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FEB 2 1954 



JANUARY, 1888. 


THIS is a very interesting question in itself, and there are 
moreover, some special reasons why Aye should refer to 
it at the present time. Last year was celebrated, on the 20th 
of March, the twelfth centenary festival of the great apostle 
of Northumbria. The occasion was also rendered still more 
remarkable by a great Catholic pilgrimage to Holy Island, 
which did much to revive the memory of St. Cuthbert in the 
minds of the northern Catholics. During the year too, we 
find that there were published or republished no less than 
three different lives of St. Cuthbert from Catholic sources. 
First of all we have had a third edition of Archbishop Eyre's 
History of St. Cuthbert. It was first published in 1849, whilst 
the author was still a young Northumbrian priest, and is in 
every respect a truly excellent work, and if we venture to 
differ from some of the learned prelate's conclusions, we do 
not the less admire the loving care and laborious research 
which are manifested throughout the entire book. 

The Right Rev. Provost Consitt, of the diocese of 
Hexham and Newcastle, also published during the past year 
a smaller, and for that reason, a more popular life of St. 
Cuthbert. The author has had some special facilities for the 
task, which he undertook at the request of the late Bishop 
Bewick, and with him also writing the history of St. Cuthbert 
seems to have been a labour of love. 

Then the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, S.J., gives us an 
excellent translation of Bede's prose life of St. Cuthbert. 

2 Was St. Cuthbert an, Irishman ? 

The life by Bede, so far as it goes, must always continue to 
be the most authoritative account of St. Cnthbert's history, for 
its author was uot only a man of great learning and holiness, 
he had also excellent opportunities of procuring the most 
accurate information regarding the life and virtues and 
miracles of the great Northumbrian apostle. Bede Avas 
about fourteen years old when Cuthbert died, so that he was a 
neighbour and almost a contemporary of the Bishop of Lindis- 
fariie. Then he had his information from men, who knew 
St. Cuthbert well, especially from the priest Herefrith, 1 who 
had been for many years the intimate friend and companion 
of the saint. Hence we think Father Stevenson has done 
well in giving to the public this excellent translation of 
Bede's Life of St. Cuthbert, for it would be impossible to find 
a more admirable specimen of religious biography. 

We have, however, we are sorry to say, one complaint to 
make against all these learned writers. In our opinion none 
of them has fully and fairly discussed the question whether 
Cuthbert was of Irish birth or not. We have had so many saints 
of yore in Ireland, that we could very well afford to lend one 
to Northumbria without saying much about it. But Cuthbert 
is far too celebrated a saint to part with, especially if we are 
to get no credit for our generosity, and so I propose to state 
our claim and our complaint as clearly and as fairly as I can. 

A\ 7 e complain then that these* modern writers do not fairly 
discuss the question at the head of our article. On the 
contrary they rather quietly assume, and, as it appears to us, 
against the weight of evidence, that St. Cuthbert was of 
Northumbrian birth, and almost entirely ignore the arguments 
in favour of the Irish origin of the saint. In this respect Skene, 
the learned author of Celtic Scotland, offers a very striking 
contrast even to our Catholic writers, and gives in his admir- 
able sketch of St. Cuthbert abundant proofs of a judicial 
and impartial mind. He not only furnishes a most ac- 
curate though necessarily a brief analysis of the " Irish 

1 Father O'Hanlon in his Life of St. Cuthbert represents Bede as pre- 
sent at the death of Cuthbert. We know that Herefrith was present at 
the death scene, but we have no evidence that Bede then a boy of only 
thirteen or fourteen was present at that beautiful death on Fame Island. 

Was St. Cuthbert an Irishman ? 3 

Life," of St. Cuthbert, as it is called, but he also calls the 
reader's attention to the principal arguments, both for and 
against the authenticity of that most important document. 

We regret that the learned Archbishop Eyre has not tried 
to investigate the authenticity of the Irish Life in the same 
patient and impartial spirit instead of referring his readers 
to Cardinal Moran and Mr. Skene. After what we cannot 
but think a brief and unsatisfactory reference to the question 
of Cuthbert's Irish birth, he sums up his own opinion by say- 
ing that " there can be no doubt that Cuthbert was born in 
Northumbria of Saxon parentage." In the previous para- 
graph the learned writer disposes of the " Irish Life " by 
observing that in all probability its author confounded Saint 
Cuthbert with Saint Columba. " Columba," says Archbishop 
Eyre, " was born of noble descent at Kelts in Meath, where his 
house is still shown and where no tradition of any kind 
connected with Cuthbert is known to exist." This statement 
was a great relief to our mind. Columba born in Kells ! Every 
Irish scholar knows that he was the great grandson of Conal 
Gulban, that he was born at Gartan, in the heart of the tribe- 
land of his royal ancestors in old Tirconnell, that he was 
baptized at Temple Douglas in the neighbourhood, and that 
he spent his early boyhood at Kilmacnenain, now called 
Kilmacreuau, in the same county Donegal. 1 This is not only 
the living tradition of the entire country, but the birth-place 
is expressly named in the old Irish Life of St. Columba, and 
indeed so far as we know has never before been questioned. 
St. Columba had indeed a " house " at Kells, but in accordance 
with a well-known Irish usage when speaking of saints, the 
Teach or "house " means the oratory and cell .of the saint, not 
the place of his birth or the habitation of his family. We 
know too from the same old Irish Life of Columba, as well as 
from our Irish Annals, that the site of the " house " at Kells 
was given to Columba by King Diarmaid with the consent 
of his son Aedh Slane, about the year 560, when Columba 
was 40 years old, and that it was given to him for the place 

1 See Reeve's Adanman, page Ixviii., and the Irish Life in Skene, vol ii., 
p. 468. 

4 IT as St. Cutkbert an Irishman ? 

of an oratory in atonement for an insult which the monarch- 
had offered to Columba in the royal rath of Tara, 

Monsiguore Consitt dismisses the question of Cuthbert's 
birth-place in a still more summary, but at the same time in 
a more satisfactory fashion. " We know nothing for certain "he 
says, of the birth and parentage of St. Cuthbert. Though 
many centuries later attempts were made to claim him as a 
native of Ireland, and to invest his infancy with a halo of 
romance, yet from the silence of his early biographers and 
contemporary writers we cannot attach much credence to the 
story." So far, this is fair enough, and the author adds that 
it is " probable," but as he says above, not at all certain, that 
he was born in Lauderdale. 

The author of the article on Cuthbert in the new 
Dictionary of Christian Biography is still more confident 
in his assertions. He begins by saying that " Cuthbert 
the great northern saint and bishop was born inthe first half 
of the seventh century in that district of ancient Northumbria, 
which lies beyond the Tweed." The writer of this article 
is the Rev. James Raine, Canon of York, and yet in the library 
of the Dean and Canons of York is the oldest manuscript 
copy of that very " Irish Life," of Cuthbert, which cannot be 
rejected or ignored, without at the same time throwing doubt 
on several of the most authentic memorials of the ancient 
church of Durham. When we read these lives of Cuthbert, 
and the still shallower notices of the lives in some of our 
Catholic reviews, we thought it high time to state the 
evidence, such as it is, in favour of the Irish birth and 
parentage of the great St. Cuthbert. 

And, first of all, in reply to the confident assertion of 
certain writers, that Cuthbert was of Northumbrian birth, it 
is well to say at once, leaving the " Irish Life " out of the 
question altogether, that any such statement is, as Monsignoro 
Consitt admits, entirely unsupported by evidence. It is s-aid 
the name is Saxon; but it is the Saxon equivalent of his Irish 
name; and though Bede says in one poetic passage that Britain 
produced (genuit) that radiant day-star to illuminate the 
Angles, that statement is perfectly true no matter where he 
was born, for at all events he received his religious training; 

M^as Sf. Cuthbert an Irishman ? 5 

in Northumbria. Yet that is all that can be said in favour of 
his Northumbrian birth. Let us now hear the other side of 
the question. 

It is remarkable that although, even from his own times, 
we have several different biographies of St. Cuthbert, yet 
except the authors of the Irish Life, they are all silent about 
his birth-place and parentage ! 

The earliest account of the saint is what is known as the 
< Anonymous Life. " It was written about the year 700, that 
is about thirteen years after the death of Cuthbert. JBede 
embodied the substance of this treatise in his own larger 

Bede wrote two different lives of Cuthbert besides the 
account which he gives of the saint in his Ecclesiastical 
History. One, which seems to have been the earlier, was 
written in heroic metre. The language is choice and elegant, 
and in some passages reminds the reader of the grace and 
tenderness of Virgil. It is in this Life that the passage occurs 
by which; it is sought to prove that Cuthbert was] of 
British origin 

' Nee jam orbis contenta sinu trans aequora lampas 
Spargitur el'fulgens, hujusquo Brittania censors 
Temporibus genuit fulgur venerabile nostris, 
A urea qua Cuthbertns agens per sidera vitam 
Scaiidere celsa suis docuit jam passibus Anglos/' 

There is here no reference to his birth at all, but as both 
text and context clearly show, it refers merely to the sacred 
light of that effulgent lamp which rose in Britain's skies and 
taught the Angles to tread their lofty way to the golden stars. 
If Bede wished to make any reference to Cuthbert 1 s birth- 
place he would certainly have done so in the second or prose 
Life, which gives a much fuller and more complete account 
of the history and miracles of the saint. This prose Life is 
a beautiful specimen both as to style and matter of religious 
biography, yet this strange fact stares us in the face, that 
although Bede's informants were the intimate associates of 
Cuthbert himself, both at Mailros and Lindistarne, he makes 
110 reference whatsoever to the birth, or parentage, or 
nationality of the saint. He does not undertake to tell iis 

H ns St. Cuthlert an Irishman? 

like modern writers, that be was born either in Northumbria 
or Lauderdale or anywhere else. He makes not even the 
slighest reference to his parents or to his family. But, after 
recording some miraculous stories of his youth, unconnected 
with any specified locality, he first introduces him to our notice 
as a youth (adolescens) tending his father's flocks on the banks 
of the river Leader, a river flowing into the Tweed, in the 
western part of Berwickshire. 

"He [Bede]" says Skene, "must surely have known 
whether Cuthbert was of Irish descent or not. He is himself 
far too candid and honest a historian not to have stated the 
fact if it was so, and it is difficult to avoid the suspicion that 
this part of his narrative was one of the portions which he 
had expunged at the instance of the critics to whom he had 
submitted his manuscript." 1 This is honest and judicious 
criticism, and it appears to us to suggest the only satisfactory 
explanation of Bede's strange silence regarding the parentage 
and nationality of St. Cuthbert. His birth, as we shall see> 
was illegitimate. His mother, indeed, was blameless, but, 
all the same, the great saint of Northumbria was the child 
of shame. It would, they thought, disedify simple souls 
to know the whole truth. The story of Cuthbert's birth in 
Ireland and the circumstances connected with it were known 
to comparatively few persons in Northumbria. Was it not 
better that it should continue so, than to run the risk of 
perhaps disedifying the faithful by a full narrative of the 
whole story? So reasoned the good priest Herefrith, and 
likely some others also, and, as Bede himself not obscurely 
hints in his preface, they succeeded in persuading him to 
omit the precious chapter. " Moreover, when this book [the 
Life of Cuthbert] was completed, but not yet published, I 
frequently gave it to be perused both by the Very Rev. Priest 
Herefrith, when, sojourning with us, and by others also who 
had lived for a long time with the man of God, and knew his 
life intimately, and I opportunely allowed what I wrote to 
be retouched [or perhaps expurgated, retractanda], and some 
things, in deference to their suggestions, I carefully corrected, 

1 Celtic Scotland, vol. II.. page 205. 

II "as St. Cuthbert an Irishman? 7 

and thus having cut down to the naked facts [ad puruml all 
digressions likely to cause scruples, I have caused this 
undoubted narrative of the truth, expressed in simple language, 
to be committed to parchment, and carried into the presence 
of your brotherhood." 1 

This is a very significant passage and clearly shows that 
Eede had inserted in his narrative certain stories gathered, 
no doubt, from somewhat uncertain rumours regarding the 
early life of St. Cuthbert. But as these stories might be 
regarded, not only as somewhat doubtful, but also as rather 
disedifying, he was induced to omit them by Herefrith and 
some other associates of the saint, who were more zealous for 
the fair fame of their master than for the completeness of the 
narrative of his early life. The thing is done still by certain 
well-meaning persons'who would surely make long excisions if 
they were ever authorized to prepare a new and improved 
edition of the Bible. 

We now come to the "Irish Life" of St. Cuthbert, anda 
in the case of Bede's Lives we have it both in poetry and 
prose. The poetic life is evidently a versified reproduction 
of the Irish prose life, but it is equally emphatic in asserting 
the Irish birth and parentage of St. Cuthbert. 

" Si cupis audire, Cutliberti miraque scire 
Virtutis mirte, potes liunc sanctum reperire, 
Sanctus Cuthbertus Anglorum tutor apertus 
Regis erat natus et Hybernicus est generatus." 

There is a copy of this poetic life in Leonine metre in the 
British Museum (Titus A. II. 2), which unfortunately wants 
five leaves, to the great grief of some admirer of the saint, 

lu At digesto opusculo, sed adhuc in schedulis reteuto, frequenter et 
Reverendissimo fratri nostro Herefrido presbytero hue adventanti, et aliis, 
qui diutius cum viro Dei conversati vitam illius optime noveraiit, quae scrips! 
legenda, atque ex tempore praestiti retractanda, ac nonnulla ad arbitrium 
prout videbantur, sedulo emcndavi, sicque ablatis omnibus scrupulorum 
ambagibus ad purum, certain veritatis indaginem simplicibus explicatam 
sermonibus commendare membranis, atque ad vestrae quoqae fraternitatis 
praeseutiam adsportare curavi." Praefatio ad vitam S. Cuthberti. 

We have given the original of this important passage in full, in order 
that our readers may judge for themselves as to the interpretation which 
we have given to the text of Bede. 

8 Was &t. Cuthbert an Irishman? 

who has inserted the following note in the manuscript 
* : Here wants fyve leaves, for which I wold gev five onlde 
angells," How they loved God's saints in those glorious 
" oulde " Catholic days in England ! 

The prose " Irish Life," it must be remembered, is so called, 
not because it is written in the Irish language, but because it 
professes to give from Irish sources the history of the birth 
and parentage of St. Cuthbert. Its author calls it Libeling 
de ortu S. Cutkberti de Historiis JHybernensium excerptus et 
translatus. Colgan gives -a version of this Life in his Acta 
Sanctorum, but it was taken from Capgrave, and Capgrave 
seems to have derived his version from John of Tin mouth, 
both being in all probability inaccurate copies of the same 
original. The fairest copy of that life is now preserved in 
the library of the Dean and Chapter of York, and was first 
accurately published by the Surtees Society in 1835 1 (Biogr. 
Misc. pp. 63, 87.) 

Some modern writers have rejected the authenticity of 
this Irish Life mainly, we suspect, because it relates the Irish 
origin of St. Cuthbert. The Bollandist writer (Vita S. Cuth., 
20 Martii) also regards it as untrustworthy, on the ground of 
certain alleged anachronisms and inconsistencies in the 
narrative. " Let the Irish," he says, " keep their squalling 
Nulluhoc to themselves, and leave Cuthbert to the Anglo- 
Saxons." Later on, however, the Bollandists seemed to have 
changed their minds, for at the life of St. Wiro, they merely 
regard the Irish origin of Cuthbert as doubtful. The Surtees 
editor, however, admits that "the Irish Life is a regular 
biography, written in a good style, and not deficient in 
incidental information on the subjects connected with the 
periods in which it was written." 

This " Irish Life" of St. Cuthbert has been printed from 
a codex containing several tracts, dealing chiefly with the 
history of the Church of Durham and its holy patron, and all 
copied, though mostly in different hands, during the course 

1 There is another manuscript copy in the British Museum (Titus A. 
II. 3), but it was evidently made from the York manuscript or from the 
same original. 

ITrt,? St. Cutlibert an Irishman? 9 

of the 14th century. The "Irish Life" is No. 8 in this 
collection, and was in all probability written by Reginald, 
prior of Coldingham, who is the admitted author of treatise 
No. 6 in the same collection, lAbellus de miraculis S. Cuthberti 
secundum Reginaldum de Coldingham, The entire codex was 
compiled by the Benedictines of Durham and of Coldingham 
in the 12th and loth centuries, and next to the body of St. 
Cuthbert himself, it seems to have been regarded as the 
greatest treasure of their church and monastery. The copy 
now at York Avas probably made for Mathew of Durham, and 
was carried to York by that prelate when he was translated 
to the archiepiscopal See. In this way, although the original 
Durham codices are probably lost for ever, the present copy 
<ame to be preserved at York. 

Now it is very singular that our modern critics should 
admit the authenticity of all the other treatises in this 
collection and reject the authority of the " Irish Life " alone, 
especially as the author of the " Irish Life" seems beyond 
any reasonable doubt to be that very Reginald of 
Coldingham, who composed treatise No. 6 on the miracles 
of St. Cuthbert contained in this very manuscript. Reginald 
was not an Irishman, and that is just what we should 
infer from the uncouth fashion in which he latinizes several 
proper names in the " Irish Life." And in the preface the 
writer of that Life identifies himself pretty clearly as the 
author of the treatise on the miracles of St. Cuthbert. He 
tells us that " after revolving in my mind for many years what 
my pen might hand down to posterity in honour of St. 

1 The York MS. XVI. I. 12 contains the following treatises : 

1. De Statu et Episcopis Ecclesiae Hagustaldensis (Hexham). 

2. Eatae Episcopi Hagustaldensis vita. 

o. Reliquiae quae in Ecclesiae Dunelmonsi servantur. 

4. De avibus Cuthberti in Insula Fame. 

5. De llemissione Peccatorum. 

6. Libellus de miraculis S. Cuthberti secundum lleginaldum de 

7. De Episcopis Lindisf amen sis Ecclesiae usque ad Eanbertum. 

8. Libellus de ortu S. Cuthberti de Historiis Hybernensium excerptus 
ct translatus. 

9. De translatione Corporis S. Cuthberti. 

10. 11, 12. The histories of Coldingham, Graystanes, and Chambre. 

10 }\"as St. Cutfibert an Irishman? 

Cutbbert, and diligently investigating the many wondrous 
miracles hitherto unrecorded, which the saint had wrought, I 
composed a * Libellus ' on the subject," which was exhibited 
to his friends, and which is, no doubt, that very Libellus de 
miraculis S. Cuthberti secunduin Reginaldwn de Coldingliam, 
which we find in the York manuscript. 

The writer then goes on to say in the preface to the Irish 
Life " It was whilst engaged in these studies that a certain 
pamphlet [qttaterniuncula] fell into my hands, which stated 
that St. Cuthbert was born in Ireland, of a kingly race, and 
clearly showed how it was that he came to the borders of 
Anglia. Just then it came to pass that St. Cuthbert himself, 
aiding our pious purpose, sent to our house [nobis~\ a holy and 
learned Irishman, Eugenius Episcopus Harundiuensis (else- 
where Hardionensis), whose testimony corroborated what we 
had already learned from the pamphlet regarding the birth of 
St. Cuthbert. Moreover, he told us many other wondrous 
things, of which we had previously known nothing, for he 
not only asserted that he [Cuthbert] was undoubtedly 
[verissime] born in Ireland of a royal race, but he also more 
clearly than anyone else explained to us the name of the place 
and the name of the city, of which we had previously known 
nothing. And, amongst other things, he said that King 
Muriadach was his father, a prince who had justly reduced 
all Ireland under his sovereign sway, and that his mother 
was Sabina, a woman remarkable for sanctity, whose memory 
was honoured, and whose relics were preserved in the 
churches of her own country." The writer then adds that this 
account was confirmed by the testimony (attestationeni) of 
Archbishop Matthias, and of the bishops, Saint Malachy, 
Gilbert and Allan, and also of some other aged priests and 
monks, disciples of the aforesaid Malachy, so that in all 
security he composed this " Irish Life," relying on the testi- 
mony of these men. 

Such is the preface to the Irish Life, and it is surely 
difficult to find a clearer or more straightforward statement. 
Of course there is some difficulty in identifying the Irish 
names in the Latin dress of a foreign writer. Still, there can 
hardly be any mistake made about them by those who are 
familiar with Irish historv. 

Was St. Cuthbert an Irishman? 11 

Eugenius, mentioned in this preface, was bishop of 
Ardmore, and is said to have written a life of St. Cuthbert. 
He flourished about the period of Strongbow's invasion, and 
was the last prelate of St. Declan's ancient see, which was 
shortly afterwards united to Waterford. Matthias was pro- 
bably Mathew O'Heney, Archbishop of Cashel, who flourished 
towards the end of the twelfth century. He was a Cistercian 
monk, and, no doubt, was personally acquainted with the 
Benedictines of Durham. He also wrote a life of St. Cuthbert, 
and we may be pretty sure that he sent a copy to the famous 
monastery where the body of the saint was then enclosed in 
the splendid shrine that was afterwards destroyed by the 
agents of Henry VIII. Alan is supposed 1 to have been 
Albinus O'Mulloy, abbot of Baltinglass and afterwards bishop 
of Ferns, and, like O'Heney, was a great Irish scholar. It is 
likely that the testimony (attestationem) of St. Malachy and 
of Gilbert, bishop of Limerick, of which the author speaks r 
was a written statement of these saints, or, perhaps, orally 
communicated to him by the aged priests, their disciples, 
whom he mentions ; for the saints themselves must have been 
dead some thirty or forty years previously. It is not impos- 
sible, however, that Reginald, supposing him to have written 
the Irish Life even so late as 1180, might have himself 
seen and conversed with Christian and Malachy in his- 

In this preface the author says that a certain Muriadachr 
king of Ireland, was father of St. Cuthbert. This statement 
has caused some chronological difficulties. It is evident, 
however, from the Life itself, that the word " father " here 
must be understood in a wide sense, and is simply equivalent 
to saying that Cuthbert was a MacMuriadach, which was 
probably the expression used, or intended by his informants, 
and which he translated after his own fashion in the Latin, 
For, in the second chapter of the Life, it is not Muriadach, 
the just king of Ireland, but the cruel king of Connathe, who 
is represented as the father of Cuthbert. The statement in 
the preface, therefore, simply means that Cuthbert, through 

1 See Cardinal Moran's Lrixh Saint* in Great Britain, page 272. 

12 Was St. Cuthlert an Irishman? 

his mother Sabina was of the Hy-Muriadach race, and we shall 
show that this expression has been actually used about that 
period in our annals in reference to the descendants of this 
same Muriadach. 

Muiredhach, grandson of Niall of the Hostages, married 
Erca, the beautiful daughter of Loarn, a prince of Scottish 
Dalriada, and through this union he became the father of the 
senior line of the Hy-Niall kings. His son Muircertaca, to 
whom probably our author refers, was for many years supreme 
king of Ireland, and the Hector of the Hy-Niall race, 
imtil he was treacherously " slain, burned, and drowned" in a 
vat of wine whilst trying to save himself from the flames 
of his burning house, which was fired over his head on 
November night, in the year 533. 1 His son Baedan and his 
nephew, Eochaidh Finn, succeeded to the throne as joint 
kings in 570, but were both slain in 572 or 573, and it is 
remarkable that the accurate Chronicon Scotorum, in 
recording their death, describes them as " two of the Hy- 
Muiredach," which shows that even then that branch of the 
Hy-Nialls was so described. If, as Colgan thinks, Sabina was a 
daughter of this Baedan and a grand- daughter of Muircertach, 
the renowned king of Ireland, and was very young at the 
time of her father's murder, she could have been mother 
of St. Cuthbert, at least if the saint were born in the early 
years of the seventh century. And what lends some 
plausibility to this view is that the slayer of Baedan was 
king of Ciannachl, which is remarkably like the king of 
Connathe, who was father of Cuthbert, according to the " Irish 

There is, however, a subsequent entry in the annals which 
in our opinion throws a flood of light on the facts recorded 
in the " Irish Life." It is given thus in the Chronicon 
Scotorum at the year corresponding with 620 A.D. "Murder 
of the family of Baedan in Magh Lecet [recte Magh Slecht] 
in the territory of Connaught viz., Aillil, son of Baedan; 
Maelduin, son of Fergus, son of Baedan, and of Dicuil," so that 

1 The Four Masters have 527, but the Annals of Ulster have 533 the 
true date. 

ITtw St. Cutlibert an Irishman ? 13 

the race of Baedan Mac Hy Muiredhach was nearly extir- 
pated on this occasion. 

Let us now see how this remarkable entry corroborates 
the statements in the Irish Life of St. Cuthbert, which 
expressly appeals to the authority of the most ancient annals 
of Ireland. It is in substance as follows : 

" TK ere was a king who reigned in the city of Lainestri. This 
king was treacherously attacked by a neighbouring prince who ruled 
over Connathe and who slew him and all his family, except one 
tender virgin (tenerrima puellula), whom for shame sake he spared, 
but whom he carried off as a prisoner to his own territory. She 
became an attendant on his queen, but rejecting the king's unlawful 
love, the latter at length forcibly gratified his passion. The maiden 
was then sent to the king s mother, who dwelt with her at a religious 
house near Kenanus under the protection of a certain bishop, who at 
the king's request took charge of the child when he was born, and 
had him baptized under the name of Mullucc at a place called 
Hartlbrechins (Ardbraccan). 1 This city of Kenanus is in the 
region called Media, a district rich in fertile pastures and in cattle, 
and in flowing streams and rivers, one of which called the Mana 
flows by that city of Kenanus, and abounds in all kinds of fish." 

This is a natural and consistent narrative, and contains 
many incidental touches that go far of themselves to prove 
that it is genuine. If a forger wished to invent a royal 
parentage for St. Cuthbert, he would never have done it in this 
fashion, and if he did, it never would have been accepted as 
authentic by the monks of Durham, except it were confirmed 
by the living tradition of that great monastery. Neither is- 
it difficult to reconcile this narrative with the admitted facts 
of Irish chronology andhistory. 

St. Cuthbert died in 687 in senili aetate according to 
Bede. He was an adolescent in 651, when according to the 
same authority he entered the monastery of Mailros. In that 
case we may fairly fix his birth about 625 four or five years 
after that slaughter of the race of Baedan Hy Muiredhach 
described in our Annals. Baedan's son Aillil was probably 
that King of Lainestri, to whom the life refers, and his 
daughter Sabina having been spared at the murder of her 
family was carried off in the manner described. That murder 
took place in Magh Slecht, near Fenagh, in Connaught, and 

1 The bishop's name is not given here, but elsev/here he is called Eugenius.. 

14 Was St. Cuthbert an JMtman ? 

although it is not expressly stated, 110 doubt, Aedh Finn, 
King of North Connaught at that time, was the real author 
of the crime. KelLs (Kenanus), too, was within his juris- 
diction, or on the borders of his territory, for the princes of 
Breiffney ruled almost from sea to sea. Lainestri is an 
attempt at writing Leinster, that is the Irish J^aighen with 
the Danish suffix ster signifying a place. Connathe is, of 
course, Connaught, and Media is Meath, the fertile district 
with its fish-abounding rivers. 

The Irish Life then describes how after the death of the 
'holy bishop who protected them, Sabina fearing, doubtless, 
for the life of her son fled secretly with the child, and reach- 
ing the sea-shore took passage and succeeded at first in 
landing " at Galweia in the region called Renii," which, as 
Skene points out, was doubtless Portpatrick, in the Rinns of 
^Galloway the nearest Scottish land to Ireland. But Sabina 
was anxious, it would seem, to reach her countrymen in the 
Scottish Dalriada, so with a few companions she sailed 
(northwards and " landed at a harbour called Letherpen in 
Erregaithle, a land of the Scots." " This harbour was," the 
writer adds, "between Erregaithle and Incegal, near a lake 
-called Loicafan." This minute description borne out, too, by 
.actual facts, does not look like an attempt at forging a story 
J five hundred years after the alleged events took place. The 
'harbour referred to was probably the northern angle of 
Lough Crinan, in Argyle, close to Lough Awe, not far from 
Dunadd, a strong fortress built on a rock, in the middle of 
rthe great Moss of Crinan. It was tten the capital of the 
Scottish Dalriada. Here, however, on landing, Sabina and 
,her child narrowly escaped being robbed and murdered. So 
they made their way we know not how to the borders of 
" Scotia,'' which did not then include Argyle, and were kindly 
received by Columba, first bishop of Dunkeld. St. Columba 
of lona was then dead, and moreover was not a bishop, so 
that this Columba, or Columbanus, must be one of the 
.numerous prelates who bore that name, several of whom 
may have preached in Scotland. The boy was educated 
for some time together with an Irish girl called Bridget, 
under the care of this holy bishop who told Cuthbert 

Was St. Cuthbert an Irishman ? 15 

that Providence destined him to preach amongst the Angles, 
but that Bridget was reserved by God for the western Irish. 
It has been said that this refers to St. Bridget of Kildare, and 
is a manifest anachronism seeing that she died more than 100 
years before. We know, however, that no less than seven or 
<3ight saints who bore this name are mentioned in our martyr- 
ologies, 1 so that it is a quite gratuitous assumption to 
suppose that the reference is to Saint Bridget of Kildare. 

We are then told that Sabina and her son paid a visit to 
the monastery of lona, where no doubt they were kindly 
received by the abbot who was descended like Sabina herself 
from the great mother of their race Erca, the daughter of Loarn 
Mor. After remaining some time in lona, both mother and 
son left the island, and Sabina succeeded in finding her two 
brothers Maeldan and Aetan, " who," we are told, " were both 
bishops having Episcopal Sees in the land of the Scots." This 
is an interesting statement, for we know from our martyr- 
ologies that there were two saints, one called Maeldan or 
Mellan, and the other Aetan or Aedan, who are both described 
as belonging to the island of Inchiquin, in Lough Corrib, 2 
and were most likely brothers. It seems the island took its 
name from these two saints Inch-Hy-Cuinn and that they 
derived this name from their great ancestor Conn the Hundred- 
Fighter. There is hardly a doubt that they belonged to the 
family of that Baedan to whom we have already referred, 
and it may be that they left Inchiquin after the slaughter 
of their kindred, and retired to the more friendly land of 
the Scots, to preach the Gospel to the heathen. We know, 
too, from the life of St. Fursey, that Maeldan of Inchiquin, 
was his soul's friend or spiritual director, and that he and no 
doubt his brother also, were raised to the episcopal dignity. 
At this time, however, these prelates were probably old men, 
but they readily took charge of Cuthbert and placed the boy 
under the special tuition of a holy man in Lothian, where a 
church, called Childeschirche, was according to the life after- 
wards founded in honour of St. Cuthbert. That name, says 

1 Colgan names fourteen. 

2 St. Meldan's natalis is the 7th of Feb. ; St. Aetan's the 9th of Ort 
See Colgan Ada S/S'., and the Martyrology of Donegal. 

l(j The Irish in Belgium. 

Skene, is now corrrupted into Ckaniielkirk, which is to this 
day the name of a parish in the north western corner of 
Berwickshire, near the head waters of the river Leader. 
And so the Irish Life brings young Cuthbert to the very 
place where Bede takes up the narrative of his life,, 
when he was a young shepherd tending his flocks on the 
banks of the Leader, among the southern slopes of the 
Lammermoor hills. Sabina herself freed from any further 
anxiety in reference to her son, for whom she had dared and 
suffered so much, went, it is said, on a pilgrimage to Home, 
but she afterwards returned to Ireland, where after some 
years' sojourn in a religious house she died a most holy death. 
Her name is said to be commemorated in some martyrologiew 
on the 5th November. 1 

We must reserve for another paper the examination of the 
collateral evidence that goes to confirm this account of the 
birth and parentage of St. Cuthbert contained in the "Irish 
Life" of the Saint. 



' Quae regio in ten-is nostri non plena laboris ?" 

JEXEID, Lib. /., 460. 

DE BURGO in his Hibernia Dominicana 2 refers to the 
Wardenship of Galway as an ecclesiastical institution 
of which there was no second example in Ireland: " neque 
quid simile reperitur in universa Hibernia." On the 8th of 
February, anno 1484, Pope Innocent VIII. established it by 
the Bull -Super gregem dominicum, which states that the 
citizens were " modest and civil people, and that they lived 
in the said town, surrounded with walls, not following the 
customs of the mountainous and wild people of these parts."-' 

1 See Colgan Notes to the Vita Secunda. 

2 p. 323. Vide I. E. RECORD, vol. vii., p. 1100, #/</. 

Vide Hardimaii's History of Gala-ay, App. p. II. ; or Hibernia 
Dominicana, p. 440. 

The Irisli in Belyiiiin. 17 

Owing to considerable changes in the circumstances of the 
Citie, as well as to difficulties continually arising in connec- 
tion with the election or institution of vicars or wardens, 
Pope Clement XII. issued the Bull Redemptoris, on the 
23rd April, 1733. 1 

On the 16th of July, 1830, Pope Pius VIII. addressed the 
Brief Quod est vel maxime, to the Right Rev. Thomas Kelly, 
Bishop of Dromore, and coadjutor Archbishop of Armagh. 
In virtue of this authority Dr. Kelly came to Galway to 
inquire into the circumstances of its ecclesiastical govern- 
ment, for the Brief states " in florentissima Galviae Civitate, 
quae in provincia Connacenci in Hibernia sita saepenumero 
non omiiia ex ordine fiaut quae Guardiani et Vicariorum 
election em respiciunt." 2 On the receipt of Dr. Kelly's reports at 
the Propaganda, Pope Gregory X VL, on the 26th April, 1831, 
issued the Bull Sediwu Episcopalium, which advanced the 
Collegiate Church to the rank of a cathedral, and constituted 
the Warden's district a diocese/ 5 The last Warden of 
Galway, Right Rev. Edmund French, was Bishop of Kil- 
macduagh and Kilfenora since 1824. On. the suppression of 
the Wardeuship, which was partly effected through his own 
efforts, he withdrew to his dioceses. He died at Gort, on 
the 14th of July, 1852. The first Bishop of Galway was- 
the Right Rev. George Joseph Pluukett Browne, who was 
consecrated on October 23rd, 1831. 

From a glance at the outline of Papal legislation given 
above, the student oi Ecclesiastical history will easily 
understand how many lesser procedures must have taken 
place. Pope Gregory XVI. states that letters in reference 
to the Wardenship were received at the Propaganda not 
only from the Bishops of Counaught, but also from the 
Bishops of the other provinces : " Tales profecto litterae, non 
solum a Connaciensis Proviuciae, sed etiam a reliquarum 
Hiberniae Provinciarum Episcopis, scriptae ac probatae ad 
hanc S. Congregationem de Propaganda Fide fuerunt 

1 Hibernia Dominicana, p. 442. 

a Episcopal Succession of W. Maziere Brady, Vol. II., p. 223, sift. 

3 Ibid., p. 225 &(fj. 


18 The Irish in Belgium. 

missae." 1 The Archives of the Diocese of Gal way contain 
innumerable letters, citations, and documents ; and from 
references in them, we know that many such documents 
existed elsewhere. But as all Irish business with the Holy 
See was formerly transacted through the Internuncio at 
Brussels, our attention is directed to Belgium. 

The following document sets forth the origin of five years' 
litigation : 2 

"Whereas violence in this day's election (being candidates for the 
Avavdianship, the Rev. Dr. Marcus Kirwan and the llev. Mr. 
Hyacinth Bodkin) such as forcing the pole from the Gentlemen that 
received the voices of the patrons, who complain'd that some of the 
patrons, or pretended such, have been refus'd to receive their voices 
without assigning any reason than a sic volo w ch has hinder'd a great 
many more of the patrons to give their voices these and other 
reasons w ch will appear in proper time oblige us to petition for an 
adjournment of this election untill the eight of August .Instant, at 
ten of the clock in the morning. Where unto we sign our hands this 
first day of August. 1737. 



The fulness of time developed the case. In November 
of the same year, the Archbishop of Tuam, Bernard O'Gara, 
heard the case in the parish chapel at Gal way. There was 
an appeal to the Internuncio at Brussels, and pendant e lite the 
tribes were not idle. They wrote to a kinsman at Lou vain 
to watch their interests. The publication of this letter may 
be excused : 

" To Mr. Mark Kirwan, Merchant in Gallway. 
" Sr TOUT'S arrived here the 24th instant, and no body at 
present to take care of it. I took it in hand and am glad it came in 
my way to serve you and maintain ye right of ye town, otherwise 
you woud {sic} have no answer these two or three months to come. 
I went to Brussels and spoke to Mr. Tempi (the Internuntio) who 
gave me a full and satisfactory answer. I laid before him ye customs 
1 saw practiced in my time, the privilege of ye town ; ye need not 
fear even if ye gentlemen appointed and ye doe not agree, for then ye 
will get others to decide ye matter ; and their writing to Uome (as I 
believe they only pretend) will have no effect without ye informations 

1 Episcopal Succession of W. M. Brady, Vol. II., p. 227. 

2 Archives of Diocese, anno 1737. Other documents given in this 
case are from the same source. 

The Irish in Belgium. 19 

of Mr. Tempi, who will proceed as his predecessors have done. 
Mr. Arch-Deacon is appointed at their demand, Mr. Duffy at yours, 
Mr. Kelly of Athlone ex officio to whom he wrote last week, before 
yours came to hand, to give their opinions. The chief point, as I 
understand, is to prove ye election, which I suppose you can easily 
doe, for they pretend it null. Mr. Fouley's proceedings you'l hear 
hereafter, and his sharp answer tho' well recommended by Mr, O'Gara. 
I spoke to him about appointing Mr. Robert Kirwan and any of 
rest, to w ch he answered he could not untill he would hear ye fore- 
said's opinions, then if not agreed he'll appoint others, but always in 
an unequal number. You may depend I spoke to him as feeling 
concerning your affairs as I could, and doe not doubt but you'l succeed, 
only I am in haste in sending ye the enclosed, and just come to town 
from Mr. Tempi, I would acquaint you at large of what passed on ye 
other side, for [ have seen ye most of it. Interim 1 remain your 
most loving and affectionate friend to command, 


" I beg you'l not let my name goe farther, but command me your's 
as above, with your address if you think it proper, and dont use 
allways ye same address for some letters are in ye way from here to 
Ireland. Lovain, 7 bcr ye 30, 173S." 1 

In the year following the Internuncio's Commission sat 
in the Augustiniaii convent at Ballyhaunis. The members 
were Rev. John Duff, Vicar-General of Achonry ; Walter 
Kelly, S. Th. D., Parish Priest of Athlone ; and Rev. Patrick 
Gaffry, Vicar-General of Elphin. In the meantime the case 
was referred to the University of Louvain by the lay patrons. 
The decision is dated and signed: 

"I ta responsum, Lovanii hac LS Aprilis 1731). 

U L. J. STKEITIIA.GEX, J. U. Doctor. 
" Idem censeo K. A. PORINGO, J. U. Doctor et Sacrorum 

" Canonum Professor Ordinarius. 
" C. MAJAYE, J. U. Doctor, et SS. Prof. Odin." 

It may be necessary to state that the verdict of a 
University in those days was of the greatest importance. 
Pages could be written recording questions referred from 
Ireland to the several Continental universities, but one im- 
portant example will show the bearing of the case. In the 

The tribe of Browne, to which the writer of this letter belonged, was 
of English origin. The head of it came to Galway not later than the 
middle of the loth century. Motto : Fortiter et Fiddlier. Arms : An ea<?le 
displayed, with two heads, sable. Crest ; An eagle's head, erased. 

20 The Irish in Iklmwn. 

year 1 603, an important decision was given by the Universities 
of Salamanca and Valladolid, in favour of the struggle of 
Hugh O'Neill against Elizabeth ; and to establish the 
authenticity of the Brief of Pope Clement VIII. sent to 
O'Neill. Some priests of the Pale raised a question as to 
the justice of O'Neill's cause, and the authenticity of the 
Brief. The declaration of the universities settled the 
questions. The text and signatures of the declaration are 
to be found in O'Sullevau Bear's Compendium, Lib. viii., 
cap. vii. ; and a translation of it in Pacata Hilerma, Vol. ii., 
p. 430. The Galway case went to the university again in 
1740, as is evident from the following documents : 

" To Mr. Nicholas Lynch litzJohn att Anthony Bodkin's, Merchant 

in Galway, Ireland. 

" Dear Cousin I'ain sorry you have been so long disappointed 
in not having an answer ere now, which was occasioned by Cousin 
Joyce's absence and mine until four days agoe we arrived. I proposed 
your case yesterday as stated in ye enclosed to ye chief doctors of our 
University here, and is signed by ye principal and first of them. 
J should be very glad it were in my power to serve you or any of ye 
gentlemen there, but if you have any commands for ye future I'l take 
care to dispatch y m as soon as possible, and be pleased to state ye 
case in Latin for fear of any error in ye translation. You'l be 
pleased to salute my poor desolate mother, her family, and all other 
friends there, and believe me to be, 
" S r . 

" Your affectionate kinsman to command, 


" P.S. In your next you'l be pleased to enquire of Mrs. Rose 
Kelly, or her sister at ye boarding school, whether they had any 
account of their brother Dominick who went to the Indies, we heard 
here that he dyed, but no certainty. In so doing you'l oblige your's 
as above. 

'Lovain, 8 br ye 7th, 1740." 

The following document was enclosed : 

"Quaeritur: An Patroni seculares qui habcnt jus nominandi ad 
beneficium die et loco secundum consuetum statutis, possint propter 
indispositionem corporis, vel alia legitima impedimenta committere 
procurator], ut vices suas agat, et personaliter cum nominations 
ipsorum compareat in ordine ad effectum dictae nomiuationis." 


" Infrascriptus, visa et examinata quaestioiie supra posita, ceuset : 
Patrones legitime impeditos posse presentare vel nominare persona.s 

The Irish in Belgium. 21 

sivc clericos icloneos per procuratores ; ratio cst, quod quaecumque 
persona alioqnin non prohibita, capax et habilis sit ad praesentandum ; 
dein negotium sive actus praesentationis quocumqne die et hora ex- 
pedire potest, neque ullibi numeratnr inter actus legitimos. Igitur 
recte sequitur quod Patroni non valentcs praesentationern personaliter 
facere, illud committere possint aliis personis, qnae facient praesenta- 
tionem nomine Patroni. 

" Ita resolutiim, Lovanii hac 6 Octobris, 1T40. 

4< ARX. V, BUGGENHOUT, J. U. Doct. ; et SS. Canonum 
" Antecess. Primarius " 

But all this procedure could not flourish without the usual 
adjumenta. So we find Monsignor Tempi writing to Gal way 
in 1741 ; and in virtue of his mandate, the following order 
was issued. 

Shakespeare tells us that 

44 Tavern bells are often the sadness of parting." 
But the following note was the sadness of the lawsuit : - 

'* Galway ye 20 April, 1741. 

44 SIR, The above is a true copy of ye Nuncio's latest letter to us ; 
wherein you see our power is sufficiently furnish'd and extended to 
order you to pay Mr. Hyacinth Bodkin ye sum of money we order'd 
you before to pay, and the expenses and trouble of us Arbiters. We 
therefore, by virtue of ye Apostolical Commission and power lodged 
in us, command you by ye 5J7 of April, this Inst. month, to pay ye 
aforesaid Expences we condemned you in ; otherwise depend of a 
consequence within our capacity of worse moment w ch must neces- 
sarily be put in execution on said '27 April. J,We desir your separate 
answers hereto before ye aforesaid limited day 27 April, and are, 

" Rd. Sr. respectfully, 

"Your humble servants, 

"Axow. KIRWAN, 
"Roan: MARTIN." 

The lawsuit traced in this paper serves to show the 
ecclesiastical relations that existed between Belgium and 


[ 22 ] 


MANY years ago, whilst turning over the pages of Dr. 
Brownson's Quarterly Revieiv, I came across, in one of 
the articles, an expression of opinion the remembrance of which 
still rankles in my thoughts. The drift of the argument con- 
tained in the article was, as far as my memory serves me, 
on the general bearing of the Bible with regard to science, 
and especially w r ith regard to those sciences which are, 
practically, of modern growth. And in the argument it was 
stated, as if passingly, that science real science had made 
far greater progress amongst those men who rejected the 
authority of sacred Scripture in toto 9 because, being freed 
from the trammels of Scriptural authority with regard to the 
numerous statements^ made therein in reference to Nature, 
and the laws thereof, they could, by so applying 
themselves to the study of Nature alone, be the better able 
to judge of Nature's laws and principles. I had thus in a 
few sentences, both a fact stated, and a principle laid down. 
The fact seemed to me to be rather a painful one, and the 
principle, or the judgment founded on the principle, either 
a harsh or an unjust one. And, again, the great prestige 
which the name of Dr. Brownson had won for itself would 
again and again deter me from assuming that such in truth 
was the judgment, which according to my idea, was conveyed 
in his words. 

Many truths revealed themselves to my mind, as time 
rolled on, making me view in another light the facts and 
principles I had found in the pages of the Quarterly Review, 
and laying it clear to me, that if there are many names, great 
in the world of science of men who have rejected the 
authority of Sacred Scripture, even where Sacred Scripture 
seems to speak of the Laws of Nature, it is not because they 
have rejected the authority of Sacred Scripture, but because,. 
though deeming themselves the foes of the Bible, they were, 
like the prophet Balaam, through the power of God, the 
friends and upholders of the Bible. How this has come to 
pass will form the argument which the writer of these line .* 
intends to lay before the readers of the RECORD. 

The Bible Its Friends and Foes. 23 

To the unprejudiced mind, the Bible is the most remark- 
able book ever written in connection with any religion 
whatsoever. It is hardly worth while to discuss the merits of 
those sacred books of which the religions of the East have 
been the sources and origin. Modern science has scarcely 
deemed it worth while to confute the rhapsodies, the 
unmeaning superstitions, that crowd the pages of the Vedas, 
the works of Zoroaster, &c., &c. Even in the countries where 
they have been the means of propagating the religions which, 
I might say, gave them birth, they have never held, and much 
less do they hold at the present day, the esteem and venera- 
tion of the enlightened members of the community where 
they circulate. And if they are quoted, as is the Koran of 
Mahomet, it is by reason of the numberless references to the 
manners and customs of the times when they were written, 
or by reason of the philosophical tenets which may have held 
sway in those schools out of whose ashes they have, as it were, 
sprung. Modern science has not attacked such books. Its 
very progress was a sufficient refutation of the absurd tenets 
crowding their pages. The object for which they were 
written was, I might say, local ; their arguments were local ; 
their aim was local, and everything foreign to the spirit of 
of the age wherein they were written, or to the country 
where they were composed, was equally foreign to them. 
They were not divine. Such, I fancy, are among the chief 
reasons why the religious books of the different races on the 
globe, excepting the Bible, have been so seldom, if ever, 
brought into antagonism with modern science. And for these 
special reasons, on the other hand, has the Bible held such 
a prominent place in the calculations for good or ill, of 

The Christian student must, therefore, regard the Bible 
as a book remarkable amongst the religious books of man- 
kind. Year after year he will find its greatness and its 
sacredness growing upon him. Ever as he enters the broad 
domain- of science he will find the Bible still holding the same 
place in his esteem nay, a deeper and a holier one ; for 
many a mist which his first prejudiced, and perhaps ignorant, 
reading of its pages may have raised up before his mind will 

'24: The Bible Its Friends and Foes. 

then disappear. He will find it, though perhaps in a sense 
too often misconstrued, a veritable " Lumen pedibus," even 
along the paths of science. Speaking historically of the 
friends, and especially of the foes, of the Bible, I think the 
history of the latter almost begins to dawn towards the close 
of the last century. I could put this statement in another 
form, by saying that up to the close of the last century, it 
was rather the Inspiratio, or the Revelatio, or the Tnterpretatio 
of the Bible, which was, one after another, attacked, but 
hardly its Authenticitas. At least, leading questions turned 
rather upon the laws of Inspiration, or of Revelation, or of 
Interpretation, rather than upon the Authenticity of the book 
itself; but a new era dawned upon the upholders of Biblical 
lore, when it was found that human knowledge under the 
garb of science sought to overturn the great structure which 
generations had built upon the old interpretations which had 
been given to page after page of the Bible. The age of 
Galileo was the first to overthrow fancied theories which had 
been credited to the Bible. 1 remember reading an amusing 
amusing to a modern mind thesis, written during the time 
of Galileo, against the " Solar System" then adopted by 
Galileo and the followers of the school of Copernicus. As 
far as I can remember the words of the writer, he rather 
lavishly used with reference to Galileo the epithets, Hostis, 
Tn'/micus ; Contra quern stat noster propheta Moyses. 

Perhaps in a century or two the tables that are standing 
*it present may be equally turned ; and many who look upon 
the men of science as enemies of the Bible may find them- 
selves in the camp of those who sought to shield their own 
prejudices by means of the word of God. Now there are a 
few principles which may be laid down with all safety, and 
which must meet with the approval of everyone, both the 
theologian as well as the scientist. If the Bible is the Word 
of God, it cannot clash with what science teaches. That is 
beyond Yea or Nay. God is the source of every truth, 
whether he speaks to man through his shadow, which is 
Nature, or more directly as through Revelation, it is our God 
who is speaking nought but truth. 

All this turns upon what I wish to bring forward as the 

The Bible Its Friends and Foes. 25 

leading idea in these pages the object of both Inspiration, 
and Interpretation, or, perhaps, to speak more extensively, 
the object of the Bible itself. If this could be settled ; if it 
could be decided what the Bible does speak to man about ; 
what it has for its object, for the object of every line stamped 
upon its pages, then it would be very easy to show that every 
conclusion drawn from the Bible, and antagonistic to the 
conclusions of science, is a false conclusion, and, consequently, 
is of no value. Yet the theologian must not be too generous 
towards the demands of science. For what is given to the 
world on to-day, as a legitimately scientific conclusion, on 
the morrow is proved to have been but a mere baseless con- 
jecture. So, vice versa, where the theologian feels convinced 
that his interpretation of a certain phrase of the Bible is the 
legitimate one, if in time the conclusion which he has drawn 
therefrom turns out to be wrong, or clashing with a clearly 
demonstrated conclusion from the principles of science, then 
his first interpretation must have been an unlawful one. The 
teaching of the Catholic Church on the extent of Divine 
Inspiration is very clear ; and the conciseness of the terms 
employed seems to be for the very purpose of setting aside 
as unworthy of notice the opinions of those who would find 
in the Bible, not merely God's word, leading man to life 
eternal, and to the knowledge of such things as conduce 
thereto, but would find in its pages principles which belong 
to profane science, and conclusions which can be deduced 
from scientific principles alone. The words of Trent, 
and the decree of the late Vatican Council, bearing upon 
the Tridentine decree are very clear. Both decrees, in 
declaring that the Bible is inspired, declare at the 
same time what properly constitutes the object of Biblical 
inspiration. I had better give the words of the Vatican 
decree in order to make the matter clear. 

" Si quis Sacras Scriptural libros integros cum omnibus 
suis partibus, prout illos Sancta Tridentina Synodus recen- 
suit non receperit, aut eos divinitns impiratos esse nega- 
verit, anathema sit." (De Revel). 

Here it is evident that the Bible, as a whole is to be con- 
sidered as the word of God, and consequently necessarily true. 

2(> The Bilk Its Friends and Foes. 

Questions have been raised among doctors of Theology from 
time to time, as to whether a distinction should be made 
between " matters of faith and morals," and " matters of fact," 
whether, it being absolutely certain that in the former every- 
thing is true, the same must be concluded with reference to 
the latter. Holding as I do to the mere statement of Trent 
that the Bible " cum omnibus suis partibus " is inspired, I 
hold that there is no statement in it whether in regard to 
faith or morals, or even with regard to mere questions of 
" fact " false or untrue. And I think^that such questions arose 
by reason of an overlooking of the object of the Divine 
Inspiration. That there are what appear to be statements 
which in time have proved to be out of harmony with the 
conclusions of science, I am willing to admit. Why there are 
such apparent statements shall be made clear further on. It 
is certain that the Bible is inspired " cum omnibus suis 
partibus,'' but only with reference to the scope, to the object 
God had in view both in revealing all He did reveal in 
its pages, and in inspiring the sacred writers to write 
down all they have written. That that scope never 
extended as far as either to supersede science, or to 
invade its domain or to enrich man's profane know- 
ledge, is the teaching of the greatest doctors of the Church. 
Petrus Lombardus, summing up the teaching of the 
Church on this subject, says : " Hanc scientiam " [i. e. 
the knowledge of Nature] " homo peccando non perdidit : 
nee illam qua carnis necessaria providerentur. Et idcirco in 
Scriptura homo de hujusniodi non eruditur, sed de scientia 
animae quam peccando amisit." Dr. Reusch in his Der Bibel 
und die Natur, treats this question very amply. His own 
words (Lect. iii.) are very apposite. " For this end the 
following simple but important principle must be adhered to ; 
supernatural and divine revelation never has in view the 
enriching of our profane knowledge ; therefore the Bible in 
no place aims at giving us any knowledge whatsoever with 
regard to nature." And in the same lecture he quotes the 
leading writers both Catholic and Protestant, who treat on 
this subject. Saverio Patrizi, one of the ablest of the Italian 
exegists of the present day, writes very clearly on this 

1/te Bible Its Friends and Foes. 27 

subject. I cannot refrain from quoting the paragraph as I 
find it given in the Italian in Reusch : " Per premunirci 
contro 1'errore che la scienza della natura possa venire in 
contraddizione colla Bibbia, dobbiamo non dimenticare che 
gli scrittori della Bibbia non hanno in mira di trattare ques- 
tioni di scienze naturali, e cosi non lasciarci nell' ignoranza 
delle cose della natura " (DelV interpretazione della S. Scritt. ii 
Vol. pp. 80 Roma, 1844). " In order to guard against the possi- 
bility of fancying that natural science can clash with the 
teaching of the Bible, we ought to remember that the Biblical 
writers never had in view the treating of questions belonging 
to natural science, and consequently they did not aim at 
freeing us from ignorance with regard to the things of 
nature." The object then of Divine Inspiration is evident. 
The "cum omnibus suis partibus " can be received in its fullest 
sense, and at the same time one may be able to explain such 
references to Nature as may be found here and there through- 
out the pages of the Bible, in apparent contradiction with the 
conclusions of science, so as to derogate in no wise from the 
dignity of the Bible, nor from the certainty of science. The 
explanations that have again and again been given for such 
statements, or rather apparent statements bearing upon the 
laws of Nature, as are to be found in various parts of the 
Bible, such as that contained in the words of Josue, when he 
commanded the sun to stand still in the heavens, and other 
such like statements, have ever seemed to me to be either 
derogatory to the dignity of the Bible or else false. And 
false assuredly were such explanations as would lead one to 
believe that Divine Inspiration ceased the moment anything 
the knowledge of which could be acquired through the 
ordinary sources of information was introduced. The classi- 
fying, therefore, of the "statements," and "facts " met with 
in the Bible, into inspired statements, and non-inspired, seems 
to be very derogatory to the sacred character of the Bible. 
Such action betrays a great want on the part of those who so 
attempt to' defend many passages met with throughout the 
pages of Scripture a great want of being able to grasp the 
knowledge of the mere aim and object of Biblical statements. 
Such a course might be adopted, or rather those who would 

28 The Bible Its Friends and Foes. 

have to defend the Sacred Scriptures, would have to adopt it 
if it were true that the Bible for one instant laid aside its 
supernatural aim, and had entered into the field of science. 
But the Bible has never entered that field. Another has it 
occupied : not that which belongs to nature. It has left man 
free wherever his powers his natural powers may list to lead 
him. Yet one cannot deny that page after page is teeming 
with numberless references to Nature, to her laws, to pheno- 
mena observed in nature ; and the whole difficulty in being 
able to reconcile the above statement with those facts, seems 
to hinge hereupon. The explanation is very easy. It is true 
that there are numberless references to the laws of nature, 
etc., to be met with in the Bible ; and many of these references 
are based upon principles which have long since been 
exploded. There is the statement of the writer who wrote 
about the prayer of Josue ; that the sun stood still : and many 
others. But as the principle laid down in the beginning is 
unassailable, such facts are beside the point, as far as proving 
that the aim of the sacred writer was to show that the sun 
really stood. It would be ridiculous to state anything of 
the kind. It would be a straining of the whole text. What 
the sacred writer did state was that the day was lengthened 
through the prayers of Josue. How he did state that fact 
was in the ordinary language of the people of his time. It 
was not the language of Galileo or Newton that he used, 
but the ordinary language of the people. Or if I put the 
matter in other terms : the references to nature, met with in 
the prayer of the Bible, are not statements as such, but the 
habits of thought, and language employed by the sacred 
writers to convey supernatural knowledge. I am sure my 
readers will pardon me from quoting in full a passage from 
Kepler's celebrated work Epitome Astronomiae Coperni- 
canae, which seems very apposite to the explaining of 
what has been stated above : "Astronomy explains the causes 
of natural events, and examines ex professo optical illusions. 
Sacred Scripture, on the other hand, teaches truths the most 
sublime ; and in order that these truths be understood, makes 
use of the language of every day life. It [i.e. Sacred Scripture] 
speaks but incidentally of natural events, and even then, 

The Bille Its Friends and Foes. 29 

but as they seem to occur, and after the manner usually em- 
ployed in speaking of them, etc., etc." Here then is an 
astronomer of the highest eminence laying it down as a 
principle that there are no statements in Scripture ex professo 
which aim at the explaining of natural events, and that the 
references to them that are found in the Bible are 
nought but means employed to convey to the minds 
of its readers those truths which it does teach ex professo. 
What, then, is to be thought of those theologians who 
seek in the pages of the Bible arguments for the support 
of many a theory which, as far as can be judged, 
may turn out to be as false and as baseless as the old 
theory about the solar system? Indeed, when the true 
object and aim of Biblical inspiration is understood, it is 
very hard to fancy any possible clashing between the legiti- 
mate aspirations of science and the teachings of Sacred 
Scripture. They walk along the different paths, and it i& 
not they that cross, but their rash upholders. And, on the 
other hand, it is a sorry spectacle to see the scientist seeking 
to find in the Bible statements which appear to him to clash 
with the conclusions of science. He betrays a lamentable 
ignorance of the legitimate aims of science, as well as of 
those Divine Inspirations. Hand in hand the two orders of 
truth, natural and divine, will march to the one destiny. 
They will yet meet in a daytime when the lot of those whose 
possession they were, will be fixed and made immutable. Yet 
here the theologian should not be supine. The security with 
which God has fenced in the word he has revealed to man 
ought not be to him a motive for inactivity. Should he have 
to struggle with science, real true science, it would be ever 
easy to guard his loved t lore from danger : but the foe he 
has to meet is human knowledge, or rather ignorance 
masquerading in the garb of science. He has to meet 
the scoffer and the sneerer. He has to meet the 
cynic, as well as the zealot. The one will uproot 
faith in 'the hearts of the simple ; the other will sap it 
from the minds of the intelligent. Since the days of 
Dr. Brownson science has made many strides. She has 
pushed her limits far beyond those wherein she was then 

30 The Bible Its Friends and Foes. 

confined ; but not unto the dishonour, but rather unto the 
honour and glory of Religion has been her progress. To-day 
it is no longer true that the great names in the world of 
science are men who ignore God's word. The name of Secchi 
is in itself a sufficient answer to the sneer of La Lalande. It 
is hardly necessary to mention any amongst the illustrious 
men who at present are the glory of science, just as they 
.are an honour to the Church of Christ and a living proof of 
the unity of the principle whence springs all truth. Indeed 
the clouds which threatened to gather, and darken the light 
of Evangelical truth, have disappeared ; and as far as human 
foresight can extend, the future of science is a future equally 
glorious for the Bible. It will stand when the folly of 
every other book which the religions of the world have 
conceived will be made manifest. And for Catholics 
especially will that future be brimful of hope ; for their 
Church, which is the guardian of the Bible, will be a sharer 

Even at the present moment there are signs of that 
dawning future. The congress of Catholic scientific men, 
which is to be held at Paris either next year or the year after, 
will be awaited most anxiously by all who see in the progress 
of science the promotion of God's glory. And it will be clear, 
too, that the scientists of the 19th century, in breaking away 
from the paths trodden by their predecessors of the 18th, 
and ranking themselves amongst the friends of God's 
written word, will have proved that the only antagonism 
which can exist between Science and Religion is that which 
springs from a vicious heart, buried in the midst of ignorance 
.and passion. 

J. L. LYNCH, O.S.F. 


FATHER MORRIS informs us that the original idea of his 
Life of St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland, was purely 
devotional. He did not, then, go into any minute details of 
topography in tracing the saint's footsteps through the 
island. He has given us the main events of a marvellously 
supernatural story, with sufficient proofs of its authenticity. 
He has laid down general principles of criticism by which 
may be successfully met those specious sophistries, by which 
for over two hundred years learned men have striven to prove 
that there was no St. Patrick, that St. Patrick was Palladius, 
that St. Patrick was a Protestant, or that St. Patrick has 
been so hidden from view by the wilful suppressions of 
historians that his shadow is scarcely perceptible to the 
ordinary reader, and only the powerful magnifying glasses 
of discerning modern critics can descry the real saint in the 
dim distance, and call him forth again to light and life. 

The point to which 1 wish chiefly to draw attention is the 
locality of one of the most remarkable events in the conver- 
sion of the island, remarkable for the striking picturesqueness 
-and life-like details, with which the scene has been described 
in several of the ancient lives ; and for the glimpse it gives 
us of the manners and customs, and social life, as well as 
religious belief of the people of this island over 1400 years 
ago, the baptism of the two daughters of King Laeghaire at 
the fountain, on the slope of Cruachain. 

Father Morris writes : " Before leaving Cavan St. Patrick 
founded a church on the spot where he had overthrown the 
idol (i.e. Magh-slecht) ; then turning his face westward, he 
passed over the Shannon into Connaught, near the present 
Clonmacnoise, and here we find him again in relations with 
members of the reigning royal family. Ethne and Feidelm, 
the two . daughters of King Laeghaire, were living at 
Oruachan, the palace of the Kings of Connaught, which lay 
near the place now occupied by the town of Roscommon, 
and two of the King's druids, Mael and Caplait, Were 

32 Eihne and Fedelm. 

appointed to guard aud educate the royal maidens." 1 A 
glance at the map of Ireland will show that to reach Cloii- 
macnoise from Cavan, a journey to the south through 
Leitrhn, Longford, Westmeath, and King's county would be 
necessary ; and it seems improbable that the saint took this 
circuitous route, returning on the other side of the Shannon, 
when by crossing that river opposite Magh Slecht, such a 
journey could be avoided. An attempt to explain this 
portion of the saint's missionary travels has been made by 
the present writer. 2 

Rathcruachain, the royal seat of Conuaught, cannot be 
said to be near the place now occupied by the town of 
Roscommon. It lies nine Irish miles north of that town, 
and a mile west of the village of Tulsk, nearly midway 
between Belinagare and Elphin. 

Father Morris gives in full the account of the princesses' 
meeting with the Saint, from the Tripartite Life, remarking- 
that " it is one of the most curious and interesting revelations 
which we possess of the religious ideas of the time." It 
begins thus : "Patrick went afterwards to the fountain, i.e. 
Clibech, on the slopes of Cruachan at sunrise. The clerics sat 
down at the fountain. Laeghaire M'Neill's two daughters 
Ethne the Fair and Feidelm the Red, went early to the 
fountain to wash their hands, as they were wont to do, when 
they found the synod of clerics at the well, with white 
garments, and their books before them."* The Book of 
Armagh relates the meeting thus : " Deinde autem venit 
Sanctus Patricias ad fontem qui dicitur Clebach in lateribus 
Crochan contra ortum solis, ante ortum solis, et sederunt juxta 
fontem. Et ecce ii. filiae regis Loigairi Ethne alba et Fedelm 
rufa, ad fontem more mulierum ad lavandum mane venierunt,, 
et senodum sanctam episcoporum cum Patricio juxta fontem 
invenierunt." 4 The words " ante ortum solis " in the Book, of 
Armagh, have no equivalent in the Irish Tripartite version, 

l 'lhe Life of St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland, by William Sullen Morris 
Priest of the Oratory. Second Edition, pp. 103, 104, 
a Vide Irish Monthly^ Volume vii,, pp. 486, 487. 

3 Fr. Morris's Life of St. Patrick, p. 103. 

4 Book of Armagh, ed. Fr. Hogan, pp. 70-71. 

Ethne and Fcdehn. 33 

which has, however, the equivalent for ad ortum solix, viz. 
towards the rising of the sun, i.e. towards the east. The sense 
is, they (St. Patrick and his companions) came before sunrise 
to the fountain on the slopes of Cruachan, looking towards 
the rising of the sun (i.e. on the eastern slope of Cruachan 
the fountain was). Probus calls the well " Dabhach." 1 He says 
afterwards, that the virgins were buried "juxta fontem 

Now I think there can be no doubt that this well is the 
remarkable one beside the present graveyard of Ogulla. It 
is to the east of Cruachairi, about a mile. It has been always 
regarded as a holy well. The remains of church buildings 
are visible at it and in the graveyard beside it, and the Lives 
tell us that St. Patrick built a church in the same place. It 
has all the appearances of a place of ancient devotion, is 
surrounded by large stones, and shaded by old trees. The 
flow of water from the fountain or well is constant and so 
great that a large pool is formed by it, surrounded by 
stones of great size, which would be suitable for washing or 
bathing. The tradition of the place identifies the well of 
Ogulla as the scene of the baptism of the king's daughters 
by St. Patrick. An old and very intelligent man who 
lives in the village, and understands Irish well, informs me 
that this is the tradition of the neighbourhood. He him- 
self learned the whole history, when a boy, from an old 
schoolmaster, then eighty years of age, and also an Irish 
scholar. He has frequently seen people performing Stations 
at the well ; they were constantly performed in his youth. 
No other well having these characteristics, or traces of ruins, 
or held at a holy well, can be pointed out to the east of 
Cruachain. The present writer had the pleasure some time 
ago of walking from Cruachain down the eastern slope, to 
the well of Ogulla, with a distinguished Q.C., and the learned 
judge who took a great and most intelligent interest in Irish 
antiquities, had no doubt whatever that this was the sceno 
of the conversion, baptism, and burial of SS. Ethne and 
Fedelm. He discovered beside the well the remains of an 

i Probably Dabhach is a misprint for Clebach. 

o4 EtJuie and Fedelm. 

. ancient stone crucifixion, the head and part of the arms of 
the figure of our Lord being perfectly distinct, which had 
anciently stood there, before which many a pious pilgrim to 
this holy shrine of the Virgins, had devoutly prayed, but 
which, doubtless, was thus broken to pieces in those days, 
when, as the Four Masters say, " the men of England broke 
down the monasteries, and sold their roofs and bells, and 
burned the images, 'shrines and relics of the saints." The 
identity of the locality is contained in the very name Ogulla, 
which means the Tomb of the Virgins. Probus says that the 
holy virgins were buried by the well of Clebech " fecerunt- 
que eis fossam rotundam in similitudinem petrae incissae, 
quae fossa consecrata est a Sancto Patricio, cum Sanctarum 
Virginum ossibus, et celebrata est earum memoria ab eodem 
sancto viro et ab heredibus ejus episcopis post se in secula : 
nam ecclesiam virginum construxit in eodem loco." Hence 
evidently the name of Ogulla, which is also the name of the 
parish, the following explanation of which by one of our 
most able and accurate Irish scholars, Dr. MacCarthy, of 
Mitchelstown, I think eminently satisfactory : 

"Ogulla is a compound, og ulad, Virgin tomb. The final d 
became (in philological jargon) infected, i.e., a h was added to it 
dh ; next the dk was dropped in the spelling, as it had already been in 
the pronunciation, og-ulla, an instance of phonetic spelling. But 
luckily the radical g of og has been preserved ; hence we can 
determine the derivation with absolute certainty. Now for the 
authorities (1) Book of Armagh (ed. Hogan) p. 73 ; fecerunt iossam 
rotundam (in) similitudinem fertae, quia sic faciebant Scotii homines 
et gentiles. Here fertae is used as a Latin genitive singular of ferta. 
But /<?? is the Irish singular and ferta the plural mounds, graves, 
and the meaning of the Book of Armagh is, therefore ; they made a 
a circular mound in the likeness of a grave-mound. (2) Fert is 
equated in O'Davoreu's Glossary (pp. 90-1) with ulaid, which (allow- 
ing for the provection of a into the diphthong ai in later times) is pre- 
cisely ulad = ula, ulla. Ullad thus means a grave-mound erected to 
some distinguished dead person or persons, and in a Christian sense 
it came to mean a shrine, as in (3) Leabher Breac, note upon the 
Festology of Aengus (Stokes' Ed., p. cxxxiii) : atait athaisi in 
nlaid Sen Patraic in n-Ardmacha ; but his (old Patrick's) relics are 
in the tomb (shrine) of Sen (old) Patrick at Ardmagh. 

" This seems conclusive on the etymology. The spelling naturally 
varied : for the accent was on the first syllable. Hence when og was 
pronounced long, the remaining syllables were slurred over and con- 
.sequently varied in sound.'' 

Ethne and Fedelm. 35 

I twill be remarked that Probus describes the monument 
over the holy Virgins as a " fossa rotunda." 

A walk from Cruachain to the well of Ogulla would 
correspond exactly to the description in the opening of 
Aubrey de Vere's beautiful poem, * c St. Patrick and the two 
Princesses," drawn by the poet from the original sources : 

; Like two sister fawns that leap, 

Borne, as though on viewless wings, 

Down bosky glade and ferny steep, 

To quench their thirst at silver springs, 

From Cruachan, through gorse and heather, 
Kaeed the Royal Maids together. 

" From childhood thus the Twain had rushed 

Each morn to Clebach's fountain-cell, 
Ere earliest dawn the East had flushed, 
To bathe them 111 its well." 

It may be remarked here that the Tripartite says that the 
maidens went to the fountain " to wash their hands." The 
Book of Armagh has " ad lavandum," to bathe. " Et ecce ii 
filiae regis Loigaire, Ethne Alba, Fedelm rufa ad fonteni 
more mulierum ad lavandum mane venierunt." " And behold 
the two daughters of King Loigaire, Ethne the fair and 
Fedelm the red, came early in the morning to the fountain to 
bathe, after the custom of women.' It is believed by com- 
petent scholars that the Tripartite has been translated from 
the Book of Armagh, at least in parts. The version of the 
Irish Tripartite is : " There came the two daughters of 
Laeghaire MacNeil early to the well to wash their hands, as 
was the custom for them, to wit, Ethne fair and Fedelm red." 
Had the Irish version omitted mane early, we should at once 
conclude that the translator mistook mane for maims (ad 
lavandum mane), but he has given mane, Commoch. However 
the mistake occurred, it seems pretty clear that the version 
in the Book of Armagh is the correct one, and as a con- 
sequence, that the Tripartite was translated from the Book of 
Armagh. " Ad fontem more mulierum ad lavandum mane 
venierunt." 1 Now, of course, men wash their hands just as 
women do. Seeing this difficulty probably, the Tripartite 

1 Book ofjirmagh, ed. Ilogan, p. 71. 

30 JEthne and Fedelm. 

translates " more mulierum " " as was the custom for them,'' 
i.e. these women, whereas the phrase is obviously not specific,. 
but generic. It was the custom in ancient times for women 
even of the highest rank, thus to go forth to bathe. Witness 
Exodus ii., 5. "And behold the daughter of Pharao came 
down to wash herself in the river, and her maids walked by 
the river's brink." It would be unnecessary for the princesses 
to make every morning a journey to a distant fountain to 
wash their hands. Dr. MacCarthy, to whose kindness and 
courtesy I am much indebted in this paper, is of opinion, 
that the translator or author of the Tripartite mistook the 
sense and is here unreliable. 

It is curious and instructive to read Sir William Betham's 
translation of the portion of the Book of Armagh relating to 
the conversion of the royal maidens. Sir William Betham, 
F.S.A., L.S., M.R.I.A., R.A.S., Z.S., Ulster King-at-Arms, 
Keeper of the Records of the late Parliament of Ireland, 
Deputy Keeper of the Records in Birmingham Tower in his 
Majesty's Castle of Dublin, 1 is one of the great Protestant 
authorities on St. Patrick. He considers it " very singular, 
that Ware and Ussher saw, and extracted from, the Book of 
Armagh, yet neither appear to have made themselves ac- 
quainted with its most important contents." 2 He informs us 
that he has " taken a view altogether novel with respect to 
the ancient Church of Ireland, and St. Patrick's mission, and 
indeed as to the History of Ireland generally." 3 The profound 
study of the most ancient and valuable documents in the 
Book of Armagh, hitherto so singularly overlooked by m en- 
like Ussher and Ware, had opened his eyes to a rash system- 
of imposture. " The period to which it [the Book of Armagh^ 
refers, has hitherto been enveloped in obscurity, rendered 
more dark by fabricated legends, invented for the express 
purposes of deception, to make posterity believe they saw 
the substance, while a shadow was exhibited to their con- 
templation, to give to Palladius the name and character of 
Patricius, and to obliterate the recollection of the latter from 
the minds and attachment of the grateful and affectionate 

* Irish Antiquarian Researches, Title page. 2 Hid., part ii, p. 247. 

., p, 248. 

Ethne and F<>delm. 37 

Irish, by giving his name to a phantom, raised at the end of 
the sixth or beginning of the seventh century, for Palladium 
or any of his successors was not called Patrick, nor had the 
fraud been contemplated until that period." 1 

Now was Sir William Betham, F.8.A., &c., &c., competent 
to draw these or any conclusions from the Book of Armagh ? 
Here is his translation of the account of the meetings of St. 
Patrick and the princesses at the fountain " And behold the 
two daughters of King Loigaire, Ethne the Fair and 
Fedelmnufa came in the morning to bathe after the manner 
of women, and they found the holy bishop Senodus with 
Patrick near the fountain." 2 Book of Armagh : " Et Senodum 
sanctam episcoporum cum Patvicio juxta fontem invenierunt," 
i.e., they found a holy synod of bishops with Patrick beside 
the well. Again, after the saint had baptised the princesses, 
Sir William Betham translates thus : " And they requested 
to see the face of Christ, but the saint said to them, ' Unless 
ye taste of death, ye cannot see the face of Christ, and unless 
he receive your sacrifice.' And they answer, ' Give us the 
sacrifice, that we may be able to see his son, our spouse.' 
And they received them for the love of God, and when 
sleeping in death, they placed them in a little bed, covered 
with clothes, and they made lamentations." 3 Book of Armagh 
(ed. Hogan) 1 : " Et postulaverunt videre faciern Christi, et 
clixit eis Sanctus: nisi mortem gustaveritis, 11011 potestis 
videre faciem Christi, et nisi sacrificium accipietis. 5 Et 
responderunt, da nobis sacrificium ut possimus Filium, 
nostrum sponsum videre. Et acciperunt Eucharistiam Dei, 
et dormierunt in morte." The Triparite version is " And 
they asked the vision of Christ face to face, et. dixit Patricius 
eis : that they [recte you] could not see Christ, unless you 
taste death before, and unless you receive the body of Christ 
and his blood. Et responderunt filiae : give us the sacrifice 
that we may be able to behold the promised (one) ; and they 
received after that the sacrifice, and they slept in death." 
This gives the sense of the Latin, except that promised is not 
the correct translation of "sponsum." But what are we to 

1 Ibid., pp. 244-iMo. l2 Ibid., p. 367. 

3 l',tid., p. 37). 4 p. 72. r> accipietis for acceperitis. 

38 Ethne ar<d Fcdelm. 

think of the version of Sir William Betham? He was 
manifestly unable to decipher correctly the Book of Armanli. 
This is his text of an important part of the foregoing 
passage : " Et acciperunt ea charitiam clei et dormientium 
in morte," 1 which is altogether unintelligible. It may be 
aelded that the Book of Armagh says r "Ecclesiam terrenam 
fecit [P.] in eo loco." The word " terrenam" here denotes 
" earth" in contradistinction to wood, as building material ;. 
as the same book says elsewhere : :5 " Fecit Ecclesiam terrenam 
de humo qvadratam, quia 11011 prope erat silva." By another 
gross and palpable error Betham makes Aidus the writer of 
the Life of St. Patrick in the Book of Armagli, whereas it was 
written by Muirchu Maccu Machteni, at the request of Aed 
or Hugh, Bishop of Sletty, as is stated in the book itself. 

It is unnecessary to dwell here on the proofs of the 
Blessed Eucharist and the Holy Sacrifice, which these 
passages from " the oldest writings now extant in connection 
with St. Patrick"^ afford, and on the importance of having 
competent Catholic scholars to explain our ancient Celtic 

The name Ogulla, then, the Tomb of the Virgins, recalls 
to our minds the remarkable scene so vividly described in these 
very ancient documents, with the striking personal details 
which lend such life to the picture. We may imagine the 
surprise of the royal maidens, when, glowing with health and 
beauty, after their rapid morning's Avalk, they suddenly 
beheld the venerable synod of bishops, seated by their 
favourite fountain, perhaps on some of the large stones still 
on the ground, clothed in their white garments, with their 
books before them. Nobler than even their father Leogaire 
on his royal throne, with his druids, his bards, and chiefs 
around him, looked Patrick then, as, in peaceful majesty, 

" Fronting the divwn lie sat alone : 
On the star of the morn lie fixed his eye, 
The crozier he grasped shone bright, but brighter 
The sunrise flashed from St. Patrick's mitre." 

v 1 lri#h AutiijtiurictH llcscarcliuf, Part II. Appendix, p. xxviii. 
2 Ed. Hogan. p. 73. * llid*, p. 84. 

4 Sixth Report of tin Deputy-Keeper of Pulllc Records in Ireland, p. 105- 
6 Aubrey de Veve, Legends of St. I 'utricle, p. 5^. 

and Fed elm. 3<*< 

Fair were these royal maidens, the White Rose and 
the Red, as they bounded lightly down the slopes of 
Cruachain, when the rosy dawn was flushing the eastern sky ; 
but fairer far were the royal brides, when wedded for ever to 
their Kingly Spouse, " white and ruddy, chosen out of 
thousands," they stood by Clebech's fountain, their virgin 
souls purer than its crystal waves, looking out in extatic joy 
from their love-lit eyes : 

u Beyond all knowing of them beautiful. 
Beyond all knowing of them wonderful, 
Beautiful in the light of holiness," 1 

They died through love of that Divine Spouse, to whom 
they were united, even as died the Mother-Maid whose son He 
was, whose brides they were now for evermore. Having found 
Him whom their souls loved, they would not let Him go. For 
them love was indeed stronger than death. 

The feast of St. Ethne was observed on the 26th of 
February, that of St. Fedelm on the llth of January. It is 
conjectured that the reasons why their feasts were celebrated 
on different days was because the body of one, probably St. 
Ethne, was translated to Armagh on the 26th of February. 2 
Few portions of the sacred soil of Eire og, inis na naomk 
(Virgin Eire, Island of Saints) should be held more holy than 
this memorable spot, hallowed by the synod of St. Patrick, 
and by the conversion, baptism, communion, deposition, and 
sacred relics of the blessed virgins, Ethne the Fair and Fedelm. 
the Red. These holy maidens 

" Lay on one bed, like brides new wed, 

By Clebach well; and, the dirge days over, 
On their smiling faces a veil was spread 

And a green mound raised that bed to cover. 
Such were the ways of those ancient days 

To Patrick for aye that grave was given ; 
And above it a church he built in their praise ; 

For in them had Eire been spoused to heaven." '' 


1 Tennyson. Holy Grail. ' J See Colgau's Notes, /lr.7. Sanct. Ilib. 
3 Aubrey de Vere. 

L 40 ] 


IT must have occurred to every mission priest, who is 
charged with the care of souls, that to some moral 
questions, which intimately concern the welfare of his flock, 
he finds it difficult to give a satisfactory solution, in con- 
sequence of their close connexion with the science of 

The difficulty is one indeed, which has had its origin 
in far-off times, when medicine was a sealed book to every 
one save the practitioner. Nor, it must be confessed, has the 
ever-widening knowledge of the "arcana medici," helped so 
materially to solve the difficulty of the priest at the one side, 
nor of the doctor on the other. The materialism of the age 
has stepped in between the science of God and that human 
frame, the most beautiful work of His plastic hand. 

Students of medicine have little time and less love for 
questions that have a bearing on Theology. Even had they 
the will to do so, they could not gratify it in the University 
or Medical School. We might go further and say, that 
the practical lectures at many public schools, on the 
Continent at least, and perhaps at some of our schools 
at home, are on some points at variance with the teaching 
of Catholic Theology, with the instincts of common sense 
and with the canons of sound morality. The young 
student here at home passes from the Intermediate school 
to one or other of the different colleges, where the 
science of medicine becomes the exclusive subject of earnest 
thought and unremitting brain work for three or four 
years. The whole scope and aim of his youthful ambition 
is to gather within the compass of a very short period 
of time such accurate information on the different subjects 
that form the curriculum of studies, as will secure him at the 
end of his terms an easy access to the different diplomas, 
by which he is elevated to the dignity of the full-fledged 
physician. His career in professional duties brings him 
across a great many complicated matters, where the science, 
of which he is an adept, touches upon the broad domain ot 

Pastoral Medicine. 41 

-Catholic Theology, and he feels that he is more or less 
exposed to do violence to his own conscience, or that of his 
patients through the lack of knowledge of certain positive 
principles of the science of Catholic Divinity. To sit down 
and commence the laborious task of mastering these prin- 
ciples in detail, would be a work foreign to his tastes and 
outside the obvious nature of the duties to which he is 
committed. No doubt, it may be said, that practice and 
experience in his professional business, his rudimentary 
knowledge of Catholic truths, a wide acquaintance with the 
instincts and habits of our Catholic people, added to his own 
common sense and discretion, would supply the doctor in 
some measure for the want of technical training in Theology. 
He may also be a man of reading habits, thoroughly 
devoted to his noble profession, and anxious, moreover, to 
answer every claim which the legitimate authority of the 
Church may call upon him to satisfy. He may too yearn 
to bring his professional studies up to the full level of those 
requirements, which an obedient son of the Church should 
carefully master, and with a view to this, he may, alongside 
of the investigations peculiar to his own craft, superadd 
those kindred subjects, which branching out into the 
physician's domain, nevertheless have their basis on the solid 
foundation of Moral Theology. Books of " high thinking," 
where broad and cultured minds find free scope for the dis- 
cussion of intricate and delicate questions, are brought within 
the reach of the thoughtful student in our day. Catholic 
reviews and magazines, opening their pages to the ventilation 
of such questions, are becoming every day more numerous, 
receive a larger share of public patronage, and more of that 
thoughtful attention, which is due to the works, where solid 
learning, convincing argument, lucidity of exposition and 
apt illustration, are combined to assert the rightful claim, 
which the masters of human thought hold over the govern- 
ment of men's minds. In such works, no doubt, many 
knotty points, common to the theologian and physician, are 
cleared up. Others about which opinion is of a less 
decisive character are brought within the range of practical 

42 Pastoral Medicine. 

Like those star, which one looks upon as mere points in 
the sky, but which by the aid of a powerful telescope and 
astronomical calculation are discovered to be "centres of 
life and light to myriads of unseen worlds," and the patches 
of cloudy light, scattered among the stars, resolve themselves 
into complete clusters, which science and careful observation 
can map out each in its proper place ; so it is with many 
truths that lay sheltered within the framework of the human 
body. The scalpel of the surgeon and tiie Inquisitive mind 
of the anatomist have brought them from their secret hiding 
place, showing that they are not the exclusive possession of 
one of the sciences, but common to others that deal with the 
moral welfare and social happiness of mankind. And just 
as men of inquiring minds, who would turn their research to 
discover the origin of the world we inhabit, try to collect all 
the information, which observation of the various existing 
phenomena of nature can give ; they search the crust of the 
earth for any facts which the rocks, their position, their 
character, their fossil contents can afford. They take 
notice of the arrangements of continents and seas, the 
position and direction of mountain chains, and with 
the aid of these letters of the geological alphabet, they 
spell out the history of the globe. And hence whoever is 
anxious to lay the foundation of a geological cabinet, never 
passes by a stone-heap without examination, or never leaves 
a quarry or gravel-pit unsearched. He will not allow his 
ever deepening interest in his subject to be guided exclusively 
by the principles peculiar to his subject : he will call in the 
aid of the botanist, the chemist, the mineralogist, and even 
the mathematician. And so it is with the medical practitioner,, 
he must try to sound the depths by that line, which is sure 
to touch the bottom. 

He must call in the aid of other sciences, above all, that 
noblest science, which lifts up the mind of man above these 
surroundings which chain it to the earth, and carries it back 
to Him, by whose word it was called into being, and by 
whose providence it is guided, to explore the wonderful 
works of His hands. But, on the other hand, the priest who 
has charge of souls must now and again look outside the 

Pastoral Medicine. 43* 

realms of theological science for information on questions 
that have no direct bearing upon his peculiar studies, nor, 
perhaps, any charm for his tastes. Works on medical science 
seem as foreign to the purpose and aim of his life as lectures 
on Moral Theology do to the student of medicine. 

How can what is foreign to each, respectively become a 
source of useful and necessary information for both, and thus 
serve a common purpose ? The exigencies of both should 
determine the questions for discussion in such a work. It 
would bring science and religion together in close proximity, 
and would prove not merely useful to this or that class, but 
it would show IIOAV harmoniously they can commingle, and, 
so to speak, complete each other. It is hardly a matter of 
useful information to refer to some of the many and cum- 
brous works 011 pastoral medicine, which from time to time 
have made their appearance, overloaded with scientific 
details, jumbling together whole sections of Pastoral Theo- 
logy with anatomy, pathology, therapeutics, &c. . . . An 
elaborate treatment of everything contained in the works 
could only be attempted with one result that most people 
would be deterred from reading them at all, and those who 
did so would leave their study with very unintelligible and 
obscure notions of the true relations between theology and 
medicine, and with no practical information for either the 
good of soul or body. The gifted writer of Sanitary Sermom 
shows at what a disadvantage a clergyman would labour, 
who, wading his way through a multitude of quartos, treating* 
of matter utterly outside the scope and limits of pastoral 
medicine, would come out of their study with very little solid 
information, which could easily be obtained from a volume of 
very modest pretensions. 

In this age of science and philosophy every intelligent man 
is expected, in his own interest, to inform himself on the 
method of living best suited for health of body and health of 
soul ; and with regard to physiology, every intelligent man 
ought to' have some knowledge of the body and its functions, 
in order to live according to the laws of health. Such know- 
ledge is not only useful, but even necessary for the priest, 
particularly in regard to the sick. He- can reform abuses 

44 Pastoral Metl.mne. 

control prejudices, and keep away noxious influences, which 
oftentimes help to spread and render fatal many an epidemic. 
Those things, however, lie without the scope of the present 
paper, which confines itself to matters absolutely necessary 
for the priest in his vocation. 

Without the aid of scientific training, he has to acquire 
as best he can a ready acquaintance with what is needful, 
and to accept, as a learned writer observes, facts and results 
in the absence of erudite training in verba magistri. He may, 
of course, if he choose, give his mind to a wide course of 
study in medical matters, through the deep interest he feels 
in what is man's greatest possession next to life ; or he may 
have adesire to become acquainted with the most compli- 
cated work of creation, to discover the best method of 
investigating the various maladies to which flesh is heir, in 
order to arrive at the fountainhead of those diseases which 
threaten life. 

The writer happened to know one of the clergy of a 
southern diocese, whose skill in the diagnosis and treatment 
of diseases won for him the widest reputation. Whether 
such a practice would in our day be altogether unsuited to 
the clerical calling and taste, or would be tolerated by 
ecclesiastical authority, is a matter we need not discuss here. 
One thing appears to commend itself as a general rule : 
that persons outside of the profession had better leave medical 
books alone ; for it lias been well known that the reading of 
these books leads up to unpleasant effects, sometimes even 
fatal in their consequences. To meet the requirements then 
of the day, and to provide the clergy with a work, treating 
exclusively on pastoral medicine, inspired a distinguished 
physician of Germany, and a devoted son of the Church, to 
bring out a volume of a very readable and useful character on 
the subject. 

Dr. Carl Capelmann's work passed very soon through 
several editions, and it was very favourably noticed in many 
of the leading German reviews. A large, and perhaps the 
most important portion of his work treats of subjects con- 
nected with the faithful observance, or criminal breach of the 
Sixth Commandment. Jt was at the bidding of holy charity 

Pastoral Medicine. 45 

that the author undertook to lay bare some of the hideous 
vices that degrade humanity. The consequences to soul and 
body of these physical and moral evils led him, both in regard 
to the dignity of the human being and through sympathy for 
suffering, to attempt a cure or to alleviate a pain, at the cost 
of laying open details of the most revolting and repulsive 

In addition to this portion of the subject, he deals with 
many others of great importance, such as questions connected 
with the Fifth Commandment, with the Sacrament of Baptism,, 
the Blessed Eucharist and Extreme Unction ; and, lastly, he 
gives very solid information to the clergy how to render 
immediate assistance in sudden emergencies ; the better to 
enable priests, especially in rural districts, to play a little the 
part of the doctor. On the whole, the information conveyed in 
the book is of a very useful character, by no means furnishing 
that deep scientific acquaintance with medicine which would 
enable the priest to act the doctor, nor, for more cogent 
reasons, to enable the physician to assume the place of the 
priest. One thing, at least, must strike a casual reader. It 
is the outspoken, nay, fearless method he adopts in defending 
his views, and the unshaken confidence he reposes in opinions 
he supports against the teaching of St, Liguori and the 
moralists, as he terms writers on Moral Theology. 

Whether many of his conclusions are drawn from generally 
admitted data, or whether some of them clash with the 
scientific opinion of his professional brethren, or still further,, 
whether they rest in some instances upon an unsafe assump- 
tion, we must leave to the judgment of those who have 
carefully analysed the work. 

In one particular, no doubt, we may lawfully presume 
upon the accuracy of his conclusions : it is that in some of 
the latest discoveries of medical science, the improvements 
made in rendering operations, formerly involving the severest 
suffering, now almost painless, must call up a different 
response, from that already given on questions common 
to theology and medicine. The solid foundation upon which 
some of those opinions rested, has shifted its position, and 
through the intervention of a hitherto unknown factor 

40 Pastoral Medicine. 

appearing unexpectedly on the scene, views, dusty with 
age, must abandon their long maintained ground, and pass 
along a newly opened up channel, where the natural 
vigour of the intellect, aided by scientific discovery, is set 
free in directions that hitherto escaped observation. To 
illustrate what is here meant, I shall quote for an instance 
the case of an operation attended with risk to life. T.o 
perform such operations in order to avert danger to life is 
allowed, because, instead of probable death, there exists a 
good chance of saving life, or at the outside, there is at least 
the possibility. And this permission is even stretched as far 
as a case where the danger to life is mediate, where the 
strength, of the constitution is considerably impaired, and the 
success of the operation endangered by a possible setting in 
of some unforeseen treacherous disease of a deadly character, 
which often lurks in the wake of the most scientific and 
successful operations. 

In each single instance, of course, the individual case of 
the patient in question, the inconveniences occurring from 
his state of health, the prospect of success, should be weighed 
and the decision given accordingly. From this aspect of the 
case we pass to the further question : Whether one is bound 
to have an operation performed, which endangers life, with 
the hope of its preservation. Theologians maintain that no 
one is bound to undergo a severe operation, involving risk of 
life, although by such a risk a good chance of saving life may 
be thereby afforded. St. Liguori gives the common teaching 
of theologians on this point, when he says : " Non teneris 
vitas servanda^ causa pati amputatiouem cruris ant brachii, 
aut incisionem ventris ad extrahendum calculum." And 
Gury says (L.C.) *' Nou tenetur quis servare vitam remediis 
extraordinariis, qut\3 maximum dolorem afferant ; non datur 
enim obligatio servanda3 vitas, nisi mediis ordinariis qiuw 
magna non adducant incommoda," and Scavini (Tract 7) 
" Cum servare vitam operatioiie dolores nimis atroces 
affereute extra communes vires positum est." We may seek 
for the foundation 011 which these views rest in two con- 
ditions, viz., the sufferings of the patient and the difficulty of 
the operation. Dr. Capelmann questions the soundness of 

Pastoral Medicine. 47 

ihese decisions as being at variance with the present develop- 
ment of medical science and surgery, by aid of which 
difficult operations are now performed under greatly changed 
circumstances, and with better success. The discovery of 
chloroform as a surgical anaesthetic has, no doubt, conferred 
incalculable benefit on the suffering human race, its use as 
an agent for the relief of pain in difficult operations is widely 
known and has served in a great measure to lessen the fear 
of the surgeon's knife. Every living creature has a dread, 
nay, a horror of pain, especially that caused by a surgical 
operation. The anticipated dread of suffering, its real severity 
under the operation ; the tendency of pain to depress the 
nervous system; the struggles and the writhings of the 
patient, presented serious obstacles to the successful practice 
of surgery, and necessarily involved, on the part of the patient, 
a sacrifice beyond the capability of human strength. Under 
the influence of chloroform the surgeon operates with ease, 
with care and a firm hand ; whilst the patient in the region of 
unconsciousness is rescued, through the discovery of science, 
from the hardships incidental to a natural process ; and 
whilst the body is being disfigured under the cruel scalpel, 
the will is at ease, the strength of the body is sustained, and 
the patient without a struggle. Such a release from pain 
through such a simple process must be reckoned among the 
fortunate acquisitions of modern times. Of course in every 
case a careful investigation must be made to ascertain 
whether the patient's constitution, the severity of the 
operation, its long duration, &c., would render the use of 
chloroform very useful, or even necessary. Hence it may be 
broadly stated, to use Dr. Capelmann's words, " that neither 
patient nor physician can be allowed to use chloroform 
except for urgent reasons." Viewing the matter from 
these circumstances, the author of Pastoral Medicine would 
think that the decisions given above by moral theologians 
should be modified. He would not take it upon himself to 
decide, .but would, I daresay, prefer to leave it to the 
judgment and discernment of the theological reader. 

A little further (page 45) on the duty of a mother 
to nurse her own children, he quarrels with some of the 

48 Pastoral Medicine. 

opinions of the theologians regarding the reasons which 
may excuse her from discharging that duty. " The mother's 
milk," says he, " is the most natural nourishment, nay, the 
only proper one, for the child." 

Science, in spite of her utmost efforts, has not succeeded in 
finding an adequate substitute to take her place. The rate 
of mortality among infants, raised in an artificial manner, is 
one of the strongest proofs of the mother's duty to nourish 
her child with the milk of her breast, and not to withhold 
from it the food given her by God for this purpose. 
According to Gury (pa. I.e. Tom. 1. page 3(51) the Sententia 
Communis of Theologians would not bind the mother to this 
obligation, sub gravi, because the non-fulfilment of this duty 
does not involve a grams deordinatio, i.e., if the mother refuses 
the sustenance ordained by nature for the child's support, but 
has it supplied through another channel. He then gives the 
causes which exonerate the mother from all fault and cast 
upon her action no stain of sin ; these are necessity, remark- 
able utility, and the custom that prevails among families of 
rank. He challenges the ruling of theologians on the gravity 
and character of the obligation on the part of the mother to 
supply that support that nature has clearly defined to be a 
duty ; and in the second place he maintains that the custom' 
prevailing among families of notable respectability to trans- 
fer this important duty to a third party, is not invested with 
that sanction of legitimate authority, so that it could safely 
be followed in conscience. He tries to sustain the argument in 
favour of the gravity of the obligation upon what he calls an 
unquestionable fact that many infants pine and die in con- 
sequence of having been denied the nourishment of their 
mother's milk. The child's death, which, of course, does not 
follow as a necessary result, but which may, and often does, 
happen in consequence is, he says, most certainly a grains 

The law of nature is, that every new-born infant shall be- 
fed with the milk of its own mother ; consequently the child 
has a natural claim Avhich cannot, for manifest reasons, be 
legitimately traversed by artificial contrivances, or the often- 
times less wholesome food received at the breast of one who 

Pastoral Medicine. 49 

is made to take the part of the mother. Let us pass to what 
he has to say regarding the custom which sanctions this 
practice. He begins by asking the question : " Is then a 
mere consuetudo to be accepted as a sufficient dispensation 
from so grave an obligation ? Is custom to excuse from sin 
one who neglects a positive duty imposed upon him by the 
laws of nature?" But it may be answered: Has not this 
custom obtained for generations? Those certainly, who 
first set aside the instincts of humanity to satisfy the craving 
of some sensual pleasure, to put themselves in line with the 
mechanical forms and requirements of that social circle they 
happened to move in, would indeed appear to have been 
guilty of a breach of one of nature's noblest laws ; but can 
the same be said, with equal truth, of those who, acting bona 
fide, believe they are doing that with which social taste and 
long-sanctioned fashion are associated ? Will not the cruel 
exigencies of the ever- widening dominion which custom and 
example are exercising, give to their action the tone of a 
becoming duty, instead of branding it as an act of criminal 
servility ? Can individuals disturb with a light hand what 
is engrafted in the framework of social rank ? How can they 
oppose, with courageous energy, the waves of ever-varying 
fashion, which force their way over rock and sandbar to 
stiffen and break on the shore of fickle fancy? Caustic 
writer, fearless preacher, the weary, jaded spirit and surfeited 
heart of the votary of the whims and caprices of social taste,, 
offer only a qualified resistance to these forces which gather 
in secret, like the lava in the volcano's cup, which bursts in 
fury over the smiling fields and comfortable homesteads that 
lay so sweetly happy and so thoughtlessly near the dangerous- 
enemy, whose progress no human effort could retard. But 
notwithstanding the bold energy of human devices to tamper 
with duty and conscience, the voice of nature makes itself 
heard in the heart of every mother, urging her to give to her 
child that nourishment ordained for its support by the God 
who rules, its destiny. But it might be asked : Is it custom 
or the reasons which originated the evil practice, which still 
support it and exert their influence upon every mother who 
follows what appears to be condemned by ordinary common 
VOL. ix. D 

50 Pastoral Medicine. 

sense as well as by the finer feeling of humanity ? And what 
are these reasons? They are vanity, love of pleasure, the 
desire of preserving those delicate features and that youthful 
freshness which advancing age, the multiplied anxiety of 
engrossing care and the duties of a mother, strip of their 
charm and attractiveness. " Why," sa^s the author of 
Pastoral Medicine, " would a femina nobilis be excused by 
custom, when the duties which nature calls for in the noble 
are similar to those she demands in the poor and unknown ?" 
The requirements of nature allow of no distinction in these 
matted in which the human race owe the same obligation to 
the Divine Lord, as well as to that of nature. Nor could it 
be maintained on the ground that one can afford to pay for a 
substitute, whereas the other unites compulsion and duty in 
discharging a function imposed alike upon all. As we have 
said above, the argument of the author would appear to be 
based upon solid ground when he asserts that it is the desire 
to preserve physical beauty that weighs most with those who 
would avoid the trouble and inconvenience which such a 
duty necessarily imposes on a mother. And besides this, 
there are other reasons, such as social enjoyment, the ball- 
room, the concert, tea-parties, &c., which furnish, in the 
opinion of those who have no great love for home, nor the 
cares with which it is associated, sufficient ground for a dis- 
pensation to have the mother's place taken by one who must, 
at all events, be nutrix bona quoad mores et valetudinem. It is 
an admitted fact, that in the nursing of the child great 
influence is exercised not only over the body but also over 
the soul. And it is strange, in the face of this adhesion, that 
if the person who is to supply the place ot the mother is 
found of good temper, intelligent, truthful and honest, her 
moral character is the last matter that comes within the scope 
of inquiry. Dr. Capelmann, speaking for Prussia, tells a sad 
story of the wholesale neglect in this all-important matter 
of moral virtue in the nurse. " Often," says he, " has it been 
known that a fallen woman is asked to do this duty, because a 
virtuous women could not be had, without any protest from 
the mother, provided the substitute is of sound bodily health.'' 
He goes so far as to say that the employment of these nurses 

Pastoral Medicine. 51 

has had a deteriorating influence upon the morality of rural 
districts. I shall tell it in his own words, which -are strong 
enough to strike terror into the heart of every Christian man 
who is anxious about the welfare of society. " Formerly,'* 
says he, "a fallen girl in a small community came to shame 
and grief, and had often to endure poverty and misery for 
her lifetime. Nowadays the fallen woman leaves the place 
after or before confinement, puts the child out to board, and 
is sure to find very soon a good place as nurse. As such she 
leads an easy life, gets good wages, and is able, not only to 
pay easily the expenses of boarding her child, but even of 
setting something aside. There are persons who like this 
way of living so well, that they try to regain the faculty of 
nursing, when they have lost it, sometimes scarcely conscious 
of the crime they commit for that purpose. This is one of 
the evil consequences of this unnatural custom. Who knows 
how many children perish because their mothers do a mother's 
duty for strange children, and owing to this circumstance, 
says the Aerzliche Vereinsblatt, viz., mothers of illegitimate 
children boarding out their offspring, . thousands of children 
perish yearly in Prussia." 

It must surely be admitted that a great share of the guilt 
of the above evil consequences rests upon such mothers, and 
we may well presume that the misfortunes of those neglected 
children, who pine and die for want of attendance and 
mother's milk, cry to heaven for vengeance against those who 
without necessity have deprived them of that support which 
should be theirs by inherent right and natural justice. 

The crying evil here depicted by the German physician 
has not, thank God, touched the shores of this old land ; or, 
at all events, if it exists anywhere, it exhibits none of those 
alarming features which the devotees of fashion have called 
up by the forcible suppression of those natural functions 
which the Almighty ordained for the good of individuals and 
the welfare of society. 

The Irish mother loves her home ; her attachment to all 
its belongings grows with advancing years; but she loves 
her children better, who, fed by no stranger's milk, are 
nourished at her own breast and exult in that wonderful 

52 Pastoral Medicine. 

power her magic glance exercises over their souls. The 
true Christian mother regards her maternal duties as a charge 
entrusted to her by the Divine goodness ; she considers 
her children as a sacred deposit committed to her care, for 
which she is responsible before God. She seeks to deposit in 
the soul, whilst she nourishes the body, the sacred character 
of love, and sows there the seed of solid virtue, that grows 
and ripens in the sunshine of motherly affection and generous 
attachment. What a contrast must those children present,, 
who are dragged up according to some of these mechanical 
forms of society, whose infancy has not been penetrated by 
the eye of a loving mother, and who are handed over 
to the tender mercies of one, who perhaps an adept in 
crime, must of necessity communicate to her unfortunate 
charge some of those dangerous dispositions that have 
stamped themselves upon her own character. 

This sad state of things may possibly have arisen out of 
the altered conditions of society and the lax morality pre- 
vailing in certain quarters, where indulgence is claimed on 
the plea that wealth and position should dispense those 
blessed with riches from the observance of a law which 
nature and its Author have imposed upon all. In former 
times mother-substitutes were very rarely employed, and 
when their service was deemed expedient, great care was 
taken to procure one whose physical condition and moral 
character were beyond suspicion. Very likely the evil con- 
sequences and damaging effects, resulting from a practice 
very prevalent in some Continental countries, may have 
furnished the author with reasonable ground in giving a new 
complexion to the theological aspect of the question we have 
just now been considering. 

As far as this country is concerned, we dare say the 
author would not quarrel with the decision of theologians, 
and he would, we are inclined to think, be ready to admit, 
that, besides necessity, other sufficient reasons might exist to 
justify the mother to abstain from the fulfilment of this law 
of nature, especially when due caution and a prudent selection 
would be observed in providing a proper substitute, who 
would be daily under the control and care of the child's 

Pastoral Medicine. 53 

Dr. Capelmarm has in his work discussed many 
subjects of great importance to the pastor of souls, as well 
as to the medical practitioner. He possesses a very wide 
acquaintance with those subjects in medical science, which, 
in some of its latest developments, would appear to clash 
with long entertained theological opinions. Endowed with 
a vigorous intellect and a courageous spirit, he brings to the 
discussion of matters, whose importance is of a far 
reaching character, great boldness of thought, and with 
a masterly hand struggles to elucidate what hitherto 
had been a sealed book to the priest and a stumbling 
block to the physician. His style is elegant and copious, and 
free from that unintelligible jumble of words and phrases so 
characteristic of modern German literature. Apt illustration, 
the fruit of long experience and varied culture, strikes home his 
convincing arguments ; and, whilst abounding in the fulness of 
a clear exposition of what is useful and practical, it adapts itself 
to those strange and technical difficulties, that a writer, ex- 
ploring new ground and alighting upon unexpected obstacles, 
can only overcome by patient labour and deep research. 
Scientific knowledge in his case is most aptly brought into 
play, when there is a profound acquaintance with disease of 
every character and its almost infinite folds. He does not 
rush upon his opponent to knock down the fortress of anti- 
quated opinion and dusty views with sledge-hammer audacity. 
A delicacy of touch and superior tact are required to combat 
conclusions that had hitherto appeared to rest upon the 
solid foundation of science. The error must be reached 
without wounding susceptibilities, and the adversary must 
be softly borne along to conviction by argument and per- 
suasion, holding up before him the truth with all its attractions. 
Whenever he enters into a contest, he tries to conduct it with 
all possible courtesy, without neglecting the claims of charity 
or the interests of religion. A very wide acquaintance with 
professional duty, superior talents, and that piercing charity 
that comes up from a solid faith and a devoted interest in 
God's suffering creatures, must exercise a wide sway over 
human hearts, especially when united with a rare capability of 
bringing knotty questions to the broad level road of discussion. 

54: llaynez Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

Dr. Capelmann shows clearly in these new questions, that he 
has brought within the legitimate scope of inquiry the 
extensive range of his privileged intelligence. If he defends 
a theory boldly, he enters the arena forgetful of himself, and 
Avhile he splinters a lance with some doughty champion, cutting 
his way through his opponent's defences by his incisive logic 
and ready command of recondite information, he does not 
fail to shoAv the attractive sweetness of the cultivated man, 
\vlio cannot only furnish a specific for an intellectual plague, 
but can also pour out the balm of charity on the moral 
diseases of the human heart. Very useful information is 
likewise given to the priest, how he is in general to recognise 
the approach 1 of death ; what diseases and sudden seizures, 
more or less known to him, are dangerous, and hoAv to act in 
siich emergencies. It is a matter of great importance to be 
able to form a judgment of the proper moment to administer 
sacraments; for not unfrequently functional derangements 
are taken for organic disease, and what is often not visible to 
the unprofessional eye of the young and inexperienced, 
would become clear and patent in most cases of ordinary 
sickness, practically speaking, when the details of Dr. 
Capelmann's book are carefully mastered. 



FT! HE Englishe that were in the beginning planted in those 
_L partes are in theire posteritie muche degenerated, and 
Especially the two names of Geraldines and Butlers that 
swaied the State notwithstandiuge nianie brave men Deputies 
there. And manie suche as are come of the Englishe are 
become soe Irishe, as that they have, in regarde of private 
grudges amonge the Englishe, caste off their Englishe names 
and become nieere Irishe, amonge whome yt is reported of 
the Mac mahons in the North were Englishe descended of 

llayncs* Observations on the State of Ireland in 1GOO. 55 

the Urslanes. 1 Also the Mac sromes 1 in ulster were of the 
vers in Englande, and disguised their names in hatred of the 
Englishe. Also the Lo. Bremingham who was one of the 
most ancientest Barons in Englande is become the most 
Savage Irishe. 2 The greate Mortimer, who forgetting howe 
greate he was in Englande sometyme, is now become the 
most barbarous of them all, and is called Mac Nemara. 1 Not 
muche better than they is the old Lorde Courcy, who, havinge 
lewdlie 3 all the Landes and Seignories he had, is nowe become 
Irishe. It hath beene observed that the Irishe Language 
beinge permitted to be used of the Englishe hath beene noe 
small question to drawe them further into their manners, and 
nursinge of Englishe Children by Irishe Nurses doth breade 
a smacke of the Language, and even of the nature and 
dispositions, as the same will hardlie be given over againe. 

Also the Marriages which the Englishe have made with 
the Irishe hath much inforced the Englishe with theire 
barbarous and filthy Condicions. The using of the Irishe 
Apparrell is a meane also to continue the Irishe Customes, 
and there be Statutes to inhybit it, but not executed, for 
comrnonlie according to the attyre the mind is conformed. 

The Irishe in their charge on horsebacke charge their 
StafFe above hande, and not as the Englishe on the Thighe. 

They ride but uppon a little Pillion without Stirropps, 
and will Sodenlie mounte his horse goinge fast awaie. There 
is used amonge the Irishe a Jacke of Leather and not onlie 
Horsemen but Footmen weare it. The Footmen are called 
Galloweglasses.* The Jackes were won'te to be worne in the 
Field onlie under Shirtes of Mayle ; but nowe abused beinge 
worne in Civill places in Townes, which abuse ys to be 

To speake somethinge of the Gallow Glasses and kerne 4 
they be of most barbarous Life and condition, for they 
oppresse all men, they Spoyle as well the good subject 

1 All are of Irish descent, as is well known. Spenser has " Fitzursulas, 
MacSwines, Veres, Macnihrnarrih." 

2 " naming himself Noccorish." 3 lewdlie wasted. 

4 ^AlloglAcli, cecliejxu, cetcVieAjxnAcli, " men of great and mightie 
bodies" (Dimmok). ceir1ie)\n, a company of soldiers (Chron. Scot.SQG.) 

56 Ilaynes 9 Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

as the Enemye, they Steale, they are cruell and bloudye, 
Full of revenge and Deadlie Execucion, Licentious, Swearers, 
and Blasphemers, ravishers of Women and Murtherers of 
Children. 1 

They are valyante and hardye, great e indurers of Cold, 
Labour, honger and all hardnes, verie active and stronge of 
hande, verye Swifte of Foote, very Vigillente and circum- 
spect in their enterprizes, verye present in Perrills and 
altogeather scorne deathe. 

And surelie the Irishe makethe as brave a Soldier as any 
Nation whatsoever. 

There are amonge the Irishe a kind of People called 
Bards 3 who are a kinde of Poets or Rimers, and in their rymes 
they sett downe the praises of the worste, and dispraises of 
the best, they incourage the yonge heades to haunte after 
wickedness, givinge that praise to some which shoulde be 
geven onlie to vertue. 

The Irishe Horseboys are 3 to be cutt off, though they nowe 
serve for some use to the Englishe and Soldiers to attende 
their Horses, havinge noe Innes nor Ostelers to attende them. 
The Boys, after they have bene a little trayned upp in the 
use of the peece, become Kernes and are most apt and 
ready to cutt the throates of the Englishe, and therefore 
needfull to be reformed. There are also a kinde of People 
Carowes. called Carrowes 4 who Live onlie by resorting to 

Gentlemen's Houses, and accustomes themselves to Play att 
Cardes and Dice, and drawe others to their lewde and evil 
Liefe alsoe to be reformed. The like are such as have Gentle- 
mens Companie and goeth as Jesters who carrye Newes from 
place to place a verye dangerous crewe also, which should 
need to be cutt of by a Marshall. 

The Irishe have a Custome of meetinge and assembling 
togeather uppon a Rath 5 or Hill, to parlye as they saie of 

1 This is false or exaggerated. 2 b:\ijA-o. 

3 horse-boys or cuilles (Spenser); this must be for^iollA; Dimmok 
calls them " dalonyes," i.e., t>Alcin, a stripling. 

4 Kearroaghs ; ceA]\jAb1iAc1i, a gambler. 

5 pAich, and ]AAc1i ; ]\AuVii = fossam castelli, Fossa lli^bAipc ; (Bk. of 
Armagh and Brussels Codex}, vallum, atrium (Adamnan), murus (Jo?elin). 

Haynes 1 Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 57 

matters of Controversie between Townspipp 1 and Townshipp, 
and betwene one private person and another, under whiche 
collor Sondrie bad people resorte to the place to conferre of 
evill practices and come armed, and what Englishe they 
finde, they picke such Quarrells that manie are murthered 
amonge them innocenthe. There are certeyne round Hilles 
and Square places called Bannes 2 stronglie trenched for that 
purpose and were called Talkemoots in times past, places to 

The Talkemots were made by the Saxons and the Danes 
or Deanrathes, 3 by the Danes, Sodenlie to defende themselve 
beinge too weake for the Enemie, and manie round Hills 
were cast upp as memoryalls or Trophees of men Slayne in 

Besides manie other Cessinge in the Contrye, there is one 
where Soldyers are Cessed, they will challenge greater 
allowance of Victual], money and other things than the 
People can afforde or the place yeld, and then the Soldyers 
use vyolence to the Sillyman 4 and Wife where they be Cessed 
to the greatre disturbance and discontent of the Country e. 
An abuse to be taken awaie. 

The Landlords lett theire Lande but from yeare to yeare 
or att will, neither will the Tenants take yt for more, because 
the Lorde lookethe alwaies for chaunge and thincketh to see 
a new world. And the Teiiante will not, because he maie 
leave yt at pleasure and fall to any wicked enterprise. 

The Lorde havinge the Tenaunt thus, byndeth him to 
what evell course he will enioyne him, and the Tenaunt 
maie likewise ruune into anie wicked action without feare 
or loosinge anie greate matter, havinge no further State in 
his Lande, where, on the contrary yf they had longer terrne 
they would manure the same and be loath to adventure their 

1 recte, township, as in Spenser 2 ban, a green field. 

3 perhaps danesfort, deanrath = -011111 a fortified hill, and ^Acti (?); this 
may have caused the error about the Danes. 

4 " the poore man and the sillye poore wife," says Spenser, who adds, 
"for Ireland being a countrey of war (as it is handled), and always full of 
souldiours," etc. 

58 lluynes 9 Observations on the State of Ireland in 1GOO. 

They are generally Papists, and yet most Igriorante aud 
knowe noe grounde of yt, but maie be rather termed Atheists 
and Infidells onelie they think yt sufficiente yf they can say 
Ave Maria and Pater Noster. 1 

The firste that came into Irelande to convert the People 
from Atheism e and Paganism e was Palladinis, 2 from Pope 
Coelestus, 2 who dyed there, and then came Patrick, a Brittauie, 
and taught them by whom they were carried to theire blinde 
Devotion. Religion. 

The present rulers of the Churche doe seeme to excuse 
them by reason of the troubles, but yf not Ignorance, negli- 
gence or both of them have done them mucheharme. There 
are in the Cleargie, there all evels Lurkinge, Grosse Symonie, 
greedye Covetousness, Fleshly inconstancye, 3 careles Slothe, 
Character of and all disordered Liefe. The Irishe Priests 
tantdecrgy ^ a * nowe enioye Churche Livings are in 
of Ireland^ manner Laymen, For they neither read the 
Scripture, preache, nor Minister the Sacraments, but they 
Christon after the Papishe manner, and they take all Tythes 
and other Fruites and pay a Share to the Bishopps. 

And the Bishopps of the Irishe, when a Benefice falleth, 
putteth his owne Servants and Horseboy es to take upp the 
Tythes and become themselves riche and purchase Landes 
and build fayre Castles and collour the abuse sayeinge they 
have noe Sufficient Ministers to bestowe them on, And indeede 
there are fewe or none Englishe Ministers of sufficiency, that 
will come over, unlesse suche as for bad behaviour* have 
forsaken their Count-rye, And the Benefices are of soe small 
proffitt that a Man cannot Live by them ; besides the People 
are so dangerous uncivil and so untractable, That not onlia 
a Man that is honest will not, nay a Stoute Man or Captaine 
cannot, nor dare not dwell amonge them. 

Manie abuses are in S.herriffs, Bayliffes, Purveyors, Senes- 
calls, and others, but Especiallie in Captaines and Soldyors, 
whoe dallie with their Service, and will not followe yt with 

1 "without understanding what one woorde thereof meaneth," says 
Spenser ! ! ! 

2 Palladius, Coelestinus. 3 incontinence. 
4 This proves Dean Swift : " ridendo dicere verum." 

Hay lies' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 59 

such suretie, as beseemeth lest peace being had by their 
Service, should be ended and the lacke Employment. And yet 
some tyme they will bring in the head of some base Rebell 
whom the Enemie himself e likewise malliceth and thrust eth 
as yt were i rito their handes, and then they expecte com- 
mendacion for cuttinge of suche dangerous men, as indeed 
were nothinge neither of worth nor yet greatlie dangerous- 
And Sometymes the Governors themselves doe practice suche 
homelie flights, and will not performe or execute in their 
Government whatsoever they maie, Least, that upon peace 
beinge obteyned, they likewise should not need in theire 
place. And therefore by dally en ge in their service they 
wincke att raanie dangers which they might speedilie reforme. 
Because their time of Government being neere expired 
they will not quiett their State, least the next succeedinge 
Governor fyiiding yt in peace should reteyne the praise. 
And soe delay the Execution of things either under collor of 
Parlye parlye for peace or giving preteccion for tyme , 

And thincke yt Sufficient yf they can keepe down the Flame 
till they themselves be gone, That they maie break out into 
open Mischiefe when the other cometh. 

The Governors are for the most parte envious of others 
Glory, and none that followeth will use the order of Govern- 
ment that his Predecessor did ; But devyse some other 
Course of his owne, least his Wisdome and policie should be 
smothered by the former, which causeth suche a confusion in 
the Kingdome that instead of Reformation they Studye and 
bring in innovation, whereby the Contrye is in doubte which 
waie to turne, as a Colt that krioweth not the hande of the 
Ryder is aptest to turn head contrary. The course then 
that hath been taken heretofore touching the Reformation of 
this Realm by theis former Governors hath bene to no 
purpose, but to make that worse which was bad before, and 
therefore not to be so contynued. but to be dealte withall not 
peasablie and gentlie, which will never reclaime them ; But 
with a more mightie Power to subdue them, for submitt 
themselves to the Englishe they will not because they hate 
the English Government. And to make newe Lawes and 
Statutes to tye them to a Reformacion is booteles, For before 

60 IJaynes 1 Observations on tlie State of Ireland m 1600. 

they be reformed to knowe and imbrace the Good and eschewe 
the evell, It will be to no purpose to seeke to curbe them with 
Lawes which they fear not to break. And therefore the 
Sword must be the Lawe to reform theis People, For 
without cuttinge this Evell by a Stronge hande there will 
Manners be no hope for theis corrupt meanes of theires 

excepte yt must be reformed by the Severitie of the Princes 

Wherein first there must be taken a course by a stronge 
Army of Men to be sent thither as maie perforce bring in all 
the Rebells that are in open Arraes, and all the Companies 
that Lye in Woods that disturbe the People. Thoughe yt 
maie be obiected that the Queue's Majestiehath bene of Late 
at about 200000 charges against Tiron and hath since 
continued 12000 a month and nothinge done, and therefore 
harde to get a greater charge. But the sendinge of soe 
small nombers over att a tyme, and so small sommes of 
money to paye them, hath been the overthrowe of infynite 
manie men, who for want oftentyrnes of Paye have been 
starved, and of 10000 men 1 att their cominge Lustye and 
stronge in halfe a year have not bene Lefte 500 men, and yett 
the Captains have Challenged and have had their full paye, 
which they allowed to greate Persones to obteyne yt. 

But for this Service to be proceeded in, 1000 Foote, 1000 
Quid Horse for one yeare Dimi 2 were Sufficient, and as 

the heate of the Service abateth to abate the nomber in paye. 

And in this Expedicion yt is not fit to seeke or follow the 
Eriemie where he is, But place Garrisons in places that might 
most annoye him. The Enemie lye most in Ulster, Conaught, 
-and sometyme in Leinster. 

To ymploye theis men therefore 8000 should be in 
Garrison uppon Tyron in Ulster who is Strongest; 1000 
Cavenaghes. upon Feagh macHughe and the jRavernaghes, 
and 1000 uppon some parte of Connaghte. The 8000 in 
Ulster should be devyded into 4 partes, 2000 Foote in every 
Garrison, one uppon the Blackwater as high on the river as 

1 1,000, iii Spenser. 

3 The transcriber puts " quid'"? in the margin; demi = cum dimidio, 
"and a half'' (Spenser). 

Haynes Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. (51 

might be, a Secondeat Castlecliffe, Castle Tynn 1 or thereaboute, 
so that they should have all the Passage to Loughfoyle, a 
Third aboute Fermnawgh 2 or Bondroit/ soe as they might Lye 
betwene Connaght and Ulster to serve uppon both sides as 
occasion shall be offered, And this to be the strongest Garrison 
because yt should be most employed and that they might 
putt Wardes at Bellashava 4 and Beltuk and all these passages. 
The last about Monohan or Belterbert soe that yt should 
fronte both on the Enemies that way, and keepe the Countrye 
Cavan and Meth in awe from Passage of Straglers and out- 
Gadders 5 from those partes whence the use to come forth and 
oftentymes worke much mischeife, and to every of those 
Garrisons of 2000 Foote men there should be 200 horsemen, 
for the one without the other can doe little service. Theis 
Garrison's should be Victualled for half a yeare. The Bread 
should be in Flower, and to bake yt as they neede, Theire 
drinke Likewise there brued, but the Beeffe to be Barrelled, 
and to have Hose arid Shoes and suche like necessarilie 
provided, because they should have noe cause to seeke 
abroade, which is dangerous evill. 

By theis 4 Garrisons the Enemie shall be on all sides soe 
busyed as he shall notknowe howe to keepe his Creeke 6 and 
hide himself, soe that our Winter ^ like to pull him soe Lowe 
on his knees as he shall be hardlie at'le to ryse again. For 
the Service of Irelande is fittest in the Winter, because then 
the Trees are bare that must be his Pavillion, the Ground 
cold and wett, that must be his Bedd, the Ayre cold and 
sharpe for his naked sides ; and his Cattle Leane and yeld no 
milke and with Calfe and with drivinge hither and thither 
will cast calfe and soe deprive him of Milke the Sommer 
following. After the Establishment of these Garrisons 
proclamacioii should be made that who soe will absolutelie 

1 Spenser has only Castle-liffar, now Lifford, teidib1ieA]A. 

2 Fearneimmnagh (Sp.) ; VeAjMiTnA^h = Farney ; treAjAA-tnAtiAcli == 

3 Bondroise ; X)|AobAi]% gen. X)]AobAi^eo, in Bk. of Armagh. 

4 Bellashaine, bet-AcliA-feAtiAigli ; Belike, toel-teice. 

5 Cf . gA-oATohe, a thief. 

6 creete, which is his most susteenance ; cAO]AAij;1ieAc1ic, herding, cattle- 
drovers ; in Chrou. Scot. p. 316, imepcAine = droves of cattle. 

62 Haynes* Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

submitt himselfe and come in within xx tie . daies should be 

That will stryke such a Terror that manie will drawe 
themselves from their Leader and come in for in the Desmonds 
AYarres he turned awaye all his unserviceable People. If 
anie Gent, or other Accompt will come in and bring his 
Create, they should be receaved, but not kept about anie of 
the Garrisons, but sent to some partes of the Inland, for by 
keepinge them under whatsoever Colour in the Garreson will 
breade greate ill. 

But yf they come not out at the firste Somons not to 
receave them at all. There is noe suche waies to weary and 
weaken theis Rebelles as by keepinge them from Killinge 
and from the quiett enioyenge his Crease. For they will 
thereby soone be brought to extreme miseries as in the 
Warres of Minister, which was a most populous and plentiful! 
place of Corne and Cattle yett in a year and halfe they were 
all consumed with Famyne, dyeinge in the Woodes Eatirige 
one another, yea the Dead Carkases one of another. The 
Strength of this Countrie consisteth in their Kerne, Gallo- 
glasses, Storagh, 1 Horsmen and Horseboies, Theis havinge 
nothinge of their own, doe robb and Spoyle, as well theire 
own Friends as their Foes, for they naturally delight in 
Spoyles. The Contreye beinge then thus subdued and the 
People brought into such a miserable State, her Majestie 
maie perhapps pittye them as she did in the tyme of Lo. 
Grey, who having brought them to a good awe by his Force 
and pollycie and therein deservinge great Commendation was, 
uppon the informacion of those Rebellious People, called home 
and in sorte misliked for his Labor, and the Contrye Sett at 
Libertie againe, and in short tyme brake out into their former 
disobedience, Insomuche as all that he had most wiselie 
brought to passe for the good of both Estates was altered by 
contrary Corses. 

This noble-man was Slanderously charged with harde 

1 stokagh ; " ]-r6cAc1i, an idle fellow that lives in and about the kitchen 
of the great folks, and will not work to support himself" (O'Brien's Diet.} ; 
a young grown up fellow of 15 or 16 years of age (jlc V. Coneys}. 

Jdayne* Observations on the State of Ireland in 1000. 63 

ilealiuge with the Spaniards at Fennwick 1 forth, For that 
where yt hath bene said that the Spaniarde by him had 
promise of Liefe and freepasse. It is false. For theire 
Cominge was held, as indeede they were unlawfully arrived 
to ayde the Irishe, and therefore to geve them Life had bene 
preiudiciall and dangerous for that they intended to ioyne 
with the Irishe, and therefore in greate policie they were cutt 
off without anie unlawful! promise or practise broken. 

Sir John Parrott succeedinge this noble Governor, as a 
man Skorninge the course before taken, tooke Councell of his 
owne prowde and ambicious thoughts and soe betooke him 
to a cleane contrary course, discountenancinge the Englishe 
and favouriage the Irishe. And soe brought the Bodie neere 
recovered to a Relapse, and more dangerous sicklies, pre- 
tendinge some high matter for himselfe as after appeared. 
But sith yt hath bene seene howe dangerous lenitie is to this 
Reformacion of Irelande evills, It must be held, as indeed yt 
is, most necessary to proceede with more sharpe meanes to 
recover the same. And where suche Order beinge taken for 
the placinge of Garresons, there must be Order also taken 
that the Cap tain es doe not, as they have done, and bene 
accustomed, putt awaie their men and stay their paye at 
their pleasures. For by theis meanes the Service thus 
secretlie intended maie be soone overthrowne. Let all that 
have to deal in the oversight thereof, as her Majestie in full 
paie, the Muster Master in vie win ge, and Lord Deputie, in 
overlooking^, maie be all deceaved. 

And, therefore, the Collonnell must be of specyall choise, 
whoe must take due notice of the Companies, and that the 
Captain e paie not the Soldyers, but a paie Mas r . to be 
appointed, who accordinge to the Captaines Tickett, and the 
accompte of the Clearke of the Bande, shal) pay the Soldyers. 
Soe the Captaine, havinge noe benefitt by colouring the prac- 
tizes of his men will rather covett to have a whole then a 
broken iiomber. 

It should be in the power of the Collonnell to protecte the 
Saufe conducte, and to have martiall La we, and theis to be 

1 Smerwicke; but, see Life of Raleigh by Sir J. Pope Henncssy, about 
all this. 

64 Hay nes' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

Limit! cd by very straight instructions. Namely, for protec- 
cions, IIL shall after the first proclamation protect suche as 
shall come in unto him with the xx tie . daies, and soe sende 
him to the Lorde Deputie with saufe Conducte. And for her 
Martiall Lawe to be done uppon the Soldyers, It must be 
by formall Tryall by a Jury of his Fellowe Soldyers and 
not at will or pleasure of the Collonnell. As for other of the 
Rebells that shall light e into their hands, yt behooveth to 
have greate regarde of what condicion they be, because some 
are freeholders of greate Revenews, and, for that they have 
not the due course of Justice, the Quene looseth her righte. 
It is not like or necessarie to receave the Tiron into Subiec- 
tion againe because, havinge Stoode so longe in hope of a 
Kingdome and findirige that the Queene hath faintlie with- 
stood him, thinketh himselfe able to stande and prevails, and 
yet he maye offer himselfe under some Collor but not meane 
yt att all. For yf he should come in and leave his Complices 
as Odonel, MacMahon, MacGwyre, 1 and the rest in danger in 
the middest of their Troubles, he maie thincke they would 
cutt his Throate by whom they were drawn e into the 

And to geve anie Hostages for his true cominge in, he 
Tyrone cannott. Tyrone beinge of Oneyl, seemeth to 

make a kinde of false Claime to this Northe part, but he hath 
noe right at all, for the Challenge of O'Neyll in the Seignorie 
in the Northe is most uniust. Because the Kinge of Englaiide 
conqueringe Irelande invested all the righte in themselves, 
and to theire Heires and Successors for ever ; Soe as nothinge 
was lefte in O'Neyl but what he had receaived back from 

Oneyl himself had never anie anciente Seignorie over that 
Countrye but by Usurpation upon the death of the Duke of 
Clarence, when by usurpacion he got uppon the Englishe, 
whose Landes and possessions beinge formeriie wasted by 
the Scotts under the leadinge of Edward LeBruze, and hath 
ever since detayned them by reason of the Kinge of Eng- 
lande beinge busyed about affayres att home could not intend 

1 Magueeirke (Spenser), nuj uro1n|\. 

Haynes Observations on tie State of Ireland in 1600. 65 

to restreyne them from reigninge in the North in that dis- 
soluciori ; But that Oneyl easilie might make himselfe Lorde 
of those fewe people that remained in those partes and ever 
since contynued his usurpacions. Soe that to Subdue him 
him, beinge an Usurper, is not uniust Warre, but a restitution 
of Ancient right possessions, as Englishmen, from which they 
have been uniustlie expelled. 

Pheagh Now as touchinge that base Pheaghe 

MacHugh. MacHugh whoe hath long showed himselfe so 
villanous a Traytor under the nose of the Englishe, to the 
greate indignitie of the Queene. He discended of the Bimes 
and Tooles who came of the ancient Brittaines, and inhabited 
in the Eastern partes of Ireland notwithstanding the cominge 
of the Englishe with Dermohugale 1 whoe belike despised 
that mountanous Country, Suffered theis men to live there, 
whoe built sondrie Castles, whose mines yett appeare and 
by little and Little since that hath growne to such strength 
andimboldnes by the good successe of this Pheagh MacHugh^ 
that they no we threaten Perill to Dublyn. 
Tirons But this Pheagh had noe right or Title to 

those partes for that was geven in inheritance by Dermouth 
macMurrah, Kinge of Lempster, to Strongbow with his 
Daughter, and Strongbow gave yt over to the Kinge and 
his tieires. Soe as yt is now^absolute in her Majestie ; but yf 
Obriue yt were not in her highnes yt was in Obrine 

the ancient Lorde of that Country, and not in this Pheagh, 
for he and his Ancestors were but followers to Obrine and 
his Grandfather. 

Shan MacTyrlagh was a man of meanest regarde amonge 
them. But his Sonne Pheagh 2 mac Shan the Father of this- 
Pheagh, first beganne to Lift up his hande 3 and throughe the 
Strengthe and fastnes of Glen Malour 4 which ioined to his- 
howse of Bellingore 5 drewe unto him manie Theeves and 
outlawes that fled for succour unto that Glen by whom 

1 Deurmuid-ne-galli 5 T)iAj\tTiAic HA n-^AU, D. of the foreigners, or 

2 recte Hugh. * head. 

4 fastness of Glan-Maleeirh, 

5 Ballinecorrih ; t>Aite-nA-ctnjAj\e. 

<>6 Theological Questions. 

manie Spoyles were brought unto him, whereby he grew 
strouge and gotte name amonge the Irishe, and this his 
Sonne contymiinge is become a dangerous Enemie yett not 
so dangerous but a small power would have subdued him, 
hadd he been taken in hand and the Countryes adioining 
quieted, as that honorable man S r William Russell gave a 
notable attempt, wherein yett he was crossed. But no we all 
the parties aboute him being upp, as the Moores in Lyex, 
The Cavenaghes in the County of Wexford, and some of the 
Butlers in the County Kilkenny, all flocke unto him and to 
his Country, thinkinge to be saufe from all them that pro- 
secute them ; and from thence they brake out unto the 
Countryes adjoiniuge as the Counties of Kildare and Dublyn, 
Caterlagh, Kilkenny and Wexforde, and with the Spoyles 
thereof victuall themselves, without which they would 
quicklie starve. Soe yt appeareth that, of himselfe, is he 
most base and of noe power. 

(To be continued.) 



" Would you kindly in the next number of the t. E. R. give your 
views in the following case : 

u Sophia et Joannes templum in urbe unicura suinmo mane petunt 
ut post confession em et communionem matrimonio conjungantur. 
Joannes ingreditur sacristiam et mentem suam Christophoro parocho 
aperit. Hie jam fere paratus ad sacrum jubet eos finem missae 
expectare, ut iis morem gerat. Finita missa, redit ex sacristia 
snperpellice ac stola indutus, intrat in sanctuarium, annuitque 
Joanni ut confessurus accedat. Confitetur inter caetera Joannes se 
esse furem, latronem, impudicum, adulterum, verbo reum mille 
scelerum, quae omnia copiose persequitur. Ohristophorus senex, 
surdaster, querelus et iracundas eum altiori voce interrogat et objurgat. 
Haec fere omnia ad aures Sophias perveniunt ; nam tot ac tanta 
crimina exhorrescens ante finitam coiifessionem clam templo se sub- 

Theological Questions. >7 

duxerat. Joannes, videns puelltun autugisse, vadit ad cjus doimim, 
interrogatque num ipsum deserere velit ob confessioneni auditarn et 
parochi objurgationes. Respondet ilia : ' Nil habeo diceiulum ; 
interroga conscientiam tuam.' Post rion nihil temporis amoto ob 
aetatem Christophoro, Sophia Georgio, novo parocho, rein totam 
narrat. Georgius an tern duris verbis in earn invehitur. 'Omisera' 
inquit ' sigillum in damn urn Joannis violasti. Noil possum te 
absolvere nisi vadas ad euni, veriiam petas, reconcilieris euinque roges 
ut te ducat uxorem. Neque enim aliter reparare potes injuriain 
quain infelici Joaiini sigilli violatione fecisti.' Respondit ilia se 
potius inori velle qnam hisce conditionibus absolvi. 


Phiribus confessariis, iisque doctis, kunc casum pro- 
posui ; qui, licet admitterent vem esse valde avduam, 
pleric^ue clicebant nimis durum esse, ipsis judicibus, 
absolutiouem in circumstantiis allatis Sophiae deuegare. 
Hanc sentential!!, quam reprobare non auderem, priucipiis 
tlieologicis stabilire valde difficile est. Imprimis si mulier 
scientiam illarn de moribus perversis sponsi alio ex fonte, 
licet sub secreto, hausisset, posset sine dubio ea utendo 
recusare matrimoniurn et, si necesse esset, aufugere ne in 
uniouem tarn infaustam inire cogeretur. Jarnvero, cum res ita 
sese habeat, qui legit Suarezium Lugonemque de obligatione 
sigilli sacramentalis, ni fallor censebit esse saltern probabile 
sporisam in casu proposito jitstitiam, quatenus spectetur 
prouti sejunota ab irrevereiitia erga sacramentum, graviter 
non violasse. 

At, etiamsi elementum justitiae semper sit diligenter 
perpendendum, malitia longe longeque praecipua quae in 
sigillo frangendo inveuitur est irreverentia ilia tremenda. 
Etenim nee ad patriam defendendam nee ad fidem populo- 
rum, si possibile esset, immunem servandam, scientia sacra- 
meutali uti c^iiin rnauifestatione peccati poenitentis sine 
licentia ipsius ulluinodo confessario licet. In hoc conveniunt 
omnes. NOIL solum, vero, violatur sigillum quando mani- 
t'estatur cognitio peccati ex scientia sacramentali acquisita, 
sed etiam <^uando scientia ita communicata utitur confessarius 
sive in gravamen poenitentis sive modo quo, si permitteretur, 
confessio reipublicae Christianae redderetur odiosa. Dicendum 

68 Theological Questions. 

quidem est quosdam ex antiquioribus theologis obligationem 
in bis casibus non urgere sub omni omnino discrimine. 
Imo Bilkiart, qui tenet confessarium vitam propriam servare 
posse alia via ad insidias paratas declinandas eundo, modo 
poenitens non sit gravamen a ceteris cornplicibus infligendum 
passurus, tantum " landabilins et tutius " censet viam con- 
suetam non deserere, si aliter agendo mors esset poenitenti 
obventura ; eoquod, etiamsi in casibus ejusmodi vix unquam 
occurrentibus confessio redderetur odiosa, non tamen in 
casibus ordinariis vitae humanae. Haec tamen sententia 
rejicienda est. Si enim fideles scirenifin ullo casu scientia 
sacramentali uti licere, sive ad peccatum manifestandum, 
sive ad gravamen poenitenti ingerendum saepe timerent ne 
confessarii perperam judicarent esse locum exceptionibus, et 
proinde a sacramento poenitentiae averterentur. Solus casus,. 
ut videtur, de quo verum existit dubium quoad confessarium 
est ille in quo post confessionem vel agere debet in gravamen 
poenitentis vel facere aliquod, quod vel est intrinsice malum 
vel saltern ita esset in aliis circumstantiis. Exemplum traditur 
apud Lacroix. 

Hactenus, ad quaestiouem enucleandam, de obligationi- 
bus confessarii. Pertinentne in omni sua intensitate ad laicos 
qui casu audiunt poenitentem? Nemo peccatum non esse- 
magis in confessario diceret aut homines esse eodem in modo- 
a sacramento avertendos ratione usus scientiae in gravamen 
poenitentis ex parte laici adstautis ac ex parte confessarii. 
Modo, enim, sacerdos sit obligatus, poenitens generatim sese 
tueri potest. Obligatio, tamen, mutatis mutandis, in iisdem 
casibus oritur, quando nempe homines revera sic deterrer- 
entur. Et in casu proposito nonne sponsi a confession- 
averterentur, si sponsae scientia sacramentali uti possint ad 
.aufugiendum ? Responderi quidem potest casum esse adeo- 
rarum ut nemo hac formidine practice afficeretur, praesertim 
quoniam sponsus sese tueri possit, si necessarium sit, peccata 
sua non integre declarando. Sed e contra hie casus quau- 
doque oriri potest, et agitur de eo qui ad novam vitam 
inchoandam volebat omnia sua peccata integre declarare, et 
probabilius nullum periculum vel saltern nullum effugium 
apprehendebat. JNonne quoque in gratiam integritatis im- 

TJieological Questions. 69 

positum est sigillum ? Quodsi dicatur mulierem illam 
potuisse aufugere, si scientia sacramental! intelligeret esse 
impedimentum indispensabile se inter et Joannem, responderi 
potest casum, in quo nisi gravamen irrogetur poenitenti 
faciendum esset aliquid intrinsice malum, esse omnibus aliis 
disparem, et ejusmodi qui nullum sanum a confessione 
averteret. Praeterea plures negarent earn sic agere posse. 
Urgeri quidem potest matrimonium illud infelix futurum 
fuisse utrique valde malum. Sed, inter alia, qui jam sincere 
confitetur peccata sua, sub gratia Dei in meliorem mutari 

Eratne igitur mulieri ullum effugium ? Post corifessionem 
sponsi videretur earn de quo dam ad sigillum pertinente 
loquendi licentiam petere potuisse. Sic quidem aliquo 
gravamine afficeretur poenitens, sed non multo majore 
quam si licentia a confessario peteretur. Si permissio 
recusaretur, vel data permissione matrimonium urgeretur, 
mulier, quod sciam, Deo confisa deberet contractum perficere. 
Sententiam tamen oppositam, praesertim vero confessarii 
-qui teneret, fuga jam peracta, fore reverentiae erga sacra- 
mentum satis consultum, si mulier ad Joannem scriberet 
petendo veniam ratione fugae et dicendo, ob illam fugam, 
longe melius esse utrique ipsos non esse conjunctos, etiamsi 
secum numquam illi nubere statuisset, improbabilem dicere 
non possum, nee practice periculosam. In casu hujus modi 
confessarius dispositionem poenitenti s exquirere debet ante- 
quam obligationem imponat, etiamsi certus sit de ejus 
existentia. Denique satis doleri nequit Christophorum mun- 
tts adeo excelsum tarn indigne pertractasse. 


" Kindly assist me by your direction in the following embarrassing 
case : 

" A Catholic lady who has lived in my p arish for some years is 
married to a Protestant. The marriage was celebrated clandestinely 
in a certain part of, the Continent where the lady had resided for some 
years. They did not appear before the parish priest, though the 
decree Tametsi is in force there. The lady knew that she was doing 

1/0 Theological Questions. 

wrong in not having the marriage performed by the priest, but she- 
did not connect the omission with possible invalidity. 

" The usual conditions and promises required by the Church when 
allowing a mixed marriage were omitted. 

" The children are some of them Catholic some Protestant ; the 
daughters go with the mother to Mass, the sons accompany the 
father to the Protestant church. 

" To add to my difficulty, the history of the marriage is pretty 
generally known and believed in my parish. 

" Now the married lady comes to confession, and asks for absolution 
and Holy Communion. What must I require her to do (1) before 
absolving her; (2) before admitting her to Holy Communion at the 
the rails with the rest of the people ?" 

1. Our respected correspondent's difficulty is somewhat 
lightened by the bona fides of the person in question. He 
rightly draws a distinction between the Blessed Eucharist 
on the one hand and Penance on the other. This Catholic 
lady cannot be allowed to receive Holy Communion with the 
rest of the people if she is considered by her neighbours not 
to be a married women at all. But if willing to promise a 
sincere effort to remove scandal and comply with her other 
obligations, her confessor may think it right to give her 
absolution before her endeavours have succeeded. 

2. The peculiar obligations of the situation in which she 
finds herself range themselves under two heads. They either 
regard her family or her marriage. In the first place, before 
receiving absolution she must be sony for having violated 
the laws of the Church so seriously, and promise to strive for 
the conversion of her husband and non-Catholic children. 
Secondly, if the marriage was valid, owing to the extension 
of Benedict XIVs decree to the place where it was con- 
tracted, it only remains to set the public right in regard to 
it. But if it was invalid a dispensation should be sought. 

o. 80 far the lady has been supposed to be in ignorance 
of invalidity, if not actually married. Of course, if she 
begins to entertain doubts, or if her confessor deems it 
prudent to state how the matter stands, the proper admoni- 
tions for such contingencies should be given. 

P. O'D. 

[ 71 ] 



" Did the Synod of Maynooth in ordering the Roman Ritual to be 
used impose an obligation binding priests when administering 
Kxtreme Unction to apply the Unctio renum in all cases not excepted 
in the Ritual ? " J. F. D." 

Wherever the Roman Ritual is received no special legis- 
lation is necessary to render obligatory the rites and ceremonies 
prescribed by it for the administration of the Sacraments. 
For in it are contained the " received and approved " rites 
which no priest can without sin omit, as the Council of Trent 
has declared. But though the Roman Ritual prescribes the 
unctio renum in certain cases, it is well-known that even in 
places where that Ritual is used, this unction has fallen into 
desuetude. Our correspondent wishes, therefore, to know, 
whether, owing to the Decree of the Maynooth Synod, priests 
in this country are bound to apply the unctio renum as the 
Ritual directs, or whether, notwithstanding this Decree, 
they may omit the unctio renum in all cases. 

To prevent misunderstanding, it is well to distinguish 
between the obligation of using the Roman Ritual and the 
obligation of observing in all their details the rites and cere- 
monies prescribed in it. That the use of the Roman Ritual 
is binding on all priests in Ireland is beyond question. The 
Synod of Thurles says, (p. 16, 2), " Curandum est ut typis 
edatur Rituale Romanum integrum quod omnes sacerdotes 
nostri adhibere tenentur." The second obligation about 
which the present question is particularly concerned would 
likewise seem to bind priests in Ireland in other words, it 
would seem that, from the special legislation of our National 
Synods, priests are bound to apply the unctio renum as the 
Roman Ritual directs. The words of the Synod of Maynooth 
which are merely borrowed from the Synod of Thurles 

1 [We should have mentioned in our last number that the question refer- 
ring to the mode of carrying the Chalice, in the November number (vol viii. 
page 1034) was not answered by the Rev. D. O'Loan, though incorporated 
with the other Liturgical answers, which were written by him. ED. I.E.R.] 

72 Liturgical Questions. 

(loc. cit~) are, " Ritus omnes 'praescripti in Rituali Romano 
. . . pro Sacramentorum administratione accurate obser- 
ventur," (cap. x., v. 27. From the words Ritus omnes . . . 
accurate .... it would appear that the obligation of 
this Decree extends to the unctio renum. Indeed, O'Kane 
assumes that the obligation of observing this ceremony as 
directed by the Ritual follows as a matter of course from 
the obligation of using the Ritual. He says, (n. 893), 
" Wherever, the Roman Ritual is ordered to be observed as it 
is in Ireland the unction of the loins is not to be omitted in 
men unless in the case here excepted by the rubric itself." 



" Where should the Lessons of the First Nocturn have been taken 
from on the 27th and 29th October, the Feasts of Saints Otteran and 
Colman both of double major rite ? The Or do speaks for itself : yet 
some think they fc should have been from the common. " P.P." 

The general rule regarding the Lessons of the first Noc- 
turn in feasts of double major rite is given in a decree of the 
Sacred Congregation of Rites of September 2, 1741, which 
reads thus : " Duplicia majora habent Lectiones proprias 
vel de communi, non autem de Scriptura occurrente." When, 
however, the beginnings or initial lessons of certain books of 
"Scripture cannot be read on any day of lower rite, before 
the end of the week, within which they occur, they are 
to be read on a feast of double major, or even more 
solemn rite, though it should be necessary in order to do this, 
to omit proper Lessons. Now, the Lessons from the 
Scriptures for the fifth Sunday of October and the two 
following feriae contain the history of Eleazar and of the 
heroic martyrs the mother and her sons for which cause, 
apparently, they are, as is mentioned in the Ordo at 27th 
October, reckoned as the beginning of a book of Scripture, 
and have therefore a right to be read if necessary on days on 
which the ordinary Scripture occurring would not be read. 
The Rubric regarding these Lessons is given in the Breviary 
before the Feria V. of the week preceding the fifth Sunday 
of October. 

IMurrfical Questions. 73 



" How should a priest who duplicates on Sundays and Holydays, 
or, who celebrates three times on Christmas day, hold the chalice, 
whilst he pours into it the wine and water for the offertory of the 
second and ihird masses ? " MANY READERS." 

We cannot answer our correspondent's question better 
than in his own words. He says : 

" In books of some authority on rubrical subjects, I find three 
different methods prescribed : 

" First In the instruction for a priest who celebrates two or 
three masses in the same church, given in the appendix to the Roman 
Ritual, lately 'published, it is laid down : ' Cum autem in secunda 
missa sacerdos ad offertorium devenerit, ablato velo de calice, hunc 
parumper versus cornu Epistolae collocabit, sed non extra corporale ; 
factaque hostiae oblatione, cavebit, ne purificatorio extergat calicem, 
sed eum infra corporale relinquens leviter elevabit, vinumque et 
aquam eidem caute imponet, ne guttae aliquae ad labia ipsius calicis 
resiliant, quern deinde millatenus ab intus abstersum more solito 
offeret ' That instruction seems taken from Meratus who (p. iv. 
tit. 3, n. 9) says ' Cavebit sacerdos in missa privata (secunda vel 
tertia) ne purificatorio extergat calicem, sed eum infra corporale 
relinquens^ leviter elevabit, ac,' &c. 

"The second method is that prescribed by Martiuucci (lib. i., 
cap. 20, n. 6) : ' Quod ad secundam et tertiam missam spectat, 
lecto versu offertorii calicem deteget, removebit paululum de medio, 
relinquens ipsum a dextris suis et hostiae oblationem faciet. Veniet 
postea in cornu epistolae, et calicem detectum siuistra accipiet, 
vinum et aquam infundet, ut praescribitur, non vero deponet eum in 
altari, sed elevatum sinistra sustinebit." 1 

" St. Alphonsus in his book ' de Ceremoniis Missae,' gives a 
choice between a third method and one of the two foregoing in these 
words : ' In secunda et tertia missa Nativitatis Domini, cum in 
calice sint reliquiae sanguinis, apponendam esse pallam super tobalea 
altaris in qua cal'tx collocari 2>ossit : et potest apponi ipsa palla calicis, 
ante quam diet us calix removeatur a corporali: aut etiam manu 
sinistra teneri potest. 1 Whether this second method suggested by 
S. Alphonsus be that recommended by Meratus, or Martinucci, is 
not clear from the text. ' The Sacred Ceremonies of Low Mass, 

74 TAturrtical Question*. 

according to the Roman Rite, by a priest of the Congregation of the 
Mission,' identifies it with that of Martinucci ; but the editor of 
the Ratisbon edition of S. Alphonsus' work with that laid down by 
Meratus and the appendix to the Ritual ; and he states that it is the 
method practised at Eome and that the custom of using the pall is 
unknown there. His words are : 4 Hie secundus modus a S. Doctore 
indicatus Roinae practicatur, ubi usus oponendi pallam super tobalea 
plane nescitur.' 

u On the other hand we are told in a note, on page 4, of the Irish 
Ordo : " In 2nda missa calix super pallam ponatur, dum 
infunditur vinum cum aqua ad offertorium Ita Ordo Romanus:* 
from which it is natural to infer that, the custom of using the pall, 
is not unknown, but practised at Rome. And as the S. R. C. has, 
to the following question : ' An in casibus dubiis adhaerendum est 
Kalendario dioecesis. sive quoad officium publicum et privatmn, sive 
quoad missam, sive quoad vestium sacrorum colorem, etiamsi 
quibusdam videatur probabilior sententia Kalendario opposita ? Et 
quatenus affirmative ; an idem dicendum de casu in quo certum 
alicui videretur errare Kalendarium ;' responded : ' Standum 
Kalendario :' the question arises : Is a priest, who is required to use 
the Irish Ordo, bound, when he duplicates, to use the Pall in the 
Second Mass, as described above ? Or should he follow the method 
laid down in the appendix to the Roman Ritual and hold the chalice 
elevated over the corporal ? Or, is he at liberty to adopt the method 
of Martinucci, and to hold the chalice at the Epistle corner slightly 
elevated above the altar table and carry it back to the corporal 
before depositing it ? This liberty of choice seems implied in the 
words of De Herdt : ' Dum vinum et aquam infundit, calicem 
super corporale tenet, vel elevatum super mappam altaris. Potest 
etiam palla deponi ad cornu Epistolae, ut Imic calix imponatur.' " 

It is unnecessary to add a word to this very clear and 
very full exposition of the question. Our correspondent puts 
it beyond question by his citations from so many sources 
that a priest may choose any one of the methods referred to. 
The method recommended by Merati would be inconvenient 
in many cases. For according to the Rubrics of the Missal, 
which are of higher authority than the opinion of a Rubricist, 
the priest while putting the wine and water into the chalice 
should stand at the Epistle corner of the altar. " Deinde in 
cornu Epistolae accipit calicem " etc. (De ritu Gel. Titulus 7.) 

Qufstiones Academiac Lllnrmcac Romanae. 75 

But, where the table of the altar is of considerable length, it 
would be impossible for a priest to observe this rubric if 
obliged to hold the chalice over the corporal. In this case the 
use of the pall in the manner recommended by St. Alphonsus 
would be, if not necessary, at least highly convenient. In 
this country there is another reason for using the pall in this 
manner. As the corporal according to our custom has to be 
partly unfolded immediately before the offertory, it would 
manifestly be " convenient for the priest while doing this to 
be able to place the chalice outside the corporal. 

The authority of the Ordo, however, need not trouble our 
correspondent. It is true that Standum est Kalendario is the 
rule to be observed in cases of controverted or doubtful in- 
terpretation of the Rubrics. But in this case we are dealing 
hot with the Rubrics which are silent upon the point but 
with the directions given by Rubricists for the more conve- 
nient performance of a certain action. And certainly no one 
will hold that the plan which recommends itself to the com- 
piler of the Ordo as being the most convenient, must neces- 
sarily be the most convenient for all. 




P\\ r E have much pleasure in drawing 1 the attention of our readers 
to the following paper, read in the Academy of Liturgy at Rome, in 
the presence of Cardinal Paroechi, president, on the practical question as 
to what prayers are to be said, and in what order, in a private Missa 
Quotidiana de Requiem. The writer holds that the first prayer is not 
to he always the one for bishops and priests (which is placed first in 
the Missa Quotidiana) but the prayer special to the person or persons 
for whom we offer the Mass. He explains the true meaning of the 
various decrees which have been issued on this point, and advances 
very good reasons for the view he advocates. We learn from the 

1 Extracted from the Ephemerides Liturgicat, No. 4, p. 210 (April, 1887, 
vol.1. Rome. 

76 Questiones Academiae Liturgicae Romanae. 

Editor of the Ephemerides Liturgicae that the Cardinal president con- 
curred in the view of the writer, and remarked that this was always 
his conviction. ED. I. E. R.] 


Alterum quaesitum postulat, quid Rubrica Missalis 
Sacraeque Rituum Congregationis decreta praescribant circa 
Orationum species in Missis pro defunctis. 

Praemittimus, quatuor esse Missas pro defunctis in Missali 
assignatas : quarum dicitur l a in commemoratione omnium 
fidelium defunctorum, 2 a in die obitus seu depositionis, 3 a in 
anniversario defunctorum, 4 a in Missis quotidianis defunctorum. 

Has inter Missas discrimen primum in epistola consistit et 
evangelic. Cum tamen Rubrica post Missam quotidianam 
dicat : Epistolae et evangelia superius posita in una Missa pro 
defunctis, did possunt etiam in alia Missa similiter pro defunctis; 
huiusmodi discrimen nihili esse faciendum satis patet. 

Discrimen alterum constituunt Orationes, quae duplici 
modo considerari possunt, nempe vel specifice vel numerice. 
Quod ad numerum spectat, satis erit dicere, omnem Missam 
solemnem unam tantum Orationem admittere, plures vero 
Missas, quae eiusmodi non sunt (Ruhr. Miss. pars. 1 9 Tit. V. 
De Miss, defunct.). lam vero, cum Rubrica ipsa ac Rubricae 
expositores solemn es iudicent Missas, quae dicuntur in Com- 
memoratione omnium fidelium defunctorum, die obitus seu 
depositionis, tertia, septima ac trigesima, et in anniversario ; 
sequitur, in his omnibus unam tantummodo dicendam esse 
Orationem. Item sicuti iuxta Decretum in Briocensi (12 Aug. 
1854 ad 11) omnis Missa cum cantu solemnis reputatur, haec 
quoque unius pariter Orationis iure gaudet. Haec regula 
unam patitur exceptionem, quae Missam respicit canendam 
prima cuiusvis mensis die, et aliam feria secunda cuiusvis 
hebdomadae libera ; in his enim ex decreto in Aretina (27 
Februar. 1847) una aut plures dici Orationes possunt. Omnes 
-aliae defunctorum Missae, quae aut non sunt aut non censen- 
tur solemnes, semper plures Orationes exigunt, nunquam 
minus quam tres, vel plures ad placitum Celebrantis, impari 
numero servato (Deer, in Aquen. 2 Sept. 1741 ad 4). Haec 
quidem de Orationum numero, sed progrediamur ad speciem. 

Quoties in Missa defunctorum unica dicitur Oratio, haec 
specialis est, animaeque debet respondere, pro quo Sacrifi- 

Questioned Academiae Liturgicae Romanac. 77 

cium offertur (deer. cit. in Briocen. ad 11). Eo in casu Oratio 
erit Deus qui inter Summos Sacerdotes pro Pontifice, Deus qui 
inter Apostoiicos pro Episcopo, pro Cardinal! presbytero, et 
pro Sacerdote, mutatis mutandis iuxta Rubricam, pro Cardi- 
nali diacono Oratio Inclina praescripta est. Pro reliquis 
defunctis. sive clericis sive laicis, Missae depositionis, tertiae, 
septimae ac trigesimae diei, sicuti et aniversarii, Orationem 
determinatam habent in Missali. Missa quotidiana, si solem- 
niter celebretur, speciali Oratione gaudebit, quae applicatione 
respondeat, quaeque opportune eligenda erit inter multas, 
post Missam quotidianam in Missali assignatas. In Duabus 
Missis superius exceptis, si unicam Orationem habeant, 
.dicatur Deus veniae largitor : si plures, illae dicentur quae in 
ipsa Missa quotidiana positae sunt. 


Quaenam vero Orationes recitandae erunt in Missa quo- 
tidiana, quae private dicitur ? Haec enim potior nostri casus 
inquisitio est. Rubrica praescribit generic e, plures in ea 
dicendas esse Orationes, sive numerice sive specifice sumptas. 
Tres autem Orationes in quotidiana Missa assignatae sunt, 
quarum l a est Deus qui inter Apostoiicos, 2 a Deus veniae largitor, 
3 a Fidelium Deus omnium conditor. Plura decreta permittunt 
secundae Orationi aliam quamcumque posse subrogari ex iis, 
quae pro defunctis notantur in Missali. Cum ergo plures in 
hac Missa dicendae Orationes sint, tres assignentur in Missali, 
secundae alia impune subrogari possit, sequi videtur, primo 
dicendam esse semper Deus qui inter Apostoiicos^ secundo loco 
quamcumque ex assignatis, tertio loco Fidelium. 

Certa ab incertis secernamus. Secundae Orationi aliam 
subrogari posse citra dubium est (Deer, in Aquen. ad 4. 2 Sept. 
1741). Ultimo autem loco dicendam esse Orationem Fidelium 
Deus, item extra quaestionem ponitur, quod ex eodem nunc 
citato decreto evidenter patet. Manet ergo quaestio circa 
primam Orationem Deus qui inter Apostoiicos^ an scilicet haec 
dicenda semper primo loco sit, an omitti, vel olio did loco valeat 
iuxta Rubricas, illique Oratio *applicationi respondens possit iure 

Lex quidem prima Rubrica, quae tamen cum clara ad 

7^ Questiones AcaJei/iiae lAtufgieae Romanize. 

rein nequaquam sit, sapientiorum Rubvicae eiusdem iuter- 
preturn iudicio stabimus. Sit ergo primus Merati in suis 
annotationibus apud Ga van turn ; hie eiiim hanc quaestiouem 
silet, iudieamus tameu a uemine quam a Merati eum sapien- 
tius intelligi. Sapiens adnotator de lioc peculiar! casu dis- 
serens ((jf-aeant. Tom. 1. pars 1. Tit. \\ n. XI) ait: "In 
Missis quotidianis de requie servatur eadem regula ac de 
feria et simplicibus, seu semiduplieibus." Inde prosequitur : 
"Quando Missa applicatur generaliter pro defunctis. re- 
gulariter dicuntur illae Orationes, quae in Missali pro Missis 
quotidianis positae suut. Verum si Missa celebratur pro 
aliqua, vel pro aliquibus determinatis personis, PRIMO LOCO 
Eodemque loco (sub fine) item prosequitur : " In Missis quo- 
tidianis celebratis etiam pro una certa et nota persona, 11011 
unica tantuin, sed plures nempe tres Orationes dicendae : 
TAM, PONUXTUR. In praedicto igitur casu ELICIATUR PRIMA 


Eadem ratione eadem Rubrica explicatur et exponitur a 
Guyeto, qui (Heortotog. Lib. IV, cap. XXIII. q. 29, Quarto) 
post explicatam Rubricam de tribus Orationibus non mutandis 
prima clie rnensis, si pro defunctis celebretur, addit : " Alias 

Eiusmodi iiiterpretationein suppetidat nobis Cavalerius, 
sed acrioribus, quasi dicam, verbis ; nee de sua seiitentia 
dubitans, veritatem proponere videtur. Ait enim, (Oper. 
Liturg. Tom. Ill, elect' 177. m Onl. J,XXVIII 9 pag. 37, num. 
XI) : " Aequum est ut sermonem convertamus raodo ad 
Missas quotidauas reliquas, super quarum primam Orationem 
etsi decretum taceat, non tamen tacent auctores, QUI OMXES 
CIUM OFFERTUR. Et liiuc patet abusus uonnullorum, qui pro 
quoc unique celebrent, praedictas tres Orationes iiidiscrinii- 
iiatim adhibent, quasi in Missam quotidianam essent invectae, 
ut communiter reoitentur pro quolibet, et non pro soils 

Quest-tones Academiae Liturgicae Romanae. 79 

defunctis omnibus, occafiione generalium suffragiorum. 
Abusum huiusmodi satis evincunt Orationes particularium 
defunctorum in Missali post Missam quotidiaiiam inductae et 
respective dici praeceptae, et ipsa Ecclesiae praxis, quae 
nedum Missas, sed etiam officium quodlibet absolvit cum 
Oratione conveniente illi, de quo vel pro quo officium aut 
Missa dicitur etc." 

Quibus maximae auctoritatis commeutatoribus si alios 
addas exteros, quos inter Lhoner, lansens, Roinsee, Brassine, 
<et commumter omnes, ait De Herdt (Prax. Liturg. pars 1. De 
Oration, in Miss. Defunct."), inficiandum non videtur, hunc 
quern exposuimus, venim esse Rubricae sensum, ut aliter non 
possit nee debeat ipsa intelligi. 

Contra tamen hanc Rubricae exposition em plura citantur 
decreta, quae consequenter recensere oportet. Primum est in 
Aquensi (2 Sept. 1741 ad IV), in quo postulatur, utruin secunda 
Oratio mutari possit ? Et S. R. C. respondet : " Pro ilia Deus 
Veniae largitor impune subrogabitur alia ;" nil ergo contra sen- 
tentiam nostram. Alterum est in Veronesi (27 Aug. 1836 ad 
VII), in quo idem quaeritur quod in superior! decreto. Sacra 
vero Congregatio oratorem remittit ad idem superius decretum, 
haec addens : " Quoad prim am Orationem servetur ordo 
Mifisalia" Tarn si nostrae non opponitur sententiae decretum 
in Aquensi, ergo nee istud in Veronensi : de ordine Missalis 
dicemus infra. Tertium decretum est in Mutinensi (23 Sept. 
1837 ad A'/), in quo quaeritur: " quae Orationes in Missa 
quotidiana pro defuuctis dicendae sint ?" Et S. R. 0. iterum 
respondet : " Servetur Rubricae dispositio, et detur decretum 
in A quensl ad IV :" quid contra nos ? 

Decretum quarturn est in Briocensi (12 Aug. 1854, ad IV) 
et inquirit : " Utrum in Missis quotidianis pro defunctis 
teneatur Sacerdos recitare 1 loco Orationem pro defunctis 
Episcopis seu Sacerdotibus, ut fert Missale Romanum ?" En 
quaestio, in qua versamur, quam dirimere potuisset quidem 
S. R. C. noluit tamen. Prosequitur dubium : " Potestiie 
primo locro recitare Orationem Inclina... vel Quaesumus Domine 
pro defuncto, cuius ad intentionem eleemosyna data est ?" Et 
haec quidem clara petitio, cui clarion occurrere S. R. C. 
responsione poterat. Sed audi : " Standum Missali." Advertit 

80 Questiones Academiae Liturgicae Romanae. 

tamen eadem Congregatio itermn, secundae aliam Orationem 
ad libitum posse subrogari, ut alias decrevit. lam vero ex 
eo quod alia Oratio secundae substitui possit, nil sequitur 
contra propositam sententiam nostram ; iam enim ilia Oratio 
aetate Cavalerii mutari poterat, qui tamen arbitratur et 
primam esse mutandam. 

Quintum reman et decretum in Tuscanensl (16 Septembris 
1865) quod cum sententiam nostram damnare ac reprobare 
videatur, operae pretium indicamus integrum referre. 
Quaeritur ergo : a An in Missis quotidianis de requie 
Sacerdos . . . private celebrans pro aliqua aut pro aliquibus 
determinatis personis, debeat indiscriminatim dicere prirnam 
Orationem Deus qui inter Apostolicos, primo loco in Missali 
assignatam : an potius loco dictae primae Orationis teneatur 
dicere aliam ex diversis in eodem Missali positis quae con- 
veniat ei aut iis determinatis personis, pro quibus Missam 
applicet ? Observa diligenter et perpende quaesitum : duo 
inquiruntur, primo an Oratio Deus qui inter Apostolicos indis- 
criminatim dici debeat ; secundo an loco liuius aliam Sacerdos 
dicere teneatur iuxta applicationem. Ad primum S. R . C. 
respondit : affirmative, ad secundum negative. Ergo, en 
unica conclusio : Oratio Deus qui inter Apostolicos semper 
dicenda pro quacumque persona celebret Sacerdos. Insuper 
ipse Sacerdos non tenetur aliam illi subrogare in gratiam 
illius personae pro qua celebrat. Ex quibus sequitur, hocce 
decretum opinioni quam defendimus nulla ratione opponi. 
Nos enim non sustinemus primam Orationem esse omittendam, 
et aliam illi subrogandam ; sed tantummodo primam orationem, 
esse posse quae applicationi respondeat, nee prima uec- 
ultima ex orationibus omissis iuxta Missalis et decretorum 

Sed et aliud ultimum ex decretis ad rem opus est referre,. 
quod prima fronte omnino contrarium videtur. Est aut em 
decretum in un Ordin. Garmel. Excalc. Congr. Hispaniae (1(5 
Februar. 1781 ad T/), in quo petitur: "Quae Oratio erit 
dicenda in tali Missa?" hoc est in Missa quotidiana pro 
defunctis privata. Porro S. R. C. respondet : " Deus qui inter 
Apostolicos, ut in Missali." Verum hoc decretum de Missa 
loquitur, ut videre est in collectione Gardelliniana, pro 

Questiones Academiae Liturgicac Romanae. 81 

defunctis vage sumptis, quo in casu idem et nos docuimus. 
Ergo decreta S. R. C. sententiae Merati, consequenter 
Gavanti, sicuti et Guyeti, Cavalerii, De Herdt, aliorumque 
omnium Rubricarum, ut isti sentiunt, expositoribus, nullo 
pacto contradicunt. 

Superest nunc explicandus Ordo Missalis, de quo superius. 
Hie non videtur esse ordo materialis Orationum, qui in Missa 
quotidiana pro defunctis invenitur, quique saepe saepius ex 
ipsa Rubricarum et decretorum vi invertitur. Hunc ergo 
clar. Guyetus explicat (Heort. Lib. IV, Quaest, 29 ad quartum), 
dicens : " Ordo autem illarum (orationum) est, ut quae pro 
singularibus sunt, ponantur ante generales, et quae minus 
generales ante generaliores." Ita hunc ordinem Missalis, ac 
Rubricae dispositionem intellexerunt peritiores omnes ut a 
Cavalerio docemur, qui hanc pertractarunt materiem. 

Suflragatur et ratio iure liturgico innixa. Primo, in omni 
Missa cum cantu, (excipe duas iam superius exceptas) dicitur 
prima Oratio applicationi respondens ; ergo et in Missis sine 
cantu, ubi enim eadem est ratio, eadem debet esse iuris dis- 
positio. Secundo, Rubrica et S. R. C. decretis suis ordinem 
hierarchicum exigunt in Orationibus pro defunctis, ut vel 
particulares, vel minus generales Orationes ultima sequatur, 
quae maxime generalis est, scilicet Fidelium Deus omnium 
conditor. Hie vero ordo in sententia proposita apprime 
obtinetur, in opposita fere semper hunc inverti necessum est. 
Terlio, iuxta Rubricas prima Oratio in Missis semper festo 
respondet, de quo vel factum est officium vel Missa dicitur : 
atqui Missa in casu est de requie, et pro eo vel iis defunctis 
offertur, pro quo vel quibus aut factum est officium, aut Missa 
specialiter applicatur, ergo. 1 . . . 

Ex dictis sequi videtur, 1. Orationem primam, in Missis 
privatis defunctorum, applicationi respondentem, esse Ru- 
bricis conformem, nee contra illam stare decreta S. C. R. 2. 
Orationem Deus qui inter ApostolicosimnqyiSim esse omitten dam, 
et post primam dicendam. 3. Alteri Deus veniae largitor posse 

1 Emus. Farocchi Academiae Praeses interlocutos in Conventu aca- 
demico superius indicate sententiam hanc defendit ; addiditque nunquam 
se id habuisse in dubiis. Quanti autem valeat tanti viri iudicium norunt 
omnes. Ed. Eph. Lit. 


82 Correspondence. 

aliam subrogari, vel plures dici ex devotione Celebrantis. 
4. In his Orationibus votivis imparem nnmerum semper esse 
servandum. 5. Ultimam Orationem esse debere semper, 
Fidelium Deus omnium conditor. 

Ultimum quaesitum petit, cui ex duobus disc ep tan ti bus 
faveat ratio. Brevi post dicta respondebimus. Imprimis 
Sacerdos recitans primam Orationem, in omnibus Missis 
privatis de requie, applicationi respondentem, nee contra 
Rubricam agere videtur nee contra S. R. C. decreta. Riibri- 
carum enim expositorum et quidem gravissimorum iudicio 
stetit, qui tuentnr, id esse tarn Rubricis quam decretis omnino 
conforme. Ad Orationem quod pertinet, Deus qui nos Palrem 
et Matrem, quam dixit in anniversario suorum parentum, id 
est pariter iuxta Rubricas. Et sane si casus extet, in quo 
Rubrica dat facultatem Orationes dicendi, quae post Missam 
quotidianam in Missali sunt positae, certo certius casus est 
anniversario. Quod ultra patet ex speciali Rubrica, quae 
dictis Orationibus praeponitur, nempe : " In die depositionis 
"et Anniversarii etc." Ex qua evidenter resultat in die 
anniversarii aptiorem ex illis eligi posse Orationem, magisque 
Missae respondentem. Atqui Missa erat pro Patre et Matre 
illius, ergo rite Orationem pro Patre et Matre selegit. Proinde 
primo Presbytero, de quo in casu, tribuenda videtur ratio, 
baud alteri, qui non recte, ut apparet, Rubricam intellexit, 
sicut et S: R. C. decreta. 


VERY REV. AND DEAR MR. EDITOR, I notice in the last number 
of the I. E. RECORD that Father Dawson, the respected Chaplain of 
the Boston-Spa Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, announces the 
conclusion, so far as he is concerned, of the controversy between him 
and me on the subject of |the oral system of teaching the deaf and 
. dumb, as carried on through your kindness, for some months past, in 
the pages of the RECORD. I am quite glad of it, as I find myself in 
entire coincidence of wish with him, more especially as we may 
expect soon to see the Official Pieport laid before Parliament of the 

Documents. 83 

Commissioners appointed to enquire into the education and condition 
of the deaf and dumb. 

I will, therefore, allow myself merely to observe, respecting his 
paper in the last number of the RECOHD, that his allegation to the effect 
that my references to the Conference in London ten years ago are 
now out of date in consequence of the progress the system has since 
made, can have but little weight, since we must bear in mind, that 
the system has been in operation for over a hundred years in the 
public schools of Germany, and surely it ought to have long since 
brought forth whatever fruit it was capable of producing ; and it is 
difficult to believe that the last ten years have improved it to any 
appreciable extent. 

Father Dawson, in conclusion, expresses his regret for having 
been obliged, in the interest of the oral system, to enter upon this dis- 
cussion. I must say, on my part, that I cannot sympathise with the 
rev. gentleman, as I am very glad that my views to the contrary have 
been subjected to such severe criticism at the hands of so able and 
zealous an advocate of the system, and I trust, on that account, that 
our interchanges must serve to dispel much of the obscurity that had 
lain on the subject. 

I have the honour to remain, 

Very Rev. and dear Sir, very sincerely yours, 





A Plenary Indulgence, applicable to the souls in Purgatory, and 
full remission of sins are granted 

(1) to the faithful who make a pilgrimage to Rome on tlie 
occasion of the Pope's Sacerdotal Jubilee ; 

(2) to the faithful who in mind and spirit accompany tUese 
pilgrimages ; 

(3) to the faithful who in any way help towards the successful 
carrying out of these pilgrimages ; provided 

84 Documents. 

(a) that for nine days preceding New Year's Day they make a 
Novena, consisting of the recital of a third part of the Rosary each 
day ; 

(b) that they make a similar Novena any time, at choice, between 
the 1st of January and 30th of June, 1888 the limits which bound 
the Jubilee pilgrimages ; 

(c) that both on New Year's Day, and on the Sunday or Holiday 
immediately following the second Novena they approach worthily the 
Sacraments of Penance and the Blessed Eucharist, visit the parish 
or other public church, and there pray for peace amongst Christian 
Princes, for the uprooting of heresy, for the conversion of sinners, 
and for the exaltation of our Holy Mother, the Church. 

Moreover, a Partial Indulgence of 300 days is granted to the 
faithful who join with contrite heart in the Novena as described 


Universis Christifidelibus praesentes Litteras inspecturis salutem 
et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Quod primo adventantis anni die 
Deo favente Saeerdotalis jubilaei nostri solemnitatem celebrabimus, 
omnes ubique terrarum gentes et cujuscumque ordinis familiae, quasi 
cor unum et anima una prae laetitia gestiunt, mirificisque modis in 
hac temporum difficultate Nobis in sublimi Beatissimi Petri Sede 
divinitus collocatis, solemnia suae fidei, studii, obsequii, et gratula- 
tionis exhibent testimonia. Haec quidem omuia accepit referimus 
Deo qui consolatur Nos in tribulatione Nostra, Eumque sine 
intermissione obsecramus, ut dominico gregi universo propitius 
benedicat, et optatam jamdiu pacem et concordiam concedat. 

Nos exploratis hisce amoris et antiquae pietatis significationibus 
permoti, precibusque ad id Nobis admotis obsecundantes, ut universi 
filii ex Parent is sui festivitate aliquod sibi parent ad aeternam 
facilius potiundam beatitatem emolumentum, Ecclesiae thesauros, 
quorum dispensationem Nobis credidit Deus, reserandos censuimus. 
Quare de Omnipotentis Dei misericordia, ac Beatorum Petri et 
Pauli Apostolorum Ejus Auctoritate confisi omnibus et singulis 
utriusque sexus Christifidelibus Romam occasione sacerdotalis jubilaei 
Nostri peregre advenientibus, ut suorum populorum nomine publice 
et palam pietatem et obsequium testentur, debitum supremae Nobis a 
Deo traditae auctoritati honorem et obedieutiam praestent, nee non 
omnibus pariter utriusque sexus fidelibus qui supradictas ad Urbem 
peregrinationes mente et corde prosequantur, comitentur, itemque 
omnibus et singulis, qui suam quovis modo in piarum hujusmodi 

Documents. 85 

peregrinationum bonum felicemque exitum operam conferant, si 
novendialem supplicationem recitatione tertiae partis SS. E-osarii ipsi 
sacerdotalis jubilaei Nostri diei, Kalendis nempe venturi Januarii, 
praemiserint, et si earadem supplicationem novendialem intra prae- 
stitutum piarnm peregrinationum hujusmodi admissionibus tempus 
iteraverint, ac vere poenitentes et confessi ac JSancta Communione 
refecti, parochialem suam vel aliam quamlibet ecclesiam aut publicum 
oratorium visitaverint, ibique pro Christianorum Principum concordia, 
haeresum extirpatione, peccatorum conversione, ac S. Matris Eccle- 
siae exaltatione pias ad Deum preces effuderint, turn ipsa memoratae 
solemnitatis Nostrae die, turn die festo, immediate subsequenti 
supplicationem novendialem pro cujusque arbitrio intra praefixum 
tempus ut supra repetitam, plenariam omnium peccatorum suorum 
indulgentiam et remissionem in Domino concedimus. Universis 
praeterea et singulis qui corde saltern contrito novendiales supplica- 
tiones ut supra celebraverint, quovis ex hisce die id praestiterint, 
trecentos dies de injunctis eis seu alias quomodolibet debitis poeni- 
tentiis in forma Ecclesiae consueta relaxamus. Quas omnes, et 
singulas indulgentias, peccatorum remissiones, ac poenitentiarum 
relaxationes, etiam animabus in Purgatorio detentis applicari posse 
indulgemus, et hoc tantum anno concessas volumus. In contrarium 
facientibus, non obstantibus quibuscumque. Volumus autem ut 
praesentium Litterarum transumptis seu exemplis etiam impressis, 
manu alicujus Notarii publici subscripts, et sigillo personae in 
ecclesiastica dignitate constitutae munitis, eadem prorsus fides 
adhibeatur quae adhiberetur ipsis praesentibus si forent exhibitae 
vel ostensae. 

Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, sub Annulo Piscatoris, die- 
1 Octol?ris MDCCCLXXXVII, Pontificatus Nostri anno x. 

(L. 5 S.) M. Card. LEDOCHOWSKI. 



When a parish priest has been appointed Director of a Confrater- 
nity, his successor in the parish does not require a new appointment 
as Director. 

The sick members of a Confraternity are allowed to substitute 
same other pious work which they can perform instead of the visit to 
the church. 

"8f> Documents 

It is necessary to get one's name inscribed on the register of 
the Congregation and mere ceremony of Reception will not 



Die 1C Julii 1887. 

Tres quaestiones huic S. Congregationi Indulgeutiarum et 
SS. Reliquiarum dirirnendas proposuit Procurator generalis Societatis 
Jesu. quae plura dubia complectuntur. Prima quaestio proposita est 
de 'facilitate Episcoporum quoad designationem Rectorum Confra- 
ternitatum, seu Sodalitatum, quarum statuta generatim ferunt ut 
singulis annis, sicut cetororum officialiurn, ita et Moderatoruni fiat 
electio. Quumvis vero haec S. Congregatio, edito generali decreto 
sub die 8 Januarii 1865, declaraverit impertitam esse facultatem 
Ordinariis, ut libere designare possent, si ita in Domino expedire 
judicaverint, parochos pro tempore in Rectores, Moderatores Confra- 
ternitatum, seu Sodalitatum, dubitatum tamen est a nonnullis, an 
facnltas nominandi parochos pro tempore^ ita sit intelligenda, ut 
defuncto actual! parocho, vel etiarn amoto, qui Moderator erat 
alicujus Confraternitatis, vel Sodalitatis in sua parochial! Ecclesia 
erectae, rovus parochus iterum indigeat Episcopi nominatione, ut 
Rector Confraternitatis seu Sodalitatis eligatur. 

Altera quaestio respicit generale decretum datum a f. r. 
Clemente XIII. sub die 2 Augusti 1760, quo benigne concesserat, ut 
confratres et censorores uniuscujusque Confraternitatis, seu Sodalitii 
aut Congregationis ubique locorum existentis canonice erectae aliqua 
corporis infirmitate laborantes, aut carceribus detenti, eisdem omnibus 
et singulis Indulgentiis, quibus ceteri gaudent confratres et con- 
sorores, gaudere valerent, dummodo loco visitationis Ecclesiae, fere 
semper praescriptae, alia pia opera injuncta peregerint, quae pro 
viribus peragere possent, simulque indulgebatur hanc gratiam 
suffragari in perpetuum, et ad preces cujuscumque Sodalitii, 
Confraternitatis, seu Congregationis concedi. Jam vero quum a 
S. Congreg. Indulgentiarum quaesitum fuerit anno 1877 '* Utrum 
confratres et corisorores cujuscumque Confraternitatis, tune existentis 
facilitate in Decreto (Clementino) concessa gaudere possint et valeant, 
sine recursu ad S. Sedem, vel ad hoc dictus recursus sit necessarius 
ex verbis sequentibus praefati decreti voluitque Sanctitas Sua hanc 
gratiam .... ad preces cujuscumque Sodalitii concedi ? ," 
et S. Congregatio respondisset : Negative ad primam partem; 

Documents. 87 

Affirmative ad secundam, et ad irentem : mens est supplicandum 
SSmo, ut per Decretum generale extendatur ad omnes confratres 
cujuscumque Confraternitatis, aut Sodalitii Indultum lucrandi 
singulas Indulgentias, exercendo opera quae pro viribus peragere 
poterunt ; pariter dubitatum est an illud Generale Decretum, quod ab 
hac S. Congregatione evulgandum postulabatur, et tamen evulgatum 
non existit, necessario adhuc requiratur, quura aliunde in Decreto 
diei 25 Februarii 1877 expresse dicatur Summum ' Pontificem 
expetitam gratiarn concessisse, absque ulla mentione generalis 
decreti evulgandi. 

Fostrema demum quaestio mota est de necessitate inscribendi 
nomina confratrum in libro Confraternitatis, seu Sodalitii, praesertira 
si agatur de Sodalitiis. seu Confraternitatibus, in quibus etsi ritus 
adhibeatur in receptione confratrum et consororum, earumdem taraen 
statuta inscriptionem minime requirunt, saltern explicite, uti con- 
ditionem essentialem pro lucrandis Indulgentiis. 
, [ Quare dubia solvenda haec simt : 

I. An stante Decreto diei 8 Jan. 1861, quo Episcopis speciales 
concessae sunt facultates nominandi parpchos pro tempore in Rectores 
sodalitatum, defuncto actuali paroclio vel amoto, qui alicui Sodalitati 
praeerat, novus parochus nova iternm indigeat Episcopi nominatione 
ad hoc ut Rector Sodalitatia eligatur ? 

II. Quum in Decreto [diei 25 Februarii 1877 in responsione ad 
l m sermo sit de generali Decreto vulgando in favorem omnium con- 
fratrum cujuscumque Confraternitatis. quumque Decretum liujusmodi 
vulgatum non fuerit, quaeritur (1) an haec concessio nunc reapse 
valeat pro omnibus Confraternitatibus seu Sodalitiis, aut Congrega- 
tionibus sine speciali recursu cujusque Confraternitatis seu Sodalitii 
ad S. Sedern, qui antea requirebatur ? Et quatenus affirmative 
(2) utrum valeat tantum pro confratribus infirmis, vel carceribus 
detentis, de quibus solis primaeva concessio Clementis Papae XIII 
loquebatur ? an (3) etiam extensa sit ad confratres gravi alia ex 
causa legitime impeditos ? Et quatenus negative ad tertiam partem 
(4) humiliter ea extensio nunc petitur. 

III. Utrum (1) concessio supradicta valeat tantum pro iis 
confratribus, qui impediti sunt quominus praescriptam ecclesiae 
visitationem peragere possint (2) an vero etiam pro ilhs qui pro- 
hibentur quominus aliquam aliam conditionem ad lucrandas Indul- 
gentias praescriptam impleant. 

IV. Utrum in iis Sodalitiis, quae solemnem aliquem receptionis 
ritum adhibent (ut Congregationes B. Mariae Virginis) confratres 

88 Documents. 

hoc solemn! modo a legitimo Sodalitatis Praeside recepti lucrari 
possint Indulgentias, licet in libro Sodalitatis non inscribantur ? 

V. Utrum genera tim inscriptio sit omnino necessaria ad lucrandas 
Indulgentias, etiamsi statuta Confraternitatis, Congregationis vel 
piae Unionis non explicite requirant inscriptionem tanquam con- 
ditionem essentialem ? 

Et Emi. ac Rmi. Patres in generalibus Comitiis ad Vaticanum 
coadunatis die 25 Junii 1887 rescripserunt : 

Ad I. Negative. 

Ad l m . partem dubii II. : Affirmative, et supplicandum Sanctis- 
simo pro promulgatione Decreti juxta resolutionem S. Congregationis 
diei 25 Februarii 1877. 

Ad 2 m . partem : Affirmative. 

Ad 3 m . partem : Negative. 

Ad 4 m . partem : supplicandum Sanctissimo pro benigna exten- 
sione ad alia legitima impedimenta judicio discreti confessarii 
dignoscenda, commutato tarn en ab eodem confessario opere injuncto 
visitationis ecclesiae in aliud pium opus. 

Ad 1 m . partem dubii III. : Affirmative. 

Ad 2 m . partem : Negative. 

Ad IV. Negative si agatur de Confraternitatibus proprie dictis. 

Ad. V. Provisum in praecedenti. 

De quibus omnibus facta per infrascriptum S. Congregationis 
Secretarium relatione die 16 Julii 1887, Sanctitas Sua responsiones 
Emorum Patrum confirmavit, simulque mandavit expediri Decretum 
de quo in prima parte dubii secundi, et benigne concessit petitam 
extensionem, juxta modum express um in responsione ad quartam 
partem ejusdem dubii secundi. 

Datum Romae ex Secretaria S. Congregationis Indulgentiis 
sacrisque Reliquiis praepositae die 16 Julii 1887. 

FT. THOMAS M. Card. ZIGLIARA, Praefectus. 
ALEXANDER Episcopus Oensis, Secretarius. 

r 89 ] 


the German of Mgr. Hettinger, Professor of Theology at 
the University of Wiirzburg. P^dited by Henry Sebastian 
Bowden, of the Oratory. London : Burns & Oates. 

WITH the exception of the Bible we scarcely know of any book 
that has had so many commentators as the Divina Commedia. 
Its great author was not long dead when the people of Florence 
called upon Boccaccio to give readings and explanations in public of 
his wonderful work. Similar honours were conferred on the " Divine 
Comedy " in Bologna, Pisa, Piacenza, Foligno, Mantua and Venice, 
with such distinguished expounders as Filippo da Reggio and 
Benvenuto da Imola. Endless commentaries in Latin, French, 
Spanish, German and English, were devoted to explore the 
mine of wealth which the noble Florentine exile had bequeathed to 
the world. Through all the changes and vicissitudes of taste we 
find him still in the front rank with no possible rival except Homer. 
Many valuable expositions of his work have recently appeared in 
Italy but the best and by far the most practical of them all is the 
splendid Dizionario Dantesco of \ Professor Giacomo Poletto of 
the Pontifical University. In Germany Dante has had many 
commentators among contemporary writers. Dr. Gietmann, S.J., 
has collected his articles in the Stimmen aus Maria Ldach on 
"Die Gottliche Komodie und ihr Dichter Dante Alighieri " and 
Mgr. Hettinger has given us the present interesting volume for the 
English version of which we are indebted to Fr. Bowden of the 
London Oratory. 

Mgr. Hettinger commences with an interesting life of the poet 
and an account of his other works, the Nuova Vita, Compito, De 
Vulgari Eloquio and De Monarchia. He then gives an analytic 
sketch of the three great parts Inferno, Purgatorio and Paradiso. 
He takes us with him through each of the circles of Hell and 
Purgatory with explanations full of interest as regards history, 
dogma, and the poetic art. We follow him perhaps with more 
pleasure still through the " planets" and " spheres" of Paradise. 
Though the Inferno and Purgatorio are always sure to remain more 
popular with ordinary readers, it is really in the Paradiso that Dante 
soars aloft in the divine flight and displays in these empyrean realms " 

90 Notices of Books. 

all the noble gifts of knowledge and of spirituality that have made 
him immortal. In his interviews with St. Thomas of Aquin, 
St. Bonaventure. St. Bernard, St. Peter Damien, &c., he enters into 
the deepest and most subtle details of doctrine and of ascetic 
perfection ; here he becomes really sublime when he contemplates the 
higher beatitudes of the " Primum Mobile " or sees the angel Gabriel 
"on poised wing " salute the Blessed Virgin with " Ave Maria, gratia 

44 To whose sweet anthem all the blissful court 
From all parts answering, rang, that holier joy 
Swept o'er the deep serene." Par. xxxii., 86. 

or when he describes the all-pervading sense of bliss with which 
the soul is floooded in the final transports of the ecstatic vision. 
Mgr. Hettinger then takes up the leading dogmas of Catholic 
philosophy and theology the nature of man, the spiritual and 
rational soul, free will, redemption, atonement, justification. &c., and 
shows what a full and exact knowledge the poet had of these 
questions in all their bearings and details. Finally he discusses 
Dante's notions on the temporal power of the Pope and his strictures 
on the conduct of several individual popes and ecclesiastics. We 
regret that this portion of the work is not more full and more 
precise. One must go to Berardinelli's Dominio temporale del Papi nel 
concetto politico di Dante Alighieri for complete and methodical 
information on these points that are at present so warmly discussed 
in Italy. It would be a mistake to look upon Dante's Utopia of the 
empire as sketched out in the de Monarchia as an infallible key to 
his meaning in several passages of the Divina Commedia. Yet, of 
course, he has made mistakes which, however, were mainly due to 
the bitterness of party strife in the end of the thirteenth and 
commencement of the fourteenth century. The sense of personal 
wrong under which he laboured sharpened his criticism of the use 
to which the temporal power was sometimes turned as in the passage 
Hell, xix., 118 

" Ah Constantine to how much ill gave birth 
Not thy conversion but that plenteous dower 
Which the first wealthy father gain'd from thee." 

This munificent gift through which the Church gained power and 
as he says " became entangled in worldly affairs" he sometimes 
regards as the cause of many scourges and not least of that personal 

Notices of Books. 91 

avarice with which the Ghibellines were always so ready to tax even 
the best of popes. 

" Not to this end was Christ's spouse with my blood 
With that of Linus and of Cletus fed 
That she might serve for purchase of base gold 
But for the purchase of this happy life 
Did Sextus, Pius and Callixtus bleed 
And Urban." Purg. xxviii., 36. 

These severe reproaches never prevent him, however, from showing 
the greatest respect to' the office of the papacy as when he bends 
his knee before Adrian V. in purgatory and shows his u reverence 
for the keys" before Nicholas III. whom he so unjustly condemns to 
hell for simony. 

Unfortunately Gary's laboured rendering of the Divina Gommedia 
in Milton's pompous language and style gives but a poor idea of the 
graceful and harmonious " terza rima " of Dante, but we agree with 
Fr. Bowden that it was the best choice he could have made for his 
quotations under the circumstances. The translation is extremely 
well done. We regret it was not in our power to give a notice of 
the work sooner. It has already been welcomed everywhere by the 
cultivated class of readers for whom it was intended. We have only 
to recommend it to those who have not yet procured it, and we trust 
that it will help to revive the study of the great Catholic poet 
among the Catholics of these countries. 

J. F. H. 


HEART. By the Rev. George Tickell, S.J. London: 

Burns & Gates (Limited). 

FATHER TICKELL with skilful hand has culled from a fruitful 
garden a few rich flowers, and has deftly arranged them in a beautiful 
little bouquet. The Incarnate Word and Devotion to the Sacred Heart 
is a very rare bouquet of doctrine. It is a clear and simple exposition 
drawn from Sacred Scripture, Ecumenical Councils, and the Fathers 
of the Catholic belief in the Word made Flesh. The Incarnation is 
the great central truth of Christian dogma. It stamps the Christian 
faith with the indelible impress of divine love, and bestows upon 
creatures the spiritual birthright of brotherhood with Christ. 

Christ is true God and true Man. In one person are united by a 
substantial union two natures the Divine and Human. We adore 
with the highest worship not only the Divine but also the Human 

'92 Notices of Booh. 

nature, because the Humanity of Christ is substantially joined to the 
Word, and hence cannot be regarded without considering the Divine 
nature as proper to It. The full object of adoration is the personal 
Christ : the Human nature of Christ in Itself, though not on account 
of Itself, is the partial object. The Body of Christ is adored because 
it is the Body of the Uncreated Word, and adoration is paid to Him 
whose Body it is. 

We may view the Incarnate Word in His Humanity or in His 
Interior Life and Passion, and also as acting or suffering in His 
Sacred Humanity or in His Exterior Life and Passion. We adore 
the Sacred Humanity, because in It the Eternal Word manifests 
Himself for our adoration. We adore the Sacred Humanity acting 
and suffering, because the actions and sufferings are the operations of 
a God- Man. Now certain operations of the Word in His Flesh are 
special objects of our love and adoration. So certain portions of the 
Sacred Humanity present special reasons for being regarded as 
manifestations of the Incarnate Word. Among the latter the Sacred 
Heart holds the first place. 

The learned author in vigorous and fervent tones tells us how 
devotion to the Sacred Heart existed from the earliest times, how 
Doctors with burning words of love defended it, how Saints grew in 
perfection beneath its shadow, and finally how in these later days, 
when charity was on the wane, the Church, exalted it by the most 
solemn sanction, making it the distinctive devotion of our age. 
Father Tickell's little book is an admirable one. He apprehends the 
salient points of devotion with singular power, and discourses them 
with clearness and simplicity. His method is scholarly. We earnestly 
recommend this excellent treatise to all those who desire fruitful 
instruction about the Incarnate Word and Devotion to the Sacred 

THE JEWELS OF THE MASS. By Percy Fitzgerald. London . 
Burns & Gates (Limited). 

THE Mass is a second Incarnation. Around the first are grouped 
a multitude of holy actions and loving words which enshrine in a 
halo the Word made Flesh. The words which Christ spoke and the 
works He wrought, though distinct from the supreme act of the 
Incarnation, are above measure profitable to us. In the second 
Incarnation too, the great central act of Consecration is surrounded 
by words and actions which are full of hidden meaning, and most 
deserving our reflection. In the Mass the grand essential act, like a 

Notices of Books. 9 

precious stone of inestimable value, stands in relief, enriched by wise 
rubric and deep thoughtful prayer; and these are the Jewels of the 

The Jewels of the Mass is a work of high merit. The author 
views the Mass with the eye of an artist who, himself guided by a 
strong and lively faith, laying before us the fitness and meaning of 
every little part, inspires in us a deeper devotion, and excites us to 
more earnest action. The reader will, moreover, gain much instruc- 
tion from the story of the structural growth of the Mass. 

The author's style possesses an energy and animation which 
pleasantly carry us through this very attractive little book. To this 
most instructive little book we wish every success, and unhesitatingly 
promise a fruitful harvest. 

ELEMENTS OF ECCLESIASTICAL LAW, compiled with reference 
to the Syllabus, the Const. Apostolicae Sedis of Pope 
Pius IX., the Council of the Vatican and the latest 
decisions of the Roman Congregations, adapted especially 
to the discipline of the Church in the United States. By- 
Rev. S. B. Smith, D.D., formerly Professor of Canon Law, 
author of the Notes, Counterpoints, The New Procedure 
&G. Vol. II. Ecclesiastical Trials. Thoroughly revised 
according to the Instruction " Cum Magnopere " and the 
Third Plenary Council of Baltimore. New York :: 
Benziger Brothers. 

THIS edition of the second volume of Dr. Smith's Elements of 
Ecclesiastical Law has issued from the press at a time when it is sure 
to meet a general welcome. It contains an able and careful explana- 
tion not merely of the various kinds of ecclesiastical trials established 
by the Canon Law, but also a detailed exposition of the special 
form of procedure sanctioned in 1878, and of the still more important 
Summary Process promulgated in 1884 for conducting. Criminal Eccle- 
siastical Causes in the United States of America. The author's reason 
for retaining an explanation of the decree issued in 1878 is obvious. 
The mode of proceeding laid down therein is still in force where the 
Curia contemplated by the legislation of 1884 has not been as yet 
established. Besides, a kindred method of trial is applied in other 
lands where an English work on Canon Law is sure to find an entry. 
The present edition, also, contains a full account of the pro- 
cedure established in 1884 for the United States in Matrimonial 
Causes. The work is enriched with several valuable appendices^ 

94 Xotices of Books. 

and we know of no more reliable source of information in regard to 
ecclesiastical trials than it places at the reader's disposal. American 
priests will find this learned volume a safe guide to the Summary 
Process now in force for criminal and disciplinary Causes in the 
United States. 

IN 1884, FOR THE UNITED STATES. By Rev. S.B. Smith, D.D., 
formerly Professor of Canon Law, Author of JVotes, 
Elements of Ecclesiastical Law, Counterpoints, &c. New 
York : Pustet, 1887. 

THE name of this volume sufficiently indicates its subject matter. 
The precise form of trial here explained is established for the United 
States in the criminal causes of ecclesiastics. It does not, in all its 
details, apply elsewhere, nor in America itself to civil causes nor to 
those of laymen, whether civil or criminal. Yet, beyond doubt, one 
who masters this exposition, will have little difficulty in understanding 
the points of difference between the Summary Process described by 
Dr. Smith and any other form of Canonical trial. What is more, 
no one can read this volume with attention and fail to own in deep 
conviction that the Canonical Procedure, which the Church pursues 
in her trials, has never been equalled by any other in charity, justice, 
and wisdom. 

At first sight, it might seem 'strange to call this Procedure 
" New," for as the author is careful to tell us, the Summary Process, 
with occasional points of difference, has been in force since the time 
of Clement V. for civil causes, and was permitted in 1880 for 
criminal ones in Catholic countries not subject to Propaganda, 
whenever the ordinary process cannot be observed without serious 
inconvenience. But for America this Procedure is new. It takes 
the place of the form of trial established by Propaganda in 1878. 
It is contained in the Instruction " Cum Magnopere," issued in 1884, 
and is embodied in the acts of the Third Plenary Council of 
Baltimore, held in the same year. But, as Dr. Smith truly observes, 
the receut Constitution " merely outlines the main features of the 
procedure, and presupposes a full and accurate knowledge of the 
Canon Law bearing on the subject." The outlines are filled in so 
as to form a very presentable figure indeed by the excellent com- 

Notices of Books. Da 

inentary under review. We gladly commend it to every student of 
this intricate subject. Only on one small point do we feel disposed 
to offer an unfavourable criticism. While thankful to learn that the 
third volume of Dr. Smith's erudite Element* of Ecclesiastical 
Law is soon to see the light, we think the references to it from the 
present work are somewhat too numerous for a publication whose 
proportions should lead us to expect almost perfect independence. 
The New Procedure is indeed in itself complete as an exposition of 
the subject with which it deals. But these frequent references are 
suggestive of the contrary. 

P. O'D. 

Herausgegeben unter Mitwirkung von Fachgelehrteii 
von Prof. Dr. Ernst Comraer. Paderborn und Miinster : 
Druck und Verlag von Ferdinand Schoningh. 

Tins comparatively new German Quarterly is exclusively devoted 
to philosophy and to speculative questions in Theology. It is edited 
by Dr. Ernest Commer, Professor of Philosophy at the University of 
Miinster, who is assisted by some of the best Catholic philosophical 
writers in Germany. We have been favoured with all the numbers 
of it that have appeared since its first publication in 1886, and we 
are able to say that it appears to us by far the most satisfactory 
review of Thomistic philosophy now published. The exclusive object 
of its existence is probably the cause that it treats each subject much 
more fully and exhaustively than any of the other German Catholic 
reviews, and with all the learning and solidity for which German 
literature of the kind is remarkable. Dr. Glossner's articles on 
" Die Lehre des HI. Thomas und seiner Schule vom prinzip der 
Individuation " constitute not only the clearest exposition that we 
have seen of the scholastic principle of individuation but also the 
ablest refutation of the Scotist " Haecceitas " and of the other more 
recent theories on the same subject. The articles by Dr. Schnell on 
" Der Gottesbegriff im Katholizimus und Protestantismus," and those 
by Dr. Schneider on " Die Praemotio physica nach Thomas," are also 
very full and written in a most readable and attractive style. On 
the whole it would seem that the object held in view when establish- 
ing this new organ and which was announced by the publishers is 
about to be fulfilled. 

"Es bezweckt, eine Verstandigung liber die grossen philosophis- 
hen Fragen auf dem Bodeii der aristotelischen Principien anzu- 
bahnen. Dazu sollen die Grundsatze der Lehre des h Thomas von 

96 Notices of Books. 

Aquin Mar dargelegt werden. Aber auch die neuere Philosophie 
wird Berucksichtigung finden. Fur geschichtliche Forschung auf 
dem Gebiete der Philosophic und Theologie fehlt es nicht an 
Zeitschriften. Aber fiir die eigentliche speculative Arbeit, die in 
den letzten Jahren einen neuen Aufschwung genommen hat, fehlt es 
noch immer an einem Organe. Diesem Bediirfnisse soil das 
Jahrbuch entsprechen." 

With such an object in view it is hardly necessary to say that we- 
wish this new German contemporary every success, 

J. F. H. 


PRAYER. By the Very Rev. Thomas Geoghegan, V.G., 

Kildare. Dublin : James Duffy & Sons. 

FATHER GEOGHEGAN gives us an excellent explanation of prayer 

under each of the above headings. The many quotations from the 

Scriptures and from the Fathers, with which the little book abounds 

shows the author's intimate acquaintance with these sources. We are 

sure many pastors will feel deeply grateful to Father Geoghegan for 

enabling them to place in the hands of their flock, at the moderate 

price of twopence, a most useful little book on the inexhaustible 

subject of prayer. 


Benziger Brothers. 

THIS translation of the above work by St. Alphonsus is edited by 
Fr. Grimm, C.SS.R., and is not in any way inferior to the many other 
translations of this work that have been made. We cannot recom- 
mend too highly this book. It is much to be deplored that Jesus 
in the Blessed Sacrament has not more numerous visitors. Why, 
we ask, is this so ? Why are our churches so much deserted ? We 
hope it will not continue to be so, and it certainly will not if this little 
book meets with the circulation it deserves. 



FEBRUARY, 1888. 


FT1HE precursive signs, by which the magnificent celebrations, 
J- just now going on in the Eternal City, were heralded, 
awakened a world-wide interest, and gave rise to endless 
speculations. Long before the advent of the New Year, 1888, 
had iishered in the solemn festivities of the Papal Jubilee, 
nations and princes, formerly hostile to the Successor of Peter, 
had already commenced to pour their sympathy into his ears, 
and to lay their gold at his feet. The well-known admiration 
and pride, with which his own devoted flock in every corner 
of the earth, regard the present illustrious Father of the 
Faithful, made them look forward to the celebration of his 
Sacerdotal .Jubilee, with deep interest and intense anxiety. 
Clergy and laity alike, not merely in every country, but even 
in every diocese throughout the world, have shown, during 
the past months unstinted generosity and indomitable zeal, in 
their endeavours to testify emphatically their filial affection 
for their venerated Supreme Pastor, on the present happy 
occasion. But not even the most sanguine among them ever 
hoped that the event would be surrounded with such 
splendour and eclat, each succeeding day disclosing some new 
element of interest, and furnishing some new theme for 
speculation. For there is one striking feature in this joyous 
occasion, perfectly unique and unparalleled in the history 
of such events. That a Pope, who is the pride and glory of 
all his spiritual children, should receive from them con- 
YOL. IX. a 

<)8 Leo the Thirteenth. 

gratulatory addresses and handsome presents, is scarcely to 
be wondered at. But when we see all the important states 
and sovereigns, heretical and infidel as well as Catholic, 
throughout the civilized world, tendering their felicitations, 
and with hardly an exception worth noting, sending costly 
presents to the Supreme Head of a religion which many 
of them detest, we may well marvel at this universal con- 
currence of testimony to the worth and beneficence of our 
beloved Pontiff. 

Newspapers and periodicals, irrespectively of the creed, 
race, or politics they represent, have, during the past month, 
been teeming with interesting news about the doings in Rome. 
The letters from crowned heads and princes, effusive in their 
expression of kindly wishes towards his Holiness, the valuable 
gifts accompanying them, and the probable future relations 
between the Vatican and the various powers, have been viewed 
from every standpoint, and discussed with ability and fulness, 
by writers of all shades of opinion or prejudice. These facts 
and inferences admittedly possess more than a passing signi- 
ficance, but the question to which we purpose to address 
ourselves now on the eve of the solemn reception of Ireland's 
representatives by the Holy Father, is one which must present 
itself to the least philosophic mind, viz. : AVhat is that ex- 
ceptional excellence or dignity of character or conduct on. 
the part of Leo XIIL, that has attracted so many thousands 
of admirers to his presence, and evoked a constantly swelling 
chorus of congratulation from the remotest ends of the earth, 
on this memorable occasion of his Golden Jubilee ? For even 
those that are most reluctant to credit the occupant of the 
Chair of Peter with any good quality of head or heart, could 
not help feeling the sentiment of the Roman poet: " Sunt hie 
etiam sua praemia laudi," unconsciously stealing upon them, 
as they read of the extraordinary tributes of esteem and 
gratitude, offered to his Holiness during the Jubilee 

This question, we fancy, can be best answered by review- 
ing briefly the substantial and enduring benefits, conferred by 
him on the world at large; 1, in his character of scholar and 
patron of learning ; 2, in his capacity of supreme spiritual 

Leo the Thirteenth. 99 

ruler: 3, as arbiter of nations, and 4, as the divinely- 
appointed guardian of social order. Accordingly, we shall 
first view him as the 


That a mau, who had not himself received a good literary 
training in his early youth, nor afterwards prosecuted his 
academic labours with growing success, until he had made 
himself master of one or more departments of knowledge, 
should contribute in any material way towards the intellectual 
progress of his age, would indeed be a rare historical phenom- 
enon. Ancient Rome attained the zenith of her literary 
glory under the fostering encouragement extended by 
Maecenas to men of letters ; but then Maecenas was himself 
an accomplished scholar and a voluminous author of no mean, 
reputation. On the other hand, if George I. of England, a 
man " without the slightest tincture of literature or science," 
did not completely annihilate all literary enterprise in his 
kingdoms, it was no merit of his. 

Joachim Pecci, at present Head of the Universal Church, 
was transferred from his native Carpineto at the tender 
-age of eight, and entrusted by his parents to the care 
and training of the Jesuits at Viterbo. Six years of close 
application and rapid progress enabled him to complete 
his preliminary studies here. He was next sent to Rome 
to the Collegio Romano, then a most flourishing in- 
stitution, manned by the ablest professors. The curriculum 
embraced Rhetoric, Higher Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, 
Moral Philosophy, and Theology. At the close of his 
first year, he obtained the much-coveted distinction of 
being selected to read the customary oration in Latin 
in presence of all the students, and of the many dis- 
tinguished scholars who attended on such occasions ; 
besides, he was awarded First Honors in Greek. His 
success in the less attractive studies of Moral Philosophy, 
was even more brilliant ; at the end of his three years' 
philosophy, he was chosen to defend, at a public disputation, 
theses culled from the most intricate parts of the course, the 

100 Leo the Thirteenth. 

objectors being unrestricted as to the nature and form of the 
difficulties they might propose. 

He entered on the study of theology in 1830, and 
here, in addition to his own natural, gifts, which were 
always recognised as of the highest order, he had the 
immense advantage of listening to the lectures of such 
distinguished celebrities as Perrone and Patrizi. The 
brilliancy and solidity of his theological attainments won 
the admiration and applause of all, who were witnesses 
of his two public examinations for degrees in the Sapienza. 
He devoted the next three years of his life mainly to 
the study of Law in the Academy of Noble Ecclesiastics 
with the same assiduity and ardour, that had marked 
his whole career of student. Finally he was promoted 
to the priesthood in his twenty-seventh year, being, in- 
the fullest sense of the phrase, a cultured and ripe 

His numerous encyclicals, from which we shall give 
a. few quotations farther on, show a masterly grasp of 
the subjects treated of, and the elegance and purity of 
the Latin diction he employs, must charm the least 
attentive reader. The composition of Latin verse, too, he 
appears to have at all times cultivated with a special 
pleasure. In his early years in college, he carried off the 
first prize for a poem in Latin hexameters, and, to this 
day, whenever he has a moment of leisure, he delights 
to indulge in the amusement of composing a Latin ode. 
Xo one familiar with Latin poetry can fail to recognise 
the superior excellence, displayed in many of the inspirations 
of his muse. Many of our readers, however, may not have 
at hand a copy of his poems, and hence it will not be unin- 
teresting to transfer to our pages one of his most recent 
productions. The subject of it is a young man of respectable 
connexions and good dispositions, but unfortunately addicted 
to drink. He was presented to the Holy Father, who, observing 
that his haggard looks and the too clear vestiges of dissipation 
which he everywhere exhibited, betrayed a weakness de- 
plorable in any man, but more especially so in a young 
gentleman of his age and rank, addressed to him a short 

Leo the Thirteenth. 101 

paternal admonition, which lie afterwards turned into elegiacs, 
as follows : 


Flore puer, vesana din te fcbris adurit ; 

Inficit immundo Innguida membra situ 
Pira lues ; cupidis stygio respersa veueno, 

Nee pudor est, lab i is pocula plena bibis. 
Pocula sunt Circes ; apparent ora ferarum ; 

Sus vel amica Into, vel truculentus aper. 
Si sapis, o tandem miser expergiscere, tandem, 

Ulla tuae .si te cura salutis habct. 
Heu fuge Sirenum cantus, fuge litus avarum, 

Et te Cartbusi, Flore, reconcle sinu, 
Haec tibi certa salus ; Cartliusi e fontibus liausta 1 

Continuo sordes proluet uncla tuas. 

It is scarcely a matter for surprise, that such an inde- 
fatigable student and such an ardent lover of knowledge, 
should consistently, during his long and useful life, inculcate 
and insist upon the paramount importance of a good educa- 
tion. During the five years which he spent as governor or 
delegate at Benevento, and afterwards at Perugia, inasmuch 
as lie was largely responsible lor the civil administration of 
the Papal provinces, of which these cities were the respective 
capitals, though he did a great deal to promote learning, it 
was his firmness in repressing crime, that was most conspicuous 
and successful. 

He was consecrated bishop before he had completed his 
thirty-third year, and soon after appointed Papal Nuncio at 
Brussels. Here he grudged not to divide all the time he could 
spare from his more immediate and urgent duties, between 
the Academy of Saint Pierre and the schools belonging to the 
Convent of the Sacred Heart. In both these great educa- 
tional institutions, where he was so familiarly known from 
the frequency of his visits, his amiable countenance and his 
encouraging admonitions were affectionately remembered, 
long after his brief sojourn of three years in the Belgian 
capita], had come to a close in April, 1845. 

The important arch-diocese of Perugia had, in the mean- 
time, been rendered vacant by the death of Consignor 

J Ex consideratione scilicet rerum quae simt homini novissiniae. 

102 Leo the Thirteenth. 

Cittadini, and a representative deputation of the Perugians- 
had waited on Gregory XVI. , and entreated him to send 
them, as successor to their late bishop, Monsignor Pecci,. 
whom they had esteemed and admired so much, when he 
held the office of delegate in their city. The aged Pontiff, 
who was at this time rapidly approaching his dissolution,, 
gladly and promptly acceded to their request, inasmuch as 
he thoroughly realised the importance of appointing to such 
a prominent see a man of experience and erudition, who 
would strenuously labour to stem, if possible, the tide of 
anarchy and social disruption even then threatening the 
Papal dominions. As soon as circumstances permitted, the 
nuncio left Brussels, returned to Italy, and took solemn, 
possession of his new See. Scarcely had he done so, when 
he at once directed all the energies of his gifted mind towards 
raising the standard of education in all its branches, and for 
all classes of the community over which he was appointed to 
preside. The scheme he devised for effecting these reforms, 
could not at once be carried out in its entirety ; he proceeded 
with wisdom, and undertook only what he was in a position 
to perfect. 

The diocesan seminary naturally claimed his first thoughts. 
He enlarged the material building so as to connect it with the 
archiepiscopal palace ; he created new chairs, and held out 
every inducement to the most distinguished scholars to 
ambition the honour of filling them; in fact, he gave such a 
marvellous impetus to the educational machinery of that 
institution, that it soon attained the highest pre-eminence 
and fame. But his solicitude in the matter of education was 
not confined to his clergy; his efforts in extending the 
advantages and improving the efficiency of the University 
of Perugia were equally earnest, persevering, and successful.. 
Finally, a select high school for the daughters of the nobility, 
an academy for the daughters of the burgess or middle class, 
and a free school for the daughters of labourers and artisans, 
supplied ample facilities for the education of females. 
Public opinion seconded his laudable endeavours, a healthy 
spirit of emulation infused itself into all sections of the 
entire community, and, though Monsignor Pecci was strict 

Leo the Thirteenth. 103 

in enforcing the observance of their respective duties 
on masters and pupils alike, they as well as the rest 
of the population, were affectionately attached to their 
energetic and unselfish bishop. The strength and sincerity 
of their devotedness to him were very strikingly de- 
monstrated on the occasion of the seizure by the 
Piedmontese Government of the Perugian Academy for 
Boys. His duty of denouncing such a barbarous act of 
spoliation, he discharged with firmness and dignity ; he had 
the episcopal arms at once removed from the entrance ; he 
cautioned his people against the dangers of the secularisation 
system ; and such a complete victory did he gain over the 
usurpers, that the new teachers alone disturbed the silence 
and solitude of the Academy on the following day ; " the 
teachers were there but the pupils were gone." 

The realisation of his long cherished idea of founding an 
Academy of St. Thomas at Perugia was delayed by the evil 
influences at work in those critical times. Society was being- 
re volutionised, and the most sacred rights of religion and 
justice outraged with a recklessness, for which it would be 
difficult to find a parallel. All obstacles, however, were at 
length surmounted, and in 1872, the project, which was the 
happy inception of the grand scheme for reinstating the 
Angelic Doctor in his rightful position in the Catholic 
seminaries of the world, received its embodiment in the 
Perugian Academy of St. Thomas. 

His very last pastoral, published shortly before his election 
to the Papal throne, deals exclusively with the subject of 
education. The well-worn calumny against the Church, 
imputing to her hostility towards the progress of science, he 
answers with force and clearness. " The golden saying of 
Bacon," he writes, " that ' a little knowledge leads away from 
God, but much knowledge leads back to Him,' is ever and 
essentially true. Hence it is not the careful, deep explorer 
whom the Church fears, but the vain, superficial scientist, 
who forms his conclusions before he has proceeded far with 
his researches." 

The glad news of the creation of Cardinal Pecci as Pope, 
on February 20th, 1878, had not long gone forth, when his 

104 Leo the Thirteenth. 

eminent literary attainments and bis untiring zeal and labour 
in the cause of education, were published everywhere through- 
out the Catholic world. A powerful impulse, since maintained 
and augmented by the unceasing efforts of his Holiness to 
advance Christian knowledge, was thus opportunely com- 
municated to ecclesiastical colleges, and indeed to all the 
higher Catholic schools. The vastness arid wisdom of his 
eminently practical proposals for refining and elevating the 
teaching system in such institutions, but more especially in 
the department of mental philosophy, and his anxious 
solicitude for the extension of a sound university education 
to all parts of the Church, during the ten years of his 
Pontificate, are familiar to the readers of the RECORD. 

The keynote is sounded in his first Encyclical (Inscruta- 
lili), addressed to all the archbishops and bishops of the 
world, whose duty in this matter he clearly defines : 

; ' Vestri autem muneris est, Venerabiles Fratres, sedulam impen- 
<lere curam, ut caelestium doctrinarian semen late per Dominicum 
agrum diffundatur et Catholicae fidei documenta fidelium animis 
mature inserantur, altas in eis radices agant, et ab errorum contagione 
incorrupta serventur. Quo validius contendunt religionis hostes 
imperitis hominibus, ac juvenibus praesertim, ea discenda proponere 
quae mentes obnubilent raoresque corrumpant, eo alacrius adnitendum 
est, ut non solum apta ac solida institutionis methodus, sed rnaxime 
institutio ipsa Catholicae fidei omnino conformis in litteris et discip- 
linis vigeat, praesertim autem ia philosophia, ex qua recta aliarum 
scientiarum acquisitio magna ex parte dependet : quaeque non ad 
evertendam divinam revelationem spectat, sed ad ipsam potius sternere 
viam gaudet ipsamque ab impugnatoribus defendere, quemadmodum 
nos exemplo scriptisque suis Magnus Augustinus et Angelicus Doctor, 
caeterique Christianae sapientiae Magistri docuerunt." 

The publication of his celebrated Encyclical Aeterni 
Patris, on the 4th of August, 1879, constitutes an epoch in 
the history of scholastic studies in the Church. He treats 
of the method and teaching of Saint Thomas Aquinas, and 
explains, with consummate skill, the scope and excellence of 
true philosophy. His just admiration of the Angelic Doctor 
is pit! lily expressed, in the following memorable words : 

" Inter Scholasticos Doctores, omnium princeps et magister, longe 
eminet Thomas Aquinas : qui, uti Cajetanus animadvertit, veteres 
doctores sacros quia siunme vsneratus est, idea intellect-urn omnium 

Leo the Thirteenth. 105 

quiodanmiodo sortitus est. lllorum doctrinas. vclut dispersa cujusdam 
<iorporis membra, in unum Thomas collegit et coagmentavit, miro 
ordine digessit, ct magnis incremeutis ita adauxit, lit Catliolicae 
Ecclesiae singulare praesidium et decus jure mcritoque liabeatur . . 
Vos omnes, Vcnerabiles Fratres, quam enixe liortamur, ut ad 
Catliolicae fidei tutelam et decus, ad societatis bonum, ad scientiarum 
omnium incrementum, auream Sancti Thomae sapientiam restituatis, 
-et quam latissime propagetis." 

Twelve months after, St. Thomas was constituted Patron 
of all Catholic universities, colleges, and schools, and soon 
an Academy of St. Thomas was founded at Rome under 
auspices that ensured success, and with the choicest materials. 
The Seminario Romano he likewise had reorganized, its 
curriculum extended, its professoriate selected from the most 
famous scholars in Italy, and the establishment rendered in 
every respect a model ecclesiastical seminary. 

His letter on the study of history, the throwing open of 
the Vatican archives to men of learning, his co-operation 
with the American bishops in devising a scheme for their 
grand university, and his efforts to have universities founded 
in Athens and Constantinople, were additional and emphatic 
evidences of his practical interest in every branch and depart- 
ment of education. So marked and fruitful has been his 
zeal in this regard, that it is the first characteristic that sug- 
gests itself to one, on taking a survey of his pontificate. The 
next is the dignified independence and extraordinary ability 
'he has displayed, in his capacity of 


That he was a man of exalted genius, of vast and varied 
attainments, and of warm religious feelings, no person ever 
doubted ; but that a man of his well-known gentleness and 
conciliatory disposition, would follow persistently in the foot- 
steps of his illustrious predecessor, in asserting the inalienable 
rights of the Papacy to its temporal possessions and power, 
the enemies of religion believed to be more than improbable. 
"Fere libenter homines id quod volunt, credunt." This 
misty delusion was, however, soon cleared away by the first 
Encyclical he published, in which he professed, in language 
that was unmistakable, the same uncompromising attitude 

IOC) Leo the Thirteenth. 

towards the unjust usurpers of the Quirinal, which he has 
recently shown in declining the proffered gifts of the so-called 
King and Queen of Italy. " Exploratissimum est," he officially 
aiid solemnly affirms, " cum de temporali Principatu Sedis 
Apostolicae agitur, public! etiam boni et salutis totius 
humanae societatis causam agitari. Ilinc praetermittere lion 
possumus, quin pro officii Nostri munere, quo Sanctae Eccle- 
siae jura tueri tenemur, et protestationes omnes, 
quas Pius IX. Decessor Noster turn ad versus occupatioiiem 
civilis Principatus, turn adversus violatiouem jurium ad 
Romanam Ecclesiam pertinentium pluries edidit ac iteravit, 
easdem et nos hisce Nostris litteris omnino renovemus et 
confirmemus." There still exists the anomalous spectacle of 
two kings in the great imperial city on the Tiber, and no one 
needs to be informed which wields the more extensive power, 
and commands the more sincere homage. 

The most striking victory his Holiness has achieved for the 
Church has been won in Germany, almost the last country 
in the world, where the voice of St. Peter's successor could 
be expected to elicit any response. The notorious " May 
Laws" had been in existence for five years before the 
accession of the present Pontiff. These infamous enact- 
ments transferred to the State the decision as to the 
eligibility of aspirants to the priesthood, requiring a govern- 
ment certificate as an essential condition, suppressed all 
purely ecclesiastical seminaries, interdicted and exiled all 
religious congregations, &c. This was but the culmination 
of a systematic policy of persecution, that had been long and 
severely felt by the Catholics living under the Prussian 
Government, Pius IX. had remonstrated with the Emperor 
William, and eventually declined to receive Cardinal Hohen- 
lohe, who had been appointed German Ambassador at the 
Roman court. The laAvs were, however, rigidly enforced, 
the religious orders were banished, bishops and priests who 
refused obedience to what were universally regarded as 
iniquitous and unjust ordinances, the work of secret associ- 
ations, were exiled or imprisoned, the many vacancies created 
thus or by death remained unfilled, and the condition of the 
Church in Germany became deplorable in the last degree. 

Leo the Thirteenth. 107 

Not long after the elevation of Leo XIII. to the Papal 
throne, the tone of wisdom and conciliation, that pervaded 
his letters and encyclicals, induced the astute Bismarck, who 
now saw the pernicious effects of the recent legislation, and 
felt the necessity of support from the Catholic parliamentary 
party, to open negotiations with the Papal Nuncio at Munich. 
It was not, however, till 1883, that any substantial mitigation 
was effected in the penalties attaching to the exercise of the 
Catholic religion in Germany. The Falk Laws were first 
repealed ; then the banished bishops and clergy were 
gradually recalled ; and, finally, the obnoxious May Laws,- 
after a long struggle, were practically abrogated in 1886. 
To bring about this happy result, required all the energy, 
tact, and prudence of the present distinguished Pontiff, to 
whom the destinies of the Church were entrusted in critical 
and trying times. 

The restoration of the Catholic Hierarchy in (Scotland,, 
inaugurated and mapped out by Pius IX., was perfected by 
his successor with the most satisfactory results. America's 
first Cardinal received the hat at his hands, having been 
solemnly named cardinal in the preceding reign ; two other 
American archbishops have since been elevated to the same 
exalted dignity. A cardinal, also, has been given to 
Australia, in the person of that eminent scholar and writer, 
Dr. Moran. In India, the hierarchy has been reconstituted 
on a more workable basis ; in Persia, China, and Japan, 
Catholicity has obtained favourable state recognition, 
through the Pope's well-advised letters and representations 
to the rulers of these countries. In one word, every part of 
the universal Church has received some substantial evidence 
of his paternal solicitude. 

Not many centuries ago the Roman Pontiff was the 


to whom even monarchs swore fealty and allegiance, and to 
whose decision were referred conflicting claims to disputed 
thrones or dominions, quarrels between rulers and their 
subjects, &c. The essentially pacific nature of the power, 
wielded by the Pope as Vicar of Christ, and the deep interest he 

108 Leo the Thirteenth. 

would naturally take in promoting concord and happiness 
among his spiritual children, admirably fit him for the im- 
partial discharge of such functions. Three years ago, the 
enemies of the Holy See, were terribly mortified and alarmed 
by a remarkable event, which could not but be regarded as a 
partial revival of this ancient tribunal of arbitration the 
appeal by Germany and Spain to the Pope to decide to which 
kingdom the Caroline Islands rightfully belonged. The islands 
bore a Spanish name ; Spanish ships had first discovered, and 
brought men to colonize, them ; Spain alone had sent out 
missionaries to enlighten the inhabitants, and to minister to 
their spiritual wants. On the other hand, Germany alleged 
that Spain had forfeited all her rights to the ownership of 
these distant islands, by the continuous non-occupation of 
them for a century and a half, and that, in such circum- 
stances, by a universally recognised principle of international 
law, they had become primi occupantis. 

The rival claims were minutely and carefully investigated, 
and at length the venerated Pontiff conveys his judicial 
decision, through his Secretary of State. " Providence so 
willed it," he says, " that two powerful and illustrious nations 
should pay homage to the highest power in the Church, by 
entreating it to preserve their threatened harmonious rela- 
tions. This is a work of the salutary authority, which God 
has attached to the Papal office. Placed above the envy of 
rivals, and above the injustice of the age, it apprehends neither 
extinction nor change." The equity and wisdom of the award 
ensured its ready acceptance by both sides, and earned the 
admiration of the world. The sovereignty of Spain over 
the disputed islands was affirmed, on condition that she was 
to establish there a regular and efficient executive administra- 
tion ; but to Germany were reserved the rights of free 
commerce, and of planting and tilling the islands on precisely 
the same terms as the Spaniards. 

The beneficent influence which Leo XIII. has exercised 
to prevent the strained relations between France and Ger- 
many from breaking out into a sanguinary war, has gained 
the praise and gratitude of the peacefully disposed sections of 
the population of both these great empires. 

Leo the Thirteenth. 

His heroic struggles and his scholarly pronouncements, m 
his capacity of chief 


deserve a more detailed notice, than is possible here. His- 
Encyclical on Marriage and Divorce gives a beautiful 
historical account of marriage from the earliest days down to 
the present, and a vivid picture of the evils, that must result 
from any encroachment by civil authorities, on the sacred and 
inalienable rights of the Church in regard to marriage con- 
tracts. His well-reasoned and forcible appeal to civil rulers, 
is worthy of his erudition and his exalted station. 

The celebrated impeachment of Freemasonry, as our 
readers remember, was at once so crushing and so dignified^ 
that many learned Protestants, and among them Lord 
Carnarvon, undertook to reply to it. Other secret societies 
were censured and exposed with equal ability and unexpected 
success. One of the means which he recommends of 
extinguishing these pernicious associations, is to found 
healthy societies, safeguarded by strict constitutions and 
superintended by the ministers of religion. Whilst, therefore,, 
he justly reprobates secret societies and guilds, whose 
constitutions and objects are subversive of religion and 
morality, he encourages and recommends organization for 
just ends, and under prudent direction. 

Now, as at all times, Ireland is fondly and firmly united to 
the great centre of Christendom. Perhaps, at no period in 
her history, were the bonds of gratitude and love so sigmilly 
strengthened, as when, a few years ago, the Holy Father 
repulsed, with an irrevocable "vade" the whisperer of 
calumny and sower of discord, who would lain dictate the 
line of policy his Holiness should pursue to defeat irreparably 
the united wishes and aspirations of the Irish people, his 
most faithful and devoted children. And among the many 
nations represented at Rome, on this great occasion, none 
raises its voice more unanimously, or with more unfeigned 
sincerity than Catholic Ireland, in the fervent prayer and 
grateful wish, fc 'Long live Leo the Thirteenth." 


[ no ] 


IN our last paper on this question we gave a brief analysis 
of the more important statements recorded in the " Irish 
Life" of St. Cuthbert. There are, however, many other facts 
which go to confirm the substantial accuracy of that " Irish 
Life," and to these we now invite the reader's attention. 

First of all, it was the constant tradition of the Church of 
Durham itself that Cuthbert was of Irish parentage. Of this 
we have fortunately very satisfactory evidence in a work 
published so long ago as 1672, and known as the 'Jhe Ancient 
Rites and Monuments of the Monastic and Cathedral Church of 
Durham. Walter Skirlaw was Bishop of Durham from 1388 
to 1405, and was succeeded by Cardinal Thomas Langley, 
who ruled the Se3 from 1406 to 1435. These two munificent 
prelates did much for the adornment of the church and 
monastery, in reference to whom the Rites of J)urham8uys: 
" The two bishops [Skirlaw and Langley] were the two 
first founders and builders of the said cloisters, and did bear 
all the charges of the building and workmanship of the said 
work, and were the first that did cause from the cloister door 
to the church door to be set in glass in the window the whole 
;story and miracles of that holy man, St. Cuthbert, from the 
day of his birth to his dying day. And there you might 
have seen his mother lying in childbed, and how after she 
was delivered the bright beams did shine from heaven upon 
her, and upon the child as he lay in the cradle, in so much 
that to every man's thinking the Holy Spirit had over- 
shadowed him, for every one that did see it thought that the 
house had been all on fire, the beams did shine so bright over 
all the house within and without, and the bishop baptized 
the child and called him Yullock \_recte Mullucc] in the Irish 
tongue in English Cuthbert. The bishop's name who 
baptized and had the keeping of the goodly child was 
Eugenius, the name of the city ivhere he was baptized was 
Hardbrecimb, for he was blessed of God even from his 
.mother's womb." 1 

1 Surtoes, Vol ii., p. x. 

Was St. Cuthhert an Irishman? Ill 

So these two bishops of the Church of Durham had the 
miracles and other circumstances attending the birth of 
Chithbert, at Kells, as narrated in the " Irish Life," set in the 
stained glass from the cloister to the church. His baptismal 
name too, we are told, was that given in the " Irish Life," and 
is equivalent in meaning to the Saxon " Cutlibert." Much is 
sometimes made of this Saxon name as indicating a Saxon 
origin. Here we have the ancient and simple explanation. 
Cuthbert's baptismal name Mullncc, from mo and uallach, means 
*' my proud or privileged one," mo being the usual 
prefix of endearment, and uallach from the root uall meaning 
*' one specially privileged," as the miracles attending his birth 
showed that Cuthbert was so favoured by God. " Cudberct" 
means the same in Anglo-Saxon " one illustrious for his 
gifts," or for " his skill," and we know that it was not only 
very natural but also very common, to have proper names 
thus translated into the language of the speakers. Even 
still it is quite usual in Ireland to change the old Irish 
name into its corresponding equivalent in. English, and some- 
times both are in use the one with the Irish and the other 
with the English speaking people. 

We know also from the same Rites of Durham that 
amongst the " inscriptions beneath the figures of such monks 
of the Benedictine Order as were painted upon the screen 
work of the altar of St. Jerome and St. Benedict" was the 
following in reference to Cuthbert : 

" Sanctus Cuthbertus patronus ecclesiae, civitatis, et 
libertatis Dunelmensis, natione Hibemus, regiis parentibus 
ortus, nutu Dei Angliam perdue tus et apud Mailros monachus 
est eifectus, 1 &c., &c." There can be no doubt, therefore, 
that the " Irish Life" was received as authentic by the monks 
and prelates of Durham. 

Even at a still earlier period long before the founding of 
Durham, the same belief in the Irish birth of Cuthbert seems 
to have prevailed in the community of Lindisfarne over which 
the saint had presided for several years. It is well known 
that the monastery and See of Lindisfarne were founded by 

1 llitcti of Durham, page 112. 

112 If as St. Cuthbert an Irishman ? 

an Irish monk from lona, the blessed Aidan, whose genealogy 
is given in the ancient Feilire of Aengus written about the 
beginning of the ninth century. 1 His immediate successors 
Finan, Colman, and Tuda, were all Irishmen too. When. 
Oolman was worsted at the Conference of Whitby, and 
refused to accept the new discipline on the Easter question, 
he returned to Lindisfarne, and taking up from the grave 
the bones of the blessed Aidan, he, with his Irish brethren and 
many Saxon monks, retired at first to lona, and after- 
wards, as we are told in the Irish Annals, he sailed away 
with his relics and his monks to the storm-swept Inisbofin on 
the coast of Mayo, where they were free to folloAv their 
ancient discipline and live and die in peace. 

Tuda, Colman's successor, was, as Bede tells us, a 
southern Irishman, and readily accepted the new discipline. 
So also did Cuthbert. But in the history of the wanderings 
of his body there is one incident which strikingly reminds us 
of Colman's voyage to the far west of Ireland, bearing with 
him his most precious treasure, the bones of the blessed 
Aidau. When the incursions of the Danes made it impossible 
to remain any longer with safety at Lindisfarne Cuthbert's 
body too was taken up from the grave, fresh and incorrupt, 
as on the day he died. For seven years his faithful children 
bore that priceless treasure over the hills and valleys of 
Northumbria, but could no where find a home or a secure 
refuge. Then Bishop Eardulf arid Abbot Eadred took 
counsel together, and they resolved to cross over to Ireland, 
bearing with them, as Colman did, the body of their sainted 
father to rest, it seems, with kindred dust. But such was not 
the will of Providence. The vessel in which they embarked 
was driven back to Galloway by a furious storm, and they 
themselves, having narrowly escaped shipwreck, knelt down 
on the shore beside the body of the saint and humbly 
asked pardon of God and of Cuthbert for making the rash 

But why, we ask, attempt to fly to Ireland? The Danes 
were there in 881, and many years previously, ravaging as 

1 August 31st, Aedan, the bright sun of luis-Medcoit. See Gloss. 

Was tit. Cutlilert an Irishman ? 113 

remorselessly as ever they did in Northumbria ; why not 
rather fly to Pictland or to Argyle, or to some district 
of southern England? Why except that they knew 
the saint was of Irish birth, and having the example of 
Colman before their eyes they thought perhaps that it was 
God's purpose that the body of the blessed Cuthbert should 
be carried home to his native land ? We do not urge this 
as of itself a convincing argument ; but we think it lends 
much probability to the story of Cuthbert's Irish birth. And 
we know the same thing happened not only in the case of St. 
Aidan, but also in the case of the great founder of lona him- 
self ; it was to his native Ireland his bones were brought by 
his monks when the Danes were harrying the islands of the 
western seas. 

There are many circumstances, too, connected with the 
religious life of Cuthbert which clearly point to his Celtic 
origin. When he resolved to devote his life to the service of 
God in a religious house it was to an Irish monastery he came, 
for Mailros on the Tweed was in reality an Irish house. It 
was founded from lona by an Irishman, and even in 651 its 
spirit, its discipline, and most of its monks too, were still Irish, 
as was also the case both at lona and at Lindisfaroe. This was 
not the great Cistercian house, that "fair Melrose," Avhose 
ruins have been glorified for ever by the genius of Sir Walter 
Scott. The Irish monastery of old Melrose, founded by St. 
Aidan and his Irish monks, was situated about two miles 
further east on the southern bank of the Tweed, which at 
this point takes a bold sweep to the south around the pro- 
montory on which the monastery was built. " On the further 
shore the river is overhung by lofty precipitous banks, and 
was strongly guarded by natural defences on every quarter 
except the south, where a wall was drawn across the 
isthmus/' Eata, one of the twelve Saxon boys trained by 
St. Aidan, was then Abbot of Melrose, but Boisil, a priest of 
great holiness, was its prior ; and it was to this holy monk 
that Cuthbe-rt made application to be received amongst the 
brethren of the order in the year 651. "Cuthbert/' says 
Bede, " was at this time keeping watch over the flocks com- 
mitted to his charge on certain remote mountains" which 

114 Was St. Cut/ibert cm Irishman? 

we know from the " Anonymous Life," were the soutlieru 
slopes of the Lammermoor Hills, overlooking the upper valley 
of the river Leader. This stream flows southward through 
the west of Berwickshire, and falls into the Tweed close to 
Old Melrose. It is sometimes inferred from the fact of 
Cuthbert being a shepherd in this locality that he was a 
native of Lauderdale. By similar reasoning it might be 
inferred that St. Patrick was a native of the Co. Antrim, 
because we find him in his youth herding swine for his master 
on the slopes of the Slemish. How Cuthbert came to the 
parish of Channelkirk in Berwickshire, we are told in the 
41 Irish Life," and Bede tells the rest. One night on the 
mountains, the 31st August, 651, when his companions were 
asleep and he alone wakeful, " he saw a long stream of light 
break through the darkness, and a glorious company of angels 
first descending to the earth, and then returning back with a 
glorified spirit of surpassing brightness, whom they were 
'escorting to his heavenly home." When morning was come 
Cuthbert went and made inquiry and soon found that it was 
the blessed Aidan of Lindisfarne who died on that night, and 
whose soul he saw going to heaven in such radiant glory. 
This narrative seems to imply that Cuthbert had previously 
known something of the life and virtues of Aidan, which is 
not unlikely. His resolution, however, was taken at once. 
He delivered up to their owner the sheep that he was feeding 
011 the mountains, and riding down the valley of the Leader 
lie came straight to the gates of Mailros, and was at once 
admitted by the blessed Boisil, who was probably an Irishman, 
into the community, and shortly after receiving the Irish 
tonsure became a monk of Mailros. 

Some ten years later Eata, the Abbot of Mailros, was sent 
to found the monastery of Ripon in Yorkshire. He took 
Cuthbert along with him, and gave him the responsible office 
of guest-master in the new community. But they introduced 
into Ripon the Irish discipline as still practised at Mailros, in 
consequence of which, after the return of Wilfrid, they were 
driven away from the Yorkshire monastery and returned to 
Mailros. This was in 661, three years before the Conference 
of Whitby, after which the Irish houses of Mailros and Lindis- 

Was St. Cuthbert an Irishman 1 115 

fame first began to give up their Celtic practices, especially 
in the matter of Easter and the frontal tonsure so characteristic 
of the early Irish monks. It is remarkable that Bede in 
giving an account of the expulsion of Cuthbert and his com- 
munity describes them as following the doctrine of the Irish 
(Scoti). " King Alchfrid," he says, " gave him [Wilfrid] a 
monastery of thirty families at a place called Wrypum, which 
place he had lately given to those who had followed the 
doctrine of the Irish (Scoti) to build a monastery upon. But 
for as much as they afterwards being left to their choice 
would rather quit the place than adopt the Catholic Easter 
and other canonical rites according to the Roman and 
Apostolic Church, he gave the same to him [Wilfrid]." 1 
This passage still shows hoAv tenaciously the community at 
Mailros adhered to these Irish practices of their mother-house 
of lona. 

But Cuthbert had not the same unyielding, not to say 
stubborn, spirit as Colman. After the Conference of Whitby 
and the death of Tuda, Colman's successor, who died of the 
plague a few months after his appointment to the See of 
Lindisfarne, he was himself sent as prior to that island, and 
readily yielded obedience to the new discipline, and further- 
more, by his patient firmness succeeded in inducing the 
entire community to accept it. " And although," says Bede, 
"there were some brethren in the monastery who preferred 
their Irish ancient customs to the new discipline, he soon 
got the better of these by his moderation and by his patience, 
and by daily practice at length brought them round to the 
better system which he had in view." 

Cuthbert having spent twelve years as prior of Lindis- 
farne with the permission of the abbot and the sanction of 
his religious brethren resolved to devote himself entirely to 
divine contemplation in absolute retirement. The life of an 
anchorite has been generally considered in the Church the most 
perilous, but at the same time the most perfect manner of 
life. " The farther from men the nearer to God," was a 
maxim of the Egyptian solitaries, and was also a recognised 

1 Bede. Hist* Book v., c. 19. 

11() Tlas St. Cuthberl 


principle of the Celtic saints. The most perfect amongst 
them always longed to escape from community life, and give 
their whole thoughts and hearts to God in perfect solitude. 
So in thus retiring from the monastery Cuthbert gives a new 
proof that he was animated by the spirit of his Celtic race 
and kindred. At first he used to retire at intervals to a small 
island quite close to the monastery of Lindisfarne, but there 
he was constantly liable to interruption both from strangers 
and from his monastic brethren. So he resolved to leave the 
monastery for good, and to retire to a place where there 
would be no danger of further intrusion. For this purpose 
he chose as his place of retirement the small rocky islet of 
Fame, one of a group of similar islands in the open sea 
about seven miles south-east of Lindisfarne, and two miles 
from the mainland at the royal castle of Bamborough. It 
was a lonely and utterly desolate island without water, trees, 
or fruits, and commonly said to be haunted by evil spirits, so 
that no one had hitherto dared to remain in it for any length 
of time except St. Aidan, who used sometimes retire to the- 
place, like St. Cuthbert, to be alone with God. Here Cuth- 
bert built himself a little cell and oratory; which in the Irish 
fashion he surrounded with a circular rath, or rather a casliiol, 
for the rampart was built of stones and earth about six feet 
high on the outside, but rendered still higher on the inside 
by the excavation of the rocky soil to furnish materials for 
the wall. This was the invariable method of building adopted 
by the Irish Celts, and shows that in this, as in other respects, 
Cuthbert retained the usages and traditions of his Celtic 
kindred. " The building," says Bede, " is almost of a round 
form, from wall to wall about four or five poles in extent. The 
wall on the outside is higher than a man, but within by ex- 
cavating the rock he made it much deeper to prevent the 
eyes and the thoughts from wandering, that they might be 
wholly bent on heavenly things, and the pious inhabitant 
might behold nothing from his residence but the heavens 
above him." In reading this description of Cuthbert's enclos- 
ure one would think that Bede had been describing one of 
the similar enclosures erected by Brendan, Enda, and 
Colman on the islands of the western coast of Ireland where 
they are still to be seen in their ruins. 

Was St. Cuthbert an Irishman? 117 

From this blessed solitude the saint was most reluctantly 
taken away to be made Bishop of Lindisfarne. For two years 
he laboured with unremitting zeal in the discharge of his 
episcopal duties, and even in that brief period he wrought a 
great and lasting change for the better throughout his entire 
diocese. But now his strength began to fail, and feeling his 
end approaching he once more retired to his beloved retreat 
on Fame Island. It was about Christmas in the year 686 
that Cuthbert took his farewell of the brethren of Lindisfarne 
and finally retired to his solitary cell to die. All hearts were 
filled with sorrow for they felt they would see their beloved 
father no more amongst them. He lingered on, however, for 
two months more in his lonely island gradually growing 
weaker, and then towards the middle of March it became 
apparent to the brethren who came to visit him that the end 
was at hand. 

There is no more touching passage in the Lives of the 
Saints than that in which the sympathetic pen of Bede 
describes the beautiful death of Cuthbert in his cell on Fame 
Island. The poor wasted body was weak unto death from 
disease and lack of nourishment, but his spirit was strong 
within him, and the light of God was shining in his eyes. 
"Know and remember," he said amongst other things, and in 
a truly prophetic spirit, " that if of two evils hereafter you 
must choose one, I would much prefer that taking me up out 
of the tomb and bearing my bones away with you, you should 
leave this place and reside where ever God may direct you, 
than that you should consent in any way to the wickedness 
of schismatics and place a yoke upon your own necks." 

Nearly two hundred years afterwards when the ruthless 
Danes descended upon Lindisfarne these words of the dying 
saint were remembered, his blessed body was taken up incor- 
rupt from the grave, and borne by willing hands and faithful 
hearts up and down through hill and vale, by lake and stream, 
over all the wide bounds of Northumbria, until after 113 years 
it found its final resting place in .Durham's stately fane. There 
it was enshrined for 700 years more, down to the day when 
the] commissioners of Henry VIII. visited the cathedral, de- 
secrated the shrin,e, and profaned the holy ^corpse of St. 

11$ Craniotomy. 

Cuthbert. But since that evil day no one can say with 
certainty where his sacred relics rest. 

In conclusion, we have only to add that the weight of 
authority, as well as the weight of evidence, is entirely in 
favour of the Irish origin of the saint. The oldest and the 
best authorities both of Scotland and England, as well as of Ire- 
land, were in favour of that opinion. Colgan, whose honesty 
is above suspicion, and whose competence to pronounce a 
judgment will not be questioned, expressly declares that, 
with the exception of a few (Dempster, Pitsaeus, Wion and 
Posse vin) and those men of no great repute for scholarship 
all other writers, and especially the English writers down to 
his time, who refer to the native country of Cuthbert, unani- 
mously assert that he was an Irishman. " Omnes tamen alii 
et praesertini Angli, ad nostram usque aetatem qui de S 
Cuthberti patria mentionem fecerint unanimi consensu et sine 
controversia Hibernum fuisse contestantur." 1 In face of this 
declaration we think it unnecessary to cite the testimonies of 
these ancient writers, and we are content to leave the intelli- 
gent reader to judge for himself how far certain recent authors 
are justified in their confident statements regarding the birth- 
place of the greatest of the Northumbrian saints. 




" Has the Church sung her Requiem over the long vexed question 
of Craniotomy ? Is it for ever morally buried ? Will it be the 
obligation of every Catholic accoucheur to reply, if asked to perform 
it, or to be a consenting party in a consultation regarding 
Craniotomy : R.I. P. ?" 

OW far all these queries must be answered in the 

affirmative, I propose to shew by this brief essay. 
I. Its importance its paramount and vital importance 
made manifest, (1) to the confessor, (2) to the Catholic 

1 Acta SS., 695. 



accoucheur, to say nothing of the patient herself, when the 
former remembers that he is exposed, at any time, to be asked 
the staggering question : " Is craniotomy ever lawful to 
save a mother's life " ? and the latter (i.e. the accoucheur) 
that he must abide by the moral teaching of his Church, to 
act conscientiously, and therefore safely, in those doubtful 
and perplexing matters, in which the law of God, and the 
morality of action are essentially involved. Hence, at the 
very outset, I have used the words " morally buried ; " because, 
as long as the world contains, as I suppose it ever will contain, 
unscrupulous professional men men who accept as guides 
only the feeble light of their own reason, only their own 
deductions from science, whether in conformity or not with 
the teaching of faith, or the moral guidance of the Church of 
God craniotomy will never be physically or absolutely buried 
i.e., unpractised. 

It is for a similar reason I have used the qualification of 
Catholic instead of Christian, as a prefix to the word physician 
or accoucheur : for, though I am ready and willing to admit 
that, outside the pale of the Catholic Church, physicians are 
to be found as God-fearing and conscientious as within her 
fold, it would be unreasonable to expect either from those,, 
who accept as their only Rule of Faith the bare (dead) word 
of God in Holy Scripture, with no other (no living) authority 
than reason and science ; or, again, from those who practise 
midwifery without professing any religion ; I say, it is 
hardly reasonable to expect from these the same scrupulosity 
or rectitude in their moral actions, as from those who look to 
Divine authority, speaking through an infallible magisteriun 
as their supreme guide in rebus moralibus sicuti in rebus 
credendis. But before we advance another step, let us restrict 
our attention to the sole point at issue : " Can craniotomy 
be ever lawful ?" To do this we must first understand 
what is precisely meant by craniotomy. 

II. Though the scientific terms Craniotomy (Craniotomia)y 
Embryotomy (Embryotomia), Embryothlasy (Embryothlasia), 
Cephalotomy (Cephalotomia), and Cephalotripsy (Cephalo- 
tripsia), have their own special signification, they are, at least, 
synonymous in this, that all of them imply aliqua diminutio 

120 Craniotomy. 

artificialis fcetus in utero, in order to effect a delivery; and, 
moreover, should the foetus be living (as all along we 
shall suppose) 1 , they all involve the killing of the foetus, 
in order that sive in toto sive in partibus per vim extrahi 

And hence, although in the consideration of this question, 
we are only dealing strictly with craniotomy and embryotomy 
whatever we say of them, in their moral bearings, may be 
equally said of any of the other operations which imply a 
destruction of life in the foetus. Indeed, as far as embryotomy 
(non mere occisio sed etiam mutilatio foetus in utero) is 
concerned, as it almost always involves craniotomy, the 
two terms are often used as synonyms. Craniotomy may 
be described as " the lessening of the bulk of the foetal 
head;" and this is accomplished by perforating the head 
of the foetus with an instrument (most deadly), called 
the Perforator, causing thereby an escape of the brain- 
matter (or cerebral tissue) of the cranium ; and, as a 
natural consequence, directly producing death to a living 

It has for its object, to terminate labour with safety to 
the mother, in those cases where, propter disproportionem 
inter infantem, (prassertim inter ejus caput), et matris pelvim, 
foetus vivus nee per vires naturae nee per media artificial ia et 
innocua (v. g. by the forceps) extrahi potest. 

Such cases consequently involve certain conditions, 
viz : 

1 Agitur de abortu, proprie dicto ; non itaque de 
partus acceleratione, comparative innocua, quando nempe 
foetus vivus remanet, licet non perfecte maturus, (si, nempe, 
&extum mensem compleverit). 

E contra abortus lethalem partus accelerationem semper 
supponit, quando foetus vivus et immaturus est, (v. g., ante 
sextum menseni). 

2 That the case is such that, if left to nature, the result 
will be fatal both to mother and child. Consequently, unless 

1 There is, of course, no unlawfulness, nay often an obligation extrahere 
foetuni certo mortuum. 

Craniotomy. 121 

extracted by the Ciesarean operation 1 , or by laparo-elytro- 
tomy' 2 , the child, in any case, must die, with or without 

o Hence it supposes, on. the one hand, ex parte capitis 
foetalis disproportionem actualem, ita nt extractio foetus 
capitis (etiam compressi) per pelvis aperturam impossibilis sit 
sive idem propter alias complication es ex parte matris, and, 
on the other hand, that the disproportion is not so great as 
to prevent foetus extractionem, si mutiletur per embryoto- 

4 Two things, then, are never to be forgotten ; namely, 
that craniotomy always involves the certain loss of the child ; 
while, in most cases, it secures the life of the mother. And 
that, in the case of a living foetus, it always implies directa 
fcctus occisio. 

III. Let us now turn from obstetrics to the moral aspect 
of the question. Indeed, I can well imagine a clerical reader 
exclaiming : " It is surely time " ! " What is it all about ? 
What Catholic theologian ever said a word in favour of 
craniotomy"? " This all looks remarkably like a tempest in 
a tm-pot"? 

I shall ask my readers to kindly suspend all judgment till 
the close of my article ; when, if they shall have learned 

1 The Caesarean Section (operation) or as it is technically called 
Hysterotomy, is pretty well understood by the reader. By it the fcetns 
(living) is extracted through an incision made in the abdominal and uterine 
walls. It is operated on matres mortuae, to try and save the living fostus, 
or, at least, to baptize it ; and it is operated on matres vivae. with the hope 
of saving both child and mother, in those complicated cases of which we 
are treating in the text. 

2 Laparo-Elytrotomy is a more recent, in fact, quite modern invention 
by Dr. Thomas of New York. By this operation an incision is made 
through the lower part of the abdominal wall, in such a manner and place 
that it avoids the opening of the cavity of the peritoneum and of incising 
the uterine tissue, etc., thus obviating the greater dangers of the Caesareaii 
operation : indeed, it may be said that, no special surgical difficulties seem 
to attend laparo-elytrotomy. It is still quite in its infancy, was like most 
new things pooh-poohed at first, but now that it has met with success both 
in England and America, modern writers on obstetrics are speaking of it in 
graver terms, and giving it much more serious attention. There seems 
little doubt that, where the choice lies between the two, preference will be 
given to it over the C<esarean section, especially when it is a question of 
operating on a living mother. 

122 Craniotomy. 

nothing new, they will, at least, have before them the 
vicissitudes of craniotomy down to its late quietus by the 
Holy See. 

I shall now endeavour to state the case in its moral bear- 
ings. To effect this satisfactorily or with any degree of 
lucidity, I must put before the readers the two sides of the 
question, or rather quote from respectable authorities the 
opposite decisions to which they come : one side being for its 
Hcitness, the other for its unlawfulness ; the one side declaring 
it to be no evil in se, the other that it is nothing short of 


On this side I find advocates not only from the non- 
Catholic, but even from the Catholic ranks. Let us take 

1. Non-Catholic Advocates of Craniotomy. 

(a.) One of the greatest of modern authors (English) on 
Obstetrics thus writes on craniotomy : 

" The question at issue the morality or immorality deslruendi 
infantem vivurn, per craniotomiam has always been regarded in a three- 
fold aspect, moral, theological, and obstetrical; the latter resting 
upon and inseparably connected with the former, at least in the 
opinion of one party ... I think it will be at once admitted that 
occisio infant is in utero, and which I shall prove can be by no means 
born alive , and which must die in a few hours, (but the prolongation 
of whose life, even for a few hours, will most seriously if not irrepar- 
ably, endanger that of the mother), cannot be brought under the 
definition of murder ; there is no malice aforethought expressed or 
implied [?] ; it is done from necessity [?] and without any evidence of 
wicked, depraved, or malignant spirit ; it is not, therefore, in any true 
sense murder 1 ... I have proved, on the highest legal authority, 2 
that this stigma is unjust, and that it does not come under any true 
definition of murder [?], inasmuch as it involves no malice [?] ; that 
it is even something less than justifiable killing [?], inasmuch as the 
child's death is inevitable without our interference ; we do but hasten 
it . . . If it be physically impossible that the child be born alive, 
then I hold that the accoucheur's responsibility for its life ceases 
entirely no blame can rest upon him for its death . . . All he is 
justly accountable for is depriving it of life a few hours before it 
would otherwise cease to live. And for what ? The mother is in 

1 The marks of interrogation in brackets are my own insertion. 

2 He argues in his essay on the civil definition of murder given by- 
Lord Coke, Sir Matthew Hale, Sergeant Hawkins, etc. 

Craniotomy. 123 

imminent danger, and will die if assistance be withheld, but she can 
l>f. saved noic. I say, therefore, that if the assistance be not given, 
the accusation of murder by omission would come with greater 
force against the party who voluntarily allows the mother's life to be 
imperilled. Granted, if you please, that hastening the child's death 
is an evil, 1 so is the death of the mother ; which of the two is the 
lesser evil, considering that you cannot prevent the first, and can 
prevent the latter." 

So much for the renowned Fleetwood Churchill, M.D., 
M.R.I.A., who, in addition to being a great authority on 
obstetrics, lays open claim in his essay to being a Christian 
and firm believer in the Church of England or Ireland. 

(b.) Dr. Leishman,in his popular System of Midwifery, also 
writes : 

" Embryotomy is, in one sense, the most objectionable of all the 
operations of midwifery ; for, of all other possible modes of procedure, 2 
this is the one that most certainly involves destruction of the child 
. . . circumstances do arise, when in the full knowledge of the fact 
that the foetus lives, it may be the duty of the accoucheur unhesitatingly 
to sacrifice the child, as this is the only means by which he may 
reasonably expect to save the mother." System ofMidivifery, c. xxxii. 

In our limited space we must content ourselves with one 
more non-Catholic and, yet learned, modern authority on 

(c.) Dr. Playfair, in his (1884) edition of his Science and 
Practice of Midwifery has the following : 

" Even at the present day there are not wanting practitioners who, 
in their praiseworthy objection to the destruction of a living child, 
counsel delay until the child has died ; a practice thoroughly illogical 
... In England, the safety of the child has always been considered 
subservient to that of the mother ; and it has been admitted that in. 
every case in which the extraction of a living foetus by any of the 
ordinary means is impossible, its mutilation is perfectly justifiable." 
Chap. v. 

2. Catholic Advocates for Craniotomy. 
I have said that advocates for Craniotomy have been 
found in the Catholic ranks ; perhaps I shall surprise some 
of my readers the more if I say they are even to be found 

1 The writer endeavoured *o prove it to be no evil at all, in another 
part of his essay. 

2 Remark that this author candidly implies there are otlicr modes. 

124 Craniotomy. 

amongst theologians, modern as well as ancient. In making 
this undeniable assertion I do not want to extend it beyond 
just limits ; for I must acknowledge, in examining some of 
the writings of theologians quoted by others, as favouring 
craniotomy, that it is not always clear that they were not 
sometimes speaking of other operations less deadly than 
craniotomy. For instance, in some cases I find them only 
treating the question of an enceinte mother taking certain 
remedies for the cure or alleviation of disease, though such 
remedies might indirectly injure the child or cause abortus. 
It seems, however, that 

(a.) Avanzini, who was until lately the editor of the Acta 
SanctcB Sedis, defended the licitness of craniotomy under 
c ertain cir cumstan c es. 

(b.) The present editor Pennacchi (Roma>\ 1884) seems 
to follow in Avanzini' s steps. 

(c.) So also Viscosi (Napoli, 1877). 

(d.) Appicella (Seafate 1879). 

(.) d'Annibali (Theo. Mor. pars. II. n. 321). 

(/.) Berardi expresses surprise at finding 01. Ballerini 
inclined to favour licitness, who in turn cites several ancient 
authors, and especially amongst them Tertullianus (De 
Anima^ no. 25). While as tacitly inclined to it, Berardi also 
mentions the reviser of Scavirii. 

(g.) Many other tlieologi gravissimi are said to have defended 
it to some extent, especially of the Roman school. 

(7i.) Lehmkuhl will also appear to the reader too easy or 
hesitating on the point, by the insertion of the word videtur. 
(Tom. i. No. 841. V. et. pag. 505, 506, No. 848.) Berardi 
himself, who will evidently rank amongst the first of modern 
practical authors and who is pledged to the hilt against 
craniotomy under any circumstances, briefly summarises the 
reasons advanced by most of the above advocates for its 
licitness, thus : 

1. " Rationabile est ut, ex duobus alioquin certo certius et 
proximo morituris, unus salvetur ; nempe mater quae majus ad vitam 
jus habet et cujus conservatio magis interest . . . videtur quod 
Deus qui vitae et mortis dominus est, cujusque leges nonnisi 
sapient issimae esse possunt, id non jam interdicere sed permittere 

Craniototny. 125- 

2". " Si juxta inultos theologos eosque gravi-ssiinos, quando foetus 
per se est causa mortis, licet eum dcstruere in casu flagrant! quiet 
tanquatu af/yressor haletur, si sit inaiiimatus ; eccur non erit aggressor 
si sit animatus ? Nonne eadein ratio viget in utroque casu ? . . . 

3. " Medici operationem istam sine scrupulo jam hide a saeculis 
semper fecerunt, ut ex Tertulliani textu patet ; et Ecclesia damnavit 
quidem alias doctrinas de abortu, sed circa casum istum semper 
tacuit t 1 imo crauiotomiam in recensitis circumstantiis esse licitam, 
libris Eomae editis doceri sinit." (Berardi, Praxis Confess., 
No. 192, page 95.) 

No wonder this author should say, when alluding to so 
many modern authors favouring craniotomy, " Quod minim 
mihi videtur!" 


It is time to regard now what we shall see at the close of 
this article is the only practically safe side of this important 
and vexed question. 

We shall state at once that craniotoiuy or the perforation of 
the living fcetus in utero, as a means to save the life of the mother , 
though in any case the child must be sacrificed, is unlawful (omnino 
iUieitumJaye, is nothing short of murder. For artificial 
abortion must be regarded as wrongful or unjust killing. But 
murder is prohibited both by divine and human law ; there- 
fore artificial abortion or craniotomy is prohibited. Before 
any attempt at further reasoning, let us see what authorities 
have to say. 

I quoted first on tiie other side Dr. Churchill who, in 
an essay a few years ago, endeavoured to refute an article 
which appeared in the Dublin Revieiu of April 1858. 2 It is 
fair, therefore, to quote a few paragraphs from that Review 

(a.) " But it will be said [the author writes] must the accoucheur 
fold his arms and allow both mother and child to perish, when he 
might probably save one of them ? To this we answer once more, 
that he cannot commit murder ; that he must not do evil that good 
may follow ; and that the medical man, like every other member of 
society, must be prepared to encounter in this dim world a great 
many calamities which he can neither remedy nor alleviate." (Dublin 
llevieii', April number, 1858, page 100). 

1 Until recently. 

* Written by Professor Crolly, of Maynooth College. 


(b.) In support of this protest against craniotomy as 
murder, I find Cap ellmann, in his Pastoral Medicine, as good an 
exponent of the common teaching of theologians as any I 
"have read; 1 and for this reason I shall freely quote from 
him : 

"The moralists say [upon this question] : Nanquain licet directs 
procurare alortum. Even in order to avert danger of life, artificial 
abortion cannot be allowed. The objection that the well-being of 
the mother is directly, the abortion indirectly only, intended, does not 
hold good .... Any good effect directly intended should not 
result from any forbidden effect which is the cause of the former, for 
then this forbidden effect is necessarily directly intended .... 
Let us take the case wherein all accoucheurs would regard perfora- 
tion as indicated : for instance, let it be an alternative between 
perforation and the Caesarean operation, 12 between the necessity to 
terminate delivery in order to save the mother, and the mother's 
unwillingness to have the latter operation performed, and even in 
this case it can never be lawful for the physician to kill the child. 
There is absolutely no other way open than to await the death of 
mother or child, either of whose deaths he cannot avert by lawful 
means, 8 and then to render to the surviving on 3 every assistance his 
art may have taught him." 

Here, you see, is another Catholic authority admitting that 
sometimes " the accoucheur must fold his arms," and " be 
prepared to encounter in this dim world a great many 
calamities which he can neither remedy nor alleviate." 

But you will say what about the trite argument of the 
advocates for craniotomy, that the foetus in liter o is in such 
cases an unjust aggressor of its own mother? The same 
author, to my mind, disposes completely of this fallacy : 

"Each individual human being, and, consequently, the foetus 
humanus, has the right to live. This right cannot be disputed, 

" 1. The individual is deprived of it by acting against divine and 
human laws, or by trespassing on all natural or social order; or 

" 2. By any unlawful attack on the body or life of another, this 
other is justified, in self-defence, to harm the unlawful assailant, even 
to the depriving him of his life to preserve his own. 

1 Crolly (Vol. III., No. 143) may be read with great profit. 

2 Or laparo-elytrotomy, see foot-note on page 121. 

3 The supposition is that the mother objects to either the Caesarean 
-operation or the other lawful operation, called laparo-elytrotomy. 

Craniotomy. 127 

" Now as to the 1. The child, during his foetal life, cannot forfeit 
its right to live by acting against the law, or by trespassing on lawful 
order, being in total passivity by constraint. Nobody can deserve 
punishment remaining passive or not acting, when he is deprived of 
the possibility of acting, without any fault of his own." 

In face of this, how then could Dr. Churchill maintain 
there is " no malice aforethought," " no wicked spirit," " no 
murder," but rather that " it is justifiable killing " to deprive 
such a passive, inert and irresponsible prisoner as the fostus 
in uter o is? (Vide supra A a.) 

Ad 2. "Neither can it be maintained that the foetus acts as an 
unjust assailant on the well-being and life of the mother. The 
embryo might eventually become a source of danger to the life of the 
mother (indeed, this is supposed), but it becomes so involuntarily, 
without any action of its own, without any act of its will. Thus 
4 unjust aggression ' is completely absent. 1 Yet this element of ' unjust' 
aggression is essentially necessary to justify a defence that may ex- 
tend to taking away the life of the assailant. 2 But it is exceedingly 
doubtful whether a child, which cannot be delivered without risk of 
death to the mother, can be considered an assailant at all. In 
most cases the hindrance to safe delivery lies with the mother, propter 
pelvis niiniam arctitudinem^ <J-c. The actus parturitionis also does not 
originate in the child, but in the mother. Consequently, if, through 
a wilful act of the mother (conceptio\ the embryo in utero allocata est; 
if its expulsion ex utero is aimed at by an action originating in the 
mother ; if (generally at least) obstacles to this expulsion are seated 
in the mother if by these circumstances all originating in the 
mother, the lives of mother and child are endangered, how can the 
child be called an aggressor, still less an unjust aggressor? The 
mother, therefore, or the physician acting for the mother, cannot 
appeal to the principles of self-defence. Consequently, artificial abor- 
tion must be regarded as wrongful killing, as murder." (Capellmann, 
A (1) on Abortus, p. 12). 

IV. Having now seen what the physician both medical 
and sacerdotal has to say on craniotomy, let us turn to our 
Holy Mother the Church. 

In the third series vol. vi. 1885 page 136 of the I. E. 
RECORD, the reader will find the history of this question 
briefly given. 

1 Then again, lioic could Dr. ( 'hurchill and his fellow advocates declare it is 
" no evil"" 1 or a u lesser evil " in face of the mother's self-imposed condition of 
danger, to directly kill one u-ho is certainly not an unjust aggressor, if an 

rciwor at all ? 

'- Always keep in mind the killing is direct, not indirect. 

128 Craniotoniii. 

II L- will see that, although the Holy See had been fre- 
quently asked to speak, she for a long time deferred her 

The Sacred Penitentiary was first directly questioned in 
1869. The answer was : " Consulat probates auctores'* 
(Lehmkuhl. Tom. I., No. 848, page 506). 

The Holy Office was again importuned in 1883 ; when on 
the 10th December of that year, we received for answer that 
the question was then under consideration. 

On the 31st May, 1884, the' long-looked for decision was 
given by the Congregation of the Holy Office, after long and 
mature consideration, and that decision (in my opinion) 
gives the quietus to and sounds the death knell of craniotomy : 
" Tuto doceri non posse" (See I. E. EECORD, vol. vi., page 137). 
As Roma locuta est ac proinde causa finita esf, we shall close 
this long and, I fear, somewhat desultory article with a 
corollary for patient, doctor and priest. 

1 Obligations of Patient. 

A mater gravida, learning that she is in the above critical 
condition, cannot and dare not, ask for or sanction craniotomy. 
She has but one of three alternatives : viz : either (a) to 
consent to the caesarean section, or (b) to laparo-elytrotomy, 
or, if unwilling to submit to either of these operations, to 
await the natural course of events to commit herself to 
Divine Providence and, if it be God's will, rather to die than 
permit craniotomy. From this obligation it can be easily 
deducted what a fearful responsibility, and even risk to the 
salvation is it for a Catholic mother to engage non-Catholic 
accoucheurs, especially where skilful Catholic doctors can be 
procured, and whenever symptoms or the probability of such 
uterine complications, manifest themselves. 

2 Obligations of the Accoucheur, 

It follows necessarily from what we have said that the 
accoucheur can never have recourse to craniotomy or 
embryotomy, unless the foetus in utero be certainli/ dead. 
After advising one or other of the above lawful operations 

Craniotomy. 129* 

without success 1 he too " must be prepared to encounter in 
this dim world a great many calamities which he can neither 
remedy nor alleviate. He must, therefore, quietly await the 
death of either child or mother, and then rally to the assistance 
of the surviving one, and be grateful if he succeeds even in 

It is also his duty to secure as well as he can baptism in 
utero sub conditione ; but, as the decisions of the S. Congre- 
gation leave some doubt about the validity of this form of 
baptism, the baptism should be again^administered condition- 
ally post fast As mm extractionem. (See I. E. RECORD Vol. vii., 
p. 359). 

In any case, where death is likely to overtake the fcetus in 
utero, baptism (conditional) should be attempted, and upon 
any part' 2 (fcetus) possible. 

In consultation with other doctors who may be called in 
if they should suggest craniotomy, it becomes his duty to 
protest against it, and share no responsibility. 

3 Obligations of the Priest. 

Firstly, it is not necessary to say that, as neither the 
accoucheur nor patient can have recourse to craniotomy, the 
priest also cannot sanction it. 

Secondly, not only must he look upon craniotomy as 
sinful and unlawful ; but I even fear he can 110 longer safely 
follow the advice of Cl. Archiep. Kenrick : 

u Equidem quum utrinque periculum sit, puto baud oportere 
(sacerdotem) se aliquatenus chirurgi ccmsiliis inmiscere ; nil enim 
proderit, et in se mortis matris suscipiet odium . . . Si mater 
pe.tat quid sibi faciendum sit, videtur dicendum, oportere cliirurgum 
orare, ut vitae foetus, omni qua possit rationeconsulat." 

It seems to me he may often be called upon to speak with 
more precision. Moreover, he should never fail to counsel such 
patients, if opportunity offers, to select from their medical 
men Catholic doctors, when possible, and habiles vel periti 

1 That is supposing the mother to object to the Caesarean section or 

2 Si caput non sit in presentatione. 


130 Letters in Ancient Ireland The " Book of Kells." 

I shall conclude this paper with a fact mentioned by Dr. 
Playfair, and which I deem conclusive enough of the alarming 
frequency of craniotomy. He states that in one hospital alone, 
that of the Rotunda, instead of the forceps, craniotomy was 
employed in twenty-one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
seven cases of labour during the mastership over that hospital 
of one doctor alone. 1 (Science and Practice of Midwifery, 
ch. v., p. 207.) And this, mark you, in Ireland. temporal 
O mores ! Thank God some degree of reform is setting in, 

even among British obstetricians. 

U. E. U. 



IN proposing here to give the reader some account of the 
MS. known as the Book of Kells, I am met with some 
problems in connexion with it that seem to demand a 
solution, namely, as to the date when it was written, and the 
claims of Ireland to this and other MSS. which suppose the 
existence of letters and the fine arts where they were pro- 
duced ; for some writers have denied those claims. But if 
it be made to appear that the learned of other countries 
sustain our national traditions, in regard to those claims, then 
the subject will be one of greater interest to the readers of 
the RECOKD. 

The first time the Book of Kells comes under the notice of 
history 2 is in the year 1006, when it was abstracted from the 
church there, where it was preserved, and found after two 
or three months under a sod, but stripped of its ornamented 
cover. It subsequently came into the possession of Ussher, 
while Bishop of Meath, and was by him deposited in the 
Library of Trinity College, where it has since been preserved 
with great care. 

l l flinch from giving his name. 

2 See Annals of Ulster , and the Four Masters at the year 1006. 

Letters in Ancient Ireland The " Book of Kells" 131 

It is a large 4to. volume, of 344 leaves of vellum, the pages 
about 11 inches long, 9 broad. It contains the Four Gospels 
in Latin ; and these are preceded by matters appertaining to 
the Prolegomena of Scripture, as the Canons of Eusebius, 
interpretation of Hebrew proper names, summaries of the 
chief matters contained in each of the Gospels, and some 
biographical notices of the Evangelists. Besides these there 
are some documents in Irish, put into vacant spaces on the 
reverse of the illuminated pages, and referring to property 
left to the Church of Kells for pious uses. These Irish 
documents are all in a different hand, and inserted here at a 
much later period, seemingly for their preservation. 

To proceed in order there are two things in our MS. 
that are to be considered : 1st, the style or form of the letters, 
which the learned call the palaeography; and 2ndly, the 
ornamental part, i.e. the capital letters and the illuminations. 

The form of the letters is called uncial, or majuscule, from 
their size, and by some, semiuncial, which is nearer the actual 
size. They are of a somewhat rounded form, beautifully 
turned, and written seemingly with great care. This style 
was not used for books in ordinary use. It is contradis- 
tinguished from what is called the minuscule or cursive 
hand, which was of smaller size, the letters sometimes joined, 
sometimes separate. This cursive style was the most ordinary 
form for books, and most of our ancient Irish MSS. are of 
that kind. 

Mabillon 1 treats very fully of the form of letters used by 
different nations, which he classifies as Roman, Gothic, 
Anglo-Saxon, Lombardic, and gives facsimiles of each. The 
Roman uncial letters of the first or classical period were like 
the capital letters now used in the title pages of books, and 
in no way like our MS. But in what he calls the Second 
Roman period, after the Lombardic conquest, 569, the Roman 
style was modified by the Lombardic ; and then, in the 
specimens he gives, the similarity begins to appear, in the 
form of the letters, to what we have in the Book of Kells. 
One specimen very like, amongst others which he gives, is from 

1 Mabillon, de Re Diplomatica, lib. 5. 

132 Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Kells" 

the Psaltery of Abbess Salisberga of Laon, in France, which he 
attributes to the seventh century. He does not mention 
Ireland, or any Irish style, when treating of the Anglo- 
Saxon ; but of this again. 

In the great work on Universal Palaeography, by Sylvester 1 
and Champollion, speaking of the Anglo-Saxon style, they 
say it was a compound of what the ancient Britons had during 
the Roman occupation, and that brought into England by 
St. Augustine. They mention a Psaltery in the British' 
Museum that was brought by him from Rome. Facsimiles 
of this are given by Mr. Westwood, and the form of most of 
the letters is the same as in the Irish MSS. They say the 
form of writing in England, Ireland and Scotland was from 
a common type, but with differences peculiar to each ; all 
which forms they call Anglo-Saxon, and the Irish style in 
particular they hold to be unquestionably of Roman origin. 
The specimens they give from Anglo-Saxon MSS. are very 
like the Irish, but there is a mistake, I think, as they speak 
of the Gospels of M'Regol as if it were an Anglo-Saxon MS. 
while it is claimed by Mr. Gilbert to be Irish, as the writer's 
name indicates. 

Mabillon, as I said, does not mention any Irish style, 
unless he understood it, as I think he did, to be included in the 
term Anglo-Saxon, as Champollion uses that designation for 
the writing forms of the three countries, while he recognises 
a distinct Irish style. The other Benedictines, at all events 
the editors of the Nouveau Diplomatique, do justice to Ireland. 
They say the Anglo-Saxon style was not peculiar to England ; 
that Ireland had the same form at an earlier period, both 
which national styles they trace to a Roman origin. 2 

1 Palssographie Universelle de tous les penples et de tons lex temps. 4 vol. 
fol. Paris, 1840. The matters here referred to are from vol. iv. towards 
the commencement. The pages are not numbered. 

- The reader should observe there is question here of the form of 
letters in the Book of Kells, and not of the antiquity of letters generally in 
Ireland, which it had certainly since, the time of St. Patrick and earlier. 
There were several other forms of letters it might have had. 

If any should desire to find a home origin for the letters which the 
Lombards brought into Italy, they should bear in mind that that people 
came from those countries on the left bank of the Elbe which border on the 
North Sea, and that Ireland had the colony of the Firbolgs, from the 
adjacent countries. Here is a field for the industry of experts. 

Letters in A ncient Ireland The u Book of KdU? 133 

I will now place before the reader the views of 
Mr. Westwood, 1 the distinguished Oxford professor. He 
holds it was the Irish missionaries from lona, at Lindisfarne 
that introduced what is called the Anglo-Saxon style of MSS. 
into England; and that they, and the other Anglo-Saxon 
missionaries, propagated it through other parts of Europe. 
Mr. Digby Wyatt 2 holds the same opinion, and cites with 
very warm approbation the language of Mr. Westwood; 
adding that as the Anglo-Saxon MSS. were the most 
numerous, that title was extended to them all. 

I must observe that Mr. Westwood treats chiefly of the 
ornamental part or illuminations, and its combination with 
the letters then in use in Ireland, and does not enter so much 
on the question of the more remote origin of those letters. 
Mabillon on the contrary treats solely of the form of the 
letters, and the others I have quoted treat chiefly of that. 

Here let me digress for a moment. It was while the souls 
of men in Northumbria were deeply stirred by the zeal of 
the lona missionaries that the fame of that country from 
which they came induced " many of the nobility and of the 
middle classes of the English nation " to pass over to Ireland 
" for divine studies, and a more holy life ;" and the generous 
-hospitality with which they were received, and " supplied 
gratuitously with books and tuition," is recorded by V. Bede, 3 
in terms that give undying testimony to the schools and 
literature of Ireland. We should not be surprised to inherit 
from such a period a MS. like the Book of Kells. 

The second thing to be considered in our MS . is the 
ornamental part, i.e., the ornamental capital letters, and the 
illuminations, of which I will give some brief details. But 
first I would request the attention of the reader to consider 
when and where it was written. 

The Annals of Ulster, and those of the Four Masters, which 
may be supposed to represent the national tradition on the 
subject, call it the "Great Gospel of Columbkille " an ex- 
pression that would imply not only the possession, but also, 

1 Westwood, Palxoa raphia Sacra and Miniatures of An do- Saxon and 
Irish MSS. 

2 D. Wyatt, Art of Illuminating* 3 V. Bede's E. History, m. 27. 

134 Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Kells." 

I think, the authorship, if not by himself, at least in his times, 
and by his disciples. Mr. D. Wyatt is of opinion it was 
written by the disciples of St. Columba shortly after his death, 
in honour of him, as the Gospels of Lindisfarne were written 
by the disciples of St. Cuthbert. In the genealogy of our 
Lord, given by St. Luke, in the ornamental part, a person 
is represented pointing significantly to the name " Jona." 
Now any of my readers who knows how Adaninau, in his 
Life of St. Columba, so fondly dwells on his name, giving its 
interpretation in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin Jona, Peristera. 
Columba adding, " cum Jona propheta homonymum sortitus 
nomen," will see considerable force in that circumstance to 
connect our MS. with St. Columba and his disciples. These 
circumstances seem to point to lona as the probable place 
where it was copied. Kells is said not to have been any way 
considerable till about 810, when Abbot Kellach brought 
there from loua, for safety from the Danes, some relics and 
other valuables ; and amongst these might be this MS. 
In that case Kells would be credited only with its custody 

I will now call the reader's attention to the different read- 
ings the Book of Kells presents, as compared with the Vulgate ; 
not to discuss its merits or demerits as a faithful translation 
which, of course, is the principal and more important matter., 
but which would lead me beyond the limits I must observe, anct 
which also would be foreign to my present subject. I will 
quote them only as a kind of internal evidence, the MS. itself 
supplies of the time when it was copied. Some of those read- 
ings are in the form of passages transferred from one place 
to another sometimes from the same Gospel, sometimes 
from a different one. I will give some instances from the 
Gospel of St. Matthew. In chapter viii. v. 24, " Erat ventus 
contrarius illis " is added, taken from xiv., 24, or from 
Mark vi., 48. In ix., 15, "In illis diebus " is added, from 
Mark ii., 20. In x., 29, " Qui in coelis est " is inserted. In 
xxi., 31, we find " Primus et novissimus ;" the addition taken 
probably from the parable in chapter xx. In xxv., 45,. 
* Ambulantibus in nomine meo " is inserted after " Minoribus." 
In xxvi., 26, after the words of Institution we find " Quod 

Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Kells" 135 

confririgitur pro saeculi vita;" the addition being formed, 

1 think, partly from John vi., 33, and partly from the 
" Klomenon " of the Greek text, 1 Cor. xi., 24. Also in the 
same chapter v., 28, " Pro multis " is preceded by " Pro vobis," 
taken from Luke xxii., 20 ; as the Church unites both clauses 
in the consecration of the chalice. Again, in xxvii., 49, 
" Alms autem pupugit latus ejus, et exivit sanguis et aqua " 
is added from St. John. 1 These instances, to which others 
might be added from the other Evangelists, will suffice,! think, 
for my purpose, as stated above. It seems clear to me they 
prove our MS. to be derived from one of those less accurate 
copies which were in circulation before the time of St. Jerome, 
which he was ordered by St. Damasus to correct from the 
Greek text ; as the readings in it are exactly such as he 
says those copies contained. 2 Here then is abundant light 
around the object of our inquiry. St. Isidore of Seville, who 
wrote early in the seventh century he died in 636 says the 
correction of St. Jerome was then received everywhere, 
" Usquequa per omnes Ecclesias," and therefore we must 
infer our MS. was written before that time. About the 
time of St. Columba's death it was two hundred years since the 
correction of the Gospels by St. Jerome was published; a 
period long enough surely for it to be known and received 
everywhere. But to suppose it to be unknown here up to 
the eighth or ninth century is beyond all credibility. 

The reader must observe that those different readings, as 
the learned, I believe, admit with regard to different readings 
generally, affect very little the integrity of the sacred text. 
Most of them were manifestly added for the sake of explana- 
tion ; placed probably at first in the margin, and afterwards 
incorporated with the text by unskilful copyists. St. Jerome 
justly censures such liberties taken with the sacred text ; 
but the reader should bear in mind that the fault was in 
those who first introduced them, not with those, as in this 
case, who might unknowingly copy them. 

1 In these quotations I liave availed myself of Dr. Abbot's work, in 

2 vols., in which he gives the different readings of the Book of Kelts as 
compared with the Vulgate. 

2 St. Jerome's words are " Dum quod in eadem re alius Evangelista 
plus dixit, in alio quia minus putaverint addiderunt." Ep. ad Damasw/n. 

lotf Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Ketls" 

The next thing to be considered in the Book of Kelts is 
the ornamental parts. Of these several facsimiles have been 
published of the ornamented capital letters and the principal 
illuminations by Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Westwood, and others. It 
is only by seeing them the reader can have an idea of them ; 
any description must necessarily be very imperfect. 

In the commencement of St. Matthew nearly every 
sentence begins with an ornamental capital letter, but in the 
subsequent parts they are not so numerous. The designs of 
these are adapted to the form of the letter, and are of great 
variety. Some of those designs are formed from likenesses of 
different animals ; and by the learned are called zoomorphites. 
Here a bird stands within the letter; projects its tail on one 
side of it, and raises it head over the other, with plumage 
sometimes that would seem too bright for our climate. 
Again, the slender body of some animal is woven into and 
around the letter, with limbs of disproportionate length ; 
sometimes several of them coiled together. This form of 
ornament is called " " Lacertine," from its supposed likeness 
to the lizard (lacerta). A man is sometimes introduced seated 
within the letter, his feet hanging down, and his hands 
pointing to objects around. The word " Et" often begins a 
sentence, and the upright line of the second letter is completed 
into the form of the letter by a fish, of very slender propor- 
tions and beautiful colours, that swims in front of it. This 
connecting word furnished ground for what seems to have 
been a favourite ornament. These are a few specimens out 
of a great variety of the ornamental capitals. In all of them 
various colours are imparted, as yellow, red, purple, green. 
Besides these zoomorphites there are others without any 
animal representation. The letter is divided into compart- 
ments, each of a different colour. In all those the colours are 
very fresh, particularly the green. 

Besides those there are what are called Illuminations, by 
which generally a whole page is occupied. There are about 
fifteen of these seven in St. Matthew, and two or three in 
each of the other Gospels. Four of these pages contain 
portraits of the Evangelists ; one of St. John, one of St. 
Mark : there are two in St. Matthew, one of that Evangelist, 

Letters in Ancient Ireland The ''Book of Kells" 137 

and the other is supposed by some to represent our Lord. 
Each of those portraits is of large size, nearly filling an 
entire page. St. John holds a book in his left hand, and in 
the right what is supposed to be a stylus for writing. The 
others hold each a book, the left hand beneath the robe sup- 
porting it under, and the right hand uncovered placed on it 
from above. They are all in flowing garments. 

The four living creatures of the Apocalypse are represented 
frequently. On each of the eight pages of the Canons of 
Eusebius they are placed at the head of the page, and in each 
of the Gospels besides there are illuminations representing 
them. From this frequency, and the symbols of the Trinity 
placed in one of them on the nimbus that surrounds the 
eagle's head, I think the artist must have imagined that, 
besides typifying the Four Evangelists, there was something 
divine in those mysterious beings; or at least that they 
symbolised those superior intelligences we read of that 
descend to our lower world, and are ever watchful and active 
for the salvation of souls. 

Of the numerous illuminations in the MS. I can enter 
into details only of a few. The first page of each of the 
Gospels has one formed from the commencing letters, which 
are very large, nearly filling the page ; and these surrounded 
by beautiful tracery of different designs. There are two such 
in St. Matthew, one at the first and the other at the eighteenth 
verse on the words "Christi autem generatio," which are formed 
into a beautiful illumination. The letters "Chr " are very large, 
so as to fill nearly the entire page ; the others in smaller size 
are placed at the bottom of it. The vacant spaces within the 
large letters, and those between them and the margin are 
filled with ornamental work of different kinds, chiefly with 
circles, in each of which three smaller ones are inscribed, and 
in each small one three still smaller. At the left side two 
angels hold each a book. At the top a female head is placed 
looking down, I think it is the Blessed Virgin. Another 
head lower down, on the right side, in herma form, is pro- 
bably intended for St. Joseph. On the shaft of the large 
letter are some beautiful specimens of interlaced ribbon and 
lacertine work, and other ornamental tracery. At the bottom 

138 Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Kells." 

of the page two cats are lying on the ground with their 
kittens playing around them, by which familiar images it 
seems probable to me the artist intended to temper the 
austerity of the sublime mystery to which the words 

There is an illuminated page in the Gospel of St. John 
in form of an oblong square filling the whole page, with bars 
diagonally connecting the opposite angles. The sides of the 
square and those bars are each about an inch broad, and 
beautifully ornamented. At the intersection of the crossbars 
a figure of a diamond form is placed overlapping them, and 
ornamented as a separate part. Similar square figures are 
placed midways on the sidebars and on those at the top and 
bottom, ornamented also as distinct parts. In the vacant 
spaces between the crossbars and the sides the four living 
creatures are depicted. One of those crossbars is overlaid 
from end to end with flowers of the daisy pattern. Those 
that form the groundwork are white. Others, green and 
purple, are placed at regular intervals, so as to form an 
agreeable picture. The other crossbar is overlaid with 
lacertine ornament. The four squares on the sidebars inclose 
each four spiral circles on a black ground. The central 
diamond figure has interlaced ribbon all round. The living 
creatures, with extended wings, are represented here in a 
style much superior, I think, to those in any other part of 
the MS., whether they were drawn by a different artist or 
from some other cause. In this illumination each part may 
be viewed by itself, and is complete ; while the entire page 
collectively is but one, and also complete. 

The first of the portraits in St. Matthew is the Blessed 
Virgin seated in a chair, with the child in her arms. She is 
attended by two angels, one each side, in the upper part of 
the picture, each holding a staff with a round boss on the 
end of it. Two other angels in the lower part of it hold in 
their hands, one a similar staff, the other a branch of sham- 
rock. The Virgin's head is surrounded with a nimbus, on 
which are three crosses in form of those symbols that denote 
divine persons : perhaps, in the artist's mind, those symbols 
so placed were understood to refer to the Son whom she 

Letters in Ancient Ireland The " Book of Kells." lot* 

held in her arms. Probably in so early times those artistic 
symbols Avere not limited to the way in which they are used 
at preseiit. One thing at all events appears certain, there 
was no deficiency of honour and devotion to the Blessed 

In St. Luke, where the temptation of Christ is narrated, 
there is a portrait of a divine person, as the nimbus with 
three crosses indicates, and the more majestic features than 
in any other of the portraits. There are two angels in the 
air behind His head attending Him ; and two others in the 
corners above, one holding in his hand an open book, the 
other a closed one. The Lord is seated, His hands extended ; 
the left holding a parchment roll, the right pointing to Satan, 
who stands at the side of the picture, and, with his hands 
extended, is addressing the Lord. There are three groups 
of persons in profile to ornament the picture, but not, I 
think, as being present at the action represented. This illu- 
mination cannot well be understood, as some do, of Satan 
appearing before the Lord, as in the Book of Job. It 
would be out of place here and unsuitable. I think it must 
be taken to represent the temptation of our Lord while on 
the pinnacle of the Temple. The parchment roll would very 
appropriately represent the words of the Sacred Scripture, 
by which he repelled the tempter. But how the pinnacle of 
the Temple of Jerusalem would be represented by this 
illumination as it stands is not very clear. 

We have thus in the Book of Kells, a noble monument of 
which any nation might be proud, fresh from those early 
times, with some imperfections, displaying proficiency in the 
fine arts, which they made handmaids to their loving zeal 
for the sacred writings. What labour and diligence and 
time must have been devoted by the transcriber and the 
artist, considering that all was done by hand, before the 
invention of those arts that render such work easy now ! 
What Giraldus says of the MS. he saw in Kildare which 
irom his description of the interlaced patterns in it, was 
evidently of the same school as the Book of Kells that it 
manifested the diligence of angels rather than of men, 
would be very applicable here. I would instance particu- 

140 Letters in Ancient Ireland The "Book of Kelts." 

larly the ornamental page in St. John to which I have 
referred, and the illumination on the 18th verse of St. Matthew* 
Let me remind the reader, before I conclude, of what we 
owe to the monastic orders for preserving to ns the ancient 
learning ; and in Ireland, in those ancient times, the Clerical 
and the monastic orders were, 1 believe, identical. I wish I 
could present him with a view of those labourers in some Irish 
monastery at their admirable work. But as I have not met 
.in our Irish annals any such description perhaps a more 
diligent search would discover it to me I hope the reader will 
not consider as too violent the transfer of such a scene from 
a neighbouring country. The Abbot Odo, of the Monastery 
of St. Martin, at Tournay, happy to find his Prefect Radulf 
careful in providing for the monastery all necessaries in food 
and clothing, committed to him all the external affairs ; and 
thus free from care, devoted himself entirely to the tran- 
scription of books. Accordingly, under his arrangements, 
says the historian, 1 " If you entered the cloister you would 
see more than twelve of the younger monastic brethren 
seated in chairs, and in silence writing on parchments that 
had been carefully arranged and prepared." He adds that 
those of mature age were employed in transcribing eccles- 
iastical writings. But in what estimation such work was 
held let us learn from Prior Uuigo 2 of the Carthusians, who 
says, " This work," i.e. the transcribing of books, " is of an 
immortal kind, its fruit is not transient but enduring. It is 
-a work by which one is never fatigued ; in fine, a work that 
of all others most becomes religious who received a learned 
education." 3 So, those who esteem the poetry, the philosophy, 
the history of the ancients, to say nothing of sacred or 
ecclesiastical writings, will judge favourably of the monks 
who were the means of preserving them to the period of the 
Universities and the Art of Printing. 


1 Heriman de Restaure, S. Martini Torns, c. 79. 

2 Guigo de Quadr. exercitio cellse. Both these may be found in 
D'Achery's collections. 

3 Hoc opus opus immortale est, opus si dicere licet non transiens sed 
manens, opus ut sic dicam et non opus, opus denique quod inter omnia alia 
opera magis dicit viros religiosos literates. 



M r^ACERDOS"' in au all too complimentary letter which 
J3 the courteous Editor of the RECORD has forwarded,, 
asks C. J. M. to define " what is the precise difference between 
that incipient charity which theologians hold to be necessarily 
allied to attrition and the ' initium cliaritatis ' which, he says, 
remits mortal sin." " Sacerdos" also asks, " does the penitent 
who approaches the Sacrament of Penance with attrition 
sufficient for the Sacrament, receive at the moment of abso- 
lution the infused grace of perfect contrition and perfect 
charity?" Finally he inquires " on what grounds do theolo- 
gians hold that sprinkling oneself with Holy Water as well 
as the use of other Sacramentals remits venial sin ? " 

I. Commencing with the last question, it may be useful 
to reproduce without curtailment the comprehensive teaching 
of St. Thomas with regard to the remission of venial sin :. 
" Triplice ratione aliqua causant remissionem peccatorum 
venialium, uno modo in quantum eis infunditur gratia, et hoc 
modo per Eucharistiam et Extremam Unctionem, et univer- 
saliter per omnia sacramenta N. L., in quibus confertur gratia, 
peccata venialia remittuntur. (2). In quantum sunt cum 
aliquo motu detestationis peccatorum, et hoc modo confessio 
generalis, tunsio pectoris, Oratio Dominica operantur ad re- 
missionem peccatorum venialium. (3). Tertio modo in 
quantum sunt cum aliquo motu reverentiae in Deum, et ad 
res divinas. Et hoc modo benedictio Episcopi [vel cum SS. 
Sacramento], aspersio aquae benedictae, quaelibet sacramen- 
talis unctio, oratio in Ecclesia dedicata, etc., operantur ad 
remissionem venialium peccatorum." This doctrine of St. 
Thomas and of theologians generally is, it need not be added, 
in strict consonance with the dogmatic teaching of the 
Council of Trent, which, speaking (Sess. xiv., c. 5), of the 
remission of venial sins, tells us that "venialia, quibus a 
gratia Dei non excludimur, et in quae frequentiiis labimuiv 
quanquam recte et utiliter citraque omnem praesumptionem in 
confessione dicantur, taceri tamen citra culpam multisqiie aliis 

142 The " Initium Charitatis*' and "Incipient Love" 

.remediis expiari possunt." Amongst the universally recognised 
remedia are " the sprinkling of Holy Water and the use of the 
.Sacramentals generally." 

If " Sacerdos" inquire how the Sacramentals produce their 
effect, the answer of Ferraris will be found sufficiently ex- 
haustive : "Per Sacramentalia remittuntur peccata venialia 
[1] ex opere operate, remote tainen et mediate, quatenus nempe 
per preces Ecclesiae junctas rebus sacramentalibus, dum eis 
pie utimur, mouetur Deus (etsi non infallibiliter) ut in nobis 
excitet pios illos motus quibus annexa est remissio venialium; 
[2] partim ex opere operantis quatenus homo iis Sacramentali- 
bus pie utitur . . . cum piis motibus displicentiae pecca- 
torum, conversionis in Deum, amoris, adorationis, et 
hujusmodi." They therefore operate chiefly and directly ex 
opere operantis, for, as Lehrnkuhl writes, the " ritus et coere- 
moniae, et res ab Ecclesiaconsecratae et benedictae 11011 fiunt 
immediate nomine Christi, neque efFectum certum gratiae 
eo ipso producunt quod instituta sunt et peraguntur, sed 
effectum suum sortiuntur ex impetratione, qua Ecclesia per 
suos ministros a Deo auxilia utentibus implorat." 

II. With this scarcely more than cursory treatment of the 
question of Sacramentals we must be satisfied, for, as every 
student of theology will remember, any discussion of the 
first problem, not wholly incommensurate with its practical 
importance and the interest with which Ecclesiastical history 
invests it, would far overstretch the limits allotted to any one 
paper in the RECORD. 

" Sacerdos" in his first question seems to insinuate that 
theologians " necessarily" hold, and have always held, that 
incipient love forms an essential part of the attrition which 
is sufficient for the validity of the Sacrament of Penance. 
That this is by no means true will appear a little later on. 

In order the better to understand the point of the con- 
troversy regarding the necessity of incipient love a 
controversy which for generations raged with no inconsider- 
able warmth, "nee absque fidelium scandalo," as Pope 
Alexander VII. sorrowingly complains, it will be necessary to 
keep in view the words of the Council of Trent : 

"Disponuntur autem ad ipsam justitiam, dum excitati 

The "Initium Charitatis" 1 and "Incipient Love." 143 

divina gratia, et adjuti ... a divinae justitiae timore 
quo utiliter concutiuntur, ad cousiderandum Dei misericor- 
diarn se convertendo, in spem eriguntur, fidentes Detim sibi 
propter Christum propitium fore ; illumque tanquam omuis 
justitiae fontem diligere incipiunt, ac propterea moventur 
adversus peccata, etc." 

Assuming that the Holy Council in this chapter, which is 
designated the " Modus Praeparationis," explicitly and 
doctrinally expounds the essential elements of attrition, it is 
manifestly no overstraining of its words to infer that some 
species of incipient love is necessarily allied to all such 
attrition as the validity of the Sacrament requires. Indeed 
this interpretation of the Council's teaching has been the only 
rendering tolerated by a large number of theologians from 
the time of the Council down to the present day. When, 
however, they come to define that Jove, the dawning or 
inception of which constitutes an essential factor of true 
attrition, the more early champions of initial charity and the 
more modern are irreconcilably separated. The former 
maintained that it is the " dilectio charitatis perfectae in 
gradu remisso vel absque intensitate" which theory the latter, 
in common with all modern theologians, uncompromisingly 
reject. For all now hold, and have held for practically the 
last two centuries, that the most intangibly minute act origi- 
nating in the motive impulse of perfect charity, is itself an act 
of perfect charity. Actus enim specificantur ex motivis. The 
following brief extract from the writings of John Vigneri 
one of the illustrious men of his school affords an interesting 
illustration of the best palmary efforts by which the old and 
long since exploded theory was sought to be justified : 
" Contritio imperfecta est dolor voluntarie assumptus propter 
Deum summe dilectum, sed non cum sufficient! et requisita 
intentione, puta quia non est ex toto corde et ex iota merit e 
etc. ; sicut cum motus naturalis a principle fit remissus et iu 
fine velocissimus, et tamen est idem motus qui successive 
perficitur.'' 'Vigneri forgot that there could be no actual 
motion until the principium movens (namely vera dilectio) 
had actually communicated its propelling impulse to every 
microscopic atom of the objectum mobile ; that laying aside 

144 The " Initiuiu CJtaritatis" and "Incipient Loce." 

the metaphor the whole soul thus becomes actuated by true 
charity ; and that " qui diligit, diligetur." Of this theory it 
will be enough to say that no one would now dare to advocate 

Before considering the several phases of incipient love 
that have found supporters amongst more modern writers, it 
"will be convenient to review briefly the doctrine which 
refuses to admit the necessity of any incipient love whatso- 
ever. That such a theory should be at all tenable, especially 
in view of the words of the Council of Trent, must, at the 
first blush, have seemed perilously problematical to Melchior 
Canus and those other still more eminent writers who first 
ventured to promulgate it. In point of historical fact, how- 
ever, not only was the doctrine successfully launched and 
defended timorously at first, though afterwards boldly 
enough but it quickly counted amongst its advocates the 
majority of our Scholastic theologians. Benedict XI V. 
(de Synodo : Lib. vii., c. 13) testifies that " sententia ilia vix 
nata scholas omnes pervasit, et tanto plausu accepta est ut 
plurimos ac magni nominis patronos invenerit, ' sed prae 
cseteris,' inquit Morinus, ' hanc opinionem celebrem reddiderunt 
duo Scholasticae theologiae clarissima et famosissima 
luminaria, Franciscus Suarez et Gabriel Vasquez, quos 
innumeri nunc sequuntur theologi.' " Pope Alexander VII. 
in his famous Decree, published in 1657, certifies (1) that in 
the controversy which then divided theological writers, the 
question at issue was : " An ilia attritio quae concipitur ex 
metu gehennae excludens voluntatem peccandi cum spe 
veniae, ad impetrandam gratiam in sacramento Poenitentiae 
requirit insuper aliquem actuin dilexionis Dei.' 1 He certifies (2) 
" Sententiam negantem necessitatem aliqualu dilexionis Dei. 
in perfecta attritione ex metu gehennae concepta, hodie inter 
Scholasticos communiorem videri." 

With this undoubted historical fact before us, and re- 
membering that neither Pope Alexander nor any of his 
successors has ever felt called upon to moderate what some 
would call the extreme tendencies of the theory and practice 
it reveals, we may pause for a moment to consider that other 
alleged historical fact which comes to us from the olden times 

The " Initium Charitatis " and " Incipient Love." 145 

and has been quite recently put forward by Father Perrone 
that np to the Council of Trent, or at any rate "usque ad 
S. Thomam," Scholastic theologians were "unanimous" in 
exacting, as a disposition for the Sacrament of Penance, the 
incipient love that springs from the motive of perfect charity. 
Two conflicting facts, such as these would be, having reference 
to the essential elements of one of the most indispensable of 
the sacraments, would involve on the part of shall I say the 
Church? a volte face utterly and absolutely irreconcilable 
with the immutability divinely secured to her. The essential 
antagonism between these two statements of fact implies of 
necessity the refutation of either, and we can have no 
hesitancy in making our choice. Merely indicating this 
invincible a priori argument, I must be content to refer the 
reader, for a more interesting and developed disproval of 
Father Perrone's statement, to the review of the teaching of 
the Fathers and other ancient writers which he will find in 
La Croix. 

Nor has the " sententia communior " of Pope Alexander's 
time yet lost or forfeited the approval of eminent and distin- 
guished theologians. In our own day it is the key-note of 
those marvellous exhortations through which the illustrious 
Cardinal Manning has won so many souls to God. The space 
at my disposal will permit me to select only a few brief 
extracts from his Eminence's exquisite work The Love of Jesus 
to Penitents : 

" For all sinners whatsoever . . . there is but one condition 
sorrow and the will to sin no more, and where this is, absolution is 
sure and full [p. 21]. God requires that we should . . . 
bring with us at least a sorrow for our sins ... If we can do no 
more, we can at least be sorry. And yet in sorrow there are many 
degrees so marked, that I might almost say there are many kinds, 
reaching from the sorrow of fear to the sorrow of love, from the 
sorrow which springs from the fear of judgment to cpme to the sorrow 
which flows from the love of the Sacred Heart. He might justly 
require from us the soi row of love, but He requires from us only the 
sorrow of holy fear, that is from any supernatural motive of faith 
. . . witli a desire of being reconciled to Him. A will not to sin 
is the least amends we can make, and this is no more than the 
retracting of the disobedient will whereby we have offended^ and a 
returning to our obedience as children of God . . . If sinners 

146 The "Initium Cliaritatis" and " Incipient Lore." 

can come with the sorrow of faith and hope, even though they have 
not charity, the compassion of Christ will give them a full forgiveness, 
and breathe into them the breath of life once more through this 
Sacrament of His love [p. 24]. A penitent who brings nothing but 
the sorrow of Faith and Hope to the Sacrament of Penance, receives 
therein the sanctifying grace of the Holy Ghost, and Charity ; and 
by the infusion of Charity is raised once more to the life of God, and 
elevated to union with Him " (p. 69). 

If it be asked how do these writers reconcile their teaching 
with the seemingly conflicting doctrine of the Council of 
Trent, they reply that the Holy Council, in the chapter 
referred to, enumerates ex abundantia the various stages of 
preparation that, ordinarily speaking, lead up to the maturing 
of attrition, but that it nowhere professes to assign to each 
and all of them separately the character of essential elements. 
In point of fact we know that some of those so enumerated 
constitute no necessary part of true attrition. As La Croix 
(who, by the way, does not exclude incipient love), puts it : 
" Quod Trideiitimim non vult omnes actus illos esse necessario 
praerequisitos patet inde, nam praemittit etiam timorem 
poenae : certurn autem est valere poenitentiam, quamvis non 
sit concepta ex timore poenae, sed immediate ex spe 
beatitudinis aeternae, vel ex alio adhuc perfection motivo." 

There is what may be called an intermediate school of 
theologians who, differing in theory from the latter while, 
with them, repudiating the necessity of " aliqualis amor ex 
motivo charitatis perfectae," strenuously assert the necessity 
of some other species of inceptive love. Of the history of 
this view it may be briefly stated that it has at all times had 
many active patrons among our eminent theologians, and 
that soon after the Decree of Pope Alexander VII. though 
not in consequence thereof it in turn became the " sententia 
communior." The several complexions under which this 
intermediate theory presents itself may be reduced to two, 
the first of which exacts, as an essential " initium dilexionis," 
a formal and explicit act of the " amor spei vel concupis- 
centiae." They endeavour to establish the necessity of at 
least thus much love, by a simple reference to the " modus 
praeparationis " described by the Council of Trent. Indeed, 
according to some copies of the Acta et Decreta Concilii, this 

The " lidtium Charitatis " and ""Incipient Love." 147 

is explicitly set forth in the chapter under consideration, in 
which the wording runs : " fidentes Deum sibi propitium fore, 
sicyue ilium tauquam omnis justitiae fontem diligere incipiunt." 
Whatever we may say of this reading, the words of the 
Council seem, in any natural rendering, sufficiently definitive 
of a love conceived in the hope of pardon and reconciliation, 
nnd sufficiently specific in excluding the necessity of love 
from a higher motive. It proposes as the object of our in-" 
cipient love not God as in Himself most perfect but God 
as the Source of Mercy to which each man should hopefully 
apply for the grace of Justification. That an explicit act of 
hope and desire may be properly called the " initium 
dilectionis," is taught in terms by St. Thomas : " Ex hoc 
quod per aliquem speramus nobis posse provenire bona, 
movemur in ipsum sicut in bonum nostrum, et sic incipimus 
ipsum amare." " Ergo," says La Croix, " cum omnis contritio 
nostra sit spes, vel fundetur in spe, etiam est actus quo in- 
cipimus diligere Deum." 

The words of this last-named writer introduce the 
doctrine now (I think) most commonly received, and, in 
many passages, involved in the work of Cardinal Manning, 
from which I have made extracts. Its latest and not least 
emphatic exponent is Lehmkuhl, who maintains that no 
formal and explicit " initium dilectionis " is of the essence of 
attrition ; but that if sorrow, arising from the consideration of 
the " turpitudo peccati vel metus gehennae et poenarum," be 
quickened and sustained in all due supernatural strength and 
vigour if it be made up "iis actibus qui ad debitam attritio- 
nem necessarii sunt " a sufficient " affectio erga Deum ipsurn 
in se spectatum " follows of moral and psychological necessity. 
No one indeed can " exile from his soul " all leaning to and 
affection towards God Himself, if he have efficaciously re- 
solved on abandoning sin and preserving the friendship of 
his Creator consciously moved thereto by the voice of God 
proposing to him a sorrow grounded on some supernatural 
motive. This is the more manifest when we remember that 
attrition is dogmatically described as the " Spiritus Sancti 
irnpulsum," which implies the stimulation of the soul by 
illuminating and exciting grace. Further, the intelligent and 

148 1 he "Initium Charitatis" and "Incipient Love." 

artistic formation of propositum brings into our immediate 
prospect the duties of a Christian life, and we deliberately 
undertake the responsibility of fulfilling them, knowing, all 
the time, that amongst these obligations "the first and 
greatest " is to love God. In all legitimate attrition we 
consequently have (1) the consideration of a God justly 
punishing sin ; (2) a hope of pardon arising from our reliance 
on God's bountiful mercy ; (3) a resolution that henceforth 
we shall be faithfully obedient to God's law ; with the 
ultimate purpose of (4) being rescued from eternal death and 
being admitted to the enjoyment of the Beatific Vision. 
Any attrition that excludes that does not of our own 
knowledge include a definite though, perhaps, an unanalysed 
conception of those motives, will be regarded as inefficacious 
and invalid. Should we secure such attrition as this, we are 
safe in concluding with Lehmkuhl that we have compassed 
u illud dilexionis initium cujus Tridentinum specialem 
mentionem facit." 

III. The next question submitted by " Sacerdos," though 
suggesting matter for an interesting paper, must, at this 
stage, be briefly answered. (1) The Iviii. proposition of 
Baius was condemned, which stated, "Peccator poenitensnon 
vivificatur ministerio sacerdotis absolventis, sed a solo Deo." 
(2) At the moment of absolution the Sacrament of Penance* 
becoming operative, remits sin, the removal of which is, in 
praesenti ordine, always formally caused by the inpouring of 
sanctifying grace. " Hanc dispositionem, seu praeparationem, 
justificatio ipsa consequitur, quae non est sola peccatorum 
remissio, sed et sanctificatio, et renovatio interior-is hominis 
per voluntariam susceptionem gratiae et donorum." (Council 
of Trent, Sess. vi. c. 7.) 

C. J. M. 


WE have seen in the November number of the I. E. RECORD 
that Bossuet having come up to Paris for the proposed 
conference with Claude, the hero of the Calvinistic party, 
repaired on his arrival to the residence of Mademoiselle 
de Duras according to appointment, in order to know from 
her the special subjects she desired to have discussed, and 
that whilst in conversation with her a message arrived to say 
that Claude was obliged to decline the conference by order 
of some superior authority, which he was bound to obey. 
The announcement was quite stunning to Mademoiselle 
de Duras, as she had staked her salvation, so to say, on the 
treatment of her doubts by such representative men from 
opposite sides. Urged accordingly by the irresistible anxiety 
she felt, she used every exertion, and employed all the in- 
fluence she could procure to bring about the conference, and 
having succeeded she hastened next morning to where 
Bossuet was staying to inform him of the result, accompanied 
by a Mr. Coton, a respectable co-religionist, who had also 
some religious difficulties, which he desired to submit to his 
Lordship. He felt principally concerned about the question 
of the Church's visibility, as to whether it should be perpe- 
tually visible by a constant and unremitting external pro- 
fession of her faith and practice of religion, or if she could 
subsist in aninvisible state, for a time, and at different periods, 
without any such external profession or practice. This was 
a life or death question with the reformers, for if the idea of 
an invisible church were inadmissible, they stood alone before 
the world as a new self-constituted, self-created body, having 
no connection with any other Christian communion then on 
earth, or pre-existing at any assignable period before their 
time. They endeavoured, therefore, by all possible means 
to make the world believe that not only was the idea of an in- 
visible church most reasonable, but that it was actually the 
case for a series of ages in the Church of Christ, and that they 
in God's own good time, as they pretended, were called to take 
her from her hidden state, and exhibit her to mankind ivithout 

150 Bossuet and Claude. 

ft pot or wrinkle or ami such tiling, but in all her primitive purity 
and holiness as instituted by her Divine Founder, and by way 
of proof they referred, as Mr. Coton and Mademoiselle de 
Duras observed, to what they represented as the universal 
defection of the J ewish Church in the time of the Prophet 
Klias, who complained to the Lord that " the children of Israel 
had forsaken His covenant, that they had destroyed His 
altars, that they had slain His Prophets with the sword, and 
that he alone was left and that they sought his life to take it 
away," (iii. Kings, xix. 14) ; from which state of things they 
argued, why might not a similar defection take place under 
the Christian Dispensation, and the position they insisted upon 
was, that the Church of Christ became in course of time so 
disfigured and deformed as to have lost her external identity, 
and retained only an invisible existence. 

Bossuet had no difficulty in meeting this pretension, which 
lay at the bottom of everything in the superstructure they 
sought to erect upon it. 

He showed, in the first place, that the prophet did not 
speak as a prophet in the passage referred to, but gave vent 
rather to a sentimental outburst in the excessive anguish, 
which oppressed him at the time, as appears from the subse- 
quent words, in which, amongst other things, the Lord 
declared to him, " I have left me seven thousand men, that 
have not bowed their knees to Baal." (Rom. xi.-4). He 
further observed that the complaint of Elias referred only to- 
the kingdom of Israel, whilst, at the same time, the Church 
was in a highly flourishing state in the kingdom of Juda 
under Asa and Josaphatj; and going to the root of the matter 
he showed that, so far from effacing the covenant between 
God and the children of Israel in its external observance,, 
they bore its seal stamped not on paper or parchment, but upon 
their living bodies, by the unbroken practice of circumcision, 
so that, whether they willed it or not, the covenant was 
always maintained ineffaceably, and in external form, amongst 
them. He even urged the objection farther than it was 
pressed by the reformers themselves by referring to the state 
of things in the kingdom of Juda under the wicked king 
Achaz (iv. Kings, xvi.,) who closed the temple, made Unas the 

Bossuet and Claude. 151 

priest sacrifice to idols, and filled Jerusalem with abomina- 
tions of all sorts, and still more under Manasses (iv. Kings xxi), 
who to force the people into idolatry "filled Jerusalem up 
to the mouth with innocent blood, besides his sins, where with he 
made Juda to sin, to do evil before the Lord" (iv. Kings xxi-16). 
He showed that all this had nothing to do with the question, 
that during the reigns of these impious kings Juda had its 
prophets, who protested against their impiety, retaining a 
considerable portion of the population in fidelity to their 
religion, as was manifestly proved by the persecutions which 
could not have filled Jerusalem with innocent blood if there 
had not been vigorous and extensive resistance, and with that 
power of condensation for which the great prelate was so 
remarkable, he passed in rapid review the entire history of 
the people of God from the commencement, clearly showing 
that the profession and practice of religion were constantly 
upheld, that there was an unbroken succession of pontiffs and 
priests and levites descended from Aaron and Levi, that, 
moreover, there was the extraordinary ministry of prophets 
as circumstances required, so that no interval could be pointed 
out, in which through so lengthened a series of ages the 
external and public worship of God was suspended or 
obscured, and he wound up by exposing the silliness of the 
argument sought to be taken from the .Jewish Church in 
support of the pretension of an invisible Church in the 
Christian Dispensation. 

As he was bringing these explanations to a close the 
Countess de Roye arrived, bearing a message from Claude to 
say he would be ready to meet his Lordship at her house at 
three o'clock, should that appointment suit his convenience. 


The meeting took place accordingly, and after an inter- 
change of respectful assurances in the most graceful manner 
on both sides, Bossuet opened the conference on the subject 
of the Church's authority. 

It is known, because the principle is proclaimed by the 
reformers, that self-guidance, or everyone's individual 
judgment as to what he is to believe, or not to believe 

152 JBossuet and Claude. 

according to the Word of God is the inherent right of 
every Christian in forming his creed, and that conse- 
quently independent inquiry for this purpose is, at once, a 
correlative right and obligation. But in contravention of 
this fundamental principle, as they hold it to be, they insist 
also on an authority to control the religious faith of their 
members just as much as the Catholic Church. This incon- 
sistency between principle and practice Bossuet applied 
himself to, in the first instance, by referring to the four acts 
of the Calvinistic book of discipline noticed in his Exposition, 
and treated of, as we have seen, in the conversation he had 
with Mademoiselle de Duras on the day previous. 

It maybe useful to recal these acts one by one, to see how 
Claude endeavoured to escape the difficulty, in which they 
placed him respectively. 

The first is from chapter v. under the title " Consistories," 
Art. xxxi., where it is ordained that " disputes about 
doctrine should, if possible, be determined by the Word 
of God in Consistory, but if not, the matter is to be referred 
to the Colloques, whence to the provincial, and finally to the 
national, synod, where the entire and final decision was to be 
passed according to the Word of God, in which decision, if 
anyone should refuse to acquiesce point by point, and with an 
express disavowal of his errors, he is to be cut off from the 

The difficulty in which this ordinance placed Claude 
was, how it was possible to reconcile the principle of 
self- guidance, and private judgment inherent in every man 
according to the doctrine of his communion, with the obliga- 
tion under pain of excommunication of submitting to the 
decision of their synods. On one side, freedom beyond all 
restriction was insisted on, whilst on the other, coercion 
without resource was enforced, and the question was, how 
were these contrary positions to be reconciled ? 

Claude entering on his explanation renewed his 
expression of respect for his opponent, and after admitting 
the difficulty to have been correctly stated in the words 
quoted, he went on to say, that these words were intended to 
convey that there were different degrees of jurisdiction, as 

Bossuet and Claude. 153 

pointed out in their discipline, but that throughout the force 
of the decision was to be referred to the sole Word of God, 
and that, as to the allegation, that the Word of God had been 
proposed in the Consistory, from which, nevertheless, there 
was a right of appeal, and as to the inference sought to be 
deduced therefrom, that the final decision in synod, from 
which there was no further appeal, appertained to the Word 
of God, not as taken in itself, but as declared by the final 
decision of the Church, that allegation was not what was meant 
by them, because they held that the decision was altogether 
attached to the pure Word of God, to which the Church did 
no more than give expression from first to last in her assemb- 
lies, but that these assemblies were established with different 
degrees of authority to afford time to those, who might be in 
error, to set themselves right. On this account it was, that, 
in the first instance, they refrained from excommunication in 
the hope entertained by the Consistory, that in a higher 
assembly, such as the Colloque, and still more in a provincial 
synod composed of a larger number of persons, and of persons 
perhaps more to be respected, or, at all events, less to be 
suspected, the party concerned would be more disposed to 
listen to the truth. For the same reason the Colloque and 
provincial synod used similar moderation from a like motive 
of charity, but once the national synod had spoken, it being 
the last human remedy, no further hope remained, and then 
recourse was had to the final sentence, that of excommunica- 
tion, as the extreme exercise of ecclesiastical authority. 
However, it was not to be inferred from this that the national 
synod looked upon itself as infallible any more than the 
preceding tribunals, but that everything else having been 
tried, recourse was had to the only remaining remedy. 

The next difficulty was taken from the Synod of Vitre, as 
reported also in the book of discipline. It relates to the letter 
of deputation sent forward by the various churches with their 
deputies to the national synod containing the following 
oath: "Wepromise in the presence of God to submit to every- 
thing, that will be decided in your holy assembly, persuaded 
as we are that God will preside thereat, and guide you by 
His Holy Spirit in all truth and equity by the rule of His 

154 Bossuet and Claude. 

The difficulty here presented was more serious than the- 
preceding one, in as much as in the former case dissent and 
consent were required only after the synod had spoken, 
whereas in the present case they were required beforehand, 
that was before the synod had even assembled to deliberate. 

Claude explained by saying that the promise made previous 
to the national synod was grounded merely on the hope that 
the synod would follow the Word of God, and that the Holy 
Ghost would preside thereat, which, however, did not mean 
that there was an entire certainty thereof, and that moreover 
the term " persuaded, as we are, that," was only a polite man- 
ner of expressing a condition without wounding the reverence 
due to so great an assembly, or the favourable presumption 
to be entertained as to its mode of proceeding. 

The third difficulty arose from the condemnation of the 
sect of Independents recorded likewise in the book of discip- 
line. They were condemned because they asserted that each 
particular church should be allowed to govern herself without 
any dependence elsewhere in ecclesiastical matters. This proposi- 
tion had been condemned in the Synod of Charenton as 
hurtful to Church and State, and as opening the door to all 
sorts of irregularities and extravagances, doing away, at the 
same time, with all remedies, and leading to the establishment 
of as many religions as parishes. 

The difficulty arising from this treatment of the Indepen- 
dents was, that no matter what number of synods were held, 
if people did not consider themselves bound to submit to 
them, the evil complained of with respect to the sect was still 
inevitable, and the door was open, not only, for the establish- 
ment of as many religions as parishes, but, as Bossuet 
observed, as many as there were heads. 

Claude, however, endeavoured to explain by saying, that 
with regard to the authority of his Church and her assemblies 
there was something in them that agreed with the Catholic 
Church, and something also that agreed with the Indepen- 
dents, with the Catholic Church in so far as that ecclesias- 
tical assemblies were useful and necessary, and that it was 
essential to maintain subordination, with the Independents 
in as much as such assemblies, however numerous they might 

ftossuet and Claude. 155 

be, were not, however, infallible. This being so, they were 
obliged to condemn the Independents who denied not only 
the infallibility, but moreover, the necessity and utility of 
these assemblies, and of such subordination. It was in this, 
he observed, that Independentism consisted, and he added, 
that to maintain it was to overthrow order, and give room 
for as many religions as parishes, there being no means left 
for any agreement, whence he concluded, that whilst it was 
understood that ecclesiastical assemblies were not infallible 
resources, it sufficed, however, for the condemnation of the 
Independents, that they were useful. 

These three difficulties were presented by the book of 
discipline printed at Charenton in 1667, and there remained 
but one difficulty more taken from a book of a Mr. Blondel, 
entitled Authentic Acts, printed at Amsterdam in 1655. It 
consisted in a resolution of the national synod of Sainte-Foi 
held in 1578, which appointed four ministers to assist at an 
assembly convened to treat with the Lutherans about a 
formulary for a common profession of faith. These ministers 
were empowered " to decide every point of doctrine, as also 
all other points that would be submitted for deliberation, and 
to consent to this confession of faith without even communi- 
cating further with the churches, in case time did not allow it.'' 

Bossuet pointed out two things in this resolution, one 
was, that the entire synod compromised their faith by placing 
it in the hands of four individuals, a thing more extraordinary 
by far than to see individuals submitting to the whole church, 
and the other, that the so called reformed church showed 
herself but little satisfied with her confession of faith, since 
she agreed to its being altered, and that in points so impor- 
tant as those in controversy with the Lutherans, including 
even the Real Presence. 

Claude replied by saying the object of the synod was to 
meet the Lutherans in coming nearer to them, the Calvinists, 
or at least to establish a mutual toleration, which did not 
require of them to make any alteration in their faith, which 
they held to be unchangeable, and that moreover, whilst the 
synod granted unlimited power to the four ministers, it 
should, nevertheless, be understood that acts of the kind were 

156 Bossuet and Claude. 

subject to ratification in case the deputies overstepped their 
instructions, like the ratifications required in treaties agreed 
to by the plenipotentiaries of princes, and other cases, which 
always suppose the condition of ratification by the prince, a 
condition, which, although not expressed, is attached of their 
own nature to all such vicarious transactions. 

Having dwelt at considerable length, and in a clear and 
confident manner on these difficulties, " M. Claude," observes 
Bossuet, " addressing himself to me, said, that just and impar- 
tial as he believed me to be, I would accept from him an 
explanation of the articles of the discipline of his church, and 
of her religious sentiments in the same way as I might well 
expect of him to agree with me in what I might have to ex- 
plain of our sentiments and our councils, such, for example, 
as the Council of Trent." 

" I replied," continues Bossuet, " by observing, that if there 
was question of simply explaining their rites, if one could 
employ such an expression, or their mode of administering 
the^Word, or the Sacraments, or holding their synods, I should 
by all means accept his explanations on such subjects, as 
being better informed than I could pretend to be, but 1 con- 
sidered that it happened to those of his religion, as to all 
others who went astray, to fall into contradictions with them- 
selves by being forced to establish what they had denied, and 
that 1 knew they denied the necessity of accepting the 
decisions of the Church without first examining them, whilst 
I held the infallibility of the Church to be so indispensable, 
that those who denied it in speculation, could not avoid in- 
sisting on it in practice, if they would maintain any kind of 
order amongst themselves. But if there were question of 
pointing out any contradiction in the sentiments of the 
Catholic Church, I did not pretend to oblige him to accept 
from me whatever explanations I would offer him of her 
sentiments or her councils, and it would, therefore, be open to 
him to take from their words what inference he liked, and on 
my part 1 expected he would allow me the same licence, to 
which he had no difficulty in assenting. 

' I did not intend dwelling to any great length on the synod 
of Sainte-Foi, as it would take me too far off from the two 

Bossuet and Claude. 157 

propositions which I was desirous to make him acknowledge. 
I therefore merely replied to his explanation respecting their 
assemblies, that I agreed with him as to what he had advanced 
respecting the necessity of ratification, although such powers 
and compromises were somewhat extraordinary in matters of 
faith ; and I was, moreover, willing to believe that the 
intention of the synod was not that their deputies should 
have authority to upset everything. But what struck me r 
and what he did not appear to have explained in his reply, 
was that the synod had doubts about their confession of 
faith, since they authorised the framing of a different one ; 
and I could not see how this was reconcileable with what had 
been already stated, that this confession of faith contained 
nothing but the pure Word of God, which everyone knew was 
not susceptible of any change. As to what he alleged, that 
there was question only of bringing over the Lutherans to 
more reasonable sentiments, or, at least, of establishing 
mutual toleration with them, two things stood in the way. 
(1) That a power was spoken of to decide all points of 
doctrine, which manifestly comprised the Real Presenc e 
which the Lutherans would never surrender; (2) that to 
establish mutual toleration there was no necessity of framing 
a confession of a common faith, but simply to pass a synodal 
decree, as was done at Charenton. 

" M. Claude replied, that the point of doctrine to decide 
was, if a mutual toleration could be established, and that the 
confession of a common faith would have done nothing more 
than proclaim it, which he did not deny could have been 
done in a synod, as I should admit it could also by a con- 
fession of faith, in which there might be an express article to 
that effect. 

" I replied that such a thing was never termed a confession 
of a common faith, and I asked him if the Lutherans or them- 
selves should retrench something in what one party said for 
the Real Presence and Ihe other against it. He said, no, 
whence I said, that each party was, therefore, to remain 
within the terms of its own confession of faith, with nothing 
in common between them but the article of toleration. To 
this he said, there were several other points of agreement 

Boss net and Claude. 

I replied ' yes,' but that it was not on these points there was 
question of coming to an agreement, for what was at issue was 
the Real Presence with some other points, on which it was 
impossible to make a confession of a common faith, unless 
one of the parties made some change, or both consented to 
some ambiguous phrases, which each could take advantage of 
in favour of its own sentiments, a thing already frequently 
attempted, as M. Claude himself would, in all candour, admit. 
He quite agreed, and even instanced the Assembly of 
Marbourg, and some others held for the same object. I, 
therefore, concluded that I had every reason to believe that 
the synod of Sainte-Foi had a similar object in view, and it 
would be only trifling with the world to give the name of a 
confession of common faith to what would present on the face 
of it such flagrant oppositions on such important points of 
Christian doctrine. I added yet more, that it was all the more 
certain, that there was question in point of fact of a confession 
of faith, as I said, in as much as the Lutherans had already 
frequently declared against toleration, and nothing could be 
expected of them in any other way than that which I 
mentioned. The matter remained so, and I only said that 
then every one had but to think what he had according to 
his conscience to believe in a confession of faith, which an 
entire national synod had consented to have changed. 

"In reference to the letter ot deputation, which the 
particular Churches sent to the national synod, as M. Claude 
was explaining that the oath comprised in that letter of sub- 
mission beforehand to every thing, that would be decided in 
the synod contained a condition, I interrupted him by a short 
word, saying yes, they hoped well of the synod, without, how- 
ever, being certain with regard to its decisions, and, whilst 
awaiting what would be done, they did not wait to swear 
submission to it, M. Claude having observed that I had 
interrupted him, and asking me to allow him to finish what he 
wished to say, I became silent. But after having discussed 
the matter of Sainte-Foi, I said that I deemed it necessary, 
before proceeding further, that I would tell him in a few 
words what I thought of his doctrine, in order that we might 
not be speaking in the air; and I said to him, You say, sir 

Bossuet and Claude. 159 

that the words, persuaded as we are, that God ivill preside 
thereat, and will guide you by His Holy Spirit in all truth and 
justice by the rule of His Word, as contained in the oath re- 
ferred to, are only a polite manner of expressing a condition. 
He agreed ; and resuming 1 said, let us reduce the proposition 
into its conditional form, and we shall see what meaning it 
will have. It will be this, I swear, that I will submit to 
everything that you will decide, it being supposed, or on con- 
dition, that ivhat you will decide will be in accordance with the 
Word of God. Such an oath is nothing better than a manifest 
illusion, because in itself it asserts nothing, and I could swear 
it myself to M. Claude, as he likewise could swear it to me. 
But in this there is evidently nothingof serious import, whilst 
as a sign that in point of fact something more particular was 
meant, this oath was only taken to the synod, which spoke 
in the last resort, although, according to M. Claude, it could 
as well, and for a reason equally as good, be taken to the 
consistory, to which submission was just as much due as to 
the synod, supposing it to have the Word of God for its 

Thus far Bossuet pressed his opponent on the infallibility 
of the Church showing, that in this as in other matters, the 
reformers were in flagrant contradiction with themselves by 
denying in doctrinal utterances what they upheld in practice 
with the utmost rigour; and we are now arrived at what we 
may call the most acute and critical point of the discussion, 
in Avhich Bossuet had to establish the two following proposi- 
tions : 

1. That, whilst the reformers "acted as if holding the 
authority of the Church to be infallible and incontestable, it 
was, nevertheless, a fundamental principle of their teaching, 
that every individual, man or woman, however ignorant he 
or she might be, was bound to believe that they could better 
understand the Holy Scriptures than all the councils of the 
Church, and the entire Church herself. 

2. That there was a point, at which, as a consequence of 
their teaching, a Christian was bound to doubt, if the 
Scriptures be inspired by God, if the Gospel be true or false, 
and if Jesus Christ was a Teacher of truth, or a public im- 

160 Hay nes' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

But as the treatment of propositions so important would 
occupy space beyond all reasonable limits in a single number 
of the I. E. RECORD, I must reserve the continuation of this 
celebrated conference for a further number of that invaluable 



NOW the Avaie to Suppresse theis Rebells, is to plant 
Garreson's in theis Neighbour parts, and that in this 
manner as the Lorde Gray had plotted, namelie, att 
Balemacoora, 200 Foote and 50 Horse to shutt him oute of his 
Countrye, Greate Glen ; x at Knockloughe, 200 Foote and 50 
Horse to answere the Countie of Carloo at Arclo ; at Wiclo 200 
Foote and 50 Horse to defende that side towards the Sea ; in 
Shileloghe 100 Foote to cutt him from the Cavenaghs and 
Wexford ; and about the 3 Castles 50 Horse, which would 
defend all the Countie of Dublin, and 100 Foote at Talbotts 
towne which should keepe him from the Countie of Kildare. 
Soe that he shall stirr no way, and then will his adherents 
aforenamed leave him, and shall by noe meanes keepe his 
Countrye saufe ; By means whereof he shall be so tossed that 
he should not be able to stand one year. But towardes the 
Effect of this Business and Service their must be sufficient 
Captaines appointed, and suche as knowe the course of those 
Warres, and not suche as are rawe therein as often are sent 
out of England ; By whose meanes the matter would come 
to ill Successe. The Service havinge a good ende and theis 
inurthered Rebells brought under, It is necessary that pro- 
clamacion should be made, to call in suche as would come in, 
which will be in manner all uppon Condicion whatsoever 
unarminge them altogeather, and takinge theire best men 
for Hostages that none should revolt ; and so to place them in 

1 recte, " out his great Glenu." 

Haynes Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 161 

Leinster, and there to geve them sufficient Livinge, whereupon 
they male Live, anduseCivill Trades and manuring the grounds 
as good subjects, the Landes of the Birnes and Tooles which 
Pheagh MacHugh hath, and the Landes of the Cavenaghes 
which are in Rebellion nowe, and other Lands which will 
fall to her Majestie there, will be Large and spacyous enough 
for them, for yt is 20 or 30 Miles wide; and uppon like 
proclamacion to be made amonge them all the same tyme,upon 
like assurance, to transferr them to Ulster with their creete, 
that they maie Likewise manure that and Live as becometh 
subjects. For they should be Tenants to Englishmen and 
be placed here and there, and not dwell togeather as nowe 
they doe whole Nations and Sectes. Soe shall they not be 
able to execute theire Conspiracies as they have done. 

And theis Englishe shall yeld her Majestie suche a 
competent Rente, as they maie both well live and besides 
contribute towardes the maintenance of suche Garresons as 
shall be placed and contynue amonge them, as the Romaines 
did att the conquest of Englande, who raised upon the 
Countrye a Certaine Contribucion called Taxes to maintain 
their Legions, which they placed in sondrye partes of the 
Realme, and because this course was not taken when Ireland 
was conquered by H. 2, the Irishe soone discontynued their 
obedience. And because this was not regarded at the, 
plantinge of Munster, it stood totteringly and straungely in 
daunger of a Relapse. And although some maie thincke that 
yt were as good or better that the Rente should be whollie 
paide to the Queene's Majestie, and that all allowance should 
be defrayed by discrecion as occasion should require, It is 
not soe ; for thereby yt gro wethe That in tyme of anie shewe 
of Peace the Garresons are discontynued, to the layinge open 
of Opportunitie to the evell disposed to Rebell and for 
foreign Enemies to invade; whereas were the Garresons 
coritynued theis hazardes might be stopped ; and to rayse 
sufficient allowance for theis Garresons, the Landes maie 
be thus rated, 7 s - vii d everie plough Lande which is not 
much above IcL of the Acre. And in Ulster there are, as by 
recorde appeareth, 9000 Plough-landes everie of which con- 
teyneth 120 Acres at 21 Foote the Pearche. Soe that yt 
VOL. IX. i, 

162 Haynes Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

conteyneth in the whole 124000 Acres, and yett the Rents 
amounteth yearlie to 18000. And because the Countie of 
Louthe being a parte of Ulster contayneth 152 Plough 
Landes is not whollie to Escheate to her Majestie, because 
they contynued dutifull in all theis Warres, there is 4 or 500 
Plowlands maie paie xx s yearlie towards the maintenance of 
Soldyers, Soe that 2 or 300 be to be deducted out of the 
18000. It maie be raysed by the Fishinge there and by an 
increase of Rente upon the best Lande, and this 18000 will be 
Enterteynment for 1500 Soldyers, with some overplus to war des 
the paie of the Victuallers of theis Garresons in Ulster, whiche 
Garresons are to be of 500 men apeece, to be placed 

1. The one at Siralan 1 or about Loughfoyle there. 

2. Att the Forte above Lough Erne, Out of which wardes 
to be taken for the Guardinge of Fermanagh, Bellick, Bally- 
channon and all the Straightes towards Conaught. 

3. The Thirde and last to be in their Forte att Monachan 
and Wardes to be drawn out of yt to keep the Keys of that 
Counttrye both downwardes and also upwardes towardes 
Grills 2 and the Pale, some at 

And soe alonge the river. 

And necessarie yt were, that by theis Forts a State of a 
Towne were planted and Merchants and other Members to be 
placed, with Charters fitt for them ; which in tyme would 
wynne manie from Englande to place themselves there, to 
the greate Benefitt of her Majestie and good of the Countrie. 
For by suche means Maryburghe and the Phillips Towne 
are growne good Townes and the principall stayes of theis 
partes of Leinster. 

Furthermore to have the Gountrye devided into hundrede 
Parishes and Shyres as yt was aforetyme, namelie theis : 

TheCounties of - 










.Gavan, & 

Donergale. 1 

2 O'Reilly's 

3 Donegal, -oun 

Haijnes Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 163 

Which Donergall is a fitt place for a Presidente and a 
Councell to keepe them iu awe and to administer Justice. 
No we as touchinge Conaught and the setlinge of like 
Garrisons and mainteyninge them there, It appeareth by 
recorde att Dublyn that it conteyneth in the whole 7200 
Plough Landes after the former measure, and ys of late 
<devyded into sixe Shires or Counties. 

( Clare, Gal way, 

The Counties \ Littrum, 1 Mayo, & 

^Rosscommon, Sligo. 

Of which all the Countries of Mayo, the most parte of 
Roscommon the most parte of Litrum, and a greate parte of 
Galway and some of Clare is Like to escheate unto her 
Majestie for the Rebellion of their presente possessors. The 
which two Counties of Sligo and Mayo are supposed to 
conteyne almost 3000 Plough landes which accordinge to the 
former Rate amounteth almost to 6000 p. Annum. 

The Countie of Roscomon, having what perteyneth to the 
House of Roscomou and some other Englishe there planted, 
is all oute and therefore is whollie likewise to Escheate to 
her Majestie. So that Roscomon conteyneth 1200 Plough 
landes which amounted to 2400 p. Annum, which with the 
former two Counties Rente maketh about 8700 ; what the 
Escheated Landes of Galway and Littrum will be yt is not 
yet knowne because yt must be surveyed, beinge intermingled 
with the Landes of the Earle of Clanricarde and others, but 
they male be supposed to be 1000 Plough Lands ; Because 
soe either of them conteyneth which is in the whole about 
10 or 11000. 

The other two Counties must remayne till their Escheate 
appears, yett thus much is known for the Composition of 
those two Counties, being rated at 16s. everie ploweland, 
will amounte to above 13000, which togeather with the 
Rente of the Escheated Landes of those two Counties, which 
cannot be Lesse then 2000, will yeld paye Largelie for 1000 
men and theire victualls and 1000 for their Governor. 

| And althoughe the Reckoninge made uppon them might 
be somewhat uncertayne, yett the Composition which is xx . 

, Lcitrim.^ 

64 Ilaynes' Observations on tJte State of Ireland in 1600. 

the Plough Lande, whereof the Acres in Ireland is 439200 it 
will amount to the Some of 43920, and the rest to be rated 
of the Escheated Landes which will fall to her Majestic in 
the said Province of Ulster, Conaught, and that parte of 
of Leinster under the Rebelles. Now for the placing ot 
Garresons in Conaught there ought to be 1000 men, whereof 
500 should be placed in the Countie of Mayo about Clan mac 
Costulaghes, which shall keepe all Mayo and Burlis of mac 
William Inter ; x the other 500 in the Countie of Clanricard 
about Garadough, that they maie conteyne mac Connors and 
Bourk's, the Kellyes and mac Murryes, with all thereaboute- 
for the Garrison that is placed att Lough Earne will serve for 
all occasions in the Countie of Sligo, for, beinge of neere- 
adioynrnge, they maie be in one Night's march in anie place 
thereof when neede shall require. And as before in Ulster 
soe there to have two Corporate Townes and another att 
Athlon with a convemente guarde in the Castle there, where 
nowe their Governor lyeth, beinge indeede too farr of the 
remotest places of all the Provinces. 

And for the Deputie's lying att Dublyn, the utmost partes 
of the Country e, It were fitt he laye about Athie neere that 
unquiett Countrye where he might more easie overlooke the 
Moores, the Butlers, the Dempsills, the Kellyes, the Cenors, 
Oconor, Omoley 2 and all the heap of Irish Nations which lye 
without anie to overawe them. To come no we to Lempster, 
it must be there ordered as in Ulster, leavinge Garresons in 
theire Forte and plantinge of Englishe in their Countrye 
between Dublyn and the Countie of Wexford, which although 
yt be full of mountaines, yett there be good Valleys and 
Large Feedings which will drawe Inhabitants enoughe. The 
Land, which is now under Pheagh mac Hugh there cannot be 
rated because fewe are acquainted with the Particularities 
thereof. But yt is devided into two Counties, the Countie of 
AVicklo and the Countie of Femes. The most of which two- 
Counties should Escheate, savin ge the Baron 3 of Arclo which 

1 Enter (Spenser), Euter (Description of Ireland, 1598, p. 141). loc1icAi]\ 
= the Lower, tlAcliuAip, the Upper Me William. Rccie, the Burkes of 
MacWilliam lochtair. 

2 Dempsies, O'Connors, O'Carroll, O'Molloy. 8 baronye. 

Haynes Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 165 

Is the Ancionte inheritance of the Earle of Ormonde, and 
Newecastle is S r . Henrie Harrington's from her Majestie, and 
the Castle of Ferns Sir Thomas Mastersone, the rest is about 
30 Miles over which conteyne about 2000 Plough-landes 
which may be esteemed att 4000 Rente p. Annum. Of 
Lempser being 7 Counties. 

f Dublyne, Wexford, And Queeiies 
The Counties of J Kildare, Kilkenny, Towne. 1 

(^Caterlagh, Kings Towne, 1 

Theis all conteyne 7400 Ploughlandes amounting to 
.7400 for composicion for the Garreson, which maketh in the 
whole 11400, which will yeld paie to 100 Soldyers wantinge 
little, which maie be supplied oute of other Landes of the 
Cavenaghes which are to be Escheated to her Majestie 
throughe their Rebellion, thoughe indeede they be her 
Majesties ancient demeasnes. 

Theis 1000 men should be thus placed : 200 att Boallinglort 2 
-to keepe the evell Personnes at Glanmalore and the Fastnes 
thereabouts and alHhe mountaines of the Omenghes ; 3 200 
more att Femes and upwarde in warde uppon the Slane ; 
.200 at the Forte of Leyx to restreyne the Moores, Osbrig 
and Ouarall ; 4 other 200 att the Forte of Offeley to curbe the 
Conhors, Omolough, MacCoughan, MacCrogairj and the Irishe 
bordering thereabouts. 

Now for Meth, which conteyneth East Northe and West 
North eand of late the Analay nowe called the Countrye of 
Longfordes is accompted thereunto. Meth itself conteyneth 
-after Recordes 4320 Ploughlandes, Longfords 347. In all 
5267 Plouglandes of which composicion money will amount to 
5207 towards the maintenance of the Garreson. 

Because Meth lyeth in the bosome of the Kingdome yt is 
alwaies quiett ynoughe and neede noe Garreson there, but 
.in the Countie of Longford 200 Foote and 50 Horse at some 
place betweene the Annaly and the Brenny as about Lough- 
sillon, 7 soe that they might keepe both the O'Reiley's and 

1 King's Co. and Queen's Co. 2 Ballinacorrick. 

:{ Cavenaghs. 4 Ossory and O'Carroll. 

5 O'Connors, O'Molloys, MacCoghlan, MacGeoghegan. 
fi East Meath and West Meath. 7 tocli sileArm. 

166 Haynes* Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

O'Farrolls and all the out paries of EastMeth in awe, because 
they are Ficklee People the charge will be 3400 odd poundes 
the overplus being 2000 will come clearlie to her Majestic* 
Mounster Mounster conteyneth by record 1600 Plough- 

landes the composicon whereof as the reste will be 
1600 16000 per annum and for defence thereof 

1000 Soldyers were necessary to mainteyu yt which will arise 
to 12000 per annum, and the other 4000 maie defray the 
charges of the Precedency and Councill for the Province. 
And because the Composicon ought not to be Livyed uppon 
the Landes of the undertakers who by their grauute 
from her Majestic ought to be discharged. And therefore 
that xx St for a PloughLande must be deducted out of her 
Majesty's Rente, which is all one because thereby her 
Majestye shall be discharged of the Precedency and have 
1000 1000 Soldyers mainteyned. Theis 1000 men 

ought to be placed thus : 100 att the Bantry to withstand 
foreign invasion, and there would be placed a Towne, for the 
Haven's good and the Fishinge Plentifull. The Lande is 
escheated alreadye and kepte from her Majestie by force by 
ODonnell Mac Carty, that proclaymes himselfe the Bastarde 
Sonne of the Earle of Clanricarre, 1 100 men more at Castle- 
mayne to keepe Desmond and Kerry, 200 men about Kilmore 
in the Countie of Corke [to Answere both the Counties of 
Limericke and Corke, 100 men at Corke, 200 men at Water- 
ford, 200 more neere to Musgrywhirk 2 which arc the Countrye 
of the Burks about Killpatrick. By which places all the 
Passage of Theeves doe lye which convey their Stealth 
from all Munster downwardes Towards Tipperary and the 
English Pale upp unto Mounster, whereof they use to make a 
common Trade. Necessary yt were that Tipperary had 
some such strengthe to withstande the evell that is suspected 
to fall daily there. 

Waterford and Corke are too fitt receptacles for the 
Spanyards arrivall, and not well affected to the English 
Government, and therefore in them Especially Garresons 
ought to be placed ; and because they shall not grudge at 

1 Clanncare. 2 Moscrie Wliirke, tnuj'cpAiglie cliuij\c. 

Ifaynes' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 167 

other Townes that seem to be free from that charge, there 
maie be a reasonable rate Layed also upon the reste, not 
onlie towards theis Garreson's, but also as yt shall amounte 
above that which maie be required thereunto, to be reserved 
towardes other charges and the Precedency in the North, this 
Rate, viz. : 


Dinglecashe 1 ... 







Tredaghe 2 

Rosse . . . 

Danclusk 2 


Newry ... 

Trime ... 

Arthy 3 ... 

Kelly 3 ... 


10 4 










Cashell 10 

Fedard 1 10 


This charge the Porte Townes may easilie rayse by 
Shippinge, the Lande Townes by Corne and Cattle. For the 
Victuallinge of theis Forces for the first yeare yt must be 
whollie out of England from halfe yeare to halfe yeare, and 
after that the English Pale and Mounster will be well 
furnished towards it, and be able to supply a greate parte of 
that charge. And necessarie yt were, that, hereafter when 
more plentie is to have Stoare Howses and Milles erected in all 
all those places of Garresoii for the Sodaine Victuallinge of 
Shipps and Soldyers upon all occasions. In which Eng- 
lande Seemeth very Slack trustinge too much to yearlie 
supply e of Corne and Victualls that there is no Stoare pre- 
served for anie Sodaine Service, which maie come unlocked 
for, it maie hazarde the Kingdome. Nowe when by reason 
of theis Garresons Ulster and Conaght is quiett and the 
Countrye in peace, there maie be a warr made the more 
easilie to reforme the abuses which bread the dangers, and 
yett not Spdenly to remove the forces ; but rather to keepe 

1 Dingellechooishe, 

2 Drogheda, Dundalk ; 

3 Ardye, Kells ; 

tli chinf ; Fethard, pot> VI-AJVO. 

i, Cetion-oAf 4 100. 

168 Hay lies' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

them there, which shall be iinto her Majestic noe more 
; charge then nowe yt is in the tyme of most quiett. For her 
Majestie maie have the good Soldyer brought upp to be 
employed in anie good service placinge newe men in their 
places. And if it please her Majestie she maie withdraw some 
of them till she seeth the Countrye not to require them, and 
returne their paye into her own Threasurye. 

Thinges beinge thus ordered for the Suppressinge of 
theis rebelleous People, and the Realme beinge quietted, It is 
to be considered howe the Reformacion of the Lawes, 
Customes, and Religion maie be wrought ; and because it will 
be harde to Alter the comon Lawes there in all pointes, and 
to make new Statutes repealinge all the former, It were good 
to redresse onlie the abuses of them by Parlyament, wherein 
because tha higher Howse will be of necessity of the Irishe, 
that maie perchance be even head stronge. 

It must be handled as Kinge Edwarde did amonge the 
Lordes of the Cleargy whoe were not to be matched by the 
Temporall Lordes, and therefore sent wrytts amongst the 
most worthie Gent, and made them Barrons of the Parliament, 
whereby their Obstinacye was sufficientlie curbed, and soe yt 
maie be in this Business of the Reforminge of theis Irishe 

And therefore for the better reforminge theis troubles yt 
followes in truth, the Realme should be devyded into Shires, 
Shires The Shires into Wappentake or hundreds, 

Hundreds hundreds into Tythings, as yt was in the tyme 

Ty things of Alured or Alfrido, whenEnglandewas infected 

withlike Comon Robbers as Irelande noAv is, and the Borsholder 
or, Tithingman was bound to Looke to all within his Tythinge 
and to prosecute all lewde personnes ; yf he fayled the hundred 
was bounde, yf the hundred fayled, the Wappentake must, 
yf not the Wappentake the whole Shire wou'd endeavour to 
finde out suche Offenders; which wrought suche Eifecte as yt 
soone redressed manie evells as indeede yt would doe yf yt 
were practized in Ireland. 

But because a Borsholder or Tythingman is noe meete 
Officer to comande, to keepe Gent, or noblemen, who indeede 
have iust meanes to be looked into because of their wilfullnes 

Hai/iies 1 Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 169 

Sufferinge their Children and base Sonnes to come headlonge 
to manie mischeifs against the peace of the Countiye : It 
were good that one of them were bounde for another ; That 
for feare of Loosinge their Landes they maie finde out the 
offenders, and that they were Sworne to their allegeance and 
fealty e to their Prince, for manie of them have taken their 
Oathes, and receaved the Sacrament att the haiides of a 
Priest, which they hold a greater bande than their allegeance 
to their Prince. 

And where heretofore yt hath bene accustomed that the 
Lordes and greate men have had onlie the overlookinge of 
the inferryor sorte, It hath bene to the greate preiudice of 
the quiett of the Countrye ; for though att the first conquest 
yt was graunted them by Charter, that they should have 
Tenants to hold of them by suche Services, they onlie upon 
occasion, when the Lorde Deputies have called them, have 
raised greate Somes of money upon their Tenants, and 
gathered a Troope of Rascallkerne 1 to follow them, who have 
more Spoyled the Countrye where they have been, then the 
open Enemies would doe. And, therefore, this kinde of 
Government of the Nobles is most unfitt and their Graunts 
verye unfitt, because the Grauntes being formerlie made to 
awe the Irishe, nowe it is used to the preiudice of the Queene 
herselfe ; and thoughe perhapps some of this great Lordes 
maie thincke he hath wronge yf the former course should 
prevent him of former Services, yett yt were most necessarie 
that enquiry e be made by Commission under the great sealle 
to knowe everye man's Tenure, because manie usurpe those 
Services unto themselves which are due unto her Majestic, 
and what wardshipp they uniustlie challenge, . and what 
Englishe holdings they have translated to Irishe and 
Thamistry Thamistry, 2 and manie other lawfull proffitt 

which they nowe wrongfully withold from the Queene, which 
As is supposed will amounte into 40,000 per Annum, whereof 
she is nowe defeated. 

In which Comission should suche discreete men be used, 
as might signify the should by no meanes loose their Lawes, 

1 loose Kerne (Spenser). a Tainistrie. 

170 llaynes' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

but be brought to the English order, and have their Landes 
Confirmed unto them by her Majestic, Soe that they may be 
the better assured of her Lande then nowe they be; For 
indeede they are nowe degenerate and become Irishe to 
whom theis grauntes were made. Soe that yf all theis 
t iTiumtes were made voycle they were not wronged, because 
they are more to be blamed then the nieere Irishe, who 
become more Civill, and they become more Wyld than the 
Irishe, and more hatinge the Englishe calling them Sasonia, 1 
which is a kinde of Vyle Raylinge, affirming that they onlie 
have right unto their Lande, And that the Englishe onlie 
intrude uppon them, because their Ancestors, they saie, Con- 
quered the Lande, and that they ought not to be touched, 
but tobearerule amouge themselves even as they liste, and to 
be deputies as their Ancestors were, and not the Englishe, 
and therefore yt hath bene feared to plante that Countrye 
with Englishe least they should altar their nature as the 
Lanes 2 did in Edward 2 tyme, who turned to the Scott, arid 
favoured to bring him in and make him Kinge of Irelande. 

But yt is not the nature of the Countrye that altereth 
men, but the badd myndes of such as revett 3 to be wicked 
Libertines, although comonlie yt appeareth that they must 
wynne the Least, rather than the leaste the most to their 
manners. But suche is the force of good Government and 
discreet Carriage of men in office, that, thoughe they be fewe 
that beganne to follow vertue the more will be wonne to 
follow them. And therefore sith in Irelande, there are 
most Irishe, and soma Englishe; It is conveniente 
that a course were taken to bringe them to Conformitie of 
manners to be one People, And to intermingle them soe that 
the Irishe maie favour of the good manners and discipline 
intended by daylie conversation with the Englishe, and to 
disable the Evell ones to hurt the good, which can by noe 
meanes better be done than by making an Irishman Tething- 
man to take the Excepcions which he else might take of 

1 " Alloonagh, with as great reproach as they would rate a dogge ; " 
SACfoiiAch = a Saxon. Cf. -oo -0111 co SAxoVb, to go to England (Four 
Masters, an. 1565). 

2 Lacies. 3 revert ? 

Ilayncs Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 171 

.Parcialitie parcialitic, But the head boroughe, nainelie, 

the chieff of the Luth 1 to be an Englishman, or an Irishe of 
Special! assurance, And as for the head of the hundred to be 
aii En^lishe of Speciall chief e to be a Filler to the Burough 
Hundred under him. A hundred after some conteyneth a 

hundred Villages, of some a hundred Plowlandes which the 
Saxons called Cantred, and Cantred as is recorded in the 
black Booke of Irelande 2 conteyneth 30 villages FerrlP 
which some call Quarters of Lande and everie Villata ront* 
400 Cowes and they be devyded into 4 heardes and 
everie Villata conteyneth 18 Ploughlands as yt is there sett 

A Borrough Signifieth a free Towne whose principall 
Officer is called a head bororighe, 5 and is to undertake for all 
the Dwellers under him havinge forthe same Fraunchesies and 
Priveledge graunted them by the Kinge, and thereof called 
a Francke Pledge or franc plegium. But franc plegium is 
not a Free Towne att this Daie, but a mayne pledge of 100 
Persones more or less and Borgh in the Saxon Signifieth a 
Pledge or suretie ; Nowe because theis Irishe stande muche 
uppon their head and septe of their kyiine, and contynue 
their surnames from one Generation to another, It were 
uecessarie that all of them should take uppon them some 
name accordinge to their Qualities of Bodye or minde or other 
Facultye or Trade, or of their place or of their Dwelling, 
that in tyme they might forget their sept, and not be com* 
byned as they are together to such mischievous practices for 
Love or allyance to their Kynne. And that all suche as 
no we hereafter shall take uppon them or mac, which are 
names given and affirmed by the head of the Septes, should 
be innhybited soe to doe. 

Moreover everye man ought to be addressed and 
appointed to some Trade of Leife that cannot live of his 
Freehold, and should be thereunto tyed and bounde to 
folio we yt either manuall, intellyctali or mixed, that is to 
husbandrye or handy Craffe Artes and merchandize to the 

1 lathe. a of the Exchequer, or of Christ Church. 

3 villatas terrae. 4 recte, " can maintain." 5 head-borough. 

172 Hay ties' Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 

Handy Graffs and husbandrye ; the Sroighs 1 and Horseboyes 
are to be trayned which use their Strength to Stealth and 
Villainy. And yt were good that fewer Cowes were kepte 
which able personnes chieflie followe, Nursinge also theeves, 
and that for everie xxtie Cowes a Plough might be kepte 
for Tillinge for yt is most cause of manie mischeiffes there 
and of Dearthe in Englande the want of Ploughes and 
keepinge of two manie Cattle. The Sonnes of Noblemen and 
Oent. should be trayned upp in vertue and in every parishe 
should be an inferryor Schole-master of Grammer for 
Learninge is of force to Temper the vilest and rudest nature. 
Emollit mores nee sunt 2 esse feros. 

There shall be a Provost Marshall also to take upp all 
Bards, Carowes, Jesters, and such ronnagates and to ponnish 
them accordinge to their desertes ; althoughe the Sherriffe 
maie doo much good, yf he be diligente in his office, yett yt 
were not good to give that Power of Leife and death into his 
handes, because he maie be partiall and rigorous, having 
Benefitt by the death of such as shall be thus apprehended. 

As for the Reformacion of Religion yt must not be done 
with rigor but mildlie begone and settled among them; and 
because our English Ministers by their Lewde Lives and 
little paines have given them a cause of hatred of their Pro- 
fession ; It were good that some Godlie one of their owne 
Ration were appointed to that work, whoe shall wynne more 
than manie others to some inclyriacon to Godlie towardnes ; 
moreover they must be restreyned from sendinge their Sonnes 
to the universities beyonde the Seas, and that from beyond 
the Seas wynne 8 over to perverte them, as indeede there are 
manie that Lye in sondry corners Lurkinge that carry more 
to Affect the Romish Religion then all our men can doe to 
drawe them to the Christian Religion. 

The Churches also are to be repaired and to be re-edifyed 
which are even with theGrounde and most unseemelie which 
loathe men to enter. 

It were convenient that convenient waies were made in 

1 scocAiglie, i.e., a boy attending on a kern, as Spenser says, 
*' becommeth a horseboy or stocah on some kern." 

12 sinit. 3 rumie? 

Haynes* Observations on the State of Ireland in 1600. 173- 

the Woocles of 100 yardes broad for more saufe Passage of 
Travellers Avhoe are robbed and murthered therein. Also- 
there were Bridges builte over the greate Rivers, and that 
all Fordes were stopp'd, Soe that all Passengers should pass 
over the Bridges, uppon which Bridges also should be Gates 
and Gate howses to Stopp Night Stealthes which are com- 
monlie driven in by waies; And by the high waies here and 
there should be Townes builte Corporate and made market! 
Townes, and the Passage soo Stopte that Passengers should 
of necessitie passe through them, whereby manie Stealthes 
and other dangers might be the more easilie prevented, 
and the People by frequentinge those market Townes might 
learrie the more Civilitie. And by those Townes the- 
Countrye would be enriched the more, because men would 
briiige thither the Fruites of their Trades, and seeinge their 
Laboures profitable would endeavour the more Industriouslie 
to increase wealth by paine takinge. And in theis market 
Townes and not elswhere, as nowe they doe Secretlie bringe 
all Cattle and Garrons 1 to be Bought and Sold, and not 
abroade in coverte places, which could be a meanes to stopp 
manie Stealthes, For feare that yf they brought them 
to the market they might be descry ed. Manie suche Townes 
have been in Ireland ; But when the Irishe soe prevayled 
again ste the Englishe, they brought them to nought, whereof 
the Ruines yet appeare, of some of the Names onlie and 
nothinge else. 

Nowe after this pacification the Reformacion should rest 
as before in a Deputye or Justice over whom it were con- 
venient A Lorde Lieutenante were placed, a man of most 
noble regarde ot Englande, whoe should not discountenance 
the Deputye but strengthen him in those things that he doth 
for the Establishment of Justice and Reformation. Knowinge 
this, that as the Case standethe nowe manie practices are 
wrought to the hinderance of that which might worke the 
good of that Realme, which by the Countenance and good 
Carriage of the Lieutenante would be quallified and things- 
better managed. And the Lord Deputie to have more 

ii, a work-horsQ ; geA]A]\An AJYO> a hobby. 

174 r lheolofjical Questions. 

absolute power and not be soo controuled from the Counsell 
here, but that what the Deputie and Councell doth yt should 
stande because yt cannot be that they male be directed from 
hence what to doe. Therefore presente occasions must 
'have such consideracions and execucion as the nature of the 
cause requirethe. Which can by noe meanes be foreseene 
here, neither male they stay for direction from hence, Sith 
in the meantime opportunitie maie passe and the advantage 
of the tyme and occasion be loste, yett is he in some par- 
ticular thinges to be restreyned, as that he shall not Sell noe 
Offices for money nor pardons nor protections for Rewarde, 
nor suche like. The Libertie whereof maie be an occasion of 
manie Inconveniences. 


,<T 1* 

f 1. '-, 


" Quas litteras mecum habere debeo ut ingredi liceat in Ordinera. 
Religiosum proprie dictum"?" 

Nullis opus est nisi Testimonial! bus. Ne ad 
quidem sacros suscipiendos requiruntur litterae sive Excor- 
porationis sive Dimissoriales. Professio enim Religiosa in 
Ordine proprie dicto excardinationern ipsa efficiet. Ante Pro- 
fessionem Solemnem Superiores Religiosi litteras dimissorias 
subditis suis dare non possunt, nisi pro prima tonsura et 
ordinibus minoribus. 



" Could a priest duplicate on a Sunday when the following circum- 
stances are present ? 

" 1. A parishioner dies on Saturday morning after the priest lias 
broken his fast, 

" 2. The friends are most anxious to have Mass at the house 
^before the burial takes place. 

" 3. The burial is to take place on Sunday. Very many of the 

r l lieological Questions. 175 

friends and relations will not hear Mass on that day, as the house is a 
long distance from the parish church. 

"4. Should the priest have Mass at the house he is certain to 
have a large number of people present, the full of an ordinary country 
house, say between 30 and 40- 

"5. Should he celebrate Mass at the house on Sunday he is certain 
to receive a larger Honorarium for his labour than on any other 


The case made by our correspondent is not one of those 
in which the Common Law allows a priest to say a second 
Mass the same day. Consequently a mere declaration from 
the bishop will not suffice. If then duplication be at all 
lawful in the circumstances stated by "Vicarius," that must be 
in virtue of the dispensing power communicated by the 
Formula vi. a 

We need not delay to explain at any length that the dele- 
gated faculty is very often available when a bishop could by 
no means say that the circumstances were such as to warrant 
him in deciding that the Common Law sanctioned duplication. 
He has power to dispose in the Common Law ; but only for 
a very good cause. Does such a cause exist in the case 
before us ? The last point mentioned by our correspondent 
is here of no account. Neither can an affirmative reply be at all 
thought of, unless owing to some very special circumstances 
the funeral cannot be reasonably deferred. For really 
attendance at a wake during the time of the Mass on Sunday, 
can be alloAved only to very few. But if the funeral must 
take place on Sunday, and if it would be unreasonable to 
expect those who attend it to go also to the parochial Mass 
at a distance, there is sufficient reason for seeking and 
granting permission to duplicate. " Vicarius," however, is 
supposed not to do so without receiving the faculty, and 
obviously, even in the hypothesis last made, the favour may 
be refused on account of inconveniences that may be appre- 
hended as likely to follow if it were granted. 


[ 176 ] 



1. " A few evenings ago I went into a Church where devotions 
were going on. The door of the Tabernacle stood open and the Pyx 
covered with its veil, was exposed inside the Tabernacle. After the 
usual prayer Deus qui nobis, etc., had been sung, the officiating priest 
extracted the Pyx and gave Benediction with it. This being to me a 
new practice, I made enquiries, and was told that Cavalieri approved 
of it. 

" May I ask (a) is it in keeping with the Rubrics or Decrees to 
extract the Pyx from the Tabernacle and bless the people with it ? 
(b) If in the affirmative, may a priest do this as often as he thinks it 
conducive to the promotion of devotion among the people, or does he 
require the permission of his bishop ? 


2. " I would feel obliged if you would kindly answer the following 
in the RECORD : 

" Is it correct to have two Benedictions of the Most Holy Sacra- 
ment in the same Church on the same day ; for example, one after 
Mass, the other at the evening devotions ? 


3. " Would you kindly answer the following queries in your 
valuable journal, and oblige, 


" When Benediction of the Most Holy Sacrament is given at the 
evening devotions of Sundays, etc., it is usually preceded by the 
Rosary and the Litany of the Blessed Virgin. Now the following 
difficulties suggest themselves (a) Is the prayer which the priest 
sings after the Litany to be changed according to the season as in the 
Missal, or is the prayer given in the Ritual Concede nos famulos, etc., 
to be used all seasons ? 

" (b) Is there any authority for saying the prayer of the day with 
the Deus qui nobis, etc., after the Tantum Ergo ? Hughes, as far as I 
remember, speaks of saying the prayer of the day after the prayer of the 
Litany, but this seems contrary to what De Herdt has (vol. o, n. 74); 
that without an indult it is not lawful^to add to the Litany of Loretto ; 

Liturgical Questions. 177 

though perhaps he is to be understood as referring principally to 
making additions to the petitions of the Litany. On the other 
hand, I can find no authority for adding the prayer of the day to the 
Dens qui nobis, etc. De Herdt does not even contemplate the case." 

1. The practice referred to by our esteemed correspon- 
dent " Sacerdos " though rarer than it was in times past is by 
no means new. As early as the year 1602 it was before the 
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. By a decree of this 
Congregation bearing date 9th December of that year, and 
by subsequent enactments, which bring us down to the time 
of Benedict XIV. the rules regulating this practice were 
laid down. 

According to these rules a priest may on his own 
authority open the door of the Tabernacle, and expose to the 
assembled faithful the Pyx or Ciborium containing the 
Blessed Sacrament, taking care, however, that the Ciborium 
be covered with its veil of silk, and that it be not taken from 
the Tabernacle. This, a priest may do without the express 
permission of his bishop, but it is for himself to decide, 
whether, especially in places where no such custom has 
existed, it would be prudent to do it. Biit without the 
bishop's leave a priest cannot take the Ciborium from the 
Tabernacle to bless the people with it or to permit them to 
adore the Consecrated Species which it contains. 

These two statements are clearly contained in the decree 
of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars referred to 
above. " Si quandocumque" it says, " privata ex causa 
Sacrosancta Eucharistia exponenda videbitur a Tabernaculo 
nunquam extrahatur, sed in Pyxide velata in aperto ejusdem 
Tabernaculi ostiolo cum assistentia alicujus Sacerdotis stola 
et superpelliceo induta, et cum sex saltern luminibus cereis 
collocetur." By a private cause the Congregation means a 
cause, not submitted for the approval of the bishop, but con- 
sidered sufficient by a priest charged with the care of a 
church. For such a cause a priest may expose the Ciborium 
containing the Blessed Sacrament in the open Tabernacle, 
but he may not take the Ciborium out of the Tabernacle, 
and hence may not bless the people with it. For, to use the 
words of Benedict XIV. " Si Sacramentum non debet a 

178 Liturgical Questions. 

Tabernaculo educi facile intelligitur in designatis casibus 
non esse illud efFerendum . . . et cum eodem benedictionem 
impertiendam," (apud Gardellini Instructio Clementina). 

To the questions proposed by our correspondent, then, 
we reply : (a) it is not against the Rubrics or decrees servatis 
servandis, of course to take the Pyx or the Ciborium from 
the Tabernacle and to bless the people with it. (b) A priest 
may not do this as often as he pleases, nor may he do it even 
once without the express permission of his bishop. 

2. From what has just been said in reply to the preceding 
question the answer to the question of " A Subscriber " may 
be inferred. For from the decree there cited it follows 
that the Most Holy Sacrament cannot be exposed publicly, 
that is, outside the Tabernacle, whether it be shut up in a 
Ciborium, or placed in the Remonstrance, unless by permis- 
sion of the bishop. This is still more clearly contained in 
another decree of the Sacred Congregation which we sub- 
join : " Nullo modo convenire nee posse per Regulares neque 
Saeculares publice exponi (Sacramentum Eucharistiae) sine 
expressa licentia Ordinarii, et ideo omnino prohibendos 
contrafacientes." (Apud Gardellini, loc. cit. n. 4.) Now as 
far as we know there is no decree limiting the number of 
Benedictions of the Most Holy Sacrament in a given church 
to one in the day. Hence a bishop may, if he so wish, 
give permission to have Benediction in the same church 
two or more times in the same day. With such permission, 
then, Benediction may be repeated ; without it, or simply on 
the authority of the priest in charge of the church, it would 
not, as is clear from the decrees given above, be lawful to 
have a second Benediction. 

3. (a) The question regarding the prayer to be recited 
after the Litany of the Blessed Virgin when sung at Bene- 
diction was discussed in the RECORD, third series, vol. iii, 
p. 314. The opinion there expressed is that the prayer 
should not be changed with the seasons, but should be 
always Concede nos 9 &c. The reason advanced seems to us 
unanswerable. The prayer Concede is the prayer, and the 
only prayer, given after the Litany in Pustet's edition of the 
Ritual, every page of which was submitted to the Sacred 

.Liturgical Questions. 179 

Congregation. Now, it is well known that this Litany is 
sung at Benediction at all times of the year. Hence we are 
of opinion that in so accurate an edition of the Ritual as 
Pustet's professes to be, some note should be inserted telling 
us to change the prayer of the Litany with the seasons, if 
the Sacred Congregation considered that such a change 
should be made, From the absence of all note or sign to that 
effect we are forced to conclude that the prayer is not to be 

(6) The prayer of the day, that is, the proper prayer of 
the Feast or Office celebrated on a given day, may be recited 
at Benediction of the Most Holy Sacrament, except on the 
Feast and within the Octave of Corpus Christi, as is clear 
from the reply of the Sacred Congregation to the following 
question : 

In Oratione quadraginta Horarum, eoque magis in Festo Corporis 
Christi, duplicib usque primae et secundae classis quum populo 
benediciturpost Tantitm ergo etc. quaeritur. 

" An unica tantum Oratione de Sanctissimo Sacramento dicenda 
sit vel addi possit aliqua collecta nempe Principis etc," 

To this question the Sacred Congregation replied : 

"Affirmative in Oratione quadraginta Horarum et duplicibus 
primae et secundae classis, negative vero in Festo et per Octavam 
Corporis Christi." 

Hence not only the prayer of the day but any approved 
prayer may be said. And furthermore it would seem that 
the number of prayers which may be said need not be con- 
fined to one. Indeed, according to Hughes (The Ceremonies 
of High Mass, p. 135), it is customary in Rome to sing at the 
Benediction the prayer of the feast, the prayer for the Pope, 
and all the commemorations made in the Mass of the day. 

We have stated that these prayers may be said after the 
Deus qui nobis, but we see no reason why they might not 
just as well be said after the Concede which is recited after 
the Litany.- Our correspondent is right in thinking that 
Hughes approves of this. Not only does he approve of it, 
but he says that it is actually the custom in Rome. Neither is 
it contrary to De Herdt. For to sing or recite a prayer after 
the Litany, is not to add anything to the Litany. Besides, 

180 Liturgical Questions. 

as our correspondent rightly suspects, and, indeed, as is clear 
from De Herdt himself, the prohibition only refers to 
additions to the petitions. 




1. "Sometimes an Anniversary Office and High Mass are celebrated 
by the wish of a friend for a deceased person. This Office, etc., enjoy* 
no privilege. I am anxious to know what Mass should be said OH 
such an occasion. Should it be the Mass In Anniversano Defunctornm 9 . 
or the Alma Quotidiana ? 

2. " Again, in some colleges a custom exists of celebrating 
annually a Solemn Office and Mass for deceased benefactors. Here 
the same difficulty about the Mass to be said occurs. I wish you to- 
understand that in neither case does the Office enjoy any privilege. 

" An answer in the RECOUD will oblige yours sincerely, 


1. A Solemn Office and Mass de Requiem if celebrated 
on the real anniversary of the death or burial of the deceased 
is always privileged, whether it was provided for by the will 
of the deceased person himself, or founded by another in hi& 
behalf, or is merely asked for each year, or in any particular 
year by a friend. The first two cases are so well-known that 
it would be superfluous to quote any authority in support of 
them. As the third case is not so generally known, and 
moreover, as we are at present more immediately concerned 
with it, we give a reply of the Sacred Congregation of the 
19 tk June, 1700, in which it is expressly stated that such an 
Anniversary Mass may be said on a double minor. The 
question was asked : 

" Utrum ex privata devotione parochianoruin petentium saepius 
per annum Anniversaria pro defunctis parentibus, fratribus, amicis et 
aliis, Missa Solemnis in ruralibus Ecclesiis cantari possit de Requiem 
in festo duplici minor! ?"' 

To this the Congregation replied : 

" Affirmative, dummodo sermo sit de die vere Anniversaria a die 

Now since " Sacerdos " takes such care to remind us 
that the Anniversary Office of which he speaks enjoys no 



privilege, we must understand him to refer to an Office 
celebrated on a day different from the real anniversary of 
the death or burial. Such Office would not differ from an 
-ordinary Office per annum, and hence the Missa Quotidiana 
should be said. 

There is just one other sense in which we may understand 
our esteemed correspondent. If in the case he makes it was 
intended that the Office and Mass should be celebrated on 
the true anniversary day, but because that day was impeded 
by a feast of higher than double-minor rite the Office had to 
be transferred to another day, then it would enjoy no privi- 
lege. In this case not the Missa Quolidiana, but the 
Anniversary Mass should be chosen. 

2. In the second case, as our esteemed correspondent again 
Teminds us, the Office enjoys no privilege and consequently 
can be said only on a day on which an ordinary Requiem 
Mass is permitted. The Anniversary Mass should be said in 
this case as we learn from a reply of the Congregation of 
Rites of March o, 1870, to a question similar to the one we 
.are now discussing. The question was in these terms : 

" In Metropolitana Olomucensi a fundatione Capituli celebrantur 
quotannis quinque Missae Solemnes, quarum una pro Benefactoribus 
. , . Cum autem hi omnes recensiti non una eademque die 
obierunt, quaeritur utrum praedictae Missae celebrari debeant ut in 
Anniversario defunctorum, vel potius ut in Missis quotidianis." 

"Affirmative" was the vejly "ad primam partem ; 
(negative ad secundam." 



REV. AND DEAR SIR, I am an unwilling contributor to this 
controversy, but having been personally alluded to by the Rev E. W. 
Dawson on page 1105 of the December number of the I. E. RECORD 
-as an oralist, I feel in duty bound to set both your readers and Mr 
Dawson right. 

Mr. Dawson while attempting to cast discredit upon the general 

182 Correspondence. 

statements of the author of some observations on the oral system of 
Teaching the Deaf and Dumb, because some of them are held to be 
erroneous, unfortunately lays himself open to precisely the same 
charge. He says, " if his comment on this, the gravest of all his 
points, is so unfaithful to the text book, his other observations may 
justly be regarded with suspicion { until their truth is confirmed." So 
that if any of Mr. Dawson's statements are not strictly true, his 
others according to his own argument may also be regarded with 
suspicion. " Those who live in glass houses should not throw stones.'' 

Mr. Dawson was, he says, careful in the whole of his (first) reply 
to make no assertion which he did not know to be true from personal 
knowledge. This cannot, however, be said to apply to his second 
letter, for in reference to my late brother, the Rev. Samuel Smith, he 
says, " since the death of this truly charitable man, his son who is 
headmaster of the public institution at Bristol, has adopted the oral 
system for his school.' 19 The error in the relationship is a small and 
unimportant matter, but the assertion which I have put in italics 
seems to have been made in utter carelessness, for nothing could 
possibly be farther from the truth, and there is not the smallest par- 
ticle of foundation for it. On the contrary, I am among the not 
inconsiderable number of those who have not been carried away by 
the tide of oralism, but have had the courage of their opinions, and 
until I have proof more convincing of the superiority of the oral 
system as applicable to all bona fide deaf and dumb children, I see n$> 
reason for abandoning a system which is capable of educating the 
deaf and dumb to a very high degree, and of rendering them such 
useful and respectable members of society as it has in thousands of 
instances succeeded in doing. 

Again the statement that Mr. Elliott has held the head master- 
ship of the London Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb for a period of 
ttventy-five years appears to have been made equally at random, for 
his appointment to the mastership of the Margate Branch was made 
in 1876, and as head of the whole establishment in 1878, barely ten 
years ago. This, it is scarcely necessary to say, is merely to show the 
want of care on Mr. Dawson 's part, and not to detract from the merits 
of Mr. Elliott, 

There are several other statements that would not bear close in- 
vestigation, and opinions from which I altogether dissent, but it 
would occupy too much time and space to follow Mr. Dawson care- 
fully through his lengthy letter. One more I must, however, not 
pass over, viz., "since that time (1877) so many have changed their 
opinions, that now most of the English schools have adopted the oral 

Correspondence. 183- 

system." This assertion is as delusive as it is extravagant. If, as 
it would seem, Mr. Dawsou wishes to convey the idea that most of 
the English schools are, as he claims for his own at Boston Spa, teaching 
exclusively by means of speech and lip-reading, he will create upon 
the minds of your readers a very wrong impression. That many of 
the schools have adopted some oral teaching is no doubt true, but that 
amounts in most instances to nothing more than the " combined " 
system, which they do not even profess to have exceeded. It must 
be understood that I am now speaking of the old established public 
institutions, and not of private schools or those " founded by foreign- 
ers." Now excluding the London and Manchester schools, which 
have attained to the ideal position of having two departments one 
oral and the other manual, for the separation of those who can from 
those who cannot profit by oral teaching, the schools professing to- 
teach on the oral system are four in number, and even these are not 
allowed by purists to be " pure oral" schools. Against these six oral 
schools \ve have seventeen combined or manual, or, including the 
manual departments of London and Manchester, nineteen, the means 
of instruction mainly relied upon in a large majority of these being, 
not speech and lip-reading, but signs and the manual alphabet. The 
change of opinion and practice has therefore been very small in pro- 
portion to what Mr. Dawson fondly imagines. Taking the strict 
definition of a " German" system, or " pure oral" school to be one 
that rigidly excludes signs and the manual alphabet, I venture to say 
that not one of the six can honestly be said to satisfy this condition ; 
that is to say, where the manual alphabet is unknown and unpractised 
among the pupils. 

Mr. Howard, headmaster of the Yorkshire Institution at Doncaster, 
recognising its value to the pupils in after life, says, in a paper oil 
Our Pupils and their Future, " There is one other matter which 
touches upon such tender ground that, as a ' pure oral ' teacher, 
nothing but my heartfelt conviction of its importance would permit 
me publicly to advocate, that is, a feeling that a manual alphabet will 
always prove a boon to the deaf, ' oral ' or silent alike when they go 
out into the world and have to mix daily and hourly with hearing 
persons. Taking into consideration the slovenly manner in which 
nine-tenths of the ordinary speaking population utter their words, the 
deaf have but small chance of reading readily the lips of more than 
one-tenth of those with whom they come into contact in daily life." 
Mr. Dawson also advocates occasional recourse to " the means used 
by those educated under the sign-system, viz., writing, manual alphabet 
and signs." To have recourse to the manual alphabet at all, as in 

184 Correspondence. 

most cases they undoubtedly do, is surely to acknowledge its 
superiority as a certain means of communication, and to admit that 
speech and lip-reading fail to fulfil the claim that they enable the deaf, 
taught on the oral system, " to dispense entirely with signs and the 
finger alphabet and with the necessity of using pencil and tablets." 

In his reply to the " Fourth Objection " " The oral system is 
wanting in adaptibility in a very large number of deaf-mutes who can 
be taught by the sign-system," Mr. Dawson objects to the evidence 
or statistics of Mr. Weld because they were forty years old, and 
flatters himself that your readers will not allow themselves to be 
influenced by them. But I must remind him that Mr. Weld's 
enquiries were made, not in England, but in the home of the 
" German " system, which was not in its mere infancy, but had even 
then been in existence about seventy years ! 

In conclusion allow me to give a few brief extracts from a paper 
on The Results of the Oral Method in Germany, written by a German 
teacher in the organ of the German Institutions for the Deaf, for 
December, 188G, bearing upon this subject and the value of signs in 
religious institutions. 

" The German school so far achieves neither what it desires iior what it 
promises. The same sentiment is expressed by Principal Vatter, 1 who 
complains in No. 1 of the Organ for 1885, that, " while the German method 
proceeds to win recognition [abroad, it fails to make good its claims in the 
land of its birth. These censures are well founded, for they are supported 
by existing facts," .... 

" The remark of Jorgensen still holds good that " hundreds upon 
hundreds of deaf-mute pupils leave the institutions annually with such a 
minimum of knowledge and of ability to speak as to be below all criticism . . . 
There must be separation of schools." .... 

" Experience shows us every day that with a certain percentage of our 
deaf pupils, the results in articulation are almost nil, and yet that these 
children must be regarded as capable of education, since from their own 
resources and powers they create a gesture language, or readily adopt that 
already existing at the institution, use the same intelligently, and in every 
way give the impression of being entirely rational.' 5 .... 

It is not a little remarkable that while Mr. Dawson sees in oral 

teaching such a perfect means of instruction applicable to all but 

about G per cent of his pupils, and these imbeciles, the German 

teachers are so painfully alive to its imperfections and shortcomings. 

Thanking you for the space afforded me, 

I am, your obedient Servant, 


Institution for the Deaf and Dumb) 
Bristol, 3Ist December, 1887. 

1 Principal of the Institution at Frankfort -on -the -Main ; editor-in-chief of 
the Organ. 

[ 185 ] 





When a Feast, which has an Indulgence attached to it, is trans- 
ferred to another day of the month in perpetuum, the Indulgence is 
also transferred with the Feast. 

The Calendar which one regularly follows whether it be the 
Roman, or the diocesan, or the Calendar of the Order or of the 
Sodality will determine for each individual the question of both the 
Feast and the Indulgence. 


Utrum indulgentiam alicui festo adjunctam lucretur quisquis 
die ipsa juxta Kalendarium Breviarii Romani, vel potius juxta 
Kalendarium unius cuj usque dioecesis. Ordinis, etc. 

Item qui sodalitati cuicumque nomen dederunt, an indulgentias 
acquirant die in qua festum celebratur in Or dine regulari, ad quem 
attinet dicta sodalitas, licet sit diversa a die Kalendarii Romani, vel 
dioecesani ? 

RESP. Indulgentiam acquiri a Christifidelibus die fixa et rite 
constituta in sua dioecesi ; a regularibus Ordinibus die rite constituta 
in suo Kalendario ; ab hominibus, qui sodalitati nomen dederint, 
quae ad regularem Ordinom attineat, indulgentiam acquiri die rite 
constituta in Kalendario dioecesis, vel in Kalendario Ordinis, si 
istius modi privilegio gaudeant, non tamen in utraque die. 

1. Utrum, translate festo in perpetuum et perpetuo ad aliam 
diem sive ex speciali decreto S. R. C. sive ex praecepto rubricarum 
assignato, simul ad eamdem diem iterum festo assignatam transfer- 
atur indulgentia eidem festo concessa, licet festum celebretur sine 
solemnitate et publica functione? 

Et quatenus affirmative : 

2. Utrum eadern translatio indulgentiae, liat tarn in casu quo 
translatio perpetua festi sit pro toto Ordine, quam in casu perpetuae 
translationis festi pro sola regulari provincia ? 

3. Cum festum assignatum est ad quamdam diem pro provincia, 
et in aliqua dioecesi, vel in aliquo coenobio, ob occurrentiam alterius 
festi praeferendi, translatum sit et perpetuo assi^natum ad aliam 
diem, utrum indulgentia festo tributa adscribenda sit pro singulis 
coenobiis ad diem quo unumquodque festum celebrat, vel potius sit 

18 tf Document*. 

retinenda tanquam lucrabilis in omnibus coenobiis cadem die 
assignata pro provincia, dummodo tamea cxceptio non sit faoieoda 
ratione solemnitatis vel externae publicae celebrationis ? 

4. Quando aliquod festum ex novo indulto Kalendario adjuugen- 
dum, eo quod impediatur die propria ad sequentern primam diem 
liberam transferri et assignari debet, si ei concessa sit indulgentia, 
iitrum haec adscribenda sit diei quo festum assignatur fixe in 
provincia, et quoad omnia provinciae coenobia, quamvis non in 
omnibus festum eadem die Jocum habeat ? 

5. Utrum indulgentiae tributae alicui festo pro universis 
fidelibus cum conditioue visitandi ecclesias determinatas Regular ium, 
lucrari possint ab omnibus Christifidelibus, etiamsi ejusdem festi 
celebratio cum indulgentia alia die in dioecesi locum habeat ? 

RESP. Ad l m et 2 m : Affirmative. 

Ad 3 m , 4 m et 5 m : Affirmative juxta modum, nempe indulgentia 
semel tantum a singulis respective lucrari potest. 

12 Jan. 1878. 



Without the permission of the bishop of the diocese for which a 
priest was ordained, he cannot leave the diocese to undertake work 


Die 29 JamiariilS&7. 

Sess. 21 cap. 2 De reform. 

COMPENDIUM FACTI. Vacante in metropolitana Ecclesia Calaritana 
praebenda canonici poenitentiarii, ad concurs um, legitime indictum 
pro die 11 octobris 1886, convenerunt Raymundus Ibba canonicus 
theologus cathedralis Uxellensis, et sacerdos Daniel Vidili, qui, 
quamvis extraneus legitime nunc in Dioecesi Calaritana dicitur incar- 
dinatus. Canonicus autem Ibba, inconsulto suo Episcopo illuc 

Ex bulla Nuper pro parta Clementis XIV. canonici theologi 
electio in Sardinia competit Episcopo una simul cum capitulo. 
Itaque examine a concurrentibus peracto, capitulum ad scrutinium 
convenit ; et in eo canonicus Ibba decem suffragia seu unanimitateni 
votorum reportavit, dum sacerdos Yidili duo tantummodo vota favor 
abilia retulit, cetera vero contraria. 

Archiepiscopus, re cognita, a voto quidem abstinuit ; et rem Uxel- 
ensi Episcopo communicans, enm hortabatur ne election! canonici 

Notices of Books. 187 

Ibba obsisteret, plura ad hoc adducens motiva. At hie Praesul allegata 
motiva rejecit, et Archiepiscopo significavit, se ob ecclesiae suae 
necessitates hand posse permitterc liunc sacerdotem discedere. Probus 
enim omnium consensu est ac doctus, et a pluribus annis dogmaticae 
ac s. Scripturae lectiones in Seminario Uxellensi tradit. Imo cum 
scholasticus annus tune jam inciperet, datis prius amicalibus litteris, 
et comminata dein suspensione, canonicum Ibba ad residentiam et ad 
assuetum magisterii munus revocavit. 

Paruit quidem Ibba ; et nuncium non misit election! de se factae 
ad Calaritanam Poenitentiariam, quam imo consequi peroptat, juxta 
etiam capituli, imo et Archiepiscopi votum. Quapropter Archiepis- 
copus litteras ad S. (J. C. dedit, postulans approbationem electionis 
canonic! Ibba. 


An excardinatio et electio sacerdotis Ilia ad Poenitentiariam 
Calaritanam sit admittenda in casu. 

RESOLUTTO. Sacra Cong. Concilii re discussa sub die 29 Januarii 
1887, censuit respondere : Negative ctfiat novus concursus. 


THOMAS A KEMPIS. By Francis Richard Cruise, M.D. 

London : Kegan Paul, Trench. & Co. 

Although the Imitation of Christ is now known and loved in every 
Christian land, and even in the remotest corners of the world, into 
which Christianity has only recently penetrated, it is hardly too much 
to say that there is no country in which it is held in more affectionate 
esteem, than it is in this island of ours. To many an Irishi 
heart it has brought for centuries past the sweet balm of consolation. 
It has taught them indeed, that those who follow Christ, and willingly 
bear His cross, do not walk in darkness. It has cheered them in 
many a struggle, strengthened them in danger, and filled them with 
the unction of love for the society and the guidance of our Blessed 
Lord. Many too it has drawn away from the snares of sin and 
worldliness and taught them in the beautiful words of the second 
book that : . 

" The love of Things created is deceitful and inconstant . 
The love of Jesus faithful and enduring." 

In no book that has come, as Fontenelle says, from the " hand of 

188 Xotices of Books. 

man," are we lead to realize so fully, the words of the Master, " quia 
initis sum et humilis corde," and that his " yoke is sweet, and his 
burden light." It appeals to the noblest, and at the same time 
to the most delicate sentiments of the human heart, as when it tells 

"Love Him and keep Him for thy friend who, when all forsake thee, 
will not leave thee, nor suffer thee to perish finally." 

The nature of its persuasion is so strong and withal so gentle ? 
that it suits every age] and rank and condition, and brings all under 
the sway of the same divine influence ; for 

"What can the world give thee without Jesus." 

" If Jesus be with thee, no foe can harm thee ; and if thou drive Him 
from thee and lose Him, to whom wilt thou fly V " 

" We ought rather to choose to have the whole world against us than 
offend Jesus/' 

Therefore, every thing that concerns the Imitation is of great 
importance in the eyes of Irish Catholics, but it is particularly inter- 
esting and edifying to find an Irish Catholic gentleman, actively 
engaged in one of the most engrossing of professions, devote so much 
time and labour to the study of the work and of its authorship. The 
result of Dr. Cruise's study, and of his own deep devotion to Saint 
Thomas a Kempis, is contained in this work. He divides his subject 
into five parts. In the first he gives some general considerations on 
the nature of the Imitation, and quotes several passages from the 
works of eminent writers, giving testimony to its wonderful power. 
In the second] part we have an accurate account of the formation 
-of the "Congregation of Common Life," and of the Convents of 
Windesheim and Agnetenberg. The sketches of the lives of the 
Venerable Gerard Groot, and of Florentius Radewyn, are particularly 
interesting. The third part is devoted to the life and writings of St. 
Thomas a Kempis. We are told in very vivid language how, while 
still almost a child, he left his poor parents and his humble home at 
Kempen, and travelled alone all the way to Deventer. From Deventer 
he went in search of his elder brother to Windesheim and returned 
-again to the former place to receive his education. The fathers of 
Deventer were now according to the pious wish of Gerard Groot, 
affiliated to the Canons Regular of St. Augustine. Here Thomas 
spent seven years of his life, surrounded by holy youths who encouraged 
him, and vied with him in every walk of virtue and piety. Then he 
betook himself to another house of the order, Mount St. Agnes, near 
Zwolle, of which his brother had been appointed Prior. He joined 

Notices of Booh. 

the order there, and commenced at once that life of prayer and sanctity 
which in due time blossomed forth into the great works, the principal 
of which are the Soliloquy of the Soul, the Elevation of the Mind, 
and the Imitation, of Christ. 

The fourth part is occupied with the discussion as to the authorship 
of the Imitation. It is a clear and methodical exposition of the 
claims of St. Thomas a Kempis. Before reading this part of the work, 
we went through the arguments set forth by M. Vert in favour of the 
great Chancellor Gerson, and those of Mgr.Puyol and Dom Wolf sgr liber 
in favour of Gersen of Vercelli,and it appears to us that there is nothing 
advanced by them of any importance that is not met often with full, but 
always with fair success by Dr. Cruise. His evidence in favour of Saint 
Thomas a Kempis is derived from contemporary witnesses, from ex- 
ternal proofs manifested by the manuscripts, and from the internal 
nature of the work itself. He then applies these three tests to the 
other candidates, and to the theories of M. Arthur Loth, and Fere 
Denifle, and concludes that there can be no doubt as to the claims of 
St. Thomas. The author evidently took great pains with this part of 
his work. He visited the Burgundian library at Brussels several 
times to examine the manuscripts that were brought there from 
Agnetenberg. He visited several other European libraries with a 
similar object. He shows a practical knowledge of at least four or 
five languages, and lie evidently knows enough about paleography ta 
be able, if not to make a good guess himself as to the date of a manu- 
script, at least to be a good judge of the qualifications of others. 

In the fifth section we have a description of the author's visit to 
the scenes of St. Thomas' life and labours with pencil sketches of 
Kempen, Deventer, Windesheim, and Agnetenberg, and finally an 
authentic portrait of the saint. 

This is necessarily a brief outline of the volume. It is impossible 
to read it without much profit and edification. A spirit of very deep 
and genuine piety, can be traced through it from the outset. 

The faults to be found are, on the other hand, in our opinion, few 
and of little importance. In the first part, as the author went in for 
giving extracts at all, we should have been glad to see a few short 
ones from Fenelon, Leibnitz, St. Francis of Sales, and Joseph de 
Maistre. We are inclined to think that the rather morbid sentiment- 
ality of Madame George Eliot, was hardly the happiest choice that 
could have been made tor a quotation. Again from a literary point of 
view we think that the extract from Brother Azarias, striking though 
it undoubtedly is and very beautiful, is altogether too long and dis- 

190 Notices of Books. 

proportionate to the rest of that section of the essay. When one goes 
to read a book of this kind, he likes to read the author himself rather 
than seventeen pages running of a totally different writer, especially 
when Dr. Cruise could have given us just as good matter in his own 
words with occasional assistance, if necessary, from other sources. 

In the third part of the work the lives of Lubert Berner, Henry 
Brune, Gerard of Zutphen and John Ketel, are rather inconveniently 
interwoven with that of the saint himself, who is lost from the view 
for a long time. 

In the fourth part, as we have said, Dr. Cruise displays a spirit of 
great research, and the patience with which he discusses each detail 
contrasts very favourably with the tone of most other writers on the 
same subject. There is a complete absence of the arrogance of Mgr. 
Puyol on the headlong rush of the Gersenists generally. Yet Dr. 
Cruise does not succeed in concealing that he regards the controversy 
carried on in opposition to his views as very vexatious. The emphasis 
with which he concludes some of his arguments, as if each one were 
sufficient to sustain his thesis by itself alone, takes away somewhat 
from the force of his proofs. Better give the argument for what it 
is worth, and let the reader judge. For instance there are philologists 
who hold that in Mgr, Malou's list of Flemish idioms there is not a 
single one which could not be got over by the opponents of St. Thomas ; 
and Gence makes out a very striking parallel between the phrases 
and idioms of the Imitation, and those of Gerson's other works. Yet 
Dr. Cruise is very emphatic as to the impossibility of both these 
things, and in the contrast which he draws between the Imitation and 
Meditatio Cordis, &c., he makes sweeping charges of aridity and 
diffuse grandiloquence against Gerson, which in our opinion are not 
at all justifiable, These internal arguments have their weight, no 
doubt, in conjunction with the extrinsic proofs, which tell so con- 
vincingly for Saint Thomas, but, by themselves they would hardly be 
sufficient for anyone. 

At page 260, Dr. Cruise gives some fatherly advice to the good 
Cardinal Alimonda, Archbishop of Turin, who is a supporter of the 
claims of the Abbot of Vercelli. It sounds rather strong in our ears 
to hear his Eminence referred to'Jupiter's claim for existence, because 
there are statues of Minerva, who came out of his brain, to be found 
in Italy. 

Finally there was a theory started in France some years ago, of 
which we find nothing in Dr. Cruise's book. It was supported by 
some distinguished writers, amongst whom were M. Michelet, M. 

Notices of Books. 191 

Victor Leclerc, and M. Ampere, and was to the effect, that as the 
Homeric poems were long disseminated, and sung through Greece, 
and were in reality the effusions of sundry bards collected by the care 
of Pisistratns and Hipparchus, so the Imitation was long known in 
the monasteries of the (middle ages before it was brought into its 
present perfect shape; that in reality it was the work of many hands, 
and contained the condensed thoughts of many minds. This will ex- 
plain, according to those authors, the vast difference of thought, senti- 
ment and language noticeable in various parts of the work, as well as 
the simultaneous existence of so many manuscripts in several 
monasteries of Europe. There can no longer be any objection to these 
being ''compiled" in Agnetenberg, or Moelck, or Vercelli, by a, 
Kempis or Gerson, by Cambaco or Gersen. Probably Dr. Cruise was 
convinced that this theory, plausible though it may appear, would not 
long stand his scientific test, and so set it aside as unworthy of notice. 
These observations do not, however, modify our opinion that the 
book is a truly excellent one. It is most creditable to a Catholic 
layman, and even apart from the controversy may be read with 
pleasure and profit by all classes of readers, We are sure that when 
Dr. Cruise's fame as a physician will have perished, his name will be 
gratefully remembered as the author of this work. J. F, H. 

from the French of Raoul De Navery, by A. W. Chetwode. 
Dublin : Gill & Son, 1887. 

HAVING read through the pages of John Canada, we can safely 
recommend it as an interesting story. As may be seen from the title 
page, it is a work from the French of Raoul de Navery, translated 
into English by A. W. Chetwode, and intended as a sequel to The 
Castle of Coetquen and The Treasure of the Abbey. 
M Its pages give a short account of the life and labours 
of ''John Canada," whose zeal in defence of the Catholic faith 
has earned for him a martyr's crown, while his patriotism has identi- 
fied iiis fortune with that of New France. 

The author has been most successful in the accomplishment of 
his work. The delineation of character is faithful and natural 
while the events described are highly interesting. He seems 
to hold the reader's feelings in perfect subjection. At one time we 
are spellbound, when reading of the captivity of Tanguy and Halgan 
in the Huron camp, at another the death of our hero deeply moves us. 

Notices of Book* . 

This interesting story has not suffered at the hands of the 
translator, who has been most happy in the choice of language. 

To the old as well as to the young John Canada will prove 
interesting, but especially to the latter, to whom by reason ot its high 
moral tone it is a great boon. 

The manner in which the work has been published reflects the 
highest credit on the firm of M. II. Gill & Son. 

READINGS WITH THE SAINTS. London : Burns & Gates (Ltd.) 

PREACHERS ought to be very grateful to the compiler of this 
little book. It contains the sayings of the saints on those subjects 
which a priest most frequently puts before his people. Faith, Hope, 
Charity, Occasions of Sin ; these are a few of the many headings 
under which the extracts are arranged. The number of extracts 
on each subject varies with the importance of the subject ; but on an 
average there are eight pages under each heading. The saints from 
whose writings most of the selections hare been made are those wha 
were remarkable for preaching, and for their influence over their 
fellow men : St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, St. Francis Xavier, 
St. Francis of Sales, St. Vincent of Paul, Cure d'Ars, &c.. As 
Cardinal Manning says in his prefatory letter, this book requires no 
censor, for everything it contains is taken from the writings of those 
whose sanctity and orthodoxy have been acknowledged by the Church. 

GUIDE TO THE CHURCH. Dublin : Duffy & Sou. 
THE Guide to the Church will be useful to different classes of 
readers. Catholics will find it an easily accessible source of much 
valuable information, and it may be recommended to Protestants 
anxious to examine the grounds of Catholic faith. It treats of kt The 
Marks of the True Church," " The Rule of Faith," " The Authority 
of the Pope," and many kindred questions. It contains also some 
remarkable testimonies in favour of the Catholic Church given by 
Protestant authorities, a list of the Popes, a treatise on the " Little 
Virtues," a compendium of controversy, &c., &c. 


Tins tiny volume contains maxims for every day in the year. 
These are all extracts from the works of St, Liguori, and the name 
of t heir sainted author is a sufficient guarantee of their worth. 



MARCH, 1888. 


A third edition of Father Morris's Life of St. Patrick has 
just appeared. This fact is a proof both of the merit 
of the book and of a sustained interest in its ^subject. 
"Patrician literature," as it is called, being r steadily on the 
increase. Besides some modern lives of our National Apostle, 
we have several articles and essays in various periodicals,, 
dealing with some facts, or phases of the saint's history. No 
doubt it were better that much oi this "^literature " had not 
been written. For, whatever may have been the intention of 
the writers, the tendency of their work often is, to obscure, to 
mystify, to create doubt, or to deepen it where it already 
existed. We have Lives of St. Patrick, which treat him, as if he 
were a block of marble without life or soul ; we have Lives 
written to prove that he never lived ; we have dissertations on 
his birth-place, displaying much ponderous erudition; but 
leading very directly to the conclusion that he was never born 
at all. Our early Irish Reformer? would make St. Patrick a 
Protestant. Ussher would allow him a Roman mission, with'an 
anti-Roman creed. Ledwich, failing to make him a Protestant, 
would make him a myth. The works of these writers, and of 
others of their class, crumble like a house of cards, under the 
crushing criticism of Dr. Lanigan, whose account of St. Patrick's 
external acts is a splendid specimen of historical criticism, 
though sadly defective as a picture of the inner life of the 
saint. In our own time, the life of St. Patrick has been 
reated from different points of view by Dr. Todd, and 


194 Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 

Fr. Shearman, both men of undoubted ability, deeply read in 
Patrician literature, and in Irish archaeology generally. But 
they have done nothing to aid towards any definite conclusion 
as to the life of St. Patrick. Dr. Todd revived most of the 
exploded theories of his Protestant predecessor. According to 
him St. Patrick had neither his mission nor his doctrine from 
Home. Father Shearman was so amazed at the multiplicity 
and magnitude of St. Patrick's labours, that he considerately 
distributed them amongst three at least of the name, and thus 
we had not one St. Patrick, but three to evangelize us. 
Both works would be more correctly described, not as lives, 
but as " Historic doubts concerning St. Patrick." Just 
recently Professor Stokes in his Ireland and the Celtic Church, 
and also in an article in Smith's Dictionary of Christian 
Biography (vol. iv), gives us his view of St. Patrick's life 
and works. But it is the old, old story no Roman mission 
and anti-Roman doctrine, and strange to say, St. Patrick's 
statement, that his father was a deacon, and his grand-father 
a priest, is made the grounds of an innuendo against clerical 
celibacy; an insinuation that would be intelligible coming 
from a Rev. pater-familias of pronounced "Church Missionary " 
principles, but that is saddening and sickening when coming 
from one who is supposed to be a scholar. 

It is a relief, a genuine pleasure, to turn away from such 
literature to Father Morris's excellent Life of St. Patrick. The 
present writer has even yet a distinct recollection of the 
impression made on his mind some years ago by the reading 
of the first edition of Father Morris's book. He then felt for 
the first time that he could regard the life of St. Patrick, not 
as a historic puzzle, designed to prop a pet theory, but as a 
real " life " of a saint a picture of the saint as he really was 
setting forth the inner life of a soul always communing 
with God, as well as the saint's external history. Here, he 
felt, was the faithful life-like record of an extraordinary, a 
supernatural career a record calculated to instruct, to 
edify, and to stir up within the reader's mind a devotion to 
the saint such as must have inspired the author in the com- 
position of his work. And this feeling is revived by the 
perusal of the present edition. The time elapsed since the 

Father Morris's Life of St. Patrick 195 

first edition appeared has been well and diligently employed 
by Father Morris. With him, to study the acts, and write the 
history of St. Patrick, is clearly a labour of love. He tells us 
that " it is now some twenty-five years since he began the 
critical study of the original sources of St. Patrick's history" 
(p. 11). And during that time "he has visited the chief 
places in Ireland and France, where local monuments and 
traditions illustrate the history of the Apostle of Ireland. He 
has also personally examined the so-called Loca Patriciana of 
Scotland " (p. 1). The fruits of all this study, thought, and 
observation, we have in this volume, to which pious Catholics, 
but more especially the spiritual children of St. Patrick, will 
accord a genuine welcome. No doubt Father Morris's labours 
during these years have been such as few men could endure; 
his path has been often thorny, and very often ill-defined. 
But he has been sustained by an enthusiastic devotion to his 
subject ; and now that his work is completed successfully 
completed the consciousness that he has done well will make 
him soon forget that he has for so long borne the heat and 
burden of the day. 

The secret of Father Morris's success is, that he has got 
the proper key to the extraordinary, the mysterious life and 
character of St. Patrick. He has taken the saint's own 
authentic writings as the foundation whereon to build. What- 
ever he finds in the various lives, and other records, in 
harmony with the saint's own words, he accepts, and 
arranges judiciously in its proper place in his Life. Whatever 
he finds in the lives, and other authorities, irreconcileable 
with the saint's own writings he rejects, if he cannot satis- 
factorily explain. And when he finds in the various authorities 
statements not contained in the saint's genuine writings, 
nor yet inconsistent with them, he judges such statements 
on their own merits, and with a calm discretion which the 
reader will seldom have cause to question. A Life of St. 
Patrick, built on such a foundation, and on such a plan, wilt 
be found consistent with itself, will be found singularly free 
from those lana caprina controversies that have so long 
disfigured the Life of our National Apostle ; and best of all 
such a life will be a source of pleasure and profit to the pious 

1% Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 

Into the controversy on St. Patrick's birthplace, Father 
Morris does not enter. But he clearly regards Gaul as the 
saint's birthplace. His connexion with St. Martin, to whom 
lie proceeded on his return from captivity, gives to this view 
a high degree of probability. Father Morris says " OIK- 
mysterious witness, one abiding landmark on the line of our 
saint's journey, however, deserves special notice, for its own 
sake, as well as an evidence of the immemorial tradition 
which unites St. Martin and St. Patrick " (p. 73). The 
allusion here is to the famous tree, a black-thorn, which marks 
the spot where St. Patrick is believed to have crossed the Loire 
on his way to St. Martin's famous monastery of Marmoutier. 
Annually at Christmas time, and however intense the cold, 
this tree is covered with its celebrated flowers, the Flowers 
of St. Patrick. " And the tradition at St. Patrice, handed 
down i'rorn father to son affirms, that, for fifteen hundred 
years this phenomenon has been repeated at the same sacred 
season, since the day when St. Patrick, returning from 
Ireland, crossed the Loire to join St. Martin, and lay down 
to rest at the foot of this tree." (Dublin Review, January,, 
1883, p. 20.) Such a tradition existing for so long a 
time, and in the immediate neighbourhood of St. Martin's 
great monastery, strengthened, too, by other monuments in 
the vicinity of devotion to St. Patrick gives to the theory of 
his Gallic birth a probability which the advocates of any 
adverse theory will find very difficult to remove. But what- 
ever be the value of the tradition in the controversy as to 
St. Patrick's birthplace, its history in the text and appendix 
forms one of the most attractive portions of Father Morris's 
book, and its perusal will repay the curiosity and gratify 
the devotion of the reader. 

It has been already stated that the special excellence of 
Father Morris's book is his faithful delineation of St. Patrick's 
interior life. He says (p. 33) " the boy who before the dawn, 
on Slemish, ' was summoned to prayer by the snoAV, the ice, 
and the rain,' had already the first fruits of graces which 
were the pledge and promise of that plenitude of super- 
natural domination which flashes on our souls in those 
words of his Hymn of Tara, that sovereign faith and 

'Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 197 

'love to which God has linked His omnipotence." God 
had literally led him into the desert that He might speak 
to his heart, and there on the bleak hill-side did He pour 
into the young captive's soul those abundant graces that 
prepared him for his extraordinary mission. Here, separated 
from friends and home, bereft of all earthly comfort, the 

young captive turned to Him who feeds the birds of 
the air, and gives to the lily of the field its beauty. 
There* did he God's grace helping him learn that detach- 
ment from the world, which made him regard as nothing 
the sacrifices involved in his Apostolate : there did he lay the 

foundation of that profound humility which made him look on 
himself, as one of the least of men " ignorant, and a sinner." 
There did he imbibe that spirit of prayer which, all his life 
long, Avas the secret of his power; and there too did his 

' faith grow daily stronger, and his love of God every day 
more intense and ardent. No one can read, even cursorily, 
8 1. Patrick's Confession, without a feeling of bewilderment at 
the heights of sanctity to which God's grace carried him. 
And the reader of Father Morris's book will find this abun- 
dantly borne out by a beautiful selection of passages from 
the Confession, which he has judiciously interwoven with his 

text. Well and truly does Father Morris say : " The man who, 
coming to Ireland in his old age, turned the current of her 
national life, and in the evening of his days converted a 
nation of warriors into a nation of saints, carrying men with 
Mm, not by flattering, but by extinguishing their passions ; 
who looking back on his work at the end of his life, saw 
nothing of his own in it, so that, dazzled by the light, and 
oppressed by the mystery, he was fain to cry out, k< Who am 
I, or what is my prayer, Lord, who hast laid l^ire to me so 
much of Thy Divinity? such an one is the master, not the 
subject, of reason " (p. 14). 

And this great sanctity, acknowledged and indisputable, 
of our National Apostle, affords us the best answer to many 
'of the difficulties which captious or creedless critic's bring 
against his history. There is a class of writers, very numerous, 
who discard 1 as valueless the ancient lives of St. Patrick 
because of the many miracles recorded in them. Professor 

198 Father Morris's Life of St. Patrick. 

Stokes is the latest specimen of this class. He says confi- 
dently : " One universal canon of criticism is this the more 
genuine and primitive the document, the more simple and 
natural, and, above all, the less miraculous ; the later the 
document the more of legend and miracle is introduced" 
(Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 31). And after giving some 
fancied proofs of his " one universal canon," he adds (p. 35,), 
" These few specimens will, I am sure, satisfy you that 
valuable as these lives may be for folk-lore .... they 
have no claims whatsoever to the position of real historical 
records." With this headlong dogmatism of the Trinity 
College Professor contrast the language of Father Morris. 
" The miracles of St. Patrick are unquestionably that part 
which may be fairly disputed without any dishonour to the 
saint himself. . . . They come to us on the authority of 
ordinary witnesses. It is quite possible that they were some- 
times mistaken, and it is vain to attempt to prove that they 
were not. All that we can do is to ask those who believe in 
miracles why they should withhold from St. Patrick's 
witnesses the credence which they freely give to others. It 
cannot be said that miracles were unlikely under the circum- 
stances, and as to their character, they only difFerin degree and 
not in kind from those of other saints " (pp. 34-35). And again,. 
" Miracles are the credentials of the heavenly messenger, and 
when they have secured the attention of his hearers their chief 
work is done " (p. 13). St. Patrick was? a " heavenly 
messenger " sent to convert a pagan nation. Can any one r 
then, who believes in the Acts of the Apostles, deny that some 
extraordinary manifestations of God's power may be vouch- 
safed to such messengers to facilitate and confirm their work? 
That the gift of miracles has accompanied such apostolic 
labours is proved by the conversion of pagan nations from 
the days of St. Paul to those of St. Francis Xavier, and later 
even still. And the great personal sanctity of our Apostle 
would render it more likely that the gift would be accorded 
to him. It can be only a question of degree. It may be un- 
reasonable to accept all the miracles recorded of St. Patrick, 
but it is certainly unreasonable to reject them all. It is merely 
a question of evidence, and it is no proof of great mental 

Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 199 

powers, nor of sound mental training to put them out of court 
summarily as frivolous and absurd. Better, more reasonable 
far, to act on the principle laid down by Cardinal Newman in 
this beautiful passage : " Were a miracle reported to me as 
wrought by a member of Parliament, or a bishop of the 
Establishment, or a Wesleyan preacher, I should repudiate 
the notion. Were it referred to a saint, or the relic of a 
saint, or the intercession of a saint, I should not be startled at 
it, though at first I might not believe it." For the super- 
natural events recorded of St. Patrick, which seem so 
incredible to those who measure the saints by their own 
standard, we require just as much respect as the rules of 
moral evidence demand from an intelligent, unprejudiced 
Christian who knows what a miracle is. But we can have no 
respect for the " one universal canon of criticism " nor for 
the critic, that would discard as unauthentic as mere folk- 
lore of recent date ancient Irish documents for no other 
reason than that they record miracles and state certain points 
of Catholic doctrine. There were miracles and Catholic 
doctrines long before St. Patrick's time. 

For twelve hundred years St. Patrick's character remained 
in the undisputed possession of his spiritual children. They 
lived, suffered, hoped, died in the profession of the faith 
which he brought them ; they invoked his intercession : they 
gloried in his name. But the " Reformation " came, and to 
give it even a semblance of consistency it became necessary 
to " reform " St. Patrick himself, as well as his spiritual 
children. And hence the theory of the Religion of St. Patrick, 
started by Ussher, has been ever since the eternal ding-dong 
of Protestant controversialists. Into this controversy Father 
Morris does not enter. Why should he ? Are we not sick 
and tired "of routing the routed, and slaying the slain." 
Father Morris says : " The Irish Church at home and abroad 
was proved to be Roman by her works, and by the ecclesias- 
tical offices entrusted to her missionaries." " The fact that 
his [St. Patrick's] sous were founders of orthodox churches 
in other lands, is cogent evidence that they were orthodox 
at home" (pp. 25, 26). " St. Martin was St. Patrick's first 
spiritual master, and therefore the one most likely to make an 

200 Father Morris's Life of St. Patrick. 

impression, and leave his mark on our saint's soul" (p. 84). 
" St. Patrick lived in what is truly called the age of the 
Doctors of the Church. He was the contemporary of 
St. Jerome, St. John Chrysostom, St. Ambrose and St. 
Augustine" (p. 90). " It is certain that St. Patrick was in 
relations with St. Germanus of Auxerre, and that under the 
guidance of this saint he was prepared for his episcopal 
consecration" (p. 102). And hence Father Morris very 
properly says : " The wonder is, that with these great facts 
of history staring them in the face, Catholic writers should 
allow themselves to be entrapped and detained by the objec- 
tions of those professional critics who do not take the trouble to 
learn the difference between a creed and a rubric" (pp. 24, 25). 
The truth of this remark is fully borne out by the use made 
of the Paschal controversy in determining the religion of 
St. Patrick, and the orthodoxy of the early Irish Church. It 
was a matter of discipline, not of faWi, a "-rubric" not a 
" creed" and as we shall just see is a very strong proof that 
St. Patrick had his mission as w r ell as his doctrines from 
Rome. Father Morris rightly says that the Irish custom of 
celebrating Easter, which gave rise to a somewhat bitter and 
prolonged controversy in the seventh century, was nothing 
else than a Roman custom introduced by St. Patrick two 
hundred years before. (See also Smith's Diet, of Chr. Antiq. 
Art. Easter, Eticyc. TheoL of Wetzer and Welte and Jungman, 
Diss. 5). When St. Patrick came to Ireland the eighty-four 
years' cycle was used at Rome, and it so continued for nearly 
a hundred years subsequently. That cycle he brought with him 
to Ireland, and his disciples adhered to it. Now is not this 
fact of his adopting a Roman custom in preference to others 
then in use a strong presumptive proof of his submission to 
Roman authority? And the conduct of his disciples raises 
this presumption to a certainty. For in the controversy the 
Irish maintained that they got their faith and their customs 
from Rome, and the controversy ended by their sending a 
deputation to Rome to know their spiritual father's will 
(Letters of St. Columbanus and Cummiaii). St. Patrick spent a 
long part of his early life in France and in Italy. He was 
the disciple, probably the nephew, of St. Martin, who was so 

Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 201 

much admired at Rome, that (as we learn from St. P animus 
of Nola), his life by Sulpitius Severas made fortunes for the 
Roman booksellers. And Paulinns himself says of him, that 
he was " a most perfect model of a Christian bishop." And 
with him St. Patrick spent just that period of life when his 
character and opinions would assume a definite shape. Then 
he was the friend of St. Germain, contemporary with some 
of the greatest lights of the Church, and must have met with 
many of them during his stay at Marmoutier. Surely then, 
no honest inquirer can hesitate in forming an estimate of the 
principles which St. Patrick must have imbibed from such 
teach ers and companions, and in such circumstances. We 
know for certain the faith of his teachers and companions, 
we know for certain the faith of his disciples, therefore we 
can have no doubt as to his own. 

This same reasoning is quite sufficient to settle the ques- 
tion of St. Patrick's Roman mission. A Roman mission, direct 
'or indirect, is necessarily involved in the Roman Primacy. 
Now St. Patrick must have established in Ireland that reli- 
gious system in which he himself was trained by St. Martin 
the admired of the Roman Church, and by St. Germain, 
the Roman Legate, and of that system the Primacy of the 
Pope was the very corner stone. But such reasoning weighs 
little with controversialists who have a theory to maintain at 
any cost. The latest specimen of this class is Professor Stokes, 
and he deserves to be mentioned, not for the merit of his 
book (Ireland and the Celtic Church), for it has none, but 
because of his position. He says, "I do not indeed believe 
in the Roman mission of our national Apostle" (p. 48). " The 
writings of St. Patrick himself undoubtedly contain not even 
the remotest hint of such a mission" (p. 47). And he dis- 
believes it, "not only because his own language appears 
inconsistent with it, but also on broader grounds. People 
who read Church history through the spectacles of the nine- 
'teenth century are very apt to fancy that the Pope occupied 
then for the whole Western Church, the same position as he 
does now in the Roman Communion" (p. 49). And after 
informing us that, at present, the Congregation De Propa- 
ganda Fide regulates the work of Catholic missions, he 

202 Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick. 

says: "But in the beginning of the fifth century it was not so [! I] 
The pope neither then exercised the control nor received 
the reverence afterwards yielded to him. '' (p. 49). Now 
what is the value of this negative argument (if argument it 
can be called) so much insisted on by Professor Stokes? 
Let the professor himself answer, as he does most truly,, 
and effectually, in the article on St. Patrick, written ly him 
for Smith's Dictionary of Christian Biography. " The argument 
from silence is notoriously an unsafe one 9 there are so many 
reasons which may lead a writer to pass over even a burning 
topic in his day." Quite true. This "argument from silence" 
has been disposed of once for all in his reply to Dr. Todd by 
the present amiable and learned Vice-President of Maynooth 
College. In his Ancient Church of Ireland Dr. Gar gan. shows, 
in a manner which leaves nothing further to be said, that 
any reference to a Roman mission was altogether foreign to 
the scope of those writings of St. Patrick which have come 
down to us. Professor Stokes tells us that " the pope neither 
then exercised the control, nor received the reverence after- 
wards yielded to him." Indeed? Did not a pope restore 
St. Athanasius to his patriarchate? Did not another pope 
restore Flavian to Antioch, and another pope restore 
St. John Chrysostom to Constantinople? And were not 
many schismatics deposed from these and other sees by the 
authority of popes? Did not the Councils of Ephesus and 
Chalcedon pretty plainly testify their respect for the 
authority, and their reverence for the character of the Pope ? 
And do not these facts prove that the pope " exercised 
control, and received reverence " in St. Patrick's time ? 
Was not the Roman primacy accepted by St. Martin who 
instructed St. Patrick? by St. German with whom "he read 
the canons " ? and by all the other great lights of that age ? 
AVhy then is St. Patrick made an exception, or can it be 
that the Professor of History in Trinity College is unac- 
quainted with the notorious facts just stated? Professor 
Stokes admits that " documents and traditions which date 
from the seventh century appear more or less to confirm " 
.St. Patrick's Roman mission (pp. 47, 48). We find St.Columbanus- 
in his letter to Pope Gregory II. stating that the Irish got 

Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick, 203- 

their faith from Rome ; Cummian in his letter on the Paschal 
controversy reiterates the statement ; Probus states that 
St. Patrick had his mission from St. Celestine. The Canon of 
St. Patrick in the Book of Armagh, decrees that causae 
majores are to be referred to Rome for final settlement. 
Now, if Professor Stokes were to find a catena of authorities 
of the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, denying the 
primacy of the pope, how readily would he accept their 
denial? How loudly would he proclaim the value of his 
discovery ? But when he finds them affirming that primacy 
why does he act otherwise ? Because " all looks yellow to 
to the jaundiced eye." Because there are "people [and the 
the professor seems to be one of them] who read Church 
history through the spectacles of the nineteenth century," 
and who having certain reasons for denying the primacy of 
the pope in the nineteenth century, are anxious to involve 
in their heresy the saints and fathers of the fifth. Too late 
now to lay such clumsy snares for the children of St. Patrick, 
walking as they are in the meridian sun-light of the faith 
which he brought them. To that faith we have clung 
through trials of the most terrible kind, and we cling to it 
as tenaciously as ever, now that the long dark night is over, 
and the power of anti-Catholic bigotry broken let us hope 
for ever. Secure now in our inheritance, we shall honour 
our spiritual father best by acting on the advice, beautifully 
paraphrased from his Confession, by Aubrey de Yere, to whom 
Father Morris pays a compliment as graceful as it is richly 
merited : 

" All ye who name my name in later times, 
Say to this people, since vindictive rage 
Tempts them too often, that their Patriarch gave 
Pattern of pardon, ere in words he preached 
That God who pardons. Wrongs if they endure 
In after years, with fire of pardoning love, 
Sin-slaying, bid them crown the head that erred, 
For bread denied let them give Sacraments, 
For darkness light, and for the House of Bondage 
The glorious freedom of the sons of God." 

Father Morris has done his work well. His book is a 
model of good type and tasteful execution, and will find a 

204 Father Morris s Life of St. Patrick 

place on the table of every Catholic who reveres the memory 
of St. Patrick. A large part of this edition is entirely new, 
and annexed to the work is a general index, excellently 
arranged, which will enable its readers to find out at a 
glance all the more important parts of the book. In 
language which the least educated can take in and as 
beautiful as it is simple Father Morris has told the history 
of our National Apostle. He paints, as none other of St. 
Patrick's biographers has painted, "the interior spirit and 
supernatural gifts" of our saint. He describes that extra- 
ordinary zeal, seldom equalled, even among Apostolic men, 
which sustained St. Patrick through his long, arduous labours 
his great love for his disciples, so like that of his Divine 
, Master, and that control which he exercised over the minds 
of men, attracting them, fascinating them by the irresistible 
force of the virtue which " went out from him." The spread 
of devotion to St. Patrick is one of the most patent facts 
of our time. All the world over, wherever the English 
language is spoken, his name is invoked, and churches are 
raised and dedicated to his honour by the sons of those to 
whom he brought the glad tidings of salvation fifteen 
hundred years ago. And just now, in that capital of the 
Christian world whence he got his mission, Irish generosity, 
prompted by Irish faith, is raising to him a worthy temple, 
44 paying him back the deep debt so long due." And to 
Father Morris it must be a source of genuine happiness to- 
contemplate his own part in that great supernatural move- 
ment. For he cannot but feel, as every one of "Iris readers 
must feel, that love and devotion to our National Apostle 
will be intensified by the perusal of his excellent book. 


[ 205 J 


CREMATION has formed the subject of many interesting 
and learned articles during the ]ast few years. The 
question has been considered and discussed upon sanitary 
grounds, upon economic grounds, upon grounds of conveni- 
ence and upon grounds of religion. In almost every case 
the process has been advocated, encouraged and approved 
of, yet so far at least with very little practical result. 
Exceedingly few bodies have been cremated, and the 
upholders of the more natural and usual method are silent 
and irresponsive to the invitation to follow the new departure. 
Either they regard the matter with supreme indifference, or 
if they are strong supporters of the earth-to-earth system^ 
they are too confident of the strength of public opinion upon 
their side, to fear any immediate or extensive change in the 
ordinary form of burial. 

Few, perhaps, take the trouble to study up the question^ 
or care to learn all that may be said in its favour. Those 
few, however, who have given it due consideration will not 
fail to see that, regarded merely from a sanitary point of view, 
it is undoubtedly an improvement upon the old system, 
Even the economist will admit the advantage of the change 
almost as readily as the doctor and the town councillor. The 
only effective opposition that it is likely to encounter is on 
the grounds of religion and sentiment. Not that religion 
would be compromised of necessity ; not that the body 
burned would be thereby disqualified for resurrection ; but 
simply that our sense of the respect, and even in a certain 
measure our veneration for the human body would receive a 
severe shock, and still more because we would seem to be 
associating and sympathising with freemasons, atheists, and 
materialists, who have taken this pagan custom under their 
special patronage and protection. This is so well recognized 
at Rome, that a decree was published as recently as May 19th, 
1886, prohibiting Catholics from making use of cremation in 
the disposal of their Christian dead. This is, after all, only in 
keeping with the most spontaneous of Christian instincts. 

206 Cremation. 

For to one who possesses the faith, the body is really a sacred 
thing. It is the temple of the Holy Spirit, and the medium 
of supernatural graces. In order that the soul may be 
cleansed it is the body that is washed in Holy Baptism ; in 
order that the soul may be strengthened it is the body that 
is anointed in Confirmation. And as the hands are anointed 
with oil in the Sacrament of Orders, so in Holy Communion 
the tongue supports the sacred species under which the 
eternal Son of God Himself comes to feed and nourish our 

In the body too even though it be cold and stiff we 
recognise no ordinary lifeless thing. That, we argue, is not 
wholly and in every sense dead which may yet be roused to 
renewed action. Nay, that does but sleep which the trumpet's 
blast will awaken to renewed vigour and un diminished 
strength. Thus the human body possesses a nature 
and a destiny unlike all else. It is no common clay no 
ordinary vessel which has served its purpose and has no 
further interest or use, and so may be flung aside. There 
is a history attached to it. Even its past history is wondrous 
and beautiful, but it has a history still to be unfolded and 
extending to the most distant future, far more marvellous 
still. We look upon the cairn and placid face tof the dead 
man, sleeping in his shroud. We scan the familiar features 
of a departed father or mother, and our Catholic instincts 
bring before our mind the words of the great Apostle: 
" The trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall rise again 
incorruptible. This corruptible must put on incorruption, and 
this mortal must put on immortality." We already hear in 
.anticipation the solemn sound : we almost seem to witness 
the transformation. Before the gaze of faith the soul returns 
to claim its own, and the pallor of death gives place to the 
ineffable beauty of the risen body, now immortal and im- 
passible. In a word the whole condition and attitude of our 
minds are related in an especial manner to the earthly 
remains of a devoted friend and we feel an instinctive 
reverence for every human form. 

The instinct is natural and the feeling right. It is a 
direct consequence of our belief in a future life and a 

Cremation. 207 

-general resurrection. To diminish this feeling, or even to 
'disregard it, is uriadvisable. It would tend to lessen the 
vividness and the intense realization of the great dogma 
itself on which the feeling rests. For it is always hard to 
lessen the shadow without at the same time lessening 1he 
substance. It is customary to laugh at sentiment : to 
ridicule and deride it. Yet sentiment is as much an element 
of our nature as reason, and has its share in the formation of 
our religious character. It is sometimes even so strong as 
to overbalance its legitimate rulers, common sense and 
prudence. This of course is sadly to be regretted. Yet it 
does not invalidate the truth that sentiment is worthy of a 
certain respect, and when not carried to excess, should be 
allowed its due weight. That it must not be alloAved to 
outweigh reason, goes without saying and proves nothing 
neither must an ounce outweigh a pound, but an ounce for 
all that has a certain value, and may sometimes turn the 
scale. So it is with sentiment. 

To burn the body in an hour is undoubtedly a more 
expeditious plan, and may also be a more scientific, and a 
safer one, than to allow it to rot gradually under ground. 
There may be many considerations to recommend it, but 
nevertheless it wounds our sensibilities. We feel ourselves 
io be offending against the natural expression of the vener- 
ation due to a deceased friend. This may be deemed a foolish 
feeling, but we are conscious that a continuous disregard of 
the expression of our veneration will tend very rapidly to 
destroy the veneration itself. We have endeavoured to 
analyse the causes of this feeling. It appears to us that it 
may be accounted for on the grounds that wo associate a 
-certain want of respect first, with any display of impatience 
to hasten dissolution ; secondly, with any active and positive 
co-operation of our own in producing the rapid incineration 
here referred to. 

The building of the furnace and the kindling of the 
flames suggest a very different frame of mind to that 
which would be associated with the simple lowering of the 
body into the grave and the leaving it there for the earth to 
complete the sad work of destruction, without any aid from 

208 Cremation. 

us, and without our offering any active co-operation. Again 
it may be urged, this too is all sentiment. True. But as 
we have already remarked, sentiment has an important office 
in the economy of nature. It is often the custodian of 
important truths, and certainly one of their most powerful 
indices. Our feelings are in a large sense dependent upon 
our belief, and our belief itself is not wholly uninfluenced 
by our feelings. Thus, to give a single instance, a belief in 
our own weakness and dependence on God is helped by 
placing ourselves in a position to realize it. Though humility 
in prayer is really compatible with any position, still, who 
does not find it easier to excite emotions of self abasement 
when prostrate in the dust than when seated in an arm-chair,. 
or astride a high-stepping and gaily caparisoned palfrey? 
Neither position has in se anything to do with the possession 
of the virtue, yet per accidens it influences our mind. In the 
same way the loving tenderness towards even the lifeless 
body of a man helps to affect ourselves and others 
with a strong sense of its future destiny and ultimate 

To those who urge the advantages of cremation and its 
many useful consequences, we reply, We are not utilitarians. 
Were the advantages very great they might outweigh our 
reluctance. We may quite conceive circumstances such 
circumstances may even exist in the vast metropolis at this 
present moment in which the utility of such a rapid and 
economic method might force us to waive the objections of 
sentiment, if not of religion, and hence induce us to seek a 
dispensation from the decree of the Congregation of the 
Inquisition, but the practice would assuredly not be 
permitted universally, nor ever become generally adopted by 
the Church. We repeat, We are not utilitarians. We do not 
wish to be ruled and directed in every detail of life by mere 
tangible gains and by advantages which may be tabulated 
and classified. Our hearts and sentiments demand a little 
breathing room too and freedom for exercise. The over 
urging of utilitarian principles is becoming just a trifle 

Besides, if everything is to be determined by rules of 

Cremation. 20D 

utility, and if that is to be the summum bonum and the 
criterion of all ways and means, why stop at cremation ? 

To hand the urn of cremated ashes to the disconsolate 
widow or weeping orphan is not the most profitable way of 
disposing of them. Indeed that too is sentimentality as far 
as it goes. Why not strew them over the turnip field, or 
enrich the crop of new year's grass by adding to the soil 
this valuable chemical compound? Nay, let us go yet 
further. Why, indeed, burn the body at all ? Why not 
rather turn the bones iato pipe-stems and iieedlecases, and 
tan the skin for winter cloaks or summer shoes ; throwing 
only the refuse into the fire ? 

Why not indeed? The answer is obvious. It is not 
because we deny the greater usefulness of such a procedure, 
since its usefulness or non-usefulness does not enter for one 
moment into our calculations. It is wholly because we 
regard such a suggestion as an outrage on our feelings, and 
we resent the outrage. It is because it is an insult to our 
best and tenderest impulses, and we repel the insult with 
horror, pain, and indignation. We are naturally impatient 
at a proposal which deprives us of the natural expression and 
the outward signs of reverence. We would be almost 
inclined to doubt the sincerity even of our own declarations 
did we permit all external indications of them to be crushed 
out by motives of mere expediency. Perhaps the unpleasant 
suggestions we are venturing to make may be deemed 
offensive to good taste. Our excuse must be that it is only 
by pressing out a theory to its extreme consequences that we 
can fully realise its weakness and inconclusiveness. That 
very sentiment which causes us to repel the proposal of 
manufacturing the bones of our relatives into buttons and 
their fibres into fiddle strings, is the same at bottom as that 
which induces us to oppose cremation ; it is the same in 
kind but difiers in degree. The opposition in the former 
case is vastly greater, but in both cases it is reducible to a 
matter of mere sentiment, and a sentiment which may easily 
be defended and which ought to be encouraged. 

Then, as if to give weight to our preference, we have the 
constant and universal Christian tradition. In all ages the 

210 Cremation. 

burying of the dead has been associated with a belief in the 
resurrection. The Old Testament contains abundant evidence 
of this, as regards the chosen people of God. 1 To one who 
would learn the practice of other nations let us say, " Con- 
sulat probates auctores," since an historical digression would 
be too lengthy and tiresome. Cremation has never been so 
generally practised as ordinary earth burial, and those who 
made use of it were not men who looked forward to a day 
when the graves should give up their dead, and sinews and 
bones should knit themselves together and stand up a great 
army. The mesquite, pine, and cedar pyres were for the 
Pah-Utes, and the suttees for the Hindoos ; but the earth 
received the Christian confessor and the virgin saint. In 
imitation of their Lord, they were laid in the tomb with the 
fresh earth around them and the stone-slab above, or the 
simple green grass. The bodies of the just are sown in the 
furrow as the seed is sown in season, not to perish utterly, 
but to await like it a glorious transformation, according to 
the beautiful analogy of St. Paul. And whatever practice 
can most readily suggest and keep alive that consoling truth 
in our minds is best worth preserving. 

Hence we conclude that if the unparalleled multiplication 
of human beings and their unexampled concentration in par- 
ticular spots of the earth should give rise to practical 
difficulties and dangers, which seem to necessitate a speedier 
and more effectual disposal of the dead, the Church will no 
doubt consider the difficulty. Especial cases must be met by 
especial methods. It is enough to insist upon the general 
principle. The objections to cremation are not such, 
we believe, that no consideration of expediency or prudence 
could ever alter them. Our only contention is, that sentiments, 
especially sentiments so sound and so well founded as those of 
which we are now treating, are deserving of some consideration 
and respect, both for their own sake and for the sake of what 

1 It may be interesting to note that the Jewish community at Livomo, 
one of the most important in Italy, applied, to the General Consistory of 
the Rabbins at Turin, to know if it were now lawful for the Jews to burn 
their deceased members. The Consistory replied that not only is it 
contrary to the law of God to burn the bodies of the dead, but that it is 
unlawful for the Jews even to take part in any such ceremony. 

Mayo of the Saxons. 211 

underlies them. To give them more than their due weight, 
to submit to their ruling at all times and under all circum- 
stances would be worse than wholly 'to ignore them. Mere 
utilitarianism we hate, but mere sentimentalism we hate yet 
more cordially. If one or the other must be our master then, 
defend us, at all events, from mere vapid sentimentality. 

The Church, whose word is our best reliance, it seems, 
rests her objection on neither of these grounds. Her opposition 
is due to the fact that cremation has always been regarded 
as a tacit negation of all belief in a future life, and, therefore, 
she very wisely and rightly condemns its use altogether 
-among Christians, whose entire hope is beyond the grave. 



IF the history of a country be written in its ruins, there is 
no part of Ireland which possesses a more interesting or a 
more voluminous record than the County Mayo. Interspersed 
with its charming scenery, which for variety and pictu- 
resqueness is unsurpassed in the world, one meets on every 
side, some venerable monument of the past, silent and weather- 
worn, still eloquently reminding us that 

" The sorrows, the joys, of which once, they were part, 
Still, round them, like visions of yesterday, throng." 

The most attractive, perhaps, of these ivy-crowned relics 
of antiquity are the ruins of the once famous " Mayo of the 

About midway between the towns of Castlebar and Clare- 
morris, in the heart of a rich, undulating plain, the traveller 
comes upon a few mouldering walls, reigning in melancholy 
grandeur over a hecatomb of broken columns, pilasters and 
bases, scattered around in fanciful confusion. The mere 
superficial observer passes them by with indifference. For 
him they have no interest. They are a sealed volume, a 
sign by the wayside which he cannot read. But for the 

212 Mayo of the Saxons. 

archaeologist, and the student of history, they possess a world 
of fascination. Every stone is a glowing page in the Golden 
Era of the annals of Ireland. 

Unlike many of the ancient Irish edifices of which un- 
fortunately it must be said " perierunt etiam ruinae," the 
story of the foundation and development of Mayo of the, 
Saxons -thanks to Venerable Bede, the Father of English 
History is ample and well authenticated. 

Let us go back twelve centuries. On a summer's morning 
in the year 668, a solitary traveller might have been seen 
wending his way towards the tract of country, even then 
known as Mayh-eo, or the plain of the Oaks. Eobedin along, 
white woollen garment, wearing on his head a heavy cowl of 
the same colour and material, and on his feet sandals, his 
appearance might well have attracted more than an average 
share of passing notice. Arrived at the eminence overlooking 
the spot where the ruins now stand, he paused, as if uncon- 
sciously, and his fine face, marked with lines of habitual 
austerity, lighted up with a beam of pleasure, as he gazed at 
the beauty of the landscape before him. It was truly an 
enchanting picture. Mountains, plains, lakes and waving 
forest trees combined and harmonized in charming propor- 
tions. In the foreground the eye rested on groves of 
gp.arled oaks, from whose rich foliage glimpses of surpassing 
loveliness broke upon the view. Croagh Patrick's pyramids 
shaped and clear-defined, smiled serenely on the placid 
waters which glistened like silver in the sun ; while nearer 
still, gloomy Nephin, surrounded by a cluster of cone-shaped 
hills, and capped with perennial clouds, frowned like an 
angry giant on the radiant cheerfulness of the valley below. 

The stranger gazed long and wistfully on this smiling 
scene, then with a muttered prayer, resumed his journey. 

Who is the cowled and sandalled pilgrim ? He is a man 
whose name is a household word, not alone in his native land, 
but among the fastnesses of Northern Britain and Caledonia. 

He is Colman of Mayo, Bishop of Lindisfarne, and Apostle^ 
of Northumbria. 

Like a hundred other saints of the Irish calendar, the 
materials for Saint Colman's life are provokingly meagre. 

'Mayo of the Saxons. 213 

The Venerable Bede, to whom we are indebted for nearly 
everything we know of him, leaves us altogether in the dark 
'concerning the events of his early life. Prefacing his 
narrative by simply stating that Colman was a native of 
Ireland, he continues to say that like his predecessors Aidan 
and Finan, he was sent from lona to govern the North- 
umbrian Church. It is evident, however, from other authentic 
sources, that the County Mayo, the mother of many illustrious 
'sons in the present as well as in the past, may justly claim 
the honour of having given him birth. Of the date of that 
event we have unfortunately no record. The best authorities 
assure us that it probably occurred about the end of the 
sixth century. 

Born at a time when the country was still fragrant with 
the odour of Saint Patrick's wonderful sanctity, and sur- 
rounded from his infancy by scenes and associations con- 
secrated by the visible presence of the Great Apostle, the 
youthful Colman manifested at an early age his inclination 
for the ecclesiastical state. When still a mere youth he 
adopted the monastic vocation. Attracted by the fame of 
Saint Columba, who was then at the zenith of his popularity, 
and whose name he bore in a modified form a name symbol- 
ical of the gentleness and purity of the Christian life, he 
left his native Mayo, and entered the great monastery of 
lona. So studiously did he conceal himself from the eyes of 
the world, in the depths of that island sanctuary, that during 
a, period which must have extended over sixty years, only one 
glimpse of him, and that as if by accident, is afforded us. 
Adamnan, the biographer of Saint Columba, raises for a 
"moment the veil which shrouds our saint's life, and reveals 
him to us in the solitude of his ocean wilderness. What does 
that glimpse present to us ? No doubt we shall find the 
future founder of 4i Mayo of the Saxons " absorbed in contem- 
plation, transcribing and embellishing manuscripts, or engaged 
in some other occupation which our fancy would deem in 
keeping with the splendour which surrounds his name. But 
no ! Our conjectures would have been at fault. In that 
momentary vista, he appears to us working in the fields as a 
common agricultural labourer. But let no one be surprised. 

214 Mayo of the Saxons. 

These old monks knew instinctively, what some so called 
modern philosophers claim as a sapient discovery, the 
dignity and sanctity of manual labour. Ennobled and con- 
secrated by prayer, it was by this powerful engine that they 
became the pioneers of civilization, that they conquered 
themselves and conquered the world. 

A short time before his death Saint Columba, looking out 
from his cell, rested his eyes on some of his youthful disciples 
working in the fields. He affectionately blessed and en- 
couraged them. One of these, named Colman, is not im- 
probably identified with Saint Colman of Mayo. Then the 
curtain falls once more, and for over half a century the events 
of our saint's life are found nowhere recorded except in the 
annals of God. Like a ray in the sunbeam, or a drop in the 
ocean, his actions become absorbed in the history of lona. 
And in what a brilliant halo of glory have not Saint Colman 
and his compatriots clothed that cold and inhospitable 
island ? 

Dr. Johnson has described it in immortal words as the 
"luminary of the Caledonian regions, whence savage clans and 
roving barbarians derived the benefits of knowledge and the 
blessings of religion." He might have also added that the 
greater portion of England is indebted for its civilisation and 
Christianity to the Irish monks of lona, and that his fellow- 
countrymen, with fearful truculence, have repaid the debt 
by seven centuries of brutal persecution. 

One of the most charming features in the history of our 
country during the era of its greatness was its cordial and 
generous hospitality towards strangers. The natural bene- 
volence of the Celtic character, purified by religion, mani- 
fested itself by the most courteous attention to natives of 
other lands who flocked to the shores of Erin to drink deep 
draughts of knowledge and piety from the fountains which 
flowed in perennial streams from its schools. Invariably 
received with open arms, visitors from other countries were 
maintained, supplied with books and educated free of 

Among the crowds who came to loua in the year 617 were 
two youths who were destined to change the history of their 

Mayo of the Saxons. 215 

nation, and link themselves inseparably with the missionary 
labours of St. Colman and his predecessors in Northumbria. 
They were named Oswald and Oswy, sons of Ethelfrid the 
Kavager, and of the sister of the saintly King Edwin. 

About seventy years before, their great grandfather Ida 
and his tribe of Angles, encouraged by the good fortune of 
their kinsmen, the Jutes and Saxons, left their homes among 
the sandhills of Schleswig, crossed over the German Ocean 
with their wives, children, and household gods, landed in 
the fertile district since known as Northumbria, drove out 
the native inhabitants by fire and sword, and settled down 
permanently in the conquered territory. The interval 
between their landing and the date of our sketch presents 
anything but an entertaining picture. It is stained all 
over with blood. After a turbulent reign of twelve years 
Ida was killed fighting against the Britons, who resisted him 
to the last. Of his twelve sons, only six survived him, and 
their history is a blank. The last of these, having died in the 
year 594, an inheritor of his grandfather's ferocity, and an 
avenger of his death rose up in the person of Ethelfrid. He 
was able, ambitious, and unscrupulous. Disregarding the 
ties of kindred he banished his brother-in-law, Edwin, and 
united the two kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira. After a 
reign of twenty-four years his own turn came. In. the year 
617 he was killed on the borders of Mercia, fighting against 
Redwald, king of the East Angles. Edwin became ruler of 
the two kingdoms, and the sons of Ethelfrid went into exile. 
Eanfrid, the eldest, took refuge with the Picts, while Oswald 
and Oswy fled to the court of the King of Dalradia. By 
him the young princes were sent to loria to be instructed in 
the Christian faith. So well had they profited by the lessons 
received in that great sanctuary, that when after an exile of 
seventeen years they appear upon the stage of history they 
show themselves possessed of Christian virtues and princely 
qualities of the highest order. lona had been to them a 
cradle of faith and an apprenticeship to royalty. 

The throne of Northumbria having become vacant once 
more by the death of Edwin, who was killed fighting against 
the Britons, Oswald resolved to leave his retirement, re- 

Mayo of the Saxons. 

conquer bis country, and regain the inheritance of his fathers. 
With vastly inferior forces he encountered and defeated his 
enemies on the field of Denisesburn, the formidable Cadwallon, 
the last champion of the Britons, being among the slain. 

Oswald made good use of his victory. The scion and 
representative of the Saxon invaders, he was like a lily 
blooming among thorns. Naturally upright, generous and 
chivalrous, his character had been ennobled by the influence 
of the Christian teaching received at Ion a. Unlike his elder 
brother, Eanfrid, who renounced his faith on the appearance 
of the first obstacle. Oswald never forgot the lessons he had 
learned from Saint Colman and his brethren. During his 
brief reign of eight years he presents to us the perfect ideal 
of a Christian prince. Pious and brave, gentle and strong, 
firm and humble, he was, in mind and heart, a veritable king 
of men. 

Having united the two kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira 
into one compact nation, and extended his sway beyond the 
aspirations of his ancestors, he directed all the energies of his 
active mind to a conquest of a higher and different order. It 
grieved his heart to rule over subjects who, with few ex- 
ceptions, were buried in the darkness of paganism. The fair 
hills of his native Northumbria were crowned with idols of 
the blood-thirsty Woden, and the forests resounded with 
shouts of bacchanal revelry mingled with the groans of human 
victims and the yells of sacrificing priests to appease the 
wrath of the offended deity. The Anglo-Saxons bowed in 
abject slavery under the galling yoke of idolatry. 

Animated by the zeal of a true Christian, Oswald resolved 
to ransom, his subjects from this degrading bondage, and win 
them over to the sweet service of Christ. But how could he 
accomplish a task of such difficulty ? Who would be his 
allies ? Where should he find soldiers to carry on this new 
warfare ? His mind turned instinctively to the foam-washed 
island, where during the seventeen years of his exile he had 
watched the white-robed monks warriors of Christ go forth 
fearlessly to carry the standard of the Cross into the wilds of 
Caledonia. Without further delay he despatched messengers 
some say he went himself to the Abbot of lona urgently 

Mayo of the Saxons. 217 

requesting him to undertake the conversion of the Anglo- 
Saxons. The royal invitation was cordially accepted. A 
monk named Corman, whose austere sanctity of life seemed 
to fit him for the work, was consecrated bishop, and accom- 
panied by a train of devoted priests he set out for Northumbria. 
Like that of Palladius to the Irish, his mission was a failure. 
In a short time he returned to lona, declaring the Anglo- 
Saxons to be a race of irreclaimable savages, whose conver- 
sion was almost impossible. Undismayed by this unfavourable 
turn of events, Seghine and his community held council to 
arrange their future plan of action. Their deliberations were 
pregnant with great results. Aidan, since known as the first 
Apostle of Northumbria, and who seemed to be selected by 
the finger of God, was commissioned to make a new and 
more vigorous assault on the citadel of Anglo-Saxon idolatry. 
The success which crowned his efforts constitutes one of 
the brightest chapters in English history. His episcopate 
lasted for sixteen years. The death of his royal friend, 
Oswald, in the battle of Maserfield in 642, and the murder of 
Oswyn, who rivalled the former by the purity of his life and 
the nobility of his character, were crushing blows to the 
great bishop. But he had ample consolation for all his 
SOITOAVS in the marvellous fruitfulness with which God blessed 
his labours. Like a diligent husbandman he had scattered 
the Gospel seed broadcast not alone from end to end of 
Northumbria, but throughout the extensive kingdom of 
East Anglia, and a golden harvest was every whe;re springing 
up. Having accomplished his work, he went to receive the 
reward of the good and faithful servant in the year 651, and 
was succeeded by St. Finan, another Irishman, and a monk 
of lona. During the ten years of this holy bishop's rule, he 
extended and consolidated the work of his predecessor, and 
died in the odour of sanctity in the year 661. 

St. Colman of Mayo then appears prominently for the first 
time on the stage of history. He had already grown old in 
his Master's service, but the events of his life, shrouded 
by the lowly veil of monastic self-abnegation, are only 
known to Him from whose hands alone he looked for his 
reward. It [is not unreasonably supposed, however, that 

218 Mayo of the Saxons. 

he was one of the missionary priests who accompanied and 
co-operated with the two first bishops of Lindisf arne. That 
he was admirably fitted to continue the work of his predeces- 
sors appears evident from the encomiums lavished upon him 
by the Venerable Bede. He calls him a pontiff penetrated 
by the same apostolic spirit which animated his predecessors. 
The testimony of the venerable historian is all the more ap- 
preciable, as he makes no secret of a singular dislike for the 
Celtic race. His estimate of the great St. Columba is not 
altogether flattering, and the painstaking minuteness with 
which he dwells on the so-called eccentricities of the 
abbot's spiritual children in Northumbria contrasts strangely 
with his usual impartiality. His Anglo-Saxon prejudices 
have not allowed him, however, to bias his sense of justice. 
Possessing all the qualities of a great historian the portraits 
he has left us of the three first bishops of Lindisfarne repre- 
sent them to us as endowed with all the great virtues of the 
First Apostles. 

Tbe incidents of our saint's life, interesting in themselves, 
are rendered more so by the undoubted fact that in his 
history is epitomized the antagonism between the two races, 
the countless benefits conferred by the one and the ingrati- 
tude with which it was repaid by the other. This remark- 
able feature gives colour to his whole public career, and 
exercised an overwhelming influence on his life. 

His entire episcopate was embittered by a controversy, 
which had disturbed his predecessor's closing years, and was 
destined ultimately to sever the bonds which during thirty 
laborious years had bound lona to Northumbria. This was the 
famous Easter difficulty. It was not a question of recent 
growth. Almost as old as the Christian religion itself, it had 
been a perennial source of strife to churchmen, and of 
scandal to the faithful. 

Into this oft-told dispute we need not go. Suffice it to 
say that the isolated position of the Christians of that part 
of the world now known as the British Isles, prevented 
them for some time from becoming acquainted with an 
important correction introduced into the Roman computation. 
Even when made known to them, many showed a decided uu- 

J3ossuet and Claude. 1 

willingness to relinquish the old system. Among the Britons 
the new ritual was looked upon with downright aversion. It 
was an innovation, which right or wrong, came to them from 
the hands of those who befriended the detested Saxons, with 
whom they would have no communion here or hereafter. 
The correct computation met with better success in the Irish 
Church. After the Council of Leighlin, the new system was 
adopted in the southern and midland counties.' Following 
the example of lona, the North still held out. Strange to say 
the children of Saint Columba adhered to their ancient 
traditions, with obstinate fidelity, and one of the monks 
nurtured within the bosom of that famous sanctuary has 
transmitted his name to posterity as its special champion. 
Rather than relinquish the style of computation transmitted 
to him by Saint Patrick and Saint Columba, he resigned his 
position as pontiff of a vast and influential diocese, and 
retired into solitude. 

This was Saint Colman whom in our next paper we shall 
follow, step by step from the heights of Whitby to the plains- 
of his native Mayo. 

(70 be continued.) 


80 far in our account of the memorable conference between 
these two distinguished personages we have seen how 
Bossuet showed that the reformers, whilst they denied in 
their doctrinal teaching the infallibility of the Church, were 
forced, nevertheless, to act as if the authority they exercised 
over their co-religionists was to the last degree infallible, 
as they enforced it with the utmost rigour ; and we arrived 
at the stage, where he was to require of Claude the avowal of 
the two following propositions : 

1st, That, whereas the reformers acted as if holding the 
authority of the Church to be infallible, it was, nevertheless, 
41 fundamental principle of their teaching, that every 

220 Bossuet and Claude. 

individual, man or woman, however ignorant, was bound to 
believe that he or she could understand the Sa.cred Scriptures 
better than all the councils of the Church, and the entire 
Church herself besides. 

2nd. That there was a point, at which, as a consequence 
of their teaching, every Christian was bound to doubt if 
the Scriptures be inspired by God, if the Gospel be true or 
false, and if Jesus Christ be a teacher of truth or a public 

Approaching the first of these propositions he accosted 
Claude, and said, " Sir, if I rightly understand your doctrine, 
you believe that an individual is free to doubt the judgment 
of the Church speaking even in the last resort." 

" By no means, " replied the other, " for there is no room 
for doubt when there is every likelihood that the Church 
will judge rightly ; and more than that, knowing the promise 
of Jesus Christ, that they who seek shall find, it may be w^ell 
presumed, that when people search well after the truth, they 
will decide well, and this assurance puts us beyond all doubt. 
But, when we see in councils such things as cabals and 
party strifes, we have every reason to doubt if in such 
assemblies there be not a mixture of what is merely Imman 
which well warrants our doubting." 

Bossuet with high disdain replied : "Please, sir, lay aside 
these imputations, which have nothing to do with the 
question at issue, and can serve only to throw dust in our 
eyes, and let me ask you, if supposing we were quite certain 
there were no cabals or party strifes, or anything of the sort, 
but that everything went on in the most orderly manner, 
should the decisions arrived at be accepted without examina- 
tion? According to your doctrine you should say, by no 
means ; whence 1, at once, conclude, that what you allege 
about cabals and party strifes is mere sham, and it comes to 
this, and we are arrived at the monstrous, the astounding con- 
clusion, that an individual, man or woman, however ignorant, 
not only may, but is bound to, believe that it is his or her 
privilege to understand the AVord of God better than an 
entire council collected, though it might be, from the four 
quarters of the world, and the whole Church besides, and 

Bossuet and Claude. 221 

composed, though it might be, of men the most holy and 
enlightened, that could be found under heaven ; nay, the 
individual could come before the council, and ask the 
question if he or she were bound to accept the decisions of 
the council without examination, and the council according 
to the Calvinistic teaching would be bound to say " no," and 
to add, if further interrogated, that the individual in question 
had a distinct right, and not only a right, but a conscientious 
obligation, to'dissent from, and absolutely reject, the decisions 
of the council, if he or she thought differently." 

Claude appeared not in the slightest disconcerted by 
the inference, crushing though it should appear, but coolly 
replied, that the case had already happened in the condem- 
nation of Jesus Christ by the Jewish Synagogue, an example, 
which stood before the whole world, and would be 
remembered to the end of time as an instruction to mankind,, 
that authority may be wrong, and individual conviction 
right. " For here," said he, " we have, on one side, the 
Synagogue, the great oracle of the Jewish church, rejecting 
the mission of Jesus Christ, and. on the other, the judgment 
you, or I, or any individual would form on the occasion. We 
would say, beyond all doubt, the Synagogue was wrong, and 
generalizing the example we would be bound to conclude in 
favour of the individual in conscientious conflict with author- 
itative teaching." 

The example made a deep impression on the Calvinists 
present, and the inference presented by their great champion 
seemed inexorable. They looked at each other with evident 
satisfaction, as if intimating, " here is an insurmountable 
poser for the Bishop." Bossuet noticing the impression was 
for the moment somewhat embarrassed, not, as he says him- 
self, from any difficulty in his own mind as to the solution, 
but for fear that he might not find language sufficiently 
intelligible for the audience so as to remove the impression 
made so manifestly upon them by the objection. He, there- 
fore, hesitated a little, and offered up, as he states, a silent 
prayer, begging of God to aid him as to "how and what to 
speak " in reply, after which he proceeded as follows : " it is 
a strange thing, indeed, to compare the Synagogue hastening 

222 Bossuet and Claude. 

to its fall, when its reprobation was so clearly pointed out 
by the prophets, with the Church of God, which was never 
to fail. You say, sir, that the argument I use could have 
warranted the error of individuals, who relying on the 
authority of the Synagogue condemned Jesus Christ, whilst, 
on the contrary, the same argument would have held up as 
guilty of presumption, those who believed in Jesus Christ 
according to their own individual convictions rather than 
the Synagogue. Well then let us see if my argument 
warrant such a conclusion. It consists in stating, that in 
denying the authority of the Church no external means is left 
by God for dissipating the doubts of the ignorant, and inspir- 
ing the faithful with the humility so necessary for them ; and 
to be warranted in using the argument you make as to the 
time the Synagogue condemned Jesus Christ, there should 
have been just then no external means, no certain authority, 
to w^hich submission was necessarily due. But, sir, how can 
this be said, since Jesus Christ Himself was then on earth, 
the very truth, who showed Himself visibly and publicly 
amongst mankind, the eternal Son of God, to whom a voice 
from on High gave solemn testimony, saying : " r lhis is my 
beloved Sou in whom I am well pleased, hear ye Him" (Matt. 
xvii. 5.) who in confirmation of His mission raised the dead 
to life, gave sight to the blind, and performed so many 
miracles, that the Jews themselves confessed that never had 
^iny man wrought such wonders ? There was, therefore, an 
external means, or visible authority at the time. The authority 
was indeed disputed; but it was, nevertheless, infallible. In 
the same way the authority of the Church is contested, as 
you yourself contest it, whilst I maintain it should not be 
contested by Christians. I insist that it is infallible, and I 
further insist that there never has been a time here on earth 
without a visible and speaking authority requiring obedience 
and submission. Before Jesus Christ there was the Synagogue. 
.At the moment it was to fail, Jesus Christ Himself appeared, 
.and when Jesus Christ withdrew, He left His Church after 
Him, to which He sent the Holy Ghost. If you make Jesus 
'Christ come back, I have no further need of the Church; but 
in the same way, if you take away the Church, I forthwith 

Bossuet and Claude. 223 

require Jesus Christ in person teaching, preaching, deciding 
by miracles, and with an infallible authority. But, you say, 
you have His Word. Yes, undoubtedly we have a Word, holy 
and adorable, but a Word, nevertheless, leaving itself to be 
explained, and treated, as every one pleases, making no 
objection from itself to those, who explain it badly. I main- 
tain, it is, therefore, necessary to have some external means 
for solving all doubts, and that this means be certain and 
indubitable ; and without going over again the reasons 
already advanced, since at present there is question only of 
answering your objection as to the error of the Synagogue in 
condemning Jesus Christ, I affirm, that so i;ir from your 
being able to say there was no sure external means, at the 
time, or a speaking authority, to which it was a matter of 
necessary obligation to submit one's judgment, there was an 
authority, the highest and the most infallible, that ever 
existed, which was Jesus Christ Himself, and thus there 
never was a time, when there was less occasion for pressing 
my argument against Protestants to the effect, that they 
needed an external, infallible means for deciding questions 
respecting the Holy Scriptures." 

After having replied to several other difficulties presented 
by Claude, and which are familiar to the theological student, 
who has read any of our ordinary treatises on the Church, 
Bossuet returned triumphantly on his proposition as irrefrag- 
ably demonstrated, that whilst the reformers acted as if 
holding the authority of their Church to be infallible, it was 
nevertheless, a fundamental principle of their teaching, that 
every individual, man or woman, however ignorant, was 
bound to believe, that he or she could understand the Sacred 
Scriptures better than all the councils of the Church, and the 
whole Church herself besides. 

The second proposition he undertook to prove was, as has 
been mentioned, that there was a point, at which, as a 
consequence of their teaching, every Christian was bound to 
doubt if the Scriptures be inspired by God, if the Gospel be 
true or false, and if Jesus Christ be a teacher of truth, or a 
public impostor. 

This proposition was, indeed, the great pinch of the 

224 Bossuet and Claude. 

conference, and Bossuet broached it by asking his opponent, 
if one of the members of his communion on having the 
Scriptures put into his hands was bound first to doubt, and 
then examine for himself, if they were, or were not, inspired 
by God, for, observed Bossuet, if he doubted, and examined 
for himself, he by the fact renounced his faith, and commenced 
the reading of the sacred volume by an act of infidelity, but if, 
on the contrary, he doubted not, he thereby accepted it on 
the authority of the Church, as she presented it to him, dis- 
pensing w T ith all examination on his own part. 

Claude replied by saying : *' The member of the faithful, 
whom you suppose not to have yet read the Sacred Scriptures, 
and into whose hands they are put for the first time, does 
not, properly speaking, doubt ; he is simply ignorant, not 
knowing what the Scriptures are, which he is told are inspired 
by God. He heard from his father, or from those, by whom 
he was instructed, that they were divinely inspired. For the 
present he knows no other authority, and as to what the 
Scriptures really are he does not of himself actually know, 
ami, therefore, he cannot be called an infidel, or an unbeliever ; 
and aow I must beg of you, sir, to make to yourself the 
same argument in reference to the Church, that you make to 
me with respect to the Scriptures. For, the member of the 
faithful, to whom the authority of the church is proposed to 
be believed, either believes in that authority without examin- 
ing the subject, or he doubts it. If he doubt it, he is an 
infidel by the fact, but, on the contrary if he doubt it not, by 
what other authority is he to be assured ? Is the authority 
of the Church a thing self-evident ? Is it not necessary to 
find it out by some sort of examination ? Here is your own 
difficulty recoiling on yourself, and you have to clear it up 
just as much as I have. Either then let us both eschew it, 
or let us solve it conjointly, and, as far as I am concerned, I 
promise to reply to you in reference to the Scriptures what 
you will reply to me in reference to the Church." 

" I quite understand you," answered Bossuet, " but before 
explaining to you how a Christian comes to believe in the 
Church, it is necessary to recognize the fact, of which there is 
question. Being a Christian he has been baptized, and in 

J3ossuet and Claude. 225 

virtue of his baptism the Divine virtue of faith is imparted 
to him, so that he is in a state thereby to make an act 
of faith, when an article of faith is duly proposed to 
him, and consequently to say explicitly, as the Scriptures 
are presented to him, recognized as they are to be the 
inspired Word of God by the entire Church : ' I believe 
the Scriptures, as presented to me, to be the Word of 
God, as I believe God Himself exists.' But you acknow- 
ledge that a Christian, who has not read the Scriptures, 
or heard them read, is not in a state to make this act 
of faith. This, sir, is a dreadful position, that a member of 
the faithful cannot make so essential an act of faith. This is 
not the case with us, for the member of the faithful receiving 
with us the Scriptures from the hands of the Church makes 
with the Church this act of faith, ' as I believe God exists, so 
do I believe these Scriptures to be the Word of Him, in Whom 
I believe,' and I maintain he cannot make this act of faith 
unless by the faith he already has in the authority of the 
Church, which presents the Scriptures to him. There are 
two things to be taken account of just here. One is, who it 
is that inspires the act of faith, by which we believe the 
Sacred Scriptures to be the Word of God, and you and I 
are agreed that it is the Holy Ghost. The other thing is, what 
external means does the Holy Ghost employ to make us 
believe in the Sacred Scriptures, and I maintain it is the 
Church. To establish this we have only to look to the 
Apostles' Creed, which is the first instruction the faithful 
receive. The baptized Christian has not yet read the Sacred 
Scriptures, and, notwithstanding, he already believes in God, 
and in Jesus Christ, and in the Holy Ghost, and the Catholic 
Church. So far he is told nothing about the Scriptures, but 
it is proposed to him to believe in the Catholic Church, and 
this immediately, as it is proposed to him to believe in the 
Holy Ghost, so that these two articles, the Holy Ghost and 
the Church enter into his mind at the same time, because 
believing in the Holy Ghost he must necessarily believe in 
the Church,' which the Holy Ghost guides and governs. 1, 
therefore, maintain, that the first act of faith the Holy Ghost 
inspires baptized Christians to make is to believe in the 

226 Bossuet and Claude. 

Catholic Church together with the Feather and the Son and 
the Holy Ghost, and I affirm that here we find the external 
means whereby the Holy Ghost imparts to the minds of 
baptized Christians the faith of the Sacred Scriptures. If 
this means be not sure and certain, faith in the Scriptures 
must consequently be insecure and doubtful, and it is because 
the Catholic has always found this means to be certain, there 
has not been a single moment, in which he was unable to 
say, 4 as I believe God exists, so likewise do I believe He has 
spoken to mankind, and the Scriptures are His Word,' and the 
reason he can make this act of faith is because he has never 
doubted in the authority of the Church, as it was also the 
first thing the Holy Ghost put into his mind together with 
faith in God and in Jesus Christ. As to your question, how 
does he believe in the Church, I must observe that question 
does not present itself here. It is enough for our present 
argument to see that he does constantly believe in her, 
because it is the first thing the Holy Ghost puts into his 
mind, and she is the external means the Holy Ghost employs 
to make him believe in the Scriptures, of which he has never 
doubted for the reason that he has never doubted the Church, 
that presented them to him. Here, sir, is our doctrine, and 
because it is not yours, you incur of necessity the dreadful 
consequences, that a point of time is inevitable, when you 
are unable to make an act of faith in the Scriptures, and 
when consequently you cease to be a believer.'' 

The conference took rather a desultory turn here, till 
Claude put forth the great argument he had held so far in 
reserve, and which he relied upon as unanswerable. I will 
give it in his own words as follows : " According to your 
argument you would, sir, make everyone decide in favour of 
his own Church, Greeks, Armenians, Ethiopians, and us also 
whom you consider to be unorthodox, although we are bap- 
tized, and have the Holy Ghost by our baptism, and the infused 
faith, which you have been speaking of. For each of us has 
received the Sacred Scriptures from the Church, in which we 
have been baptized respectively. Each of us believes that 
Church to be the true Church announced in the Creed, and in 
the commencement we know no other, and as we have, 

Bossuet and Claude. 227 

received the Sacred Scriptures without examination from the 
hands of the Church, to which we belong, we should also, as 
you say, receive blindly from her their interpretation. This 
argument would go to prove that every one should remain 
as he is, and that every form of religion is good." 

Bossuet in his account of the conference admits the full 
force of the objection, and, as he says of himself, " although 
the solution appeared to me quite clear, 1 felt nervous lest I 
should not make it clear likewise to those present. 1, there- 
fore, trembled as I spoke, feeling the salvation of a soul to be 
at stake, and I begged of God to vouchsafe to me the words, 
that would put the matter in its clearest light, for 1 had to do 
with a man that listened patiently, spoke with precision and 
force, and pushed his objections to the last degree of strict- 

He entered on his reply by telling Claude that his cause 
should be set apart from that of the Greeks, Armenians and 
the others he had mentioned, who, indeed, were in error by 
taking their respective churches to be the true Church, but 
who, nevertheless, held as indubitable, that it was necessary to 
believe in the true Church whichsoever it was, and which could 
never deceive her children. " But you, sir," addressing himself 
to Claude, " are far more out of the way ; for I can accuse 
you, that not only as the Greeks and Ethiopians you mistake 
a false church for the true one, but what is beyond all dis- 
pute, and what you yourself admit, you would not allow us 
to believe even in the true Church. Taking with us, then, 
this necessary distinction, let us come to deal with your 
difficulty. We are to distinguish in the faith of the Greeks, 
and other false churches what is true, and what they hold in 
common with the Catholic Church, what, in a word, comes 
from God, on one side, from what comes from human prejudice 
on the other. God, by His Divine Spirit, puts into the souls 
of those, who are baptized in these several churches, that there 
is but one God, one Jesus Christ, one Holy Ghost. Thus far 
there is no error. They believe also, that there is one 
Catholic Church, and are ready to believe without examina- 
tion all that the true Church proposes to them to believe. 
This, sir, is what you do not approve of, and in this you 

228 Bos suet and Claude. 

estrange yourself from all other Christians, who unanimously 
believe that there is one true Church, that can never deceive 
them. United with them in this belief I believe it to be 
amongst the truths, that come from God. But human 
prejudices commence when the baptized Christian, being led 
astray by his parents or his pastors, believes the Church, in 
which he is, to be the true Church. It is not the Holy Ghost,, 
assuredly, who puts that into his soul, and at this point he 
begins to go wrong, and the Divine faith infused by baptism 
begins to give way. Happy they, in whom human pre- 
possessions are in unison with the true faith, which the Holy 
Ghost imparts. They are exempt thereby from a great 
temptation, and tire dreadful difficulty of distinguishing 
between what is Divine and human in the faith of their 
Church. But whatever may be the difficulty in making this 
distinction, it is known to God, and there shall be an eternal 
difference between what the Holy Ghost imparts to the souls 
of such as are baptized, when He disposes them interiorly to 
believe in the true Church, and what human prejudice adds 
thereto in binding up their faith with a false church. How 
people thus baptized may be able, in course of time, to 
disengage themselves from this state of things, and free 
themselves from the prejudices, that caused them to confound 
the idea of a false church, in which they are, with the faith 
of the true Church, which the Holy Ghost had imparted to 
their souls together with the Creed. But all this does not come- 
within the scope of the question engaging us at present, for 
it is enough for us to have seen in those, who are baptized, a 
belief coming from God in the Church, as distinguished from 
the ideas they receive from man. This being so, I maintain, 
that to this belief of the Church, which the Holy Ghost 
imparts to our souls with the Creed, is attached a firm faith, 
that we are to believe this Church with the same certainty as 
we believe in the Holy Ghost, to Whom the Creed immediately 
annexes it, and it is in virtue of this faith in the Church, that 
the faithful never doubt in the Scriptures, whereas, on your 
side, you should see the difficulty, into which you cast yourfaith, 
as you see how I avoid it, you saying not only, that one should 
not believe in a false church, but even in the true Church 

Bossuet and Claude. 229 

without examining what she says, and maintaining this 
ground you differ from all other Christians ; and from the 
moment that you insist that the Church, even the true Church, 
can be deceived, the faithful can no longer believe on the 
sole faith of the Church the Scriptures, and the Word of 

Just here Claude fell back 011 what he had already 
observed, that in his view, and according to the teaching of 
the reformers, a person, to whom with them the Scriptures 
were shown for the first time, was simply ignorant of then- 
contents as being the Word of God, and that this ignorance 
did not involve the consequence of doubting in them. Bossuet, 
however, held to the word doubt as properly expressing the 
state of mind of the person in question. " However," said, 
he, " laying aside mere words, you must agree with me, that, 
at all events, he does not know whether the Scriptures, as 
they are presented to him, be true or false, whether the 
Gospel be inspired by God, or be a story invented by man. 
He cannot, therefore, make an act of faith upon the point, 
and say, ' as I believe God to exist, so do I believe these 
Scriptures to be from Him,' and, therefore, the conclusion 
is inevitable, that there is a point of time, when, according to 
your system, every Christian knows not if the Gospel be not 
a mere fable. It is given to him to examine it, and not to 
l)elieve in it, and we may talk on to the end of the world, 
but we have said all that can be said on both sides, and it 
only remains for each of us to examine his conscience how 
tie can maintain, that a baptized Christian can be for a moment 
-without knowing whether the Gospel be true or a mere fable, 
and that amongst the other questions, that may occur to him 
during life, he has this momentous question to examine and 
solve for himself." 

It may be said the conference ended here. What re- 
mained consisted in desultory observations at the request 
-of Mademoiselle de Duras on the subject of the separation 
of the reformers from the Catholic Church, rather than in 
serious argument, that had not already been disposed of. It 
lasted five hours with the most earnest attention of all pre- 
sent. " We listened to each other," observes Bossuet, " with 

230 JBossuet and Claude. 

patience, spoke with conciseness, except that in the commence- 
ment M. Claude was somewhat diffuse. Beyond this he 
went straight to the question, and faced the difficulty un- 
flinchingly, and unquestionably he said all that his party 
could say on the subjects, to which our discussion was con- 
fined. But I came away, I must confess, in fear and trembling, 
lest my want of ability might have put a soul in peril, and 
exposed the truth to doubt. I was, however, relieved next 
morning, as Mademoiselle de Duras called on me, and told me 
she had quite understood me, and felt fully satisfied as to 
the doubts, that had given her so much trouble ; and in 
further conversation she informed me, that she felt in a state 
of mind to carry out her resolution after a little, and that in 
the meantime she would pray God to assist her in so 
momentous a step. 

"A few weeks witnessed the result, as on the 22nd of March 
following I found myself invited to Paris to receive her 


May I be permitted to add a little episode somewhat of a 
personal character, which, as I look back on " the days of 
my years," frequently brings with a painful interest this 
memorable conference before my mind, and which, I trust, 
will be accepted as an apology, to a certain extent, for 
occupying so much of the valuable space of the I. E. RECORD ? 

When a student in Maynooth, nigh sixty years ago, 
I enjoyed the friendship of a fellow student, with whom I 
associated very much in hours of recreation. He was a 
model of regularity, and was looked up to as amongst the 
most exemplary students in the house. However, after 
finishing his philosophy he left the college, having to the 
amazement of every one given up all idea of the ecclesiastical 
state. Time passed on, and several years after I became a 
priest he called to see me. As he was announced, I was 
delighted to see my dear old college friend. But how 
changed, how different a man did I find him. Instead of the 
composed and subdued manner he had in college, he exhibited 
a light and jaunty air, and his tone and style of speaking 

Bos suet and Claude. 231 

made it evident, that he had gone through a checkered 
career. The denouement was not long delayed, for after a 
few friendly interchanges, he said : " Since you and I were 
such good friends in Maynooth a great change, which will 
surprise you, has come over me. 1 not only abandoned the 
idea of the priesthood, but I have given up religion 
altogether." I felt appalled, and after i had expressed what 
came to my lips to say on such a frightful announcement; 
" Yes," said he, " I have given up all religion, and you may 
judge of my state of mind on the subject, when I tell you, 
that, some weeks ago, it was thought I was dying, and I 
declined seeing a priest, quite resolved to pass out of life in 
that state. And would you know what produced this con- 
dition of mind ? It was reflecting on the conference, which 
you are, I am sure, so well acquainted with, between Bossuet 
and Claude. I said to myself, here are two master-minds m 
collision. How can this be ? If there be any truth in religion 
they should have seen it, and have understood each other 
about it. But noticing how 'yes' was 'no' and ' no ' was- 
' yes ' between them, I came to the conviction, that there can 
be nothing but mere sentiment in what is called religion, 
without anything real or certain for the intellect to lay hold 
on, and embrace." 

I disguised my emotions as well as I could, and seeing 
that he was not just then in a mood to be reasoned with r 
I refrained from doing so, praying him to come again and 
again, that we might resume our former friendship. Unfor- 
tunately he never returned, and I never heard any account 
since of what may have been his after course of life, or how 
he passed away, for I take it for granted, that having been 
a man of frail constitution he is long since dead. But the 
sad recollection of him has frequently haunted my memory 
with the reflection of how the spirit of error is capable of 
imposing on a poor mind abandoned to its own thoughts by 
perverting and distorting an argument from its obvious 
import to- quite a contrary and opposite inference. For, of 
all the reasons, that prove the necessity of the authoritative 
guidance of the Church in matters of faith, there is none more 
convincing than the divergences and differences of great 

232 Bossuet and Claude. 

minds however sincere, whilst the strayings and errings of 
superior intellects, such as Claude and other pseudo-reformers, 
bring before us men, who according to the description of 
St. i 3 aul " are ever learning, and never attaining the knowledge of 
the truth " (2 Tim., iii. 7) and of whom St. Augustine would 
say, as he said of the heretics of his own day, that ravings 
more nonsensical or absurd never passed through the heads 
of patients in the delirium of a burning fever, than seize 
on the minds of those, who forsaking the guidance of 
the Church, cast themselves on the ever shifting principle of 
private judgment in matters of faith, a result so sadly 
evidenced in our day in the multifarious forms of religion we 
see arouud us, all taking their origin from this baleful 
principle, according to which every one judges the sect to 
which he adheres to be better than any other, whilst still he 
reserves and retains what he considers his right to dissent 
from his co-religionists, as well as from whatever authority 
they allow their ministers or pastors in pursuance of the 
personal view he may take of any religious questions that 
may spring up for discussion among them. 

As to my dear friend whenever he comes before my mind, 
as he does frequently, I try to console myself with the hope, 
that in merciful consideration of the purity of soul, and 
fervour of heart, with which 1 knew him to be animated, 
the God of mercy has had compassion on him, dissipating 
the cloud, which the spirit of darkness had cast over his poor 
mind, and shed once more upon him the light of His Divine 
countenance, " Calling him out of darkness to His admirable 
light " (1 Peter ii., 9) ; and " restoring to him the years, which the 
locust, and the bruchus, and the mildew, and the palmerworm had 
eaten " (Joel ii., 25) ; that is repairing the ravages of sin 
by a revival according to the law of the Divine bounty of the 
merits he had acquired when in God's grace and friendship. 


[ 233 ] 


TT7E cordially congratulate the gifted authoress of the 
* * above work, and we sincerely hope that a new edition 
will be soon demanded enriched with additional matter. Miss 
Stokes has happily succeeded in bringing out an admirable 
hand-book in connection with ancient Irish Art. Her laudable 
efforts cannot fail to popularise a subject hitherto not known 
or appreciated as it ought. It seems indeed, to be only a 
labour of love on her part to make known to'an admiring world 
the surprising and priceless treasures found in the rich mine of 
ancient Irish Art. If the attention of the learned throughout the 
world is now attracted towards it, that is principally due to 
Miss Stokes, and earnest workers like her in the same noble 
cause. Her investigations in. the hitherto so much neglected 
field of Irish archaeology are simply indefatigable, and 
are deserving of every encouragement. Some calling 
themselves children of Erin, who have both time and 
means at their disposal, are, we are sorry to say, more conge- 
nially employed in discussing Cuneiform and Egyptian 
inscriptions, than learning anything about the deeply inte- 
resting antiquities of their own country. The matchless 
works of art found in our museums, and also in private 
collections, amply demonstrate Erin's claims to be considered 
as a generous patroness of the fine arts in the remote past, and 
show how she fostered them under the most trying circum- 
stances. Though mute, these heir-looms of the past tell us, 
that there was a time in the chequered history of our beauti- 
ful island, when she was the home of the arts and sciences. 
Until quite recently we might say, so deplorable was the 
ignorance concerning Ireland and everything Irish, that many 
firmly believed this country was sunk in the lowest depths of 
barbarism, until the arrival of Strongbow. Nor was this 
idea confined solely to the unlearned; for we find it prepon- 
derating with those who have already made a name for 

1 Early Christian Art in Ireland. By Margaret Stokes. London : 
Chapman & Hall, 1887. 

234 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

themselves In intellectual pursuits. On a certain occasion, 
when that justly celebrated antiquarian, Dr. Petrie, a man 
who has deserved so well of his country, was reading a paper 
in the Royal Irish Academy on the arts and sciences in 
ancient Erin, he was asked by a distinguished scientist, 
Dr. Brinkley, did he mean to tell them, " that there exists the 
slightest evidence to prove that the Irish had any acquaint- 
ance whatever with the arts of civilised life anterior to the 
arrival of the English in Ireland." What a subject for 
reflection when we contemplate those exquisite and indes- 
cribable works of art still extant in illuminated manuscripts, 
metal work, sculpture, and also those architectural gems which 
have escaped the destroying hand of Time, the plundering 
Scandinavians, and the still more ruthless Anglo-Normans. 
These master-pieces, the mere waifs of Keltic love and genius 
in the cause of the fine arts, conclusively prove that their 
fabricators were genuine artists in the true sense of the word. 
We may strive to imitate such productions, but never 
can excel them. It is, indeed, matter of surprise to us all, 
that we possess so much of them, considering the constantly 
destroying agencies to which they have been subjected. 

This is manifest by way of contrast, if we reflect on 
what occurred in other countries. The Romans occupied 
Britain for four hundred years, and what now remains 
of the stupendous works which they executed? How 
little of ancient Grecian art has survived the vandalism 
of the unspeakable Turk. Trustworthy historians assure 
us that in the ^Middle Ages, Ireland was a shining light 
in the western world. Art having then attained its highest 
degree of perfection was destined to receive a rude shock 
from the plundering Lochlans, who for a long period laid 
Avaste the country with fire and sword. Had Ireland been 
allowed to work out her own destiny, after the expiilsion of 
these merciless marauders, she would undoubtedly have 
easily maintained her old supremacy in the world of art. 
But scarcely were they gone from her shores when a more 
terrible enemy appeared. The Anglo-Normans soon after 
invaded the island, already exhausted from centuries of war- 
fare, and not sufficiently organised to resist effectively 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 235 

such a formidable foe. It is an unquestionable fact, that all 
the Keltic works of art worth mentioning were produced 
before the Invasion. As a consequence of the chilling and 
blighting influence of that disastrous event on the country 
at large, the fine arts have ever since manifestly declined. 
From that period to the present the island has been un- 
happily in a chronic state of insurrection. It is self-evident, 
that such a deplorable condition of affairs must be ever 
hostile to the true interests of civilisation ; and eventually 
tend to plunge a nation into barbarism. Considering all the 
discordant elements, constantly jarring in our midst, it is 
nothing short of a miracle in the moral order how Ireland 
held her place amongst the civilised races of mankind. As 
A. Thierry well observes, " such could not be accomplished,, 
were it not for the buoynajicy and recuperative power 
inseparable from the Keltic character." An eminent art 
critic John Ruskin speaking on the subject, says, "the Irish 
being an artistic people, the English are therefore unfit to- 
rule them." Speranza, the gifted Lady Wilde bitterly 
lamenting the decay of Keltic art in presence of the Anglo- 
Norman freebooters and their descendants in Ireland thus 
gives utterance to her feelings on the subject : " The 
gorgeous missals and illuminated manuscripts, instinct with 
life, genius, holy reverence, and patient love, were destined 
to be replaced soon after by the dull mechanism of print ; 
while Protestantism used all its new-found strength to destroy 
that innate tendency of our nature, which seeks to manifest 
religious fervour, faith, and zeal by costly offerings and 
sacrifices. The golden-bordered holy books, the sculptured 
crosses, the jewelled shrines were crushed under the 
heel of Cromwell's troopers, the majestic k and beautiful 
abbeys were desecrated and cast down to ruin, while beside 
them rose the mean and ugly structures of the reformed 
faith ; as if the annihilation of all beauty were thus considered 
to be the most acceptable homage, which man could offer to 
God, who created all beauty, and fitted the human soul to 
enjoy, and manifest the spiritual, mystic, and eternal loveliness 
of form, and colour, and symmetry. Since that mournful 
period, when the conquering iconoclasts cast down the 

236 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

"temples and crushed the spirit of our people, there has been 
no revival of art in Ireland. It is not wonderful, that we 
cling with so much of fond, though sad, admiration to the 
beautiful memorials of the past, and welcome with warm 
appreciation the efforts of able, learned, and distinguished 
men to illustrate and preserve them." 

All admit that the Egyptians of old must have been well 
acquainted with the elements of chemistry. This fact is at once 
obvious from scanning the colours on their monuments, now so 
vivid, after so many centuries of existence. The same may be 
maintained concerning the ancient Kelts judging from theirun- 
ri vailed illuminated manuscripts, which have come down to us 
along the stream of time. How the latter mixed their colours, 
and rendered them so durable as to withstand the rough 
-usage of so many centuries, is undoubtedly a lost secret, 
As we learn from The Book of Rights and The Brehon Code^ 
ages before the Christian era the Irish were renowned for 
the beauty and brilliancy of their dyes. If additional proof of 
this were wanting, we have it abundantly supplied in our most 
ancient caligraphy. Until quite recently, we might say, very 
little attention was given to Ireland's claims as a patroness 
of the fine arts in the remote past. So great, indeed, was the 
ignorance and prejudice concerning the subject, that the 
moment anything was advanced in its favour it was simply 
treated with scorn and contempt, and at once laughed out of 
court. But now all competent to give an unprejudiced opinion, 
on the question are unanimous in assuring us that a style of 
art completely national and brought to the highest degree of 
perfection flourished in this country ages ago ; and not only 
that, but for a long period influenced in a pre-eminent 
manner art throughout the different countries of Europe. 
An eminent artist, Henry O'Neil, a man who has made Keltic 
art a speciality, speaking of our ancient artists says : " The 
Irish artists of the early Christian ages excelled the artists of 
-all other nations of any age. Their works, which remain 
prove that in fertility of invention and a profound know- 
ledge of the principles of their art, in practical taste and 
most wonderful dexterity of execution, the Irish artists have 
-never been equalled. These are the qualities that constitute 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 237 

greatness, and we have no hesitation in saying that the Irish 
artists are entitled to rank with the best that ever existed." 

The Irish illuminated manuscripts, preserved in the 
different libraries and museums, can, at a glance, be dis- 
tinguished from all others, as they are simply unique in the 
domain of art. Until quite recently, it was customary to 
designate all pictorial art, which prevailed through- 
out Europe from the fall of the Western Empire 
to the period of the Renaissance as Byzantine. But now 
when the subject is thoroughly investigated, it is found that 
the use of the term is unwarranted, and has no foundation in 
fact. The only pictorial art worth mentioning in those times- 
in Europe was certainly Keltic. This school, guided by certain 
fixed principles, was superior in originality of design, wonderful 
powers of delineation, happily combined with chromatic effect. 
When, or where, in the annals of painting, do we find artists 
using so few colours as the Irish, and at the same time pro- 
ducing such marvellous results ? The indescribable interlacing 
pattern so peculiarly Keltic, simply stands alone and unrivalled 
in decorative art, and at once proclaims the school from which 
it emanated. Its beautifully illuminated borders, by far more 
exquisite and pleasing to the view than the finest jewel- 
wrought mosaic, are admirably suited to fulfil the true 
object of all ornamentation. No wonder indeed that 
these Keltic masterpieces should have been attributed to- 
the angels themselves. How fresh and charmingly 
harmonious are the colours on them after so many centuries 
of duration ! In modern times certain artists undertook to 
copy with great care some of their initial letters, and left 
nothing undone in order to secure their durability; but after 
a few years we find them fast fading away, and destined to 
disappear altogether at no distant date. What instruments- 
did our illuminators use ? Who made them ? Had they the 
use of magnifying glasses? It is only when we have recourse- 
to such means, that we see revealed the miraculous perfection 
of ancient Keltic art. The more the subject is investigated^ 
the greater (Joes the mystery become. But who is able to 
attempt anything in the way of an explanation ? A striking 
feature in this style of ornamentation is the presence of a 

238 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

large number of curiously intertwined serpents. Such a fact 
is very remarkable, as reptiles of this kind are not in- 
digenous, and would go far to prove the Eastern origin 
of the Kelts, whose ancestors were addicted to ophiolatry, 
and no doubt introduced it here, where it lingered 
until the coming of St. Patrick, and then disappeared. 
Hence, it is conjectured, originated the legend of our saint 
banishing snakes from the soil of Erin. It is also worthy of 
observation, that in Keltic decoration properly so-called, there 
is an utter absence of Christian symbolism, a fact which would 
go far to prove its pagan origin, and that it flourished here 
long before the introduction of Christianity. Art as we learn 
from its history is naturally a plant of slow growth. We 
cannot admit that it had a mushroom origin here more than 
anywhere else. 11 never could have arrived at the perfection 
it did in the comparatively speaking short period that elapsed 
from the arrival of St. Patrick until our greatest masterpieces 
were produced. Therefore, our conclusion is that it must 
have been well cultivated, and long in existence in the pre- 
christian times. 

From whence did our remote ancestors derive this 
beautiful form of decoration ; or did it originate with them- 
selves ? This is one of those insurmountable mysteries that 
exteiid far back into the gloomy night of Time, and con- 
cerning which we have no satisfactory evidence. 

When we reflect on what was done in the early days of 
the Irish Church in the way of copying and illuminating 
books, we are at once convinced that our ancient writers did 
not exaggerate when they spoke of " the countless hosts of 
the books of Erin." We are told in the Annals of the Four 
Masters, sixty-one remarkable scribes flourished in Ireland 
before the year A.D. 900. 

St. Adamnan in his life of St. Columba assures us that the 
latter copied and illuminated with his own hand three 
hundred copies of the^Gospels. Our ancient historians often- 
times mention that the Scandinavians always took a fiendish 
delight " in burning and drowning the books of Erin." 
Hence we can infer how our literature suffered during the 
incursions of these marauders. 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 239 

A hostile critic Giraldus Cambrensis, who came to Ireland 
-about the time of the Anglo -Norman Invasion, declares that 
he travelled in different countries of Europe, and no where 
had he seen books so abundant, or beautifully decorated as 
in Ireland. Speaking of The Book of Kildare, long since lost, 
he says "Amongst all the miraculous things of Kildare, 
nothing surprised me so much as that wonderful book, said to 
have been written from the dictation of an angel in St. Bridget's 
own time. This x book contains the four Gospels according 
to St. Jerome's version, and is adorned with as many richly 
illuminated figures as it has pages. On close examination 
the secrets of the art were evident ; so delicate and subtle, 
so laboured and minute, so intertwined and knotted, so 
intricately and brilliantly coloured did you perceive them, 
that you were ready to say that they were the work of an 
angel, and not of man. The more intensely I examined them, 
the more I was filled with fresh wonder and amazement. 
Neither could Apelles do the like. Indeed mortal hand 
seemed incapable of forming, or painting them." 

All palaeographists worth naming are unanimous in 
declaring, that amongst the illuminated manuscripts of all 
nations, The Book of Kelts* that miracle of art attributed to 
St. Columba, holds the premier place. Mr. Wyatt in his 
admirable work, The Art of Illuminating^ having traced 
the effects of this peculiarly Irish School of Art over Europe, 
and how it was the cause of raising it to a degree of per- 
fection heretofore unknown, says " It is to Ireland that the 
rich style of manuscript ornamentation is due. Irish art was 
original and of marvellous perfection. . . . In delicacy of 
handling, and minute but faultless execution, the whole range 
of palaeography offers nothing comparable to these early 
Irish manuscripts, and those produced in the same style in 
England. When in Dublin some years ago I had the 
opportunity there of studying carefully the most marvellous 
of all, The Book of Kells ; some of the ornaments I 
attempted to copy but broke down in despair. No wonder 
that tradition should allege, that these unerring lines had 
been traced by angels. We freely confess, that in the practice 
of illumination at least, they (the Irish) appear in advance 

240 Earhj Christian Art in Ireland. 

both in mechanical execution, and originality of design of all 
Europe, a ad of the Anglo-Saxons in particular." Westwood 
in his noble work, Palaeographia Sacra Pictoria, observes : 
" Ireland may be justly proud of The Book of Kells. This 
copy of the Gospels traditionally said to have belonged to St. 
(Jolumba, is unquestionably the most elaborately executed 
manuscript of early art no win existence. At a period when the 
fine arts may be said to have been almost extinct in Italy, and 
other parts of the Continent, namely, from the fifth to the end 
of the eighth century, the art of ornamenting manuscripts 
had attained a perfection almost miraculous in Ireland. 
Another circumstance equally deserving of notice is the 
extreme delicacy, and wonderful precision united with 
extraordinary minuteness of detail, in which many of these 
ancient manuscripts are ornamented. I have examined with a 
magnifying glass the pages of the Gospels of Lindisfarne, and 
The Book of Kells, without detecting a false line, or irregular 
interlacement ; and when it is considered that many of these 
details consist of spiral lines, and are so minute as to have 
been impossible to have been executed by a pair of com- 
passes, it really seems a problem, not only with what eyes, but 
also with what instruments, they could have been executed. 
One instance of the minuteness of these details will sufSce. 
I have counted in a small space, scarcely three quarters of an 
inch in length, by less than half an inch in width, in The 
Book of Armagh, no fewer than one hundred and fifty-eight 
interlacements of a slender ribbon pattern formed of white 
lines, edged with black ones. The invention and skill 
displayed, the neatness, precision, and delicacy far surpass 
all that is found in ancient manuscripts executed by 
Continental artists. The designers and sculptors of the stone 
crosses were likewise the illuminators of the manuscripts ; as 
the style of ornamentation in both classes of monuments is 
essentially the same." 

Sir YV. Betham thus expresses himself: " It is a singular 
fact, not generally known, that the oldest European 
manuscripts now existing are in the Irish language ; and the 
most ancient Latin ones were written by Irishmen. The 
Psalter of Columkille, The Book of Dimma, and The Book of 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 241 

Armagh are monuments of which all Irishmen may be justly 
proud, and may exultingly produce as evidences of the 
civilization and literary acquirements of their country, at an 
age when other nations of Europe, if not in utter ignorance 
and barbarism were in their primers." Henry Shaw, who 
has borne a distinguished name in connection with ornamental 
art, says "The Hibernian school of illumination is of a 
peculiar and marked style, characterised by a design and 
execution not found in the manuscripts of other nations." 
Dr. Keller of Zurich, says "The Irish, at an early date, 
manifested a taste for caligraphy, miniature painting, carving, 
and music. They far excelled other Europeans in learning* 
and civilization. It must be admitted that Irish caligraphy, 
in that stage of its development which produced these 
examples, had attained a high degree of cultivation, which 
certainly did not result from the genius of single individuals, 
but from the emulation of numerous schools of writing, and 
the improvement of several generations. There is not a- 
single letter in the entire alphabet which does not give 
evidence, both in its general form and minor parts, of the 
sound judgment and taste of the inventor. The fineness, 
sharpness, and elegance of execution of their works, borders 
on the incredible." That celebrated critic on fine arts, Dr. 
Waagen, commenting on Irish illuminated manuscripts, 
remarks " The ornamental pages and borders, and initial 
letters, exhibit such a variety of beautiful and peculiar designs, 
so admirable a taste in the arrangement of colours, and such 
an uncommon perfection of finish, that one feels absolutely 
struck with amazement." If such is the enthusiastic praise 
in favour of ancient Keltic art, from these two eminent 
critics, who had not seen the finest specimens of Irish 
illumination, what would it have been if they had seen our 
masterpieces ? In an eloquent passage in his history of 
architecture, Mr. Freeman speaks in a most felicitous way 
about what the ancient Irish did on behalf of the fine arts : 
' Her early life rigorous in Gospel light, and in arts directed to 
the adornment of the visible emblems of her faith, was far 
indeed beyond her more powerful, and then pagan neighbour. 
Her wonderful series of annals are both copious and truthful 


242 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

Her illuminated manuscripts, the chalices, croziers, and other 
vessels and ornaments of the church, are to this day prized 
for their taste and delicacy of execution." Of all the eminent 
authorities, whose fame is world-wide, cited in favour of 
Ireland being considered a generous patroness of the fine arts 
in the distant past, riot one is an Irishman. Hence they 
cannot be suspected of partiality when they unanimously 
declare that in fertility of invention, and a profound knowledge 
of the principles of their art, the Irish artists simply 
stand unrivalled. When the art of illumination had 
attained to the acme of perfection amongst us, Ireland 
was the great school of the Western World. No wonder that 
Sulgenus Bishop of Menevia in Wales, writing about A.D. 
1070, should say, " Exemplo patrum coiimotus amore 
legendi, Ivit ad Hibernos sophia mirabile claros." 

To Ireland in the eloquent language of Professor Goerres, 
the German philosopher, " the affrighted spirit of Truth 
had flown during the Gothic irruptions into Europe; and 
there made its abode in safety, until Europe returned to 
repose, when those hospitable philosophers, who had given it 
an asylum were called by Europe to restore its effulgent 
light over her bedarkened forests." " Fourteen hundred 
years ago," says the present Protestant Bishop of Lincoln, 
Dr. Wordsworth, "Ireland was a burning and shining light 
in Western Christendom, in the arts and science she was 
then in advance of all other nations." That learned anti- 
quarian, Dr. Milner, observes: " The Irish in the Middle Ages 
were the instructors of the English, French, and Germans, in 
science, music, painting, and architecture." 

What a cause for exultation, to think, that the richest 
treasures in the way of illuminated manuscripts found in nearly 
all the principal libraries of Europe are the work of Irish hands. 
These triumphs of pictorial art can at once be distinguished 
from all others of a similar character ; just as easily as the 
different styles of architecture. Some palaeographists speak 
in no stinted terms of praise concerning the Hiberno-Saxon 
School of Art ; but as Miss Stokes and others conclusively 
point out, there never existed such a school. The works 
ascribed to it, still extant are evidently from a purely Keltic 

The University of Salamanca. 243 

source. The glory of the British Museum, The Book of Lindis- 
jarne^ is an enduring monument of Irish genius. The same may 
be said concerning the Gospels of St. Chad in Lichfield 
Library; those of M'Regol, at Oxford, and M'Durnan, in the 
Archbishop's Palace, Lambeth. On the Continent, the borders 
of all the great manuscripts are the work of Irish hands. One 
of the greatest treasures in the Imperial Library, Paris, is a 
beautiful illuminated Irish copy of the Latin Gospels. The 
renowned Gospels of Treves claim closest kindred with the 
Irish school of painting. In a word, the principal illuminated 
manuscripts in the libraries of Stockholm, St. Petersburgh, 
Copenhagen, Utrecht, Louvain, Brussels, Basle, St. Gall, 
Berne, Schaffhausen, Fulda, Wurzburgh, Cambray, Milan, 
Bobbio, Turin, &c., &c., are unquestionably the works of 
Keltic artists. 

(To be continued.) 


A PAPER giving a short historical sketch of this once 
renowned seat of learning, cannot fail, however 
jejunely written, to be of interest to the readers of the 

The mention of the University of Salamanca carries the 
mind back to the time some three hundred years ago 
when Spain was the foremost nation in Europe, foremost iii 
wealth, in power, in chivalry, and if not foremost, at least 
among the foremost in learning and sanctity; it carries 
the mind still further back to the time when Europe began to 
emerge from the dark ages when the light of learning, 
after being so long extinguished or confined to the 
monasteries, was rekindled and began to blaze forth at Rome, 
Paris, Bologna, and Oxford. Five hundred years had passed 
since the Arab invaded the Peninsula, and drove the 
Spaniards to the fastnesses of the North ; during those years 

244 The University of Salamanca. 

the Spaniard, impatient of his barren hills, and yearning for 
the smiling plains of his ancestors, had poured down op the 
infidels and driven them back step by step, now to the Douro, 
again to the Tagus, until at length in 1212 was fought the 
decisive battle of Navas de Tolosa, which left for ever the 
preponderance of power in Spain to the Spaniards and con- 
fined the Moors, during the remainder of their residence in 
Spain, to the province of Granada. About this time when 
the nation began to breathe freely after its long and ex- 
haustive wars, and to direct attention to its internal improve- 
ment and its culture, was established the University of 

It is impossible to fix the exact date when the schools which 
had already long existed at Salamanca, were chartered into a 
university, but it was during the early years of the thirteenth 
century, for there is a letter still extant in the university 
written by St. Ferdinand III. in the year 1243, in which he- 
refers to the establishment by his father Alphonso IX. of th& 
university, and in which he confirms its laws, customs, and 
privileges. So that if we construe the word university in 
the strict meaning of a legal corporation, Salamanca is only 
a few years behind Paris, and almost contemporary with 
Oxford. Alphonso X., surnamed the Wise, the most learned 
prince of his age, who has gained a lasting fame by his 
collection of laws and his astronomical tables, in every way 
encouraged the university, confirming and enlarging its 
privileges and immunities, and endowing it in 1254 with twelve 
professorships, one of which, it is interesting to remark, 
was of music. Other endowments were made by successive 
kings of Castile, who from its beginning watched over it with 
paternal solicitude, and supported it with royal munificence. 
The fame of the university soon spread, and students flocked 
to it from all the provinces of the Peninsula, It soon 
attracted the attention and gained the approval of the Holy 
See. We find Pope Innocent IV. paying it high eulogiums 
so early as 1245 at the Council of Lyons. Pope Alexander IV., 
in a brief dated the 26th April, 1255, calls it " one of the 
four luminaries of the world " and gives it many distinctions 
and prerogatives. Boniface the Eighth, in 1298 brought it 

The University of Salamanca. 245 

under his immediate jurisdiction and gave it statutes. 
John XXII. created the office of Chancellor, to whom belonged 
jurisdiction over the university, the care of the statutes, and 
the conferring of degrees. 

It is interesting to remark the manner in which the rectors 
and professors were chosen. The students were divided into 
ten sections each section comprising the students from one 
or more provinces of Spain and Portugal ; these sections 
elected representatives from their own body, and these 
representatives appointed the rector. The election of the 
professors was of even a more radical character it belonged 
directly to the students themselves each class, when a chair 
became vacant, appointing its own professor, not, however, 
'without a concursus in which the students were the judges. 
Of course there were certain specified conditions and qualifi- 
cations required in the candidates without which they could 
not compete. This system which modern educationists 
will probably laugh at, and students naturally admire, and of 
which perhaps much could be said on both sides, lasted in the 
university for more than two centuries, and on the whole 
gave satisfactory results. The ablest candidates were 
generally chosen, irrespective of local or personal considera- 
tions. A notable example of this occurred in the election of 
Fray Luis de Leon, one of the greatest scholars that 
Salamanca or Spain has produced. In 1561, while still 
young and comparatively unknown, he stood for the chair of 
St. Thomas, having against him four competitors who were 
.already professors of high standing. He displayed such 
marked ability that he was elected by a majority of 53 over 
his four opponents. The same representative principle 
extended to the government of the university, which was 
Conducted by the Rector and a Council composed of ten 
professors and ten students representing the ten sections. 

The classes were first held in the cloisters of the old 
Cathedral, cloisters which were very extensive and which stand 
in good preservation to the present day. But as the throng of 
students increased, the place became too small and the 
present university buildings were erected in 1415. I cannot 
make out the number of students at this time or until the 

246 The University of Salamanca. 

year 1552 when the number of students matriculated was 
6,328. Of these 1,707 were canonists and theologians, and 
776 students of civil law. The figure has been sometimes 
put much higher one English authority I have seen putting 
it to 14,000 but I think the number never exceeded that 
given above, as the middle of the sixteenth century appears 
to have been the most prosperous time of the university. 

An idea of the work and progress of the university can best 
be obtained by taking a glance at its principal colleges. Not 
long after its foundation, these colleges began to appear and 
went on increasing until at the end of the sixteenth century 
they numbered thirty-two. The first in order of time and 
perhaps of importance, were those of the religious orders. 
When the fame of the university had spread through Spain, 
the Orders established houses at Salamanca, got them in- 
corporated with the university, and made them distinguished 
teaching centres of their orders for the whole country. 
Their subjects attended the lectures and their ablest 
members filled chairs. Of all the members of the religious 
orders in Spain up to the middle of the sixteenth century, 
scarcely one can be found who was not either a professor 
or a student of this university. At the head of these 
stood the Dominicans. Connected with the university almost 
from the beginning, no other order or college contributed 
so much to its lustre and fame. Among its most distinguished 
professors were Diego de Deza, the friend and advocate of 
Columbus, and afterwards Archbishop of Seville; Vitoria, 
who, educated at Paris, came to Salamanca to contest the 
chair of first theology, and of whom it is said that his love of 
study was so great that he gave but three hours of the 
twenty-four to sleep ; his two disciples Melchior Cano and 
Soto, who require no introduction to the student of theology. 
Soto was one of the theologians of the Council of Trent, 
and his countrymen say he was the first to speak at it, and 
that he compiled its decrees. The Spaniards assisting at 
the Council considered him (as they testify by letters written 
at the time) if not the greatest light of the whole Council* 
certainly the greatest from the Peninsula. His fame in Spain 
was so great that Philip IT. on the day of his marriage 

The University of Salamanca. 247 

at Salamanca went to the halls to hear him lecture. Among* 
the many other notable men this convent produced, I must 
not omit the mention of Banez, the confessor of St. Theresa, 
who was the first in the field with the Thomist doctrine 
against Molina, Christopher Columbus, after his first appli- 
cation to Ferdinand and Isabella had been rejected, was 
warmly received and hospitably entertained in this convent, 
when he came to solicit the approbation of the university 
doctors for his New- World ideas. The room is still pointed 
out to the inquisitive traveller, where he slept, and the little 
hill behind, where deep in meditation he took his lonely 
walks. Whether his schemes were approved of by the 
university or rejected, is not yet a settled question 
Spaniards strenuously maintaining that they were approved, 
and all the rest of the world as strenuously, that they were 
rejected. Certain it is at any rate that Columbus had no 
abler, and, with the exception of Cardinal Mendoza, no more 
influential advocate than Deza, at that time prior of the 
convent, and already high in the Royal favour. 

Another distinguished visitor was entertained in this 
convent, but not quite so hospitably as Columbus. In 1527 
St. Ignatius of Loyola came, with four companions, to the 
town in order to attend the university. He was no sooner 
come than, animated with his usual zeal, he proceeded to a 
church and began to preach. The Dominicans hearing of 
the occurrence (for he had created a great sensation among 
the people) sent for him and examined him, and finding he 
had only studied philosophy confined him in a cell for three 
days, when they handed him over to the bishop, who handed 
him over to the public prison, where he was kept in chains 
for twenty-two days. He was then liberated under certain 
conditions, in view of which the saint, excusso pulvere, left 
Salamanca with his companions and returned to Paris. 

Next in order of time come the Franciscans, of whom I 
can find nothing of sufficient importance to merit a place in 
so short a- sketch. 

The Augustinians deserve more than a passing word. 
Of the many illustrious members of this order connected 
with the university I shall mention three. St. John of 

248 The University of Salamanca. 

Sahagun, called the Apostle of Salamanca, was first a 
student and afterwards for three years professor of Sacred 
Scripture in the university. St. Thomas of Villanova, after 
graduating as Master of Arts, and for a short time pro- 
fessing at Alcala, taught moral philosophy for two years 
in this university. The name of Fray Luis de Leon 1 
is peculiarly dear to the Spaniard, and especially to the 
Salamantine. Distinguished alike as a profound theologian 
and philosopher, a great orator, and one of the first of Spanish 
classical poets and prose-writers, he has been always vene- 
rated by the university as one of its brightest ornaments, 
while with the people the story of his wrongs and suffering, 
after the lapse of three hundred years, keeps his memory still 
green. His concursus in 1561 for the chair of St. Thomas is 
considered one of the most remarkable in the whole history of 
the university. He afterwards taught first Scripture. The 
great fame which he soon acquired, roused the envy and set 
to work the malice of some members of the university, who, 
being mediocre themselves, could not bear to witness the 
fame and popularity of genius. Leon being accused of 
heretical doctrines in his writings and lectures, was seized 
and thrown into prison by the Inquisition that dread tribunal 
established by well-meaning kings for the extirpation and 
prevention of heresy, but much more frequently (if indeed 
not nearly always) used at the instance of wicked or envious 
accusers, to satisfy private hatred or to suppress rising 
genius. The list would be very long of distinguished 
Spaniards, afterwards pronounced innocent, who suffered 
under the Inquisition, some of whom died in its dungeons. 
Leon lay in prison for five years such was the tardy course of 
justice in the Peninsula when, his cause being completed, he 
was pronounced innocent and liberated. Of his works the 
most celebrated is ,his Nombres de Cristo (Names of Christ), 
written (during his imprisonment, without the aid of books) 
with all the accuracy and learning of the theologian and 
scripturist, the eloquence of the orator, and the unction of the 

1 Commonly called by English writers, 1 know not why, Ponse de Leon. 

The University of Salamanca. 249 

The Jesuits naturally held high rank in the university. 
A branch of the order was established in the city in 1548. 
They met with so much opposition from the other Religious 
Orders, especially from the Dominicans, that they had to 
appeal to Rome, not in vain, for protection. After some time 
and trouble they got incorporated with the university. They 
very soon gave it some of its brightest names. One of their 
first novices at Salamanca was Francis de Toledo, at the 
time professor in the university, and afterwards cardinal 
the first member of the order, by the way, that was created 
cardinal. Then followed Suarez, probably the most illus- 
trious son and professor of the university in all its history, 
Maldonado, Valencia, Ribera, names that require no eulogy, 
and many others. The Queen of Philip III. took the Jesuits of 
Salamanca under her special patronage, and set about build- 
ing them a college to accommodate four hundred Jesuits. For 
this purpose she procured immense sums from the Treasury, 
and left by will a large annual rental. To provide a suitable 
site whole streets had to be cleared of houses in face of the 
most bitter opposition. The work was begun in 1617 and, after 
the lapse of one hundred and thirty-three years, was finished 
in 1750, having cost, according to the most reliable compu- 
tation, 29,000,000 reals or more than 290,000. It is in 
truth a noble building, and fully comes up to the intentions 
of its royal foundress. The Jesuits held it till their expulsion 
from Spain in 1767, when by law they forfeited it for ever. 
One part of it was afterwards given for an ecclesiastical 
seminary, another was occupied for a time by the Irish College. 
In 1854 the Jesuits returned to their college, but only as con- 
ductors of the seminary, and have since, except for one short 
interval, remained. 

These were the religious orders most prominently con- 
nected with the university, but there were many others, 1 for 
Salamanca when, at the height of its prosperity boasted of four 

1 As a proof of the number of regular clergy at Salamanca, I give the 
numbers attending the local obsequies performed at Salamanca on the 
death of Philip IV. in 1665 : 36 Minor clerics, 60 Carmelites, 30 Capuchins, 
36 de Mercede, 36 Trinitarians (discalced), 30 Augustinians (recolite), 
28 Minims, 36 de Mercede (discalced), 50 Trinitarians, 40 Carmelites 
{discalced), 50 Jesuits, 18 Calvarians, 100 Franciscans, and 150 Dominicans. 

250 The University of Salamanca. 

twenty-fives twenty-five parish churches, twenty-five con- 
vents (of women), twenty-five colleges, and twenty-five 
houses of regular clergy (not ail however incorporated 
with the university). No other order requires special 
mention except, perhaps, the Discalced Carmelites, who 
produced the Salmanticcnses. The only thing mentioned 
of them in local annals in connection -with this work, is 
that being very poor they compiled a kind of ency- 
clopedia of theology from other authors, sold it well, and 
with the proceeds built a church. Whatever may be thought 
of the Salmanticenses in other places they are thought little of 
at home, and are seldom or never quoted or mentioned. 

Besides the religious orders, there were twenty-five 'other 
colleges incorporated with the university. These were 
founded and amply endowed, some by rich and pious lay- 
men, but more by high ecclesiastics in several parts of Spain, 
who as lovers of learning and children of the university, 
made it their highest ambition, by founding a college, to 
forward the work of education, and increase the fame and 
prosperity of their Alma Mater. According to the con- 
stitutions given to such colleges by their founders, none 
were admissible but poor and deserving students students 
of promise who could not of their own means follow 
the university course. Of these four Avere what were 
called Colegios Mayores (collegia majora) --institutions that 
gained the greatest celebrity and played a most conspicuous 
part in Spanish history for three centuries. There were six 
-of this class in the whole country four at Salamanca, one at 
Valladolid, and one at Alcala. They were called Mayores on 
account of their rich endowments and the special privileges 
and immunities conferred on them by popes and kings. To 
give an idea of their results, I may mention that one of them, 
"ElViejo " of Salamanca, established in 1401 the first, and 
on account of its success, the cause and basis of the others 
numbered among its students, never reaching thirty at a time, 
six canonized saints, fourteen venerables, seven cardinals* 
eighteen archbishops, and more than seventy bishops, 
besides very many laymen who rose to the highest civil 
posts in the kingdom. Soon admission to these colleges 

The University of Salamanca. 251 

became the sure stepping-stone to the most exalted offices in 
Church and State, and consequently the highest aim of 
ambitious youth. It is recorded that young noblemen re- 
nounced their inheritance in order to qualify for admission, 
and one ambitious youth, having failed in every other attempt, 
went to England and obtained from Queen Catherine of 
Aragon a letter to Cardinal Ximenes, begging him to use 
his influence and procure the youth admission. The trouble 
was not in vain ; he was admitted, and afterwards became 
Viceroy of Peru. So long as the constitutions of their 
founders were observed, and only poor students of talent 
admitted, these colleges flourished and gained European 
fame. It would be tedious to record the high eulogiums 
bestowed upon them by popes, kings, and historians; but when 
the richest prizes fell so often to the lot of these students, the 
rich and noble began by intrigue and influence to get 
their sons admitted. Patronage succeeded merit and the 
colleges began to decline. The quiet industrious life of the 
first students began gradually to degenerate into the idle and 
boisterous and finally dissipated life of the rich usurpers. Still 
for a long time the colleges maintained their ancient prestige, 
and the students reaped the fruits of a fame which worthier 
men had made. It would be amusing, were there space, to 
relate the disputes which these colleges carried on with the 
city authorities on the point of their privileges and immunities, 
and with the university on the point of honour and pre- 
cedence, for which of course Spaniards will fight to the 
death disputes which were not unfrequently referred to the 
Royal Court, and were, owing to their name and influence,, 
decided in favour of the colleges. They succeeded also in 
appropriating a large number of the chairs in the university 9 
and with their own demoralization demoralized and partially 
ruined the university. Efforts, however, were not wanting 
to reform them. From the reign of Philip II. to that of 
Charles III., numerous lioyal Commissions were sent to in- 
vestigate and report on the state of these colleges, and royal 
orders folio wed to bring them back to their original purposes^ 
in accordance with the intentions of their founders ; but the 
colleges either obstinately resisted and through the feeble- 

252 The University of Salamanca. 

ness of the authorities were victorious, or bending to the 
v storm for the time, afterwards resumed their position when 
4he storm had passed. But Charles III. was more determined- 
After fully investigating the case, he in 1778 exiled the rectors 
and expelled the students. The colleges were then refilled 
with students chosen for their merits after a rigorous examina- 
tion. But the reform came too late. The colleges and the 
university were no longer what they had been, the sun of 
their glory was setting for ever. 

The only one of the minor colleges, I need refer to is the 
Irish. It was established in 1592 under the care of the 
Jesuits, one of whom was always rector until the Jesuits 
were expelled in 1767. They now occupy what was 
formerly one of the Colegios Mayores one of the handsomest 
buildings in Salamanca. After all the other colleges have 
disappeared it alone remains, but remains, I fear I must 
add, almost as a mere relic of the past. Yet though the 
number of students is small, and of late years growing rapidly 
smaller, the college has many advantages, and it is strange 
that it should decline. The students attend the classes of 
the Jesuits in the seminary, so that it is superfluous to add 
there is every facility for a good education the opportunities 
especially for a good knowledge of dogmatic theology not 
being easily excelled. 

The religious orders and the colleges although the more 
prominent, were not of course the more numerous part of the 
university ; they were in fact only a small minority, for the 
whole town of Salamanca was little more than a vast 
boarding-house of students. Among the other more prominent 
historical characters connected with the university was 
Cardinal Ximenes who, born of poor parents, became by his 
great ability and austere virtue, Archbishop of Toledo and 
Chancellor of Castile a dignity, considered at that time, 
after the Papacy, the first in the Catholic Church and for 
nearly two years Regent and virtually king of Spain. He 
studied at the university for six years, and afterwards founded 
its great rival Alcala. Another was Miguel de Cervantes, the 
author of Don Quixote. He holds somewhat the same position, 
in point of fame and popularity, in Spanish literature that 

The University of Salamanca. 

Shakespeare holds in English. The old house in Salamanca 
is still pointed out where he lived while attending the 
university. Again we have Gonsalvo, the Grand Captain 
of the Italian wars, and Hernan Cortes, Conqueror of 
Mexico ; Lope de Vega and Calderon, the famous poets and 
dramatists. I could give the names of many other 
distinguished students, who, however, though famous in the 
history of Spain, are not, so far as I am aware, much known 
in these countries. 

The university went on increasing in numbers and fame, 
from its foundation to the middle of the sixteenth century. 
Then after, for a time, holding its own, it began about the 
beginning of the seventeenth century to decline. The causes 
of its decline are manifold. It was no longer the one great 
university of Spain; there were, besides many others,. 
Valladolid and Alcala. The surfeit of colleges also injured 
it, as the colleges, insisting on their rights or claiming 
rights they never had, kept up continual disputes. The 
Colegios Mayores by their preponderance for a time 
injured its repute. The Inquisition too did its part, for 
as it so often happened that to become famous was to 
graduate for the dungeon, quiet men of parts often kept 
in the background where if there was not fame there 
was security. But the main cause was the general decay 
of the country. The progress of the Spanish kingdom 
from the middle of the fifteenth to the middle of the 
sixteenth century is unexampled in modern history; from 
being an obscure it rose to be the first power in Europe. 
This was the brightest period of the university. At the end 
of the sixteenth century Spain, delivered into the hands of 
weak and misguided kings, began rapidly to decline, until 
wasted by civil wars and corrupt governments it has now 
become almost zero in European politics. And with the decline 
of the kingdom came, and very proportionally, the decline of 
the university. A cursory knowledge of Spanish history will 
show how with the rise and fall of Spain, rose and fell its. 
university. The reign of Charles III. indeed threw a gleam 
of prosperity and hope over both country and university, but 
as he was neither preceded nor succeeded by worthy kings, 

254 theological Questions. 

the gleam was only transitory. However, the university 
dragged out an existence with some show of its ancient- 
splendour to the beginning of this century, when it still 
counted 2,000 students. We find Grattan, when advocating 
the Catholic claims at Westminster, quoting, in answer to 
calumnies on Catholic doctrine, the opinions of Salamanca, 
Paris, Alcala, Louvain, c. (putting Salamanca first). At 
the beginning of this century Salamanca sustained great 
injury irom the Peninsular war ; it was in turn taken and 
occupied several times by both armies. The result was that 
when the war was over, the whole western part of the town, 
including many colleges, churches, and convents, was a heap of 
ruins. Soon afterwards the other colleges were suppressed 
their funds being applied to different purposes and the 
religious orders have since either died out, gone away, or 
been expslled. One thing more was wanting to completely 
prostrate the once proud university, and it came, when about 
the middle of the century the faculty of theology was taken 
from it, and given to the seminary. It now counts only 
;some three hundred students; fallen like Spain itself in 
power and name, it is never likely to be again anything 
more than what it is now a mere provincial school. 

P. M. S. 


" What is the obligation of professed religious (not in sacris), as 
regards the recital of the Divine Office ? The Abbe Leguay, in his 
book entitled The Path of Perfection in Religious L[fe, makes a 
statement which seems to need explanation. * When the constitutions 
of an order, approved by competent authority, ordain the recitation of 
Divine Office, the religious are bound, under pain of mortal sin, to 
recite it unless they are legitimately dispensed.' Is this statement 
correct? In what sense is it correct? As the constitutions of 
religious orders do not usually bind under sin, how cau one of these 

Theological Questions. 255 

-constitutions^ from the fact that it regards the Divine office, come to 
liave the force of a grievous obligation ? Mo rule surely should be 
said to have such a strict binding force unless there were some plain 
indication thereof in the rule itself. If it be said that the obligation 
.arises not from the rule, but from a custom, which has the force of a 
law, how then does this custom or law affect religious, what does it 
impose as obligatory upon them, both as regards attendance at choir, 
where choir is customary, and as regards the private recital of the 
office on the supposition that the safer and more correct doctrine has 
it that religious are bound sub gravi to at least the private recital ? 
Could it be maintained that the opposite doctrine is solidly probable, 
and such as that one could safely follow in practice? Father Baker, 
in his admirable and well-known book Sanata SopJiia, teaches that 
no religious persons, except they be in holy orders, are bound to the 
reciting of the Divine Office in private under mortal sin,' and as to 
the custom which is said to induce this obligation he quotes Cajctan 
as doubting whether de facto there exists such a custom at all, and he 
adds that even if the custom does exist, still it has not the force of 
.a law. Is Father Baker correct in these statements? Could one 
safely accept, teach, and act upon his doctrine ? Granting the 
-existence of the grievous obligation regarding the private recital of 
the Divine Office, what would be the general nature of the cause that 
would suffice for a dispensation from the obligation. Might superiors 
quite readily dispense their subjects, especially in the case of a com- 
munity whose members are. engaged in active work '; } 

"G. M." 

Our respected correspondent, we assume, confines his 
queues to the recital of the Divine Office by members of a 
religious order properly so called. Otherwise, we could only 
reply by saying that the solution turned in each case on the 
constitutions and customs of the congregation to which the 
person belongs. 

Again, it is well to premise that what follows can apply 
only to orders in which the practice of reciting the Divine 
Office has been enforced. For canonists expressly make 
exception of religious among whom the custom does not exist. 
Thus Craisson instances the Visitation Nuns as bound to the 
Small Office, and no other. 

Moreover, as religious in holy orders are unquestionably 
under the usual obligation for clerics in sacris with regard to 

2")(> Theological Questions. 

the canonic hours, so beyond all doubt those members who 
have neither received subdeaconship, nor are destined for 
choir service, remain perfectly free from any such burthen. 
With these preliminaries in view, we proceed to discuss 
the important issues suggested in our correspondent's letter. 
St. Liguori (Lib. vi. n. 142), treats the subject at some length. 
After stating three different opinions with the authorities in 
support of each, he adopts the third, rightly calling it sententia 
communis. He holds that choir-religious, though not in holy 
orders, are bound sub gram to the daily recital of the Divine 
Office at least in private. 

To show that the custom of repeating the canonical hours 
was observed Avith the object of inducing a serious obligation. 
St. Alphonsus appeals to the way in which religious, often 
under grave difficulties, are in the habit of discharging this 
duty, as well as to the fact that the superiors of Regulars are- 
wont to enforce fidelity in regard to it by using every power 
at their command. As regards attendance in choir, he con- 
siders the duty to exist for each member, but per se sub levi 
only. Absence would not involve a mortal sin unless it pre- 
vented the choir service. This appears to us the true view, 
and any more lenient opinion we would not venture to regard 
as solidly probable. 

It does not matter much, for this particular case, whether 
custom introduced the obligation or whether it should be 
looked upon as evidence of a law once enacted and now no 
longer preserved in any more tangible form that constant 
usage can exhibit. Whichever view is taken, the two reasons 
given by St. Alphonsus are important. We may add that the 
decrees of Popes and Congregations seem to distinctly imply 
a grave obligation. For while fully acknowledging the various 
privileges religious enjoy in regard to reciting the Divine 
Office, they speak of its discharge and exemption from it just 
as they do when they deal with similar matters with respect 
to clerics in holy orders. Accordingly we do not think that 
the duty of reciting the Divine Office is at all on the same 
level as the ordinary obligations of the rule among religious 
men or women. 

But since the important legislation of Pius IX. in 1857^ 

Theological Question*. 257 

Avhat we have said requires qualification. Simple vows are 
now taken at the end of the novitiate, and solemn vows three 
years later. Now it is only for those who are solemnly pro- 
fessed that this grave obligation exists. While the vows are 
simple the choir obligation, when the constitutions impose it, 
is the only one to which a member is subject in respect of the 
Divine Office. Hence such a person is not bound sub gravi 
unless when, as already mentioned, his or her absence 
will have the effect " ut chorus tollatur." 

The local superior is per se competent to dispense in 
particular cases for a sufficient cause. What the cause 
should be may be gathered from the following words of St. 
Alphonsus : " Concedunt autern communiter D.D. quod 
praelati etiam inferiores. possint ex causa, puta studiorum. et 
simili, dispensare sicut in aliis observantiis cum suis subditis, 
ut non recitent officium." 


4 ' Does the opinion which holds that mere external appli- 
cation of matter and form of a sacrament suffices for the 
validity of the sacrament possess probability sufficient to make 
one take it into account when conferring a sacrament conditionally 
and consequently express it in words ? Every theologian of late 
years holds the opinion to be parum probabile or being contrary to 
the Ruhr. MissaUs^ but they nearly all finish with totius conditio ore 
reprimitur. Of course this should be done where the Rubrics prescribe. 
I do not refer to the liceitas but to the validitas. If the condition 
is to be expressed, where is it to be expressed in Extreme Unction ? 
in one sense, or in the five senses, or in all anointings ? 


We understand our correspondent's question to regard the 
form one should employ when re-administering a sacrament 
rendered doubtful, if not null, owing to the fact that the 
minister confined his intention to what is known as the 
intentio externa. Well, as the opinion of Externalists has 
no small amount of authority and reason 011 its side, we 
conclude at once that the form should be conditional. 

Conditions, as " Sacerdos " rightly says, need not be ex- 

258 Liturgical Questions. 

pressed in words, unless when the Rubrics so direct. This 
direction is given for Extreme Unction, and should be carried 
' out by putting the condition immediately before the words 
per istam sarictam unctionem. The Rubric would appear to 
indicate that the condition should be orally expressed 
throughout the unctions. But it does not seem sufficiently 
clear to impose an obligation after the first. It may be well 
to add that no condition should be made in the administra- 
tion of this sacrament unless it be doubtful whether the 
subject can validly receive it. 

P. OU 





'' Is it quite certain that a newly inaurated Chalice requires recon- 
secration '? If a Chalice, whether new or newly inaurated, is used by 
mistake in the Mass is it thereby sufficiently consecrated ? An early 
reply will oblige. " P. P. " 

(a) It is now quite certain that a chalice which has been 
inaurated requires to be reconsecrated before it can be used 
in the celebration of the Holy Sacrifice. Until comparatively 
recent years, however, authorities were very much divided 
on this question. Thus, for example, while Suarez and 
Vasquez held for the necessity of reconsecration, Lugo and 
Layman held that a chalice once consecrated remains con- 
secrated no matter how often it is inaurated. Those in favour 
of reconsecration argued, that if a chalice after being inaurated 
is not reconsecrated the new surface, which comes in immediate 
contact with the Precious Blood, is not consecrated, and con- 
sequently, that the chalice might as well never have been 
consecrated. For the reason for consecrating a chalice at all 
is precisely because it immediately touches the Consecrated 

Liturgical Questions. 259 

To this it was replied that, since the chalice has been once 
consecrated, and since by inauration it does not cease to be 
morally the same chalice, it must still remain a consecrated 
chalice. Now when the thin coating of gold is spread over 
the interior of the chalice, it also becomes consecrated from 
its union with the material of the consecrated chalice. A 
newly inaurated chalice, therefore, according to these authors 
stands no more in need of reconsecration, than does a church, 
which has been newly painted or whitewashed. " Ergo si 
manet idem calix, qui consecratus fuit, non oportet consecrare, 
illam novam superficiem, sicut neque in ecclesia, quae de nova 
dealbatur, oportet de novo consecrare superficiem novam." 
(Lugo. De Sacramento Eucharistia?. Disp. 20. n. 95.) 

By a reply of the Congregation of Rites of June 14, 1845, 
the controversy was set at rest, and reconsecration declared 
to be necessary. The Congregation was asked, " ut declarare 
dignaretur, utrum calix et patena suam amittant 
eonsecrationem per novam deaurationem, et sic indigeant 
nova consecratione ? " The reply is in these terms : " Sacra 

eadem congregatio rescripsit : Affirmative ; 

amittere nimirum, et indigere juxta exposita." 

(6.) Though a chalice may be sanctified by being used in 
the celebration of the Sacred Mysteries, yet it cannot be 
regarded as thereby consecrated. For by being consecrated 
a chalice is not only sanctified, but is also formally set apart 
for a certain use, according to a special and solemn rite. 
Hence, though it be granted that the sanctification, which the 
chalice receives from its use in the Mass, be equal in every 
respect to that which is imparted to it by consecration, still 
the special deputation contained in the rite of consecration is 

Neither here, however, have theologians been unanimous, 
though the great weight of authority has always been on the 
negative side. " Aliqui volunt " writes Lugo (loc. cit. 91-92) 
" si bona fide aliquis celebrarit in calice et patena nondum 
consecratis,. non indigere jam alia consecratione." Having 
examined and refuted the arguments brought forward in 
support of this opinion, the same author concludes, " unde 
merito illam (sententiam) rejiciunt omnes alii." 

260 Liturgical Questions. 

The opinion of modern theologians and rubricists is thus 
expressed by Lehmkuhl (vol. 2, n. 228, i>) . . . . " neque 
pro practice probabili haberi potest aliquorum veterum opinio 
vasa vel vestimenta sacra si ante consecrationem vel 
benedictionem, sive bona sive mala iide sacrificio missae- 
servierint, pro jam consecratis haberi posse." 



'* The Pviibrics of the Breviary direct the Psalmi Graduates to le 
said on the Wednesdays of Lent ; the Psalmi Poenitentiales on the 
Fridays; and the Officiujn Defunctorum on the Mondays, Monday of 
Holy Week excepted. Now is their any custom justifying the secula 1 * 
clergy in omitting these ? '' VICARICS." 

It is not merely by custom that the Secular clergy are 
excused from observing the rubrics referred to by our 
esteemed correspondent. In the Bull, Quod a nobis, by which 
Pius V. sanctioned and confirmed his edition of the Breviary,, 
the Pontiff expressly states that he removes all obligation 
of reciting the psalms and office mentioned by our correspon- 
dent. " Quod vero," he says, " in Rubricis Nostri hujus 
officii praescribitur quibus diebus officium beatae Marian semper 
Virginis et defunctorum, item septem Psalmos Poenitentiales 
et Graduales dici ac psalli oporteat ; Nos propter varia hujus 
vitae negotia multorum occupationibus indulgeiites peccati 
quidem periculum ab ea praescriptione removendum 
duximus." 1 

From these words it would seem to follow that not only 
Seculars, but Regulars also, whether bound to choir or not, 
are released from all obligation of reciting the above- 
mentioned psalms and offices ; but the Congregation of Rites 
has more than once laid down that the obligation still remains 
for those bound to choir. Thus, for example, in reply to the 
Bishop of Nola in 1660, the Congregation declared 
" Praedicta (officia, etc.), non esse omittenda (in choro) et 
coiitrariam consuetudinem post Bullam Pii Y. introductam 

1 See full text of Bull in begimiiisg- of Breviary. 

Liturgical Questions. 261 

esse abusum inipraescriptibilem." But no one has ever 
thought of doubting that the obligation has been entirely 
removed from all the clergy who are not obliged to recite the 
office in choir. The Congregation of Rites has itself declared 
that even Canons and others bound to choir, if legitimately 
dispensed from the obligation of choir, are eo ispo dispensed 
from the recitation of the offices and psalms, of which we are 
.speaking. " Quae quidem officia," says the Congregation, 
" sunt onera tantummodo ex praecepto implenda in choro." 

While removing the obligation of reciting these offices 
and psalms, St. Pius strongly urges the clergy not to take 
advantage of the remission granted them. " Omnes vehementer 
in Domino," he continues, " cohortamur, ut remissionem Nostram 
quantum fieri poterit sua devotione ac diligentia praecurrentes 
illis etiam precibus, suffragiis et laudibus suae et aliorum saluti 
consul ere studeant." To incite the clergy to follow this counsel 
he has granted an indulgence of one hundred days for the 
recital, on the days mentioned in the Rubrics, of the Office of 
the Blessed Virgin, or of the Dead, and an indulgence of fifty 
days for the recital of either of the two collections of psalms. 



' ; Please say is it sufficient to make an inclination of the head only 
ut the verse Veneremur cernni of the Tantum Eryo, when it is sung 
during Benediction. Baldesclii hays, "all profoundly incline, but do 
not prostrate themselves," but I think he makes a distinction between 
this inclination and that to be made before the celebrant rises to put 
incense into the thurible. 


There is a profound inclination of the head, as well as a 
profound inclination of the body, but to which of these 
Baldeschi refers is not quite clear. From the words, " but 
do not prostrate themselves," we would be inclined to infer 
that he speaks of a profound inclination of the body ; for 
when one is directed merely to incline the head there is not 
much necessity for warning him not to prostrate himself. 
We cannot, however, with our esteemed correspondent, see 

262 Correspondence. 

any difference in the direction which Baldeschi gives here, 
and that which he gives regarding the inclination to be made 
before rising to put incense into the thurible. For in the 
latter place he simply says, " having made a profound 
inclination the officiant, etc." 

If we interpret Baldeschi rightly as directing a profound 
inclination of the ^body at the Veneremur cernui, it must bo 
said that he differs from most other authors. Vavasseur lays 
down that only an inclination of the head should be made at 
these words, and an inclination of the body before rising to 
put the incense in the thurible, and in a note he states that 
such are the directions given by all authors tons les auteurs 
are the words he uses. It must be borne in mind, however r 
that there is no rubric, no authoritative declaration of the 
Congregation of Kites, governing the practice in this case.. 
Hence rubricists are free to recommend what appears to 
themselves most becoming, or what they find to be the practice 
in the churches with which they are acquainted. 

D. O'LoAX. 


VERY REV. AND DEAR SIR. It is hardly necessary to draw your 
readers' attention to a manifest error in the Statistics quoted at the 
conclusion of my article on " Craniotomy," which appeared in last 
month's number. 

In justice, however, to the Hospital in question, I must acknow- 
ledge that there is a mistake somewhere. I took the numbers quoted- 
from a renowned work. Perhaps the author inadvertently put. 
thousands for hundreds. I remain, yours respectfully, 

U. E. U. 

[We desire to express our thanks to the writers of the annexed, 
correspondence for their kindness in correcting the serious mistake to 
which they call attention. ED. I. E. R.] 

REV. DEAR SIR. My attention has been drawn through the 
kindness of Canon O'Neill of Clontarf, to an article on " Craniotomy," 

Correspondence. 263 

in the ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD, for the month of February, signed 
U. E. U., in which a remarkable statement is made, on the 
authority of Dr. Playfair, that in the Rotunda Hospital, Craniotomy 
was employed in twenty-one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven 
cases of labour, during the mastership over that hospital of one 
doctor alone. 

On looking up the reference, I find the statement depends on an 
entire misconception of what Dr. Playfair said. 

Dr. Playfair when discussing the relative frequency of Craniotomy 
and Forceps (Science and Practice of Midwifery, ch. v., p. 207), says : 
44 During the mastership of Dr. Labbat at the Rotunda Hospital, the 
Forceps was never once applied in twenty-one thousand, eight 
hundred and sixty-seven labours :" this is an entirely different thing 
from the statement that Craniotomy was performed in twenty-one 
thousand, eight hundred and sixty-seven cases. Dr. Playfair makes 
no mention of how r often Craniotomy was employed, and as a matter 
of fact, these twenty-one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven 
cases, represent the total number delivered in the Hospital during the 
seven years of Dr. Labbat's mastership, beginning November, 1815 
three generations ago. 

I am sure no one will rejoice more at the explanation than your 
contributor, U. E. U. Believe me, yours sincerely, 



REV. SIR, My attention has been called to an article in the 
I. E. RECORD for February, 1888, on " Craniotomy," by U. E. U., 
in the concluding paragraph of which he says, on the supposed 
authority of Dr. Playfair, " that in one hospital alone, that of the 
Rotunda, instead of the forceps, craniotomy was employed in 
twenty-one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven cases of labour 
during the mastership over that hospital of one doctor alone." 

. This quotation is altogether misleading, it conveys the impression 
that one doctor had performed Craniotomy 21,867 times, whereas 
Dr. Playfair merely intends to state that this doctor performed Cranio- 
tomy in cases of difficult labour occurring among these patients, 
instead of having recourse to the Forceps, as is now the universal 

I have no intention of entering to the discussion of the question 
of ethics raised by U. E. U., but merely wish to point out that it 
really refers to the past. Craniotomy as defined by him " to imply 


a destruction of the life in the foetus," page 120, is virtually, at least 
in this city and among all well-informed practitioners, now never 
performed. I filled the office of Master of the Rotunda Hospital from 
1875 to 1882, during which time nearly 20,000 women must have 
been delivered under my superintendence. I am unable to give the 
exact numbers, as the records are not in my possession, and it would 
be tedious to go over all the cases, but I can assert with certainty 

1. Craniotomy was not performed a dozen times during my 

2. That it never was performed in any single case in which 
absolute certainty did not exist that the child was dead. 

3. That in not one of these cases was the Laparotomy (that is the 
Caesarian Section) justifiable. 

It is right to add that the doctor to whom Dr. Playfair refers is 
dead these fifty years, and it seems to me out of place to discuss the 
line of practice carried on in the Rotunda near a hundred years ago, 
In conclusion permit me to state that during my Mastership of 
the hospital, in consequence of statements made to him, the late 
Archbishop M'Cabe directed enquiries to be made as to the practice 
in cases of difficult labour in the Rotunda. The enquiries were made 
by Dr. Donnelly, now Bishop of Canea, then one of the clergymen 
attached to Marlborough-street Cathedral, and as the result of these 
enquiries. I was informed that the archbishop was perfectly 
satisfied. I am, sir, yours obediently, 


Ex-Master of the Rotunda Hospital. 
16th February, 3888. 

REV. SIR, In the February number of the I. E. RECORD, a paper 
on Craniotomy appears from the pen of U. E. U. 

In the concluding paragraph the following sentences occur. "1 
shall conclude this paper with a fact mentioned by Dr. Playfair, and 
which I deem conclusive enough of the alarming frequency of cra- 
niotomy. He states that in one hospital alone, that of the Rotunda, 
instead of the forceps, craniotomy was employed in twenty-one thou- 
sand eight hundred and sixty-seven cases of labour during the 
mastership over that hospital of one doctor alone." In a foot note 
the writer says, " I flinch from giving his name." 

Now as this is a total misrepresentation of what Dr. Playfair says, 
I will quote from his work the exact words. 

The Church Abroad. 2H5 

" It must be admitted that the frequency with which Craniotomy 
has been performed in this country constitutes a great blot on British 
Midwifery. During the Mastership of Dr. Labbat at the Rotunda 
Hospital, the Forceps was never once applied in 21,867 labours." 

Dr. Labbat became master of the Rotunda in the year 1815, and 
continued in office until 1821. During his term of Mastership 
21,867 women were confined in the hospital, but although he did not 
use the Forceps in a single instance, it does not follow that every 
patient that was admitted into the hospital was subjected to Cra- 
niotomy. We have also to recollect that it is more than severity 
years since he became master, and the power of the Forceps was very 
little known then as compared with the present day. 

During the four years I was connected with the Rotunda, some 
10,000 women were delivered. Craniotomy was performed on four 
occasions, and then only when the foetus was known to be dead. 

1 desire only to state the above facts, as otherwise an erroneous 
impression as to the frequency of Craniotomy might be conveyed by 
the paper above referred to. 


Ex- Assistant blaster, Rotunda Hospital. 
18M February ^ 1688. 


THE Germans are fond of titles. They have, on the whole, great 
respect for authority and find it quite natural that the grades of 
the world's hierarchy should be marked by appropriate modes 
of address. Nor are these distinctions confined to the upper 
classes. As it is the pride of the German artisan to lift his hat in 
the streets to his fellow worker with as much grace as any knight 
or baron in the land, he likewise takes pains not to omit any of those 
formalities which usage prescribes cither in conversation or correspon- 
dence- Without being so gushing as the Italians or so formal as the 
French, he is yet strictly polite, and his politeness is often marked with 
the peculiarities, the quaint traditions of his native town or province. 
This is true, in a special manner, of those districts in which the 
Catholic church still holds her time-honored place, and is able to make 
her ever-civilizing influence felt over the people. She who has always 
clung to whatever^ was worth holding of the past, keeps alive and 

266 The Church Abroad. 

fresh the best remnants of old Teutonic manners, interwoven with 
many customs of the Middle Ages that come down to us with all the 
weight of respectability and years. so doubt there are partisans of 
a different civilisation here as elsewhere, Those who wish to level 
the world downwards look rather askance at such practices and titles; 
but should these, through any accident or chance, happen to be denied 
what they consider their own peculiar claims to the deference of the 
neighbour, then of course the affair assumes a different complexion 
altogether. Others there are who regard these ways and usages as a 
rather harmless indulgence of human nature provided they be not 
called upon to be over particular themselves. But such personages 
are not confined to Germany. One of the most successful characters- 
in Goldoni's plays is a certain Signer Pancrazio who protests against 
his servant calling him " Illustrissimo." After repeated disclaimers 
he insists with energy : 

u lo vi dico una volta per tutto che non mi euro di titoli superlativi. 
Mi basta aver de' danari in tasca. Cori i danari si mangia e con i 
titoli spesse volte si digiuna." 

Moliere too has immortalized with ridicule the " Bourgeois- 
Gentilhomme," who felt so elated when an obsequious attendant first 
addressed him " Monseigneur," as well as the peasant " George Dandin " 
who had so much reason to repent of his ambitious notions. And has 
not our own Oliver Goldsmith, in his characteristic way, reproved 
that excess of honor which often passes current for imaginary worth 
and ' shifts in splendid traffic through the land ?" 

" For while this softer art their bliss supplies, 
It gives their follies also room to rise." 

In Germany, it must be said, there are not a few who go far beyond 
the limits of this good-natured criticism. In their idea the days of 
the titled class are gone, and the hour is near at hand when they shall 
have to pay the penalty of many a hardship long imposed upon the poor. 
Time, indeed, may have a great many changes in store for the 
world, but into such speculations it is no part of our object to enter, 
and we shall endeavour to give an account of what is done at present^ 
not either of what was done in the past or is likely to take place in- 
years to come. 

Taking first, as usual, the addresses of ecclesiastics, the envelope- 
address to a Cardinal may be written as follows, v.g. : 

An den Hochwiirdigsten, 
Herrn Kardinal MeJchers, 
Erzbischof von Koln, 

zu Koln. 

The Church Abroad. 267 

It might alsjp be written as follows : 

Sr. Eminenz dem Hochwiirdigsten 
Herrn Kardinal Melchers, 
Erzbiscliof von Koln, 

zu Koln. 

If the Cardinal were a prince by birth the address should be 
written as follows : 

An dem Hochwurdigsten und 
Durchlauchstigsten Fiirsten und Herrn, 
Herrn Albrecht von Schwartzenberg, 
Kardinal-Erzbischof von Wien, 

zu Wien. 

Finally, if the Cardinal were a Prince-bishop, thought not a princo 
by birth, he should be addressed 

Sr. Hochfiirstlichen Eminenz, 
dem Hochwurdigsten Herrn, 

Herrn Kardinal Ganglebaur, 

Erzbiscliof von Wien, &c. 

An Archbishop or Bishop, who is a prince by birth, is generally 

Sr. Durchlaucht, 
dem Hochwiirdigsten Herrn, 

Herrn Leopold von Gleischenstein, 

Erzbiscliof von N. 
If he be a Prince-bishop or Prince-archbishop then it would be,. 

Sr. Fursterzbishoflichen Gnaden, 
dem Hochwurdigsten, Hochgebornen Herrn, 
Herrn Karl-Ludwig Stottzengel, 

Erzbiscliof von N., &c. 

It often happens in Germany and Austria that an Archbishop is 
also a Minister of State in the province or kingdom to which he 
belongs, or at all events holds the rank and title of a Minister of 
State, and then he is addressed 

Sr. Erzbishoflichen Excellenz. 
An Apostolic Nuncio is generally addressed - 
Sr. Erzbishoflichen Excellenz, 

kdem Hochwurdigsten Herrn, 
Herrn Ludovico Ruffo Scilla, 
Apostolische Nuntius in Miinchen, 
zu Miinchen. 

268 The Church Abroad. 

A letter to a Bishop is generally addressed, r.</. 

Sr. Bischoflichen Gnaden, 
clem Hoclnviirdigsten Ilerrn Klein, 

Bischof von Eambcrg. 

If the Bishop be a Coadjutor we have only to add "Coadjutor 
<ler Dioces von N. ; " if he be an Auxiliary Bishop, for instance in 
the diocese of -Munich, we should put ' ; Weihbischof in Miinchen." 
A domestic Prelate is addressed, v.g. 

Sr. Hochwurden Ilerrn Krieg, 
Hauspriilaten Sr. Heiligheit des Papstes, &c. 
A Canon, Cathedral Curate, Superior of religious house, &c., is 
Addressed, v.g. 

Sr. Hochwurden, 
dem Herrn Kanonikus Schneider, or 

Sr. Hochwurden dem Herrn Domlmpitular N. 
Seminal-director N., Hofkaplan N., &c., c. 
An Abbot of a monastery is addressed, v.rj. 

Sr. Gnaden, 

dem Hochwiirdigsten Herrn N., 
Abt des Benedictiner-Stiftes, 

zu Gratz. 

A Parish Priest would be addressed- 
Seiner Hochwurden, 
dem Herrn Pfarrer N., &c. 

On a letter to a Curate or to the Priests who administer part of 
a parish we should only have to substitute the words " Vikar " or 
44 Kaplan " for " Pfarrer " in the above. 

The Bector of a university is addressed, v.y. 

Sr. Magnificenz 
dem Hochwohlgeboren Herrn N., 

Rector der Kaiserlicher Universitiit, 

zu Leipsig. 
A Professor would be addressed 

Sr. Hochwohlgeboren 
Herrn (Dr.) N., &c. 
With regard to the laity, the Emperor is addressed simply 

An Seine Majestiit, 
den Kaiser Wilhelm, 
in Berlin. 

The Church Abroad. 269 

The Empress of Austria, r.g. 

An Hire Majestat, 
die Kaiserin von Oesterreich, 
in Wien. 

A king is addressed, v.g. l( An Seine Majestat, den Kunig 
Ludwig von Bayern, in Miinchen." The people of Wurtemburg when 
writing to their king write simply, li An den Kunig." A grand duke 
is addressed, " An Seine Kwiigliche Iloheit, den Grossherzog von 
Baden, in Karlsruhe." A prince might be addressed, v.g. *\Sr. 
Fiirstlichen Durchlaucht, dern Prinzen Friedrich von Sachsen- 
Altenburg," &c. An earl or count can be addressed, v.g. " An 
Seine Hochgrafliche Erlaucht, den Hochgebornen Herrn Graf en von 
Lichtenstein," or, " Seiner Hochwohlgebornen, dem Herrn Grafen," 
&c. A baron or " Freiherr " may be addressed " feeiner Hoch- 
freiherrlichen Gnaden, dem Hochwohlgebornen Herrn Baron von 
N," or simply " Sr. Hochwohlgebornen, dem Herrn Baron von N." 
A minister of state is addressed " Seiner Excellenz, demlvonigl. (or) 
Kaiserl. Minister (der Justiz), (des Innern), Herrn (Grafen) (Baron) 
(Freiherrn) von N." A rich merchant or business person is 
addressed, v.g." Sr. Wohlgeboren, dem Herrii Hermann Herder, 
Verlagshandlung, zu Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Baden," or, " Sr. 
Wohlgeboren und Hochwiirden Herrn Friedrich Pustet, Verlagshand- 
lung, zu Regensburg (Batisbon) Bayern," or , " An den Hochwiirden 
Herrn Kaufmann Mayer," &c. A great many of the superior officers 
of the army are addressed, '' Sr. Excellenz," etc. 

We shall now proceed with the other forms, giving a few of those 
at the commencement and the end of the letters. We shall write 
them consecutively on the same line to economize space, as any 
person writing to Germany will have intelligence enough how to 
place the words themselves. 

At the commencement of a letter a Cardinal is addressed 
" Eminenz," or, "Eure Eminenz." This form, however, is not con- 
sidered over polite, especially when coming from an inferior ; hence 
the form, <; Hochwiirdigster Herr Kardinal, Gnadigster Herr " is 
much more common. Doubling the titles in this manner is now 
almost universal. If the Cardinal be a prince by birth, the second 
part of the address would be" Durchlauchtigster Furst und Herr." 
An Archbishop who is a prince by birth is addressed " Hochwiir- 
digster, Durchlauchtigster Herr Erzbischof! Gmidigster Herr." A 
prince-archbishop is addressed " Hochwurdiger Herr Ftirst- 
Erzbischof ! Gnadigster Herr." An Archbishop is generally addressed 

270 The Church Abroad. 

" Hochwiirdigster, Hochgeborner Herr Erzbischof." If lie b a 
minister of state, even in the local government of a province or 
kingdom, or a privy councillor of a king or prince, he generally gets 
the title ' f Excellenz." The other form is then also added, and often 
even " Gnadigster Herr." A Nuncio is generally addressed with the 
three titles " Excellenz, Hochwiirdigster Herr Nuntius, Gnadigster 
Herr." A Bishop " Hochwiirdigster Herr Bischof ! Gnadigster 
Herr." A prelate of the Pope's household " Hochwiirdigster Herr 
Pralat." A parish priest can be addressed " Hochehrwiirdiger Herr 
Pfarrer." A doctor in Theology " Hochwiirdigster Herr Doctor." 
A professor of a university " Hochwiirdiger Herr Professor." For 
all others we have only to add the special title to the words " Hoch- 
wiirdiger " or " Hochgeehrter Herr," or, both, thus "Hochwiirdiger 
Hochgeehrter Herr Domkapitular, Kanonikus, Kuratus, Vikar, 
Kaplan, Superior, Prior. Rector, Domprabendar, Hofk apian, Abt, 
Probst, Kousistorial-Rath, Oberhofprediger, t Dechanten, Kooperator, 
&c." With regard to the laity, the emperor is addressed ' ; Aller- 
durchlauchtigster, Grossmachtigster Kaiser und Herr ! " A king 
" Allerdurchlauchtigster Grossmachtigster Konig! Allergniidigster 
Konig und Herr." A grand-duke " Allerdurchlauchtigster 
Grossherzog! Allergnadigster Grossherzog und Herr." A prince 
of the Royal family " Durchlauchtigster Priuz ! Gnadigster Prinz 
und Herr." An ordinary prince '' Gnadigster Fiirst und Kerr." 
An archduke of Austria " Durchlauchtigster Erzherzog ! Gnadigster 
Herr." A Duke " Durchlauchtigster Herzog, Gnadigster Herzog 
und Herr." An earl of the three upper classes (reichstandig, 
reichsunmittelbar and mediatifiert, who possess what is called 
" Standesherrschaft ") " Erlauchter Graf," or " Erlauchtigster 
Graf und Herr." An earl or baron (oline Standesherrschaft) 
may be addressed: "Hocligeborner Herr Graf! G-nadiger Herr." 
A baron or "Freiherr" who is not a il Standesherr," should be 
addressed: " Hochwohlgeborner Freiherr," or " Hochwohlgeborner 
Herr Baron ! Gnadiger Herr." A knight (Ritter) and people who have 
" Hoffiihigkcit," i.e., admittance to court, and all those in the lower 
grades of the nobility (Edelstand), may be addressed : t: Hochwohlge- 
borner Herr," A minister of State is : " Hocligeborner Herr Minister." 
-Judges and legal functionaries in the higher grades ( {i Regieruug's 
Appellation's- Rath," "Landesgericht's-Rath," " H of- Rath." "Mini- 
sterial-Rath," B '* Kabinets-Sekretiir," " Burger meister einer grosseii 
4Stadt,"."Oberamtsrichter," " Forstmeister," " Aktuar," " Advokat," 
a> Registrator," " Protokollist," a Magistrats-Rath," &c.), all these may 

The Church Abroad. 271 

Tie addressed: ' ' Wohlgeborner, Hochzuverehrender Herr," adding 
after " Herr " the specific title. The same too is used when addressing 
artists, bankers, and rich merchants (Kaufleute), A shopkeeper or a 
respectable tradesman, artisan, &c., can be addressed : " Hochgeehrter 
Herr." There is a principle in German which says: "Die Fraucn 
crhalten den Titel ihrer Manner so class also wen der Mann 
' Hochwohlgeborner,' ' Wohlgeborner ' und" dasgleich bekommt, die 
Frau dasselbe Priidicat erhalte." Hence the addresses of ladies can 
easily be determined from those given, as e.g. : " Hochgeborne Frau 
Griifin ; Gnadigste Frau." " Hochwohlgebornes, Gniidiges Fraulein." 
" Durchlauchtigste Herzogin ! Gnadigste Herzogin und Frau," &c. 

The terminations of the letter are even more varied than the 
addresses. We shall give only a few. A letter to a Cardinal, 
especially from an inferior in rank would end " In tiefster Ehrfurcht 
verharrt Eurer Eminenz, unterthanigster Diener N." To a bishop 
who is of princely origin : 4 ' In tiefster Ehrfurcht, verharrt Eurer 
Hochfiirstlichen Durchlaucht, unterthanigst. gehorsamster Diener N." 
To an archbishop we should have only to change the " Hochfiirstlichen 
Durchlaucht " in the above into "ErzbischorHchen Gnaden." To a 
bishop we should substitute in the same place : " Ew. Paschoflichen 
Gnaden." To a nuncio: " Ew. Excellenz." To a prelate: "Eure 
Gnaden," or " Eure Hochwohlgeboren." To a clergyman in an 
important position we should say : " Mit der vollkommensten 
Hochachtung verharrt Eurer Hochwiirden, ergebenster Diener N." 
Another form for ecclesiastics generally is : "' Achtungsvoll zeichnet 
Eurer Wohlehrwurderi, ergebenster Diener N." To the Emperor the 
form is very elaborate : (i In allertiefster Unterwiirfigkeit, erstirbt 
Eurer Kaiserlichen Majestat, allerunterthamgster, treugehorsamster 
Diener N." To a King : " Kaiserlichen " in the above is changed 
into : ' : Koniglichen." A letter to a nobleman of superior rank 
would end: " Genehmigen, Hochdieselban, die Versicherungen der 
tiefsten Verehrung, womit zu beharren die Ehre hat Eurer 
Hochgriiflichen Gnaden, ergebenster, ganz gehorsamer Diener N. 5 ' 
To a rector or chancellor of a university one might write : ' Mit der 
ausgezeichnetsten Hochachtung empfiehlt sich Eurer Magnificenz, 
gehorsamster Diener N." Another common form in general use is : 
" Mit aller Hochachtung verbleibe ich Eurer Wohlgeboren, ergebenster 
Diener N," or " Mit der vollkommensten Hochachtung habe ich die 
Ehre zu sein, Ew. Wohlgeboren, ergebenster, &c." The following 
is a [more subservient form : " Erlatiben Sie dass ich mioh Ihnen 
empfehlen darf und mit der wahrhaftesten Hochachtung mich 
unterschreiben, Ew. Hochwohlgeboren, gaiiz gehorsamsten N." 


These general indications will sulttce. It will be seen that the 
grades of rank are numerous in Germany. In the struggles of life 
there the respect for position and honor is an incentive to 
industry. For as the worthy pastor says in Goethe's Hernumn und 
Dorothea : 

" Ich weis es, der Mensch soil 

Immer streben zum Bessern ; und, wie wir sehen, er strebt auch 
Immer dem Hohereu nach, zum wenigsten sucht er das iieut- 
Aber geht niclit zu weit ! denn nebeu diesen Gefiihlon 
Gab die Natur mis auch die Lust zuverharrcn im Alton 
Und sich dessen zu freun, was jeder lange gewohnt ist 
Allor Zustand ist gut, der natiirlich ist und verniinftig 
Vieles wiincht sich der Mensch, und doch bedarf or nur wenig 
Demi die Tage sind kurz und beschrankt dor Sterblichen Schicksul."' 





Perjucunda filiis Tuis adest dies anniversaria, et per totum 
orbem terrarum Christi fideles una voce gratias Deo Optimo^ 
Maximo agunt quia quinquaginta abhinc annis Tu ad Divinun? 
Sacrificium litandum prirna vice admissus, hodie, a lumen in coelo," 
toti Ecclesire Catholics effulges, radiisque sanctitatis et doctrinal 
munduni universum illustras. Scilicet qui sol tantis abhinc annis 
oriebatur, crescente jam lumine ad splendorem usque meridianum 
progressus est, etgloriose effulget. Et quidem tune temporis in uno 
templo resonabant laudis cantica, quando voci tuas Deus obedivit et 
super aram descendit nunc autem in omnibus gentibus et in omni 
loco, Ipse Deus vices suas Eeatitudini Tuse commisit, ita ut Vicarius 
Christi, et nomineris et sis ; et ab ortu solis usque ad occasum, Ille 
qui potens est, uomen Tuum, Bcatissime Pater, et per Te Nomen 
sanctum suum magnificavit. 

Ceterum speciali modo dies ista faustissime nobis, Hibernis, 
illucescit, et lumine singular! oboritur. Narnque dilectione peculiar! 
Hiberniam nostram semper prosecutus ad summum Pontiticatuni 

Documents. 27 ?> 

mini Dei Providentia vocatus, amorem istum novis ct iniisitati 
significatiombus ostendei'e non desinis. Quid dicendum de itinere 
nostro annis duobus abhinc ad Sacra Limina suscepto, quaiido Tn, 
Pater Optime, nos filios Tuos vocasti, ut nobiscuiu os ad os loquereris 
et raonita salutis a labiis Tuis Apostolicis nos audiremus. Quid de jugi 
Tua pro nobis et gregibus nostris verc paterna sollicitudine ! Quid 
de nova ista amoris ostensione, quando in hisce ultimis diebus Virum 
Illmiim et Rmum., Archiepiscopum Damiettensem ad oras nostras 
misisti, uti de statu rertim nostrarum praesenti plenissime cognosceret 
et Beatitudini Tuae rcferret de Hibcrniae nostrae necessitatibus, de 
plebis nostrae Catliolicae votis, de spe futuroruni provcutuum, 

Et quidem in Te, Beatissime Pater, fiduciam maxiraam habemus, 
quod sicut in temporibus anteactis. ita et mine et in postcrum populo 
Hibernensi S. Sedes Apostolica semper erit columen et tutamen, et quod 
in persona Beatitudinis Tuae Parentem Optimuin, egenorttm defenso- 
rern, in legitimo plebis nostrae pro suis juribus ccrtamine auxilium 
potentissimum, patriae denique nostrae in necessitatibus omnibus 
praesidium tutissimum inveniemus. 

Ad Pedes igitur Beatitudinis Tuae, Nos, Arch iepiscopi et Episcopi 
Hiberniac, provoluti, una cum Clcro et fideli populo curis nostris 
commissis, Deo gratias agimus,Tibi autem,Beatisime Pater, gratulamur 
atque humillimas Omnipotent! Largitori omnium bonorum preces 
effundimur, ut quibususque Tibi tanta et tarn exiraia bona ad Ipsius 
gloriam et Ecclesiae decus donavit, potiora adhuc in dies tribuens 
beneficia, et in praesenti per plures annos et aeterna in regno coelorum 
bona concedere dignetur. Interea humillime rogamus Te, Beatissime 
Pater, ne cesses vocem Tuam Apostolicam attollere, sicuti a felice die 
erectionis Tuae in Cathedrarn principalem semper fecisti, ut per os 
Tuum, id est Petri qui per Leonem loquitur, audiant gentes verbum 
Evangelii, et credant. Monita salutis et regibus et populis tradere ne 
desinas, ut ad vitam una cum grege Tibi credito pervenias sempiter- 

Interea S. Pedes exosculantes Nobis, Cleroque nostro et populo 
fideli Benedictionem Apostolicam efflagitamus. 


Non longo vos sermone morabimur, verumtamem significare placet, 

quod ceteroquin sponte intelligitis, vehementcr nos prsesentia vestra 

vestrisque sententiis delectari. Quod declaratis Quinquagenaria 

Sacerdotii nostri memoria vos quidem civesque vestros singular! 


274 Documents. 

affectos ketitia, perlibontes voluntatem istam acc-ipimus, neque vos 
dubitare volumus quin reddamus parem. 

Certe vel in ipso Summi Pontificatus exordio anlmum paterno 
cum studio ad Hiberniam adjecimus ; earn quippc apud DOS multiplex 
causa commendabat, scd potissimum Catholicas incolumitas fidei 
quam scilicet Beati Patritii labore et virtute satam, invicta majorum 
vestrorum fortitude retinuit, yobisque sancte custodieudam transmisit. 

Ac jure quidein in vobis est stabilis bcnevolentio3 nostras fiducia. 
Hibernos enim ea qiue oequum est caritale prosecuturi sumus itemque 
eorurn tranquilitati, prosperitatique studere perseverabimus. Et 
sane ut quam liabetis spem in nobis positam perpetuo sustinuisse 
judicemur, cujusmodi animi nostri, vel hoc tempore exstat locuples 
testimonium, in eo videlicet quod venerabilem fratrem Aroliiepiscopum 
Damiettensem certis cum mandatis in rera praesentem misimus ut 
liceret nobis quo res statu sint et quid vobis maxime expediat illo 
etiam auctore cognoscere. Verura his insidentibus difficultatibus ex 
epistolis quas superioribus annis ad Archiepiscopum Dublinensem 
cledimus tuta ac firma agendi nor ma sumatur. Id sane postulat non 
solum religio qute princeps est Hiberni generis laus sed ipsa quoque 
communis utilitas, quia nullum potest tempus accidere ut intersit 
reipublicae fundamentum ordinis omniumque bonorum justitiam 
violari. Nuperrime in Germania feliciter re trepida Catholicos 
evasisse videtis moderatione legumque verecundia, nobis suasonbus 
atque anctoribus, adhibita. Similem in Hibernia raodum quidni 
fructus similes Dei munere consequantur ? 

Quare plurimum Hibernia3 episcoporum auctoritate sapientiaque 
confidimus, plurimum etiam virtute populi cujns obsequio Sedis 
Apostolicae in obtemperatione episcopis suis est laudata \oluntas. 
Qua spe freti propitium vobis divitem in misericordia Deum adpre- 
oamur; et coelestium munerem auspicem ac singularis benevolentias 
testem, vobismetipsis quotquot adcstis, universeque Hiberniae 
Apostolicam JBenedictionem peraraanter impertimus. 




XENOPHON: Anabasis. Book I. With Introduction, 

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Knabenbauer, S. J. Parisiis : Lethielleux, 1887. 

The Commentary on Tsaias by Fr. Knaberbauer is a further 
instalment of a complete Cursus Scripturae Sacrae, on which he, with a 
number of learned fellow-labourers of the same Order, has been for some 
time engaged. An advertisement printed on the fly-leaf of one of the 
volumes before us gives an idea of the scope of this undertaking. " Cette 
importante production, qui aura plus de quarante volumes in 8 raisin 
.flomprendra comme son titre 1'indique tout ce qui peut etre utile dans 
1'etude des Saintes Ecritures. Introductions, Cornmeutaires, Gram- 
maires et Dictionnaires speciaux des Langues et des Antiquites 
bibliques, etc., et une edition critique des textes sacre's en hebreu, grec 
et latin." Several volumes of this Cursus have been already noticed 
in the pages of the RECORD, 1 among which were the Commentaries on 
the Book of Job, and on the Minor Prophets by the author of the 
present Commentary on Tsaias. 

The Jesuits have already done immense work in every department 
of ecclesiastical literature, but we venture to say that their illustrious 
Order has never rendered a more timely service to an important 
branch of sacred science than the publication of this Cursus promises 
to be. 

Since the great revolt of the 1 6th century the enemies of the Church 
have many times changed their point of attack and their methods of 
warfare. At first it was loudly proclaimed that the Catholic Church 
feared the Bible, and that she kept her members ignorant of its con- 
tents lest the utter untenableness of her own position should become 
known to them. "The Bible, the whole Bible, and nothing but the 
Bible," was the shibboleth of the opponents of the Church, who went 
so far in their pretended reverence for the Bible as to hold that every 
word, nay, every letter and point, had been written under the 
immediate direction of the Holy Ghost. This strict view of Inspira- 
tion was soon abandoned. Even sentential Inspiration was found 
inconvenient. For even this comparatively lax view of Inspiration 
made it necessary to admit that the Holy Spirit had taught doctrines 
nt variance with their practices and professions. Besides, their ablest 
theologians " searched the Scriptures " through and through for the 
1 See Vol. vii. Nos. 7 and 9. (July and September, 1836). 

276 Notices of Book*. 

purpose of drawing up an unanswerable indictment against the Church 
of Rome. But their labour was vain. Their weapons turned against 
themselves : for, though they changed and twisted the meaning of 
words and phrases, their best efforts did no more than afford Catholic 
theologians an opportunity of heaping confusion oa them and ridicule 
on their doctrines, by showing to the world the unsoundness of their 
arguments and their irreverence to the Sacred Book for which they 
professed such unbounded respect. At length the enemies of the 
Church came to realise, reluctantly enough, no doubt, that the Written 
Word of God, so far from being an object of fear, or a source of 
danger to the Church, formed an impenetrable armour for her, and 
was, besides, an armoury whence she could bring forth at will arms to 
crush and destroy every form of heresy or unbelief that might assail 

A change of tactics became necessary, and a change was made. 
Inspiration of every kind was rejected ; the authenticity of the various- 
books of the Bible doubted or denied ; miracles treated as myths, and 
the very existence of some of the chief biblical characters called into- 
question. Outside the Catholic Church such is tc-day the prevailing 
teaching regarding the Bible. What a change since the days of 
Luther I A change, however, of which Luther's principle of private 
judgment contained the germ. Now-a-days it is fashionable for so- 
called, or, if you will, self-styled, scientific men, to regard the Bible as 
a tissue of absurdities and a mass of contradictious. No single book, 
according to them, is the work of one hand. Each one is made up of 
scraps contributed by different authors, at periods separated, in some 
cases, by centuries. Such blasphemous opinions about the word of 
God we are sorry to see adopted, at least in part, by some who call 
themselves Catholics. These men are not ashamed to recommend, as 
the only safe guides to a true knowledge of the Scriptures, men like 
Renan, Ewald and Strauss, whose ouly desire would seem to be to 
vilify the pages they pretend to illustrate. But, we are told, these 
men have subjected the language, history, archaeology, &c., of the 
Bible to a careful examination on strictly scientific principles. Con- 
sequently, their conclusions are far more worthy of our respect than 
the teachings of the Fathers of the Church who had the misfortune 
not to be " men of science." 

To defend the authority of the Bible against the malignant and 
persistent attacks of such men some work was needed in which their 
falsehoods should be exposed, their arguments refuted, and the truth 
about the Bible about its origin, authorship and inspiration derived 

Notices of Books. 277 

from tradition and from modern research, stated and proved. The 
labours of the Jesuits bid fair to give us such a work. 

The Commentary on Isaias, of which it is high time to say a 
word, is published in two parts, containing together upwards of 1,100 
pages. The first part contains the interpretation of chapters one to 
thirty-seven inclusive ; in the second part is given the interpretation 
of the remaining chapters. In an introduction prefixed to each part 
Fr. Knabenbauer discusses the usual questions about the authorship, 
scope and style and subject matter of that part. Speaking of this 
division of the Book of Isaias we cannot help asking, why does Fr. 
Knabenbauer introduce a division at the end of the thirty- seventh 
chapter instead of at the end of the thirty-ninth, as is usually done? The 
four chapters, 36-39, may be regarded as an historical appendix to the 
preceding portion of the book. They narrate the chief events of the 
reign of Ezechias, and Fr. Knabenbauer has, we think, failed to give 
any satisfactory reason for introducing so marked a division in the 
middle of this narrative. Moreover, he admits that chapter 40 con- 
tains the prologue of the second part, and finds the "argument" of 
this part in the second verse of that chapter. " Completa est miseria 
ejus, expiata iniquitas, suscepit de manu Domini duplicia." Again, 
those who deny the authenticity of the second part, mean thereby, as 
is well known, the part beginning with chapter 40. Hence, both 
friends and enemies see some reason for making a division at the end 
of chapter 39, while hardly any one but Fr. Knabenbauer himself 
sees any reason for making the division at the end of chapter 37. 

Fr. Knabenbauer's method differs somewhat from that usually 
.adopted by commentators. He subdivides the two leading divisions 
of Isaias into sections, each of whicli contains what he terms a series 
vraculorum. To the interpretation of each section he prefixes a 
synopsis of the matters treated of therein, but does not give, as is 
generally done, the text of the section. This we consider a disad- 
vantage. It is very important that the student of the Bible should 
have the text in a continuous form under his eyes while reading his 
commentary. Better still, then, than printing the text of Hie section 
in full immediately before the commentary, would it have been to 
give the text of the subsections into which the larger sections are 
again subdivided, at the head of the commentary on each. Fr. 
Knabenbauer does not, however, omit alogether the words of the 
Prophet. He weaves them into his commentary, thus giving to it 
partly the character of a paraphrase. To illustrate. The author 
thus begins his explanation of chapter 12, which, by the way, forms 

278 Notices of Booh. 

one of the subsections mentioned above, and is headed " Hymnus 
laudis et gratiarum actionis." 

" lam acquissiinum est ut qui tanta gratia et liberalitate divina redempti 
sunt, sicut Israclitae Aegyptiis in mare submersis, hymnum laudis et 
gratiarum actionis cantent. . . . Unde v. 1. ' Et dices in die ilia con- 
jitebor tibi Donune qnoniam iratus cs mihi, conversus est furor tuns et consolatus 
es me." 1 .... Verum haec propriae infirmitatis cognitio cui Deus 
tam amanter remedium attulisse et solatium cognoscitur fundamentum est 
solidum et inconcussum summae in Deum fiduciae animique alacritatis 
unde v. 2. ' ecce Dcus salvator meitx fidiicialiter again et non timebo, quia 
fortitude mca et laus mea Dominus et factus est mild in salutem. 1 " 

This method may have advantages over that followed by 
Maldonatns, a Lapide, Estius, &c., but we confess that we fail to 
appreciate them. Indeed we are of opinion that to it is due the one 
great defect in Fr. Knabenbauer's undoubtedly able and learned com- 
mentary namely, the painful obscurity of the style. We regret to be 
obliged to find any fault with a work to which so much labour has 
been given, but were we to pass over in silence this defect we should 
not be just to our readers. The more willingly, too, do we point it 
out because we feel that Fr. Knabenbauer's attention should be called 
as early as possible to any defect in his style likely to lessen the value 
of the very large share in the preparation of the Cursus, which, on 
account of his extensive acquaintance with biblical literature, must 
necessarily fall to him. 

The authenticity of the second part of Isaias has, as \vc have 
already remarked, been denied. The arguments on which this denial 
is based are both absurd and illogical. The style of this second part, 
say the Rationalists, differs, toto coelo, from that of the genuine parts 
of the Book of Isaias. Again, prophecy, they say, is impossible. 
Therefore those portions in which events, that did not happen for 
centuries after the time of Isaias, are actually described, could not 
have been written by Isaias. Fr. Knabenbauer has little difficulty in 
answering these arguments. The first is too childish to deserve 
serious refutation. In replying to the second the author does not 
content himself with merely proving the possibility of prophecy. The 
Rationalists, were they not so irrational, should long since have been 
convinced of this. He shows, in addition from the very words of the 
Prophet, whoever he may have been, that the prophecies objected to 
by the Rationalists must have been uttered long anterior to the events, 
nay, about the very time at which Isaias is known to have flourished^ 
(Vol. 2, pp. 6, et. sq.) 

As might be expected from the exhaustive nature of the work, we 
find a very learned and lengthened disquisition on the well-known 

Notices of Books. 2 79 

text (vii. 14) " Propter hoc dabit Domlmis ipse vobis signum : ecce virgo 
concipiet et pariet filium et vocabitur nomen ejus Emmanuel. 19 The 
interpretation adopted by the author is first stated briefly, and after- 
wards developed and defended. "We quote the interpretation 

" Rem jam mine praeoccupatione quadam breviter declare : promittitur 
M'cMias nascittirua ; ita cum ille oriri debeat spcundum humanarn naturain ex 
domo David haec domus servabitur ; promittitur conceptus ac partus 
rirt/uieus, in qua re nti cernitur magnum Dei miraculum, ita pignus datur et 
symbolum, quo Deum posse ea efficere quae naturae viribus fieri nequeunt, 
Deum posse inter maxima pericula incolumitatem etiam tune praestare, 
luculentissime constat, cum humana subsidia plane desint. Sed Messias ille 
praedicitur adolesce! e in condilione aerumnosa procul a sede ct urbe regia, in 
terra Israel, qua re imperium et splendorem domus David interiisse, domum 
regiam David e sede regia pulsani, regimine privatam in obscuritate et quasi 
in exsilio misero latentem satis clare innuitur.'' (Vol. i., p. IG5.) 

Our space will not permit us even to point out the arguments by 
which the author establishes this interpretation. Suffice it to say that 
they are sound, thorough, and convincing, though marred by that 
obscurity and roundaboutness of style of which we have just spoken. 

We notice that a doubt is cast on the derivation of ^ , ^ Almah= 
Virgo given by St. Jerome and very generally accepted. According 
to St. Jerome it is derived from ^^ alam, abscondere, whence the 
holy Doctor concludes, " Ergo alma non solum puella et virgo sed 
cum TTLT<i(TL virgo cibscoiulita dicitur et sccreta.^ But ^!J'? Fr. 
Knabenbauer remarks, is the feminine form of Pr^{ puev, adolescens; 
and he adds, " Sed valde incredibile videtur, puerum, adolescentem 
juvenem dici ab absconsione " (p. 1 72;. But really it does not seem 
at all incredible to us. Had we no other guide than Forster, quoted 
by Fr. Knabenbauer, we should be inclined to accept this derivation. 
Forster says " Hebraeis est elem adolescens seu juvenis quamdiu est 
privatus et privatam vitam agit neque in publico aut politico officio et 
administratione existit, congrua derivatione a verbo quod abscondituni 
esse significat, etc" (ibi). 

Fr. Knabenbauer adopts the interpretation of the words " lutyrum 
et mel comedet" given by Rosen muller, \vhichhe expresses thus : ''Jam 
lacte spisso [the Hebrew word, which is rendered butt/rum in the 
Vulgate, more properly signifies lac spissum, which our author here 
uses] et melle vesci est signum terrae vastatae et in solitudinem 
redactae " (p. 185). This will appear a bold interpretation when we 
remember that one of the signs of the surpassing richness and fertility 
of the Land of Promise was, that it was a land flowing with milk and 

280 Notices of Books. 

honey. Besides, Patrizi declares that if that be the meaning of these 
words they cannot be applied to Christ. " Verba butyrum et mel 
comedet de Cliristo dicta esse non possunt, si his ea significatio 
subesset" (De Evang. diss. 16, c. ii. pt. 2). Nevertheless our author 
shows both that this is in all probability the true signification of the 
words, and that they do apply to Christ. 

In concluding this lengthy notice let us express a hope that this 
Commentary on Isaias will soon find a place in every priest's library. 
For, though the arrangement might be better, though it might have 
been written in a more readable style, still it is a treasury of Scriptural 
lore, in which everything will be found that is either necessary or 
useful for a right understanding of the text. Isaias is par excellence 
the book for the priest who wishes to rebuke, console, correct, or 
exhort his people in the inspired language of Sacred Scripture. By 
the aid of the light which Fr. Knabenbauer's Commentary will throw 
upon it, he will be able to penetrate to the very depths of the expressive 
phrases of " Isaias the great Prophet and faithful in the sight of 
God," who " with a great spirit saw the things that are come to pass 
at last, and comforted the mourners of Sion." (Eccus. xlviii. 25 and 
27). D. O'L. 

O'Reilly, D.D., D. Lit., Laval. Baltimore : The Baltimore 
Publishing Company. 

Novissima is a beautiful and very instructive and entertaining 
book on heaven. Treating of the supernatural destiny of man, and 
God's infinite generosity as manifested in the graces bestowed on us 
in this life, but especially in the happiness reserved for the children 
of God in heaven, its title would have been misleading had it not been 
the author's purpose " to verify it, by treating, in a future volume, 
both of the punishment and purification to be undergone after death.' 7 

In meditating upon the happiness in store for us in our heavenly 
home, many people are apt to build up a heaven of their own, which 
naturally takes the shape and colour which their present wants, their 
sorrows, and their sufferings lend thereto. The poor man, for instance, 
looks upon heaven as a place of rest, where neither care, nor toil, nor 
trouble shall be any more. The invalid, as a place of perpetual health 
of body and mind. The man who, in the practice of virtue, has had 
all manner of temptations, delights in viewing heaven as a place 
wholly free from trial, where neither sin shall be, nor the possibility 
of sin. 

ces of Bool: s. 281 

Obviously these are very imperfect views of the happiness of 
heaven. They all ignore the Beatific Vision, which is the essential 
constituent of heavenly bliss. It is, therefore, important to know 
what faith and theology teach concerning heaven. 

It is important for another reason : daily life to the very best 
of us is but a series of trials and difficulties ; a battling with the 
forces of evil from without, and the frailty of the flesh within. 
Spread this struggle not over weeks and months but over a life-time ; 
make it to comprehend the two spheres of human action commonly 
known. as the "natural" and the "spiritual," and you have verified 
as well as illustrated the well known saying of Job, u Militia est vita 
liominis super terrain." 

The better to enable us to wage this incessant warfare, God has 
prepared for us an exceeding great reward. Knowing well the selfish- 
ness of the human heart, He has mercifully intended that the hope of 
reward should sustain us in our weaker moments when sorely 
pressed and wearied with the life-long struggle. Hence it is that 
meditations on the eternal truths are invaluable to souls who are on 
the point of yielding to temptation. Such meditations have a wonder- 
ful power of infusing into them new courage to battle manfully against 
the obstacles which beset their path, by reminding them that " our 
present tribulation, which is momentary and light, worketh for us 
above measure exceedingly an eternal weight of glory." 

To interpret this '* eternal weight of glory ;" to explain the mag- 
nificence of God's rewards their fitness and sufficiency and thus 
to still the tempest of troubled souls, was the task which Dr. O'Reilly 
set himself to accomplish. To the manner of its accomplishment we 
-can, in most particulars, give an unqualified approval. To some 
few of Dr. O'Reilly's speculations on abstruse questions we cannot 
subscribe. Nor are we concerned to do so. If fanciful, they are 
also consoling. And it only remains for us to express our conviction 
that Novissima, as the author hopes, will bring " ligiit, consolation, 
strength, and rest to the homes that might welcome -it, and the 
troubled of heart who would chance to peruse its pages." 

J. P. M'D. 

Very Rev. Canon Carr, V.GL, President of St. Edward's 
College, Liverpool. Liverpool : Rockliff Brothers, 
44, Castle-street. 
Few, it may be said, of those who have no experience in teaching 

the Catechism know the many difficulties with which the teacher has 

282 Notices of Books. 

to contend. Many indeed consider it quite an easy matter to take 
up a chapter of the Catechism and to explain it sentence after 
sentence to a class of children and afterwards to put before them an 
orderly, simple account of its contents. Experience teaches those 
who so think a useful lesson. It brings them face to face with 
difficulties they had not expected. They soon learn how careful 
they must be in the selection of their words and phrases, they soon 
become convinced how necessary a clear, distinct knowledge of the 
subject matter of instruction, how indispensable a well ordered,, 
connected arrangement of the parts of their subject is, for obtaining 
any fruit for their labours. They must know precisely what is to be 
taught, they must arrange the matter to be taught, they must select, 
and select carefully, their words, their explanations, their examples, 
if they wish their hearers to understand them. All this, however, 
demands careful preparation, and in this preparation not a few 
difficulties have to be surmounted. Canon Carr in A Lamp of the 
Word set himself to mitigate these difficulties by arranging the 
details of a subject in the form of a chart, or carefully ordered plan. 

His work therefore consists of a series of charts, or detailed plans, on 
all the subjects of the Christian Doctrine which the teacher will have 
to treat of. Drawn up originally for private use these charts got into 
the hands of teachers and managers of schools who repeatedly urged 
the compiler to complete the series and publish it. The result of 
their wishes is the volume before us. 

There are one-hundred arid twenty-one charts in the compilation. 
Each chart is occupied with either a subject or a division of one. 
Thus we have nine charts treating of the Blessed Eucharist. To 
one casually glancing over the pages the first thing that would 
appear striking is the order that pervades the entire. Examining 
any of the pages minutely one must feel delighted to find such a 
field of information on subjects so necessary. Space would not permit 
us to give anything like a fitting description of the charts, or detailed 
plans, but we may give an idea of the mode in which they are drawn up 
by taking as a specimen the first one, that on FAITH No. I. The 
subject is thus divided: The Nature, Effect, Qualities, Motives, 
Kinds, Necessity. Under each of these divisions it is again divided 
and references are frequently given to texts of Scripture which may 
be of use to the teacher. The pages are printed only on one side of 
the paper. An Index of Subjects is prefixed ; in this index, as 
perhaps throughout the book, we would pref er the Arabic notation. 

We hope the reverend compiler will be soon in a position to 

Notices of Books. 28 3 : 

make the work still more perfect in an edition of larger size and 
type. We commend his series of charts to the careful consideration 
of all who are called upon to explain the Christian doctrine. The 
author of the volume before us lays down in the following proposi- 
tions the four corners of one's faith : 

(a) A necessity of my reason constrains me to believe in the 
existence of God. 

(&) My moral sense, or moral reason, or conscience, constrains 
me to believe that God has revealed Himself to me. 

(c) My reason and moral sense constrain me to believe that this 
revelation is Christianity. 

(d) My reason is convinced that historical Christianity is the 
Catholic faith. 

These truths are demonstrated in a manner which the ordinary 
reader will appreciate. No subtelty of thought, no vagueness of 
expression is to be met with. It is true many things are left unsaid,, 
but what is said is well ordered and simple. 

Burns and Gates. 

THIS is the second edition of a book already well known to many 
of our readers. Translated from the Italian by one to whom 
English Catholic literature is deeply indebted, it comes to us with the 
highest recommendations of the Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster,, 
its editor. 

Tlie Little Floivert, though the work of an unknown author, and 
not written till half a century after the death of St. Francis, ha& 
always been highly esteemed by the hagiographers, but it is in 
another aspect than that of merely historical value we would wish 
to call attention to it. In a remarkable way it brings the reader 
into the society of St. Francis and his holy companions. . He witnesses 
their heroic mortifications ; he sees the proofs of their child-like 
humility, their zeal, and their burning charity ; and how can he fail 
to draw from such a union with these chosen servants of God some- 
of that spirit which made their lives such perfect copies of the life of 
their divine model, and gained for them, even in this world, such au 
abundance of heavenly favours. 

Among those books which exhibit the Christian virtues in practical 
working The Little Flcwers will always hold'a foremost place. 

284 Notices of Books. 

people towards God, their parents, and themselves, as far 
as the care of their souls and the selection of a state of 
life are concerned ; of those who intend embracing the 
married state ; of married people towards each other ; of 
parents towards their children, in what concerns both the 
temporal and spiritual welfare of the latter ; of heads of 
families towards their servants ; of servants towards 
their masters ; of subjects towards the spiritual and tem- 
poral authorities ; of lay people towards priests ; of the sick 
towards God and the poor ; on the state, dignity, and 
happiness of the poor ; on the use of time, and making 
up for lost time ; on the good and bad use of evening and 
morning time, &c., &c. In seventy-six sermons, adapted 
to all the Sundays and holy days in the year, with a full 
index of all the sermons, and an alphabetical index of 
the principal subjects treated, and copious marginal notes. 
By the Rev. Father Francis Hunolt, Priest of the Society 
of Jesus, and Preacher in the Cathedral of Treves. 
Translated from the original German edition of Cologne, 
1740. By the Rev. J. Allen, D.D., Chaplain of the 
Dominican Convent of the Sacred Heart, Kingwilliams- 
town, and of the Dominican Convent, East London, South 
Africa. In 2 Volumes. New York, Cincinnati, and 
St. Louis : Benziger Brothers. London : R. Washbourne, 
18, Paternoster-row. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son, 

WE took up these volumes with certain misgivings. Most 
sermon-books are failures. Some are too dry ; others too ornate ; 
some too short ; others again too diffuse , while, generally speaking, 
all lack that most essential element solid matter. If this be true of 
books of limited compass and well-defined purpose, we argued, there 
is all the greater reason to fear that the volume before us with 
1,000 octavo pages by way of compass, and a purpose large enough 
^to comprehend " the principal duties of Christians in general, and of 
different states in particular" will be characterised alike by diffuseness 
of style and poverty of matter. In this rather unfavourable frame of 

Notices of Books. 285 

mind we took up Father Hunolt's Sermons. It needed but little 
reading to convince us that our fears were ill-founded. Page after 
page continued to undeceive us. We found the reciprocal duties of 
parents and children, husband and wife, masters and servants ; the 
duties of subjects towards the spiritual and temporal authorities, of 
lay people towards priests, of the sick towards God, and the poor, &c., 
treated with a simplicity of language and a directness of style, a 
freshnes of thought and a wealth of illustration, as rare as they are 

Father Hunolt has been very careful in the selection of his subjects. 
They are all very practical, while his treatment of them is at once 
exhaustive and methodical. 

To our mind the distinctive feature of the work before us, lies in 
its wealth of illustration. The author's wonderful knowledge of 
human nature its follies and its weaknesses has been largely 
utilised in this respect. The value of these illustrations is that they 
render a sermon interesting and impressive ; and, moreover, they help 
the audience to retain afterwards what they hear. On this account 
Father Hunolt's Sermons are valuable to priests and people alike. 

The present edition is enriched with valuable marginal synopses^ 
and contains two very full indexes one of subjects, and one showing 
for what Sunday or feast each Sermon may be used. These indexes 
greatly enhance the value of the work. 

The translator's part has been well done. J. P. M'l>. 


of the great Catholic Scientists. By Rev. Martin S. 

Brennan, A.M. New York, Cincinnati, and St. Louis r 

Benziger Brothers. 

Br the publication of the above, the author can justly lay claim 
to ;be numbered amongst those who by their writings have ably 
defended the Catholic Church against the many false accusations 
which have been and are daily made against her. 

It is hard to conceive how, in this age of knowledge and refine- 
ment, charges can be brought forward which are utterly unfounded 
and in direct opposition to the records of history. To expose then 
such false statements the present volume has been given to 
the public. In a few pages the author clearly shows that the 
Catholic Church is and has been, not the enemy, but the friend and 
patron of science that within her fold are to be found^men who rank 
first amongst the foremost of those distinguished in the scientific 

-286 Xotiees of Books. 

The plan of the work is of the simplest kind. Different sciences 
are taken up in order ; an account of the development of each one is 
given, with a short sketch of the life of those Catholics who are 
prominent in each department. It is in no way argumentative, and 
therefore will commend itself to the most ordinary capacity. 

The simple, yet choice language used, the order observed, and 
ithe vast amount of knowledge therein contained, will render the 
perusal of the work pleasing and instructive. 

We wish Father Brennan's work every success, confident that it 
is well suited "to confound the ignorant slanderers of the church, as 
well as to edify her devoted children." 

FREQUENT COMMUNION. London : Burns & Gates. 

Tills is a translation from an extract from the French of 
Fere Boone, S.J. 

In a compass of fifty pages, besides explaining the operation of 
the Eucharist in the soul and discussing the important question of 
the dispositions required for the frequent reception of the sacrament, 
it treats of the advantages of frequent communion and replies to the 
.arguments sometimes advanced against it. 

Although wanting in the fulness and precision which would make 
it a complete handbook cf direction on the subject of which it treats, 
this little volume contains much that will be useful to pastors, 
whether for the general instruction of the faithful from the pulpit, or 
the direction of individual souls in the sacred tribunal. 


O.S.F. London: R. Washbourne. 1887. 
" To place before the thoughtful reader the various means of 
sanctifying himself in the midst of the afflictions of life," has been the 
object of Father Bulens in writing this little book. Twenty years' 
experience of missionary life in England, sound learning, and solid 
piety have well qualified him for this task. By way of question and 
answer he describes graphically for us the various trials and afflictions 
of every state in life, of the rich as well as the poor, of the unmarried 
as well as the married, of the young as well as the old, of the pious as 
well as the impious ; and in each case he prescribes for us the easy 
remedy whereby we can make them all serve to the sanctih'cation of 
our souls. This little book comes to us at a very opportune time. 
We hope to see it widely circulated among our people ; we are sure 
it will help to sanctify many of them in the afflictions they are under- 

Xotices of Books. 287 

THE MOST HOLY ROSARY. Translated from the German 
of the Rev. W. Cramer, by the Rev. Eugene Grimm, 
C.SS.R, New York : Benziger Brothers. 

THE author puts clearly and forcibly before us the many reasons 
win/ we should honor Mary, and how ice should honor her. He also 
briefly explains the prayers of which the Rosary is composed, and wlnj 
it is composed of those prayers. But the principal object of the 
Hiithor is to " render easy for those that say the Rosary the meditation 
on the mysteries of Jesus and Mary." This object the author has 
most successfully accomplished. We were somewhat disappointed at 
finding no reference whatsover to the very remarkable history of this 
popular form of devotion. Miracles of the most extraordinary kind 
have marked each step of its progress. Pope after Pope, and notably 
amongst them our Holy Father Leo XIII., have given it their solemn 
-approval and, enriched it with indulgences. The glories achieved by 
St. Dominick ; the victories of Lepanto, Peterwaradin, and Belgrade ; 
the many other miracles wrought by means of the Rosary ; are not 
these memories worth recalling ? What greater motives could we have 
to urge us to practise the devotion of the Rosary? It also occurs to 
us that in the Appendix, in addition to the very useful matter which 
has been added, a few words might very appropriately have been said 
on the many indulgences of the Rosary, on the conditions necessary 
for gaining them, and also on the societies connected with the Rosary- 
Nevertheless we have no hesitation in saying that this little book will 
help to procure for Mary many devout clients, and will be of the 
greatest assistance to all her clients in helping them to meditate on 
the mysteries of the Rosary. 

' IN THE WAY." London : Burns & Gates. 

' c IN the Way to the Catholic Church " would be the full title 
of this little book. It is a well-told tale of the gradual progress 
of simple earnest Protestants in the direction of Catholicity, and 
'loses when it leaves the principal characters inside the gates of 
the true fold. Some of those Catholic doctrines, about which 
there is a grave misconception on the part of persons outside the 
Church, are clearly explained and skilfully defended. The exposition 
of the Catholic doctrine regarding the Eucharist is particularly good, 
arid the proofs adduced are put clearly and forcibly, and so simply, 
'that they can be grasped by the most ordinary mind. In the begin- 
ning of the book there is mystery enough to excite curiosity, and 
throughout there is incident enough to keep the attention fixed. 

288 Notices of Books. 

VICTORIES OF THE MARTYRS. By St. Alphonsus Liguori. 

Translated by the Very Rev. Bonaventure MacLaughlin, 

S.T.L., O.S.F. Dublin: Duffy & Sons. 

THE works of St. Alphonsus are too well known to Catholic 
readers to need any special recommendation from us. " There are 
few of his works which bear more strongly the impress of the holy 
author's mind, his high devotion, and ardent love of God," than the 
present. The author does not propose to himself to give us a history 
of all the martyrs, but only of a few of the most remarkable, selected 
from every rank and station of life, " to show that the firmest faith, 
the most enduring patience, and the most unshrinking fortitude are- 
peculiar to no condition of life." We wish we could induce our young- 
men and women to turn their attention to such books as the Victories 
of the Martyr.*, instead of reading the trashy novels of the present clay 
which are infusing such deadly poison into their minds. 

Truth Society. 

THE Catholic Truth Society continues the good work of 
placing in the hands of the people a cheap Catholic literature. The 
Library of Poems is a companion volume to the Library oj Tale* 
already published, and deserves like its forerunner an extensive 
circulation. The poems are judiciously chosen and, though some of 
them are the work of non-Catholic writers, all of them breathe a truly 
Catholic spirit. 

A THOUGHT FROM DOMINICAN SAINTS, for every day in the 
year. Translated from the French by a Sister of Mercy. 
New York : Benziger Brothers. 

A Thought Jrom Dominican Saints consists of selections from the 
writings of SS. Thomas Aquinas, Vincent Ferrer, Catherine of 
Siena, Yen. John. Tauler, Yen. Louis of Grenada, B. Albert the 
Great, B. Henry Suso, &c. A thought is given for each day of the 
year. The pretty exterior of the little book harmonises with its 
inner beauty 



APRIL, 1888. 

is a sick call, sir, to R - in the western part 

-L of the parish." 

It was his servant who recently communicated this 
message to a young curate officiating in an Irish rural 

He had just returned from the morning " station." It 
was the usual time for attending sick calls ; and as the 
messenger had represented the case as especially urgent, he 
immediately set out to visit and administer the last rites of 
religion to his dying parishioner. 

An hour's drive brought him to his destination. It was a 
remote corner of his parish, extensively inhabited by Pro- 
testants, interspersed with a very sparse Catholic population. 
Being comparatively a stranger in the parish he was rather 
unacquainted with this distant district and its Catholic inhabi- 
tants. Yet he had heard a short history of the family which 
he was visiting. 

Leaving his driver a short distance from the house, he 
approached and entered the poor cottage where he was most 
heartily welcomed. The inmates were a poor couple hus- 
band and wife both old and infirm. There were no children, 
no servants. The husband was born of Catholic parents, be- 
longed to the middle or poorer class, and continued during 
life a most exact and uncompromising child of the Catholic 
Church. He endured during life a mortal's share of severe 
sufferings ; but neither the sullen frown of temporal afflictions, 

290 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

nor the seductive smiles of a wealthy church which, to re- 
capture his wife, would befriend them both, could weaken 
much less eradicate his devotion to, and his reverence for, the 
doctrines and practices of the Church of his fathers. 

His wife had a different history. Born of respectable 
Protestant parents, cradled in affluence, she had been accus- 
tomed in youth to all the refinement, the comforts, and the 
luxuries which opulence can bestow. She was educated in 
the religion of her parents, and spent her early years in an 
atmosphere most intensely laden with anti-Catholic prejudices. 
And when in time she selected a poor papist for her husband 
though she was inexorably cut off from social or religious 
association with her family or friends it was their sustaining 
consolation that she continued in the Protestant church. 
They could live and die in comparative peace when they be- 
lieved though erroneously that her unequal marriage had 
brought no change in her religious convictions. 

Some time after her marriage she accompanied her hus- 
band to mass, where the devotion of the simple faithful im- 
pressed her profoundly. "I was," she used to say, "very 
much influenced in my conversion by the devotion of the poor 
Catholics at mass. It was to me a revelation. In the Pro- 
testant church it was all fashion dress exhibitions : in your 
chapels I first witnessed genuine piety and devotion." After 
some time, unknown to her parents and friends, she aban- 
doned the Protestant church (at least in external profession) 
and henceforward linked her religious fortune with him to 
whom she had plighted her faith .at the altar. 

They were now advanced in years, and the evening of 
their lives began to be disturbed by harrowing anxiety about 
their temporal concerns. Whilst the health and strength of 
youth remained, the willing industry of the husband brought 
abundance to the humble home ; and the happy housewife 
discharged the domestic duties with some of the refinement 
of better days, making her humble home in neatness and 
cleanliness a miniature counterpart of the better home of old. 
But old age is inexorable. The husband was uiiable to toil ; 
the wife more feeble and decrepit was unable to attend to the 
domestic duties; needless to say that their poor abode had 

J. Sick Call and its Sequel. 291 

-commenced to show unmistakable signs of want and unclean- 

The priest entered the sick room where the poor husband 
lay stricken down by a deadly malady. If he had not heard 
the nature of the ailment, the restless spasmodic movements 
of the patient, the vacant bewildered stare of the eyes, the 
absence of nearly all power of mental concentration would 
have instantly convinced him that his poor patient was suf- 
fering from a dangerous affection of the brain. He presented 
very little theological difficulty to the priest ; he had kept 
the faith ; he had been a good Christian ; he had been always 
exact in fulfilling the duties of the Catholic church ; his 
mental weakness alone caused anxiety : however, by patient 
care his confessor succeeded in fixing his attention, and 
disposing him satisfactorily for the reception of the last sacra- 
ments. Having administered the sacraments, and having 
given a short simple exhortation to his penitent the priest 
went to offer some sympathy to the poor afflicted wife before 
his departure. 

She was overpowered with grief. Poor woman ! In that 
desolate moment the varied events of her life rush on her 
thoughts and intensify her sufferings. She involuntarily re- 
calls her girl-day happiness ; she remembers the unalloyed 
joys and pleasures of youth : she pictures to herself all her 
coequals enjoying in their old age all that ease, all that at- 
tendance, all those comforts which independence can procure. 
She might have enjoyed the same ! Yet she does not repine 
at their loss. She had chosen a poor peasant : their life had 
"been extremely happy; no doubt dark clouds rolled over 
them, but never darkened the sunshine and serenity of their 
domestic happiness. But now in her old age that happiness 
received a rude shock in the apprehended loss of her husband 
the only hope of her declining years. " To-morrow, Father, 
he will be removed to hospital, and I fear he will never 
return." She wept bitterly, thanked the priest for his kind- 
ness, and expressed a desire that he would return on Saturday 
to bring her " the holy and blessed communion." 

On Saturday the priest returned to hear her confession 
arid to administer holy communion. He arrived at an early 

292 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

hour, to obviate the necessity of keeping his penitent fasting,, 
and to be free in due time for the duties of the confessional. 
He was welcomed by the good old matron who wept bitterly 
for her poor husband's enforced absence. The husband had 
been removed to hospital in the meantime, otherwise the con- 
dition of the place was unchanged. He noticed, however,, 
that a few days had created a change in the manner of the 
old matron. There was a reserve, perhaps a coldness ; some* 
thing (as he afterwards understood) that might indicate a 
divided allegiance between the Catholic priest and some other 
churchman. " Father," she said, " I am sorry to have dis- 
appointed you. I cannot receive holy communion to-day. 
I could not remain fasting this morning ; please excuse me 
for occasioning such a useless journey." His sympathy for 
her bereavement and sufferings made him insensible to dis- 
appointment. He bade her not to consider his trouble; that 
at a more convenient time he would return and administer 
the sacraments. He was then preparing to leave, when with 
a searching glance she commenced to unfold her religious 
creed, and to describe the real reason of the morning's disap- 
pointment. It entailed a prolonged dialogue, and had no 
connection with confession. 

Penitent. Father, you give communion only under one 
species. Why do you refuse the " chalice of salvation ?" 
Our Lord gave communion under both species at the last 
supper. Why, then, does the Church interfere with His rite ? 
What authority has she to thrust aside the ritual of Christ, 
and substitute a practice of her own ? 

Priest. The Church indeed disclaims all authority to in- 
terfere with the substance of the Eucharistic rite. In conse- 
crating she could not discard bread and wine, and substitute, let 
me say, meat and water. But religiously retaining the substan- 
tial rite instituted by Christ she claims for herself the power to 
alter as the dignity of the sacrament, and the interests of the 
faithful may require the time of administering the blessed 
Eucharist, the manner of dispensing, and the pre-required 
bodily dispositions. In the exercise of this power she has with- 
drawn the chalice from the laity. Moreover, the rite adopted 
at the Last Supper was not prescribed for future ages. The 

A Sick Call and its Sequel. 293 

Apostles were not fasting when they communicated; 
still you would not consider it wrong to receive holy com- 
munion fasting ? 

Penitent. No ; I do not object to the fast, Father. I con- 
sider that reverence for our Lord's body requires us to com- 
municate fasting. I think the Church very wisely commands 
us to receive the holy Eucharist fasting. 

Priest. However that is a departure from our Lord's 
practice at the Last Supper. He required no fast. He did not 
select the early part of the day. He gave communion to the 
Apostles at the Last Supper. The Church on the con- 
trary requires a fast. She administers Communion generally 
in the forenoon. Communion is not confined to the succes- 
sors of the Apostles, it is given to lay persons, men and women. 
If, therefore, the Church wisely departed in so many particu- 
lars from the rite of the Last Supper, why should we restrict 
the power of the Church when we speak of Communion under 
both species ? 

Penitent. But, Father, lay people received the chalice for 
many years ; now they are deprived of it, and so, I am in- 
formed, are priests unless when celebrating mass. This is 
wrong; because our Lord requires us to drink the chalice, 
41 Unless you eat the flesh, and drink the blood of the Son of 
Man you cannot have life in you." How do you explain this 
difficulty, Father? 

Priest. The Church, as you correctly stated, could not 
deny to the faithful the body and blood of Christ ; but the 
Church teaches that we receive the body and blood of Christ 
when we receive only the species of bread, and she explains her 
teaching thus. Death wrought a real separation between the 
body and blood of Christ; if, therefore, during His three days 
in the sepulchre the Apostles consecrated, the body and blood 
would be separated, the body would be under the appearance 
of bread, the blood would be in the chalice. An indissoluble 
union was solemnized at the resurrection, and the body and 
blood of Christ shall never again be separated. They are> 
therefore, always together; the faithful consequently who 
communicate under the appearance of bread receive the body 
and blood of Christ and fulfil His commandment. 

294 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

. Lay people no doubt enjoyed the use of the chalice for 
many years; but very cogent motives compelled its with- 
drawal. I shall only mention a few reasons. In the adminis- 
tration of holy Communion, particularly to a great concourse 
of communicants, there is always some danger of irreverence ; 
and priests sometimes learn by painful experience that, employ 
diligence as they will, a sacred particle may fall from them to 
the ground. Now it is manifest that this danger of irrever- 
ence would be increased a hundred fold if to large and small 
numbers of communicants the chalice too were administered* 
Again the wealthy and fastidious would have an aversion to 
drink from the same sacred vessel as their poorer neighbours. 
No wonder then that the use of the chalice had considerably 
fallen into disuse before it was finally withdrawn by order of 
the Church. 

Penitent Then, Father, they say that our Lord is present 
in the Eucharist, as He was on the cross. 

Priest. Yes ; the Church teaches that the blessed Eucharist 
contains the body and blood of Christ. They are the same 
body and blood in which He suffered ; but they exist now in 
a glorified state. You do not doubt that He is present in the 
Eucharist ? 

Penitent. I believe, Father, that our Lord is present in the 
holy Communion. He is mystically present. The little "wafer" 
reminds us of Jesus Christ, and excites our faith in Him. 

Priest. And is that all ? Do the thousan ds who communi- 
cate and who speak of partaking of Christ's body receive 
only common bread ? At the Last Supper our Lord instituted 
the holy communion. He administered it to the Apostles- 
saying, " take and eat for this is My body." The words were 
not intended to have one meaning at the Last Supper, and 
another at subsequent ages. Did our Lord mean then, " this 
will excite your faith and remind you of Me ?" Certainly not. 
The Apostles daily saw Jesus ; they lived with Him ; they 
had witnessed His miracles : they believed that He was God* 
Surely then it was unnecessary for them to eat some ordinary 
bread to sustain their faith in Jesus Christ. 

Penitent. I was differently instructed. Then, Father, 
they say that priests forgive sins. But how can men forgive 

A Sick Call and its Sequel 295 

sins ? Does not the Bible say that God alone forgives sin ? 
When Protestants speak to me on the subject I always uay 
we must avoid sin, and that we must expect pardon through 
repentance and the mercy of God. 

Priest. It is certainly true that God alone can forgive sin. 
But God can forgive sin by his own immediate act ; or he 
can grant us pardon through other agency. In the present 
order of His providence He has given to some of His creatures 
the power of absolving others in His name. " Whose sins 
you shall forgive they are forgiven, whose sins you shall re- 
tain they are retained." Besides if this power does not exist 
how could it happen that from the Apostolic age persons fre- 
quented the tribunal of penance, and confessed a thing 
most distasteful to human nature their most secret faults to 
a fellow creature ? Has not God power to appoint persons 
who will absolve in his name ? What did He mean by the 
words, " Whose sins you shall forgive they are forgiven ?" 

Penitent. God has power certainly to appoint priests ; but 
I learned, Father, that priests cannot forgive sins. Then, 
Father, they tell me that one man cannot err, that the Pope 
is infallible, that he cannot do wrong. Do you believe that 
doctrine, Father ? 

Priest. A part I do not believe. Another part I believe 
and consider most reasonable doctrine. The pope may do 
wrong; the pope may hold erroneous opinions. But when he 
teaches the whole Church as the representative of Christ, he 
cannot err, he cannot lead the people into error. And 
this -I call most reasonable doctrine. God has given us a 
store of doctrinal and moral teaching in the Scriptures. We 
must accept His doctrines; we must adopt His code of 
morals. The meaning of sacred Scripture is often very diffi- 
cult to be determined ; it is not, therefore, unreasonable that 
God would appoint a representative on earth who, as occasion 
may require, would unerringly explain His teaching to the 
faithful. And assuredly it does not exceed the power of God 
to preserve a man from error ? 

Penitent. Oh ! Father, it does not exceed the power of 
God, for God is omnipotent. But I have always understood 
that no one is exempt from error. Then, Father, Catholics 

296 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

neglect devotion to the Creator and they tender all their 
homage to creatures. Why do Catholics pray and practice 
so much devotion to the Virgin Mary, whilst they neglect 
prayer to God ? 

Priest. Well, I am sure you know there is no foundation 
for such an accusation. Catholics do not neglect prayer to 
God; but they pray to God in two ways. They sometimes 
pray to God Himself, as when they recite the Lord's Prayer ; 
and again they beseech others to intercede for them. They 
pray to God for one another ; but with much greater confi- 
dence they recommend themselves to the intercession of the 
Blessed Virgin and the saints ; not that they expect grace 
from the Blessed Virgin, but they expect that her prayers 
will avail much more before God [than the prayers of poor 

You would not object to pray for others, or to recommend 
yourself to the prayers of others ? 

Penitent. I often, Father, ask persons to prav for me; 
and when Protestant ladies who visit me misrepresent and 
condemn prayers to the Blessed Virgin I reply that we never 
pray to her for grace but only for intercession. And when 
they condemn the celebration of mass in Latin which the people 
cannot understand I say that in our prayer books we have 
an exact translation of what the priest reads in Latin. 

They know, Father, that I was a Protestant ; that I once 
enjoyed comfort, and that I am now poor. And already since 
my poor husband's illness commenced, they have made me 
offers of admission to a Protestant " home," in case he should 
die. Are there, Father, any Catholic institutions that would 
receive my poor husband and myself? Will you enquire, 
Father, if they would receive us? I am sorry to have 
occasioned you such disappointment ; but I could not arrange 
with my conscience to receive this morning under one species. 
Pray for me, Father. And will you be kind enough to say 
mass for my poor husband's recovery ? 

Disappointed and disquieted he withdrew promising to 
say mass for his patient. And on the morrow he offered the 
holy sacrifice with all the fervour of his soul for the sick hus- 
band. He was an unflinching Catholic and if he recovered 

A Sick Call and its Sequel 297 

the proselytisers were frustrated, and the parish spared the 
scandal of their victory. 


" There is another call to R -- , who has returned from 
hospital, and to his wife. You are expected, sir, to hear their 
confessions, and give them communion in the morning." 

This was indeed a welcome message. All the anxiety for 
the woman's faith was removed ; but a new difficulty imme- 
diately presented itself : " troubles come not in single spies 
but in battalias." This woman, he thought, a few days ago 
could not strain her conscience to communicate according to 
the Catholic rite. She had scant faith indeed in the Real 
Presence. She disbelieved in the power of remitting sin. She 
rejected the doctrine of papal infallibility. Latin liturgy she 
would tolerate, but prayers to Mary and the saints, beads, 
scapulars, holy water, etc., she rigorously excluded from her 
devotions. Is she then a fit subject for the sacraments ? Shall 
I receive the confession of one who does not believe in con- 
fession ? Shall I administer the blessed Eucharist to one who 
denies the Real Presence? Impossible ! But yet " sacramenta 
sunt propter homines," he happily bethought himself; and 
after careful consideration he concluded that he might ad- 
minister the sacraments at least conditionally. 

I shall now try to prove that the conditions necessary for 
the reception of the sacraments were strictly compatible with 
this woman's strange and wavering creed ; and to proceed 
with due order I shall consider 1. the dispositions necessary 
for the valid reception of the sacraments. 2. the dispositions 
necessary for the lawful reception of the sacraments. 3. I 
shall apply those principles to the case above described. 



The reception of Baptism shall precede the reception of 
the other sacraments. 

" Quia baptismus," writes Lacroix, 1 " est janua vitas spiri- 

1 De Sacr., lib. vi., N. 165. 

298 A Sick Call and its Sequel 

tualis per quern membra Christi, ac de corpore efficinmr 

ecclesise ideoque soli baptizati sunt subject! 

ecclesiae. Sacramerita autem mstituta sunt pro sola ecclesia 


For infants, and for those who from infancy have been per- 
manently devoid of reason baptism received no other 
disposition is necessary for validly receiving the sacraments 
of which they are capable. 

" In parvulis ante usum rationis, et in perpetuo amentibus 
intentio vel alia dispositio non est necessaria ut valide recipi- 
ant sacramenta quorum sunt capaces." Theol. Mechl. 1 

The remaining conditions, therefore, apply only to persons 
who now enjoy the use of reason, or who enjoyed the use 
of reason continuously for some period of their lives, or who 
have had lucid intervals. 


Adults shall have the intention of receiving the sacra- 

This principle requires exposition. 

1. A sacrament is invalid if administered by absolute vio- 
lence. " Invalidum est sacramentum quod per meram vim 
animo omnino repugnante suscipitur." Bonacina. 2 

2. Neutral intention will not suffice. 

" Invalidum est sacramentum quod quis cum intentione 
neutrali habens se negative suscipit." Similarly a simu- 
lated intention will not suffice. Idem. 

3. The subject of a sacrament, therefore, shall have the 
positive intention of receiving the sacrament. 

" Communis et vera sententia Theologorum tenet requiri 
ad valorem sacramenti consensum positivum adulti qui illud 
recipit." De Lugo. 3 

4. This positive consent of the will even when given under 
the influence of strong moral or partial physical compulsion 
will be sufficient, except in the case of matrimony, for the 
valid reception of a sacrament. 

1 De Sacr. in Gen., n. 45. 2 T. i., De Sacr., D. i., q. 6., p. 2. 

3 De Sacr, fn Gen., D. ix., Scctio vii. 

A Sick Call and its Sequel. 299* 

" Ex dictis infero prime in sacramentis, uno excepto ma- 
trimonio sufficere ad eorum valorem voluntatem etiam 
coactam . . . dummodo interius sit verus consensus in 
sacramentum." De Lugo. 1 

5. Positive intention may be considered as theologian^ 
say, ratione modi quo fertur in objectum, and ratione objecti. 
If we consider it in the former sense, it may be actual, virtual, 
habitual, and interpretative. If we consider it ratione objecti 
it resolves itself into internal and external. These terms re- 
quire no explanation. I shall consider what intention ratione 
modi is sufficient; and what ratione objecti for tne valid re* 
ception of the sacraments. 

6. Ratione Modi or Subjective. 

As subjective intention presents no special difficulty in 
the solution of the case proposed for examination, I shall 
treat the matter briefly. 

(a.) For the valid reception of all the sacraments, 
I abstract from the obligations that accompany some 
sacraments habitual intention is sufficient. 

(b.) There is some difficulty about the sacrament of 
penance. Confession and contrition are necessary for the 
sacrament of penance. These acts require the expedite use 
of man's faculties. Moreover a voluntary confession, and an 
act of contrition are accompanied by at least a virtual inten- 
tion of receiving the sacrament. Hence St. Liguori 2 writes, 
" Ad sacramentum ant em poenitentiae, non sufficit intentio 
neque interpretativa neque habitualis, sed requiritur intentio 
vel actuah's, vel saltern virtualis." 

An actual or virtual intention of receiving the sacrament 
accompanies indeed confession and contrition ; but an inter- 
val elapses between confession and absolution ; and during" 
that interval the intention of receiving the sacrament may 
become habitual. Theologians appeal for proof to the case 
of the moribundus who sends for a priest ; but is deprived of 
the use of reason before the confessor's arrival ; and therefore 
before absolution is given. 

We may suppose a more cogent case. We may suppose 

1 Ibid. 2 Lib. vi., Tract i., De Sacr. in Gen., n. 82. 

300 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

the moribundus to have confessed most satisfactorily to the 
priest, to have made a fervent act of contrition, and to have 
suddenly lost the use of reason whilst the priest recited the 
rubrical prayers preceding absolution. This penitent at 
the moment of absolution would have only the habitual 
intention of receiving the sacrament of penance ; and 
no confessor would refuse him absolution even in forma 

Hence I conclude that assuming the other necessary 
dispositions habitual intention would suffice at the moment 
of absolution for the valid reception of the sacrament of 
penance. " Ad poenitentiam," writes Lacroix, " requiritur 
saltern habitualis [intentio] et sufficeret implicita vel interpre- 
tativa" (De Sacr., lib. vi., 171). 

(c). Habitual intention will suffice not only when it is ex- 
plicitwhen at an earlier date the person had expressly 
resolved to receive a certain sacrament or sacraments but 
also when it is implicit : or contained in some more general 
intention. Theologians, for example, teach that a person who 
at any time during life resolved to prepare for death as 
practical Catholics prepare, and who never revoked this in- 
tention would have, if deprived of the use of reason in serious 
illness, sufficient intention for the valid reception of the last 
sacraments. For the general intention of preparing for death 
as practical Catholics prepare includes the intention of re- 
ceiving the last sacraments. 

(d). Implicit habitual intention at least is necessary for the 
valid reception of the sacraments. 

Sometimes theologians are content with interpretative 
intention when they treat of the last sacraments. The 
presence of interpretative intention will no doubt enable a 
priest to administer the sacraments ; because it will warrant 
him in assuming that the recipient at some earlier period 
had at least an implicit intention of receiving the sacraments. 
But unless this implicit intention preceded, the sacraments 
would be invalidly received. 

7. I come now to intention considered rationeobjecti. What 
must the subject mean when he intends to receive a sacra- 
ment ? What must be his appreciation of a sacrament ? 

A Sick Call and its Sequel. 301 

(a.) It is not sufficient to intend exclusively the material 
rite. For example, the material ablution in baptism " Non 
vero [sufficit ad valorem] si solus sit consensus in actionem 
externam absque alio consensu interno in ipsum sacra- 
men turn." De Lugo (Ibid.). 

Theologians sometimes except the Eucharist. The 
Eucharist being a sacrament in facto esse will remain a sacra- 
ment as long as the Real Presence continues, though un- 
willingly received. This would be true if it were 
administered to an irrational animal. Such a communion, 
however, would not be a sacramental reception of the 
Eucharist, nor would it confer grace. " Atque adeo," says 
De Lugo (Ibid.) " ilia susceptio Eucharistise ut talis, non est ei 
ullo mo do voluntaria aut volita, ideo non causat effectum 
sacramentalem in ipso." 

(b.) It is not necessary to intend the rite as a sacrament 
of the Catholic Church ; nor as a sacrament of any Church. 
It is not necessary to intend the reception of a rite which is 
believed by the recipient to confer grace. " Validum est 
sacramentum," writes Lacroix (n. 163., iv.) . . . " etsi non 
credat [subjectum] aut non velit sacramentum." " Licet illud 
inane credat," adds Scavini. 

(c.) The recipient will certainly have sufficient intention, 
if he knows that the sacraments are regarded sacred rites in 
the Church, that they are received by the faithful ; and if he 
intends to receive them as they are received by the faithful, 
though personally he may deem them useless. Theologians 
express this principle in different ways. " Validum est 
sacramentum," says Lacroix " quod qui accipit vult quod 
Christiani accipiunt etsi non credat aut non velit sacra- 
mentum." And Scavini writes, " Non requiritur intentio 
explicita suscipiendi veri nominis sacramentum, at sufficit 
intentio implicita .... nempe ut quis sincere id velit 
suscipere, quod eo ritu preestat ecclesia, licet illud inane 
credat " (A pud Haine, p. 466). 


Neither faith nor sanctity is required in the subject of 
the sacraments. 

"Ad sacramenta valide suscipienda, nulla requiritur 

.302 ^1 Sick Call and its Sequel. 

probitas, nee proprie fides in subjecto si poenitentiae 
sacramentum excipias" (Gury, Pars, ii., n. 228). 
This principle, too, requires some explanation. 

1. Sanctity is not required. A person may validly re- 
ceive Baptism, Confirmation, and the Eucharist in the state 
of mortal sin. This reception of the Eucharist would differ 
-very much from an involuntary Communion. A person may 
.go to confession in the state of mortal sin, and very probably 
a person may validly receive the sacrament and depart in 
the state of mortal sin, as the sacrament may probably be 
valid but unfruitful. The other sacraments can be validly 
received in the state of mortal sin. 

2. And as to Faith. 

(a.) Profession of Catholic faith is not necessary. Heretics, 
therefore, may receive the sacraments validly. This is 
manifest. The Church has never allowed persons baptized 
in heresy to be ro-baptized when they enter the Church, 
unless there be some other defect. " Atque hanc |~dis- 
positionem scil. fidem] non requiri patet ex praxi ecclesiae 
quae baptismum in haeresi receptum semper validum habuit." 
Mechlin (De Sacr. in Gen., p. 99). 

(b.) Is faith in the sacrament necessary ? 

Faith in the sacrament is not necessary for the valid re- 
oeption of a sacrament. It is certainly sufficient if the 
subject of the sacraments knows that the sacramental rite is 
considered sacred by others, and if he seriously intends to 
receive it as it is received by its own votaries, " licet illud 
inane credat" " etsi non credat aut non velit sacramentum." 

(c.) In enunciating the principle theologians except the 
sacrament of Penance. " Si poenitentiae sacramentum 

The sacrament of Penance requires incipient sanctity they 
say. But this only implies that f the penitent shall approach 
the tribunal of penance with sorrow for his sins and a firm, 
purpose of amendment. 

And as regards faith : To receive the sacrament of 
penance validly (1) Faith in the essential dogmas is neces- 
sary; (2) Catholic faith is not necessary; (3) Nor is faith in 
the efficacy of the sacrament; (d) A valid confession pre- 

A SicJt Call and its Segud. 303 

supposes siiDernatural sorrow sorrow supernatural in. 
principle and supernatural in motive. Theologians generally 
require that the motive should be known by faith ; and they 
enumerate certain supernatural motives ingratitude to God, 
loss of heaven, fear of hell, &c. Now, may not a non- 
Catholic repent of sin through fear of hell ? May not a Pro- 
testant elicit sorrow from the consideration of heaven's loss ? 
May they not repent of past ingratitude to God? And may 
not non-Catholics regard those motives as supernatural, as 
known by faith, as being revealed by God ? 

If, therefore, a baptized person, who believes in the 
-essential dogmas, should in imitation of Catholics seriously 
and sorrowfully confess his sins to a priest, if perchance he 
may obtain pardon, his confession would be valid, though 
personally he disbelieved in the power of forgiving sin ? and 
rejected the sacrament of Penance. - 

I now proceed to consider 




The subject of the sacraments shall not culpably and 
seriously violate, or continue violating any grave law when 
receiving the sacraments. 

This is manifest, for if the recipient of a sacrament mala 
fide and seriously violates a grave law whilst receiving the 
sacrament, he commits mortal sin, and, therefore, cannot 
lawfully, much less fruitfully, receive it. 

I shall in this connection consider the absence of Faith in 
Catholic dogmas, and the absence of Hope in the efficacy of 
the sacraments. Is Faith in the efficacy of the sacraments, 
and in Catholic dogmas generally, necessary for salvation? 
Is it necessary for the fruitful reception of the sacraments ? 
Is the Hope of receiving grace through the medium of the 
sacraments necessary for obtaining the fruits of the 
sacraments ? 

1. Assuming Faith in the essential dogmas ; Faith in the 
other dogmas of the Catholic Church is not absolutely neces- 
sary for salvation. Protestants disbelieve in Catholic 

304 ' A Sick Call and its Sequel. 

doctrines, for example, in the doctrine of sacramental 
efficacy, and yet they may save their souls. 

2. Faith in the doctrines of the Church is necessary 
necessitate precepti, and hence if Catholic doctrines, and the 
obligation of believing them have been sufficiently proposed 
to claim an individual's assent, then Faith in them is 
necessary for the fruitful reception of the sacraments, 
because unbelief would be a mortal sin, and the grace of 
the sacraments cannot cohabit with mortal sin. For 
such a person, therefore, habitual Faith in the sacraments is 

But if the unbelief be inculpable, or only venially 
culpable the conditions required for their validity being 
present the sacraments will be fruitfully received, even by 
those who disbelieve in their efficacy. 

3. Is Hope necessary ? 

What I have written of Faith may be applied to Hope. 

(a.) Hope of attaining eternal life through the means or- 
dained by God is necessary necessitate medii. " Credere 
enim oportet accedentem ad Deum quia est et inquirentibus 
tie remunerator sit." 

(b.) Hope of obtaining justification through the sacraments- 
is necessary necessitate precepti, because they, amongst 
others, are divinely constituted channels for communicating 
divine grace to our souls. If, therefore, an individual, suffi- 
ciently instructed in the divine institution and efficacy of the 
sacraments mala fide refused to hope for justification 
through them he would commit mortal sin, But if the absence 
of hope were occasioned by inculpable disbelief in the efficacy 
of the sacrament it would not, of course, be a formal sin. 

(c.) Is the hope of receiving grace through the sacra- 
ments necessary for their fruitful reception ? 

It would far exceed the limits of this paper to discuss the 
functions of Hope in the process of justification, whether by 
an act of perfect contrition or through the sacraments, I 
shall, therefore, only say 1. Culpable distrust in the efficacy 
of the sacraments would obstruct the fruitful reception of 
the sacraments ; 2. The question of Hope is especially dis- 
cussed in connection with the first justification of a non- 

A Sick Call and its Sequel. 305 

baptized adult through baptism, and of a fidelis peccator 
through penance, and in both cases actual Hope of obtaining 
pardon generally precedes justification ; 3. A verbal act of 
Hope is not necessary ; 4. That expectation of pardon and 
grace, which accompanies contrition and confession will cer- 
tainly suffice for the Sacrament of Penance, and this might 
generally be called an explicit act of Hope, " At ipse Escobar 
et Lugo recte dicunt . . . quod cum quis accedit ad 
confessionem vere poenitens necessario elicit explicite (non 
jam reflexe sed quidem exercite) actus fidei et spei, cum enim 
accedit ad recipiendam remissionem peccatorum, procul dubio 
explicite .... sperat per sacramentum Deum remissurum 
sibi peccata propter merita Christi." 

(d.) A person who hopes for justification through the 
divinely constituted means : who bona fide disbelieves in the 
efficacy of the sacraments ; and who nevertheless seriously 
and religiously receives the sacramental rites to partake of 
their graces, if perchance they have the stamp of divine insti- 
tution such a person would validly and fruitfully receive 
the sacraments. 


To receive the sacraments of the living lawfully and fruit- 
fully the state of sanctifying grace is per se necessary. 


Attrition at least is necessary for the fruitful reception of 
Baptism, it the recipient is guilty of actual mortal sin. It is 
always necessary both for the valid and lawful reception of 



She had certainly received baptism. We can question, 
therefore, only her intention of receiving the sacraments: 
.her faith and hope in the sacraments; her bona fides, and the 
confession and contrition necessary for the sacrament of 

VOL. IX. u 

306 A Sick Call and its Sequel. 


There can be little controversy about the requisite in- 
tention. Subjectively or ratione modi her intention would be 
actual or virtual. But would her intention ratione objecti 
be sufficiently internal ? Perhaps she intended only the ex- 
ternal rites ? Would she not be only simulating the reception 
of the sacraments ? We must remember two things (.) She 
asked the priest to say mass for her sick husband. She 
therefore must have had some faith in its efficacy (and we may 
assume she had equal faith in the sacraments). (7>.) She had 
professed Catholicity for a long time ; she had often received 
the sacraments; she knew they were considered' sacred rites 
in the Church, that they were expected to confer grace ; 
and though she did not believe all this and I should think 
she had some faith in the efficacy of the sacraments as in the 
mass if she consented to receive them at all, she would in- 
tend to receive what Catholics receive : rites revered arid 
regarded as sacraments by Catholics. 

" Validum [et in casu fructuosum] est sacramentum quod 
qui accipit vult quod Christian! accipiunt." 


The subject of this paper had, indeed, very doubtful faith 
in the Catholic doctrine regarding the sacraments, and little 
hope that they conferred grace. But I have already shown 
from the teaching of theologians, that neither faith, nor 
hope in a sacrament is necessary for its valid reception, 
and assuming Faith in the essential dogmas, and Hope of 
attaining eternal life through the means appointed by God 
the sacraments will confer grace on unbelieving recipients, 
who are not guilty of grievous sin in their unbelief. 

The principal difficulty, therefore, in connection with the 
remaining questions was her bona fides. Was she not guilty of 
grievous sin in venturing to dispute Catholic dogmas ? Was 
not her unbelief seriously culpable ? Were not the Catholic 
doctrines sufficiently proposed to claim her assent ? Had 
she not professed Catholicity for many years ? Was she not 
convinced of its truth A\hen she became a Catholic ? Had 
she not frequently heard instructions on those subjects ? 

We need not suppose that she entered the Catholic Church 

A Sick Call and its Sequel. 307 

from conviction. Her mind seemed deeply imbued with 
religious liberalism. It recked not, she thought, at what 
.altar one adored if the moral law were observed. No wonder 
then that professing such principles she shunned the 
assembly of her former co-religionists and accompanied her 
husband to worship at Catholic altars, vehement though her 
prejudices were against Catholic doctrines and practices. 

No doubt she had been well instructed at her conversion, 
and had often heard instructions in Catholic churches ; but 
we must remember, that devotional instructions were more 
popular in Irish churches, than doctrinal discourses; and 
experienced missionaries, too, will testify that even with the 
most careful, and continual instruction, it is often impossible 
to dispel the strong prejudices of youth from the minds of 
Irish convert penitents : to convince them that they are 
bound to believe all those dogmas of the Catholic Church, 
whose perversion and refutation (!) formed the chief religious 
instruction of their early years. 

In the present instance the priest was thoroughly satisfied 
of the bona fides of his penitent. He was convinced that she 
was not committing grievous sin by her unbelief in Catholic 
-doctrines ; that she believed she could save her soul in any 
Christian Church by observing the moral law. 

If therefore, she would seriously, and with sorrow confess 
her sins as Catholics do at confession, she could be absolved 
oven in forma absoluta, and could receive holy Communion. 

Moreover if she had sinned grievously in her unbelief; if 
she culpably wavered in faith, to secure the proffered succour 
of her Protestant visitors ; now that the danger was past, she 
could be easily disposed to receive absolution if not with the 
absolute, at least with the conditional form. 

In all similar cases if the confessor is satisfied with tho 
bona fides of his convert penitent, he might administer tho 
sacraments in the ordinary way. If he wore convinced of 
tho mala fides of his penitent he should absolutely refuse the 
sacraments. And if he were doubtful whether the unbelief 
be grievously culpable or not he would administer the sacra- 
ments with the conditional form. 


j 308 ] 


IN explaining the phenomena which the different objects 
around us present to the senses, it is usual with most 
physicists to assume the existence of two things matter, of 
which they conceive those objects to be made up, and force 
the name they give to an invisible something which acts on 
this matter. There are some, however, and they of great 
name, who recognise in the physical universe nothing but 
matter and sequence of phenomena, and regard force as 
merely a convenient name for certain general laws which 
repeated observation has discovered in natural processes of 
frequent recurrence. While others, following the example of 
the famous J esuit, Boscovich, find in force alone a satisfactory 
explanation of all the phenomena of nature and in conse- 
quence fail to see a philosophical necessity for matter at all. 
But by whatever name it may be called, all scientific men, 
nowadays at least, seem agreed that there is a resisting, 
impenetrable something external to us which acts on the 
senses. Let us call it matter for convenience' sake. 

Some of the ancient philosophers, as is known, admitted 
four different kinds of matter out of which they supposed that 
all the bodies in nature are formed. These they called 
elements, a name which science still retains although, as now 
used, no longer applicable to any of the four earth, air, 
water, or fire, of the ancients. The chemist of the present 
day reckons between sixty and seventy elements ; but know- 
ing the imperfection of his best methoda of analysis, he is 
prepared to find that future experiment will increase or, it may 
be, diminish their number. These are the materials, the 
rough blocks, which skilfully shaped and fitted together in 
nature's workshop have served to build up the wondrous 
structure of the universe. Modern science can detach certain 
fragmentary parts, very small parts indeed, from that vast 
fabric, and has even succeeded in replacing them without 
injury ; but there are others which crumble into dust in the 
hand that dares to touch them. By a well known experiment 

The Future of the Earth. 309 

two Invisible gases can easily be evolved from a few drops 
of water, and the discharge from a Leyden jar is enough 
to reproduce from these same gases the original liquid. 
Crystalline forms of extreme beauty can be made to appear 
and disappear at the chemist's bidding. He is even able to 
construct new bodies of his own, sometimes of great com- 
plexity, with materials taken from the debris of others. But 
in no case must he venture beyond the boundary of inert, 
lifeless matter. Nature tells him stop there ; and if, disobey- 
ing her order, he advances it is only to destroy. In the 
domain of living things although able to pull down, he is 
powerless to build up again. The carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, 
and other constituents may be put together in the exact 
proportion indicated by what seemed an exhaustive analysis 
of the living organism, but the vital principle which his 
balance failed to detect is wanting ; and the vital principle 
is essential to complete their union. Provided with the best 
appliances which science can devise and even furnished with 
the very elements which nature herself employs, he is never- 
theless forced to acknowledge his inability to produce the 
smallest animalcule which floats in the stagnant pool, or the 
tiniest lichen that discolours by its growth the walls of our 

It is little more than a century since Lavoisier furnished 
chemists with an unerring test of accuracy in their quantitative 
analyses by establishing the important law that the total 
amount of matter in the universe is unchangeable. The smoke 
and glowing gases which escape from the burning coal when 
collected, and put in the balance along with the ashes that 
remain, are found to weigh just as much as the coal did ; 
and the rain falling in torrents to-day is nothing heavier than 
the woolpack clouds of yesterday. Loss or gain there is none ; 
only unceasing change. The mineral which perhaps for 
countless ages lay concealed in the earth's bosom till chance 
brought it to the surface is broken in pieces and then used 
as food by the tender plant ; and from the tissues of the latter 
it may even find its way to the blood which flows through 
some human brain, returning thence, it may be, to its 
primitive state to pass through another cycle of changes still 

310 The Future of the Earth. 

more curious. Form, size, colour, every thing else may vary,, 
the mass alone is constant. The destruction of even one 
material particle by any finite agency is equally impossible 
as the creation of a new one. 

Within recent years men of science, even among those 
who deny the objective reality of force, have been gradually 
led to recognise in nature a something which, although in- 
separable from matter, is different from it and equally inde- 
structible. They call it energy a word which implies capacity 
or power of doing work. We know by experience that a 
body at rest and another of the same mass in motion differ 
widely in the work of which they are capable. The latter 
can drive a nail, turn a wheel, propel a ship, or pierce a 
target ; all of which are impossible to the body at rest, 
unless we suppose that it has the advantage of such a posi- 
tion as will enable it, when obstacles are removed, to acquire 
the motion possessed by the other. Physicists are in the 
habit of distinguishing the energy of a moving mass from 
that due to advantageous position by calling the former 
kinetic energy ; the latter to which working power is possible 
although not yet brought into action, they call potential 
energy. A stone thrown vertically upwards at the moment 
it leaves the hand has all its energy kinetic ; and when it 
reaches the highest point, the energy is all potential ; but 
for intermediate positions it is partly one and partly the other. 
The sum of both, however, along with a small amount im- 
parted to the air, is always the same. And in this we have a 
simple illustration of a general law, known as the Conserva- 
tion of Energy, which ranks among the most important 
discoveries of the present century. Although foreshadowed 
by Newton in his explanation of the third law of motion,, 
the discovery was retarded by the erroneous theories so long 
prevalent as to the nature of heat and light: but of late 
years, owing mainly to the labours of Joule and Mayer, it 
has come to be recognised by all scientific men as an estab- 
lished law of nature. Briefly stated it means that the total 
amount of energy in the universe is as unchangeable as the 
total amount of matter in it. It may pass from one body 
to another and appear in a great variety of forms, but 

The Future of the Earth. 311 

increase or diminution there is none. To the physicist, 
whatever may have been its origin, it is the same in amount 
to-day as it was when time began, and as it will be while 
this world lasts. At first sight it would seem that nothing- 
could be more opposed to our experience than these state- 
ments. For where shall we look for the energy of the musket 
ball which sped its way to the distant target more rapidly 
than our voices could, and now lies motionless in fragments 
on the ground? Or, when our watch is completely run down, 
is it still possible to find within its case the store of potential 
energy with which we charged its mainspring in winding it 
up ? Is not energy created when a few ounces of dynamite 
demolish one of our most solid structures ; or when a slight 
pressure of the finger explodes a mine, perhaps miles away ? 
To answer these questions we must remember that besides 
mechanical or sensible motion there is another called molecular 
which takes place through spaces too minute to be detected 
even with the aid of our best microscopes. Heat and light, 
and perhaps electricity also, consist essentially in motion of 
this kind. The expansion of a body when heated is nothing 
more than the increased amplitude of the small vibrations of 
its constituent molecules. When the rate of vibration is 
rapid enough, the body becomes luminous ; and the colour of 
its light depends on the frequency of its vibrations. Now, 
the energy of visible motion is capable of being transformed 
into energy of molecular motion ; and experiment has shown 
that there is a definite amount of each which corresponds to 
a given quantity of the other. What happens, then, to the 
musket ball is this : its energy of visible motion is converted 
by the impact into the molecular motion of heat which is 
divided between the target and the fragments of the ball. 
Something similar occurs in the case we have supposed of the 
watch. The removal of the key when the winding is com- 
pleted allows the potential energy of the mainspring to pass 
gradually into the kinetic energy of the moving wheels and 
hands ; and from these into heat energy at the pivots and 
rubbing parts. A small amount which at first failed to be 
converted into heat has its equivalent in the ticking, and by 
the air is conveyed to the ear as sound. The explosion of 

312 The Future of tJie Earth. 

chemical substances is somewhat analogous. Before the ex- 
plosion some of the constituent elements are separated by 
minute spaces from others for which they have a strong 
affinity. Relatively to each other each has a store of poten- 
tial energy. The electric spark or other agency removes the 
obstacles to their -union ; they rush together ; and because of 
the heat developed in their clash, the gaseous products ex- 
pand with explosive violence. But in the transformation 
there is neither loss nor gain. To separate the combined 
elements once more and place them as at first, we should ex- 
pend just as much energy as was produced by the 

It may be thought that in our machines at least new 
energy is created ; for the child who lifts a stone weight from 
the floor to the table with difficulty can raise a hundred 
weight with ease by a system of pulleys ; and the drayman 
by the simple expedient of a sloping plank loads his cart with 
barrels which otherwise would tax the strength of several 
men as strong as he. Archimedes did not exaggerate when 
he said that with a lever long enough and a suitable fulcrum 
to rest it on, he could move the world. A'nd yet in all this 
there is no new energy produced ; for even in the most favour- 
able circumstances, the force employed must work through a 
distance exceeding the height to which the weight is raised 
in the same ratio in which the weight exceeds the force. 
This relation is sometimes briefly stated by saying that "what 
is gained in power is lost in velocity " ; and in a somewhat 
different form is familiar to the student of mechanics as the 
"principle of virtual velocities.'' It is hopeless, therefore, to 
get from a machine more work than is put into it. Indeed 
the useful effect got from the very best machines is always 
less than the energy spent on them ; for friction can never 
be entirely eliminated^ and friction implies the transforma- 
tion of visible energy into heat, in which form it is nearly 
always useless. In a word the true function of a machine 
is not to create energy but to change it in such manner as 
will best suit our purpose. And it is to the facility with 
which energy in some of its forms can be converted into 
other forms that its usefulness is mainly due. The potential 

The Future of the Earth. 313 

energy of the water in the mill-pond when the sluice is opened 
becomes kinetic in the stream from which it passes to the 
revolving stones that grind our corn ; and in a few seconds 
the weights of a clock can be charged with a store of poten- 
tial energy which becoming kinetic under the influence of 
gravity keeps the hands going for a week together. The 
combustion of coal in the furnace of a locomotive consists in 
the union of its carbon at a high temperature with the oxygen 
of the air by reason of their mutual affinity. In the act of 
uniting the potential energy which the two substances pos- 
sessed when separate is transformed into heat energy. This 
heat passes from the boiler to the cylinders, and part of it 
finally appears as energy of visible motion in the driving 
wheels. Even in the animal economy the capacity for work 
latent in the living muscle is derived by a series of transfor- 
mations from the store of energy accumulated in the animal's 
food; and when this store fails, action ceases, just as the engine 
stops when the fire which heats its boiler is extinguished. 

But although energy in any of its forms has an equivalent 
in every other form of which it is susceptibls, the total trans- 
formation of one variety into another is rarely practicable. 
When the school-boy, for instance, burns his companion's 
hand with the button he has rubbed to the desk before him, 
he has probably succeeded in transforming the whole or nearly 
the whole motion imparted by his brachial muscles into heat ; 
but there is no process available for reconverting all this heat 
into visible motion. Indeed it is only a small fractional part 
of the total heat-energy which can ever be obtained as me- 
chanical work. Thus whereas the amount of heat that would 
raise the temperature of a gallon of water through one degree on 
the Centigrade scale would suffice, if all were utilised, to lift the 
weight of the water through nearly fourteen hundred feet, in 
practice it would be difficult even in the most favourable cir- 
cumstances to lift the weight of the water through one-sixth 
of that distance. In very good steam-engines it is seldom 
that more than a tenth of the energy of the coal is turned to 
useful effect; the remainder is consumed in heating the moving 
parts or becomes dissipated in the air. The same thing hap- 
pens when a current of electricity is employed to produce 

314 The Future of the Earth. 

mechanical effect ; a large part of its energy is wasted in heat- 
ing the generator and connecting wires, and is thus lost in 
the air or surrounding bodies. In a word, in the transforma- 
tion of energy although the sum total remains unchanged, as 
the law of conservation requires, yet the tendency always is 
to assume the practically useless form of diffused heat. In all 
cases of friction and percussion this is inevitable ; and the 
railway train rushing past at the rate of forty miles an hour 
is only contributing slowly to the same final result as the 
meteorite which, moving three thousand times faster, traces 
its path in our atmosphere in lines of fire and consumes itself 
in the process. In the water below the falls of Niagara 
enough heat has been produced by the impact to lift its mass- 
to the height from which it fell ; but its low temperature and 
constant tendency to uniform diffusion render it unavailable : 
for vmiformly diffused heat, however great its quantity, can no 
more do work than the air can propel a ship in a perfect calm 
or than water can turn a mill-wheel where there is no fall. 
Let us follow this to its consequences. 

Besides the energy arising from the twofold motion of 
its mass, and that due to its rivers, winds, and tides, the 
earth possesses a vast store, in the potential form, in some of 
its mineral constituents, and in the vegetable prod acts of its 
surface. Plants build up their structures partly with materials 
taken from the soil on which they grow, and partly with the 
carbon which, under the influence of sunshine, their leaves 
extract from a noxious gas always present in the atmosphere. 
To a large class of animals these plants serve as food ; others 
use them only when converted into the flesh of their weaker 
fellow creatures. Intelligent man draws his supplies from 
both sources and, like the lower animals, makes provision 
for future physical effort by storing up in the muscles, nerves, 
and tissues of his body the latent energy which they contain. 
The steam-boat and the locomotive are only ingenious con- 
trivances for turning to useful effect the energy accumulated 
by vegetable substances, which flourished on our earth many 
ages ago. Had the present rate of consumption continued 
since the commencement of the Christian era, the coal- 
fields of Great Britain would now be exhausted. Those 

The Future of the Earth. 315- 

of the rest of Europe would not have lasted much more 
than half that time. The Western Continent could supply 
fuel at the same rate for a period nearly thirty times longer- 
But even a hundred thousand years will come to an end? 
and the potential energy of more than two hundred thousand 
square miles of coal-beds, varying in thickness from twenty 
to sixty feet, will have passed as low-temperature heat into 
the boundless regions of interstellar space. Coal will then be 
replaced by wood as the most convenient source of energy 
for mechanical purposes ; and the duration of the latter will 
be limited only by the continuance of the relations at present 
existing between the Sun, Earth, and Moon. But are those 
relations permanent? A close examination of some of the 
phenomena connected with the earth's diurnal and annual 
motions will furnish the answer to this question. 

The tides, it is well known, are due to the attraction which 
the sun and moon have for the solid earth, and the water 
which covers about two-thirds of its surface. Considering,, 
first, the sun's influence only we have the earth carried 
round it each year in a curve almost circular, and at a nearly 
constant distance of ninety-two million miles. This means that 
the earth is whirling round the sun at the enormous rate of 
more than a thousand miles each minute of time ; and, as a 
necessary consequence, that if the sun's attraction were 
suspended for an instant, the earth would fly off in a straight 
line into space, just as the stone in the boy's sling does when 
the chord which holds it captive is released. But the inertia 
of each particle and the sun's pull on it are so balanced that 
their combined action prevents such a catastrophe. The 
solid parts of the earth being held together by their mutual 
cohesion are attracted as if the whole mass were concentrated 
at their common centre ; but the liquid parts having greater 
freedom assume such form as the sun's attraction and terres- 
trial gravitation give them. Following the law of inverse 
squares, the water on the near side of the earth is more 
attracted by the sun, and that on the far side is less attracted 
than the central solid nucleus. On one hemisphere, therefore,, 
the water is pulled from the direction in Avhichits own inertia 
would carry it through a greater distance each second of time 

316 The Future of the Earth. 

than the solid parts ; and the latter, similarly, are pulled 
farther towards the sun each successive instant, than the 
water on the hemisphere remote from it. Hence, relatively 
to the earth's centre, the distance of the water at two 
opposite parts of its surface is increased by the sun's 
action. Had the earth no other motion than that in its 
orbit, the water would be always heaped up at opposite sides 
of the meridian which passes through the sun. But the earth 
moves also on an axis in the order, to a person looking south, 
from west by south to east, and as the water does not obey 
the sun's pull instantaneously owing to the friction and inertia 
of its particles, the greatest height is reached some hours 
after the sun's meridian passage. In the open sea two vast 
waves, separated by a semicircle of the earth, are formed 
which appear always to follow the sun. These are the two 
diurnal solar tides. 

It is easy to see from the foregoing that the sun's power 
to produce tides depends not on the absolute amount of the 
attraction, but on the difference in its intensity at different 
parts of the earth. If the earth's centre and all the water 
particles on its surface were equally attracted, no change of 
form could arise, for they would all fall towards the sun 
"through equal spaces in a given time. Now, although the 
moon's attraction at any given point on the earth is not 
much more than the two hundredth part of the sun's, still 
being four hundred times nearer, the difference in the 
intensity of the attraction at opposite sides of the meridian 
which passes through the moon is more than double the 
difference in the case of the sun. The moon's power to 
produce tides, therefore, is more than twice as great as the 
sun's. To understand how the lunar tides arise we have 
only to remember that the earth is carried round the common 
centre of gravity of the earth and moon a point nearly 
three thousand miles distant from the earth's centre while 
the centre of gravity itself moves in an ellipse about the sun. 
To keep the earth in its tortuous path the attraction of the 
moon is necessary ; and were that attraction suspended, the 
earth subjected only to its inertia and the solar influence 
would commence an ellipse of its own about the sun. 

The Future of the Earth. 317 

The inequality of the moon's pull on different parts of the 
earth gives rise to lunar tides just as the unequal attraction 
of the sun produces solar tides. The lunar tides, too, follow 
the moon, as the solar tides follow the sun. Since, however, 
the lunar day exceeds the solar day by nearly an hour, the 
interval between two successive lunar tides exceeds twelve 
solar hours by half that amount. When it happens that the 
lunar and solar tides coincide, the real tide is their sum, or a 
spring tide ; and when high water of the lunar tide occurs 
simultaneously with low water of the solar tide, we have a 
neap tide. In all cases the real tide is the resultant of the 
solar and lunar tides; but owing to the preponderating 
influence of the moon is generally ascribed to that luminary. 

For greater simplicity we have considered the tides as 
formed in the open sea where no continents or islands 
interrupt or divert their course. This is nowhere fully 
realized on the earth's surface ; but in parts of the southern 
ocean it is nearly so. There two tidal waves of great extent 
constantly seem to follow the moon in its diurnal course 
about the earth an appearance due to the earth's rotation 
on its axis in contrary order. The joint action of the sun 
and moon, therefore, by heaping up the water prevents it 
moving eastward so fast as the solid earth. Friction is the 
necessary consequence ; and friction involves the conversion 
of part of the motion of rotation into heat. The tidal waves, 
in other words, form a vast friction brake within which the 
solid earth is revolving ; and its action by gradually lessen- 
ing the speed must also lengthen the day. When the rate 
has been so far diminished that the day and month are of 
equal duration, the moon's influence in this respect will 
cease ; but the sun will continue the process until the day 
becomes equal to the year. It is needless to speculate on the 
changes which the flora and fauna of the present must 
undergo to fit them for the altered conditions of an earth 
which will have one hemisphere enjoying uninterrupted 
sunshine, and the other buried in perpetual night. 

But this is not all. The light and heat which come to us 
from the sun and still more distant stars are evidence that 
the space between us and those bodies is filled with matter 

'318 Mayo of the Saxons. 

of some kind. Like sound, both light and heat consist 
essentially in vibratory motion ; and vibrations cannot be 
transmitted across a space where there is nothing to vibrate. 
An absolute vacuum if anywhere interposed between us and 
the heavenly bodies would be more effectual in preventing 
us seeing them or feeling their warmth than a stone wall of 
the same dimensions. Now the earth fills more than 250,000 
million cubic miles of space, and the rate of its motion round 
the sun is about eighty times greater than that of a musket 
ball ; it must, therefore, experience some resistance from the 
medium in which it moves, however attenuated that medium 
may be. Diminished speed will follow ; and the diminu- 
tion can only take place at the expense of the earth's 
tangential motion, for the intensity of the sun's pull 
is in no way affected by the resistance. A gradual approach 
to the centre of attraction is the necessary result the path 
forming a slowly narrowing spiral, until finally the earth and 
its satellite terminate their career in the sun. Should the 
latter have ceased to shine, as may happen, it will be re- 
lighted by the collision, and kept burning for nearly another 
century. A fate similar to the earth's awaits the other 
members of the solar system. They must all fall into the 
sun each in turn contributing its share to keep the central 
fire from extinction. But as time rolls on, incessant radiation 
into space will finally exhaust the sun's store of energy, and 
nothing will remain but a charred mass surrounded by 
endless gloom. 

We find it difficult to call this at least development. 



ONE of the most interesting spots in England is the 
picturesque little town of Whitby. Situated on the 
coast of Yorkshire, about midway between the mouth of the 
Tees and the fashionable watering-place of Scarborough, it 
attracts the tourist, not less by the boldness of its scenery 
than by the charm of its historical associations. Towards 

Mayo of the Saxons . 319 

the east, the German Ocean stretches out as far as the eye can 
reach. Inland, the river Esk is seen winding its serpentine 
course through the hills and heaths of Yorkshire, until it 
empties itself into a semicircular bay, whose sides are flanked 
by tremendous cliffs, some of which are said to attain the 
enormous height of six hundred feet over the water's edge. 
On the summit of one of these huge embattlements formerly 
stood a monastery whose history is inseparably linked with 
the glories of Catholic England. First known as Streanes- 
halch, or the place of the Light House, it long since received 
the name of the little Danish town which subsequently 
sprung up at the base of the precipice on which the edifice 
was built. No trace of the original structure now remains, 
and to the minds of the denizens of Whitby the place has 
scarcely any associations worthy of a moment's notice. And 
yet this hallowed spot was for many centuries a beacon light 
of faith and a centre of civilization to all England. Long 
famous as the sanctuary from which radiated the beneficence 
of the royal Abbess Hilda and her community, it derived 
a new lustre from its selection as the trysting ground where 
were fought out to the bitter end the issues involved in the 
Easter controversy. It was not alone a question of church 
discipline which was at stake. Underlying the ritualistic 
dispute were other and more powerful elements of discord. 
The old prejudices and race hatreds of the Anglo-Saxons 
could not tolerate the influence of the Irish monks in North- 
iimbria. Buried for a time beneath the overpowering weight 
of Celtic benevolence, these antipathies broke out anew after 
the death of St. Finan. The Easter question was only a 
pretext for aggression. What matter though the Irish mis- 
sionaries made no distinction between Celt and Saxon ! 
What matter though their schools were still open to strangers 
from all lands, and that the Northumbrian nobles eagerly 
availed themselves of the learning and generosity of the Irish 
nation. All these benefits were lost on the malcontents. 
What matter though the successor of St. Peter, with wise 
moderation had not prohibited the ancient Paschal observance 
by any authoritative decree. The late worshippers of Woden, 
many of whom had scarcely rid themselves of a hankering 

320 Mayo of the Saxons. 

for that deity's feasts of hog's lard and hydromel, would 
now when it suited their purpose, become more Roman, 
than Rome itself. They denounced Bishop Colman and 
his followers as heretics and schismatics; they expelled 
St. Cuthbert and his brethren from Ripon, and their 
attacks on the teachings of the Celtic missionaries were so 
incessant that the Northumbrians began to ask themselves if 
the religion they had been taught was indeed the religion of 
Christ whose name it bore. 

It was with the laudable object of bringing these dissen- 
sions to an end that King Oswy convened the conference of 
Whitby. Space will not allow us to detail the proceedings 
of that assembly as they are found in the pages of Venerable 
Bede and Eddius, the biographer of St. Wilfrid. 

It has been often and truly remarked that the arguments 
advanced on both sides were of the weakest possible descrip- 
tion. St. Colman was at least consistent and intelligible. He 
adhered steadfastly to the traditions brought from Rome by 
St. Patrick, and handed down by the successors of the 
Apostle, many of whom, as Colman asserted, were saints and 
under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. 

St. Wilfrid had travelled to Rome and other countries, 
with the object of ascertaining the correct computation. He 
had moreover made the question the subject of special study. 
It is astonishing then to find him claiming St. Peter as a 
follower of the Alexandrian system, and quoting the Holy 
Scriptures and the Councils of the Church in favour of his 
arguments. What is still more strange, however, are his dis- 
dainful allusions to his opponents. In his discourse as given by 
Bede, who is evidently partial to the Anglo-Saxon champion, 
St. Wilfrid speaks of his old teachers and their compatriots 
as a few insignificant Celts occupying a small corner of the 
most remote region of the earth, and of the great St. Columba 
he has nothing more complimentary to say than that he served 
God to the best of his knowledge, in simple rusticity. 

His last argument, although clearly not to the point, had 
the effect of convincing the mind of King Oswy who presided 
over the assembly. 

" And if your father Columba/' he said, " yes, and our 

Mayo of the Saxons. 321 

father too, if he was a servant of God, was holy and worked 
miracles, still he cannot be compared with the Most Blessed 
Prince of the Apostles to whom our Lord said, ' Thou art 
Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the 
gates of hell will not prevail against her, and to thee I will 
give the keys of the kingdom of heaven.' " 

Turning to St. Colman the king said 

"Is it true that these words were addressed by Our Lord 
to St. Peter ? " 

"It is true, king," was the reply. 

" Can you give evidence of any similar authority given to 
your Father Columba." 

" No," answered the bishop. 

" You both agree that the keys of heaven were given to 
St. Peter by Our Lord." 

" Yes," they both answered together. 

"Then," added the king, "I say that he is porter of 
heaven, and I will not gainsay such a power as his, but will 
endeavour in all things to obey his ordinance, lest perhaps 
when 1 come to the doors of the kingdom of heaven, I find 
no one to open them for me, having the displeasure of him 
who is acknowledged by all to hold the keys." 

The Anglo-Saxon party at the conference showed their 
triumph over their adversaries by loudly applauding Oswy's 

Ready as St. Colman and his followers had always been 
to obey the king in temporal matters, when in accordance 
with the law of God, they refused to recognise his authority 
in questions which belonged altogether to another tribunal. 
Adopting the only dignified course left to him under the 
circumstances, St. Colman resigned his see, and taking with 
him from the consecrated soil of Lindisfarne the bones of his 
sainted predecessors, he left forever a land which had made no 
other return than shameless ingratitude for the unselfish and 
self-sacrificing labours of himself and his Celtic brethren. 

In view of the use which certain Anglicans have made of 
the attitude of St. Colman at this memorable conference, his 
beatified spirit might well exclaim : 

" Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor!" 

322 Mayo of the Saxons. 

It was, we believe, Dollinger, who, speaking of the 
Centuriators of Magdeburg, said that they systematically 
falsified history to prove the necessity of a separation from 
the Catholic Church. The Lutheran forgers evidently have 
not died without issue. In the past, numberless attempts 
have been made to connect Protestantism with the early 
Irish Church. And quite recently a well-known Anglican 
bishop, driven to desperation by the taunts of novelty cast at 
his religion, pointing to St Colman and his brethren, cried out 
to his audience : " Look to the rock from which ye are 
hewn." When we consider as proved beyond doubt by con- 
temporary, or nearly contemporary historians, that St. Colman 
said mass, believed and practised the doctrine of confession, 
prayed for the dead, taught satisfaction for sin, the celibacy 
of the clergy, and was so devotedly attached to the Holy 
See, that his error on the Paschal question arose from mistaken 
adhesion to the teachings of Rome, we must conclude that 
the so-called detached portions of the " rock " have become 
deteriorated beyond all recognition. 

Nearly all the Irish monks and thirty Anglo-Saxons who 
had made their monastic vows at Lindisfarne, accompanied! 
St. Colman into voluntary exile. The antagonistic elements 
of this community, now at rest, were destined to break out 
violently at a future period, and exercise a far-reaching in- 
fluence on our saint's subsequent history. 

After a toilsome journey over the moors of Northumbria 
and the Scotch mountains the wanderers arrived at Dalriadia 
where they took shipping for lona. How long they remained 
at the mother house is a question which lias given rise to 
endless discussion. Different authorities give conflicting and 
contradictory dates. Usher and Archdall assert, on what 
grounds we are not aware, that the monastery of Innisboffin 
was founded in 664, the year of the Conference of Whitby. 
The best Irish scholars of modern times, however, reject this 
chronology and assign the event to a much later period. 
They give as their authority two authentic Celtic records, 
perhaps unknown to Usher, or, if so, not appreciated by him. 
These are the Annals of Ulster, which note the sailing of St. 
Colman for Innisboffin in the year 667, while the Annals of 

Mayo of the Saxons. 323 

Tighernach tell us that the voyage took place a year later, 
viz., 668. The discrepancy in the elates is explained on the 
very probable supposition that St. Colman returned a second 
time to lona to bring with him the relics of Sts. Aidan and 
Finan, and deposit them in the newly-founded church of 

For a voyage of such peril much preparation was neces- 
sary. A store of provisions was required for future contin- 
gencies, and a fleet of boats of more substantial construction 
than those ordinarily employed in the nautical expeditions of 
the community. We can, therefore, fancy the cowled 
artizans working for months in constructing the trusty barks 
-which were to bear the little colony to their distant home. 
Huge trees from the forests on the neighbouring coasts 
were hewn down, and conveyed to the workshops of the 
monastery, where they were shaped by skilful hands into 
the destined forms according to the best known rules of 
nautical mechanism. 

At length all things are ready, the ships are launched 
from their stocks, and with prows raised gracefully, arid sails 
flapping in the breeze, rest like a flock of sea-birds on the 
tranquil waters of the harbour. Chanting the itinerarium in 
unison, the entire community, headed by the venerable abbot 
accompany their brethren to the place of embarkation. They 
ask the God of the Universe who rules the winds, and holds 
the ocean in the hollow of his hands, to conduct the pilgrims 
in safety to their destination. 

The last benediction is given, the last farewell spoken, 
the monks bend to their oars, and the barks are wafted from 
the shores of lona. How wistfully the exiles look back as 
the receding coast grows dim in the distance ! 

No pen has described the voyage. No poet has pictured 
in flowing verse the dangers encountered, and the wonders 
witnessed by the adventurous colony. And yet their 
journeyings were infinitely more worthy of the poetic muse, 
than the fabulous achievements of the heroes of classic fame. 
As their little barks now mount high on the crest of some 
huge wave, now sink into a watery valley, the voices of the 
monks mingle with the screams of the sea-birds. They sing 

324 Mayo of the Saxons. 

the praises of the Great Creator, whose power shines forth in 
the work of His hands. " Mirabiles elationes maris : mirabilis 
in altis Domimis." Night throws her mantle o'er the deep? 

" The moon takes up the wond'rous tale, 
And softly to the listening earth, 
Proclaims the story of her birth." 

Day once more appears, and the joyous cry of land cheers 
the drooping spirits of the wearied oarsmen. The dark 
coast of Donegal looms up in the distance. Malin Head is 
passed, Tory Island rises up before their view like a fortified 
city. They sweep across the broad bosom of Donegal Bay, 
along the coasts of Achill, Clare Island, and Innisturk. And 
as the flat shores of Innisboffin appear on the horizon, we 
will anticipate the arrival of the wanderers, to take a glance 
at the coveted spot which they had chosen for their home, 
and within whose bosom they hoped to lay their bones to 
rest, awaiting a glorious resurrection. 

One of the most remarkable of the numerous islands cast 
along the coast of Connaught like a chain of volcanic 
eruptions is Innisboffin. The word in English means the 
Island of the White Cow. Its origin is a problem which does 
not appear to have engaged the attention of any of our 
learned philologists. May it not be derived from some 
legendary narrative, similar to the famous achievements with 
which the names of Tory Island and the Cow-stealing Bolar 
of the mighty blows are associated ? 

The entire area of the island is only 2,400 acres,, 
scarcely half of which is fit for cultivation. Melancholy in 
appearance, barren in soil, abounding in fantastic landscapes, 
it seems such a place as the old Roman poets would have 
considered a fit abode for the genius of famine and desolation. 
And yet Innisboffin is not without its attractions. When the 
summer sun dispels the clouds which almost perpetually hang 
like a pall over the island, the scenery is magnificent. On 
the opposite coast of Mayo, kingly Maolrea the monarch of 
western mountains rises up gradually from the waters of 
the Killery, to a height of nearly 3,000 feet. Sparkling 
like emeralds in the sunshine, countless islets dot the ocean. 

Mayo of the Saxons. 325 

The headlands of Mayo and Galway extend their huge arms 
as if endeavouring to enfold the slippeiy waters within their 
embrace ; while extending everywhere, and dominant over 
all is the mighty Atlantic, so placid and yet so suggestive of 
irresistible power. 

Come in winter and behold the elements in their angry 
mood. Gathering on the mountains, like clans preparing for 
battle, the tempest rushes impetuously to the sea as if to 
challenge it to mortal combat. After repeated assaults, the 
unwieldy monster roused to anger, shakes its huge main, 
rears its massive head, and advances with a roar like thunder, 
as if threatening utterly to overthrow the cause of its dis- 
quietude. As the giant waves dash in impotent fury against 
the cliffs of Boffin, and volumes of spray are swept over the 
island, drenching the shivering cattle, the islanders fancy they 
can hear the wails of the long-dead heroes who once inhabi- 
ted their land. 

It was in the midst of such scenes and associations that 
St. Colman and his companions landed after their long 
voyage from lona. Having purified the place by a lustrum 
of fasting and prayer according to the Celtic rite, they com- 
menced the work of building. One by one the usual cluster of 
monastic structures rose above the sombre rocks. The school 
and refectory stood in a central position; the cells of the 
monks were scattered around in picturesque groups like bee- 
hives; while presiding over all was the modest little church 
with its commodious choir and lintel window. 

The infant community commenced its life under favour- 
able auspices. No obstacles arose to dwarf its growth. The 
island itself assumed a more cheerful appearance. The ap- 
proach of dawn was heralded by the matin song of the 
monks ; the evening breeze wafted their vesper hymn softly 
over the waters. Before the mind of the sainted abbot rose 
up the vision of a great monastic sanctuary which would vie 
in fame with lona, Arran, or Lindisfarne, and console him for 
the disappointments of his chequered career. But alas for the 
stability of human hopes. In the very heart of the monastic 
sapling he had planted with so much care lay hidden the 
canker worm which was destined to dwarf its growth and 

326 Mayo of the Saxons. 

impede its development. When all seemed tranquil, the- 
rivalries of the two nationalities of which the community was 
composed broke out with terrible violence. 

Venerable Bede's account of the immediate cause of the 
dissensions reads like an illustration of the well-known fable 
of the grasshopper and the ant. 

" After St. Colman had founded the monastery," writes the 
Saxon historian, " the monks disagreed among themselves on 
account of the different customs of different nations. Accord- 
ing to one of these customs the Irish monks left the monastery 
during harvest time, and wandered about in such places as 
were known to them. When winter approached they re- 
turned and expected a share of the provisions which their 
Saxon brethren had laboriously collected during their 
absence. This the latter refused to do " telling the Irish 
grasshoppers, no doubt, that as they had sung during the 
summer they might dance during the winter. 

This episode as related by the Ven. Bede has always 
appeared to us to contain many elements of improbability. 
It has altogether a Saxon colouring. These very monks 
whom he here pictures as mere drones and idlers, wandering 
from place to place without rule or discipline, are the self- 
same men on whom he elsewhere showers the most lavish 
encomiums holding them up before our view as models of 
penitence, prayer and laborious industry. It is almost incre- 
dible that in so short a time they should have fallen away 
from their primitive fervour. Would the austere Colman, who 
was the very ideal of a rigid disciplinarian, have connived at 
such a flagrant and habitual violation of the rules of hi& 
order ? 

The view of the incident which seems more in accordance 
with truth, is that St. Colman, according to the custom of the 
Columban order, sent the Irish speaking portion of the com- 
munity to teach and preach in the neighbouring counties. 
When they returned, the Saxon monks, true to their national 
churlishness, refused their Irish brethren the hospitality of the 

All efforts at conciliation having failed, St. Colman was 
obliged to have recourse to the last and painful remedy of 

Mayo of the Saxons. 327 

separation. He resolved to found a new monastery for the 
exclusive use of the Anglo-Saxons. Landing on the coast of 
Mayo, he travelled from place to place, probably among the 
familiar scenes of his earlier days, until he arrived at the spot 
which was destined to become so famous as one of the great 
luminaries of the world. 

Like the sites of the monasteries of Citeaux and Monte 
Cassino, the place on which St. Colman's choice had fallen, 
was at that time a howling wilderness. Deriving its name 
from the size and profusion of its oak trees, its solitude was 
never broken save by the wild deer roaming in freedom 
through its gloomy retreats, or the discarded druids who 
sought its sacred groves to pour into the ears of their heed- 
less gods the tale of their overthrow. Some hazy traditions 
floating down the centuries like an echo of the past still exist 
in the locality. One of these represents an aged man accost- 
ing St. Colman on his arrival at Mayo. 

" Whence comest thou," he asked, " and what may be thy 
business hither." 

" A servant of God," was the reply, " who desires a portion 
of this land to erect an abode in which himself and brethren 
may serve their Master." 

This old man was so charmed by the holy conversation of 
the abbot that he begged to become a disciple. He lived a 
life of great fervour and died with the reputation of a saint. 

Having obtained a grant of land from the territorial pro- 
prietor whose name has not been preserved St. Colman, 
aided by his benefactor, who asked only his prayers in return, 
commenced the work of building without further delay. The 
huge oak trees fell beneath the lusty strokes of the sturdy 
peasantry. The brushwood is cleared away, and in the heart 
of the forest soon appears a little hamlet composed of struc- 
tures of various shapes and sizes. 

St. Colman returns to Innisboffin and conducts the Saxon 
monks to their new home. The young community, no doubt, 
suffered many trials and privations in the beginning, but 
these were soon forgotten in the wonderful prosperity which 
rapidly followed. During the remaining eight years of the 
holy abbot's life, the fame of " Mayo of the Saxons" became so 

328 Mayo of the Saxons. 

great, that its founder was constantly obliged to erect new 
buildings for the accommodation of the vast numbers of 
pilgrims and students who sought shelter within its walls- 
Now far advanced in years and feeling death approach, 
he returned to Innisboffin, where on the 8th of August, 
in the year 676, he gave up his soul to the Divine Master 
whom he had so long and so faithfully served. His 
body was laid to rest in the little cemetery now known as 

After this event little is known of Innisboffin. " Mayo of 
the Saxons," however, like the Gospel tree, grew apace, until 
the numbers of monks and students who flocked to its enclos- 
ures were counted by thousands. 

Fifty-four years after St. Colman's death, Venerable Bede 
tells us that the monastery, then called " Injuges," had been 
greatly enlarged. Still in the possession of the Saxon monks, 
their numbers were recruited from various parts of England. 
Following the example of their sainted founder, they lived by 
the labour of their hands in the most fervent practise of 
virtue. The Book of Bally mote tells us that when St. Adamnan 
visited Mayo he found a hundred monks within its walls. 
The monastery went on flourishing until the buildings alone 
covered half an acre of ground. During the administration 
of St. Gerald the numbers who found homes within the 
monastic enclosures, are said to have reached the enormous 
figure of 2,000. Attracted by the fame of its schools, Alfred 
the Great crossed over the channel to visit " Mayo of the 
Saxons." He found the reality greater than the reputation. 
On his return home, he sent one of his sons to be educated 
there. Tradition tells us that the young prince died during 
his academical course, and the peasants still point out a 
mound where his remains are said to have been buried. 
Beside him rest two other royal students, princes of 

In the year 818, the brutal Turgesius, the Danish invader, 
swept down like a whirlwind on the monastery, pillaged its 
wealth, murdered its peaceful inmates, and left it a heap of 
smoking ruins. It was rebuilt and destroyed by fire in the 
year 908. Phoenix like, it arose once more from its ashes, 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 329 

only to meet a similar fate in 1169. Again rebuilt it was 
plundered by William de Burgo, a Norman freebooter, in the 
year 1204. 

When the English established themselves in Ireland, 
among other laws of a like nature, was one prohibiting any 
mere Irishman to make his profession in "Mayo of the 
Saxons." Consistent in their truculent policy to the end, the 
English Government, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
ordered the destruction of the monastery. It fell never to 
rise again, beneath the Vandalic blows of the Keformers, and 
its crumbling walls now remain as a lasting monument of 
Irish generosity and Saxon perfidy. 



fTRHERE is no article of our Faith that is so constantly 
J_ assailed by non-Catholics as that of Papal Infallibility. 
This is due partly to their ignorance, real or pretended, of 
Catholic teaching on the subject, and partly to the nature of 
the doctrine itself. While some attribute to us a doctrine which 
we do not hold, and then proceed to criticise the creation of 
their own minds, others say that infallibility is so much at 
variance with their experience of men that it appears to them 
incompatible with human nature in its fallen condition. Then 
the dogma of Papal Infallibility is one that invites the 
criticism of the Church's enemies, because it admits a test 
of its truth which most Catholic doctrines exclude viz., 
the test of history. We have a long line of popes from 
St. Peter to Leo XIIL, who have defined many articles 
of Catholic faith. If any article thus defined can be 
shown to be at variance with another, with reason, or 
with revelation as set forth in Sacred Scripture and the 
dogmatic definitions of the Church, then Papal Infallibility 
stands condemned. If, however, no such variance can be 
established, notwithstanding the unsparing efforts that have 
been made, there is a strong presumption in favour of 

330 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

Catholic belief. Thus an important question presents itself, 
which must be solved by an appeal to history, viz. : Has 
any pope fallen into error in his dogmatic definitions? 
Protestants say : Yes. Catholics say : No. In proof of 
their contention the former quote not a few cases in which 
they allege the teaching of popes has been in opposition to 
that of the Church, " the new organ contradicting the old." 
And, if we are to judge by their writings, there is no 
case to which they appeal more frequently, and, apparently, 
with greater confidence, than that of Pope Liberius. Here, 
they say, was a pope, infallible according to Catholics, who 
embraced and taught a doctrine that had been condemned 
by an oecumenical council, and that is now branded as 
heretical by every sect professing to accept Christian 

We shall examine this charge of heretical teaching against 
Liberius in its relation to Catholic Faith, and the grounds on 
which it is based. We shall show; (a) that if Liberius, as 
Protestants assert, accepted a creed, drawn up by an Arian 
Council, he did nothing incompatible with Papal Infallibility 
as understood by Catholics; and, (b) that it cannot be 
established by any sound argument that he accepted such a 
creed; but that, on the contrary, the weight of historical 
evidence is in favour of those who deny his fall. 

Liberius was a native of Rome, and before his elevation 
to the Papacy was deacon of the Roman Church. He 
posssessed a highly cultivated mind, and was remarkable for 
piety, humility, and, especially, for fidelity in the discharge 
of his duties. On the death of Julius I. (352), he was elected 
to fill the chair of St. Peter. For a long time he refused the 
high honour offered to him, as he fully realised its responsi- 
bility, and foresaw the troublous times that were before him. 
Seeing, however, that resistance on his part was useless, as 
it but added to the desire of the Roman clergy and people to 
have him as their bishop, he consented, though much against 
his will, to undertake the responsibility which he could not 
fairly escape. He was consecrated Bishop of Rome on the 
8th of May, 352. During the fourteen years that he governed 
the Church he fully justified the high hopes entertained of 

The A lleged Fall of Pope Lilerius. 331 

Mm, and maintained the traditional character of the Papacy 
as guardian of the faith and defender of the oppressed. His 
pontificate corresponded with the stormiest period of the 
Arian controversy. Arian bishops filled most of the sees in 
the East, and not a few in the West. Constantius the un- 
worthy son of Constantine the Great, and an avowed Arian, 
was Emperor of the East and West, and used all his political 
power to promote the interests of Arianism. His influence 
for evil, which before the year 350 was confined to the East,, 
was now extended to the West. St. Athanasius, that noble 
example of Christian suffering and fidelity, who had been 
already twice banished from his see, was again condemned 
by the Arians at the first council of Sirmium (351), and 
Constantius was requested to have him sent into exile for the 
third time. The Arian Emperor was but too anxious to carry 
out the wishes of the council. Liberius, however, interfered 
in the interests of Athanasius, and after having complained 
to Constantius that those by whom he was condemned at 
Sirmium were his avowed enemies, asked to have the case 
submitted to the decision of a council which he promised to 
convene at Aries, and at which his legates would preside. 
To this request Constantius consented, for he felt satisfied 
that by threats and promises he should succeed in having 
Athanasius condemned. Nor in this was he disappointed. 
He was present in person at the council, and so terrified the 
assembled fathers that, headed by the Papal Legate, Vincent 
of Capua, 1 they subscribed to the condemnation of Athanasius. 
Liberius was very much annoyed when he heard of the 
faithlessness of his legate, and the way in which the fathers 
were terrified into submission. Writing shortly afterwards to 
Hosiushe says : " I am doubly grieved at it, and I beg of God 
that I may rather die than ever have a part in the triumph of 
injustice." He also wrote to the emperor disavowing the 
conduct of his legate, and requesting his consent to the con- 
vocation of another council in which the charges brought 
against Athanasius should be more fully and freely discussed. 

1 Most likely the same, who as a priest was one of the Papal legates at 
the Council of Nice. 

332 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

To this the emperor consented, for he well knew that the 
arts that succeeded in the last council would also succeed in 
the next. Milan was named as the place for holding the 
proposed council. Here about three hundred bishops 
assembled in the year 355, the most of them being from the 
AVest, with a few from the East. Three legates presided in 
the name of Liberius. The council was held by order of 
Constantius in a hall of the imperial palace, and its delibera- 
tions were overawed by the presence of the emperor and his 
soldiers. He commanded the assembled fathers to subscribe 
to the condemnation of Athanasius. He also required them 
to accept an Arian creed which he said had been revealed to 
him, appealing in proof of its heavenly origin to the success 
that attended his arms. He held out the severest threats 
against all who should oppose his will, and when some of the 
bishops ventured to object to his proposals, he replied : " My 
will must be your rule ; so the Syrian bishops have decided, 
and so must you, would you escape exile." It is said 
that on one occasion he was so far carried away by anger 
as to draw his sword and threaten death to all who refused 
to submit to his will. It is not to be wondered at that the 
emperor's views at length prevailed, and that most of the 
bishops subscribed to the condemnation of Athanasius and to 
the Arian creed presented to them. There were, however, 
some noble exceptions of bishops who were proof against all 
the threats of Constantius, and who were prepared to undergo 
any punishment rather than subscribe to his unjust proposals. 
Such were Lucifer of Cagliari (one of the Papal legates), 
Eusebius of Vercelli, and Dionysius of Milan. They were sent 
into exile, and were soon followed by other bishops, who, 
though not present at the council refused to subscribe to its 

The places of the exiled bishops were soon filled 
by intruders whose heterodoxy was their only qualification 
for the episcopate, Liberius wrote a letter of sympathy 
and encouragement to his faithful subjects in. exile, 
in which he says : " What praise can I bestow on you 
divided as I am between grief for your absence and 
joy for your glory ? The best consolation I can offer you is 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 333 

to beg that you will believe that I am in exile with you. I 
could have wished, dearly beloved brothers, to be the first 
victim offered for you all, and to give the example of the 
glory you have acquired." His wish was soon to be fulfilled,, 
for the time was not far distant when he too would be an 
exile for justice' sake. 

The emperor had not yet succeeded in gaining over to 
his party the two most influential bishops of the West, viz., 
Liberius and Hosius. The former was the recognised head 
of the Church, the latter had been a confessor under 
Maximin, had sat in the council of Illiberis half a century 
before, and had presided at the great councils of Nice and 
Sardica. It was most important for the success of the im- 
perial cause to gain over these two powerful bishops, and 
secure their assent to the decrees of Milan. To the securing 
of that assent the emperor now directed all his energies 
Hosius after having withstood all attempts to shake his 
constancy was thrown into prison, where he remained for a 
year, and was afterwards banished to Sirmium, where worn 
out by imprisonment, exile, and torture he at length gave way, 
and in the year 357 subscribed to an Arian 1 creed, though he 
refused to the last to approve of "the condemnation of 
Athanasius. The latter states 2 that Hosius protested on his 
death-bed against the violence to which he had been subjected 
and abjured the errors to which he had yielded only a forced 

In the year A.D. 356 Constantius sent Eusebius. an imperial 
eunuch, to Rome to secure by threats and promises the assent 
of Liberius to the decrees of Milan ; but neither threats nor 
promises had the desired effect. He was then hurried away 
from Rome in the middle of the night to Milan, where the 
same arguments were repeated by Constantius, and with the 
same effect. After the first interview with the emperor he 
was allowed three days to decide between exile and submis- 
sion ; at the end of which time still remaining firm in his 
resolution, he was sent into exile to Beraea in Thrace. 

1 The Spanish Editor of Mariana, vol. iii:, page 200, denies the fall of 
his countryman. But in this opinion he appears to be alone. 
r. 45. 

'33 1 The A lleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

'Constantius struck by the nobleness of his conduct sent after 
Mm a thousand pieces of gold to defray the expenses 
of his journey. This offer he indignantly refused, as its 
acceptance would place him under an obligation to [a here- 
tical benefactor. " Tell the emperor," replied the steadfast 
pontiff, " to keep his money for the support of his army." 
Constantius had Felix, a Roman Deacon, appointed to take 
the place vacated by the exiled pope. The Roman clergy 
and people refused to accept him as their bishop, because 
though considered orthodox in faith, he was the nominee of 
an Arian Emperor, and continued to hold communion with 
the Arians. After two years spent in exile Liberius was 
allowed to return to Rome, where he was received with the 
utmost enthusiasm. According to some of the eye witnesses 
his reception resembled in its external display the triumphal 
entry of a Roman general on his return from some brilliant 
victory or new conquest, though it much surpassed the latter 
in feelings of love and reverence. Felix was forced to con- 
sult for his safety in flight and to relinquish a dignity which 
he had usurped. Liberius governed the Church for the next 
eight years (358-66), and continued to the end of his pontifi- 
cate to be a resolute defender of the orthodox faith against 
the Arians. 

Different reasons are assigned to explain why Liberius 
*was allowed to return from exile. Protestant writers almost 
without exception, and not a few Catholic ones, viz. : Natalis 
Alexander, Baronius, Bossuet, Card. Lucerne, Hefele, &c., 
say that he was permitted to return because he consented to 
subscribe to an Arian creed and to the condemnation of 
Athanasius. On the other hand, most Catholic historians 
trace his release from exile to the urgent entreaties of the 
Romans in his behalf. The circumstances which led to it 
-according to the latter are thus described by Rohrbacher in his 
Universal History of the Church : " The Emperor Constantius 
saw Rome for the first time, as he entered it towards the end 
of April, A.D. 357, in triumph for the victory won six years before 
over Magnentius. Liberius had now lingered out two years in 
xile ; the Roman matrons urged their husbands to petition 
.the emperor for his restoration. They answered that they 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 335 

feared the anger of the Emperor, who would not, perhaps, 
pardon the request if made by men, and that the matrons 
themselves would be more favorably received ; that though 
their prayer should be denied still that no harm could accrue 
to them from it. The ladies, therefore, presented their 
supplications to the Emperor, entreating him to pity so great 
a city deprived of its pastor. Constantius replied that Rome 
possessed a pastor capable of governing it without assistance 
from another ; he meant Felix. The Roman ladies rejoined 
that 110 one entered the church while Felix was there : for 
though he kept the Nicene faith he still held communion 
with those who corrupted it. The Emperor doubtless pro- 
mised to attend to their request ; for some time after he 
wrote to Rome announcing that Liberius was to be recalled 
and to govern the Church in conjunction with Felix. But 
when the letter was read in the Circus, the people ironically 
exclaimed : ' That is just indeed ! As there are two factions 
in the Circus distinguished l>y their colours each one will have its 
bishop /' Having thus expressed their contempt for the 
imperial letter, they cried out with one voice * One God, One 
Christ, One Bishop /' Matters were yet earned to greater 
extremes. Seditions were excited in Rome and its streets 
were even stained with blood. It was for this reason that 
the Emperor reluctantly consented to the return of Liberius 
to the Pontifical throne." This account of the return of 
Liberius agrees almost verbatim with that given by Theodoret, 1 
<ind substantially with the accounts given by Socrates 2 and 
Sulpitius Severus, 3 the three of whom are the most reliable 
historians of the fifth century. 

Before we proceed to examine critically the evidence on 
which the two opinions referred to are based, we shall inquire 
how far the fall of Liberius, if admitted, is compatible with 
Papal Infallibility. We shall show that there is nothing 
in ths one incompatible with the other, in other words, that 
a Catholic can consistently admit the one while believing in 
the other. To show that the fall of Liberius is incompatible 
with Papal Infallibility as understood by Catholics, it will 
be necessary for Protestants to establish the following : 

1 Lib. ii., c. 17. 2 Lib. iv., c. 37. 8 Lib. iv., c. 1 1. 

336 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

(a) that the formula of faith signed by Liberius involved the 
contradiction of some Catholic truth : (I) that he proposed 
such formula of faith for the acceptance of Christians, not in 
any private capacity, but as Teacher of the Church ; and 
(c) that he was free in the exercise of his office. Unless they 
succeed in establishing the presence of these three conditions 
in the alleged fall of Liberius they prove nothing against 
Catholic faith. And so far are they from being able to do so 
that they cannot prove the presence of any one of them- 
We shall briefly consider the conditions separately, and show 
that two of them were certainly absent, and most probably 
also the third. 

(a) Did the fornmla of faith which Liberius is said to 
have signed involve the contradiction of any Catholic 
doctrine ? Before this question can be answered we must 
know what formula of faith he signed ; and on this point 
where we should expect unanimity among those who 
maintain his fall, we find hopeless disagreement. Baronius 
(Ad an. 357). Tillemont (vi., 772-4), Fleury (xiii., 46), 
Dollinger (i., 83), and Kaye (113), hold that he signed the 
creed drawn up at the first council of Sirmium (A.D. 351) : 
Mohler (St. Athan. v., 192) and Neander (iv., 65) are inclined 
to think that the creed signed was that drawn up at the 
second council of Sirmium (A.D. 357) : while Hefele (1. 7 658), 
Page (Cr. in Bar. ad a. 357) and Valesius (in Soz. iv., 15) go 
in for the creed drawn up at the third council of Sirmium 
(A.D. 358). These creeds were all faulty in this that they 
did not contain the word o^oovono^ which since the Council 
of Nice had been the test word of Catholic orthodoxy 
against the Arians. Though they were all thus faulty, the 
second was the only one that was prima facie heretical, as it 
alone proclaimed the Arian doctrine, that " the Father is 
superior to the Son in honour, dignity, and glory." The first 
and third Sirmian creeds taken in their obvious sense were 
orthodox, though they did not exclude an Arian construction 
as the Nicene did. The following is the first of these creeds 
as given by Harduin (i., 701) : 

" Credimus in unum Deum, Patrein Omnipotentem, Creatorem et 
Conditorem ex quo omnis paternitas in caelo et in terra nominatur. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 337 

Et in unicum ejus Filium, Dominum nostrum, Jesum Christum, 
qui ante omnia secula ex Patre natus est, Deum ex Deo, Lumen ex 
Luinine per quern facta sunt omnia in caelis et in terra, visibilia et 
invisibilia. Qui est verbum et sapientia et vita et lumen verum ; 
qui in novissimis diebus propter nos incorporatus est de sancta 
Virgine : et crucifixus et mortuus est et sepultus : qui surrexit a 
mortuis tertia die ; et ascendit in caelum, et sedet in dextera Patris ; 
et venturus est in consummatione seculi judicare vivos et mortuos r 
et reddere unicuique secundum opera sua; cujus regni sine fine 
perseverans permanet in perpetua secula. Erit enim sedens in dextera 
Patris non solum in hoc seculo verum etiam in future. Et in 
Spiritum Sanctum i.e. Paracletum quern promittens Apostolis postea 
quam caelum ascendit misit docere et commonere omnia per queni et 
sanctificantur credentium in eum sinceriter animae." 

This creed enunciates no doctrine that every Catholic is 
not bound to accept. The only objection that can be raised 
to it is the omission of the word ofjuooucrio?, but the omission 
of the word does not necessarily imply a denial of the doctrine. 
It was considered to have an orthodox sense by St. Hilary of 
Poitiers, 1 the "Athanasiusof the West," who was contemporary 
with Liberius and who was therefore in a position to know 
the construction that was put on it at the time. The 
word o/Aooucr09 was omitted, not precisely because of the 
doctrine which it expressed, but because it was supposed 
to favor Sabellianism which at the time was taught by 
Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium. When condemned by the 
Fathers assembled at Sirmium he appealed in proof of his 
teaching to the test word of the Catholics. He understood 
ova-ia? as synonymous with persona, a sense in which 
it was not unfrequently used at the time ; and therefore, 
o/ioouo-jo? as excluding personal distinction between the 
Father and the Son. Hence the fathers of Sirmium fearing 
lest the word might be used as a cover for the Sabellian 
heresy determined to omit it in their profession of faith, 

1 De Synodis, n. 38. 

The word ovaia is taken by Aristotle as synonymous with vTroa-raa-is 
each being used to denote person and substance. They are also taken in 
the same sense by the Neo-Platonists from whom they were adopted by 
the early Fathers into the terminology of the Church. As Christian terms 
they continued to be used as synonymous down to the beginning of the 
fourth century ; and by some even later. St. Athanasius, whose name is 
inseparably wound up with the word 6/uoou'o-ios, uses each word to denote 
&. substance and a person. 


338 7 he Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

though we have no doubt they were also influenced by 
their opposition to the Nicene symbol. 

The third Sirmian creed as found in Harduin (i. 711) 
agrees substantially with the first, but it is a little fuller. 
It declares that the Son is like the Father " in all things to 
which Sacred Scripture extends the likeness," 1 and thus clearly 
admits an orthodox interpretation. The word opoovvios was 
omitted in this creed because it was not used in Sacred 
Scripture to express the relation between the Father and the 
Son, and as that relation was beyond the comprehension of 
human intelligence it was considered advisable to adhere to 
a terminology that had scriptural authority in its favor, 
particularly, as the lately introduced word had been so often 
wrested from its Catholic sense to favour Sabellian error. 
The reason that influenced the council to omit the word 
consulstantial is thus given as the end of its profession 
of faith : " . . . . Vocabulum porro substantias, quod 
simplicius a patribus positum est, et a populis ignoratur 
et scandalum affert eo quod in Scripturis non contineatur, 
placuit ut de medio tolleretur, et nullam posthac de Dei sub- 
stantia mentionem esse faciendam eo quod Sacrae Scripturae 
numquam meminere substantise Patris et Filii. Filium autem 
Patri per omnia similein esse dicimus, quemadmodum sacrae 
litter ae dicunt et docent." 2 From this it would appear that though 
the Council determined to omit the word consubstantial, it did 
not condemn the doctrine expressed by it. The same word 
was disowned as savouring of heterodoxy by the great 
Council of Antioch (264-9) at which so many champions of 
Catholic Faith assisted, and it has never been urged that it 
condemned the doctrine which the word was shortly after- 
wards used to express. It may be said that the word had 
not at the time the sanction of an oecumenical council. Still 
we can well understand how it could have been rejected by 
orthodox Christians even after the Council of Nice, on. 
account of the Sabellian construction put on it ; for it was 
the doctrine and not the word that had been made an 
article of Catholic faith. The first and third Sirmian creeds 

1 Athan. de S} r n. 8. 2 Hard, loco citato. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 339 

were then prima facie orthodox and were heterodox only to 
heterodox minds. If Liberius signed either of these creeds 
and the great weight of Protestant authority is in favour of 
one or the other we may reasonably suppose that he 
understood it in a Catholic sense, for he was in exile because 
he ivould not be a heretic. He would, indeed, have been 
morally guilty on account of the circumstances of the times 
in deserting the Nicene formula, and accepting a creed 
which did not exclude an Arian interpretation. But the 
question we have got to consider is not one of mere moral 
guilt but of Christian orthodoxy. 

(b) If we accept the opinion of those who hold that 
Liberius signed the formula of faith 1 which was clearly Arian, 
then we say that he acted simply as believer accepting an 
heretical doctrine, and not as teacher ; arid no Catholic is 
bound to believe that the Pope in the former capacity is in- 
fallible. It is at least quite clear that he did not act in his 
official capacity as Teacher of the Church, in other words that 
he did not wish to make an Arian creed an article of faith for 
Christians, because he signed it, as Protestants admit, through 
fear, or as a means of escaping from exile and death ; and to 
attain this purpose it was not necessary that he should teach 
<M? cathedra the creed which he himself accepted ; it was 
sufficient that he should do so as a private individual. We 
cannot for a moment suppose that he wished to enforce on 
Christians a formula of faith in which he did not believe, and 
to which he yielded only a forced assent. 

(c) Even if he taught the Arian Faith, which he did not, 
lie was not free, for it is universally admitted that he yielded 
only to threats of open violence, and " every act extorted by 
violence is null by every title and protests against itself." 2 
Those who maintain the fall of Liberius say that after the 
exhibition in the Roman circus, Constantius sent Fortunatian, 
Bishop of Aquileia, who formerly stood high in the opinion 
of Liberius for disinterestedness and courage, but who had 
recently joined the Arians, to do the tempter's work, and to 
offer the exiled Pontiff the alternative of death or submission.3 

1 Second Sirmian Creed. 2 Bossuet. 

3 St. Jerome De Script. EccL, c. 97. 

340 Earhj Christian Art in Ireland. 

According to them he preferred submission to death ; 
lie consented to sign an Arian formula of faith, and the 
condemnation of Athanasius. But in so doing he did not 
possess that freedom of action which is essential in order that 
Catholics should be bound to believe in his infallible teaching. 
Thus it appears that the alleged fall of Liberius is entirely 
beside the question of Papal Infallibility. We hope to examine 
in another paper the evidence on which the alleged fall rests. 



IF Ireland holds the premier place in pictorial art, as is 
evinced from her marvellously illuminated manuscripts, 
the same may be maintained as regards her unrivalled works 
in metal. Despite all the destroying agencies to which for 
ages they have been exposed, still enough remains to 
prove conclusively that her claims in /this respect are simply 
indisputable. No other people can produce a grander or 
more priceless collection of ancient works in metal than 
we possess. Unlike England and other countries, where 
Roman, Saxon, Scandinavian, and Norman invaders, each in 
succession, ruled in such a manner as nearly to obliterate all 
vestiges of their primeval inhabitants, Ireland has remained, 
notwithstanding all her vicissitudes, in possession of her 
ancient language, and a greater amount of the antiquities of 
her early people, than any other nation in Western Europe. 

If we go back to that very remote period to what is com- 
monly called " the age of stone," when society was in its 
infancy,* we find the ancient Kelts manifesting a love for art 
in the formation of their Avar weapons and domestic utensils. 
Even in the age mentioned, mining so necessary for the arts 
was not unknown to the ancient Gaedhill. In our own times 
when old mines were reopened, in the abundant workings 
Avere found hammers and chisels, &c., &c., of stone. The 
discovery of such primitive tools proves to a demonstration, 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 341 

that the people in the remote past were acquainted with 
some portion of their mineral wealth. At what particular 
period in the prehistoric times the Irish discovered metals and 
their uses, together with the art of smelting and casting them 
has not been determined by archaeologists. Centuries before 
the Christian era, the inhabitants of Ireland were well 
acquainted with the art of working in the precious metal, out 
of which they manufactured articles of necessity, and orna- 
ments, the beautiful design and execution of which we have 
still ample opportunities of judging. The Annals of the Four 
Masters record the death of Tighearnmas, King of Ireland, in 
the year 605, B.C., and add to it the following statement : 
" It was by Tighearnmas that gold was first smelted in Ireland, 
andllchadan, ofFercualan, County Wicklow, was his artificer. 
It was by him that goblets and brooches were first covered 
with gold in Erin." It is a remarkable fact, this is the precise 
-district, where in modern times some gold has been found in 
the mountain streams. 

Allusions to rings, torques, chains, shields, brooches, and 
other articles of gold and silver, as portions of the stipends, 
.and presents paid by the provincial kings to the reigning 
monarch are very plentifully scattered throughout that 
ancient compilation, The Leabhar na g-Ceart. This work 
principally refers to a state of things existing in Pagan times. 
It is said to have been compiled from ancient sources by St. 
Benignus, a disciple of St. Patrick, at whose command the 
former expunged from it everything that savoured of 
Paganism. We have before us in this book a complete 
picture of the political and social state of Ireland, when 
Christianity was introduced, and for several centuries pre- 
vious. The nature of the articles mentioned in these tributes 
will manifestly demonstrate the wealth, as well as the pro- 
ficiency in the arts as they existed in the island at that period. 
Thus the stipend of the King of Tara was " Thirty coats of 
mail, seven cloaks with clasps of gold, six studs, six tunics 
with golden ornaments, six shields in burnished gold, ten 
chess boards, thirty carved rings to the King of Raclion, 
eight studs not driven from the mountains, with bridle bits 
of old silver." 

342 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

These statements in The Leabhar na g-Ceart, and other 
works concerning the very general use of the precious metals 
in the remote ages have been received with considerable 
distrust by some who are very imperfectly acquainted with 
the subject. Nevertheless the accounts handed down to us 
have been amply confirmed by the gold and silver 
ornaments, and various utensils which from time to time have 
been discovered in the country. When for instance, it is 
stated that the ancient Gaedhill had used bridle bits of gold 
and silver, with what an amount of incredulity such an, 
assertion is confronted by some persons? Yet, it is on 
record, that Earl Strafibrd during his administration in 
Ireland presented Charles the First with a bridle bit weighing 
ten ounces of solid gold, which was found in a bog. In 
consequence of the discoveries that have been occasionally 
made, it is unquestionable that large quantities of gold, 
silver, bronze, and jewels have been interred with the illus- 
trious dead in this country during the Pagan times. It is 
certain that Christianity discountenanced such vain ostenta- 
tion. The Lochlans, who for three centuries infested the 
coasts and plundered many island districts of the country, 
were well aware of the national custom of interring treasure 
with the dead; and consequently rifled the sepulchres of 
the great cemeteries and other burial places, as we find it 
recorded on different occasions in our annals. Our national 
collection in bronze is the most extensive of its kind, and we 
may add without a rival in the world. It has been principally 
supplied from our bogs, which may be truly designated our 
Irish museums. 

Vallancey writing about a century ago assures us that 
something of the antique was found every other day, and 
we may observe the same is true of our own times. The 
collections in the different museums and private hands con- 
sist chiefly of war implements, horse trappings, chariot 
furniture, domestic utensils, musical instruments, and personal 
decorations. The ancients in the long buried past had the 
secret, which is now one of the lost arts, of tempering bronze 
so as to make it as hard as cast steel. The bronze trumpets- 
are simply unique. The riveting in the tubing is quite 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 343 

plain to even the casual observer; but to know how this 
was effected is a profound mystery. All are puzzled, and 
no one can give a satisfactory explanation of how the work- 
manship was accomplished. That the metallurgic arts 
flourished in this country in the pre-Christian times is simply 
indisputable. Artificers, particularly workers in metals, were 
held in high repute amongst the pagan Irish, as is evident from 
the frequent reference made to them in our ancient literature. 
The Keltic Pantheon has its Gobhan Saor who is represented 
to have been a miner, smith, and jeweller. We have also 
Creidne, who made an artificial silver hand for Nuadha, who 
lost that member at the battle of Moytura, 1,800, B.C. (vide 
Sir William Wilde's Lough Corrib.) Neshin the great 
artificer of Tara, Drouin who forged the great anvil, Daghda 
who manufactured the magic sword and shield of Conor 

It would indeed be endless to enumerate the articles of 
gold that have been discovered from time to time in this 
country. Moreover vast quantities of gold ornaments and 
utensils have been secretly melted down, and disposed 
of through the fears of the finders. Nor was this to 
be wondered at inasmuch as the landlords could claim 
everything of such a nature, before the law of treasure 
trove was changed making the article the property of 
the finder. The collection in the Royal Irish Academy, 
Dublin, contains about three hundred and sixty specimens 
of Irish antiquities in gold. We may add that it is one of the 
richest of its kind found in the world. Trinity College pos- 
sesses some very beautiful objects. A considerable number 
are also to be found in the collections of private individuals. 
There is a large amount in the British Museum, while not a 
few Continental museums are enriched with specimens of 
early Irish art. The great quantities of the precious metals 
discovered in Ireland on different occasions, have given rise 
to some speculation, as to where they were procured. The 
peculiar form and character of the articles, and also their dis- 
tinctive ornamentation, stamp them with a truly national 
origin ; while the absence of Christian symbols, and their 
archaic type, assign the majority of them to an age previous 

844 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

to the introduction of Christianity. The question then natur- 
ally arises ; From whence came this abundance of gold at so 
early a period ? Some have attributed its introduction to 
the Phoenicians, who in their time carried on an extensive 
trade with Ireland. Others say it was due to the Danes. 
But this is a groundless assertion ; for gold was plentiful in 
this island long before those ruthless invaders set foot on our 
shores. They were more likely to export that precious com- 
modity, than import it ; for we find them constantly plunder- 
ing not only the towns and religious establishments, but also 
the very sepulchres of the dead. Our annalists mention that 
it was under the domination of these marauders, that a capi- 
tation tax called the Airgid Sron, or nose money (being an 
ounce of gold) was commonly levied from each head of a 
family ; or in default he had his nose cut off. The cruelty 
of this grinding impost was subsequently avenged, although 
in a more humane manner by the Irish monarch Malachy, 
who retaliated by compelling the Danes to pay an ounce of 
gold for every cultivated garden which they held. 

There is no doubt, however, that the early Christian 
Uhurch in Ireland made use of native artists for the produc- 
tion of all these things required in the services of religion ; 
namely, altar plate, crosses, croziers, shrines and covers or 
cases for missals, and those beautiful copies of the Holy 
Scriptures, the copying of which was a labour of love with 
the primitive Christians of our native land. Of ancient 
Christian artists, we have recorded in the Four Masters, the 
names of Essex, Tassuch, Fertehem, and Dagacus. The Book 
of Armagh., written in the seventh century, states that the 
shrines of SS. Bridget and Conlaeth at Kildare were marvels 
of art, being adorned with gold, silver and precious stones. 
The statement is corroborated by Giraldus Cambrensis, who 
says : " These shrines in point of artistic merit surpass 
anything I have ever seen." 

" It would appear, 5 ' says Dr. Petrie, " from the number of 
references to shrines in the Irish annals, that previously to 
the irruptions of the Northmen in the eight and ninth centu- 
ries, there were few, if any, of the distinguished churches in 
Ireland which had not costly shrines." Hence we can infer. 

.' Early Christian Art in Ireland. 345 

how they were hopelessly destroyed by the plundering in- 
vaders. We are told that the first place on which they made 
a descent along the coast of Ireland, was the historic island of 
Holmpatrick, Skerries, Co. Dublin, A.D. 793. They plundered 
the place, and carried off the beautiful and costly shrine of 
St. Duchona. In the ninth century, St. Donatus, an 
Irishman, died Bishop of Fiesole in Italy. In a work which he 
has written, he mentions " the wealth of his native country, in 
.gems, vesture, and gold." In the primitive times of our church 
flourished that inimitable work of art, known to the learned 
throughout the world as the " Opus Hibernicum." 

Our ecclesiastical history mentions that in the year A.D. 
907, Cormac MacCulinan, King and Bishop of Cashel, left by 
his will large legacies to the principal churches in Ireland, 
consisting chiefly of beautifully wrought golden chalices, 
.adorned with precious stones. 

In the early days of the Irish church a remarkable school 
of art flourished at Clonmacnois. Its principal patron was 
-the abbot Colgan O'Douohue, who died in the year A. D. 
789. His fame was European, as we learn from a letter still 
extant, written to him by the celebrated Alcuin, who was the 
'medium of sending him a generous donation from the Em- 
peror Charlemagne. His successor in the monastery was 
-McMaelhumo, an ardent lover of the fine arts, who is styled 
by the writers of that period, " Doctor Scotorum peritissi- 
~mus." This school also found a generous patron in the person 
of the Abbot Tigernach, who died in the year A.D. 1088. 
.He was the author of the Annals which bear his name. All 
concur in saying, and his writings prove, that he was one 
of the most learned men of the age in which he lived. The 
.monastery of Clonmacnois seems to have been singularly rich 
-in. works of art. 

The altar of the great church there was adorned with 
jewels, which were carried away when the church was plun- 
dered in the year 1129. The annalists enumerate among 
the things stolen, the shrine of St. Manchan, the gift 
of Roderic O'Connor; a model of Solomon's Temple, 
three jewels presented by King Turlough O'Connor, the 
crosier of St. Kieran, the chalice of Cellach the successor of 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

St. Patrick ; also the chalice, a part of whose matchless orna- 
mentation was wrought by the hands of the daughter of King 
Koderic O'Connor. Our ancient writers did not exaggerate in 
the descriptions which they have given us concerning this 
peerless work of art, which was long mourned as hopelessly 
lost, but happily brought to light in our own days. This 
chalice is decidedly the most beautiful example of ancient 
Keltic art ever yet found. Nor has it a rival in any of the 
Continental collections in point of design or artistic beauty. 
Gold, silver, white bronze and precious stones enter into its 
manufacture. We see displayed on it a style of indescribable 
ornamentation, which is long since extinct. Suffice it to say 
in the world of art it simply stands unrivalled. In the opinion 
of practical jewellers we could not find at the present time a 
worker in the precious metals capable of producing a chalice 
equal to it. When we scrutinize carefully this unique work 
of art, with a powerful magnifying glass, we are at once re- 
minded of the oft quoted words, " A thing of beauty is a joy 
for ever." We cannot agree with Miss Stokes when she con- 
jectures that the handles attached to the Ardagh chalice are 
a proof that communion under both forms was administered 
to the laity in the ancient Irish church. In all probability 
she has been unintentionally led astray on this point by the 
untrustworthy statements of the innovators of the sixteenth 
century. The history of this precious relic is singularly in- 
teresting. That it is the one stolen from Clonmacnois by 
Gilcomhain the Dane of Limerick, is quite certain ; as the in- 
scriptions on it coincide with those mentioned in our annals. 
The sacrilegious thief suffered the extreme penalty of the 
law for his offence, but refused disclosing where he secreted 
his plunder, which lay in the earth at Ardagh, Co. Limerick 
until accidentally discovered by a peasant a few years since. 
We may add the chalice is now safely preserved in the Royal 
Irish Academy. 

We cannot forbear mentioning something, although in a 
very brief way, about the famous Processional Cross of Cong, 
which is undoubtedly one of the finest specimens of metal 
work, enamel, niello, and jewelry of its age in the Western 
world. Its designer and maker were artists in the true sense 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 347 

<of the word. According to The Annals of Clonmacnois, it 
was manufactured for Turlough O'Connor, King of Ireland, 
who in the year A.D. 1123, received from Rome a relic of 
the true Cross; and had it enshrined in this unique 
reliquary, now carefully preserved in the national collection. 
It consists of an oaken cross covered with plates of bronze 
and silver, washed in many places with a thick layer of gold,, 
and having interspersed golden filagree work of a most 
minute character. All the front and back plates are elaborately 
carved with that intertwined pattern, so specially characteristic 
of Keltic ornamentation. Supported on a projection decorated 
with niello in the centre, there is a large polished crystal 
under which was placed the relic originally sent from Rome. 
The foot of the cross springs from a globe, the ornamentation* 
of which is simply a marvel of workmanship. Inscriptions in 
Irish and Latin running round it tell us when and for what 
reason it was manufactured. In the opinion of those com- 
petent to judge, we could hardly find an artist capable of 
making a reliquary equal to it. Although numbers of our 
shrines have been destroyed, still enough remains in order to 
convey to us, what was the artistic merit of those lost. All- 
concur in saying, that the shrine of St. Patrick's Bell is a 
marvel of ancient Irish art in metal. Nothing in the way of 
decoration can exceed its delicate embellishments wrought in 
gold and bronze. It is now safely preserved in the national 
collection. In the same place we find the Fiacal Phadraig, 
or shrine of St. Patrick's tooth, a wonderful work of ark 
Quite recently there has been added to the same collection 
the shrine of St Lachten, for a long time in exile. This 
venerable reliquary is an enduring monument of Keltic genius r 
in connection with the fine arts. The beautiful shrine of St. 
Manchan is still in good preservation after having weathered 
the storms of so many centuries. 

In no other country do we find so many book 
shrines as in Ireland. The manufacture of such was a 
speciality here in the remote times. The oldest we have is- 
the Domhnach Airgid, now in the national collection. Thi 
beautiful and venerable relic of antiquity was specially made 
to hold a copy of the Gospels, once the property of St 

348 Early Christian Art in Ireland. 

Patrick, and bequeathed by him to St. M'Cartan, first Bishop 
of Clogher. That such occurred is a well authenticated fact. 
We have also in the same museum the Cathach, the history of 
which would form a large volume. This magnificent shrine 
contains a copy of the Psalms, which tradition ascribes to St. 
<Jolumba, who was one of the O'Uonnells of Tyrconnell. i<'or 
twelve hundred years this venerable relic was most religiously 
cared amongst them. On the destruction of the sept, it was 
carried into exile ; and after meeting with various vicissitudes, it 
was at last restored to Ireland, We have also that rare work 
of art, the shrine containing the Missal of St. Ruan, Bishop of 
Lorrha is the seventh century, The Missal, said to be the oldest 
in the world, was carried away ages ago to the Irish Monastery 
in Ratisbon, Germany. After escaping many dangers in 
various places whilst in exile, we trust that at last it has found 
a permanent resting place in the Royal Irish Academy, where 
it was placed not long since. We have also still extant, 
the shrine of St. Molaise's Gospels, and likewise that of the cele- 
brated Book of Dimma. There is preserved in Monza, Italy, 
a costly Keltic book shrine, the gift of Queen Theodolinda, 
A.D. 616. There is likewise a very beautiful one of the same 
character in the gallery of the Louvre, Paris. The Museum 
of Munich, Bavaria, contains an exquisitely wrought Keltic 
book case, enclosing a copy of the Gospels, which formerly 
belonged to the Irish Abbey of St. Emerau, Ratisbon. We 
have still preserved in various places, a fair number of 
episcopal croziers, some of them are are of very ancient 
date, being identified with the early Irish Church. Two 
of them now preserved in the national collection, namely, 
those of Clonmacnois and Lismore are in point of design, and 
elaborate ornamentation, simply unrivalled in the domain of 
art. Europe cannot show anything of a similar kind, which 
will bear comparison. 

In our ancient writings, we find allusions on several occa- 
sions to the golden crown worn by Erin's princes in the ages 
long since gone by. These statements are fully corroborated 
by discoveries made from time to time. As usual such 
articles were consigned to the crucible, for reasons already 
adduced. However, we have the history of a very beautiful 

Early Christian Art in Ireland. 349' 

one found in the year 1692, in the South of Ireland. Its 
possessor was obliged to fly to France, after the Williamite 
wars, and the crown was preserved in the Castle of Anglure, 
Champagne, up to the time of the French Revolution, when 
it disappeared, and we have now no trace of its existence. 
We cannot omit mentioning, although in a very cursory way^ 
the far-tamed Tara Brooch, the pride of our National Museum, 
which in the opinion of those competent to judge, holds the 
premier place amongst the ornaments produced by the 
jeweller's craft. The London Times did not exaggerate, 
when it said, "that it is more like the work of fairies 
than human beings." Like works of its class, its basis 
consists of white bronze, which is decorated with a 
wonderful variety of ornaments in gold, silver, niello,, 
enamels, and glass of different shades. The delicacy of 
execution, in its Keltic interlaced patterns, and golden filagree 
work, can be only properly appreciated, when seen through 
a powerful magnifying glass. When thus scrutinised, the 
beholder is simply struck with amazement to know how 
such a triumph of art was manufactured. Some of the ablest 
practical jewellers, who in our times have carefully examined 
this priceless relic of the past, are unanimous in declaring" 
that a brooch equal to it could not now be produced. 
According to their candid opinion, its peculiar style of manu- 
facture may be numbered amongst the lost arts. As this 
paper has now assumed proportions far beyond what was 
originally intended, we are therefore reluctantly obliged to 
take leave of Miss Stokes' admirable hand-book, which we 
feel confident in saying will do a great deal of good in 
attracting attention to what Erin has done in behalf of the 
fine arts, in tjae ages long since departed. Under these cir- 
cumstances, we cannot now touch on two other subjects 
treated in her work, namely, sculpture and architecture. 
However, we purpose considering them on a future occasion. 


[ 350 J 


ff "V TO surgical operation whatever is, abstractedly con- 
i\l sidered, more revolting to human nature than that 
ot craniotomy or embryulcia. It is, at best, a dreadful 
expedient ; in too many instances it implies the direct and 
deliberate murder of a fellow-being by the accoucheur." 1 
"" In the whole range of surgery it is the only operation 
recognised and sanctioned by the British profession which is 
undertaken with the avowed intention of destroying life." 2 
To every man of moral feeling the question naturally arises 
To such an operation is it possible that medical science can 
find no alternative With regret it must be admitted that, 
for a long course of years, the British School of Medicine 
practically, if riot specifically, answered No ; for, as will be 
seen later on, any serious attempt at a scientific trial of 
means more humane and worthier of a profession, whose 
duty is to save not destroy life, was lamentably neglected. 
Latterly, however, thanks to the results achieved on the 
Continent and in America, more attention has been given to 
the subject and a better hope exists, even in England, that 
" the time is not far distant, when, under the pressure of 
modern statistics and a more rational consideration of the 
issue, we may see the total abolition of craniotomy an 
accomplished fact." 3 These statistics prove the success 
of the Csesarean section and of some of its modifications, 
when performed in time, and with the precautions that no 
.surgeon would think of neglecting in any serious operation. 
Is, then, the Ca^sarean operation or its modification an alter- 
native in all cases to craniotomy ? I may here remark that 
the difference between the Ceesarean section (whose origin 
lies hidden in antiquity, and which was old when ic received 
its name from the world's ruler who owed his life to it) and 
its subsequent modifications is purely surgical and has little 
interest for us here, save for the feeling of hope that it gives 

1 Sir J. T. Simpson's Obstetric Work. Priestly and Storer, vol. i., 
p. 621. 

2 Mr. Rauisboshani's Obstetric Medicine, 4th ed., note p. o03. 

3 Readman, March No. Provincial Medical Journal, p. 114. 

Craniotomy in relation to Medical Science. 351 

us, that the progress of medical science may widen, by any 
change in its performance, the field of its usefulness. 
I now answer the question, in general, and say, that 
per se and absolutely, by the Cassarean operation, the 
foetus or child can be taken alive from the womb, in all 
cases where craniotomists hold it is necessary to deliberately 
take the life of the child. In other words in the Cassarean 
section, an operation not necessarily fatal to the mother, 
- though we may admit its danger there is an alternative to 
craniotomy, an operation directly and necessarily fatal to the 
child. On this, I may safely say, all medical authority is 
agreed. It is when the question arises of the danger to the 
mother that authorities differ. Now, concerning the maternal 
mortality after this operation, there is a mass of statistics 
compiled, full of seeming contradictions, and of apparently 
inexplicable discrepancies. I could not, in such a space as I 
can command, give a complete idea of the difference that 
exists in the reports from various countries, hospitals, and 
individual surgeons. But we can imagine what it is when 
we know, that the maternal mortality ranges from over 95 
per cent, in England according to Mr. Lawson Tait, down to 
21 per cent, actually obtained by Dr. Sanger, of Leipsic, as 
told by himself at the meeting of the German Gynaecological 
Society, November 28th, 1886, and even to 10 per cent, only 
by Dr. Leopold, of Vienna. That is, not one woman in ten 
survives if we are to believe such an authority as Mr. Lawson 
Tait the operation in England, whilst 8 women in 10 have 
actually recovered in Germany, and of Dr. Leopold's cases 
10 in 11. Is there any reason for such a diversity of results ? 
Certainly. In England the Coesarean section has been hitherto 
performed, in most cases, as a dernier ressort, after long labour 
and its consequent exhaustion, after every attempt to deliver 
by other means, sometimes even by craniotomy, after every- 
thing else had failed and death was inevitable, if not fast 
approaching. Dr. Kinkead 1 draws attention to this fact, and 
says " a most remarkable feature in all English and American 
records is the few cases in which an early operation has been 
resorted to. Thus, out of 103 recorded by Harris, we 
1 Dub. Obst, Soc. Proceedings, March, 6th, 1880, p. 68. 

352 Craniotomy in relation to Medical Science. 

find only 24, in those by Radford 20, and in the 32,. 
which I have collected, only 9." On the contrary, the 
favourable issue in other places is due to the fact 
that the Csesarean section was selected al> initio as the better 
operation, it was commenced at the beginning of labour, when 
the mother was still strong, with all necessary precautions, 
and, therefore, with all the provisions that are made before 
any equally serious operation in surgery. Of course, in our 
hospitals such a satisfactory result can hardly be hoped for, 
as the majority of women, for whom this operation would be 
necessary, are brought to them, with labour already com- 
menced, very often too when unskilled aid has been applied 
in vain to effect delivery. Under unfavourable conditions 
as the operation has been performed, even in England, the 
average mortality, as given by obstetric writers, is 1 in 2J. 
But Dr. Kinkead, in the nine British operations done in time, 
and with proper precautions, gives a recovery of 85 per cent., 
or only 15 per cent, mortality, 1 or not one death in six. 
Dr. Harris reports twenty-four cases of early operation with a 
mortality of 25 per cent, or one death in four. 2 I cannot do- 
better than quote the late Dr. Meadows, a very eminent English 
authority. Commenting on the statistics of Drs. Sanger and 
Leopold, he says : " I venture to affirm that craniotomy, in 
comparison with this operation, becomes at once almost un- 
justifiable, for these figures show, that, as regards the maternal 
mortality, it is little, if at all, more dangerous than craniotomy, 
and in the latter case all the children would be sacrificed, while 
in the former, 29 out of 31 or about 93 per cent, were saved.. 
From July 1885, to July 1886,20 operations have been reported 
resulting in the saving of 18 mothers, giving a maternal 
mortality of 10 per cent, and of 20 children 19 were saved. . . . 
As Dr. Harris remarks this success is due to the operation 
having been elective, and not the last resource, and this will 
be the general result whenever obstetricians shall be made to 
comprehend the value of an early elective operation." 3 

1 Op. Cit. page 67. 

2 American Journal of Medical Science, April and July, 1878, and 
January, 1879. 

s Mr. Readmarj, Op. Cit. p. 112. 

Craniotomy in relation to Medical Science. 353 

But after all is this such a widely practical question ? 
Is the necessity for either the Csesarean section or cranio- 
tomy frequent ? I may say that by the use of what 
obstetricians call the long forceps, the whole subject in 
latter years has almost been revolutionised. Cases that 
even 15 years ago would be considered as infallibly re- 
quiring either alternative, have been, with ease, delivered 
successfully by this instrument. With this remark it will be 
almost enough to quote a few statistics from our own 
Hospital of the Rotunda, one of the first in the world. 
During his Mastership, extending over the seven years from 
1869 to 1875, Dr. Johnston compiled reports, 1 which for 
accuracy, clearness, and real professional ability, I think, 
could not possibly be excelled. During those years he tells 
us that 8,094 women were delivered. Csesarean section 
was performed but once, craniotomy was performed in 26 
cases only, in all which, except one that was doubtful, the 
child was certainly dead. Dr. Johnston, in his report for 
1874, page 28, says " Craniotomy had not to be performed 
once since the 2nd of September, 1873, a period of 15 months,, 
during which time 1,429 cases were delivered. This we 
attribute to the greater efficiency of the double curved 
forceps over those with the straight blades, which, at the 
suggestion of my friend, and then assistant, Dr. J. J. Cranny, 
I was induced to adopt now upwards of three years since, 
there having been many cases which, without the aid ot the 
double curve, we should have been obliged to perforate.'* 
In the discussion which took place at the meeting of the 
Dublin Obstetrical Society, on the 9th of January, 1875,, 
after the above was read, in which the leading men of Dublin 
took part, this fact was admitted, and recommended to the 
consideration of all practitioners, 1 may mention that Dr. 
Fitzpatrick, at a meeting of the same Society, almost 20 
years before, recommended the use of such a forceps. But even 
since 1874 so great has been the improvement in this instrument, 
and in its use, that Dr. Atthill, who succeeded Dr. Johnston 
in the Rotunda, is able to boast, that craniotomy was not 

1 Chemical Ktport of the Rotunda Lying-in Hospital, printed by 
Falconer, 1809-75. 


354 Craniotomy in relation to Medical Science. 

performed a dozen times in the 20,000 cases that came under 
his care whilst master, and he says, that craniotomy on the 
live child is virtually in this city and among all well-informed 
practitioners now never performed. 1 Dr. Home during his four 
years' residence knew but four cases in 10,000 deliveries. 2 

To prove the rarity, if not the total absence of the necessity 
for craniotomy, I may quote Dr. Sinclair, President for 
the year of the Obstetrical Society, who says at its 
meeting of May 1st, 1880 " It is fortunate that in 
this country we have so few cases of such deformity, 
I do not know how long it is since 1 performed 
craniotomy, although I have 600 poor people delivered under 
my care every year," and he adds, " 1 believe that the reason 
why we have failed in this country with Caesarean section is, 
because we have delayed the operation instead of performing 
it at once." 3 

Such is the evidence, weighty and reliable, of our first 
obstetricians on the frequency of the necessity for craniotomy. 
What a contrast between it and the experience, false as it is 
and lamentable in its criminal results, of many young or 
impatient practitioners, whose only surgical skill is in the use 
of the deadly instruments that terminate the life of God's 
creatures on the very threshold of their existence ! I may 
conclude the whole subject of craniotomy in relation to 
medical science with Dr. Meadows' words to the British 
Gynaecological Society : " My opinion is that the whole 
tendency of modern midwifery practice is setting in very 
decidedly in the direction of absolutely and entirely abolish- 
ing this most abominable, unscientific, and brutal proceeding; 
and I am strongly of opinion that, if not in our day, at least 
before another generation of gynaecologists shall have 
passed away, the practice of deliberately sacrificing a human 
life will be regarded as wholly unwarrantable, and not to be 
contemplated for a single moment, in the face of other more 
scientific, more humane, and far more successful modes of 


1 1. E. RECORD, March Number, p. 264. 
2 1. E. RECORD, March Number, p. 265. 
8 Proceedings Dub. Obstet. Soc., 1879-81, page 108. 

L 355 ] 



"1, A confessor has a penitent who is an official. He is allowed 
ihotel expenses when he stops at certain towns. When in these he 
generally stops at the houses of friends. Still he sends in his bill for 
expenses. What is the .confessor to say when consulted on this 
practice ? If not consulted, but knowing it from other sources, is he 
bound to ask his penitent about it ? 

"2. The same penitent when travelling is allowed first class 
expenses. He travels third, keeping for himself the difference in fare. 
Is this practice to be allowed by the confessor ? 

"3. Penitents sometimes give honoraria for masses for deceased 
persons to whom they owed money. They say they were told by 
their confessor to do this by way of restitution. Is it a means of 
jnaking restitution which can be recommended ? 


Before answering our correspondent's questions directly, 
it is well to state the principle on which any solution of the 
first and second must turn. The principle is this. Where 
actual expenses are allowed, with permission to run them up 
to a certain maximum, no more than the actual outlay can 
be justly claimed and received ; but where a sum, such as is 
likely to cover the usual expenses on certain occasions, is 
assigned on a general title the whole amount may be sought 
and retained, provided one does not bring discredit on the 
service by his economy. The second, obviously, is the more 
favourable arrangement for an official. But the other is 
far more common, and hence a confessor requires to be 
constantly on his guard in giving decisions bearing on this 
matter. Not unfrequently, indeed, both arrangements are in 
force for the same person in different departments of expendi- 
ture. Thus from the nature of the case we should expect a 
I fixed sum for hotel expenses, and only actual outlay in the 
matter of car fares. We now come to the particular diffi- 
culties suggested in our correspondent's letter. 
1. If this official is allowed a fixed sum per day for hotel 

356 Theological Questions. 

expenses " when out " or " from home " over night, on the 
round of his duties, he can justly demand the sum assigned, 
even though he stays with friends, because the condition 
of payment is fully verified. But if he is recouped 
according to the items of an account, not merely containing 
the number of days, but the varying charges of different 
towns and hotels, it is obvious the service does not 
wish to allow him anything beyond his actual outlay. 
Hence, in this event, a confessor when asked on the 
subject, should be explicit in declaring that the penitent 
may go no further than the expenses he has de facto incurred. 
Moreover, even though not asked, it will be an obvious duty 
for a confessor, who well knows that injustice has been 
practised and is to be continued by his penitent, to admonish 
him against such wrong-doing. Only in an extreme case, 
where, for instance, a penitent is dying, who is not likely to 
obey a monition of this kind, if given, should a confessor 
abstain from declaring the obligation. At such a moment a 
priest's great care is to preserve the good disposition of the 
sufferer and secure his salvation. During the ordinary course 
of life, however, the truth should be stated with as little delay 
as possible. At the same time, if scandal, arising from the 
course pursued be not present, a priest would do well to wait 
for what he could consider a favourable occasion to insist on 
justice being done. 

2. Without wishing to lay down an invariable rule, we 
believe the allowance for travelling fares is generally limited 
to actual expenses. Thus a person whose cars are paid for, 
but who is expected to make a detailed report of journeys 
and fares, is not free to exaggerate the particular items, or 
enter any figure where he has gone on foot. The same 
applies, though possibly not to an equal extent, with regard 
to travelling by rail. In every case, if the principles already 
enunciated be kept in mind, one will be able to come to a 
conclusion when he learns accurately the way the permission is 
worded and the return sheet filled up. Should, however, a solid 
doubt remain, a confessor will not impose the obligation of 
restitution, whatever he may do in the matter of giving 
advice or seeking other sources of information. 

theological Questions. 357 

3. Yes, by all means, provided no representatives of 
deceased, to whom the money would have gone if restored 
before death, be forthcoming. Supposing this condition, the 
sum is expended according to the presumed wish, as it 
certainly is for the best interests, of deceased when given for 



" With reference to your reply to my question on the conditional 
administration of the Sacraments, I think you narrowed the issue 
over much. My case was this. A sacrament has to be administered 
-conditionally, no matter what the cause, to save the sacrament 
from nullity, is it necessary to express the condition ? 


1. The mere expression of the condition in words has 
nothing to do with validity. It is the internal forming of a 
conditional intention that may be of importance in this 

2. Whether the case is one of administering or of re- 
administering a sacrament conditionally, the condition ought 
to be expressed, for lawfulness, when the Rubric so directs. 



" Having read your very satisfactory reply to the questions of 
4 Vicarius ' regarding duplication, I venture to ask : Is not the fact 
that a burial is to take place on a Sunday of itself a good and suffi- 
cient cause for duplicating ? 

" My reasons for thinking so are the following : 

" 1. It seems to be the spirit and desire of Holy Church to have 
Mass offered, before burial, for each of her children who quit this 
life in her peace and communion Cadavere presente. 

" 2. The universal usage seems to be to have the Mass offered 
on the day of burial. 

" 3. It was the usage, at least in some parts of Ireland, to have 
Mass on Sunday in ' the corpse house ' when the funeral was to take 
place on that day, although this necessitated * duplication.' 

358 Theological Questions. 

" The inquirer has before his mind a case in Dublin in which r 
with the express sanction of the lamented Cardinal Cullen, a priest 
said his first Mass at the * corpse house,' and the second Mass in ' the- 
Church.' There was no particular reason to make an exception on 
family grounds or because a number of persons should otherwise lose 
Mass, as the house was quite near a church in which there are several 
Masses on Sundays. 

" 4. Benedict XIV. gives explicitly his own practice in the case 
contemplated. He adds that a parish priest in the circumstances 
laid down is first to say his parochial Mass, then to have ' the 
remains ' brought to the church, and offer Mass for the repose of the 

" In Ireland the piety of the people attaches the highest value to 
the Mass offered Cadavere preterite. 

" If my ideas on this matter are erroneous you will oblige me by 
correcting theoou 


"P.S. Benedict XIV. supposed that the parish priest is alone and 
cannot find another priest to say one of the Masses for him. Vide 
" Institutiones." 

The statements of our respected correspondent seem ta 
make a strong case against our opinion. We are far from 
calling them in question. But to us they do not seem to 
warrant hie inference. In a matter of discipline what even 
great canonists, such as Cardinal Lambertini or Cardinal Cullen 
laid down, cannot afford a rule of unchanging security for 
our guidance. In 1867 the Propaganda issued a long in- 
struction to explain fully the causes that justify binatio. It 
is found in an appendix to the Decrees of the Maynootli 
Synod, and makes no reference to the ground put forward 
by our correspondent. Neither does it allow custom to be 
of any force for acquiring the facultas binandi in opposition 
to common law. That law supposes, according to its latest 
authentic interpretation, that there will be a necessitas exparte 
fidelium relatively to hearing Mass, in order that a priest, who 
has not two parishes, may celebrate more than once on, 

Theological Questions. 359 



" Would you please say 1. If the obligation of heretics in regard 
to the laws of the Church be so strict that in no case would it be 
allowed to indirectly co-operate with them in violating them ? 
2. Might a Catholic entertaining a Protestant friend casually at 
dinner, or who happened to be on a visit with him, have flesh meat 
prepared on a day of abstinence, so that if the Protestant liked he 
might partake of it ? 3, Would a master be strictly obliged to hinder 
a Protestant servant from working on a holiday if he wished to do so,, 
supposing the case in which a servant isn't paid by time or piece ? 
A certain variety of practice seems to exist herein. 


1. Heretics, of course, are not more strictly bound by the 
laws of the Church than Catholics are, and as a sufficient 
cause will justify indirect co-operation in the trangressions 
of Catholics, manifestly it will justify similar co-operation 
with heretics. Furthermore: indirect co-operation in the 
violation of ecclesiastical laws is more easily permitted with 
heretics than with Catholics for two reasons, (a) A less 
cause will justify co-operation in violations of law, when the 
sins are only material sins, than when they are formal sins. 
Now, when heretics violate ecclesiastical laws, they generally, 
if not universally, commit only material sins ; " Quia [writes 
Gury, Pars, i., n. 92, 5] fere nesciunt se ex conditione sua ad 
servandas has leges teneri." The transgressions of Catholics 
on the contrary are too often formal sins, (b) A less cause will 
suffice to permit indirect co-operation in the mere external act 
of transgression, than co-operation in the external act, and in 
the internal consent. A Protestant, for example, may enter 
a hotel on Friday determined to have a meat dinner. A 
Catholic enters to dine on abstinence fare, but meat is served, 
and he is tempted thereby to violate the laws of the Church. 
In the first case the proprietor co-operates only in the 
external violation of the law. In the second case he co- 
operates in the external transgression, and in the internal 
consent. A greater cause is necessary to justify the latter 
co-operation than the former. It is both co-operation and 

360 Theological Questions. 

2. (a) ID appointing a particular day for festivities for 
dining it would not be lawful, without very grave cause, to 
select a day of abstinence, and to entertain Protestant friends 
with meat. This case however is not contemplated in the 
-question of our correspondent. 

(6) We suppose therefore that the Protestant casually 
visits, or is staying for a few days, and the general principle 
is. Indirect co-operation is lawful if there is a proportion- 
ately grave cause for permitting, or not preventing the 
friend's violation of ecclesiastical law; otherwise it is un- 

(c) In estimating a grave cause considerable account must 
be taken of social relations. (1) If a Protestant friend visited 
a poor family, who rarely dine on meat, the presumption 
would be against the lawfulness of giving meat; because 
then the host's action could not be regarded as an effort to 
compel his guest's compliance with Catholic practices. Nor 
can a visitor complain of not getting on Friday what he 
might not get on any day of the week. Some very unusual 
cause only would justify a person in giving meat in such 
circumstances. (2) If there is a question of wealthy people, 
and of " the classes," and if the host is morally certain that 
his guest a courteous, generous Protestant would much 
prefer to conform to the family fare, he should not have meat 
served ; he could explain that he deemed it more in harmony 
with his guest's wishes to have the same dinner for all. (3) If 
there were no such certainty, and especially if there were 
a number of Protestant guests, it is lawful, in mixed com- 
munities, more particularly if Protestants preponderate, to 
have meat prepared for Protestant guests. Protestants pre- 
pare a special dinner for Catholics in those circumstances. 
The necessities of social intercourse, of avoiding charges of 
intolerance, and of living in harmony with one's Protestant 
neighbours, will be the host's justifying cause for permitting 
material sins. 

3. Our correspondent supposes that the servant will not 
.suffer pecuniary loss by keeping the holiday ; therefore : 

(a) If in any particular place there is a legitimate custom 
>of working on holidays (or if a dispensation is given by the 

Theological Questions. 361 

bishop) as there may be for example in cities, a master may, 
of course, allow his servant to work on holidays, because a 
legitimate custom of working on those days abrogates the 
law forbidding servile works. 

(b) In the absence of custom the master is bound to 
prevent his Protestant servants from working on holidays. 
A Catholic master would be bound to prevent his Catholic 
servants from working, and Protestant servants are equally 
bound at least in actu primo by ecclesiastical laws. 
The Protestant servant should, therefore, get a holiday. The 
reason is because masters are bound to deter their servants 
from committing sin, and violating conscientious obligations. 
" Peccant domini graviter [says St. Liguori 1 ] si famulis 
peccandi occasionem permittant cum possint impedire." And 
Lehmkuhl 2 writes : " Tenentur ut nimirum in- 
vigilent ne famuli ea prascepta, et officia lasdant, quas bonis 
moribus religioneque illis incumbunt." 

(c) Finally we may remark that if the servants belong to 
a sect in which Baptism is not administered, if the servants 
are unbaptised, it is not per se prohibited to permit or order 
them to work on holidays. They are not subjects of 
the Church. " Inde sequitur infidelibus [et ideo non-baptiza- 
tis] .... servilia opera injuugere diebus domini cis et 
festivis ex se non esse peccatum .... nisi forte ratio 
scandali id prohibeat " (Lehmkuhl.) 3 



" I shall be very grateful if you will solve the following difficulty 
in the I. E. RECORD : 

*' An urgent sick call comes to the curate whilst the parish 
priest is saying Mass. The curate prepares to go at once, but 
remembers, whilst entering the church, that the Blessed Sacrament 
is not in the Tabernacle. The parish priest has, however, just 
.finished the Consecration, so the curate in surplice and stole ascends 

1 Lib. iii. Tract iii. Dub. iv. N. 342. 2 P. i. L. ii. p. 490. 

* P. i. L. i. p. 328. 

362 Liturgical Questions. 

the altar, and takes a consecrated Host from the ciborinm on the 
corporal. Is the curate's conduct justifiable ? 

" W. O. K." 

We believe the curate's conduct was justifiable. The 
presence of the Host removed from the ciborium, was not 
necessary for the completion of the sacrifice, and though 
ordinarily it should remain on the corporal until after the 
priest's communion, and though, there may be some material 
irreverence and irregularity in interrupting the celebrant, 
the exigencies of the case warranted the action of the 



"Baldeschi says that Communion may be given on Holy Saturday 
at the Mass, and quotes a decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites 
to support his statement. On the other hand the writer of the article 
on * Communion ' in the Catholic Dictionary states in a note, that ' on 
Holy Saturday Communion may be given after but not during Mass. 
And he, too, refers to a decree of the same Congregation, Please say 
which is the correct interpretation, 

" D." 

The reply of the Sacred Congregation, to which Baldeschi 
appeals, contains an explicit approval of the practice he 
advocates. The question asked was " An liceat Sabbato 
Sancto inter missarum Solemnia Sacram Eucharistiam fideli- 
bus distribuere, et num per eamdem sumptionem sacrae 
communionis praeceptum Paschale adimpleatur ? " The 
reply " Affirmative in utroque," is at once so brief and so 
plain, that there is no room for two interpretations. The 
reference given by the writer in the Catholic Dictionary is so 
vague that we cannot tell whether it is this reply of the 
Sacred Congregation or some other one that he has mis- 

Liturgical Questions. 363 



" I should be grateful if you would kindly answer the following 
practical question in your next number, concerning an event which 
may happen any day, and as a fact has recently occurred. 

"What should a priest, celebrating Mass, do if he is called to an 
urgent case (a) whilst the Sacred Species lie on the altar ; or (b) before 
the Consecration or after the Communion? Would the case be 
affected by the following circumstances (c) the person is within 
the precincts of the Church, i.e., is hearing Mass, or is not ; (d) the 
priest has the requisites, i.e., the Pyx, the Holy Oils, the Ritual with, 
him, or has not, 

" C,C," 

For the sake of greater clearness we will state in separate 
paragraphs what the priest should do when the sick person 
1 is in the Church ; and 2 is at a distance from the Church. 

1. When the sick person is in the Church. In this case 
authors make no distinctions about the part of the Mass at 
which the priest has arrived, about the necessity of spiritual 
ministrations under which the sick person labours, or about 
the private, or public, or solemn character of the Mass he is 
celebrating. When no other priest is present the celebrant 
should at once proceed to the sick person without laying 
aside the sacred vestments, and should administer to him not 
only the sacraments necessary for salvation, but also those 
which assist in gaining that end. In a word, the priest should 
not content himself with merely administering the Sacrament 
of Penance, but should also, if time remains, give the dying 
person the incalculable advantage of Extreme Unction and 
the Holy Viaticum. At this time, however, he should merely 
do what is essential for the valid administration of these 
sacraments, omitting until the end of Mass the recitation of 
the usual psalms and prayers. 

2. When the sick person is not in the Church. The priest 
must now act differently according as the person stands in 
need of a sacrament conf erring first grace, or only of Extreme 
Unction or the Viaticum, after having a short time before 
confessed and received absolution. 

864 Liturgical Questions. 

When the person stands in need of a sacrament conferring 
first grace Baptism, Penance, and Extreme Unction, in case 
of those deprived of consciousness the celebrant should 
immediately interrupt the Mass even after the consecration, 
put off the sacred vestments, and go at once to the assistance 
of the dying person. 

But when the dying person has already received the 
sacraments necessary for salvation, and wishes merely to 
receive Extreme Unction or the Viaticum, or both, the 
celebrant may interrupt the Mass before the Offertory, or even 
before he commences the Canon, but not afterwards. " Si 
Sacramentum sit ministrandum moribundo non ob extremam 
necessitatem seu non in casu quo indigere putetur prima 
gratia, e.g., si viaticum dandum sit ei qui paulo ante confessus 
fuerat, tune non licet celebranti neque post consecrationem 
nee etiam post incoeptum canonem missam interrumpere et 
Sacras vestes exuere ut extra ecclesiam pergat ad dandum 
viaticum praedicto infirmo ; licet vero ante Canonem sed 
neque tune tenetur celebrans." (Quarti, Pars 2, Tit 3, Sect. 
3, Dub. 3.) 

It may be well to remark here that this last conclusion, 
though perfectly sound in theory, can hardly ever be reduced 
to practice. The only case in which it holds is that in which 
& person, who has but a short time before confessed, is 
suddenly brought in imminent danger of death, and wishes' 
to be fortified by the Holy Viaticum and Extreme Unction. 
But even in this case it is not the recent confession of the 
dying person that per se subordinates the priest's obligation 
of attending him to his obligation of not interrupting the 
Sacrifice of the Mass, but it is the presumption that that 
confession was a valid one, and that since the confession 
there was no relapse. Can any priest say that these two 
circumstances are present in a particular case ? No ; only 
God and the dying person can tell. Has it not happened, 
and happened frequently, that poor sinners have made bad 
confessions up to the last moment, though during a long, 
continued illness they had confessed frequently and apparently 
with great sincerity and compunction ? Has it not happened 
that even a sick person has yielded to a temptation a short 


time after confession? We trust, therefore, that speculative 
truth misunderstood may never in practice deprive a dying 
person of those remedies always so useful, often so necessary. 

When the priest returns from ministering to the dying 
person he should resume the Mass at the point at which he 
left off, unless the delay were so great as to destroy the 
unity of the sacrificial act. It is commonly laid down that,, 
if he returns within an hour, when the interruption occurs 
before the consecration, he may resume the Mass. If the 
delay is longer than an hour, he may either omit Mass alto- 
gether provided of course he is not to say a Mass of obliga- 
tion for the people or, if the time for beginning Mass has- 
not passed, he may celebrate a distinct Mass. 

When the interruption occurs after the consecration a 
delay of less than two hours is not considered sufficient to 
destroy the moral unity of the Sacrifice. Indeed no matter 
how long the interruption may be, if the priest return before 
midday it would seem that he should finish the Sacrifice he 
commenced. If the delay is long, and midday past Avhen the 
priest returns, he must preserve the Consecrated Species arid 
consume them the next day in the Mass after the consump- 
tion of the Most Precious Blood. Should the priest foresee 
that the delay would be so great that he could not complete 
the Sacrifice on his return, he might consume the Consecrated 
Species at once and omit all else. 





REV. DEAR SIR, The article by U. E. U. on " Craniotomy" 
\vas timely, but after all it contained very little new to most of us 
who have studied the subject. 

May I request you to give us something more on the subject of 
Laparo-Elytrotomy. Can you not find some learned and practical 
Catholic physician in Ireland who will give the subject a thorough 
investigation, and write his results in the RECORD for the benefit of 
hard-working priests, who have not the time or means to study the 

366 Correspondence. 

subject ? It is one of the saddest sights in our sacred calling to wit- 
ness Craniotomy, and stand silently by for want of being able to give 
the necessary instructions in the Caesarean Section, or the more recent 
Elytrotomy. Capellmann is incomplete. All American priests 
eagerly purchase books and pamphlets on this subject, but un- 
fortunately our Catholic medical authors are nowhere to be found. 

Books of history, philosophy, theology, and the like abound in our 
Catholic book stores, but we look in vain for works on pastoral 
medicine in any of its branches by Catholic authors. 

J will pay five pounds for one copy of a better work than Capell- 
mann's, if any Irish physician will write it, and I will undertake to 
sell 200 copies in this State alone, if the price be not exorbitant. We 
want an exhaustive treatise on what may be called Pastoral Medicine. 
I think, too, that our Catholic colleges and universities should have a 
.sound course of anatomy, physiology, hygiene, obstetrics, materia 
medica, and the practice of medicine. Our young men should be 
made men in every sense of the word manful, without false modesty, 
and thoroughly acquainted with the ills cf humanity, and the means 
to guard and direct the growth of the physical as well as the spiritual 
man. I have always been of the opinion, at least ssince I have been 
ordained, that the education of priests, both in Europe and America, 
had a serious need of some of those secular elements for which our 
great American universities are so remarkable. It is a strange, but 
well established fact, that more successful men are turned out of 
Hartford, Yale, and several other universities of the same kind than 
come from our Catholic colleges and seminaries. 

The physical training undergone in those secular institutions shows 
what grand and powerful characters our Catholic training could make 
if it combined and harmonized both of those elements. Strength of 
character may be natural in some people, but it can be developed in 
all. The proper care of the body, its bones, muscles, and fibres 
strengthened by physical training of the best kind, the eye sharpened 
by the keen edge of opposition in field sports, and the whole frame 
brought out in frequent and manly combats, all this, combined with 
the best and purest instruction in all branches of education, must ne- 
cessarily produce the best results. 

I make these remarks for the reason that many good and pious souls 
object to the study of some of the subjects above referred to, because 
they are supposed to contain objects that might be the occasion of 

But those things will yet have to be encountered, and it is better 

Correspondence. 367 

to prepare the mind for the danger, when it is encompassed by all the 
safeguards to be found within the walls of our Catholic institutions. 
If the student cannot study physiology or anatomy in a school when he 
has the aid of religion continually at his call, where the example of 
good professors, the company of the best companions, not to speak of 
the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass and the Sacraments of Penance and 
Holy Communion, where all these, and more than these, are to aid 
him, where, may I ask, can he study such subjects ? 

I do not intend to convey the idea that these studies are necessary 
for all, but 1 believe they would be a great benefit to candidates for the 
priesthood, and I will never be convinced of the contrary. 

But for all our Catholic educational institutions, I maintain that 
they would be vastly benefited by the adoption and application of the 
physical exercises in use in our best American secular universities. 

Wishing your excellent monthly the success it merits, and anxious 
from my heart to see it take first place of any and every ecclesiastical 
magazine in the world, I remain, yours faithfully, 


Corning, Ohio. 


REV. AND DEAR SIR, The above Magazine having been 
frequently alluded to of late as " new," will you kindly permit me 
to say that the Journal attained on the 1st January last, the very 
respectable age of ten years, having first appeared in Dublin from 
the firm of Messrs. Duffy & Sons, on the 1st January, 1878, when 
it was published as a Fortnightly. Few indeed, even of the kind 
friends who welcomed it in its first weak infancy, when many notices 
of the " new departure in Catholic Journalism," the " first step in 
the right direction," &c., &c., appeared in the chief Catholic papers 
of the time, few of the unknown and friendly critics who went over 
the merits or demerits of its contents, few of the many correspondents 
who sent welcome words of greeting from every direction, knew that 
the work had come out from the earnest heart of a child, that the 
first Magazine attempted for the Catholic youth of the three kingdoms 
had been provided by the ardent generosity of a little girl who had 
declared that she was willing to forego all the advantages which 
money can bring for permission to devote that which was intended 
for her own future pleasure or profit, to the establishing of a Catholic 
Children s Magazine, few knew that the work was not only written 

368 Correspondence. 

and managed and edited by a child, with the noble aid and assistance 
of one high-souled priest, but that it was also published at the 
expense of the same, in fact that it was a Magazine presented ly ct 
child to children. And why is this fact now made known to, perhaps, 
an unsympathizing public ? a fact that was so carefully concealed, 
hitherto, that not even the publishers of the work had ever seen the 
author of it, because, as a writer on the subject remarks, "poor 
little Merry and Wise has lain down to die !" It is to plead for it as 
a mother pleads for her dying child, who by skilful treatment may 
be restored to life and vigour. This is not the place to dwell on the 
labour and sacrifice which seven or eight years of such unaided work 
may entail. The biography of The Catholic Children's Magazine would 
form an interesting volume. It is enough to say that the labour and 
sacrifice were not spared, and only resigned with a bitter, bitter pang 
of grief, when towards the end of the year 1885, it was deemed 
essential that the foundress should finish her education in a London 
Convent, and the Magazine was given over with its subscribers to 
the firm of Messrs. Burns & Gates, and continued the following year 
under the title of Merry and Wise. One more year, spent in an 
Ursuline Convent in France, and then the foundress returns to 
England to find that the dear Magazine for which she had so toiled 
and laboured and denied herself, and prayed as for a living being in 
her childish idolizing enthusiasm, has died out in the rich city of 
London after two years, because the circulation was but 3,000 
instead of 10.000, the number which Messrs. Burns & Gates believe 
necessary for the proper support of the Journal. Here then is the 
fact. All we require in order to continue the Magazine in more 
than its old vigour and strength is to be assured of the practical 
support and sympathy of 10,000 Catholics ! This then is the 
reason why the above details are given, it is the one last word in 
behalf of The Catholic Children 's Magazine , Merry and Wise, about 
which so much has been written and might still be written. , It is a 
disgrace to the Catholics of these countries that the requisite 
support has not been given during the ten years when a Magazine 
has been provided for their children without any corresponding effort 
on their part, and who would now lapse into that conspicuousness in 
Christendom of being the only Catholics lacking that esprit de corps 
which would urge them to supply mental sustenance to their own 
young, instead of allowing them to fatten on that of other sects, 
tarnishing and sullying the bright sheen of faith in its first pure 
glow. Now is the time to place oui m Children's Magazine on its 

The Church Abroad. 369 

proper footing, to raise it to its proper position in our midst, and 
this, its foundress, having grown experienced with years, knows 
cannot be done by private enterprize and charity. It is not very 
difficult to restore a work like this with ten years of existence as a 
standing proof of its worth and 3,000 reapers already assured. But 
it must be taken up by a committee of influential persons who would 
form a company of shareholders willing to undertake the first 
necessary outlay until by making the Journal intrinsically valuable, 
it would, ultimately become self-supporting, at least. This is 
certainly quite possible and there is no time to be lost. If some 
responsible and devoted Son of the Church step boldly forward and 
take the initiative others will soon follow, and God's choicest blessings 
will reward, even in this life, those who so strive for the future 
benefit of the Little Ones He so loves Ainsi-soit-il. Believe me, 
Sir, gratefully yours, 


Communications sent to Messrs. BURNS & GATES will be 
forwarded to E. De M. 


On Friday, March 1st, the Holy Father received the congratula- 
tions of the College of Cardinals for the 10th anniversary of his 
coronation. Several archbishops and bishops were present, amongst 
them the Most Rev. Dr. Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin, Monsignor 
Kirby, and Dr. O'Callaghan, Bishop of Cork. 

When the Holy Father walked into the throne-room, followed by 
his Court, he looked pale and tired. As he proceeded to his throne 
he gave his blessing to those whom he passed. The cardinals formed 
in a circle round him in front of the throne, the bishops and prelates 
being immediately behind them. The Cardinal Dean read the 
customary address of congratulation, which told how the Sacred 
College of Cardinals shared with him the joys of this happy occasion, 
and united with him in returning thanks to God. The Holy Father 
at times during the discourse seemed deeply affected. Once or twice 
he moved restlessly in his throne, at one time looking the speaker 
VOL. IX. 2 A 

370 The Church Abroad. 

straight in the face with his piercing eyes, at another glancing all 
round at the cardinals present. When Cardinal Sacconi had finished 
the reading of the address, the Pope rose slowly to his feet. As he 
stood for a moment in silence, every eye was fixed on the tall thin 
figure of the aged Pontiff, dressed in his papal white, with a broad 
white sash round his slim waist, and gold tassels suspended from it. 
A magnificent diamond pectoral cross, a regal gift, hung by a gold 
chain round his neck, glittered on his breast. There he stood, a 
saintly, intrepid, venerable old man, whose words as teacher mark 
the infallible bonds of truth ; whose voice dispels discord amongst 
princes, and spreads peace and good will amongst all states and 
peoples. He who knows no superior on earth, who holds the pleni- 
tude of spiritual power given to Peter, whose enemies tremble at his 
voice Leo XIII. stood majestically in silence, that deep thoughtful 
silence that precedes grave words. With a dignified bow to the 
Cardinal Dean, and in that tone so peculiar to him, all power- 
ful in riveting attention and inspiring deep respect, he began by 
thanking the Sacred College of Cardinals. Referring to the de- 
monstrations with which the Catholic world has celebrated his 
sacerdotal jubilee he said : " The expressions of respect, devotion, and 
love, which we have received, could not have been more universal, more 
numerous, more splendid, or more touching." He paused after each of 
these words, which he emphasized strongly, and when became to the 
last his voice softened, and he looked deeply moved. " Therefore," he 
continued, after a moment, "we are most thankful to all our beloved 
children, of every country, of every language, of every order, and of 
every class," and " We wish that all this glory may return to Him 
who is the Giver of every good, and who, in His providence, disposes 
every human event, whether joyful or sorrowful, for the good of His 
Church and the Roman Pontificate." He then began the most im- 
portant part of his discourse, speaking in the strongest terms of the 
actual position of the Pope and Holy See, " which," he continued, 
" in the midst of the present demonstrations has remained and re- 
mains what it was, unworthy of the Supreme Head of the Church, 
and irreconcilable with his independence and liberty. We appeal 
also to recent facts and demonstrations, encouraged and favoured by 
Government Ministers, which had for their object nothing less than 
to insult the Church under our very eyes, to exalt the rebellion of 
reason against faith, and to foment the most satanic hatred against 
the divine institution of the Papacy. It is right that the Catholic 
world may know of this indignity, that it may be ever better per- 

The Church Abroad. 371 

suaded of the true designs, becoming daily more manifest, 
of the sectarians in occupying Rome, and that it may see 
the way in which Rome continues to be the respected 
seat of Catholicism and its Supreme Head." He went 
on to say that if u it ; .was possible, as they boast, to celebrate 
the Jubilee in Eome " (within the confines of the Vatican and with- 
out any external pomp) " who does not know, that is simply because 
the rulers of public matters, under present circumstances did not 
judge it useful for their ends to oppose impediments or obstacles ? It 
was nevertheless in their power to do so, and if under other circum- 
stances it pleased them for their own interests or other motives, to 
follow another line of conduct, what defence or security can We pro- 
mise Ourselves ? Thus it is clear as We have often said before that 
We are at the mercy and in the power of others ; that Our indepen- 
dence is in fact nil, and that this liberty which they pretend to leave 
Us is only apparent and altogether precarious. As We have said on 
other occasions the defect is intrinsic, and arises from the very nature 
of things. Until this condition of things is essentially changed, no 
.matter what alleviation or consideration they may make to soften it 
We cannot ever say We are satisfied, nor shall We ever adapt Our- 
selves to it- If the Papacy is surrounded with glory, and calls forth 
homage even when the Pope lives in the catacombs, in prisons, and in 
.persecutions, that is no argument that they are destined to live always 
in a like state of violence ; nor is the glory with which the Papacy 
even then is clad due to the enemies who persecute it, but it is an 
effect of that divine virtue with which it is endowed, and a proof of 
that singular Providence that guides it through centuries. Its enemies 
only throw the shade on the picture that the contrast may be more 

I never before saw the Pope become so animated as on this occa- 
sion, aad some very distinguished prelates present said the same. As 
he went on in his discourse his words became more emphatic, his eyes 
brightened, and his action almost revealed the verbum mentis before 
his voice expressed the verbum vocis. The cardinals exchanged ap- 
proving nods and glances when he spoke emphatically of the undigni- 
fied condition of the Holy See and the insulting hostility of the Italian 
government ; and all present were wrapt in attention. Sometimes 
he would bend forward and glance round him from side to side gesti- 
culating all the while ; at other times he straightened himself up to 
the full height of his noble figure and looked at his audience with that 
impressive piercing glance which remains stamped on the minds of 

372 The Church Abroad. 

all who see him ; and at all times he looked what he is the lumen 
cotli, a star in the midst of darkness, the light on the bark of Peter. 

When he had finished his discourse he sat down, and received 
each of the audience separately, beginning with the cardinals. When 
the Archbishop of Dublin, with Monsignor Kirby and Bishop 
O'Callaghan approached, the Holy Father's countenance lit up with 
pleasure and he detained them longer than usual talking to them. 

There has been a great deal of tumult in Rome lately caused by 
labourers without work. Meetings were held in various parts of .Rome 
in which strong language was used against the government. They 
were dispersed with difficulty and not without bloodshed. The rioter& 
say that 20,000 families are without occupation and they demand work 
for all or none. Crispi, in the Chamber of Deputies said that foreign 
money (alluding to France) had been used to cause these dissensions, 
and disturb the public order at a critical moment for other ends than 
to obtain work for the unemployed, and that the government is willing 
to do its best for really indigent labourers. What " its best" means, 
those who know the penurious state of Italian finances, rendered worse 
by the African expeditions, and threats of European wars, can guess. 
One thing is certain, that though Italians pretend to know a great 
deal about political economy, however strong they may be in theory, 
they are uncommonly weak in the practical part. Only one branch 
of industry has been developed recently in Home, namely, building, 
and that has been carried on to a degree that has outreached utility, 
and with government aid and approval. This drew thousands of 
workmen from all parts of Italy into Rome, who found it for the 
moment more profitable, .thus filling the city with poor people taken 
away from other industries throughout the country. Thus this move- 
ment tended to destroy that division of labour which is one of the 
principal sources of prosperity for a nation. For a few years the 
building mania increased because of the demand for houses, and so 
far all went well ; but now that demand has been satisfied and all 
the labourers employed up to this are without work. They call for 
work, work, but cannot get it. The Italian government has too many 
Freemasons in its employment to take in paid masons. 


[ 373 ] 



Nos, Superiores, Professores, Alumni, Collegii Manutiani Sancto 
Patritio dicati, ad sacros pedes tuos provoluti, enixe Te obsecramus, 
ut hac tarn optata tamque felici occasione, cum ex toto terrarum orbe 
filii Tui tideles devotique ad Te confluunt, nobis quoque liceat summo 
studio Tibi gratulari, quod Dei beneficio quinquagesimum jam annum 
a Sacro Sacerdotio accepto compleveris. 

Nostram autem erga Te, Pastorem supremum, Doctorem Magis- 
trumque infallibilem, fidem constantem et stabilem, summum amorem 
reverentiamque, hoc faustissimo tempore. laete ac libenter profitemur. 
Gratias insuper Deo optimo et habemus et agimus, quod in tantis 
difficultatibus tantisque periculis turn societati generis humani turn 
religioni imminentibus, ecclesiam suam summe dilectam Tibi regendam 
commiserit, defensori forti, custodi semper vigilanti. Gaudemus enim, 
vehementerque laetamur, quae fuerint optima et splendid issim a in 
antecessoribus tuis, ea omnia in Te claritate quadam insigni ac gloria 

Nam ad earn animi elationem, quae in discrimine et labore cernitur, 
studium ecclesiae regendae ac docendae assiduum, ingenium praestan- 
tissimum, eruditio vere praeclara, rerum constantissime sapientissime- 
que gerendarum scientia, adeo accesserunt ut admirationem omnibus, 
nobis autem caeterisque filiis Tuis gloriam laetitiamque ingentem 

Tarn brevi quidem tempore, ex quo ovibus Christ! pascendis, 
tutandis, regendis praefectus es, mira quaedam et fere inaudita 
Pontificatum Tuum illustrarunt. Ita enim Te prudentem atque rerum 
gerendarum peritum praebuisti, ut potentissimi principes deposito odio 
illo, quo in Sanctissimam Sedem et Supremum ecclesiae Caput 
ferebantur, abrogatisque nefandis legibus quas contra jura et 
libertatem ecclesiae tulerant, ipsi iidem Te judicem arbitrumque 
aequissimum deligerent, qui solus,' pro veneranda Tua auctoritate, 
difficillima negotia et controversias maxime contortas, atrocissimo bello 
depulso, componere posses. Quod quam feliciter evenerit, totius orbis 
Ohristiani plausus atque admiratio testantur. 

374 Documents. 

Mala demum foedissima periculaque formidolosa in hominum 
societatem ab hominibus pravis et scelestis intenta, Litteris Encyclicis 
Allocutionib usque Tuis ita reprehendendo coarguisti, ut errores his 
praesertim temporibus tarn late grassantes tardares atque retunderes. 
Quod quidem magno est documento, quam inire sapienterque Deus 
bono et utilitatibus hominum non solum in supernatural! ordine 
sed etiam in natural! prospexerit,instituto Romanorum Pontificum 
primatu quamque firmum et fidei et morum praesidium in sanctissima 
Romana ecclesia " Omnium ecclesiarum matre et magistra," 

In hanc quoque rem, beatissime Pater, cura cogitationeque summa 
incubuisti, ut qui ad sacerdotium parantur instruunturque, scientia et 
institutis idoneis quam perfectissime informarentur. quo melius munera 
sua gravia peragerent, magisque inter homines, pollerent. Quamobrem 
maximas Tibi agimus gratias, nee nos soli sed quotquot sunt ubique 
terrarum seminariorum et magistri et discipuli quod tantam operam 
tantumque studium navasti, ut disciplinae tarn theologicae quam 
philosophicae ad vera Sancti Thomae Angelici Doctoris principia 
revocatae traderentur. Qua in re existimamus jure gloriari nos posse 
quod animo maxime alacri, diligentia acerrima, voluntate propensis- 
sima, voci Tuae paternae obtemperaverimus. 

Plurimis porro etsi laboribus curisque anxiis semper occupariSy. 
nemo est quin miretur quantum solicitudinis amorisque in singulas 
imperii Tui partes, quod in ultimos fines terrae usque patet, nulla 
praetermissa occasione, praestiteris. Nee patriae nostrae, omnium 
gentium Tibi religionique fidelissimae, in primis esoblitus, nuperrime 
enim virum sapientia et bonitate praestantem ad amorem Tuum 
paternum nobis manifestandum, legatum hue misisti. 

In ipsum denique nostrum seminarium, paucis abhinc annis, 
cogitaiiones Tuas mentemque benevolam, quo magis utilitate pietate- 
que firmaretur, episcopis Hibernicis Romae deliberantibus, benignis- 
sime direxisti. 

Quorum omnium beneficiorum gratiam habemus rnaximam Deum- 
que etiam atque etiam precamur et imploramus ut diu Te salvum 
servet eadem qua semper rexisti, sapientia constantiaque eximia, 
vita autem curis et molestiis minus gravi, suam ecclesiam 

Ilumillime tandem petimus ut, pro tuo paterno multumque bene- 
^'()lellti erga nos animo, munusculum, tanquam indicium quoddam et 
;ir g amentum quamvis impar nostri in Te amoris quod, cum his litteris 
singuli collatis pecuniis libentissime mittimus, accipere digneris. 

Documents. 375- 

Pedes igitur tuos sacros iterum dposculantes Sanctitatem Tuam ut 
nobis Benedictionem Apostolicam largiatur supplices rogamus, 

Sanctitatis Tuae 

Humillimi et Devctissimi Filii et Famuli. 


His Eminence Cardinal Rampolla, Secretary of State, has 
by order of His Holiness Leo XIII. sent the following 
reply to the President, the Very Rev. Dr. Browne, who 
presented the College address to the Holy Father on the 
occasion of his recent visit to Rome. 


Gratulationes et munera, quibus istud Collegium Beatissimo 
Patri quinquaginta annos a Sacerdotio suscepto explenti amorem et 
devotionem testari studuit, Sanctitas sua pergrato ammo excepit. 
Pro ea enim qua in Scliolis addictos turn Rectores, turn Professores, 
turn juvenes prosequitur benevolentia summopere laetatur cum eorum 
fidei et venerationis recepit documenta. Quare jussit me vobis 
debitas referre gratias, ac dum a Deo ferventer petit ut Collegium 
ipsum majora in dies disciplinae, doctrinae ac virtutum specimina 
edere valeat, Tibi, Rme Domine, ac singulis Professoribus ac alumnis 
Apostolicam Benedictionem ex intimo corde depromptam peramanter 

De his Te certiorem reddens peculiaris meae propensionis sensus 
Tibi tester et fausta quaeque ac jucunda a Domino adprecor. 
Dominationis Tuae 



Praesidi Collegii Manutiani, 

Maynooth (Irlanda.) 
Romae, die 10 Martii, 1888. 




Adperpetuam rei memoriam. Praeclaro divinae gratiae munere 
effectum est, ut Sacerdotalis Nostrae consecrationis diem quinqua- 

376 Documents. 

gesimo anno redeuntem, frequent! Episcoporum Venerabilium fratrum 
Nostrorum corona septi, innumero fidelium coetu stipati, quin et 
universo christiano orbe gestiente, celebrare potuerimus. Cui tantae 
celebritati fastigium impositum est maioribus caelitum honoribus, 
quos divino Spiritu adspirante suprema auctoritate Nostra nonnullis 
eximiae sanctitatis viris solemn! ritu attribuimus. Quae quidem 
omnia non uno Nobis nomine grata et periucunda fuerunt. Primo 
enim in spem adducimur, fore ut fidelium precibus ac novensilium 
Sanctorum intercessione propitiatus Deus, tot tantisque, quibus 
humana premitur societas, malis opportuna afferat remedia, 
optatamque mundo pacem ac tranquillitatem largiatur. Deinde vero 
ex eo laetamur, quod innumerabiles observantiae et obsequii signifi- 
cations, quibus Nos toto orbe fideles unanimi consensione prosecuti 
sunt, turn ostendunt et antiquam pietatem et Apostolicae Sedis 
amorem christianis pectoribus alte manere defixum, turn in summam 
Venerabilium Fratrum sacrorum Antistitum laudem cedunt, quorum 
opera ac virtute in populis sibi commendatis et concreditis in tanta 
temporum perversitate ita viget ac floret catholicae religionis cultus, 
et huic Sedi ac Romano Pontifici sunt animi addict! atque coniuncti. 
Nos ne fausti huius eventus memoria intercidat, atque ut publicum 
aliquod benevolentiae Nostrae testimonium Venerabilibus Fratribus 
exhibeamus, externo honoris insigni universes terrarum orbis 
Antistites exornandos censuimus. Quare hisce litteris Apostolica 
auctoritate Nostra perpetuum in modum concedimus, ut universi 
Patriarchae, Archiepiscopi et Episcopi birreto violacei coloris hoc 
futurisque temporibus uti libere et licite possint et valeant. Hoc ita 
illis proprium volumus, ut alius, qui Episcopal! dignitate non sit 
insignitus, eiusmodi ornamento nullatenus potiri queat. Non 
obstantibus Constitutionibus et sanctionibus Apostolicis, ceterisque 
omnibus, licet special! et individua mentione ac derogatione dignis, 
in contrarium facientibus quibuscumque. Datum Romae apud 
Sanctum Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris die III februarii, 
MDCCCLXXXVIII Pontificatus Nostri Anno Decimo. 


[ 377 ] 



OFFICE. By S. Alphonsus Liguori, Doctor of the Church. 

Translated by the Rev. T. Livius, C.SS.R., with a 

Preface by His Eminence Cardinal Manning. London : 

Burns & Oates, Limited. New York : Catholic Publication 

Society Company. 

A priest is ordained for the greatest glory of God. This is his 
vocation. There is not on earth an office higher or a power greater^ 
than it implies. And as are a priest's office and power, so also ought 
to be the perfection of his sanctity. So the Catholic Church teaches 
in her Ritual, and so the bishop warns the Ordinandus in the very 
act of conferring the priesthood. 

And no wonder, A priest's dangers are great and his responsi- 
bilities many. He is set up on high, and must have a balance to 
preserve his equilibrium. He is placed upon a pinnacle and he needs 
a poise. And if the balance and the poise be not forthcoming, 
assuredly he will fall. 

But if a priest's dangers be great, his helps, both general and 
special, are greater. First amongst them, and beyond all doubt the 
most important, is his daily Mass. Second, and next to Holy Mass 
the most special, is the Divine Office. The recitation of the Divine 
Office is one of the most important duties of a priest, and one too 
that is of daily recurrence. To enable all those who, by the duty of 
their state, are bound to this daily recitation, " to do so with merit 
and profit to their own souls," is the object of the important volume 
before us. 

Fr. Livius' book is a translation of St. Liguori's Commentary on 
the Psalms. This work, although composed by St. Alphonsus k ' under 
the pressure of heavy Episcopal cares, old age, and much bodily 
infirmity," was nevertheless received with acclamation by the 
Theologians of the day. It obtained, moreover, the special recog- 
nition of being referred to by name, in the Decree of March 23rd, 
1871, which declared St. Alphonsus a Doctor of the Church. 

In his translation Fr. Livius has slightly modified, and in modify- 
ing has, we think, improved upon the plan of the original work. In 
the latter the text of the Psalms is given in large type, and in a 
smaller, alternate translation and paraphnse, or both combined, with 
now and then parenthetical remarks by way of comment or criticism ; 

378 Notices of Books. 

whereas in the former we find the text and English translation in 
small type side by side, while underneath in larger type are such 
elucidations of the text as the obscurity of particular passages 
demand. There are also occasional foot-notes, some of which [are 
borrowed from the French translation of Pere Dujardin, C.SS.R. 

We desire to call attention to the Translator's Introduction, into 
which is compressed much valuable information. Here the design 
of the work is explained ; attention is called to the obscurity and 
consequent difficulty of understanding many of the Psalms ; various 
interesting questions touching the relative merits of the original 
Hebrew text, and the versions are discussed with such enlargement 
as the subject required : a passing word is devoted to an examination 
of the authorship of the Psalms, their titles, and the way in which 
they were written, whether in verse or in prose; and lastly the attention 
and devotion which should accompany the recitation of the Holy 
Office is made the subject of a few reflections. 

Nor has Fr. Livius overlooked that interesting question Which 
form of the Psalter have we in our Breviaries ? There are three 
forms of the Psalter. 

(1.) The Roman Psalter, which is a corrected form of the old 
edition of the Psalter as existing in the Vetus Itala. This correction 
was made by St. Jerome, at Rome, in accordance with Lucian's 
KOivrj edition of the Septuagint : but only ''cursim et magna tantum 
ex parte." By special permission the Chapter of the Basilica of St. 
Peter's still use this Psalterium Romanum in reciting the Divine 

(2.) The Gallican Psalter (so called probably because first used 
in the Churches of Gaul) is a second and more carefully executed 
correction, also by St. Jerome, of this same Psalter of the original 
Itala. The correction was made at Bethlehem, in 398, in accordance 
with the Hexaplar of Origen. This form of the Psalter is retained 
in our Vulgate and is embodied in our Breviaries. 

(3.) We have St. Jerome's own Psalter, as it is called. This form 
is a direct translation from the Hebrew, and was made chiefly for 
controversial purposes. The Church, for prudent reasons, does not 
use it in her public offices. 

We shall now conclude this rather lengthened notice, and we do 
so by recommending to the Clergy and intelligent Laity, in the 
strongest terms we can command, this excellent translation of an 
excellent work, and by offering our cordial thanks to Fr. Livius for 
lias much-needed addition to English Sacred Literature. 

J. P. M'D. 

Notices of Books. 379' 

Publications. C.T.S. Publications arid Reports. 

THE Catholic Truth Society is performing a most useful work in 
providing good and cheap literature for the people at the lowest 
possible cost. The publications of the Society have contributed 
much towards fostering piety and devotion in Catholics, as well as 
dispelling the clouds of ignorance and prejudice which have hitherto 
been such an obstacle to the spread of Catholicity in England. 

The volumes before us consist of various pamphlets, brought out 
separately in the first instance, and now offered to the public in 
collected form neatly bound in cloth, for the modest price of a 
shilling each. 

The Catholic Biographies contains nine of the biographical series 
issued by the society. The public will be able to form a sufficiently 
accurate estimate [ of its merits, when we say that amongst the 
writers are to be found such names as the Hon. Justice O'Hagan, 
Rev. Arthur Ryan, and the late Bishop of Hexham and Newcastle. 

The English Martyrs treats of the lives of some of those who 
shed their blood for the faith in the reigns of Henry VII. and 
Elizabeth, and was issued on the occasion of the publication of the 
recent decree for their beatification. These lives are most interesting 
reading, and will do much, not only to promote the veneration of 
these champions of the faith, but also to spread abroad information 
on a subject about which Englishmen appear to be still profoundly- 

The other two volumes give specimens of literature of a lighter 
character than had been hitherto published by the Society. They 
also contain defences of points of Catholic doctrine liable to frequent 
attack by Protestants ; and the articles on Purgatory and Transub- 
stantiation may be read with profit by the ablest and most learned. 

The works of the Society are issued so cheaply that they are 
brought within the reach of all ; and we are glad to find that already 
they are obtaining a large circulation even in this country. 


THE object of this little work is, as the author tells us in the 
Introduction, to lead lieligious "into the inmost recesses of th 
suffering heart of Jesus, to move them to imitate the sublimo 
virtues of which he gives us such an admirable example in His 
bitter passion, and to make them ready for the resurrection of our 

380 Notices of Books. 

Blessed Lord." It contains a number of meditations which conduct 
us through the chief incidents connected with the passion and death 
of our Blessed Saviour. Every page of the little work breathes 
forth a love which reminds us of the writings of St. Francis. Its 
appearance at this time is most opportune, and we may venture a 
Jhope that its circulation will not by any means be confined to 
Religious communities. 

THOMAE AC SuAREzn. Auctore P. Josepho Mendive, 
Jesu Sacerdote. Vallisoleti, 1887. 

WE defer a lengthy review of Fr. Mendive's excellent book until 
we have the complete work in our possession. The three volumes 
already published are specially remarkable for their lucid style and 
thoroughly scientific division of the subject matter. Few persons 
acquainted with the study of philosophy would prefer other qualities 
in a philosophical treatise. 


Paris : Au Bureau, 20, Rue de La Chaise. 
THE numbers of this monthly review, which have appeared since 
our last notice of it, are full of interest for the philosophical student. 
We would call special attention to the reports they contain of the 
sessions of the Society of St. Thomas of Aquin. In those reports 
the relation of the philosophy of the Angel of the schools to the 
principles of physical science, is discussed by men who have attained 
world-wide distinction in both. Important results are thereby 
secured. The harmony between the different departments of sound 
philosophy becomes manifest, and the intellectual confusion, arising 
from the unwillingness of many to recognise such a harmony, is 
prevented. T. G. J. 

RELIGIO VIATORIS. London : Burns & Gates. 
THE author of this volume presents us in a popular form with 
the reasons upon which we ground the faith that is in us. There 
are few, we would think, who would not like to come across 
occasionally such a brief yet satisfactory account of the motives of 
belief of the Christian who is wending his way through this life to 
the Land of Promise. Seeing the great questions of Religion 
treated of in almost every magazine, hearing them oftentimes 
discussed by men of opposite views, one is instructively led to study 
Ihem, one feels a new interest in investigating the primary truths 
upon which the fabric of his faith is raised. 

Notices of Books. 



The approbation of the Holy Father, and the numerous letters 
of recommendation prefixed to the book, are a sufficient guarantee 
of its worth. The first twenty pages are occupied with an explana- 
tion of the movable feasts with a short reflection suitable to each. 
Then follow the lives of the saints in the order in which their feasts 
occur. The matter of the book is taken from Butler's Lives, 
and the compiler has to a great extent surmounted those obstacles 
that render the task of an abridger so difficult. His style is easy, 
and devoid of that abruptness which generally characterises com- 
pendium.?. To each life is appended a short prayer to the saint or a 
reflection suggested by the practices and virtues for which each 
saint is remarkable. 

The illustrations are exceedingly good, but it is to be regretted 
that so much space has been devoted to them, and so much valuable 
matter omitted to make place for them. 

By Mrs. Abel Ram. London : Burns & Gates (Ltd.) 
IN this tastefully edited work of 283 pages, the devout reader will 
find abundant and solid food for meditation, dressed in that simple- 
elegance of language which one likes to meet with in spiritual books. 
The arrangement of the matter in each chapter, and the deep spirit of 
thoughtful devotion that pervades almost every sentence of the entire 
volume, render it specially suitable for the exercises of mental prayer. 
The leading mysteries and the few events recorded in connexion with our 
Lord's life before He entered on His public mission, together with the 
moving incidents that led up to and attended His Crucifixion, are 
described in impressive and unaffected language ; and the practical 
reflections they naturally suggest are, briefly and with unfailing 
unction, conveyed to the mind of the reader without the least mental 
strain. In accordance with the most approved method of meditation, 
each event is, first of all, localized and a vivid picture is drawn of the 
surroundings in which it took place ; it is then minutely described, 
and a touching comparison is instituted between its various phases 
and certain characteristics and aspects of the not less real life of our 
Lord in the Tabernacle; pious resolutions are suggested; and each 
chapter closes with a suitable prayer. While this delightful manual 
is in the hands of an earnest reader, the mind will never lack copious 

"382 Notices of Books. 

matter for reflection, and will possess an easy and natural means of 
formulating its pious resolves and affections. 

For retreats, for visits to the Blessed Sacrament, and as an every- 
day book of meditations, Emmanuel will be found a very valuable 
acquisition. E. M. 

E. S. Leathley. With an Introduction by Very Rev. 
Canon Murnane, V.G. London: Burns & Gates. 

As years pass away, the number of deceased friends having strong 
claims on our prayers is gradually augmented, until, in the end, it 
becomes impossible for us to remember explicitly in our daily devo- 
tions, more than a few of the nearest and dearest. This is the ex- 
perience that led to the compilation of the above handsome and useful 
work. " It is a birthday book of the dead, and will remind us of the 
days when we must send our spiritual gifts to those who are gone be- 
fore us." At the top of each page is printed the day of the month ; 
the names of the saints whose feasts occur on that day, stand next ; 
then follow vacant spaces for the insertion of the names of the dead 
whom we wish to remember specially in our prayers , indulgenced 
aspirations are next given ; and, at the foot of the page, is cited some 
wise saying or salutary admonition taken from the writings of one of 
the saints. This method is excellent ; it facilitates the work of the 
memory, and ensures greater intensity of devotional feeling in our 

Every Catholic family ought to possess a copy of this attractive 
manual, which will at once serve as a most reliable obituary record 
.and as a useful book of piety. E. M. 

Hurter's Dogmatic Theology by Kenelm Digby Best, 
Cong. Orat. London : Burns & Gates. 

IN this little pamphlet is contained the pith and marrow of the 
orthodox teaching regarding the fire and pains of Hell. It is a 
learned and clear exposition of all the main points of doctrine, the 
scholastic controversies being merely touched upon. Preachers will 
liud it eminently useful. E. M. 

AUGUSTUS MARCEAU. Translated from the French of the 
Rev. Claudius Mayet, S.M., by Alice Wilmot Chetwode. 
Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. 
THIS is a translation from the French, in which is traced the career 

and conversion of a strong-minded and earnest man from irreligion to 

Notices of Books. 383 

Catholicity, together with an account of his valuable "services to the 
Church after he had become one of her members. It was he who 
took the command of the first ship for the service of Catholic missions 
in the Central Pacific, where his saintly life, and ceaseless labours in 
the cause of religion gave encouragement and edification to all. 

To the translator English readers are under a deep debt of grati- 
tude, for having supplied them, in their own language, with an in- 
teresting story of a very useful life. 


York : Benziger Brothers. 

" OUR little budget of stories, poems, and sketches, we trust, will 
please you all, and serve not only to beguile a leisure hour, but teach 
some simple lesson of faith, of love, of self-denial." The modest 
hope conveyed in a prefatory note, containing those words is far 
under what this beautiful annual might pretend to. It is rare, indeed, 
to find the full chronology of the year so artistically enlivened as it is 
in the almanac before us. The letter-press is superior and wonder- 
fully varied as to topics. The pictures and poetry are as simply 
beautiful as they are truly elevated and Catholic. 

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. By John Campbell, M.D. Dublin: 
Gill & Son. 

DU. CAMPBELL'S work was written to serve as a text book of 
Hygiene for his classes in the training colleges for National School 
Teachers. The importance of the subject matter, and the manner of 
treatment will, doubtless, secure a much wider circle of readers. 

The main purpose of the book is to give popular instruction "in 
the art of preserving health and preventing disease." This end the 
author, who discusses the various subjects in clear and simple 
language, has certainly attained ; and the reader who, with ordinary 
attention, goes through the volume will certainly have acquired a 
large store of interesting and useful knowledge on subjects demand- 
ing the attention of all. 

RESEDA; OR, JOYS AND SORROWS. Translated from the 
French of Zena'ide Fleuriot by A. W. Chetwode. Dublin : 
M. H.Gill & Son, 1888. 

WITH much pleasure and profit we have read through the pages of 
this work. From our previous knowledge of the. translator, we expected 
to tind Reseda what in reality it is a story full of interest, 

384 Notices of Books. 

elevating in its tone, and eminently suited to inculcate the love and 
practice of virtue. 

Too much praise cannot be given to Miss A. W-. Chetwode for the 
noble efforts she has made to enrich our literature by good moral 
tales. We thoroughly appreciate the spirit which prompted their 
publi cation, and feel confident that by them, much will be done to 
repair the sad havoc caused by current literature. 

Mother Mary-of-the-Cross. Translated from the French 
by Rev. F. M. Geudens, C.R.P. London : Burns & Gates. 

To Catholics, who desire to make some return of love to Jesus in 
the Blessed Eucharist, this little volume will be most acceptable. Its 
object is to spread a devotion by means of which pious souls can give 
to God that glory, of which indifferent Catholics would deprive Him, 
by neglecting to hear Mass on Sundays and holidays, or by assisting 
thereat in a careless manner. The work consists of three parts. The 
first gives a short sketch of the life of Sister Rose, who has done much 
to spread this devotion ; the second explains the origin and object of 
the Mass of Reparation ; while in the third part may be found the 
method of hearing Mass according to St. Leonard of Port Maurice, 
most suitable for the present purpose. 

A TREATISE OF PRAYER. By The Blessed John Fisher, 
Bishop and Martyr. A Reprint of an old translation. 
Edited by a Monk of Fort-Augustus. London : 
Burns & Gates (Limited). New York : Catholic Publica- 
tion Society Co., 1887. 

This treatise on Prayer was written by Bishop Fisher about the 
year 1520, while he was still living a life of retirement and fulfilment 
of his episcopal duties. It is divided into three parts, and treats in 
order of "the necessity, fruits, and manner of prayer." 

The strong arguments adduced to prove its necessity ; the clear 
exposition of the nature of the fruits which may be reaped from its 
practice ; and the practical instruction on the " manner of prayer," 
combine to make the work valuable." 

We would much prefer that this treatise were presented in a more 
modern style. In its present form, it will be uninviting and for the 
most part useless for those, who most need the valuable instruction 
given therein. 



MA Y, 1888. 


MANY writers have asserted that there was not only no 
literary culture of any kind in Ireland before the time 
of St. Patrick, but that even the use of written characters was 
quite unknown in pre-Christian Ireland. We have no in- 
tention of discussing this wide question in all its various 
aspects. We think, however, without becoming too learned, 
it can be clearly shown, by examining the history of even one 
single monarch, that considerable progress had been made in 
pagan Ireland both in the arts of war and peace at least twc- 
centuries before the advent of St. Patrick to our shores. 

The reigD of Cormac Mac Art furnishes, perhaps, the most 
interesting chapter in the history of pre-Christian Ireland. 
He was, we think, the greatest king that ever reigned in 
ancient Erin. He was, as our poets tell us, a sage, a judge, 
and a scholar, as well as a great king and a skilful warrior. 
His reign furnished, indeed, many rich themes for the romantic 
poets and story-tellers of subsequent ages, in which they 
greatly indulged their perfervid Celtic imagination. But the 
leading facts of his reign are all within the limits of authentic 
history, and are provable by most satisfactory evidence. 

Cormac was the son of Art the Solitary, or the Melancholy, 
as he is sometimes called, and was grandson of the celebrated 
Conn the Hundred-Fighter. Hence he is sometimes called 
Cormac O'Cuinu, as well as Cormac Mac Art. His father was 
slain about the year A.D. 195, in the great battle of Magh 
VOL. IX. 2 B 

386 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

Mucruimhe where, as at the battle of Aughrim in the same 
county, a kingdom was lost and won. Magh Mucruimhe was 
the ancient name of the great limestone plain extending from 
Athenry towards Oranmore ; and the spot where King Art 
was killed has been called Tulach Art even down to our own 
times. It was between Oranmore and Kilcornan, and close to 
the townland of Moyvaela. The victor in this great battle 
was Lughaidh, surnamed Mac Con, who had been for many 
years a refugee in Britain, and now returned with a king of 
that country and a host of foreigners to wrest the kingdom 
from Art, who was his maternal uncle. The flower of the 
chivalry of Munster perished also on that fatal field ; for the 
seven sons of Oilioll Olum who had come to assist King Art, 
their mother's brother, were slain to a man on the field or in 
the rout that followed. 

Fortunately for young Cormac, the king's son, he was at 
that time at fosterage in Connaught, probably with Nia 
Mor, who was his cousin, and one of the sub-kings of the 
province at that time. So Mac Con, the usurper, found no 
obstacle to prevent him assuming the sovereignty of Tara ; 
and we are told that he reigned some thirty years, from A.D. 
196 to A.D. 226. 

Meantime young Cormac was carefully trained in all 
martial exercises, as well as in all the learning befitting a 
king, until he came to man's estate. Then he came to Tara 
in disguise, and according to one account, was employed in 
herding the sheep of a poor widow, who lived close to Tara, 
when some of the sheep were seized for trespassing on the 
queen's private green or lawn. When this case of trespass 
was brought before the king in his court on the western slope 
of the Hill of Tara, he adjudged that the sheep should be 
forfeited for the trespass. " No," said Cormac, who was 
present, " the sheep have only eaten of the fleece of the land, 
and in justice only their own fleece should be forfeited for 
that trespass." The bystanders murmured their approval, 
and even Mac Con himself cried out : " It is the judgment of 
a king " ior kings were supposed to possess a kind of 
inspiration in giving their decisions. But immediately 
recognising Cormac, whom he knew to be in the country, he 

Cormac Mac Art. 387 

tried to seize him on the spot. But Cormac leaped the mound 
of the Clatnfert, and not only succeeded in effecting his 
-escape, but also in raising such a body of his own and his 
father's friends, that he was able to drive the usurper from 
Tara. Mac Con fled to his own relatives in the South of 
Ireland, where he was shortly afterwards killed, at a place 
called Gort-an-Oir, near Cahir, in the Co. Tipperary. 

So Cormac, disciplined in adversity, came to the throne in 
the year 227, A.D., according to the Four Masters. 1 During 
the earlier years of his reign he was engaged in continual 
Avars with the provincial kings, who had yet to learn that 
Cormac was their master in fact as well as of right. We are 
told that he fought no less than fifty battles against the 
provincial kings to vindicate his own position as High King 
of Erin. The accurate Tighernach furnishes us with brief 
notices of these various battles against these refractory sub- 
kings. In one year he fought three battles against the 
Ultonians. In another he fought four times against the 
Momonians. The Leinster King Dunlaing, taking advantage 
of Cormac's absence from Tara, attacked the royal rath itself, 
and wantonly slaughtered thirty noble maidens with their 
attendants thirty for each who lived in a separate building 
on the north-western slope of Tara. Cormac promptly avenged 
this awful massacre by invading Leinster, and putting to death 
twelve sub-kings of that province, and besides he increased 
and enforced the payment of the ancient Borrumean or cow- 
tribute imposed by his predecessors on that province. The 
Ultonians, however, were his most inveterate foes ; and twice, 
it seems, they succeeded in "deposing" him, that is, in 
driving him for some months from Tara. At length, however, 
the king gained a complete victory over his northern rivals, 
with the aid of Tadhg, a grandson of Oilioll Olum, and his 
Minister auxiliaries. Cormac rewarded the Munster hero by 
giving him, as he had promised, as much of the territory of 
Heath as Tadhg could drive round in his chariot from the 
close of the battle till sunset. The veteran hero, spent with 
loss of blood and battle toil, still contrived to drive his chariot 

1 It was A.D. 218 according to Tigheinach. 

388 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

round a district extending from Duleek to the Liffey, which 
was afterwards called Cianachta the land of Cian's descen- 
dants. Tadhg's father was Cian, son of Oilioll Olum, hence 
the name. 

Cormac, now undisputed master of his kingdom, took 
measures to preserve the public peace and secure the 
prosperity of his dominions. He was the first, and we may 
say also, the last king of Erin, who maintained a standing 
army to check the arrogance of his turbulent sub-kings. This 
Fenian militia was, it is said, modelled after the Roman 
legions, which Cormac might have seen or heard of at the 
time in Britain. They were quartered on the people in 
winter ; but in summer they lived on the produce of the chase, 
and gave all their leisure to martial exercises. By this means 
they became most accomplished in all feats of arms, and the 
fame of these Fenian heroes has come down to our own time 
in the living traditions of the people. The celebrated Finn 
Mac Cumhail was their general a poet too, it was said, he 
was, and a scholar, as well as a renowned warrior. Ossian, 
the hero-poet, was his son, and the brave and gentle Oscar, 
who fell in the fatal field of Gavra, was his grandson. 

We are told, too, that Cormac kept a fleet on the sea for 
three years, and doubtless swept away the pirate ships of 
Britain and the islands that used to make descents from time 
to time on the eastern coasts of Ireland. 

But it is with the literary history of King Cormac's reign 
we are most concerned, and to this we invite the special 
attention of the reader. His first work was to re-establish 
the ancient Feis of Tara. 

Tara even then had been the residence of the High King& 
of Erin from immemorial ages. Slainge, the first king of the 
Firbolgs, was its reputed founder, and all the kings of that 
colony, as well as of the Tuatha De Danaan and Milesian race, 
had generally dwelt on the same royal hill. Ollamh Fodhla, 
one of the most renowned kings in the bardic history, 
" reigned forty years and died in his own house at Tara." It 
is said that this king was the first who convened the great 
Feis of Tara to legislate in solemn assembly for all the tribes 
of Eriu. O'Flaherty adds that the same ancient monarch 

Cormac Mac A rt. 389 

founded a "Mur Ollamhan'' or college of learned doctors at 
Tara : but Petrie could find no authority for this statement 
except the term "Mur Ollamhan," which might, however, 
simply mean the mur, or fortified house of Ollamh Fodhla 

During the shadowy period that follows down to the 
Christian era, we hear little of Tara, even in bardic history. 
An undoubtedly historical king, Tuathal Teachtmar, about 
the year 85 of the Christian era, took a portion of each of the 
four provinces to make a mensal demesne for the High King of 
Tara. He convened the states of the kingdom, too, on the 
royal hill in solemn assembly, and induced the assembled 
kings and chiefs to swear on all the elements that they would 
always yield obedience to the princes of his race. 

The Feis of Tara, then, was in existence before the time 
of Cormac ; but it was seldom convened and had almost fallen 
into disuse. Cormac it was who made arrangements for the 
regular meetings of this great parliament of the nation, and 
provided adequate accommodation for the assembled 
notables. Here we are on firm historic ground, and can 
enter into more minute details with security. 

The object of this Feis of Tara was mainly three-fold. 1 
First, to enact and promulgate what was afterwards called 
the cai/i-law, which was obligatory in all the territories and 
tribes of the kingdom, as distinguished from the urradlms, or 
local law. Secondly, to test and sanction the Annals of Erin. 
For this purpose the local Seanachies or historians brought in 
a record of the notable events that took place in their own 
territories. These were publicly read for the assembly, and 
when duly authenticated were entered on the great record of 
tho King of Tara, called afterwards the " Saltair of Tara. ' 
Thirdly, to record in the same great national record the 
genealogies of the ruling families, to assess the taxes, and 
settle all cases of disputed succession among the tribes of the 
kingdom. Too often was this done by the strong hand ; but 
it was Cormac's idea to fix the succession, as far as possible, 

1 See O'Curry's Lectures, vol. II. page 14, and Keating, Reign of 
Tuathal Teachtmar. 

390 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

according to definite principles amongst the ruling families. 
The neglect of a strong central government to enforce this 
most wise provision was one main cause of the subsequent 
distracted state of the kingdom. 

This great national assembly, convened for these purposes, 
met once every three years. The session continued for a 
week, beginning the third day before, and ending the third 
day after November Day. When so many turbulent 
chieftains, oftentimes at feud amongst themselves, met 
together it was necessary to keep the peace of Tara by very 
stringent regulations, enforced under the most rigorous 
penalties, it is to Cormac's prudent forethought we owe 
these regulations, which were afterwards inviolably observed 
as the law of Tara. Every provincial king and every sub- 
king had his own fixed place allotted to him near the High 
King by the Marshals of Tara ; and every chief was bound 
to take his seat under the place where his shield was hung 
upon the wall. Brawling was strictly forbidden, and to 
wound another was a capital crime. 

In order to provide suitable accommodation for this great 
assembly, Cormac erected the Teach Miodhchuarta, which was 
capable of accommodating 1,000 persons, and was at once a 
parliament house, banquet hall, and hotel. We have two 
accounts of this great building, as well as of the other monu- 
ments at Tara, written about nine hundred years ago one in 
poetry the other in prose. The statements made by these 
ancient writers have been verified in every essential point by 
the measurements of the officers of the Ordnance Survey, who 
were enabled from these documents to fix the position and 
identity of all these ancient monuments at Tara. 

" The Teach Miodhchuarta" says the old prose writer in the 
Dinnseanchus, " is to the north-west of the eastern mound. 
The ruins of this house it was even then in ruins are 
situate thus : the lower part to the north and the higher part 
to the south ; and walls are raised about it to the east and 
to the west. The northern side of it is enclosed and small,, 
the lie of it is north and south. It is in the form of a long 
house, with twelve doors upon it, or fourteen, seven to the 
west and seven to the east. This was the great house of a 

Cormac Mac Art. 391 

thousand soldiers." 1 We ourselves have lunched on the grass, 
green floor of this once famous hall, and we can of our own 
knowledge testify to the accuracy of this ancient writer. 
The openings for the doors can still be traced in the enclosing 
mound, and curiously enough, one is so nearly obliterated that 
it is difficult still to say whether there were six or seven 
openings on each side. The building was seven hundred 
and sixty feet long, and originally nearly ninety feet wide, 
according to Petrie's measurements. There was a double row 
of benches on each side, running the entire length of the 
hall. In the centre there was a number of fires in a line 
between the benches, and over the fires there was a row of 
spits depending from the roof, at which a very large number 
of joints might be roasted. There is in the Book of Leinster 
a ground-plan of the building, and the rude figure of a cook 
in the centre turning the spit with his mouth open, and a 
ladle in his hand to baste the joint. The king of Erin took 
his place at the head of the hall to the south surrounded by 
the provincial kings. The nobles and officers were arranged 
on either side according to their dignity down to the lowest, 
or northern end of the hall, which was crowded with butlers, 
scullions and retainers. They elept at night under the 
couches or sometimes upon them. 

The appearance of Corrnac at the head of this great hall is 
thus described in an extract copied into the Book of Ballymote 
from the older and now lost Book of Navan : 2 

"Beautiful was the appearance of Cormac in that assembly. 
Flowing and slightly curling was his golden hair. A red buckler 
with stars and animals of gold, and fastenings of silver upon him. 
A crimson cloak in wide descending folds around him, fastened at 
his neck with precious stones. A neck torque of gold around his 
neck. A white shirt with a full collar, and intertwined with red 
gold thread, upon him. A girdle of gold inlaid with precious stones 
was around him. Two wonderful shoes of gold, with golden loops, 
upon his feet. Two spears with golden sockets in his hands, with 
many rivets of red bronze. And he was himself besides symmetrical 
and beautiful of form, without blemish or reproach." 

J See Petrie's Antiquities of Tara Hill, p, 129. 

3 I.e. 1 he Book of , the Ua (.Viongabhala, kept probably in ancient times at 

392 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

This might be deemed a purely imaginary description if 
the collection of antiquities in the Royal Irish Academy did 
not prove beyond doubt that similar golden ornaments to 
those referred to in this [passage were of frequent use in 
Ireland. In the year 1810 two neck torques of purest gold 
similar to those described above were found on the Hill of 
Tara itself, and are now to be seen in the Academy's 

" Alas," says an old writer, " Tara to-day is desolate, it is 
a green grassy land, but it was once a noble hill to view, the 
mansion of warlike heroes, in the days of Cormac O'Cuinn 
when Cormac was in his glory." 

Everything at Tara, even its present desolation, is full of 
interest, and reminds us of the days " when Cormac was in 
his glory." His house is there within the circle of the great 
Rath na Riogh. The mound where he kept his hostages may 
still be seen beside his Rath. The stream issuing from the 
well Neamhnach, on which he built the first mill in Ireland 
for his handmaiden, Ciarnaid, to spare her the labour of 
grinding with the quern, still flows down the eastern slope of 
Tara Hill, and still, says Petrie, turns a mill. Even the well 
on the western slope beside which Cormac's cuchtair, or 
kitchen, was built, has been discovered. The north-western 
claenfert, or declivity, where he corrected the false judgment 
of King Mac Con about the trespass of the widow's sheep may 
still be traced. The Rath of his mother, Maeve, may be 
seen not far from Tara, and to the west of the Teach 
Miodhchuarta may be noticed Rath Graine, the sunny palace 
of his daughter, the faithless spouse of Finn Mac Cumhail. 

O'Flaherty tells us on the authority of an old poem found 
in the Book of Shane Mor O'l)ugan,who flourished about 1390, 
that Cormac founded three schools at Tara one for teaching 
the art of war, the second for the study of history, and the 
third was a school of jurisprudence. This is extremely 
probable, especially as Cormac himself was an accomplished 
scholar in all these sciences. This brings us to the literary 
works attributed to Cormac Mac Art by all our ancient Irish 

The first of these is a treatise still extant in manuscript 

Cormac Mac Art. 393 

entitled Teagusc na Riogh or Tnstitutio Principum. It is ascribed 
to King Cormac in the Book of Leinster written before the 
Anglo-Norman Invasion of Ireland. It is in the form of 
a dialogue between Cormac and his son and successor 
Cairbre Lifeachair; "and," says the quaint old MacGeoghegan 
" this book contains as goodly precepts and moral documents 
as Cato or Aristotle did ever write." The language is of the 
most archaic type, but extracts have been translated and 
published in the Dublin Penny Journal. 

A still more celebrated work, now unfortunately lost, the 
Saltair of Tara, has been universally attributed to Cormac by 
Irish scholars. Perhaps we should rather say it was compiled 
under his direction. "It contained," says an ancient write rin 


the Book of Ballymote, " the synchronisms and genealogies, 
as well as the succession of the [Irish] kings and monarchs, 
their battles, their contests* and their antiquities from the 
world's beginning down to the time it was written. And 
this is the Saltair of Tara, which is the origin and fountain of 
the histories of Erin from that period down to the present 
time." " This," adds the writer in the Book of Ballymote, " is 
taken from the Book of Machongbhail " that is the Book of 
Navan, a still more ancient but now lost work. Not only 
does the writer in the ancient Book of Navan, and the 
copyist in the Book of Ballymote, expressly attribute this 
work to Cormac, but a still more ancient authority, the poet 
Cuan O'Lochain, who died in 1024, has this stanza in his 
poem on Tara : 

" He [Cormac] compiled the Saltair of Tara, 
In that Saltair is contained 
The best summary of history, 
It is the Saltair which assigns 
Seven chief kings to Erin of harbours,, Ac., &c. 

And it is, indeed, self-evident to the careful student of 
our annals that there must have been some one ancient 
" origin and fountain " from which the subsequent historians 
of Erin have derived their information and existing monu- 
ments prove it to be quite accurate concerning the reign 
of Cormac and his more immediate predecessors in Ireland. 
The man who restored the Feis of Tara, and who, as we 

394 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

shall presently see, was also a celebrated judge and lawyer, 
was exactly such a person of forethought and culture as 
would gather together the poets and historians of his 
kingdom to execute under his own immediate direction this 
great work for the benefit of posterity. Keating tells us that 
it was called the Saltair of Tar a because the chief Ollave of 
Tara had it in his official custody; and as Cormac Mac 
Cullinan's Chronicle was called the Saltair of Cashel, and the- 
Festilogium of Aengus the Guldee was called the Saltair na 
Rann, so this great compilation was named the Saltair of 
Tara. This, as O'Curry remarks, disposes of Petrie's objection 
that its name would rather indicate the Christian origin of 
the book. The answer is simple Cormac never called the 
book by this name, any more than the compilers of the great 
works like the Book of Ballymote or the Book of Leinster ever 
called those great compilations by their present names. 

Cormac was also a distinguished jurist of that we have- 
conclusive evidence in the Book of Aicill, which has been 
published in the third volume of the Brehon Law publica- 
tions. The book itself is most explicit as to its authorship, 
and everything in the text goes to confirm the statements in 
the introduction, part of which is worth reproducing here. 

" The place of this book is Aicill close to Temhair [Tara], and 
its time is the time of Coirpri Lifechair, son of Cormac, and its 
author is Cormac, and the cause of its having been composed was the 
blinding of the eye of Cormac by ^Engus Gabhuaiedch, after the 
abduction of the daughter of Sorar, son of Art Corb, by Cellach, son 
of Cormac." 

The author then tells us how the spear of Aengus grazed 
the eye of Cormac and blinded him. 

" Then Cormac was sent out to be cured at Aicill [the Hill of 
Skreen]. . . . and the sovereignty of Erin was given to Coirpri 
Lifechair, son of Cormac, for it was prohibited that anyone with a 
blemish should be king at Tara, and in every difficult case of judgment 
that came to him he [Coirpri] used to goto ask his father about it, and 
his father used to say to him ' my son that thou mayest know ' [the 
law], and ' the exemptions '; and these words are at the beginning of 
all his explanations. And it was there, at Aicill, that this book was 
thus composed, and wherever the words ' exemptions,' and ' my son 
that thou mayest know,' occur was Cormac's part of the book, and 
Cennfaeladh's part is the rest." 

Cormac Mac Art. 395 

This proves beyond doubt that the greatest portion of 
this Book of Aicill was written by Cormac at Skreen, near 
Tara, when disqualified for holding the sovereignty on 
account of his wound. It was a treatise written for the 
benefit of his son unexpectedly called to fill the monarch's 
place at Tara. The text, too, bears out this account. Cormac 
apparently furnished the groundwork of the present volume 
by writing for his son's use a series of maxims or principles on 
the criminal law of Erin, which were afterwards developed by 
Cormac himself, and by subsequent commentators. That the 
archaic legal maxims so enunciated in the Book of Aicill were 
once written by Cormac himself there can be no reasonable 
doubt ; although it is now quite impossible to ascertain how 
far the development of the text was the work of Cormac or 
of subsequent legal authorities, who doubtless added to and 
modified the commentary whilst they left Cormac's text 
itself unchanged. 

This Book of Aicill, the authenticity of which cannot, we- 
think, be reasonably questioned, proves beyond all doubt 
that in the third century of the Christian era there was a 
considerable amount of literary culture in Celtic Ireland. 
These works are still extant in the most archaic form of the 
Irish language; they have been universally attributed to- 
Cormac Mac Art for the last ten centuries by all our Irish 
scholars; the intrinsic evidence of their authorship and 
antiquity is equally striking why then should we reject 
this mass of evidence, and accept the crude theories of 
certain modern pretenders in the antiquities of Ireland, who 
without even knowing the language undertake to tell us that 
there was no knowledge of the use of writing in Ireland 
before St. Patrick ? 

And is not such an assertion a priori highly improbable ? 
The Romans had conquered Britain in the time of Agricola 
the first century of the Christian era. The Britons them- 
selves had very generally become Christians during the 
second and third centuries, and had to some extent at least 
been imbued with Roman civilization. Frequent intercourse,, 
sometimes friendly and sometimes hostile, existed between 
the Irish and Welsh tribes especially. A British king was 

396 Learning in Ireland before St. Patrick. 

killed at the battle of Magh Mucruimhe in (4alway where 
Cormac's own father was slain. The allies of Mac Con on 
that occasion were British. He himself had spent the years 
of his exile in Wales. Captives from Ireland were carried to 
Britain, and captives from Britain were carried to Ireland. 
Is it likely then that when the use of letters was quite 
common in Britain for three centuries no knowledge of their 
use would have come to Ireland until the advent of 
St. Patrick in the fifth century of the Christian era ? 

There is an ancient and well founded tradition that Cormac 
Mac Art died a Christian, or as the Four Masters say, " turned 
from the religion of the Druids to the worship of the true 
God." It is in itself highly probable. Some knowledge of 
Christianity must have penetrated into Ireland even so early 
as the reign of Cormac Mac Art. It is quite a popular error 
to suppose that there were no Christians in Ireland before the 
time of St. Patrick. Palladius had been sent from Rome 
before him " to the Scots/' that is the Irish, " who believed 
in Christ." Besides that intimate connection between Ireland 
and Britain, of which we have spoken, must have carried 
some knowledge of Christianity, as well as of letters, from 
one country to the other. King Lucius, the first Christian 
King of the British, flourished quite half a century before the 
time of King Cormac. Tertullian speaks of the Isles of the 
Britains as subject to Christ about the time that Cormac's 
father, Art, was slain at Magh Mucruimhe. There was a re- 
gularly organized hierarchy in England during the third 
-century, and three of their bishops were present at the Council 
of Aries in 314. 

Nothing is more likely then than that the message of the 
Gospels was brought from England to the ears of King 
Cormac, and that a prince, so learned and so wise, gave up 
the old religion of the Druids, and embraced the new religion 
of peace and love. 

But it was a dangerous thing to do even for a king. The 
Druids were very popular and very influential, and moreover 
possessed, it was said, dreadful magical powers. They 
showed it afterwards in the time of St. Patrick, and now they 
showed it when they heard Cormac had given up the old 
religion of Erin, and become a convert to the new worship 

Corrnac Mac Art. 397 

from the East. The king's death was caused by the bone of 
a salmon sticking in his throat, and it was universally believed 
that this painful death was brought about by the magical 
power of Maelgenn, the chief of the Druids. 

" They loosed their curse against the king, 

They cursed him in his flesh and bones ; 
And daily in their mystic ring 

They turned the maledictive stones. 

" Till where at meat the monarch sate, 

Arnid the revel and the wine, 
He choked upon the food he ate 

At Cletty, southward of the Boyne." 1 

So perished A.D. 267, the wisest and best of the ancient 
kings of Erin. Cormac, when dying, told his people not to 
bury him in the pagan cemetery of Brugh on the Boyne, but 
at Rossnaree, where he first believed, and with his face to 
the rising sun. But when the king was dead, his captains 
declared they would bury their king with his royal sires in 
Brugh : 

" Dead Cormac on his bier they laid; 
He reigned a king for forty years, 
And shame it were, his captains said, 
He lay not with his royal peers. 

"What though a dying man should rave 

Of changes o'er the eastern sea ; 

In Brugh of Boyne shall be his grave 

And not in noteless Rossnaree/'' 

So they prepared to cross the fords of Boyne, and bury 
the king at Brugh, But royal Boyne was loyal to its dead 
king ; " the deep full-hearted river rose " to bar the way ; 
and when the bearers attempted to cross the ford, the 
swelling flood swept them from their feet, caught up the 
bier, and " proudly bore away the king " on its own heaving 
bosom. Next morning the corpse was found on the bank of 
the river at Rossnaree, and was duly interred within the hear- 
ing of its murmuring waters. There great Cormac was left 
to his rest with his face to the rising sun, awaiting the dawning 
of that glory which was soon to lighten over the hills and. 
valleys of his native land. 


1 Lays of the Western Gael. 

[ 398 ] 


WITHIN the spacious periphery of Dogmatic and 
Scholastic theology there are no two objects more 
sharply differentiated than the Act and the Habit of Sancti- 
fying Grace. They are, indeed, closely allied and kindred 
one of the other, the "dilectio Dei super omnia" being the 
initiatory principle and the ultimate issue of both ; and yet, 
as objective realities, they occupy towards each other the 
essentially incommunicable relations of cause and effect, and 
are in distinctly marked contrast, the one being transient and 
momentary, while the other is enduring and permanent. All 
this notwithstanding, there is not within the wide domain of 
Scholastic controversy any one distinction more frequently 
or more unfortunately forgotten or ignored with the result 
that the disputants not rarely evolve from texts of Sacred 
Scripture and passages of the Fathers most unexpected and 
unintended meanings. A typical illustration may be found 
in the diverse interpretations of the text Qui non diligit, 
manet in morte, or of that other text Si habuero omnem fidem 
. . . Charitatem autem non habuero . . . nihil mihi prodest. 
Once for all : let us never fail to recollect " justificationem 
[charitatem] sumi posse active, vel passive. Active est ilia 
actio qua Deus aliquem efficit justum . . . Passive est 
terminus illius productions, vel formalis qui ipsa est justitia ; 
vel adaequatus qui est hominem justum constitui per illam 
justitiam." (Mazzella). The one is, like every act, fleeting 
it no sooner comes into existence than it ceases to exist ; the 
other is a state of continuous permanent duration. Accord- 
ing to St. Paul, " Charitas nunquam excidit :" it is a " donum 
physicum animae inhaerens," which, unless expelled by mortal 
sin, constitutes the life of the soul through time and 

Not only are the Act and the Habit of Charity distinct 
from each other as objective realities, but they are also 
distinct as being objects of immeasurably different intrinsic 
value. The Habit, viewed merely as an equipment of the 
soul, is described by St. Thomas as the " virtutum gemma, 

The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 399 

quae caeteras ornat et perficit ; nuptiarum vestis, quam qui 
non habet, mittitur in tenebras exteriores, quam e contra qui 
gestat, multitudinem exuit peccatorum." Viewed in its 
ineffably mysterious effects, it is the most precious gift which 
God, in the fullest exercise of His Omnipotence, can bestow 
upon man ; for it imparts the "consortium Divinae Naturae," 
and ennobles those upon whom He confers it into " haeredes 
quidern Dei, co-haeredes autem Christi." Hence the Fathers 
and theologians of the Church have always described the 
man possessed of the Habit of Charity as, in a true and 
literal sense, " a Deo deificatus." 

Practically we have a similar unanimity amongst theo- 
logians when they expound the intrinsic value of the Act of 
Perfect Charity ; but in estimating that value there is what 
does not exist in the case of the Habit a possibility of ex- 
aggeration. There were theologians the illustrious Vasquez 
amongst them who held that the Act of Perfect Charity is, 
itself, the "formal cause " of man's sanctification, just as light 
is the cause of brightness or as fire is the cause of heat. 
They maintained that the love which is the essence of 
Perfect Charity unites man with God, of physical necessity 
and eo ipso that it is possessed : that is to say, that man's Act 
of Charity, mrtute sua and without further interposition on the 
part of God, remits man's mortal sin and confers upon him 
the Habit of Sanctifying Grace with all its supernatural 
accompaniments. Other theologians deemed it a more 
defensible theory to maintain that Perfect Charity or Contri- 
tion was what they designated a " partial cause " (or a 
" cause in part ") of man's sanctification verifying as it does 
the Scriptural *' Convertimini ad me," which receives its 
crowning complement by the mere fulfilment of the Divine 
compact " et Ego convertar ad vos." The love involved in 
perfect reconciliation is, they argued, the coalition of man's 
love of God with God's love of man, to which joint produc- 
tion man contributes his share by the eliciting of an Act of 
Perfect Charity or Contrition. Of the two theories this latter 
. is the more specious ; but neither the one nor the other is 
defensible, inasmuch as both exaggerate and enormously 
overstate the intrinsic value of the Act, by attributing to it 
an unauthorised agency in the process of justification. 

400 The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 

That the Act of Perfect Contrition is not only not the 
complete cause of justification (in the sense described), but is 
not even in any measure a partial formal cause, is manifest 
from the words of the Council of Trent which, speaking of 
Contrition (Sess. vi. chap. 6), tells us " hanc dispositionem 
sen praeparationem justificatio ipsa consequitur" and what 
ranks no higher than a preparatory disposition cannot be 
legitimately magnified into a principle of causation Again : 
the same Holy Council affirms (Sess. vi. chap. 7) that there 
is but one, single, " unica" cause of justification namely, 
the "justitia Dei, non qua ipse Justus est, sed qua nos 
justos facit ;" it is therefore the same cause that exclusively 
operates whether the subject upon whom justification is being 
conferred be capable of eliciting an Act of Contrition, or, as 
in the case of the infant at Baptism, be physically incapable 
of so doing. Furthermore, Suarez certifies (D. ix., s. ii.) 
that all theologians, with the exception of " pauci ex 
antiquis/' unhesitatingly admit that even the moderate 
measure of " retractation " which forms part of attrition, " non 
requiritur essentialiter ad tollendum peccatum babituale," and 
De Lugo tells us that this is the " sententia satis communis 
inter auctores nostrae Societatis Suarez, Yasquez, et alii 
communiter." Of course these writers do not hold for no- 
Catholic could hold that such retractation of sin as is involved 
in at least imperfect contrition can de facto be dispensed with, 
for " hie contritionis motus fuit quovis tempore necessarius." 
(Trent). This necessity, however, is imposed by Divine 
ordinance, obedience to which cannot either wholly or parti- 
ally withdraw from the " unica causa justifications " the 
efficacy that belongs to it essentially and exclusively. Con- 
trition, therefore, no matter in what degree or of what species, 
cannot be reputed as the formal cause of Sanctifying Grace : 
it is in its highest appraisement a " dispositio seu prae- 
paratio quam" from the most absolutely gratuitous mercy 
of God " justificatio ipsa consequitur." 

Most absolutely gratuitous : for, according to the " com- 
munis antiquioruni et recentiorum sententia " (as De Lugo 
testifies), neither a single Act of Perfect Contrition, nor any 
number of similar acts performed by any number of men 

The Act and the Habit of Perfect Chanty. 401 

could compensate God " ad aequalitatem " for the injury 
done towards Him by one mortal sin. This is what theolo- 
gians mean to impress when they asseverate that the 
" injuria peccati gravis est prorsus incompensabilis ;" and it 
underlies the sayings of the saints that " when they have 
done all, they have done nothing." Had not God, therefore 
" qui ponit in mari manum suam, et in fluminibus dexteram 
suam " mercifully bound Himself to requite the Act of 
Perfect Contrition by an infusion of Sanctifying Grace, He 
might most freely and blamelessly refuse to do so, without 
inflicting on the contrite sinner the faintest shadow of in- 
justice. "Absolute negamus," writes De Lugo, " Contritionem 
esse satisfactionem aequalem pro peccato, neque enim ulla 
pura creatura potest satisfacere aequaliter pro peccato, quam- 
tumvis multiplicet obsequia et actus intensissimos." In his 
treatise on the Mystery of the Incarnation the same writer 
adds : " Communis et vera sententia negat, non solum 
loquendo ex rigore justitiae . . . sed etiam loquendo de 
satisfactione aequali per condignitatem, et valorem moralem 
ad placandum Deum offensum." (D. v., s. i., n. 2). Layman's 
reasoning on the same subject is no less irresistible than 
compendious : " Injuriam Deo illatam ad aequalitatem com- 
pensare non possumus, turn quia ipsa animi motio, ac 
detestatio peccati, est donum Dei supernaturale ; turn quia 
pia animi in Deum conversio, ipso jure creationis aliisque 
titulis ipsi debita est ; turn quia peccator Dei infiniti offensam 
re ipsa compensare non potest, sed cum Dei auxilio affectum 
compensandi exhibet, quern, quasi pro facto Deus reputans, 
peccatum ex misericordia gratis remittit, ac delet, hominemque 
per gratiae sanctificantis infusionem sibi conciliat." (De Sac. 
Pcenit. T. vi., c. i., n. 2). Every word of this extract is 
pregnant with deep and pointed force. 

The highest point, therefore, towards compensating God, 
to which the sinner can reach under the influence of the 
most potent actual grace is to entertain an afectus y a craving 
thirst and desire, to compensate Him. He may, indeed, by 
this act establish a claim de congruo on the benignant con- 
sideration of a God "cujus misericordia superexaltat justitiam." 
Many of our eminent theologians deny this : " Si autem 
VOL. IX. 20 

402 The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 

gratia, jam non ex operibus; alioquin gratia jam non 
est gratia" (Rom. xi., 6) ; but, at the very best, there 
his claim must end. He cannot reach to, and therefore 
cannot repair, the injury which his sin has inflicted; 
and this is simply what the Sacred Scripture and the 
Fathers inculcate when they tell us that nothing that 
falls short of the satisfaction of the Son of God could 
purchase the redemption of man. 

It follows that in contrast with the offence given by 

mortal sin, the most perfect contrition of which man is capable 

shrinks into comparative insignificance. As St. Thomas has 

it : " Offensa eo est major quo dignior est persona offensa et 

vilior offendens ; sicut e contra satisfactio eo est minor quo 

dignior est persona cui offertur et vilior est persona a qua 

ofFeratur : cum ergo offensa crescat ex maj estate infmita Dei 

et vilitate hominis peccantis; satisfactio vero debeat decrescere 

ex eadem hominis parvitate et excellentia Dei cui offeratur ; 

consequens est nunquam posse satisfactionem puri hominis 

adaequare gravitatem offensae." (Apud Lugo: D. v., s. 2). 

Not only is there in Contrition an absolute inadequacy of 

atonement, but within the legitimate limits we may say of 

the ratio which it bears to the malice of sin what we are 

accustomed to say of ethical and moral contrasts parvum 

pro nihilo reputatur. It is a something in the eyes of Divine 

Mercy, for, as the Council of Trent defines, " impetrat veniam 

peocatorum ;" but in the eyes of Divine Justice, and as an 

attempt at reparation, it is most miserably inappreciable. So 

inappreciable indeed, and so far removed from veritable 

expiation, that, from this point of view, the condition of the 

contrite man differs only in degree of helplessness from that 

of the man who is merely attrite. Measured by the stretch 

of Divine Mercy which is necessary to overspau the gulf that 

separates both from God, and to rescue either of them from 

the effects of mortal sin, the difference between the two is 

almost imperceptible. The humility which has at all times 

characterised the most favoured servants of God arises from 

a deeply impressed consciousness of this theological truth, 

and of that other truth that the difference between them 

and the vilest sinners is itself the effect of God's gratuitously 

conferred grace. 

The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 403 

This consideration will enable us to understand more 
clearly what must have oftentimes appeared to us incredible 
the readiness with which God can extend pardon to the 
sinner who receives the Sacrament of Penance after no 
further effort to make reparation than is barely sufficient for 
attrition. In the case of the contrite man, whose soul is ani- 
mated and actuated by a pure love of God, we discover less 
difficulty although, in strict truth, the title of each is little 
better than an empty-handed appeal to gratuitous mercy. 
St. Paul describes all just men indiscriminately as " justificati 
gratis per gratiam ipsius " (Rom. 3.) Neither Contrition nor 
Attrition founds a claim to pardon, " ob condignitatem 
operis," for " condignitas operis " is beyond the sphere of all 
those whose souls have not yet been clothed in the Habit of 
Grace. The concession of Sanctifying Grace is, therefore, 
in the one case and in the other, a concession which God 
could most justly withhold, just as He might (according to 
the Jesuit view referred to above) impart it to a man who is 
neither contrite nor attrite. it is another illustration of the 
parable of the workers in the vineyard ; no man suffers an 
injustice though the same daily " denarius " is given to the 
labourer of one hour and to the man who has borne the 
" pondus diei et aestus." In this condition of absolutely un- 
controlled indifference, God may please to be satisfied with 
whatsoever disposition He wills ; and in the abundance of 
His mercy He is satisfied with attrition and the Sacrament. 
Nay, more, in the exuberant fulness of His mercy and con- 
siderateness for man's weakness, attrition combined with the 
Sacrament of Penance has been exalted by Him to the 
dignity of true " efficient cause," while contrition, no matter 
how perfect, always holds the lower rank. 

The object of either process is, of course, to ensure the 
adoption of such means as God requires for the attainment 
of the Habit of Charity, and, co-ordinately, the remission of 
mortal sin. When this Habit of Charity is secured, it is pre- 
sumably of small moment, which of the alternative means 
Perfect Charity or attrition with the Sacrament has been 
employed. The Act, whichever it was, has passed away for 
ever ; the Habit alone remains. But here a practical question 

404 The Act and the Habit of Perfect Chanty. 

arises : What is intended by the sufficiently trite expression 
of theologians that, through the Sacrament of Penance, the 
attritus fit contritus f It does not mean (as a strict rendering 
of the words might imply) that when the attrite man has 
received the Sacrament of Penance validly, he feels a sensible 
impulse urging him to elicit Acts of Perfect Charity. La 
Croix appeals to the experience of penitents generally, as 
affording physical proof that this is not its meaning. Neither 
can it imply an imperceptible ontological changing of attri- 
tion into contrition. Such a change would be an 
impossibility, for, as we know, " actus specificantur ex 
motivis," and the motiva from which attrition sprang remain, 
and must remain, unaltered. It must, therefore, signify that 
the attrite man becomes contritus habitu, which is saying, in 
another form of words, that attrition with the Sacrament is, 
in the identity of the effect which it produces, the full equiva- 
lent of contrition, since both immediately terminate in the 
Habit of Charity. Penitents should not, therefore, be dis- 
turbed, nor permitted to doubt the validity of the Sacraments 
which they have received, for the sole reason that they do 
not as they sometimes lament feel, after such confessions, 
a more ardent love of God. No matter through what instru- 
mentality the Habit of Grace comes, "omnis gloria ejus 
filiae Regis ab intus." 

There is a still more practical question inextricably inter- 
woven in the matter of the foregoing considerations, " An 
qui in articulo mortis suscipit Sacramentum Poenitentiae cum 
attritione, teneatur insuper elicere actum Perfectae Con- 
tritionis ?" The answer of Ballerini, like very many of his 
answers to difficult questions, is a curt and decretorial 
though, no doubt, a well-considered negative. The answer 
given by Suarez is a characteristically anxious and 
elaborated affirmative. De Lugo, who devotes no fewer than 
eight columns to the discussion, denies the existence of any 
such obligation adding " haec sententia semper mihiverior 
visa est." St. Liguori pronounces "utraque sententia 
probabilis, sed affirmativa est omnino consulenda ;" and. some- 
what further on the Saint adds: "Imo dico e?se omnino 
sequendam ab eo qui esset in actuali articulo mortis." " Si 

The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 405 

utraque sententia," comments Ballerini, " est probabilis ; 
ergo obligatio alterutrius imponi nequaquam potest. 
Obligatio enim dicitur a ligando. Atqui (ut centies repetit 
S. Doctor) lex dubia non obligat. Ergo lex mere probabilis 
non obligat." Concina, on the other side, thus peremptorily 
dismisses the words and arguments of De Lugo (supra) : 
" Audistin '? Non probabilis modo sed verior etiam ipsi visa 
est haec sententia ! Nobis autem semper falsa, et vi justi 
ratiocinii damnata videtur praefata doctrina." 

All this impassioned disapproval notwithstanding, the 
position of De Lugo seems very strong. For, manifestly, if 
the obligation do exist, it must arise either (1) from 
positive law, or (2) from the fact that every man is rigorously 
bound to adopt perfectly safe and assured means of possess- 
ing himself of the indispensable Habit of Sanctifying Grace. 
If we look for the obligation amongst positive laws, our in- 
quiry must end in our recognising a veritable lex dubia^ seeing 
(as is abundantly evident from the references and extracts 
given above) that the existence of the law is questioned by 
many of our best theologians. As a general rule, a lex dubia 
has no binding force; and De Lugo, Ballerini, &c., have no 
hesitation in applying the axiomatic principle here. Again, 
even assuming the abstract existence of the law, its obser- 
vance is not a necessitas medii, and bona fides, or inadvertence 
to such obligation so common amongst dying persons will 
excuse its non-observance. Furthermore, in circumstances 
such as we contemplate, theologians state with unhesitating 
confidence that the confessor is not bound to suggest nor 
justified in suggesting the existence of the positive law, 
especially where (as commonly happens) he has reason to 
fear that the admonition would lead to disturbing anxiety 
and scruple, and to nothing better. (2.) If we hold that the 
obligation is (as Suarez maintains) a necessity arising from 
each man's being bound to secure, by the adoption of un- 
doubtedly certain means, the possession of Sanctifying Grace 
and bound most particularly in articulo mortis De Lugo, 
Ballerini, and a whole host of our most distinguished theo- 
logical writers reply that, in the case under discussion, the 
moribund has abundantly and beyond all reasonable doubt 

406 The Act and the Habit of Perfect Charity. 

fulfilled his obligation, " nam post Tridentini definitionem,. 
licet non sit omnino de fide, est tamen moraliter ad minus 
certum quod attritio cum Sacramento Poenitentiae sufficiat ad 
justificationem .... Opinio negans probabilis non est 
post Tridentinum. (De Lugo, D. vii., s. xiii., n. 271-6). Ballerini 
approvingly quotes the verdict of Sanchez : " Jure optimo 
obligatio reprobatur," and the words of Tamburini : " Ponere 
hanc obligationem, quae certe fundamento solido non 
innititur, nihil aliud est, nisi scrupulos ingerere." 

Strongly convinced as those writers are of the incontro- 
vertible truth of their views, at least in theory, they, 
nevertheless, take care to recommend a course of practice 
which confessors would be wise in adopting. Ballerini 
writes : " Opportunissime moribundi ad actus charitatis 
eliciendos iterandosque excitentur;" and De Lugo says: 
"Expediet itaque, et oportebit excitare poenitentem ad 
dolorem de peccatis propter Deum, et ad perfectam contri- 
tionem ac dilectionem Dei super omnia, propositis motivis 
opportunis; non tamen expedit regulariter proponere obli- 
gationem, et laqueos injicere, in materia praesertim adeo 
incerta, ut visum est." In further confirmation of this salutary- 
counsel, it can be no harm to subjoin the suggestive words 
of Father Antoine : " In praxi semper quantum potest,. 
adducendi sunt poenitentes ad eliciendam contritionem per 
fectam ; Turn quia actus ejus Deo gratior est, utilior 
poenitenti, et idoneus qui suppleat defectus qui ex parte 
ministri, vel poenitentis ipsius occurrere possunt, ut si 
alteruter non esset vere baptizatus." And although no mass- 
ing together of probabilities or utilities can make a law or 
impose an obligation ; and although we can no longer doubt 
that attrition with the Sacrament of Penance confers the 
Habit of Sanctifying Grace, still the crisis is so supremely 
momentous for the dying man that he will be sure to receive 
from his zealous and prudent confessor all the advantages 
of a counsel so fruitful of supernatural good. 

C. J. M. 

[ 407 ] 


IN the old series of the I. E. RECORD, vol. v., January, 1869, 
an interesting manuscript preserved in the Library of 
Trinity College, Dublin, was given to publicity for the first 
time. It was a report presented to the Privy Council of 
Ireland on the 1st of June, 1630, drawn up by Dr. Launcelot 
Bulkeley, Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, and purporting 
to be a description of the Catholic Diocese of Dublin, giving 
the names of all the Catholic clergy (at least as far as he 
could ascertain them), then serving in the different parishes. 
Its interest lies in the fact that it is the first list of the 
Catholic clergy we have, or are ever likely to discover, 
since Elizabeth's reign, and it is tolerably complete. 
A somewhat similar document of a much later date 
lies hidden away on the dusty book-shelves of Marsh's 
Library. Its date is 1697, and also the work of Protestant 
hands. The object of its compilation was clearly the 
detection of Regulars who, in defiance of the articles 
of Limerick, were then being proscribed and banished 
from the kingdom. All Bishops, Vicars-General, Jesuits 
and Friars, were compelled to quit the kingdom on 
or before the 1st of May, 1698, and their return was 
adjudged high treason. The number of religious banished 
in that year amounted, according to Captain South, 
to 454. 

A touching testimony is borne to the violence of 
this persecution by a short report of the meeting of 
the Definitores of the Franciscan Friars in Dublin, on the 
15th of February, 1697, and preserved in the Irish Record 
Office : 

" In Nomine Domini. Amen. 

"Congregatio Diff rum . Dublinii hac die 15 Feb. 1697, Sequentia 
puncta erant proposita. 

" l m . An expediat ut fratres se conf erant ad partes ultra marinas 
juxta decreta Parliament! ? 

" 2 m . An cum vel sine obedientialibus ? 

" 3 m . Quid agendum de bonis Conventuum ? 

408 The, Diocese of Dublin in the year 1697. 

" 4 m . An sit supplicandum rectoribus Gubernii pro clecrepitis et 
senio confectis Nostrae Religionis ? 
U 5 m . Quid de Novitiis ?" 

To these queries the following answers would seem to 
have been agreed upon : 

" Ad l m . Obediendum esse decreto Parliamenti. 

" Ad 2 m . Affirmative. 

" Ad 3 m . Monet venerabile Defmitorium ut utensilia sacra, et 
etiam domestica majoris momenti distribuenda inter Benefactores 
Conventibus magis addictos (qui proprio chirographo agnoscent se ista 
recepisse) hocque de consensu Discretorum Conventus. In- 
jungimus insuper ut hujusmodi nullo modo oppignorare, aut alienare 
valeant ; eorumque inventorium in manu syndici relinquant. Ad- 
vertendum tamen in inventario praefato specificandas esse personas 
quibus praefata bona erant commissa, illosque ac syndicum 
monendos esse, ut nee bona nee inventarium ulli dent nisi de consensu 
communitatis istius conventus ad quern spectat vel Diffinitorium, et 
Guardianus quilibet teneatur exemplar illius inventarii transmittere 
ad P m . Prov. vel Diffin. istius Plagae. 

"Ad 4 m . Affirmative. 

"Ad5 m . Transmittendos esse aliquibus PP tus gravibus de 
mandate B. A. P. Minri. Prov. ac ven blii . Diffinitorii." 

This forced absence was of short duration, though the 
force remained, for amongst the same bundle of papers there 
is a document from the General of the Franciscans, dated 
January 5, 1700, ordering Fr. Anthony Kelly to go into 
Ireland to preach and confess, and in 1707, just nine years 
after their expulsion, " a year," says Gilbert, " particularly 
awful in the annals of terror," they found courage enough to 
hold a General Chapter in Dublin, at which no less than 
sixty-four Friars attended. 

To return to our manuscript, it will be a connecting link, 
though at a very long interval, with the List of the Clergy 
given in 1630, and will also help to explain the List of 1704, 
published for the first time in Battersby's Catholic Directory 
for 1838, and subsequently in vol. xii., 1876, of the I. E. 
REOOKD. It is entitled, " A perticul r . ace*, of the Romish 
Clergy, Secular and Regular in every parrish of the Dioces 
of Dublin," and may be found in the Catalogue of Marsh's 
Library, under Class v. 3, Tab. 1, No. 18. It has been referred 
to, and quoted by D' Alton, Dr. Moran aud others, but never 
before published as far as we know. 

2 he Diocese of Dublin in the year 1697. 409 


(From a MSS. in Marsh's Library, Class v. 3, Tab. I., No. 18.) 

St. Audoen's Parrish, March the 2nd, 1697. 
City of Dublin. 

Secular. Edward Murphy 1 parish priest, supposed 

Thomas Austin, his Assistant. 

Neagh priest att Patrick Andrews 

house in Bridge Street. 
Patrick Lutterell, att William Dayly's, att 

the signe of the Sun in Cooke Street. 
Jeremiah Netterville, priest, at the signe of 

the Harpe in Cooke Street. 

Regular. Thomas Marshall | A11 Dominican F s 
James Ffannm ^ ^ Convent ^ 

James Lagan \ i j. A 

. , ' ,, Cooke-street 
Christopher Farrell' 

\ St. Augustin Ffryars' 
Bryan Kennedy U the C ? onveilt in St . 

William Bryan . -, , A , 

J Audeon s Arch. 

Edward Chamberlin, Jesuit, liveing neare 

the Convent in Cooke Street. 
Arthur Walsh, a Carmelite att the Convent 

in Corne Markett. 

These are all that are at present to be found butt there 
are others who were lately in the Parish that are now 
withedrawn & supposed to be sculking aboute the towne 
& they are as follows 

Regular. Johnson, a Jesuit, who did live att Mr. Synott's 

on Merchants Key. 
Secular. Ignatius Carbery, priest ") Who both lived in 

Michael Fitzgerald, priest ) Bridge Street 
Regulars. Clement Ash 

Bryan Lihamy 
Michael Fflanelly 

Were formerly Augustan 

One (D)? Halpin & some other Fryars whose names 
1 Subsequently Bishop of Kildare, 1707, and Archbishop of Dublin, 1724. 

HJU.CI/O1. t 

11 } 


410 The Diocese of Dublin in the year 1697. 

cannot be found out did lately belong to the Convent of 

There are several! lay Brothers belonging to each of the 

City of Dublin. St. Michael's Parish. 

Secular. James Russell 1 

Valentine Rivers. 

Bryan Murry 

Jerome Nettervell ; Priests. 

Patrick Luttrell 

William Ryan 

Emer Megennis 
The seaven secular Priests abovenamed are obliged to 
officiate and say Mass in the Chappie of St. Michael's Parish 
& nowhere else for the people of seaven parishes (viz.) 
St. Michael's, St. John's, St. Nicholas, St. Werburgh's, 
St. Andrew's, St. Bride's & St. Peter's. 

City of Dublin. St. Michan's Parish. 

William Dalton, parish priest, lodgeing att 

Figham Bramhams, Barb r in Smith-Field. 
James Gibbons, Priest, Assist*, to William 

Dalton, att the Chappell in Channel row, 

lodgeing at Mr. Elleston's, at Channell Row. 
John Linegar,2 priest, lodgeing att widdow 

Linnegar's in Church Street. 
Lawrence Dowdall, lodgeing att Matthias 

Burgesses in Church Street. 
Richard Murphy, priest, lodgeing att Edmond 

Reynolds in Smith-Field. 
William Dardis, parish priest of Abby-Larka 

in ye County of Longford, lodgeing att 

Matthew Barrett's in Smithfield. 
Regular. John Weldon, Capuchin Frier, lodgeing att 

Luke DowdalPs in Smithfield. 

1 Dean of Dublin, and brother of Archbishop Russell who died 1694. 

2 Afterwards first parish priest of St. Mary's Catholic parish, which 
was not established until 1707, and Archbishop of Dublin from 1734 
to 1756. 

The Diocese of Dublin in the year 1697. 411 

City of Dublin. St. Mary's Parish. 

Secular. Fergus Fan-ell, priest, Chaplain to the Lady 
Castlehaven, who lives in Capell Street, 
near ye mint. 
City of Dublin. St. John's Parish. 

Secular. Russell, 1 parish priest of St. John's, 

and titular Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin, 
liveing in Back Lane. 
No regulars can be found in this parish. 
City of Dublin. St. Werburgh's Parish. 

Secular. James Russell, 2 parish priest of the Parish of 
St. Werburgh's, liveing at Mr. Geoghan's 
in Cook Street. 

No regulars can be found in this parish. 
City of Dublin. St. Andrew's Parish. 

Secular. Russell, 3 parish priest of St. Andrew's, 


No regulars can be found in this parish. 
City of Dublin. St. Nicholas within the Walls. 

Secular. James Russell, 4 parish priest of St. Nicholas 

Within, Dublin, liveing in Cooke Street. 
No regulars can bee found in this parish. 
City of Dublin. St. Nicholas Without the Walls. 

Secular. Dr. Edmond Burne, 5 parish priest of St. 
Nicholas Without the Walls. 

Dowdall, Assistant to Dr. Byrne. 

Terence Smith, now in the country. 
Regulars of ye Order of St. Francis. 
Ignatius Kelly 
John Handly 
John Brady 

Philip Brady 

TT, r S Now in ye country.* 

Francis Cruise 

Anthony Lynch 
Anthony Dunlevi 

1 Same as P.P. of St. Michael's. 2 Same as in preceding note. 3 Same. 
4 Still the Dean. *> Archbishop of Dublin from 1707 to 1723. 

6 Probably those who held the meeting above referred to. 


The Diocese of Dublin in the year 1697. 

City of Dublin. St. Peter's Parish. 

No Secular or Regular in this parish. 

City of Dublin. St. Bridgett's Parish. 

No Secular or Regular in this parish. 

City of Dublin. St. Katherin's Parish. 

Secular. Mr. Brohy, parish priest of St. Catherine's. 

Thomas Cumber ford, his assistant. 
Valentine Rivers, a priest and only a lodger 
in St. Katherines parish, but officiates in 
St. Michael's parish. 
Regular. Bryan McTernon, a Jesuite. 

St. Paul's Parish. 1 

S ecular. Father D empsey , Parish Priest of St. Michan's, 
is said to be a Titular Bishop^ and lodges 
at my Lady Clanmaluras in y e said parish. 
William Dardis calls himself parish priest of 
Abbey-Larka, in the Co. Longford ; he is 
said to be a Regular. 

Secular. Father James Gibbons, 3 said to be a Jesuite, 
but]calls himself assistant to Father Dalton,* 
who is butt an assistant himself to Father 
D empsey. 

Richard Murphy calls himself a secular 
priest lodgeing now in Bridge Street. 

1 St. Paul's together with St. Mary's were only detached from 
St. Michan's and erected into civil parishes by Act of Parliament of this 
same year 1697. They did not become distinct Catholic parishes until 1707, 
under Archbishop Byrne. 

2 This must evidently be the Bishop of Kildare in hiding, John 
Dempsey, whose whereabouts after 1694 Fr. Comerford was unable to 
ascertain. See Collections Diocese of Kildare and Leighlin. 

3 Gibbons in 1704 is registered as Rector of Kinsaly, but living at 

4 Evidently Father Dalton was not the P.P. of St. Michan's as stated 
higher up, but only assistant or administrator for Bishop Dempsey. 
Dr. Nary is registered P.P. of St. Michan's in the list of 1704, and Dalton 
of St. Paul's. This would seem to imply that Dr. Dempsey had died 
previous to that date. 

Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 413 

Kegular. Father John Meldon, Capuchin Ffryer, lodg- 
ing in Smithfield. 
Father Netterville, a Jesuit, lodges on the 

Key at Dr. Cruise's house. 
Father Berminghame, sometimes in the parish 
of St. Paul's, sometimes in Cook Street. 

Parish of St. James'. 

Return made for St. Katherine's parish for 
both being united. 

*N. D. 
(To be continued.) 


" When you get me a good man made out of arguments, I will 
get you a good dinner with reading you the cookery book." 
Middlemarch, chapter xvii. 

THE world has never been wholly purged from the presence 
of evil men since the memorable occasion when the 
destructive waters of the Deluge swept them all away, some 
four thousands of years ago. Whether they now form a 
larger percentage than at the beginning, we shall not pause 
to enquire. It is enough for our purpose to remind the 
reader that the actual number of atheists, criminals, thieves,, 
drunkards, and immoral characters has immensely multiplied 
even though the relative proportions may continue much the 
same. All classes of disreputable persons have increased 
with the increase of population, which in England has more 
than trebled during the present century. Indeed they now 
constitute a host so vast that, if their power of combination 
and their skill in the use of arms were at all commensurate 
with their known depravity and malignity, they might not 
merely sack London with ease, but even rout any army that 
could be put into the field against them. 1 Being for the most 

1 See The Seven Curses of London, by the Amateur Casual. Chapter vi. 
opens with : " The happily ignorant reader . . . will be shocked and 
amazed to learn that within the limits of the City of London alone, an 
army of male and female thieves, twenty thousand strong, find daily and 
nightly employment," &c., p. 85. 

414 Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 

part a disorderly and cowardly crew, with little power of 
cohesion there is, perhaps, no immediate danger. Still their 
threats and nmrnmrs reverberate occasionally through the 
calmer and more peaceful regions of society, and seem to 
menace a coming storm, and to suggest the opportuneness of 
a careful enquiry into the method by which it is proposed 
either to meet it, or else to ward it off altogether. 

The very multitude of the dissolute classes has made them 
bold ; so that though they are beginning to feel that secrecy is 
becoming daily less possible, they are nevertheless conscious 
that it is becoming daily less necessary. Indeed, evil no longer 
attempts to hide itself, but stalks abroad in open daylight, 
and flaunts its shame in the face of every passer-by. None 
can quite close their eyes to it, nor wholly ignore its presence. 
Even the indifferent and the irresponsible have been somewhat 
startled, while the authorities, whose duty it is to consider 
such matters, have at last reached that interesting condition 
of mind when they feel that " really something must be done." 
Meetings have been held, and committees and boards of 
enquiry formed. The result has been the prescription of a 
remedy in every sense worthy of this age of materialism, and 
natural religion. They have proposed to cure the general 
lawlessness, immorality and rampant animalism by the spread 
of education, having first, however, carefully eliminated from 
it just the only element that could by any possibility have 
rendered it effective, viz., religion. Education must forth- 
with be not merely universal, but secular and unsectarian. 
Such is the prescription. Its inadequacy was foreseen by 
the Church from the outset. She accordingly condemned 
the scheme as soon as it was propounded, and opposed it to 
the best of her power in every land. She recognised the 
remedy to be utterly useless because based upon an entirely 
false assumption upon the assumption that men are irre- 
ligious and impure, not because their "nature is prone to evil," 
but because their minds are unenlightened, and that they 
indulge their worst passions and gratify their most animal 
propensities, not because their hearts are depraved, but 
because their intellects are undeveloped. Such quack- 
physicians have evidently never read, or if they have read, 

Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 415 

have never given any heed to the warning of the Holy Spirit 
which would have informed them, that not from the head, 
but " from the heart come forth evil thoughts, murders, 
adulteries, fornications, thefts, false testimonies, blasphemies." 
(Matt.^v., 19.) 

To anyone not wholly ignorant of man's fallen nature, it 
was obvious from the outset that such a mere nostrum could 
never end in anything better than delusion and disappoint- 
ment. Experience has since proved the justice of such fears. 
For the experiment has now been tried, and the so-called 
remedy applied sufficiently long to enable us to pronounce it 
a complete failure. Indeed, so far from improving the state 
of the patient, i.e., society it has rendered it more hopeless 
and desperate than ever. 

To convince ourselves of this we have only to examine 
the results of education during the past half century. A 
glance is sufficient to satisfy, even the casual observer, that 
men have not been improved morally or spiritually by the 
acquisition of a little more book-lore. 

Perhaps nothing is so remarkable as the advance made in 
every branch of learning during the present century. But 
has virtue advanced at a corresponding pace ? Is there even 
such an amelioration in the general tone of society as to sug- 
gest any necessary connection whatsoever between learning 
and the practice of virtue ? Is there any sensible diminution 
of crime, drunkenness, and vice ? Schools have started up 
upon every side. Teachers have been multiplied many times 
over ; they have increased in proficiency as well as in numbers, 
and now form a vast army, doing battle with ignorance from 
one end of the country to the other. We are constantly 
hearing of examinations, and passes and awards, and of cer- 
tificates, scholarships and degrees. We may even gather 
some notion of the urgency of the demand for knowledge by 
the extraordinary abundance of the literary supplies. Books 
are now multiplied beyond all precedent, and lie scattered 
over the country as thick as leaves in Vallombrosa. The 
whole earth is flooded with them. We have treatises with- 
out number upon every possible subject from astronomy to 
gastronomy, and from matters the most sublime to matters 

416 Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 

the most ridiculous and trivial. Every subject is discussed, 
and from every point of view, and so as to suit all tastes and 
every grade of intelligence. 

What shall we say of the ceaseless stream of newspapers 
and periodicals ? What of the countless magazines, reviews, 
pamphlets, and the whole stock-in-trade of ephemeral 
publications of one kind or another that teaze and torment 
one like swarms of summer insects, not by reason of their 
individual importance, but by reason of their enormous 
multitudes, their extraordinary ubiquity and their startling 
aggressiveness! Whatever else all this may denote it 
certainly denotes an unprecedented diffusion of general 
information and undigested knowledge of some sort or 
another. Indeed, it is an incontestable fact that for one 
who could read in the last century we now have fifty 
perhaps, a hundred and fifty ; and that the poorest pedlar or 
bagman of the period has the use of a far better stocked 
library than many a lord or knight of the shire could boast 
of in the olden time. Learning has rapidly increased with 
the facilities for learning, which are now a hundred-fold 
greater than what they were in the time of the Georges. 

This much we must all admit. All we are now concerned 
with is, to enquire whether such merely secular knowledge 
has helped to sanctify, humanise, and elevate mankind. 
Whether, in a word, it offers a man any distinct aid in the 
great and all important work of his eternal salvation. The 
subject is a most practical one in these days, and well deserv- 
ing of our serious consideration ; for while men are struggling 
so hard after secular knowledge it is most important to gauge 
its true value. 

If we look below the surface of modern society ; if we 
probe the glittering exterior and tear off the outward trappings 
of respectability, shall we find that education has raised the 
common standard of morality ? Shall we find that the general 
tone of public opinion is purer and more virtuous ? Does 
vice appear more odious, and debauchery more loathsome 
now in the eyes of men ? Is the stench of moral corruption 
becoming more offensive and intolerable than formerly ? In 
a word, is education doing what was so loudly and so 

Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 417 

arrogantly put forth as one of its chief ends and aims ? It 
would hardly seem so. It was only a few short years ago 
that a state of things was discovered and made public, here 
in the very metropolis itself, which would have disgraced 
ancient Babylon, and brought a blush of shame to the cheek 
of even a respectable pagan. Most of us will probably 
remember how the flimsy veil of external propriety was with- 
drawn for a moment by a bold and fearless hand, and how it 
disclosed a fester of gross immorality eating into and corroding 
the very heart of the great English Empire, which boasts itself 
one of the most civilized and enlightened on the face of the 
earth. A cancer so running over with putrefaction and foul- 
ness, that we can do no more (for Christian minds could endure 
no more) than refer to those statements of the Pall Mall 
Gazette and the Maiden Tribute that were laid before the 
world in the year 1885. 

Such an instance as that goes far to show that education 
alone cannot cope with the unclean spirit, that wisdom is no 
match for debauchery, and that learning is powerless to hurl 
the Dagon of passion from its pedestal, and dash it to the 
ground. For in the shameful revelations just referred to, it 
was not the ignorant nor the unlettered whose deeds made 
men sick with horror, and drew forth cries of shame and 
indignation. On the contrary, we are expressly assured that 
some of the highest in the land were the most deeply impli- 

Experience has testified again and again that learning is 
no bestower of virtue, and that between the one and the 
other there is no necessary connection. Learning will neither 
make a knave honest, nor a drunkard sober. Rather the 
reverse. If a man be a villain learning will serve bat to 
make him a greater villain, a more cunning, a more subtle, 
and therefore a more successful villain. As the uplifted arm 
of an assassin is not stayed by sharpening his murderous 
blade, neither is a villain by sharpening his depraved wits. 
If he were before a thief he will now become a more daring 
and a more skilful one. He will do his work on a larger 
scale. Instead of breaking into houses after nightfall or 
stopping the traveller on his lonely way, he will forge signa- 
VOL. IX. 2 D 

418 Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 

tures or issue counterfeit coin, and in a word hold the more 
exalted positions in his nefarious profession. 

Eead the history of crime. Study the career of criminals 
of every class. Shall we not find that considering their 
respective numbers and temptations a larger proportion of 
the educated are concerned than of the uneducated ? What 
class of men, for example, are they who come before the 
public as fraudulent bankrupts, and who, with infinite skill 
and ingenuity, float bubble companies by which hundreds 
and thousands sink beneath the dark waters of penury and 
want never to rise again ? Who, again we may ask, are the 
responsible makers of adulterated goods and the users of 
false trade marks ? Are they poor ignorant Ninivites who 
know not their right hand from their left 1 Are they not 
rather shrewd, quickwitted, well-educated men full of worldly 
wisdom and prudence. Has their education served to make 
them honest? But let us inquire further. Who are the 
users of light weights and the notorious cheaters in great 
commercial transactions ; who are they who send out men 
and goods in unseaworthy vessels ; who are the cheaters in 
insurance and other companies ? Or, again, what are we to 
think of the mighty swindlers, wholesale spendthrifts and 
reckless gamblers and betters, whether on the turf or at the 
card table ? 1 Even murderers are by no means invariably 
conspicuous for lack of mental discernment, nay, they but 
too often display a knowledge and a skill which in the pro- 
secution of any other enterprise would wring from us 
exclamations of admiration and applause. 2 

Or, to turn to a somewhat different class. We may ask if 
the famous leaders of rebellion against the Church and the 
authority of Christ's vicar were remarkable for ignorance ? 
Were not the notorious heresiarchs and apostates men of 
considerable Worldly wisdom and culture ? Call to mind the 
ambitious and violent Arius, the subtle and hypocritical 
Pelagius; consider such characters as WicklifF, John Knox, 
and Martin Luther, the scholarly King Henry VIII. , and his 
accomplished daughter, Queen Elizabeth, the murderer of so 

1 See llie Study of Sociology, by H. Spencer. 

2 See Murder as one of the Fme Arts, by l}e Quincey. 

Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 419 

many priests, religious and devout laymen. Compare the 
knowledge of their heads with the venom of their hearts and 
judge how little erudition has to do with piety, or even with 
justice. If from persons we turn to places the same truth 
is forced upon us. Where are persons on an average better 
educated in town or country? Unquestionably in towns. 
Yet crimes of all kinds are far more prevalent among the 
inhabitants of large populous centres than elsewhere. Cities 
are the best educated, yet criminally the worst. It has been 
pointed out more than once that a general and rapid rise in 
popular and secular education is followed almost invariably 
by a rise in crime. 1 

To what conclusion does all this point, but that there is 
no essential connection between knowledge and virtue ; that 
the one is no necessary concomitant of the other, and that 
great mental strength and great moral weakness may both 
be tenants of the same soul. Even King Solomon himself, 
whom the infallible Spirit of God assures us was the wisest 
of all men, and whose wisdom is compared by the inspired 
writer to the sands of the seashore, was not restrained by his 
wisdom from yielding to the grossest excesses of idolatry and 
adultery. Indeed the self-same unerring authority who 
points him out to us as the wisest of men, proclaims him also, 
almost in the same breath, to have been one of the most 
profligate and vicious. 

What then are we to conclude ? Shall we say that 
secular knowledge is antagonistic to virtue ? No, but that 
it is distinct from it and independent of it, and that sanctity 
may shine forth fair and bright without its aid. Jesus Christ, 
the only true physician of this sickly sin-stained world, has 
prescribed many means by which it might be restored to a 
healthier state. Prayer, the sacraments, fasting, alms-deeds, 
meditation, penance, are all mentioned, but no where does 
He mention mere secular education. And although He 
Himself is the Infinite Wisdom of God, we never read that 
He ever attempted to enforce His doctrines by any display 
of worldly learning or profound erudition, on the other hand 

1 See Ch. Quarterly Review, Oct. 1885, p, 245. 

420 Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 

it is quite certain that the boasted wisdom of the Pharisees, 
Scribes, and Doctors of the Law did not render them one 
whit more amenable to His teaching, nor in any way readier 
to accept His doctrine than the poor, the ignorant, and the 
unlettered, but just the reverse. 

" Then do Catholics reject wisdom and make light of 
knowledge ?" will ask the scoffing infidel. Do Catholics 
despise the learned and the sages of antiquity ? Is the 
Church of God an advocate of ignorance? Far from it. As 
the sun by its very nature is the chief source of light as well 
of heat, so is the Church by its very constitution the chief 
centre of learning as well as of piety. Her track through 
the centuries is an imperishable evidence of this fact. She 
cannot show herself in any country or in any age without 
imparting light, which is knowledge, and heat, which is love. 

Any unbiassed thinker who has turned over the pages of 
bye-gone history, or whose mind is however slightly tinged 
with a knowledge of the past, will be compelled to admit 
that she has ever been the guardian of knowledge and the 
promoter of science. None have ever so consistently en- 
couraged philosophy, history, literature and science as the 
popes and bishops of the Church, and even Protestants are 
loud in their testimony to the fact, that it was " to the care 
and labours of the monks that we [i.e. Protestants] owe the 
valuable remains of antiquity as well, sacred and profane." 

The profoundest minds and the keenest intellects the 
world has ever known, have developed within her fold and 
expanded under her benign influence. Names might be quoted 
passages might be cited, and references might be given were we 
writing a volume and not a mere sketch. In a brief essay such 
as this, the digression would be too long. Let it then suffice to 
say that the Church has ever fostered learning and patronised 
the arts, though she has never so far forgotten her mission as 
to confuse knowledge with piety. She has cherished it as 
she cherishes every other natural gift of God, but she has 
never put it on a level with the supernatural. She loves 
learning but her love at least is not blind. She loves it 
sincerely, but only when informed by supernatural charity. 
Those among her children, especially noted for their learning, 

Secular Knowledge as related to Piety. 421 

she even honours with the title of Doctors of the Universal 
Church. Yet, here again, mark well, only on condition of 
their having been first declared saints. There is not a 
Doctor of the Church from St. Basil and St. Gregory to 
St. Bonaventure and St. A. Liguori whose heroic sanctity 
was not ascertained and proved before the title was conferred 
upon him. Indeed, the Mne of action of the Church as we 
look back upon it across the long path of ages, constantly 
points to the fact, that sanctity is her whole (and speaking 
absolutely), her only direct end and aim. Learning, know- 
ledge, mathematics, philosophy, history, the arts and sciences 
may come in its train and welcome; but only as valuable 
auxiliaries of piety only as its servants and handmaids. 

Hence education, however successful, however prolific in 
results ; whether school-board education with its colourless 
creed, or secular education with no creed at all, can neither 
save nor sanctify without religion. What indeed is sanctity 
but the union between our created wills and the divine will 
of God? Or in other words, more suitable perhaps to modern 
ears, what is it but " the force within us making for right- 
eousness." 1 Here we may observe that every force is made 
up of two wholly distinct elements. Firstly, there is its 
velocity or momentum, and secondly, there is its path or 
direction. It is obvious that the momentum is essentially 
distinct from the direction. By adding to our knowledge we 
add to the momentum or power, for as 'the old saw has it, 
" knowledge is power," but no increase of power, no possible 
access of momentum can in any way help us unless it be duly 
directed. Misdirected power is useless, and worse than use- 
less. In what way does an ocean steamer for instance, 
benefit by possessing powerful engines if the helmsman steers 
her against a rock ? They will serve but to hasten her de- 
struction, and to render it more thorough and complete. So 
too a man with knowledge, but without religion, is like a 
powerful | vessel with a worthless pilot. His very knowledge 
perverted and misapplied will only render him more dangerous 
and more culpable ; since if once the will be corrupted, the 

1 Cardinal Deschamps defines it to be "le mouvement de 1'ame vers safin." 

422 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

greater the learning the greater the evil. Ignorance is 
indeed a misfortune in the natural order, but there is one 
thing worse even than ignorance, and that is a perverted and 
and malicious intelligence. 

From the foregoing considerations it is clear that we cannot 
dispense with that training of the will, and that moulding 
of the heart which is the essential outcome of true religious 
principles. Without the exercise cf self-control, obedience, 
submission to authority, and the practice of the virtues of 
charity, humility, and patience, enjoined by the Church, one 
may possibly manufacture a clever man, but a virtuous or 
truly moral one, never. To ignore the necessity of a 
thoroughly religious training, to overlook the action of grace, 
and to disregard the repeated warnings of the Spirit of God* 
is not really to advance towards perfection, but rather to 
prepare the way for a speedy and disastrous downfall. 



IN. our last article on this subject we have shown that the 
alleged fall of Liberius is in no way opposed to Papal 
Infallibility as understood by Catholics ; that the admission 
of the one is quite compatible with belief in the other. We 
can, therefore, afford, as far as our faith is concerned, to ex- 
amine calmly and dispassionately the arguments for and 
against the alleged fall, and accept that opinion which has 
the weight of evidence in its favour. 

Baronius 1 was the first historian of note that entered with 
anything like fulness into the arguments on each side, and 
came to the conclusion that Liberius signed the first Sirmian 
creed, without, however, falling into the Arian heresy. This 
was the chief reason that influenced him to omit the name of 
Liberius in the new Roman Martyrology which he compiled, 
though it was found in the one 2 used in Rome before his time. 

1 Annals, a. 357, n. 47 . 2 Valesian Martyrology. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 42$ 

The deservedly high character of the Oratorian Annalist, 
together with the apparent conclusiveness of his arguments, 
were sufficient to have his opinion accepted by many who 
wanted the time or the will to examine the question for them- 
selves. It was not till the beginning of the last century that 
the documents on which Baronius chiefly based his opinion 
were proved to be forgeries by the Abbe Corgne, in his 
learned Dissertation sur le Pape Libere. Since his time the 
question has been critically examined by many eminent 
Catholic historians, with the result that most of them, viz., 
Kohrbacher, Zaccaria, Her go enr ether, Stilting, Jungmann, 
&c., agree with Abbe Corgne in holding that Liberius signed 
neither an Arian formulary of faith nor the condemnation of 
St. AthanasiusJ In the following pages we shall examine, as 
fully as the space at our disposal will permit, 1st, the argu- 
ments adduced to establish the fall of Liberius ; and 2ndJy, 
the arguments of a positive character which prove that 
Liberius is innocent of the charges brought against him. 


These arguments can be reduced to the following : 
(a.) two passages found in the writings of St, Athanasius ; 
(b.) two passages taken from the works of St. Jerome ; (c.) four 
letters attributed to Liberius, together with certain comments 
said to have been added by St. Hilary; (d.) the authority of 
Sozomen. These arguments we shall consider separately, 
and show their insufficiency to bring home to Liberius the 
charges with which his enemies wish to connect his name. 

A. Writings of St Athanasius. 

The first argument is taken from two passages in the 
writings of St. Athanasius. The following, which is found 
in his Apology against the Arians y is the first of these 
passages I 1 " Therefore, when some said that our case was 
doubtful, and were endeavouring to annul the decision that 
had been given in our favour, our fellow-labourers in the 
ministry were willing to undergo any punishment, and even 
to be sent into exile, rather than see the judgment of so 

' Nn. 89, 90. 

424 2 he A lleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

many worthy bishops set at naught. If those faithful bishops 
had offered but a verbal opposition to our enemies who were 
endeavouring to destroy what had been done in our favour; 
or, if they belonged to the lower walks of life, and had not 
been the bishops of great cities and illustrious churches, there 
might be a suspicion that they were influenced by human 
motives or personal considerations. But they took our side 
not merely in words, but went into exile for our sake. And 
to their number belongs Liberius, for though he did not bear 
the hardships of exile to the end, he remained in exile two years 
because he knew there was a conspiracy against us. I may 
also mention the illustrious Hosius, together with bishops 
from Gaul, Spain, Lybia, and Pentapolis ; for though he did 
not resist the threats of Constantius for a long time, still the 
open violence and tortures without end inflicted by the 
Emperor made him yield for a time, not that he considered 
us guilty, but because in his feeble old age he could not 
endure the tortures of the lash." The following taken from 
the History of the Arians, 1 is the second passage referred 
to. " At length Liberius, after two years spent in exile, was 
broken down in health and spirits, and after having been 
threatened with death he consented to subscribe. But in this 
very fact we have the clearest proof of the violence used by 
the Arians, and the hatred entertained by Liberius for their 
heresy, as well as of his sympathy for Athanasius, as long as 
he retained his freedom of action." 

Firstly : We hold that these extracts were never written 
by St. Athanasius ; for the works trom which they were taken 
were written before the date of the alleged fall of Liberius. 
The Apology must have been written before the year 353, 
because it represents Ursacius and Valens as having given 
up the Arian heresy and having accepted the Nicene creed. 
But they relapsed into their former errors about the ^middle of 
the year 352, nor did they ever afterwards return to the 
Catholic faith. The History of the Arians was written 
before 357, because Leontius of Antioch was still living; 
for speaking of those who defended the Nicene creed, Athan- 
asius says, 2 " To their number belongs Leontius, the present 
i N. 4. 2 N. 4. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 425 

bishop of Antioch." We learn from Socrates 1 that Leontius 
died at the beginning of the year 357, and the history is 
not continued beyond the March of the year in which he died. 
But according to those who assign the earliest date to the 
fall of Liberius, it could not have occurred before August of 
357. Therefore the two works from which these extracts are 
taken, were written before the date of the alleged fall. It 
may, however, be said that though the works were written 
before 357, the passages quoted were afterwards inserted by 
St. Athanasius. The objections to this supposition are so 
strong, that, with the exception of Hefele, it is rejected by 
every writer of note, (a.) The unfinished style of the passages 
in Greek, in which they were originally written, smacks more 
of the tyro in that language than of St. Athanasius, who was 
a polished Greek scholar. (6.) St. Athanasius speaks in 
flattering terms of Liberius in works written after 358, in 
none of which does there occur a word about his fall, (c.) It 
is not at all likely that St. Athanasius would speak of himself 
in the third person, as he is spoken of in the second of the 
passages quoted, (d) These two works of St. Athanasius 
were in the hands of the Greek historians, Socrates and 
Theodoret, who flourished early in the fifth century. They 
frequently quote from them in their writings : but when 
describing the return of Liberius, and the cause that led to 
it, they never mention his fall, which they certainly would 
have done, had they the authority of St. Athanasius for the 
statement. For these reasons we hold that the passages were 
not written by St. Athanasius, but that they are interpolations 
of the fifth or some succeeding century. 

Secondly : Even if we admit the authenticity of these pas- 
sages, they do not prove that Liberius accepted an Arian 
creed. The first makes no reference whatever to any 
oreed, neither does it state that Liberius subscribed to 
the condemnation of St. Athanasius. All that it states is, 
that Liberius did not endure the tortures of exile to the end 
{et? TO reXo?) : which may mean to the end of his life, as he 
was permitted tojreturn to Home after two years. This in- 

1 L. II. 37. 

426 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

terpretation is to some extent supported by the context ; for 
while Liberius is represented as not having suffered to the end, 
Hosius and the other bishops are described as having yielded 
to open violence in subscribing to the condemnation of 
Athanasius. In the second passage Liberius is said to have 
subscribed. To what did he subscribe ? Was it to an Arian 
creed, or to the condemnation of Athanasius, or to both ? It 
is not stated. If the sense is to be determined by the context 
and the circumstances of the times, the meaning of the writer 
is that he subscribed to the condemnation of Athanasius. 
Istly, The writer, whoever he was, is speaking of the suffer- 
ings endured by Liberius out of regard for Athanasius and 
hatred of the heresy he was combating. 2ndly, The 
great object of the Emperor in his combat with Liberius 
was the condemnation of Athanasius. The acceptance of an 
Arian formulary of faith was for the time a point of minor 
importance, and was looked on simply as a means to an end. 
Thus, in the Council of Aries, the only question that occupied 
the attention of the Fathers was the condemnation of Athan- 
asius ; at the Council of Milan an Arian creed was presented 
for acceptance, but only as a means of securing the convic- 
tion of Athanasius. In the next place, Felix, the imperial 
nominee, who occupied the See of Rome during the exile of 
Liberius, was orthodox in faith, but consented to the con- 
demnation of Athanasius. 

With regard then to the argument taken from the 
works of St. Athanasius, we say, firstly, that the passages 
were never written by St. Athanasius, and secondly, it cannot 
be shown they imply that Liberius subscribed to an Arian 

B. Writings of St. Jerome. 

The second argument to prove the fall of Liberius is 
taken from two works of St. Jerome, viz., the Chronicon and 
Catalogue Scriptorum. 1 In the former we find the follow- 
ing : " Liberius was consecrated the thirty-fourth bishop of 
Rome, and when he was driven into exile on account of his 
faith, all the clergy swore that they would receive no 

1 Sometimes called De Vlris lllustrlbus. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 427 

other bishop in his place. But when Felix was intruded into 
his See by the Arians, most of them proved false to their 
oath, and after a year were expelled with Felix, because 
Liberius being worn out by the hardships of his exile, sub- 
scribed to an heretical creed, and was accorded a triumphal 
reception on his return to Rome." In the other work 1 referred 
to, when speaking of Fortunatian, St. Jerome is made to say : 
" Fortunatian, bishop of Aquileia, during the reign of Con- 
stantius, wrote commentaries on the Gospels in a concise 
and simple style. He is held in detestation because he was 
the first to tempt Liberius on his way into exile and force him 
to sign an Arian creed." 2 At first sight these extracts would 
appear to prove conclusively that Liberius accepted an Arian 
creed. We shall find on examining them that they supply 
little or no foundation for such a conclusion. 

(a.) The first of these extracts is not found in the 
oldest MS. of the Chronicon extant, viz., that preserved 
in the Vatican, neither is it found in the Codex Lucensis, 
another very old MS. of the Chronicon. (b.) The Chronicon 
and Catalogus Scriptorum are full of interpolations^ 
especially the former. One at least of the two extracts- 
must be an interpolation, as they contain irreconcilable 
statements, and cannot therefore be supposed to have 
been written by the same person. The first states that 
Liberius was a year in exile before he consented to subscribe- 
to an Arian creed ; while the second says that being tempted 
he yielded on his way into exile, (c.) The two passages are 
full of such glaring errors about important facts, that the 
authority of the writer or writers, as the case may be, must 
be set at a very low value. For instance, we are told in the 
first, that most of the clergy proved false to their oath not 
to recognise Felix, and in the second, that Liberius signed 
an Arian formula of faith on his way into exile, both of which 
statements are at variance with well established fact, (d.) The 
supposition of St. Jerome's being the writer of these extracts 
is quite incompatible with his expressed opinions, and 

1 C. 97. 

2 " Ad exilium pergentem primus sollicitavit ac fregit et ad subscrip- 
tionem haereseos compulit." 

428 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

with bis relations to St. Damasus, the immediate successor 
of Liberius. About the year 376, the church of Antioch was 
distracted by the Meletian schism, three rival bishops 
claiming the title of patriarch. There was at the same 
time another question agitating the public mind, viz., which 
of the two words, " hypos tasis" or " ousia" should be used 
to express the Latin word persona. St. Jerome having been 
asked to express his opinion on these questions, wrote two 
letters to Pope Damasus in 377, asking him to point out 
in virtue of his supreme authority the course he should take. 
In these letters he thus addresses St. Damasus : " I am joined 
ki communion with your Holiness, that is, with the chair of 
St. Peter : upon that rock I know the Church is built. Who- 
ever eats the lamb out of that house is a profane person. 

Whoever is not in the ark shall perish in the flood 

Whoever gathers not with you scatters ; that is, he who is 
not Christ's belongs to Antichrist. We ask what the word 
hypostasis signifies ? They say a subsisting person. We answer, 
if that be the meaning we agree to it. .... All the 
time I cease not to cry out: ' Whoever is united to the chair 
of Peter he is mine.''" Can it be supposed that St. Jerome 
would have thus addressed Damasus, and said that 
" Whoever is united to the chair of Peter he is mine" had he 
known that his immediate predecessor in that chair subscribed 
to an Arian confession of faith? Nor can it be said that St. 
Jerome was ignorant of the alleged fall before 377 ; but be- 
came aware of it before 380, when the Chronieon appeared, 
or before 392, when the Catalogus Scriptorum was com- 
pleted. For the fall of Liberius, did it occur, was the most 
momentous event in the whole history of the Arian contro- 
versy, and St. Jerome had opportunities of knowing it before 
377, which he never had afterwards ; so that it could not by 
any possibility have escaped his knowledge up to the time 
that he wrote the letters referred to. He was a student in Rome 
when Liberius returned in 358, and remained there for many 
years afterwards. In 370 he visited Rufinus, a priest of 
Aquileia, with whom he remained for more than a year, and 
thus, if we accept the authority of the second passage, he 
had the most reliable means of information ; for according to 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 429* 

it, Fortunatian, Bishop of Aquileia, was the man who played 
the part of tempter with Liberius, and secured his acceptance 
of an heretical creed. And still we' find Rufinus declaring 
shortly afterwards : " Liberius, bishop of Rome, returned while 
Constantius was alive ; but whether this was due to 
his yielding to the will of the Emperor, or the urgent 
entreaties of the Romans, I have not ascertained for certain." 
Had Liberius signed an Arian Creed, as his enemies assert,, 
Rufinus would have known it from his bishop, who is repre- 
sented as the cause of the alleged fall. We know from 
Rufinus and Sozomen of a report having been circulated 
that Liberius had embraced the Arian faith before his release 
from exile. This is just what we should expect. But it 
appears to us incredible that St. Jerome, had he accepted 
the truth of this report, would have referred in such glowing 
terms to the orthodoxy of the chair of Peter (e.) The extract 
from the Chronicon contains an implicit attack on St. 
Damasus such as could not have been written by his at- 
tached friend and afterwards his private secretary (381-4). 
The Luciferian schismatics who were most violent at the 
time charged Damasus with having joined the party of Felix 
during the exile of Liberius. The charge was but the 
malicious invention of the Luciferians, and was circulated for 
the purpose of discrediting Damasus with the orthodox 
Christians. Had St. Jerome stated that "most of the Roman 
clergy had proved false to their oath and joined the party of 
Felix," without expressly excepting Damasus, would not his 
statement be taken on account of the circumstances of the 
times as corroborating the charge of the Luciferians ? It is not 
likely that if St. Jerome had thus publicly admitted the 
charge against Damasus in 380, he should be appointed his 
private secretary the year following. 

In conclusion we say; (a.) that the two passages were 
certainly not written by St. Jerome; (&.) that they are 
most likely interpolations of the Arians or Luciferians; 
(c.) that the authority of the writers is not sufficient 
to prove the fall of Liberius, as they clearly accepted 
unauthenticated reports that had been spread by 

430 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

C. Letters attributed to Liberius. 

The third argument by which it is sought to establish the 
fall of Liberius is taken from certain letters attributed to 
himself, and preserved in a collection known as Fragmenta 
Sti. Hilarii. The collection was first edited under the 
present title in 1693 by a Benedictine named Peter Constant, 
who supposed that it formed part of a lost work of St. 
Hilary's, referred to by St. Jerome under the name of a 
Book against Valens and Urvacius, containing a History of the 
Synods of Rimini and Seleueia. The collection consists of 
fifteen fragments, containing the copies of letters written 
by different persons on different subjects. Coustant says 
that he was very doubtful about the authorship of the collec- 
tion, as the fragments were found in a disconnected and dis- 
ordered state ; nor was there anything to indicate that they 
were written by St. Hilary, except that his name is written on 
one. At length, however, he inclined in favour of the opinion 
previously expressed by Nicholas Faber, viz., that St. Hilary 
was the writer. Among the letters contained in this collec- 
tion are four said to have been written by Liberius, in 
three of which he admits that he condemned Athanasius ; and 
in the remaining one he further admits that he signed an 
Arian Creed, to which are added some comments attributed 
to St. Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, condemning the conduct of 
Liberius. Thus, a twofold argument is taken from this col- 
lection ; firstly, the admissions contained in the letters ; and, 
secondly, the comments on these admissions attributed to St. 
Hilary. If these letters were written by Liberius, or if the 
comments on the letters were written by St. Hilary, then 
Liberius stands, condemned, at least, of having consented to 
the condemnation of Athanasius. For St. Hilary was a con- 
temporary of Liberius, and shortly after the return of the 
latter to Rome he visited the scene of his exile, so that his 
testimony against Liberius would be very strong indeed. 
We shall, however, show that no such testimony is given 
either by Liberius himself, or by St. Hilary. 

Firstly : If we admit that St. Hilary was the writer, and 
that the meaning of the letters is to be limited by the com- 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 431 

merits, the collection contains no proof that Liberius accepted 
an Arian Creed. For the following is the only passage that 
contains such a charge: " Amoto Athanasio a communione 
omnium nostrum cujus nee epistolia a me suscipienda sunt, 
dico me cum omnibus vobis et cum universis episcopis 
orientailbus seu per universas provincias pacem et unitatem 
habere. Nam ut verius sciatis me vera fide per hanc 
epistolam ea loqui, Dominus ac frater meus communis 
Demophilus, qui dignatus est pro sua benevolentia 
fidem vestram et catholicam exponere quae Sirmii a pluribus 
fratribus et coepiscopis nostris tractata, exposita et suscepta 
est." But on this the writer makes the significant remark 
" Haec est perfidia Ariana. Hoc ego nolavi non apostata. 
Liberius sequential Therefore, according to the writer the 
only passage in the letters reflecting on the orthodoxy of 
Liberius is an Arian interpolation. 

Secondly : The collection was not written by St. Hilary ; 
(a.) the letters, as we shall see, are forgeries, and must have 
been known to be such to St.. Hilary ; (b.) the letters contain 
many statements which St. Hilary must have known to be 
false ; (c.) the comments, v.g^ " Anathema tibi Liberi" "pre- 
varicator Liberi" &c., are unworthy of St. Hilary, and as we 
shall afterwards show, are at variance with the flattering 
character which he has drawn of Liberius in other works 
whose authenticity cannot be questioned. 

Thirdly : The learned writer in the Bollandist Acta 
Sanctorum, 1 Jungmann, and others, have proved to demonstra- 
tion that these letters were not written by Liberius. It 
would be impossible within the limits of a short paper like 
the present to go into the details of the arguments by which 
this conclusion is established. Suffice it to say, (a.), that 
while there is a striking similarity in style between the 
letters quoted against Liberius, there is an equally striking 
dissimilarity between these letters and his authentic letters, 
many of which have come down to us ; (&.), the letters con- 
tain statements that are false, and that were known to be 
such to Liberius ; for instance, it is stated that before he 

1 Sept. Tom. ii., p. 590. 

432 The A lleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

went to Milan to meet the Emperor he consented to excom- 
municate Athanasius. Why then was he brought to Milan and 
sent into exile ? (c.) The first of these letters is so obviously a 
forgery that no one now maintains its authenticity ; neither 
is the authenticity of the other letters maintained by modern 
writers, except by such as wish to make a point against 
Catholics as, v.g., Dollinger and Page. 

The difficulty in our admitting that these letters were 
forged will disappear when we call to mind that at the time 
of which we are treating forgery was extensively resorted to 
for the purpose either of discrediting an opponent or securing 
the influence of a great name. Protestant historians without 
exception admit that many forged letters appeared in the 
name of Liberius during his lifetime, and the comment 
already quoted from the Fragmenta Sti. Hilarii shows that the 
writer believed that the Arians had recourse to forgery to 
blacken his character. 

Nor was Liberius the only person in whose name letters 
were forged by the Arians. Athanasius, in his Apology 1 to 
Constantius, says that many letters were written by the 
Arians, both in his own name and that of the Emperor. 
Seeing then that forgery was not an unusual device of the 
Arians, it appears to us that there could be no occasion when 
they would be more likely to have recourse to it than when 
Liberius was allowed to return from exile. And we hasre 
adduced sufficient reasons to show that they had recourse to 
it in the case of the letters under consideration. 

D. The Authority of Sozomen. 

In the fourth books of his Ecclesiastical History, Sozomen 
gives the following account of Liberius's return to Rome : 
"Not long after those events the Emperor, having returned 
to Sirmium from Rome, received a deputation from the 
Western Bishops, and recalled Liberius from Beraea. Con- 
stantius urged him in the presence of the deputies of the 
Eastern Bishops, and of the other priests who were at the 
court, to confess that the Son is not of the same substance as 

i N. 180-6. 2 Cap. xv. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 433 

the Father. He was instigated to this measure by Basil, 
Eustathius, and Eusebius, who possessed great influence over 
him. They had formed a compilation in one document 1 of 
the decrees enacted at the Council of Sirmium against Paul 
of Samosata and Photinus, to which they subjoined a formu- 
lary of faith drawn up at Antioch at the consecration of the 
Church, as if certain persons had, under the pretext of the 
term, ; con-substantial, attempted to establish a heresy of 
their own. Liberius, Athanasius, Alexander, Severianus, 
and Crescentius, Bishops of Africa, were induced to assent 
to this document, as were likewise Ursacius, Germanicus, 
Bishop of Sirmium, Valens, Bishop of Mursa, and all the 
other Eastern Bishops who were present. They likewise ap- 
proved of a confession of faith drawn up by Liberius, in which 
he declared that those who would not admit the Son to be like 
unto the Father in substance and in all other respects, are 
excommunicated. For when Eudoxius and his partisans at 
Antioch who favoured the heresy of Aetius, received the'lejter 
of Hosius, they circulated a report that Liberius had renounced 
the term ' con-substantial,' and had admitted that the Son 
is dissimilar from the Father. After these enactments had 
been made by the Western Bishops, the Emperor permitted 
Liberius to return to Home. The Bishops who were then 
convened at Sirmium wrote to Felix, who governed the 
Roman Church, and to the other Bishops, desiring them to 
receive Liberius; they directed that Felix and Liberius should 
share the Apostolical throne and be associated together 
without disunion in the discharge of the ministerial functions, 
and that whatever illegalities might have occurred in the or- 
dination of the one or banishment of the other might be 
buried in oblivion. The people of Rome regarded Liberius 
as a good man, and esteemed him highly on account of the 
courage he had evinced in opposing the Emperor, so that 
they had even excited sedition on his account, and had gone 
so far as to shed blood. Felix survived but a short time, and 
Liberius found himself in sole possession of the Church/' 
Hefele says that the account thus given by Sozomen was the 

1 Called by some the Third Sirmian Creed. 
VOL. IX. 2 E 

434 The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

chief reason why he admitted the fall of Liberius. We shall 
show that Sozomen's authority is not reliable both on account 
of the time when he lived, his character as a historian, and 
the many glaring mistakes that occur in the passage 
quoted, as well as in many other parts of ids work. 
He did not commence to write his history till 443, nearly a 
century after the date of the reputed fall of Liberius. Con- 
sequently he had to depend on the writings of others, and 
reports that were in circulation regarding Liberius. Reports, 
as we have seen, were circulated before his time that Liberius 
had accepted an Arian Creed. These reports were received 
as true by Sozomen, who did not possess that critical mind that 
would have enabled him to examine carefully the evidence 
on which reports were based, and distinguish the true from 
the false. It is on this account that his history of the Ariaii 
heresy is so full of inaccuracies. He admits himself that it 
was very difficult to get a correct account of the Arian move- 
ment. " If anyone," he says, 1 " should conclude my history 
to be false because he meets with conflicting statements in 
other writings, let him know that since the dogmas of Arius 
and other more recent hypotheses have been broached, the 
rulers of the churches differing in opinion among themselves 
have transmitted their own peculiar views for the benefit of 

their respective followers Intent on maintaining 

the orthodoxy of their own dogmas, the partisans of each 
sect respectively formed a collection of such epistles as 
favoured their own heresy." The editor of the English 
translation (Oxford edition) says of Sozomen's History: "It 
is generally admitted to have suffered many alterations and 
mutilations, and this may in some measure serve to account 
for the frequent inaccuracies in point both of narrative and 
chronology which pervade the nine books of which it is com- 
posed." And St. Gregory the Great, speaking 2 of Sozomen, 
says : " The Holy See refuses to accept his history because 
of the number of falsehoods which it contains." Such, then, 
being the character of Sozomen as an historian of Arianism, 
we must receive with great reserve whatever he says on the 
subject, and submit it to a searching criticism. When we 

i Book I, chap. i. 2 Kp. L. II, n. 31. 

The Alleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 435 

come to examine the extract itself it supplies ample evi- 
dence either of its being an interpolation, or that the writer 
was badly informed. St. Hilary gives an account of the 
meeting that took place at Sirmium between the Emperor, 
the representatives 1 of the Council of Ancyra, and the Arian 
Bishops. He had the best possible opportunity of being 
accurately informed about the meeting, as he was travelling 
in Asi^Minor at the time, and was near Sirmium. He pro- 
fesses TO give the names of those present, and he mentions 
only the Emperor, the three representatives of the Council of 
Ancyra, and the three Arian Bishops, viz., Ursacius, Valens, 
and Germinius. It is clear that had Liberius and Athanasius 
been present, as Sozomen states, their names would have been 
the very first mentioned. In the next place, it is stated that the 
Creed did not contain the word " con-substantial^ and that 
nevertheless it was accepted by Athanasius. If there is any- 
thing more certain than another in the whole history of 
Arianism it is, that after the Council of Nice St. Athanasius 
never consented to accept a profession of faith that did not 
contain the test of orthodoxy with which his name will ever 
remain associated. Lastly, so little does he know about the 
event that he professes to describe as to clearly imply that 
Liberius, after his return to Rome, continued to govern the 
Church conjointly with Felix until the death of the latter, 
whereas it is quite certain, as we shall afterwards see, that on 
his return Felix was forced to consult for his safety in night. 
Even admitting the accuracy of the narrative, there is 
nothing in it to show that Liberius either condemned St. 
Athanasius or denied the con-substantiality of the Son and 
the Father. It says nothing about the condemnation of St. 
Athanasius. It represents Liberius as having given his assent 
to a Creed which did not contain the word " con-substantial." 
But the omission of the word in the circumstances did not imply 
its rejection or the denial of the doctrine expressed by it ; 
for the question in dispute at Sirmium was not between the 
Catholics and the Arians, but between the semi-Arians and 
the Anomaeans regarding the Divinity of the Son, which 

1 They were seini-Arians. 

436 The A lleged Fall of Pope Liberius. 

was admitted by the former and denied by the latter. In 
accepting a Creed that recognised the Divinity of the Son 
and condemned the Anomaean heresy, he would have given 
his assent to a doctrine which every Catholic is bound to believe. 
He was urged by Constantius, according to Sozomen, "to 
confess that the Son is not of the same substance with the 
Father." We are not told that the Emperor's efforts met with 
success. On the contrary, it is pretty clearly intimated that 
they were not successful, as, otherwise, why should the report 
circulated by the Arians, " that Liberius had renounced the 
term con-substantial" be styled a mere "rumour." 

The authority of Philortorgius, a writer of the 5th century, 
is sometimes quoted against Liberius. But his character as 
an historian and the purpose of his work render it impossible 
to attach any weight to his statements. He was an avowed 
Arian, and undertook to prove that Arianism had been the 
general belief of Christians from the earliest times. Such 
a writer would naturally receive without much careful 
examination the truth of any report favourable to his cause. 
Moreover his work is 'lost, a mere outline only being 
preserved in the writings of Photius, so that we cannot 
know how far precisely the charge against Liberius rests on 
his authority. 

We have briefly examined the different arguments by 
which it is sought to establish the fall of Liberius, and shown 
how little value is to be attached to them. Most of the ex- 
tracts on which they are based are Arian forgeries, while the 
rest are either forgeries or betray so much ignorance on the 
part of the writers that they cannot be accepted as sufficient 
to establish any charge against Liberius. The positive 
arguments in favour of his innocence we must defer for 
another paper. 


f 437 ] 


SAINT FECHIN was born in the seventh century at 
Bile, in the barony of Leney, Co. Sligo. 1 He was of 
the royal blood of Ireland, a descendant of Fionn Fuathart, 
brother to Conn of the Hundred Battles ; of the same race 
was Saint Brigid. His father's name was Koelcharna, that 
of his mother, Lassar, who came from a royal race in 
Munster. It is worthy of notice that the name Lassar was 
one which belonged to several of our Irish saints, whose 
names are recorded in our calendars.a 

The education of Fechin was confided to St. Nathy of 
Achonry, under whose guardianship the future saint made 
rapid progress in virtue and learning. It is uncertain how 
long Fechin remained with St. Nathy ; it is stated by some 
writers that he stayed with him until he was ordained priest, 
while others say that he left St. Nathy before he had 
completed his ecclesiastical course. 

Doubts may exist as to the time, and circumstances 
which led Fechin to seek a retreat, where he could devote 
himself to fasting, and prayer ; but Fobhar, or Fore, is said 
to have been selected by him, his steps being guided there 
by an angel. Fore is situated in the barony of Fore, 
Co. Westmeath, and was some time an Episcopal See. 
Ussher states that Fore was called by the Irish Bailie 
Leabhair, "the Town of Books." Colgan, Archdall, and 
Lanigan follow Ussher in that derivation. Here are Ussher's 

words " Ab habitationis loco quern Latin 

Favoriam, Hibernice balle-leabair aut urbem Librorum dixeris 
appellatum invenio." O' Donovan states in a note to his 
edition of the Four Masters (Vol. iii., p. 22) that Ussher's 
statement was accepted as the true one, until the locality 
was examined by the Ordnance Survey in 1837. O'Donovan 

1 Named from the saint, Bile-Fechin. 

2 There were at least five saints of the name two of whom were 
-descended from Laeghaire, son of Niall, viz. Lassar V. commemorated on 
20th August, of Gill Arcalgach in Westmeath, and Lassar (Lassara) niece 
of St. Fortchern, Bishop of Trim. See Mart. Doneg., Mart. Tall. etc. She 
was a contemporary of St. Finian of Clonard. 

438 Saint Fechin of Fore. 

affirms that the Irish name, as pronounced in Westmeath, is 
Baile Fobair, which means the town of Fore, and not the 
Town of Books. It is stated in the life of St. Fechin that 
the place was anciently called Gleann- Fobhar, Fobhar is 
supposed to have the same signification as Tobar, a well, for 
besides the spring which turned Saint Fechin's mill, at Fore, 
there were two holy wells dedicated to the saint, Tobar na 
Cogaine, and Dabacli Feichin. 

Saint Fechin was not long at Fore, until he drew about 
him a host of disciples, attracted to his monastery by the 
shining light of his sanctity. We are told of the number 
in the following verse : 

" Dehinc fuit monachorum 
Dux et pater trecentorum 
Quos instruxit lege morum 1 
Murus contra vitia." 

The monastery was situated on a firm spot of ground, in 
the midst of a bog surrounded by a beautiful country. The 
rule observed in Fechin's Monastery was very severe, and 
foremost in every work of exalted piety was the holy 
founder, whose habit of life, as related in an ancient manu- 
script, was like unto Saint Anthony's. 

* 4 The Hospitable Fechin of Fobhar loved 
It was not a false mortification 
To lay his fleshless ribs upon the 
Hard rocks without clothes." 

We note that he is called the "Hospitable Fechin ;" such no 
doubt he was, and like his Divine Master had great com- 
passion for the poor ; he entertained the leper, and sought 
liberty for the captive, he taught that poverty was no 
dishonour but often a blessing, and that the true soiirce of 
wealth was found in God's grace. 

Saint Fechin was gifted with the power of working 
miracles, he raised the dead to life, and by the efficacy of 
his prayers water flowed from the parched earth. Saint 
Eechiix'fl labours were not confined to the monastery of Fore ; 
several other foundations throughout Ireland are attributed 
to him. Our ecclesiastical writers have questioned as to 
the number; but it has been confidently asserted that 

Saint Fechin of Fore. 439 

Immagh. (now Omey), on the coast of Gal way, owes its 
origin to Saint Fechin. We are told in his life, that he at 
first met with great opposition from the islanders, who refused 
to provide him with food. But God did not desert his faithful 
servant, for we read that Gnaire, King of Connaught, 
hearing of the saint's necessities, sent him provisions. 1 
The people who at first showed obduracy in abjuring 
paganism, stricken by God's grace and the zeal of their 
apostle, became fervent converts, and placed themselves 
and their island at the disposal of Fechin. We find on 
another occasion, the saint acting as mediator, and peace- 
maker, when King Donnald II. marched with an army into 
the) territory of Hy-Niall. The king listened to the entreaty 
of Fechin, and desisted from his design of encroachment. 
Cong, in Co. Galway, Ballysodare and Drumrat, in Co. Sligo, 
and Termonfechin in Louth, are associated with the name of 
Fechin. Scotland honors our saint, and we find Ecclesfechin, 
in Dumfriesshire called thus from him. There is no evidence 
to prove that Fechin, ever was in Scotland, his labours 
appear to have been confined to his own country. In Forbes* 
Scottish Calendar there is notice of Fechin ; two lives of 
him were published by Colgan in Ada, Sanctorum, while 
in Canon O'Eanlon's Lives of the Irish Saints we have 
every available information, from all the authorities about 
the saint's life. There are many traditions preserved at Fore 
of St. Fechin, and his name is held in living reverence by the 
Westmeath people. 2 The old church, supposed to have been 
built by St. Fechin, is still in wonderful preservation ; it 
measures 60 feet, by 23 feet 9 inches. Of the doorway, Dr- 
Petrie remarks : " It is constructed like that of Our Lady's 
Church, Glendalough, has a plain architrave over it, which, 
however, is not continued about its sides, and above this is a 
projecting tablet in the centre of which is sculptured in relief 
a plain cross within a circle." This cross is alluded to in the 

1 This King of Connaught who is so celebrated by the Irish poets, 

for his unbounded hospitality and munificence, is the common ancestor of 

'the families of O'Heyne. O'Clery, MacGillakelly, and other families in 

Co. Galway. (O'Donovan, note to Four Masters, under A.D. 662, vol. ii., 

p, 273.) See also Tribes of lly Fiachrach, p. 54. 

2 See Diocese of Meath. Dean Cogan. Vols. i. and ii. 

440 Saint Fechin of Fore. 

Life of St. Fechin, published by Colgan in Acta Sanctorum. 
Cambrensis has described the mill of St. Fechin, as "hewn by 
the saint's hands, on the side of a rock, within which as also 
the church, women do not enter." The same writers relates 
that the vengeance of heaven descended upon three soldiers 
of De Lacy, for having profaned the place ; one of the soldiers 
was consumed by fire, another became insane, and the third 
met with a sudden death while in company with De Lacy. 
Among the miracles performed by the saint, we are told that 
a certain cleric called Ronan, suffered for a long space of 
time from a grievous headache ; the advice of the best physi- 
cians proved of no avail in his case. Eonan, while in Britain, 
was recommended by a pious hermit to have recourse to 
Fechin, so eminent for sanctity and miracles. The cleric 
consented to do so, and upon his return to Ireland visited 
Fechin, and was restored to health. On one occasion 
Fechin received a leper into his monastery, and appealed 
to the charity of the queen, wife to King Diarmaid, for relief 
and aid in ministering to the wants of the poor sufferer. 
The queen consented to take part in this work of charity, 
and it is said that the leper bestowed upon the queen 
his staff, which she afterwards gave to St. Fechin ; this staff 
was known as Bcichal Fechin, and was preserved for a long 
time at Fore. 1 

St. Fechin in one of his journeys through the country 
spent a Sunday in prayer at Poulaphouca, Co. Wicklow. We 
hear of his being at Naas, where he caused the liberation of 
captives, by his entreaties with the King of Leinster. A cross 
was erected in the market place of Naas, in commemoration of 
Fechin, and the monastery in that neighbourhood, called 
Fulach Fobhair, is ascribed to him. 

St. Fechin died in his monastery at Fore ; previous to 
that event he called together all his monks, he besought 
them to despise the things of earth, and to ambition 
only heavenly delights. On the 20th January, 664, Fechin 
resigned his pure spirit into the hands of God. He died of 

1 See Life of St. Fechin by Canon O'Hanlon ; also his Life of St. David, 
Patron of Naas. 

The " Potentia " and " Actus^ etc., of Scholasticism: 441