  duly  recorded  fel 
the  Notes—  left  the  historical,  old  spelling  precisely  as  h  stswfa  ta  Fl.» 

Moreover.  I  have  not  laid  my  editorial  axe  to  the  stately  Capitals,  towering 
dfopenedly,  like  great  forest  •trees,  above  their  fellows,  in  order  to  rtoSsot  all  to 
the  dull,  orderly,  plantation  -like  aspect  of  a  modern  printed  page1  To  me.  aad 
to  some  perhaps  of  those  who  nay  »*e  this  edition,  such  anleaa  variety  is 
Jlllli  I  s«y  'artless,'  tor  I  cannot  Mel  assured  Uut  Mr.  Palo*  is  right  »a 

1  No  one  wants  to  see  Shakspere**  host  in  a  billycock  hat  and  a  shooting 
jacket  Whysh<wldfolk  want  to  see  his  words  m  modern  garb  r-F. 


•  '..  .  tbeold  Fbwat  like  Text,  bri»Uiag  wfch  ••atstiua.  briMi  now  r*Hod 
III  modem  editions)  to  iWlltl  g  like  a  iredaM  prauie-'-lf-JUa,  ed.  A.  P. 
Palon,  p.  vttL 


no  Notes.  [PROLOGUE. 


that  Shakspere  himself  distinguished  by  capitals  those  words  which 
have  more  significance  than  (he  rest. 

Tkt  //Yfktm  are  so  much  a  part  of  the  old  spelling  that  one  could  hardly,  in 
contisteocy,  remove  them.  So,  even  when  they  give  an  unfamiliar  look  to  a 
word,  t.  /.  mmkwtrd  (II.  iv.  85),  they  have  been  retained.  On  the  other  hand, 
I  have  never  inserted  a  hyphen  in  accordance  either  with  my  own  taste  or  modem 
usage. 

CfctfrvdsWu,  such  as  « whe,'  'L.,'  have  been  expanded  thus  :  'when,' '  L[ord].' 
Since  the  common  contractions  'y*'  and  '&'  are  not  likely  to  cause  even  a 
momentary  embarrassment  to  the  reader,  they  have  been  left,  for  the  same  reason 
which  dictated  the  preservation  of  the  hyphens. 

Tke  Stage  Localities  given  by  former  editors  have  been  adopted  in  this  edition. 
I  have  selected  such  of  them  as  seemed,  in  my  judgment,  most  probable,  not 
taking  them  from  any  one  edition  of  Henry  V.  exclusively. 

Tkt  Stage  Dtrtetions  of  Fi  have,  as  far  as  possible,  been  followed,  their 
deficiencies  being  made  good  by  means  of  the  Qq.,  the  additions  of  modem 
editors,  and,  to  some  slight  extent,  by  my  own  conjectures. 

Tkt  Names  of  tke  Characters  usually  appear  here  with  the  old  spelling  and 
irregularities.  For  A'inf,  which  throughout  the  play  serves  for  a  marginal 
name  to  the  speeches  of  both  Henry  V.  and  Charles  VI.,  I  have  substituted,  in 
accordance  with  modern  usage,  A'.  Hem.  and  fr.  King.  For  particulars  con- 
cerning these  three  last-named  matters,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  Note*. 

A  Paragraph  (^)  marks  a  change  in  the  speaker's  address. 

For  many  valuable  notes  and  suggestions,  as  well  as  timely  warnings,  received 
during  the  progress  of  this  edition,  my  sincere  thanks  are  due  to  Dr.  Brinslcy 
Nicholson,  Mr.  F.  J.  Kurnivall,  and  Mr.  P.  A.  DanicL 

DRAMATIS  PERSONA.  Not  in  F£  or  Qq.  First  given  by  Rowe,  and  im- 
proved by  subsequent  editors. 

PROLOGUE.  Enter  Prologue]  Ff.  The  actor  who  recited  the  choruses  seems 
to  have  been  commonly  spoken  of  as  the  '  Prologue.'  Decker's  gallant  is  advised 
not  to  present  himself  '  on  the  stage,  especially  at  a  new  play,  until  the  quaking 
Prologue  hath  by  rubbing  got  colour  into  his  cheeks,  and  is  ready  to  give  the 
trumpets  their  cue  that  he  is  upon  the  point  to  enter,'  &c. — Gulfs  Hornbook, 
chap,  vi.  p.  34,  ed,  1862.  Cotgrave  has :  '  Avantioiieur.  A  Prologue,  ke  that 
kfginnetk,  or  playetk  before*  the  game,  Enterlttde,  or  Comtdit.'  The  choruses  are 
not  in  the  Qq. 

9.  Tke  Jtat  ttnrayud  Spirits,  that  hath  dared}  Rowe,  and  most  of  the  editors 
who  succeeded  him,  read :  Spirit  that  hath;  adopting  Spirit  from  ¥4.  Staunton, 
the  Cambridge  editors,  and  Dyce,  read :  Spirits  that  have.  I  prefer  the  supposition 
that  the  Spirits  are  the  actors.  This  accords  somewhat  with  the  deprecatory 
allusions  in  the  choruses  to  the  poverty  of  the  stage  appliances.  The  Ff.  read 
katk,  L  q.  kaUetk,  an  instance  of  the  Southern  Early  English  plural  in  -tth.  See 
the  illustrations  of  this  inflection  in  Abbott's  Sh.  Gram.,  par.  334,  to  which 


ACT  I.  SC  L]  Noltf.  HI 

may  be  added  the  following  one  from  'ClmliiiV  Li*a  M*rtyr  (New  Sh.  Soc), 

p.  15  i 

And  you  whose  dull  Imagination, 
And  blind  conceited  Error  katk  not  knowne,  Ac 
23.  ptrilhut  Mrrrw]  There  b  no  stop  between /mOw  aad  awwvmta* 

FC     I  take/04?«stf  M«rrw  to  be  a  compound  phrase,  not  two  dbtbtf  epkaata  | 

pfriU<?ui  having  either  an  adverbial  force,  or  being,  as  f 


lent  to  my.     He  quoted  from  the  preface  to  the  1st  ed.  of  Floho't 
•in  this /rn/Murm^V  passage.'     He  also  died  i  •  She  b  ftnlmi  trm/fy," 
Humuttrnu  LieuUnant,  Act  III.  Sc.  ii.  (ftib»u  ft,  firiUmt  Fa). 
J/*Mnu,l.  L6J3.  614: 

•Thus  was  th*  accomplish 'd  Squire  eada'd 
With  gifts  and  knowledge.  /wrVW  *t*vW.' 

Steevens,  in  his  note,  had  called  fmJJ**i  mu-im  'burlesque  and  coauaoa 
language,'  bat  Monck  Mason  could  not  believe  that  Shakaperc  iattaoad  to  make 
a  burlesque  phrase  of  it  He  proposed  to  place  a  romata  between  /triffmt  aad 
narrow :  thus  making  feriUatu  suggestive  of  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  which  to 
narrowness  enhanced.  Malooe  punctuated  as  M.  Mason  advised. 


ACT  I. 
Semef. 

The  Stage  Localities,  in  this  as  well  as  in  Shakspere's  other  plavt,  have  be«* 
added  by  his  modern  editors.  Theobald  laid  thi«  and  the  next  scene  at  Kcml- 
worth.  Although  the  tennis  balls'  incident  in  Sc  ii.  occurred  at  Kenilworth.  the 
parliament  was  held  at  I>eicester.  As  Shakspere  baa  combined  that  eveats,  k 
seems  better,  with  Pope,  to  fix  upon  London,  where,  mleas  there  b  clear  evidence 
to  the  contrary,  we  may  generally  aasume  that  Shakspere's  totmm  are  laid.  The 
Entry  in  Fl,  X  runs  thus  :  Enter  tkt  Aw  Bitkfft  0f  C*nttr**rj  «W  Cfy.  Fj.  4 
omit  h*».  The  marginal  names  are  Biik.  C**t.  and  Bit*.  £fy  to  L  fo| 
afterwards  B.  Ely  and  B.  Cam/,  to  the  end. 

9-19,  For  ....  tA'  yarrr]  The  pasaafc  rderrad  to  by  Shit  spin  whra 
writing  these  lines  is  evidently  not  the  oae  which  I  have,  through  tm  ownsghi, 
quoted  in  the  Introduction  to  this  ed.,  p.  VIH,  bat  the  following »  'The  cnVrt  of 
which  supplication  (for  the  revival  of  the  bill  presented  at  Wrumimicr  m  1410] 
was,  that  thetemporall  Utvlt  deoovtlie  giaen.  and  ditooltiutlic  »(<rnt  by 
and  other  spiriluall  penoos.  should  be  seind  into  the  kings  hands  »««h  the 
might  suffice  to  mainteine,  to  the  honor  of  the  king,  aad  defeat*  of  the  r«aim«, 
nftcene  earles,  fifteene  hundred  knights,  six  thmnanii  and  two  hundred  caqmerft* 
•od  a  hundred  almesae-noose*.  for  r chdc  oocuc  of  the  poorc.  impntaX,  aad 
aeedie  persons,  and  the  king  to  haue  decrlie  to  his  coffm  twvatit 
jlHMlll'  Ac-C*.  S4S/S/IO*  From  //-/A  p.  4*  Obaarv*  *  aftccw  taflea,' 
correct  my  note  (fntnJ,  viii.  aou  I)  accordingly. 

15,  16.  An* .  .  .  *yit]  I  follow  tat  Fl  to  pMting  a  CMMM 


i  i :  Notes.  [ACT  i.  sc  ii. 

tti  faring  mft  Of  unpunctuatcd.  Editors  hare  often  placed  a  comma  after  age. 
I  undentaod  wtaMt  .  .  .  tty/tto  refer  to  one  clan  of  persons,  namely,  those  who 
are  poor,  and,  on  account  of  their  age,  unable  to  work.  Distinct  from  such  are 
the  leper*.  One  can  hardly  suppo*e  that  a  third  clan  of  destitute  folk  it 
spoken  of  in  I.  16,  yet  *  preceding  comma  seems  In  convey  that  meaning.  For 
the  omisMon  of  t)u  before  wtaktagt,  there  are  many  parallel  instances  in  Sliak- 
•pere,  as  may  be  seen  on  reference  to  Schmidt's  SA.  Lex.  s.  v.  The,  p.  1202, 
coL  a. 

34.  currance}  So  Fl  ;  currant  Fa,  3  ;  current  ¥4.  Editors  hare  usually 
followed  F4.  Knight  (Companion  SA.,  1854,  the  edition  referred  to  in  these 
notes),  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  restored  the  reading  of  Fl.  Dr.  Nicholson 
consider*  that  currant  is,  in  its  specific  form,  more  active  than  current,  and  that 
the  substitution  of  ce  for  /  makes  currance  more  active  than  currant.  The  highly 
agental  currant*  accords  better  with  the  metaphor  in  11.  33,  34  than  either  current 
ot  currant. 

86.  uueralls\  Pope  printed  several,  a  reading  preferred  by  M.  Mason.  But 
see  Abbott's  Sh.  Cram.,  par.  433,  and  compare  Troilus  and  Crettida,  I.  iii.  i8a 

ACT  I. 
Scene  ii. 

The  Entry  in  the  Ff.  runs  thu<:  Enter  the  Kins;,  ffumfrey,  Bedford,  Clarence, 
Warwick,  Weitmtrland,  and  Exeter.  In  the  Qq. :  Enter  King  Henry,  Exeter, 
2.  Bishops,  Clarence,  and  other  Attendants.  For  the  marginal  name  Kins;,  I  have, 
here  and  elsewhere,  substituted  the  usual  A*.  Hen.  Throughout  this  scene  the 
varieties  B.  Cant.,  B.  Can.,  Bisk.  Cant.,  and  Rish.  Can.  have  been  uniformly 
changed  to  Cant.  Instead  of  Ely  (I.  115  the  Ff  read  Bish.  Bish.  Ely,  the 
marginal  name  at  L  166,  has  been  replaced  by  West.  The  Qq.  have  Lord. 
Capell,  on  Holinshed's  authority  (see  Introduction,  p.  ix),  assigned  1L  166—173 
to  Westmoreland.  Warburton  gave  these  lines  to  Exeter,  and  the  following 
speech  to  Ely. 

6.  The  Entry  in  the  Ff.  is  :  Enter  two  Bishops. 

22.  our}  So  Ft  Capell,  Malone,  and  Dyce  (ed.  3,  the  edition  referred  to  in 
these  notes),  read  the  with  the  Qq. 

27,  2&  wrongs  puts  edgevnto  the  Swords}  Ft  has:  wrongs giues ;  F2,  3,  4: 
wrong giues.  There  are  many  instances  in  Ft  of  the  Northern  plural  in  -es.  See 
them  in  Abbott's  SA.  Gram.,  par.  333  ;  and  compare  Chester's  Laves  Martyr 
(New  Sh.  Soc.  ed.),  pp.  15,  25,  1 1 6,  136,  and  138.  But  wrongs  may  perhaps  be 
regarded  as  singular  in  thought,  and  equivalent  to  injustice.  In  the  Ff.  the  next 
line  runs  thus :  That  makes  such  waste,  &c.  Either  this  is  another  example  of  the 
plural  -t,  or— as  Dr.  Abbott  supposes— of  a  singular  verb  taken  by  the  relative  to 
•  plural  antecedent  See  SJk.  Gram.,  par.  247.  The  following  lines  in  Chester's 
Lfva  Martyr,  p.  25,  also  admit  either  of  these  explanations  : 
'Faire  running  Riuers  that  the  Coun trie _/£//, 
Sweet  flowers  that  faire  balmy  I  )cau  distils, '  &c. 


ACT  i.  sc.  ii.]  Not  ft.  11  j 

36.  Tkat  awt  ymr  tftttst,  yt*r  luut,  anJ  urutea}  So  Ft  Pope  (ed.  a.  the 
edition  referred  to  in  thc*c  notes),  Johnson  and  ImiTimi  (ed.  2,  the  edition 
referred  to  in  these  notes),  and  Malone,  followed  the  Qq.,  which  road  :  It'kxk  tmt 
ffur  Huts,  yomr  faitk  ami  urmea.  But  y**r  ttlaa  Hands  in  apposition  to  /ma 
ami  stntiees.  You  owe  yemnttva  :  that  is  to  lay,  speaking  more  predtdjr,  ymr 
lives  and  ttrtnett. 

38.  ntfetJamf]  Fl,  J,  4.     tmttJamt  Fl. 

40.  jfaar]  Ct  C4.  545/2/52  :  'Which  the  French  /bum  expound  to  be  the 
realme  of  France,'  Ac.  In  toe  corresponding  passages  to  Hall,  p.  50,  the  pp. 
/fcW  and  the  substantive*  gUurt  and  jfcv  MOV,  with  the  qualifying  words 
yW<Wr,  dxntful,  and  «<tf.  Farther  on  we  have  •  the  land  SalicqM,  which  UM 
giMt  calleth  Fraunce.'  And  '  matter  CUur,  or  rather 
jf  I  may  call  a  conmenter  an  open  tier,'  Ac. 


CVAU  never  occur*  in  Fl.  That  edition  has  •  glow,  '  »b.  =>faMir  bt 
//..  ILL  ia  Also  :'  glows,'  so.  —UvStUimStUA,  IV.  iii  370;  •glow.'vb. 
-7i/w  A*Jr**u*j.  IV.  hr.  3$  ;  and  'gluud.'  pp.  —  Tm/ju  «N/  On**,  1L  u. 
165.  In  these  cases  soptmtical  reasoning  is  meant,  and  'glow,'  vtx,  in  /fcnrte, 
L  L  no  (Fj),  has  the  same  force.  It  should  he  noted  that  'glow'  in  this  line, 
and  'glazed  '  in  Troiltu  ami  Grand**  are  accompanied  by  the  adverbs  *  vaiutly,' 
and  'superficially.' 

44.  Cf.  Ck.  545/2/54  :  '  Whereas  yet  their  own*  authon  afirme,  AW  Un  UmJ 
Saltkt  it  in  Germaiut.' 

45.  52.  El,u\     So  Fl,  a.     /T/rv  Fj.  4.     EUt  Ch.   545/1/56.     £/w  Hall, 
p.  $a     AViw  Taylor's  Trauels,  p.  78  (Works.  1630^  Spenser  Soc.  rrpr.  p.  562). 

57.  Mr.  Rolfe,  in  a  note  on  this  line  in  his  ed.  of  Htmiy  Y.,  has  drawn 
attention  to  the  fact,  hitherto  unnoticed,  that  426  subtracted  from  805  leaves  379, 
not  421.  Shakspere  copied  Holinshed,  the  latter  followed  Hall.  I>r  Nichobo* 
remarked  :  '  The  error  evidently  arose  from  seeing  that  the  hundreds  gavt  a 
difference  of  400,  and  then  taking  the  odd  5  from  26  intlead  of  a6  from  5.' 

65.  Cf.  Ck.  545/2/71.  *  Mureouer,  it  appeareth  by  their  own*  writer*,  that 
King  Ptpint,  wktek  defimd  CUUtriktS  Ac. 

72.  JS*/]  I  retain  the  reading  of  the  FC,  supposing  'find'  to  mean: 
See  Schmidt's  Skaknftart  ArnrMt,  s.  v.  '  Timi.'  Hugh  Capet's 
•ion  to  Cbarlemaine's  [Charles  the  Hald's)  daughter,  and  her  real  rtoccnt  fro« 
Charles  the  Great,  are  the  'shewes  of  truth  '«  the  title  i  truth  and  CsUriy  btaaiti 
together.  Johnson  once  •ngrited  '  line/  Jtrtrmtt,  ttmtft^m  ;  bat  womU  after* 
wards  have  retained  /W,  believing  that  it  meant  t  **  /W  «  tvnArrl  K^ght 
restored  /i*J,  explaining  it  as  Johnson  did.  The  Cambridge  editors  read  4W. 
Walker  (Crit.  Exam.,  U.  64)  indwiw  >IW  amongu  the  cases  in  which  fad  4  and 
final  /  were  confounded.  '  Fiat  '—the  reading  of  the  Qq.,  mtrodwad  If  IYp« 
and  often  adopted  by  editors—  might  stand  if  w«  could  be  HIV  that  fe 
as  Sleevens  supposed,  to  makt  iketty  *r  iptntHt.  Ilia  raading  and  Mtarpnta 
receive  some  support  from  the  parallel  paiMagc  in  At  Ckrtnidn.  546/1/4  > 
make  his  title  •eeme  true,  and  appear*  good,  though  indcot  H  was  Markr  novghi.' 
Other  conjectures  art  t  '  fine,'  nfimt,  M»/*MV  (  Wartnvton)  | 
C  i 


Notes.  [ACT  i.  sc.  ii. 

liquors  are  (M.  Mason)  t  'found,'  ataUi*  (Collier  MS.);  Tend/  or  'fence,' 
fnttft  (Anon.).  According  to  Evelyn  (Sifva,  lik.  I.  ch.  v.)  the  shavings  of  the 
beech  were  used  '  for  the  fining  of  wines.'  Dr.  Nicholson— who  pointed  out  this 
passage  to  me— considers  thai  it  supports  Mason's  explanation  of  '  fine  ; '  the 
*  shewes  of  truth '  being  the  shavings  that  are  designed— though  ineffectually— 
to  *  jou  the  otherwise  muddy  statement,  and  pass  it  off.' 

74.  /JMgarr]  Ft  Lt'ngan/ C\L  $46/1/6  ;  Lyttford  Hall,  p.  51.  SoErmtngare 
(1.  82)  is  Ermtngard  in  Ch.  546/1/14,  and  Hall,  p.  51. 

94.  imbarre]  So  Ft,  2.  imbar  Fj,  4.  imbatt  .  .  .  eattitt  Ql,  2.  embraet 
Qj.  Pope  read :  <^m/r  imbrace.  Theobald's  reading,  imbare  =  '  lay  open, 
display  to  view,'  was  suggested  to  him  by  Warburton.  Rowe  perhaps  led  the 
way  to  this  by  reading  (ed.  I)  make  bare.  'Imbare*  was  adopted  by  Johnson 
and  Steevens — though  the  latter  produced  inferences  against  it— ami  also  by 
Malone,  Halliwell,  Delius,  Dyce,  and  other  editors.  Knight,  and  the  Cambridge 
editors,  retained  imbar.  The  former  thought  that  imbar,  '  bar  in,  secure,'  was 
opposed  to  bar,  'obstruct*  The  French  'would  hold  up  the  Salique  law,  "to 
bar  your  highness,"  hiding  "their  crooked  titles"  in  a  net,  rather  than  amply 
defending  them.'  Some  one  suggested  to  him  that  imbar  might  mean  "'  to  set 
at  the  bar  "—to  place  their  crooked  titles  before  a  proper  tribunal'  '  Imbarre ' 
cannot,  as  Knight  supposed,  mean  bar  in,  secure,  because  Chicheley  insists  upon 
the  fact  that,  in  default  of  a  valid  proof  of  their  titles,  the  French  kings  were 
obliged  to  rely  on  a  fictitious  defence  which  did  not  bear  examination.  But 
'imbarre*  =  bar,  obstruct,  is,  I  think,  in  harmony  with  the  context.  Chicheley 
had  shown  that  the  French  kings  had,  on  three  several  occasions,  deduced  their 
titles  through  female  links,  although  it  was  asserted  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
Salic  law,  a  woman  could  not  transmit  a  title  to  the  throne.  Nevertheless, 
they  chose  '  to  hide  them  in  a  Net,'  that  is,  to  resort  to  this  transparent  shelter, 
the  Salic  law,  rather  'then  amply  to  imbarre  their  crooked  Titles,'  by  admitting 
its  baselessness.  For,  granting  the  supposititious  character  of  the  Salic  law,  a 
direct  descent  from  Isabella,  daughter  of  Philip  IV.,  elder  son  of  Philip  III., 
gave  Henry  a  better  title  to  the  throne  than  the  French  kings  could  derive  from 
Charles  de  Valois,  the  younger  son.  As  an  illustration  of  the  precise  sense 
which  I  attach  to  '  imbarre,'  the  following  lines  from  Donne's  '  Anatomy  of  the 
World*  (Poems,  p.  215,  ed.  1650)  are  here  quoted: — 

'  If  this  commerce  'twixt  heaven  and  earth  were  not 
Embarrd,  and  all  this  traffique  quite  forgot, 
She,  for  whose  losse  we  have  lamented  thus, 
Would  worke  more  fully,  and  pow'rfully  on  us :  *  &c. 

98.  Chicheley 's  authority  is  peremptorily  set  aside  by  Maistre  Nicolle  Gilles. 
'  Matstre  Raoul  de  pitelles,'  in  the  comments  upon  his  translation  of  Augustine's 
City  of  Cod,  bit.  iii.  chap.  21,  and  bk.  v.  chap.  25,  remarked  that  Augustine 
severely  condemned  the  law  which  prevented  daughters  from  inheriting  their 
father's  and  mother's  property,  but  had  afterwards  said  that  he  did  not  mean  to 
speak  thus  of  '  successions  des  royaulmes,  principautes  &  gra«</s  seigneuries  qui 
ont  regard  gouuerncmcxt  &  administration  de  la  chose  publicque,  sicomme  dit 


ACTI.  sc.il]  Notf*.  115 

Thomas  valeast*.  A  quoy  aaccordejtt  Francuctu  de  nuroois :  ft  Midi  a  lobiectioa 
qae  no  poarroit  fun  des  fillet  de  Sapbat,  dont  (4«,/ orig. )  U  Bible  parle  oa  riagt 
4  tixiesme  chapitre  da  liurc  des  Nomine*.  Et  dit  que  royaalme  not  pa*  propre- 
mcnt  heredite,  mais  e*t  dignite  t  regardant  (administration  de  toute  la  chose  pub- 
licque.  Or  est  certain  qae  les  renames  ne  Mat  pas  capable*  de  dignife  ae  de  idle 
administration,  commc  est  le  gouuerncrocnt  tluwg  tcl  royaulme,  ft  par  coaaeqaeat 
ae  doiuent  pas  tacceder  a  royaulme.' — Gilks's  AnnMtt  cV  CtrwatVfiMr  <tt  fnuttt, 
ed,  1552,  fol.  xxii. 

99.  mam]  So  FC  umtu  Qq.  '  Man '  agree*  better  trith  the  rdutacc  to 
tfum,  nvii.  8,  allowing  for  a  synecdoche.  Understand  t  'and  have  ao soa.' 

114.  <M  for  fftt*mf\  That  U,  'cold  lor  M*/ ^  action.'  Maloac's  exptaaa> 
tiom.  Deighton  compares  Atft  WitL,  I.  ii.  16,  17,  aad  JrV«^,  L  v.  37.  Sec 
note  on  this  line  in  his  ed.  of  Henry  I'.,  p.  »m. 

1 19.  Ktuu]  So  Ff.    See  note  on  I.  iL  27.  3& 

131.  Bl~f\  F4.  /?AW«  Ft.  /f^Wr  Fa.  /f/.W  F>  Chichdey.  in  h*  reply  to 
the  proposals  of  the  French  ambasaadon,  said  that  Henry  woald,  if  hu  dcsmaada 
were  not  satisfied,  '  enter  into  France,  aad  deatruie  the  people,  waste  the  covathe, 
aad  saboert  the  townes  wt/A  MW,  notni,  mmJ  Jtn*  ftc 

150.  brim  /ml H  ft  it]  The  Ff.,  and  modern  editors,  divide  the  words.  Popt 
(ed.  s)  printed  '  brim-fulne**.'  The  Qq.  have  not  the  line.  Johasoa,  ^p«1*«^ 
U.  148—150  in  his  Diftumaiy,  ed.  1785,  printol  •  Ba/nruutSM.  m,  t.  [tram 
krimfml.\  Fulness  to  the  top.'— lie  used  far  his  Dictionary  a  copy  of  Warbortoa'* 
Skakaftart.  See  Bos  well's  note,  p.  91,  voL  *«».  t'ar.  SA.,  1811.  —  P.  A.  I).— 
The  O.Enf.  'brim,'  jitrtt,  suits  the  metaphor  well,  for  it  adds  the  idea  of 
fury  to  that  of  volume,  expressed  by  '  ample '  and  '  fulness.'  Brim,  in  this  teate, 
IBM  not  obsolete  in  Shakspere's  time.  See  the  word  in  Nares'*  Gltuirj.  Con- 
pare  also  the  quotations  following,  sent  me  by  Mr.  Daniel : 

4 .  .  .  nener  bore  so  trymme  nor  tost  so  hot.'— /ttuter  /Vu*r,  IV.  vi 

*  If  occasion  seme,  takyng  his  parte  full  Mm, 

I  will  strike  at  you,  bat  the  rappe  shall  light  oa  him.'—/*** 

•  Break  up  the  pleasure  of  my  Mm/ml  breast.'— A.  Brewer,  /*«/•«,  L  L 
•To  the  left  wing  he  assigned  sir  John  Sauage,  who  had  brought  thither  with 

him  a  crue  of  right  able  penonagcs,  dad  la  white  coats  aad  hoods,  which  awav 
tered  in  the  eies  of  their  adnersaries  right  himKf.'—Ck.  755/»/49- 

163.  And  make  ker  CknttitU}  tkeir  Ck**titU  Ff.  filing  ymr  C4/wafeaV 
Qq.  kit  tknmule  Rowe,  and  Pope,  jwwr  tkrmielt  Johasoa  aad  Steevem.  aad 
M  alone,  yettr  ekruuelft  (Qq.)  Knight.  Dr.  Nicholson  woald  retaia  tktir.  M 
referring  both  to  the  Chronicle  of  King  Edward,  and  of  bis  people ;  Air  being, 
in  hi*  opinion,  a  contradiction  to  the  preceding  line,  as  though  the  Chronicle  wen 
that  of  the  people  only.  But  Chieheley'a  object  Ii  to  show  what  lagUnrl  can  do 
when  her  kings  are  absent  To  add  to  the  fame  whkfc  Edward  III.  won  when 
King  John  of  France  became  hit  prisoner,  she  sent  him  a  gift  hardly  lea*  pwcliuM 
— the  King  of  Scot*.  The  praise  of  this  was  her's  t  the  fame  was  Edward'*,  hwt 
only  a*  a  gift  from  her.  All  the  preceding  pronoam  refer  to  rU«cUn.l  /Arrwaa 
proposed  by  Johnson,  aad  adopted  by  Capdl.  Dyer,  aad  the  Casabridg*  •dtton. 

i  • 


1 16  Notfs.  [ACT  i.  sc.  ii. 

Johnson  remarked  :  '  Y**r  and  their,  written  by  contraction  yr,  are  just  alike, 
and  kfr,  in  the  old  hands,  is  not  much  unlike  yr.  I  believe  we  should  read  ktr 
chronicle.'—  Variorum  Sh.  xvii.  276. 

167,  168.  One  line  in  r  f.  Capcll  first  arranged  as  two  lines.  L.  168,  Agfa 
Ft.  begin  Fa,  3.  4.  In  the  Famous  Victoria  of  Henry  V.  this  distich  is  cited 
by  the  earl  of  Oxford. 

173.  taut/]  torn*  Ft  sfvy-lt  Qq.  Theobald  made  the  emendation  taint,  which 
was  adopted  by  Johnson  and  Steevens.  Pope,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  fol- 
lowed Rowe  (cd.  2)  in  reading  tear.  Rowe  (cd.  i),  Malonc,  Knight,  and  Dyce, 
printed  the  reading  of  the  Qq.  tame  is  a  more  likely  misprint  for  taint  than  for 
tear.  Theobald  thus  defended  his  emendation  :  •  It  is  not  much  the  quality  of 
the  mouse  to  tear  the  food  it  comes  at,  but  to  run  over  it  and  defile  it.'—  I'ari- 
tntm  Sk,  xviL  277.  Tearing  gives  one  the  idea  of  a  larger  animal  than  a  weasel, 
but  Theobald  did  not  observe  that  1.  172  is  parenthetical,  the  mouse's  boldness 
'  in  absence  of  the  Cat '  being  merely  an  additional  illustration.  However,  the 
following  quotation  from  Shakspere's  encyclopaedia,  Batman's  tr.  of  Bartholo- 
meus  de  Prvpnetatibus  Rerum,  11.  1 8  and  74,  shows  that  the  weasel  is  a  very 
filthy  beast :  '  "for  their  [the  weasels]  prcuie  chose  [pudeda,  Lat.  orig.]  stinkctli 

right  foul His  biting  is  malitious  and  vcncmous,  and  his  urine  stinketh 

as  the  urine  of  the  mouse."  .  .  .  "The  Wesell ...  a  meruailous  stinking  beast 
if  he  be  pursued.  AJJitiS.""  Dr.  Nicholson — who  sent  me  this  quotation — 
added  :  '  The  weasel,  Bartholomeus  says,  takes  the  eggs  of  sparrows  and  other 
small  birds,  but  that  he  goes  into  the  eagle's  nest  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  a  figment 
or  addition  of  Shakspere's  brain.'  Dr.  Nicholson,  I  should  remark,  prefers 
reading  tpoylt  in  1.  1 73. 

175.  trust' J]  So  Ff.  Retained  by  Knight,  Delius,  and  Singer,  curst  Qq. 
Conjectural  readings  are  given  in  the  Cambridge  Sh.  iv.  502.  Knight  also 
records  :  crash,  sc  CTOJS  Coleridge  ;  fur's  Anon.  Pope,  Johnson  and  Steevens, 
Malonc,  and  Dyce,  followed  the  Qq.  '  Curst '  =  unfortunate,  perverse,  does  not 
suit  the  context  of  the  line,  unless,  as  M.  Mason  suggested,  not  is  substituted  for 
but.  On  the  other  hand,  crush' J,  rightly  understood,  makes  good  sense.  Exeter 
answers  that  Westmoreland's  necessity — the  cat  must  stay  at  home — is  but  a 
'  crush'd,"  that  is,  a  strained  or  forced  conclusion,  since  we  have  locks  and  traps. 
This  is  Singer's  and  Schmidt's  interpretation.  Cf.  Twelfth  Night,  II.  v.  152. 
According  to  Knight :  '  The  necessity  alledged  by  Westmoreland  is  overpowered, 
crush'd,  by  the  argument  that  we  have  "  locks"  and  "pretty  traps  ;"  so  that  it 
does  not  follow  that  "the  cat  must  stay  at  home." ' 

180.  though]  Kcightley  proposed  through.     But  though  .  .  .  parts  is  paren- 
thetical, and  may  be  thus  explained.     Though  government,   being  'put  into 
parts,'  that  is,  analyzed,  can  be  resolved  into  'high,  and  low,  and  lower,'  yet, 
viewed  as  a  whole,  it  'doth  keep  in  one  consent.'     Further,  Dr.  Nicholson 
suggested  to  me  that  '  hi&h,  and  low,  and  lower,'1  answers  to  alto,  tenor,  and  bast. 
This  completes  the  comparison  of  a  well-ordered  state  to  harmonious  music.  See 
the  quotation  from  Cicero  De  Kefublua,  in  the  Introduction,  p.  ix,  note  3. 

181.  consent]  So  Ff.  and  Qq.     Malone  read  concent.     This  is,  doubtless,  the 


ACT  i.  sc.  iL]  Notts.  117 


true  spelling,  bat  'concent  '  formerly  meant  either  mutual  karm**y  or 
In  Minsheu's  ed.  of  PcrcivaJe's  Dittmtarit%  1613.  we  find  t  'to  Consent  «r 
twfr  Consentir,  Permit  ir  ;'  'to  C*ut*t  M  muiiekt,  r.  Concordar,  Acordar.  Coo. 
certir,  Conrenir.'  And  :  '  Acorde,  m.  agreement,  fmumtimg  im  ^ftmtttu,  «r  im 
muneaii  karmmit'  In  Ljrly'*  AltJtamJtr  ami  Cam/as  ft,  III.  hr.f  ApeUes  says  : 
'  For  as  in  garden  knots,  diversity  of  odour*  make  a  more  delicate  urour,  or  a*, 
in  musick,  divert  strings  cause  a  more  delicate  ewtttrmt,'  Ac.  So,  in  Spen*cr'» 
Vtrgifi  Gnat,  xxix.  :  '  Chaanted  their  tundrie  tune*  with  sweete  swum/,'  ftc.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  the  Fatrit  Qutnu,  IV.  U.  a,  we  have  :  'Such  SBmicfct  b  wW 
words  with  time  <»*(e*ltdt'  tec.  Conunt  was  evidently  an  accepted  tfidlwg,  ao4 
also,  I  suspect,  a  commoner  one. 

182.  C<mgrtri*£\  So  FT.     Ctttgrmtk  Qq.     Pope  read  ffHgnamf.    Roquefort 
gives:  *CONU*£KR,  tfitfrtgtr:  Seconvenir,  agree 


And  Cotgrave  :  •  Se  Congreer.     7>  nttfMtf,  /4/VMr.  ewn^  tbu,  g*ktr.  t+mf+t 
together!    Perhaps  however,  Shakspere  made  the  word  by  analogy  with  t/rm. 
189.  Aft}  The  Qq.  read  : 

cnotmrn  tk*t  ky  *wr 

On/aims  an  art  if  erJtr  If  *  ft»f«U  Itimg+me. 

For  Aft.  Pope  substituted  art,  a  reading  often  followed.  'The  Act  of  Order  ' 
means:  the aettmftukmtnt  of  ordtr.  Cf.  Trvitut  a*J  CmMt,  III.  U.  96.  And 
see  other  examples  of  the  like  sense  in  Schmidt's  SA,  Ltx,  s.  T.  'Alt  (a).' 

197.  Maiatia]  So  Ff.  Knight  retained  majatia.  maiatit  Qq,  a  reading 
adopted  by  Rowe  and  subsequent  editors.  Ptttttitt,  the  FC  reading  in  V.  tt.  35. 
retained  by  Malone,  Knight,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  may  be  compared  with 
Maifititt.  By  '  M  iliesties '  I  understand  kingly  ittwpttimt.  Although  the  king 
may  be  said,  speaking  generally,  to  have  only  one  occupation,  namely,  the  super- 
vision of  his  subjects,  yet  each  of  the  several  classes  enumerated  in  U,  198— joj 
might  require  a  special  kind  of  attention. 

207—210.  I  have  followed  the  text  and  arrangement  of  the  FC  The  Qq. 
read: 

At  mamyAmmtt  bud tttunll wtya,  jfyt torn*  murit: 
A  i  mamy  uturall  mtytt  mtrtt  im  ***  ttvm  : 
At  many  fret  k  ttrtamtt  rum  im  *mt  utft  «•  : 
A  i  mamy  Kma  <hu  im  tin  Jyalt  temltr. 

Capell,  Johnson  and  Steevens,  tad  Malone,  followed  the  test  of  the  Qq.,  and 
made  two  lines  respectively  otjty*  ,  .  .  markt  and  At  mamy  .  .  .  mmmm,  This 
text  and  arrangement  of  lines  was  adopted  by  Dyce,  with  the  Mbstk**la«  of 
ttrttti  for  waya  in  I.  208,  and  the  retention  of  tatt  (Ff.)  instead  of  tttfi  m  1. 109. 
The  reading  itmt  was  suggested  to  Dye*  by  W.  N.  Lettsom,  who  cussyat^d  UM 
7W  AMr  Kmime*,  I.  v..  Ust  lines  t 

•  This  world's  a  city  roll  of  straying  itrwti, 
And  death's  the  market  place  where  «ar4  •**  mult,* 
SIX   F.*J]  (Qq.)  Pope.     AmJ  Ff. 

sal.  [Exeunt  some  Altendanu.]  Caprfl's  stag*  direction. 
ajj.    wajtf*  Efitaf*]   So  Ft     faftr  EfiimfA  Qq.      Makmt 


ii8  Notes.  [ACT  i.  sc  ii. 

reading  of  the  Qq.     He  argued  that  the  paper  Epitaph  was  the  record  of  the 
king'*  exploiu  in  the  English  chronicles;  not  a  funereal  memorial,  a  kin. I  of 
honour  which  Henry  had  disclaimed.     See  Malone's  note  in  the  Variorum  Sh. 
avtt.  183,  284.     Giflbrd.  in  a  note  upon  Ben  Jonson's  elegy  on  Lady  Jane 
Pawlet  (Ben  Jonson's  IfVntr,  ed.  Gifford,  ix.  58,  59),  asserted  that  a  waxen 
epitaph  was  a  short  laudatory  poem  or  epitaph,  which  the  friends  of  the  deceased 
affixed,  with  pins,  wax,  paste,  &c.,  to  his  heane  or  grave.    GifTnrd  speaks  of  this 
as  being  a  prevalent  custom  on  the  continent  in  hh>  day,  and  adds  that  it  was 
formerly  so  in  England,     lie  quotes  from  Eliot's  elegy  on  Lady  1'awlct : 
'  Let  others,  then,  sad  Epitaphs  invent. 
And  /»»///•  them  up  about  thy  monument,'  Ac.—- Poems,  p.  39. 
And  from  the  bishop  of  Chichestcr's  [Henry  King's]  verses  to  the  memory  of 
Dr.  Donne: 

'  Each  quill  can  drop  his  tributary  verse, 
And  pin  it,  like  the  Hatchments  to  the  Hearse:'  &c. 

Donne's  Poems t  1650,  sign.  B  b. 

He  concludes,  therefore,  that  Henry  desired  either  to  live  in  history,  or  '  lie  in  an 
undistinguished  grave,'  .  .  .  '  unhonoured  even  by  a  waxen  epitaph,  i.  e.  by  the 
short-lived  compliment  of  a  paper  fastened  on  >t.'  Douce  considered  waxen  to 
be  the  //.  of  the  verb  wax,  and  a  'waxen  epitaph,'  therefore,  to  be  'a  long  or 
protracted  one,  such  as  a  king  would  expect.' — Illustrations  of  Shaksfeare,  p.  298, 
ed.  1839.  I  incline  to  accept  Steevens's  explanation;  that  'waxen'  is  a  meta- 
phorical synonym  for  transient,  perishable.  We  may,  perhaps,  compare  Henry 
y,  IV.  iii.  97.  In  that  case  Henry  does  not,  I  apprehend,  merely  hope  for  a 
memorial  tablet  in  brass,  but  for  fame,  durable  as  bras*. 

233.  [Enter  .  .  .  France.]  So  Ff.     Enter  Thambassadors  from  France  Qq. 

243.  is]  So  Ff.  are  Qq.  The  chief  thought  in  Henry's  mind  was  his  'grace' 
as  a  Christian  king,  to  which  his  '  passion,'  he  says,  is  subject  The  auxiliary 
verb  in  his  comparison  became  singular  by  attraction.  Or,  '  is  our  wretches ' 
may  be  one  of  the  cases  concerning  which  Dr.  Abbott  says  :  '  When  the  subject 
is  as  yet  future,  and,  as  it  were,  unsettled,  the  third  person  singular  might  be 
regarded  as  the  normal  inflection.'  See  the  examples  in  his  .Sh.  Gram.  par.  335  ; 
and  compare  'The  French  is  in  the  field,'  in  the  Q.  of  Henry  V.  (New  Sh. 
Soc.),  IV.  iii.  50. 

245.  than]  So  Ff.  Then  =  than,  and  than  =  then,  were  formerly  alter- 
native spellings. 

248.  Edwdrd\  This  pronunciation  occurs  in  I  Henry  VI,  II.  v.  76. 

255.  [He  .  .  .  Ballcs.]  This  is  the  stage  direction  in  the  corresponding 
passage  in  the  Famous  Victories  of  Henry  V.  The  archbishop  of  Bourges  says 
to  the  king:  'My  Lord  Prince  Dolphin  greets  you  well,  With  this  present.' 
Then  follows  the  stage  direction  as  above/  'What,' cries  Henry,  'a  guilded 
Tunne?'  At  the  king's  request  the  duke  of  York  examines  the  Dauphin's 
gift,  and  finds  h  to  be  'a  Carpet  and  a  Tunne  of  Tennis  Iwlles.'  Henry 
doesn't  see  the  joke,  and  asks  for  an  explanation.  The  archbishop  hesitates 
(cf.  1L  237,  240),  the  king  assures  him  that  by  the  '  law  of  Armcs '  he  may 


ACT  II.  CHORUS.]  Notts.  1 19 


declare  his  message,  and  the  arehbuhop  thereupon  expend*  Prince  Dolphin's 
COBcett. 

270.  katft]  So  Ft  Hanroer  read  ken.  Warburton,  and  Stccvena,  retained 
kemte.  The  former  considered  thai  Mi viiig  heacc*  Mall  AWt/ <"'/**"•' /*••> 
England;  the  latter  believed  it  to  mean  wttkdnwing  jnm  tkt  nun.  *  Heaot ' 
=  /ir  away,  opposed  to  ken.  Compare :  *  Freedom  lives  kerne,  and  banishment 
is  ken.' — Lear,  I.  L  184.  See  abo  other  instances  in  Schmidt's  S4.  Le*.,  a,  v. 
•••M  (3).'  The  context  (1L  269—280)  shows  clearly,  I  think,  that  Mr.  W.  N. 
Lettsom's  explanation  is  the  true  one:  Mlcnry  means  that  poor  beggarly  England 
was  not  his  home,  bat  that  France  was.'  Henry  spoke  ironically,  as,  indeed,  be 
strove  to  do  from  the  opening  of  his  speech  to  L  a8i,  when  he  gave  the  ram  to 
his  anger. 

297.  [Exeunt  Ambassador*.]  So  Ft     Not  in  Qq. 

299.  [Descends  .  .  .  throne.)  Malonc's  stage  direction.  At  L  221  he  has: 
Ejiit  an  Attendant,  Tkt  Xing  attend*  kit  Tkrvne, 

3ta  [Exeunt.]  So  Ft     Exeunt  emna  Q\. 

ACT  IL 

Owm 

[Flourish.  Enter  Chorus.]  So  Ft  Pope  placed  this  Chores  before  Act  IL 
sc  ii.  See  Introduction,  p.  c,  and  note  4. 

ao.  But  tee,  tky  fault  Franee  .  .  .  tut,]  This  u  the  ponctuation  of  the  Ft 
Capell  introduced  the  punctuation  usually  (allowed  since :  Bmt  at  tky  famU! 
Franet  .  .  .  otU  A  mest,  Ac 

31,  32.  anJwet'l  Jigat,  &c]  So  Fi,  2.  wit  Fj,  4.  At  the  end  of  L  JJ,  I 
have  substituted  a  period  for  the  colon  of  the  Ft  Pope  read  awff  moiead  of 
tpftl,  and  inserted  the  words  vkik  wt  before  force.  These  cmendatioM  were 
adopted  by  Johnson  and  Sleevens,  M  alone,  and  Dyoe.  Other  co«)ect«ies  are  i 
yvm'U  ttigat  .  .  .  for  we'll  font  Lloyd  ;  JutMtft,  «W  »  font  Collier  MS.  j 
dittamtt ;  font*  Staonton.  Warburton  proposed  t  Jutamte,  mktte  wt  font.  V 
•force'  ^=  farce,  its  spelling  need  not  therefore  be  altered.  We  Mill  apeak  of 
fortemeat.  Ct  also  Tr*l*t  and  Cna**%  II.  iii.  2J2,  and  V.  L  64.  rn%k«. 
and  the  Cambridge  editors,  followed  the  Ft.  bat  the  latter  (in  the  £Mr  cd.) 
marked  these  lines  as  corrapL  Assuming  their  ginainiimsi  and  parity,  thew 
lines  evidently  form  an  apology  to  the  spectator  for  the  violation  of  the  Miry  of 
place.  He  is  asked  to  'digest,  'that  is,  fear  M /•*//*?*,  'th'  abase  of  •%!••%' 
for,  it  b  admitted,  '  force '  most  be  applied  to  the  play,  or,  rather,  to  his  tense  of 
the  fitness  of  things, 

Dr.  Ingleby  compares  the  apology  in  the  chores  before  the  wcond  part  of 
Winter*  Tab  with  that  oflered  by  Shakspera  here,  remarking  :  •  In  tto  former 
case  the  play  b  fonal  over  a  gap  of  sixteen  yean,  m  the  latter  over  the  Engthli 
Channel.  The  notion  may  have  been  a  dorkoltaral  one,  or  simply  that  of 
breaking  through  a  unity.' 


120 


(ACT  11.  K.  i. 


l>r.  Nicholson  says :  '  I  fancy  that  Jonsoo's  (or  Johnson',  a*  he  first  wrote 
himself)  classical  views,  as  to  the  laws  and  form  of  a  play,  were  either  then  influ- 
encing otheri  th<  educated  public —or  Shakspere  hiimelf,  and  the  latter  there- 
fore gave  in  to  the  Chorus,  and  apologised  for  his  violations  of  the  unities,  forcing 
the  events  of  months  and  years  into  a  two  or  three  boon*  representation.  Jonson 
was  afterwards  made  to  "beray  himxrlf  "  by  Shakspere,  and  in  1603  his  Sfjanus 
failed' 

41.  But  till  .  .  .  tome]  So  Ff.  But  when  .  .  .  tomes  Hanmer.  '  Hut  till ' 
may  =  t*ty  wkm.  Malone  thought  that  biu  and  not  in  1.  41  should  be  trans* 
posed.  These  words  were  sometimes  confounded.  Thus,  but  occurs  instead  of  not 
in  the  Q.  (1600)  ed.  of  the  Merchant  of  />//<«-,  IV.  i.  278.  Adopting  M  alone' s 
transposition,  the  meaning  is  :  '  We  will  not  shift  our  scene  unto  Southampton 
till  the  king  makes  his  appearance  on  the  stage,  and  the  scene  will  be  at  South- 
ampton only  for  the  khort  time  while  he  does  appear  on  the  stage ;  for  soon  after 
his  appearance,  it  will  change  to  France.' — Variorum  Sh.  xvil  294.  Dr.  Nichol- 
son accepts  Malone* s  explanation  of  L  41,  but  deems  the  transposition  of  but  and 
not  unnecessary.  He  supposes  that  Shakspere — as  a  parenthetical  afterthought — 
added  :  and  not  till  then, — i.  e.  until  the  king  comes  forth,  the  scene  remains  at 
London, — referring,  by  these  woids,  to  the  first  scene  of  Act  II.  If  the  next 
scene  be  in  its  right  place,  and  should  not,  as  Pope  supposed,  precede  this  Chorus, 
the  notice  which  11.  41,  42  are  meant  to  give  is  necessary  in  order  to  correct  the 
expectation  which  1L  34,  35  must  raise  in  the  spectator's  mind  If  Pope's  arrange- 
ment of  the  scenes  preceding  and  following  this  Chorus  be  adopted,  11.  41,  42 
should,  I  think,  be  rejected,  but  he  retained  them.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
11.  41,  42  belong  to  an  earlier  version  of  Henry  V.t  and  were  to  have  been  super* 
seded  by  the  lines  now  preceding  them.  W.  N.  Lettsom  believed  1.  41  to  be 
spurious. — Dyce's  Sh.  iv.  513. 


ACT  II. 

Scene  i. 

[London.  A  street]  CapelTs  stage  locality.  The  Entry  is  taken  from  Fi. 
The  Qq.  have  :  Enter  Nim  and  Bardolfe. 

5.  smiles}  So  the  Ft  The  Qq.  have  not  smites,  or  the  sentence  in  which  it 
stands.  A  smile  may  have  been  Elizabethan  slang  for  a  blow;  the  humour  of  the 
conceit  lying  in  its  contradictoriness.  Mr.  Furnivall  suggested  to  me  that  Nym 
alluded  to  the  prefatory  bow  and  smile  of  fencers.  Hanmer  adopted  Warburton's 
suggestion  that  Nym  pauses  abruptly  in  his  threatening,  and  smiles  disdainfully. 
We  learn  from  Steevens  that  Fanner  proposed  smites,  a  Midland  Counties'  word. 
Dyce  accepted  this  emendation.  Jackson  suggested  similes. 

22.  mart]  So  the  Qq.     name  Ft     Theobald  introduced  the  reading  of  the 
Qq.     Conjectures  are  :  dame  Hanmer ;  jade  Collier  MS. 

23.  [Enter  Pistoll,  &c]  The  Entrance  in  the  Ff  is:  Enter  Pis toll,  <&•  Quickly; 
in  the  Qq.  :  Enter  Pistol!  and  Hostet  Quickly,  his  wife. 


ACT  II.  SC  L]  NotfS.  121 

36-28.  Bast  .  .  .  L+iffm.}  Arranged  as  by  Johnson.    Prose  in  Ft    IB  UM 
Q.  version  of  Act  II.  sc.  L,  Pistol'*  speeches  are  printed  at  verse. 

32.  [Nym  dram]   It  nay  be  well  here  to  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  aafe 
directions  throughout  this  scene.     Mrs.  Quickljr'i  exclamation  (L  33),  and  her 
entreaty  (11.  38,  39),  show  us  that  Nym  draws ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  Pistol 
does  so,  because  Mrs.  Qukkly's  entreaty  is  addressed  to  Nym  only.     Pistol.  I 
suspect,  carefully  husbanded  his  stock  of  bravado,  and  always  purposed  securing 
ta/t  as  well  as  profitable  returns  from  its  outlay.     In  the  present  case  he  could 
reasonably  count  upon  Mrs.  Quickly 's— if  not  Baidolph's— interposition  to  pre- 
vent Nym  from  pinking  him ;  and  a  due  regard  for  a  loring  wife's  fears  mmished 
a  very  decent  excuse  for  Ml  following  the  ill-bred  and  inconsiderate  corporal's 
example.     Why— when  verbal  insults  might  serve  the  turn— commit  himself  to 
the  more  dangerous— and  unnecessary— coune  of  actually  drawing  hit  lethal 
weapon  ?    After  Pistol's  Tkertfvrt  exkalt  (L  58),  the  Qq.  have :  Tkty  Jrwme.     In 
order  to  retain  this  stage  direction,  I  have  made  Nym  yield  10  Mi  fchfclass  love's 
appeal  and  sheathe  his  sword  at  141.     Besides,  as  Nym  invites  Pistol  to  walk 
off  with  him  to  a  place  where  they  may  be  secure  from  interruption,  we  may  fsirly 
•ffOsc  that  the  corporal  sheathes  bis  sword  meanwhile.     Bardolph  interpose*  at 
L  59,  and,  I  presume,  follows  up  his  threat  by  drawing  also.    Most  editors  agree 
in  this.     Pistol  is  not  obdurate.    We  know  he  had  •  a  quiet  sword. '    He  sheathes 
his  iron,  and  holds  out  his  hand  (IL  62,  63).     Nym  also  puts  up  his  weapon,  for 
further  on  (L  91)  we  find,  after  a  fresh  misunderstanding  has  arisen,  in  the  Qq. 
the  stage  direction:  TJuydmo;  in  the  Ft:  Dram.  Bardolph  perhaps  suspected 
that  the  truce  was  a  hollow  one,  and  therefore  did  not  return  his  sword  to  the 
scabbard.     He  again  interposes  at  L  92,  and  repeats  his  former  threat.     Peace  la 
at  last  restored  by  mutual  concessions  (IL  98—109),  and  a  general  sheathing  of 
swords,  I  suppose,  ensues. 

33.  keumtl  ffffw]  luw*t  MOW  Ft  (ktw*  F3,  4).     I  have  substituted  a  note 
of  admiration  for  the  comma  after  tuw  in  the  Ft     Theobald  read  rfrvM  /  AW* 
Ac, ;  Hanmer,  drawn  new  I  We,  Ac.    Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  adopted 
the  emendation  drawn.     The  former  followed  Theobald's  punctuation,  the  latter 
Hanmer 's.     Steevens  proposed  kftoing  instead  of  Answ,  bit  suggested  that  A*  Ar 
hfum  might  have  meant,  in  vulgar  parlance,  *  tt  Jrmmk.     He  compared :   T«  Ar 
cut,  which  had  the  same  meaning.     Malone  followed  the  reading  of  the  Qq.i  O 
Lent  kttrtt  Corfontll  Nimt  [sc.  sword]  KMT  /As/7  Wt  k*mt,  Ac.     Halliwrll  read  t 
O  Lent  I  ktrft  e*rf**l  Ny*ft.—O  wM-*-4*y  .  .  .  kewmm*fl    II  m««t  be 
admitted  that  Theobald's  emendation  give*  a  better  sen**,  but,  on  the  other  baud, 
Mrs.  Quickly 's  next  sentence  (not  to  mention  others)  shows  that  she  sometimes 
used  words  without  regarding  their  fitness  for  her  purpose.  She  certainly  observed 
the  compliment  paid  by  Sir  Lodus  OTrigger  to  his  imaginary  Delia  t  *  Faith, 
she's  quite  the  queen  of  the  dictionary !— for  the  devil  a  word  dare  refuse  coming 
at  her  call— though  one  would  think  it  was  quite  out  of  hearing.'— TV  A*W<. 
Act  II.  sc.  U.     Besides,  if  we  understand  thai  she  fears  lest  Nym  or  Pistol  may 
receive  a  sword-cut,  kne*  has,  at  least,  an  intelligible  meaning. 

35.  OW  lM*tt*a»t,  jtW  CWpns/.  fftr  mtt^itf  kan\  I  havt  feOouw!  the 


122 


Note. 


[ACT  ii.  sc  L 


Ft  fat  giving  this  speech  to  Bardolph.  Malone  nude  L  35  a  continuation  of  Mrs. 
Quickly'*  speech.  He  also  expanded  the  marginal  name  //an/.,  and  placed  it 
after  lieutenant,  lie  urged,  as  an  objection  to  the  arrangement  of  the  Kf.,  that 
Bardolph,  who  is  himself  a  lieutenant  (L  a),  is  thus  made  to  address  Pistol  l>y 
that  title.  '£•*&//*,'  be  remarked,  'was  probably  an  interlineation,  and 
erroneottsly  inserted  before  the  words  "good  lieutenant,"  instead  of  being 
placed,  as  It  now  is,  after  them.  Hence,  he  was  considered  as  the  speaker, 
instead  of  the  person  addressed*  Knight  divided  the  speech,  assigning  Good 
Kemttmtnt  Bardotfik  to  Mrs.  Quickly,  and  the  remainder  to  liardolph.  Capell 
read  ancient  instead  of  lieutenant,  an  emendation  approved  of,  but  not  adopted 
by  Steevcns.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  followed  the  arrangement  of  the 
Ff.  It  must  be  remembered  that  although  Pistol  is  generally  an  ancient,  Falstaff 
addresses  him  in  a  Hen.  IV.,  V.  v.  9$,  as  lieutenant  Pistol.  In  2  Hen.  IV.,  II. 
iv.,  Mrs.  Quickly  several  times  styles  him  caftain,  but  Falstaff  and  Bardolph  call 
htm  ancient.  And  in  the  Qq.  (Hen.  V.,  III.  vi.  47),  Fluellen  calls  him  Captain 
PistoU,  and  elsewhere  (11.  26,  49,  cf.  1.  to)  ancient.  So,  also,  Bardolph  is  a 
corporal  in  a  Hen.  IV.,  II.  iv.  166;  III.  ii.  235  ;  Hen.  V.,  III.  ii.  3  ;  and  a 
lieutenant  in  Hen.  V.,  II.  i.  2.  We  must  not,  I  think,  regard  seriously  the 
military  titles  of  Pistol  and  Bardolph.  Falstaffs  reflections  (i  Hen.  IV.,  IV.  ii. 
25—  34)  form  a  very  suggestive  commentary  on  this  question  as  to  his  followers' 
military  rank. 

Dr.  Nicholson  wrote  to  me :  '  The  old  ranks  captain,  lieutenant,  ancient,  do 
and  do  not  correspond  with  our  present  captain,  lieutenant,  and  ensign.  In 
other  words,  the  ancient,  quoad  ancient  of  a  company,  ordinarily  ranked  with 
oar  ensign,  but  he  might  be  more.  In  those  days,  when  war  was  a  trade,  and 
men  went  about  selling  themselves  either  to  one  whose  principles  they  preferred 
or  to  the  highest  bidder,  once  a  captain,  &c.,  always  a  captain  or  other  rank. 
That  is,  one  who  had  been  a  captain  or  lieutenant,  &c.,  in  one  army,  carried 
his  rank  with  him,  though  he  was  not,  as  we  would  say,  commissioned  in  this 
second  army.  He  fought  like  the  Reformados  as  a  private  soldier,  awaiting 
preferment  by  a  death  vacancy  or  patronage,  or  by  some  deserving  act  of  valour. 
Thus  a  man  might  be  any  rank  and  yet  only  an  ancient  of  a  company,  especially 
as  the  ancient  or  guardian  of  the  flag  was  a  much  more  responsible  and  honour- 
able  position  than  it  now  is,  as  the  youngest  and  lowest  rank  of  all  commissioned 
officers.  We  have  still  a  remnant  of  this  old  view  in  the  title  flag-sergeant,  a 
rank  superior  t»  an  ordinary  sergeant  Pistol,  in  his  way,  affords  an  example  of 
this.  War  being  declared  against  Hotspur,  he  immediately,  in  his  bombastic 
fashion,  though  still  FalstafTs  ancient,  assumes  the  insignia  of  a  captain,  to  Doll's 
disgust :  "you  a  captain  !  "  says  she  ;  "  with  two  points  on  your  shoulder." — a 
Hen.  IV.,  II.  iv.  142,  143.'  Dr.  Nicholson  also  drew  my  attention  to  the  fact 
that  lago  'hoped  to  have  been  promoted  to  second  in  command  (Othello,  I.  L 
32,  33),  an  absurdity  if  he  were  less  than  a  lieutenant.' 

39.  four]  So  Fi,  2.  thy  F3,  4.  A  Quickly  ism.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge 
editors,  printed  your.  Pope,  and  some  later  editors,  read  thy.  Capell  adopted 
the  corresponding  line  in  the  Qq. :  shew  the  valour  of  a  man,  And  put  vp  your 


ACT  II.  SC.  L]  NotfS.  IJJ 

word.  Johnson  and  Steevens,  and  Malone,  did  UK  fame,  bat  nhtfinted  tky  fur 
JMK 

40.  (To  Hostesse]  [To  Pitfall]  Njra  first  tptsdti  to  Mrv  Qakkly,  who  k 
bestowing  coaxing  caresses  upon  him,  and  thai  tarns  sternly  to  Pistol.  Dr. 
Nicholson  suggested  these  stage  directions  to  me. 

43-49,  Sotui  .  .  .  Joltow.}  At  tanged  at  by  Pope.     Prose  in  Ft 

47.  taJu\  So  Ff.  taUt  Qq.  Capell,  and  Johnson  and  Stecven*.  faBowed  the 
Qq.  Malone  read  tear,  but  considered  the  reading  corrupt.  Knight  compared 
/  earn  taJtt  with  the  common  phrase  Doyom  tear  mtt  t  Pistol  meant :  /  mmdtntmmd 
you.  If.  Mason  pointed  oat  that  Pistol  ia  panning  apon  his  name  t  '  Phial's 
cocke  is  vp ;'  his  priming  will  soon  UU*  fin. 

63.  64.  Gnu  .  .  .  tali.}  Arranged  as  by  Pope,     Prose  hi  Ft 

67—75.  Comft  ...*•]  Prose  in  Ft,  and  in  Rowe's  editions.  The  parallel 
passage  in  the  Qq.  is  printed  as  verse.  In  the  Ft  L  67  mm  thost  Ctrnfte  • 
gorge,  tkat  it  Uu  word.  I  d*/*  tk*  mgnmt.  The  Qq.  have:  Comfit  jvrjr  at  Mr 
stww;  /  tktt  iltju  agm.  Rowe  soUtittUed  Ctuft  «  for  CVw/s>  «  (Ft).  The 
Cambridge  editors  retained  Co* fit  a.  I  have  followed  Dyce  in  reading  CVsytr  /JL 
(The  /  may  have  been  accidentally  separated  from  the  «,  and  inserted  in  Cm/fe. 
The  Q.  parallel  of  IV.  iv.  34  has:  amfk  l*g»rgr.)  Pope  printed  L  67  a»  pro**, 
and  read  :  Ctmfe  a  prgr,  that  u  Mr  went.  I  4ft  Mir  tg»m.  Warbotton 
shifted  again  to  the  right,  thus  printing  1.  67  as  verse.  Capell  read  t  Ctmft  It 
gorgt;  tkafs  tktwerd.  I  tk*t  dtju  o&am.  Johnson  and  Slewesis  adopted  Ow/v 
If,  retaining,  for  the  rest  of  the  line,  the  text  of  the  Ft,  and  poncraatmg  thm : 
Couf*  U  gttrgf,  tkat  it  the  word  t—/  Jefr,  Ac.  Malone,  and  Knight,  read  and 
punctuated  thus :  Con  ft  U  gorgr,  tkatt  ikt  word  t—/  dtfy.  &c.  The  Cambridge 
editors,  and  Dyce,  printed  1.  67  as  two  lines,  ending  ftrgtl  tftut, 

LI.  68 — 73  are  arranged  as  by  Pope.  His  arrangement  has  been  followed  by 
all  subsequent  editors. 

Pope  gave  11.  74,  75  thas:  For  IV  ootfy  tk*;  «W  fomt**  M*r//  oxsyl.  go  A*. 
The  Ft  read  \  to  go  to.  Thb  reading — retained  by  Rowe — was  corrected  If 
Pope.  Theobald,  and  Warborton,  followed  Pope.  Capell  amhted  go  %  s*d 
read,  with  Ft,  Mr  only.  1  Unmer— who  adopted  Pope's  reading  of  U.  74,  75— 
first  made  Go  to  *  separate  line. 

75.  [Enter  the  Boy.]  So  Ft  and  Qq. 

77.  your}  Hanmer,  and  subMqoent  editors,  obsci»ing  in  the  Qq. :  H**n  yo* 
mtttt  torn*  itraigkt  to  my  maultr,  And  yon  Ho*  Pittott    which  is  really  s 
sentence— read  yott.  The  Boy's  mind  is  raining  apon  the  fisct  that  the  "< 
Quickly  "  U  now  Pistol's  property. 

78.  fae*}  So  Ft    MAT  Qq.     The  Utter  readmg  was  adopted  bf  Pop*,  Johs)- 
son  and  Steevens,  and  Malone.  Bardolph's  fee  was  fiery  caoogh  far  the  \*>^*~e. 
though,  doabtless,  hi*  nose  shone  with  a  deeper  glow.     Ct  I  //«•.  /P..  III.  m, 
33_S9,  89-91 »  a  //«.  /K.  II.  i».  J5*-J°a  J  Nm.  K.  IL  iu.  J5-J7  J  HI. 
vi  98—101. 

83.  [Exeont  .  .  .  Boy.)  Jktfl    JtemW*  Jksm««sW  Ay  Capai, 

96-  •»]  Fa,  3,  4- 


124  J\otes.  [ACT  n. 

98,  99.  Mm,  I  shall  .  .  .  Betting}  So  Q>  betting  Q3.  beating  Qi,  2. 
These  lines  are  not  in  the  Ff.  Capell  inserted  them  here. 

100—106.  A  .  .  .  hand.]  Arranged  as  by  Pope,     Prose  in  1  i. 
109.  thjt's]  Fa,  3,  4.    that  Fi. 

109.  [Re-enter.  Ac]  Enter  HosUsu  Ff.     Enter  Hostn  Qq. 

1 10.  come  of  women,]  So  Fl.    came  Fa,  3,  4,  and  Qq.     Editors  have  gener- 
ally printed  came.      Knight  retained  come.     Quicklyt  often  use  an  historical 
present,  an  idiom  which  accords  well  with  their  dramatic  way  of  telling  a  story. 

116,  IIJ.  ffym  .  .  .  corroborate.]  Arranged  as  by  Capell.     Prose  in  Ff. 

120.  for,  Lambekins,  we]  Thus  punctuated  in  the  Ft  :  for  (LambeJtins)  we. 
The  Qq.  have :  for  lamkins  we.  Malonc  omitted  the  stop  usually  placed  after 
Lambekins,  understanding  Pistol  to  mean :  we  will  live  peaceably,  like  lambkins. 
The  Cambridge  editors  followed  Malone's  punctuation.  Dyce  omitted  the 
commas  before  and  after  Lambekins. 

120.  [Exeunt.]  Not  in  FL     Exeunt  omnes  Qq. 

ACT  II. 
Scene  ii. 

The  Stage  Locality,  Southampton,  was  inserted  by  Pope.  He  prefixed  it  to 
the  second  Chorus,  which,  in  his  edition,  is  the  first  scene  of  Act  II.  M  alone 
added :  A  Council-Chamber.  The  Entrance  is  taken  from  the  Ff.  The  Qq.  have  : 
Enter  Exeter  and  Glotter.  The  marginal  name,  Gray  (L  29,  A'ni.  Fl,  2,  3,  Gray 
F4),  has  been,  in  accordance  with  modern  practice,  uniformly  spelt  Grey.  Fl,  2 
read  Grey  in  ProL  II.  L  25.  All  the  Ff.  have  the  marginal  name  Grey  at  L  49, 
and  in  the  text  at  L  150.  Gray  Qq.  Grate  Holinshed. 

II.  [Trumpets  sound.  Enter.  .  .Attendants.]  Sound  Trumpets.  Enter 
the  fCing,  Scroop*,  Cambridge,  and  Gray  FL  Theobald  added :  and  Attendants. 
Enter  the  King  and  three  Lords  Qq. 

43.  his}  So  Ff.  and  Qq.  our  Collier  MS.  Dyce,  and  Deighton,  read  our, 
agreeing  with  Lettsom  that  Measure  for  Measure,  V.  i.  467 — 469,  and  Two  Gent., 
II.  iv.  207,  208,  quoted  by  Singer  and  Delius  in  support  of  his,  point  the  other 
way.  I  take  it  that  the  re  viler,  'on  more  aduice,'  i.  e.  after  cool  reflection,  owned 
that  he  regretted  his  railing  words,  and  the  king  thereupon  pardoned  him. 

49.  The  Ff.  arrange  as  one  line  Sir,  you  .  .  .  life.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge 
editors,  made  one  line  of  Sir.  Pope  omitted  Sir. 

61.  late}  So  Ft  and  Qq.  state  Collier  MS.  lords  Keightley  conj.  '  Latt 
commissioners '  is  usually  supposed  to  mean  lately  appointed.  Rolfe  compares  II. 
iv.  31,  below.  In  a  communication  to  Notes  and  Queries,  5th  S.  xi.  22,  Dr. 
Nicholson  thus  explained  it :  '  The  alteration  to  rate,  as  derivable  from  the  Latin 
"  ratus-i,  established,  approved,  confirmed,"  had  once  suggested  itself  to  me. 
But  no  alteration  seems  required ;  the  Syndic!  lati,  or  the  late  commissioners, 
are,  I  take  it,  the  chosen  commissioners — those  who  had  been  chosen  or  selected, 
bat  who  had  not  yet  received  their  sign-manual  credentials  or  commissions. 


ACT  II.  SC  il] 


Xoltt. 


Accordingly  Henry  proceeds  to  hand  to  them  donrments  which  they  take  to 
be  the  said  commiuions.  Thi*  I  believe  to  be  one  of  the  very  lew  example* 
where  Shakspere  followed  a  fcuhion  of  the  day.  The  gallants  coined  "new- 
minted  oaths,"  be  adopted  a  new  and  literate  etymology  far  words  in  ordinary 
use.' 

65.  /]  So  Ft  AnJ  wu  my  L**  Qq.  Capell  first  read  as/,  and  several 
subsequent  editors  have  done  so.  •  And  P  may  be  an  ellipsis  for  Amd/ammt, 
Ac.  Ct  L  62.  But  many  such  idiomatic  uses  of  the  personal  pninnens  are  to 
be  found  in  Shakspere,  and  among**  them  this  of  /  for  w.  Abbott  sap  thai  the 
Elizabethans  avoided  the  sound  of  a"  and  /  before  me,  and  the  f'—i'ln  he  quote* 
support  this  view.  See  his  SA.  Gram.,  par.  209. 

75.  katk]  (Qq.)  FA.    Arcv  Fl,  *,  3. 

87.  kirn}  F3,  4.    MI  Fl,  a. 

99.  Wonlftt  .  .  .  vtt:]  There  i»  a  note  of  interrogation  after  r-v  tn  the  Ft 
and  Q>  Pope,  and  some  subsequent  editors,  retained  it  fffeJfaf  ....  aw 
U  dependent  on  the  preceding  line,  if  being  understood. 

104.  As  HatAt  and  wAitt\  So  the  Ft  U*k  fnm  wAitt  Qq.  Capell  pre- 
ferred the  Utter  reading,  which  has  been  often  adopted  by  editor*.  The  kix.  1 
suppose,  means  that  in  the  paper*  he  has  jtul  handed  to  the  conspirators  their 
treason  appears  in  'blacke  and  white,'  i.  t.  in  writing;  although  there  may 
also  be  a  metaphorical  allusion  to  the  contrast  between  black  and  white.  These 
papers  were,  perhaps,  intercepted  letters  written  by  them  to  the  French  king. 

107.  in  a  natural/]  an  mtturall  Ft  It  was  suggested  to  me  by  Dr.  Nichol- 
son that  an  natural!  U  a  compositor1*  error  for  nnnatnra/i  or  an  unnatural.  The 
cause  that  they  worked  in — the  murder  of  their  liege  lord — was  unnatural,  not 
natural  The  point  of  II.  102—1 10  is,  I  think,  that  the  relation  between  treason 
and  murder  U  too  plain  to  excite  wonder  ;  but,  in  this  case,  astonishing  ingrati. 
tude  and  heartlessness  were  associated  with  these  crimes.  The  Collier  MS.  for 
tamit  (L  107)  reads  totirtt. 

139.  markt  tAt]  Theobald's  emendation,  mat*  lAar  Ft  Theobald  also  vend 
man,  tAe  tat  instead  of  man  and  imt  Johnson  Mi  Steevens  adopted  both 
of  these  emendations.  Pope  substituted  tkt  for  and,  retained  mmm\  and  pwac* 
tnatcd  thus  :  A*  makt  tkt  full  franfAl  man,  tkt  tttt,  tndmd  117/4.  Ac.  CapeO 
proposed  to  read :  tAt  ...  tAt  Am  tndtw'd,  Ac  Malone.  Knight.  Dyee,  and 
the  Cambridge  editors,  accepted  Theobald's  emendation  mart,  but  retained  amJ 
A*. 

147,  148.  Htnry  .  .  .  AiajAam]  So  the  CAnmitltt.  $4*  I  7«-  Tmmmu  .  . 
MartAam  Ft  Henry,  Urd  t/  Alaikam  Qq. 

159.  If'4*r4  /  .  .  .  rrifyrr]  /,  omitted  in  Fl.  appears  fat  the  swcerdmg  Ft 
Malone  considered  IVAitA  /,  Ac.,  to  be  an  elliptical  uprtasion  far  '«/ which 
prevention,  or,  which  intended  scheme  that  il  was  prevented.  I  shall  rejakn.' 
According  to  Schmidt  (SA,  La.,  s>  v.  •  Bajawa  \  njmct  is  eqnhMmt 
at.  He  compared  with  this  line  CymMint,  V.  v.  370  :  '  Here  Mother 
dcliuerance  more.'  llut  the  natural  construction  of  that  irtitcnce  Is : 
nttr  rtjmt*  mutAtr  mart.  Abbott  (SA.  Cram.,  par.  271)  holds  that  'aOsr*  and 


126  Notes.  [ACT  n.  sc  iii. 

"  the  wUt*  "  are  loosdy  used  adverbially  for  "  M  to  which. " '     He  pointed  out 
two  enrnpln  of  this  usage  in  Kith.  //.,  III.  iii.  45,  and  V.  iii.  10. 

181.  ( Exeunt  .  .  .]  Exit  Fl.     Exeunt  Fa,  3,  4.     Exit  three  Lords  Qq. 

193.  [Flomrish.  Exeunt.]  Flourish  Fl.   Exeunt  Fa,  3,  4.    Exit  ommtt  Qq. 

ACTIL 
Scene  in. 

We  may  fairly  conjecture  that  the  Boar's  I  lead  was  the  scene  of  this  leave- 
taking.  See  11.  42  and  56.  Enter  .  .  .  Boy,  and  Hottest  Ff.  At  L  30  the 
marginal  name  in  the  Ff.  is  Woman.,  in  the  Qq.  Hott. 

3—6.  No  .  .  .  therefore.}  Arranged  as  by  Pope.  Prose  m  Ff.  In  Capell's 
ed.  11.  5,  6  end  :«/...  therefore. 

II.  a  finer  end]  So  Fl,  a.  F3,  4  omit  a.  Capcll  read :  a  fine  end.  M.  Mason, 
Collier,  and  Walker,  preferred  this  reading,  which  was  adopted  by  Dyce.  John- 
son supposed  that  finer  meant  final.  Malone  retained  finer,  regarding  it  as  one 
of  the  Hostess's  grammatical  lapses.  Mr.  Furnivall  pointed  out  to  me  :  (i)  The 
Hostess  would  My,  '  Falsuff  didn't  go  to  hell ;  he  made  a  finer  end  than  that' 
(a)  A  made  .  .  .  away  is  a  bit  of  metrical  prose. 

14,  15.  fingers  tmd\  So  Ft  fingers  ends  Qq.,  adopted  by  Capcll  and  sub- 
sequent editors.  I  think  that  fingers  end  is  here  used  genetically  for  fingers' 
ends. 

16.  babbled\  Theobald's  emendation,  his  Nose  .  .  .  and  a  Table  of  greene 
folds  Fl,  a.  green  fitlds  F}.  green  Fields  F4.  From  his  Shakespeare  Restored, 
&.c.,  appendix,  p.  138,  we  learn  that  Theobald  found  in  an  edition  of  Shakspere 
the  following  marginal  conjecture,  made  by  '  a  gentleman  sometime  deceas'd  : ' 
and  'm  talked  of  green  fields.  Theobald's  emendation  derives  some  support  from 
the  Q.  parallel  version,  which  runs  thus  :  '  For  when  I  saw  him  fumble  with  the 
sheetes.  And  talk  of  flouret,  and  smile  vpo  his  fingers  ends,'  &c.  Pope  eliminated 
a  Table  .  .  .  fields  from  the  text.  Assuming  that  Pistol  and  his  comrades  were 
about  to  take  a  parting  glass,  he  believed  the  words  to  be  merely  a  stage  direction 
to  bring  in  a  table  of  Greenfields,  who  was,  he  conjectured,  the  property-man. 
In  an  appendix  to  his  second  edition  of  Shaksptre,  vol.  viii.,  Pope  collected  the 
•  attempts  upon  Shakespear  published  by  Lewis  Theobald. '  Concerning  Theo- 
bald's emendation  of  II.  iii.  16,  he  observed  :  '  His  nose  was  as  sharp  as  a  pen — 
"and  a  Table  of  green  fields."  Mr.  P —  omitted  this  latter  part,  because  no 
such  words  are  to  be  found  in  any  Edition  till  after  the  Author's  death.  How- 
ever the  Restorer  (Pope  alluded  to  Theobald's  Shakespeare  Restored ;  or,  Speci- 
mens of  Blunders  committed  and  unamended  in  Pope's  edition  of  that  Author,  1 726) 
has  a  mind  they  should  be  genuine,  and  since  he  cannot  otherwise  make  Sense  of 
'em,  would  have  a  racer  Conjecture  admitted,  that  it  may  be  thus — "and  'a 
babied  of  green  Fields."'  Smith  proposed  to  retain  Table,  substituting  fells, 
i.  e.  skins,  for  field*.  He  thought  that  the  Hostess  compared  FalstafTs  nose 
(grown  thin  and  sharp  like  a  dying  person's)  to  a  sharp-pointed  pen  fixed  to  a 


ACT  II.  SC  IV.] 


\otes. 


1*7 


table,  or  table-book.  A  tmUt  t/gnm/Oi  was  the  Hosteas's  binder  far  •  (able- 
book  with  a  shagreen  cover,  or  a  shagreen  table.  FMi,  by  a  compoafcor's  error, 
became  jfcV&t.  The  same,  or  a  like  similitude,  must  have  occurred  to  Mr.  Collier'* 
MS.  corrector,  who  read  :  *•  a  taUt  tf  gnmffimt,  Although  Matoae  accepted 
Theobald's  emendation,  be  remarked  that— understanding  «  /to*  to  meaa  «  fim/M, 
and  a  AiAfr  to  signify  a  ftthtrt — be  had  once  supposed  m  far  «W  to  be  the  only 
correction  necessary.  'The  pointed  stake*  of  which  pinfold*  are  aosnetimes 
formed,  were  perhaps  in  the  poet's  thoughts.'—  Vtritmm  St.,  *vii.  jaa  Other 
conjectures  are  :  «t  W  «'  ybAW  */rnvw  >»Ur  W.  N.  conj.  apod  Long  MS.  ;  «r 
«w  a  stttWte*  tktrm  ftUt  Anon.  (Fn*.  Mag,)  conj.  Theobald's  lanndatinn 
whether  it  be  the  true  one  or  not— has  far  more  than  a  century  deservedly  retained 
the  favour  of  Shakspere's  reader*.  It  harmonues  with  the  tone  of  pathetic  irony 
which  nuts  through  the  account  of  FalsuCs  death. 

24.  vfteard,  «W  vfteani]  ffvord,  and  tfmmvj  Qq.  st/SMn/  «W  mftfmt 
Fj,  4.  t/-/vw'«/,  aVaf  vftMtrJ  Fl.  tiptoar'4  «W  sf/wanr*  Fa.  mf'tnd  «W 
«/'W  Grant  White. 

29.  /)<*/«]  So  Ft.  Anft  Fa,  4.  Art?//  F>  •A«r/i  Qq.  At  L  ja,  A».V 
Ff.  The  interchange  of  «  and  r  is  invariable  throughout  Ft.  In  this  cava, 
however,  Dntlft  and  Aw/r — if  authentic — may  have  been  intended  to  reprcant 
the  Northern  pronunciation  of  the  name.  In  the  1604  Q.  of  f/<tmJ*  (II.  L  M^ 
C/ofc  .V*. )  we  find  dealt  (twice),  corrected  to  Dirndl  in  the  corresponding  pacsmgc 
in  the  1603  Q. 

37.  f/ellftrt]  So  Qi,  a.  Introduced  by  CapcII.  Ff.  and  03  omit  /nr.  From 
Bardolph's  remark  (II.  38,  39),  one  might  infer  that  Mt-flrr  was  the  btttar 
reading,  and  it  happens  that  a  witticism  very  similar  to  the  one  recalled  by  the 
Boy  has  been  preserved  for  us  in  I  I  It*.  IV.,  III.  in*.  35—37.  It  would  seem 
that  Bardolph's  face  reminded  Falstaff  not  so  much  of  hell  as  of  what  was  in  it, 
for  he  says :  '  I  never  see  thy  face  bat  I  think  upon  Ml-Jtrt  and  Dive*  that  livtd 
in  purple ;  for  there  he  is  in  his  robes,  burning,  burning.'  Sir  John's  plaasaM 
fancy  further  suggested  to  him  the  comparison  of  'a  ball  of  wMjtn'  and  'an 
everlasting  kmfirfltfkt.'  See  II.  45,  47. 

42—51.    C#mt  .  .  .  Mfttf]   Arranged  a*  by  CapdL    Proae  hi  Ft 
made  one  line  of  II.  45,  46,  Tnut  .  .  .  •M>vvwitf. 

44.  own/]  (Ql.  3)  Row*  (ed.  »\    mw«V(Qa)  Ft 

54.  [Kissing  her.]  Capdl's  stage  direction,  snggwted  by  L  5$. 

57.  [EMunt]  So  Ft     £jn/ M»«W»  Qq. 


ACT  II. 


[France.]  Pope,  [The  .  .  .  Palace.]  Johnaon  and  Steevena.  [Flonrhk  .  .  . 
others.]  Ftatintk.  Rmltr  tkt  Frmek  XI*  f,  tkt  /V//4*Vs,  ikt  AwKv  tf  Btrry  «•/ 
Rritaimt  Fl.  FUmriik  on.  Fa,  3,  4.  Enltr  ICmg  </  France,  Bomibon. 
and  others  Qq. 


i  -  -i  AVri.  [ACT  11.  sc  iv. 

I.  f**fi]  So  Ff.     S«e  I.  U.  143  above,  ami  the  note. 

46.  JffcirA.  of]  \Vkuk  */  Ft  While  oft  Malnnc  c«.nj.  Which  if  SUunton 
eonj.  ir4*-4.  #fl  Rann.  Here  'of'  =  owing  to.  Ct  CymMuif,  IV.  iii.  3  :  'A 
mailncs*,  «/  n-Aifk  her  life's  in  danger.'  See  other  example*  in  Abbott'*  SA. 
Cram.,  par.  168,  and  Schmidt's  Sh.  Lac.,  s.  v.  Ot  p.  795,  col.  i. 

64.  [Enter  a  Messenger.]  So  Ff. 

67.  [Exeunt  .  .  .  Lords.]  Capcll. 

75.  [Re-enter  .  .  .  train.]  Capcll.     Enter  Extter  Ff.  and  Qq. 

75.  Brother  of  England}  Djrce  omitted  of  here  and  at  1.  115,  because  at  V. 
ii.  a  Henry  calls  Charles  VI.  'brother  France,' and  is  addressed  by  Charles 
(1.  10)  and  Queen  Isabel  (1.  12)  as  'brother  England.'  The  single  word  of, 
however,  accords  better  with  the  formally  courteous  tone  of  Charles's  speeches  in 
Act  II.  sc.  iv.  Henry  is  a  brother  merely  because  he  belongs  to  the  royal  caste. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  friendly  interchange  of  brother  France,  brother  England, 
in  Act  V.  sc.  ii.,  marks,  I  think,  the  complete  reconciliation  of  the  two 
•OHfchs. 

80.  'longj]  So  Ff.  and  Qq.     See  I.  ii.  27  above,  and  the  note. 

90,  [Presents  a  Paper.]  Theobald  first  added  the  stage  direction  necessary 
here.  He  placed  it  against  1.  89.  It  ran  thus  :  Gives  the  French  King  a  Paper. 
Malone  put :  Gives  a  paper  against  1.  89. 

99.  fierce]  Therefore  in  fierce  Ft  and  Qq.  And,  placed  by  Rowe  before  there- 
fore,  was  adopted  by  subsequent  editors.  S.  Walker  proposed  fiery,  a  reading 
which  has  been  accepted  by  Dyce,  Deighton,  and  Rolfe.  M  it  ford  suggested 
fiercest.  Knight,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  followed  the  Ff.  A  long-vowclled, 
or  emphatic,  monosyllabic,  like  fierce,  can  serve  for  a  measure  or  foot.  Walker 
compared  with  11.  99,  ico  Ov.  Met.  iii.  298 — 301  : 

*  .  .  .  Ergo  nuesUssimus  ahum 
y£thera  conscemlit ;  nutuque  sequentia  traxit 
Fulmina  [sic,  ?  Nubila] ;  queis  nimbos,  immixtaque  fulgura  ventis 
Acldidit,  et  tonitrus,  et  inevitable  fulmen.' — Crit.  Exam.,  iii.  142. 

107.  pritiy]  So  Ft  The  Qq.  have  fining,  a  reading  introduced  by  Pope,  and 
generally  followed  since.  Schmidt  (Sk.  Lex.,  s.  v.  Privy)  compares  Errors,  III. 
ii.  146,  and  Richard  III.,  III.  v.  106,  where  prhy  means  'not  seen  openly, 
secret'  He  construes  the  sentence  thus:  'the  secret  groans  of  maidens.' 
Rather :  '  the  secret  maidens'  groans.'  Johnson  proposed  to  arrange  11.  lu6, 
107  thus  :  '  Turning  the  dead  mens'  blood,  the  widows'  tears,'  &c. 

112.  too]  (Qq)  F2,  3,  4.     to  Fl. 

129,  130.  Arranged  as  by  Rowe.     In  Ff.  the  first  line  ends  at  England. 

140.  [Flourish.]  So  the  Ff.  This  '  Flourish,'  transferred  by  Dyce  to  the  last 
line,  was  perhaps  intended  to  show  that  the  king  rises  to  close  the  audience. 

146.  [Exeunt]  Ff.  I  have  added  the  '  Flourish '  announcing  the  departure 
of  the  dramatis  person*. 


ACT  in.  sc.  i.]  Notfs.  129 

ACT  III. 


Afhu  Setwiuhu  Ff.  (Flourish.  Enter  Chorus.1  So  Fl.  Flfmrit*  it  ossktvd 
in  the  other  FC 

a,  3.  In  .  .  .  Tkfmgkt.]  Amnfed  a*  by  Rowe.     One  line  in  Ft 

4.  //amffim]  So  Theobald.    HMMT  FC 

6.  foM*img\  So  Rowe.  /?•<«/  Fit  *•  >M*V  Fj.  4*  !•  Chester's  £*« 
Martyr  (1601)  '  fining  '  =  fiutmuig.  See  Dr.  Grosart's  ed.  (New  Sh.  Soc.). 
under  'Thoughts  keepe  me  waking,'  p.  153.  Mr.  Danid  tBgfMU:  'the  fen 
row  on  the  sea  like  the  ran,  the  rireamers  imitating  (faming)  to  ray*.' 

33.  [AUrum  .  .  .  off.]  So  Ff. 

35.  «rk\  So  Fl.  *k  Fa,  3.  4.  In  ArsY*f,  III.  ProL,  last  linn,  mtk  <vk) 
rimes  with  sfmk.  In  Levin'*  AAim/Ww/  t'*t»hii*ntm  (E.  E.  T.  S.  «L,  54  31). 
'  to  EKE  '  is  a  rime  for  SicKE,  and  the  like. 

ACT  III. 


[Alarum  .  .  .  ladders.]  Enter  Ike  JCutg,   Exeter,  Ba/flrJ,  tun/ 
Alar»m:    Sealing   LaJdrrt    at    ffarfiew   FC      St*Jhn.L*Uert  Fj. 


I.  Once  mart .  .  .  onte  mere]  Arranged  as  by  Pope.    Two  lines  in 
Brtnek,  more. 

7.  ntmmon\  So  Rowe.  tfmmnne  Ft  Rowe's  emendation  has  been,  I 
believe,  invariably  adopted  by  subsequent  editors.  Summit  »/  yields  good 
sense,  and  has,  moreover,  been  used  by  Shakspere  in  other  places.  Cosjpwn 
LtvSs  LalvKrt  Lett,  II.  i. :  '  Now  Madam  ntmmtm  i/  yosv  dearest  spirits,'  Ac. 
And  see  also  &m*eti,  ***.  a,  and  Aw,  II.  iv.  3$.  Dr.  Nicholson  woeJd  relate 
(ommnne,  believing  it  to  be  derived  from  tmmun*.  or  rather,  nmmtuff,  and  com- 
paring it  with  late,  which  he  regards  as  another  literate  word  coined  by  Shakspere 
from  latus-i  ==  chosen.  See  note  on  II.  ii.  6l  above.  He  wrote  to  met  'I 
have  often  beard  "warn  up  or  warn  them  op,"'  Whh  '  commas*  vp  the  blomV 
we  may  perhaps  collate  '  prepare  vp  him  /  Against  to  morrow,'  Ac,  m  the  Q* 
version  of  Rom*  fy  Jmliet.  The  Ff.  version  of  this  passage  (IV.  il.  4$,  4*)  reads  t 
'prepare  him  vp/  Ac 

17.  NMat\  So  Fa,  3.  4  (On.  AMI*  EmfUtA).  AUMu4  Fl.  Malone's 
reading.  neUe.  wat  adopted  by  Pyee,  Deifhtoa,  aad  RoUe.  Dyce  sappMed  tkM 
NMUk  Englitk  wat  'a  mistake  occasioned  by  the  terminaltoa  of  the 
word  having  caught  the  compositor's  eye.1— Dyce's  .«..  iv.  $ift.  He  oasnsdfl 
NoUe  Entfitk  'quite  strong  enoagh  as  opposed  to  "good  yeomen."  Bel- 
pass  over  the  (act  that  we  are  here  dealing  with  impassioned  language,  m  wUdl 
we  may  expect  to  6nd  epithets  strained  to  the  uttermost-it  shoeJd  be  observed 
C  » 


130  Notes.  [ACT  in. 

thai  there  b  a  perceptible  lowering  of  his  tone  when  Henry  addresses  the  yeomen. 
Compare  the  motives  for  valour  with  which  the  king  animates  the  nobles  (II.  18— 
25),  and  those  he  urges  upon  the  yeomen  (11.  26—30).  Knight  read  '  noblest 
English,'  i.  «,  tin  English  nobility  ;  comparing  with  this  reading  'Princes 
French'  and  'Priacts  English'  in  V.  ii.  8,  n  below. 

24.  MM]  F4,     mt  Fi,  a,  3. 

32.  Strmim*g\  Rowe.    Straying?*. 

34.  Cry  .  .  .  George  1}  I  have  followed  Warburton's  punctuation.  In  the  Ff 
the  line  is  punctuated  and  printed  thus  :  '  Cry,  God  for  Harry,  England,  and  S. 
G*rgf.'  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  retained  the  punctuation  of  the  Ff., 
with  the  substitution  of  a  note  of  admiration  for  a  period  after  '  Saint  George/ 
Delius  punctuated  thus:  '.  .  .  Harry  !  England  and  Saint  George  !  '  This  punctu- 
ation is  accepted  by  Schmidt  (Sh.  Luc.,  s.  v.  George).  I  assume  that  we  have  in 
1.  34  three  distinct  war-cries.  Compare  Richard  III.,  V.  iii.  270  (Fi)  .  'God, 
and  Saint  George,  Richmond,  and  Victory.'  See  other  Shaksperian  examples  of 
the  war-cry  '  Saint  George  '  in  Schmidt's  Sh.  Lex.,  s.  v.  George.  It  often  occurs 
in  Holinshed.  Capt.  John  Smith,  in  his  Seaman*  Accidence,  1626,  and  Seamant 
Grammtr,  1627,  gives:  'St.  George  for  England.'  Dr.  Nicholson  takes  'Charge* 
(!•  33)  to  be  a  verb  imperative.  Shakspere  has  '  charge,'  si>.,  meaning  the  signal 
for  the  onset,  in  Lturtte,  L  434. 

ACT  HL 
Scene  ii. 

[Enter  .  .  .  Boy.]  So  Ft  In  the  Ff.  Welch,  is  the  marginal  name  against 
L  64,  and  the  remaining  speeches  of  Fluellen  throughout  this  scene.  So,  instead 
of  lamy.  and  Mat.,  the  Ft  have  Scot,  and  Irish. 

2.  CorforaU}  So  Ft     See  note  on  II.  i.  35  above. 

6  —  9.  Knocks  .  .  .  fame.  13—  17.  If  .  .  .  bough]  Arranged  as  by  Capell. 
Prose  in  Ft  Pope,  and  Theobald  (ed.  2,  1740),  made  one  line  of  And  Sword 
.  .  .fame.  For  11.  13  —  15,  If  .  .  .  high,  Pope  substituted  the  corresponding 
two  lines  in  the  Qq.,  which  run  thus  :  '  And  I.  If  wishes  would  preuaile,  /  1 
would  not  stay,  but  thither  would  I  hie,'  Johnson  restored  the  text  of  the  FC 
Pope  also  omitted  11.  16,  17,  At  .  .  .  bough.  These  lines  were  replaced  by 
Sleevens,  and  first  printed  as  verse  by  Capell. 

17.    [Fluellen  .  .  .  in.]   Enter  Flewellen  and  beaies  them   in  Qq.     Enter 


f  8.  freaeh]  breath  Ff.  At  this  point  it  may  be  convenient  to  summarize  the 
changes  I  have  made  in  Fluellen's  Welsh-English,  as  printed  in  the  Ft  They 
are  :  (t)  The  substitution  of  initial  p  for  b  in  many  cases  where  initial  b  is  found 
in  the  Ft  The  Cambridge  editors  cut  the  knot  by  strictly  following  the  text  of 
the  Ft,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  no  editor  has,  I  believe,  carried  out  with  inflex- 
ible consistency  the  substitution  even  of  /  for  b.  On  comparing  Fluellen's  talk 
with  Evans's,  as  it  is  printed  in  the  Ff.,  the  reader  soon  perceives  that  the  latter"  s 


ACT  111.  sc.  ii.]  Notct.  131 

Welsh-English  is  much  more  marked  than  the  former** ;  •  met  which  may  lead 
one  to  infer  that  greater  care  was  taken  in  preserving  Sir  Hagh't  orthoepy.  But 
in  Hen.  V.  we  notice  variations.  Compare,  for  example.— to  regard  to  the  •tod* 
tution  of  /  for  b,— III.  vi.  3,  4  and  6—14  with  L  84  and  IL  87—91  below.  COB- 
fHtT**g  that  the  initial  /  is  a  well-defined  and,  upon  the  whole,  the  moat  constant 
peculiarity  of  Sir  Hugh  Evans's  and  Fludlen's  speech,  and  brltmng  that  tofcml 
}  was  often  erroneously  printed  instead  of  it,  I  determined  to  (apply  the  / 
wherever,  in  my  judgment,  its  abwnoe  seemed  to  lessen  somewhat  the  maaMwitm 
of  the  speaker.  I  have  not  done  this  in  the  case  of  sach  relatively  •nsM4kcahle 
words  as  be  and  htt,  nor  have  I  converted  the  familiar  'boy  '  and  •  b«'y '  (V.  L 
61, 62)  into  words  which  might  hardly  be  recogniied.  For  thia  reason  '  babmklcs ' 
(III.  vi.  98)  should,  perhaps,  not  have  been  changed,  alihoisfh  the  'trempliag  of 
minde'  (Many  \V~nxs,  HI.  i.  12)  that  afflicted  Sir  Hugh  is  an  aathonty  far  a 
medial  /.  (The  only  instance,  in  my  text,  of  a  substitution  of  /  for  medial  A. ) 
For  'bubuklcs'  the  Qq.  have  'pumplea.'  (2)  The  elision  of  initial  •>.  The 
elision  of  initial  w  is  a  frequent  and  invariable  characterbtk  of  Sir  Hugh  Evans's 
talk,  and  occurs  twice  in  Flucllcn's.  See  IV.  vii.  24,  I IO  below,  where  the  word 
has  been  left  precisely  as  it  stands  in  the  Ff.  In  the  Qq. '  worell '  =  twr//,  To 
each  word  in  which  initial  /  is  substituted  for  initial  I  or  initial  tr  is  elided,  an 
obelus  is  affixed,  so  that  the  reader  can  restore  the  text  of  the  Ff.  by  snfastfcnsting 
a  k  for  a/,  and  disregarding  the  elision  of  the  w.  (3)  Pronunciation  of  Jem, 
The  Ff.  have  Ckttkn  at  III.  ii.  59,  66,  75 ;  lam  at  IV.  L  65  ;  Ink*  at  IV.  vii. 
109.  Both  pronunciations  could  scarcely  have  been  meant  to  stand,  and  I  have 
therefore  followed  that  which— judging  from  its  numerical  preponderance,  and 
greater  consistency  of  spelling — should  seem  to  have  more  authority  in  ii  •  (avow. 
Mont  modern  editors  print  Cketkm  throughout  the  play.  The  fniiNhtoji  editor* 
retained  the  variations  of  spelling  in  the  Ff.  The  spelling*  in  the  <^j.  are  :  leau 
Qi,  2  ;  yak*  Qj— III.  ii.  59;  /<***  Qq.  (om-  Kf.) ;  lam  Qi,  a  j  Jnkm  Qj 
(ore.  Ff.)— HI.  vi.  3,  12  ;  /am  Ql,  2  ;  Jakm  Qj— IV.  L  6$;  /amt  Ql,  j;  Jam 
Q3— IV.  vii  109;  /ft*  Qi.  (om.  Ft)  j  fata  Qq.  (om  Ft)— IV.  viu.  i.  $* 

20—23.  Bt .  .  .  ekmek!}  Arranged  as  by  Pope  Pros*  in  PC  Pope  omitte.1 
1.  2a.  Dr.  Nicholson  supposes  that  FlueUen  cot  short  L  u  by  a  *how«r 
of  Wows. 

25.  [Exeunt     Manet  Boy.)  Exit  Ff. 

29,  AmJiekt}  Amtujua  Ft  I  have  altered  the  spelling  of  this  word  bscasm 
'  Antiques '  now  =  A*tiy»ttifi,  and  the  Boy  does  not  mean  that  hu  ma«ten  are 
old,  but  that  they  are  ludicrous.  Both  spellings  were  once  ined  indUfcuntty. 
Thus  Cotgrave  (Eng.-Fr.,  ed.  1632)  has:  'Antiques,  or  aniicks.  AuAjmvUn.' 
'  An  antique  image.  AfensMwjrf,  murmu-ut'  '  Anliquaflto*  Ii  denned  a*  '  71* 
Antukt ;  am  Amtitmt ;  «l*  fit  fmmkitni  m*tu»muiii ; '  and  '  Marm onset '  s*  * «sy 
Antukt  Jmagr,  frvm  wktu  iMtt  *M*r  Irilbtk  ;  ««r  /V//W.  «r  A»*t*t;  «*r  flsr* 
foolnk,  or  «Ut  rffnumtafifm,'  Ac.  In  1/svA  A4».  HI.  i.  63,  the  Ft  haw 
•anticke,'  and  the  Q.  (1600)  '  antique.' 

51.  [Exit.]  So  Ft  (Enter  . . .  Floellen.)  Theobald's  stnft  direction.  £s*r 
G<r.t*r  Ft  I  tuppo«e  that  Gowtr  and 


132  Notfs.  [ACT  in.  sc  ii. 

the  latter  to  come  to  the  mine*  ;  bat  the  stage  direction*  which  make  Flucllen 
re-enter  and  Cower  follow  him,  are,  perhaps,  better. 

66.  OJ  in]  So  Ft  at  it  in  or  at  tutu  in  (ct  IV.  viii.  9  below)  S.  \Valk.-r 
cooj.—  Crit.  Exam,,  U.  260. 

69.  Enter  .  .  .  lamy.)  So  Ff. 

79.  lamy\  Jamy  Capcll.  lama  (James)  Ff.  The  Cambridge  editors  retained 
James. 

82.  By  Christ  law]  There  U  no  stop  after  'law'  in  the  Ff.  I  regard  '  law ' 
in  this  and  the  like  phrases  (see  IL  86,  105  ;  IV.  vii.  139,  below)  as  funning  part 
of  a  composite  adjuration,  usually  uttered  without  pause.  Blender's  hyphened 
'  trueljr-la,'  'indeede-la,'  supports  this  view.  See  Merry  Writs,  I.  i.  322,  326, 
in  Fl.  Cf.  'God  helpe  me  law'  (Fi),  Loves  Labour's  Lost,  V.  ii.  414.  This  tag 
occurs  nineteen  times  in  Fi,  and— except  in  Merry  Wives,  I.  i.  86,  266— always 
without  a  preceding  stop. 

107.  df\  So  Ff.  The  Cambridge  editors  retained  Je,  It  must  be  admitted 
that  the  reading  do  (1.  109)  might  lead  one  to  infer  that  de  here  is  an  error.  But, 
in  the  native  dialect  given  in  Dr.  George  Mocdonald's  Sir  Gibbie,  '  dee '  =  do. 
See  .Sir  Gibbit,  i.  28,  et  passim. 

1 10.  heard\  So  Ff.  The  Cambridge  editors  read  hear,  but  Jamy  may  mean  : 
'  I  wish  you  two  had  discussed  military  disciplines  instead  of  quarrelling.'  A  very 
plausible  anonymous  conjecture  is  ha  heard.  It  should  be  remembered  that  Jamy 
is  not,  like  Fluellcn,  a  foreigner  trying  to  speak  English,  and  therefore  Fludlen's 
as  in  Ike  'oriJ  (I.  66,  above)  is  not  a  parallel  case. 

114 — 116.  Of .  .  .  Nation  f]  This  is  the  arrangement  and  punctuation  of 
the  Ff.  At  the  suggestion  of  a  friend,  Knight  arranged  11.  114—116  thus:  'Of 
my  nation?  What  ish  my  nation?  What  ish  my  nation?  Who  talks  of  my 
nation,  ish  a  villain,  and  a  bastard,  and  a  knave,  and  a  rascal.'  In  the  Ff.  the 
lines  stand  thus  :  Of.  .  .  isk  a  /  Villaine  .  .  .  What  /  ish  .  .  .  Nation  ?  Knight 
believed  that  the  arrangement  of  the  Ff.  was  due  to  '  one  of  the  mistakes  that 
often  occur  in  printing.  The  second  and  third  line  changed  places,  and  the 
"  Ish  a  "  of  the  first  line  should  have  been  at  the  end  of  what  is  printed  as  the 
third,  whilst  "  What "  of  the  second  line  should  have  gone  at  the  end  of  the 
first.'  Dyce  adopted  Knight's  arrangement.  In  his  note  (iv.  520)  the  former 
quotes  Mr.  Grant  White's  remark,  that  '  The  change,  which  the  sense  requires,  is 
supported  by  the  fact  that  while  all  the  other  clauses  are  marked  as  interrogations, 
the  transposed  clause  has  a  full-point  after  it.'  Macmorris's  abrupt,  disconnected 
sentences  (as  the  Ff.  print  them)  are  just  what  one  might  expect  from  a  man 
who,  besides  being  in  a  violent  rage,  was  speaking  a  foreign  tongue.  I  have 
marked  Ish  a  .  .  .  Kascall  as  an  Aside,  because  I  do  not  think  that  Macmom's, 
angry  as  he  was,  would  have  ventured  to  utter  aloud  the  highly  offensive  second 
sentence,  or,  if  he  had,  that  Fluellen  could  have  answered  him  with  such 
dignified  composure.  Dr.  Nicholson  has  offered  an  explanation  of  Macmorris's 
wrath  at  the  mention  of  his  '  nation.'  See  Introduction,  p.  IxxxL 

126-  [A  Parley  sounded.]  Rowe's  stage  direction.  A  Parley  Ff.  Rowe  also 
substituted  Exeunt  (last  line)  for  the  Exit  of  the  Ff. 


ACT  itL  so  iv.j  A  ate*.  133 


ACT  IIL 

Srauta. 

[Some  .  .  .  below.]  Emttr  .  .  .  GatoFf. 

36,  aj.  At  .  .  .  asksrt.}  Arranged  as  by  Rove.    One  line  in  Ff. 

32.   JuaJy}   So  F3,  4.    b*Uy  Fl.    A**4r>  Fa.     Knight  retained 
believing  it  to  mean:    'headlining,  —  rash,  —  pauionaic.'     Reed  (iSoj),  and 
Malone,  read  dtatYr,  which  bad  been  proposed  by  CapelL     AWA»  Collier  con;. 

35.  Df/Ut}  Rowe  (ed.  a).    Aswv  FC 

43.  [Enter  .  .  .  Harflew.]  JfufVr  G*tfrm**r  Ft  and  Qq.  Capefl  moored 
thU  stage  direction,  and  made  the  governor  appear  on  the  walb  at  the  opening  of 
the  scene.  We  may  suppose,  however,  that,  after  the  '  Parley  '  in  the  last  scene, 
the  governor  bad  an  interview  with  the  mctsengen  sent  by  the  Devpnia,  from 
which  he  had  not  returned  when  Henry,  impatient  of  delay,  eaten  and  exhorts 
the  citiiem  to  yield.  If  the  fp^ventor  were  present  doriag  Hcary's  speech,  be  •&» 
treated  with  scant  courtesy  by  the  king,  who  only  notices  his  existence  at  L  I,  and 
then  bat  indirectly.  If,  on  the  other  band,  the  governor  were  absent,  the  question 
in  L  l  was  addressed,  naturally  enough,  to  the  dtfacas. 

58.  [Flourish  .  .  .  Towne.]  Flo*ritk,  amJ  tnltr  Mr  Trtmt  Ft 

ACT  III. 


[TV  .  .  .  Palaft.]  So  the  Cambridge  editors.  \F.*i*r 
So  Ff.  I  have  inserted  Alite  after  a*4.  The  marginal  name*  in  the  Ft,  are  : 
AatJk.  (fCatk*.  L  I  ;  AW.  1.  8)  and  Alttt.  Et  .  .  .  J«£ti  (L  7}  is,  in  the  Ft, 
given  to  Alice  ;  La  .  .  .  Jtitgret  (U.  8—  to)  to  Kaiherinc  ;  L*  .  .  .  •rAnaw  (U. 
II,  ta)  to  Alice;  and  fay  .  .  .  engiti  (U.  I  a,  13)  to  Kathcrine.  In  the  Ft 
both  the  marginal  names  and  the  text  arc  printed  in  italic  The  French  text  IB 
the  Qq.  is  so  corrupt  as  to  be  almost  unintelligible.  Fl  present*  h  •  a  tolerably 
accurate  state,  and  some  corrections  appeared  in  the  sttccccding  Ft  Shakapetv's 
modern  editors  made  further  improvesneata,  of  which  I  haw  sflesttly  availed 
myself.  The  old  spelling  has  been  pr  nerved  in  this  edition  ;  saanltr*  errortonly 
excepted.  In  regulating  the  spelling  and  distribvtiag  the  accents  Cotgrav*  has 
been  my  authority.  Where  an  alternative  spelling  occwred  I  have  fellowd  the 
Ft  Thus,  Cotgrave  give*  :  '  Appetler.  At  Appelcr.'  Then  at*  no  hyphen*  hj 
toch  compoundt  as  mfftftft  tvaw  either  in  the  Ft  or  Cotgrave,  and  I  have  there- 
fore not  inserted  them.  Errors,  in  the  numtwr  and  gender  of  article*.  aowM, 
adjectives,  and  participles,  have  been  corrected,  bat  othcmt*c  few  changss  hav« 
been  made.  The  Fl»mfc  lad;  '••  it  •bMJi  i»  Fl,  bgh>a»  is)  • 
edition.  The  necessary  corrections  an  so  SMiBcroM,  that  I 


in  order  to  avoid  complexity  aad  »aa%Titlla»ai  hi  the  text— to  depart  frosn  mtf 
usual  role  of  bracketing  or  ohdidag 


*  34  Notes.  [ACT  in.  sc.  v. 

merely  to  place  an  obelus  after  the  last  word  altered.  In  the  Appendix,  however, 
I  have  attempted  to  make  the  individual  changes  clear  by  l>incU-tinK  the  inserted 
letters  or  words,  and  printing  the  unamended  text  of  the  Ft  in  italic. 

4  *  /rv,  •»'  tnirifKft]  tt  frit  m*  etutgwn  Fl.  Possibly  Shakspere  wrote 
m'  autigiur  or  de  m'  tnsapttr.  The  former  reading  is  found  in  Fa,  3  ;  the  latter 
in  F+ 

IX  tttMifr]  So  Ff.    Cotgrave  has :  •  Escolier :  f.  A  SekoUtr,'  Ac. 

38.  Jena]  So  Ff.     Cotgrave  has :  •  Desia.     Atrtadit.' 

47.  D*  ...  de}  Lt  ...  U  Ft,  and  so  throughout  II.  47—54,  except  at  1.  54, 
where  the  Ff.  have :  de  Foot,  U  (de  Fj,  4)  Count.  It  seems  unlikely  that 
Alice  could  have  been  meant  to  use  the  French  article  here  and  not  elsewhere,  or 
that  the  princess,  who  repeats  her  lesson  immediately  aAer  her  preceptor,  should 
have  done  so.  Further  on  (1L  51,  52),  where— according  to  my  supposition— (he 
princess  indignantly  reiterate*  the  offensive  words,  her  excitement  makes  the 
mistake  a  more  natural  one.  When  she  becomes  calmer  the  lesson  is  rehearsed 
faultlessly.  The  Cambridge  editors  print  U .  .  .  U  (11.  51,  52),  and  De .  .  .</t'm 
the  other  places.  Dr.  Nicholson  thinks  that  Alice's  de  for  the  should  be  invari- 
able, but  he  would  retain  Lt  .  .  .  It  (Ft)  at  I.  48,  and  also  le  Count  (Fl,  2;  de 
Count  F3,  4)  at  I.  54,  believing  that  the  princess's  strong  association  of  Foot  and 
Count  with  certain  French  words  caused  her  to  use  the  French  definite  article. 
Even  in  the  careful  final  repetition  of  her  lesson,  the  sound  of  the  former  word 
made  her  gorge  rise,  and  she  again  lapsed  into  '/<• '  Count. 

$  I.  Fokl]  So  the  Cambridge  editors,  fa  Fl.  U  faut  F2,  3,  4.  Foh  is,  I 
think,  a  lesser  change,  and  also  more  natural  than  il  faut. 

56.  [Exeunt.]  Fa,  3,  4.     Exit  Fl.     Exit  omnet  Qq. 

ACT  III. 
Scene  v. 

[Rouen  .  .  .  Palace.]  LI.  54  and  64  point  clearly  to  Rouen  as  the  stage 
locality.  And  see  the  Introduction  to  this  edition,  p.  xxv.  I  have  inserted  the 
Duke  of  Burbon  in  the  Entry,  which  is  otherwise  the  same  as  that  in  the  Ff.  The 
Qq.  have :  Enter  King  of  France,  Lord  Constable,  the  Dolphin,  and  Burbon 
(Bourbon  Q}).  In  the  Ff.  the  marginal  name  against  1.  10  and  1.  32  is  Brit.  In 
the  Qq.  Bur.  is  prefixed  to  the  lines  corresponding  to  11.  10 — 14  in  the  Ff.  LI. 
32—35  are  not  in  the  Qq.  Theobald  (Rowe,  wrongly,  Cam.  edd.)  gave  11.  10 
—14,  32—35,  to  Bourbon,  and  also  put  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  in  the  Entry. 
These  changes  have  been  accepted  by  succeeding  editors.  '  Burbon  '  is  addressed 
at  L  41,  but  'Britaine'  is  not  mentioned  in  this  scene.  The  Cambridge  editors 
suppose  that  Shakspere  intended  at  first  to  introduce  the  duke  of  Brittany,  and 
afterwards  changed  his  mind,  but  forgot  to  alter  the  marginal  names.  See  Cam. 
*>h.,  iv.  6ia 

II.  and]  The  Ff.  read  :  '  Mart  du  (de  F2,  3,  4)  ma  vie,  if.  .  .  withall,'  &c. 
In  the  Qq*  this  passage  stands  thus  :  '  Normanes,  hasten!  Normanes,  mor  du  / 


ACTI1LSC.T.]  Aoto.  135 

And  if  they  pane  vnfoughtwithall,  /  lie  teO  my  Dukcdome/  •  Aad  if  =  «•  i/ 
Rowe  inserted  lAmt  after  i/  an  emendation  adopted  by  Pop*  and  MMBC  utact 
editors.  Malone,  Knight,  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors  printed,  wkkoet 
comment,  the  reading  of  the  Ft  Mr.  Ueightao.  in  the  aotes  to  his  edition  of 
Hen.  V.,  p.  u,  says  that  p»V  should  be  proaoaaced  as  a  dissyllable,  lie  compares 
A".  >U,  V.  ii.  104,  where  Ft  has :  •  *W  /r  /by,  w  1  haue  bank'd  thctr  Towae*?' 
He  also  compares  ttiek.  //.,  V.  ut.  1 19,  in  the  Ft  and  Q5,  ihtu :  •  Speak*  u  n 
French  (King)  say  fttntm'mt  mty.'  Qi,  «,  3,  4  ha»e/*/ifraw  say.  Row*  read 
/wn&Mius  **»?.  In  thaw  iaataacc*— as  well  as  in  some  of  those  ctlad  by  I>r. 
Abbott  (SA.  Cram.,  par.  489)— the  lines  scan  veil  enough  if  a  slight  stress 

be  laid  on  Vn*,  An* and  BttatUa  (see  L  15  below),  and  a 

before  or  after  the  word,  as  the  case  may  require.     MfH  «V  AM  ••>  < 

in  IV.  v.  3  below,  where  rw  is  a  monosyllable.     la  regard  to  the 

of  the  French  final  <,  I  recetml-throegii  Mr.  F.  J.  Furaivall-UM  following 

communication  from  Prof.  Paul  Meyer  : 

•  For  the  true  sounding  of  final  /  in  *•>  about  l6oc\  it  is  diftceJt  to  gb*  a 
definite  answer.  I  believe  that  it  may  have  soanded  a  litUe,  for  it  didsoeadsjHljr 
about  Palsgrave's  time  (see  his  Eclarcissement  de  la  langoe  fraacoyse,  phaud 
A.D.  1530).  He  says  (p.  4  of  the  first  edition) :  "  than  shall  he  (vu.  the  final  4) 
in  that  place  be  sounded  almoste  lyke  an  o  and  very  moche  in  the  noose,  as  these 
wordes  bomnv,  ftmmt,  . .  .  shall  have  theyr  laste  t  sounded  in  msaer  lyke  aa  *, 
as  kommo,  ftmmo"  But  still,  even  at  that  time,  it  would  not  have  been  accounted 
for  in  the  measure  of  the  verse  at  the  end.  ArW/  4t  mm  fir,  at  the  cod  of  a  terse. 
is  four  syllables  and  no  more.' 

MA'rr .  .  .  withall '  U  a  broken  sentence  followed  by  a  pease.  Boarbon's  rage 
chokes  him  ;  he  can't  at  first  say  what  be  will  do  rather  than  seJer  the  Eagiish 
to  '  march  along  unfonght  withall ; '  he  resumes,  and  we  learn  the  akeraative. 

26.  may]  Fa,  3,  4.     om.  Fl. 

40—45.  Chnrttt  Dtiaintk  . .  .  Ck*nbya.\  'Charles  lord  de  U  Brcth,  h>xh 
constable  of  France,'  ftc-,  Ck.  555/2/44.  'Charles  d'Albreth,'  ********  «4 
Bucboo,  iiL  348.  The  first  syllable  of  £*•*««/(•  accented  at  II.  hr.  $  above,  aad 
IV.viii.9i  below.  Also  in  l*tv'i  JLaAmtr't  Lm,  II.  114,  115.  * Bmrgmm'  *Bar- 
gonie,'  V.  U.  68  below  ;  •  Burgundic,'  IV.  viii.  oj  bdow  ;  •  Bergendy.'  V.  iu  j$; 
below.  These  spelling*  are  found  elsewhere  in  the  Ff.  *  Burgngne '  oocers  at  V.  ii. 
7  below.  '  Borgognie'  is  the  eseal  spelling  in  the  drnwirA*.  la  the  Eairy  of  V. 
U.  below,  the  Ff.  have :  V4r  A«Ar  ^  Awrjws/sv.*  So  '  Boatvoafa*,'  N.  OBaA 
Cmtiffua  cV  AmmaOa  tie  /Vmsnr.  ed.  1551,  Fo,  wui).  <t  f+n,m.  Aad  •  Tlu 
Godetnare  mu  a  A7«<  ^/BoorgongBe,' Ac,  C«fr*+r.  s.  ».  'Gnlnaare.'  •  /a/sM  • 
is  a  monosyllable  at  IV.  viii.  88  below.  Shakspere  asealty  make*  it  a  dawfttablr. 
•YfcffffTf-T  '  'Chatflion,'  IV.  viii.  88  below  •  in  AT.  >4sf  (Fl).  I.  L  I,  'CAm*!**;' 
I  30,  '  Ckattilii** ; '  II.  L  53,  •  CAsA/Mt.'  Wmitmmi:  So  Ft.  J,  +  ^«"aV 
momt  Fl.  and  at  IV.  viii.  9$  bdow.  •  flmm**/'  (ftaimmmf  Fj.  4)  «**  <•» 
F.ngli»h  pronunciation  of  Bmmmomt.  Bmmm~H.  K»try.  IV.  ti.  bdow.  aad  IV. 
viiL  95  below.  Mr.  FurnlvaD  wrote  tome :  'AD  the  poor  folk  near  as  to 
used  to  iay  "  BQmont  Ix>dge.H 


136  Notts.  [ACT  ui.sc.vi. 

p.  63,  Arber's  ed. :  •  He  [the  carl  of  Worcester]  was  of  the  ancient  and  noble 
Blood  of  the  BfwforJt,' SK.  'Grottdprm.'  Grant  Prtt  Ff. ;  Gnuatdprm  and 
Entry,  IV.  ii.  38  below ;  Grand  free,  IV.  viii.  94  below ;  •  Grant 
>'  Ck.  553/1/14;  4Grandpr*V  Id.  555/2/53;  'Grand  Pr«V  Almstreltt,  iii. 
349.  '/hmssi.'  Rouisie,  IV.  viii.  94  below;  •  Roussie,'  Ck,  555/2/53;  '  Russte/ 
JJ.  553/1/24;  'Rousiy,'  Afiftutrf/ff,  iii.  349.  •  Faultonoridge.'  Fawonbrid&t 
(F*ult*tt*ridgt  F4),  IV.  riii.  94  below.  '  Fauconberg,  CA.  553/1/26  :  '  Faucon- 
bcrge,'  A/.  555/2/53;  'Fauconbridge,'  Id.  555/1/4-  In' A/onstre/et,  iii.  349, 
4  Fauquembergue,'  the  spelling  adopted  in  the  Dramatis  Persona  of  this  c<liti<>n. 

*  Fays'     Leys  Ff.;  Ftyts,  IV.  viii  94  below;   « Foia,'  Ck.  555/2/53;   Aur 
Capell.     '  LestraU:     'Lestrake,'   CA.   555/2/54;   //a//,  p.  72.     I  cannot  find 
either  of  these  names  in  Monstrelet's  death-list,  voL  iii.  pp.  348 — 354.     '  Band' 
fua/t.'    BoucifuaU  Ft ;  fiouekifuald,  IV.  viii.  72  below ;  '  Bouciquault,'  Ck. 
553/1/7;  'Bouciqualt,'  Id.  555/2/32;  '  Boucicaut,'  Monstrelet,  iii.  348.   '  Ckara- 
Uyer.'    So  Ft ;  'Charolois,'  Ck.  552/I/  last  line. 

46.  Kmigkis]  Pope  ed.  2  (Theobald).     Kmgt  Ff. 

68.  [Floorish.     Exeunt]  Exeunt  Ff.     Exeunt  omnet  Qq. 

ACT  III. 
Sfrttevi. 

(The  . . .  Picardy.]  Malone.  [Enter .  . .  meeting.]  £«/rr  Caftaines,  Engiisk 
and  Mttk  (WeJek  and  EngKsk  F3,  4),  Cower  and  FlueUen  Ff.  J?«^r  Gower 
Ql,  a  («W  Flewellen  Q3).  Enter  Cower  and  FtueUen,  meeting  Capell. 

8.  life}  (Qq.)  Rowe-    line  F£ 

II.  atnukient  Lieutenant]  So  Ff.  M<r*  «  a«  Eniigne  Tkeretf  &c.  Qq. 
Knight,  and  Dyce,  omitted  Lieutenant.  The  latter  remarks  that  '  both  titles 
cannot  stand,'  and  points  out  that,  in  the  ensuing  dialogue,  Pistol  is  thrice  (?  four 
times)  called  auncient  by  FlueUen.  ensign  (Qq.)  Malone.  Here  '  aunchient '  = 
old.  Pistol  was  old  by  this  time.  See  V.  i.  78  below.  Dr.  Nicholson  thinks 
that  aunfkient  Lieutenant  is  Fluellen's  '  odd  way  of  expressing  a  Lieutenant  who 
is  an  Ancient'  As  to  Pistol's  military  titles,  see  note  on  II.  i.  35  above. 

19,  20.  Captaine  .  .  .  well.}  Arranged  as  in  Qq.     Prose  in  Ff. 

23—27.  Bardolpk  .  .  .  Stone,—  ]  LJ.  23—25  are  arranged  as  by  Pope.  For 
11.  26,  27  Capell's  arrangement  has  been  adopted.  Pope  made  one  line  of  That 
Goddess  .  .  .  stone.  At  1.  24  Ff.  read  And  of.  CyCapelL  And  Pope.  And  of 
mars  the  metre.  The  latter  word  is,  I  think,  more  Pistolian.  The  Qq.  have  : 

•  ffardoJ/eti  souldier,  one  of  buxsome  valour,'  &c.  LI.  23—27  are  printed  as  prose 
in  the  Ff.,  and  Rowe's  editions,  and  as  irregular  verse  in  the  Qq.     At  1.  27 
Rowe  punctuated  thus  :  stone—    Stone.  Ff. 

In  Cebes's  Picture,  cap.  vii.,  Fortune  is  described  as  '  rt^Xi)  K<XI  uaivopivti 
nc  rirat  totovoa,  cat  (<m}ci>7a  *iri  \iOov  nvbf  orpoyyuXov,'  &c.  This  parallel 
was  pointed  out  in  the  Variorum  Sh.,  xvii.  360.  In  a  cut  by  Holbein  in  Erasmus's 
Praise  of  Folly,  Basle,  1676,  p.  192,  Fortune  is  represented  as  standing  on  a  glol>e 


ACT  HI.  sc  vi.]  Notes.  137 

which  floats  upon  the  sea.  She  b  not  blinded.  I  have  •  medal  bearing  on  its 
obverse  the  bust  of  Caurina  Sfana,  to  L,  with  the*  legend  DMA  .  CATAIINA 
srok  .  VICECO  .  DE  .  tUKlo  .  IMOLAE  .  KuRLivu.  Reverse.  Fortune  V~Uiing  to 
L,  holding  in  her  right  hand  a  rodder,  in  her  left  a  ball  Her  right  foot  rests 
upon  a  small  globe,  her  left  is  potted  in  the  air.  Leg  TIM  .  IT  .  vian  it. 
Cf.  Fluellen's  words  '  her  foul  .  .  .  Stone,'  11.  33.  34  below. 

20,  afort  ksr]  CapelL     Ar/w  ktr  (Qq.)  Kowe.     */w  ku  Ft 

37—47.  F*rt**t  .  .  .  r»ftu/f.]  Arranged  as  by  CapelL    Proae  in  Ft    Vent 
in  Qq.     Warburton  printed  11.  37—39  F*rt*mt  .  .  .  4mtk  I  as  prow. 

Nannton  says  that  the  intrigues  of  jealous  courtiers  made  Raleigh  'shortly 
after  sing,  Fortune  my  fot,'  Ac  —  FmgmaUa  £gttAtf,  Arber's  ed.,  p.  49, 

38,  43-  A*l  So  Ff.  fvk*  Qq.  Theobald,  fallowing  HnHa.ari,  read 
fix,  an  emendation  accepted,  I  believe,  by  most  cdiiors  before  Kaignc  II* 
restored  the  text  of  the  Ft.  remarking  in  a  note  that  the  '/w-a  caiket  con- 
taining the  sacred  wafer—  could  not  readily  be  stolen.'  There  can,  howtvti.  be 
no  donbi  that  the  soldier,  whom  Shakspere  metamorphoMd  into  Bardolph.  stole 
a  fix  or  fyx.  See  the  Introduction  to  thit  edition,  p.  nvi.  Johns** 
in  supposing  that  fax  or  fix  signified  the  same  thing,  or  that  the 
tained  the  boat.  In  D*  Anus's  Ltxitt*  Manual*,  4t,  :866,  the  definniow 
(derived  from  Ducange)  are:  'Pax—  Instnunenlum  quod 


nia  populo  osculandum  pncbetur;  itutmmait  ftu  U  frtort 
ol[im]  fair:'  'Pyxia  —  Vas  in  quo  reponuntur  hostue  consecraUe  ad  mtkwn  ; 
fyxis,  bottt  a  kostia.'  See  also  the  notes  in  the  Vmritntm  Sk.t  sviL,  361,  363  ; 
and  Nares's  Glottary,  s.  vr.  •  Pax  '  and  •  Fix.'  Neverthdeas,  if  Shakspere  has 
chosen  to  make  Bardolph  steal  a  fax,  an  editor  cannot  do  otherwise  than  bow  to 
his  decision.  When  writing  the  Introduction,  I  believed  that  Shakspere  wrote 
fix.  See  p.  IxvL 

57.  [Exit]  So  Ff.  Exit  Pittetl  Qq.  There  is  an  ample  COBMII  i  nt  •pon 
'  Figo*  (L  55)  and  'The  Figge  of  Spaine'  in  Donee's  lUtutrtHnu  if  SiUtfmrv, 
pp.  303—308,  ed.  1839. 

76,  77.  /  will  trvt  .  .  .  fata.]  In  the  metrical  history  of  Henry  V.'s  npnli. 
tion  (Harleian  MS.  565),  attributed  to  Lydgate,  a  sfanilar  speech  is  given  to  the 
duke  of  'Barrye'lBarJ. 

•  "  Be  God,"  be  seyde,  "  y  wH  not  •parye, 

Over  the  Eng|fnlhmen  y  thcnke  to  rydej"  '  fte. 

JMeBm/li  <jmw  t,  p  310. 

82.  [Drum  heard.]  Capell's  stage  direction. 

83.  frvm  Ikf  PrHgr}  Pope  omitted  thne  wonh  becasnt  *  it  k  plain  from  the 
sequel,  that  the  scene  here  continue*,  and  the  affair  of  the  bridge  b  over  ' 
Theobald  said  :  •  Fluellen,  who  comes  from  the  bridge,  wants  to  acquaint  the 
king  with  the  transactions  that  had  happened  there.    This  he  calk  VtaaMtf  *  <Ar 
ki*Kfr*m  tin  M4gr.    Dr.  Nicholson  I  •  fill  ml  me  tbat  be  has  •  often  h«rd  M  • 
nessage  from  "—naming  the  fart  or  post,  4c.,  and  meanmg  from  the  commanding 
«CknT  there.' 

83.  [Enter  .  .  .  others.]  l>ntm  **t  Ctttmn.    Kmt^  tkt  tTt*f  M/  *« 


138  Notes.  [ACT  in.  sc.  vii. 


FC  Enter  (FiUtr  Ql)  Auif,  Clarence,  Clutter,  and  otktrt  Qq.  The 
word  '/MWY'  in  the  stage  direction  leads  one  to  infer  that  the  soldiers,  who 
appeared  on  the  stage  at  this  juncture,  were  got  up  so  as  to  harmonize  with  the 
description  of  them  given  in  Chorus  IV.  26  below. 

106.  Lenitit\  lenitie  (Qq.)  Rowe.     Ltuitu  Fl.     levity  Fz,  3,  4. 

108,  [Tucket  .  .  .  Mountiojr.]  So  Ff.     Enter  (tkt  Qj)  Fmtth  fftnuOJ  Qq. 

1  18.  tut]  So  Qq.  The  Ff.  hare  a  capital  Q.  The  actor's  nu  is,  of  course, 
meant.  Q  or  f  seems  to  have  been  the  sign  for  a  farthing,  or  half  a  farthing, 
i.  q.  quadrant.  At  Oxford  small  portions  of  bread  or  beer  were  called 
'cues,'  and  marked  in  the  buttery  books  with  a  f.  See  Nares's  Glouaiy, 
s.  w.  '  Cue  '  and  '  Q.'  I  follow  the  Qq.  in  order  to  avoid  ambiguity. 

142—144.  H'ko,  .  .  .  Frtntkme*.]  Equivalent  to  '  They,  who  when  in  health,' 
Ac.  See  Abbott's  Sh.  Gram.,  par.  249. 

152.  Gives  .  .  .  Purse.]  Gives  a  Purse  Dyce.     See  Introduction,  p.  xxvii. 

161.  [Exit]  Added  by  Rowe.    Not  in  Ff.  or  Qq. 

166.  [Exeunt  .  .  .  beating.]  Exeunt  Ff.  Exit  Qj.  The  English  had  a  drum 
with  them.  See  stage  directions  at  1L  82  and  83  above.  I  learn  from  Dr. 
Nicholson  that  the  drums  beat  while  troops  are  on  their  march,  cease  when  they 
halt,  and  beat  again  when  the  march  is  resumed. 


ACT    III. 
Scene  vii. 

[The  .  .  .  Agincourt.]  Theobald.  [Enter  .  .  .  others.]  So  Ff.  I  have 
inserted  the  before  Dolphin.  The  Qq.  have  :  Enter  Burbon,  Constable,  Orleance 
(Orlauu  ¥4),  Gebon  (and  Geban  Qj).  The  Qq.  assign  to  Bourbon  the  part 
supported,  in  the  Ff.,  by  the  Dauphin.  The  lines  in  the  Ff.— corresponding 
more  or  less  closely  with  Bourbon's  speeches  in  the  Qq. — are :  'you  .  .  .  Horse,' 

I.  8 ;  'hee  is  pure  .  .  .  appeare  in  him,'  11.  20,  21  ;  'And  .  .  .  Ginger,'  1.  19 
(Order  in  Qq.) ;  'Turne  .  .  .  them  all,'  11.  33,  34  ;  '  I  once  .  . .  Nature^  11.  38, 
39;  'Then  .  .  .  Mistresse,'  11.  41,  42  ;  '  Me  well,'  1.  44;  'I  tell  .  .  .  hayre,' 

II.  58,  59  ;  'thou  .  .  .  any  thing,'  1.  63 ;  '  Will  it  ...  Faces,'  1L  76,  77  ;  '  'Tis 
...  my  selfe,'  1.  85.     In  the  Qq.  L  40  is  given  to  the  Constable ;  11.  81,  82  to 
Orleans  ;  L  86  to  Gebon,  who  says  :  '  The  Duke  of  Burton  longs  for  morning  ; ' 
and  1.  87  to  Orleans.    LI.  81,  82,  and  the  Constable's  answer  (11.  83,  84),  are  near 
the  end  of  the  scene,  just  before  the  Messenger's  entrance ;  and,  as  the  scene 
ends,  the  Constable  (very  absurdly)  speaks  1L  62,  63,  'Come  .  .  .  day,'  at  the 
end  of  Act  IV.  sc.  ii.  below.     The  substitution  of  Bourbon  for  the  Dauphin 
accords  with  historical  fact,  and  is  also  more  consistent  with  11.  64 — 66  in  Act 

III.  sc.  v.  above,  which  lines  appear— with  some  slight  verbal  alterations— in 
the  Qq.    In  a  note  in  his  translation  of  Monstrelet,  Mr.  Johnes  suggested  that 
'Sir  Guickard  Dolphin,'  who  was  killed  at  Agincourt  (see  IV.  viii.  90  below), 
was  the  speaker  in  the  F.  version  of  III.  vii. ;  not  'the  Dolphin.'     But  see  III. 


ACT  HI.  sc.  vii.]  Notft. 

viL  86.  Mr.  Daniel  supposes  &*HV  to  have  been  an  actor.  So  Kemp'*  najne 
is  prefixed  to  Dogberry'*  »j»ctxh«  in  Ar*«r4  A4f  (Q.  1600).  Act  IV.  sc.  fa, 
For  farther  reauulu  on  tbe«e,  and  tome  other  variation*  in  the  Dnaaatis  PenosuB. 
I  refer  the  reader  to  Mr.  Daniel's  Introduction  to  the  Parallel  Teat  ed-  of 
V.  (New  Sh.  Soc). 

&  Armour—}  The  Ff.  have  a  note  of  interrogation  after  Armumr.  Knight 
placed  a  period  after  Armtmr.  Ca|>ell  punctuated  thus  t  '  armour,  —'  Oricam's 
answer  shows  impatience ;  be  wanted  to  turn  the  talk  into  another  «-*«**t»jl  Not* 
also  1.  79. 

IX  faster*a]  Fa,  3.  4.     ftftftrrrt  Fl 

13.  fa  ta  I]  Theobald,     tk'ka:  FT.    om.  Pope.    Afc,  A*  f  Ram. 

14.  r *«]  So  Theobald.    r4w  Ff.    ?w'»7  «  Rowe.    fM  •  Capdl     tvp*  Heath 
conj.     CMMd  /  Anon.     Moat  editor*,  even  Knight,  read  fM  «.     Pope  oaviltatl  It 
Ckmml  .  .  .  defnt.    The  Cambridge  editors,  and  RoUe,  retain  ek*.     None  of 
these  conjectures  bear  any  resemblance  to  the  reading  of  the  Ft     On  the  other 
hand,  there  is  a  peculiarity  in  the  French  teat  of  Fl,  which  fives  soaM  Mipputt 
to  the  emendation  tkn.    On  referring  to  the  Appendix  the  leader  will  notice 
that  a  final  *  is  either  omitted  or  /  is  sabttituted  for  it    CC  mm*tt,  /VWMMTMV, 
and  asst-t  in  III.  iv.  23,  34,  and  56;  prtmui  in  IV.  iv.  II  ;  «tw>  and/ktr6u  in  V. 
ii.  179  and  185.    The  only  exception  to  this  rule  occurs  at  111.  iv.  4.  where  Fl 
has  m'auignia.    The  following  extract  from  Littni  shows  that  tka  was  wed  with 
some  license  $— 

'  Vauglas  a  condamn*?  la  locution :  chex  Plutarqne,  chet  Platon,  pour  dire 
dans  riut.ir.juc,  dans  Ptaton.  .  .  .  Une  fois  quc  tka  a  ete  dte*  de  a»  sifntncation 
propre,  rien  n'empeche  qu'il  ait  pris  celle  que  Vauglas  tut  conteste.  .  .  .  Paile 
blanche  est  on  point  Ckn  les  loups,  comme  on  sail,  rareroent  en  usage.— LA 
FONT.,  FaU.  IV.  15.' 

But  we  have  no  evidence,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  that  <•**»  ever  had  a 
force.     Perhaps  Shakspere  inadvertently  u*ed  tkn  as  an  equivalent  to  the  ; 
sive  u'itk     If  so,  it  is  hypercritical  to  say  much— 'quandoque  b 
BoBserus.' 

aj.  I.tJft\  Warburton  transposed >A»atvl  k*tfi.  He  compared  I.  57.  below, 
where  '  lade '  is  a  reproachful  term.  Steevem  quoted  Arthur  Hall's  transJatsaa 
from  a  French  version  of  the  //W,  in  order  to  show  that  j+bt  had  not  always  a 
bad  sense : 

•  I  haue  eleauen  [chariots]  armed  wel  and  richly  wrought  thioughou* 
With  goldsmithes  workr,  and  gallaunlly  embroydred  round  about 
Two  bones  lough  ech  one  it  hath,  the  /*6r  they  are  not  dul. 
Of  Barley  while,  of  Rio  and  Oates  they  feede  in  mangier  ful.' 

•  Homer's  Iliadea,'  bk.  iv.  p.  Si. 

Knight  also  cited  Ford  i 

'  Like  high-fed/***  upon  a  tilling  day, 
In  antique  trappings.' 

TV  l**ti>i  JtMtmttffy,  Act  1 1.  at  H. 
Delius's  explanation  (-/W  DeJfhlon,  //m.  f.  p.  fcofl.)  is,  I  llunk. 


140  Notts.  [ACT  iv.  CHORUS. 

'  The  Dauphin' t  hone  alone  U  worthy  of  the  honourable  name,  all  other*  are 
jades  and  may  be  indiscriminately  called  beast*.' 

58.  AM]  So  FC  her  Qq.  Pope  read  her,  and  so  have  most  succeeding 
editors,  Knight  even  included.  The  Cambridge  editors,  and  Rolfe,  retained  kit. 
The  Dauphin,  I  take  it,  did  not  intend  to  be  very  exact  in  his  comparison.  The 
epithet  '  lade  '  nettled  him,  and  he  retorted  with  a  sarcasm— not  specially  appo- 
site—on the  Constable's  foolish  passion  for  a  lady  who  wore  false  hair.  The 
hone's  beauty,  he  tells  the  Constable,  isn't  due  to  artifice. 

6a,  63.  vcmistement,  tt  la  tmyt]  vomusemtnt  F2,  3,  4.  vemissement  Fl. 
tmu  Rowe.  tmyt  Ff.  Dr.  Nicholson  informs  me  that  this  quotation  of  2  Peter 
ii.  23  agrees,  so  far  as  it  goes,  word  for  word  with  a  Protestant  version  of  the 
New  Testament,  published  by  Antoine  Cellier  at  Charenton,  1669,  and  entitled  : 
'  Le  N.  Testament,  c'est  a  Jin,  La  Nouvelle  Alliance  de  nostre  Seigneur  Jesus 
Christ'  The  omission,  after  lanee,  of  the  words  'est  retourncc  a  tt  vtautrer,'  is 
the  only  change  made  by  Shakspere. 

85.  [Exit]  Ft  and  (v>3. 

120.  [Enter  a  Messenger.]  So  Ff.  and  Qq- 

153.  [Exeunt]  So  Ff.    Exit  omnes  Qq. 


ACT  IV. 

Ohm* 

f  Act  IV.     Enter  Chorus.]  Actus  Tertius.     Chorus  Ff. 

id.  namd\  So  Ff.  I  have  placed  a  comma  after  And,  retaining  the  comma 
which,  in  the  Ff.,  follows  nam'd.  Pope  punctuated  thus  :  '  And  (the  .  .  . 
nam'd)  Proud,'  Ac.  Nam'd  is  used  absolutely.  Cf.  Hamlet,  I.  iii.  62,  63. 
Tyrwhilt  remarked  :  *  I  believe  every  reader  of  taste  must  be  hurt  by  that  heavy 
parenthesis  in  the  second  line.  How  much  better  might  we  read  thus?  The 
country  .  .  .  toll,  And  the  .  .  .  name.' — Johnson's  and  Steevens's  .9A.,  vj.  103, 
ed.  1778.  Stccvens  accepted  this  reading  and  punctuation,  and  later  editors 
have  done  the  same.  Hanmer  read  :  And  the  .  .  .  mornings  nam'd. 

27.  Praetttetk]  Hanmer.     Presented  Hi. 

45,  46.  These  lines  stand  thus  in  the  Ff. :  '  Thawing  cold  feare,  that  meane 
and  gentle  all  Behold,  as  may  vnworthinesse  define  (define,  F2,  3,  4).'  Delius 
conjectured  that  a  line  is  lost  after  all.  Theobald  put  a  period  after  fear,  and 
read  :  'Then,  mean  and  gentle,  all  Behold,'  &c.  Hanmer  read  :  '  Then  mean 
and  gentle  all  Behold,'  &c.  Capell  read  :  '  Then,  mean  and  gentle  all,  Behold,' 
&c.  Theobald  supposed  that  Shakspere  is  here  speaking  to  the  mean  and  gentle 
in  his  audience.  He  compared  Prol.  I.  8,  and  Prol.  II.  35,  where  the  '  Gentles  ' 
are  addressed.  It  does  not  therefore  follow,  as  the  Cambridge  editors  remark, 
that  Shakspere  would  address  any  of  his  audience  as  mean.  They  add  :  '  The 
phrase  "mean  and  gentle"  appears  to  us  to  refer  to  the  various  ranks  of  the 
English  army  who  are  mentioned  in  the  previous  line.'— Cambridge  Sh.,  iv.  612. 


ACT  iv.  sc  LJ  Notes.  141 

Theobald's  emendation  make*  a  material  alteration  in  the  text.  and.  moreover, 
there  seems  to  be  no  rc*u>n  why  Shj^tpcre,  while  describmg  tte  eAVct  of  Henry's 
fearless  demeanour  upon  his  soldiers,  should  abrwpdy—m  the  middle  of  a  Haw- 
turn  to  the  audience,  and  beseech  their  favour.  Bat  if  •  that '  be  the  tnw  readme, 
the  absence  of  any  stop  after  *  all '  leads  one  to  socpect  a  Unm*  in  the  lot. 
Shakspere  might  either  have  ponoed  the  metaphor  of  the  all  embracing, 
bountiful  Sun.  or,  as  the  Cambridge  editors  (oppose,  he  may  have  added  a  few 
more  touches  to  the  night-piece,  la  a  matter  of  such  •aorrtaiaiy,  it  ia  safer  to 
leave  the  line  as  it  stands,  lest  the  editor  shonld  mew  the  gvih  of  i 
to  mend  it. 

53.  [EiiL]  FC 


ACT  IV. 
Jbmvi 

[The  English  .  .  .  Agmcoort.]  Theobald.  [Enter  . 
tkf  A'iMf,  Btdfont,  am/  Glftttattr  Ff.  It  seem*  more  natural  to 
Bedford  enters  immediately  after  the  king  and  Gloucester,  rather  than  that  1st 
enters  with  them,  unheeded,  till  Henry  has  finished  ha  talk  with  GhrtctntT. 
Johnson  omitted  B*ifoni  from  the  Entry. 

J.   Good  morrow]  Fj,  4.     God  morrvw  Ft,  a. 

12.  [Enter  Erpingham.]  So  Ff. 

33.  [Exeunt  .  .  .  King.]  Ejuunt  FC     In  the  Ff.  Mmut  Ki*t  follows  L  63 
below. 

34.  [Enter  Pistol!.]  So  Ft     Enter  tkf  (Mr  om.  Qa)  Ant/  afgmtmt  *  kirn 
Pisloll  Qq.     In  the  Qq.  the  scene  begins  here. 

35.  \Qttt  va  &  1}  Rowe's  emendation.     Ckt  am/  U  t  Ff.    Kt  *r  t*  t  Q+ 
Dr.  Nicholson  would  read  Qmi  tvmtto,  because  natal  may  have  heard  ErptagtMMi 
and  the  others  going  away,  bat,  on  accuual  of  the  darkneaa,  was  aot  kkdy  to  bmV 
that  only  one  remained. 

37,  38.  Ditftuu  .  .  .  t*f*t*r.}  Arranged  as  by  Pope.  Prose  ia  FC.  and 
Rowe.  Verse  in  Qq. 

44-48.  7>t/A*<V..  •  toff]  Arnnfed  a.  by  Pope  Proat  m  Ft,  awd 
Rowe.  Verse  inQq.  ir«aA  (L  48)  U  Pope's  readmg.  »^ed  by  JolussoB  aad 
Steevens,  Malone.  and  Knight.  H'**/  u  Ff.  and  Qq..  retained  by  Dyr«,  aad 
the  Cambridge  editors.  Dr.  Kichoboo  VMM  also  retain  I*'*-/  u .-  obarrv*« 
that  Shakspere  '  occa»ioaally  make»  swch  a  syllable  as // or  /  at  tot  cad  of  the  3rd 
foot  |  u  | ,  or  Mtperfroou*.' 

54.  55.   Tfil  .  .  .  d*y.}  Arranged  a*  by  Pope.     Prose  in  FC 

60.  [Turns  to  go.]  Dr.  Nkhoboa's  stag*  directiaau  Henry's  word*  (1  61) 
show  that  Pifttol  made  some  »ign  of  departing,  and,  Dr.  Nicholson  adds  'M  s* 
characteristic  of  Pistol  to  go  lest  be  be  called  to  I 

62.  [Exit.]  Ff.     £x*  Pistol!  Qq. 


142  Nolfs.  [ACT  iv.  sc  L 

63.  [Eater  .  .  .  Cower.)  Ff.     Enitr  Cowtr  and  FttwMtn  Qq. 

65.  Amvr]  So  Qj.  frwtr  Ff.  /raw  Qi,  a.  At  I.  80,  bwtr  Ff.  and  Qq. 
Malone  introduced  the  reading  of  Qj.  He  believed  that  a  tmn»criber  had  care* 
leaaly  wnttea  /rawr  in  the  MSS.  from  which  the  F.  and  the  Q.  were  printed,  and, 
in  order  to  make  tome  MOM  of  this,  the  editor*  of  the  F.  changed  it  to  ftwtr. 
Steevens  retained  ftwtr  on  the  ground  that  to  •  speak  frm*  was  a  provincialism, 
meaning  to  '  speak  in  a  talm,  small  voice.'  He  added  :  '  In  Sussex  I  heard  one 
female  servant  say  to  another—"  Speak  fewer,  or  my  mistreat  will  hear  you." ' — 
I'aritntm  Sk.,  xvii.  392.  Knight  accepted  this  explanation  ;  a  provincialism 
being  'proper  in  the  mouth  of  Fluellcn.'  But  Fluellen  was  not  a  native  of 
Sussex. 

81.  [Exeunt  .  .  .  Fluellen.]  Exit  Ff.     Exit  Cower,  and  Flewellen  Qq. 

83.  Enter  .  .  .  Williams.)  So  Ff.  Enter  tkrtt  Souldiers  Qq.  In  Qi  the 
marginal  names  against  the  speeches  corresponding  to  those  in  the  Ff.  are  : 
I.  .SiW.  =  Court ;  2.  SotU.  and  2.  So/.  =  tWliams ;  and  3.  Soul,  and  3.  .W. 
=  Battt.  The  Q.  version  of  Williams's  and  Hatcs's  speeches  al  11.  178,  179  and 
180,  181  are  lumped  together  and  given  to  3.  Lord.  (3.  Soul.  Qi,  3).  Williams'* 
rejoinder  (II.  184—186)  is  spoken  by  2.  L.  (2.  Sol.  Q2,  2.  Soul.  Q3).  The  Q. 
version  of  1L  84,  8$  is  spoken  by  I.  Soul.,  and  the  speeches  corresponding  to 
•hee  coold  ...  by  him '  (II.  112—114),  *nd  '  Be  friends  .  .  .  enow'  (II.  213, 
114),  are  given  to  3.  Soul,,  or  Sol.  The  king  and  2.  W.  are  the  speakers 
throughout  the  remainder  of  this  part  of  Sc.  i. 

93.    Tkomas}  Pope  ed.  2  (Theobald).     See  IV.  L  13  above, 

132—136.  Wet .  .  .  ////.)  Editors  usually  make  'Wee  .  .  .  place*  the  ima- 
gined appeal  of  the  king's  victims;  others — for  example,  Johiuon  and  Steevcns, 
M alone,  and  Knight — extend  it,  I  presume,  to  '  rawly  left.'  The  direct  appeal 
ends  at  'place;'  but  afterwards  Williams  speaks  dramatically,  in  the  victims' 
stead. 

140.  wko\  So  Fl,  2.  U'kom  F3,  4.  The  inflection  is  often  omitted  in  Fl. 
See  Abbott's  Sh.  Gram.,  par.  274. 

172.  Afotk]  So  Ff.  moath  Qq.  '  Moth '  =  mote.  This  spelling  occurs  else- 
where in  the  Ff. ;  for  example,  in  Love's  Labour's  Lost,  IV.  iii.  161.  Mr.  Grant 
White  believes  that '  in  the  Elizabethan  era,  and,  measurably,  down  to  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  d,  th,  and  /  were  indiscriminately  used  to  express  a 
hardened  and  perhaps  not  uniform  modification  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  &,'  &c.  In 
Sir  Balthazar  Gerbier's  Interpreter  of  tke  Academu  for  Forrain  Languages,  &c., 
1648,  '  we  find  words  spelled  with  tk  in  which  we  know  there  was  only  the  sound 
of  /,  and,  what  is  of  equal  importance,  words  written  with  /  which  were  then,  as 
now,  according  to  received  usage,  spelled  with  tk,  and  which  have  been  hitherto 
supposed  to  have  been  pronounced  with  the  0  (th)  sound.'  Mr.  White  cites 
several  instances  from  Gerbier  of  these  spellings;  for  example,  'may  seth  = 
set,'  and  'dept  =  depth.'  So,  in  the  title-page  of  this  play,  we  have  '  Henry  the 
////.'  For  further  particulars  concerning  the  pronunciation  of  the  Elizabethan 
Ik,  consult  EUis's  Early  EagUsk  Pronutu lotion,  Pt.  III.  pp.  969—972  (E.  E.  T. 
S.  ed). 


ACT  iv.  sc.  L]  Notes.  143 

219.  [Exeunt  .Souldierv]  Exit  (Exemnt  Fa,  3.  4)  tmHtm  is.  in  the  Ft. 
placed  against  the  end  of  Bales'*  speech  (II.  21 J.  214).  Exit  tkt  nmldien  stand*, 
in  the  Qq.,  below  Henry's  parting  words  (H.  215—2191 

220—230.  Vfo*  .  .  .  gmeraU  Cerrmtonie  f]  This  is  the  arrangement  of  l'/*m 
.  .  .  enioy  in  the  Ff.  The  short,  passionate  utterances  at  IL  223  and  228  accord 
well  with  the  king's  mood.  The  sokliers  had  just  left  him.  and  he  was  deeply 
wounded  by  their  unjust  and  shallow  censure.  Bat  as  be  mum  his  reason  regains 
her  sway  ;  and  the  measured  lines,  with  which  the  soliloquy  doses,  mark  the 
ascendancy  of  the  calm,  resolute  nature  that  has  turned  this  bitter 
such  food  account  Knight  retained  the  arrangement  of  the  Ff.  Row* 
11.  220 — 224  sonls,  .  .  .  and  ...«//...  gvtntnat.  Pope,  who  (allowed  thk 
order,  inserted  and  before  twin  tarn.  He  omitted  Ike  before  oroath  in  I  u$  He 
made  II.  228—230  end  Xutfi  .  .  .  eerrmonv,  omitting  mttf  gmeratt 
Hanraer  substituted  Sntjfrted  for  Smoitrt,  and  ended  I.  22$  at/tV.  Jc 
Steevens  followed  Rowe's  arrangement  of  II.  220—224.  and  also  adopted  lfanmcr*s 
emendation  and  arrangement  of  II.  22$,  226.  They  ended  D.  228—230  as  Pop* 
did,  but  retained  Savt  general  terrmmr,  making  it  one  line.  Malone  acorptrd 
Rowe's  and  Hanroer's  disposition  of  II.  220—224  and  22$.  226.  He  accented  the 
penultimate  syllable  in  S*f>j<rt*t.  In  Dyce's  text  II.  220—226  end  tomb,  .  .  . 
trrrw,  .  .  .  king  t  .  .  .  condition,  .  .  .  *r*«M  .  .  .  fojt  .  .  .  wringing  t  In 
this  way  the  Cambridge  editors  arranged  H.  220—226,  so  far  as/*/.  They 
two  lines  of  the  second  half  of  I.  226  and  11.  227,  228,  thus  s  But  . 
ease  Must  .  .  .  enjoy  I 

236.  What  .  .  .  Adoration  t]  So  Knight.  Whatt  .  .  .  (Horatio*  9  Ft. 
What  /  .  .  .  Adoration  t  F2,  3.  4  (*W  Fj.  4).  Wkatl  .  .  .  aJomlion  t  Row*. 
What  is  thy  toff,  O  adoration  f  Theobald  (suggested  by  Warburton).  What  * 
M.r  i  kfw  of  adoration  f  Hanmer.  \Vkat  it  Mr  tout,  O  adoration  t  Johnson,  Ht*/ 
it  Ms  tori  of  adoration  t  Heath  conj.  What  it  Iky  ronl  of  aatratiom  9  Caprll. 
\Vkot  if  the  soul  of  adoration  t  Malone.  What  it  thy  tamOeu  amoratitn  t  Umom 
conj.  Mat  u  thy  to*l  **t  adulation  t  Collier  (Collier  MS.).  Wkrnl  it  thy 
tonne  of  adoration  I  Keigblley  conj.  Rowe's  punctuation  was  adopted  by 
Pope;  Johnson's  reading  and  punctuation  If  Dye*.  Dr.  jtkfcolaosi  was 
inclined  to  read:  H'hot  it  thy  mtUt  an  Adoration  (.'  or  .)  i  an 
'  merely  an  Adoration.'  There  being,  however,  no  sWftsf  Rtammm  to 
fur  the  change  of  on  to  of,  he  afterwards  proposed  to  punctual*  ike*  t 
it  thy  tonte  oj 'I— Adoration  (.'  or  .).  This  gives  the  same  seas*  as  o.n,  though 
expressed  only  by  the  iatoaatioa  of  the  speaker.  II*  holds  thai  llmry  fenl 
asks  what  is  Ceremony's  soul,  and  then  says  that  Ceremony  itaetf,  soul  and 
body,  is  but  '  Place,  Degree,  and  Forme.'  Knight,  cnudtmg  JolsmWt  and 
Malone's  readings,  remarked:  •"  Ceremony*  is  apamVeBmlaml  VlMagtMut  this 
•agnincent  address.  To  read  ••  O  adoration,-  or  "  the  MM!  of 
is  to  introduce  a  new  impersonation,  breaking  the  coatismity  whkh 
through  fifty  lines.  Thy  KM!  of  adoration,  O  eaumony.  ts,  —  Mr 
tfirit  of  adoration.  Is  thy  worth,  thy  *ery  ton!  of  homaff,  asiythmg  bet 
"place,  degree,  and  form."'  Mr.  Sydiiey  Hsvmftoa.  wluJe  i«talnia«  Knsflit'% 


144  Notts.  [ACT  iv.  sc.  i. 

punctuation,  would  make  '  adoration '»  soul '  the  subject  of  the  question  in  1.  236. 
He  «ys : 

'  I  regard  "Wkat . .  .  Adoration  I"  as  a  transposition.  "  What  is  thy  soul-of- 
adoratioa  "  =  "  what  is  the  soul  of  thy  adoration  ?  "  like  "  make  me  acquainted 
with  your  cause  of  grief,"  in  J.  C.  ;  "  my  pith  of  business,"  in  At.  for  M. ;  "  my 
prime  of  youth,"  in  Kith.  III.;  "  your  cause  of  distemper"  and  "  your  sovereignty 
of  reason,"  in  Ham.,  &c.  "Thy  adoration  "  must  mean  the  "  adoration  that  is 
paid  tothee;"and  the  "  soul  "  is  MO/,  I  takeit,"<mm0M//  tout,"  but  "adoration* t 
*•*/,"  "  the  soul  of  the  adoration  that  is  offered  to  Ceremony :  "—soul  being  used 
primarily  in  the  sense  of  "  essence,"  and  secondarily,  as  often,  in  that  of  "cause" 
or  "reason."  Cp.  for  the  use  of  soul,  Tim.  I.  ii,  "  the  very  soul  of  bounty ;"  and 
I  Htm,  lV.t  "  the  soul  of  hope."  Thus,  the  "  luart n  of  Hamlet's  "mystery  "  is 
equiralent  to,  "the  reason  why  he  is  mysterious : "  and,  in  the  passage  above-quoted 
from  //inc.  //'.,  "the  soul  of  hope"  =  "the  reason  for  being  hopeful"  So 
here,  "  the  soul  of  adoration  "  =  "the  reason  for  thy  being  adored."  I  think, 
then,  that  the  whole  line  is  to  be  thus  explained  :  "  What  is  thy  soul  of  adora- 
tion "=  "  what  is  the  soul  (essence,  reason)  of  thy  adoration,"  i.  e.  "  what  is  that 
in  thee  which  makes  men  adore  thee." ' 

Mr.  Furnivall  also  accepts  Knight's  punctuation.    He  thus  explains  1.  236 : — 

'  Now  if  we  interpret  this  line  by  the  parallel  phrase  that  we  all  understand, 
"  What  is  thy  ton!  of  worth  (that  men  should  worship  thee)  ?  "  and  read  it, 
"What,  How  much,  is  thy  soul  worthy  of  adoration?"  we  get  the  meaning 
th^  exactly  suits  the  context,  and  the  sense  needed  by  the  line  itself ;  and  we  see 
that  the  difficulty  in  the  line  arises  simply  from  our  not  having  kept  for  (or  given 
to)  the  phrase  "of  adoration"  the  same  reflex  meaning,  "worthy  of  adoration 
from  others,"  that  we  have  kept  for  (or  give  to)  the  phrase  "of  worth,"  "to 
be  esteemd  of  value  by  others."  The  A.S.  tcwHJ  is  "worth,"  and  weor^ung, 
"honouring,  veneration,  worshipping,"  is  just  Shakspere's  "adoration  "  here.'— 
AfarSJk.  Sot.  Trans.,  1877-9,  Part  I.,  p.  115. 

244.   Think' st]  Rowe.     Thinks  Ff. 

266.  Hiferwn]  Fa,  3,  4.     Hiperio  Fl. 

275.  [Enter  Erpingham.]  Ff.  Enter  (to  Q3)  the  King,  Gloster,  Epingam, 
and  Attendants  Qq. 

277 — 279.  Good .  .  .  thee.}  Arranged  as  by  Pope.  Two  lines  in  Ff.,  the 
first  ending  together. 

279.  [Exit.]  Ff. 

282,  283.  reckning,  if.  .  .  numbers  Pluck  .  . .  them  /]  Johnson  and  Steevens 
(Tyrwhitt  conj.).  reckning  of  .  .  .  numbers  :  Pluck  .  .  .  them.  Ff.  The  Qq. 
have  :  Take  from  them  now  the  tence  of  rekconing.  That  the  opposed  (opposed  Qz) 
multitudes  which  stand  before  them,  May  not  appall  (appale  Qj)  their  courage. 
Pope,  following  the  Qq.,  read  :  reckoning  ofth'  opposed  numbers  Which  stand  before 
them.  Not,  Ac.  Theobald  read  :  recKning;  lest  tK  opposed  numbers  Pluck  .  .  . 
them.  Not,  &c.  Conjectures  are  :  reck'ning  ;  oft  .  .  .  them  Jackson  ;  reckoning, 
or  .  .  .  them  Anon.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  adopted  Tyrwhitt's 
emendation.  The  latter  suggested  that  we  might  read :  '  The  .  .  .  reckoning 


ACT  IV.  SC,  L] 

»  + 

of  the  opposed  numbers,  Lot  Ma/  ikt  mmMtmJn  wUtk  Jtassf  IfntAtm  Pluck 
them.'— Taw.  54..  iv.  6ia.    Knight  retained  </.  and  punctuated  tbust 

O  Z^n<  O  mtt 


M.  Mason  preferred  Theobald's  reading  to  Tynrhilt's ;  objecting  that  *  if 
the  oppowd  number*  did  actually  pluck  their  hearts  from  then,  it  was  of  no 
consequence  whether  they  had  or  had  not  the  sense  of  recta**.'  To  this 
Sleevens  answered  :  •  if  the  sense  of  reckoning.  »  OOM^MBoe  of  the  King's 
petition,  was  taken  from  them,  the  numbers  oppowd  to  them  would  be  no  longer 
formidable.  When  they  could  no  more  count  their  enemies,  they  amid  mo  longer 
fear  them.'  Malone  pointed  out  that  if  had  been  wrongly  substituted  for  •/  M 
J*k*.  II.  L  367,  where  Fa,  3  have  :  •  Lord  of  our  pretence  Angien,  and  if  yon/ 
Again,  in  Twlflk  Nigkl,  II.  ii.  33.  the  Ff.  read  :  •  For  tach  M  we  arc  saadc,  tf 
such  we  bee '  (be  F3.  4) :  tee  t'arifmm  Sk.t  «vii.  403. 

Dr.  Nicholson  adduced  the  following  reason*  far  retaining  the  reading  and 
punctuation  of  the  Ff.  :— 

'  You  will  remark  that  Shakspere  here  uses  "  heart  "  throughout  as  the  organ 
of  fear  (one  of  the  emotions).  Cf.  Steel,  ftc.  Posse**  them  not  with  (ear.  Ac. 
And  then  he  goes  on  to  say,  Pluck  their  hearts  from  them,  i.  t.  take  from  them 
the  chance  even  of  fear.' 

'Now admit  fora  moment  that  "  Steel  their  hearts"  and  "  Pluck  their  beam  " 
are  somewhat  inconsistent.  Yet  adopting  the  "  if  "  reading  and  punctuation  we 
land  Shakspere  and  ourselves  in  a  grtattr  ineviuuttiuy,  Henry  saying,  ••  If  the 
enemy's  numbers  pluck  their  hearts  from  them,  do  thou  steel  their  hearts. " ' 

'  Out  I  apprehend  there  is  no  real  inconsistency  in  the  original,  though  some 
confusion  of  thought.  "O  God  of  battailes,"  say*  Henry,  Mst«d  say  soldiers' 
hearts,"  &c.;  and  then,  as  he  thinks  of  the  great  discrepancy,  both  in  Msabers 
and  in  position,  he  breathes  out  the  more  emphatic  wish,  "  Nay,  pmck  ikdr 
hearts  from  them,  that  they  may  have  no  source  of  fear." ' 

[This  i*  also  Ritson's  explanation  of  •  Pluck  their  hearts  from  thrsn.'  8e« 
rantmm  54,  zrii.  403.  Ed.] 

'  There  seems  to  be  a  confusion,  and  Shakspere  may  have  slipped,  but  «  b  s»or* 
likely  that  the  dip  was  intentional,  and  meant  to  mark  Henry's  stale  of  sated.  II* 
has  been  going  through  the  camp  in  an  assumed  form,  (arcing  his  nature,  bstaf  all 
things  with  all  men  that  be  might  inspire  them  with  confidence,  and  try  «kat  he 
had  to  depend  on.  Now.  when  tired  and  alone,  come*  the  wboond  »  the  dread  of 
his  father's  crime  being  visited  on  him,  hit  son.  possess**  MBB,  and  all  these  things 
and  his  very  earnestness  lead  him  to  express  hi*  thoughts,  but  not  in  the  chosen 
words  that  he  would  address  to  an  audience.' 

We  might  suppose  that  Henry  meant :  Ttkt  fnm  tktm  tMr  AM»*  <//M» 
ami  gn*  tktm  ktarit  »f  Hut.  But  '  steelt  .  .  .  hearts'  b  a  dkcsnct  entreaty, 
and  an  ellipsis  after 'Pluck  .  ..  them/ MKh  M  this  ss^iposkk»  rso^sstvsx  i*  Isardly 
possible.  Assuming  'if  ...  them  *  to  be  a  sentence  grasaastticaUy  dependent 
upon  '  steele  .  .  .  hearts '  involves,  doubtless,  a  cosriradkfioa  to  TyrwMn't 
irading.  but  there  b  none  if  we  regard  the  consiicltoa  between  'steal*  .  .  . 
C  «• 


146  jVo/^i.  [ACT  iv.  sc.  ii. 

hearts  and  'if  ...  them '  as  being  no  more  than  thit :  'stecle  my  Souldicn 
heart*,'  i.  &  maJkr  tkfm  imsensMe  of  fear,  by  taking  from  them  the  '  »encc  of 
reckning.' 

191-293.  Tt»*rJ  .  .  .  &•}  Arranged  as  by  Pope.  Four  lines  "in  Ff., 
coding  MM/.-  .  .  .  Ckatmtries,  .  .  .  still  .  .  .  Jot : 

396.  [Gloucester,  without]  Enter  GbuttstorYt.  £ nter  Glotttr  Qq.  Henry 
recognued  Gloucester  by  his  voice.  Yet  the  morning  broke  some  time  ago.  See 
11.  84,  8$,  above.  I  infer  that  Gloucester  called  from  behind  the  traverse,  or 
somewhere  out  of  sight. 

299.  fnatJs}  (Qq)  Theobald.    friend  Yl 

999.  [Exit.]  Exeunt  \  i. 


ACT  IV. 
Seem  ii. 

(The  French  camp.]  Theobald.  [Enter  .  .  .  Beaumont.]  Ff.  This  scene  is 
not  in  the  Qq. 

2.  Msntn  a]  Stcevens  (Capell  conj.).  Monte  Ff.  Monte*  Theobald.  Mon 
Ifrath  conj. 

2,  I'arlet]  So  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors.  I'trlot  Fi.  Valet  F2,  3,  4. 
Cotgrave  has  :  '  Varlet :  m.  A  Groome,  &*.,  tu  Valet/  &c. 

5.  let  aztuc]  Theobald,     let  fioa  Ff.     Us  cieux  Kowe.    ftau  Capell. 

5.  la  tern]  Rowe.     lerre  Ff. 

6.  Kiem  fmu  1  fair]  Malone.     Rien  f>uis  !  fair  Tlieobald.     Kien  puis  le  air 
Ff.     Lairtt  Ufeu—Riett  fuu?  Johnson  conj.     Kien  plus  !  fair  CapelL     Bien 
—fnu  Fair  Heath  conj. 

6.  le/ett]  Rowe.    feu  Ff. 

7.  Ciel  .  .   .  Constable  I]  Editor's  arrangement.      Two  lines  in  Ff.,  ending 
Orleanee.     Constable  t    Capell  printed  Ciel  .  .  .   Constable  as  one  line,  placing 
it  after  '  Enter  Constable.'     Monte*  ...  //a  (11.  2,  3)  are  arranged  as  in  Ff. 

7.  Ciel]  Theobald.     Cein  Fi,  2.     Cien  F3,  4. 

11.  dout\  So  Rowe  (ed.  2).  doubt  Ff.  tfout  Rowe  (ed.  i).  daunt  Pope. 
»ut  Jackson  conj.  daub  Keightlcy  and  Bullock  conj.  faint  Anon  conj.  Knight 
retained  '  doubt '  =  terrify.  The  context  supports  the  reading  dout.  The  same 
mistake  occurs  in  Hamlet  (Ft),  IV.  vii.  192,  where  we  find  :  "  I  haue  a  speech 
of  fire,  that  faine  would  blaze,  But  that  this  folly  doubts  it"  F2,  3,  4  read 
dreamt,  which  may  have  been  originally  a  gloss. 

13.  [Enter  Messenger.]  Ff. 

a$.  'gni*st]  Fa,  3,  4.     against  Fi. 

35.  Tttektt  Sonaunte]  tutket-sonaunee  Knight.  Tucket  Sonuance  Ff.  tucket 
tonanet  Johnson.  tnfJtet-stmnanfe  Johnson  and  Steevens,  Malone.  tuetet-sonnanee 
Collier.  The  u  and  a  were  transposed  by  the  compositor. 

37.  [Enter  Grandpree.]  Ff. 

52.  tkem,  all]  them  all,  Ft     Rowe  placed  the  comma  after  them.     Dyce, 


ACT  iv.  sc.  iiL]  Notts.  147 

and  the  Cambridge  editors,  punctuate  with  Rove.     Other  editors,  far 
Malonc,  and  Knight,  follow  the  punctuation  of  the  Ff. 

56.  Arranged  as  by  Pope.    He  read  Tktyv*  for  Ft  TVf  *«v.  Two 
Ft,  the  first  ending  frayert. 

60.  Guidon}  An  anonymous  conjecture  in  Rann's  SkaJkiftrr.  Alto 
independently,  by  Dr.  Thackeray,  late  Provost  of  King's  College.  Written  IB 
pencil  on  the  margin  of  his  copy  of  Nares's  denary,  s.  T.  •  Guard.'  See  dm. 
SA.t  iv.  612.  Adopted  by  Knight,  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  la  his 
note  on  Guidon,  Knight  said  :  '  We  were  indebted  to  Dr.  Hawtrey,  the  accoa*p» 
lished  Provost  of  Eton,  for  an  emendation  communicated  to  him  by  the  late  Dr. 
Thackeray.  In  the  Ff.  II.  60,  61  ran  thus  :  •  I  stay  but  for  my  Guard :  on  To 
the  field,  I  will  ...  take,'  &c.  The  first  line  ends  Guard:  on.  Rowc  made 
the  modem  arrangement.  Earlier  editors  read  guard  On  .  .  .  >tV4/,  placing  a 
period,  colon,  or  semi-colon,  after  guard.  Steevens  thought  that  •  'guard* 
might  be  a  gorget.  He  quoted  this  line  from  a  description  of  Achilla's  arms 
in  Heywood's  Iron  Age,  1632.  '  His  sword,  spurs,  armour,  guard,  pavilion.' 
He  also  pointed  out  the  account  in  liolinshed  of  the  meeting  between  Henry 
VIII.  and  the  emperor  Maximilian,  in  1513,  where  we  read  that  the  king'*  hench- 
men '  followed  bearing  the  king's  pieces  of  harnesse,  .  .  .  The  one  bare  his 
helmet,  the  second  his  grangard,  the  third  his  speare,'  &c.— CM.  830/1/15—18. 
The  '  Grand-garde '  covered  the  breast  and  left  » houlder.  See  Fairholt's  Ctmmmt 
in  A'M,'/.I«</,  p.  465.  Malone  believed  that  the  '  guard  '  was  the  Constable's  Mr- 
guard,  because  the  French  nobles  sped  with  such  ha»te  to  the  battle  that '  they  left 
manic  of  their  semants  and  men  of  warre  behind  them,'  Sic. — Ck.  554/1/38.  See 
IntrodtutioH,  p.  xxxiii.  He  also  noted  '  the  kings  (Henry  V.'s)  gard,'  i.  e.  t*fy- 
guard.  Ck.  554/3/30.  See  /ntroduftion,  p.  xliv.  The  latter  part  of  Ck.  554/I/ 
28,  &c.,  supports  the  '  guidon  '  reading,  and  so  also  doea  the  (act  that  the  duke 
of  Brabant  —  for  whom  Shakspere  substituted  the  Constable  —  is  especially 
recorded  to  have  used  a  banner  taken  from  a  '  trumpet,'  i.  e.  a  trumpeter,  but  i» 
not  included— except,  perhaps,  by  inference— amongst  those  noble*  who  left  tSctr 
body-guards  behind  them.  On  the  other  hand,  Shak«pere  may  have  meant  that 
the  Constable  should  leave  hit  body-guard  behind  him,  and  also— in  the  absence 
of  his  standard-bearer — take  a  banner  from  a  trumpeter.  This  is  Dr.  Nicholson's 
view.  (Cotgrave  defines  '  Guidon  '  thus  :  '  A  Standard,  Entigne,  or  Banner, 
vnder  wkiek  a  trouft  of  men  of  Armtt  dot  urut ;  afu>,  kt  tkal  kntra  i/.')  I  an 
now  (/«».,  1880)  inclined  to  think  that  *  Guard,'  the  reading  of  the  Ff.,  shoald 
be  retained. 

63.  [Exeunt.  ]  Ff. 

ACT  IV. 

9mm  M. 

(Before  .  .  .  camp.)    See  IntroJuetif**  p.  dl.    [Eater  .  .  .  WcMMrtand.) 
F.nltr  .  .  .   Btdftrd,    Ex  tier.    Rrfingkam  witk  .  .  .    Wnmtrlamd  PC 
Clarence.  Gloster,  Exeter  and  Salisbarie  Qq. 


I48 


[ACT  iv.  sr.  iii. 


13.  14.  Aiut .  .  .  tw/owr.]  In  the  Ff.  these  lines  follow  'go  with  thee  : '  (1. 
ll).    Tin*  transposition— made  by  Theobald  it  Thirlby's  suggestion— is  supported 
by  the  reading  in  the  Qq  ,  which  follows  'Farewell  .  .  .  day.'     'And  yet  in 
truth,  I  do  thee  wrong.  For  thou  art  made  on  the  rruc  (true  Qa,  3)  sparkes  of 

know.' 

14.  [F.&it  Sal.]     F.xil  Salisbury  Rowe. 

16.  [Enter  the  King.]  Ff.     Enter  (the  Qa)  King  Qq. 

44.  ///...  aft]  Pope's  transposition.  The  Ff.  have:  'He  that  shall  tet 
this  day,  and  Hut  old  age,'  &c.  Pope's  change  has  been,  I  believe,  accepted  by  all 
editors  except  Knight,  who  retained  the  arrangement  of  the  Ff.  In  the  Qq.  11.  41 
and  44  are  transposed  ;  1.  44  preceding  11.  42,  43,  and  1.  41  following  them. 
The  Q.  version  of  I.  44  is  :  'He  that  out  Hues  (out-liues  Qj)  this  day,  and  sect 
old  age,'  &c.  Warburton  adopted  the  reading  of  the  Qq.  shall  ttt .  .  .  and  live 
to  Keightley  conj. 

48.  And  .   .  .  day]  So  Qq.     Not  in  Ff.     Inserted  by  Malone.     In  the  Qq. 
1L  47,  48  are  misplaced  between  11.  63,  64.     Knight  omitted  1.  48.     Although 
not  necessary,  it  adds  a  natural  and  harmonious  finishing  touch  to  1.  47. 

49.  fft  .  .  .  forgot,  But  hetle\    Malone's  punctuation,      yet  .  .  .  forgot: 
But  hetle  Ft.  ytt  all  shall  not  be  forgot :  But  ¥2,  3,  4.    yet  shall  not  all  forget, 
But  they'll  Pope,    all  shall  not  be  forgot ;  But  he'll  Capell.  yet  all  shall  be  forgot, 
But  tAt/U  Johnson  and  SteevctM  (1778).    ye*,  all .  .  .  forgot  ;  But  hell  Malone 
conj.    '  Yet '  may  =  though,  preceding  the  confident  answer  to  an  objection,  and 
strengthened  by  the  closely-connected  '  but '  =  n<--ertheless.   The  king,  I  suppose, 
was  checked  in  the  midst  of  his  forecast  of  enduring  fame  by  the  sudden  thought 
that  'old  men  forget.'     He  reflected  ;  then  answered  :  'yet  all  shall  be  forgot,' 
&c.     His  hopes,  after  this  misgiving  had  passed  away,  took  a  higher  flight  :  note 

especially  U-  57—59- 

52.  his  mouth\  So  Ff.  their  mouthes  Qq.  Malone  adopted  the  latter  reading. 
Pope  read  their  mouth.  In  the  Qq.  1.  52  follows  the  lines  corresponding 
to  II.  53,  54.  LJ.  53,  54  are  preceded  by  :  '  Then  shall  we  in  their 
flowing  bowles  Be  newly  remembred.'  Cf.  1.  55.  Knight,  who  retained  his, 
remarked:  *  When  Shakspere  altered  "  friends  "  (Qq.)  to  "  neighbours"  (Ff.) 
he  altered  "  their  mouths"  of  the  quarto  to  "his  mouth."  How  beautifully  he 
preserves  the  continuity  of  the  picture  of  the  one  old  man  remembering  his  feats, 
and  his  great  companions  in  arms,  by  this  slight  change.  I/is  mouth  names 
"  Harry  the  king  "  as  a  household  word  ;  though  in  their  cups  the  name  shall  be 
freshly  remembered."  ' — Companion  Sh.,  Histories,  ii.  44.  Malone  preferred  their 
mouths '  because  their  cups,  the  reading  of  the  folio  in  the  subsequent  line,  would 
otherwise  appear,  if  not  ungrammatical,  extremely  aukward.' — Variorum  Sh., 
xvii.  417.  Dyce,  in  answer  to  Knight's  argument,  said  :  '  the  NAMES  at  least  of 
the  chief  warriors  who  fought  at  Agincourt  must  have  been  quite  as  familiar  to 
the  veteran's  "  neighbours  "  as  to  himself.' — Dyce's  Sh.,  iv.  527.  Dyce  passed 
over  Knight's  parallel  between  the  substitution  of  his  for  their  and  the  change  of 
friends  to  neighbours.  This  fact  is  material,  whether  we  regard  the  Q.  as  a  first 
sketch  or  as  a  surreptitious  copy  of  the  F.  For  the  old  man's  friends  were 


ACT  IV.  SC.  UL]  A*0/«.  ; 

likely  to  be  his  contemporaries  ;  his  comrades  at  Agiacosut,  or,  at  least,  mm)  who 
had  a  clear  remembrance  of  the  great  news.  In  such  a  case,  the  rnrlmJM  «w 
would  be  inapplicable.  But  the  old  man's  mfjfMmri  might  comprise  another 
generation,  to  whom  Agincourt  was  merely  a  tradition.  From  a  survivor  of  that 
glorious  day  the  tale  of  •  I  larry  the  king '  and  his  valiant  peers  would  come  a*  a 
living  voice  from  the  past :  the  younger  men  who  drew  around  the  veteran  could 
only  listen  to  his  old-world  stories,  and  pledge  the  health  be  gave.  The  Cam- 
bridge editors  observed  :  '  We  retain  kii  mow/A,  because  it  gives  a  very  romplrta 
sense,  and  because  the  authority  of  the  Folio  is  greatly  superior  to  that  of  the 
Quarto.  The  names  of  the  King,  Bedford,  &c.  were  to  be  familiar  as  household 
words  in  the  mouth  of  the  old  veteran,  that  is,  spoken  of  every  day,  not  oa  one 
day  of  the  year  only.' — Cam.  Sk.,  iv.  613.  They  added  another  argument, 
which  is,  in  effect,  the  same  as  mine. 

67.  [Re-enter  Salisbury.]  Cambridge  editors.     Emttr  Salukay  Ft 

78.  [Tucket.     Enter  Montioy.]  Ff.     Enter  tkt  lttr*U  fnm  tkt  Frtmk  Qq. 

104.  abounding]  So  Ff.  abundant  Q/j.  Theobald  read  a  ttmtdimf,  and 
Knight  suggested  rebounding  as  more  clearly  conve)  ing  Theobald's  meaning.  The 
context  shows  that  the  'abounding,'  i.  e.  the  tuftrJImMU  valour  of  the  Engli»h  is 
the  cause  of  their  '  killing  in  re*lapse  of  Mortalitie.'  The  vaunt  savours  of  bombast, 
for  which  reason,  perhaps  Pope  put  II.  104—107  in  the  margin. 

10$.  grating]  F2,  3,  4.     crating-  Ft. 

121.  As  one  line  in  Pope,  omitting  thm.  Two  lines  in  Ft,  ending  Aapa/. 
labour: 

127.  [Exit.]  Ff.     Exit  Iterauld  Q\ 

128.  tfou'lt  .  .  .  again*]    Theobald,      the*  wilt  .  .   .  for  a   Rjnismt  Ff. 
Omitted  by  Pope,     tkoit  wilt  .  .  .  here  for  ransom  Collier  (Collier  MS.),    tktm 
wit  onte  mart  (omt  for  a  ransom  Cambridge  editors  conj. 

128.  [Enter  Yorke.J  Ff. 

129,  130.  My  Lord  .  .  .   Knmn/.]  The  three  divisions  of  an  army 
called  vaward,  battle,  and  rereward,  these  being  their  relatfce  positions 
marching  in  single  column.     Whatever  might  be  the  position  of  the  army, — 
whether,  for  example,  it  marched  in  three  parallel  columns  or  wheeled  into  line 
of  battle,— these  divisional  names  were  retained.     In  the  latter  case,  the  vawaid 
usually  formed   the  right   wing.     (See   Inlrodtuti**,   p.  ixxix,  note  I.)     Dr. 
Nicholson,  to  whom   I    am   indebted   for  this  information,  sent  me  also  the 
following  illustrative  quotation  : 

'  Sir  Edward  Hoby,  in  his  translation  of  Merdoca's  Tk*rif*t*m4  Pnetitttf 

i  $97,  says- "  because  in  reason  of  warre  (that  is  from  the  necessity  of  the 

van's  position  in  the  line  of  advance]  the  vantgarde  ought  to  be  most  skilnill 

and  exercised,  and  consequently  is  of  force  to  bee  the  right  home  to  staad  or 

fight.'" 

132.  [Exeunt.]  Ff.     Exit  Q\. 


1 50  Notts.  [ACT  iv.  sc.  iv. 

ACT  IV. 
Scott  iv. 

(The  .  .  .  Battle.]  Theobald.  [Alarum  .  .  .  Boy.]  Alarum  ,  .  .  SouUifr, 
By  FT.  Enttr  Pistoll,  the  Frtntk  man,  and  tkt  Boy  Qq.  In  the  Qq.  the  scenes 
corresponding  to  the  F.  scenes  iv.  and  v.  are  transposed. 

3.  QutNtiff  Colt*  o\  Malone's  emendation  of  the  F.  Qualtitie  (Quality  F4) 
talmie  eusturt  mt.  He  placed  a  comma  after  Calen.  Callino,  tastore  me  Boswell. 
M alone  discovered  in  Clement  Robinson's  Handefull  of  pleasant  delites,  1584 
(reprinted  by  Mr.  Arber),  a  song  entitled  A  Soiut  of  a  Loner  in  the  praise  of  kit 
Luiy.\  To  Cole*  o  Custurt  me:  sung  at  eutrie  lines  end.  The  first  line  runs 
thus  :  '  When  as  I  view  your  comly  grace,  Ca.'  &c.  Boswell  found,  in  Play- 
ford's  Mutual  Companion,  1673,  an  °'d  Irish  song  called  'Callino,  castore  me.' 
From  Mr.  Finncgan,  an  Irish  schoolmaster,  he  learnt  that  these  words  mean, 
'  Little  girl  of  my  heart,  for  ever  and  ever.'  As  the  words  have  no  connection 
with  the  Frenchman's  speech,  Boswell  supposed  that  Pistol,  instead  of  attending 
to  his  prisoner,  contemptuously  hums  a  song.  Knight  —  who  read  Calen  o 
tutturt  me — thought  that  qualiti  reminded  Pistol,  by  its  similarity  of  sound,  of 
Calen  ot  &c. — Pictorial  Sk.  Hist.  i.  366,  ed.  I.  Omitted  in  Companion 
Sk.  The  Cambridge  editors  retained  the  reading  of  Fl.  Warburton  read  ; 
•  ••  Quality,  eality — <onstrue  me,  an  thou  a  gentleman  ? "  i.  e.  tell  me,  let  me 
understand  whether  thou  be'st  a  gentleman.'  cality  ! — tonstrue  me  Capell.  John- 
son and  Steevens  adopted  Edwards's  conj.  (all  you  met— Construe  me.  Ritson 
said :  '  Pistol,  who  does  not  understand  French,  imagines  the  prisoner  to  be 
speaking  of  his  own  quality.  The  line  should  therefore  have  been  given  thus  : 
"Quality! — calmly;  construe  me,  art  thou  a  gentleman?"'  This  conj.  was 
ace  pled  by  Rann. 

6— IO.  O  Signifur  .  .  .  Ransome.]  Arranged  as  by  Pope.     Prose  in  Ff. 

IO.  [Makes  menacing  gestures.]  The  Frenchman  did  not  understand  English, 
but  his  terrified  entreaty  at  1.  1 1  shows,  I  think,  that  Pistol's  gestures  furnished 
an  ample  comment  upon  that  language. 

12 — 14.  Afoy  .  .  .  blood.}  Arranged  as  by  Johnson.     Prose  in  Ff. 

13.  Or]  Hanmer  (Theobald  conj.).    for  Ff. 

13.  rymmf]  So  Fl,  2,  3.  rym  F4-  ransom  Warburton  (Theobald  conj.). 
rim  Capell.  rkeum  Steevens  conj.  ryno  (i.  e.  money)  M.  Mason  conj. 
Compare  :  .  .  .  '  whereas  the  peritoneum  or  rimme  of  the  belly  may  be  broke,' 
&c, — Sir  Thomas  Browne's  Pseudodoxia  Epidemica,  bk.  iv.  chap.  iii.  p.  183,  ed. 
1646.  Mr.  Daniel  referred  me  to  P.  Fletcher's  Purple  Island,  Canto  II.  st.  22, 
note.  See  also,  in  the  Variorum  Sh.t  xviL  427,  the  illustrations  of  'rimme' 
quoted  by  Steevens. 

16.  Brasse}  Ff.  Mr.  Ellis  says,  that  'brass*  probably  indicates  'the  con- 
tinued pronunciation  of  final  s.' — Early  English  Pronunciation,  Pt.  III.  p.  923 
(E.  E.  T.  S.  ed.).  The  annotators  in  the  Variorum  Sh.  (xvii.  428,  429)  agree  in 
holding  that  bras  must,  in  Shakspere's  time,  have  sounded  like  brow. 


ACT  IV.  SC  V.]  \ottt.  |j| 

16— 18.  Brasst  .  .  .  BnsuT}  Arranged  as  by  JohMoa.     Prose  b  Ft    Two 
lines  in  Pope,  ending  ettr  .  .  .  bran  t 

20—22.  Say  st  .  .  .  name. ]  Arranged  a*  by  Pope.     Prow  in  FT. 

33.  a  cette  heure]  Theobald,     asture  VI    4  fhturt  Anon.  coaj. 

34—36.  Owy  .  .  .  neord.]   Arranged  as  by  Cambridge  editors.     As  verse 
first  by  Johnson,  ending  first  line  at  fesant.     Prose  in  Ft 

36.  [Flourishes  his  sword.]  Suggested  by  1.  36. 

44,  45.   Tell  .  .  .  take.]  Arranged  as  by  Johnson.     Prose  in  FC 

48.  favet]   layt  a  Fl.     luy  Fa.  3,  4.     Dr.  Nicholson  thinks  that  , 
may  have  written  Itty  fromettn,  the  reading  of  ¥4. 

Si.  ft  suss  tomM]  Theobald.     It  inttmbe  Fl.     it  in  ttmlr  Fa,  J,  4,     Dr. 
Nicholson  suggests  that  Shakspere  wrote  It  me  tombe,  or  Itmbmis. 

59,  6a  At  I .  .  .  mtt  /]  Arranged  as  by  Pope.     Prose  in  Ft     For  second 
line,  Pope  read,  with  Qq.,  Follow  me,  cur. 

60,  61.   [Exit  Pistoll.     Exit  French  Souldier.]   No  stage  flunlua  b  FC 
Exit  omnes  Qq.  Malone  separated  the  exits.    Some — for  example,  the  Cambridge 
editors— adopt  Pope's  Ex.  Put.  and  Fr.  Sol. 

71.  [Exit.]  Ff.     The  Boy's  speech  (11.  61—71)  is  not  in  the  Qq. 

ACT  IV. 
Sam  9. 

[Another  .  .  .  Field.]  Theobald.  [Enter  .  .  .  Rambors.] 
Orleatue,  Burton,  Dolphin,  and  Ramburs  Ft.  Enter  Ike  /emrt  Frrmk 
Qq.  In  the  Qq.  two  short  speeches  are  given  to  Gehm  and  Orttftu,  and  the  rot 
of  the  dialogue  is  divided  between  Bourbon  and  the  Constable.  The  Daaphta 
does  not  appear.  See  note  on  the  Dramatis  Persona  of  Act  III.  sc  vii.  above. 

5.  [A  short  Alarum.]  Ff. 

5,  6.  Sits  .  .  .  away.]  Arranged  as  by  CapelL     The  lines  cad  /VMM*  .  .  . 
aiuay  in  Ff. 

9,  too]  Fa,  3,  4.    to  Fl. 

11.  Ijft  dye  in  honour:  onee]  So  Knight,  from  Qq.  Let  vt  Jyt  in  0ntt  Fl. 
Let  tufye  in  onet  Fa,  3,  4.  In  the  Qq.  the  line  corresponding  to  the  F.  1.  2 J  M 
spoken  by  the  Constable,  and  runs  thus :  '  Lets  dye  with  honour :  our 
doth  last  too  long.'  Knight's  insertion  was  adopted  by  Staunlon,  Grant 
and  Dyce,  and,  with  a  slight  modification  (Let  nt  Ff.),  by  the  Cambridge 
also.  Let  us  dye,  instant: — owe  Theobald.  Ijrt  us  die  in 
Conjectures  are :  Let  us  hit  instant:  onee  Bccket ;  Ltt  nt  not  Jiy  .*— 4*  /— 
Collier  (Collier  MS.).  Pope  omitted  I.  1 1. 

15.  by  a  slaue]  (Qq.)  Pope,    a  base  slant  Fl.    by  •  b*st  tl**t  Fl,  J,  4- 
Qq.  '  Why  least  '=  Ff.  Whilst. 

23.  [Exeunt]  Exit  Ft     Exit 


15 j  .V  [ACT  i\ 


ACT  IV. 
Sfetuvi. 

[Another  .  .  .  Field.]    [Alarum  .  .  .  Prisoner*.]  Ff.     Knttr  ike  A'/ 
JUt  A/Ma,  Pistoll  Qq.     In  regard  to  the  Entry  at  sc.  vi.,  and  tc.  vii.  1.  52,  MX 
/ntrtJuftion,  pp.  xli.,  xlii. 

3.  [Enter  Exeter.]  Exeter  is  usually  placed  in  the  general  Entry.  The 
wording  of  I.  a  rather  favours  the  supposition  that  he  enters  here.  This  stage 
direction  was  suggested  to  me  by  Dr.  Nicholson. 

15.  AmJ]  (Qq.)  Pope.     He  Ff. 

34.  mistfull}  Theobald  (Warburton).     mixtfull  Ff. 

34.  too]  F3,  4-     t»  Fi,  2. 

34.  [Alarum.  ]  Ff.     Alarum  soundes  Qq. 

36.  Upton,  and  Capell,  conjectured  that  this  line  should  Ixr  given  to  a  Mes- 
senger, and  the  following  lines  to  the  king.  Against  1.  35  Malone  proposed  lo 
put  :  Enter  a  Messenger  teho  wkispcrt  the  King. 

38.  [Exeunt.]  Rowe  (cd.  2).     Exit  Ff.     Exit  omnei  Qq. 

ACT  IV. 


Afttu  Qtutrhu  Ff.  [Another  .  .  .  Field.]  [Enter  .  .  .  Cower.]  Ff.  J.nf.-r 
FteweOen,  tint  Captain*  Cower  Qq.  This  is  Act  IV.  scene  xiii.  in  Pope's  eel.  I  fe 
remarked  :  '  Here  in  the  other  editions  they  begin  the  fourth  Aft,  very  absurdly, 
sinte  both  the  Plate  and  Time  evidently  continue,  and  the  words  of  Flucllen 
immediately  fallow  those  of  the  King  just  before.'  Rowe  began  the  Fourth  Act 
here.  Theobald  qualified  Pope's  stricture  by  pointing  out  that  there  must  be  a 
short  interval  between  sc.  vi.  and  vii.,  because  Cower  speaks  in  the  past  tense  of 
the  prisoners'  massacre. 

13.  Plg\  fig  Ff.  big  Qq.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  put  a  capital. 
Previous  editors,  I  believe,  left  the/  of  the  Ff.  The  humour  of  a/—  if  there  be 
any—  appeals  merely  to  the  eye. 

16.  greaf\  Qq.,  F2,  3,  4.     grear  Fi. 

52.  [Enter  .  .  .  Flourish.]  Alarum.  Enter  King  Harry  and  Burbon  -with 
prisoners.  flourish  Ff.  Enter  King  and  the  Lords  Ql  .  .  .  the  King  and 
Lords  Q2.  .  .  .  the  King  and  his  Lords  Q3.  Johnson  proposed  to  place  11. 
53  —  63  at  the  beginning  of  sc.  vi.  See  Introduction^  pp.  xli,  xlii. 

63.  [Exit  Herald.]  Ed.     [Enter  Montioy.]  Ff.     Enter  the  Herauld  Qq. 

66.  meanes  this.  Herald}  Steevens's  punctuation,  meanes  this  Herald  Fi. 
meanes  (means  ¥3,  4)  their  Herald  F2,  3,  4.  meanest  thou,  Herald  Hanmer. 
The  unpunctnated  '  meanes  this  Herald  '  would  be  more  appropriate  if  the  king 
had  first  caught  sight  of  Montjoy.  We  must  also  suppose  that  '  How  .  .  . 
Herald'  is  addressed  to  Exeter  and  Gloucester.  On  the  other  hand,  'this, 
Herald,'  and  the  context,  refer  to  Montjoy's  previous  mission. 


ACT  iv.  sc  vii  ]  Ao/«. 


•53 


71.  AwJr]  So  Ff.  Aw*  Grant  White  (from  the  Collier  MS.).  Dyer.  a*i  Us* 
Cambridge  editors.  Dycc  rappotted  his  reading  by  citing  example*  of  rb.  'look* 
=  uarek  for,  in  Merry  ll'hvs,  IV.  ii.  79.  and  At  Ym  Ltkt  //,  II.  v.  $4.  Also 
in  Beaumont  and  Fletcher's  Ifit  wifttuf  Money,  II.  iv.,  and  A  V*/- '*V/a*r. 
III.  i.  To  the  Shaksperian  instances  may  be  added :  Alfi  H'M.  III.  n.  nj.  aad 
//wr,  Ff.  («B*  Qq.  Kill.  Hi.  1$.  But  vb.  'book*  =  njrwfcru  aM)  M»4  bjr  Shak- 
spere.  See  Sonnet  cxvii.  9,  and  2  //<•«.  //'„  IV.  iii.  50.  'To  hook  a  debt '  ia 
a  phrase  still  in  common  use.  •  Book '  is,  moreover,  a  better  word  here  MJB 
'  look,'  because  it  was  the  heralds'  duty,  after  a  battle,  to  make  Ittlt  of  the  data, 
in  order  that  questions  relating  to  succession  and  the  extinction  of  titles  aught  Ml 
afterwards  arise. 

76.  and  their]  Malone's  emendation,  and  wit*  Ff.  The  cotnpoutof,  he 
supposed,  glanced  at  the  next  line,  while  their  Pope,  and  the  Capcll. 

98.  knows\  Pope,     know  Ff. 

loo,  101.  A  Welshman,  wearing  a  large  leek  in  his  hat.  appears  hi  Plato  iv. 
of  the  Rake's  Progress,  published  in  1735.  The  rake  is  going  to  court.  March  I 
(St.  David's  Day)  was  Queen  Caroline's  birthday.  Peregrine  Pkkle's  friend  Cad- 
walladcr  told  him  :  '  I  was  once  maimed  by  a  carman,  with  whom  I  qvarretUd, 
because  he  ridiculed  my  leek  on  St.  David's  day ;  my  skull  was  fractured  by  a 
butcher's  cleaver,  on  the  like  occasion.'— Prrrgrine  /V-W>,  Vol.  II.  ch.  sxxvfai. 

112.  [Enter  Williams.]    Ff.     In  the  Ff.  1.  113  is  printed  a*  two  lines.— 0* 
first  ending  so, — and  this  Entry  is  placed  between  them.  (Capcll  arranged  L  II  j, 
God .  .  .  him,  as  one  line.)    It  was  omitted  by  Malone,  on  the  ground,  I  ptcswM, 
that  the  stage  direction  at  1.  115  rendered  it  unnecessary.     Succeeding  editors 
have  accepted  this  change.   I  think  Williams's  presence  should  be  accomiteH  (or, 
and  have  therefore  retained  the  old  Entry. 

113.  G*t]  Qq.,  F2,  3,  4.     Gax/Fi. 

1 13.  Our  Heralds  go  vritk  kim\  After  the  account  of  the  naming  of  the  battle 
(see  Intrvd.,  p.  xliii),  this  passage  ensues :  '  He  (Henry  V.]  (easted  the  Fraadl 
officers  of  armes  that  dale,  and  granted  them  their  request,  which  butilie  MMjtt 
through  the  field  for  such  as  were  slaine.  But  tkt  Englishmen  m/(ml  tkrm  mtltt 
go  abnt,  for  they  searched  with  them,  &  found  manic  hurt,  but  not  hi  icopardk 
of  their  liucs,  whom  they  tooke  prisoners,  and  brought  them  to  their  MM.'— CA. 

SSS/'/4». 

115.  [Points  .  .  .  Heralds.]  Point t  to  Ifi/Iuimj  to  Maloae's  MMjMMllM. 
Ext*nt  .  .  .  HeroJds  Ed.  Extent  IltroJd*  wtk  Almfo  Theobald.  £at 
Heralds  (Htrauld  Qa)  Qq. 

123.  a  lint}  a'  live  Capell.  aline  Ff.  This  change  may  not  be  neccwiy,  M* 
alime  and  euer  dare  is  an  awkward  construction,  a  lime  was  not  nalikrljr  to  bt 
misprinted  aliue.  Johnson  and  Steevens,  Malone,  and  Knight,  adopted  CapesT* 
reading.  Dycc,  and  the  Cambridge  editor*,  retained  «/rw.  Dyet  MHMMMl  of 
the  reading  a'  live,  because  the  repetition  of  the  word  below  MJMttad  taw  P. 
text.  Afterwards  (1864)  he  wrote :  '  I  am  now  inclined  to  Mlim  ttel  CapaTt 
alteration  is  right.'— Dyce's  SJk.,  iv.  530.  NeverthcMS*.  Dyce  nniarf  «4rv  • 
his  texL 


1  54  Notes.  [ACT  iv.  sc.  viil 


148.  [F.*il.]  Ff. 
164.  IK  xn.  |  II. 
178.  [Exeunt.]  FT. 


ACT  IV. 
Scene  via. 


[Before  .  .  *.  Pavilion.]  Theobald.  [Enter  .  .  .  Williams.]  If.  Enter 
(C*ft*i*e  Qi,  3)  Gowtr,  flewefleit,  and  tkt  Scntldier  Qq.  The  'SouldierV 
Entry  is  explained  by  his  first  words,  which  show  that  he  had  been  vainly  trying 
to  attract  Kluellen's  attention.  He  says  :  '  Do  you  heare[,]  you  sir  ?  /  do  you 
know  this  gloue  ?  ' 

I.  [Enter  Fluellen.]  Ff. 

7.  [Points.  .  .cap.]  The  king  and  Williams  had  exchanged  gloves.   Williams 
now  shows  Fluellen  the  king's  glove  (1.  5),  and  then  strikes  out  his  own,  which 
the  king  had  given  to  Fluellen.    This  stage  direction  was  suggested  to  me  by 
Dr.  Nicholson.     He  preferred  punctuating  thus:  this  ;  and  &.c. 

8.  [Strikes  him.]  Ff.    He  strikes  him  Qq. 

1  8.  [Enter  .  .  .  Gloucester.]  Ff.     Enter  the  King,  Warwick,  Claretue,  and 


22.  [Knter  .  .  .  Exeter.]  Ff.     Ff.  om.  the. 

37  —  40.  Gitu  .  .  .  termes.]  Pope  printed  these  lines  as  prose.  In  the  Ff.  11. 
37,  38  are  arranged  as  two  lines,  the  first  ending  Soulditr  ;  and  11.  39,  40  are 
printed  as  in  my  texL  Knight  arranged  11.  37  —  40  as  verse,  reading  here's  in  L 
37  instead  of  Ff.  here  is. 

39.  /]  So  Ff.  and  Qq.  me  Pope.  Dr.  Abbott  says  that  the  irregular  use  of  / 
for  me  may  sometimes  have  been  due  to  a  desire  for  euphony  and  emphasis.  —  Sh. 
Cram,,  par.  205.  /  here  is  emphatic. 

64.  0*77,  I  tan  toll  you:  it]  Dr.  Nicholson's  punctuation,  will  :  I  can  tell  you 
it  Ff.  Editors  usually  punctuate  thus  :  will  ;  I  can  tell  you,  (Pope  and  Knight 
om.  comma)  it.  The  punctuation  adopted  here  marks  the  warm-hearted  Welsh- 
man's anxiety  to  make  amends  for  his  injustice.  He  uses  three  arguments  :  / 
rm«/  to  be  friends  with  you  :  come,  the  money  will  be  useful  :  'tis  a  good  shilling. 

67.  [Enter  .  .  .  Herauld.]  Enter  .  .  .  Herald  Malone.     Enter  Herauld  Ff. 

69.  [Delivers  a  Paper.]  Malone. 

97.  [Herald  .  .  .  Papei.]  Malone.  Pope,  and  Johnson  and  Steevens, 
followed  Qa,  3  in  assigning  11.  98—101  to  Exeter. 

108.  w]  F2,  3,  4.     me-fi. 

117.  Rights]  So  Ff.  This  spelling  often  occurs  in  the  Ff.  Shakspere  may 
have  intended  to  combine  the  ideas  of  '  rights  '  =  things  due,  and  '  rites,'  religious 
ceremonies  ;  the  two  words  having  the  same  sound.  With  *  Doe  .  .  .  Rights  ' 
cf.  the  phrase  justa  facere,  solvere,  and  the  like,  e.  g.  'Micipsa  paucis  die  bus 
moritur.  Postquam  illi  [Jugurtha  and  Micipsa's  sons],  more  regio,  justa 
magnifice^rmw/,'  Sic.—Jugurtha,  xi. 

121.  [Exeunt.]  Ft     Exit  omnes  Qq. 


ACT  V.  CHORUS.]  \oltS. 


«3S 

ACT  V. 


Actut  Quintut  Ff.     [Enter  Chorus.]  Ff. 

7.    Toward  .   .  .  jarw*J   So  Fl.      tkert ;  and  tkert  Mug  Fl,  J.  4. 
tkert  um  awhile  Steevens  conj.    tktrt  should  perhaps  be  pronounced  fir  rr.    Sc* 
Abbott's  54.  Cram,,  par.  480. 

to.  J/.i*/r]  Dr.  Nicholson's  addition.  Mr*,  Wimst,  and  B*yn  Fl.  Fa, 
3,  4  have  :  Mm,  with  IVhxs,  and  Boya,  which  is  rather  jejune.  The  •  Uavh* 
complete  the  family  gtoup.  The  readings  in  the  later  Ft  are,  1 
merely  conjectural  emendations,  and  nm-ei  Anon  conj. 

29.  As,  .  .  .  HMykMd]  So  Ff.  For  lower,  tut  Tope  uiUiituted 
Johnson  followed  the  text  of  the  Ff.,  observing  that  editors  who  adopted  Pope's 
reading  '  destroyed  the  praise  which  the  poet  dag|apad  tat  Eases  ;  for  who  wosld 
think  himself  honoured  by  the  epithet  law  t  The  poet,  desirous  to  celebrate 
that  great  man,  whose  popularity  was  then  his  boast,  and  afterwards  his  dcsttvc- 
lion,  compares  him  to  King  Harry  ;  but  being  afraid  to  offend  the  rival  courtiers 
or  perhaps  the  queen  herself,  he  confesses  that  he  it  lower  than  a  king,  but  would 
never  have  represented  him  absolutely  as  low.'— Variorum  Sk.,  svii  456.  DM% 
and  the  Cambridge  editors,  accepted  the  conj.  of  Seymour,  who  omitted  4?  before 
lotting.  Walker  approved  of  this  omission.  See  Sk.'t  I'trrififoti**,  4c.,  p.  lia, 
In  my  opinion,  the  line  scans  better  if  the  second  A»-  be  retained. 

36 — 39.  , —  At  .  .  .  them, — ]  Malone  made  11.  36—39  a  parenthesis,  but 
was  unable  to  reconcile  the  words  '  The  Emperours  coming,'  i.  /.  the  emperor  u 
coming,  with  the  fact  that  the  Chorus  is  speaking  of  the  past.  He  said  t  *  I 
believe  a  line  has  been  lost  before  "The  emperor's,"  4c — If  we  trantpoae  the 
words  and  omit,  we  have  a  very  unmetrical  line,  but  better  sense.  "  Omit  the 
emperor's  coming, — and  all  the  occurrences  which  happened  till  Harry's 
to  France."  Perhaps  this  was  the  author's  meaning,  even  as  the  word* 
If  so,  the  mark  of  parenthesis  should  be  placed  after  the  word  k#mf,  and  a  < 
after  tkem.'—  Variorum  Sh.,  xvii. 458.  M.  Mason  proposed  to  read :  TV  tmf**vr 
taming,  &c.  It  seems  to  me  that  II.  36—39  are  parenthetical,  and.  morrorrr, 
that  Malone's  difficulty  vanishes  if  we  regard  'The  Emperours  coaaariaf.'  L  e. 
tkt  emferor  u  coming,  as  an  historical  present.  The  Chorus  vacs  the  praea* 
tense  repeatedly,  from  1.  6  downward.  Hanmer  cubstitnled  r*it  f'tr  for  Mi  fit 
(I.  36),  and  altered  L  37  thus :  /«  Ikougkt,  tkt  .  .  .  ktmt ;  Ac.  Capcfl  read  t 
And ktre.  ..  Frtntk  Im-ittt,—lkt  .  .  .  Jbmt,—  Knight  aslted  :  •  \\"hy  tlmsld 
the  lamentation  of  the  French  ini-ite  the  king  of  England  to  stay  at  IKMM?' 
He  proposed  to  arrange  thus  :  Afar  . .  .  Um  ;  At .  .  .  frmtk.  Tit  rmfimr't 
toming .  .  .  f  ranee  Invitei .  .  .  kome,  TV  ...  tkem  :  and  *mil  Alt  tkt  trtwm*tm* 
Ac.  '  Inuites '  is,  I  take  it,  equivalent  to  fermitt.  The  defeat  which  the  Fravdl 
sustained  at  Agincourt  was  to  crushing  a*  to  release  the  king  fron  Ik*  aacMBirf 
of  following  up  his  victory  without  delay.  He  could  attend  to  lx« 
make  leisurely  preparations  for  his  mi  •yrfliiim  Dyee,  Delta, 


156  AW«.  I  ACT  v. 

and  Rolfe,  adopted  Mason's  reading.     The  Cambridge  editor*  followed  the  text 
of  the  Ft,  but  did  not  nuke  At  .  .  .  them  a  parenthesis. 
45.  [Exit]  Ft 

ACT  V. 

Sftnt  i. 

[France.  . .  .  Camp.]  Cambridge  editors.  [Knter  .  .  .  Cower.]  Ff.  Enttr 
GHMT,  **d  Fltwtle*  Qq. 

I.  AWr,  tkaft  right  ;\  In  the  Ff.  there  is  a  colon  after  right.  Dr.  Nicholson 
regards  .\'ay  . .  .  right  as  the  conclusion  of  some  unknown  subject  which  Gower 
and  Flucllcn  had  been  discussing  before  their  entry.  Gower  then  abruptly  turns 
to  Fluellen,  and  asks  him  why  he  wears  his  leek.  If  this  be  so,  the  colon  should 
be  retained.  I  suspect,  on  the  contrary,  that  Flucllen  had  just  said  how  proud 
be  was  of  wearing  this  '  memorable  Trophee,'  or  something  to  that  effect. 

13.  [Enter  1'UtolL]  Ff.  and  Qq.  In  the  Qq.  the  Entry  is  placed  between 
11.  14.  15- 

18  — 20.  Ha .'  .  .  .  />«*<•]  Arranged  as  by  Pope.     Prose  in  Ff. 

28.  [Strikes  him.]  Ff.  lit  strikes  him  Qq.  The  stage  directions  connected 
with  Fluellen's  revenge  may  be  here  conveniently  summarized.  Pope's  Strikes 
him  at  1.  33  is  warranted  by  Fluellen's  words.  Gower's  remonstrance  (1.  37) 
shows  that  a  larger  exhibition  of  argumentum  bafulinum  was  necessary  in  order 
to  overcome  Pistol's  unnatural  distaste  for  leeks.  Capell  put  beating  again  after 
'fall  to*  (I.  35).  The  stage  direction  against  1.  43  is  taken  from  Q3-  It  is 
justified  by  Fluellcn's  injunction,  '  Pile,  I  pray  you  ; '  and  Pistol's  answer. 
.  it  is  evident  from  Pistol's  entreaty  (1.  48)  that  a  fresh  shower  of  blows 
helped  down  the  hut  morsels  of  the  hated  vegetable.  Perhaps  II.  49,  50,  '  Nay, 
pray  you  throw  none  away,'  call  for  a  stage  direction  such  as  this,  suggested  to 
me  by  Dr.  Nicholson.  Fl.  pickt  up  the  remainder  and  returns  it  him. 

35.  Quotation  commas  to  mark  Fluellen's  facetious  allusion  to  The  Squyr  of 
Lame  Dejt. 

35.  to\  F2,  3,  4.     too  Fl. 

44,  same}  Mr.  Fumivall's  addition.  LI.  44,  45  are  printed  as  prose  in 
the  Ff.  Dyce  printed  them  as  verse.  The  insertion  of  same  improves  the  metre 
of  1.  44,  and  the  word  is,  moreover,  quite  in  Pistol's  manner.  Capell  proposed 
to  make  three  lines  of  1L  44,  45,  ending  leek  .  .  .  I  eat  .  .  .  swear. 

4$.  eJke]  Johnson's  conjecture,  adopted  by  Malone,  and  Rann.  /  eate  and 
eate  I  neeare  Ff.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridge  editors,  retained  and  eat ;  punctuating 
thus  :  /  eat  and  eat,  I  swear —  Knight  thus  explained  his  punctuation :  '  In 
printing  "  I  eat — and  eat — I  swear,"  we  do  not  deviate  from  the  words  of  the 
original  Flucllen  stands  over  Pistol  with  his  cudgel,  who  says,  "  I  eat ; " — 
Fluellen  makes  a  motion  as  if  again  to  strike  him,  when  he  repeats  "  and  eat. "  He 
then  mutters,  "I  swear ;"  to  which  Fluellen  adds,  "Eat,  I  pray  you — there  is 
not  enough  leek  to  swear  by."  '  Knight  placed  a  period  after  swear.  Pope  read  : 


ACT  v.  so  U.]  KoUs.  157 

I  eat  and  rmtar —  Conjecture*  are  :  /  tat,  and  fating  rmmr  Holt  Wait*.  I  ml 
and—  Flu.  Eat!  PUt  /  /twwr—  IMm*.  /  ml!  m  fmt,  /  rmmr—  Cam- 
bridge editors.  None  of  these  interpretations  teem  to  me  TtttArtnqr  JUf 
makes  good  sense,  and— what  is  more  to  the  point— b  good  Pittoks*.  I» 
fact.  Pistol  oses  the  word  in  Mtrry  ll'nvt,  I.  iii.  105. 

62.  [Exit.]  Ff.     Exit  Flfmttlf*  Qq. 

6$.  &?««]  Capell.    ttgan  Ft. 

73.  [Exit.]  Ff. 

74—83.  Doflk  .  .  .  warns.]  IJ.  74—76  are  arranged  as  by  CapeO.  IB  L 
74  he  read  Murury1  (ktuwyt  Ql,  a)  for  Ff.  kxrtmft.  Pope  first  printed  IL  74— *J 
as  rerse.  He  made  one  line  of  11.  75,  76,  omitting  /*  ih  (to  Ff.)  S/ittlt  (L  75).  LL 
77 — Sj  are  arranged  as  by  Pope.  For  wetl.  Band  lit  tmrmt  (1.  79)  be  read :  mtO, 
tawa*  will  I  turn,  following  the  Qq.,  which  have  :  '  Boned  wll  I  tttrmt,  and  rw 
the  slyte  (Alight  Qj)  of  hand.'  With  the  Qq.,  he  omitted  ntJgrU  in  L  8j 

75.  AW/]  So  Capell.     Doll  Ff.  and  Qq.     The  Cambridge  editors  mMfWd 
that  although,  judging  from  1.  77,  it  appears  that  Shak«pere  should  have  written 
AW/,  yet,  as  both  Ff.  and  Qq.  read  Doll,  the  nmtakc  was  probably  the  aacbor's 
own,  and  therefore,  in  accordance  with  their  principle,  they  retained  it     Dye* 
could  not  believe  that  Shakspere  had  forgotten  the  enmity  between  Pbtol  aad 
Doll   Tcarsheet ;    Pistol's  marriage  to  Nell  Quickly,  whom   be   addnam   M 
'my  AW  (II.  i.  28  above),  and  from  whom  he  parts  most  lovingly ;  and  h«% 
contemptuous   offer  of  Doll   to   Nym.      Moreover,  Pistol's  'rendevoos*  mm* 
have  been  Nell's  house.      It  seems  to  me  that  editors  should    not    correct 
historical   inaccuracies,  like,  for  example,  fax  for  fix  (III.  vi  38,  43,  above), 
because,  in  such  ft  case,  we  may  fairly  presume  that  Shalupere  dcliheraUijr 
departed  from  his  authority,  and  of  his  right  to  do  so  if  he  pleated  I 

none  will  doubt.     But  when  we  find  a  reading  which  is  at  variance  with  hu  < 
settled  plan, — as  in  this  case, —we  may — granting  that  it  is  not  a 
mistake — regard  it  nevertheless  as  a  clerical  error,  which  Shak»|*cte  would  hioMetf 
have  drawn  his  pen  through  if  he  had  observed  it 

76.  malady]  Pope,    a  malady  Ff.     One  (i.  /.  on  =  of)  malljrit  Qq. 
83.  swart]  Qq.     swrt  Ft,  2.     nwur  F3,  4. 

83.  [Exit.]  Ff.     ExifnuolK^. 

ACT  V. 
SeatfU. 

[Troyes  in  Cham|«gne.]  Malone.  [Enter  .  .  .  Lords.)  £n*r  «r  «ar  X*rv. 
King  Henry,  Exeter,  Bedford,  H'aneitke,  and  elktr  Ltrdi.  At  tmtfmr,  Qmmte 
haM,  Ik*  King,  the  Duke  of  Bmrgmgiu  (Bmtrgm/m  Fa.  Bmrgmfn  Fj).  *W 
rtktr  Frentk  Ff.  K*ttr  at  ttu  dtort,  tke  A  M/  ^/  Eaglaad  9ml  4*  ttr*.  Amd  at 
Ikf  ether  doort,  the  King  of  France,  Qtumt  Kalherinc,  Mr  AJr  •/  Bwbom  amd 
othrrt  Qq.  Instead  of  the  usual  King.  11.  at,  68,  75.  83,  9$,  311,  314.  318.  awl 
331  are  preceded  by  the  marginal  names  F.ng.  or  Emffatd.  AM*  (/to.  1. 9 1 


158  Notts.  [ACTV.  scii 


tCi*'.  I.  309)  i«  prefixed  to  Charles  VI.  '•  speeches,  and  Quet.  stands 
against  Queen  Isabel's.  Malone  substituted  Alift.  for  the  Lady,  of  the  Ff.  The 
comparative  ignorance  of  English  displayed  by  the  Lady  makes  this  identifica- 
tion somewhat  doubtful. 

12.  EHfta*/]  Fa,  3,  4.     Inland  It. 

18,  19.  The  tvisMS/  .  .  .  tkfir\  Dr.  Abbott  considers  that  the  proximity  of  a 
plural  noun  caused  such  an  irregular  use  of  the  plural  verb.  lie  gives  several 
examples  of  this  construction  in  his  Sh,  Grain.,  par.  412.  See  also  a  note  on 
Love's  Latmi't  Lett,  IV.  iii.  344,  345,  in  Dyce's  St.,  ii.  251  . 

13.  «w]  So  Ff.     Dr.  Nicholson  proposed  to  read  out,  because  Burgundy, 
wishing  to  pay  a  compliment  to  the  two  kings,  meant  to  say  that  he  owed  them 
'  equal!  loue,'  but  <m  implies  that  he  could  only  give  them  love  for  love.     See 
N  arcs'*  Glossary,  s.  v.  ONE.     I  think  that  'on  '  •=.from,  on  the  score  of.     Cf.  II. 
ii.  54  above,   and  Richard  ///.,  IV.   i.   3,  4,  .  .  .   'shee's  wandring  to  the 
Tower,  On  pure  hearts  loue,  to  greet  the  tender  Prince.'—  Fi.     Other  examples 
of  this  sense  are  cited  in  Schmidt's  Sh.  Lex.,  s.  v.  On,  p.  805,  coll.  i,  2. 

35.  ftentya]  So  Ff.  Dyce  read  plenty.  In  a  note  (Dyce's  Sh.,  iv.  532)  he 
quoted  Walker's  Crii.  Exam.,  &c.,  i.  254,  to  this  effect  :  'The  error  arose  (ut 
urpe)  from  contagion.'  '  Plentyes*  is  a  collective  noun,  like  riches.  Shakspere 
often  uses  such.  Cf.  '  Majesties,'  I.  ii.  197  above. 

40.  it]  There  are  many  instances  of  'it  '  ==  its,  in  Fi.  Sec  Schmidt's  SA. 
Lex.,  s.  v.  It,  p.  600,  col.  2.  In  Tom  Tcll-Trothes  New  Yrares  Gift,  1593,  we 
have  :  '  all  it  [Jealousy's]  delighte  is  in  findingc  of  faultcs,  and  all  /'/  ioy  to  encreose 
mislike.  If  it  hath  it  beginning  of  loues  contrary,'  &c.  —  New  Sh.  Soc.'s  ed.,  p. 
29.  See  also  Id.,  p.  94,  1.  4. 

4$.  Fumitory]  So  F4-  Femetary  Fi,  2,  3.  In  Lear,  IV.  iv.  3,  Ftnitar  Ff. 
ftmiter  Qq.  Cotgrave  gives  :  '  Fume-tcrre  :  f.  The  hearbe  Fumitorie.' 

46.  Doth]  So  Ff.     Cf.  Prol.  I.  9,  and  III.  ii.  9,  above. 

50.  all\  Rowe  (ed.  2).     withall  Ff. 

54.  And  all]  So  Ff.  Capell,  and  succeeding  editors,  usually  adopted 
Roderick's  conj.  And  as,  and  his  substitution  of  a  comma  for  the  period  in  the 
Ff.  after  vildnesse.  The  connection  between  1.  56  and  the  lines  preceding  seems 
sufficiently  clear  without  this  change. 

72.  Tenures]  '  Tenure  '  =  tenour  often  occurs  in  the  Ff.  Florio  has  : 
'Tenure,  a  tenor,  a  tenure,  a  forme,  a  content  .  .  .  Also  a  tenor  or  degree  in 
musiJk.'  Under  'Tenere'  he  gives  :  'tenure  or  holding  of  land  or  any  thing 
else.' 

77.  cttrtorary]  So  Pope  from  Q3.  eurselarie  Fi.  curselary  F2,  3,  4. 
curunary  Qi,  2.  I  have  as  yet  but  with  a  cursory  eye  Hanmer. 

82.  Passe  ottr  accept]  So  Ff.  Warburton  proposed  to  read,  '  Pass,  or  accept, 
and  peremptory  answer,'  because  the  French  king  could  not  have  meant  to  say 
absolutely  that  he  accepted  all  the  articles.  Theobald,  and  Johnson  and  Steevens, 
adopted  this  reading.  So  also  the  Collier  MS.  Malone  thought  'accept'  was 
equivalent  to  acceptation  ;  that  is,  the  opinion  which  the  king  might  form  of  the 
articles,  and  his  peremptory  answer  to  each  particular.  He  compared  '  accep- 


ACT  V,  SC.il]  NotfS.  159 

lion,1  used  by  Fuller  for  aeeeptatif*  ...  'if  at  this  day  the  phran  of 

•  Monmouth  cap "  be  taken  in  a  bad  •mpAw,'  Ac— VMfcr 

shire),  ed.  Nutull,  U.  431.    If  the  text  wai  altered  h«  preferred  reading,  '**fa^ 

tr  extfpt,"  &.C.,  \.  e.  agrtr  \o,  or  csnpf  again*  the  artkhft,'    Toilet  nppoMd  the 

king  to  mean  :  '  we  will  pan  oar  acceptance  of  what  we  approve,  and  w«  wtB 

pass  a  peremptory  answer  to  the  rest.' — Variorum  Sk.,  xvu.  468.     Tlu»  b  alto 

Knight's  explanation.     According  to  Schmidt  (St.  La.)  '  accept '  =  «mrtMWR 

98.  [Exeunt.]  Exeunt  omnes  Ff.  [Manent  .  .  .  Alice.)  Mtm*  A'oif  «W 
KaikerineYl.  Exit  King  (Frentk  King  ^\  and  tktUrdt.  Afvut,  Hrry  (Any 
Q2.  AT*;  //wry  Q3),  Katherine,  aW  Ike  Cenflnemmmm  Qq. 

107.  M/]  So  Rowe.  wot  Ff.  L.  175:  wot  Ff.  wUrQq.  lirf  jt>»j. 
L.  254:  tra/Fl,  2,  3.  tf/*u/F4.  tt4a/Qq.  L.  130  :  ««#  Ff.  td7Cambndg« 
editors.  Dr.  Caius  (in  Fi.)  says  m/  (often),  MAT,  td/  (twice),  Mr 
vkertfort,  fill,  tvr  =  for,  and  twA/. 

IlS.  tongues}  F2,  3,  4.     ttmgnu  Fl. 

119.  datis  de  Princfsie}  So  Ff.     M.  Mason  propoaed  to  read  i 
princess.'     According  to  Steevens,  the  F.  reading  means  :  *  that  it  what  the 
princess  has  said.'     dot  u  de  print eu  tay  Keightley  cooj. 

130.  understand]  understand  not  Keightley,  Dyce,  conj.  In  H  131—166 
Henry  is  not,  I  think,  explaining  his  meaning  more  dearly,  hot  i»  merely  pww* 
ing  the  theme  of  11.  120—129. 

153.  plates]  pates  Anon.,  afwd  Dyce,  conj.  The  king  speaks  of  hfc 
4  Constancic  ; '  therefore,  '  in  other  places '  means :  otker  taJiet. 

163.  take  me:  and  .  .  .  king.  And]  Thus  punctuated  in  the  Ff. :  tftrmtl 
and  take  me  ;  take  a  Souldier  :  take  a  Souldier;  lake  *  King.  And,  Ac.  Editor* 
usually  punctuate  thus  :  take  me  :  And  take  me.  takt  a  totdier;  fear  «  *Mtr,  a*Jr 
a  king :  And,  &c.  The  Cambridge  editors  placed  a  semi-colon  after  4a4r  me, 
and  retained  the  period  after  King.  Pope  read  and  punctuated  AMI  tear  aw; 
take  a  soldier  ;  take  a  King :  and,  &c 

178,  179.  Quandfay]  So  Pope.  le  anand  snr  Tl  Jtdis,  fmemJ/iy  Long 
MS.  Jteantt  sur  Anon.  conj.  The  Cambridge  editors  retained  the  readiaf  of  ia« 
Ff.  '  Quan  Frante  et  mon  '  Qq.  I  assume  that  Henry  is  meant  to  talk  '/HUM' 
French,  and  have  therefore  retained  his  wrong  genders  here,  and  also  at  L  <l  I 
below.  Capell  read  la  ...  la,  and  at  I.  211  Rowe  read  tkert  4  4**m*.  Thcat 
change*  have  been  usually  adopted  since,  but  the  Utter  u.  at  the  Cimhm%« 
editors  observed,  inconsistent  with  the  retention— alto  ••••!  of  MM.  TW 
Cambridge  editors,  and  Rolfe,  retained  Henry's  wrong  genders  in  both  plank. 

186.  meiJltur]  Hanmer.     mtlieui  Fl,  2,     mufau  Fj.  4. 

212.  'one]  atu  Ff.  Johnson  and  Stecvcns,  and  Knight«  faOev  Captfl  m 
marking  the  elision  of  the  aspirate.  Dyce,  and  the  Cambridft  editors,  prhH  *•* 
With  regard  to  the  pronunciation  of  the  old  French  If,  Mr.  EBit  say«  t  •  The 
question  is  not  whether  in  certain  French  words  II  was  aapbmlad,  b«t  whethir 
the  meaning  attached  to  "  aspiration  "  in  old  French  was  the  same  as  thai  M 
modern  French  or  in  English.'  In  Barcfaffr  &mtk  Atmumittiim,  1511.  p.  ^ 
the  reader  is  told  that  H  '  is  no  lettre.  bat  a  not*  of  mmanoa  or  tolwn  «f 


i6o 


[ACT  v.  st.  ii. 


tharpe  prwoouwcynge  of  ft  wortlc.  From  Theodore  Bec«  we  learn  that  '  aspira- 
tioncm  Kranci  quantum  fieri  potest  cmolliunt,  iic  tameii  vt  <uiuiiii»  ninliatur,  at 
non  ftcpere  ex  imo  gultere  cfflata,  quod  est  magnopere  German!*  et  Italia  pr«- 
scrtim  TuacU  obtenundum.' — Dt  Franeictt  lingua  recta  ptvnuneiatione  traffafut, 
1584.  p.  95.  See  more  on  this  head  in  Mr.  Kllis's  Early  Kn^lnh  J'/VHUH 
(E.  E.  T.  S.  ed.,  Pt.  III.  pp.  805,  809,  and  831),  from  which  work  these  quota- 
tion* are  taken. 

217.  vntempering}  So  Ff.  Dyce  followed  Warburton's  reading,  unttmpting. 
lie  al*o  adopted  Johnson's  conjecture,  /VW/AI/,  in  II.  ii.  1 1&  above.  Steevens 
understood  '  tcmper'd '  to  mnnfortnul,  moulded,  and  '  vntempering '  he  considered 
to  be  equivalent  to  taut/toting,  un persuasive.  Lettsom  denied  the  relevancy  of 
the  quotations  from  2  Henry  //'.,  IV.  iii.  140,  and  T.  Andronicus,  IV.  iv.  109  ; 
cited  by  Steevens  in  support  of  these  interpretations.  Cf.  also  Two  Cent.,  III.  ii. 
64,  and  Riekard  ///.,  I.  i.  65.  In  the  latter  instance,  however,  the  1  i 
temfts.  Schmidt's  first  explanation  of  '  vntempering  '  is  similar  to  Stecvcm's, 
but  he  also  suggests  that  it  may  mean  '  not  fit  for  the  occasion  ; '  comparing 
'  For  few  men  rightly  temper  with  the  stars  '  (3  Henry  VI,,  IV.  vi.  29),  i.  e.  '  act 
and  think  in  conformity  with  their  fortune.'  See  i>.  Lex.,  %.  vv.  Temper  and 
Untomperiog.  Dr.  Nicholson  says  :  '  To  temper  me  .ar  or  putty  is  still— to  mix 
or  mingle  it  to  a  due  consistency  and  oneness.  The  participle  in  ing  is  not  un fre- 
quently used  by  Shakspere  where  we  would  use  that  in  td.  Hence  I  take  vntem- 
ftring  to  be  features  not  adjusted  to  one  another,  or  not  forming  an  harmonious 
whole.'— CC  Romeo  and  Juliet,  III.  v.  75,  and  Lear,  IV.  vi.  226. 

237.  Quetne  of  all  Kathrrines,}  Capell's  conjecture,  adopted  by  Dyce,  and 
Deighton.  Qneeneofall,  Katherme  Ff.  Walker  observed  :  '  he  calls  her  In-fore 
"  la  plus  btUe  Kathtrinedn  monde"  (or,  as  Petruchio  hath  it,  "the  prettiest  Kale 
in  Christendom  "}.'—Crif.  Exam.,  &c.  i.  265. 

247.  tfune  devostrtSeif>neurieindigne\  So  the  Cambridge  editors.  d"unenostre 
S^gmmr  indignif  Ff.  tTune  vostre  indigne  serviteur  Pope,  an  emendation 
accepted,  I  believe,  by  all  other  editors.  His  reading  does  not  account  for 
Seigneur  (\  247).  It  is  possible  that,  in  the  MS.,  Seigneur  (1.  248)  stood  just 
below  the  words  rostre  and  indigne,  and  that  the  compositor  glanced  down  at  it, 
and  set  it  up  between  those  words.  By  straining  the  sense  a  little,  Seigiiettrie 
pxild  be  used  as  a  title.  Cotgrave  glosses  it  thus  :  '  Seigneurie  :  f.  Seigniorie, 
Isrdikip,  soueraigntie,  maiestie,  dominion,'  &c.  The  Cambridge  editors,  and  Dyce, 
read  terviteur,  rightly,  because  there  is  no  such  word  as  serviteure. 

254.  baiter}  Hanmer.     buitse  Ff.     to  bassie  Qq. 

266.  [Kissing  her.]  Rowe. 

270.  [Re-enter  .  .  .  Lords.]  Enter  the  French  Power,  and  the  English 
Ft     Enter  the  King  (Kings  Q3)  of  France,  and  the  Lordes  Qq. 

31 1.  nti*r\  Rowe.     not  Capell. 

320.  tken\  So  F2,  3,  4.     and  in  the  sequel  Keightley  conj. 

327.  Heritier\  Heretere  Ff.     Not  accented  by  Cotgrave. 

327.  fraflarisamus]  So  Ff.  and  Qq.     See  Introduttion,  p.  liv. 

328.  H*res}  Hern  Ff. 


EPILOGUE.]  XotfS.  16 1 

333.  A*4  .  .  .  Da*gtor.}  Walker  (SJL't  Vimfittum,  4e..  p.  206)  pro- 
posed  to  read :  daughter  km.  He  remarked,  however,  thai  4««/*6r  it  UMBHIISUI 
a  trisyllable.  Dr.  Abbott  classes  this  case  amongst  those  who*  tr  fad  '  SCCSM 
to  have  been  sometimes  pronounced  with  a  kind  of  "burr,"  which  prodacw!  tto 
effect  of  an  additional  syllable ;  just  as  "  Sirrah  "  is  another  aad  more  vdkesaestf 
form  of  "  Sir."  '—Sk.  Gram.,  par.  478.  Mr.  Furnirall  considers  L  333  lo  bt  a 
four-measure,  with  extra  syllable, 

341.  [Lords.]  Ft  At  1.  355,  Alt  Ff.  Rowe  placed  All  against  L  341.  Pop* 
retained  Lords.  In  the  first  prayer  (11.  334—340  tne  wbjecU  of  the  two  king, 
doms  are  exclusively  interested ;  the  second  (1L  345—354)  concerns  the  betrothed 
pair  as  well  as  their  people. 

344.  [Flourish.]  Ft 

3$ I.  Paftion}  Theobald.     Pnfan  Ft,  2.     Paint*  Fj,  4 

358.  Leaguet}  So  Ff.  Dyce,  and  Dcighton,  read  /M^M*.  Walker  (Crit.  Ex*m^ 
Ac.,  L  255}  suspected  that  infection  had  been  at  work  here,  as  in  V.  ii.  35  above. 
See  note  thereon.  The  plural  is,  I  think,  used  because  Burgundy  did  not  take 
the  oath  for  himself  and  others  as  well,  but  each  French  peer  severally  swore 
allegiance  to  Henry.  The  C*  nula  relate  how  *  When  this  great  nuuter  (the 
treaty  of  Troyes]  was  finished,  i~e  kings  sware  for  their  parts  to  observe  all  the 
couenants  of  this  league  and  agreement  Holiruhrd  gives  the  tcnour  of  the  oath, 
"  (as  the  duke  of  Burgognie  vttered  it  in  solemne  words,)  "  and  adds  :  "  The 
like  oth  a  great  number  of  the  princes  and  nobles  both  spiritual!  and  temporall, 
which  were  present,  receiued  at  the  same  time."  ' — Ck.  572/2/36  and  572/1/21. 
See  ftttroJuftum,  p.  liv. 

360.  [Sennet.  Exeunt  ]  Sttut.  Exeunt  Ft.  S**et.  F2,  3,  4.  In  Fl  ihc  .9 
of  '  Sentt'  stands  under  the  /  of  ' Oathes.'  In  F3  the  S  of  'S*ut '  stands  under 
the  w  in  '  well.'  In  F4  and  Rowr's  ed.  'Sen*'  is  placed  as  if  it  belonged  lo 
'Enter  Chorus.'  'Sens*'  or  •  Sonet'  was  omitted  by  Pope  and  sacoccdiag 
editors.  Dyce  restored  Seniut.  The  Cambridge  editors  conjectured  that  the 
printer  of  F2  read  'Sonet,'  supposing  it  to  be  the  title  of  the  fourteen  liaea 
which  the  Chorus  speaks. 


EPILOGUE. 

[Epilogue.]  Cambridge  editors.     [Enter  Chorus.]  Ff. 

6.   Tku  Starrt  of  England}  See  Introdtteti**,  p.  »iv.  note  3. 

14.  [Exit.]  Capell. 


162 


ADDITIONS  AND  CORRECTIONS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Page  i,  last  line.     For  1680  rtaJ  1608. 

Page  ii,  line  17.  Touching  Shakspere's  apology  in  Chorus  IV.  II.  49—52, 
Schlegel  remarked  :  '  The  confession  of  the  poet  that  "  four  or  five  most  vile  and 
ragged  foils  right  ill  disposed,  can  only  disgrace  the  name  of  Agincourt,"  (a 
scruple  which  he  has  overlooked  in  the  occasion  of  many  other  great  battles,  and 
among  others  of  that  of  Philippi,)  brings  us  here  naturally  to  the  question  how 
far,  generally  speaking,  it  may  be  suitable  and  advisable  to  represent  wars  and 
battles  on  the  stage.' — Ltchtra  on  Dramatic  Art,  &c.,  tr.  Black,  lee.  xxvi.,  pp. 
430,  431,  Bonn's  ed. 

Page  x,  line  2  from  foot,  and  p.  liv,  1.  24.  I  am  not  sure  that  ffmry  V.,  I.  ii. 
382,  was  suggested  by  the  passages  in  Caxton's  Chronicle  quoted  at  pp.  x,  xi. 
Shakspere's  'Gun-stones'  were  probably  bullets  ;  but  '  gun-stone '  =.  eannon-skot, 
though  unusual,  may  not  have  been  obsolete  in  his  time.  Palsgrave,  in  his 
Etclarcis$tment  de  la  Langtu  Francoyse,  1530,  ed.  Genin,  p.  226,  col.  2  (Table  of 
Sutatantivcs),  has  :  ' Gonne  stone— plombet  t,  f. ;  boulet  z,  m. ;  bovle  de  font*  s,  f.' 
Compare  with  these  definitions  Ben  Jonson's  Volpone  (first  acted  in  1605),  Act  V. 
sc.  viii.,  where  Corvino  says  :  '  That  I  could  shoot  mine  eyes  at  him,  like^w- 
sfana.'  In  1539  the  armed  citizens  of  London  were  reviewed  by  Henry  VIII. 
'About  seauen  of  the  clocke,'  we  read,  'marched  forward  the  light  peeces  of 
ordinance,  with  stontanA  powder.' — Ch.  947/2/25.  Here  ' stone '  =  cannon-shot. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Caxton's  Chronicle  has  any  independent  his- 
torical authority.  Stow  treats  it  very  contemptuously.  '  A  fabulous  booke 
compiled  by  a  namelesse  author,  but  printed  by  William  Caxton  (and  therefore 
called  Caxtons  Chronicle),  reporteth  these  troubles  to  happen  through  a  fray  in 
Fleetestreete.  .  .  .  But  al  y*  is  vntrue,'  &c. — Annalts,  p.  494,  ed.  1605. 

Page  xii,  line  10.  For  Britanny  read  Brittany. 

,,  xiii,  „  7,  and  p.  Iv,  L  3.  Shakspere,  in  fact,  substituted  Exeter's 
embassy  for  that  of  the  archbishop  of  Bourges,  and,  as  we  have  seen  (p.  xi), 
post-dated  the  former.  '  The  ambassador  from  the  French '  is  Exeter. 

Page  xxi,  line  4.  The  Gesta  does  not  support  my  statement  that  '  lines  of 
circnmvallation ' — which  serve  to  protect  besiegers  against  a  relieving  force — 
were  made  by  Henry.  Nor  could  the  king's  and  the  duke  of  Clarence's 
intrenchments  have  been  completed  on  Aug.  19.  On  that  date  part  of  the  army, 
entrusted  to  the  duke  of  Clarence,  took  up  a  position  on  the  side  of  Harfleur 


Addition*  and  Correct ioiu.  163 

whence  DC  Gancourt's  succours  had  arrived.  See  tntnJ ,  p.  x«  j  and  tai,  nott  it 
The  troops  under  Henry's  command  lay  on  the  other  side  of  the  town,  oppattte 
the  duke's  forces. 

Page  xxiv,  note  6.  The  earl  of  I'onlhieu  was  John,  Charles  VL's  second  too, 
who  died  in  1417. 

Page  xxr,  line  2.  For  Britanny  rtaJ  Brittany. 

,,  xxviii,  line  3  from  foot.  Fsr  mcrrie,  pleasant  and  full  of  gaaM  rassf 
mcrie,  pleasant,  and  full  of  game. 

Page  xxx,  last  line.  For  their  read  there. 

,,  xxxi,  line  2.  That  Exeter  did  not  remain  at  Harflcur  it  clearly  impfiod 
by  the  Ckmtitla,  which  record  that  he  '  established  his  lieutenant  there,  oae  sir 
John  Fastolfe,'  &c.—  Ch.  550/2/31. 

Page  xxxi,  note  4.  For  Collin's  read  Collins'*. 
„     xxxvi,  line  28.  For  vauM  read  vau*t. 

„  xlir,  note  8.  •  Le  Sr.  de  Richard  Kykelley.'  So  in  Apmtimrt.  p.  369, 
ed.  2.  Read  Le  Sr.  Richard  de  Kykelley. 

Page  xlvi,  note  4.  In  the  account  of  the  review  of  the  Tlf%fea  citbem— 
quoted  from  at  p.  162— the  following  description  of  the  whifBers  ocean:  'The 
wiflers  on  foot,  being  in  number  foure  hundred  proper  light  persona,  wert  clad 
in  white  ierkins  of  leather  cut,  with  white  hose  and  shooes,  cache  man  with  a 
iauelin  or  slaughsword  in  his  hands,  to  keepe  the  people  in  arraie.  They  had 
chaines  about  their  necks,  and  fethers  in  their  caps.' — Ck,  947/1/68. 

Page  liii,  line  12.  For  tent  read  tents. 
„     Ixi,    ,,     14.  For  least  read  lest 

„  Ixxii,  note  3.  AVWbk.  I.ch.  ix.  The  philosopher  was  quoting  FaktaC 
See  2  Henry  1V^  III.  ii.  334,  335. 

Page  Ixxxviii,  end  of  note  4.  For  1,586  persons  had  died  of  the  disease  nW 
the  disease  was  not  extinct.  (The  assizes  were  held  in  March.) 

Page  Ixxxix,  line  6.     For  1 727  read  1 728. 
„     xcvii,  note  5.     Miss  Collins  played  the  Princess  Katherine. 
„     xcviii,  note  2,     Performances  of  Henry  V.  at  Covent  Garden.    AM 
March  30,  1752. 

Page  xcviii,  line  3  from  foot.  In  the  Gfntleman'i  Attgotmt  for  1810.  »ot 
fxxiix,  pt  II.  pp.  490,  491,  there  are  some  additions-signed  W.  P.— <o  UM 
obituary  notice  of  Smith  at  pp.  375,  376.  The  writer  says :  •  In  Henry  tn« 
Fifth  his  fine  declamation  realized  the  hero  of  oar  history,  and  placed  hun 
before  us.' 

Page  xcix,  note  $.  Geneste  give*  April  13,  1758,  as  the  dalt  nf  Mrs.  Pin'* 
first  appearance  as  the  Hostess  in  Henty  V.—G*ntttt%  iv.  517,  cf.  vil  70. 

Page  xcix,  note  6.     Ryan  was  Chorus  on  March  30,  1752  — O""*,  Iv.  354. 

TEXT. 

Page  29.  line  6.  tktreforr  should  be  Hunfln. 
„    62,     „  7&  Supply  comma  aft 


164  Additions  and  Cor r> ilium. 

P»je  69,  line  293.  d*  should  be  dot. 
»(    97t     ••  76.  A>»  should  be  /r*». 

(In  the  Parallel  Text  ed.  of  Henry  II.  p.  113,  I.  140,  /«•//,•>/«,»/  thould  b« 
4dMM//i  and,  at  p.  123.  I.  62,  /Y/iArf  should  be  /fcfc/.  The  former  correction 
ha*  been  made  in  this  edition.) 

NOTES. 

Page  1 27,  line  29.    At  1.  2  from  foot  of  this  note,  for  corrected  to  read  and. 
,,     137,  lines  23 — 27.     Catarina  Sforza  died  in  1509. 
,,       „     lines  38,  43.     Further  particulars  concerning  the  'pax'— «  plate 
or  tablet  on  which  is  portrayed  some  sacred  subject,  usually  the  Crucifixion  — 
will  be  found  in  the  glossary  of  Dyce's  Sk.  s.  v.  pax ;  and  in  G.  K.  French's  Shak- 
tftartama  Getualofico,  pp.  108,  1 10.     In  the  latter  work  (pp.  107,  109)  the  '  pax ' 
and  the  '  pyx '  are  engraved. 

Page  140,  lines  62,  63.  The  version  of  the  New  Testament  quoted  in  the  note 
on  Act  III.  sc.  vii.  11.  62,  63,  is  the  Genevan.  Its  original  source  is  a  translation 
of  the  Gospels,  made  from  the  Vulgate  by  Jaques  Le  Fevre  d'Etaples  (Faber 
Stapulenns),  and  published  between  the  years  1523 — 1525.  His  version, 
r  -touched,  appeared  in  Pierre  Robert  Olivetan's  translation  of  the  Bible,  pub- 
lished at  Ncufchatel,  in  1535.  Revised  by  Calvin,  Beta,  and  others,  it  reap- 
peared in  the  translation  known  as  La  Bible  dt  FEptt,  1540,  upon  which  the 
Genevan  version  is  based.  Bayle's  Dut.,  ed.  1741,  s.  v.  FEVRE;  Hallara's 
Literature  of  Enrvff,  4th  ed.,  i.  381,  382 ;  Watt's  Bib.  Brit.,  s.  w.  BlBLB  and 
OLIVETAN.  Several  revisions  of  the  edition  of  1540  were  afterwards  made  by 
the  pastors  and  professors  of  Geneva.  I  learn  from  Dr.  Nicholson  that  the 
rendering  of  2  Peter  ii.  22  in  his  edition  of  the  N.  T.  agrees  verbatim  with  that 
in  the  Bible  of  1540. 

Page  149,  lines  129,  130.     For  Merdoza's  read  Mendoza's. 

,,  150,  line  3.  Dr.  Stokes  says  that  Calen  o  cushtre  me  '  is  an  attempt  to 
spell,  and  pretty  nearly  represents  the  sound  of  "Colleen  oge  astore,"  and  those 
words  mean,  "  Young  girl,  my  Treasure." ' — Life  of  Petrie,  431. 

Page  159,  lines  178,  179.  Dr.  Nicholson  remarked:  'There  is  more  follow- 
ing of  the  duftm  lit.  if  we  read  sur  t&faurai.  Also  I  take  the  Je  before  quand 
to  be  a  part  of  Henry's  false  French,  and  to  stand  for  a  would-be  Mot  quand.  It 
does  not  agree  with  the  second  clause,  ft  quand,  &c.,  merely  because  of  Henry's 
difficulty  in  framing  his  sentence.'  Mr.  Furnivall  said:  'Looking  at  Henry's 
English,  and  his  "quand  vous  avez,"  I  should  read  "  quand  j'ay  seur" — tear 


I65 


INDEX. 


a(=  he)  liue,  153 

a  cette  hcure,  151 

a  natural!  cause,  125 

ablowe  yow, /«/.,  take  your  breath, 
xxi 

abounding,  149 

accept,  passe  our,  158,  1 59 

act  of  order,  117 

Actors  in  Henry  V.t  xcvii,  xcviii, 
xcix 

Actresses  in  Henry  V.t  xcvii,  xcix 

Additions.    See  pp.  162—164 

adoration  !  soul  of,  143,  144 

Agincourt,  the  English  encamp 
there,  xxviii ;  and  light  fires, 
xxx ;  account  of  the  battle  there, 
xxxviii,  xxxix  ;  name  of  'Agin- 
court'given  to  the  battle,  xliii 

ALAN  (William),  Ixxxii,  note  I. 
See  ALLEN  (William) 

ALBRETH  (Charles  d',  Constable 
of  France)  fortifies  the  French 
towns,  xviii ;  his  speech  at  Agin- 
court, xxix ;  commands  in  the 
van  at  Agincourt,  xxxix,  note 
1  ;  disposal  of  his  body,  xlvi, 
note  2 

ALEN^ON  (John,  duke  of)  com- 
mands in  the  centre  at  Agin- 
court, xxxix,  note  I  ;  his  death, 
xliv ;  disposal  of  his  body,  xlvi, 
note  2 

ALICE,  the  Princess  Katherine's 
attendant,  133,  134,  158 

Alien  Priories,  their  dissolution 
didn't  benefit  the  Crown,  vii 

ALLEN    (William,   cardinal)   de- 


fends the  surrender  of  Devroter, 

Ixxxii,  note  i 

als,  fomj.  as,  Uxxvi,  note  3 
Ambassadors'  safe    conduct,   xiv, 

note  2 

Ancient,  what*  122 
and  if  =  an  if,  1 35 
ANJOU  ( Louis,  duke  of),  xxv,  note  f 
ANJOU  ( Rene",  duke  of),  xxv,  note  ; 
ANNE  or  BOHEMIA,  her  tomb  in 

Westminster  Abbey,  xxxi,  note  8 
Antelope  (pursuivant  at  arms)  sent 

to  Charles  VI.,  xi* 
an  ticks,  131 
Archers,  the   English,  described, 

xxxix ;   how  drawn  up  at  Agin- 

court,  xxxix,  note  I  ;  defended 

by  stakes,  if>. 
Arques,  Seine  Inf*",  Henry  V.  at, 

xxin,  notes  I,  3 
Artillery,  Henry  V.'t,  *i,  xx 
ARUNDKL  (Thomas,  archbishop  of 

Canterbury)  oppoiet  the  disco- 

dowment  of  the  Church,  vtt 
as  in  the  'or Id,  132 
ASHTON  (— ,  preacher),    EMM** 

confession  to  him,  Ux»rii 
AUGUSTINE  (S.),   hi«    Quotation 

from  Cicero   /V  AV/*M«*,  ix, 

note  3;  on  dUinhcrmnf  daugh- 
ters, 114 

aunchient  lieutenant,  136 
A/INCoL'KT(lv%mb*rt  d')  [ 

the  English  camp,  xl,  note  6 


babbled,  126 

lUcuN    (Frands, 


100 


Indrr. 


Albans)  on  Simulation,  Ivii ; 
draw*  up  the  charges  against 
rx.  Ixxxv,  note  4  ;  predicted 
Essex's  (all,  lx\\\i 

BAIOI  KVIU.K  (Guillaumc  Martel, 
seigneur  de)  negotiates  the  sur- 
render of  Harrtcur,  xxi,  note  12; 
craves  reinforcements  for  Har- 
fleur,  xxii  ;  killed  at  Agincourt, 
it.,  note  4 

BADBIE  (John)  burnt  at  Smith- 
field,  Ixx,  Ixxi 

BADDELET  (Robert)  as  Fluellen, 
xcvii 

BAM  BRIDGE  (Thomas  deputy 
warden  of  the  Fleet),  examina- 
tion of  prisoners  in  bis  custody, 
Ixxxix.  See  p.  163  (correction  of 
p.  Ixxxix) 

BAR  (Edward,  duke  of)  commands 
in  the  centre  at  Agincourt,  xxxix, 
note  I ;  his  boast  on  the  night 
before  the  battle,  137 

BARDOLPH'S  execution,  xxvi ;  ad- 
dresses  Pistol  as  'lieutenant' 
(ll.i.3$),  121, 122;  his  face,  123 

BARRY  (Spranger)  as  Henry  V., 
xcviii 

BARTHOLOMEWS  DE  GLANVILLA 
on  the  weasel,  1 16 

BATES  (John),  his  talk  with  Henry 
V.,  Ixxx ;  interposes  between 
Henry  V.  and  Williams,  Ixxxi 

Bathe,  the  (Bath,  Somerset),  in 
spring  and  autumn,  Ixxxviii, 
note  4 

battailes,  135 

Bear-baiting  condemned  by  the 
Puritans,  xci ;  defended,  xci, 
xcii ;  at  Paris  Garden,  xcii ;  at 
court,  ib.;  amateurs  of,  ib.;  an- 
nouncement of  a,  xciii,  note  4 

Bears  (Russian),  xciii ;  names  of, 
ib~,  note  3 

BEAUFORT  (Henry,  bishop  of  Win- 
chester), his  speech  on  the 
French  war,  viii,  ix  ;  reply  to 
the  proposals  of  the  French 
ambassadors,  xiii,  note  2 


Bedfellow,  a,  should  be  offered  his 
choice  of  a  place  in  the  bed,  xvi, 
note  i 

BEDFORD  (John  Plantagenct,  duke 
of)  made  regent,  xxxi 

bcggcryc,  <uii.  beggarly,  xciv 

BELLAMY  (Mrs.)  as  the  Princess 
{Catherine,  xcvii 

BELLONA  and  her  three  hand- 
maidens, v 

BERENGER  (Eveline),  her  speech 
to  the  defenders  of  Garde 
Doloureuse,  Ixv,  note  2 

BERRY  (John,  duke  of)  present  in 
the  Council  of  War  at  Rouen,  xxv 

BESSE  OF  BROMLEY  (Little),  a 
bear,  xciii,  note  3 

Bethleem,  monastery  founded  by 
Henry  V.,  xxxii,  note  3 

Betrothed  (The),  compared  with 
Henry  V,,  III.  i.,  Ixv,  note  2 

BETTERTON  (Thomas)  introduced 
stage  machinery,  iii,  note  I 

BEUMONT,  Beaumont,  135 

be  wrap,  vb.  enfold,  xv 

blacke  and  white,  125 

Blackhcath,  Henry  V.'s  reception 
there,  xlvii 

Black  Prince  (The)  at  Crccy,  xix 

Blanche-Tache,  a  ford  near  Cr6cy, 
xxiv 

blood,  sword,  and  fire,  1 1 5 

BLOUNT  (Sir  Christopher),  tolera- 
tion in  religion  promised  him  by 
Essex,  Ixxxv,  note  2 

booke,  vb.  153 

BOUCICAUT  (marshal  of  France) 
fortifies  the  French  towns,  xviii ; 
spelling  of  his  name,  136 

BoURATlER(Guillaume,archbishop 
of  Bourges),  ambassador  from 
Charles  VI.,  a  character  in  the 
Famous  Victories,  xiii  ;  his  pro- 
posals to  Henry  V.,  ib.;  angered 
at  their  rejection,  xiv.  See  p. 
162  (correction  of  p.  xiii) 

BOURBON  (John,  duke  of)  taken 
prisoner  at  Agincourt,  xxix,  note 
i  :  commands  in  the  van  at 


Indfz. 


|67 


Agincourt,  xxxix,  note  I ;  sub- 
stituted for  the  duke  of  Brittany 
in  Henry  V.,  III.  v.,  134;  for  the 
Dauphin  in  the  Q.  version  of 
titnry  K,  III.  viL,  138 
BOURNONVILLE  (Kobinct  '  dc) 

plunders  the  English  camp,  xl, 
note  6 

Boves,  Somme,  requisition  from, 
xxiii,  note  3 

Boy,  FaUtafTs,  killed  at  Agio- 
court,  xl,  Ixxviii 

BRABANT  (Anthony,  duke  of) 
slain  at  Agincourt,  xxxii,  note  6, 
xxxiii ;  disposal  of  his  body, 
xlvi,  note  2 ;  accentuation  of 
4  Hrabant,'  135 

brassc  (bras),  1 50 

Breakfast,  an  unusual  Elizabethan 
meal,  c 

Bribe  offered  to  the  conspirators 
against  Henry  V.,  xv 

Bridewell  medicine,  flogging,  xcv 

brim  fulnesse,  1 1 5 

BRiTTANV(John,dukeof)  present  in 
the  Council  of  war  at  Rouen,  xxv 

brother  of  England,  128 

BROWNE  (Sir  William),  bis  pre- 
caution on  hearing  of  Essex's 
revolt,  Ixxxv,  note  3 

Buc  (Sir  George)  on  the  art  of 
dancing,  xc,  xci 

Bull-baiting,  defended,  xci,  note  5  ; 
at  Paris  Garden,  xcii ;  announce- 
ment of  a,  xciii,  note  4 

'bulwcrke,  the,'  an  outwork  at 
Harflcur,  xxi,  note  4 

BURHAGE  (Richard)  and  his  brother 
Cuthbcrt  build  the  Globe,  iv 

BURGUNDY  (John,  duke  of)  for- 
bids his  vassals  to  obey  Charles 
VI.'s  commands,  xx  ;  appears  in 
Htitry  V.t  1 1 1.  v.,  xxv;  punishes 
the  plunderers  of  Henry  V.'s 
camp,  xl,  note  6  ;  confers  with 
Henry  V.  at  Meulan,  xlviii ;  is 
murdered,  xlix ;  his  answer  to 
Henry  V.'s  parting  speech,  1, 
note  5 


BURGUNDY  (Philip,  doke  of)  pre- 
vented from  going  to  Agincourt, 
xxv,  note  5 ;  gives  burial  to  the 
French  slain  at  Agincourt.  &1*  t, 
note  2 ;  confer*  with  Henry  V.'t 
ambassadors  at  Troves,  *li«; 
swears  allegiance  to  Henry  V, 
/£ ,  and  liv ;  a  character  in  the 
Famous  Vutoritt,  1m ;  hi*  be- 
haviour in  Hfmrv  K,  Act  V.  tc 
ii,  Ixxx;  variable  spelling  of 
'  Burgundy '  in  Htmry  K,  13$ 

but  till  .  .  .  then,  120 

Caen,  the  capture  of,  Ixvi,  note  4 

94  ha,  139 

Calais,  march  to,  xxiii — xxviii 

4Calen  o  custure  me,'  a  refrain, 
150,  164 

Calthrops  their  use,  xxxix,  note  I 

CAMiikiiHiK  (Anne,  counters  of), 
her  claims  to  the  throne,  \\\, 
note  2 

CAMBRIDGE  (Richard  Plantagenet, 
earl  of),  his  motive  for  conspiring 
•gainst  Henry  V.,  xvi ;  tm  thai, 
xvii,  note  2 

CAM i >KN  (William)  on  Ecscx1! con- 
ference with  Tyrone,  Ixxxiv 

CAMOVS  (Lord)  commands  the 
rear  at  Agincourt,  xxxix,  note  I 

Camps,  the  English  and  French, 
distance  between,  xxx 

CANTERBURY  (bishop  of).  See 
CHICHELEY  (Henry) 

Capitals  (the)  in  Fl,  109*  I  to 

Catholics,  disloyalty  of,  lucri, 
Ixxxii  ;  Shaktperes  feeling  to- 
wards them,  Uxxu,  note  I 

CAXTON'S  Ckro*itU  fabulous,  161 

CECIL  (Robert).  Sec  SAI  ism  KV 
(Robert) 

CHAPMAN  (Thomas)  a  Chkbdey, 
xcix,  note  6 

CHARALOVE&,  spelling  of,  ij6 

Cbanot  (the)  for  the  captive  Meary 

V^  XKV 

CHARLES  VI.  (king  of  France), 
bis  prowess  in  the  tourney,  ai ; 


rtfi 


embassy  to  Henry  V.,  xiii ;  de- 
fensive preparations,  xviii ;  orders 
a  general  muster,  xx,  xxiii,  xxiv  ; 
holds  a  council  of  war,  xxiv,  xxv ; 
at  Troyes,  xlix ;  his  mental  de- 
rangement, xlix,  note  7  ;  this  was 
ignored  by  Shaksperc,  Ixxx ; 
Shakspere's  sketch  of  him,  /A, 
and  ci,  note  6 

CHATTILLION,  spelling  of,  135 

checce,  sb.  check,  obstacle,  Ixxxvi, 
note  3 

Chef  de  Caux,  Henry  V.'s  fleet 
anchored  there,  xix,  note  6 

CHK.NKY(Sir  John,  Speaker) sneers 
at  the  clergy's  prayers,  vii ; 
scolded  therefore  by  Arundel,  ib. 

CHESHU,  Jesu,  131 

CHETTLE  (Henry)  blames  Shak- 
spere  for  not  writing  an  elegy  on 
Elizabeth,  Ixxxvii,  note  i 

chez,  139 

CHICHKLEY  (Henry,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury)  vindicates  Henry 
V.'s  title  to  the  French  crown,  vi, 
ix;  replies  to  the  proposals  of 
the  French  ambassadors,  xiii ; 
miscomputation  in  his  speech  on 
Henry  V.'s  title,  113 

Chorus  of  Act  II ,  position  of,  c, 
note  4,  and  p.  120;  Shakspcre's 
apology  in,  1 19,  120  ;  of  Act  IV., 
lacuna  in,  141,  142 ;  Act  V., 
punctuation  in,  155,  156 

Choruses  in  Henry  V.t  their  design, 
ii,  iit,  cv 

Church  (the),  the  Commons  pro- 
pose its  disendowment,  vi — viii 

Church  Papist  (the),  his  character, 
Ixxxii,  note  I 

GIBBER  (Theophilus)  as  Pistol, 
xcix 

CICERO'S  scoff  at  Mark  Antony's 
dancing,  xci 

CLAMASSE  (Rifflart  dc)  plunders 
the  English  camp,  xl,  note  6 

CLARENCE  (Thomas  Plantagenet, 
duke  of),  the  custodes  of  Harfleur 
parley  with  him,  xxi,  xxii ;  re- 


turns to  England,  xxiii,  note  2 ; 

present   at   Agincourt,    it>.;   at 

Troyes,  1 
CLERE   (seigneur    de)  negotiates 

the  surrender  of  Harfleur,  xxi, 

note  12 
Clergy  (the),  how  they  saved  their 

temporalities  in  1414,  vi 
COUHAM    (Henry    Hrooke,    Lord) 

favoured   by   Elizabeth,   Ixxxiii, 

note  4 

COKE     (Sir    Edward,    Attorney- 
general)  censures  Essex's  truce 

with  Tyrone,  Ixxxiv,  Ixxxv 
cold  for  action,  115 
COLLINS  (Miss)  as  the  Princess 

Kathcrine,    xcvii,    note   5.     See 

p.   163  (correction  of   p.  xcvii, 

note  0 

come  of  women,  1 24 
common,  vb.  commune,  xxxvi 
Compter     (debtors'    prison),    un- 

hcalthincss  of  the,  Ixxxviii,  note  4 
congreeing,  1 1 7 
consent,  116,  117 
Conspiracy  against  Henry  V.,  xv — 

xviii ;  coincidence  between  Shak- 
sperc and  St  Rcmy  herein,  xv, 

note  i 
Constable  (The).     See  ALBRETH 

(Charles  d') 
CONWAY    (William  Augustus)  = 

Henry  V.,  xcix,  note  6 
cooatis,  sb.  xciv 
Corbie,  Somme,  sally  from,  xxiv, 

note  2 

Corrections.     See  pp.  162 — 164 
Costumes,   Elizabethan    theatrical, 

xcix 

count,  134 
coupe  la  gorge,  123 
COURTENAY  (Thomas    Peregrine) 

on  the  conferences  at  Meulan 

and  Troyes,  xlix,  1 
Coventry,  Parliament  at,  in  1404, 

vi ;  how  elected,  ib.;  its  church 

disendowment  bill,  vi,  vii 
Crdcy,  The  Black  Prince  at,  xix 
CRISPIN  and  CRISPINIAN  (SS.), 


Indtx. 


battle  of    Agin  court   fought  on 

their  feast -day,  xliii 
Crown  lands,  proposal  to  resume 

grants  of,  vii 
cru-,h'd,  116 
cues,  what,  138 
currancc,  112 
cursorary,  158 

DANTE,  middle  term  of  life  defined 
by,  cvi,  note  I 

dat  is  de  Princess,  1 59 

Dauphin  (Louis  the)  sends  tennis- 
balls  to  Henry  V.,  x,  xi ;  refuses 
succour  to  Harflcur,  xxii  ;  chal* 
lenged  by  Henry  V.,  xxiii,  note 

1  ;  made  captain  general,  xxiv ; 
prevented  from  going  to  Agin- 
court,  xxv ;   Shakspcrc's  sketch 
of  him,  Ixxix;   his  quotation  of 

2  Ptttr,  ii.  22,  140,  164 
Dauphin  (John  the),  earl  of  Pon- 

thieu,   at    Rouen,   xxv.     See   p. 
163  (correction  of  p.  xxiv,  note  6) 

Dauphin  (Charles  the)  opposes 
the  alliance  between  Henrv  V. 
and  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  xl  vii  i ; 
the  du!;e  is  murdered  in  his  pre- 
sence, xlix  ;  excluded  from  the 
throne,  ib. 

DAVENANT  (Sir  William)  intro- 
duced stage  scenery,  iii,  note  I 

DAVENPORT  (Mr*.)  =  Hostess, 
xcix,  note  6 

DAVERS  (Sir  Charles),  his  confes- 
sion, Ixxxvii,  note  2 

DAVIF.S  (Sir  John)  on  an  amateur 
of  bear-baiting,  xcii 

de  =  do,  132 

de  =  the,  134 

Debtor*,  treatment  oC  See  Pri- 
soners 

defile,  133 

•»E  (Daniel)  on  the  btef-fcd 
valour  of  Englishmen,  xciii, 
note  5 

DELABRETH,  D'Albreth,  135 

\\K.  ( Dennis)  as  Henry  V.. 
xcviii ;  =  Chicbcley,  xcix,  note  o 


DERRICK  and  PlUrt  CMHMd,  xl 

desia,  134 

deules  .  .  .  deulc,  127 

Dcvcnter,  surrender  of,  txxxii,  note  I 

DEVO.XS HI  RE  (Charles  Bluunt,  earl 

of),  subdues  Tyrooe's  rebellion, 

Ixxxi;    bis  alleged  league  with 

Essex,  Ixxxvii,  note  a 
Dice  cast  for  the  English,  xxvui, 

xxix 
Dieppe   to    Dover,   the 

from,  ci,  note  2 
DIMOND    (William)    a    Chorus, 

xcix,  note  6 
dog- bouse,    the    Lord     Mayor's, 

uxxviii 

DOLPHIN  (Sir  Guichard),  138 
DORSET  (earl  of).    Sec  EXETEA 

(Thomas) 
dout,  146 
Du  CHATEL  (Tanneguv),  bearer  of 

the  Dauphin's  proposals  to  the 

du'<ce  of  Burgundy,  xlviii,  note  4 
DURHAM  (Thomas  LMffey, bishop 

of),  ambassador  from  Henry  V., 

xii 

e,  Frcncn  final,  how  pronounced, 
•35 

EAKI.K  (John,  bishop  of  SalitboqrV 
his  character  of  a  Church  I'apm, 
Ixxxii,  note  i ;  on  prisoner* 
Ixxxviii 

EDWARD,  accentuation  of,  1 18 

EDWARD  111.,  hi*  portrait,  xiv;  at 
Crecy,  xit ;  at  the  ford  BUncbc- 
Tache,  xxiv 

EDWIN  (John)  =  FlucUcn,  Kix, 
note  6 

eech,  T-*.  eke,  129 

ekr,ri»«r/  156.  157 

ELIZABKTH  (queen  of  England) 
excepted  Southampton  from  pro- 
motion, ii,  note  I ;  was  dupkawM 
at  bis  marriage,  i>. ;  her  answer 
to  Essex's  lettcra  from  Ireland. 
Uxxin,  note  4 

EI.I.IHTIIM  (Robert  William)  as 
Henry  \\  xcviii,  idx 


Elue,  Elbe,  113 

I  i  v  (bishop  of),  vi,  note  2.    See 

FORDHAM  (John 

Embassy  to  Paris  in  1415,  xi,  xii 

ciul,  117 

English,  the,  unskilful  in  mining, 
xxi;  suffer  from  dysentery,  xxm. 
note  2',  their  marching  order, 
note  3;  silent  on  the  march  to 
Agincourt,  xx\  Hi;  their  behaviour 
on  the  night  before  the  battle, 
it. ;  can't  fight  on  an  empty 
stomach,  xxix,  xciii,  xciv ;  how 
drawn  up  for  battle,  xxxix,  note 
I ;  their  losses  at  Agincourt,  xliv; 
spoil  the  French  dead,  xlvi ;  make 
prisoners  of  the  French  wounded, 
153  ;  their  food,  xciii,  note  5 

enterpriscd,  pret.  s.  undertook, 
Ixv 

-er  final,  its  pronunciation,  161 

ERPINCHAM  (Sir  Thomas)  nego- 
tiates the  surrender  of  Harflcur, 
xxii,  note  1 ;  begins  the  battle  of 
Agincourt,  xxxi 

-es,  plural  in,  112 

escholicr,  134 

ESSEX  (Robert  Dcvereux,  2nd  earl 
of)  sent  to  Ireland,  ii ;  makes 
Southampton  general  of  the 
horse,  /£.,  note  I ;  his  letter  to 
the  queen  on  his  Irish  policy, 
Ixxxtii;  his  complaints,  Ixxxiii, 
note  4,  Ixxxiv;  Elizabeth's  an- 
swer, Ixxxiii,  note  4;  makes  a 
truce  with  Tyrone,  and  leaves 
Ireland,  Ixxxiv;  his  reception, 
/£.,  note  2 ;  examined  by  the 
Council,  ib. ;  rejected  Tyrone's 
request  for  toleration  in  religion, 
Ixxxiv ;  would  have  tolerated  the 
Roman  religion,  Ixxxv ;  charges 
brought  against  him  touching  his 
Irish  policy,  Ixxxv,  Ixxxvi ;  his 
popularity,  Ixxxv,  note  3;  desires 
a  parliamentary  confirmation  of 
Tames  VI.'s  title  to  the  throne, 
Ixxxvi  i 

ESTOUTVILLE  (Jean,  seigneur  d') 


negotiates  the  surrender  of  Har- 
flcur. xxi,  note  12 

-eth,  plural  in,  no,  in 

Eu,  Seine  Inf*,  Henry  V.  at, 
xxiii,  note  3 ;  sally  from,  xxiv, 
note  2 

EVELYN  (John)  visits  Paris  Gar- 
den, xcii 

Exeter,  outbreak  of  jail  sickness  at, 
Ixxxviii,  note  4 

i  K  (Thomas  Beaufort,  duke 
of),  his  speech  (I.  ii.)  altered  by 
Shaksperc,  ix ;  his  embassage  to 
Paris,  xi ;  negotiates  the  surren- 
der of  Harflcur,  xxii,  note  I  ; 
made  governor  of  Harflcur,  xxii, 
xxxi ;  secures  the  bridge,  xxv ; 
commands  at  Agincourt,  xxxi ; 
present  at  Troyes,  1  ;  his  part  in 
Henry  V.,  Ixxx.  See  pp.  162, 
163  (corrections  of  pp.  xiii  and 
xxxi) 

face  (Bardolpb's),  123 

false  gallop,  (?)  a  canter,  ci,  note  I. 
Cf.  As  You  Like  It,  III.  ii.  119 

FALSTAFF'S  death,  Ixxviii ;  his 
soldiers,  1 22  ;  similes  for  Bar- 
dolph's  face,  127 

Famous  Victories  of  Henry  V. 
compared  with  Henry  I'.,  I.  ii., 
x,  118,  119;  IV.  iv.,  xl ;  V.  ii., 
Ii,  Hi,  liii ;  date  of,  xcvi 

FANHOPE  (John  Cornwall,  Lord), 
two  of  his  ships  driven  to  Zee- 
land,  xlvi 

fanning  (fayning),  129 

FARMER  (Richard  D.  D.)  rejected 
sc.  iv.  in  Henry  V.t  Act  111., 
Ixxviii 

FASTOLFE  (Sir  John)  made  lieu- 
tenant governor  of  Harfleur, 
xxii,  note  6 

FAUQUEMBERGUE  (Waleran  comic 
de)  rallies  the  French  at  Agin- 
court, xli ;  disposal  of  his  body, 
xlvi,  note  2 ;  spelling  of  his 
name,  136 

fierce  tempest,  128 


Index. 


171 


figgeof  Spain,  137 

figo,  137 

find,  113,  114 

finer  end,  126 

fingers  end,  126 

FiTZ  HUGH  (Henry,  Lord)  nego- 
tiates the  surrender  of  Harfleur, 
xxii,  note  I 

Fleet  Prison,  alms  begged  by  the 
prisoners  in  the,  Ixxxviii ;  peti- 
tions of  the  prisoners  there, 
Ixxxix ;  enquiry  into  abuses 
there,  **. 

FLETCHER  (Laurence)  acted  be- 
fore James  VI.,  Ixxxvii,  note  i 

FLU ELLEN,  identified  with  David 
Gam,  xliv,  note  8  ;  his  character, 
Ixxix;  his  Welsh-English,  130, 

13' 

foh,  inter j.  1 34 

Folio  ed.  of  Henry  Vn  a  revision 
of  the  Quarto,  Ixxxi 

Food  eaten  in  England,  xciii,  note 
5.  See  also  pp.  xxix,  xciii,  xciv 

foot,  134 

force,  119 

FORDHAM  (John,  bishop  of  Ely), 
ambassador  to  Troves  in  1420, 
vi,  note  2 

FORREST  (The  Rev.  William)  on 
food  wholesome  for  Englishmen, 
xciii,  xciv 

Fortune,  how  represented,  136, 137 

'  Fortune  my  foe,'  a  song,  137 

FOYS,  Foix,  136 

French,  the,  unprepared  for  Henry 
V.'s  landing,  xx ;  harass  his 
inarch  to  Calais,  xxiv ;  repulsed 
at  the  Temotse,  xxv;  confront 
Henry  V.  near  Agincourt,  xxvii; 
their  behaviour  on  the  night  be- 
fore the  battle,  xxviii,  xxix ;  their 
horses  didn't  neigh  during  the 
night,  xxx ;  didn't  attack  at 
Agincourt,  xxxi ;  number  of  the, 
at  Agincourt,  xxxiii;  demand 
Henry  V.'t  ransom,  xxxvi, 
xxxvii;  their  defeat  at  Agin- 
court described,  xxxviii,  xxxix ; 


bow  drawn  up  for  battle,  cnrw. 
xxxix,  note  I ;  iy,  and  a*k  for 
quarter,  xxxix  |  plunder  the  Cn*. 
tub  camp,  xl ;  rally  under  Marie 
and  Fauconbridfe,  xli,  slit ;  Ifets 
of  thote  slain  and  captured  at 
Agincourt.  xhv;  their  dead  de- 
spoiled, xlvi ;  pritooen  had  a  bad 
passage  to  Dover,  xHi.  note  3 ; 
nobles,  Sbaktpere's  sketch  of 
them,  Itxviii.  bods 

French  Text  of  Ft,  revision  of  the, 
•  33.  >34:  emendations  of  the, 
134*  (39.  140,  146.  15*.  159*  'co- 
See  al*o  Appendix,  pp.  107,  toft; 
and  p.  164  (addition  to  p.  159) 

from  the  pridge,  137 

frounced,  adj.  curled,  fruaod,  viet 

fumitory,  158 

GAM  (David,  Esq.)  slain  at  Agin- 
court,  xliv;  account  of,  «*., 
note  8 

garnish,  a  gratuity  claimed  by  pri- 
soners, Ixxxviii 

GARRICK  (David),  Chora*  in 
Henry  K,  xcvii,  xcix 

GAUCOURT  (Raoul,  Mtonriir  de) 
reinforces  HarAcur,  xxi,  note  I  a 

GCBON,  (?)  an  actor,  139 

George !  (St.),  a  war-cry.  130 

GiLi.tt  (Maistre  NkoUe)  on  the 
S.i. ic  law,  114,  115 

S'nglcrs,  sf>.  spurt,  xcv,  note  I 
lobe    (The),    its    situation,    Ivj 
burnt,  xx,  note  I ;  rebuilLA 

GLOUCISTKR  (Humphrey  Itanta- 
genet,  duke  of)  supenntends  the 
mines  at  Harneur,  xxi :  hit  life 
saved  by  Henry  V.  at  Aftocowt, 
xxiii,  note  a  ;  at  MeoUn,  I 

glote,  113 

gonne  stones,  «fc  cannon  batts,  ti 
See  p.  i6a  (addition  to  p  x) 

Grand-garde,  what.  147 

(  ,K  \MH-KEK,  tpellmg  of,  Ij6 

GRBY   (Richard,    Lord), 
sador  from  Henry  V.,  xli 

GREY    (Sir    Thomas) 


172 


Indtx. 


against  Henry  V.,  xvii ;  a  phrase 
of  his  compared  with  one  of  1  n 
Parry's,  l\\\u.  Uxxiii;  spelling 
of  his  name.  1 24 

GROSE  (Francis,  F.S.A.),  on 
officers'  hats,  c 

guidon,  1 47 

CWYN  (Nell)  wears  a  huge  hat, 
xcix,  note  8 

H,  French  pronunciation  of,  159, 
160 

HAINAULT  (the  seneschal  of)  forti- 
fies the  French  towns,  xviii 

HALL  (Edward)  on  the  revival 
of  the  Church  disendowment 
scheme  in  1414,  vi,  viii ;  his 
character  of  Henry  V.,  xiv,  Ivii 
— \-Kv\\passim ;  hawk  simile,  xxiv 

HALLAM  (Miss)  =  The  Boy,  xcix, 
note  6 

Hampton,  129 

hangman's  fire-work,  burning  on 
the  hand,  xcv 

HANMKR  (Sir  Thomas)  rejected 
sc.  iv.  in  Henry  V.,  Act  111., 
Ixxviii 

karfy  th<  fifle  life  and  dtath  acted, 
xcvi 

Harfleur  besieged,  xi,  xxi ;  capitu- 
lates, xxi,  xxii;  surrenders,  ci, 
note  3  ;  sickness  during  the  siege 
of,  xxiii,  note  2.  See  pp.  162, 
163  (correction  of  p.  xxi) 

HARRY  HUNKES,  a  bear,  xciii, 
note  3 

HART  (Charles,  actor),  profits  in 
his  company,  iii,  note  i 

HARVEY  (John),  charges  of  pri- 
soners in  the  Fleet  against, 
Ixxxix,  note  I 

Hat,  inordinate  size  of  Pistol's, 
xcix,  c 

HAVARD  (William)  =  the  Dauphin, 
xcix,  note  6 

heady,  133 

heard,  132 

Hecla  Hill  (Mount  Hecla),  xcv 

hell  fire,  1 27 


1 1  ii  i.v  (seigneur  dc),  his  Interview 
with  Henry  V.,  xxxvii  ;  slain  at 
Agincourt,  ib.t  note  4 

hi-nre,  liuing,  1 19 

HIM.IUSON  (Jonn)  M  Chorus  in 
Hfnry  y.t  xcix 

HENRY  IV.  (king  of  England), 
account  of  his  death,  Ixii 

HiNKV  V.  (king  of  England), 
authorities  for  his  reign,  iv;  his 
speech  to  the  Rouen  folk,  v,  vi ; 
tli-likcd  the  Lollards,  viii,  Ixx  ; 
tennis-balls  sent  him  by  the 
Dauphin,  x ;  claims  the  French 
crown,  xi,  xii ;  his  letter  to 
Charles  VI.,  xii,  xix;  reply  to 
the  French  ambassadors,  xiv; 
conspiracy  against  him,  xv — 
xvii ;  dooms  the  traitors,  xv ; 
his  confidence  in  Scroope,  xvi; 
speech  to  his  lords,  xviii ;  sails 
for  France,  xix ;  his  fleet  and 
army,  ib.t  note  6 ;  lands  near 
Harfleur,  xx;  besieges  Harfleur, 
xxi ;  his  speech  to  his  men,  ib.; 
grants  terms  to  the  besieged, 
xxii ;  sets  forth  for  Calais,  xxiii ; 
sends  a  challenge  to  the  Dau- 
phin, ib.,  note  I  ;  passes  the 
Somme,  xxiv;  crosses  the  Ter- 
noise,  xxv;  hangs  a  robber,  xxvi ; 
his  disciplinary  regulations,  xxvi, 
Ixvi,  note  4;  answers  Montjoy's 
defiance,  xxvi,  xxvii,  Ixviii,  Ixix  ; 
prepares  for  battle,  xxvii ;  his 
night  march  and  encampment, 
xxviii ;  fixes  on  positions  for  his 
troops,  xxx,  note  7  ;  attacks  the 
French  at  Agincourt,  xxxi ;  gave 
alms  and  founded  chantries  for 
Richard  II.'s  soul,  xxxi,  xxxii ; 
his  armour  and  warhorsc,  xxxiii ; 
his  speech  at  Agincourt,  Holin- 
shed's  version  of,  compared  with 
Shakspere's,  xxxiv,  xxxv ;  ex- 
ccpts  combatants  at  Agincourt 
from  proving  their  right  to  bear 
arms,  xxxv,  note  2 ;  encourages 
his  men,  xxxv,  xxxvi;  his  be- 


fafar. 


haviour  at  Agincourt,  xxxvi ; 
refuses  to  ransom  himself,  xxxvi, 
xxxvii ;  his  interview  with  De 
Helly,  xxxvii ;  offers  terms  of 
accommodation  to  the  French, 
xxxvii,  note  4;  commands  the 
centre  at  Agincourt,  XXMX,  note 
I  ;  attacks  the  French  itieWrtL 
xxxix;  orders  his  men  to  kill 
their  prisoners,  xl ;  compels 
some  French  horsemen  to  retire, 
xli,  xlii;  his  talk  with  Montjoy 
after  the  battle,  xliii;  always 
commemorates  SS.  Crispin  and 
Crispinian,  xliii,  note  6 ;  his 
encounter  with  Alencon,  xliv ; 
his  thanksgiving  for  the  victory, 
xlv  ;  return  to  England,  xlvi ; 
reception,  xlvi,  xlvii;  his  hu- 
mility, xlvii,  Ixx  ;  his  second  in- 
vasion of  France,  xlviii ;  sees  the 
princess  Katherinc  at  Mculan, 
ib. ;  marries  her,  xlix;  his 
parting  words  to  the  duke  of 
Burgundy,  1 ;  courtship  of  the 
princess  Katherinc,  li,  lii ;  agility 
and  swiftness,  lii  ;  personal  ap- 
pearance, lii,  liii ;  portrait  of 
him,  lii,  note  7  ;  his  reformation 
considered,  Ivii — Ixii,  and  Ixxvii, 
note ;  robs  bis  own  receivers,  Ix, 
note  3  ;  his  youthful  misdemean- 
ours, Ixi ;  liking  for  music,  /A, 
note  I ;  remorse,  Ixi,  Ixii ;  be- 
haviour when  his  father  was 
dying,  Ixii ;  love  of  justice,  Km. 
Ixiv ;  banishes  his  '  misrulie 
mates,'  Ixiv ;  his  soldierly  Quali- 
ties, Ixiv — Ixviii ;  restrained  his 
soldiers'  violence,  Ixvi ;  bis  phy- 
sical endurance,  Ixvii ;  vigilance 
at  Harfleur,  ib.t  note  2;  piety, 
Ixviii  —  Ixx ;  behaviour  on  his 
entry  into  Harflcur,  Ixx,  note  2; 
his  treatment  of  Uadbic,  Ixx,  Ixxi . 
injunctions  to  bis  subjects,  Ixxi ; 
incensed  by  the  Dauphin's  Wee, 
Ixxi,  Ixxii ;  his  frankness,  Ixxii, 
Ixxiii ;  liking  for  practical  joke*, 


Ixviii,  Uxiv;  bis 

William*.  luiv;  tu»  analyst  at 

royalty  compared  with  Richard 

Il.'s  and   Henry  IV 

Ixxvii ;  Shak%pere's  treatment  of 

his  character,  cv 
Htmn  K, 

Editions  of  Htmry  r,  i;  bs 
date,  ii,  xcvi ;  epic  character 
of,  h,  iii;  Shaluperr't  chief 
authority  for,  hr;  Johatuo'* 
objection  touching  the  lad* 
dent  of  the  French  hortrmea, 
xli ;  answered,  xlii ;  critical 
opinions  on  Act  111.  sc 

KV.III;    political 

Ixxx— Ixxxvii :  social 
in,  Ixxxvii— xcv ;  its  predeces- 
sors and  Kswiinn  on  the 
stage,  xcvi ;  ooe  of  the  former 
noticed  by  Nash,  &.  note  a ; 
Shaksperc's  Htmry  V.  pos* 
bly  revived  in  1735,  xcvi;  re- 
vived in  1738,  xcvn;  cast  for, 
in  1747, /A;  corooaioo proces- 
sion in,  ib.;  "h""^L«n  in,  **.  / 
Kemble's  revival  of,  tn  I7§^ 
ib. ;  revivals  of,  from  1803  to 
1879,  xcviii ;  performances  o( 
from  1738  to  1875,  i?.,  note  j  ; 
performers  in,  xcviii,  ids; 
Time  -  Analysis  of,  c-civ; 
comic  scenes  in,  cv;  ihiOM 
lopr  of ,  cv,  c vi ;  rriaiiea  I* 
other  EngUth  hittonc^l  pU>  s 
cvi ;  place  in  Shak»pere'spoirs- 
ical  development,  i*  See  p. 
162  (correction  of  p.  i) 

Ht*ry  V^  Aaron  HOT »,accowii  of, 
xcvi 

Htmry  K,  Lord  Orrery's, 

x     •.  ; 

her  Chronkle,  11$,  Il6 
hcwne,  121 
HirrisLSV   (John)   as 

xcix 

his(DauDhin'.  bone),  140 
hi*  rooft  advice,  124 
his  mouth,  148*  «47 


174 


Index. 


•bole*  (the),  the  wont  part  of  a 

prison,  Ixxxviii 
hole  to  geders,  xxxvi 
HoUNSHKD(Raphae)),Shaksperc's 

chief  authority  for  Ht*ry  Y..  iv ; 

on   Henry's  speech  (IV.  iii.)  at 

Agincourt,  xxxiv 
honour,  dye  in,  151 
bootdl,  so.  euch.irist,  xxx 
horse  coursers  tongue,  xcv 
Horses,  the  French,  didn't  neigh 

during  the  night  before  the  bat- 
tle, xxx 
HORTON  (Mrs.)  =  Queen  Isabel, 

xcix,  note  6 
HULL  (Thomas)  =  Chichcley  and 

Chorus,  xcix,  note  6 
HUNGERFORD  (Sir  Walter)  wishes 

for  more  soldiers,  xxxiv 
HUNTINGDON  (John  Holland,  earl 

of)  present  at  Troyes,  1 
hye,  by,  sb.  haste,  xxxvii 

I  (and),  ellipsis  for  '  I  am  one,'  125 


I  for  me,  154 
if  for  of 


(Henry  V^  IV.  i.  282), 
Tyrwhitt's  conj.,  144—146 

imbarrc,  1 14 

Irish  (the)  serve  in  Henry  V.'s 
army,  Ixxx ;  subdued  by  Mount- 
joy,  Ixxxi;  Essex's  policy  to- 
wards, Ixxxiii 

ISARELLE  OF   BAVARIA   (queen    of 

France)   at   Mculan,   xlviii ;    at 

Troyes,  xlix 
is  our  wretches,  118 
it  =  its,  158 

iades,  139 

JAMES  VI.  (king  of  Scotland),  his 

intrigues  to  secure  his  succession 

to  Elizabeth,  Ixxxvi,  Ixxxvii 
JAMV,  his  character,  Ixxx;  political 

import,  Ixxx,  Ixxxi 
I AQUES,  dissyllable,  135 
JOHN  (king  of  France),  arrears  of 

his  ransom  demanded,  xii 
JOHN  COBLF.R,  a  character  in  the 

Famous  Victories,  liii 


JOHNSON  (Samuel),  his  remark  on 
Henry's  oaths  (IV.  iii.),  xxxv; 
the  massacre  of  the  French  pri- 
soners, xl,  xli ;  the  French  horse- 
men, xli,  xlii ;  the  wooing  scene, 
Ixxiii;  Act  111.  sc.  iv.,  Ixxviit 

KATHF.RINE  (princess  of  France), 

Henry  V.  proposes  to  marn 

xi ;  her  dowry,  xii,  xiii ;   meets 

Henry    V.    at    Mculan,    xlviii ; 

marries  him,  xlix  ;  her  reception 

of  his  suit,  li,  Iii,  Ixxviii 
Katherines,  Queen  of  all,  160 
kelc  yow,  imp.  cool  yourselves,  xxi 
KKMIILB  (John  Philip)  as  Henry 

V.,  xcvii 
Kenilworth,  tennis-balls  presented 

to  Henry  V.  at,  x 
Kidecaws,  xix,  note  6.    Sec  Chef 

de  Caux 
KIKELIE  (Sir    Richard)   slain   at 

Agincourt,  xliv 
King  John,  Shaksperc's,  revived, 

xcvi 
KNIGHT  (Charles)  on  the  Chorusei 

in  Henry  V.t  ii ;  his  arrangement 

of  Macmorris's  speech  in  Henry 

F.,  III.  ii.,  132 
KNIGHT  (Edward)  =  Nym,  xcix, 

note  6 
KNIGHT  (Thomas)  =  Pistol,  xcix, 

note  6 
kue,  138 

LANEHAM  (Robert)  sees  a  bear 
baited  at  Kenilworth,  xcii 

Langley,  Richard  II.'s  body  re- 
moved from,  xxxi 

late  commissioners,  124,  125 

Lavolta  (the),  a  dance,  xc 

law,  interj.  132 

1'avez  prom  is,  151 

leagues,  161 

Leeks,  why  Welshmen  wear  them, 
xliii,  xliv ;  worn  in  the  i8th 
century,  153 

Leicester,  Parliament  at,  in  1414,  vi 

LESTRALE,  spelling  of,  136 


LIOXY  (seigneur  de)  fortifies  the 
French  towns,  xviit 

Line  Arrangements.  See  pp.  1 16, 
117,  m,  123,  124,  «*6,  127,  nS, 
129,  130,  131,  133,  136,  137,  141, 
143,  144*  146,  147,  U9*  »Jo»  i Si* 
I53»  154,  156,  i  $7 

LINGARK,  Lingard,  114 

Lollards,  act  passed  against  them 
in  1414,  viii ;  disliked  by  Henry 
V.,  /A,  and  Ixx 

Lords,  the  temporal,  why  they  op- 
posed the  discndovrmcnt  of  the 
Church,  vii 

LOU RAIE  (lord  of)  rallies  the  French 
at  Agincourt,  xli 

lower,  .  .  .  likclyhood,  155 

lower,  speakc,  142 

LUFTON  (Donald)  on  dancing- 
schools,  xc;  the  folk  at  Paris 
Garden,  xcii 

MACAULAY  (Thomas  Babington, 
Lord)  on  the  Puritans'  opposi- 
tion to  bear-baiting,  xci 

MACKI.IN  (Charles)  =  Fluellen, 
xcvii 

MACKLIK  (Mrs.)  as  Hostess 
Quickly,  xcix 

MACMORRIS,  his  character,  Ixxtx  ; 
why  angry  with  Fluellen,  Ixxxi ; 
Knight's  arrangement  of  his 
speech  in  III.  ii.,  132 

MACREADY  (William  Charles)  = 
Henry  V.,  xcviii 

maids,  and  boyes,  155 

Maisoncelles,  the  English  en- 
camp there  (Monslrtift),  xxviii, 
note  3 

maicsties,  117 

MALAPROP  (Mrs.)  compared  with 
Mrs.  Quickly,  121 

M  ALONE  (Edmund),  source  of  the 
bce-simik  (I.  ii.)  pointed  out 
by,  x 

man,  115 

mangier,  manger,  130 

MARCH  (Edmund  Mortimer,  earl 
of),  his  descent,  vi,  note  4 ;  con- 


»7$ 

nection  with   the   plot    against 

Henry  V.,  xr,  note  I,  xvi,  xvtt 
MARCH  (Roger  Mortimer,  earl  oft 

his  daughter  married  the  earl  of 

Cambridge,  xvi,  note  a 
mare.  120 
marke  the,  125 
MARLE  (Robert  de  Bar,  eomte  de) 

rallies  the  French  at  Aftnco«n,«Jt 
Mastiff*  (English)  described,  xoi, 

xciii 
MATTOCKS  (Mr*X  «««,  note  6, 

See  H ALLAH  (Mm) 
MKI.ICCRT   (Shakspere),    Ixxxvi, 

note  i 

mercinary,  adj.  mercenary,  Ixxtitt 
McuUn.  the  conference  at,  xlvui ; 

precaution*   taken  there,  xlvui, 

note  2,  xlix 
Military  ranks  in  the  t6th  century. 

122 

mixrhccues,  ib.  pi.  mitchirf  t.  Ixv 

mistfull,  152 

Montcrcau,  the  duke  of  Burgundy 
murdered  there,  xlix 

Montjoy  (king  at  arm*)  tent  to  defy 
Henry  V.,  xxv,  xxvi,  xxvti :  asks 
leave  to  bury  the  French  dead, 
xliti 

Morris-dancing,  Ixxxix 

MOR  Y9ON  ( Fynes)  on  Essex's  con- 
ference with  Tyrone,  Ixuiv; 
Kngltsh  food,  xctit,  note  $ 

moth  =  mote,  142 

MOUWTJOY.  See  DKVQXIHIRK 
(Charles) 

murrie,  dark  red,  xlvH 

nam'd,  140 

UyXi$7 

Nesle,  the  Somme  paMed  at.  nfcr 
N  CWH)RT  (Tbomat,  deputy  wanlm 

of  thcKlcrtXcharfMofprtooorrt 

againtt.  Ixxxix,  note  I 
N  KWTON  (Joachim,  deputy  wnrown 

of  the  Fleet),  charge*  of  pnsonon 

•gainst,  bucxix,  note  I 

•  »ijM)s  (Dr.  b.)on  Jamy  and 

Mactnorrts  Uxxi 


I76 


///</<  I. 


NICOLAS  (Sir  Harris)  on  the  num- 
ber of  the  English  army,  xix, 
note  6;  number  at  Agincmirt, 
xxiii,  note  I ;  numbers  slain  at 
Agincou  te  8 

noblest  English,  129 

NoKBS  (J<unes,  actor)  wean  a  hat 
larger  than  Pistol's,  xcix 

NORTHBROOKE  (John)  on  dancing, 
xc 

NORWICH  (Richard  Courtcnay, 
bishop  of),  ambassador  to  Charles 
VI.,  xii ;  dies  at  Harflcur,  xxiii, 
note  a 

of  =  owing  to,  128 
on  =  on  the  score  of,  1 58 
orient  grained  scarlet,  xlvii 
Oriflammc  (the),  xxii,  note  4 
ORLEANS  (Charles,  duke  of)  com- 
mands in  the  van  at  Agiucourt, 
xxxix,  note  i 
our  sleeping  sword,  1 1 2 
ouerstaring,  adj.  xciv 
owtclandischc,  adj.  outlandish,  xciv 
OXFORD  (earl  of),  a  character  in 
the  Famous  Victories,  liii ;  quotes 
the  adage   about    France    and 
Scotland,  116 

P,  Fluellen's,  for  B,  130,  131 
J'ans   Garden,   a    stinking    place, 

Ixxxviii,  xcii ;  described,  xcii 
PARRY  (Dr.  William),  his  treason, 

Ixxxii ;  a  phrase  of  his  compared 

with  Grey  s  speech  in  Henry  V.t 

II.  ii.  165,  Ixxxii,  Ixxxiii 
PARSONS  (Robert,  S.  J.)  dedicates 

his  Conference,  &c.,   to   Essex, 

Ixxxvii,  note  2 
Passage  from  Dieppe  to  Dover,  ci, 

note  2 

pasternes,  139 

Pastym*  of  People  (RastelFs),  por- 
trait of  Edward  III.  in,  xiv, 

note  4 

pax,  137,  157,  164 
PELHAM  (Sir  John),  ambassador 

from  Henry  V.,  xii 


PEPYS  (Samuel)  visits  Paris  Gar- 
den,  xcii 

Performances  of  Henry  V.t  xcvii, 
xcviii.  See  p.  163  (addition  to 
p.  xcviii,  note  2) 

pcrillous  narrow,  1 1 1 

iVmnne,  Somme,  sally  from,  xxiv, 
note  2 

Pest-house  in  plague  time,  Ixxxviii 

Peter  2,  ii.  22,  quoted  by  the 
Dauphin,  140,  163,  164 

Pu  kt-hatch  .  .  .  legs,  xcv 

Pig  (Alexander  the),  152 

PISTOL  captures  a  French  soldier, 
xxxix  ;  his  exit,  Ixxviii ;  his  hat, 
xcix,  c 

PITT  (Mrs.)  as  Hostess  Quickly, 
xcix.  See  p.  163  (addition  to  p. 
xcix,  note  5) 

places,  wooe  in  other,  159 

plainc,  adj.  full,  xliv 

plentycs,  158 

PONTHIKU  (earl  of),  John  the 
Dauphin,  xxiv,  note  6.  See  p. 
163  (correction  of  p.  xxiv,  note  6) 

POPE  (Alexander)  on  the  position 
of  Chorus  2  in  Henry  V.t  c, 
note  4 ;  Theobald's  emendation 
'  babbled,'  1 26  ;  the  position  of 
Act  IV.  in  Henry  V.,  152 

Post-horses  in  England,  ci,  note  I 

POWELL  (William)  =  Chorus  in 
Henry  V.,  xcix,  note  6 

Pneclarissimus  for  Praecarissimus, 
liv 

presenteth,  140 

Prisoners,  cruel  treatment  of, 
Ixxxvii,  Ixxxviii ;  beg  alms, 
Ixxxviii ;  their  squalid  appear- 
ance, ib.;  fees  paid  by  them, 
ib.;  their  wretched  lodging,  and 
the  charge  for  it,  ib.;  petition 
for  redress  of  grievances,  Ixxxix 

Prisons,  unwholesome  state  of, 
Ixxxviii,  and  note  4  ;  sickness  of 
the,  ib.  See  p.  163  (correction 
of  p.  Ixxxviii,  note  4) 

priuy,  128 

'  Prologue,'  actor  called  the,  1 10 


Index. 


177 


Proximity  of  pi.  noun,  confusion 
caused  by,  158 

Punctuation  of  Henry  V.  See  pp. 
109,  in,  iia,  119,  iai,  1x4,  12$, 
130*  '32,  '35.  «36,  139.  140,  141, 
143.  >44>  145,  146,  147.  14*.  152. 
IS4,  155,  156,  i?8,  159,  too 

Pyx,  soldier's  theft  of  a,  xxvi 

quilitie  !  &c,  1 50 

quand  i'ay,  159 

Quarto  I  of  Hfttry  V^  a  surrepti- 
tious copy  of  the  F.,  i;  Shak- 
spere's  hrst  sketch  of  Htmry  V.t 
Ixxxi 

Qui  va  la,  141 

QUICK  (John)  =  Pistol,  xcix, 
note  6 

quinch,  ->b.  flinch,  Ixvii 

RALEIGH  (Sir  Walter)  favoured  by 
Elizabeth,  Ixxxiii,  note  4 ;  forced 
to  sing '  Fortune  my  foe,'  &c ,  1 37 

reame,  realm,  xxxvi 

REDMANN  (K.),  his  version  of 
Henry  V.'s  speech  at  Rouen,  v, 
note  i 

Reformados,  123.  '  Reformado,  or 
Reformed  Officer,  an  Officer 
whose  Company  or  Troop  is  dis- 
banded, and  yet  he  contmu'd  in 
whole  or  half  Pay ;  still  being  in 
the  way  of  Preferment,  and  keep- 
ing his  Right  of  Seniority,'  &C. — 
Phillips'  s  New  World  of  Words, 
ed.  1720,  /.  v. 

'  Refuse  me,'  an  oath,  xciv 

Relative  with  sing,  verb  and  pi. 
antecedent,  112 

Religious  dissensions,  England  en- 
dangered by,  Ixxxi 

remember,  vo.  remind,  xviii 

'  Renounce  me,'  an  oath,  xciv 

RICHARD  II.  (king  of  England), 
his  body  transferred  to  Westmin- 
ster, xxxi ;  Henry  V.'s  almsdeeds 
and  foundations  for  Richard'* 
•only  xxxii,  notes  2,  3 

Richard  //.,  Shaksperc'ft,  revived, 
xcvi 


Roues 


154 


besiaged    in   1419,  *;    an 

r  pleads  for  the  Rouea  Iris, 


council  at,  utv,  urv 


—  •,    mf £  «M  ,    i  jpt» 

ROWLAND*  (Samuel)  o*  the  char* 
»cter  of  a  »«agM«t  adv.  scv 

RYAN  (Lacy)  m  Chorus,  scu,  note 
6.  See  p.  163  (addition  to  p.  ECU. 
note  6) 

rymme,  what,  150 

-s,  inflection  in,  preceding  a  njujaf 

subject.  118,  1 28 
-s,  plural  in,  112,  11$.  i  }g 
SACARSUN,  a  bear,  iciu,  note  3 
ST.  RI.MV  Hean  Lefcvre  de).  his 

account  of  the  conspiracy  against 

Henry  V.  compared  with  Shah> 

spere  *,  XT,  note  I 
St  Thomas  of  Watering*.  Henry 

V.'s  reception  there,  xhni 
Salic    Law,  ix;    Maistre    Nicole 

Gilleson  the,  114,  115 
SALISBURY  (Thomas    de  Monu> 

cute,  earl  of),  ambassador  from 

Henry  V.,  xii ;  kitted  at  Orleans. 

xxxi,  note  C 
SALISBURY  (Robert  Cecil,  earl  of), 

bis  speech  on  Tyrone's  demand 

for  toleration  to  relifion,  Uzxtv. 

note  3;   his  support  sought  by 

James  VI,  boif 
same  leeke,  I  $6 
1  Satellites  PiiataJe*/  members  of 

the    Coventry    Parliament,    vtt, 

•ate  4 

Scenery  to  theatre*,  iti,  note  I 
Sohtrinlr,  the  (1.  i.  i»—  tok  vfll 
Si.  ll  IJURL( Augustus  William  von) 

on  the  choruses  in  Hnry  I'.,  u. 

See  p.  162  (additkm  to  p.  ft 
Scots,  the.  their  tncmnteasv  U.  *»•* 
SCRort    (Thomas,    Lord),  awch 

trusted  by   Henry  V.,  xvij   b*s 

trial,  xvii,  note  a 
see  old  aft  (Popr%  tranapoMtionk 

148 
Setgneurie,  used  as  a  tkta,  160 


Indtjc. 


•ely,  adj.  simple,  xxxix,  note  I 

Sennet,  161 

seueralls,  113 

Shakespear  Qub,  account  of  the, 
xcvi,  note  7 

SHAKSPEKE,  purport  of  the  choruses 
in  his  Henry  V.,  ii,  iii ;  altered 
Exeter's  speech  on  the  French 
war,  ix ;  the  date  of  Exeter's 
embassy,  xi,  xix  ;  and  of  Mont- 
toy's  defiance,  xxvii ;  his  version 
(IV.  iii.)  of  Henry's  speech  at 
Agincourt,  xxxiv,  xxxv ;  use  of 
the  Famous  Victories,  xl,  li,  Iii, 
Ixxiii ;  treatment  of  Henry  V.'s 
character,  Ivi  —  Ixxvii,  cv  ;  de- 
sire for  national  unity,  Ixxx — 
Ixxxii ;  feeling  towards  Catholics, 
Ixxxii,  note  I  ;  may  have  ap- 
proved Essex's  Irish  policy, 
Ixxxiii;  and  the  union  or  Eng- 
land and  Scotland,  Ixxxvii ; 
didn't  write  an  elegy  on  Eliza- 
beth, id.,  note  I  ;  place  of  Henry 
V.  in  bis  poetic  development,  cvi 

Shcne   (Richmond,   Surrey),    reli- 

S'ous  houses  founded  there  by 
enry  V.,  xxxii,  note  3 
SHUTER  (Edward)  =  Fluellen,  xcix, 

note  6 
'  sickenes  of  the  prison,'  account  of 

the,  Ixxxviii,  note  4 
SIDDONS  (Mrs.)  =  Princess   Ka- 

therine,  xcix,  note  6 
SIGISMUND  (emperor)  tries  to  make 

peace    between     England    and 

France,  xlviii  ;   and   to  raise  a 

crusade  against  the  Turk,   id., 

note  I 
SIMPSON  (the  late  Mr.  R.)  on  the 

politics  of  Henry  V.t  Ixxx 
Simulation  defined  by  Bacon,  Ivii 
smiles,  120 
SMITH    (William)  as    Henry  V., 

xcviii.     See  p.  163  (addition  to 

p.  xcviii) 

sodder,  vb.  solder,  Ixxxiii 
Somme,  passage  of  the,  xxiv 
sonaunce,  tucket,  146 


soule  of  adoration  \  143,  144 
Sources,  additional,  of  Henry   V. 

See  pp.  in,  113,  115,  153 
SOUTHAMPTON  (Henry  Wriothes- 

ley,  earl  of)  goes  with  Essex  to 

Ireland,  ii ;  made  general  of  the 

horse,  id.,  note  I 
spirits,  that  hath,  nc 
Stage  machinery,  iii,  note  I 
Stakes,  a  defence  for  archers,  xxxix, 

note  I 
Standard     (The).     The   Theatre 

stood  near  it,  iv 
STANLEY  (Sir  William)  surrenders 

Deventer,  Ixxxii,  note  i 
stiletto  beard,  xcv,  note  3 
STONE  (George),  a  bear,  xciii, 

note  3 
STOW  (John)  on  the  untrustwor- 

thiness  of    Caxton's    Chronicle, 

162 

straining,  130 
STUBBES  (Philip)  on  the  treatment 

of    debtors,     Ixxxviii  ;    morris- 
dancing,  Ixxxix ;  dancing  schools, 

xc ;  baiting  beasts,  xci,  xcii 
SUETT  (Richard)  =  Pistol,  xcix, 

note  6 
SUFFOLK  (Michael   de   la   Pole, 

earl  of)  slain  at  Agincourt,  xliv 
suis  tombe,  le,  151 
Summary  of  Results,  liv — Ivi 
summon  vp,  129 

superial,  adj.  upper,  Ixxxviii,  note  4 
Swaggerer  (the)  described,  xciv,  xcv 
SYDNEY  (Sir  Philip)  on  the  viola- 

tion   of    the  unities,   iii ;    stage 

battles,  iv 
Syon,  nunnery  founded  by  Henry 

V.,  xxxii,  note  3 

taint,  116 

take,  123 

tast,  vd.  feel,  Ixxi 

TAYLOR  (John»  *ne  Water  Poet) 
on  the  rebuilding  of  the  Globe, 
xx,  note  I ;  prisoners'  lodging, 
Ixxxviii ;  swaggerers  in  scarlet, 
xcv,  note  3 


Indtr. 


•     • 


tenures  =  tenours,  contents,  I  $8 

Ternoise,  crossing  of  the,  xxv 

TEUrELSDRocKH's  Clothe*  Philo- 
sophy, Uxii.  See  p.  163  (cor- 
rection of  p.  Ixxii,  note  3) 

TH,  pronunciation  of,  142 

than  =  then,  118 

Theatre  (The),  its  site,  iv 

Theatre,  Elizabethan,  described, 
iii 

THEOBALD  (Lewis)  disliked  sc.  iv. 
in  Htttry  V,,  Act  III.,  Ixxviii 

there  pronounced  the-er,  155 

THINE  (lord  of)  rallies  the  French 
at  Agincourt,  xli 

though,  1 1 6 

Travelling  in  England,  ci 

Trinite  (Le)  name  of  Henry  V.'t 
ship,  xix,  note  5 

Troves,  the  meeting  at,  xlix,  1 ; 
23rd,  24th,  and  251(1  articles  in 
the  treaty  of,  liii,  liv 

TRUMPYNGTON  (Thomas  de),  a 
sham  Richard  II.,  xvii,  note  a 

truye,  140 

TYBONIULLE  (Sir  William)  rallies 
the  French  at  Agincourt,  xli, 
note  4 

Tyburne  legacy,  the  hangman's 
due,  xcv 

TYRONE  (Hugh  O'Neal,  earl  of) 
rebels,  ii ;  Essex  makes  a  truce 
with  him,  ib.t  and  Ixxxiv ;  his 
terms,  Ixxxiv;  Essex's  reply  to 
his  request  for  toleration  in  re- 
ligion, *£.,  note  3;  Essex's  al- 
leged intrigues  with,  Ixxxv, 
Ixxxvi 

under  cure,   under  cover,  Ixxxvi, 

note  3 
Union  of  England  and  Scotland, 

Ixxxvi,  Ixxxvit 
Unities,    results   of    disregarding 

them,  iii ;  disregarded  by  Shak- 

spere,  119,  120 
vntempcring,  160 
vpward,  and  vpward,  127 
ore,  tb.  use,  tvti 


varlet,  146 

VAUHEMOVT,  M; 

Vaward  (the),  nght  vtag  m  Its*  of 

battle,  149 
vie,  mon  de  ma,  1 34,  1 3$ 

W  elided  by  Flucllwm  31 

W  pronounced  a»  V,  1 99 

WARBURTON  (William,  bishop  of 
Gloucester),  cmuired  sc.tv.te 
Htmry  1%  Act  111*  lovtt 

WARE  (Dr.),  ambatudor  from 
Henry  V.,  xii 

'  Warre,  warre ;  France,  Fnace,'  « 

WARWICK  (Richard  Maochamp* 
earl  oO  succeed*  Bedford  in  the 
government  of  France,  uod, 
note  4;  commands  at  AfW- 
court,  ib.;  nretent  at  Trore*,  I ; 
his  view  of  Prince  Henry**  db> 
solute  life,  I viu 

Watchfires  lighted  at  Agincouri, 

XXX 

WATERTON  (Robert,  Etq.X  am- 
bassador from  Henry  V.,  ui 

waxen  epitaph,  117,  1 1 8 

weasel  (the),  a  filthy  beast,  1 16 

wee' I  digest,  1 19 

Welsh-  Rnglith,  Fludlen't,  130,  131 

WcUhmcn,  why  they  wear  leeks, 
xliu,  *liv  ;  worn  by  them  la  the 
1 8th  century,  153 

Westminster,  Church  diatadow- 
ment  scheme  revived  at  the 
Parliament  of,  vu,  \\\\ 

WESTMORELAND  (Ralph  Nevtl, 
earl  of),  his  speech  oa  the  Scot* 
tish  policy,  ix;  made  Wardra 
of  the  Border,  X«H*  j  •!•%•§  far 

wcyned.    t.  weaaed,  Ktti 


what's  (what  >»),  141 
whcare,  «wV.  •••••>,  KM 
which  (which  I ...  rwoyce),  how 

u«ed,  13$,  126 
which,  of,  128 
WhinVf,  what,  xhri,  aote  4.    8« 

u  i63(addit»oaiop.  Urt,ao»»4) 
WHiTCirr   (Joha,  archhtthop  «f 


ido 


Index. 


Canterbury),  his  question  tou-h- 
ing  Tyrone's  demand  for  tolera- 
tion in  religion,  Ixxxiv,  note  3 

Whitsuntide,  morris -dancing  at, 
Ixxxix 

who/iw  whom,  141 

WILLIAM  (Michael),  his  talk  with 
Henry  V.,  Ixxiv,  Ixxx 

Winchester,  Henry  V.  receives 
the  French  ambassadors  at, 
xiii 

WlNDHAM  (Right  Hon.  William) 
opposes  the  abolition  of  bull-bait- 
ing, xci,  note  5 

WIRTEMBURG  (Frederick,  duke 
of)  present  at  a  bull-baiting, 
xcii,  note  3 

wise-bardie,  adj.  Ixiv 


WOODWARD  ( Henry)  =  Pistol,  and 
the  Dauphin,  xcix,  note  6 

wrongs  giues,  1 1 2 

WROUGHTON  (Richard)  =  Henry 
V.,  xcix,  note  6 

YATES  (Richard)  =  Pistol,  xcvii ; 
=  Klucllcn,  xcix,  note  6 

YORK  (Edward  Plantagenet,  duke 
of)  reports  the  approach  of  the 
1  rcnch  army,  xxvii ;  commands 
the  vaward  at  Agincourt,  xx.xvii, 
xxxviii,  xxxix,  note  I ;  slain,  xliv 

York  House,  Essex's  examination 
there,  Ixxxiv 

your/vr  thy  (a  Quicklyism),  122 

your  hostesse,  123 

your  selues  .  .  .  scruices,  113 


CLAY    AKD   TAVLOK,    THE   CHACCM   flUM. 


PR 

. 

••r 

no.  9-10 


Soc. 
Lex  id  <x. 

c  Publication*  j 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SUPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 


UNIVERSITY  Of  TORONTO  UMARY