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Full text of "The Irish ecclesiastical record"

THE IRISH 



ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD; 



Journal* 



CONDUCTED BY A SOCIETY OF CLERGYMEN, 

UNDER EPISCOPAL SANCTION. 



VOL. I 



1 Ut Christian! ita et Romani sitis". 

1 Aa you are children of Christ, so be you children of Rome". 

Ex Diclis S. Patricii, Book of Armagh, fol 9. 



DUBLIN: 

JOHN F. FOWLER, 3 CROW STREET, 

DAME STREET. 

1865, 



J. P. FOWLER, PRINTER, 

3 CROW STREET, DAME STREET, 

DUBLIN. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



[For the Contents of the several Decrees of Congregations the reader is referred to the Half- 

Yearly Index.] 



Achonry, See of, . . . . . . 209 

Adjumenta Qratoris Sacri, etc. opera F. X. Schouppe, noticed, . 503 

Aireran, St., Prayer of, ...... 63 

Ambrose, St., Tomb of, ..... 22 

Ardagh, the See of, 13 

-. Ancient Religious Foundations of, . . . 127 

Armagh, Richard Fitz-Ralph, Archbishop of, ... 486, 524 

Attracta, St., Feast of, ...... 39 

AveUino,St. Andrew, Feast of, ..... 145 

Barlow, James, on Eternal Punishment, . . . . 217 

Belgian Bishops, Card. Patrizi's Letter to, . . . . 193 

Bible, the Catholic Church and the, .... 253, 323 

Boenninghausen, De irregular itatibus, noticed, ... 48 

Brancadoro, Mgr., Letters of, to F. Concanen, 0. P., . . 54 

Brigid's, St., Convent of, . . . . . 127 . 

Brigid's, St., Orphanage, '...... 167 

Butt, Mr., and National Education, ..... 534 

Carthage, St., Rule of, .... 113, 172 

Catacombs, Signs of Martyrdom in the, . . . . 19 

Catholic Church, the, and the Bible, .... 253, 323 

Catholic-education, ....... 227 

Catholic IThiversities of Belgium and of Ireland, . . . 549 

Church, the Social Mission of the, . 334 

Clancarty, Earl of, . ..... 200, 253 

Clonmacnoise, the See of, . . . . . . 153 

ColensOjDr., and the Old Testament, . . . 271, 363, 513, 553 

Colga, St., Prayer of, ...... 4 

Concordat, the French, . . . . . . 159 

Consalvi, Cardinal, and Napoleon Bonaparte, . . . i59 } 201 

Memoirs of my Ministry, by, . . . 301 

Conversion, the History of a, . . . . . 409 

Cork and Cloyne, Dioceses of, . . . . . 311 

B. Thaddeus, Bishop of, . . . , 375 } 401 

Council of Trent, Decision of the S. Cong, for the interpret, of, . 590 

CromweHian Settlement of Ireland, by J. P. Prendergast, noticed t 504 

Culdees of the British Isles, the, by Dr. Reeves, noticed, . . 444 



vi Alphabetical Index. 

Cullen, Most Rev. Dr., Letter on Poland from, . . . 182 

Speech of, .... 227 

Circular of, on the Ceremonies of Holy 

Week, 343 

Cuminings, Rev. Dr., Religious Controversy in America, noticed, . 198 

Cunningham, H. S.,. Is Good Neivsfrom Ireland trite ? noticed, . 119 
Dechamps, V., Letters to People of the World on a Life of Pleasure, 

noticed, . . . . . . . 349 

De Ram, Mgr. F. X., . . . . . . 572 

De Rossi, Cav. G. B., Roma Sotteranea, noticed, . . . 102 

* ' Imagini Scelte, della B. V. Maria, noticed, . 247 

Derry, the See of, ....... 353 

Down and Connor, the See of, ..... 262, 385 

Dromore, the See of, ...... 506 

Dubliniensis, Letter of, . . . ... 436 

Dublin, Dr. Moran's History of the Catholic Archbishops of, noticed, 556 
Encyclical of Pius IX., 8th December, 1864 , . . See Appendix 

English Bishops, Letter of the Holy Office to, . . 139 
Essays on the Origin, etc., of the Irish Church, by Rev. Dr. Moran, 

noticed, ....... 41 

Feye, Professor, . . .... 359 

Fitz-Ralph, Richard, Archbishop of Armagh, . . 15, 48G, 524 

Froschammer, Dr., Condemnation of, .... 93 

Gargan, Rev. Dr., The Ancient Church of Ireland, noticed, . 45 

Gilbert, 3. T., History of the Viceroys of Ireland, noticed, . . 552 

Grant, Right Rev. Dr., Bishop of Southwark, Letter to, . . 143 

Graves, Two Illustrious, ...... 427 

Gray, Sir J., on Obnoxious Oaths, noticed, .... 352 

Henry Ludovicus, De residentia benejiciatorum, noticed, . . 46 

Holy See, the, and the liberty of the Irish Church, . . 46 

Index, S, Cong, of the, Letter from, . . 144 

Monita of, to Prof. Ubaghs, . 344 

Indulgences, Decrees of the S. Cong, of, 37, 38, 241, 347, 393, 394, 395 

Indulgenced Prayers, ...... 393 

Indulgence, Plenary, in articulo mortis, Rescript of Clement XIV. on, 133 

Irish Race, Destiny of the, ..... 65 

Irish Church Establishment, the, . . . . 119, 227 

Irish Bishops, Letter to, from Card. Prefect of Propaganda, concer- 
ning the B. Eucharist ...... 242 

on the Residence prescribed by the S. Canons, 246 

. Concessions to the quoad usuin Pontificalium 

extra Diocesim, . . . . 246 

Letter from, to Henry Grattan, M.P., . 291 

Letter to, from Card. Antonelli, on a change 



in the consecration oath of Bishops, .... 

Letter of, to Propaganda, 1801, . 440 

Address of the, to Pius VII., 

Letter to, on dispensations in mixed marriages, 438 

Rescript to, on Requiem Masses, 

Jameson, Mrs., inaccuracies of, 

Jubilee, decisions regarding the, . 347 



Alphabetical Index. vii 

Page. 
J. W. IT., Letter of, . . . . . 389 

Keogh, Judge, and Catholic Doctrines, .... 450 

Killaloe, the See of, . . 465 

Laemmer, Rev. Dr., Histoire de ma conversion, . . . 408 

Liturgical Questions, 29, 89, 133, 186, 239, 283, 339, 382, 433, 500, 542, 585 
Lough Derg, St. Patrick's Purgatory in, . . . . 493 

Louvain, Card. Patrizi on some Doctrines taught at, . . 193 

Malone, Rev. S., Letter of, . . . . . . 288 

Malou, Mgr., Regies pour le choix (Tun etat de vie, noticed, . . 151 

Missarum iteratio, applicatio pro populo, etc., . . . . 590 

M'Carthy, Rev., Dr. Kelly's dissertations, .... 48, 

McCarthy, B. Thaddeus, . . . . . .375,401 

Milton, John, his principles of toleration, .... 456 

Moran, Rev. Dr., various works of, noticed, . . .41, 426, 551 

Middle Ages, a recent Protestant view of, . . . . 67 

National Education and Mr. Butt, ..... 634 

O'Connor, Rev. M., the Destiny of the Irish Race, . . 65 

O'Curry,.Prof,,MSS. of, . . . . . 4,63,112,172 

Old Testament, Dr. Colenso and the, . . . 271, 363, 513, 553 

O'Neill, Hugh, Grave of, 427 

O'Melrian, Dr., Letters of, . . . . . . 465 

Ossory, the See of, ...... 563 

Patrick's, St., Purgatory in Lough Derg, .... 493 

Patricks, St., Cathedral: how it icas restored, noticed, . . 399 

Patrizi, Card., Letter of, to the Belgian Bishops, . 193 

Peter's, St., Pence, Association of, . . . . , 181 

Pensioning the Irish Clergy, ..... 52 

Phials of blood in the Catacombs, ..... 19 

Pitra, Cardinal, Juris Ecclesiastici Grecorum Historia, noticed, 195 

Pius VII., Reply to Address of the Irish Bishops, ... 441 

Pius IX., Letters of, ...... 35, 93, 192 

Poenitentiaria, Answers of the S., . . . . . 142, 347 

Prendergast's Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, noticed, . . 604 

Propaganda, Decrees of S. Cong, of, 143, 242, 246, 293, 297, 391, 438, 439 

Requiem Masses, ....... 37, 296 

Reeves, Dr., The Culdees of the British Isles, noticed, . . 444 

Rice, Rev. W., Letter of, . . . ^ . . . 389 

Rites, Decrees of Congregation of, . .18, 39, 97, 146, 146, 31G 

Rituale Romanum Appendix ad, noticed, .... 396 

Robertson, Prof., Lectures on Modern History, noticed, . . 101 

Ross, Diocese of, ....... 105 

Sacrament of Penance in the early Irish Church, . . . 477 

Schouppe, F. X., Adjumenta Oratoris Sacri, etc., noticed, . . 503 

Secret Societies, Decisions concerning, .... 38 

Segur, Mgr. de, on Holy Communion, .... 197 

Popular objections against the Encyclical, noticed, 397 

Thaddeus, Blessed, Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, . . . 401 

Theiner's Vetera Monumenta, noticed, . . . .47, 103, 297 

Todd, Dr., Memoir of St. Patrick, Martyrology of Donegal, . 43, 98 

Trench, Dr., Sacred Latin Poetry, .... 58 

Troy, Most Rev. Dr., Card. Autonelli's Letter to, . . . 392 



viii Alphabetical Index 

Ubaghs, Letter of Prof., . . . . . 

Unionism Condemned, ...... 139 

University Education in Ireland, . . . . . 23 

Universities, list of German, ..... 409 

University, Catholic, Exhibitions, .... 544 

Universities of Belgium and of Ireland, . . . . 549 

Vercellone, P., Variae Lectiones Vulgatae^ noticed, . . 147 

Veto, the 49 

Viceroys, Gilbert's History of the Irish, noticed, . . . 147 

Villecourt, Cardinal de, Vie et Institut de S. Alphonse Mari de 

Liguori, noticed, . . . . . . 400 

Woodlock, Mgr., Rector of the Catholic University, Letter of 544 

Appendix : 

The Encyclical of His Holiness, 8th December, 1864:. 

The Brief for the Jubilee. 

Cardinal Antonelli's Letter. 

Syllabus of Condemned Propositions. 

Translation of ditto. 

Inauguration of the. Catholic University, Session 1864-05. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

OCTOBER, 1864. 



" Christian is my name, Catholic my surname", said one of 
the early Fathers, when he wished to give an adequate de- 
scription of his religious belief. In the same way, the name and 
surname of this publication sufficiently indicate its character and 
scope. First of all, it is Ecclesiastical, by reason of its subject 
matter, of the class which it addresses, and of the sanction under 
which it appears. Next, it is Irish, because, to the best of its 
humble ability, it is intended to serve the Catholic Church of 
our native country. Father Segneri tells us in one of his ser- 
mons, that in his day men used to nock to the religious houses 
in Italy, eagerly asking : " What news from Ireland ?" Those 
were the stormy days of the latter half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. How often, on such occasions, in the cool cloisters of 
Roman colleges, where he had spent so much of his blameless 
life, was the name of Archbishop Plunket pronounced by the 
old friends to whom his worth was so well known ! How many 
a listener went straight out from such conferences to pray for his 
stricken brethren of the suffering Irish Church ! At that time 
the trials, the wounds, the sorrows, the triumphs, the hopes of 
Irish Catholics were the subject of many a discourse, the anxious 
care of many a heart. To-day all this is changed in great part. 
No foreign preacher now-a-days would allude to his hearers' 
widespread interest about the Irish Church, as one of the signs 
of the times. And why? Not because due allowance made 
for changes our country has become less interesting ; for surely 
our Catholicity, in the bloom of its second spring, is not less re- 
markable than it was when torn and beaten to the ground by 
persecution. And if fraternal love made our distant brethren 
look sorrowfully over the sea upon our Church when in ruins, 
VOL. i. 1 



2 Introduction. 

surely the same love would teach them not to turn away their 
eyes from us now that we are once more setting in fair order the 
stones that had been displaced. Brothers share each other's 
joys as well as each other's sorrows. The reason of the change 
is, that Irish Catholic intelligence does not find its way abroad. 
There is much to be said about the Church in Ireland, there are 
many anxious to hear it, but there is no messenger to bear the 
news. It is not, perhaps, too much to say, that there is less 
known abroad about the state of the Irish Church in these days 
of telegraph and railway, than there was when Dr. Plunket had 
to borrow a name under cover of which to write to the inter- 
nuncio, and when Irish news was not thought out of place 
among the Epistolce Indices et Japonicce of the Jesuit Fathers. 
The IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD will endeavour to meet 
this want. It will give some account of the necessities, the pro- 
gress, the efforts of the Irish Church. Facts of Ecclesiastical 
administration, Episcopal letters of general interest, various 
documents that go to make up the history of a Church, shall 
find their place in its pages. By these means we shall have at 
hand a ready answer, when we are asked what are we doing in 
Ireland. Otherwise, our silence is likely to be taken as an ad- 
mission that we have nothing to show worthy of the Insula 
Sanctorum et Doctorum. 

Besides, as the world goes on, history is ever repeating itself, 
but with a difference. In Father Segneri's time the Catholics 
of Italy asked after the news from Ireland ; now it is our turn 
to ask : " What news from Rome ?" Then the Head was tenderly 
solicitous about the suffering members ; now the members are 
troubled for the perils of the Head. This being the case, it is 
intolerable that modern journalism, with its lies, clumsy or 
clever, should be teachers of Pontifical history to the Irish 
Clergy. The sheep should hear the very voice of the Chief 
Shepherd, and not the distorted echo of that voice. We want 
no unfriendly medium between us and our Holy Father's words 
as they run in his Allocutions, Briefs, Decisions, or in the re- 
sponses of the Sacred Congregations. It will be the privilege of 
the RECORD to publish from genuine copies those documents, 
which, if left to hostile or indifferent channels, might otherwise 
either be cast away as useless or mutilated in the carrying. In 
addition, we shall give from time to time Roman Intelligence of 
general interest to the Clergy. 

A distinguished German scholar has lately said that the can- 
dlestick of theological science has been moved in our days from 
its primitive seats, and that upon the German mind has devolved 
the charge of becoming the principal support and guardian of 
theological knowledge. We do not share this view. The 



Introduction. 3 

science of Theologj being supernational in its nature, although 
at a given date it may flourish more in one country than 
another, can never become the special property of any. In 
Rome, above all, and in Italy generally, in Belgium, in^France, 
in Spain, in America, as well as in Germany, much is being 
done for Theology. The literary and scientific labours of Ca- 
tholics in all these countries ought to be better known amongst 
us. Surrounded by a literature which, non-Catholic at its best, 
is fast losing all colour of Christianity, we have need to profit 
by all that modern research has anywhere contributed to the 
Catholic solution of the great questions of which the age has 
been so fertile. Nor is Catholic Ireland without her own proper 
treasures to give in exchange for what she receives from abroad. 
Not to speak of the actual labours of Irish Divines in Theology 
and History, it may be said that few Churches are so rich as 
ours in remains of ecclesiastical antiquity of the highest import- 
ance. A catena could be formed from the unpublished writings 
of Irish Fathers so complete and so full, that scarcely a single 
dogma of faith or practice of religious life would be left outside 
the circle. Fresh researches will every da^ bring new treasures 
to light, and the application of sound critical principles will 
teach us to estimate at their true value those already in our 
possession. These remains have been scattered over many 
countries, but pious hands are even now bringing them together 
once more. The RECORD will tell how the work of restoration 
progresses, and give from time to time some of the more valu- 
able documents to the light. 

The RECORD would thus be, in some degree, a link between 
the clergy of Ireland and their foreign brethren. It would like- 
wise serve as an organ for direct communication between the 
Priests of Ireland themselves. We have, no doubt, many excel- 
lent Catholic newspapers and periodicals which are of material 
service to our holy religion. But it is quite true, nevertheless, 
that ecclesiastical subjects cannot well be treated of in publica- 
tions devoted to general literature. Liturgical decisions, rubrical 
questions, remarkable cases, points of theology, notices of books 
treating of clerical or pastoral duties, Christian archaeology, if they 
can gain admission to their pages at all, look strangely out of 
place in the midst of an indiscriminate gathering of the changing 
topics of the day. Besides, the general reader might complain, 
were too much space given in such works to the discussion of new 
phases of Protestantism or infidelity, to accounts from the Foreign 
Missions, to the claims of Catholic Education ; whilst the clergy- 
man would regret to find his letter or paper on some ecclesias- 
tical matter cut down to a size altogether out of keeping with its 
importance. In one word, the Catholic Clerical body requires a 

1 B 



4 Prayer of St. Colga. 

special organ for itself. This want has been felt in Italy, in 
France, in Belgium, in Bavaria; and in all these countries the 
clergy now have a publication exclusively devoted to what con- 
cerns their sacred calling. We have abundant assurance from 
many quarters that these periodicals are esteemed as of great ad- 
vantage to the clergy. To-day the IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD 
takes an humble place among them, content to do even a little in 
so great a work. We are confident that it will receive the sym- 
pathy and support of our brother Priests of this country ; for the 
feeling that has called it into existence is a feeling that lies close 
to the heart of every one amongst us, namely, a true love for the 
Catholic Church of Ireland. 



PRAYER OF ST. COLGA. 

The learned Professor O'Curry devotes the sixteenth and fol- 
lowing lectures of his work on the Manuscript Materials of Irish 
History to the early ecclesiastical MSS. In the eighteenth lec- 
ture (page 378, and foil.) he says: 

" The fifth class of these religious remains consists of the 
prayers, invocations, and litanies which have come down to us : 
these I shall set down in chronological order, as far as my autho- 
rities will allow me, and, when authority fails, guided by my own 
judgment and experience in the investigation of these ancient 
writings". 

Of the first piece of this class mentioned by O'Curry, the 
Prayer of Saint Aireran, or Aileran the Wise, we hope to treat 
in a future number of this RECORD. 

" The second piece of this class", he continues, " is the Prayer 
or Invocation of Colgu Na Duinechda, a classical professor of 
Clonmacnoise,,who died in the year 789". 

In the Martyrology of Donegal, just published by the Irish 
Archaeological and Celtic Society, we find the following notice 
of the Author of this prayer on the 20th of February, the 10th 
of the Kalends of March: 

" COLGA, Mac Ua Duinechda,* i.e. Lector of Cluan-mac-nois. 
It was he that composed the kind of prayer, called the StifiAb 
CjAAOAi-o.t It was to him Paul the Apostle came to converse 
with him, and to help him on his road, and he took his satchel of 
books at Moin-tire-an-ais, and it was he that pleaded for him to 
the school of Cluain-mac-Nois, and the prologue or preface which 

* Dr. Todd, one of the learned editors, here adds a note : " Duinechda. The 
later hand inserts here : Marian, vocat. CAoicti, Marianus O'Gorman calls him 
CAoUViti". But in the Brussels MS. of M. O'Gorman, as copied by Mr. O'Curry, 
the name is \vritten Coldivi. 

f That is the Besom or Broom of Devotion. See Colgan, Acta SS. p. 378. 



Prayer of St. Colga. 5 

is before that prayer states that this Colga was a saint, was a 
priest, and was a scribe of the saints of Erin, etc. An$ there is 
a Saint Colga, with his pedigree, among the race of Dathi, son of 
Fiachra, son of Eochaidh. Muidhmhedhoin, and he may perhaps 
be this Colga". 

Through the gracious permission of their Lordships the Board 
of the Catholic University, who have placed at our disposal the 
manuscripts belonging to the late lamented Mr. O'Curry, now in 
possession of the University, we are enabled to give our readers 
this interesting and valuable document. In doing so we do not 
pretend to enter on a critical or philological examination of it. 
We shall confine ourselves to some remarks on those points 
which seem most interesting to ecclesiastics. 

Speaking of this document, the learned Professor says : " This 
prayer is divided into two parts. The first consists of twenty- 
eight petitions or paragraphs, each paragraph beseeching the 
mercy and forgiveness of Jesus through the intercession of some 
class of the holy men of the Old and New Testament, who are 
referred to in the paragraph, or represented by the names of one 
or more of the most distinguished of them. The first part begins 
thus : * I beseech the intercession with Thee, O Holy Jesus ! of 
thy four Evangelists who wrote thy Gospel, Matthew, Mark, 
Luke, and John'. The second part consists of seventeen petitions 
to the Lord Jesus, apparently offered at Mass time, beseeching 
Him to accept the sacrifice then made for all Christian Churches, 
for the sake of the Merciful Father, from whom He descended 
upon the Earth, for the sake of His Divinity, which the Father 
had overshadowed, in order that it might unite with His 
humanity, for the sake of the Immaculate body from which He 
was formed in the womb of the Virgin. The second prayer 
begins thus: ' O Holy Jesus I O Beautiful Friend 1' etc., etc." 

The prayer is found in the Leabhar Buidhe Lecain (or Yellow 
Book of Lecain), in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, 
(MS. H. 2. 16, T.C.D., col. 336). 

The Yellow Book of Lecain is a volume consisting at present 
(notwithstanding many losses) of 500 pages of large quarto 
vellum ; and with the exception of a few small tracts in some- 
what later hands, is all finely written by Donnoch and Gilla Isa 
Mac Firbis, in the year 1390. It would appear to have been, in 
its original form, a collection of ancient historical pieces, civil and 
ecclesiastical, in prose and verse. O'Curry enumerates these 
pieces at page 191 of his work on the MS. Materials of Irish 
History. 

ORATIO COLGANI sancti* (Ua Duinechda, ob. A.D. 789). Sa- 

* This title is from Michael O'Cleary's copy, made in 1627. The Prayer is 
from a vellum MS. written in 1390. 



6 Prayer of St. Colga. 

pientis et Prespiteri et Scripae omnium Sanctorum incipit cjui 
cimq'ue hanc orationem cantaverit veram penitentiam et indul- 
gentiam peccatorurn habebit et alias multa gratias, id est, Ateocli 
fuit a Isa naemh do cheithre suiscela, etc. 

' [PART i.] 

1. I beseech the intercession with thee, O holy Jesus, of thy 
Four Evangelists, who wrote thy Divine Gospel, viz., Matthew, 
Mark, Luke, and John. 

2. I beseech the intercession with thee of thy four chief Pro- 
phets, who foretold thy Incarnation, Daniel, and Jeremiah, and 
Isaiah, and Ezechiel. 

3. I beseech the intercession with thee of the nine degrees of 
the Church on Earth, from the Psalm-singer to the Bishop. 

4. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the elect who 
have taken these degrees from the commencement of the New 
Testament to this day, and who shall adopt them from this day 
to the 'day of judgment. 

5. I beseech the intercession with thee of the nine degrees of 
the Heavenly Church, viz.. Angels and Archangels, Virtutes, Po- 
testates, Principatus, Dominationes, Throni, Hirophin, Sarophin. 

6. I beseech the intercession with thee of the noble Pa- 
triarchs, who foretold thee through the spiritual mysteries. 

7. I beseech the intercession with thee of the twelve Minor 
Prophets, who figured thee. 

8. I beseech the intercession with thee of the Twelve Apos- 
tles, who loved, and who desired, and who adhered to, and who 
followed, and who chose thee before all others. 

9. I beseech the intercession with thee of all thy sons of pure 
virginity throughout the world, both of the Old Testament and 
the New Testament, together with the youthful John, thine own 
bosom child. 

10. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the repentant 
saints, with Peter the Apostle. 

11. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the perfect 
virgins of the world, with the Virgin Mary, thine own Holy 
Mother. 

12. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the repentant 
widows, with Mary Magdalene. 

13. I beseech the intercession with thee of all righteously 
tempted persons, with afflicted Job, who was visited with tribu- 
lations. 

14. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy martyrs 
of the whole world, both of the Old Testament and of the New 
Testament, from the beginning of the world to Eli and Enoch, 
who shall suffer the last martyrdom on the brink of the judg- 



Prayer of St. Colga. 1 

inent; with Stephen, with Cornelius, with Cyprian, with Law-* 
rence, with Georgius, with Germanus. 

15. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy monks 
who made battle for thy sake throughout the whole world, with 
Eliam, and with Elisium, in the Old Testament ; with John, with 
Paul, with Anthony, in the New Testament. 

16. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of 
the Patriarchal Law, with Abel, with Seth, with Eli, with 
Enoch, with Abraham, with Isaac, with Jacob. 

17. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of 
the written Law, with Moses, with Jesu, with Calep, with 
Aaron, with Eliazar, and with Jonas. 

18. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of 
the Law of the Prophets, with Elias and with Elisium ; with 
David, with Solomon. 

19. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of 
the Law of the New Testament, with thine own Holy Apostles, 
and with all the saints to the end of the world. 

20. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops 
who founded the ecclesiastical city in Jerusalem, with Jacob of 
the knees, thine own holy brother. 

21. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops 
who founded the ecclesiastical city in Rome, with Lin, with 
Cleit, with Clement. 

22. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy 
bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Alexandria, with 
Mark the Evangelist. 

23. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy 
bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city after them, with, the 
Apostle Peter. 

24. I beseech the intercession with thee of the holy Innocents 
of the whole world, who suffered crucifixion and martyrdom for 
thee, with the two thousand one hundred and forty youths who 
were murdered by Herod in Bethlehem of Juda, with the boy 
Ciric. 

25. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the hosts of the 
perfect, righteous elders, who preached of thee in their old age, 
and their perfection, and their righteousness, with Eligib in the 
Old Testament, and with the noble, perfect, righteous elder 
Simeon, at the beginning of the New Testament, who caught thee 
upon his wrists and up^on his knees and upon his arms, rejoicing 
over thee, when he said : Nunc dimitte secundum tuum Domine 
secundum verbum tuum in pace. Quia viderunt oculi mei salu- 
tem tuam. Quod parasti antefaciem omnium populorum lumen 
adrevelationem gentium et gloriam plebis tuse Israel. 

26. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy dis- 



8 Prayer of St. Colga. 

ciples, who learned all the spiritual knowledge, both of the Old 
Testament and the New Testament, with the seventy-two dis- 
ciples. 

27. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the perfect 
teachers, who preached the spiritual sense (pAtif), with the 
seventy-two disciples themselves, and with the Apostle Paul, 
that thou take me this night, O Holy Trinity, under thy protec- 
tion and shelter, and with ardour to defend me and to protect me 
from the demons with all their solicitations, and from all the 
creatures of the world ; from the desires, from the transgressions, 
from the sins, from the disobediences, from the dangers of this 
world ; from the pains of the next ; from the hands of enemies 
and all dangers ; from the fire of Hell and eternity ; from disgrace 
before the face of God ; from the pursuit of demons, that they 
prevail nought with us in our passage to the other world ; from 
the dangers of this world ; from every person whom God knows 
to be unfriendly to us throughout the ten points of the Earth. 
May God put away from us their fury, their power, their valour, 
their bravery, their cunning ; may God light up meekness, and 
charity, gratitude, and mercy, and forgiveness in their hearts, 
and in their thoughts, and in their souls, and in their minds, 
and in their bowels. 

[PART n.] 

1. O Holy Jesus 

O Beautiful Friend. 

O Star of the Morning. 

O FuU Noonday Sun. 

O Resplendent. 

O Noble torch of the righteous, and of the truth, and of the 
eternal life, and of eternity. 

O Fountain ever new, everlasting. 

O Heart's-love of the illustrious Patriarchs. 

O Longing of the Prophets. 

O Master of Apostles and Disciples. 

O Bestower of the Law. 

O Precursor of the New Testament. 

O Judge of the Judgment Day. 

O Son of the Merciful Father, without a Mother in Heaven. 

O Son of the truly perfect Virgin Mary, without a father on 
Earth. 

O true brother of the heart. 

2. For the sake of thy consanguinity, hear the supplication of 
this poor miserable being, that thou receive the offering for all 
Christian Churches and for myself. 



Prayer of St. Colga. 9 

3. For the sake of the Merciful Father, from whom thou didst 
come unto us upon Earth. 

4. For the sake of thy Divinity, which that Father modified 
so as to receive thy humanity. 

5. For the sake of the Immaculate Body from which thou 
didst come (wert formed) in the womb of the Virgin. 

6. For the sake of the Spirit with the seven forms, which 
descended upon that body in unity with thyself and with thy 
Father. 

7. For the sake of the holy womb from which thou didst 
receive that body without destruction of virginity. 

8. For the sake of the holy following, and the holy pedigree 
from which that body descended, from the body of Adam to the 
body of Mary. 

9. For the sake of the seven things which were foretold of 
thee on Earth, namely, thy conception, thy birth, thy baptism, 
thy crucifixion, thy burial, thy resurrection, thy ascension, thy 
coming to the judgment. 

10. For the sake of the holy tree upon which thy side was torn. 

11. For the sake of the innocent blood which trickled upon 
us from that tree. 

12. For the sake of thine own body and blood, which are 
offered upon all the holy altars which are in all the Christian 
Churches of the world. 

13. For the sake of all the scriptures in which thy news is 
recorded. 

14. For the sake of all the truth in which thy resurrection is 
recorded. 

15. For the sake of thy charity, which is the head and the 
top of all the testaments, ut dicitur, caritas super exaltat omnia. 

16. For the sake of thy royal kingdom, with all its rewards 
and glorious gifts and music. 

17. For the sake of thy mercy, and thy forgiveness, and thy 
loving friendship, thy own bountifulness, which is more exten- 
sive than all wealth, that I may obtain the forgiveness and the 
annihilation of my past sins from the beginning of my life to this 
day, after the words of David, who said : Beati quorum remissae 
sunt iniquitates et quorum tecta sunt peccata, id est : dispense, 
and give, and bestow thy holy grace and thy holy spirit to 
defend and shelter me from all my present and future sins ; and 
to light up in me all truth, and to retain me in that truth to the 
end of my life, and that thou receive me at the end of my life 
into Heaven, in the unity of illustrious patriarchs and prophets, 
in the unity of Apostles and Disciples, in the unity of Angels 
and Archangels, in the unity which excels all unities, that is, in 
the unity of the bright, holy, all-powerful Trinity, Father, and 



10 Prayer of St. Colga. 

Son, and Holy Spirit. For I can effect nothing unless I effect 
it in the language of the Apostle Paul, who said : Quis me libe- 
ravit a corpore mortis hujus peccati nisi gratia tua Doinine 
Jesu Christe qui regnas in secula seculorum. Amen. 

The dogmatic importance of this document is very great, as 
showing the belief of the Church of Ireland on many points, which 
are now set down by Protestants as of recent introduction. 

We are struck in the first part with the invocation of the saints, 
whose powerful intercession is asked, not with God the Father 
only, but with the Son of God made man, the Mediator of God 
and man, Christ our Lord; and the intercession with Him is 
asked of the saints of the Old Testament as well as of the New. 

In the nine degrees of the Church on Earth, (3) we find allu- 
sion to the four minor and three greater orders, of which the 
names are given by the Council of Trent ; and to them are added 
the office of bishop, which is the completion of the priesthood, 
and that of psalm-singer, which, as we are told by an ancient 
Irish canon, was given to any clerk, not by episcopal ordination, 
but by delegation from a priest. 

The nine choirs of blessed spirits (5) are those mentioned by 
Saint Gregory (Horn. 34 in Evang. ante naed.), and are enume- 
rated almost in the same order: " Novem Angelorum ordines 
dicimus,quia videlicet esse testante sacro eloquio scimus : Angelos, 
Archangelos, Virtutes, Potestates, Principatus, Dominationes, 
Thronos, Cherubim, atque Seraphim. Esse namque Angelos et 
Archangelos pene omnes sacri eioquii paginae testantur. Che- 
rubim vero atque Seraphim saepe, ut notum est, libri Prophe- 
tarum loquuntur. Quatuor quoque ordinum nomina Paulus 
Apostolus ad Ephesios enumerat, dicens: Supra omnem Princi- 
patum et Potestatem et Virtutem et Dominationem. Qui rursus 
ad Colossenses scribens, ait : Sive Throni, sive Potestates, sive 
Principatus, sive Dominationes. Dum ergo illis quatuor, quae 
ad Ephesios dixit, conjunguntur Throni, quinque sunt ordines; 
quibus dum Angeli et Archangeli, Cherubim atque Seraphim, 
conjuncta sunt, proculdubio novem esse Angelorum ordines 
inveniuntur". We ought, perhaps, to add that the coincidence 
with Saint Gregory's enumeration is not, perhaps, altogether 
casual, for there is reason to believe that in the eighth century 
there was in Ireland a very extensive acquaintance with that 
great pontiff's writings. 

In the verses (9, 11) St. Colga clearly shows the feeling of the 
ancient Church of Ireland with respect to the practice of holy 
virginity, and in honouring the ever blessed Mother of God. 
" I beseech the intercession with Thee of all thy sons of pure 
virginity, etc. I beseech the intercession with Thee of all the 



Prayer of St. Colga. 11 

perfect virgins of the world, with the Virgin Mary, Thine own 
holy Mother, O Son of the truly perfect Virgin Mary". 

In verse (14) our saint seems to allude to the special honour 
in which Saint Germanus of Auxerre was held in Ireland, per- 
haps on account of his close connection with our holy Apostle, 
Saint Patrick. Saint Colga invokes him along with some of the 
most distinguished saints of the early Church ; and as if to mark 
the great labours of that apostolic man, the holy men with whom 
he joins him are all martyrs. 

The honour to be shown to the monastic state is indicated by 
associating (15) with all the holy monks who made battle for thy 
sake throughout the whole world, the great names of Elias and 
Eliseus under the Old Law, and of John the Baptist, Paul, the 
first hermit, and Anthony, the first founder of the monastic state, 
in the New Testament. 

In the next eight verses the prayer follows a chronological 
order : our Saint first invokes the early patriarchs : Abel, Seth, 
etc., to Jacob. He then calls upon the chosen of the written 
Law, including Moses, Josue, etc., and the chosen of the law of 
the Prophets Elias, Eliseus, David, and Solomon. He then 
passes to the New Testament, begging the intercession of thine 
own holy Apostles, and all the saints to the end of the world. 
Saint James, " Frater Domini", is then mentioned as first bishop 
of Jerusalem, which was the earliest of the Churches ; then follow 
all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Rome. 
After them mention is made of Mark the Evangelist, the 
founder of the Church of Alexandria. And then, as if to sum 
up under one heading the whole Church of Christ on Earth, 
and to indicate its chief foundation and corner-stone after our 
Lord Himself, our Saint, still addressing the Son of God, ex- 
claims: "I beseech the intercession with Thee of all the holy 
bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city, after them, with 
the Apostle Peter". Were it not for this special invocation of 
Saint Peter, it might seem strange that his name was omitted 
when invoking the holy bishops of the Church of Rome ; but our 
Saint seems to wish to call upon him here, not in connection 
with any particular Church, but in his relation to the whole 
ecclesiastical edifice, the city of God, which is the Church. 

In indicating the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical 
city in Rome, St. Colga follows the order of the Canon of the an- 
cient Roman Liturgy : Linus, Cletus, Clement, showing by this the 
close connection of our ancient Church with the other churches 
of^Europe, and especially with the Church of Rome. Whether 
this be really the chronological order, is (as all are aware) a 
vexata questio among ecclesiastical historians. Nearly all the 
monuments and authorities bearing on this point set down Saint 



12 Prayer of St. Colga. 

Linus as the immediate successor of the Prince of the Apostles; 
and, although Saint Augustine (Epistola ad Generosum) and 
Saint Optatus of Milevi (Lib. 2, adv. Parmenianum, cap. 3) give 
Saint Clement as next in order to Saint Linus, still the weight 
of testimony is in favour of the order followed by our Saint. 
Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. lib. 3, cap. 16), says: " Per id tempus 
Clemens Romanam adhuc gubernabat Ecclesiam, qui post Pau- 
lum et Petrum Episcopalis illius dignitatis gradum obtinuit: 
Linus primus erat, secundus Anacletus". From the concurrent 
testimony of almost all the ancient writers, Saint Irenaeus, Euse- 
bius, Saint Epiphanius, Saint Optatus, Saint Augustine, etc., 
Anacletus and Cletus were one and the same person. A con- 
firmation of this ancient tradition, regarding the immediate suc- 
cessors of Saint Peter, has been found within the last three years 
in the excavations made by our indefatigable fellow-countryman, 
Father Mullooly, O.P., under the actual church of Saint Clement 
in Rome, of which he is prior. In one of the frescoes which 
adorned the old church over which the present basilica is raised, 
we find a picture of Saint Clement enthroned by Saint Peter. 
The apostle has one foot on the step of the throne upon which 
he is placing his disciple, while Saint Linus and Saint Cletus 
stand by, as if assisting at the installation of one who was their 
successor, as well as Saint Peter's. These paintings were exe- 
cuted in the ninth century, during the pontificate of Pope 
Nicholas I., of whom mention is made in another part of them. 
In this representation of the enthronement by Saint Peter of 
Saint Clement, although not his immediate successor, we seem 
to have a confirmation of Tertullian's assertion: That Saint 
Clement was consecrated bishop by the Prince of the Apostles. 
" Edant ergo", he says, speaking of the heretics of his day, 
" edant ergo engines Ecclesiarium suarum evolvant ordinem 
Episcoporum ita per successionis ab initio decurrentem, ut 
primus ille Episcopus aliquem et Apostolis, vel Apostolicis 
viris, qui tamen cum Apostolis perseveraverit, habuerit auctorem 
et antecessorem. Hoc enim modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census 
suos deferunt, sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab 
Joanne conlocatum refert, sicut Romanorum Clementem a Petro 
ordinatum itidem, perinde utique et ceterae exhibent, quos ab 
Apostolis in Episcopatu constitutes Apostolici seminis traduces 
habeant" (Lib. de Praescript. cap. 32). Linus, Cletus, and Cle- 
ment were, therefore, the founders of the ecclesiastical city of 
Rome after Peter, and as such are invoked by our Saint ; while 
Peter is the representative, the first of all the holy bishops who 
founded the Church throughout the world; the chief of that 
episcopacy, of which Saint Cyprian says: " Episcopatus unus 
est, cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur". 



The See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century. 13 



THE SEE OF ARDAGH IN THE SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY. 

WE are indebted to the learned priest of the Roman Oratory, 
Father Theiner, for some valuable papers connected with the 
See of Ardagh in the sixteenth century, published in his recent 
work, " Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum historiam 
illustrantia" (typis Vaticanis, 1864), the more important on ac- 
count of the general darkness which shrouds our Ecclesiastical 
history of that period, and of the inextricable confusion in which 
the succession of bishops in the See of Ardagh seemed hitherto 
involved. 

During the first years of the century, this see was governed 
by Dr. William O'Farrell, who, together with the mitre, retained 
the hereditary chieftaincy of his family, and was styled by his 
contemporaries Bishop of Ardagh and Dynast of Annaly. The 
brief of his appointment to the episcopal see is dated the 4th of 
August, 1479 (ap. Theiner, pag. 486), and Ardagh is described 
as having been rendered vacant by the demise of John, his im- 
mediate predecessor. The new bishop is said to be descended 
from the ancient chieftains of that district, and he is styled 
Abbot of the Cistercian Monastery of St. Mary's of Lera, better 
known by its more modern name of Granard ; he is, moreover, 
described as remarkable for his learning, piety, and every virtue 
which should adorn the episcopal character 

Dr. William O'Farrell governed the see of Ardagh for thirty- 
seven years, and died in 1516. The historian Ware, anxious to 
find room for two supposed bishops, viz. Thomas O'Congalan, 
and Owen, who should have presided over this see between 
1500 and 1510, asserted that Dr. O'Farrell resigned his see 
many years before his death. However, these two bishops never 
held the see of Ardagh; they were Bishops of Achonry, and 
the Latin name of that diocese, Achadensis, probably gave occa- 
sion to the error of the learned writer. 

In Father Theiner's collection there is another document of 
the year 1517, which illustrates this point. It is entitled " Pro- 
cessus Consistorialis", that is, a consistorial inquiry for the ap- 
pointment of a successor to Dr. O'Farrell. This consistorial 
record presents to us a series of very important monuments. It 
opens with a letter of King Henry VIII., addressed to the 
great Pope Leo X., and dated Greenwich, 26th July, 1517. 
We give the whole original text of this letter, as it forms such a 
contrast with the subsequent iniquitous career of that unfortunate 
monarch : 



14 The See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century. 

" Sanctissimo Clementissimoque Diio. nostro Papae. 

" Beatissime Pater, post humillimam commendationem et de- 
votissima pedum beatorum oscula. Expositum nobis fuit Cathe- 
dralem Ecclesiam Ardakadensem perexigui census ac proventus 
in dominio nostro Hiberniae per obitum Reverendissimi in 
Christo patris, Dfii. Wilhelmi ejus novissimi Episcopi, imprae- 
sentia vacare suoque pastore esse destitutam, et cogitantibus turn 
nobis ei providere propositus fuit venerabilis vir Magister Ro- 
gerius O'Moleyn, Cathedralis Ecclesiae Cluamensis canonicus, vir 
modestus, circumspectione, probitate et doctrina non mediocriter 
probatus, quern et nos idoneum existimavimus cui dictae Eccle- 
siae Ardakadensis cura committatur eique praeficiatur. Quocirca 
Vestrae Sanctitati eum commendamus ut eundem Magistrum 
Rogerium praedictae Ecclesiae praeficere ac Episcopum et Pas- 
torem constituere dignetur, quod ethonori atque utilitati ejusdem 
Ecclesiae futururn putamus et nobis erit admodum graturn : et 
felicissime valeat Vestra Beatitude. Quam Deus Altissimus lon- 
gaevam conservat", etc. 

In the next place the Cardinal to whose care had been en- 
trusted the inquiry as to the merits of Dr. O'Malone, presents a 
petition to the Holy Father, in which he states that the Vice- 
Chancellor of the Roman Church, to whom the task should 
belong, being impeded by sickness, it had become his duty to 
propose the candidate for the vacant see : a diligent investigation 
being made, Roderick O'Malone, canon of Clonmacnoise, recom- 
mended by the English king, was found to be a person well 
suited for that important post, and as he was actually present in 
the city of Rome, his Eminence prays the Holy Father to sanc- 
tion without delay his appointment to the See of Ardagh. 

The evidence of three Irish witnesses in regard of the vacant 
see is also produced. From their depositions we cull the fol- 
lowing particulars : 

1. That the Diocese of Ardagh formed part of the Ecclesias- 
tical Province of Armagh, and was vacant for about a year, by 
the death of William, its last Bishop. 

2. That the town of Ardagh was situated in a hilly country, 
surrounded by woods and forests. In this town there were no 
more than four houses, all built of wood, and its inhabitants were 
very few, in consequence of the continual quarrels between the 
late bishop and his neighbours ; for Dr. O'Farfell had wished to 
insist upon his rights as chief dynast of Annaly ; but some of his 
clansmen refused to recognize his claims, and having assembled 
their forces, assailed and reduced to absolute ruin the mere 
remnant of the former city of Ardagh. 

3. The cathedral shared in the ruin of the metropolitical city. 
Its walls alone were now standing. There was only one altar, 



The See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century. 15 

and it was canopied by the azure vault of Heaven. Moreover, 
there was only one priest in the district, and the Holy Sacrifice 
was rarely offered up. There was neither sacristy, nor belfry, 
nor bell; in fact, there were scarcely vestments and altar orna- 
ments sufficient for one Mass, and these were ordinarily kept in 
a common box in the body of the church. 

4. The Deanery is valued at ten ducats, equal to 2 10s. 
The archdeacon's revenue was eight ducats. There were also 
twelve Canons and a few minor Prebendaries, of little or no in- 
come. The extent of the diocese is said to be about twenty 
miles, and, it is added that there were some few rural benefices 
in the patronage of the bishop. 

5. As regards the bishop elect, Dr. Roderick O'Malone, he is 
described as "honestis parentibus natus aetatis annorum fere 
XL., sanus mente et corpore, ac bonae conversationis et famae, 
in jure canonico bene instructus et litteratus, ac in sacerdotii or- 
dine constitutus et ad ipsius Ecclesiae regimen et guber nation em 
aptus et idoneus" (p. 521.). The Holy See readily approved of 
the appointment of such a worthy successor of St. Mel, and in 
the hope that through the prudence and zeal of such a bishop, 
the ancient Diocese of Ardagh would soon regain its former 
splendour, Dr. O'Malone was proclaimed in consistory of 4th 
December, 1517. He was moreover permitted to retain his for- 
mer canonry and benefice in Clonmacnoise, on account of the 
poverty of the see of Ardagh ; for, though it was rated in the 
books of the Apostolic Datary with the tax of 33i ducats, its 
whole annual revenue was now reduced to the sum of ten ducats. 

Such are the principal points of this important consistorial 
record, as far as it relates to the Diocese of Ardagh. There 
are, however, some incidental statements introduced into it 
which may not be uninteresting to the reader : 

" The island of Hibernia", it says, " was called lerne (luverna) in 
the time of Pliny, and at a later period received from the barbarians 
the name Ireland (i.e. Western Land). The inhabitants of the coasts 
which look towards England, are somewhat modernized in the 
usages of life ; the remainder of the island retains its primitive 
simplicity, and uses wooden or straw houses. The great majority 
of the population roams through the open country following their 
flocks; they travel barefoot, and are fond of plunder. The 
chief produce of the island is corn ; its horses are of a superior 
merit, being swifter than those of England, and at the same time 
having a softer and more agreeable pace. They were formerly 
known as Asturcons, having come from the Asturias in Spain. 
Amongst the chief saints of Ireland are numbered Sts. Malachy, 
Cathaldus, and Patrick, by whom the inhabitants were first led 
to the fold of Christ. It gave birth to William Ocham, who was 



16 The See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century. 

famed for his skill in Dialectics, and flourished under Pope John 
XXII. ; as also to Richard Fitz Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh 
and Cardinal, who about 1353 was conspicuous for his learning 
and writings". 

This statement in regard of Dr. Fitz Ralph decides the contro- 
versy which was raised by Ware, as to the fact of this archbishop 
having been decorated with the Roman purple. Raffaelle da 
Volterra expressly attested it: but Ware deemed the silence of 
Ciacconius and other historians conclusive against his claim. 
However, the Roman Consistory itself now confirms the state- 
ment of Volterra, and hence we may further deduce another im- 
portant conclusion, that, viz., in general the silence of Ciacconius 
and other such historians is of little weight in regard of our Irish 
prelates^ especially when their elevation to the purple has posi- 
tive testimony in its favour, such, for instance, as is more than 
once met with in the writings of Lopez and others. 

Dr. Roderick O'Malone continued to govern the see of Ardagh 
till the year 1540, under which year his death is recorded in the 
Annals of the Four Masters. His successor was Dr. Patrick 
Mac Beathy Mac Mahon, of the Order of St. Francis, whose ap- 
pointment is registered in the Consistorial Acts on 1 4th Novem- 
ber, 1541, the see being described as vacant per obitum Roderici. 

During the first years of Dr. Mac Mahon's episcopate, the tem- 
poralities of the see were possessed by Richard O'Ferral, who, 
being temporal dynast of the district, wished also to enjoy the 
episcopate, and had his usurpation readily confirmed by the 
crown. The writ for his consecration bears date the 22nd of 
April, 1542, when already the canonically appointed bishop 
had for six months dispensed the bread of Hfe to the faithful of 
Ardagh. It was only in 1553, on the demise of the schisma- 
tical nominee, that the Catholic bishop was allowed his full 
rights and privileges, and received possession of the tempo- 
ralities of the see. 

Dr Mac Mahon died in 1576, and had for his successor an- 
other member of the Franciscan Order, Richard Mac Brady, 
who was proclaimed bishop of Ardagh in the Consistory of 16th 
January, 1576-7. He, however, held the see for little more 
than three years, and was then transferred to the diocese of 
Kilmore. His successor as bishop of Ardagh was the renowned 
Edmund Mac Gauran, who, being translated to the Primatial 
See on the 1st July, 1587, closed his career by adding his name 
to the long list of the martyrs of Ireland. 

It is now time to draw a few practical conclusions from the 
historical facts which we have thus faintly sketched. 

1. In the first place, the assailants of the Catholic cause 
contend that Henry VIII., when assuming to himself the ap- 



The See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century. 17 

pointment of bishops to the Irish sees, and rejecting as nugatory 
the sanction of Rome, merely continued the lon^-practised 
usage of England, and asserted the time -honoured privileges of 
his crown. Now we have seen the submissive letter with which 
Henry himself petitions Pope Leo to confirm Dr. O'Malone in 
the see of Ardagh ; and hence it results that the course subse- 
quently pursued by the English monarch was confessedly an 
usurpation of the rights of the Vicar of Christ and a trampling 
on the traditions of the kingdom. 

2. We have also seen how the schismatical bishop, D. Richard 
O'Ferral, can have no claim to be ranked amongst the successors 
of St. Mel. The canonically appointed bishop was already en- 
gaged for six months in dispensing the food of life to his flock, 
when the schismatical nominee was intruded into the see of 
Ardagh. During Elizabeth's reign another Protestant bishop 
was similarly nominated to this see. His name was Lisach 
O'Ferral, and as we learn from Harris, his letters patent bear 
date the 4th November, 1583. This date alone suffices for his 
condemnation. The Catholic bishop was long before divinely 
chosen to rule that spiritual fold ; and a rival bishop appointed 
by royal authority must be regarded not as a true shepherd, but 
as a plunderer whose mission it is to scatter the flock of Christ. 

3. We have also seen how the so-called Reformation was 
ushered into the diocese of Ardagh. The altar was despoiled, 
the cathedral was in ruins, and the general destruction which 
dismantled the material house of God, seemed to forebode the 
spiritual desolation which should soon prevail. It is now cheer- 
ing to contemplate the happy change that reigns in that favoured 
diocese. Once more the altars are clothed with gladness; a 
noble cathedral, which is an ornament not to the diocese alone, 
but to the whole island, honours the memory of St. Mel ; and 
we may confidently hope that under the wise guidance of its 
holy bishop and clergy, this material restoration is the harbinger 
and token of the spiritual progress of its faithful people, and of 
the rapid strides made by the whole country in regaining its 
former proud position as Island of Saints. 

p. F. M; 



VOL. I. 



18 The Sacred Congregation of Rites on the 



THE SACRED CONGREGATION OF RITES ON THE 
SIGNS OF MARTYRDOM IN THE CATACOMBS. 

DECREE. 

Postquam saeculo XVI., laboribus praesertim et studiis Antonii 
Bosi iterum sacra suburbana patuere Coemeteria, quae a saeculo 
VIII. exeunte Summorum Pontificum cura penitus interclusa reman- 
serant ne barbari Romanum soluin devastantes ibi aliquam inferrent 
profanationem, in iis conquiri coepeniDt Martyrum corpora quae ad- 
liuc ibidem permanebant in loculis abscondita. Tutissimum dignos- 
cendi sacra haec pignora signum a majorum traditione receptum erant 
phialae vitreae vel figulinae cruore tinctae, aut crustas saltern san- 
guineas occludentes, quae vel intra vel extra loculos sepultorum 
affixae manebant. Attamen aliquibus visum fuit viris eruditis alias 
praeter sanguinem admittere notas, quibus ipsi Martyres distingui 
autumabant. Verum ut in re tanti momenti inoffenso procederetur 
pede, placuit dementi IX. Summo Pontifici singularem deligere Con- 
gregationem, quae ex Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, 
aliisque doctissimis viris constaret, eique hac super re gravissimum 
commisit examen. Haec Congregatio quae postea a Sacris Reliquiis 
et indulgentiis nomen habuit, argumentis omnibus perpensis, die 10 
aprilis anni 1668 decretum hoc tulit : " Cum in Sacra Congregatione 
Indulgentiis^ Sacrisque Reliquiis praeposita de notis ditceptaretur, ex 
quibus verae Sanctorum Martyrum Reliquiae a falsis et dubiis dignosci 
possint; eadem Sacra Congregatio, re diligenter examinata, censuit, Pal- 
mam et Vas illorum sanguine tinctum pro signis certissimis habenda esse: 
aliorum vero signorum examen in aliud tempus rejecit". Decretum hu- 
jusmodi duorum fere saeculorum decursu fideliter servatum est, 
quamvis praeterito vertente saeculo nonnulli selecti scriptores de 
Phialae sanguineae signo diversimode dubitaverint ; quibus praecipue 
gravissima Benedict! XIV. auctoritas obstitit, quum in Literis Apos- 
tolicis ad Capitulum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Bononiensis de S. Proco 
Martyre ex Coemeterio Thrasonis cum vase sanguinis effosso edoceret : 
" Ipsi debetur cuUus et titulus Sancti, quia procul dubio nulli unquam 
venit in mentem quantumvis acuto ingenio is fuerit, et cupidus quaerendi, 
ut aiunt, nodum in scirpo, nulli^ inquam, venit in mentem dubitatio, quod 
Corpus in Catacumbis Romanis inventum cum vasculo sanguinis aut 
pleno, aut tincto, non sit Corpus alicujus qui mortem pro Christo sustin- 
uerit". At nostris hisce diebus alii supervenere viri eruditione aeque 
pollentes, et in sacrae Archeologiae studiis valde periti, qui vel 
scriptis, vel etiam voluminibus editis adversus Phialam sanguineam 
utpote indubium Martyrii signum decertarunt. Sanctissimus autem 
Dominus Noster PIUS PAPA IX., de Decreti illius robore et aucto- 
ritate baud haesitans, quum videret tamen eruditorum difficultates 
in ephemeridibus turn catholicis, turn heterodoxis divulgari, ad prae- 
cavendum quodlibet inter fideles scandalum sapientissime censuit, ut 
hujusmodi difficultates in quadam peculiari Sacrorum Rituum Con- 
gregatione severe subjicerentur examini. Peculiaris vero Congrega- 



Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs. 19 

tio haec nonnullis ex ejusdem Sacrorum Eituum Congregationis Car- 
dinalibus, Praelatis Officialisms, ac selectis ecclesiasticis viris pietate, 
doctrina, prudentia, rerumque usu eximie praeditis constituta prae 
oculis habens universam argumentorum seriem, nee non fidelem ejus- 
dem Secr.etarii relationem, quum omnia accuratissima ponderaverit 
disquisitione die 27 Novembris vertentis anni duobus his propositis 
dubiis : 

I. An Phialae vitreae, aut figulinae sanguine tinctae quae ad loculos 
sepultorum in Sacris Coemeteriis vel intus vel extra ipsos reperiuntur, 
censeri debeant Marty rii signum ? 

II. An ideo sit standum vel recedendum a Decreto Sacrae Congrega- 
tionis Indulgentiarum, et Reliquiarum, diei 10 Aprilis 1668? 

Respondit ad primum : " AFFIRMATIVE" ; 
Responditadsecundum: "PROVISUM IN PRIMO". 

Ideoque declaravit confirmandum esse decretum anni 1668. 

Facta autem de praemissis Sanctissimo Domino Nostro PIO PAPAE 
IX. a subscript Secretario accurata omnium expositione, Sanctitas 
Sua sententiam Sacrae Congregationis ratam habuit et confirmavit, 
atque praesens decretum expediri praecepit. 

Die 10 Decembris 1863. 

C. EPISCOPUS PORTUEN. ET S. RUFINAE CARD. PATRIZI, 

S. R. C. PRAEF. 

D. Bartolini S. E. C. Secretarius. 

This Decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites contains the 
decision of a most important and interesting question. The de- 
cision itself is prefaced by an historical summary by help of which 
even those who hear of the question for the first time, are placed in 
a position to understand without trouble its nature and bearing. 
It is unnecessary to say anything concerning the early phases of 
the controversy about the value of the phial of blood, as a sign of 
martyrdom. Nor, after the decision just delivered, is it necessary 
to dwell upon the difficulties that have been urged in our own 
day against the ancient practice. In face of the clear and explicit 
declaration of the Sacred Congregation, such difficulties lose in 
Catholic eyes all the value which once might have been claimed 
for them. Nevertheless, it will not be without advantage to 
make some observations on the objections which have furnished 
the matter for the rigorous examination alluded to in the 
Decree. 

Three of these objections are deserving of special attention. 

1. Many of the sepulchres marked by the presence of the 
phial of blood bear, likewise, the names of consuls who flourished 
after the reign of Constantine. Now, the reign of Constantine 
put an end to the persecutions and brought peace to the Church. 
How, then, can the phials of blood be a sign of martyrdom, 

2 B 



20 The Sacred Congregation of Rites on the 

when they appear upon graves opened to receive those who 
died when the period of martyrdom had passed ? 

This difficulty, so serious at first sight, becomes much less 
serious when we consider that we must except from the number 
of these inscriptions, all such as belong to the reign of Julian the 
Apostate, in whose days there was certainly no lack of martyrs. 
This deduction made, the number of inscriptions, hitherto found, 
marked with the names of consuls posterior to Constantine, and 
in connection with the phial of blood, amounts to the compara- 
tively insignificant number of about thirty. To account for this 
number of martyrs after Constantine, it is not necessary, on the 
one hand, to suppose a general persecution ; and on the other, we 
have ample testimony to the existence of partial persecutions and 
outbreaks against the Christians, more than sufficient to have 
caused the death of a much greater number. In the first place, 
some of the Christian emperors were Arians, and as such little 
careful to protect the Catholics against the fury of the Pagans 
or of the heretics. Saint Felix II., Eusebius the Priest, and 
many others received the crown of martyrdom from this cause. 
In the next place, the orthodox emperors generally did not 
reside at Rome, which they governed by prefects, who were 
for the most part Pagans. Besides, the Roman nobility long con- 
tinued, not only Pagan, but violently attached to Pagan super- 
stitions. Among the people, too, there were many Pagans whose 
rage at the decay of their own religion, was provoked still more 
by the sight of the progress made by Christianity. 

The state of Rome during this period will best be understood 
by the two following facts. In the year 369, the Prefect of Rome 
having rebuilt the portico of the Dei Consenti under the Capi- 
tol, whilst Valentinian I. was Emperor, and Saint Damasus 
was Pope, was bold enough to place on its front an inscription 
still to be read : " Deorum Consentium Sacrosancta Simulachra". 
The famous Altar of Victory, in the Capitol, was kept in its 
place of honour as late as the reign of Theodosius, notwithstand- 
ing the efforts of the preceding emperors to remove it. Nor 
could even that great emperor effect its removal without exciting 
tumults on the part of the Pagan senators. In such a state of 
society, lasting more or less for a century and a half, is it hard 
to find a place for the martyrdom of many and many a Chris- 
tian? 

2. The second difficulty is as follows : Many of the graves 
marked by the phial of blood are also marked by the presence of 
that special form of the monogram of Christ which belongs to 
the period of Constantine ; they cannot, therefore, be the graves 
of martyrs. 
. What has been already said in reply to the first difficulty ap- 



Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs. 21 

plies equally to the second. But is it certain that the use of the 
monogram in question does not go farther back than the time of 
Constantino? There is good reason to believe that it is by no 
means certain. In many portions of the catacombs which, un- 
doubtedly, were excavated before the fourth century, tablets have 
been found most distinctly marked with this form of monogram. 
Besides, the same form is sometimes found close by other forms 
which are beyond doubt of most remote antiquity, and this, too, 
in corridors which, for the most p>art, appear to have been exca- 
vated before the time of Constantine. Examples of this colloca- 
tion are to be seen in the cemetery of Cyriaca, in that of Maximus, 
or Saint Felicitas, in the Via Salaria Nuova, in the cemetery of 
Saint Hypolytus, in the cemetery of Saint Agnes. It is the 
well-considered opinion of almost all antiquarians, that the use of 
the monogram alluded to in the difficulty was by no means infre- 
quent at the close of the third and the commencement of the fourth 
century that is to say, at the period of the persecution of Dio- 
clesian. 

3. The third difficulty denies the supposition that the slight red 
coating found on the side of the phials, has been deposited there 
from blood. Some have been bold enough to say that it is due to 
the Eucharistic species of wine which the vessels once contained, 
and which gradually dried up ; others say that it has been caused 
by the decomposition of the glass, or that water trickling through 
the reddish earth has left behind it a coloured sediment upon the 
vessel's sides. But it results from careful chemical analysis, fre- 
quently repeated, that the red coating is due to the presence of 
the colouring matter of the blood, and not to any of the causes 
above recited. The opinion which ascribes it to the Eucharistic 
species is, above all others, singularly destitute of proof from 
history or monuments. 

Since the publication of the Decree we have given above, an 
important discovery has been made in the Basilica Ambrosiana 
of Milan, which goes far to justify the accuracy of the decision of 
the Sacred Congregation. In the year 386 Saint Ambrose dis- 
covered at Milan the relics of the two illustrious Milanese 
martyrs, Saints Gervasius and Protasius. He caused them to 
be translated to the Basilica, and buried them beneath the altar, 
on the right or Gospel side. " This spot", said he, in his dis- 
course on the occasion, " I had destined for myself, for it is 
meet that the bishop should repose where he was wont to offer 
the Divine Sacrifice. But to these sacred victims I give up the 
right portion". Saint Ambrose died in 397, and was buried on 
the left or Epistle side of the same altar, beneath which he had 
placed the bodies of the holy martyrs. 

In the ninth centuiy Anglebert II., Bishop of Milan, placed in 



22 The Sacred Congregation of Rites, etc. 

one and the same urn the remains of the three saints, and built 
over them a new altar, which was so richly ornamented with gold 
and precious stones that it has ever since been styled the Pallio 
d'Oro. This altar has remained intact down to our days. On the 
evening of the 15th January, 1864, the authorities of the 
Basilica, in course of excavations directed by the provost and a 
special commission, made search for the primitive sepulchre in 
which Saint Ambrose had laid the two martyrs. They found it 
formed of slabs of rare marbles, and within it a little earth mixed 
with small fragments of bones, together with a fragment of an am- 
polla or glass phial. Of this ampolla, the illustrious Cavalier De 
Rossi, in his Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana (anno ii., No. 3, 
p. 21), thus writes: " It now remains for me to speak of a fact 
lately established by chemical science a fact of the greatest im- 
portance, and worthy of the attentive consideration of all students 
of Christian archaeology. In Biraghi's first account (of the dis- 
coveries in the Basilica Ambrosiana) we read that the bottom of 
a glass ampolla was found in the sepulchre to the right, that is, 
in the sepulchre of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius. The 
same gentleman has since written to me to say that a chemical 
analysis of the deposit found in the fragment of phial has resulted 
in the discovery of the presence of blood. Now, this is certainly 
the most notable instance we have of a phial containing blood 
being placed at the sepulchre of martyrs known as such to 
history, and what especially distinguishes this ampolla beyond 
every other are the solemn words of the great Doctor Saint 
Ambrose, which have especial reference to it. He had disco- 
vered the tomb of Saints Gervasius and Protasius, and describ- 
ing his discovery in a letter to his sister Marcellina, he says 
that within the urn he found 'plurimum sanguinis'. In the 
same epistle he adds : * Sanguine tumulus madet, apparent cruo- 
ris triumphales notae, inviolatae reliquiae loco suo et ordine re- 
pertae avulsum humeris caput' (Ep. xxii. ad Marcelling. It was 
of the blood of the same martyrs that Gandentius, of Brescia, ut- 
tered the well-known words : * Tenemus sanguinem gypso collec- 
tum, qui testis est passionis' (Serm. in ded. SS. XL. Mart). But 
neither Ambrose nor any one else had informed us that besides 
the blood copiously sprinkled in the sepulchre, and in which the 
chalk or cement^was soaked, there was also some collected in 
a glass ampolla. The late discovery certifies to this fact, and 
shows that phials filled or stained with blood were placed in the 
sepulchres of martyrs, and that these phials were alluded to in 
the celebrated words of Ambrose and his contemporaries, who 
speak of blood found in tombs, and bearing witness to martyr- 
dom. This important fact comes most opportunely to strengthen 
the principle followed by the Church, and lately confirmed by a 



University Education in Ireland. 23 

new decree of the Congregation of Rites, namely, that the blood- 
stained ampolla was placed in the sepulchres of martyrs to the 
end that it might bear witness to their glorious death for the 
faith of Christ". 



UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN IRELAND. 

There are two Universities recognized by law in this country. 
One of these, the University of Dublin, or Trinity College, 
although it has shown of late years a more liberal spirit towards 
Catholics than formerly, must always remain essentially Protes- 
tant in character, until the way is open for Catholics to be 
appointed on its governing body a change, of which there does 
not appear to be the slightest probability. 

As a matter of fact, its governing body, consisting of the 
provost and senior fellows, are all members of the Church as by 
law established, and, with two exceptions, are Protestant clergy- 
men. The other fellows, and the scholars on the foundation, are 
likewise Protestants ; and this in a city where, of a population 
of 254,000, only 58,000 are Protestants (of all denominations), 
and in a country in which only 11 -8 per cent, of the inhabitants 
are members of 'the Established Church. 

It is true that within the last few years some scholarships of 
small value have been opened for Catholics and Dissenters. 
Masters of Arts, even such of them as are not Protestants, have 
votes in the election of members to represent the University in 
Parliament ; but these scholarships are not on the foundation, the 
holders of them do not belong to the corporation, and no Catholic 
has any share in the government of the University, nor (with one 
trifling exception) in its teaching. Trinity College was founded 
for the purpose (as stated in its original charter) of destroying 
Catholicity and promoting the ascendancy of the Established 
Church in Ireland. It has religiously endeavoured to discharge 
that trust ; and, although some of its members have been and are 
men of liberal and enlarged views, still it continues to the pre- 
sent day the work given it to do by its foundress, Queen Eliza- 
beth. At this moment there is a Protestant bishop in Ireland who 
was a Catholic till he entered Trinity College ; the same can be 
said of the archdeacon of another diocese, and his two brothers; 
the female members of the families of these dignitaries still remain 
good Catholics; and on the list of the fellows, professors, and 
scholars of the University itself, are the names of several who 
were baptized in the Catholic faith, and declared themselves Pro- 
testants when wishing to become members of the University of 
Dublin ! What wonder, then, that Catholics should be unwilling 



24 University Education in Ireland. 

to leave the chief education of the country in the hands of the 
Protestant University of Dublin, more especially since it has been 
observed that a very large proportion of the Catholics who have 
studied there, cease during their University course to be commu- 
nicants in the Church to which they still belong by name ? What 
wonder that Catholics should consider it a hardship to be forced, 
if they wish to get University education near home, to seek it in 
an institution from whose dignities and management they are ex- 
cluded, in which an antagonistic creed is always put forward os- 
tentatiously in a position of superiority, while the faith of their 
fathers, if it be not contemned and scoffed at, is systematically 
treated with silent indifference, or with supercilious patronage ? 
What wonder that Catholics being declared by Act of Parliament 
" freemen", in every way equal to their Protestant fellow-coun- 
trymen, should be unwilling to continue begging as a favour at 
the gates of such an institution for the academical honours and 
distinction to which they are entitled as a right? It is absurd 
that in the metropolis of a free country, containing inhabitants of 
various religions, a handful of clergymen of one denomination 
should pretend to a monopoly of University education ; should 
hold in their hands the keys of knowledge, doling it out as they 
please, and obliging even those whose faith they denounce as 
idolatry and superstition, to send their sons to their schools. 
Would such a system be allowed in any other country ? Would 
a few Catholic priests be allowed, even for one hour, to monopo- 
lize the University education of Protestant England? 

We need not be surprised, then, that the number of Catholics 
entering Trinity College has steadily diminished during the last 
thirty years, and that they now form only six per cent, of the 
total number of entrances. In the official return contained in the 
last report of the Census Commissioners, we find that on the 1 7th 
May, 1861, of one hundred and forty-seven students resident in 
Trinity College, only five were Catholics. 

In order to remedy, in some measure, this evil, the late Sir 
Robert Peel founded the Queen's Colleges. But the remedy was 
ineffectual. These colleges incurred the reprobation of the 
authorities of the Catholic Church, and, consequently, by far the 
greater part of Catholics object to these institutions on conscien- 
tious grounds, and many of them on political and social grounds 
also. 

According to the last census, there were in Ireland in 1861, 
ninety-eight classical schools under the management of societies 
or boards, and two hundred and three private classical schools. 
The total number of pupils in these schools was 10,346, of whom 
5,118, or about one -half, were Catholics. There were also 1,242 
Catholics returned as receiving collegiate education on the 17th 



University Education in Ireland. 25 

of May of that year. We have thus a total of 6,360 Catholic 
youths receiving a superior education in Ireland. Few, if any, of 
the Catholic institutions to which these pupils belong look with 
favour on the existing universities. On the other hand, none of 
these youths ought to be excluded from University education on 
account of conscientious objections : and yet by far the greater 
number are practically excluded at present, at least they are ex- 
cluded from participation in the highest University dignities, and 
from the management of those seats of learning and centres of 
intellectual progress, one of which is essentially Protestant, the 
other is condemned by their Church. Is this justice? is it 
equality ? is it intellectual freedom ? 

The unfairness of the present system will appear more clearly, 
if we consider the question of professional education. In the pro- 
fession of the Law, out of 758 barristers in Ireland in 1861, 216 
were returned as Catholics; 674 out of 1,882 attorneys; of 2,358 
physicians and surgeons, 7(jl were Catholics; and 210 out of 419 
apothecaries, many of whom hold a medical license. Of 1,065 
members of other liberal professions, not ecclesiastics, the Census 
Commissioners state that 358 belonged to the Catholic religion; 
and of 267 professors in colleges, and tutors, 141 held the same 
faith. To these we must add 83 law students, 40 of whom are Ca- 
tholics; and 329 Catholic medical students out of a total of 954. 
We have thus 2,729 Catholics out of a total of 7,758 persons en- 
gaged in the liberal professions, or aspiring to them. 

Let us now see the disabilities under which this large number, 
more than one-third of the whole, labour, when on conscientious 
grounds they object, as is generally the case, to existing Univer- 
sity arrangements. 

With respect to the profession of the Law and to Attorneys, the 
following arrangement is at present in force by Act of Parliament, 
or by the resolution of the Benchers. 

All graduates of Trinity College or of the Queen's University 
can be called to the Bar at the end of three years from the date 
of their registration as law students ; while non-graduates are in- 
admissible to such call until the expiration of Jive years from such 
date. 

Graduates are obliged to attend only two courses of lectures, 
either at the King's Inns or at Trinity College, or (in the case of 
students of the Queen's University) at any one of the Provincial 
Colleges ; while non-graduates are required to attend four courses, 
viz. : two courses at the King's Inns, and two additional courses 
at Trinity College. Moreover, graduates are required to attend 
twelve terms' commons, viz. : six in the King's Inns and six in any 
Inn in London ; while non-graduates are required to attend seven- 
teen terms' commons, viz. : nine in the King's Inns and eight in 



26 University Education in Ireland. 

England. Finally, the fees payable by graduates are less than 
those imposed upon non-graduates. 

With regard to the apprentices of solicitors and attorneys, all 
matriculated students of Trinity College and of the Queen's Col- 
leges are exempt from the preliminary examination imposed upon 
all other apprentices who have not been so matriculated. They 
may further be admitted to the practice of their profession two 
years earlier than non -matriculated apprentices, and are exempt 
from one of the courses of lectures appointed by the Benchers for 
such apprentices. 

From this it appears that Catholics, and indeed all who object 
to the Protestant University and to the Queen's Colleges, are de- 
layed in their course to a profession one or two years longer than 
the graduates of the favoured institutions, and are obliged to attend 
additional lectures and to pay extra fees, irrespectively of their 
proficiency in literature and science, or in law. Nearly one 
thousand Catholics (930) must submit to these inconveniencies, 
or must, on the one hand, choose between a University founded 
to maintain the ascendancy of the Established Church in Ire- 
land, and, on the other hand, institutions condemned by their 
Church. 

With respect to the Medical Profession, every one knows the 
high value set by practitioners, and by the public, on the title 
and degree of " Doctor of Medicine". Now, no one can obtain 
that high distinction in Ireland unless by becoming a member of 
one of the two Universities recognized by law ; and the 329 
Catholic medical students must either give up all chance of that 
honour and professional advantage, or trample under foot their 
self-respect, if, contrary to their religious principles, they enter 
one of the institutions which their faith condemns. 

As to professors in colleges, and tutors, besides the injustice 
to the persons themselves, there is no one but must see the injury 
inflicted on the education of the nation, when more than one- 
half of the teachers in its superior schools and colleges are obliged 
to forego the advantages of University education (we ought in 
their case rather to say, the necessary training for their important 
office, which can be had only in an University), or to secure it 
with the fear which nearly all Catholics feel of forfeiting more 
sacred advantages, of endangering more important interests. 
And although some persons may deem these fears excessive, 
still, has any one the right to tamper with these religious 
opinions? Is it fair or reasonable to place such trammels on 
men in the pursuit of the highest education? In fine, is it 
just to oblige parents to choose for their sons either half-educated 
tutors, or else men whose views may have become unsettled on 
matters most important, most sacred to their eyes in their chil- 



University Education in Ireland. 27 

dren's education men who have been trained in an institution 
which Catholics, as a body, reject and repudiate ? 

The Census Commissioners, in the report referred to, remark : 
" The high proportion of members of the Established Church 
receiving intermediate instruction (as compared to Catholics) is 
due in a great measure to the numerous endowments in connec- 
tion with that Church, and to the relation existing between 
many of these endowments and the University of Dublin". Might 
they not have added, that this disproportion is also due to the 
fact, that little or no inducements are held out to Catholics to 
pursue University studies, or rather, that no University career is 
left open to the large number of Catholics who, on conscientious 
grounds, object to the Protestant University and to the Queen's 
Colleges ? The following sentences in the Report seem lully to 
bear us out in this remark: "The very small proportion of 
Roman Catholic students receiving University instruction re- 
quires, perhaps, more explanation, because they are taken from 
the class of those undei going intermediate instruction, which 
has an absolute majority over the Protestants of the same class. 
If, however, we deduct from the number of Roman Catholics 
pursuing classical studies those who pass to the College of May- 
nooth, All Hallows, and several Continental seminaries, to follow 
up their studies preparatory for the priesthood, the disproportion 
will appear less, when we take into account that nearly all the 
candidates for the ministry of the Established Church graduate 
in the University of Dublin, to which they contribute a very 
large proportion of its students". It might be asked: Why 
ought the Catholic students here referred to, be deprived of the 
advantages of University education, if they wished for them, as 
they are enjoyed by ecclesiastical students in Belgium, Prussia, 
and Austria? 

The Report then continues: "Taking an average for ten 
years of the numbers graduating in the University of Dublin and 
Queen's University, we obtain a representation of the number 
receiving University instruction yearly in Ireland not very far 
removed from the truth. That average is 335, or O006 per 
cent, of the entire population. This being so, we regret to say 
that, as compared with other European countries, Ireland occupies 
a lower place than several namely, than Prussia, Austria, or 
Belgium ; the first mentioned of those countries having had, in 
1852, 0-028 per cent.; the second, in 1853-4, 0'026 ; and the 
last, in 1850, 0*ol7 per cent, of her population engaged in 
University studies ; so that whatever advantage any one section 
of the Irish people may seem to have over any other in this 
respect, much yet remains to be done by all before the entire 
population of Ireland can take a prominent rank among civilized 



28 Liturgical Questions. 

countries in the cultivation of liberal studies" Report of Census 
Commissioners, page 60. 

The " much which remains to be done" is, we submit, to take 
off the restrictions on University education which still remain, 
and to allow Catholics who conscientiously object to the Protes- 
tant University and to the Queen's Colleges, to gain University 
honours and distinctions without violating their religious prin- 
ciples. At present they are excluded, practically, from Univer- 
sity education on account of their religious opinions. Let these 
disabilities be removed, either by placing on an equality with the 
other Universities the Catholic University, which is founded on 
the principles they admit, as the others are based on principles 
antagonistic to them ; or else establish one central University of 
Ireland, an institution which will be, not a teaching, but an ex- 
amining and graduating body, before which all who desire degrees 
or other academical honours may equally present themselves, and 
where every man, no matter under what system he has studied, 
will find his religious convictions respected, and will be asked 
not where or how he has learned, but what he knows a Univer- 
sity, which, with some necessary modifications, will be for Irish 
Catholics, and indeed for all Ireland, what the London University 
is for the Dissenters of England. 

If precedents for either of these plans be asked for, they will 
be found, for the first, in the Catholic University of Laval, 
Quebec, chartered by her present Majesty; and for the other, in 
Belgium, and in the University of Sydney. 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. 

(From M. Bouix's " Revue des Sciences JEcclesiastiques".') 

1. Should the altar-charts be placed on the altar except at the 
time of Mass? 

2. Should the preacher wear his beretta while preaching ? 

3. Should the little bell be rung at the moment when Bene- 
diction is given with the Blessed Sacrament ? 

4. Should the thurifer incense the Blessed Sacrament whilst 
Benediction is being given ? 

1. It is usual in certain churches not only to leave the altar- 
charts permanently on the altar, but also to place them on it 
as an ornament during vespers and other functions, and even to 
furnish with them altars at which Mass is not said. Now, it is 
quite certain that whatever specially belongs to the Mass should 
not be on the altar except during the Holy Sacrifice. The 



Liturgical Questions 29 

Rubric of the Missal prescribes that the altar-charts should be 
prepared before Mass, and does not suppose that they remain 
permanently on the altar. Except at Mass time, and even 
during the celebration of the divine office, the altar ought to 
remain covered. In the Caeremoniale Episcop., 1. 2, c. 1, n. 13, 
we read that, the acolytes should uncover the altar before the 
incensation at the Magnificat. " Interim duo acolyti procedunt 
ad altare, elev antes hinc inde anteriorem partem superioris toba- 
lae, seu veli super altare positi, illamque conduplicant usque ad 
medium". Nothing is more opposed to the spirit of liturgical 
rules than objects for which there is no use. Altar-charts are 
not a decoration, but are made to serve a purpose ; therefore 
they should be displayed when they are wanted. Care should 
also be taken that they be legible, and not, as sometimes hap- 
pens, rather pictures than anything else. 

2. The Rubric of the Caeremon. Episcop. is clear on this 
point : " Mox surgit, et capite cooperto incipit sermonem" 
(1. 1, c. 22, n. 3). According to the Rubric of the Missal, 
the preacher uncovers his head as often as he pronounces the 
holy names of Jesus and Mary, or of the saint whose feast is 
being celebrated. In order not to do this too often, he should 
avoid a too frequent mention of their names. " Si SS. nominum 
Jesu uel Marias fiat mentio", says Lohner (Instr. Pract., t. 1., 
p. 50), " caput discooperire debet (concionator) ; si tamen saepe 
sint repetenda, utatur potius nomine Christi, Redemptoris, Do- 
minse nostrae, Coeli Reginse, aut similibus". 

We may remark, however, that this regulation of the Rubric 
is an exception to the general rule. The general rule is, that 
ecclesiastics in church or choir are never covered except when 
seated, unless those who, paramentis induti, move from place 
to place without passing before the clergy. A priest who goes 
from the sacristy to the choir, or to any other part of the church, 
if he do not wear at least the stole, should not wear his beretta. 
Much less should he wear the beretta if he be not in choir 
habit. 

3. No author speaks of this usage. There appears, therefore, 
no reason why it should be introduced. We would not venture 
to say that it ought to be suppressed. However, it appears 
more becoming to reserve for Mass the use of the small bell, and 
to ring during Benediction the large bells of the church, as is the 
custom in Rome. 

4. During Benediction the thurifer may incense the Blessed 
Sacrament on his knees, as at High Mass ; but it is better to 
omit such incensation. The first of these assertions rests upon 
various decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Rites ; the second 
upon authority, especially that of Gardellini. 



30 Liturgical Questions. 

1st Decree. " Cum non u,na sit auctorum sententia, nee 
eadem Ecclesise praxis quoad incensationem SS. Sacramenti 
dum populo cum ipso impertitur benedictio, R. P. Fr. Paschalis 

a Platea Branculi sacerdos ordinis minorum S. 

R. C. sequentia dubia enodanda proposuit, nimirum: 1. Num. 
utraque auctorum sententia, videlicet eorum qui affirmant et 
eorum qui denegant talem thurificationem adhibendam tuto 
teneri possit? 2. . . . 3. Quatenus respondeatur in sensu 
denegantium, an usus, sive consuetude incensandi, ubi viget, sit 
de medio tollendus? Respons. Servetur Rituale Romanum" 
(Dec. 11 Sept., 1847, No. 5105, q. 1, d. 3). 

2nd Decree. " Utrum conveniens sit, quod cseremoniarius vel 
thuriferarius incenset SS. Eucharistiae Sacramentum cum populo 
benedictio impertitur, uti fit in elevatione SS. Sacramenti in 
Missa solemni? Respons. Non praescribi" (Decret. 11 Sept., 
1847, No. 5111, q. 9). 

The Rubric of the Ritual referred to in the first decree does 
not speak of this incensation. In the second the usage appears 
to be tolerated, but is not prescribed. 

Gardellini, xxxi., No. 23, thus speaks: 

" Heic loci altera se offert quaestio, num scilicet thuriferarius, dum 
sacerdos benedicit populum debeat, incensare Sacramentum ? Silen- 
tium, quod tenent Caeremoniale, Rituale, Instructio Clementina, et 
auctores fere omnes, qui caeteroquin nihil omiserunt de iis, quae in 
sacra hac actione servanda sunt, plane suadet hanc incensationem 
esse omittendam. Nihilominus Cavalerius... et Tetamus, qui eum 
sequitur... innixi quodam decreto... existimant faciendam esse, vel 
saltern in arbitrio relinqui. Videtur tamen magis congruere contrariana 
sententiam consentaneam silentio Caeremonialis, Ritualis, et Instruc- 
tionis. Cur enim in his, licet enumerentur ritus et caeremoniae omnes 
servandae, de hac una ne verbum quidem fit ? Non alia est ratio, nisi 
quia locum habere nequit. Si quaeris ; cur ? Dicam : quia dignior id est 
sacerdos, jam Sacramentum thurificavit, nee inferior debet postea 
thurificationem iterare. Dum benedicitur populus supplet vices in- 
censi bonus adorationis odor. Nee me commovent assertum decretum 
et Missalis rubrica. Nam ad illud quod attinet, jam supra notavi de- 
oretum illud non reperiri in regestis S. R. C. ac penitus ignorari a 
qua congregatione vel cujus auctoritate datum fuerit ; et forte nihil 
aliud est, nisi privatum responsum ad consultationem factam alicui 
Rubricarum perito, qui potius variam ecclesiaram consuetudinem at- 
tendens, quam rationum vim, respondit : Servari posse alterutram. 
Quod vero spectat rubricam Missalis, longe diversa militat ratio. Ideo 
enim rubrica praescribit in Missa solemni : Thuriferarius genuflexus in 
cornu epistolae ter incensat Hostiam, cum elevatur, et similiter colicem, po- 
sito incenso in thuribulo absque benedictione, turn quia unica haec est in- 
censatio, quae ad Sacramentum adolendum fit in Missa solemni, turn 
quia alius non est thuriferario dignior, qui eo fungatur munere ; nam 



Liturgical Questions. 31 

sacerdos celebrat, diaconus ei assistit, subdiaconus impedilus est patena, 
caeremoniarius invigilat ut quisque suo fungatur officio. Id adeo 
verum est, ut in Missa defunctorum cum dignior thuriferario subdia- 
conus non sit impeditus, Sacramentum incensat jubente rubrica : Sub- 
diaconus non tenet patenam post celebrantem, sed tempore elevationis Sa- 
cramenti in cornu epistolae illud incensat. Contra vero cum benedicen- 
dus est populus cum Sacramento, curnam iteranda erit thurificatio 
per acolythum, si jam ab omnium in ea actione ministrantiuni dignis- 
simo, celebrante scilicet, peracta fuerat ? Si has rationes parvi fieri 
oportere existimas, baud contemnendum censeas librorum ritualium 
silentium, qui certe hanc thurincationem demandassent, quemadmo- 
dum jusserunt fieri ad hymni cantum ante orationem. Haec dixi, ne 
quid magis congruum mihi videtur, praeterirem : caeterum absit ut 
velim turbas movere, ac damnare consuetudinem, quae licet minus 
conveniat, ritus tamen substantiam non laedit. Cum autem eadem 
consuetude in bene multis ecclesiis obtineat, difficillimum esset eam- 
dem penitus eliminare". 



32 Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 

DOCUMENTS. 



Venerabili Fratri Gregono Archiepiscopo Monacensi et Frisingensi. 
PIUS PP. IX. 

Venerabilis Frater Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Tuas 
-ibenter accepimus Litteras die 7 proxime elapsi mensis Octobris datas, 
ut Nos certiores faceres de Conventu in ista Monacensi civitate 
proximo mense Septembri a nonnullis Germaniae Theologis, doetisque 
catliolicis viris habito de variis argumentis, quae ad theologicas 
praesertim ac philosophicas tradendas disciplinas pertinent. Ex Lit- 
teris Tibi Nostro jussu scriptis a Venerabili Fratre Mattheo Archie- 
piscopo Neocaesariensi, Nostro et Apostolicae hujus sedis apud istani 
Regiam Aulam Nuntio, vel facile noscere potuisti, Venerabilis Frater, 
quibus Nos sensibus aiFecti fuerimus, ubi primum de hoc proposito 
Conventu nuntium accepimus, et postquam agnovimus quomodo 
commemorati Theologi et viri ad hujusmodi Conventum invitati et 
congregati fuere. Nihil certe dubitare volebamus de laudabili fine, 
quo hujus Conventus auctores fautoresque permoti fuere, ut scilicet 
omnes Catholic! viri doctrina praestantes, collatis consiliis conjunc- 
tisque viribus, germanam catholicae Ecclesiae scientiam promoverent, 
eamque a nefariis ac perniciosissimis tot adversariorum opinionibus 
conatibusque vindicarent ac defenderent. Sed in hac sublimi Prin- 
cipis Apostolorum Cathedra licet immerentes collocati asperrimis hisce 
temporibus, quibus sacrorum Antistitum auctoritas, si unquam alias, 
ad unitatem et integritatem catholicae doctrinae custodiendam, vel 
maxime est necessaria, et ab omnibus sarta tecta servari debet, non 
potuimus non vehementer mirari videntes memorati Conventus invi- 
tationem private nomine factam et promulgatam, quin ullo modo in- 
tercederet impulsus, auctoritas et missio ecclesiasticae potestatis, ad 
quam proprio ac native jure unice pertinet ad vigil are ac dirigere 
theologicarum praesertim rerum doctrinam. Quae sane res, ut optime 
noscis, omnino nova ac prorsus inusitata in Ecclesia est. Atque 
iccirco voluimus, Te, Venerabilis Frater, noscere hanc Nostram fuisse 
sententiam, ut cum a Te, turn ab aliis Venerabilibus Fratribus Sa- 
crorum in Germania antistitibus probe judicari posset de scopo per 
Conventus programma enuntiato, si nempe talis esset, ut veram Ec- 
clesiae utilitatem afferret. Eodem autem tempore certi eramus, Te, 
Venerabilis Frater, pro pastoral! Tua sollicitudine ac zelo omnia 
consilia et studia esse adhibiturum, ne in eodem Conventu turn catho- 
licae fidei ac doctrinae integritas, turn obedientia, quam omnes cujus- 
que classis et conditionis catholic! homines Ecclesiae auctoritati ac 
magisterio praestare omnino debent, vel minimum detrimentum cape- 
rent. Ac dissimulare non possumus, non levibus Nos angustiis 



Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 33 

affectos fuisse, quandoquidem verebamur, ne hujusmodi Conventu 
sine ecclesiastica auctoritate congregate exemplum praeberetur sensim 
usurpandi aliquid ex jure ecclesiastic! regiminis et authentic! ma- 
gisterii, quod divina institutione proprium est Romano Pontifici, et 
Episcopis in unione et consensione cum ipso S. Petri Successore, at- 
que ita, ecclesiastico ordine perturbato aliquando unitas et obedientia 
fidei apud aliquos labefactaretur. Atque etiam timebamus, ne in 
ipso Conventu quaedam enunciarentur ac tenerentur opiniones et 
placita, quae in vulgus praesertim emissa et catholicae doctrine puri- 
tatem et debitam subjectionem in periculum ac discrimen vocarent. 
Summo enim animi Nostri dolore recordabamur, Venerabilis Frater, 
hanc Apostolicam Sedem pro gravissimi sui muneris officio debuisse 
ultimis hisce temporibus censura notare ac prohibere nonnullorum 
Germaniae Scriptorum opera, qui cum nescirent decedere ab aliquo 
principio, seu methodo falsae scientiae, aut hodiernae fallacis philo- 
sophiae, praeter voluntatem, uti confidimus, induct! fuere ad pro- 
ferendas ac docendas doctrinas dissentientes a vero nonmillorum 
sanctissimae fidei nostrae dogmatum sensu et interpretatione, quique 
error es ab Ecclesia jam damnatos e tenebris excitarunt, et propriam 
divinae revelationis et fidei indolem et naturam in alienum omnino 
sensum explicaverunt. Noscebamus etiam, Venerabilis Frater, non- 
nullos ex catholicis, qui severioribus disciplinis excolendis operam 
navant, humani ingenii viribus nimium fidentes, errorum periculis 
baud fuisse absterritos, ne in asserenda fallaci et minime sincera 
scientiae libertate abriperentur ultra limites, quos praetergredi non 
sinit obedientia debita erga magisterium Ecclesiae ad totius revelatae 
veritatis integritatem servandam divinitus institutum. Ex quo evenit, 
ut hujusmodi catholic! misere decepti et iis saepe consentiant, qui 
contra hujus Apostolicae Sedis ac Nostrarum Congregationum decreta 
declamant ac blaterant, ea liberum scientiae progressum impedire, et 
periculo se exponunt sacra ilia frangendi obedientiae vincula, quibus 
ex Dei voluntate eidem Apostolicae huic obstringuntur Sedi, quae a 
Deo ipso veritatis magistra et vindex fuit constituta. Neque ignora- 
bamus, in Germania etiam falsam invaluisse opinionem adversus 
veterem scholam, et adversus doctrinarn surnmorum illorumDoctorum, 
quos propter admirabilem eorum sapientiam et vitae sanctitatem 
universalis veneratur Ecclesia. Qua falsa opinione ipsius Ecclesiae 
auctoritas in discrimen vocatur, quandoquidem ipsa Ecclesia non 
solum per tot continentia saecula permisit, ut ex eorumdem Doctorum 
methodo, et ex principiis communi omnium catholicarum scholarum 
consensu sancitis theologica excoleretur scientia, verum etiam saepis- 
sime summis laudibus theologicam eorum doctrinam extulit, illamque 
veluti fortissimum fidei propugnaculum et formidanda contra suos 
inimicos arma vehementer commendavit. Haec sane omnia pro 
gravissimi supremi Nostri Apostolici ministerii munere, ac pro sin- 
gulari illo amore, quo omnes Germaniae catholicos carissimam Do- 
minici gregis partem prosequimur, Nostrum sollicitabant et angebant 
animum tot aliis pressum angustiis, ubi, accepto memorati Conventus 
nuntio, res supra expositas Tibi significandas curavimus. Postquam 

VOL. I. 3 



34 Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 

vero per brevissimum nuntium ad Nos relatum fuit, Te Venerabilis 
Frater, hujusce Conventus auctorum precibus annuentem tribuisse 
veniam celebrandi eumdem Conventum, ac sacrum solemn! ritu pere- 
gisse, et consultationes in eodem Conventu juxta catholicae Ecclesiae 
doctrinam habitas fuisse, et postquam ipsius Conventus viri per 
eumdem nuntium Apostolicam Nostram imploraverunt Benedictionem, 
nulla interposita mora, piis illoruni votis obsecundavimus, Summa 
vero anxietate Tuas expectabamus Litteras, ut a Te, Venerabilis 
Frater, accuratissime noscere possemus ea omnia, quae ad eumdem 
Conventum quovis niodo possent pertinere. Nunc autem cum a Te 
acceperimus, quae scire vel maxime cupiebamus, ea spe nitimur fore, 
ut hujusmodi negotium, quemadmodum asseris, Deo auxiliante, in 
majorem catholicae in Germania Ecclesiae utilitatem cedat. Equidem 
cum oranes ejusdem Conventus viri, veluti scribis, asseruerint, 
scientiarum progressum, et felicem exiturn in devitandis ac refutandis 
miserrimae nostrae aetatis erroribus omnino pendere ab intima erga 
veritates revelatas adhaesione, quas catholica docet Ecclesia, ipsi no- 
verunt ac professi sunt illam veritatem, quam veri catholici scientiis 
excolendis et evolvendis dediti semper temiere ac tradiderunt. 
Atque hac veritate innixi potuerunt ipsi sapientes ac veri catholici 
viri scientias easdem tuto excolere, explanare, easque utiles certasque 
reddere. Quod quidem obtineri non potest, si humanae rationis lumen 
finibus circumscriptum eas quoque veritates investigando, quas propriis 
viribus et facultatibus assequi potest, non veneretur maxime, ut par 
est, infallibile et increatum Divini intellectus lumen, quod in chris- 
tiana revelatione undique mirifice elucet. Quamvis enim naturales 
illae disciplinae suis propriis ratione cognitis principiis nitantur, ca- 
tholici tamen earum cultores divinam revelationem veluti rectricem 
stellam prae oculis habeant oportet, qua praelucente sibi a syrtibus et 
erroribus caveant, ubi in suis investigationibus et commentationibus 
animadvertant, posse se illis adduci, ut saepissime accidit, ad ea pro- 
ferenda, quae plus minus v e adversentur infallibili rerum veritati, quae 
a Deo revelatae fuere. Hinc dubitare nolumus, quin ipsius Conventus 
viri commemoratam veritatem noscentes ac profi tentes, uno eodemque 
tempore plane rejicere ac reprobare voluerint recentem illam ac prae- 
posterani philosophandi rationem, quae etiamsi divinain revelationem 
veluti historicmn iactum admittat, tamen ineffabiles veritates ab ipsa 
divina revelatione propositas humanae rationis investigationibus sup- 
ponit, perinde ac si illae veritates rationi subjectae essent vel ratio 
suis viribus et principiis posset consequi intelligentiam et scientiam 
omnium supernarum sanctissimae fidei nostrae veritatum et mysteri- 
orum, quae ita supra hamanam rationem sunt, ut haec nunquam 
effici possit idonea ad ilia suis viribus et ex naturalibus suis principiis 
intelligenda aut demonstranda. Ejusdem vero Conventus viros debitis 
prosequiniur laudibus, proptereaquod rejicientes, uti existimamus, 
falsam inter philosophum et philosophiam distinctionem, de qua in 
aliis Nostris Litteris ad Te scriptis loquuti sumus, noverunt et as- 
seruerunt, onines catholicos in doctis suis commentationibus debere 
ex conscientia dogmaticis infallibilis catholicae Ecclesiae obedire 



Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 35 

decretis. Dura vero debitas illis deferimus laudes, quod profess! sint 
veritatem, quae ex catholicae fidei obligatione necessario oritur, 
persuadere Nobis volumus, noluisse obligationem, qua catholic! 
Magistri ac Scriptores omnino adstringuntur, coarctare in iis tantum, 
quae ab infallibili Ecclesiae judicio veluti fidei dogmata ab omnibus 
credenda proponuntur. Atque etiam Nobis persuademus, ipsos no- 
luisse declarare, perfectam illam erga revelatas veritates adhaesionem, 
quam agnoverunt necessarian! omnino esse ad verum scientiarum 
progressum assequendum et ad errores confutandos, obtineri posse, 
si dumtaxat Dogmatibus ab Ecclesia expresse definitis fides et obse- 
quium adhibeatur. Namque etiamsi ageretur de ilia subjectione, 
quae fidei divinae actu est praestanda, limitanda tamen non esset ad 
ea, quae expressis, oecumenicorum Conciliorum aut Romanoruin Pon- 
tificum, hujusque Apostolicae Sedis decretis definita sunt, sed ad ea 
quoque extendenda quae ordinario totius Ecclesiae per orbem dis- 
persae magisterio tanquam divinitus revelata traduntur, ideoque uni- 
versali et constant! consensu a catholicis Theologis ad fidem pertinere 
retinentur. Sed cum agatur de ilia subjectione, qua ex conscientia ii 
omnes catholici obstringuntur, qui in contemplatrices scientias incum- 
bunt, ut novas suis scriptis Ecclesiae aiferant utilitates, iccirco ejusdem 
Conventus viri recognoscere debent, sapientibus catholicis baud satis 
esse, ut praefata Ecclesiae dogmata recipiant ac venerentur, verum 
etiam opus esse, ut se subjiciant turn decisionibus, quae ad doctrinam 
pertinentes a Pontificiis Congregationibus proferuntur, turn iis doc- 
trinae capitibus, quae communi et constant! Catholicorum consensu 
retinentur, ut theologicae veritates et conclusiones ita certae, ut 
opiniones eisdem doctrinae capitibus adversae quamquam haereticae 
dici nequeant, tamen aliam theologicam merentur censuram. Itaque 
haud existimamus viros, qui commemorate Monacensi interfuere 
Conventui, ullo modo potuisse aut voluisse obstare doctrinae nuper 
expositae quae ex verae theologiae principiis in Ecclesia retinetur, 
quin immo ea fiducia sustentamur fore, ut ipsi in severioribus 
excolendis disciplinis velint ad enunciatae doctrinae normam se 
diligenter conformare. Quae nostra fiducia praesertim nititur iis Lit- 
teris, quas per Te, Venerabilis Frater, Nobis miserunt. Si quidem 
eisdem Litteris cum sumnia animi Nostri consolatione ipsi profitentur, 
sibi in cogendo Conventu mentem nunquam fuisse vel minimam sibi 
arrogare auctoritatem, quae ad Ecclesiam omnino pertinet, ac simul 
testantur, noluisse, eumdem dimittere Conventum, quin primum de- 
clararent surnmam observantiam, obedientiam, ac filialem pietatem, 
qua Nos et hanc Petri cathedram catholicae unitatis centrum prose, 
quuntur. Cum igitur hisce sensibus supremam Nostram et Aposto- 
licae hujus sedis potestatem auctoritatemque ipsi recognoscant, ac 
simul intelligant, gravissimum officium Nobis ab ipso Christo Domino 
comrnissum regendi ac moderandi universam suam Ecclesiam, ac 
pascendi omnem suum gregem salutaris doctrinae pascuis, et conti- 
nenter advigilandi, ne sanctissima fides ejusque doctrina ullum 
unquam detrimentum patiatur, dubitare non possumus, quin ipsi seve- 
rioribus disciplinis excolendis, tradendis sanaeque doctrinae tuendae 



36 Decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences. 

operam navantes uno eodemque tempore agnoscant se debere et 
religiose exsequi regulas ab ecclesia semper servatas, et obedire 
omnibus decretis, quae circa doctrinam a Suprema Nostra Pontificia 
auctoritate eduntur. Haec autem omnia Tibi communicamus, ac 
summopere optamus, ut ea iis omnibus significes viris, qui in memo- 
lato Conventu fuere, dum, si opportunum esse censuerimus, baud 
otnutemus alia Tibi et Venerabilibus Fratribus Germaniae Sacrorum 
Antistitibus hac super re significare, postquam Tuam et eorumdem 
Antistitum sententiam intellexerimus de hujusmodi Conventuum 
opportunitate. Demum pastoralem Tuam sollicitudinem ac vigilan- 
tiam iterum vehementer excitamus, ut una cum aliis Venerabilibus 
Fratribus Sacrorum in Germania Antistitibus, curas omnes cogita- 
tionesque in tuendam et propagandam sanam doctrinam assidue con- 
feras. Neque omittas omnibus inculcare, ut profanas omnes novitates 
diligenter devitent, neque ab illis se decipi unquam patiantur, qui 
falsam scientiae libertatem, ej usque non solum verum profectum, sed 
etiam errores tamquam progressus impudenter jactant. Atque pari 
studio et contentione ne desinas omnes hortari, ut maxima cura et 
industria in veram christianam et catholicam sapientiam incumbant, at 
que, uti par est, in summo pretio habeant veros solidosque scientiae pro- 
gressus, qui, sanctissima ac divina fide duce et magistra, in catholicis 
scholis habiti fuerunt, utque theologicas praesertim disciplinas excolant 
secundum principia et constantes doctrinas, quibus unanimiter innixi 
sapientissimi Doctores immortalem sibi nominis laudem, et niaximam 
Ecclesiae et scientiae utilitatem ac splendorem pepererunt. Hoc 
sane modo catholici viri in scientiis excolendis poterunt, Deo auxi- 
liante, magis in dies quantum homini fas est, noscere, evolvere et 
explanare veritatum thesaurum, quas in naturae et gratiae operibus 
Deus posuit, ut homo postquam illas rationis et fidei lumine noverit, 
suamque vitam ad eas sedulo conform averit, possit in aeternae gloriae 
claritate summam veritatem, Deum scilicet, sine ullo velamine intueri, 
Eoque felicissime in aeternum perfrui et gaudere. Hanc autem 
occasion em libentissimo animo amplectimur, ut denuo testemur et 
confirmemus praecipuam Nostram in Te caritatem. Cujus quoque 
pignus esse volumus Apostolicam Benedictionem quam effuso cordis 
affectu Tibi ipsi, Venerabilis Frater, et gregi tuae curae commisso 
peramanter impertimus. 

Datum Romae apud Sanctum-Petrum die 21 decembris anno 1863, 
Pontificatus Nostri anno decinioctavo. 

PIUS PP. IX. 






II. 

DECREES OF THE SACRED CONGREGATION OF INDUL- 
GENCES. 

I. Various decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences 
declare that more Plenary Indulgences than one may be gained 
by the same person on the same day, provided that the condi- 
tions prescribed by the Apostolical Indults be complied with. 



Decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences. 37 

A decree of 29th February, 1864, supplies further important 
information on this subject. It lays down that the Indulgences 
alluded to above are not only the current Indulgences of Feasts, 
but also the Indulgences which any of the faithful may gain, 
once a week, or once a month, on a day fixed by himself. 
When the visitation of a church or a chapel is among the condi- 
tions prescribed in order to gain a Plenary Indulgence, the num- 
ber of visits paid to the church must be the same as that of the 
indulgences to be gained. 
The decree runs as follows : 

DECRETUM Congregationis S. Bemdicti in Gallia. In generalibus 
Comitiis Sacrae hujus Indulgentiarum Congregationis habitis die 29 
Februarii, 1864, sequentia dubia per Joannem Baptistam Nicolas 
Monachum Congregationis Gallicae Sancti Benedict! proposita fuere. 

1. Cum ex diversis Decretis S. Congregationis Indulgentiarum 
jam liceat plures Plenarias Indulgentias eadem die lucrari, soh^tis 
scilicet conditionibus, quaeritur, an dictum Decretum respiciat solas 
Indulgentias in una die occurrentes propter festivitatem, vel potius 
etiam illas, quas unusquisque ob suam devotionem tali per hebdoma- 
dam aut mensem diei adfixerit ? 

2. Qui Decreto ipso uti voluerit, an teneatur Ecclesiam vel pub- 
licum Oratorium visitare (quando nempe requiritur talis visitatio) 
totidem vicibus, quod sunt Indulgentiae lucrifaciendae ? 

Et quatenus Affirmative, 

3. An Sufficiat, ut in una, eademque Ecclesia tot preces, seu 
visitationes repetantur, quot sunt Indulgentiae lucrandae quin de 
Ecclesia post quamlibet visitationem quis egrediatur, et denuo in earn 
ingrediatur ? 

Hisce itaque ab Eminentissimis Patribus mature discussis, Vo- 
tisque Consultorum perpensis, respondendum esse statuerunt Ad 
Primum, affirmative ; ad Secundum, affirmative ; ad Tertium nega- 
tive. 

Datum Komae ex Secretaria S. Congregationis Indulgentiarum 
die 29 Februarii 1864. 

F. ANTONIUS MARIA CARD. PANEBIANCO PRAEFECTUS. 
A. Colombo Secretarius. 

II. In order to gain the indulgence of the privileged altar, it is 
required to say a Requiem Mass with black vestments as often as 
the Rubrics permit. Sometimes this cannot be done ; for example, 
during Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, or when the Mass 
is to be said in a church where the station is held, or where some 
Feast is being celebrated. No account of such days having been 
taken in the General Decrees, the doubt was raised whether in 
such cases the indulgence of the privileged altar could be gained 
without saying a Requiem Mass. The following General Decree 
of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences, dated April 11, 
1864, settles the point: 



38 Secret Societies. 

DECRETUM. Urbis et Orbis. Quamplures Romani Cleri Sacerdo- 
tes, ac praesertim Animarum Curatores dubium huic Sacrae Congra- 
tioni Indulgentiis Sacrisque Reliquiis praepositae enodandum propo- 
suerunt : Utrum, scilicet, Sacerdos, celebrans in Altari Privilegiato le- 
gerido Missam de Festo Semiduplici, Siraplici, Yotivam, vel de Feria 
non privilegiata sive ratione expositionis Sanctissimi Sacramenti, sive 
Stationis Ecclesiae, vel alterius Solemnitatis, aut ex rationabili moti- 
vo fruatur privilegio ac si legeret Missam de Requie per Rubricas eo 
die permissam ? 

Sacra itaque Congregatio, quae habita fuit apud Vaticanas aedes 
die 29 Februarii, 1864, auditis Consultorum Votis, respondendum 
esse duxit Affirmative, deletis tamen verbis " aut ex rationabili motive" 
et facto verbo cum Sanctissimo. Facta insuper per me |infrascriptuni 
ejusdem S. Congregationis Secretarium Sanctissimo Domino nostro 
relatione in Audientia diei 1 1 Aprilis ejusdem anni Sanctitas Sua Emi- 
nentissimorum Patrum sententiam benigne confirmavit. 

Datum Romae ex Secretaria ipsius S. Congregationis Indulgen- 
tiarum die 11 Aprilis, 1146. 

F. ANTONIUS MARIA CARD. PANEBIANCO Praefectus. 
A. Colombo Secretarius. 



ill. 
SECRET SOCIETIES. 

The following letter will be read with interest by those who 
desire to be accurately acquainted with the present legislation of 
the Church in regard to secret societies. The bulls of Clement 
XII., Benedict XIV., Pius VII., and Leo XIL, against free- 
masons, carbonari, and other similar associations, are well known. 
However, controversies have arisen as to the persons who incur 
the censures enacted in those bulls. Some have asserted that 
members of a secret society contract no censure unless the object 
or tendency of the society be both to undermine the authority of 
civil government, and to destroy religion, and that at the same 
time the members of the society be bound by oath to secresy. 

The decision of the Holy Office, confirmed by his present 
Holiness, puts an end to all doubts on the question, and it is now 
decided that all members of secret societies that are directed 
either against the state, or against religion, whether bound by 
oath or not, incur the penalties enacted against freemasons, etc., 
in the Papal constitutions: 

ILLME. ET REVME. DNE. 

Plura ad Sanctam Sedem delata sunt circa societatem qua? appel- 
latur Fratrum Feniorum, nee non circa aliam a Sancto Patritio 
nuncupatam, eaque supremo? Congregationi Universalis Inquisi- 
tionis submissa fuere, uf quid de illis sentiendum esset declararetur. 

Porro Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Pius IX. audito Eminen- 



Rescript to the Bishop of Achonry, etc. 39 

tissimorum Inquisitorum suffragio, Amplitudini tuae notificandum 
mandavit Decretum Feriae IV., 5. August!, 1846, quod sic se 
habet : " Societates occultae de quibus in Pontificiis Constitutionibus 
sermo est, eae omnes intelliguntur quae adversus Ecclesiam vel 
gubernium sibi aliquid proponunt, exigant vel non exigant jura- 
mentwn de secreto servando". Voluit praeterea Sanctitas sua ut 
Tibi subjungeretur recurrendum esse ad Sanctam Sedem, et 
quidem omnibus adamussim expositis, si quae forte difficultates 
in applicatione praedicti Decreti quod alterutram e memoratis 
societatibus inveniantur. 

Precor Deum ut Te diu sospitem et incolumem servet. 

Romae ex Aedibus Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide 
die 7 Junii, 1864. 

Amplitudinis Tuae Ad officia paratissimus, 

AL. C BARNABO, Praef. 
H. CAPALTI, Secretarius. 

R. P. D. PAULO CULLEN, 

Archiepiscopo Dubliniensi. 



IV. 

DECRETUM 

ACHADEN. 

Reverendissimus Dominus Patritius Durcan Episcopus Aclia- 
densisin Hibernia exponens in sibi concredita Dioecesia tempore 
immemorabili viguisse cultum Sanctae Attractae Virginis inter 
Sancti Patritii alumnas adnumeratae, a Sanctissimo Domino Nos- 
tro PIO PAPA IX. humillime postulavit ut, die XL Augusti 
Sanctae Attractae recurrente memoria, a Clero Achadensi in 
Officio et Missa de communi Virginum recitari valeant cum ora- 
tione Lectiones secundi nocturni propriae, uti supra adnotantur, 
ex probatis legitimisque fontibus desumptae. Sanctitas porro 
Sua, referente subscripto Sacrorum Rituum Congregationis Se- 
cretario precibus clementer annuere dignata est; dummodo Fes- 
tum Sanctae Attractae instituatur ritu duplici minori, Rubricae 
serventur, ac interim Episcopus Orator efficaci adhibita pastorali 
sollicitudine Fideles cohortari et excitare curet ad instaurandam 
in oppido Killareti Ecclesiam Sanctae Attractae solo aequatam, 
quo opere complete, preces iterari debent ad implorandam pro 
clero ejusdem oppidi elevationum ritus in Festo Sanctae Attrac- 
tae. Contrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque. 
Die 28 Julii 1864. 

LOCUS ^ SlGILLI 

C. Episcopus Portuen. et S. Rufinae 
CARD. PATRIZI S. R. C. PRAEF. 

D. BARTOLINI, S. R. C. Secretarius. 



40 Rescript to the Bishop of A chonry, etc. 

DIE XI. AUGUSTI IN FESTO SANCTAE ATTRACTAE, VIRGINIS, 

DUPLEX. 

ORATIO. Deus humilium fortitude, qui ad promovendam inter 
paganos fide in, beatam Attractam Virginem tuam verbis et mira- 
culis potentem effecisti, praesta ut cujus patrocinio juvamur in 
terris, ejus societatem consequamur in coelis. Per Dominum, etc. 

IN SECUNDO NOCTURNO. 

Lectio IV. Hibernia, Sanctorum insula, divina virtute fecun- 
data, vix orto fidei sole, innumera germina sanctitatis protulit. 
Imprimis vero castitatis liliis exornata est, unde et illustre Apos- 
toli sui Patritii elogium promeruit : Quomodo, inquit, tota insula 
plebs Domini effecta est, et filii ejus ac filiae Monachi et Virgines 
Christi esse videntur, et jam recenseri vix potest earum numerus 
quae improperia parentum ac persecutiones hilari animo sustinen- 
tes totas se religioni et Christo voverunt. Inter quas Patritii 
alumnas se virginum choro adjunxit Sancta Attracta, quae in Ul- 
tonia nobili genere nata est sed a prima setate pompas ac divitias 
respuens saeculo renuntiavit, et vanitates hujus mundi nihili esse 
duvit ut Christi sponsa esse mereretur. 

Lectio V. Nondum adulta nobile certamen adversus Satanam 
ej usque illecebras inivit et votum castitatis emisit. Ut autem di- 
vinis rebus liberius vacaret, natale solum deserens fines Connaciae 
petiit, ibique orationibus et jejuniis vacans tota in pietatis exerci- 
tia et virtutis studium incubuit. Hospitalitatis quoque gratia eni- 
tuit et seipsam suasque opes in sublevaiidis indigentium miseriis 
alacriter impendit. Pauperes et aegrotos undequaque accedentes 
Christi charitate amplexa est et eosdem turn terrena ope sublevavit 
turn veris fidei thesauris divites effecit. Plures quoque ab iniqui- 
tatis semitis ad justitiae legem convertit et a servitute idolorum 
adduxit ad colendum Dominum ac Deum Jesum Christum, immo 
miraculorum gloria illustris ejus sanctitatis fama longe lateque 
per totam insulam pervulgata est. 

Lectio VL Inter innumera vero, quae a Sancta Attracta mire 
patrata narrantur, insigne imprimis miraculum est quo territorium 
Lugniae in provincia Connaciae ab horrendo monstro liberavit. 
Tota siquidem ilia regio belluae hujus feritate devastata est, et in- 
colae adeo terrore perculsi sunt ut a terribili ejus aspectu ad mon- 
tes et cavernas confugerent. Attractam tandem supplices rogarunt 
ut in tanta afilictione opem sibi et auxilium ferre dignaretur. Res- 
pondit inclyta Virgo : potens est Deus, qui mundum ex nihilo 
creavit et hominem de limo terrae ad suam imaginem plasmavit, 
etiam regionem istam de tanta peste omnino liberare. Tune 
genua flectens omni fiducia Deum precabatur: Antequam vero 
suis precibus finem apposuit, jam exauditae sunt apud Dominum, 
et saBva bellua rugitus emittens et torvo collo in ipsam Sanctam 
irruens divina virtute interiit. 



Notices of Books. 41 

NOTICES OE BOOKS. 



i. 



1. Essays on the Origin, Doctrines, and Discipline of the Early 

Irish Church. By the Rev. Dr. Moran, Vice-Rector of the 
Irish College, Rome. Dublin: Duffy, 1864, pp. 337. 

2. History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Re- 

formation. By the Rev. Dr. Moran, Vice-Rector of the Irish 
College, Rome. Vol. I., Part I. Introduction. Dublin: 
Duffy, 1864, pp. 192. 

There are two positions that command the whole field of Irish 
Church history. The first is the original connection of the Irish 
Church with the See of Rome ; the second is that her hierarchy 
has remained ever faithful to Rome, especially in the time of the 
Reformation. Deny either of these, and the whole aspect of our 
ecclesiastical history is immediately changed. The supernatural 
virtues that spring from Catholicism nowhere had a fresher 
bloom than in Ireland. Faith, and hope, and charity, and love 
for the evangelical counsels were in a special degree the orna- 
ments of the nation which, Saint Patrick tells us in his Confes- 
sions, " had been bestowed upon him by the charity of Christ". 
The schools of Ireland, her art, her literature, her laws, her social 
customs, all felt the influence of the intense religious feeling that 
existed throughout the land. The Irish monastic superiors, says 
a lively French writer, aimed at making their monks saints, 
and were surprised to find them become poets likewise. Now 
this rich superabundance of spiritual blessing, as it was the fruit 
of union with Rome, so also ought it be traced back to Rome as 
its source under God. And the more marvellous its richness, the 
more striking the necessity of being able to show that it has 
come to us through Saint Peter. Besides, all these graces were, 
if we may use a theological expression, gratiae gratis datae, as 
well as gratum facientes. They were given to the Irish Church 
not only to make her the glad mother of saints, but also, and in 
a singular manner, for the benefit of others. It is, we think, 
impossible not to recognize in the history of the Irish Church, 
both ancient and modern, this missionary character. Her 
cloisters had the gift of sanctity ; but did not the odour of this 
very sanctity draw to her shores crowds of foreign ecclesiastics 
Egyptian, Roman, Italian, French, British, and Saxon? Her 
schools had the gift of wisdom ; but did not this wisdom cry out 
to the men beyond the seas to come and buy of it without price? 
Where was the bishop's throne encircled by a more dense crown 



42 Notices of Books. 

of Priests and Levites than in Ireland ? and was it not that many 
of them might be spared for those places abroad where the little 
ones were asking for bread, and there was none to break it to 
them ? The flower of her youth thronged her monasteries ; she 
took them to her bosom as children, that she might make them 
fathers ; and among the monks of the West what fathers were 
more fruitful of good ? And in our own day let England, and 
Scotland, and Australia, and America, and Africa, and India, 
tell what part Providence has assigned to the Irish Catholics in 
that wonderful growth of Catholicism which refreshes the heart 
in these days of indifference and infidelity. To Ireland may 
well be applied the words used by Saint Gregory Nazianzen, of 
the Constantinople of the fourth century, when he calls it " the 
bond of union between the east and west, to which the most 
distant extremes from all sides come together, and to which they 
look up as to a common centre and emporium of the faith". 
This being the case, it becomes a cardinal point to show the un- 
broken connection between Rome and Ireland through all the 
chequered course of our history. If she be not sent, how shall 
she preach? 

This central truth is the subject of Dr. Moran's two books, 
although under a different aspect in each. He could not have 
rendered better service to our Church than by establishing so 
clearly and firmly as he has done, that Saint Patrick had his mis- 
sion from Rome, and that the Irish Church was never merged 
in the so-called Church of the Reformation. Under any circum- 
stances, such a work would be entitled to our gratitude. But 
the exceptional circumstances of the times were such as to make 
its appearance a real necessity. Dr. Todd, of Trinity College, 
in his Memoir of Saint Patrick, added his honoured name to the 
list of those who deny that Saint Patrick's mission to our island 
had .any connection with, or sanction from, the Roman Pontiff, 
Celestine. In his preface to the same work he lays down the 
theory that the new Irish Church, which was long in oppo- 
sition to the church of the English Pale, at last combined with 
it in embracing the reformed creed. In face of such assertions, 
coming from such a source, and which, as we have seen, strike 
at the very heart of our ecclesiastical glory, we had need of a 
work conceived in good temper, executed with scholarly preci- 
sion, and giving proof as well of extensive acquaintance with 
our ancient records, as of critical skill in their interpretation. 
These qualities we find in Dr. Moran's works. In addressing 
himself to his task, he starts from the principle, that as being a 
question of facts, it must be discussed on its intrinsic merits, and 
decided by the mere authority of historical records and critical 
arguments. To this principle he carefully adheres to the close. 



Notices of Books. 43 

The work which we have placed first on our list contains three 
essays. The first treats of the origin of the Irish Church and of 
the labours of Saints Palladius and Patrick ; the second, of the 
Blessed Eucharist ; the third, of the Blessed Virgin. The first 
essay is divided into three parts. Part I. treats of Saint Palladius 
and Saint Patrick, and is divided into four chapters respectively 
headed: Mission of Saint Palladius; general sketch of Saint 
Patrick's history; Saint Patrick's connection with Saint Ger- 
manus ; Saint Patrick's mission from Rome. In Part II. various 
modern theories respecting Saint Patrick are reviewed and re- 
futed. Chapter i. refutes Dr. Ledwich's theory that Saint 
Patrick never existed; chapter ii. refutes the statements of Sir 
William Betham, that Saint Patrick lived long before A.D. 432, 
and of Usher, that Ireland possessed a hierarchy long before 
Saint Patrick's time; chapter iii. examines Dean Murray's 
theory, that Saint Patrick had no mission from Rome ; chapter 
iv. refutes the opinion of Dr. Lanigan, that Saint Patrick died 
A.D. 465, and then Dr. Petrie's conjecture, that our ancient writers 
have so blended together the acts of two Saint Patricks, that it is 
no longer possible to say which belongs to the Apostle Patrick ; 
chapters v. vi. vii. deal with Dr. Todd's theory reduced to 
three heads : 1 . that Saint Palladius was not a Roman deacon ; 
2. that Saint Patrick did not commence his apostolate until A.D. 
440; 3. that Saint Patrick received no mission from Rome. 
Part III. sets before us the sentiments of the early Irish. Church 
regarding Rome. Three classes of witnesses are called, in as 
many chapters, to testify that the ancient Irish acknowledged 
with filial reverence the divinely given authority of the Holy 
See. First come the ancient writers, next the canons which 
regulated the discipline of the Church, then the Irish saints 
who gave evidence of their sentiments by their pilgrimages to 
Rome, and by their appeals to the supreme power of Saint 
Peter's chair. 

The second essay treats of the teaching of the ancient Irish 
Church regarding the Blessed Eucharist. That Christ is really 
present and offered on our altars for the living and the dead, was 
held by our Christian fathers as tenaciously as by their Catholic 
children of to-day. The documents which illustrate this point 
are arranged by Dr. Moran under the following heads: 1. 
Liturgical treatises; 2. Penitentials and other records; 3. the 
words and practice of the early saints; 4. the ancient writers 
cited by Protestants as favourable to the reformed doctrine. 
The examination of these witnesses occupies four chapters. 

In the third essay Dr. Moran brings conclusive testimony to 
show that devotion to the Blessed Virgin was part of the primi- 
tive teaching. He alludes to the beautiful prayer of Saint Colgu 



44 Notices of Books. 

which we have been enabled, at page 4, to present in full to our 
readers. 

The work is closed by various appendices, each dealing with 
some one monument of sacred antiquity. In these appendices the 
reader will find, together with a valuable mine of precious infor- 
mation, the following documents, either whole or in part: an old 
Irish tract on the various liturgies referred by Spelman to about 
A.D. 680, the Penitentials of Saint Cummian, Saint Finnian, 
Saint David, Saint Gildas, and Saint Columbanus ; the canons of 
Adamnan, the Synodus Sapientium, the Bobbio Missal, the Pro- 
fession of Faith by Saint Mochta, of Louth, of the fifth century, 
the sixth canon of Saint Patrick, the Irish synod of A.D. 807, and 
various hymns from the Bangor Antiphonarium. 

The second of Dr. Moran's books noticed above is the intro- 
duction to a larger work which we hope soon to see published, 
the History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the 
Reformation. This introduction is intended to prepare the 
reader for that history by describing the first attempts to root out 
the ancient religion of Ireland, the unworthy arts by which the 
Catholic Church was assailed, and the evil effects of the Reforma- 
tion. It also gives a sketch of the persecutions in Ireland under 
Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The whole is divided into 
four chapters. Chapter i. treats of the first efforts of the English 
government to introduce the Reformation into Ireland ; chapter 
ii. of the appointment of Hugh Curwin to the see of Dublin, 
and his apostacy ; -chapter iii. of the vacancy of the see after the 
apostacy of Curwin, and how the diocese was administered until 
the end of the sixteenth century ; chapter iv. of the persecution 
of the Irish Catholics during the reign of Elizabeth. In the 
appendix Dr. Moran shows from the Consistorial Acts and other 
genuine sources, that the succession of our Irish Catholic bishops 
has remained unbroken. The immense value of such an ap- 
pendix will best be recognized when we recall to mind the con- 
fident statements to the contrary continually put forward by 
Protestant writers. -The late Protestant Dean of Ardagh asserts 
that the bishops, with the exception of two, and all the priests 
embraced the Reformation. The Hon. and Rev A. Percival, in 
An Apology for the Doctrine of Apostolical Succession, states 
that " at the accession of Queen Elizabeth, of all the Irish 
bishops, only two were deprived, and two others resigned on 
account of their adherence to the supremacy of the See of Rome. 
The rest continued in their sees ; and from them the bishops and 
clergy of the Irish Church derive their orders. . . ... 

This has never been disputed". Dr. Mant, the Protestant 
bishop of Do\vn and Connor, attempts to prove statistically that 
the Irish hierarchy adopted the Reformation. On this, his 



Notices of Books. 45 

chosen ground of statistics, lie is met by Dr. Moran, who shows 
that he omits three sees occupied by Catholic bishops, viz. : Mayo, 
Ross, and Kilmacduagh ; that he falsely supposes Armagh to have 
been vacant after Dr. Dowdal's death in 1558, until Adam Loftus' 
consecration in 1561, whereas Dr. Donatus Fleming had been 
appointed in February, 15GO, and was then in actual possession 
of the see ; that seven other sees, whose occupants were not known 
to Dr. Mant, were, nevertheless, held by canonically appointed 
prelates, viz. : Kilmore, Dromore, Raphoe, Derry, Kilfenoragh, 
Killala, Achonry ; that the eleven sees vacated by death retained 
beyond a doubt the Catholic succession. Dr. Mant's opinions as 
to the other sees are carefully examined, and the result of the 
whole investigation is to establish triumphantly against Dr. Todd 
and Dr. Mant, that, " so far from the old clergy of Ireland having 
merged into the reformation of Elizabeth, the succession of the 
Catholic hierarchy remained unbroken". 

ii. 

The Ancient Church of Ireland: A few Remarks on Dr. Todd's 
Memoir of the Life and Mission of Saint Patrick, Apostle 
of Ireland. By Denis Gargan, D.D., Professor of Ecclesi- 
astical History in the Royal College of Saint Patrick, May- 
nooth. Dublin: Duffy, 1864, page 120. 
In this work Dr. Gargan reviews and refutes some of the 
opinions advanced by Dr. Todd in his Memoir of Saint Patrick. 
He selects six of these opinions as specially deserving of animad- 
version. 1. That Diocesan jurisdiction did not exist in Ireland 
before the twelfth century ; and under this head he examines the 
inferences drawn by Dr. Todd from the testimonies of Saint 
Anselm, Saint Bernard, the enactment of the English Synod 
of Cealcythe, and the authority of Byeus. 2. That the Irish 
Church underwent decline during the sixth and seventh centuries. 
For this opinion Dr. Todd adduces as abundant evidence, 1. a pro- 
phecy put into the mouth of Saint Brigid by Aumchad, or 
Anirnosus, in his life of that saint; 2. the testimony of the 
Abbess Hildegardis, in her Life of Saint Disibod, or Disen, 
Abbot of Disemberg ; 3. the Life of the Gildas, in which start- 
ling charges are brought against the Irish Church. Dr. Gargan 
shows in detail how far these testimonies are from being abun- 
dant evidences on which to ground so serious a charge. 3. 
That Saint Patrick and other early saints of Ireland were not free 
from superstition. As proof of this, Dr. Todd cites the Confession 
of Saint Patrick, his Lorica, and his toleration of pagan supersti- 
tions. The second order of saints, according to Dr. Todd, 
" were unable to divest themselves of the old superstitions of 
their race". These proofs are severally overthrown by Dr. 



46 Notices of Books. 

Gargan. 4. That Saint Patrick was illiterate and ignorant, and 
that the story of his education under Saint Germanus is false. 
Saint Patrick's Confession is the principal argument adduced to 
prove the first assertion, and the absence of all allusion to Saint 
Germanus in the Confession and in the Hymn of Secundinus is 
the reason for the second. 5. That Saint Patrick had no com- 
mission from Pope Celcstine. Under the head of Dr. Todd's ne- 
gative arguments, Dr. Gargan examines the silence observed 
about the mission from Rome: 1. in the Confessions, and the 
Epistle to Coroticus; 2. in the Hymn of Saint Sechnall, or Secun- 
dinus; 3. in the Hymn of Saint Fiacc; 4. in the Life of 
Saint Patrick in the Book of Armagh. Under the heading, 
" Dr. Todd's Chronological Difficulties against the Roman 
Mission of Saint Patrick' 1 , the author refutes the arguments 
drawn from various sources to show that Saint Patrick did not 
commence his apostolic life in Ireland before A.D. 440, wherefore, 
Pope Celestine having died A.D. 432, the mission from Rome 
cannot be admitted. Finally, 6. the incompleteness of the 
memoir is brought as a charge against its author. " With all 
that Dr. Todd has written concerning our apostle, we are left 
strangely at a loss to know whether the form of Christianity 
which he introduced into our island in the fifth century was in 
harmony or at variance with Catholicity as then prevailing in the 
east and west, and as still prevailing in all churches in connection 
with the chair of Peter" (page 107). This is a grave charge 
indeed, and we agree with the learned professor in believing 
that it seriously interferes with the claims which Dr. Todd's 
work has to be considered a guide in the questions that every 
now and then are agitated concerning the Irish Church. In 
the face of this well-grounded charge of incompleteness, how 
can the Press say that " no one will be qualified to do justice to 
that vexed and intricate question, who has not made himself 
master of the facts connected with the early institution of that 
Church, of which Dr. Todd has shown himself the truthful and 
laborious expositor"? 

in. 

De residentia beneficiatorum, Dissertatio historico-canonica, 

quam ad gradum doctoris sacrorum canonum in academia 

Lovaniensi consequendum, conscripsit Ludovicus Henry, 

juris canonici Licentiatus. Lovanii, 1863 (238 pp). 

This book contains eight chapters. The two first treat of 
general principles, and the remaining chapters discuss how far 
residence is obligatory upon cardinals, bishops, canons, parish 
priests, curates, and those holding simple benefices. Each chap- 






Notices of Books. 47 

ter is ordinarily divided into two parts ; the first treats of the 
ancient discipline, the second of modern discipline, such as the 
Council of Trent and the Apostolical Constitutions have made it. 
Dr. Henry has consulted good authorities : Thornassinus for the 
ancient law ; the Decrees of the Sacred Congregations and the 
Roman Canonists have furnished him with principles to solve 
the various cases to which modern discipline has given rise. We 
omit to notice the obligations of cardinals, bishops, and canons in 
the matter. As to parish priests, the author has carefully made 
a collection of the decisions regarding their obligation to reside 
in their parishes. We shall be satisfied with citing such as bear 
upon really doubtful cases. 

1. An Parochi, qui nocturne caeteroquin tempore resident apud 
suas ecclesias, possint, celebrata summo mane missa in dictis ecclesiis, 
se conferre ad civitatem, et in ea diurno tempore totius vel majoris 
partis anni commorari, licet apud dictas ecclesias adsint eorum sub- 
stituti ? Resp. Negative. 

2. An parochus villae, in qua non est alius sacerdos, etiamsi 
nullus infirmetur, sine episcopi licentia, gratis ubique concedenda, 
abesse possit a parochia per duos, vel tres dies, nullo idoneo relicto 
vicario ? Resp. Negative. 

3. An saltern abesse possit a mane usque ad vesperas, et quid si 
hoc semel in hebdomada evenerit. Resp. Affirmative dummodo non 
sitdiefesto, et nullus adsit infirmuset raro in anno contingat. 

4. Sacra Congregatio censuit parochum nee posse per hebdoma- 
dam abesse non petita, vel non obtenta licentia, etiam relicto vicario 
idoneo ab ipso Ordinario approbato. 

" Dr. Henry's book" (says the editor of the Analecta, from 
which work we have drawn our notice of the work), " is valuable 
on account of its exactness and clearness. He has neither omitted 
nor treated superficially any important question, especially in 
the chapters concerning the residence of bishops and parish 
priests". 



IV. 

Monumenta Vetera Historiam Hibernorum et Scotorum illustran- 
tia ex Vaticani) Neapolis et Florentiae tabulariis depromsit, et 
or dine chronologico edidit, A. Theiner. Romae: Typis 
Vaticanis, 1864. 

We must be satisfied with the bare announcement of this 
work in our present number. We hope to speak of Father 
Theiner's volume at greater length on another occasion. In the 
paper on the See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century, our 
readers have one proof of the great value of this publication. 



48 Notices of Books. 

v. 

Dionysii Petavii Opus de Theologicis Dogmatibus. A J. B. 
Thomas in Serninario Verdunensi Theologiae Professore, 
reoognitum et annotatum. Tomus I. Barri- Duels, typis et 
sumptibus L. Guerin, 1864. In 4o, xviii. 629 pp and 
portrait. 

There are at this moment two editions of Petavius in the 
press in France M. Vives, at Paris, and M. Guerin, at Bar-le- 
duc, being both engaged in the same work. The first volume 
contains, in addition to the Prolegomena, the first seven books of 
the treatise, De Deo Deique proprietatibus. The edition will be 
complete in eight volumes, at the cost of 8fr. 50c. per volume. 
It is a reproduction of the edition by Zaccaria, Venice, 1757. 
The short notes by the editor, the type, and the paper, are very 
satisfactory. 

VI. 

Dissertations, Chiefly on Irish Church History. By the late Rev. 
Matthew Kelly, D.D., Professor, Maynooth College, and 
Canon of Ossory. Edited by the Rev. D. M'Carthy, 
D.D. Dublin: Duffy. 1864. xiii. 448. 

VII. 

Tractatus juridico-canonicus de irregularitatibus ; auctore Fr. E. 
A. Boenninghausen, juris utriusque Doctore et Presbytero 
Curato. Cumpermissu R. D. Episcopi Monasteriensis, Monas- 
terii. Typis et sumptibus, Theissengianis, 1863. 

The first part of this work, De Irregularitatibus in genere, 
treats of the following six points in as many chapters : 1. Im- 
portance of the subject; 2. on the idea of irregularity and 
incapacity ; 3. on the word irregularity, and its division into 
different species ; 4. of the efficient cause of irregularity ; 5. of 
its effects, with regard to Holy Orders and to Benefices ; 6. on 
dispensations from irregularities. The second part, entitled De 
irregularitatibus ex delicto, deals with irregularities arising 1. 
from any defect occurring in baptism ; 2. from heresy, schism, 
and apostacy ; 3. from the violation of excommunications, sus- 
pensions, and interdicts; 4. from the exercise of any of the 
sacred orders without having received that order. Here ends 
the first part. " This work", says the learned Bouix, " appears 
to us to be solid, methodical, and sufficiently complete. We 
have not as yet examined it with sufficient attention to be able 
to pronounce judgment on the perfect doctrinal exactness of its 
details ; but we here thought it our duty to bring it under the 
notice of the clergy, and especially of professors in colleges". 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

NOVEMBER, 1864. 



THE HOLY SEE AND THE LIBERTY OF THE IRISH 
CHURCH AT THE BEGINNING OF THE PRE- 
SENT CENTURY 

All students of Irish Catholic affairs must feel, at every mo- 
ment, that we are at a great loss for a collection of ecclesiastical 
documents connected with our Church. The past misfortunes 
of Ireland explain the origin of this want. During the perse- 
cutions of Elizabeth, of James the First, and Cromwell, our an- 
cient manuscripts, and the archives of our convents and monas- 
teries, were ruthlessly destroyed. At a later period, whilst the 
penal laws were in full operation, it was dangerous to preserve 
official ecclesiastical papers, lest they should be construed by the 
bigotry and ignorance of our enemies into proofs of sedition or 
treason. Since liberty began to dawn on our country, things 
have undergone a beneficial change, and recently great efforts 
have been made to rescue and preserve from destruction every 
remaining fragment of our ancient history, and every document 
calculated to throw light on the annals of our Church. We are 
anxious to cooperate in this good, work, and we shall feel deeply 
grateful to our friends if they forward to us any official ecclesi- 
astical papers, either ancient or modern, that it may be desirable 
to preserve. Receiving such papers casually, we cannot insert 
them in the RECORD in chronological order, but by aid of an 
Index, to be published at the end of each volume, the future 
historian will be able to avail himself of them for his purposes. 
VOL. i. 4 



50 The Holy See and the Liberty of the Irish Church 

To-day we insert in our columns two letters never published 
before, as far as we can learn, in their original language. They 
were addressed, in the beginning of this century, by the learned 
Archbishop of Myra, Monsignore Brancadoro, Secretary of the 
Propaganda, to a distinguished Dominican, Father Concanen, then 
agent of the Irish bishops, who was afterwards promoted to the 
See of New York, and who died at Naples, in the year 1808, 
before he could take possession of his diocese. 

The first letter, dated the 7th August, 1801, refers to certain 
resolutions adopted by ten Irish prelates, in January, 1799, at a 
sad period of our history, when Ireland was in a state of utter 
prostration, and abandoned to the fury of an Orange faction. In 
such circumstances, we are not to be surprised that the Catholics 
of Cork, Waterford, Wexford, and many other parts of Ireland, 
in the hope of preserving their lives and property, should have 
petitioned to be united to England ; or that Catholic prelates, 
anxious to gain protection for their flocks, should have endea- 
voured to propitiate those who had the power of the government 
in their hands, by taking into consideration the proposals then 
made that the state should provide for the maintenance of the 
clergy, and that a right should be given to the state to inquire 
into the loyalty of such ecclesiastics as might be proposed for the 
various sees of Ireland. 

The celebrated Dr. Milner, treating of the resolutions just re- 
ferred to, observes in his Supplementary Memoirs, p. 115, that 
they had nothing in common with the veto which was afterwards 
proposed by government in 1805, and several times in succeed- 
ing years, and adds, that the prelates *' stipulated for their own 
just influence, and also for the consent of the Pope in this im- 
portant business". 

According to the wise determination of the prelates, the 
matters they had agreed to were referred to the judgment of the 
Supreme Head of the Church. A speedy answer, however, could 
not be obtained. At that time the great Pontiff, Pius the Sixth, 
was a captive in the hands of the French Republicans, and soon 
after died a martyr at Valence in France. The Holy See was 
then vacant for several months, until, by the visible interposition 
of Providence, Italy was freed from her invaders, and the car- 
dinals were enabled to assemble in conclave to elect a new Pope. 
Soon after his promotion, Pius the Seventh occupied himself with 
the affairs of our Church, and the secretary of the Propaganda re- 
ceived instructions to communicate through Father Concanen to 
the Irish Prelates the wishes of his Holiness. 

The substance of the official note of Monsignore Brancadoro is, 
1. That his Holiness is thankful to the British government for 
the relaxation of the penal laws to which Catholics had been so 



at the Beginning of the Present Century. 51 

long subjected, and for any other acts of liberality or kindness 
conferred on them. 2. That the Irish prelates, whilst mani- 
festing their gratitude for the favours they had received, should 
prove, by their conduct, that it was not through a feeling of self- 
interest, or through hopes of temporal advantages, that they in- 
culcated on their flocks the necessity of obedience to the laws 
and the conscientious fulfilment of the duties of good citizens ; but 
that they did so through a spirit of religion, and in conformity 
with the dictates of the gospel. 3. That to prove how sincerely 
they were animated with those feelings, the Irish prelates should 
refuse the proffered pension, and continue to act and support 
themselves as they have done for the past, thus giving an ex- 
ample of Christian perfection which would not fail to give 
general edification. 

The second letter is also from the secretary of Propaganda to 
Father Concanen, and is dated 25th of Sept., 1805, in which year 
Dr. Milner had just brought under the notice of the Holy See 
some new projects of government interference with the Catholic 
clergy, which had lately been introduced into Parliament by Sir 
John Hippisley, at that time a supporter of Emancipation, but 
who afterwards gave proofs of a great desire to enslave the 
Catholic Church. 

In the second letter Monsignore Brancadoro states the appre- 
hension felt by the S. Congregation, lest the moment of the 
Catholic triumph should prove the one most dangerous to the 
purity and stability of the Catholic religion since the Reforma- 
tion; that it would be no injustice to suspect the British Go- 
vernment of being influenced by designs to that very effect; 
that the Bishops should, therefore, as a general principle, renounce 
all idea of advancing their own proper interests, or of securing 
any temporal advantages, lest through human frailty they should 
inadvertently be surprised into any concessions which in course 
of time might prove injurious to the interests of religion. The 
Secretary then goes on to say that the S. Congregation found 
serious difficulties, more or less, in all the plans which, as Dr. 
Milner had reported, had been proposed by the statesmen of the 
day in England. These plans were: 1. The pensioning of the 
clergy. 2. State interference in the nomination of Bishops. 3. 
The restoration of the Hierarchy in England. 4. The conces- 
sion to the ministry of the right to examine the communications 
which might pass between the English and Irish Catholics and 
the Holy See. 

As to the plan of pensioning the clergy, Monsignore Bran- 
cadoro points out the dangers to which its adoption would ex- 
pose them. If they accept a pension from government, the 
offerings of the faithful will be undoubtedly withdrawn, and the 

4 B 



52 Ihe Holy See and the Liberty of the Irish Church 

priesthood will be left quite dependent on the caprice of those 
in power. He recalls to Father Concanen's memory, that in 
his previous letter of the 7th of August, 1801, he had announced 
to him the Pope's wish that the Irish clergy should decline all 
pensions from the government, and mentions that the Irish 
Bishops, in reply, had stated that they willingly renounced all 
temporal advantages in order to preserve religion uninjured. 

The secretary of the Propaganda next reminds his correspon- 
dent that Pius VI,, in a brief of 20th March, 1791, had con- 
demned a decree of the National Assembly of France, by which 
the clergy of that country were made pensioners of the state ; and 
he adds that the Holy See had resisted a similar attempt of the 
English government in regard to the clergy of Corsica, when 
that island had fallen into their hands. 

Examining! the various vetoistical plans mentioned by Dr. 
Milner, Monsignore Brancadoro quotes the authority of the 
great and learned Pontiff, Benedict XIV., to show how decidedly 
opposed the Holy See has always been to every project directed 
to vest Catholic ecclesiatical appointments in the hands of a 
Protestant sovereign. This question is discussed in a brief of 
that Pope addressed- to the Bishop of Breslau on the 15th of 
May, 1748, and his words are as follows: "There is not re- 
xjorded in the whole history of the Church a single example in 
which the appointment of a bishop or abbot was conceded to a 
sovereign of a different religion". He tadds " hat he would 
not, and could not, introduce a practice calculated to scandalize 
the Catholic world, and which, besides bringing on him a dread- 
ful judgment in another world, would render his name odious 
and accursed during life, and much more so after death". 

2. The learned writer then proceeds to examine the various 
plans of granting to government certain powers in regard to the 
nomination of bishops, and explodes them all as replete with 
danger to religion, and well calculated to enslave the Church. 

The plans proposed to lessen the Pope's unwillingness to grant 
to the sovereign the right of nomination were the following: ; 
Some thought that the nomination should be limited to a certain 
class of persons who should have been approved of by the epis- 
copal body after an examination and trial. Such a body might 
be the vicars-general, of whom two should be appointed for 
each diocese. The government was to be bound to choose the 
bishops out of this body. This plan was rejected, first, because it 
would really amount to vesting the nomination of bishops in. a 
non-Catholic sovereign ; and secondly, on account of difficulties 
created by the circumstances of the time and place. 

Others proposed to give the government the right of exclud- 
ing from the episcopal charge those obnoxious to itself. Mon- 



at the beginning of the present Century. 53 

signore Brancadoro says of this plan, that unless this right of 
exclusion were restricted by limits, it would be equivalent to a 
real power of nomination. But even so, even after due limita- 
tion, it was an absolute novelty in the Church, and no one could 
tell what its consequences might be. Besides, it was uncalled for, 
since the experience of so many centuries ought to have con- 
vinced the government that the ecclesiastics appointed to govern 
dioceses were always excellent citizens. Besides, it was the cus- 
tom of the Holy See not to appoint to a vacant diocese until it 
had received the recommendation of the metropolitans and the 
diocesan clergy. This was a safeguard against improper appoint- 
ments. 

3. With respect to the restoration of the Hierarchy in Eng- 
land, Monsignore Brancadoro blames the motive which induced 
the English nobles to petition for such a change of church govern- 
ment, namely, the desire they felt to have bishops less bound to 
the Holy See. He declares that, although differing quoad jus, 
bishops and vicars-apostolic did not differ in reality, and that the 
Holy See was equally well satisfied with the bishops of Ireland, 
and the vicars-apostolic of England and Scotland. 

4. The Secretary condemns, as worst of all, the plan of giving 
to the ministers the right to examine the communications that 
pass between the Holy See and the British and Irish Catholics. 
Such a right has never been allowed, even to a Catholic power, 
much less should it be allowed to a Protestant government. The 
case of France was not to the point, for there the right was limited 
to provisions of benefices alone. The government has no reason 
to be afraid: the Holy See has expressly declared to bishops and 
vicars-apostolic, that it does not desire any political informa- 
tion from them. 

The two official notes we insert will be read in their original 
language with great interest. They are noble monuments of the 
zeal of the holy Pontiff, Pius VII., and of the vigilance with 
which the Holy See has always endeavoured to uphold the rights 
and independence of our ancient Church. Undoubtedly the 
wise instructions given in those letters had no small share in 
arousing that spirit with which a few years later our clergy and 
people resisted and defeated all the efforts of British statesmen to 
deprive our Church of her liberties, and to reduce her to the de- 
graded condition of the Protestant establishment. The notes of 
the secretary of Propaganda are a fine specimen of ecclesias~ 
tical writing, illustrating the maxim fortiter w re, suaviter in 
modo. 



54 The Holy See and the Liberty of the Irish Church 

i. 

From Mgr. Brancadoro to Father Concanen, O.P., Agent at 
Rome for the Irish Bishops. 

Dalla Propaganda. 7 Agosto, 1801. 

Informata la Santita di Nostro Signore del nuovo piano ideato de 
Governo Brittanmco in supposto vantaggio della ecclesiastica Gerar- 
chia dei cattolici d'Irlanda, non ha punto esitato a manifestare la 
piii viva reconoscenza verso la spontanea e generosa liberalita del 
prelodato Governo, cui professera sempre la massima gratitttdine, 
per 1'assistenze, e favori, clie accorda ai mentovati cattolici de' suoi 
dominj. Tenendo poi la Santita Sua per indubitato, che la speri- 
mentata fedelta di quel Clero Cattolico Romano al legittimo suo 
Sovrano derivi interamente dalle massime di nostra S. Religione, le 
quali non possono mai esser soggette a verun cambiameuto, desidera 
il suddetto Governo resti assicurato, clie i Metropolitani, i Vescovi e 
il Clero tutto della Irlanda conoscera sempre un tal suo stretto do- 
vere, e lo adempira esattamente in qualunque incontro. Brama per6 
ad un tempo vivissimamente il S. Padre, che 1'anzidetto Clero segui- 
tando il plausibile sistema da lui osservato finora si astenga scrupo- 
losamente dall' avere in mira qualunque suo proprio temporale van- 
taggio, e che dimostrando sempre con parole, e con fatti la sincera 
invariabilita del suo attacamento, riconoscenza, e sommissione al Go- 
verno Brittanico, gli faccia vieppiu conoscere la realta di sua gratitu- 
dine alle offerte nuove beneficenze, dispensandosi dal profittarne, e 
dando con ci6 una luminosa prov^, di quel costante disinteresse sti- 
mato tanto conforme all' Apostolico zelo dei ministri del Santuario, e 
tanto giovevole, e decoroso alia stessa cattolico Religione, come 
quello che concilia in singular modo la stima, e il respetto verso dei 
sagri ministeri, e che li rende piu venerabili, e piu cari ai fedeli com- 
messi alia loro spirituale direzione. 

Tali sono i precisi sentimenti che la Santita di Nostro Signore ha 
ordinato al Segretario di Propaganda di communicare alia Paternita 
Vostra aifinche per di Lei mezzo giungano senza ritardo a notizie 
degli ottimi Metropolitani, e Yescovi del regno d'Irlanda, nel quale 
spera fermamente Sua Santita, che come ad onta dei piu gravi peri- 
eoli si & gia mantenuta in passato, cosi manterassi pur anco in avve- 
nire affatto illesa da ogni bench& menoma macchia la nostra cattolica 
Religione. 

Lo scrivente pertanto nell' eseguire i Pontificj comandi si rassegna 
nel suo particolare colla piu distinta stima ec. 

II. 

From the same to the same. 

Dalla Propaganda, 25 Settembre, 1805. 
REVERENDISSTMO P. MAESTRO CONCANEN, 

La lettera del degnissimo Monsig. Milner, Vicario Apostolico del 
distretto medio d'Inghilterra, diretta a V. P., la cui traduzione ella, 
per ordine del Prefetto stesso^ ha communicata all 'Arcivescovo di 



At the beginning of the present Century. 55 

Mira, Segretario di Propaganda, ha fatto entrare la Sacra Congrega- 
zione nello stesso timore, che manifesta 1' ottimo Prelato, che il mo- 
mento della fortuna del cattolici nel Parlamento sia il piu pericoloso 
alia purita, e stabilita della nostra santa Religione, che sia mai 
avvenuto dopo la pretesa riforma di quel regno, e non si farebbe 
ingiuria al Governo acattolico, se si sospettassero appunto queste mire : 
E percio dovranno i Vicarj Apostolici, ed i Vescovi di quel dominio 
abbandonare ogni mira di proprio vantaggio, ed interesse temporale, 
da cui, indebolito il loro cuore potrebbe facilmente, senza avvedersene, 
essere sorpreso a condiscendere in qualche cosa, che rechera, col 
tempo, del pregiudizio alia Religione. 

Questo spirito di disinteresse si scorge gia luminosamente in Mon- 
sig. Milner dal tenore della sua lettera : e percio chiede egli savia- 
mento dalla S. C. delle istruzioni, colle quali regolarsi nella tratta- 
tiva, in cui si trova impegnato. Ma la S. C. trova delle difncolt& 
gravi, piu o meno, in tutti i progetti, ch* egli narra, fatti da quei 
politici. 

Ed in primo Inogo, riguardo al progetto di assegnarsi stabili pen- 
sioni sul pubblico erario ai Vescovi, ed al Clero di quel dominio, la 
Santita di N. S. espresso gia i suoi sentimenti, per mezzo di un 
biglietto dell' Arcivescovo, che scrive, diretto a V. P, in data dei 7 
Agosto 1801, il quale essendo stato da lei comunicato ai metro- 
politan!, e vescovi d'Irlanda, essi risposero, che rinunziavano volen- 
tieri a qualunque vantaggio temporale, per conservare illibata la 
cattolica Religione. Sara dunque opportune di spedire a Mons. 
Milner la copia di quel Biglietto, che si da qui annessa. 

*E per verita, accettandosi dal clero le pensioni, cesseranno imman- 
tinente molti fondi di sussistenza, che ora ritrae dalla pieta de fedeli ; 
resteranno le pensioni per quasi unico mezzo di sostentamento. Ora 
chi non vede a quali gravissime tentazioni non si esporrebbero gli 
ecclesiastici, di condiscendere, in qualche cosa pregiudiziale alia s. 
Religione, alia volonta di un Governo di religione diversa, che puo 
in un punto ridurlo allu mendicita col ritenere le pensioni ? Per 
questa, ed altre ragioni, essendosi adottata la massima di dare le pen- 
sioni al clero dell' Assemblea Nazionale di Francia nella Costituzione 
civile del clero, la Sa. Me. di Pio VI. la riprovb nel suo breve dei 20 
marzo 1791. pag. 61, e seg. Ed avendo la stessa corte di Londra, 
quando entrb in possesso della Corsica, fatto il medesimo progetto, vi 
si oppose la S. Sede, e quella Real corte desiste dall' impegno. 

Riguardo all' influenza, che si vorrebbe, del potere civile nella 
nomina de' vescovi, cosi varj progetti, che si sono fatti, per regolare 
una tale influenza, e in primo luogo da avvertirsi, che la nomina as- 
solutamente non potra accordarsi al Sovrano, come acattolico. Al 
qual proposito bastera riportare i sentimenti di Benedetto XIV. 
Questo gran Pontefice in una sua lettera scritta al vescovo di Breslavia 
li 15 maggio 1748, si espresse ne'seguenti termini. "Non ritrovasi 
in tutta la storia Ecclesiastica verun indulto conceduto da Roman! 
Pontefici ai Sovrani di altra comunione, il nominare a Vescovadi, 
ed Abbadie soggiungendo, che non voleva, ne poteva introdurre un 



56 The Holy See and the Liberty of the Irish Church. 

esempio, che scandalizzarebbe tutto il mondo cattolico, e che, oltre la 
gravissima pena, la quale Iddio gli farebbe scontare nell' altro mondo, 
renderebbe il suo norae esoso, e maledetto in tutto il tempo di sua 
vita, e molto piu in quello che avrebbe a decorrere dopo la di lui morte. 
La stessa difficolta sussisterebbe ugualmente, ancorclie il diritto di 
nomina fosse limitato tra una classe di persone, esaminata prima, 
e previamente sperimentata, ed approvata dal corpo dei Vescovi, 
come quello de' Gran-Vicarj, da stabilirsene due in ogni Diocesi, e 
Distretto. Ma oltre a questo, il progetto de' Gran-Vicarj involve 
gravissime difficolta per le circostanze locali. Perciocche, lasciando 
anche stare il pericolo dell' ambizione degli ecclesiastici presso de* 
Vescovi, e Vicarj Apostolici per essere dichiarati Gran-Vicarj, 
quando che ora, scegliendosi i soggetti da promuoversi dal ceto degli 
operaj, s' impegnano anche gli ambiziosi a faticare a pr6 delle anime : 
chiaro ancoro, che in tanta penuria di ecclesiastici, ch' e in 
tutto cotesto dominio, se si tolgono due Gran-Vicarj per ogni 
Vicario Apostolico, o Vescovo, mancheranno affatto gli ecclesiastici 
per la cura delle anime. 

II semplice diritto di esclusiva involveiebbe minori inconvenient! 
intrinseci, purche fosse limitato ; giacche altrirnenti, a forza di esclu- 
dere si otterrebbe per indiretto una vera nomina. Ma questo diritto 
6 affatto nuovo ; e 1' introdurlo per la prima volta, non si sa a quali 
conseguenze potrebbe condurre. Ma siccome tutti questi progetti si 
fanno per assicurare il Governo, che non sia promossa persona, che 
non gli sia invisa, dovrebbe bastare 1' esperienza di tanti secoli, ad 
assicurare il Governo, stesso della somma premura, che ha sempre 
avuta la S. Sede, che i soggetti da lei promossi, non solo non siano 
invisi, ma siano anche graditi dal Governo stesso. Eo V. P. pu6 di 
fatto proprio attestare della somma industria, attivita, e segre- 
tezza usatasi, qualche tempo fa, dalla S. Sede, per escludere persona, 
che sospettava potere riuscire men gradita al Governo, benche ape 
poggiata da forti raccomandazioni, ed includesse altra persona, cha 
tdcuramente fosse di sua soddisfazione. Oltre di che essendo solit- 
questa S. C. di attendere per gli promovendi gli attestati, e le postu- 
lazioni, o le informazioni de' Metropolitani, o degli altri VicarJ 
Apostolici, ed anche del clero della rispettiva Diocesi, prima di proporre 
al S. P. i soggetti, da questi certamente sapra quali siano quelle per- 
sone, che possano essere poco accette al Governo, per escludeiie si- 
curamente. 

Quanto al desiderio de' Magnati, di avere vescovi, in vece di 
Vicarj Apostolici, in se stesso considerate & santissimo, ed analogo 
alia costituzione della Chiessa Cattolica ; e se n' e trattato altre volte 
in Inghilterra. Displace solamente il fine, per cui si fa un tal pro- 
getto, cioe per avere Prelati meno aderenti alia S. Sede. Ma la S. 
Sede nulla avrebba a temere da siffata innovazione, sull' esempio de' 
vescovi d' Irlanda de quali e ugualmente contenta che de' Vicarj 
Apostolici d' Inghilterra, e di Scozia. Senza che, la constante esperi- 
enza dimostra, che quantunque in diritto sia diversa la condizione 
de' Vicarj Apostolici de quella de' Vescovi ; pure in fatti non porta 



A recent Protestant View, etc. 51 

effetti diversi. Solo devrebbe rifflettersi alle circostanze de' tempi, ed 
agP incovenienti clie potrebbero esercitare il cosi detto Club Cis- 
alpino, per evitarsi al possibile ogni innovazione. 

Piu di tutti sarebbe fatale quel progretto, che per altro Monsig. 
Milner dice essere di alcuni pochi, che ogni communicazione de' cat- 
tolici coll a S. Sede debba soggiacere all' esame de' ministri di S. M. 
Questo diritto non si e mai riconosciuto dalla S. Sede in alcun prin- 
cipe cattolico : e 1' esempio clie si cita, della Francia, era dai concordat! 
limitato alle sole ecclesiastiche proviste. Ma quanto sarebbe piu 
pericoloso in un Governo acattolico, con cui non & possibile di conve- 
nire nelle massinie religiose. Si spera per altro, che quei pochi, che 
propongono, un tal progretto, non troveranno seguito : e che quel 
Governo, che si vanta di lasciare una piena liberta ai suoi sudditi, 
non vorra imporre loro una catena negli effari piu delicati, che riguar- 
dano la coscienza, per gli quali soltanto i cattolici, communicano colla 
S. Sede : giacche la S. C. nel questionario stampato, che manda a quei 
Vescovi, e Vicarj Apostolici per norm a della relazione delle loro 
chiese, nel primo articolo si protesta espressamente che non vuole di 
loro alcuna nuova politica. 

Molto consolante e poi, riuscito alia S. Congr. la nuova, che sia 
riuscito, allo stesso Monsig. Milner di ottenere un' assai piii grande 
liberta per gli soldati cattolici nell' esercizio della S. Religione ; e che 
abbia berj dispositi gli animi, per fare riconoscere validi nella legge 
civile i matrimonj contratti avanti un sacerdote cattolico. V. Pa- 
ternita gliene faccia i piii vivi ringraziamenti, per parte di questa 
S. C. 

In fine 1' Arcivescovo, che scrive, con piena stima se le rassegna. 



A RECENT PROTESTANI VIEW OF THE CHURCH 
OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 

The history of the Church in the middle ages has ever forced 
upon Protestant minds a difficulty which they have met by many 
various methods of solution. The middle age exhibits so much 
of precious side by side with so much of base, so much of the 
beauty of holiness in the midst of ungodliness, so much of what 
all Christians admit as tipith with what Protestants call fatal 
error, that the character of the whole cannot readily be taken 
in at first sight from the Protestant point of view. Some there 
are who dwell so long on the shadows that they close their eyes 
to the light, and these declare the medieval Church to have been 
a scene of unmitigated evil. To their minds the whole theology 
of the period is useless, or worse than useless, harmful. They 
connect the middle ages with wickedness as thoroughly as the 
Manicheans connected matter with the evil principle. 



58 A recent Protestant View of 

Others there are who honestly admit that these ages, especially 
their earlier part, are not Protestant, but at the same time contend 
that neither are they favourable to Roman doctrine. These 
believe that facts abundantly prove that in the bosom of the 
Church which was then, the two Churches were to be found, 
which afterwards disengaged themselves from one another at the 
Reformation. This is the philosophy of medieval history which, 
as we learn from the preface to his collection of Sacred Latin 
Poetry,* has recommended itself to Dr. Trench, the present 
Protestant Archbishop of Dublin. " In Romanism we have the 
residuum of the middle-age Church and theology, the lees, after 
all, or well nigh all the wine was drained away. But in the 
medieval Church we have the wine and lees together the truth 
and the error, the false observance and yet at the same time the 
divine truth which should one day be fatal to it side by side." 
For such thinkers the sum of all the history of that period 
amounts to this : a long struggle between two Churches one a 
Church of truth, the other a Church of error a struggle which, 
however, ended happily in the triumph of the Church of truth 
by the Reformation, in which the truth was purified from its 
contact with error. 

It is not without its advantages to know what views the occu- 
pant of an Irish see so distinguished, is led to take, of the Church 
to which seventy-seven out of every hundred Irishmen belong, 
with all the convictions of their intellects, and all the love of 
their hearts. It seems to us that his theory is not likely to 
satisfy any party ; it goes too far to please some, and stops short 
too soon to be agreeable to others. But what strikes us most of 
all in it is the fatal inconsistency of its parts. Of this the very 
book to which it serves as preface is proof enough. Dr. Trench's 
position is this. He tells his Protestant readers that whereas in the 
medieval Church there was a good church, and an evil, all the good 
has found its resting place in Protestantism, all the evil in tyran- 
nical Rome. Whatever of good, of holy, of pure, has ever been 
said or done within the Church, Protestants are the rightful in- 
heritors of it all. From the treasury of the Church before the 
Reformation he proposes to draw, and to collect in this work 
what his readers may live on and love, and what he is confident 
will prove wholesome nourishment for their souls. He would 
set before them the feelings of the Church during these thousand 
years of her existence, and would summon from afar, from re- 
mote ages, " voices in which they may utter and embody the 
deepest things of their hearts". Such, he assures them, are the 
voices of the writers whose poems have found a place in his 

Sacred Latin Poetry, selected and arranged by R. C. Trench, D.D., Archbishop 
Dub oflin, etc. Macmillan and Co., London and Cambridge. 1864. 



the Church of the Middle Ages. 59 

book Now, if we are to understand that the two ante -Reformation 
Churches stood out quite distinctly, one from the other, in open 
antrgonism, like Jerusalem and Babylon, each having its own 
position more or less clearly defined, we should naturally expect 
to find in Dr. Trench's book the thoughts and words only of the 
Reformers before the Reformation, of the men, that is, who never 
bent the knee to Baal, but ever cherished in their hearts the true 
doctrine of salvation. If his own theory be worth anything, he 
must have recourse for his present purposes, to that one of the 
two Churches which alone has been perpetuated, victorious after 
conflict, in Protestantism. Where else shall he find sympathies 
that answer to those of Protestants? But he does not do so. 
For in the beginning of his preface he tells us that he has not 
admitted each and all of the works of the authors whose pro- 
ductions he inserts. He tells us that he has carefully^ excluded 
from his collection " all hymns which in any way imply the 
Romish doctrine of transubstantiation", or, " which involve any 
creature-worship, or speak of the Mother of our Lord in any other 
language than that which Scripture has sanctioned, and our 
Church adopted", or which " ask of the suffrages of the Saints"? 
These certainly are not the doctrines which have been perpetu- 
ated in Protestantism. 

His own practice, therefore, is inconsistent with his theory, if 
that theory means to assert the existence of two Churches in the 
middle age, distinctly antagonistic, one to the other. 

The only escape from this tangle is to reply, that Dr. Trench, 
although he may find two Churches in the bosom of the middle- 
age Church, does not, however, place between them a separation 
so sharp as to suppose the Church of good absolutely without 
evil, nor the Church of evil altogether destitute of good. In 
each there is good and some mixture of evil : error relieved by 
a vein of truth. His favourite authors, by whose labours he 
wishes to make his readers profit, are, in this last hypothesis, 
men who are subject to the influence of both Churches; men 
who belong partly to each in turn, whose doctrines are a pitiable 
admixture of truth with falsehood who, in one word, are visited 
both by '* airs from Heaven and blasts from Hell". At times they 
say what all, even Protestants, may treasure up in their hearts, 
to live on and love ; at times, again, they are made to utter what 
all should reject and condemn, as so many snares for unwary 
feet. We shall say nothing of the difficulty the mind feels in 
accepting such a description of the position of these writers, nor 
nor of the task we have to persuade ourselves that those who 
teach belief in deadly heresies to be essential to salvation, can 
be, at the same time, the chosen tabernacles wherein the pure 
spirit of real piety can ever take up its abode. Such was not 



60 A recent Protestant View of 

the feeling of the ancient Church. We ask, instead, who are 
the men upon whose writings Dr. Trench would sit in judg- 
ment, " to sunder between the holy and profane", to distinguish 
between the errors and the truth, to decide what we are " to take 
warning from and to shun, what \o live' upon and love". 
With the exception of the two, Alard and Buttmann, all are 
men highly honoured by the whole Catholic world, and all, 
without exception, are praised for their excelling virtues by Dr. 
Trench himself. Among the twenty-three names we read with 
reverence those of Saint Ambrose, Saint Bonaventure, Venerable 
Bede, Saint Bernard, Saint Peter Damian, Thomas a-Kempis, 
Peter the Venerable, Jacopone, and others of great reputation 
for sanctity and learning. These are the men whose writings 
Dr. Trench is to parcel out into two portions ; this to be vene- 
rated as sacred, that to be condemned as profane. It needs great 
faith in the censor, to accept readily his decision in such a case. 
What test does he undertake to apply ? what criterion is to influ- 
ence his choice ? Why does he cast away the poems which ce- 
lebrate St. Peter as Prince of the Apostles, and approve of those 
those that extol St. Paul? Why should he style Adam of St. 
Victor's hymn on the Blessed Virgin an exaggeration, and quote 
as edifying his Laus S. Scripturae ? Why are St. Bonaventure 's 
pieces in honour of Mary visited with censure, and his lines In 
Passione Domini made the theme of praise ? Dr. Trench gives 
us his reasons very plainly. " If our position mean anything", 
says he (page x.), " we are bound to believe that to us, having 
the Word and the Spirit, the power has been given to distinguish 

things which differ It is our duty to believe that 

to us, that to each generation which humbly and earnestly seeks, 
will be given that enlightening spirit, by whose aid it shall be 
enabled to read aright the past realizations of God's divine idea in 
the wise and historic Church of successive ages, and to distinguish 
the humun imperfections, blemishes, and errors, from the divine 
truth which they obscured and overlaid, but which they could 
not destroy, being, one day, rather to be destroyed by it". That 
is to say, we, as Protestants, in virtue of our position as such, 
are able by the light of the Holy Spirit to discern true from false 
doctrine, the fruits of the good Church from the fruits of the 
evil Church. This enlightening Spirit will be given to each 
generation which humbly and earnestly seeks it. But, we ask, 
what are we to believe concerning the working of the same en- 
lightening Spirit in the hearts of the holy men whose exquisitely 
devotional writings Dr. Trench sets before us? Were they men 
of humility and earnestness? If they were not, Dr. Trench's 
book appears under false colours, and is not a book of edification. 
And if they were, as they certainly were, who is Dr. Trench 



the Church of the Middle Ages. Cl 

that lie should take it on himself to condemn those who enjoyed 
the very same light which he claims for himself? And why 
should we not the rather believe that as these holy men had^on 
his own showing, the spirit of God, Dr. Trench, in condemning 
their doctrine does in truth condemn what is the doctrine of the 
Church of the Holy Spirit. 

The theory is therefore as inconsistent as on historical grounds 
it is false. Such as it is, however, the conclusions we may draw 
from it are of great importance. 

1. Dr. Trench declares that,, both by omitting and by_ thinning, 
he has carefully removed from his selection, all doctrine imply- 
ing transubstantiation, the cultus of the Blessed Virgin, the in- 
vocation of saints, and the veneration of the cross. Now, as the 
great bulk of the poems he publishes belong to the middle ages, 
strictly so called, it follows, on Dr. Trench's authority, that these 
doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church were held long before 
the Reformation, and that the Church was already in possession 
when Luther came. 

2. Since he tells us (page vi) that he has counted inadmissible 
poems which breathe a spirit foreign to that tone of piety which 
the English Church desires to cherish in her children, it follows 
that the spirit of piety in the Church of old is not the same as 
that in the present Church of England. Now in such cases the 
presumption is against novelty. 

3. Dr. Trench (page vii) reminds his readers that it is. unfair 
to try the theological language of the middle ages by the greater 
strictness and accuracy rendered necessary by the struggle, of the 
Reformation. A man who holds a doctrine implicitly and in a 
confused manner, is likely to use words which he would correct 
if the doctrine were put before him in accurate form. This is a 
sound principle, and one constantly employed by Catholic theo- 
gians, when they have to deal with an objection urged by Pro- 
testants from some obscure or equivocal passage of a Father. It 
is satisfactory to be able for the future to claim for its use the 
high authority of Dr. Trench. 

4. A special assistance of the Holy Spirit is claimed for all 
those who humbly and earnestly invoke him. This assistance is 
to enable those blessed with it to distinguish between error and 
divine truth. Is this happy privilege to be exercised either in- 
dependently, without the direction of the ministers of the Church, 
or is it one of the graces peculiar to the pastoral office ? In the 
former case, every fanatical sectary may judge in matters of reli- 
ligion as securely as if he had the whole world on his side. In 
the latter case, it would be interesting to know how much does 
this privilege differ from the infallibility claimed by the Catholic 
Church. 



62 A recent Protestant View, etc. 

5. Finally, the contradictions inherent to the whole theory 
are most clearly to be seen in the following passage about the 
noble lines which Hildebert, Archbishop of Tours, in the begin- 
ning of the twelfth century, places on the lip of the city of 
Rome: 

" I have not inserted these lines", says Dr. Trench, " in the body 
of this collection, lest I might seem to claim for them that entire 
sympathy which I am very far from doing. Yet, believing as we 
may, and, to give any meaning to a large period of Church history, 
we must, that Papal Rome of the middle ages had a work of God to 
accomplish for the taming of a violent and brutal world, in the midst 
of which she often lifted up the only voice which was anywhere 
heard in behalf of righteousness and truth all of which we may 
believe, with the fullest sense that her dominion was an unrighteous 
usurpation, however overruled for good to Christendom, which could 
then take no higher blessing believing this, we may freely admire 
these lines, so nobly telling of that true strength of spiritual power, 
which may be perfected in the utmost weakness of all other power. 
It is the city of Rome which speaks : 

Dum simulacra milii, dum numina vana placerent, 

Militia, populo, moenibus alta fui : 
At simul effigies, arasque superstitiosas 

Dejiciens, uni sum famulata Deo; 
Cesserunt arces, cecidere palatia divum, 

Servivit populis, degeneravit eques. 
Vix scio quae fuerim: vix Romae Roma recorder; 

Vix sinit occasus vel meminisse mei. 
Gratior haec jactura mihi successibus illis, 

Major sum pauper divite, stante jacens. 
Plus aquilis vexilla crucis, plus Caesare Petrus, 

Plus cinctis ducibus vulgus inerme dedit. 
Stans domui terras ; infernum diruta pulso ; 

Corpora stans, animas fracta jacensque rego. 
Tune miserae plebi, nunc principibus tenebrarum 

Impero; tune urbes, nunc mearegna polus. 
Quod ne Caesaribus videar debere vel armis, 

Et species rerum meque meosque trahat, 
Armorum vis ilia perit, ruit alta Senatus 

Gloria, procumbunt templa, theatra jacent. 
Rostra vacant, edicta silent, sua praemia desunt 

Emeritis, populo jura, colonus agris. 
Ista jacent, ne forte meus spem ponat in illis 

Civis, et evacuet spemque bonumque crucis. 



Prayer of St. Aireran the Wise. 63 



THE MSS. REMAINS OF PROFESSOR O'CURRY 
IN THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY. 

NO. II. 

Prayer of St. Aireran the Wise, ob. 664. 

[In the first number of the RECORD we published from the manuscripts of the late Professor 
O'Curry the Prayer of St. Colga of Clonmacnoise. We now publish another beautiful devotional 
piece from the same collection. 

Speaking of ancient Irish religious works now remaining, O'Curry says (at page 378 of his 
great work) : " The fifth class of these religious remains consists of the prayers, invocations, 
and litanies, which have come down to us". The Prayer of St. Colga, published in our last num- 
ber, is placed by O'Curry in the second place among these documents, which he sets down in 
chronological order. 

" The first piece of this class (adopting the chronological order) is the prayer of St. Aireran 
the Wise (often called Aileron, Eleran, and Airenan), who was a classical professor in the great 
school of Clonard, and died of the plague in the year 664. St. Aireran's prayer or litany 
is addressed, respectively, to God the Father, to God the Son, and to God the Holy Spirit, invok- 
ing them for mercy by various titles indicative of their power, glory, and attributes. The prayer 
consists of five invocations to the Father, eighteen invocations to the Son, and five to the Holy 
Spirit; and commences in Latin thus .: 'ODeus Pater, Omnipotens Deus, exerci misericordiam 
nobis'. This is followed by the same invocation in the Gaedhlic; and the petitions to the end 
are continued in the same language. The invocation of the Son begins thus : ' Have mercy on 
us, Almighty God! Jesus Christ ! Son of the living God ! Son, born twice ! O only born 
of God the Father'. The petition to the Holy Spirit begins : ' Have mercy on us, Almighty 
God ! Holy Spirit ! Spirit the noblest of all spirits !' (See original in APPENDIX, No. CXX.) 

" When I first discovered this prayer in the Leabhar Buidhe Lecain (or Yellow Book ofLecain), 
in the library of Trinity College, many years ago, I had no means of ascertaining or fixing its 
date ; but in my subsequent readings in the same library, for my collection of ancient glossaries, 
I met the word Oirchis set down with explanation and illustration, as follows : 

" ' Oirchis. id est, Mercy ; as it is said in the prayers of Airinan the Wise' : Have mercy on us, 
God the Father Almighty I" See original in APPKNDIX, No. CXXI. 

" I think it is unnecessary to say more on the identity of the author of this prayer with the 
distinguished Aireran of Clonard. Nor is this the only specimen of his devout works that has 
come down to us. Fleming, in his Collecta Sacra, has published a fragment of a Latin tract 
discovered in the ancient monastery of St. Gall in Switzerland, which is entitled 'The Mystical 
Interpretation of the Ancestry of our Lord Jesus Christ'. A perfect copy of this curious tract, 
and one of high antiquity, has, I believe, been lately discovered on the continent. 

" There was another Airenan, also called 'the wise', who was abbot of TamhlacM [Tallaght] 
in the latter part of the ninth century ; but he has not been distinguished as an author, as far 
as we know". 

It seems to us that there are three things specially worthy of our consideration in this beau- 
tiful prayer. 

In the first place, we find in it an explicit and most clear declaration of the Catholic Faith 
regarding the Blessed Trinity, especially the distinction of three persons, and the Divinity of 
each of these Divine Persons. " God the Father Almighty, O God of Hosts, help us ! Help 
us, Almighty God ! O Jesus Christ 1 Help us, Almighty God, Holy Spirit !" 

We are in the next place struck by the extraordinary familiarity with the Holy Scripture 
which the writer evinces. There is scarcely one of the epithets which is not found in the sacred 
pages, almost in the precise words used by him, beginning with the first words, addressed to 
the Eternal Father. " O God of Hosts", the Deus Sabaoth of the Prophets, and going on to the 
last invocation of the Holy Ghost, " Spirit of love", which comprises in itself the two inspired 
phrases : " Spiritus est Deus", and " Deus Charitas etf\ We may also remark the coincidence 
between Saint Aireran and the liturgical prayers of the Church, especially in the invocations 
of the Holy Ghost found in the office of Whitsuntide and in the administration of the Sacrament 
of Confirmation. " Tu septtformis munere : Digitus Paternae dexterae". " Finger of God! 
Spirit of Seven Forms". 

In fine, we find our Irish saint applying to the Son of God the vision of the Prophet Ezechiel 
regarding the four mysterious animals: "0 true Man! Lion! young Ox! Eagle!" 
The prophecy is commonly interpreted of the Four Evangelists. Saint Augustine and Saint 
Jerome are quoted as authorities for this interpretation. But it is worthy of remark, that Saint 
Gregory the Great, whilst giving the same interpretation, applies the mysterious vision also to 
God the Son.* And Saint Aireran, by adopting this opinion, seems to afford us another proof of 
the great familiarity of our Irish scholars with the writings of the great Pontiff and Father of 
the Church. And this familiarity is rendered still more remarkable, and serves to give another 
proof of the constant communication between Rome and Ireland, from the close proximity of 
the times of our Saint and of Saint Gregory.] 

* " Nihil obstat si etiam in his omnibus et Ipse (Rederaptor noster) signetur. Ipse enim 
Unigenitus Dei Filius veraciter factus est homo : ipse in sacrificio nostrae redemptionis dignatus 

est mori ut vitulus : ipse per virtutem suae f ortitudinis surrexit ut leo Ipse 

etiam post resurrectionem suam ascendnes ad coelos, in superioribus est elevatus ut aquila. 
Totum ergo simul nobia est, qui et nascendo homo, et moriendo vitulus, et resurgeudo leo, etad 
coelos ascendendo aquila factus est" S. Greg, Magn., Horn. iv. in Ezech. 



64 Prayer of St. Aireran the Wise. 

O Deus Pater omnipotens Deus exerce tuam misericordiam 
nobis ! 

O God the Father Almighty ! O God of Hosts, help us. 

O illustrious God ! O Lord of the world ! O Creator of all crea- 
tures, help us. 

O indescribable God ! O Creator of all creatures, help us. 

O invisible God ! O incorporeal God ! O unseen God ! O un- 
imaginable God ! O patient God I O uncorrupted God I O un- 
changeable God ! O eternal God ! O perfect God ! O merciful 
God 1 O admirable God ! O Golden Goodness ! O Heavenly 
Father, who art in Heaven, help us. 

Help us, O Almighty God ! O Jesus Christ ! O Son of the 
living God ! O Son twice born ! O only begotten of the Father ! 
O first-born of Mary the Virgin ! O Son of David ! O Son of 
Abraham, beginning of all things! O End of the World! O 
Word of God ! O Jewel of the Heavenly Kingdom ! O Life of 
all (things) ! O Eternal Truth ! O Image, O Likeness, O Form of 
God the Father ! O Arm of God ! O Hand of God ! O Strength 
of God ! O right (hand) of God ! O true Wisdom ! O true Light, 
which enlightens all men ! O Light-giver ! O Sun of Righteous- 
ness ! O Star of the Morning ! O Lustre of the Divinity ! O She.en 
of the Eternal Light ! O Fountain of Immortal Life ! O Pa- 
cificator between God and Man ! O Foretold of the Church ! O 
Faithful Shepherd of the flock ! O Hope of the Faithful ! O 
Angel of the Great Council ! O True Prophet ! O True Apostle ! 
O True Preacher ! O Master ! O Friend of Souls (Spiritual Di- 
rector) ! O Thou of the shining hair ! O Immortal Food ! O Tree 
of Life ! O Righteous of Heaven ! O Wand from the Stem of 
Moses ! O King of Israel ! O Saviour ! O Door of Life ! O 
Splendid Flower of the Plain ! O' Corner-stone ! O Heavenly 
Zion ! O Foundation of the Faith ! O Spotless Lamb ! O Dia- 
dem ! O Gentle Sheep ! O Redeemer of mankind ! O true God ! 
O True Man ! O Lion ! O young Ox ! O Eagle ! O Crucified 
Christ ! O Judge of the Judgment Day ! help us. 

Help us, O Almighty God ! O Holy Spirit ! O Spirit more 
noble than all Spirits ! O Finger of God ! O Guardian of the 
Christians ! O Protector of the Distressed ! O Co-partner of the 
True Wisdom ! O Author of the Holy Scripture ! O Spirit of 
Righteousness ! O Spirit of Seven Forms ! O Spirit of the Intel- 
lect ! O Spirit of the Counsel ! O Spirit of Fortitude ! O Spirit 
of Knowledge ! O Spirit of Love ! help us. 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 65 

THE DESTINY OF THE IRISH RACE.* 

That God knows and governs all things that whatever 
happens is either done or permitted by him, and that he proposes 
to himself wise and beneficent ends in all he does or permits 
are truths which lie at the foundation of all religion. The 
wicked may refuse to obey his commands, but they cannot with- 
draw themselves from the reach of his power. While their 
wickedness is entirely their own, God makes them, however 
unwilling or unconscious, instruments to work out his ends. 

It is thus that individuals and nations have each a peculiar 
destiny. Not that there is a blind fate, such as Pagans imagined ; 
but that an all-seeing and all-governing God proposes to himself 
certain objects, which he is determined to attain, despite the 
perversity of man. 

To learn the purposes of God in the development of human 
events, to trace his hand in the complicated movements of so- 
ciety, to see him overruling and directing all to his own great 
ends, is one of the most sublime objects to which the study of 
history can be applied. Frequently, indeed, we may be unable 
fully to comprehend the designs of his providence in the moral, 
as in the phvsical world. Fancy, or pride, may easily have 
a great part in suggesting our theories. But, if we confine 
ourselves to certain facts and undoubted principles, we can often 
trace the design in both orders, and admire in it the wisdom, 
the power, the goodness all the attributes of God. Nay, 
all these shine more brightly in the moral than in the physical 
order. 

The history of his chosen people is an example of this. We 
find empires rising and falling, at one time to punish, at another 
time to try, at another to deliver his people. The good and the 
wicked, the weak and the strong, become in turn his instruments. 
The whole history of that people is but a record of the acts of 
his overruling providence, directing all things to the accom- 
plishment of the designs which he had announced. 

This is, indeed, so evident in this case that it may not be 
considered a fair instance to prove my general position. For it 
is admitted that God's providence over the Jewish race was quite 
extraordinary. Still, it proves that God does so intervene in 
human affairs, and it illustrates many of the principles that must 
be kept in view in these investigations. It shows, for example, 
that many, unconscious of the fact nay, with quite another object 

* The Destiny of the Irish Race : a lecture delivered at Philadelphia on the 
17th of March, 1864, by Rev. M. O'Connor, S.J. In order to give to our readers 
the beautiful lecture of the ex-Bishop of Pittsburgh, we have increased the nnm- 
ber of pages in this month's RECORD. ED. I. E, R. 

VOL. I. 



66 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

in view, acting perhaps from avarice, hatred, or ambition, are yet 
instruments in the hand of God for the accomplishment of his 
wise purposes. It shows how things, and persons, considered as 
of little or of no value, according to human views, may, in reality, 
be the pivots on which the destinies of vast empires turn, con- 
nected, as they may be, with the accomplishment of purposes 
which weigh more in the scales of Heaven than the mere tem- 
poral condition of all the empires of the Earth. 

It is in this view that many Christian writers assert that the 
Roman empire obtained universal sway, that civilized nations 
being thus brought closely together, an easier way might be 
prepared for the spread of the Gospel. The generals and states- 
men of Rome had no doubt a very low idea of the poor fishermen 
of Galilee, and of the tentmaker of Tharsus. It may be safely 
presumed that they did not even allow their names to divert 
their thoughts, for a moment, from the grand projects of con- 
quest and government by which they were engrossed. Yet, in 
the designs of God, it was, most probably, to prepare a way for 
the work of those fishermen, and of that tentmaker, and their 
associates, that wisdom had been vouchsafed to their counsels 
and victory to their arms. 

The endless invasions of the Roman empire by northern 
tribes is another instance of whole races being used by God for 
his own purposes, without their having any idea of the work in 
which they were employed. They came to punish those who 
had revelled in the blood of the saints, and to supply fresh ma- 
terial for the great work of the Church of God. 

Towards the close of the fifteenth century, an Italian sailor, 
led by some astronomical observations and some half understood, 
or rather misunderstood, tales of ancient travellers, to believe that 
there must be another continent far away beyond the western 
waters, wandered from court to court, in Europe, in search of 
means to tit up an expedition to discover it, and he finally suc- 
ceeded in making known a new world. It requires little faith 
in divine Providence to believe that it was God who was im- 
pelling him thus to open a new outlet for the energies of the 
ancient world, which were then about being developed on a 
gigantic scale, and, still more, to prepare a field for a more ex- 
tensive spread of the Gospel, in which the Church might repair 
the losses she was about to sustain in the religious convulsions 
impending in Europe. 

Numberless similar instances might be quoted. These designs 
of God are sometimes manifest, sometimes hidden ; sometimes 
they are far-reaching, sometimes limited. Ignorance and pride 
may mistake or pervert them. But they always prevail ; they 
are always worthy of their Author ; and let me add, that the sal- 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 67 

vation of men being the object most highly prized by God, it is 
not only rightfully considered the most noble, but it is that to 
which his other works may be justly accounted subordinate. 

It is under the light of these principles that I undertake an 
investigation of the purposes of God regarding the Irish race. 
These purposes seem to me no longer matter of speculation ; 
they may be pronounced manifest ; for they are written in unmis- 
takable characters in the development of events. 

The history of Ireland is, in many respects, peculiar. Few 
nations received the faith so readily, and no other preserved it 
amidst similar struggles. St. Patrick first announced the Gospel 
to the assembled states of the realm at Tara. He received per- 
mission to preach it, unmolested, throughout the length and 
breadth of the land. By his indomitable zeal and heroic virtue, 
he succeeded in winning over the natives so effectually, that at 
his death few pagans remained in Ireland. Not a drop of blood 
was shed when Christianity was first announced. Heroism was 
displayed only by the exalted virtues of the Apostle and of the 
neophytes. Nowhere else did the Gospel take root so quickly 
and so firmly, and produce fruits so immediate and so abundant. 
Catholic Ireland soon became the home of the saints and sages 
of the Christian world. To many of the nations of the continent 
her apostles went forth, charged with the embassy of eternal 
truth. In every realm of Europe her children established sanc- 
tuaries of piety and learning ; and to her own hospitable shores 
the natives of other lands flocked to receive education, and even 
support, from her gratuitous bounty. Homes of virtue dotted 
her hills and valleys ; and thus were laid deep the roots of that 
strong attachment to the faith, which, later, was to be exposed to 
trials the most severe. 

We thus find God preparing Ireland for a future, then hidden 
to all but Himself. For the day of trial came at last. She was 
reposing in peace, under the shadow of the Gospel, when the 
barbaric invasion, that swept before it every vestige of learning 
and religion in many parts of Europe, reached her shores. Ire- 
land was the only country that rolled back its wave. But she 
did this at the cost of her life's blood. For two centuries the 
Dane trampled her sons under foot. His cruelties yet re-echo in 
the national traditions. But the Irish race at last arose in its 
might, and drove the barbarian from its shores. The churches 
of the country had been pillaged, its monasteries plundered, its 
institutions of learning destroyed everything that the sword 
could smite, or fire consume, had perished ; but the Irish race 
came out of the ordeal preserving its own integrity, and the 
jewel which it prized above all else its glorious faith. 

Not long after this deliverance, and before Ireland had sue- 

5 B 



68 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

ceeded in obliterating the traces of Danish cruelty, another in- 
vader set his foot on her shores. Availing himself of the discords 
naturally arising from the disorganized state of society, he suc- 
ceeded in gaining a foothold. By fanning these discords, he 
kept possession and gained strength. The rule of the Saxon be- 
came thus almost as severe a calamity as had been the oppression 
of the Dane. To the hatred, which is generally greater in the op- 
pressor than in the oppressed, were added, in time, religious fanati- 
cism and the desire of plunder, which became its associate and as- 
sumed its garb. The mere Irishman, who was hated under any cir- 
cumstances on account of his race, was now hunted in his own 
country as if he were a wild beast. The property of the Catholic 
people was confiscated, and most stringent laws were enacted to 
prevent its renewed acquisitions. Priests, wherever found, were 
put to death, and the severest penalties were inflicted on those 
who would harbour any that escaped detection. Extermination 
by fire and sword was ordered in so many words, and was at- 
tempted. When this failed, a system of penal laws was estab- 
lished, which were in full force until lately, and which a Protes- 
tant writer of deservedly high repute (Burke) calls a " machine 
of wise and elaborate contrivance, and as well fitted for the oppres- 
sion, impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and the de- 
basement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from 
the perverted ingenuity of man". Upon the partial abandonment 
of this form of oppression, a system of proselytism was adopted, 
and is yet in full vigour (for it has become an institution, and 
the best supported institution in Ireland), which, by bribes to 
the high and the low, appeals to every base instinct to draw men 
away from the faith. 

Yet neither confiscation of property, nor famine, nor disgrace, 
nor death in its most hideous forms, could make Ireland waver 
in that faith which our forefathers received from St. Patrick. 
There were, of course, from time to time, and there are, a few 
exceptions. Did not these occur, the Irish must have been more 
than men. But, as a general rule, the places that could not be 
procured or retained, except by apostacy, were resigned. The 
rich allowed their property to be torn from them, and they wil- 
lingly became poor ; the poor bore hunger and all other conse- 
sequences of wretched poverty ; and though every Earthly good 
was arrayed temptingly before them, they scorned to purchase 
comfort at the price of apostacy. During the four years from 
1846 to 1850, nearly two millions either perished from hunger 
or its attendant pestilence, or were forced to leave their native 
land to escape both. In the midst of the dead and the dying, 
proselytisers showed themselves everywhere, well provided with 
food and money, and Bibles, and every one of the sufferers felt, 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 69 

and was made to feel, that all his sufferings might have been 
spared had he been willing to barter his faith for bread. Yet 
the masses could bear hunger and face pestilence, or fly from 
their native land ; but they would not eat the bread of apostacy. 
They died, or they fled ; but they clung to their faith. 

In vain, I think, will history be searched for another example 
of such vast numbers, generation after generation, calmly, silently 
facing an unhonoured death, without any support on earth but 
the approving voice of conscience. 

This fidelity can be predicated with truth of the whole Irish 
race, notwithstanding the numbers of those in Ireland who are not 
Catholics. For these, besides being a minority of the inhabitants, 
are but an exotic, planted in Ireland by the sword. They were 
imported, being already, and because they were, of another faith, 
for the purpose of supplanting that of the inhabitants. Many of 
them adopted the faith of the old race, so that the names that 
indicate their origin are not a certain test of their religion. But 
so steadily has the old stock adhered to its faith, that an Irish 
" O", or " Mac", or any other old Celtic name, is almost sure to 
designate a Catholic. Indeed, such names are usually called 
" Catholic names". Whenever an exception is found, it is so 
rare an occurrence that the party is considered a renegade from 
his race as well as from his religion. 

It would, however, be not only unfounded to flatter ourselves 
that this stability in the faith is the result of anything peculiar 
in the Irish nature, but it would be, I may say, a blasphemy 
to assert it. God alone can preserve any one in the paths of 
truth and virtue; how much more must we attribute to Him 
the fidelity of a whole race, under the trying circumstances here 
enumerated ? 

Such grace may have been given, as many believe, in reward 
of the readiness and the fulness with which our ancestors first 
received the faith of the Gospel, and it is hoped that God will 
to the end grant the same grace of fidelity to their descendants. 
Our great Apostle is said to have asked this favour from God 
for the nation which so readily responded to his call. Let us 
unite our prayers with his, and, like Solomon, ask for our race 
not riches, nor 'power, but true wisdom, which is, above all and 
before all, allegiance to the true faith. This was the prayer, no 
doubt, which the millions of our martyred ancestors poured out. 
They themselves sacrificed property and liberty ; they gave up 
everything that man could take away, that they might preserve ' 
this precious jewel. They believed that in doing this they were 
following the dictates of true wisclom, and, in their fondest love 
for their remotest posterity, they wished and prayed that similar 
wisdom might be displayed by them. May their prayer be 
heard to the end. 



70 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

This prayer has been heard, or at least this grace has been 
granted, up to the present. When the sons of Ireland on this 
day return in thought to the homes of their fathers, they may 
indeed look back upon a land inferior to many in the elements 
of material greatness. They may behold her castles and rich 
domains in the possession of the stranger. They may view the 
masses of their race with scarcely a foothold in the land of their 
fathers, liable to be ejected from the farm, and driven out on the 
public highways, and from the highways into the crowded town, 
and from the hovels of the crowded town into the poorhouse, 
and even at the poorhouse denied the right of admission. But 
amidst all the miseries of those who yet dwell in the old land 
in spite of the wiles of unscrupulous governments, and heartless 
and tyrannical landlords, and hypocritical proselytizers in spite 
of open violence and covert bnbes, their undying attachment to 
the faith remains unaltered, unshaken a monument of national 
virtue more honourable than any which wealth or power could 
erect, or flattery devise. 

But all this is a grace, a great grace of God. It reveals a 
purpose of Heaven more bountiful in regard to this people than 
if he had raised them to the highest place in material power 
amongst the nations of the Earth. 

Temporal prosperity, in its various forms, though a favour 
from God, is not his most precious blessing. He himself se- 
lected the way of the Cross. In abjection and suffering he came 
into the world ; he lived in it despised and persecuted, he died 
amidst excruciating torments. To those whom he loved in a 
special manner, he says, " Can you drink the chalice which I 
am to drink, and be baptized with the baptism with which I 
shall be baptized?" and when they reply, they can, the pro- 
mise that this shall be fulfilled, his leading them to follow him 
in the way of the Cross, his calling them to suffer for righteous- 
ness, is the best pledge of his greatest love. 

This grace he has given to Ireland. Her children have re- 
ceived and accepted the call; they have reaped the reward. 
Indeed, I have found the opinion entertained by many clergy- 
men of extensive experience, that there is not probably a people 
on this Earth of whom more, in proportion to their number, leave 
this world with well grounded hopes of a happy eternity. They 
do not, it is true, display a boastful assurance that they are about 
to ascend at once into Heaven. But -vast masses serve God with 
humble fidelity in life, and, at death, acknowledging and sorry 
for their sins, doing all they can to comply with his require- 
ments, they throw themselves, with resignation to his will, into 
the arms of his mercy. 

Were nothing else apparent in the purposes of God, we might 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 71 

stop here. We would find a great and worthy object for all 
that Ireland has suffered, and cause to thank the Almighty 
Ruler for having given her the grace to suffer in union with and 
for the sake of his Son. 

But God's graces are often given for ulterior purposes ; and 
it may be asked whether the extraordinary preservation of 
this nation's faith has not another object in his wise and mer- 
ciful counsels. 

It appears to me that this is now clear in the case of Ireland. 
But, to understand it properly, we must reflect more closely on 
her connection with England, and on the condition of this 
latter country. 

In the sixteenth century England abandoned the faith to 
which she had adhered for a thousand years. Her apostacy, 
though consummated by degrees, may be said to have become 
at last complete. The blood of her best sons flowed at Tyburn. 
The priests that were not of the number were banished, or forced 
to seek safety in hiding places. The same price was put on the 
head of a priest as on that of a wolf. The property of Catholics 
was confiscated, their children were taken from them, and edu- 
cated in the religion of the establishment. These and analogous 
measures produced their effect at last. Were it not for these 
things, a great part of that nation, if not a majority, would be 
Catholic to-day. Though they desired no share in the plunder 
of the Church, and had no fancy for the new theories of the 
Reformers, they were weak enough to yield to a pressure, under 
which compromise first, and then apostacy, afforded the only 
means of escaping confiscation and the loss of every social ad- 
vantage, frequently the only means of escaping death. The old 
faith stamped, indeed, its mark on the institutions of the king- 
dom in a manner that could not be blotted out. It left its 
memorials everywhere throughout the land. The noble univer- 
sities, the gorgeous cathedrals, and the splendid ruins scattered 
over the surface of the country, are witnesses . of its departed 
power ; but it is itself effectually blotted out from the hearts of 
the people. Though the most noble kings and princes of the 
land had delighted in honouring Catholicity, though England 
had sent her apostles and her saints into many a clime, though 
her hills and valleys had re-echoed for centuries with the sweet 
songs of Catholic devotion, her people now know nothing more 
hateful than the faith under the auspices of which their fathers 
were civilized. They nickname it " Popery", and the name 
expresses that which is to them most hateful. 

Yet this England, this Catholic-hating England, has become 
one of the greatest nations of the Earth in the material order. 
Her fleets are mirrored in every sea ; her banner floats on every 



72 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

continent. It has been truly said that the sound of her drums, 
calling her soldiers from slumber, goes before and greets the 
rising sun in its circuit around the globe. 

But what is most remarkable, and certainly not without some 
great purpose in the order of divine Providence, England has 
become in our day the great hive from which colonies go out to 
people islands and continents in distant parts of the world ; lands 
which were before vast wastes, tenanted only by the wild beast 7 
or by the savage scarcely less ferocious. Indeed, she is the only 
nation in our day that seems to have received such a mission. 

And is it then to an apostate nation exclusively that God has 
given the mission to fill up these wastes ? Is it a corrupted faith 
only which is to be borne to these savage nations, and to be 
planted in those vast regions, which God has made known to 
civilized man in these latter days ? Were this the case, we might 
tremble, though we should adore it as one of the inscrutable 
judgments of God, dealing with nations in his great wrath. 

But is such the fact ? It would indeed be the fact were it not 
for faithful Ireland. But, united as England is with Ireland, 
the result is quite otherwise. The very ambition and desire for 
gain which impel England to extend her power and plant her 
colonies in the most distant countries of the globe, become the 
instruments for carrying also the undying faith of Ireland to the 
regions which England has conquered. 

Saul went to seek Samuel, thinking only of finding his father's 
asses. God was sending him to be anointed king over his 
people. England sends her ships all over the world, thinking 
only of markets for the produce of her forges and her looms. 
God is sending her that she may spread everywhere the faith of 
the Irish people. 

Under the " Union Jack", on which the crosses of St. George 
and St. Andrew are blended, but so blended as to prevent any 
Christian symbol being recognized (a fit emblem of the effect 
of the union of jarring sects, each professing to proclaim Chris- 
tianity, but between them only obscuring and obstructing it) 
the Irishman, too, is borne to the distant colony. He goes, pro- 
bably, before the mast or in the forecastle, but he bears with 
him the true faith ; and when he lands he hastens to raise its 
symbol. This may be at first over a rude chapel. But it is a 
signal to other way-farers, and they gather under its shade to 
offer up the sacred mysteries. As soon as his means permit, 
even before he can build a good dwelling for himself, he takes 
care that the house of God be, in every possible degree, worthy 
of its sacred character. And so the Church creeps on and grows, 
and regions that sat in darkness are now blessed by the offering 
of the Adorable Sacrifice and the announcement of the true faith. 



The Destiny of the Irish Eace. 73 

The Irishman, generally speaking, did not leave home through 
ambition, or for conquest. He departed with sorrow from the 
shade of that hawthorn around which the dearest memories of 
childhood clustered. He would have remained content with the 
humble lot of his father had he been allowed to dwell there in 
peace. But the bailiff came, and, to make wider pastures for 
sheep and bullocks, his humble cottage was levelled, and he him- 
self sent to wander through the world in search of a home. But 
in his wanderings he carries his faith with him, and he becomes 
the means of spreading everywhere the true Church of God. 

It is thus that the tempest, which seems but to destroy the 
flower, catches up its seeds and scatters them far and near, and 
these seeds produce other flowers as beautiful as that from which 
they were torn, so that some fair spot of the prairie, when des- 
poiled of its loveliness, but affords the means of covering the vast 
expanse with new and variegated beauties. 

It is thus that the famine, and the pestilence, and the inhuman 
evictions of Irish landlords, have spread the faith of Christ far and 
near, and planted it in new colonies, which, when they shall have 
grown out of their tutelage, will look back to the departed power 
of England and the undying faith of Ireland as, in the hands of 
Providence, the combined causes of their greatness and their or- 
thodoxy. Macaulay's traveller from New Zealand, who will, 
on some future day, " from a broken arch of London Bridge, 
take a sketch of the ruins of St. Paul's", maybe some Irish " O' " 
or " Mac" on a pilgrimage to the Eternal City, who passes that 
way having first landed on the shores from which his ancestors 
were driven by the " crowbar brigade", and visited with reve- 
rence the hallowed graves under whose humble sod lie the bones 
of his martyred forefathers. 

It is thus that the Catholic faith is being planted in the British 
colonies of North America ; it is thus it is carried to India-, and 
to Australia, and to the islands of the South Sea. Thus are laid 
the foundations of flourishing churches, which promise, at no dis- 
tant day, to renew, and even to surpass, the work done by Ireland 
in the palmiest days of faith, when her sons planted the Cross, 
and caused Christ to be adored, as he wished to be adored, in the 
most distant regions of the earth. 

The magnitude of this work is not to be measured even by the 
importance of these transplanted churches at the present mo- 
ment. The countries to which I have alluded are but in their 
infancy. We can see on this continent the rapid strides of such 
infant colonies. Within three quarters of a century this country 
has advanced in population from three to over thirty millions, 
and in most other elements of greatness in still grander propor- 
tions. If it continue to increase, as it has done regularly from 



74 The Destiny of the Irish Race, 

the beginning, at the end of this century, or soon after, it will 
have a population of over one hundred millions that is, as great 
as is now the population of France, and Spain, and Italy, and 
Great Britain combined. If this be expected in this country in 
forty years, what will the case be in one or two hundred, in this 
and so many others similarly situated ? 

Australia starts with all the advantages of this country, and 
some peculiar to itself, and is following it with giant strides. It 
may overtake it before long, if not outstrip it. But the position 
of Catholicity there is very different from what it was at the 
commencement, or even at an advanced period, in the United 
States. The Catholics in Australia occupy a position of practical 
social equality with others. They will grow with the growth 
and strengthen with the strength of their adopted country, and 
have their fair share in its importance. 

England herself, from which the Catholic name was thought 
to have been almost blotted out, has been deeply affected by this 
exodus of Irish Catholics. In her cities, and towns, and hamlets, 
the Cross has been raised from the dust. At the side of the an- 
cient monuments which remind England of her apostacy, hum- 
ble spires rise in every part of the land, and tell that nation that 
the faith which they thought destroyed still lives, and is ready 
to admit them again to its wonted blessings. They stand there, 
and betoken the unity and stability of that faith of which they 
are the symbols of that faith which reclaimed the fathers of 
that people from barbarism, and continued to be the faith of the 
land for a thousand years, and is yet a faith, and the only faith, 
in which men of every tongue and every clime are united. The 
English people see its unity and stability, while they are forced 
to witness the ever shifting and clashing forms of the religion 
that was substituted for it. For, in the name of the one Christ 
and the one Bible, altar is everywhere erected against altar, pul- 
pit thunders against pulpit, the teaching of to-day is contradicted 
in the same pulpit on the morrow ; yet each one proclaims his 
own device as the plain teaching of Scripture. 

This confronting of unity with confusion, of steady adherence 
to truth with the ever varying shifts of error, of the mild but 
bright glory of an everlasting Church with the frivolities of the 
proudest inventions of men, is a grace, and a great grace, which 
God grants. It is a grace for the use of which that people will 
give a strict account. And oh ! may that use be, that they will 
make it fructify to their salvation. For while we appreciate the 
blessings granted to ourselves, we have no other feeling in their 
regard than a wish that they, too, may share in these blessings, 
and be like unto us in everything " except these chains". 

But whether well used or abused, whether unto " the ruin" or 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 75 

" salvation" of many in that country, this grace is given chiefly 
through the Irish emigration. 

I am not unaware of, nor do I undervalue, the importance of 
the faithful remnant that has in England steadfastly continued in 
the faith once delivered to the saints, nor of the accession made 
to their numbers by the conversion of so many noble souls, to 
whom God gave light and strength to overcome the many diffi- 
culties that would have fain prevented their following that light. 
But of both we might not inaptly ask, " What are these amongst 
so many ?" They are like those few tints that gild the skies here 
and there, when the sun's light has all but departed ; or like those 
stars that pierce at night the cumbered heavens bright, indeed, 
and beautiful but only showing forth more clearly the dark out- 
lines of the heavy and murky clouds that shroud the horizon. 
They make us feel only more sensibly, and keep fresh in our 
memory, the loss of the sun that has set. 

It is the Irish emigration that has chiefly supplied the multi- 
tudes who flock around English altars, that has made churches 
and schools spring up, that has finally called for the restoration 
of a numerous hierarchy ; and, as if to mark this fact, and point 
out the great part that Ireland had in restoring Catholic life to 
England, God has so arranged it that the first head and brightest 
ornament of that new hierarchy should be the son of Irish emi- 
grants ; for such is the great and illustrious Cardinal Wiseman. 

And even in these United States, let people say what they 
please, has not the Irish race held the first place in planting the 
cross throughout the length and breadth of the land r 

In this, and wherever else I speak of the Irish race, I do not, 
of course, confine myself to those born in Ireland. The work 
which a race is called to do is to be done by those who now live, 
and by their children and their children's children, wherever 
they happen to be born. Indeed, it would be a contradiction in 
terms to consider the father and son, wherever born, as belonging 
to different races. Be it for weal or for woe, be it unto honour 
or unto shame, the fathers cannot disown the children nor the 
children the fathers. If it depended on feeling or wishes, I, for 
one, would be very glad to dissolve connection with any one who 
insists that he owes nothing to the race that gave him a father or 
a mother. I would readily leave such a one to his proud claim 
of owning no paternity but the land on which he vegetates, and 
I only regret that he will scarcely bring to it much credit or ad- 
vantage. He who is unwilling to acknowledge the father that 
begot him, or the mother that gave him suck, is not a prize worth 
contending for. But whatever we or he may wish, whatever be 
the results to us or to him, he is flesh of our flesh and bone of our 
bone. What God has united, neither he nor we can put asunder. 



76 TJie Destiny of the Irish Race. 

It is not that we should form separate classes or castes, or that 
we claim other rights or privileges, or have other duties than 
those of other races ; but the one to which each man belongs has 
been fixed by the Almighty Provider in the very act of giving 
him being, and he who would fain conceal, or disown, or be 
ashamed of his race that is, of the order of Providence to which 
he owes his existence could succeed in noting else but in proving 
himself unworthy the esteem of men of any race. 

I know and gratefully acknowledge the important services 
rendered to Catholicity in the United States by persons of other 
races. There was, first of all, the Maryland colony, with whose 
noble history that of few, if any, of the other colonies can com- 
pare. By their justice and humanity in treating with the native 
tribes, by similar justice and fair dealing with other colonists, of 
every religion and every race, by their domestic virtues and pa- 
triotic course, the men of that colony deserved and received a 
high place in the esteem of their countrymen and of the world. 

But their number is small, too small indeed. Would that 
they were more. Were they all put together they would not 
form one average diocese of the forty-six now existing in this 
country. 

God has sent us many illustrious men from France, and Bel- 
gium, and Italy, who have occupied the foremost ranks in the 
ministry, whose heroic virtues and zealous works are even now 
as beacon lights to all who labour for God's glory. But as to 
the people from these countries, they are not many more than 
those from the Maryland stock. Germany has sent many of her 
hardy sons to labour with the steadfastness of their countrymen 
in building up the walls of the sanctuary. These are, indeed, a 
most important element, and are destined to become more and 
more important every day. They may yet exercise a greater 
influence on the destiny of the Church in this country than the 
Irish race. But so far, I think, no one will claim that they can 
be compared with it in numbers, or as to the results hitherto 
obtained. Of the converts in this country we may say the same 
thing as of those in England. 

Giving all, therefore, what belongs to them for there is not, 
nor should there be here, any room for jealousy I think it will 
be admitted that it is above all others to the sons of Ireland and 
to their children that the spread of Catholicity is due in this 
land. No matter who ministered at the altar (though there, 
too, the sons of Ireland have had their share), in the body of the 
church you will find that, in the majority of places, they con- 
stitute the bulk, and in many the whole of the congregation. 
Their hard earned dollars were foremost in supplying means^to 
buy the lot and raise the building from which the Catholic faith 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 77 

is announced. The priest, no matter what his own nationality, 
was nowhere more confident of finding help and support than 
among the Irish emigrants or their children. Wherever a rail- 
way, or a canal, or a hive of industry invited their sturdy labour, 
the cross soon sprang up to bear witness to their generosity and 
their faith. 

Even the old Maryland colony, though consisting chiefly of 
English Catholics, seeking here a freedom of conscience denied 
them at home, had its Irish element, and that not the least noble 
in deeds nor the least conspicuous in virtue. 

When at the period of the Revolution the noblest men of this 
land stood together, shoulder to shoulder, and issued that Decla- 
ration of Independence to which they pledged their lives, their 
fortunes, and their sacred honours, it was a Catholic of the Irish 
race who affixed his signature for Maryland. In doing this he 
pledged an honour as pure, and a life as precious as any of the 
rest, but he staked a fortune equal to, if not greater than, that 
of all the others put together. When he signed his name, one 
standing by said, " There go some millions". Another remarked, 
" There are many Carrolls ; he will not be known". He over- 
heard the remark, and to avoid all misconception, wrote down 
in full, " Charles Carroll, of Carrollton". 

Yet this noble scion of the Irish race, for so many years the 
pride and the ornament of his native state, while fulfilling all 
the duties of an illustrious citizen, was not ashamed of the race 
from which he sprang. Instead of selecting amongst French 
villes or English parks or towns a name for his princely estate, 
he stamped on it a title with the good old Celtic ring. He 
called it after a property of one of his Irish ancestors, Dough- 
ragan Manor, thereby telling his posterity and his countrymen 
that if they feel any pride in his name, they must associate him 
with a race which so many affect to despise. 

Let all the sons, and the sons of the sons, of Ireland be, like 
him, faithful to their duties as citizens, ready to sacrifice their 
all for their country, whether that all be little, or as great as was 
his vast wealth; just and respectful and charitable to men of all 
races and creeds, not anxious either to conceal or obtrude their 
own, but rather to live worthy of both ; determined, in a word, 
faithfully to discharge all their civil and Christian duties, let 
them be earnest in elevating the one by greater fidelity to the 
other. Acting thus, they will imitate Charles Carroll, of Car- 
rollton, and fulfil all I would wish them to do out of fidelity to 
their country, their religion, and their race. 

It was also one of the Maryland stock, but of this same Irish 
race another Carroll who was chosen the first bishop, and the 
founder of the hierarchy, of the young American Church ; as if 



78 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

Providence here too wished to indicate from which race the 
chief strength of Catholicity was to be derived in this land. 

Would it be overstraining matters to say, that a. hint of this 
was also given by Providence in the Irish name of the future 
metropolitan see of the United States the first in time, and 
always to be the first in dignity? The word Baltimore is an 
Irish word, and, through the founder of the colony, was derived 
from an Irish hamlet, which from the extreme south-west coast 
of Ireland, is looking, as it were, over the waters of the Atlantic 
to this continent for the full realization of its name. The word, 
in the Irish language, means " the town of the great house", and 
it was beyond the Atlantic that Baltimore, in becoming the 
chief see of a great church, has truly become " the town of the 
great house", for the church, or house at the head of which it 
stands, extends probably over a wider surface than any other 
church or churches amongst which any one bishop holds pre- 
eminence, excepting only the church governed by the Vicar of 
Jesus Christ, to whom is committed the care of all the sheep 
and lambs of God's fold, that is, the whole of Christ's Church. 
In names, which God has given, or permitted to be given, he 
has frequently foreshadowed the destinies of individuals and 
races. Would it be superstitious to suppose that in the Irish 
name of this American ecclesiastical metropolis the only im- 
portant city in this country that has an Irish name Providence 
pointed, on the one hand, to its future position in the Christian 
hierarchy, and on the other to the character of the chief portion 
of the family of that house or church ? 

But, be this as it may, it was a scion of the Irish race who 
was the founder of the new American hierarchy. For some 
time he held the crozier alone. The whole country was his 
diocese. But he did not depart until he saw suffragans around 
him forming a regular hierarchy, that was destined to multiply 
and, mainly on Irish shoulders, carry, everywhere, the ark that 
would spread blessings throughout the land. 

The work that has thus been commenced is no doubt destined 
to prosper. It is not without a motive that in this country the 
lines are drawn, and the foundations laid by Providence for a 
noble church. Its beginnings (for we may say it is yet in its 
infancy) bear many of the marks of the process by which the 
work was effected. It is destined to grow, and may it grow, 
particularly in the mild beauty of Christian virtue, and win, by 
love, the homage of all the children of the land, that all may 
receive through it the graces of Heaven, and even their Earthly 
prosperity be consolidated and become the means of their ac- 
quiring higher blessings. 

But whatever be said of the United States, the Irish race is 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 79 

certainly almost alone in the work of diffusing Catholicity in the 
various other countries in which the English language is spoken. 
The sufferings of Ireland were, therefore, the means, and evi- 
dently intended by God as the means to preserve her in the faith, 
to give her its rewards in a high degree ; and this preservation of 
her faith was as evidently intended to make her and her sons in- 
struments in spreading that faith throughout the English-speaking 
world. This is, therefore, what I claim to be, in the counsels of 

God, the DESTINY OF THE iRISII RACE. 

Did we endeavour to draw this conclusion by far-fetched argu- 
ments, we might fear the delusions of fancy, but I think it is 
plainly written in the facts to which I have alluded, when looked 
at with faith in an overruling Providence. The diffusion of the 
true faith enters too closely, and is too primary a thing in the 
designs of God, to suppose it for a moment to be the work of 
accident. It is his work first of all. Where it exists it exists 
because he so willed it. The instruments that effected it must 
be those which he has chosen and placed to the work with this 
very view. When, therefore, the results obtained, and those we 
see in the certain future, and the means by which they are ob- 
tained, are a matter of intuition, rather than of reasoning, the con- 
clusion drawn seems to me to have all the force of demonstration, 
and in no way liable to be considered the product of fancy or of 
national pride. 

This interpretation of the facts of history will, by some, be 
considered a complicated theory, and therefore unworthy of God. 
But the simplicity of God's operations by no means excludes 
multiplicity and combination of agents in themselves most inade- 
quate or discordant. Our inclination to exclude these, though 
we imagine the very contrary, is the result of the consciousness 
of our own weakness, which we would fain attribute to God. 
We may, indeed, be overwhelmed, or at least embarrassed, by 
many instruments ; and therefore we think it wise to avoid their 
use. But, it is as easy for God to use and direct many as few, or 
to produce results by his own immediate action. Nay, though 
sometimes he performs wonderful works in a moment, he is more 
often pleased to act through numerous and far-reaching instru- 
ments, which, at times, seem even to work in opposition to his 
designs, and by overruling and directing them, to prove that he 
is Ruler and Master over all things in action, as well as the 
Author of their being. 

By one word he made the Earth produce " every green herb" 
and " every fruit-tree yielding fruit according to its kind"; but 
he is now pleased to make the fertility of the earth, and the 
various ingredients of the air, and the heat and light of the sun, 
labour through a whole season to produce the flower, that for a 



80 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

few days wastes its fragrance on the meadow. At one time lie 
sends his angel to strike down in one night myriads of the ene- 
mies of his people; at another he is pleased " to hiss for the fly, 
that is in the uttermost parts of the rivers of Egypt, and for the 
bee that is in the land of Assyria" (/s., ,'vii. 18), that they may 
come and be the instruments of his vengeance. At one time he 
rains down bread from Heaven to feed a whole multitude ; at 
another, he sends his angel to take the prophet by the hair of 
his head from Judea, even unto Babylon, that he may supply 
food to his servant. 

It is not for us to prescribe ways to Providence, but to study 
His design in the events which we witness, and to bow down 
and adore his Power, his Wisdom, and his Goodness. 

To give power to an apostate and persecuting nation, and the 
grace of fidelity to another ; to use and even to create the ma- 
terial resources of the first as the instrument of his design over 
the latter, may appear a circuitous course, but it is only another 
instance of that unity of purpose and multiplicity, variety and 
apparent incongruity of means, which we witness in almost all 
his works. 

When the people of God were carried away into captivity, 
" the priests took the fire from the altar, and hid it in a valley 
where there was a pit without water". There " they kept it 
safe", while the Gentile hosts reigned triumphant in the land. 
But " when many years had passed", and the people returned, 
they sought the fire, but found only " thick water". This they 
sprinkled on the new sacrifices that were prepared, and " when 
the sun shone out, which before was in a cloud, there was a great 
fire kindled, so that all wondered" (II. Mach., i. 19, 22). 

An analogous phenomenon, methinks, has been presented in 
Ireland. That combination of frenzy and irreligion, which men 
have called " The Reformation", swept before it almost every 
vestige of faith from many of the northern countries of Europe, 
and seemed in a special manner to have enveloped in darkness 
the islands of the West. Men were like " raging waves of the 
sea, foaming out their own confusion", boasting of liberty and 
light, but treating the faithful with savage cruelty, and showing 
their own inability to hold fast any positive principles which 
they proclaimed as truth. The ancient faith of these islands, 
overwhelmed in the waters of tribulation, seemed hidden in the 
hearts of the Irish people, saddened by persecution and sufferings 
of every kind. 

But the day has come for pouring forth this water on nations. 
By their sufferings, the Irish race, driven into many lands, mingles 
with the progeny of its oppressors. The sun of God's grace, 
which seemed under a cloud, is now shining forth, and a great 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 



81 



fire is enkindled and is spreading its light and its heat far and 
near. The Church of God is everywhere showing itself again 
in its pristine beauty. English-speaking nations that were the 
ramparts of heresy, are beginning again to fall into the ranks of 
Catholic unity, and, as happened once before, the light of faith 
that took refuge in the most distant island of the West, is, from 
that sacred spot, sending forth its beams and gladdening the 
Church by giving her whole people as her children. 

So far we are led, I may^ say, by the mere logic of facts. ^ Were 
we to indulge in speculation, but in a speculation quite in con- 
formity with the beneficent designs of God, we might expect 
still more from these effects of the steadfastness of Ireland. 

Notwithstanding all the faults of England, the Catholic heart 
throughout the world has never lost its interest in that land, once 
so faithful. Other nations, once as Catholic, have been lost, and 
they are almost forgotten. The land where the Saviour Himself 
lived is, indeed, remembered on account of the sacred spots which 
he trod ; but no hopes are entertained for the conversion of its 
people. The Churches planted by the Apostles have been des- 
troyed. We cherish the memory of the holy confessors and mar- 
tyrs who adorned them ; but despair of their return to the truth 
is the only feeling in their regard that we can discover in the 
Catholic world. 

But in one way or another the Catholic heart seems never to 
have despaired of the return of England. Opinions and expec- 
tations which are, probably, nothing more than an expression of 
the intensity of this feeling, are everywhere to be met. They 
exist among the learned and the high, as well as amongst the 
humble children of the Church, and are found to be cherished 
in different lands. England, with her long catalogue of saints, 
seems to be considered, not as an outcast, on whom the sentence 
of spiritual death has been executed, but rather as the prodigal, 
who in a moment of thoughtlessness demanded, what he called 
his own share, and wandered from his father's house. The father 
is looking out, expecting every day to see the wayward one re- 
turn, and is ever ready to kill the fatted calf, and to call on his 
friends and neighbours to rejoice and be merry, for " he that was 
dead is come to life again, and he that was lost is found". 

But, alas ! there is much reason to fear that such joy is not to 
be expected. We know of no instance of a whole nation once 
fully and deliberately apostatising from the faith ever again re- 
turning. The grace of faith, if lost by individuals by formal 
apostacy, is seldom recovered. It has never yet been recovered 
by any nation that once enjoyed its full light, and deliberately 
abandoned it. It is not for us, to be sure, to place bounds to the 
mercies of God. Who knows but that in these latter ages God 
VOL. i. 6 



82 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

may do a work which he never did before ? and, now that the 
Church has encircled the globe, and announced the Gospel to 
every nation under the sun, God may send her back on another 
mission more glorious than the first, showing forth his power in 
giving new life to fallen nations as he did before in converting 
those who knew not his name. His first work might be com- 
pared to that which he performed when he took the clay and 
breathed into it the breath of life ; this, to his raising up the 
dead already mouldering in the tomb. But he has done both in 
the physical, and he may do both in the moral order. 

Without having recourse, however, to this extraordinary dis- 
pensation, the hope of which would be unwarranted by anything 
we have yet seen, may not the hopes to which I have alluded, 
and which could scarcely have existed without some influence 
of the divine Spouse of the Church, be realized in the conver- 
sion of the children, rather than in that of the mother ? May 
not the expectations of the Catholic world be realized by a re- 
turn of English-speaking brethren in the various colonies which 
the mother country has planted? May they not receive the 
graces which the latter has cast away, and thus more than com- 
pensate the Church for the loss of that one island ? 

Such results would be no anomaly in the experience of the 
Church. Several nations first learned Christianity under a hete- 
rodox form, and some of the most Catholic to-day are their de- 
scendants. Their errors were not their own faults, as nations, 
and God had pity upon them. 

We may say the same thing of this, and of several other coun- 
tries, where great and independent peoples will be found one 
day as they now are here. This nation has never apostatised 
from Catholic truth, simply because it never possessed it as a 
nation. At its birth it was already entangled in the meshes of 
heterodoxy, and it found the Catholic Church in its midst, with 
few adherents. Yet, at its very birth, it struck off the shackles 
by which she was bound. Several circumstances, it is true, 
aided this course of justice. But, who will say that these existed 
otherwise tkan by God's Providence, and for the nation's benefit, 
as well as for ours? This course of justice, moreover, was 
adopted cordially and fully by the founders of the country's inde- 
pendence, and that at a time when the Church was so treated by 
few even of those nations on whom she had the best claims. 
Bigots, it is true, were not wanting, then, or since. But it is a 
great fact, that this nation, as a nation and as a Government, 
has always, since its birth, treated God's Church with justice. 

A cup of cold water, given in the name of Christ, shall not be 
without its reward. Do we exaggerate in hoping that this mode 
of proceeding towards his Church shall have its reward from her 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 83 

Heavenly Spouse that it will plead for this nation with the Di- 
vine Mercy, as the alms of Cornelius obtained for him the know- 
ledge of Gospel truth and a share in its blessings ? The grace 
of faith, with these blessings, is the greatest which God gives to 
man, nor is it the less valuable because it is not now appreciated 
or is even spurned. It is God's grace that gives a hunger for divine 
things, as it is by Him that the hungry are filled. 

Yes, I do not only desire, and send up the prayer, but I can- 
didly avow the hope, that the light of faith is yet destined to shine 
brightly here, even amongst those who now look on it with con- 
tempt or hostility. In this I am strengthened by the desire for 
a knowledge of truth, which, notwithstanding the bigotry of 
many, is so widely spread. I am strengthened by the growth of 
the Church itself, which bears the marks of a higher purpose on 
the part of God than the mere preservation of those who came 
Catholics to our shores. I am strengthened by the very losses 
which the Church sustains in the falling away of many of her 
children. For surely God did not permit them to be driven 
hither by persecution that they might perish. He sent them forth 
to battle, in doing which, though many may be lost, he will grant 
victory to his own cause. I am strengthened by the very dan- 
gers by which we are surrounded ; nor would my hope be shaken 
even if storms should impend. For it is according to the ways of 
God to reach his ends amidst contradictions. 

Let it not be said that the humble condition or the faults of 
many of the children of the Church, forbid such a hope as this. 
God's ways are not as our ways. It is not by the great or by the 
mighty that his truth is propagated. Flesh might otherwise 
glory in His sight, and men might say that, by their wisdom and 
their efforts was His kingdom established. So far from this being 
an objection, when other things inspire hope, the hope is strength- 
ened by the humble form in which the Church presents itself. 
Our hope of its diffusion is better founded when we see it borne 
to our shores by humble labourers, than if it had come recom- 
mended exclusively by proud philosophers, cunning statesmen, 
or by men loaded with wealth. 

What we hope for this nation, we may hope with greater rea- 
son for the other nations yet reposing in their infancy, or growing 
in giant proportions under British rule. I say, with greater rea- 
son, because in most of these the foundations of Catholicity are 
laid even more deeply than they are here. While it would be a 
great thing for God's honour and glory, there is nothing to forbid 
the hope that these may one day be united in the true fold of the 
everlasting Church. The blood of Ireland and of England will 
mingle in their veins ; and, while they will look back with shame 
on the apostacy of the sixteenth century, as a disgraceful chapter 

C)B 



84 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

in the history of their forefathers, they will glory in the recollec- 
tions of the saints and the heroes of religion who, for a thousand 
years, adorned both their mother countries. With feelings ana- 
logous to those with which we look back to the tyrants of the 
first centuries and their victims, they will set off the martyr he- 
roes of one portion of their ancestors to the apostacy of the other, 
and the apostacy itself will be, in their history, but an episode- 
proving how far human nature may stray, while their own con- 
version will be a standing monument of the power of the cross. 

If these hopes be realized, the Irish race and its sufferings will 
have been the instruments in the hands of God by which the 
grand result will be accomplished ; but whether they be realized 
or not, the main point which I have endeavoured to dwell upon 
seems to me to be established beyond doubt that is, that this 
race has been preserved by God in the true faith in an extraor- 
dinary manner, for the purpose of spreading that faith throughout 
the English-speaking nations which now exist, or which are 
coming into being. 

As Ireland owes the preservation of her faith to her being 
destined as the leaven of that mass, it is but assigning to God a 
purpose worthy of His goodness to say, that England owes her 
power to her mission to spread that leaven throughout so many 
vast regions. It will not, I presume, be considered rash to say 
that God, permitting her to acquire power, proposed to himself 
some higher object than that other nations should have cheap 
cotton or woollen fabrics, or that they should learn how to travel 
forty instead of four or ten miles an hour. In his goodnesss he 
designed that power for some purpose worthy of Heaven; and 
this purpose may be accomplished whether England herself will 
it or not, or even though she desire the very contrary. I have 
said before, that most learned and grave writers consider the 
Roman power to have been intended, in the counsels of God, to 
prepare a way for the diffusion of the Gospel. The rulers of 
Rome despised the Gospel and its heralds. Still Rome most 
probably owed to them her greatness, and but for this mission, 
she might have remained what she was in the beginning an 
obscure village, a place of refuge for the thieves of the sur- 
rounding country. England may despise the Irish Catholic. 
Like Rome, she may look upon the professors of Catholicity 
as the great plague-spot of her system. Yet, in the designs 
of God, she most probably is indebted for her power to the 
part she is made to act in the diffusion of their faith. It 
is certain, at least, that the highest use of that power she has 
yet been allowed to make, is the carrying of frieze-coated Papists 
to distant shores, and the clearing of the forests where they 
are propagating, and are yet to propagate more extensively, 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 85 

the true faith. If a higher design in her behalf exist in the arrange- 
ments of Providence, it is yet to be made known. But for this 
she might have remained, as the poet described her, " a naked 
fisher" on her rock, and when she shall have ended her useful- 
ness as an instrument for accomplishing this object, she may re- 
turn " to her hook", still musing, perhaps, her senseless " No 
Popery", while the churches which she has unwillingly assisted 
to plant, will be growing up in beauty and praising God in one 
harmonious voice with the other children of his family through- 
out the world. 

The value and importance of this great mission cannot be 
overrated. It is awful to think what would have been the con- 
dition of the English-speaking races, in a religious point of view, 
if Ireland had shared in the English apostacy. Scarcely a 
Catholic voice would be heard amongst those seventy or eighty 
millions now using that language, who- occupy so large a portion 
of the Earth, and in another century, according to the ratio of 
their growth, may become two or four hundred millions, or even 
more. The very remnant that has continued faithful in England 
might have followed in the wake of their predecessors, had not 
the influence of Ireland caused the sword of persecution to be 
sheathed, and civil intolerance to cease at last, and thus the 
temptation to be removed which had proved fatal to so many. 
In that vast empire, or the empires that may rise out of its 
fragments for, in more than one place are foundations of empires 
laid which would grow with giant growth, even though the power 
of the mother country were paralysed to-morrow the holy sacri- 
fice would not be offered up, and thus the prophecy not fulfilled, 
which foretold that a clean oblation would be offered from the 
rising of the sun to the going down thereof. That union of the 
Christian family for which the Saviour prayed before he suffered, 
and which he left as a mark by which men would know his fol- 
lowers, would not be exhibited to the world. Christianity would 
be confounded with the products of these latter ages of so-called 
" light", and be thought, like the appliances of steam and the con- 
trivances of machinery, to owe its power to the genius of the 
Anglo-Saxon race, instead of deriving it from Him who died on 
Calvary. For their Christianity, by its very name, would pro- 
claim that the work of Christ had failed, until the press and the 
" march of light" had come to its aid. Religion, in a word, in- 
stead of being a divine institution, would appear and be amongst 
them but a brilliant work or invention of man, and, therefore, 
in the supernatural order, but a brilliant delusion, not an insti- 
tution which the mercy of God transplanted from Heaven, and 
made to stand, and to grow, and to bless, and produce fruit, in 
every age and in every form of society. 



86 The Destiny of tJie Irish Race. 

But, in preserving the faith of the Irish race, God has provi- 
ded a leaven of truth for these masses. By the side of systems 
of religion which men have devised, stands the everlasting 
Church that Church which, as Macaulay remarked, is the only 
connecting link between the civilization of the ancient and mo- 
dern worlds the Church which taught the name of Christ to 
every nation that knows him, even to those who afterwards fell 
from the fullness of truth the Church which Augustine brought 
to England, and Patrick to Ireland the Church that raised the 
dignity of the poor, and humbled the pride of the high, placing 
all on the level of the Gospel the Church that claims no new 
inventions, but is itself an invention of God, infinitely surpassing 
all inventions of man, holding out nothing to the nineteenth, 
which it did not present to the first, to the tenth, and to every 
other century, but presenting to all the faith and institutions of 
God, able to save all, to elevate all, to bring all into one fold> that 
all may be united in one happiness in Heaven. 

Is not this great result worth all the sufferings which Ireland 
has endured? The ways of God appear often circuitous. But 
in their circuitous course they are everywhere fraught with bles- 
sings. The children of Ireland suffered ; yet, even in their suf- 
ferings they were blessed. He himself pronounced " blessed 
those who suffer persecution for justice's sake" ; for in their trials 
they redeemed their own souls. But they were doubly blessed, 
because they were preserving the ark of God, and carrying it 
through the waters of tribulation to bless more amply unborn 
and numerous generations. The ways of God are circuitous, 
and though, like the course of the planets, they sometimes seem 
to us to retrograde, they are always onward. The sufferings of 
Ireland at a time seemed without a purpose, or even the very 
contrary to what we might have expected for so faithful a people. 
But, who knows what might have been the result, if justice and 
humanity had marked the course of the English nation towards 
Ireland? Who knows but the temptation to the latter to be 
drawn into apostacy would have been too powerful? Had 
Apostate England dealt generously or justly with Catholic 
Ireland, who knows if, in the alliances that would have been 
formed, she would have been equally steadfast in her faith? 
And though for a long time confiscations, and plunder, and per- 
secution, and slaughter, and even now, harsh treatment condemn- 
ing her sons to famine and banishment, have been the effects of 
the English connection ; if these have been the means of crea- 
ting a barrier that prevented the spread of heresy amongst her 
sons, has too great a price been paid for the 4 ' pearl" that has been 
bought? When, particularly, the cross borne by the children 
f Ireland shall have been erected in the Western and Southern 



The Destiny of the Irish Race. 87 

Hemispheres, and flourishing Churches in Catholic unity estab- 
lished under its shade, where, but for the fidelity of our fathers, 
heterodoxy alone would have had sway, shall we not say that 
little indeed were their sufferings compared to the value of such 
an Apostolate of Empires ? 

What is any Earthly mission compared to this ? What is even 
the spreading of civilization with its highest privileges, com- 
pared to the spreading of the saving institutions of the Gospel ? 
Even in this world virtue is a thing infinitely superior to mere 
physical power. The man who does God's will, whose soul is 
adorned with grace, is an object of complacency with his Maker, 
and enjoys his esteem infinitely more, than he who can control 
the hidden powers of nature, and make them subservient to his 
will, but does not make his own will conform to the great law 
that should govern it subjection to the will of God. When 
Earth, and all that is of Earth, shall have passed away, the 
proudest human achievements will be seen to have been as 
nothing, while those who shall have caused God's name to be 
glorified, shall shine as bright stars " unto perpetual eternities". 

This mission, however, has its duties as well as- its dignity. 
What will it avail us to be the sons of martyred sires who sacri- 
ficed all for God, if we barter the faith for which they died, for 
some paltry bauble, or fail to transmit it to those under our 
charge? Will not the constancy and sufferings of our fathers 
be a reproach to us before God and man ? Will they not p re- 
nounce judgment upon us if, while we honour their heroic deeds, 
we ourselves display nothing but pusillanimity? And even 
though we preserve our faith, will not this be rather to our shame, 
if we do not endeavour to practise the virtues which it teaches ? 
When the salt has lost its savour, it is good for nothing any more 
but to be cast out, and to be trodden on by men. The higher 
the vocation of God, the lower will be the degradation of those 
who fail to correspond. They will be despised, and justly de- 
spised, by God and by men. 

We can see in the fate of other nations the consequences of 
infidelity to a noble mission. Spain and Portugal were once 
great powers. They achieved great things at home and abroad. 
The sails of their commerce whitened every sea. The most 
distant lands acknowledged their might. They, too, were mis- 
sionary nations. They carried the faith to the East and to the 
West, and in both hemispheres planted the cross on continents 
and islands where Christ was before unknown. God may be 
said to have given them power for this purpose. It was mainly 
through their agency that the missionary work, which repaired 
the losses of the Church in Europe, was carried on for two hun- 
dred vears. 



88 The Destiny of the Irish Race. 

But the rulers of these countries listened to wicked counsels. 
On one and the same dark day did Spain, on another did Portu- 
gal, command the most strenuous heralds of the cross to be seized 
and bound in chains. The galleons that were wont to bear over 
the deep the treasures of Asia and America, and pour them into 
the laps of the mother countries, or to carry their commands 
and the means of enforcing them to the most distant lands, were 
now spreading their sails over every ocean and sea, in the inglo- 
rious work of conveying to home prisons, or into exile, the truest 
missionaries of the cross. On that day these nations renounced 
their noble mission, and the power that was given to enable them 
to carry it out soon departed. 

The immediate agencies producing their downfall, as well as 
those that gave rise to their power, may, indeed, be seen in ope- 
ration before the existence of the causes to which I have at- 
tributed them, but not before these were known to God. Now, 
he frequently prepares, by a long process, the instruments both 
of his rewards and his punishments, and holds them ready to be 
conferred on the virtuous, or poured forth on the head of the 
criminal, long before the fidelity of the one be tested, or the 
guilt of the other be consummated. Spain and Portugal thus 
fell, if you will, by immediate agencies long in operation, but 
by agencies over which God ruled, and which He directed ac- 
cording to his own wise counsels. They fell, and in their hum- 
bled condition, mocked by the remains of ancient greatness, they 
teach all the important lesson, that the greater the high calling 
given by God, the greater the punishment of those who prove 
untrue. 

Were we also to prove faithless to the mission which God has 
assigned us, we know not what punishment may await us, even 
in this world. The trials through which our race has passed, 
and is passing, may seem severe ; but, they are trials permitted 
by a loving father. May we never deserve that he should scourge 
us in his great anger. We might then find, like the Jewish 
people, that to suffer for righteousness' sake from the hands of 
men, is sweet, compared to the gall and wormwood mixed in 
the cup of those who fall into the hands of an avenging God. 

On this day, when the Church calls on us to commemorate 
the heroic virtues and the glorious deeds of onr great Apostle, 
I would fain say to every son of Ireland to every one in whose 
veins Irish blood flows, no matter where he himself was born : 
Let us live worthy of our ancestry, of an ancestry which is the 
same for all, and is a noble one, noble in that which is the 
noblest thing man can rejoice in virtue and fidelity to 
God. We ourselves are called in a special manner to do honour 
to our faith by spreading it amongst nations that are destined to 



Liturgical Questions. 89 

occupy the highest position in the social scale. Let us be faith- 
ful to our calling. Let us show ourselves worthy sons of the 
martyred dead. Let us make sure, like them, whatever else we 
fail in, not to fail in transmitting the faith to those entrusted to 
our charge, never exposing it to danger for any advantage, much 
less for the trifling things that may be gained here by want of 
fidelity. Transmit, carefully, the faith, first of all, but with 
faith spare no effort that you yourselves, and those committed to 
your care, grow also in every other virtue. Nay, endeavour so to 
live that all men may learn to love the faith which is the spring 
of your actions, and thus glorify and love that God who is the 
" Author and Finisher" of that Faith. 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS 

(From M. Souix's " Revue des Sciences Ecchsiastiques"'). 

1. Is it lawful or obligatory to insert, at the letter N, in the 
collect A cunctis, the name of the patron of the locality (if there 
be one) when the titular of the church is the Blessed Virgin or 
a mystery of our Saviour ? 

2. Is it right to place on the corner of the altar the finger- 
towel, which in some churches is fastened to the altar-cloth, from 
which it hangs suspended ? 

3. Is there any obligation to ring the bell at the Sanctus and 
at the Elevation, even when there is no one at Mass ? 

4. Is it lawful for a priest to use a cincture of the kind gene- 
rally used by bishops ? 

1. The name of the titular of the church in which the Mass 
is said is that which ought to be inserted at the letter N in the 
collect A cunctis. In the application of this general rule various 
cases may occur ; the title may be a mystery of our Lord or of 
our Blessed Lady ; or it may be a saint already named in the 
collect for example, Saint Peter or Saint Paul ; or Mass may 
be said in an oratory which has no titular saint. The following 
are the rules to be observed in such cases: 

1. That it is the name of the titular saint which is to be in- 
serted at the letter N is clear from the following decrees : 

1 DECREE. Question. " In missali romano praecipitur, ut post no- 
mina Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, in oratione A cunctis, etc., dicatur 
nomen patroni praecipui illius ecclesiae, seu diocesis. In Hispania 
est praecipuus illius regni patronus B. Jacobus apostolus et ex con- 
cessione Apostolica in ecclesia dioecesi Guadicensi est patronus spe- 
cialis S. Torquatus, B. Jacobi apostoli discipulus, et ejusdem eccle- 



90 Liturgical Questions. 

siae et civitatis primus episcopus. Quaeritur : An in praedicta ora- 
tione A cunctis debeat dici nomen B. Jacob! apostoli, an B. Torquati ?" 
Answer. " In oratione A cunctis post nomina sanctorum apostolorum 
Petri et Pauli, nomen Torquati tanquam Ecclesiae catliedralis Gua- 
dicensis Patroni dumtaxat ponendum esse". (Decree of 22 January, 
1678, No. 2856, q. 8.) 

2 DECREE. Questions. ".*. 15. S. Jacobus est patronus universalis 
regnorum Hispaniae, sancti vero martyres Stemeterius et Caledonius 
fratres sunt patroni particulares ecclesiae catliedralis, et totius dioe- 
cesis Santanderiensis rite electi, et iiovissime approbati a S. R. C. 
Quaeritur igitur: Quisex his patronis debeat nominari... in oratione 
A cunctis) quando in missis haec oratio dicitur in ecclesia matrice et 
in caeteris dioecesis? 16. In casu, quo ob dignitatis praestantiam 
nominari debeat S. Jacobus, quaeritur an... exprimi etiam possint 
nomina SS. Stemeterii et Caledonii in praedicta oratione..., praecipue 
in ecclesia matrice ubi sacra eorum capita... venerantur ? Et si ne- 
gative, supplicatur pro gratia ad promovendum Jcultum qui ipsos 
decet in ecclesia catnedrali ac tota dioecesi ratione sui specialissimi 
patronatus". Answer. "Ad 15. In qualibet ecclesia nominandum esse 
patronum seu titularem proprium ejusdem ecclesiae. Ad 16. Provi- 
sum in praecedenti". (Decree of 23 January, 1793, No. 4448, q. 15 
and 16.) 

3 DECREE. Question. "An patronus nominandus in oratione A 
cunctis intelligi debeat patronus principalis loci ?" Answer. " Nomi- 
nandus titularis Ecclesiae". (Decree of 12 November, 1831, No. 
4669, q. 31.) 

2. If the titular of the church has been already named in the 
collect A cunctis, no name is to be inserted at the letter N. The 
same holds if the Mass happens to be that of the same saint. 
This rule depends on the following decision: 

" Quis nominandus sit ad litteram N. si patronus vel titularis jam 
nominatus sit in ilia oratione, aut de eo celebrata sit missa?" 
Answer. " Si jam fuerit nominatus omittenda nova nominatio". 
(Ibid.); 

3. If the oratory in which the Mass is said have no titular 
saint, the name of the patron of the locality is to be inserted. This 
rule is proved from a decree of 12th December, 1840, No. 4897, 
No. 2: 

"Sacerdos celebrans in oratorio publico vel private quod non 
habet sanctum patronum vel titularem, an debeat in oratione A 
cunctis ad litteram N. nominare sanctum patronum vel titularem 
ecclesiae parochialis intra cujus limites sita sunt oratoria, vel sanctum 
patronum ecclesiae cui adscriptus est, vel potius omnem ulteriorem 
nominationem omittere ?" Answer. "Patronum civitatis, vel loci 
nominandum esse". 

4. If the titular of the church be a mystery of the life of 
our Lord, or of our Lady, authors differ in opinion whether the 
name of the patron of the locality is to be inserted at the letter 



Liturgical Questions. 91 

N, or whether no addition should be made. M. de Conny is for 
the latter opinion, and his authority is a safe guide for us. The 
second rule we have laid down is sufficient to show that no 
name is to be inserted in cases where the title of the church is a 
mystery of the Blessed Virgin, seeing that the august Mother of 
God is always named in the body of the prayer. The words of 
the conclusion are enough perhaps to excuse from the obligation 
of naming the patron of the locality in cases where the church is 
dedicated to a mystery of the life of our Lord. 

2. The usage here alluded to is not only not becoming, but it 
is also contrary to the Rubric of the Missal (part i., tit. xx.): 

" Ab eadem parte epistolae... ampullae vitreae vini et aquae, cum 
pelvicula et manutergio mundo in fenestella, seu in parva mensa ad 
haec praeparata. Super altar e nihil omnino ponatur, quod ad Missae 
sacrificium vel ipsius altaris ornatum non pertineat". 

3. The sole reason for ringing a bell at Mass is to give a 
signal to the faithful. " Ad excitandos circumstantes", says 
Gavantus (t. i. part i., tit, XX., 1 c.), " ad laetitiam exprimen- 
dam et ad cultum sanctissimi Sacramenti adhibetur campanula". 
Other writers coincide with this opinion. It seems but natural, 
therefore, not to ring the bell when there are no assistants pre- 
sent, and when there is no need of any signal. Besides, it is 
clearly the teaching of authors, and even of the Sacred Congre- 
gation of Rites, that whenever a signal is not required, the bell 
is not to be rung. Thus, the following decision forbids the bell 
to be rung during the celebration of the divine office in the 
choir, at least in certain circumstances : 

"Exposito in S. R. C. ecclesiam collegiatam civitatis Senarum 
habere chorum adeo subjectum oculis populi, et tali loco positum, ut 
canonici dicto choro pro divinis celebrandis, et praecipue Missae can- 
tatae assistentibus, omniuo altaria ejusdem collegiatae pernecesse in- 
spiciantur, et exposito quoque tempore, quo canonici choro ut supra 
assistunt, consuevisse in dictis altaribus celebrari Missas privatas et 
sine scandalo prohiberi non posse : ideo supplicatum fuit pro deelara- 
tione : an ipsi canonici in elevationibus quae fiunt in Missis privatis, 
genuflectere teneantur ?" Answer.] " Non esse genuflectendum, ne 
sacra, quibus assistunt, per actum privatum interrumpantur, sed ad 
evitandum scandalum, quod in populo et adstantibus causari possifc 
ob non genuflection em esse omittendam pulsationem campanulae in 
elevatione Sanctissimi, in dictis Missis privatis. (Decret of 5 March 
1667, No. 2397.) 

Nor, as a general rule, is the bell rung when the Blessed Sacra- 
ment is exposed, for then it is unnecessary to summon the faithful 
to adore the Eucharist. " During the private Masses", says the 
Jnstructio Clementina, " that are celebrated during the exposition, 
the bell is not to be rung". Cavalieri, commenting on this pas- 



92 Liturgical Questions. 

sage, says: " Ex rubricarum praescripto...interdicuntur". He is 
of opinion that this rule of the Instructio regards only low Masses, 
but Gardellini holds that it refers also to High Masses : 

" Non erat, cur instructio etiam Missas solemnes commemoraret, 
pro quibus Rubrica non jubet, ut in privatis, eadem pulsari ad 
finem prefationis, et ad elevationem Sacramenti. Romae saltern in 
majoribus ecclesiis obtinet mos etiam non pulsandi, praeterquam in 
Missis solemnibus pro defunctis : gravis organorum sonitus supplet 
vices tintinnabuli, et populi adstantis excitat attentionem". 

From all this it is clear that the bell is not to be rung when- 
ever there is no signal to be given. This is certainly the case 
when there is no one to assist at Mass. 

4. The cincture for the use of a priest does not differ from 
that for the use of a bishop. It may be made either of linen 
thread or silk, but it is better that it should be of linen. It may 
be either white or of the colour of the vestments. These rules 
are drawn from two decrees of the Sacred Congregation : 

1 DECREE. Question. " An sacerdotes in sacrificio Missae uti pos- 
sint cingulo serico ?" Answer. " Congruentius uti cingulo lineo". 
(22 Jan. 1701, No. 3575, q. 7.) 

2 DECREE. Question. " An cingulum, tertium indumentum sacer- 
dotale, possit esse coloris paramentorum ; an necessario debeat esse 
album ?" Answer. " Posse uti cingulo colore paramentorum" (8 
Jun. 1709, No. 3809, q. 4.) 



Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich 

DOCUMENTS. 



CONDEMNATION OF DR. FROSCHAMMER'S 
WORKS. 



VENERABILI FRATRI GREGORIO ARCHIEPISCOPO 
MONACFNSI ET FRISINGENSI 

PIUS PP. IX. 

Venerabilis Frater, Sahitem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Gra- 
vissimas inter acerbitates, quibus undique premimur, in hac tanta 
temporum peiturbatione et iniquitate vehementer dolemus, cum nos- 
camus, in variis Germaniae regionibus reperiri nonnullos catholicos 
etiam viros, qui sacram theologiarn ac philosophiam tradentes minime 
dubitant quamdam inauditam adhuc in Ecclesia docendi scriben- 
dique libertatem inducere, novasque et omnino improbandas opi- 
niones palam publiceque profiteri, et in vulgus disseminare. Hinc 
non levi moerore affecti fuimus, Venerabilis Frater ubi tristissimus 
ad Nos venit nuntius, presbyterum Jacobum Frohschammer in ista 
Monacensi Academia philosophiae doctorem hujusmodi docendi scri- 
bendique licentiam proe ceteris adhibere, eumque suis operibus in 
lucem editis perniciosissimos tueri errores. Nulla igitur interposita 
mora, Nostrae Congregationi libris notandis praepositae mandavimus, 
ut praecipua volumina, quae ejusdem persbyteri Frohschammer 
nomine circumferuntur, cum maxima diligentia sedulo perpenderet, 
et omnia ad Nos referret. Quae volumina germanice scripta titulum 
habent Introductio in Philosophiam De Libertate scientiae Athe- 
naeum quorum primum anno 1858, alterum anno 1861, tertium vero 
vertente hoc anno 1862 istis Monacensibus typis in lucem est editum. 
Itaque eadem Congregatio Nostris mandatis diligenter obsequens 
summo studio accuratissimum examen instituit, omnibusque semel 
iterumque serio ac mature ex more discussis et perpensis judicavit, 
auctorem in pluribus non recte sentire, ejusque doctrinam a veritate 
catholica aberrare. Atque id ex duplici praesertim parte, et primo 
quidem propterea quod auctor tales humanae rationi tribuat vires, 
quae rationi ipsi minime competunt, secundo vero, quod earn omnia 
opinandi, et quidquid semper audendi libertatem eidem rationi conce- 
dat, ut ipsius Ecclesiae jura, ofncium, et auctoritas de medio omnino 
tollantur. Namque auctor imprimis edocet, philosophiam, si recta 
ejus habeatur notio, posse non solum percipere et intelligere ea 
christina dogmata, quae naturalis ratio cum fide habet commu- 
nia (tamquam commune scilicet perceptionis objectum) verum etiam 
ea, quae christianam religionem fidemque maxime et proprie efficiunt, 



94 Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 

ipsumque scilicet supernaturalem hominis finem, et ea omnia, quae 
ad ipsum spectant, atque sacratissimum Dominicae Incarnationis 
mysterium ad humanae rationis et pliilosophiae provinciam pertinere, 
rationemquc, dato hoc objecto suis propriis priricipiis scienter ad ea 
posse per venire. Etsi vero aliquam inter haec et ilia dogmata dis- 
tinctionem auctor inducat, et haec ultima minori jure rationi attri- 
buat, tamen clare aperteque docet, etiam haec contineri inter ilia, 
quae veram propriamque scientiae seu pliilosophiae materiam consti- 
tuunt. Quocirca ex ejusdem auctoris sententia concludi omnino 
possit ac debeat, rationem in abditissimis etiam divinae Sapientiae ac 
Bonitatis, immo etiam et liberae ejus voluntatis mysteriis, licet posito 
revelationis objecto posse ex seipsa, non jam ex divinae auctoritatis 
principio sed ex naturalibus suis principiis et viribus ad scientiam 
eeu certitudinein pervenire. Quae auctoris doctrina quam falsa sit 
et erronea nemo est, qui christianae doctrinae rudimentis vel leviter 
imbutus non illico videat, planeque sentiat. Namque si isti philoso- 
phiae cultores vera ac sola rationis et pliilosophiae disciplinae tue^ 
rentur principia et jura, debitis certe laudibus essent prosequendi. 
Siquidem vera ac sana philosophia nobilissimum suum locum habet, 
cum ejusdem pliilosophiae sit, veritatem diligenter inquirere, huma-> 
namque rationem licet prirni hominis culpa obtenebratam, nullo 
tamen modo extinctam recte ac sedulo excolere, illustrare, ej usque 
cognitionis objectum, ac permultas veritates percipere, bene intelle^ 
gere, promovere, earumque plurimas, uti Dei existentiam, naturam, 
attributa, quae etiam fides credenda proponit, per argumenta ex suis 
principiis petita demonstrare, vindicare, defendere, atque hoc modo 
viam munire ad haec dogmata fide rectius tenenda, et ad ilia etiam 
reconditiora dogmata, quae sola fide percipi primum possunt, ut ilia 
aliquo modo a ratione intelligantur. Haec quidem agere, atque 
in his versari debet severa et pulcherrima verae philosophiae scientia. 
Ad quae praestanda si riri docti in Germaniae Academiis enitan-s- 
tur pro singulari inclytae illius nationis ad severiores gravioresque 
disciplinas excolendas propensione, eorum studium a Nobis com- 
probatur et commendatur, cum in sacrarum rerum utilitatem profec 
tunque convertant, quae illi ad suos usus invenerint. At vero in 
hoc gravissimo sane negotio tolerare numquam possumus, ut omnia 
emere permisc eantur, utque ratio illas etiam res, quae ad fidem 
pertinent, occupet atque perturbet, cum certissimi, omnibusque 
jaotissimi sint fines, ultra quos ratio numquam suo jure est 
progressa, vel progredi potest. Atque ad hujusmodi dogmata ea 
omnia maxime et apertissime spectant, quae supernaturalem hom^ 
inis elevationem, ac supernaturale ejus cum Deo commercium re^ 
spiciunt atque ad hunc finem revelata noscuntur. Et sane cum 
haec dogmata sint supra naturam, idcirco naturali ratione, ac na^ 
turalibus principiis attingi non possunt. Numquam siquidem ratio 
suis naturalibus principiis ad hujusmodi dogmata scienter tractanda 
effici potest idonea. Quod si haec isti temere asseverare audeant 
sciant, se certe non aquorumlibet doctorum opinione, sedacommuni, 
et numquam immutata Ecelesiae doctrina recedere. Ex divinjs enim 



Papal Brief to the Archbishop of Munich. 95 

Litteris, et sanctorum Patrum traditione constat. Dei quidem exis- 
tentiam, multasque alias veritates, ab iis etiam qui fidem nondum 
susceperunt, naturali rationis lumine cognosci, sed ilia leconditiora 
dogmata Deum solum manifestasse dum notum facere voluit, myste- 
rium, quod absconditum fuit a saeculis et generationibus* et ita quidem, 
ut postquam multifariam multisque modis olim locutus esset patribus in 
prophetis novissime Nobis locutus est in Filio, per quern fecit et saecula\ 

Deum enim nemo vidit umquam. Unigenitus Filius, qui est in 

sinu Patris ipse ennarravit.% Quapropter Apostolus, qui gentes 
Deum per ea, quae facta sunt cognovisse testatur, disserens de gratia 
et veritate quae per Jesum Christum facta est, loquimur, iniquit, Dei 

sapientiam in mysterio, quae abscondita est quam nemo principum 

hujus saeculi cognovit Nobis autem revelavit Deus per Spiritum 

Suum Spiritus enim omnia scrutator, etiam profunda Dei. Quis 

anna hominum scit quae sunt hominis, nisispiritus hominis, qui inipso esritf 
Ita et quae Dei sunt nemo cognovit, nisi Spiritus DeiJ\ Hisce aliisque 
fere innumeris divinis eloquiis inhaerentes SS. Patres in Ecclesiae 
doctrina tradenda continenter distinguere curarunt rerum divinarum 
notionem, quae naturalis intelligentiae vi omnibus est communis 
ab illarum rerum notitia, quae per Spiritum Sanctum fide suscipi- 
tur, et coustanter docuerunt, per hanc ea nobis in Christo reve- 
lari mysteria, quae non solam humanam philosophiarn, verum eti- 
am Angelicam naturalem intelligentiam transcendunt, quaeque eti- 
amsi divina revelatione innotuerint, et ipsa fide fuerint suscepta, 
tamen sacro ad hue ipsius fidei velo tecta et obscura caligine 
obvoluta permanent, quamdiu in hac mortali vita peregrinamur 
a Domino.^f Ex his omnibus patet alienam omnino esse a ca- 
tholicae Ecclesiae doctrina sententiam, qua idem Frohschammer 
asserere non dubitat, omnia indiscriminatim christianae religi- 
onis dogmata esse objectum naturalis scientiae, seu philosophiae, 
et humanam rationem historice tantum excultam, modo haec dog- 
mata ipsi rationi tanquam objectum proposita fuerint, posse ex 
suis naturalibus viribus et principio ad veram de omnibus etiam 
reconditioribus dogmatibus scientiam pervenire. Nunc vero in 
memoratis ejusdem auctoris scriptis alia domanitur sententia, 
quae catholicae Ecclesiae doctrinae, ac sensui plane adversa- 
tur. Etenim earn philosophiae tribuit libertatem, quae non sci- 
entiae libertas, sed omnio reprobanda et intoleranda philoso- 
phiae licentia sit appellanda. Quadam enim distinctions inter 
philosophum et philosophiam facta, tribuit philosopho jus et of- 
ficium se submittendi auctoritati, quam veram ipse probaverit, sed 
utrumque philosophiae ita denegat, ut nulla doctrinae revelatae. 
ratione habita asserat, ipsam nunquam debere ac posse Auc- 
toritati se submittere. Quod esset toet crandum et forte admitteu 

* Col. 1. v. 26. ' t Hebr. 1, v. 1, 2. J Joan. 1, v. 18. Joan 1 , v. 17. 

U 1 Corint. v. 2, 7, 8, 10, 11. 

Tf S. Joan. Chrys. horn. 7. in I. Corinth. S. Ambros. de fide ad Grut. S. Leo de 
Nativ. Dom. Serm. 9. S. Cyril. Alex, contr. Nestor, lib. 3. in Joan. 1, 9. S. Joan* 
Dam. de fide orat. II, 1, 2, in 1, 2, in 1 Cor. c. 2, S. Hier. in Galat. Ill, 2. 



86 Papal Brief io the Archbishop of Munich. 

dum, si haec dicerentur de jure tantum, quod habit philosophia suis 
principiis, seu methodo, ac suis conclusionibus, uti, sicut et aliae 
scientiae, ac si ejus libertas consisteret in hoc suo jure utendo, ita ut 
nihil in sea dmitteret, quod non fuerit ab ipsa suis conditionibus ac- 
quisitum, aut fuerit ipsi alienum. Sed haec justa philosophiae libertas 
suos limites noscere et experiri debet. Nunquain enim non solum 
philosopho, verum etiam philosophiae licebit, aut aliquid contrarmm 
dicere iis, quae divina revelatio, et Ecclesia docet, aut aliquid ex 
eisdem in dubium vocare propterea quod non intelligit, aut judicium 
non suscipere, quod Ecclesiae auctoritas de aliqua philosophiae con- 
clusione, quae hujusque libera erat, proferre constituit. Accedit 
etiam, ut idem auctor philosophiae libertatem, seu potius effrenatam 
licentiam tarn acriter, tarn ternere propugnet, ut minime vereatur as- 
sere re, Ecclesiam non solum : non debere in phi]osophiam unquam 
animadvertere, verum etiam debere ipsius philosophiae tolerare 
erores, eique relinquere, ut ipsa se corrigat, ex quo evenit, ut philo- 
sophi hanc philosophiae libertatem necessario participent, atque ita 
etiam ipsi ab omni lege solvantur. Ecquis non videt quam vehe- 
menter sit rejicienda, reprobanda, et cumin i damnanda hujusmodi 
Frohschammer sententia atque doctrina ? Etenim Ecclesia ex divina 
sua institutione et divinae fidei depositum integrum inviolatumque 
diligentissime custodire, et animarum saluti summo studio debet con- 
tinenter advigilare, ac summa cura ea omnia amovere et eliminare, 
quae vel fidei adversari, vel animarum salutem quovis modo in dis- 
crimen adducere possunt. Quocirca Ecclesia ex potestate sibi a 
divino suo Auctore commissa non solum jus, sed officium praesertim 
habet non tolerandi, sed pro scribendi ac damnandi omnes erores, si 
ita fedei integritas, et animarum salus postulaverint, et omni philo- 
sopho, qui Ecclesiae filius esse velit, ac etiam philosophiae officium 
incumbit nihil unquam dicere contra ea, quae Ecclesia docet, et ea 
retractare, de quibus eos Ecclesia monuerit. Sententiam autem, quae 
contrarium edocet omnino erroneam, et ipsi fidei. Ecclesiae ejusque 
auctoritati vel maxime injuriosam esse edicimus et declaramus. 
Quibus omnibus accurate perpensis, de eorumdrm VV. FF. NN. 
S. R. E. Cardinalium Congregationis libris notandis praepositae 
consilio, ac motu proprio, et certa scientia matura deliberatione 
Nostra, deque Apostolicae Nostrae potestatis plenitudine prae- 
dictos librus presbyteri Frohschammer tamquam continentes pro- 
positiones et doctrinas respective falsas, erroneas, Ecclesiae, ejusque 
actoritati ac juribus injuriosas reprobamus, damnamus, ac pro re- 
probatis et damnatis ab omnibus haberi volumus, atque eidem 
Congregation! mandamus, ut eosdem libros in indicem prohibitoruin 
librorum referat. Dum vero haec Tibi significamus, Venerabilis 
Frater, non possumus non exprimere magnum animi Nostri Dolorem 
cum videamus hunc filium eorumdem librorum auctorem, qui cetero- 
quin de Ecclesia benemereri potuisset, infelici quodam cordis impete 
misere abreptum in vias abire, quae ad salutem non ducunt, ac magis 
magisque a recto tramite aberrare. Cum enim alms ejus liber de 
animarum origine prius fuisset damnatus non solum se minime sub- 



Decree of the Congregation of Rites. 97 

misit, verum etiam non extimuit, eumdem errorem in his etiain libri- 
denuo docere, et Nostram Indicis Congregationem contumeliis cumen 
lare, ac multa alia contra Ecclesiae agendi rationem temere mendaci- 
terque pronuntiare. Quae omnia talia sunt, ut iis merito atque op- 
timo jure indignare potuissemus. Sed nolumus adhue paternae 
Nostrae charitatis viscera erga ilium deponere, et idcirco Te 
Venerabilis Frater, excitamus, ut velis eidem manifestare cor 
Nostrum paternum, et acerbiseimum dolorem, cujus ipse est causa, 
ac simul ipsum saluberrimis monitis hortari et monere, ut Nostram, 
quae communis est omnium Patris vocem audiat, ac resipiscat, 
quemadmodum catholicae Ecclesiae filium decet, et ita nos omnes 
laetitia afficiat, ac tandem ipse felixiter experiatur quam jucundum 
sit, non vana quadam et perniciosa libertate gaudere, sed Domini, 
adhaerere, cugus jugum suave est, et onus leve, eujus eloquo 
casta, igne examinata, cujus judicia vera, justificata in semetipsa, 
et cujus universae viae misericordia et veritas. Denique hac etiam 
occasione libentissime utimur, ut iterum testemur et confirmemus 
praecipuam Nostram in Te benevolentiam. Cujus quoque pignus 
esse volumus Apostolicam Benedictionem, quam intimo cordis affectu 
Tibi ipsi, Venerabilis Frater, et gregi Tuae curae commisso pare- 
manter impertimus. Datum Romae apud S. Petrum die 1 1 Decembris 
anno 1862, Pontificatus Nostri anno decimo septimo. 

PIUS PP. IX. 



II. 
DECREE OF THE CONGREGATION OF RITES. 

The Roman ritual, speaking of the Blessed Eucharist, pre- 
scribes as follows: " Lampades coram eo plures vel saltern una 
diu notucque colluceat". These lamps are to be fed with olive 
oil, which the Church has adopted for mystic reasons in so many 
of her sacred rites. But in many countries the difficulty of 
procuring olive oil is considerable, and the expense greater than 
small churches can bear. Several prelates of France, moved by 
these reasons, asked permission to burn in the lamps before the 
Blessed Sacrament oils other than from olives. The following is 
the answer: 

Decretum: Plurium Dioeceseum. 

Nonnulli Reverendissimi Galliarum Antistites serio perpenden- 
tes in multis suarum Dioeceseum Ecclesiis difficile admodum et 
nonnisi magnis sumptibus comparari posse oleum olivarum ad 
nutriendam diu noctuque saltern unarn lampadam ante Sanctis- 
simum Eucharistiae Sacramentum, ab Apostolica Sede declarari 
petierunt utrum in casu, attentis diffieultatibus et Ecclesiarum pau- 
pertate, oleo, olivarum substitue possint alea olea quae ex vege- 
talibus habentur, ipso non excluso petroleo. Sacra porro Rituum 
Congregatio, etsi semper sollicita ut etiam in hac parte quod usque ab 

VOL. I. 7 



98 Notices of Books. 

Ecclesiae primordiis circa usum olei ex olivis inductum est, 
ob mysticas significationes retineatur ; attamen silentio praeterire 
minime censuit rationes ab iisdem Episcopis prolatas ; ac proinde ex- 
quisito prius Voto alterius ex Apostolicarum Coeremoniarum Magis- 
tris, subscriptus Cardinalis Praefectus ejusdem Sacrae Congregationis 
rem omnem proposuit in Ordinariis Commitiis ad Vaticanum hodierna 
die habitis. Eminentissimi autem et Reverendissimi Patres Sacris 
tuendis Ritibus praepositi, omnibus accurate perpensis ac diligentis- 
sime examinatis, rescribendum censuerunt : Generatim utendum esse 
oleo olevarum : ubi vero haberi nequeatt remittendum prudentiae Episco- 
porum ut lampades nutriantur ex aliis oleis quantum fieri possit vegeta- 
Ulibus die 9 Julii 1864. 

Facta postmodum de praemissis Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Pio 
Papae IX. per infrascriptum Secretarium fideli relatione, Sanctitas 
Sua sententiam Sacrae Congregationis ratam habuit et confirmavit. 
Die 14 iisdem mense et anno. 

C. EPISCOPUS PORTUEN. ET S. RUFlNAE CARD. PATRIZI S. R. C. PRAEF. 

Loco iji Signi D. Bartolini S. R. C. Secretarius. 



NOTICES OF BOOKS. 



I. 

Martyrologium Dungallense, seu Calendarium Sanctorum Hi- 
berniae. Collegit et digessit Fr. Michael O'Clery, Ord. Fr. 
Min. Strictioris Observantiae. Permissu et facultate Su- 
periorum. 1630. 

The Martyrology of Donegal : a Calendar of the Saints of Ireland, 
translated from the original Irish by the late John O'Do- 
novan, LL.D., M.R.I.A., Professor of Celtic Literature 
in the Queen's College, Belfast. Edited, with the Irish 
text, by James Henthorn Todd, D.D., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., 
Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin ; and by William 
Reeves, D.D., M.R.I.A., Vicar of Lusk, etc. Dublin: 
printed for the Archaeological Society. Thorn, 1864, lv. 
566 pp. 

The Martyrology of Donegal was completed on the 19th of April, 
1630, in the Franciscan convent of Donegal. The compilers were 
Brother Michael O'Clery, a lay brother of that convent, with three 
associates who with him are so well known by the name of " The 
Four Masters". Colgan (Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae, torn. 1, p. 5 a.) 
thus speaks of it: "Martyrologium quod Dungallense vocamus, 
nostris diebus ex diversis turn Martyrologiis, turn annalibus patriis 
collectum est, partim opera Authorum qui Annales communes, de 



Notices of Books. 99 

qiiibus infra, compilarunt in Conventu Dungallensi ; partim opera 
Patrum ejusdem Conventus qui sanctos, qui extra patriam vixerunt 
et de quibus hystorici exteri scripsemnt, addiderant". The Donegal 
copy of 1630 was a more complete transcript of a first copy, made 
by Michael O'Olery in the preceding year at Douay . Both copies 
are now extant in the Burgundian Library at Brussels, but 
circumstances have not permitted Dr. Todd to get the first copy 
also transcribed. Both copies are autographs of Michael O'Clery. 

The first to discover the mine of Irish MSS. in Brussels 
was Mr. L. Waldron, M.P., who, in 1844, at the request of Pro- 
fessor O'Curry, examined the library there. By the influence of 
Lord Clarendon, then lord-lieutenant of Ireland, with the go- 
vernment, Dr. Todd procured from the Belgian government, in 
1848, the loan of several MSS. of the greatest importance, with 
the permission to have them transcribed. One of these was the 
autograph MS. of the Martyrology of Donegal, prepared for the 
press by the author, with the approbations of his ecclesiastical 
superiors. A copy of it was executed by the late Professor 
O'Curry with the skill and beauty of his unequalled penmanship ; 
and this copy was collated with the original, whilst it was still 
in Dr. Todd's possession. From O'Curry's copy Dr. Reeves 
made another for his own use, and from this he made a third 
transcript for the printers, and the translator, Dr. O'Donovan, 
This translation was the last labour of Dr. O'Donovan's life. 

The contents of the volume are distributed as follows: An 
introduction (ix.-xxiv.) by Dr. Todd is followed by an appendix 
(xxiv.-xlix.) containing " a number of memoranda, references to 
authorities, and miscellaneous notes, which have been written by 
the author, and others, through whose hands the MS. has passed, 
on the fly-leaves at the beginning and end of each volume". 
Many of them are of great interest. Then come the Testimonia et 
Approbations (xlix.-lv.) of Flann Mac Egan, Conner M'Brody, 
Dr. Malachy O'Cadhla, Archbishop of Tuam; Dr. Boetius Mac 
Egan, Bishop of Elphin ; Dr. Thomas Fleming, Archbishop of 
Dublin; and Dr. Roch Mac Geoghegan, Bishop of Kildare. 
The Martyrology proper follows (1-351) with the Irish text on one 
page and Dr. O'Donovan's translation on the other. The notes 
appended are but few, and serve merely to explain obscurities in 
the text, to settle the reading, or to correct some obvious mistake. 
For almost all the notes we are indebted to Dr. Todd himself. 
A table of the Martyrology, compiled by the author, and trans- 
lated by Dr. Todd, occupies from page 354 to page 479, and is 
folio wed by three indexes, compiled by Dr. Reeves, one of persons 
(485-528), another of places (5 2 9-5 5 3), and a third of matters (544- 
566). These indexes, says Dr. Todd, " possess a topographical 
and historical interest quite independent of their connection with 



100 Notices of Books. 

the present work, and are in themselves a most important prac- 
tical help to the study of Irish history". 

What is the value of this work ? What position does it oc- 
cupy among Irish Ecclesiastical documents? It cannot be 
regarded as an original authority. " It is confessedly a compi- 
lation, and of comparatively recent date, having been completed, 
as we have seen, in the early part of the seventeenth century. 
But it is a compilation made by a scholar peculiarly well fitted 
for the task, who had access to all the original documents then 
extant in the Irish language, the matter of which he has trans- 
ferred either in whole or in part into the present work, quoting 
in almost every instance the sources from which he drew his in- 
formation" (Introd,, p. xiii.). The bare enumeration of these 
sources will serve to show the value of the book. I. The Metrical 
Calendar, or Festilogium of Aengus Ceile De, commonly called 
the Felire of Aengus. Its author was a monk of Tallaght, near 
Dublin, in the days when Saint Maolruain was abbot, about the 
beginning of the ninth century^ Dr. Kelly of Maynooth has 
published a translation of a portion of this Metrical Calendar in 
his Calendar of Irish Saints. II. The Martyrology of Tallaght 
This is a transcript of a very ancient martyrology containing the 
names of the saints and martyrs of the entire Church, with the 
Irish saints added under each day. It was composed at the 
close of the ninth or very early in the tenth century. The 
Brussels MS. is an abstract of the ancient copy at Saint Isidore's 
at Rome, but it contains the Irish saints alone, omitting altogether 
the general martyrology. It was from a transcript of the Belgian 
MS. that Dr. Kelly published in 1&57 the calendar alluded to 
above. III. The Calendar of Cdshel, which is not now known 
to exist. According to Colgan, its author flourished about the 
year 1030. IV. The Martyrology of Maolmuire (or Marianus) 
G* Gorman, written in Irish verse, in the times of Gelasius, 
Archbishop of Armagh, about 1167. Its author was abbot of 
Knock, near Louth, and the work is taken from the Felire of 
Tallaght, and is not confined to Irish saints. V. The Book of 
Hymns, a portion of which has already been published by the 
Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, and of which a second 
portion is in the press, under the care of Dr. Todd. VI. 
Poems, such as the Poem of St. Cuimin of Condeire (Connor), 
of the middle of the seventh century, published by Dr. Kelly, 
with a translation by Professor O' Curry ; the Naoimhseanchus, 
attributed by Colgan to Selbach of the tenth century ; the Poem 
of St. Moling of Ferns (A.D. 675-695), and several minor poems. 
VII. Several of the great collections or Bibliothecae, of which he 
names expressly the Book of Lecan, the Leabhar na Huidre, and 
the Book of Lisnwre. VIII. The lives of saints in Irish and 



Notices of Books. 101 

Latin. Of these he quotes no less than thirty-one. From this 
list it will be seen that almost all the literature of the early Irish 
Church has helped to enrich the pages of the Martyrology of 
Donegal. And since norma orandi legem statuit credendi, we 
could scarcely find a nobler monument of the faith and practice 
of our forefathers. The Church that places on her list of saints, 
bishops, and priests, and abbots, and consecrated virgins, and 
hermits, possesses in that very calendar a mark deep and broad 
enough to distinguish her from all the sects that belong to modern 
Protestantism. 

ii. 

Lectures on Modern History y delivered at the Catholic University 
of Ireland. By Professor J. B. ROBERTSON ; cr. 8vo, p.p. 
xvi., 528. Dublin: W. B. Kelly, 1864. 

The lectures included in this volume were delivered in the 
Catholic University of Ireland, on various occasions, in the years 
1860 to 1864, and their purport has been well expressed in the 
author's own words. Speaking in reference to all his literary 
labours, " I devoted", says Professor Robertson, " my feeble 
powers to the defence of God and His holy Church against un- 
belief and misbelief; and of social order and liberty, against the 
principles of revolution, which are but impiety in a political 
form". In these words we have the key-note of the entire work. 
The " History of Spain in the Eighteenth Century" forms the 
subject of two lectures. To these is added a supplement of 
more than fifty pages, in which the late Mr. Buckle's " Essay 
on Spain", contained in his " History of Civilization", is severely 
but most deservedly criticised, and, we may add, is refuted by 
solid and convincing arguments. 

In four lectures our author discusses the " life, writings, and 
times of M. de Chateaubriand", involving much of the internal 
history of France, especially as regards literature and religion 
under the first Napoleon and the succeeding governments down 
to the Revolution in 1848. These lectures are full of interest. 
But what must be considered as by far the most important por- 
tion of this volume is that in which Professor Robertson treats 
of the " Secret Societies of Modern Times". In two lectures he 
traces the origin and progress of the Freemasons, the Illuminati, 
the Jacobins, the Carbonari, and the Socialists ; and in an appen- 
dix adds a " brief exposition of the principal heads of Papal 
legislation on Secret Societies". 

Such are the contents of the work. The style is agreeable 
and clear, the diction felicitous, and above all, the sentiments 
just, equally characterised by extensive information, political 



102 Notices of Books. 

sagacity, and a profound reverence for divine faith. The pro- 
fessor has happily avoided both the tedious exhaustiveness of the 
German, and the brilliant flippancy which so often charms us in 
the French. Nor has he been unmindful of the more laborious 
students who would not shrink from the toil of research after 
further information. For these he has provided such an array of 
authorities, on each of his subjects, as must greatly facilitate the 
progress of those who would engage in diligent historical inves- 
tigation. We know not where else there could be had so in- 
telligible an account of the secret societies which have been so 
active in all the political convulsions of Europe, from 1789 to the 
present time. We need not advert to the part which secret 
societies have had in producing the present deplorable state of 
Italy. To the readers of the Civilta Cattolica such reference 
would be unnecessary. To those who have not the advantage of 
regularly reading that most instructive periodical we would re- 
commend Professor Robertson's lectures, as containing, in a 
moderate sized volume, a most perspicuous summary of what is 
requisite to be known concerning those dark conspiracies and 
their objects. If it were only for this, the volume would be a 
most welcome addition to our historical library. 

The book has been brought out with the utmost elegance of 
paper, type, and printing. 

in. 

La Roma Sotterrana Cristiana descritta ed illustrata dal Cav. 

G. B. de Rossi. Publicata per ordine della Santita di N. 

S. Papa Pio IX. Chromolithografia Ponteficia Roma, 1864. 

vol. 1. 
Christian Subterranean Rome^ described and illustrated by Cav. 

G. B de Rossi. Published by order of His Holiness Pope 

Pius IX., vol. 1. 

In 1861 Cavalier de Rossi published the first volume of his 
Inscriptiones Christianae UrbisRomaeseculoVll.antiquiores. On 
to-day we announce the appearance of the first volume of his 
long expected work on Subterranean Rome. In the introduc- 
tion the author passes in review all that has been done to explore 
the Catacombs, from the fourteenth century to our day. Pom- 
ponius Laetus, Pauvinius, Ciacconius, and especially Bosio and 
Bottari, claim his attention in turn. After a sketch of the re- 
sults of the labours undertaken in the eighteenth and nineteenth 
centuries, Cav. de Rossi shows what yet remains to be done, and 
what part of this he himself proposes to accomplish. 

The second part of the volume is entitled " Remarks on ancient 
Christian Cemeteries in general, and on those of Rome in particu- 



Notices of Books. 103 

lar'' : the whole is divided into three parts. Part I. on the Christian 
Cemeteries in general, treats of their antiquity, their divisions into 
subterranean and non-subterranean, and the respective marks of 
each class. The author here proves that even in the third century, 
when Christianity was persecuted to the death, the Christian Ce- 
meteries had a legal existence recognized by the Emperors. Part 
II. is devoted to the documents which illustrate the history and 
topography of the Catacombs, and embraces contemporary docu- 
ments, historical and liturgical treatises later than the fourth cen- 
tury, lives of Pontiffs, etc. Part III. contains a general history 
of the Roman Cemeteries, arranged in four periods : beginning 
respectively, with the apostolic times ; the third century ; the 
peace of Constantine (312); and the fifth century, A.D. 410. 
In the second century the catacombs were of slow growth ; in 
the third, their extent became most remarkable ; after Constan- 
tine, they began to be abandoned as places of sepulture ; with 
the fifth century set in their decay, leading to the removal of the 
relics of the saints to the churches within the walls, whither the 
sacrilegious hands of Goths and Lombards, who periodically pil- 
laged the Campagna, could not reach ; finally, after the ninth 
century, they were almost forgotten. Part IV. contains the 
analytical description of the Christian Cemeteries. The Ceme- 
tery of Callixtus, the most ancient and most celebrated of all, is 
described at length. 

IV. 

Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum Historiam lllus- 
trantia; quae ex Vaticani, Neapolis, ac florentiae Tabula- 
ris depromsit, et Ordine chronologico disposuit Augustinus 
Theiner, Presbyter Cong. Oratorii, Tabulariorum Vatican- 
orum Praefectus, etc. Folio, Romae, Typis Vaticanis, 1864. 
One Volume folio, pages 624. 

The notice of the See of Ardagh in the sixteenth century, 
printed in our opening number, has probably prepared our 
leaders to estimate the value of the important series of docu- 
ments upon which it is founded. We purposed to urge strongly 
upon the clergy of Ireland the duty of supporting generously the 
distinguished scholar, who in his love of Ireland has undertaken 
the costly and laborious work of publishing all the manuscript 
materials of Irish history which are preserved in the archives of 
the Vatican, and has already given in the opening volume an 
earnest of their extent, as well as of their historical value. We 
are happy, however, to find that what we had desired and in- 
tended, has already been put in a practical form, and that an 
effort has been made to forward among the friends of Irish his- 



104 Notices of Books. 

tory the sale of this most interesting collection. We cannot, 
therefore, we believe, advance more effectually r the object which 
we have at heart, than by transferring to our pages the following 
notice, which has been printed for private circulation: 

" Monsignor Theiner's Collection from the Secret Archives of 
the Vatican, of Naples, and of Florence, is unquestionably the 
most important contribution to the history of the Church in these 
countries since the great historical movement of the seventeenth 
century. It comprises upwards of a thousand original docu- 
ments, Pontifical Bulls, Briefs, and Letters, Consistorial Acts, 
Inquisitions, Reports, etc., ranging from the pontificate of Hono- 
rius III., 1216, to that of Paul III., 1547. 

" These papers, in the main, relate to the history of Ireland and 
of Scotland, especially of the former country. There is hardly 
a diocese in Ireland of which they do not contain some notice, 
and in many cases, as, for instance, that of Ardagh, already 
noticed by the learned editor of the Essays of the lamented Dr. 
Matthew Kelly, but traced in detail in the Irish Ecclesiastical 
Record, No. I., pp. 13-17, they serve to fill up important breaks 
in the existing records, and to correct grave and vital errors in 
the received histories. 

" But, in addition to the Irish and Scotch documents, the volume 
contains many of wider and more general interest ; among which 
it will be enough to specify a single series nearly a hundred 
unpublished letters of Henry VIII., relating chiefly to the ne- 
gociations regarding the divorce, which, they present in a light 
almost completely new. 

" This volume is printed entirely at the expense of the dis- 
tinguished editor. It is meant as an experiment ; and, should 
the sale, for which, he must mainly rely upon the countries 
chiefly interested, suffice to cover the bare cost of publication, 
it is his intention to continue the series from the archives of 
the Vatican, down through the still more interesting, and, for 
Irish history, more obscure, as well as more important, period of 
Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, and James I. 

" Mgr. Theiner has requested his friend, Rev. Dr. Russell, 
President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, to receive and 
transmit to Rome any orders for the volume with which he may 
be favoured.* 

* "Price, carriage free to Dublin, IF ORDERED FROM THE EDITOR, 2; if 
through a bookseller, 2 10s. 

" Dr. Russell requests that intending purchasers will be good enough to com- 
municate with him before the end of the first week of November, when the list of 
names will be sent forward". 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

DECEMBER, 1864. 



THE DIOCESE OF ROSS IN THE SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY. 

The Lives of the Irish Bishops, published by Ware, in 1665, 
and rewritten by Harris in the beginning of the last century, 
have been long regarded as authentic history ; and the statements 
of these learned writers have been generally accepted without 
hesitation, being supposed to rest on ancient and indubious do- 
cuments. It is thus, to take a quite recent example, that the 
Rev. W. Maziere Brady, D.D., in the third volume of his Re- 
cords of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross (London, 1864), adopts, with 
only a few verbal variations, the whole narrative of Ware re- 
garding St. Fachnan and his successors in the see of Ross. Ne- 
vertheless, many of his statements are inaccurate, and some of 
them, too, are wholly at variance with historic truth. At the 
very threshold of our present inquiry we meet with one instance 
which alone should suffice to render us cautious in accepting the 
assertions of such historians, when unconfirmed by other au- 
thorities. 

" One Tliady" (Ware thus writes), " was Bishop of Ross on the 
29th of January, 1488, and died a little after ; but I have not 
found where he was consecrated. One Odo succeeded in 1489, 
and sat only five years. He died in 1494" (Ware, pag. 587. 
Brady, Records, etc., vol. iii., pag. 139). 

How many errors are contained in these few words ! This 
Thadeus was never Bishop of Ross, and so far from Odo being 
VOL. i. 8 



106 The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. 

appointed in 1489, lie was already Bishop of the see on the 
accession of Pope Innocent VIII., in 1484. A letter of this 
Pontiff addressed to Odo, Bishop of Ross, on 21st of July, 1488, 
has happily been preserved, and it presents to us the following 
particulars connected with the see. No sooner had the see of 
Ross become vacant by the demise of its Bishop about 1480, 
than Odo was elected its chief pastor, and his election was duly 
confirmed by the Vicar of Christ. A certain person, however, 
named Thadeus MacCarryg, had aspired to the dignity of suc- 
cessor of Saint Fachnan, and as he enjoyed high influence with 
the civil authorities, he easily obtained possession of the tempo- 
ralities of the see. Several monitory letters were addressed to 
him from Rome, exhorting him to desist from such an iniquitous 
course ; but as these were of no avail, sentence of excommuni- 
cation was fulminated against him by Pope Sixtus, and promul- 
gated in a synod of the southern Bishops, held in Cashel in 
1484; it was repeated by Innocent VIII. in 1488. Thus, 
then, the individual who is describedby Ware as Bishop of Ross, 
was merely an usurper of the temporalities of the see, whilst the 
true Bishop, Odo, continued to govern the diocese till his death 
in 1494. 

His successor was Dr. Edmund Courcy, who was translated 
from the see of Clogher to Ross, by Brief of 26th September, 
1494. He was a Franciscan, and for twenty-four years ruled 
our diocese. The obituary book of the Franciscans of Timo- 
league, when recording his death on 10th March, 1518, describes 
him as a special benefactor of their convent, both during his 
episcopate and at his death. He enriched it with a library, and 
built for its convenience an additional dormitory and an infir- 
mary. He also rebuilt its steeple, and decorated the church 
with many precious ornaments. This Franciscan church conti- 
nued for nearly one hundred years a cherished devotional resort 
of the faithful, till, in Elizabeth's reign, its fathers were dispersed, 
and the convent reduced to a heap of ruins. The chronicler of 
the order, when registering the destruction of this ancient sanc- 
tuary, dwells particularly on the barbarity of the Protestant sol- 
diers, who deliberately smashed its rich stained glass windows, 
and tore to shreds the costly pictures which adorned it. 

A year before his death, Dr. Courcy resigned the administra- 
tion of his see, and petitioned the then reigning Pontiff, Leo X., 
to appoint as his successor John O'Murrily, Abbot of the Cis- 
tercian Monastery of de Fonte Vivo. The deed by which he 
thus resigned the see of Ross was drawn up in the presence of 
three witnesses, one of whom was the Lady Eleanor, daughter 
of the Earl of Kildare ; and it assigns as the motive of his resig- 
nation, that he had already gained his eightieth year, and that 



The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. 107 

his increasing infirmities rendered it impossible for him to give 
due attention to the wants of the diocese. King Henry VIII. 
wrote to His Holiness, praying him to accede to the wishes 
of the aged bishop, and to appoint to the see of Ross the above- 
named Cistercian abbot, who is described as adorned with every 
virtue, and especially remarkable for modesty, mildness, ' and 
learning. We give in full this letter of Henry VIII., as it is a 
solemn condemnation of the subsequent rebellion of that monarch 
against the authority of the Vicar of Christ : 

"Beatissime Pater, post humillimam commendationem et devo- 
tissima pedum oscula beatorum. Exposuit nobis Reverendus in 
Christo pater Episcopus Rossensis in dominio nostro Hiberniae, se 
quibusdam idoneis caussis moveri ut suam Rossensem Ecclesiam Re- 
verendo patri Domino Joanni Abbati Monasterii Beatae Mariae de 
fonte vivo resignet, quibus caussis a nobis cognitis et probatis, intel- 
lectis praeterea egregiis dicti Domini Joannis virtutibus et imprimis 
praecipua modestia, probitate ac doctrina, Vestram Sanctitatem ro- 
gamus ut praedictam resignationem admittere, eundemque Dominum 
Joannem ad supradictam Eeclesiam provehere dignetur. Praeterea 
ut honestius ac decentius Episcopalem dignitatem sustinere queat, 
quouiam dictae Ecclesiae Rossensis reditus et proventus admodum 
tenues et perexiles esse cognovimus, Vestram Sanctitatem rogamus 
ut una cum eodem Episcopatu Rossensi praedictam Abbatiam S. 
Mariae cum nonnullis aliis beneficiis in commendain ei concedere dig- 
netur. Quod ut gratum nobis erit, sic eidem Ecclesiae utile futurum 
non dubitamus. Et felicissime valeat Vestra Sanctitas, etc. 

"Ex Regia nostra apud Richemontem die xvii. Julii, 1517"- 
(Theiner, Monumenta, etc., pag. 520). 

Before giving his sanction to the newly-elected bishop, Pope 
Leo ordered a consistorial investigation to be made, as was usual 
with the sees of all Catholic countries, and fortunately the minute 
of this inquiry is still preserved in the Vatican archives. We 
cull from it the following interesting particulars : 

" The city of Ross was situated in the province of Cashel, in the 
middle of a vast plain which stretched along the sea-shore. It con- 
sisted of about two hundred houses, and was encompassed with a wall. 
The country around was fertile, yielding an abundance of corn and 
fruit. In the centre of the town was the cathedral church, dedi- 
cated under the invocation of Saint Fachnan, an Irish saint, confessor, 
whose feast is celebrated on the vigil of the Assumption of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary. The walls of the church were of cut stone, 
and it had two entrances one lateral, the other in front, and in both 
you descended by three steps to the level of the church. Its floor 
was unpaved, and its roof was of wood, covered with slates. The 
interior of the church presented the form of a cross, and in size cor- 
responded with the church of S. Maria del Popolo in Rome. Its 
central nave was separated by stone pillars from the aisles. Its choir 
was of wood, and at the head of the choir was placed the high altar. 



108 The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. 

Its sacristy was well supplied with vestments and other sacred orna- 
ments. It had a mitre and crucifixes ; its chalices were of solid 
silver, some of them being gilt, and its crozier was also of silver. In 
the cemetery, outside the church, there was a belfry built in the form 
of a tower, in which there was one large bell. As for the dignitaries 
of the church, there was a Dean with a yearly income of 12 marks, 
an Archdeacon with 20 marks, and a Chancellor with 8 marks. 
There were also twelve Canons, each having a revenue of 4 marks, 
and four Vicars with a similar income. All these assist daily in 
choir, and celebrate low Mass. On the festival days a solemn Mass 
is sung. The Canons reside here and there through the diocese, 
which is twenty miles in extent. The Bishop's residence is about 
half-a-mile from the city, and is pleasantly situated on the sea-shore. 
The episcopal revenue consists of corn, tithes, and pasturage, and 
amounts annually to 60 marks. There are also twenty-four bene- 
fices in the Bishop's collation" (Theiner, Ib., pag. 528-9). 

Before the close of 1517, Dr. O'Murrily was duly proclaimed 
in consistory Bishop of Ross. He governed the see, however, 
for little more than one year, and had for his successor a Spa- 
niard named Bonaventura, of whom it is recorded that he founded 
a monastery in the small island of Dursey, which lies at the head 
of the peninsula between Bantry and Kenmare (O'Sullivan. 
Hist. Cath., pag. 238). This monastery and its adjoining church 
of St. Michael shared the fate of most of the monuments of our 
ancient faith during the persecution of Elizabeth, and in 1602 
was levelled to the ground. 

Of the immediately succeeding Bishops we know little more 
than the mere names. Herrera tells us that an Augustinian friar, 
by name Herphardus, was promoted to an Irish see in the con- 
sistory of 21st February, 1530. By an error of the consistorial 
copyist, that see is styled Sodorensis in Hibernia. Elsius and 
some modern writers supposed the true reading to be Ossoriensis; 
but this arbitrary substitution is irreconcilable with the history 
of the see of Ossory ; and it seems much more probable that the 
true reading of the consistorial record would be Sedes Rossensis 
in Hibernia. 

The next Bishop that we find is Dermit M'Domnuil, styled in 
the consistorial acts Dermitius Macarius^ who was appointed 
about 1540, and died in 1553. He was succeeded by Maurice 
OTihely (or Phelim), a Franciscan friar, and professor of Theo- 
logy. The following is the consistorial entry : " Die 22 Januarii 
1554 providit Sanctitas Sua Ecclesiae Rossensi in Hibernia 
vacanti per obitum Dermitii Macarii de persona D. Mauritii 
O'Fihely ord. FF. Min. et Theologiae professoris". Early in 
1559 this bishop, too, passed to his eternal reward, and his suc- 
cessor's appointment is thus registered in the same consistorial 
acts: "Die 15 Martii 1559, referente Reverendissimo Dfio. 



The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. 109 

Cardinale Pacheco fuit provisum Ecclesiae Rossensi in Hibernia 
per obitum bon. mem. Mauritii O'Phihil (O'Fihely) pastoris 
solatio destitutae de persona R. D. Mauritii Hea, presbyteri 
Hiberni". 

Dr. O'Hea for less than two years ruled the diocese of Ross, 
and in the consistory of 17th December, 1561, Dr. Thomas 
O'Herlihy was appointed to the vacant see : " Die 17 Decembris 
1561, referente Cardinale Morono Sua Sanctitas providit ecclesiae 
Rossensi in Hibernia per obitum bon. mem. Mauritii O'Hea extra 
Romanam curiam defuncti, vacanti, de persona D. Thomae 
O'Hierlahii presbyteri de nobili genere ex utroque parente 
procreati, vita ac scientia idonei, in curia praesentis, quern pater 
David sacerdos Soc. Jesu in Hibernia existens suis litteris com- 
mendavit, cum retentione beneficiorum competentium et jurium 
quae obtinet". 

It would require a much longer article than our present limits 
allow, to give an adequate idea of the sufferings and zealous labours 
of this illustrious confessor of our holy faith. He was a native 
of the parish of Kilmacabea, and many members of his family 
were reckoned amongst the ancient dynasts of the district. Being 
consecrated in Rome, he hastened to take part in the deliberations 
of the council of Trent ; and in the metrical catalogue of the 
bishops of that sacred assembly we find him described as being 
in the flower of his age and adorned with the comeliness of every 
episcopal virtue. Towards the close of 1563 he landed on the 
Irish coast, anxious to share the perils of his faithful flock and to 
guard them against the many dangers by which they were now 
menaced. O' Sullivan attests that " his labours were incredible 
in preaching against heresy, administering the sacraments, and 
ordaining youthful Levites for the sanctuary". After some time, 
however, he was seized on by the emissaries of Elizabeth, and 
thrown into the dungeons of London, where, for three years and 
seven months, he was the companion in suffering of the renowned 
Archbishop of Armagh, Dr. Creagh. After his liberation, he 
continued his apostolical labours throughout the whole kingdom. 
Many important commissions from the Holy See were confided 
to him, as may be seen in the Hibernia Dominicana and else- 
where. A Vatican paper of 1578, reckoning the strenuous up- 
holders of the Catholic cause in Ireland, mentions amongst others 
" Episcopus Rossensis doctus qui interfuit Concilio Tridentino" ; 
but adds that he was then " an exile from his see". Many other 
particulars connected with this holy bishop, may be seen in Intro- 
duction to the Lives of the Archbishops of Dublin, page 137. It is 
the tradition of the country that he died in prison : however, 
Wadding and Ware inform us that he died in the territory of 
Muskerry, and was interred in the convent of Kilchree, The 



110 The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. 

day of his death has, also, been happily transmitted to us ; it was 
the llth of March, 1580; or, according to the old computation, 
the 1st of March, 1579. 

His successor was without delay appointed by the Holy See, 
but owing to the destruction of the monuments of our Church, 
his name has not come down to us. He is thus commemorated 
in 1583 by the English agent in Italy: " In April there came 
from Rome to Naples an Irishman, whom the Pope created 
Bishop of Ross in Ireland" (Letter of Francis Touker to Lord 
Burghley, 22nd July, 1583). He is also mentioned by the Bishop 
of Killaloe, Dr. Cornelius O'Mulrian, in a letter addressed from 
Lisbon to Rome, on the 29th October, 1584: " Episcopus Lime- 
ricensis et Episcopus Rossensis postquam venerant Romam in 
curia Regis Hispaniarum degunt" (Etc Archiv. Vatic) No 
further particulars connected with this Bishop of Ross have come 
down to us. He had for his successor the renowned Owen 
M'Egan, who with the title and authority of Vicar- Apostolic of 
this see was sent to our island by Pope Clement VIII. in 1601. 
A bull of the same Pontiff granting some minor benefices to the 
game Owen M'Egan in 1595, is preserved in the Hibernia Pacata, 
page 670. In it he is described as a priest of the diocese of 
Cork, bachelor in Theology, master of arts and " most com- 
mendable for his learning, moral conduct, and manifold virtues". 
Towards the close of the century he undertook a journey to 
Spain to procure aid for Florence M'Carthy and the other con- 
federate princes of the South: and he himself on arriving in 
Ireland as Vicar- Apostolic in 1601, shared all the privations and 
dangers of the Catholic camp. At length, as Wadding informs 
us, he was mortally wounded while attending the dying soldiers, 
and on the 5th January, 1602-3, passed to his eternal reward. 
The hatred borne to him by the agents of Elizabeth is the best 
proof of his disinterestedness and zeal. His death, says the 
author of Hibernia Pacata, " was doubtlessly more beneficial 
to the state than to have secured the head of the most capital 
rebel in Munster" (page 662). 

As regards the Bishops nominated by the civil power, we find 
one commemorated during Henry's reign. So little, however, is 
known about him, and that little belonging to a period when a 
canonically appointed Bishop held the see, that even Protestant 
historians scarcely allow him a place amongst the bishops of 
Ross. During Elizabeth's reign Dr. O'Herlihy was indeed de- 
prived of the temporalities of the see in 1570, yet no Protestant 
occupant was appointed till 1582. Sir Henry Sidney wrote to 
her Majesty in 1576, soliciting this bishopric for a certain Cor- 
nelius, but his petition was without effect. Lyons was more suc- 
cessful; he not only obtained the see of Ross in 1582, but sub- 



The Diocese of Ross in the Sixteenth Century. Ill 

sequently annexed to it the dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. The 
following extract contains the local tradition regarding the re- 
ception given to this Protestant Bishop, and has been kindly 
supplied by a priest of the diocese, whose parish was, in early 
times, the theatre of the apostolate of many a distinguished saint 
of our Irish Church : 

" Lyons was an apostate from the beginning ; he went to England 
and acknowledged the Queen's supremacy, and was left in quiet pos- 
session of the revenues of the diocese till his death, a period of about 
thirty-five years. On his return from England he was deserted by 
his clergy, who secreted all the plate connected with the cathedral 
and monastery, as also the bells, and chimes of bells, all solid silver, 
which were then valued at 7,000. The commissioners subsequently 
hanged all the aged friars that remained, on pretence that they 
knew where the above-named property was concealed, and refused to 
reveal it. At all events, the plate remained concealed, and to this day 
it never has been found. Tradition says it was all buried in the 
strand, which contains two or three hundred acres of waste, covered 
by every tide, having three feet of sand in most places, and under- 
neath a considerable depth of turf mould". 

The account here given of the diocesan plate is certainly con- 
firmed by the consistorial record already cited in the beginning 
of this article. Whilst, however, the clergy thus resolved to 
remove the sacred plate at least from the grasp of the Protestant 
prelate, the people were determined that the old Catholic epis- 
copal mansion should not be contaminated by his presence. The 
commissioners of the crown in 1615, report that he found no 
house on his arrival in his see of Ross, " but only a place to 
build one on". They further add, that he, without delay, built 
a fine house for himself which cost 300, but even this " in three 
years was burnt down by the rebel O'Donovan" (Records of 
Ross, etc., iii.-50). It will suffice to mention one other fact con- 
nected with his episcopal career. In Rymer we find a patent 
dated 12th June, 1595, and amongst others it is addressed to our 
Protestant dignitary, commissioning him " to consider and find 
out ways and means to people Munster with English inhabitants". 
'Rym., torn. 16, pag. 276. 

P. F. M. 



112 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

THE RULE OF ST. CARTHACH. 
(OB. A.D. 636.) 

[The learned O'Curry, in his eighteenth lecture on the MSS. materials of Irish 
History, when enumerating the Ecclesiastical manuscripts, gives the second place 
to the ancient monastic rules. He says (page 373-4) : 

"The second class of these religious remains consists of the Ecclesiastical and 
MONASTIC RULES. Of these we have ancient copies of eight in Dublin; of which 
six are in verse, and two in prose ; seven in vellum MSS., and one on paper. 

" Of the authenticity of these ancient pieces there can be no reasonable doubt ; 
the language, the style, and the matter, are quite in accordance with the times of 
the authors. It is hardly necessary to say that they all recite and inculcate the 
precise doctrines and discipline of the Catholic Church in Erinn, even as it is at 
this day. 

" It would, as you must at once see, be quite inconsistent with the plan of these 
introductory Lectures to enter into details of compositions of this kind; and I shall 
therefore content myself by placing before you a simple list of them in the chrono- 
logical order of their authors, and with a very few observations on their character 
by way of explanation. . . , 

" The fifth in chronological order is the Rule of St. Carthach, who was familiarly 
called Mochuda. He was the founder of the ancient ecclesiastical city of Raithm 
[near Tullamore, in the present King's County], and of the famous city of Lis MOT 
[Lismore, in the present county of Waterford] ; he died at the latter place on the 
14th day of May, in the year 636. 

" This is a poem of 580 lines, divided into sections, each addressed to a different 
object or person. The first division consists of eight stanzas or 32 lines, inculcating 
the love of God and our neighbour, and the strict observance of the command- 
ments of God, which are set out generally both in word and in spirit. The second 
section consists of nine stanzas, or 36 lines, on the office and duties of a bishop. 
The third section consists of twenty stanzas, or 80 lines, on the office and duties of 
the abbot of a church. The fourth section consists of seven stanzas, or 28 lines, on 
the office and duties of a priest. The fifth section consists of twenty-two stanzas, 
or 88 lines, minutely describing the office and duties of a father confessor, as well 
in his general character of an ordinary priest, as in his particular relation to his 
penitents. The sixth section consists of nineteen stanzas, or 76 lines, on the life 
and duties of a monk. The seventh section consists of twelve stanzas, or 48 lines, 
on the life and duties of the C6lidh Dtf, or Culdees. The eighth section consists 
of thirty stanzas, or 120 lines, on the rule and order of the refectory, prayers, ablu- 
tions, vespers, and the feasts and fasts of the year. The ninth and last section 
consists of nineteen stanzas, or 76 lines, on the duties of the kingly office, and the 
evil consequences that result to king and people from their jieglect^or^unfaithful 
discharge". 

Among the manuscripts of Professor O'Curry in the Catholic University, there 
are two lives of the holy author of this rule. One of these lives is hi Irish ; the 
other a translation from the Irish. 

We publish to-day about one-half of the " Rule", the remainder, with any notes 
deemed necessary for its elucidation, shall appear in our next number.] 

" Incipit the Regulum (sic) of (St.) Mochuda , Preaching the 
Commandments to Every Person". 

1. This is the way to come to the kingdom of the Lord, 

Jesus, the all-powerful ! 
That God be loved by every soul, 
Both in heart and in deed. 



The Rule of St. Carthach. 113 

2. To love him with all your strength, 

It is not difficult if you be prudent ; 
The love of your neighbour along with that, 
The same as you love yourself. 

3. Thou shalt not adore idols, 

Because of the great Lord ; 
Thou shalt not offend thy Creator 
By improper pride. 

4. Give honour unto thy parents, 

Give submission to the king, 
And to every one who is higher 
And who is older in life. 

5. Give honour unto the Abbot, 

The Son of Mary never-failing ; 
Thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not conceal, 
Thou shalt not kill any one. 

6. Thou shalt not be covetous of the world, 

Nor of ill-gotten gain ; 

Thou shalt not bear false evidence against any one, 
Thou shalt bring bitterness to none. 

7. What thou wouldst desire from all men 

For thyself, of every good, 
Do thou that to every one, 

That you may reach the kingdom. 

8. What thou wouidst not desire for thyself 

Of injury that is evil, 
For no person shalt thou desire it 
As long as thou art in the body. 

FOB A BISHOP. 

9. If you be a bishop of noble order, 

Assume thy government in full ; 
Be thou obedient to Christ, without guile ; 
Let all others be obedient to thee. 

10. Heal the difficult disorders 

By the power of the pure Lord, 
And conciliate the lay multitudes- 
Check the noble kings. 

11. Be thou the vigilant shepherd 

Over the laity and over the Church ; 
Be orthodox in thy teaching, 
Be stimulative, be pleasant. 

12. To subdue the wicked, 

Who love the doing of evil, 
To magnify every truth, 
Is what is due of thee. 



114 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

13. Thou ehalt know the Holy Scripture 

At the time that thou takest orders, 
Because thou art a stepson of the Church 
If thou art deficient and ignorant. 

14. For, every unwise man is ignorant 

This is the truth and the right 
Of the Lord he is not the representative, 
He who reads not the Law. 

15. To condemn all heresy, all wickedness, 

To thee, of a truth, belongs ; 
There shall not, then, be evil in thyself, 
In word or in deed. 

16. Rising* shall not be made for thee, 

Nor shalt thou be obeyed ; 
If you be meek with these, 
You will be guilty yourself. 

17. For it is certain that you shall pay, 

When the great assemblage comes, 
Along with your own transgressions, 

The sin of every one who is under your government. 

FOE THE ABBOT OF A CHURCH. 

18. If you be the chief of a church, 

It is a noble distinction ; 
It shall be well for you if you worthily assume 

The representativeship of THB KING. 
19. If you be the chief of a church, 

It is a noble distinction ; 
Administer with justice the church, 

From the least to the greatest. 
20. That which Christ, the All-pure, commands, 

Preach unto them in full ; 
And what you command unto others, 

Be it what you perform yourself. 
2L The same as you love your own soul, 

Do you love the souls of all others ; 
'T is thine to promote all good, 

And to banish all evil. 

22. Not like a candle under a bushel, 

Shall be thy learning without cloud ; 
Thine it is to heal all thy hosts, 
Be they weak, or be they powerful. 

23. It is thine to judge each according to his rank, 

And according to his deeds, 

* To stand up in reverence at his approach. 



The Rule of St. Cartkach. 115 

That they may accompany thee at the Judgment, 
In the presence of THE KING. 

24. It is thine to exhort the aged, 

Upon whom have fallen disease and grief, 
That they beseech the Son of THE KING 
With torrents of gushing tears. 

25. It is thine to instruct the young people, 

That they come not to evil 
That the dark demon drag them not 
Into the stinking death-house. 

26. It is thine to return thanks 

To every one in turn 
Who performs his work 
In the holy, pure Church. 

27. It is thine to reprove the silly, 

To rebuke the hosts, 
To convert the disorderly to order, 
And the stubborn wretched ignorant. 

28. Patience, humility, prayers, 

Fast and cheerful abstinence, 
Steadiness, modesty, calmness, 
From thee besides are due. 

29. To teach all men in truth 

Is no trifling achievement ; 
Unity, forgiveness, purity, 
Rectitude in all that is moral. 

30. Constant in preaching the Gospel 

For the instruction of all persons ; 
The sacrifice of the body of the great Lord 
Upon the holy altar. 

31. One who does not observe these 

Upon this earthly world, 
Is not the heir of the Church, 
But he is the enemy of God 

32. He is a thief and a robber: 

So declares THE KING ; 
It is through the side of the Church, 
Should he enter into it. 

33. He is wild, like unto a doe, 

He is an enemy all hateful ; 
It is he that seizes by force 
The Queen of the Great King. 

34. After having seized her by force, 

It is then he devours her ; 
He is the enemy of truth ; 

He is manifested in his concealment. 



116 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

35. I do not myself think 

(It is true, and no falsehood) 
That the land of the living he shall reach, 
He who gives her unto him. 

36. It were better for the young priest 

To seek the pure Christ; 
He cannot be in unity with us 

Until he submits to obedience and law. 

37. Those who are of one mind 

To violate the king, 

Shall be together punished in the pains of hell 
Unto all eternity. 

OF THE DUTIES OF A PEIEST. 

38. If you be a priest, you will be laborious ; 

You must not speak but truth ; 
Noble is the order which you have taken, 
To offer up the body of THE KING. 

39. It is better for you that you be not unwise ; 

Let your learning be correct : 
Be mindful, be well informed 
In rule and in law. 

40. Let thy baptism be lawful 

Such does a precious act require ; 
Noble is thy cooperative man, 
The Holy Spirit from heaven. 

41. If you go to give communion 

At the awful point of death, 
You must receive confession 

Without shame, without reserve. 

42. Let him receive your Sacrament, 

If his body bewails : 
The penitence is not worthy 
Wnich turns not from evil. 

43. If you will assume the order 

For it is a great deed 
Thy good will shall be to all men 
In word and in deed. 

44. Excepting unrighteous people, 

Who love their evil ways ; 
To these thou shalt never offer it 
Until the day of thy death. 

OF THE DUTIES OF A SOUL'S FRIEND WHO TAKES 
UNTO HIM PENITENTS HERE. 

45. If you be any body's soul's friend, 

His soul thou shalt not sell ; 



The Rule of St. Carthach. 117 

Thou shalt not be a blind leading a blind, 
Thou shalt not allow him to fall into neglect. 

46. Let them give thee their confessions 

Candidly and devoutly; 
Receive not their alms 

If they be not directed by thee. 

47. Though you receive their offerings, 

They [the offerings] abide not in thy love ; 
Let them be as if fire upon thy body, 

Until you have distributed them in your might. 

48. Of fasting and praying 

Pay thou their price ; 
If you do not you shall pay 
For the sins of the host. 

49. Teach thou the ignorant, 

That they bend to thy obedience ; 
Let them not come into sin 
In imitation of thyself. 

50. For sake of gifts be not false, 

By denial, by penuriousness ; 
For thy soul to thee is more precious 
By far than the gifts. 

51. You will give them to the strangers, 

Be they powerful, or be they weak ; 
You will give them to the poor people, 
From whom you expect no reward. 

52. You will give them to old people, 

To widows 't is no falsehood ; 
You will not give them to the sinners, 
Who have already ample gifts. 

53. You will give them in real distress, 

To every one in turn, 
Without ostentation, without boasting, 
For 't is in that their virtue lies. 

54. To sing the requiems 

Is thine by special right, 
To each canonical hour, 

In which the bells are rung. 

55. When you come to the celebration, 

The men of earth in all faith 
You will there contemplate, 
And not each in turn. 

56. Mass upon lawful days, 

Sunday along with Thursday, 
If not upon every day, 

To banish every wickedness. 



118 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

57. It is lawful, too, in solemnities 

I should almost have said 
The feast of an apostle or noble martyr, 
The festivals of pure believers. 

58. Masses for all the Christians, 

And for all those in orders ; 
Masses for the multitudes, 

From the least unto the greatest. 

59. For every one who merits it, 

Before you offer it for all, 
And who shall merit 

From this day until the Judgment comes. 

60. When you come unto the Mass 

It is a noble office 

Let there be penitence of heart, shedding of tears, 
And throwing* up of the hands, 

61. Without salutation, without inquiry, 

With meekness, with silence, 
With forgiveness of all ill-will 
That is, shall be, or has been ; 

62. With peace with every neighbour, 

With very great dread, 
With confession of vices, 
When you come to receive. 

63. Two hundred genuflexions at the Beata 

Every day perpetually ; 
To sing the three times fifty 
Is an indispensable practice. 

64. If you are desirous of preserving the Faith 

Under the government of a pure spirit, 
You shall not eat, you shall not sleep 
With a layman in a house. 

65. There shall be no permanent love in thy heart 

But the love of God alone ; 
For pure is the Body which thou receivest, 
Purely must thou go to receive it. 

66. He who observes all this, 

Which in the Scripture is found, 
Is a priest it is his privilege ; 

May he be not privileged and unworthy. 

[TO BE CONTINUED.] 



lam. 



The Irish Church Establishment. 119 



THE IRISH CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT. 

Is Good News from Ireland True ? Remarks on the position and prospects of the 
Irish Church Establishment. By H. S. Cunningham, of the Inner Temple, 
Barrister-at-Law. London, Longman, 1864 ; pp. 45. 

Autumn leaves do not fall in Vallombrosa more frequent than 
the invectives which, for the last thirty years, have been constantly 
directed against the Irish Church Establishment. Men of views 
the most unlike, have contributed their share to this hostile lite- 
rature. Lord Normanby and Count Cavour present very dissi- 
milar types of mind and feeling, and yet both are of accord 
in condemning the Establishment in Ireland. Lord Palmerston 
and Mr. Disraeli see things from opposite standpoints, and yet 
neither of them has praise to bestow upon it. Every species of 
composition which could be employed as a weapon of offence 
has been made to tell the wrath of men against the monster 
grievance. This rich variety of arguments against the Establish- 
ment has its advantage and its disadvantage. It is, no doubt, an 
advantage that light should be poured in upon every side of a 
question so important. But it is a disadvantage to discover the 
question to have so many sides, that it becomes a task to master 
them all. It is not our present purpose to increase the literature 
of this subject by adding another to the already large list of attacks 
of which we have spoken above. Our object is rather to set forth 
the one argument against the Establishment, which, upon an ana- 
lysis of that literature, is found to underlie all the others. If we 
consider the various charges against the Law-Church in Ireland 
mainly in reference to what they have in common, we discover 
that they are, generally speaking, modifications of this one objec- 
tion, viz., that the Irish Establishment is an unjust application 
of state funds. No doubt there are other and more solemn rea- 
sons to be urged against it. No Catholic can be indifferent 
to the presence within it of that poison of error which robs 
the Church of so many children, and Heaven of so many souls. 
Judged upon grounds such as these, it is already condemned. 
But the struggle is now mainly transferred to a field other than 
that of religious principles. We base our objections against the 
Establishment on this that it is a political and social injustice. 
We cannot expect all to agree with us in believing the Estab- 
lishment to be a fountain of erroneous doctrine ; but Mr. Cun- 
ningham's little work, named at the head of this article, is an 
excellent proof that right-minded men, of whatever creed, will 
join us in protesting against it as a political and social wrong. 
The proof that the Established Church is an unjust application 
of state funds may be stated thus : 

The State has some six hundred thousand pounds to administer 



120 The Irish Church Establishment. 

every year in the religious interests of the population of Ireland. 
Of that population, seventy-seven per cent, are Catholics, the 
remainder belonging to various sects of Protestantism. The 
State, when it does not persecute, at least completely ignores the 
religion of the seventy-seven per cent., and gives that enormous 
sum of the public money of the country to the religion of the re- 
maining fraction of the population. Can any injustice be more 
flagrant than this ? 

The force of this argument rests on two assertions: One, 
that the Catholics have an immense numerical majority over the 
Protestants ; the other, that an enormous sum of public money 
is squandered upon the Establishment. If these assertions can 
be once proved, the argument is simply crushing in its conclu- 
siveness. Now, the proof of these assertions is easy, and cannot 
be too often repeated to the Catholics of Ireland. 

On the 17th of April, 1861, the resident population of Ire- 
land were taken as follows : 

Members of the Established Church, 11.9 percent. 
Roman Catholics, . . . 77.7 

Presbyterians, . .9.0 

Methodists, .... 0.8 
Independents, Baptists, and Quakers, 0.1 
All other persuasions, . .0.3 

Thus out of a total population of 5,798,900, there were in 
round numbers, Catholics, four millions and a half; Protestants 
of all denominations, rather more than a million and a quarter. 
In Connaught the Catholics are 94.8 per cent, of the inhabitants ; 
in Munster, 93 ; in Leinster, 85 ; in Ulster, 50 per cent. The 
Presbyterians in Ulster are 26.3 per cent, of the whole popula- 
tion. In none of the other provinces do they reach one per cent. 

" The Established Church ranges from 38.4 per cent, in the county 
of Fermanagh^ its highest level, to 2 per cent, in Clare. In Armagh 
it numbers 30 per cent. ; in the suburbs of Dublin 35 per cent. ; in 
the counties of Dublin, Wicklow, Antrim, and Londonderry, between 
15 and 20 per cent. ; in King's and Queen's counties, Cavan, Carlow, 
Kildare, Donegal, Monaghan, and the City of Cork, between 10 and 
15; in the counties of Longford, Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Wex- 
ford, Cork, Tipperary (North Riding), Leitrim, and Sligo, and in the 
cities of Kilkenny, Limerick, and Waterford, members of the Estab- 
lishment are between 5 and 10 per cent. ; in the counties of Kilkenny, 
Limerick, the South Riding of Tipperary, Kerry, Roscommon, and 
the town of Galway, the per-centage is between 3 and 5 ; while in the 
counties of Waterford, Galway, and Mayo it is between 2 and 3, 
sinking at last to 2 per .cent, in Clare. 

" The Roman Catholic population has decreased by very nearly two 
millions, from 6,430,000 to 4,500,000. The dioceses where the loss 



The Irish Church Establishment. 121 

has been greatest have been those of Tuam, Killaloe, Meath, Elphin, 
and Cloyne ; each of which has lost something more than one-third 
of its Catholic inhabitants. Achonry has escaped with the loss of 
one-thirtieth, Waterford of that of one-eleventh, while the two Dio- 
ceses of Dublin and Connor have the rare distinction of showing a 
slight increase in numbers. In nine dioceses Roman Catholics are 
between 95 and 99 per cent, of the total population ; in ten they 
range between 90 and 95 ; in four, between 85 and 90 ; in one, be- 
tween 80 and 85 ; in two, between 75 and 80 ; while in three their 
numbers fall as low as between 26 and 35 per cent. 

" Turning to the classification of parishes, we find that there are at 
present 199 parishes 5 less than in 1834 containing no member 
of the Established Church; 575 nearly one-fourth of the entire 
number containing more than 1 and less than 20 members; 416 
containing more than 20 and less than 50 members ; 349 where there 
are between 50 and 100 ; and 270 with between 100 and 200 mem- 
bers ; 309 between 200 and 300; 141 between 500 and 1,000; 106 
between 1,000 and 2,000 ; 53 between 2,000 and 5,000 ; 8 parishes 
only range as high as 5,000 to 10,000, and 2 between 20,000 and 
30,000. 

" The Roman Catholics have 532 parishes, to set against 53 Pro- 
testant, in which their numbers range between 2,000 and 5,000; 
133 parishes with from 5,000 to 10,000 members; 32 in which the 
numbers lie between 10,000 to 20,000 ; and 3 ranging from 20,000 
to 30,000. Of landed proprietors 4,000 are registered as Protestant 
Episcopalians, 3,500 as Roman Catholics, which seems to prove that 
a considerable area of land has now passed into the hands of Catholic 
owners, who have accordingly a good right to be heard as to the em- 
ployment of state funds, with which the soil is primarily chargeable'*. 

In face of these statistics there can be no doubt but that the 
first assertion is abundantly proved. 

As to the second, all the state aid granted to Catholics is in- 
volved in the grant to Maynooth. The Presbyterians have the 
" Regium Domini", first given by Charles II., who allowed them 
600 secret service money. William III. made it 1,200 per 
annum. In 1752 it amounted to 5,000. To-day it amounts very 
nearly to 40,000, and is capable of extension on very easy- 
terms. 

The funds of the Established Church, in round ^numbers, may 
be stated as follows : 

Annual net income of episcopal sees, . 63,000 

Revenues of suppressed sees and benefices, 
now held and administered by the Eccle- 
siastical Commissioners, . . . 117,000 
Tithe rent-charge, payable to Ecclesiastical 

persons, ..... 400,000 



580,000 

VOL. I. 9 



122 The Irish Church Establishment. 

These figures give an inadequate idea of the real riches of the 
Church. The Dublin University Magazine, quoted by Mr. 
Cunningham, says : 

"We have before us a letter from a dignitary, whose state- 
ment is, that his predecessor was twenty years in possession, that 
he leased severally to one relation after another, as each dropped 
off, the lands from which came the emoluments of his office ; and, 
finally, to his son, who for twenty years after his death is to hold the 
land for one-sixth of Griffith's valuation, which, as every one knows, 
is as a general rule twenty-five per cent, under the rental, with a 
small renewal fine. So that though this dignitary did not preach in 
any of his parishes, for he was a pluralist also, for nearly thirty years, 
and died leaving a very large sum of money, he managed to impo- 
verish his successor for the benefit of his heirs for twenty years after 
his death. Qualis artifex pereo ! must, we should imagine, have been 
the reflection of this successor of the Apostles, as he lay on his bed 
of death and reflected complacently on his literal fulfilment of the 
scriptural mandate, to provide ' for them of his own household', no 
less than for the interests of ' the Church of God' ". 

Besides this pilfering on the part of the prelates, we must not 
forget the enormous sums sent into this country to help the pro- 
selytising societies in their work. Let Mr. Cunningham give ua 
a few examples from which we may gain a fair idea of the work- 
ing of the rest. 

" The Hibernian Bible Society, established for diffusing copies of 
the Scriptures, of course in a Protestant interest, has, since 1806, 
spent 80,000 in this way, and has given away more than 3,000,000 
copies. The Primitive Wesleyan Methodist Home Missionary Society 
has for its object the propagation of the Gospel in Ireland', and em- 
ploys fifty missionary agents and upwards of fifty circuit preachers. 
The Hibernian Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society has an income 
of 137,000, 849 missionaries, 1,000 paid, and 15,000 unpaid agents, 
of whom 25 missionaries, 54 day-school teachers, and 166 Sunday 
school teachers are employed in Ireland. Besides these there are the 
Irish Evangelical Society, < for promoting the Evangelization of Ire- 
land, by the agency of ministers, evangelists, town missionaries, 
schools, etc.' ; the Parochial Visitors' Society, for enabling the clergy 
near Dublin to ' have the assistance of fit persons to act under their 
direction in matters which the spirit and constitution of the United 
Church of England and Ireland allow its clergy to depute to such 
agents' ; the Scripture Readers' Society for Ireland, with sixty-four 
readers, each with a regular district ; the Incorporated Society for 
promoting English Protestant schools in Ireland; the Islands and 
Coast Society, l for promoting the scriptural education of the inhabi- 
tants of the islands and coast' ; the Irish branch of the Evangelical 
Alliance, under the presidency of the Earl of Roden ; the Society 
for promoting the Education of the Poor in Ireland, which has edu- 
fated at its model schools in Kildare Street, 43,000 children, trained 



The Irish Church Establishment 123 

3,000 teachers, and issued a million and a half of cheap school books; 
the Church Education Society, maintained in distinct antagonism to 
the national system, and to all appearance a very formidable rival ; 
it has fifteen hundred schools in connection with it, and 74,000 chil- 
dren on its rolls, of whom, be it observed, no less than 10,000 are 
Catholics, receiving i scriptural instruction' at the hands of Protestant 
teachers, and consequently the objects of as distinct proselytism as 
can be well imagined. Then, under the presidency of the Dowager 
Duchess of Beaufort, there is the Ladies' Hibernian Female School 
Society, for 'combining a scriptural education with instruction in 
plain needlework'; Gardiner's Charity for apprenticing Protestant 
boys ; the Sunday School Society, with 2,700 schools on its books, 
2 1,000 gratuitous teachers, and 228,000 scholars; the Irish Society 
for promoting the ' scriptual education of Irish Roman Catholics' ; 
the Ladies' Irish Association, with a similar object ; Morgan's En- 
dowed School, 'for forty boys of respectable Protestant parentage'; 
Mercer's Endowed School, ' for forty girls of respectable Protestant 
parentage' ; the Protestant Society, with 430 orphans ; the Charit- 
able Protestant Orphan Union, for ' orphans who, having had only 
one Protestant parent, are therefore ineligible for the Protestant 
Orphan Society' ; and last, though not least, on the imposing cata- 
logue, the Society for Irish Church Missions to Eoman Catholics, and 
the West Connaught Endowment Fund Society". 

In addition, then, to six hundred thousand pounds of public 
money, all this enormous income is yearly spent to uphold in 
Ireland the religion of a fraction of the population ! 

It would take us too far out of our way to follow the author 
in his investigation of the results obtained by these powerful re- 
sources, especially in the west of Ireland. Let it be enough to 
say that he rejects the current stories about wholesale con- 
versions to Protestantism among the peasants of the West. But 
we cannot pass over the following remarks made by Mr. Cun- 
ningham on the handbill method of controversy adopted by the 
proselytisers. 

" After politely requesting the reader not to ' be offended on re- 
ceiving this', the handbill goes on to state that the invocations of the 
Madonna and saints are ' pronounced by the Bible to be the awful 
sin of idolatry, and that all idolaters have their place in the lake that 
burneth with fire and brimstone. Do not be hurt', continues this 
agreeable mentor, ' at this strong statement, but think ! is it true ?' 
Do not be hurt ! And this, after a summary statement that the reli- 
gion of three-fourths of the Christian world, the creed of whole gene- 
rations of the best, purest, and most devoted of mankind, the hope 
and joy in life and death of millions of humble and faithful saints 
is pronounced by the Bible to be punishable with the everlasting tor- 
ments of hell fire ! Verily, if this be the ' spirit and manner' of these 
* true Christian pastors', the less we hear of this new Reformation the 
better!" 



124 The Irish Church .Establishment. 

The charge of being a political and social injustice, which we 
have brought against the Establishment, is fully proved by what 
has hitherto been said. Even if there were no other arguments 
on which to rest our case, save the single one which we have 
developed above, it must be admitted that we have made good 
our accusation. " I hold", said Lord Palmerston in 1845, " that 
the revenues of the Church of Ireland were destined primarily 

for the religious instruction of the people of Ireland 

It is impossible, in my opinion, that the present state of things in 
Ireland, in regard to the establishments of the two sects, can be 
permanent". But there is more. Evil is ever the parent of evil ; 
and in one comprehensive injustice like the Irish Establishment 
are involved a thousand minor wrongs. The effects of these 
wrongs in Ireland, and the mischief wrought by them on our 
people, we daily see with our own eyes, and hear with our own 
ears. But to Mr. Cunningham we are indebted for a striking 
and rather novel view of the Establishment, as a source of mis- 
chief to England also. The very guilt she has incurred by the 
perpetration of so great an injustice, is, in Mr. Cunningham's 
opinion, the greatest of misfortunes. "To do wrong is a far 
greater misfortune than to endure it. No man enjoys a wrongful 
privilege, tramples on his fellow-citizens, or violates fair play, 
without forthwith incurring a moral loss, compared with which, 
any external advantage is a bauble indeed". Noble words these : 
and most refreshingly do they fall upon Catholic ears, wearied 
with the noisy utilitarian philosophy of the day. Nor does the 
Establishment confer any external or material advantage on 
England. On the contrary, it is preparing for her some grievous 
and humiliating calamity. Who sows the wind must expect to 
reap the whirlwind ; and no other harvest but calamity can pos- 
sibly be gathered from the evil seed of disaffection on one side, 
and of tyranny on the other, which the Establishment has sown 
in Ireland. Mr. Cunningham thus describes how the chronic 
disaffection of Irishmen is produced : 

u The church funds of Ireland belong, without the possibility of a 
cavil, to the Irish nation ; that nation has, from one reason or another, 
persistently refused to follow us in deserting the general creed of 
Christendom. They have clung and still cling .to their faith with 
that desperate tenacity which persecution best engenders. . . But the 
gradual abandonment of the atrocious penal code as one by one its 
provisions became revolting to the increased humanity of the age 
was a virtual confession that we gave up all hope of driving the Irish 
Catholics within the pale of our church. . . . Angry at resistance, the 
English government, cooperating with English fanaticism, set itself 
deliberately to persecute, degrade, almost destroy, those whom it could 
not succeed in converting. All has been tried, and the Establish- 
ment remains, as of old, the privilege of a powerful minority, the 



Tfie Irish Church Establishment. 125 

badge of conquest upon a prostrate race, a perpetual source of irrita- 
tion and nothing more. So far from being Protestantised, the 
Irish are already the hottest Ultramontanes in Europe, and are as- 
suming more and more the triumphant air to which their numerical 
ascendancy entitles them. There is not the ghost of a chance of Ire- 
land becoming other than she is, or of the Establishment making such 
strides as might render her present position less transparently absurd. 
The one question is this, whether we choose to perpetuate a state of 
things condemned by all statesmen as vicious in principle, and proved 
by long experience to be productive of nothing but a tyrannisiug 
temper, on the one hand, and chronic disaffection on the other. Every 
Irish peasant has sense enough to appreciate the injustice of the 
arrangement which obliges him to build his chapel, pay the priest, 
and gives his landlord a church and parson for nothing. He may be 
excused too for a feeling of annoyance, as he trudges past the empty 
parish church, supported at the public expense, to some remote chapel 
crowded with peasants, out of whose abject poverty the necessary 
funds for its support have to be wrung. He may be excused if his 
notions of fair play, equal rights, and political loyalty, are somewhat 
indistinct, and that where the law is from the outset a manifest wrong- 
doer, it should be sometimes superseded by rougher and more effective 
expedients. He is naturally a rebel, because the state proclaims her- 
self his enemy. He naturally thinks it monstrous that any proprietor 
of the soil should have it in his power to refuse the inhabitants a spot 
of ground on which to celebrate their religious rites ; that men, 
women, and children should be obliged to walk five, six, and even 
ten miles to the nearest place of worship ; that education should be 
constantly refused, except coupled with open and systematic prosely- 
tism ; that terrorism and coercion, the mean contrivances of bigotry, 
should be suffered to do their worst, without the strong hand of 
government intervening to lighten the blow, or provide means of 
protection" pages 28, 29. 

All this is well said : nor is the author less happy in his des- 
cription of the tyrannising temper which it fosters on the part 
of the Protestants. 

" And if the Establishment works ill as regards the Catholic masses, 
its effects on the privileged minority seem to us scarcely less disas- 
trous. It engenders a tone of arrogant, violent, uncharitable bigotry, 
which happily is unknown in this country beyond the precincts of 
Exeter Hall and the columns of the ' religious' newspapers. Indeed, 
we have only to turn to i Good News from Ireland', to assure our- 
selves of the detestable temper in which these modern Keformers set 
about the process of evangelisation, and of the extraordinary hardi- 
hood of assertion by which their ministrations are characterised. The 
creed of an Irish peasant may be superstitious where is the peasant 
whose creed is anything else ? but religion in Ireland has at any rate, 
in the true spirit of Christianity, found its way to the wretched, the de- 
graded, the despairing : it has refined, comforted, ennobled those whom 



126 The Irish Church Establishment. 

external circumstances seemed expressly designed to crush them into 
absolute brutality. The Irish peasant is never the mere animal that 
for centuries English legislators tried to make him. He is a trouble- 
some subject, indeed, and has a code of his own as to the ' wild jus- 
tice' to which the oppressed may, in the last instance, resort ; but in 
the domestic virtues, chastity, kindliness, hospitality, he stands, at 
least, as well as English or Scotch of the same condition in life. As 
regards domestic purity, indeed, Ireland, by universal confession, 
rises as much above the ordinary standard as Scotland falls below it : 
and as regards intemperance, there has been in Ireland of late years 
a marked improvement, for which unhappily no counterpart is to be 
found in any other part of the United Kingdom. Yet we are gravely 
invited to believe, on the testimony of a few hot-brained fanatics, 
that the whole Catholic system in Ireland is one vast conspiracy 
against piety, happiness, and civilisation. .... 

" That Protestants are perfectly well aware of the mortification 
entailed upon their Catholic fellow-subjects by the existing state of 
things, and regard it with complacent acquiescence, is not the least 
painful feature of the case. The Irish Church is bad, not only in 
itself, but as being the last of a long series of oppressions which 
fear, passion, or necessity have at various times led the English to 
inflict upon their feeble neighbour. There have been periods when 
the deliberate idea of even intelligent politicians was, that the 
one population should exterminate the other; and Burke has 
pointed out how the religious animosities, which seem now the 
great cause of dispute, are in reality only a new phase of far earlier 
hostility, grounded originally on conquest, and strengthened by the 
cruelties which conquest involved. It is to some such fierce mood, 
traditionally familiar to the ruling race, that an institution so unjust 
in principle, so troublesome in practice, so incurably barren of all 
useful result, can appeal for sanction and support. The blind and 
almost ferocious bigotry of Irish Presbyterians is owing, one would 
fain hope, less to personal temperament than to the tastes and convic- 
tions of a ruder age, embodied in evil customs and a conventionally 
violent phraseology. And the same is more or less true of their 
Episcopalian brethren. It is from the calmer feelings and more dis- 
criminating judgment of the English nation that any remedial mea- 
sure is expected" pages 33-37. 

We have nothing to add to this. Every Catholic will recog- 
nize the truth of the picture thus ably drawn. Our obligations 
to Mr. Cunningham do not, however, end here. There is still 
another lesson which, although lie does not mean to teach it, we 
are glad to learn from him. It is this. Speaking of the paid 
clergy of the Establishment, he says : 

"So far from assisting the government in its schemes, they are 
often among its bitterest opponents. Dr. Cullen himself is hardly 
more hostile to the National Education System than these paid officials 
of the state, for whom the one possible excuse would be an unflinch- 



Ancient Religious Foundations of Ardagh. 127 

ing support of state measures. The Church Education Society num- 
bers something like two-thirds of the Established clergy among its 
adherents, and is one of the most serious difficulties with which at 
present the cause of National Education has to contend. What shall 
be done with these spaniels that forget to cringe, but bark and snap 
at the hand that feeds them? Might they not, at any rate, be 
scourged and starved into a more submissive mood ?" page 43. 

These words reveal to us the position which men of the world 
would expect a clergy paid by the state to assume towards the 
state. From being ministers of God, they are to become paid offi- 
cials of the state ; from being the stewards of things divine, they 
are to recommend themselves to their masters by an unflinching 
support of the state measures. And if conscience should at any 
time call upon them to refuse the support demanded at their 
hands, the government has the power and the will to scourge 
and starve them into a more submissive mood. What a practi- 
cal commentary does Mr. Cunningham here offer on the words 
used by Mgr. Brancadoro,* in declining the pension offered by 
the British Government in 1805 ! Better, far better, poverty with 
the liberty of the sanctuary, than rich endowments with slavery. 
We demand the abolition of the Establishment on the broad 
grounds of social equality and justice, and not because we wish 
to enrich ourselves with its spoils. We are rich enough in the 
love of that noble Irish race, than which none other ever gave 
more blessed consolation to the ministers of Christ. 



ANCIENT RELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS OF ARDAGII. 

i. 

SAINT BRIGID'S DOMINICAN CONVENT, LONGFORD. 

THE early history of the See of Ardagh is involved in much 
obscurity and some little confusion. After Saint Mel, its first 
bishop, and Melchuo, his brother and successor, for several cen- 
turies there is little available information of the state of the dio- 
cese, the succession of its bishops, or the condition of its religious 
foundations. For the most p^art, up to the twelfth century, we 
find only the names of the bishops, of which the meagre list is 
very incomplete and defective ; in some instances whole centuries 
are passed over, of which we have no published record at all. 

In the absence of other ecclesiastical monuments, the history 
of this See, like many others, can be traced only in a fragmentary 
manner, as it is found mixed up with the history of the several 



I. E. RECORD, No. II., page 50-55. 



128 Ancient Religious Foundations of Ardagh. 

religious houses scattered over it, or as it may be unravelled from 
the various legends and traditions connected with them. These 
Religious foundations were numerous in Ardagh, and some of 
them rank among the most ancient in the island; thus, in the 
Tripartite Life of Saint Patrick, we find that the two daughters 
of the Saint's old master, Milcho, after the death of their father, 
took the veil in the convent of Augustin nuns, founded by Saint 
Patrick at Cluain Bronach, near Granard in Teffia (Clonbroney, 
County Longford), which must, therefore, have been one of the 
most ancient foundations for Religious women in Ireland. Time, 
and the hand of the spoiler have dealt hardly with these old houses, 
and few traces can be found of them to-day. The same may be 
said even of those more modern ones, which, like the Dominican 
Convent of Saint Brigid, Longford, or the Cistercian Abbey of 
Saint Mary, Granard, border more nearly on the times of authen- 
tic and known history. 

In the spoliations of Henry and Elizabeth, the convent lands 
were granted away to laymen, and the edifices either razed to the 
ground, or perverted to the uses of the new creed. The few that 
escaped confiscation were soon deserted under the penal and re- 
lentless persecution that followed, and the departing Religious 
carried with them the records of most of our old foundations, 
which, if existing, are now to be found only in the MSS. of the 
Munich, Barberini, Vatican, and other continental libraries. Yet, 
from the earliest foundation of Saint Mel, at Ardagh, or of Saint 
Columba, in Innismore, Lough Gowna, down to the latest con- 
vent in the islands of Lough Ree, each has its story, its legends 
and traditions, which we, perhaps, may live to tell. Of some ex- 
tensive ruins still remain, and about their ivied walls there clings 
many an old legend and oft-told tradition, that yet may help to 
clear up the obscure history of those times. In many instances, 
however, we must confess, that few vestiges have escaped the 
ruthless hand of the spoiler, and save a few crumbling ivy- 
covered walls, and the green mounds that mark the last resting 
place of their dead, there is little left, either of storied arch or 
cloistered aisle to tell of the extent of the edifices, or of the zeal 
and labours of the pious souls who dwelt within them. 

The Dominican Convent of Saint Brigid, at Longford, was one 
of the most modem of the religious foundations of Ardagh, 
having been founded by one of the O'Ferralls in 1400. A 
sketch of its history will, however, serve as a first contribution 
towards the early history of that ancient church, and may per- 
haps prove interesting to the reader, as from local circumstances 
it has been to us. 

O'Heyne tells us, " This convent was built for the Dominicans 
in 1400, by O'Ferrall, a very illustrious, ancient, and, for those 



Ancient Religious Foundations of ArdagJi. 129 

times, powerful dynast of Annaly". Harris, in his edition of 
Sir James Ware's A ntiquities, distinctly names Cornelius O'Fer- 
rall, the Dominican Bishop of Ardagh, as the founder. De 
Burgo, in his Hibernia Dominicana, from which most of our in- 
formation is taken, shows that in the year 1400, in which the 
Convent of Saint Brigid was founded, Adam Lyons, a Dominican 
Friar, succeeded Gilbert MacBrady in the See of Ardagh ; that 
Adam Lyons died in 1416, and was succeeded by Cornelius 
O'Ferrall, who was consecrated in February, 1418, when the 
Convent of Saint Brigid had been built and inhabited nearly 
eighteen years. Hence, it is very clear, that if Cornelius O'Fer- 
rall was the founder, it must have been before his consecration 
as bishop, and very probably before his admission to Religion as 
a Dominican. It is not improbable that, like others of his name, 
he was dynast of Annaly before he assumed the mitre of Ardagh, 
and that having in his boyhood been a pupil of the Dominicans, 
as we learn from the Bull of his consecration, he had founded this 
convent for them long before he thought of joining the order 
himself. 

Cornelius O'Ferrall died, " celebrated for his liberality to the 
poor", as Ware tells us, for which he was popularly known by 
the name " Eleemosynarius > \ or the " Almsgiver", and he was 
buried in the Abbey of Saint Brigid in 1424. The family of 
the O'Ferralls made repeated and ample grants to the convent, 
and, after the example of Bishop Cornelius, made the abbey their 
family burial place. 

The church attached to the convent stood on the site now oc- 
cupied by the Protestant parochial church of Longford, on the 
north side of the river Camlin. From it a raised causeway or 
road led through the meadows by the river side, to the coeno- 
bium, or convent proper, which stood on the opposite, or south 
side of the river, about a quarter of a mile distant. This church 
was destroyed by fire, and the convent reduced to ruins in 1428. 
The extent and character of this first convent may be gathered 
from O'Heyne, who says, it was a most extensive and magnificent 
structure, as shown by the magnitude of the ruins still remaining 
in his day (1750). The importance and influence which, in a 
very few years, the abbey had been able to attain, may be in- 
ferred from the fact, that Bulls were issued by several popes, 
granting indulgences to the faithful who would contribute to its 
restoration. 

Of these the Bull of Martin V., March 1429, informs us, that 
the convent was of the " Strict Observance". From the Bull of 
Eugene IV., March, 1433, in the relation of the motives for 
granting the Indulgence, we learn the character and extent of 
the disaster which had befallen Saint Brigid's. " In consequence 



130 Ancient Religious Foundations of Ardayl*. 

of the wars prevailing in these parts, especially during the last 
six. years, the church of St. Brigid at Longford had been de- 
stroyed by fire, and all the other buildings of the convent re- 
duced to ruins. The necessary ornaments for decent celebra- 
tion of divine worship were wanting, and the Religious had been 
of necessity compelled to pass to other houses". In a second 
Bull of the same pope, July 1438, we are told, " the Church of 
Saint Brigid had been consumed by fire, and most of the convent 
buildings laid in ruins". The devastation is thus in some sort 
limited, which in the first was described as total. 

The church was rebuilt, and the convent restored, but not at 
all on the same scale of magnificence that O'Heyne so extols in 
the first. For several centuries, however, it continued to exer- 
cise a great influence on religion in the district, and to send forth 
able, fervent, and illustrious pupils, to maintain and defend the 
faith, at home and abroad. Thus we find Doctor Gregory 
O'Ferrall, an alumnus of Saint Brigid's, Provincial of Ireland in 
1644. Afterwards we find him lending energetic aid to the con- 
federate Catholics at Kilkenny. When the treachery and in- 
trigues of Ormond had seduced the Catholic chiefs into a de- 
ceitful peace, without any guarantee for the free exercise of their 
religion, the name of the Dominican provincial Gregory O'Fer- 
rall is one of the signatures to the spirited and indignant protest 
of the national synod convened at Waterford in 1646, by the 
celebrated John Baptist Rinuccini, to condemn the conduct of 
the men who had agreed to such a peace, at once unjust, ini- 
quitous, and pernicious to the Catholic cause, which they had 
sworn to defend. " Gregory O'Ferrall", says O'Heyne, " was a 
man of most meek and mortified appearance, and was esteemed 
by the people a mirror of every virtue". He died in 1672. 

Anthony O'Molloy, another alumnus of Saint Brigid's, was 
about the same time procurator-general of the Dominicans in 
Ireland. For about forty years he discharged, with wonderful 
zeal and ability, the dangerous duty of conducting the newly- 
professed Dominicans of Ireland to Spain, and then aiding and 
directing their return after the completion of their ecclesiastical 
studies. This was at the time penal, and the delicate and diffi- 
cult task was performed at the constant risk of his life. His la- 
bours, however, were crowned with singular success. He was 
known by the name of Father Antony of the Rosary, because of 
his admirable devotion to that pious exercise and to everything 
tending to the service of the Blessed Mother of God, through 
whose intercession, in moments of danger and difficulty, he is 
said, several times to have obtained miraculous deliverance. He 
died about 1680. 

Laurence O'Ferrall was, about the same time, sent from Saint 



Ancient Religious Foundations of Ardagh. 131 

Brigid's as missionary apostolic into England, when the penal per- 
secution of the times left the flock stripped of a pastor. He was 
arrested and flung into prison at London, where for more than a 
year he suffered many hardships. After a time, through the 
mercy of God, he was discharged, and fled to Belgium, where he 
long laboured under grievous illness, brought on by this im- 
prisonment. As soon as he was sufficiently recovered, he set out 
again for England, but he was a second time arrested and flung 
into prison as a returned friar. Through the intercession of the 
Archduke Charles, afterwards Emperor Charles the Sixth, who 
was then in England, he obtained his discharge as a German 
subject, and was permitted to leave for Portugal. From thence 
he passed into Spain, where he was appointed chaplain to the 
Irish Brigade serving under Fitzjames Duke of Berwick. He 
died in 1708. 

The names of other remarkable men, alumni of Saint Brigid's, 
might be cited if space permitted. Even so late as 1756, not 
more than a century ago, De Burgo speaks of James O'Ferrall, 
the prior, Nicholas Travers, and Francis O'Ferrall, as surviving 
representatives of that convent. 

Few traces of either church or convent now remain. The 
causeway leading from the church to the abbey may still be re- 
cognized ; and a crumbling portion of ivy-clad wall, within the 
Protestant glebe, on the other side of the river, shows where the 
coenobium stood. The lands attached to the convent were 
granted away for ever to Richard Nugent by 4th and 5th Philip 
and Mary. By 20th Elizabeth, this Friary, containing half an acre, 
house, cottage, twenty-eight acres of land, and six acres of 
demesne, was granted to Sir Nicholas Malby and his heirs, at 
16s. per annum. Finally, January 29, 1615, James I. bestowed 
this monastery on Francis, Viscount Valentia. About 1756 the 
lands passed into the hands of Thomas Pakenham, when he was 
created Baron Longford, on the death of the last Baron Aungier, 
and the extinction of that ancient family. What was the extent 
and precise position of the abbey lands it is now impossible to 
tell. O'Heyne assures us they were ample and valuable, and 
even if we look only to the extent embraced under the church 
and coenobium, together with the townlands which, from their 
names, we can still recognize as abbey property, as Abbeycar- 
tron, there can be little doubt they were very extensive. 

Among the legends preserved in connection with Saint Brigid's, 
the story of the martyrdom of Bernard and Laurence O'Ferrall, 
who died there for the faith in 1651, deserves to be recorded. 

The short but brilliant struggle of the Confederate Catholics, 
marred by divided councils and the incapacity of some of its 
chiefs, was over. The seven years' war ended with an unsatis- 



132 Ancient Religious Foundations of Ardagh. 

factory peace, wlien the execution of the King in January, 1649, 
threw the country once more into turmoil and confusion. Then 
came the brief but sanguinary struggle against the parliamentary 
army under Cromwell. After the fall of Drogheda, Wexford, 
and other towns, in which massacres of the most fearful kind had 
been perpetrated, the parliamentary army, broken up into scat- 
tered bands, traversed the country in search of disaffected, and 
Papists, sacking and plundering with a license and cruelty that 
spread terror and desolation everywhere, so that there is scarce a 
hamlet or village in which the memory of the savage deeds of 
Cromwell's soldiery is not dwelt upon with horror to this day. 
A troop of these fanatics was stationed at Longford, and in the 
terror of their presence and bloody deeds, the Convent of Saint 
Brigid was abandoned, and the church deserted by the friars. 
Early one morning, either by accident or treachery, two of the 
friars, who had come there to pray, were seized by the soldiery. 
One of them, Bernard O'Ferrall, attempted to escape, and was 
struck down with four-and-twenty mortal wounds, in the doorway 
of the church, at the threshold of which he was left for dead. He 
survived to be carried to a place of safety, where he received the 
last Sacrament from one of the brotherhood who was hiding in 
the neighbourhood. Laurence O'Ferrall, the other, was seized 
within the church, and hurried before their officer by the exult- 
ing soldiery, who anticipated a day's savage sport in roasting or 
hanging the Popish priest, not an unusual amusement with them . 
He was recognized by the officer as an adherent of the Catholic 
army during the late troubles, and was ordered out for execution 
next day. A respite of three days was granted at the intercession 
of some persons, whose advocacy the martyr complained of, as un- 
profitable and unwelcome, and during the three days' interval he 
ceased not to pray, with abundant tears, that God would not 
suffer the palm of martyrdom to be snatched from him. On the 
third morning, when led out for ^execution, he addressed the 
assembled people from the scaffold in eloquent, fervent language, 
and denounced the bloody persecutions and violence of the 
fanatics with such force, that the officer in charge stung to 
ra ge ordered him to be silenced with the rope, and flung off 
without further parley. He then bade farewell to the people, 
and having placed his rosary around his neck, and taken the 
crucifix in his right hand, he calmly arranged both hands 
under the scapular of his habit, and submitted himself to 
the executioner. After he had been cast off, and when he was 
hanging at the end of the fatal rope, and life extinct, both hands 
were drawn from under the habit, and uniting raised the crucifix 
over his head as the symbol and pledge of his triumph. This 
most extraordinary sight made a very great impression on the 



Liturgical Questions, 133 

beholders, and the officer himself was so much struck and terri- 
fied that he ordered the body to be at once cut down respectfully, 
and gave it over to the people to be buried without molestation. 
We find that a safe-conduct was even given to some of the 
priests hiding in the neighbourhood to attend his obsequies, at 
which the people too attended in an immense concourse. The 
story of Bernard and Laurence O'Ferrall is only one of many in- 
stances of the bloody deeds of that fearful time. 

Whilst thus we close our sketch, we venture a hope that at 
no distant day the present venerated successor of Saint Mel 
may, in the cause of Catholic education, be able to introduce the 
cloistered sisters of Saint Dominic to revive the name, the spirit, 
and the good works of the old Dominican Convent of Saint 
Brigid. 

J. R. 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS 

(From M. Boiiix's " Revue des Sciences Ecclesiastiques*}. 

1. At Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament, ought the pro- 
found inclination be made during the singing of the two verses 
Tcurtum ergo Sacramentum, Veneremur cernui, or only during 
the singing of the words Veneremur cernui ? 

2. What ceremonies are to be observed by the deacon, or by 
the assistant priest, when, acting on the permission given by the 
Decree of the 12th August, 1854, the deacon consigns theosten- 
sorium to the celebrant before the Benediction, and receives it 
from him after the Benediction has been given ? 

3. What rule should a priest follow when he finds in the Ordo 
a regulation which he believes to be certainly incorrect ? 



1. It is beyond doubt, that the inclination ought to be made 
whilst the entire verses Tantum ergo Sacr amentum, Veneremur 
cernui, are being sung ; and if, in any church, custom has limited 
the inclination to the two last words, it has arisen from this, that 
whenever the celebrant intones the hymn, he makes the inclina- 
tion only after the intonation. The ministers, however, are wrong 
in imitating him in this. 

" Turn in officio divino", says Cavalieri, t. iv., c. viii., Inst. Clem., 
33, n. 49, " quam in precibus omnibus coram SS. Sacramento, dum 
praedictus versus Tantum ergo dicitur, ab omnibus omnino persisten- 
dum erit in inclinatione usque ad cernui. Haec est", says Gardellini 
(Inst. cl. ibid. n. 19), " praxis quae obtinet in majoribus Urbis basilicis". 

This doctrine is followed by modern authors. 



134 Liturgical Questions. 

2. Before we reply to the question, it will be useful to make two 
remarks. The first has reference to the difference between the 
functions of the deacon and those of the assistant priest. If the 
celebrant be assisted by a deacon and sub-deacon, the assistant 
need not do more than place the Blessed Sacrament on the 
throne, and lower it thence at the proper time. He may also 
extract the Blessed Sacrament from the tabernacle before the 
exposition, and replace it therein after the Benediction. The 
office of assistant appears to have been instituted as a measure of 
precaution against the danger which might result from the near 
approach of the deacon's vestments to the lights, in case he took 
down the ostensorium, or to guard against other inconveniences. 
But there is no reason why the assistant should present the 
ostensorium to the celebrant when the deacon and sub-deacon 
are present. 

We should remark, in the next place, that, according to the 
text of the Ceremoniale Episcoporum, and of the Instructio 
Clementina, the priest, after receiving the humeral veil, mounts 
the steps without the ministers, and himself takes the ostenso- 
rium. Authors prescribe that the deacon and sub-deacon should 
kneel on the highest step, and support the celebrant's cope during 
the benediction. In their absence, this is done by the master of 
ceremonies, or two clerks. When the benediction has been 
given, the priest having completed the circle, places the Blessed 
Sacrament in the corporal, genuflects, and descends with the sub- 
deacon, whilst the deacon restores the Blessed Sacrament to the 
tabernacle, unless this be done by the assistant priest, in which 
case the deacon descends with the celebrant and the sub- deacon. 
According to Baldeschi, the veil is removed from the celebrant 
when he genuflects in the predella, after having given the bene- 
diction. 

The rubric of the Ceremoniale Episcoporum (1. ii. c. xxxii., 
n. 27) makes no mention of the assistant priest, supposes that 
the bishop himself takes the ostensorium from the altar, and ex- 
pressly declares that he himself replaces it on the corporal. 

"Accedat ad altare et accepto tabernaculo seu ostensorio cum 
sanctissimo Sacramento, illud ambabus manibus velatis elevatum 
tenens, vertens se ad populum, cum illo signum crucis super populum 
ter faciet nihil dicens. Quo facto iterum deponet sanctissimum Sa- 
cramentum super altare". 

We read in the Instructio Clementina ( xxxi.) : " The cele- 
brant, on his knees, will take the humeral veil, and ascending the 
altar without attendants, after due reverence, will take the osten- 
sorium in his hands, which are covered with the extremity of the 
humeral veil, and with it will give the benediction to the people ; 
and having replaced the Blessed Sacrament on the corporal, will 



Liturgical Questions. 135 

descend, and remain on his knees in his place. The deacon, or 
a priest with stole, will immediately, after due reverence, enclose 
the Blessed Sacrament in the tabernacle". This Instructio has 
been explained by Cavalieri, Tetamo, and Gardellini, who thus 
express themselves 

" Sacerdos", says Cavalieri (t. iv., c. ix.), "ascendit... adaltare, et 
ibi, facta genuflexione unico genu accipit in manibus coopertis per 
ejusdem veli extremitates ostensorium... Quando sacerdos ascendit ut 
supra altare, una cum eo ascendunt itidem sacri ministri, sed hi ge- 
nuflectunt postea in ore suppedanei, ubi inclinati elevant pluvialis 
fimbrias dum sacerdos benedicit populum. In defectu autem minis- 
trorum sacrorum id praestant sacerdos adjutor et caeremoniarius, vel 
alii clericihinc inde genuflexi... Celebrans data benedictione... super 
corporale Sacramentum collocat... et deinde facta genuflexione unico 
genu, descendit cum subdiacono ad infimum altaris gradum, ubi ite- 
rum cum eodem genuflexus, per eumdem subdiaconum, vel caeremo- 
niarium exuitur velo humerali. Diaconus interim accedit ad altare, 
et facta genuflexione unico genu, tabernaculum aperit et in eo reponit 
Sacramentum, cui genuflexione iterum facta, surgens ostiolum claudit 
et postea descendit ad locum suum, ad quern cum accesserit, surgunt 
omnes... Quod si ultra sacros ministros adsistat sacerdos alter, hie 
imposita sibi stola Sacramentum ut supra recondet, et diaconus cum 
celebrante pariter descendet, et ab eo removebit velum humerale". 

Tetamo (Append., e. iii., n. 48 et 49) thus speaks : 

" Sacerdos ascendit ad altare, et ibi facta genuflexione unico genu, 
ut expeditius surgat, accipit in manibus coopertis per ejusdem veli 
extremitates, ostensorium... Benedicit... Quando sacerdos ascendit, 
ut supra, altare, una cum eo ascendunt itidem sacri ministri, sed hi 
genuflectunt postea in ore suppedanei, ubi inclinati elevant pluvialis 
fimbrias, dum sacerdos benedicit populum ; in defectu autem minis- 
trorum sacrorum, id praestant sacerdos adjutor et caeremoniarius, vel 
alii clerici hincinde genuflexi. Celebrans, data benedictione... super 
corporale Sacramentum collocat". 

Gardellini (n. 12 et 13), in his commentary, writes: 

"Quando autem sacerdos ascendit ad altare, cum eo ascendunt 
etiam sacri ministri, sed hi genuflectere debent in ore suppedanei, 
ubi inclinati elevant pluvialis fimbrias, dum sacerdos benedicit popu- 
lum... Celebrans, data benedictione... collocat super corporale Sa- 
cramentum... ; et deinde, facta prius genuflexione, descendit cum 
subdiacono ad infimum altaris gradum, ubi genuflexi ambo manent, 
amoto interim velo a celebrantis humeris a subdiacono, vel ut alii 
malunt, a caeremoniario. Interea diaconus remanens in suppedaneo 
altaris, reponit Sacramentum in tabernaculo, factis ante et post debitis 
genuflexionibus... Quamvis vero deceat et congruat hoc munus per 
diaconum expleri, non est tamen necessario per eum implendum: 
potest alter sacerdos cum superpelliceo et stola hoc fungi munere, 
idcirco instructio ait: // diacono, o un sacerdote con stola, quemad- 



136 Liturgical Questions. 

modum fieri debet in aliis expositionibus, in quibus non parantur 
ministri sacri". 

All the ancient authors agree with this view. 

" Response a choro Amen", says Bauldry (part, iv., art. iii., n. 33, 
35, et 37), "celebrans. nihil addens, ascendit ad altare, genuflectit, et 
sine alterius ministerio accipit velatis manibus, ut prius, taberna- 
culum, vertens se ad populum... benedicit..., et gyrum perficiens, 
ostensorium collocat super altare... Interim dum celebrans benedicit, 
ministri hinc inde geuuflexi, et inclinati facie versa ad sanctissimum 
Sacramentum, elevant partes anteriores pluvialis illius, quod et fa- 
ciunt assistentes in pari casu... Deposito sanctissimo Sacramento a 
celebrante super altare, ipse statim, genuflexione facta descendit ad 
secundum gradum ut prius, ubi genuflexus manet. Turn ponitur, si 
opus sit, scabellum... pro diacono qui statim amoto velo ab eo pre 
subdiaconum vel caeremoniarium ascendit ad altare, ubi, facta genu- 
flexione, reponit sanctissimum Sacramentum in tabernaculo". 

Catalani , speaking of the benediction given by the bishop 
after the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, says (Cer. Ep., 1. ii., 
c. xxviii., n. 27): 

"Episcopus... accepto tabernaculo sive ostensorio cum sanctissimo 
Sacramento, per se scilicet et sine alterius ministerio, illud ambabus 
manibus velatis elevatum tenens, vertens se ad populum, cum illo 
signum crucis super populum ter faciet... Dataque benedictione, 
Episcopus deponet sanctissimum Sacramentum super altare". 

Gavantus says the same (sect, i., part iv., tit. xii., n. 7): 
" Ascendit (celebrans) ad altare, genuflectit, et ipsemet nullo dia- 
coni ministerio accipit velatis manibus, ut prius, tabernaculum, bene- 
dicit cum eo populum... nihil dicens, et gyrum perficiens reverenter 
reponit". 

Merati thus comments on the passage : 

" Celebrans... ascendit ad altare... et absque alterius ministerio 
accipit velatis manibus ostensorium". 

Baldeschi gives the same directions. 

But in spite of these authorities, it is customary in some 
churches for the deacon to ascend with the priest, to take the os- 
tensorium, and present it to the celebrant, to receive it from the 
same after the benediction, and to replace it on the corporal. 
This usage is established in Rome, and has been confirmed by a 
decree of the 12th August, 1854, published in the Analecta. 

Question: " An liceat sacerdoti accipere ostensorium per manus 
diaconi istud ex altari acceptum porrigentis, ut populo benedictio 
impertiatur, et post benedictionem remittere ostensorium diacono, 
qui super altare deponet, prout fit in nonnullis ecclesiis ? Vel ipsemet 
sacerdos debeat accipere ostensorium ex altari, et data benedictione, 
super altare deponere, sicut expresse decent Gavantus in rubrica 
Miss. part, vi., tit. xiii., n. 7 ; Merati in Gavantum", etc. 



Liturgical Questions. 137 

Answer: "Quoad primam partem, licere etiam ex praxi ecclesia- 
ruin Urbis ; quoad secundam partem, provisuui in primo". 

Hence it appears that the Instructio Clementina andtlie Caere- 
moniale have been too rigorously interpreted by old authors. We 
are at liberty to choose whichever of the two usages may agree 
better with the arrangements of the altar, and may be more easy 
to carry out This is the common opinion of recent authors, and 
is founded on Roman usage and on the decision just cited. In 
addition, if the deacon is to receive the ostensorium from the 
priest's hands, the priest is not bound to complete the circle : he 
returns towards the altar, on the epistle side, where the deacon 
is. This follows from the decree of the 21st March, 1676, No. 
2776: 

Question: "An in benedicendo populum cum sanctissimo Sacra- 
mento sit servandus modus infrascriptus : Cum sacerdos stat ante 
populum, ostensorium ante pectus tenet, turn elevat illud decent! 
mora non supra caput, sed tantum usque ad oculos, et eodem modo 
illud demittit infra pectus, mox iterum recte illud attollit usque ad 
pectus, et deinde ad sinistrum humerum ducit, et reducit ad dexte- 
rum, et rursus ante pectus reducit, ibique aliquantulum sistit quasi 
peracta ad omnes mundi partes cruce, earn etiam venerandam omni- 
bus praebet : tune gyrum perficiens, collocat ostensorium super altare?" 

Answer: "Si placet, potest observare supradictum modum. ... Sin 
minus, servandus est modus dispositus in Caer. Ep., 1. ii., c. xxxiii., 
ubi requiritur tantummodo ut cum eodem SS. Sacramento celebrans 
producat signum crucis super populum". 

It is now easy to fix the ceremonies to be observed in cases 
where the deacon presents the ostensorium to the priest, and re- 
ceives it from him after the benediction. First, the celebrant 
kneels in receiving the Blessed Sacrament from the deacon, and 
the deacon, when he receives it from the celebrant This is a 
standing liturgical rule the rubric of the Missal for Holy 
Thursday says: 

"Finita Missa... fit processio... Celebrans indutus pluviah albo... 
in medio genuflexus... accepto calice cum Sacramento de manu dia- 
coni stantis... Cum autem ventum fuerit ad locum paratum diaconus 
genuflexus a sacerdote stante accipit calicem cum Sacramento". 

In the Cer. Ep. (1. ii., c. xxiii., n. 12 et 13) : 

"Diaconus assistens... capit SS. Sacramentum de altari, et illud, 
stans, offert episcopo genuflexo . Cum pervenerit ad sacellum ubi 
Sacramentum deponi debet... cum erit episcopus ante supremum 
gradum altaris, diaconus accipiet de manu ipsius stantis SS. Sacra- 
mentum genuflexus". 

In the rubric for the procession of Corpus Christi (ibid., c. 
xxxiii., nos. 20 et 24) : 

" Diaconus assistens a dexteris accedet ad altare, et cum debitis re- 
verentiis accipiet tabernaculum sive ostensorium cum SS. Sacramento 

VOL. I. 10 



138 TMurgical Questions. 

de altari, et illud in manibus Episcopi genuflexi collocabit... Post- 
quarn Episcopus pervenerit ad supremum altaris gradum, diaconus a 
dexlris cum debita reverentia et genuflexione... accipiet de manu 
ipsius Episcopi stantis SS. Sacramentum". 

Some respectable authorities allow the Blessed Sacrament to be 
received by the sacred minister standing. We see no reasons in 
support of this opinion. The ceremonies to be observed are the 
following: The celebrant, having received the humeral veil, 
ascends the altar with the sacred ministers. The celebrant and 
subdeacon stop at the upper step, and kneel on the extremity of 
the predella; the deacon goes up to the altar, genuflects, takes 
the ostensorium, hands it to the celebrant, and then kneels on the 
epistle side .of the predella. The celebrant, having received the 
ostensorium, rises, gives the benediction, consigns the ostensorium 
to the deacon, and kneels once more on the extremity of the 
predella. The deacon, after receiving the ostensorium, stands 
up, places it on the corporal, and restores the Blessed Sacrament' 
to the tabernacle. Meantime the celebrant, laying aside the veil, 
descends to his place at the foot of the altar, as soon as the 
Blessed Sacrament has been removed. 

3. It is clear that in such case he ought to follow the general 
Rubric. The Ordo is intended to set forth the application of 
liturgical rules to particular cases ; and it is no wonder that in a 
task so minute, errors should sometimes occur. But if the mis- 
take be not clearly and evidently such, the priest should follow 
the Ordo. " When the bishop publishes a directory", says M. 
Falise (pag. 276, 3rd edition), " the priests of the diocese are 
bound to conform to it not only in what is certain, but also in 
questions on which a difference of opinion exists among authors, 
and even when the contrary of what is prescribed appears certain. 
But this rule does not hold when the regulations are evidently- 
contrary to the Rubrics". The following decrees bear on this 
point : 

IST DECREE. Question. " An in casibus dubiis adhaerendum est 
kalendario dioecesis, sive quoad officium publicum et privatum, sive 
quoad Missam, sive quoad vestium sacrarum colorem, etiamsi qui- 
busdam probabilior videtur sententia kalendario opposita ? Et qua- 
tenus affirmative, an idem dicendum de casu quo certum alicui 
videretur errare kalendarium ?" Answer. "Standum kalendario". 
(Decree 23 May, 1833, n. 4746, q. 2). 

2ND DECREE. Question. "... 6. Cum pro nonnullis sanctis propriis 
regni Hispaniarum de quibus recitatur officium ritu dupl. min. ha- 
beantur lectiones primi nocturni de communi, pro aliis vero de 
scriptura occurrente, quaeritur quae certa regula servari debeat quoad 
numeratas primi nocturni lectiones in officiis duplicibus minoribus? 
7. An quoad easdem lectiones primi nocturni in duplicibus mino- 
ribus standum sit dispositionibus directorii, vel breviarii? 8. An 



Documents. 139 

licitum sit in duplicibus minoribus, et etiam semiduplicibus, lectiones 
primi nocturni pro lubitu desumere vel de communi, vel de scriptuia, 
quando diversitas extat inter dispositionem directorii et breviarii ?" 
Answer. ll ... Ad 6. Lectiones primi nocturni in casu esse de scrip- 
tura, nisi diversae in indulto expresse assignentur. Ad 7. Jam pro- 
visum in proximo. Ad 8. Ut ad proximum". (Decree 27 August, 
1863, n. 4787, q. 6, 7, et 8). 



DOCUMENTS. 



LETTER FROM THE HOLY OFFICE TO THE 
ENGLISH BISHOPS. 



The following is tlie text of the letter received from the Holy 
Office by the English Bishops, in condemnation of the society 
lately established in England for promoting the union of 
Christian Churches: 

Supremae S. Romanae et Universalis Inquisitionis Epistola ad 
omnes Angliae Episcopos. 

Apostolicae Sedi nuntiatum est, catholicos nonnullos et ecclesias- 
ticos quoque viros Societati ad procurandam, uti aiunt, Christianitatis 
unitatem Londini anno 1857 erectae, nomen dedisse, et jam plures 
evulgatos esse ephemeridum articulos, qui catholicorum huic Socie- 
tati plaudentium nomine inscribuntur, vel ab ecclesiasticis viris 
eamdem Societatem commendantibus exarati perhibentur. Et sane 
quaenam sit huius Societatis indoles vel quo ea spectet, nedum ex 
articulis ephemeridis cui titulus " the union review", sed ex ipso folio 
quo socii invitantur et adscribuntur, facile intelligitur. A protes- 
tantibus quippe efformata et directa eo excitata est spiritu, quern ex- 
presse profitetur, tres videlicet Christianas communiones romano- 
catholicam, graeco-schismaticam et anglicanam, quamvis invicem 
separata? ac divisas, aequo tamen jure catholicum nomen sibi vindi- 
care. Aditus igitur in illam patet omnibus ubique locorum degenti- 
bus turn catholicis, turn graeco-shismaticis, turn anglicanis, ea tamen 
lege ut nemini liceat de variis doctrinae capitibus in quibus dis- 
sentiunt quaestionem movere, et singulis fas sit propriae religiosae 
confessionis placita tranquillo animo sectari. Sociis vero omnibus 
preces ipsa recitandas, et sacerdotibus Sacrificia celebranda indicit 
iuxta suam intentionem : ut nempe tres memoratae christianae com- 
muniones, utpote quae, prout supponitur, Ecclesiam catholicam omnes 
simul iam constituunt, ad ununi corpus efformandum tandem ali- 
quando coeant. 



140 Documents. 

Suprema S. 0. Congregatio, ad cuius examen hoc negotium de 
more delatum est, re mature perpensa, necessarium iudicavit sedulam 
ponendam esse operam, ut edoceantur fideles ne haereticorum ductu 
hanc cum iisdem haereticis et schismaticis societatem ineant. Non 
dubitant profecto Eminentissimi Patres Cardinales una mecum prae- 
positi Sacrae Inquisition!, quin istius regionis Episcopi pro ea, qua 
eminent, caritate et doctrina omnem iam adhibeant diligentiam ad 
vitia demonstranda, quibus ista Societas scatet, et ad propulsanda 
quae secum affert pericula : nihilominus muneri suo deesse viderentur, 
si pastoralem eorumdem Episcoporum zelum in re adeo gravi vehe- 
mentius non inflammarent : eo enim periculosior est haec novitas, 
quo ad speciem pia et de christianae Societatis unitate admodum sol- 
licita videtur. 

Fundamentum cui ipsa innititur huiusmodi est quod divinam Ec- 
clesiae constitutionem susque deque vertit. Tota enim in eo est, ut 
supponat veram lesu Christi Ecclesiam constare partim ex romana 
Ecclesia per universum orbem diffusa et propagata, partimvero ex 
schismate photiano et ex anglicana haeresi, quibus aeque ac Eccle- 
siae romanae unus sit Dominus, una fides et unum baptisma. Ad 
removendas vero dissensiones, quibus hae tres christianae commu- 
niones cum gravi scandalo et cum veritatis et caritatis dispendio di- 
vexantur, preces et sacrificia indicit, ut a Deo gratia unitatis impe- 
tretur. Nihil certe viro catholico potius esse debet, quam ut inter 
Christianos schismata et dissensiones a radice evellantur, et Christian! 
omnes sint solliciti servare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pads (Ephes, 4). 
Quapropter Ecclesia Catholica preces Deo O. M. fundit et Christi- 
fideles ad orandum excitat, ut ad veram fidem convertantur et in 
gratiam cum Sancta Romana Ecclesia, extra quam non est salus, 
eiuratis erroribus, restituantur quicumque omnes ab eadem Ecclesia 
recesserunt : imo ut omnes homines ad agnitionem veritatis, Deo 
bene iuvante, perveniant. At quod Christifideles et ecclesiastici viri 
haereticorum ductu, et quod peius est, iuxta intentionem haeresi 
quammaxime pollutam et infectam pro Christiana unitate orerit, tole- 
rari nullo modo potest. Vera lesu Christi Ecclesia quadruplici nota, 
quam in symbolo credendam asserimus, auctoritate divina constituitur 
et dignoscitur : et quaelibet ex hisce notis ita cum aliis cohaeret ut 
ab iis nequeat seiungi : hinc fit, ut quae vere est et dicitur catholica, 
unitatis simul, sanctitatis et Apostolicae successionis praerogativa de- 
beat effulgere. Ecclesia igitur catholica una est unitate conspicua 
perfectaque orbis terrae et omnium gentium, ea profecto unitate, 
cuius principium, radix et origo indefectibilis est beati Petri Aposto- 
lorum Principis elusque in Cathedra romana Successorum suprema 
auctoritas et potior principalitas. Nee alia est Ecclesia catholica nisi 
quae super unum Petrum aedificata in unum connexum corpus atque 
compactum unitate fidei et caritatis assurgit : quod beatus Cyprianus 
in epl. 45. sincere professus est, dum Cornelium Papam in hunc 
modum alloquebatur : ut Te collegae nostri et communionem tuam idest 
Catholicae Ecclesiae unitatem pariter et caritatem probarcnt firmiter ac 
tenerent. Et idipsum quoque Hormisdas Pontifex ab Episcopis acaci- 



Documents. 141 

anum schisma eiurantibus assertum voluit in formula totius christi- 
anae antiquitatis sufFragio comprobata, ubi sequestrati a communione 
Ecclesiae ca^holicae ii dicuntur, qui sunt non consentientes in omnibus 
Sedi Apostolicae. Et tantum abest quin communiones a romana Sede 
separatae iure suo catholicae noruinari et haberi possint, ut potius ex 
hac ipsa separatione et discordia dignoscatur quaenam societates et 
quinam christiani nee veram fidem teneant nee veram Christ! doctri- 
nam : quemadmodum iam hide a secundo Ecclesiae saeculo luculen- 
tissime demonstrabat S. Irenaeus lib. 3. contra haeres. c. 3. Caveant 
igitur summo studio Christifideles ne hisce societatibus coniungantur, 
quibus salva fidei integritate nequeant adhaerere ; et audiant sanc- 
tum Augustinum docentem, nee veritatem nee pietatem esse posse 
ubi Christiana unitas et Sancti Spiritus caritas deest. 

Praeterea inde quoque a londinensi Societate fideles abhorrere 
summopere debent, quod conspirantes in earn et indifferentismo favent 
et scandalum ingerunt. Societas ilia, vel saltern eiusdem conditores et 
rectores profitentur, photianismum et anglicanismum duas esse eius- 
dem verae christianae religionis formas, in quibus aeque ac in Ec- 
clesia catholica Deo placere datum sit : et dissensionibus utique chris- 
tianas huiusmodi communiones invicem urgeri, sed citra fidei viola- 
tionem, propterea quia una eademque manet earumdem tides. Haec 
tamen est summa pestilentissimae indifferentiae in negotio religionis, 
quae hac potissimum aetate in maximam serpit animarum perniciem. 
Quare non est cur demonstretur catholicos huic Societati adhaerentes 
spiritualis ruinae catholicis iuxta atque acatholicis occasionem prae- 
bere, praesertim quum ex vana expectatione ut tres memoratae com- 
muniones integrae et in sua quaeque persuasione persistentes simul 
in unum coeant, Societas ilia acatholicorum conversiones ad fidem 
aversetur et per ephemerides a se evulgatas impedire conetur. 

Maxima igitur sollicitudine curandum est, ne catholici vel specie 
pietatis vel mala sententia decepti Societati, de qua hie habitus est 
sermo, aliisque similibus adscribantur vel quoquomodo faveant, et ne 
fallaci novae christianae unitatis desiderio abrepti ab ea desciscant 
unitate perfecta, quae mirabili munere gratiae Dei in Petri soliditate 
consistit. 

Eomae hac die 16. septembris 1864. 

C. CARD. PATRIZI. 



142 Documents. 



n. 

ANSWERS OF THE S. POENITENTIARIA AND OF 
THE PROPAGANDA TO SOME QUESTIONS CON- 
CERNING FASTING AND ABSTINENCE. 

Quidam Sacerdotes regnorum Belgii et Hollandiae petunt solutio 
nem sequentium dubiorum : 

Gury, Scavini, et alii referunt tanquam responsa S. Poenitentiariae, 
data die 16 Januarii 1834: 

" Posse personis quae sunt in potestate patrisfamilias, cui facta est 
legitima facultas edendi carnes, permitti uti cibis patrifamilias indultis, 
adjecta conditione de non permiscendis licitis atque interdictis epulis, 
et de unica comestione in die, iis qui jejunare tenentur". 

IGITUR QUAEKITUR. 

1. An haec resolutio valeat ubique terrarum? 

2. Dum dicitur " permitti posse", petitur a quo ista permissio danda 
sit, et an suffieiat permissio data a simplici confessario ? 

Altera resolutio : " Fideles qui ratione aetatis vel laboris jejunare 
non tenentur, licitk posse in quadragesima, dum indultmn concessum 
est, omnibus diebus indulto comprehensis, vesci carnibus aut lacti- 
ciniis per idem indultum permissis, quoties per diem edunt" 

Dubitatur igitur an haec resolutio valeat in dioecesi cujus Epus, 
auctoritate apostolica concedit fidelibus ut feria 2"" 3 a 5 a - temporis 
quadragesimae possint semel in die vesci carnibus et ovis, iis vero 
qui ratione aetatis vel laboris jejunare non tenentur, permittit ut ovis 
saepius in die utantur ? 

QUAERITUR ITAQUE. 

1. An, non obstantibus memorata phrasi " ovis saepius in die 
utantur" et tenore concessionis, possint ii, qui ratione aetatis vel la- 
boris jejunare non tenentur, vi dictae resolutionis vesci carnibus 
quoties per diem edunt ? 

2. An iis qui jejunare non tenentur ratione aetatis vel laboris, 
aequiparandi sint qui ratione infirmae valetudinis a jejunio ex- 
cusantur, adeo ut istis quoque pluries in die vesci carnibus liceat ? 

S. Poenitentiaria, mature consideratis propositis dubiis, dilecto in 
Christo oratori in primis respondet transmittendo declarationem ab 
ipsa S. Poenitentiaria alias datam, scilicet : " Ratio permissions de 
qua in resolutione data a S. Poenitentiaria 16 Jan. 1834, non est in- 
dultum patrifamilias concessum, sed impotentia, in qua versantur 
filii familias, observandi praeceptum". 

Deinde ad duo priora dubia respondet : Quoad primum, affirma- 
tive. Quoad secundum, sufficere permissionem factam a simplici 
confessario. 



Documents. 143 

Ad duo verb posteriora dubia respondet : Quoad primum, negative 
Quoad secundum, non aequiparari. 

Datum Romae in S. Poenitentiaria, die 27 Maii, 1863. 

A. M. CARD. CAGIANO, M.P. 

Letter of the Cardinal Prefect of Propaganda to the Bishop of South- 
wark, explaining the foregoing answer. 

From your letter of February 19th, 1864, I gather that you would 
wish to know the reason why the S. P. replied on the 27th of May, 
1863, Non aequiparari to this question: An iis qui jejunare non 
tenentur ratione aetatis vel laboris, aequiparandi sint qui ratione in- 
firmae valetudinis a jejunio excusantur, adeo ut istis quoque pluries 
in die vesci carnibus liceat ? 

After having made due inquiry, I am now enabled to state the 
reason why the sick are not, in respect of the quality of food on days 
subject to the prohibition of the Church, on the same level with those 
who are excused from fasting by reason of age or labour ; and it is, 
that the latter may eat such prohibited food as the Indult permits, 
solely in force of the Lenten Indult, which may vary in its limitations 
or dispensations from year to year ; whereas the sick may eat prohi- 
bited food according to their state of health and the judgment of their 
doctor. Thus, e.g., on some days the Lenten Indult may perchance 
not allow lard to be used as a condiment, and on such days persons 
dispensed from the fast on account of age or labour must abstain 
from using it as a condiment, whilst a sick person may eat meat even 
on the excepted days if his health requires it. I think this expla- 
nation will help you to put an end to the doubts described in your 
letter. 

ORIGINAL. 

Dalla sua lettera del 9 Febbrajo p.p. ho potuto rilevare che VS. 
gradirebbe di conoscer la ragione per cui al dubbio : An iis qui jeju- 
nare non tenentur ratione aetatis vel laboris aequiparandi sint qui ratione 
infirmae valetudinis a jejunio excusantur, adeo ut illis quoque pluries in 
die vesci carnibus liceat? la S. Penitenzieria abbia risposto in data del 
27 maggio 1863, Non aequiparari. Ora avendo preso in proposito le 
notizie opportune, sono in caso di significarle, che la ragione per cui 
gl' infermi riguardo alia qualita dei cibi nei giorni soggetti alia proi- 
bizione della chiesa non sono da equipararsi a quelli che sono scusati 
dal digiuno per ragione di eta, o di fatica, si e che questi ultimi pos- 
sono usare del cibi proibiti in forza soltanto dell' Indulto, il quale 
puo subire rninori o maggiori limitazioni ; mentre gl' infermi possono 
usare dei cibi vietati secondo lo stato loro di salute, ed il giudizio 
del Medico. Cosi p. e. in alcuni giorni 1* Indulto potrebbe non am- 
mettere il condimento di grasso, e in tal caso chi e dispensato dal 
digiuno per ragione di eta o di fatica deve astenersi dal condimento 
anzidetto ; ma 1' infermo anche nei giorni eccettuati puo mangiar di 
grasso, se cosi esigge lo stato di sua salute. Una tale spiegazione 



144 Documents. 

parmi possa servirle a togliere le incertezze che mi accenno nelF anzi- 
detta sua. Roma, 8 Marzo 1864. 

AL. CARD. BARNABO, Prefetto, 

A. CAPALTI, Segretario. 



III. 

LETTER OF THE CARDINAL PREFECT OF THE 
CONGREGATION OF THE INDEX TO THE 
BISHOPS. 

EMINENTISSIME AC REVERENDISSIME DOMINE, 

Inter multiplices calamitates, quibus Ecclesia Dei luctuosis hisce 
temporibus undique premitur, recensenda profecto est pravorum lib- 
rorum colluvies universum pene orbem inundans, qua per nefarios 
ac perditos homines divina Christi Religio, quae ab omnibus in honore 
est habenda, despicitur, boni mores, incautse praesertim juventutis 
penitus labefactantur, et socialis quoque consuetudinis jura et ordo 
susdeque vertitur, et omnimode perturbatur. Neque ut vetus ipso 
rum mos erat, id praestare tantum nituntur libris magno apparatu 
scientiae elaboratis, sed et parvis, qui minimi veneunt libellis, et per 
publicas, atque ad hoc confectas ephemerides, ut non litteratis modo 
et scientibus virus illud insinuent, sed rudioris ejusque et infimi po- 
puli fidem, simplicitatemque corrumpant. 

Qui autem super gregem Christi vigilias agunt legitimi Pastorc'S, 
ut hanc perniciem a populis sibi commissis avertant ad Sacram Indi- 
cis Congregationem quoscurnque ex iis libris de more deierunt zelo 
adlaborantes, ut Romanae Sedis habito judicio, et proscriptione a 
vetita lectione talium librorum fideles deterreant. Neque iis diffici- 
lem se praebuit, et praebet S. Congregatio, quae quotidianam operam 
studiumque impendit, ut officio sibi a Romanis Pontificibus deman- 
dato satisf'aciat. Quia tamen ex toto Christiano Orbe increbrescenti- 
bus denuntiationibus praegravatur, non id praestare perpetuo valet, 
ut promptum et expeditum super quavis causa ferat judicium : ex 
quo fit, ut aliquando serotina niniis sit provisio, et inefncax reme- 
dium, cum jam ex lectione istorum librorum enormia damna pro- 
cessere. 

Ad hoc incommodum avertendum non semel Romani Pontifices 
prospexerunt, et ut aliarum aetatum exempla taceamus, aevo nostro 
per S. M. Leonem XII. Mandatum editum est, sub die 26 Martii 
1825, ad calcem Regularum Indicis insertum, et hisce litteris adjunc- 
tum, vi cujus Ordinariis locorum praecipitur, ut libros omnes noxios 
in sua dioecesi editos, vel diffuses, propria auctoritate proscribere, et 
e manibus fidelium avellere studeant. 

Cum autem hujus Apostolici Mandati provida constitutio praesen- 
tibus fidelium necessitatibus, et tuendae doctrinae morumque incolu- 
mitati optime respondeat, Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Pio Papae IX. 
placuit ejus memoriam esse recoleudam, tenoreni iterum vulgaudum 



Documents. 145 

et ab Ordinariis locorum observantiam exigendam, quod excitatoriis 
hisce nostris litteris, nomine et auctoritate Apostolicae Sedis sollicite 
praestamus. Queis si debita obedientia respondeat (sicuti pro certo 
habemus), gravissima mala removentur in iis praesertim dioecesibus, 
in quibus promptae coercitionis urgeat necessitas. Ne vero quis 
praetextu defectus jurisdictionis, aut alio quaesito colore Ordinari- 
orum sententias et proscriptiones ausu temerario spernere, vel pro 
non latis habere praesumat, Eis Sanctitas Sua concessit, sicut Nomine 
et Auctoritate Ejus praesentibus conceditur, ut in hac re, etiam tam- 
quam Apostolicae Sedis Delegati, contrariis quibuscumque non ob- 
stantibus, procedant. 

Ad Apostolicum autem Judicium ea deferantur opera vel scripta 
quae profundius examen exigant, vel in quibus ad salutarem effectual 
consequendum Supremae Auctoritatis sententia requiratur. 

Interim Tibi Eminentissime et Reverendissime Domine copiosa di- 
vinorum charismatum incrementa ex animo precamur, et ad per- 
grata quaeque officia nos paratissimos exhibemus. 
Datum Romae, die 24 Augusti 1864. 
Amplitudinis Tuae, Addictissimus, 

LUDOVICUS CARDINALIS DE ALTERIIS, 

S. INDICIS CONGREGATIONS PRAEFECTUS. 
Locus >J< SIGILLI. 

Fr. Angelus Vincentius Modena Ord. Praed. Sacrae Indis. Congr. 
a Secretis. 

MANDATUM. 

S. M. Leonis XII. addilum Decreto Sac. Congreg. Indicts, die Sabbati 

26 Martii 1823. 

Sanctitas Sua mandavit in memoriam revocanda esse universis Pa- 
triarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, aliisque in Ecclesiarum regimen 
praepositis ea quae in Regulis Indicis Sacrosanctae Synodi Tridentinae 
jussu editis atque in observationibus, Instructione, Additione, et gen- 
eralibus Decretis Summorum Pontificum dementis VIII., Alexandri 
VII et Benedict! XVI., auctoritate ad pravos libros proscribendos, ab- 
olendosque Indici Librorum Prohibitorum praeposita sunt, ut nimi- 
rum, quia prorsus impossibile est, libros omnes noxios incessanter 
prodeuntes in Indicem referre, propria auctoritate illos e manibus 
Fidelium evellere studeant, ac per eos ipsimet fideles edoceantur quod 
pabuli genus sibi salutare, quod noxium ac mortiferum ducere de- 
beant, ne ulla in eo suscipiendo capiantur specie, ac pervertantur il- 
lecebra. 



IV. 

DECREE OF THE S. CONGREGATION OF RITES. 

Most priests will have observed that missals and breviaries 
differ with regard to the rite of the Feast of St. Andrew Avellino, 
some giving it as a double, others as a semi-double. The fol- 
lowing decree settles the question: 



146 Notices of Books. 

Decretum Generate. 

Quum nonnulli Rmi. per orbem Ordinarii pluries exquisierint et 
modo a Sancta Sede requirantutrum quarto Idus Novembris in Ecclesia 
universal! Festum S. Andreae Avellini Confessoris recoli debeat ritu 
duplici minori, quern praseferunt recentiores editiones Breviarii et 
Missalis Romani, Subscriptus Secretarius S. R. C. sui muneris esse 
duxit Ssmi. Domini Nostri Pii Papae IX. desuper exposcere oraculum. 
Sanctitas porro Sua clementer declaravit ut amodo festum S. Andreae 
Avellini Confessoris ab utroque clero Urbis et Orbis, ipsis non exclusis 
Sanctimonialibus, agatur ritu duplici minori quern obtinet in alma 
Urbe, et pluribus Dioecesibus ; dummodo Rubricae serventur. Con- 
trariis non obstantibus quibuscumque. Die 21 Januarii, 1864. 

v. 

FORMULA FOR THE BLESSING OF RAILWAYS, 
APPROVED BY THE S. CONGREGATION OF 
RITES. 

Benedictio Viae Ferreae et Curruum. 

1?. Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini. 

1^. Qui fecit coelum et terram. 

y. Dominus vobiscum. 

1^. Et cum spiritu tuo. 

Oremus. 

Omnipotens sempiterne Deus qui omnia elementa ad tuam gloriam, 
utilitatemque hominum condidisti; dignare quaesumus hanc viam 
ferream, ej usque instrumenta beneJ<dicere, et benigna semper tua 
providentia tueri ; et dum famuli tui velociter properant in via, in 
lege tua ambulantes, et viam mandatorum tuorum currentes, ad 
coelestem patriain feliciter pervenire valeant. Per Christum Dominuin 
nostrum. 

1^. Amen. 

Oremus. 

Propitiare Domine Deus supplicationibus nostris, et beneijidic 
currus istos dextera tua sancta; adjunge ad ipsos sanctos Angelos 
tuos ut omnes qui in eis vehentur, liberent et custodiant semper a 
poiiculis universis : et quemadmodum viro ^Ethiopi super currum 
suurn sedenti et sacra eloquia legend, per Apostolum tuum fidem et 
gratiam contulisti; ita famulis tuis viam salutis ostende, qui tua gratia 
adj a. ti, bonisque operibus jugiter intenti post omnes viae et vitae 
hu.us varietates aeterna gaudia consequi mereantur per Christum 
Dominum nostrum. 
. Amen. 

Deinde Sacerdos aspergat viam et currus aqua benedicta. 



Notices of Books. 147 

NOTICES OF BOOKS. 



i. 

Variae lectiones Vulgatae Bibliorum Editionis, quas Carolus 
Vercellone sodalis Barnabites digessit. Tom. II. Romae, 
apud Josephim Spithover, anno 1864, 4, pagg. 561. 

The minute attention which Biblical students have paid to the 
original Hebrew and to the Septuagint version, with a view to 
fix the genuine readings of the text, has hitherto not been given 
to the Vulgate. Not to speak of the labours of Mill, Kennicott, 
and others, the Italian priest, John Bernard De Rossi collated 
more than seven hundred MSS. of the Hebrew text; and in his 
private library at Parma, 712 such codices were brought together 
by his industry. Walton's Polyglot, the publications of Tischen- 
dorf, and the collections made by Cardinal Mai, have contributed 
much to establish with accuracy the text of the Septuagint. It 
remained for Father Vercellone to undertake, in our day, a 
similar task in favour of the Vulgate. His master, the learned 
Father Ungarelli, had already commenced the work, and between 
1830 and 1845, had amassed a considerable amount of materials 
for a book on the variae lectiones of the Vulgate. In 1845, 
shortly before his death, he confided these materials to his dis- 
ciple, Father Vercellone, of whose erudition and critical judgment 
he had had so many proofs. To the old riches his master 
had brought forth from his storehouse, the scholar added new 
treasures of his own ; and the result of his labours upon and 
among both, is to be found in the work under notice. 

We shall now briefly state the method which the author has 
followed. As the basis of his researches, he has taken the Cle- 
mentine edition of 1592, purified from typographical errors, 
according to the other Vatican editions of 1595 and 1598. The 
editors of the Clementine of 1592, did but correct the text of 
the Sixtine edition of 1590. From the documents belonging to 
the congregation appointed by Sixtus V. to edit the Vulgate in 
that year, it appears that the editors took as the foundation of 
their corrections the text of the folio edition published by the 
Dominican Father, John Hunter, in 1583. But as the Hunte- ' 
rian edition of 1583 is identical with the Louvain folio edition 
published by Hunter in 1547, it follows that the Louvain text 
of 1 547 may be considered as the basis upon which all the sub- 
sequent Vatican corrections have been made. 

To correct this text, Father Vercellone has directed his studies, 



148 Notices of Books. 

and in the volumes before us the fruit of his labours has been 
given to the world. How arduous these labours have been, and 
what confidence we may feel in his selection of readings, will 
best be learned from an enumeration of the sources whence, with 
incredible pains, he has drawn the information required for the 
execution of his design. These sources may be classed under 
three heads: Vatican papers, MSS. codices, and printed books. 
As to the first class, Pius IX. has assisted Father Vercellone by 
placing at his disposal the treasures stored up in the Vatican ar- 
chives. Hence, our author has been enabled to examine, 1, 
the documents of the corrections proposed and adopted by the 
congregation appointed to edit the Vulgate under Saint Pius V. 
in 1569, which documents he has compared with the writings of 
Cardinal Serleto, who had a great share in making those correc- 
tions ; 2, the documents concerning the corrections proposed or 
adopted in a similar congregation, under Sixtus V. in 1588 and 
1589 ; 3, the Sixtine edition of 1590 ; 4, notes of the cor- 
rections discussed in the congregations appointed under Gregory 
XIV. and Clement VIII. to free the Sixtine edition, from its 
many mistakes of the press ; 5, the readings proposed by the 
learned Angelo Rocca; 6, the annotations of Cardinal Toleto, 
preserved in the Vatican; and 7, the Clementine edition of 1592. 

As to the MSS., our author has confined himself to a few, but 
these few are of the highest authority. Of the twenty consulted 
by him, the remarkable Florentine Codex of Monte Amiata is 
deservedly placed first Saint Pius V. had caused the Benedic- 
tines of Florence to collate 12 codices, and the archivist of 
Monte Cassino to examine 24 others. The notes of both these 
undertakings are still in the Vatican, and have been of great 
assistance to Father Vercellone. 

Of printed editions prior to the Clementine of 1590, the 
author has consulted more than 80, many of them the work of 
excellent critical scholars. To these are to be added liturgical 
books, for example, the works of the B. Cardinal Thomasi, 
the Mozarabic liturgy, edited by Cardinal Lorenzana, and the 
Roman liturgy. To these again we must add, the Latin Fathers, 
whose works give much valuable assistance in determining the 
text of the Vulgate. Finally, F. Vercellone has carefully studied 
the commentaries of Hesychius, Rodolphus, Bruno of Asti, and 
the publications of Cardinals Mai and Pitra. This is the labour 
of a life, and few indeed could be found with the qualities re- 
quired to undertake it and bring it to a happy termination. 

We shall now set before our readers a few specimens of the 
practical results of F. Vercellone's researches. The first volume 
treats of the various readings that occur in the Pentateuch ; the 
second volume of those in the books of Josue, Judges, Ruth, 



Notices of Books. 149 

and the four books of Kings. It is a well known fact that there 
are to be found in the Vulgate some additions (cidditamentd) 
which are wanting in the Hebrew text, and even in the best 
codices of St Jerome's version. These additions have been 
distributed by F. Vercellone in four classes: 1, those found 
only in codices of no great antiquity ; 2, those found in old and 
accurate editions of the Vulgate ; 3, those allowed to stand in 
the Sixtine edition; 4, those allowed to stand even in the 
Clementine. It must not be believed that the Vatican editors 
were ignorant of the character of these additions, or that 
they admitted them through carelessness; for, in their preface, 
they distinctly say, " Nonnulla quae mutanda videbantur, consulto 
immutata relicta sunt, ad offensionem populorum vitandam". . . . 
These additions found their way into the text, according to our 
author, from four sources ; 1 . most of them from the Greek ver- 
sion, or the Vetus Itala ; 2. not a few from a double version made 
of a verse, and transcribed as if the translation of two distinct 
verses ; 3. from marginal glosses ; and, 4. lastly, from parallel pas- 
sages in the Scripture. 

In the first two books of Kings, the author discovers sixty-nine 
such additions. Of these, thirty have been allowed to remain in 
the Clementine, fifteen more in the Sixtine, and nine more in 
the early editions, making in all fifty-four, fifteen others being 
found in MSS. of no great antiquity. The fifteen in the Cle- 
mentine which we daily use, are as follows: I. Reg., iv. 1 ; v. 6. 
v. 9; viii. 18; ix. 25; x. i; xi. 1; xiii. 15; xiv. 22; xiv. 41; 
xv. 3; xv. 12-13 ; xvii. 36; xix. 21; xx. 15; xxi. 11; xxiii. 
13-14; xxx. 15. II. Reg., i. 18; i. 26 ; iv. 5; v. 23; vi. 12; x. 
19 ; xiii. 21 ; xiii. 27 ; xiv. 30; xv. 18 ; xv. 20. 

A few of these examples will show the author's method of 
dealing with such additions. 1. Reg., iv. 1, we read, Et factum 
est in diebus illis, convenerunt Philisthiim in pugnam, et egressus 
est Israel obviam Philisthiim in praelium et castrametatus est, etc. 
Now,^ the words et factum est, etc., are additions; and upon an 
examination of MSS. and editions, the author traces them to the 
LXX. version (vol. ii. page 194). 

In II. Reg., i. 26, we read: " Doleo super te frater mi Jonatha 
decore nimis et amabilis super amorem mulierum. Sicut mater 
unicum amatfilium suum ita ego te diligebam". The words sicut 
mater unicum, etc., are wanting both in the Hebrew and in the 
Greek, and are probably a marginal gloss, inserted in the text 
through the ignorance of copyists. They are an explanation of 
the phrase, super amorem mulierum, as our author shows at 
page 322. 

We need not say any more to show how important is the 
addition to our Catholic Biblical literature made by F. Vercellone. 



150 Notices of Books. 

ii. 

S. Pietro in Roma, etc. St. Peter in Rome, or the historical 
truth of St. Peter's journey to Rome, proved against a 
recent assailant. By John Perroiie, S.J. Rome: Tipo- 
grafia Forense, 1864 1 vol. 8vo, pag. 168. 

Any new work by Father Perrone is sure to be received with 
respect and attention. The assailant, whose attack on the his- 
torical truth of St. Peter's journey to Rome is refuted in this 
book, is the author of an anonymous treatise published at Turin 
in 1861, entitled The historical impossibility of St. Peter's 
journey to Rome demonstrated, by substituting the true for the 
false tradition. In an introduction, headed " The Protestants 
in Italy", Father Perrone laments the great mischief they have 
done to his country, and at the same time expresses his hopes 
that their attempts at proselytism will end in failure. He 
commences by an examination of the statements made by his 
adversary, to the effect that even Catholic writers of the highest 
authority had denied St. Peter's presence in Rome, that it is 
proved from the sacred Scriptures that St. Peter could not 
have come to Rome either in the time of Claudius or in that 
of Nero, and that, therefore, he could not have been there 
at all. In reply, F. Perrone proves that no Catholic author 
has ever denied St. Peter's journey to Rome; that we neither 
can nor ought to expect from Sacred Scripture a history of 
the journey in question, but only a proof that it was possible; 
and that, because the precise year of the event is not known, it 
does not follow that the event itself could never have taken place. 
He then proceeds to develope the arguments which prove the 
Prince of the Apostles to have been at Rome. 1, from the 
writers of the first three centuries, and then from those of the 
fourth; 2, from the monuments existing at Rome, sarcophagi, 
figured glasses from the Ca'tacombs (one of which he illustrates 
at great length), inscriptions, and spots ever held sacred at Rome 
to the memory of St. Peter ; 3, from the pilgrimages made to 
his shrine by Christians from every portion of the Church during 
the first three centuries; and 4, from the catalogues of the 
Roman Pontiffs drawn up by writers of the early ages. In the 
next two chapters he defends the authority of several of the 
fathers from the ignorant and malicious misrepresentations of his 
adversary, and crowns the work by reprinting at the end of his 
volume a dissertation delivered by him some years ago in one of 
the Roman academies, in which he proves that " the love and the 
hatred men show to Rome are two consequences of the presence, 
the episcopate, and the martyrdom of St. Peter in the Eternal 
City"f 



Notices of Books. 151 



in. 



Regies pour le Choix d'un Etat de Vie, proposes a la Jeunesse 
Chretienne. Par Mgr. J. B. Malou, Eveque de Bruges. 
Bruxelles, Goemaers, 1860 (iv. 249 pp.). 

Although this book is not of recent publication, we feel it 
a kind of duty to bring it under the notice of the clergy of 
this country. The prelate who wrote it expressed to us his 
earnest desire that it might be translated for the use of the 
Catholics of Ireland, for whom he ever professed warm esteem 
and admiration. Indeed, we have very few books in which 
the question of vocations to the ecclesiastical or religious life 
is treated with such accuracy and solidity as in the Rules of 
Monsignor Malou. On the other hand, vocations are, through 
the grace of God, so abundant in Ireland, that there is hardly 
any priest, having care of souls, who must not have felt, at 
times, the want of some help to enable him to determine 
with confidence the state of life to which some youthful member 
of his flock may have been called. Such a guide he may find in 
the book under notice. Chapter i. treats of the nature of a state 
of life, and limits the number of such states to four, viz., the 
priesthood, the religious state, matrimony, and celibacy in the 
world. The second chapter examines the nature of a vocation 
to a state of life, and how far it imposes an obligation. Mgr. 
Malou thus defines a vocation: " A disposition of Divine Provi- 
dence, which prepares, invites, and sometimes morally obliges, a 
Christian soul to embrace one state of life in preference to another ; 
which disposition is ordinarily manifested in the qualities, the 
sentiments, and the position of the person called". Chapter iii. 
shows the necessity of Christian deliberation before making a 
choice of a state of life. Chapter iv. deals with the conditions 
requisite for a good deliberation, paragraphs being devoted re- 
spectively to interior conditions, to exterior conditions, and to 
the method of proceeding in the deliberation. The vocation to 
the ecclesiastical state is the subject of the fifth chapter, in which 
is shown that this vocation comes from God in a special manner, 
and that it is at once a great honour and a great benefit. The 
signs of vocation are detailed in the seventh, and the signs of 
non- vocation in the ninth chapters ; in the tenth, the motives and 
the duty of following this vocation. The religious state, its 
origin, its end, its nature, and its properties ; the different reli- 
gious orders to which a person may be called ; the vocation to 
the religious state ; its principal signs ; the deliberation required 
before adopting it are the subjects of the next five chapters. The 
sixteenth and last chapter discusses the question of vocation to 



152 Notices of Booh. 

the foreign missions, considered with respect to its motives, the 
qualities it demands, and the precautions which should be taken 
in carrying it into effect. This is the substance of the entire 
treatise ; and for accuracy of doctrine, clearness of style, unction 
of Catholic spirit, it is worthy of its important subject and of its 
author. 



IV. 

RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 

1. L'Evangile et la Critique, examen de la Vie de Jesus de M. 

Ernest Renan. Par T. I. Lamy, Professeur a la faculte de 
Theologie, et President du College Marie-Therese a 1'Uni- 
versite Catholique de Louvain. Louvain. 

2. Bernardi Papiensis, Faventini Episcopi, Summa Decretalium 

ad Librorum MSS. fidem cum aliis ejusdem scriptoris anec- 
dotis, edidit Ern. Ad. Theod. Laspeyres, etc. Ratisbon, 
apud Manz, 1861, lxiii.-367. 

3. Memoir of the Abbe Lacordaire. By the Count de Montalem- 

bert, one of the forty of the French Academy. Authorized 
translation. Bentley, 1864, xv.-312. 

4. Importanza della Storia, considerata nelle cose die le servono 

di materia. Par Domenico Solimani, D.C.D.G. Roma: 
Tipografia Forense, 1861, pp. 529. 

5. Percy Grange, or the Ocean of Life, a tale in three books. 

By the Rev. Thomas J. Potter, of All Hallows College. 
Dublin: Duffy, 1864, pp. 320. 

6. Tavole Cronologiche Critiche della Storia della Chiesa Univer- 

sale, illustrate con argomenti iV Archeologia e di Geografia, 
Par Ignazio Mozzoni, etc. Roma: Cromolitografia Ponti- 
ficia. 1861. Vols. i. to ix. 

7. Notes upon the Errors of Geology illustrated by reference to 

facts observed in Ireland. By John Kelly, Vice- President 
of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland. Dublin : John 
F. Fowler, 1864, pp. xvi.-300. 

8. Address Introductory to the Clinical Session 1864-65, de- 

livered November 9, 1864, at the Mater Misericordiae 
Hospital, Eccles Street, Dublin. By Thomas Hayden, 
F.R.C.S.I., etc. Dublin: John F. Fowler, pp. 26. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

JANUARY, 1865. 



THE SEE OF CLONMACNOISE IN THE SIXTEENTH 

CENTURY. 

In the beginning of the sixteenth century the See of St. Kieran 
was reckoned amongf the dioceses of the ecclesiastical province 
of Tuam. Dr. Walter Blake was then its bishop; he was a 
native of Galway, and Canon of Enaghdune, and by the provi- 
sion of Pope Innocent VIII., was appointed to this See on 
the 26th of March, 1487. During twenty-one years he governed 
the faithful of Clonmacnoise with prudence and zeal, and died in 
May, 1508. 

Thomas O'Mullally was appointed his successor the same 
year, and after administering this diocese for five years, was, 
in 1513, translated to the archiepiscopal see of Tuam. 

There are still preserved in the Vatican archives two original 
letters written by King Henry VIII., on the 18th of June, 
1515, soliciting the appointment of Father Quintinus Ohnygyn, 
of the Order of St. Francis, as successor to Dr. Mullally. 
These letters should, of themselves, suffice to set at rest for 
ever the plea which some modern theorists have advanced, 
that the, course pursued by the English monarch in the 
latter years of his reign, in appointing bishops by his own au- 
thority to the episcopal sees, was the traditional right of the 
crown, ever exercised by him and his predecessors on the throne 
of England. The first letter is addressed to the reigning pontiff, 
Leo X., as follows: 

" Sanctissimo, Clementissimoque Dno nostro Papae. 

" Beatissime pater, post humillimam commenclationem et devotis- 
sima pedum oscula beatorum. Certiores facti, Cluanensem Ecclesiam 

VOL. I. 11 



154 The See of Clonmacnoise in the Sixteenth Century. 

in Dominio nostro Hiberniae per translationem Revmi Patris Dfii 
Thomae ejus novissimi Episcopi ad Archi-Episcopatum Tuamensem 
vacare, venerabilem ac religiosum virum fratrem Quintinum Ohnygyn 
ord. min. virum. doctum, gravem, circumspectum et probum, multo- 
rum testimonio maxime idoneum esse cognovimus qui dictae Ecclesiae 
praeficiatur. Quapropter Vestrae Sanctitati ipsum commendamus, 
eamque rogamus, ut eundem fr. Quintinum praedictae Cathedrali 
Ecclesiae Cluanensi per dictam translationem vacanti praeficere et 
Episcopum constituere dignetur, quern ut Deo acceptum, sic peru- 
tilem eidem Ecclesiae pastorem futurum arbitramur. Et felicissime 
valeat eadem Vestra Sanctitas, Quam Deus Altissimus longaevam 
conservet. 

" Ex Palatio nostro Grenwici ; 
" die xviii. Junii 1515. 

*.' Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae 

" Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius 
" Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae ac Dom. Hib ae * 

" HENRICUS". 

The second letter was addressed to Cardinal Julius de Medicis, 
and is dated the same day. It seeks to conciliate for the petition 
contained in the letter first cited, the patronage of Cardinal de 
Medicis, who was known to exercise unbounded influence in the 
councils of Pope Leo : 

" Henricus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, ac Dominus Hiber- 
niae, Revmo. in Christo patri D. Julio tituli S. Mariae in Dominica S. 
R. Ecclesiae Diacono Cardinal! nostroque ac Regni nostri in Romana 
curia Protectori et amico nostro charissimo salutem. 

"Commendamus in praesentia Ssm. D. N. venerabilem religio- 
sum virum fr. Quintinum Ohnygyn, virum doctum, prudentem et 
vitae integritate probatum, Suamque Sanctitatem rogamus ut eundem 
fratrem Quintinum Ecclesiae Cluanensi, per Revereudi Patris Thomas 
ejus postremi Episcopi ad Archi-Episcopatum Tuamensom transla- 
tionem vacanti praeficere et praesulem censtituere dignetur. Quare per- 
gratum nobis erit ut Vestra Revma Dominatio relationem de dicta 
Ecclesia, ut moris est, facere et ejusdem fratris Quintini procuratori- 
bus in Bullaram expeditione favorem suum praestare non gravetur. 

" Ex Palatio nostro Grenwici die xviii. Junii, 1515. 

" HENRICUS". 

Though the king was thus so eager to have Dr. O'Hnygyn ap- 
pointed without delay to the vacant see, it was only in the month 
of November the following year (1516) that the consistorial in- 
vestigation was made for the appointment of this prelate. The 
record of this inquiry is still happily preserved, and though 
there was only one witness present who was a native of Ardfert, 
by name Nicholas Horan, still, from his scanty evidence we may 
glean some interesting particulars regarding the ancient See and 
Cathedral of St. Kieran. 



The See of Clonmacnoise in the Sixteenth Century. 155 

The town of Clonmacnoise, he says, is situated in the ecclesi- 
astical province of Tuam, at the distance of a day's journey from 
the sea coast. It is small, consisting of only twelve houses, 
which are built of rushes and mud, and are thatched with straw. 
At one side flows the river Shannon, and the surrounding country 
is thickly set with trees. Towards the west stands the cathedral, 
which is in a ruinous condition. Its roof has fallen, and there 
is but one altar, which is sheltered by a straw roof: it has a cru- 
cifix of bronze, and only one poor vestment: its sacristy, too, is 
small, but its belfry has two bells. Enshrined in the church is 
the body of the Irish saint whose name it bears : nevertheless 
the holy sacrifice of the Mass is seldom offered up, and the whole 
revenue of the see amounts to only thirty-three crowns. As to 
Father Quintin, it was further stated, that having been himself 
in Rome, he was already well known to many members of the 
Sacred College, and he is described as " in Presbyteratus ordine 
constitutus, vir doctus, praedicator, bonis moribus et fama, aliis- 
que virtutibus praeditus". (ap. Theiner, page 519.) 

Pope Leo X. did not hesitate much longer in appoint- 
ing one so highly commended to the vacant see, and before 
the close of 1516 Dr. O'Hnygyn was consecrated Bishop of 
Clonmacnoise. During the twenty- two years which he ruled 
this diocese he displayed great energy in reanimating the fer- 
vour of the faithful and restoring the ancient splendour of reli- 
gion. The cathedral was repaired: stained-glass windows and 
paintings set forth once more the triumph of faith, whilst many 
precious gems and other decorations were added, as voluntary 
offerings from his faithful flock. The following description of 
the cathedral, extracted from Ware, will serve to give a more 
complete idea of this venerable structure : 

" Nine other churches were subject to the cathedral, being, as 
it were, in one and the same churchyard, which contained about 
two Irish acres in circuit, on the west whereof the bishops of 
Clonmacnoise afterwards built their episcopal palace, the ruins 
of which are yet visible. The situation ot this place is not un- 
pleasant. It stands on a green bank, high raised above the river, 
but encompassed to the east and the north-east with large bogs. 
The nine churches were most of them built by the kings and 
petty princes of those parts for their places of sepulture ; who 
though at perpetual wars in their lives, were contented to lie 
here peaceably in death. One of these churches, called Temple- 
Ri, or the King's Church, was built by O Melaghlin, King of 
Meath, and to this day is the burial place of that family. 
Another, called Temple-Connor, was built by the O'Connor 
Don ; a third and fourth by O'Kelly and MacCarthy More of 
Munster. The largest of all was erected by MacDermot, and is 



156 The See of Clonmacnoise in the Sixteenth Century. 

called after his name. The rest by others. Before the west 
door of MacDermot's church stood a large old-fashioned cross 
or monument, much injured by time, on which was an inscrip- 
tion in antique characters, which nobody that I could hear of 
could read. The west and north door of this church, although but 
mean and low, are guarded about with fine-wrought, small 
marble pillars, curiously hewn. Another of the churches 
hath an arch of a greenish marble, flat- wrought and neatly 
hewn and polished, and the joints so close and even set, that 
the whole arch seems but one entire stone, as smooth as either 
glass ore rystal. The memory of St. Kieran is yet fresh and 
precious in the minds of the neighbouring inhabitants. In the 
great church was heretofore preserved a piece of the bone of one 
of St. Kiaran's hands as a sacred relique. The 9th of September 
is annually observed as the patron-day of this saint, and great 
numbers from all parts flock to Clonmacnoise in devotion and 
pilgrimage. The cathedral was heretofore endowed with large 
possessions, and was above all others famous for the sepulchres of 
the nobility and bishops, as also for some monuments and in- 
scriptions, partly in Irish and partly in Hebrew. Yet it de- 
clined by degrees, and was in the end reduced to a most shameful 
poverty". (Harris's Ware, pag. 16^.) 

The famous cross of Clonmacnoise, to which Ware refers in 
the above passage, was erected about the year 920 ; and though 
two centuries ago its inscription was deemed illegible, the illus- 
trious Petrie has deciphered it in our own times. The first part 
of the inscription is: "A prayer for Flann, son of Maelsech- 
lainn" ; and the second part is : " A prayer for Colman who 
made this cross over the King Flann". (Petrie, Round Towers, 
pag. 268.) This ancient cross is, moreover, richly ornamented 
with relievos and ornamental net- work: " The sculptures on its 
west side", says Petrie, " relate to the history of the original 
foundation of Clonmacnoise by St. Kieran ; while the sculptures 
on the other sides represent the principal events in the life of our 
Saviour, as recorded in the Scripture ; and hence the cross was 
subsequently known by the appellation of Cros na Screaptra, i.e., 
the Cross of the Scriptures, under which name it is noticed in the 
Annals of Tighernach at the year 1060". Amongst the sacred 
subjects thus sculptured on this venerable cross we may mention, 
the Crucifixion the Blessed Virgin bearing the Divine Infant 
in her arms and the adoration by the Magi. 

Dr. O'Hnygyn died in 1538, and had for his successor Richard 
Hogan, who, after presiding for fourteen years in the See of Kil- 
laloe, was translated to Clonmacnoise on the 17th July, 1539: 
he, however, died the same year, and as Ware informs us, 
44 within a few days after his translation". Another bishop was 



The See of Clonmacnoise in the Sixteenth Century. 157 

appointed without delay, and on the 15th December, 1539, Dr. 
Florence O'Gerawan or Kirwan was proclaimed in consistory as 
successor to St. Kieran. He held this See about fourteen years, 
and died soon after the accession of Queen Mary. The death of 
the good prelate was probably hastened by the sad ruin which 
fell upon his cathedral before the close of 1552. In the spirit of 
Vandalism to which the noblest monuments of our ancient faith 
became a prey at this period, the English garrison of Athlone 
plundered and pillaged the venerable church of Clonmacnoise 
an event, the memory of which is still as vividly preserved in 
local tradition, as though it were only an occurrence of yester- 
day. It is thus recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters 
under the year 1552: " Clonmacnoise was plundered and devas- 
tated by the English (Galls) of Athlone, and the large bells were 
carried from the round tower. There was not left, moreover, a 
bell, small or large, an image or an altar, or a book, or a gem, or 
even glass in the window, from the walls of the church out, 
which was not carried off. Lamentable was this deed, the 
plundering of the city of Kieran, the holy patron". 

In the " Patent Rolls", an invaluable work for which we are 
indebted to the persevering energy of Mr. Morrin, is registered 
under date of 15th September, 1541, " the confirmation of 
Florence Gerawanin the Bishoprick of Clonmacnoise, to which he 
had been promoted by the Pope ; and his presentation to the 
vicarage of Lymanaghan in the same Diocese on his surrender 
of the Pope's Bull", (vol. I. pag. 82.) The editor, indeed, in- 
advertently substituted Cloyne for Clonmacnoise in this passage, 
the Latin name Cluanensis being common to both Sees. Cloyne, 
however, was at this time united with Cork, and Mr. Morrin 
may easily be pardoned this error, since it is shared by the 
learned De Burgo and by Dr. Maziere Brady in the Third 
volume of his " Records of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross". (London, 
1864, pag. 97.) The surrender of the Pope's Bull was regarded 
at this period as a merely civil ceremony, required by law as a 
condition to obtain possession of the temporalities of the See, 
and we find an instance of it even in Catholic times on the ap- 
pointment of Dr. Oliver Cantwell to the See of Ossory in the 
year 1488. At all events, the fact just now recorded, of the 
plunder of his church sufficiently proves that Dr. O'Kirwan, at 
the close of his episcopate, did not enjoy the favour and patron- 
age of the courtiers of Edward VI. 

Dr. Peter Wall, of the Order of St. Dominick, was the next 
bishop of this See.. He had for a while been led astray by the 
novelties of the preceding reigns, but, as the Consistorial regis- 
ter records, returned repentant to the bosom of Holy Church, and 
was now absolved from all the censures which he had incurred. 



158 jfhe See of Clonmacnoise in the Sixteenth Century. 

He was appointed Bishop on the 4th of May, 1556, and for 
twelve years remained in undisturbed possession of his See. He 
died in 1508 ; and though the heretical government annexed 
this diocese to Meath, the Sovereign Pontiff never recognized 
the union, and Clonmacnoise continued to be governed by 
Vicars till, after a widowhood of eighty years, it again received a 
chief pastor, in the person of Anthony M'Geoghegan, who was 
appointed its bishop on 22nd of January, 1647. 

The reader may here expect some remarks on the vicissitudes 
of this see, and its successive connection with the provinces of 
Tuam and Armagh. When as yet there were only two archi- 
episcopal sees in our island, extending to Leath Cuinn and Leath 
Mogha, all Connacht, and with it Clonmacnoise, was comprised 
in the northern district. Gradually, however, Tuam grew into 
the proportions of a distinct province, and in the synod of Rath- 
breasil, held by St. Celsus of Armagh in 1110, we find the five 
sees of Tuam, Clonfert, Cong, Killalla, and Ardchame or Ardagh, 
clustered together, though still subject to the Archbishop of 
Armagh. When at length, in the synod of Kells, in 1152, Tuam 
received the archiepiscopal pallium from the hands of Cardinal 
Paparo, Ardagh was assigned to the primatial see, but Clonmac- 
noise was referred to the new province of Tuam. This division 
soon became a subject of controversy. Tuam claimed the dio- 
cese of Ardagh for the western province, whilst Armagh declared 
that the Shannon was its boundary, and hence reckoned Clon- 
macnoise as a northern see, and at the same time claimed, as sub- 
ject to its own metropolitical jurisdiction, the churches of Kill- 
medoin, Croagh-patrick, Killtulagh, and some others of the dio- 
cese of Tuam. At the Council of Lateran, held in Rome in 
1215, Felix O'Ruadhan, Archbishop of Tuam, and Eugene Mac- 
Gillividen, Archbishop of Armagh, were both present, and laid 
their dispute before the great Pontiff Innocent III., and a decree 
soon after emanated, assigning indeed the above named churches 
to Tuam, but deferring to a future day the decision of the other 
points of controversy. In the meantime Armagh was in posses- 
sion of both sees, and for more than a hundred years they con- 
tinued thus subject to its metropolitical jurisdiction. As to 
Ardagh, the question was never after mooted ; but towards the 
middle of the fourteenth century, Clonmacnoise seems to have 
been again numbered amongst the dioceses of the western pro- 
vince. This change probably took place during the episcopate 
of Bishop Symon, of the Order of St. Dominick, who, though 
omitted in the lists of Ware and De Burgo, was appointed to this 
see on the death of Dr. Henry, in 1349. This prelate, in the 
bull of his appointment, is declared to be " Priorem fratrum 
or.linis Praedicatonmi de Roscommon, Elfmensis dioecesis, in 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 159 

sacerdotio constitutum et cui de religionis zelo, litterarum scien- 
tia, vitae ac morum honestate et aliis virtutum meritis laudabilia 
testimonia perhibentur" (ap. Theiner, pag. 291). At all events, 
soon after this period we find a list of Irish bishoprics which is 
now preserved in the Barberini archives at Rome, and in it the 
see of Clonmacnoise is referred to the province of Tuam. In the 
consistorial record of the appointment of Dr. O'Higgins, cited 
above, it is in like manner described as subject to the metro- 
political jurisdiction of St. Jarlath's. The episcopate of Dr. 
O'Hnygyn seems to have been the period when at last all con- 
troversy was hushed, and this diocese was finally adjudged to the 
province of Armagh. This prelate assisted indeed at the Pro- 
vincial Synod of Tuam, held in 1523, but, in the preamble to 
the Synod, he is expressly described as " Dominus Kyntius (i.e., 
Quintinus) Dei gratia Episcopus Cluanensis Provinciae Arma- 
chanae". (Irish Arch. Soc. Miscellany, vol. I , p. 77.) An 
official list of all the dioceses was drawn up and published 
during the pontificate of Pope Paul III., in 1546, and in it 
Clonmacnoise is marked as belonging to the primatial see. The 
era of persecution during the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. 
produced no change in this arrangement ; and when a momen- 
tary peace again smiled on the Irish Church, in 1632, we find 
the vicar-apostolic of Clonmacnoise, Rev. John Gafney, after 
administering this see for thirty-five years, taking his place 
among the assembled fathers in the provincial synod of Armagh. 

P. F. M. 



CARDINAL CONSALVI AND NAPOLEON 
BONAPARTE. 

The concordat signed at Paris on the 15th July, 180.1, be- 
between Pius VII. and Napoleon, is one of the most important 
facts of modern history. The magnitude of its results may best 
be learned from the contrast between the present state of reli- 
gion in France and that which existed during, and for long 
after, the Revolution. " There is no negotiation", says M. Thiers, 
"which is more deserving of serious meditation than that of the 
Concordat" ; but up to the present day the materials for such a 
study have been wanting. At length the full light of history 
has been let in upon the secret conferences in which the articles 
of that treaty were prepared; and the hand which has traced 
for us their history is the same which signed the Concordat 
itself. The memoirs of Cardinal Consalvi, who took part in the 
negotiations as the plenipotentiary of the Roman Pontiff, penned 



1GO Cardinal Consalviand Napoleon Bonaparte. 

by him during the days of his exile, have at length been given 
to the world.* Since the Cardinal's death in 1824, these me- 
moirs have been religiously left in the obscurity to which their 
author condemned them, and which he willed should last as long 
as the life of the principal personages of whom he has made 
mention in his pages. But when at length, in 1858, there ap- 
peared no reason for further silence, they were handed over by 
Consalvi's executors to M. Cretineau-Joly, who has published, 
not the original text, but what he assures us is a faithful version 
of it. We propose to give our readers a sketch of the history 
of the Concordat as it is recorded in these memoirs, and in doing 
so, we shaU make use as often as we can of the Cardinal's own 
words. 

The victory of Marengo, gained June 14, 1800, made the 
First Consul master of Italy. Five days after the battle, passing 
through Vercelli at the head of his army, he charged Cardinal 
Martiniana, bishop of that city, to communicate to the Pope his 
desire of negotiating a settlement of the religious affairs of France, 
and for this purpose he requested that Mgr. Spina, archbishop of 
Corinth, might be sent to him to Turin. His request was gladly 
complied with. But scarcely had that prelate entered Turin 
than he was ordered to set out at once for Paris, where Napoleon 
awaited his arrival. It needed but a short stay in that capital 
to convince Mgr. Spina that the projects of concordat proposed 
by the consul were absolutely inadmissible, as being founded on 
a basis completely at variance with the laws of the Church. In 
vain did the Pope, in his anxiety to promote the good of religion, 
forward to Paris an amended plan of concordat, in which he 
made every concession permitted by his duty as head of the 
Church. The only answer he received was an intimation from 
M. Cacault, the French agent at Rome, that unless within five 
days the proposals made by Napoleon were accepted without the 
slightest change, the least restriction or correction, he, Cacault, 
should declare a rupture between the Holy See and France, and 
immediately leave Rome to join General Murat at Florence. 
To all these threats, and to the menace of the loss of his tem- 
poral power, the Pope had but one reply, that same reply which 
we have heard from Pius IX. in our own day that nonpossumus 
against which all the assaults of the masters of legions have ever 
failed, and evermore shall fail. 

M. Cacault, not daring to disobey the orders he had received, 
prepared at once for his departure, but his excellent heart and 
his affection for Rome suggested to him a means of preventing 

* M&noirei* du Cardinal Consalvi, secretaire d' Etat du Pape Pio VIL, avec 
tin introduction et des notes, par J. Cretineau-Joly. Paris, Henri Plon, Rue Garen- 
ciei-e, 8, 1864. 2 vol. 8vo, pagg. 454-488. 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 161 

the mischief that was sure to follow from the anger of Napoleon, 
if once kindled against the Holy See. He proposed that Car- 
dinal Consalvi, the Pope's secretary of state, should at once set 
out for Paris, to lay before the First Consul the imperious rea- 
sons by which the Holy Father was forced to refuse the prof- 
fered concordat. The French agent felt confident that, whilst it 
would flatter Napoleon's pride to be able to exhibit to the Pa- 
risians a Cardinal prime minister in waiting upon his will, the 
presence of Consalvi would also be a proof of the Pope's anxious 
desire to come to a favourable understanding on the affairs of the 
French Church After mature deliberation this plan was adopted. 
The Cardinal took care that to the credentials usually given in 
cases of treaties, the Pope should add a most precise command 
that his envoy was to consider the project of concordat which 
had been corrected at Rome, and hitherto rejected at Paris, not 
only as the basis of the future treaty, but as the concordat itself. 
Powers were granted, however, to make such changes as did not 
alter the substance of the document. " I thought it necessary", 
says the Cardinal, " to have my hands tied in this way, because 
I foresaw that, unless I were in a position to show the French 
government how limited were my powers, they would soon force 
my entrenchments". 

Leaving Rome in company with M. Cacault, Cardinal Con- 
salvi arrived at Paris at night, after a tedious journey of fifteen 
days, and took up his abode with Mgr. Spina and his theologian, 
P. Caselli, afterwards Cardinal. Early in the morning he sent to 
acquaint Bonaparte of his arrival, and to learn at what hour he 
could have the honour of seeing the First Consul. He inquired 
also in what costume he should present himself, as at that period 
the ecclesiastical dress had been abandoned by the French clergy. 
These communications were made through the Abbe Bernier, 
who, from having been one of the leaders in the war of La 
Vendee against the Republic, had taken a great part in the 
pacification of these provinces upon the terms offered by the 
consular government, and had thereby secured for himself the 
favour of Bonaparte. He was appointed negotiator on the part 
of the government, and brought to his task much theological 
knowledge, diplomatic skill, and the advantage of being agree- 
able to both the contracting parties. This ecclesiastic soon re- 
turned to Consalvi with the intimation that the First Consul 
would receive him that same morning at two o'clock, and that 
he was to come in the fullest possible cardinalitial costume. The 
Cardinal, however, did not gratify him in this latter particular, 
believing it to be his duty to present himself in the dress usually 
worn out of doors by cardinals when not in function. He was 
introduced to Napoleon under circumstances well calculated to 



162 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

embarrass a less evenly poised mind than his own. " I know", 
said the First Consul, " why you have come to France. I wish 
the conferences to be opened without delay. I allow you five 
days time, and I warn you that if on the fifth day the negotia- 
tions are not concluded, you must go back to Rome, as I have 
already decided what to do in such a case". Consalvi replied with 
calm dignity, and was soon afterwards conducted to his hotel. On 
the same day the Abbe Bernier came again to Consalvi, and asked 
him for a memorial setting forth the reasons which had con- 
strained the Pope to accept the project which had been presented 
at Rome by M. Cacault. Although wearied by his long journey, 
the Cardinal spent the watches of the night in drawing up the 
memorial, which on the following day was communicated by the 
Abbe Bernier to Talleyrand, who, in turn, was to report upon it 
and lay it before the First Consul. The design of the memorial 
was to justify the refusal of the Concordat in the terms in which 
it had been drawn up by the French Government, and to show 
how reasonable and just were the modifications insisted on by 
the Pope. This design was not attained. Talleyrand wrote on 
the margin of the first page of the memorial these words, well 
calculated to confirm Napoleon in his idea that the Pope's minister 
was actuated by personal enmity towards the French Govern- 
ment: " Cardinal Consalvi's memorial does more to throw back the 
negotiations than all that has hitherto been written on the sub- 
ject". These words, although they produced an unfavourable 
impression on the First Consul, did not however retard the nego- 
tiations. The fatigue of these negotiations was very great. Twice 
each day for many days beyond the five granted by Bonaparte, 
the Cardinal held conferences with the Abbe Bernier, always in 
the presence of Mgr. Spina and P. Caselli. The nights were 
frequently spent in drawing up and correcting memorials to be 
presented to the government. It was at this period in the nego- 
tiations that the limit which the Pope had placed to the Cardi- 
nal's powers was found to be of the greatest practical advantage. 
The Abbe Bernier, when any difficulty occurred, incessantly de- 
clared that, however strong his own convictions, he could decide 
nothing of himself without referring the matter to the First Con- 
sul. On the contrary, the Cardinal was never allowed to des- 
patch a courier to consult the Pope and receive his commands. 
The pretext for this prohibition was, that the Concordat should 
absolutely be finished the next day. Under these circumstances, 
his limited powers were the only means left to Consalvi by which 
he might resist the pressure brought to bear against him. The 
orders he had received from the Pope were, not to break off the 
negotiations and refuse the Concordat because he could not 
make it as favourable as might be, but, on the other hand, not to 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 163 

sign it by overstepping those instructions given him before he 
left Rome, of which we have spoken above. For twenty-five 
days the conferences continued. Every nerve was strained to 
avert a rupture on the one hand, and undue concessions on the 
other. The consequences of a rupture were frequently laid be- 
fore the Cardinal during these days, which he calls " days of 
anguish", by the Count de Cobenzel, Austrian ambassador at 
Paris. He was asked to consider that if the First Consul should 
break with Rome, and definitely separate from the head of the 
Catholic Church, he would, as he had often threatened, force 
Germany, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland, to become 
the accomplices of his apostacy. 

Finally, after incredible fatigue, after sufferings and anguish 
of every kind, the day came which brought with it the long- 
looked for conclusion of their task. The Abbe' Bernier, who 
reported every evening to Bonaparte the results of the daily 
conferences, at length announced that the First Consul accepted 
all the disputed articles, and that on the following day they 
should proceed to sign two authentic copies of the treaty, one 
copy to remain in the hands of each of the contracting parties. 
The project thus accepted, was substantially the same as the one 
which, having been amended at Rome, had been rejected by the 
French government before the Cardinal's journey, and which 
had led to M. Cacault's withdrawal from Rome within five days. 
It was arranged that the signatures should be six ; three on each 
side. The Cardinal, Mgr. Spina, and P. Caselli, were to sign 
on behalf of the Holy See ; Joseph Bonaparte, brother of the 
First Consul, Cretet, councillor of state, and the Abbe Bernier, 
on behalf of the French government. It was further arranged 
that the Abbe Bernier should call for the three ecclesiastics 
at a little before four o'clock on the following day, 14th July, 
and conduct them to the residence of Joseph Bonaparte, where 
the solemn act was to be completed. 

" There", said Bernier, " we shall be able to do all in a 
quarter of an hour, as we have only to write six names, and 
this, including the congratulations, will not take even so long". 
He also showed them the Moniteur of the day, in which the go- 
vernment officially announced the conclusion of the negotiations. 
He added, that on the next day, anniversary of the taking of the 
Bastile, the First Consul intended to proclaim at a grand dinner 
of more than three hundred guests, that the Concordat was signed, 
and a treaty concluded between the Holy See and the govern- 
ment, of far more importance than even the Concordat between 
Francis I. and Leo X. 

Shortly before four o'clock the next day, the Abbe Bernier 
made his appearance, having in his hand a roll of paper, which 



164 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

he said was the copy of the Concordat to be signed. On their 
arrival at Joseph Bonaparte's, they took their places at a table, 
and after a short discussion as to who should be the first to sign, 
Joseph yielded that honour to the claims of the Cardinal. He 
took the pen in his hand, and then followed a scene which must 
be described in his own words: " What was my surprise when 
I saw the Abbe Bernier place before me the copy which he took 
from his roll, as if to make me sign without reading it, and when 
on running my eye over it, I found that it was not the treaty 
which had been agreed on by the respective commissioners and 
accepted by the First Consul himself, but one altogether diffe- 
rent ! The difference I perceived in the first lines led me to 
examine the rest with the most scrupulous care, and I satisfied 
myself that this copy not only contained the project which the 
Pope had refused to accept, but that it moreover included cer- 
tain points which had been rejected as inadmissible before the 
project had been forwarded to Rome at all. This occurrence, 
incredible but true, paralysed my hand when about to sign my 
name. I gave expression to my surprise, and declared in plain 
language that on no account could I accept such a document. 
The First Consul's brother appeared equally astonished at hear- 
ing me speak so. He said that he did not know what to think 
of what he saw. He added that he had heard from the First 
Consul himself, that every thing had been arranged, and that 
there was nothing for him to do but affix his signature. As 
the other official, the state councillor, Cretet, made the same 
declaration, protesting his total ignorance, and refusing to believe 
my statement about the change of documents, until I had proved 
it by confronting the two copies, I could not restrain myself 
from turning rather sharply towards the Abbe Bernier. I told 
him that no one could confirm the truth of my assertion better 
than he could ; that I was exceedingly astonished at the studied 
silence which I observed him to keep in the matter ; and that I 
expressly called upon him to communicate to us what he had 
such good reason to know. 

" With a confused air and in an embarrassed tone, he stutterel 
out that he could not deny the truth of my words and the diffe- 
rence between the copies of the Concordat, but that the First 
Consul had given orders to that effect, affirming that changes 
were allowable as long as the document was not signed. ' And 
so', added Bernier, ' he insists on these changes, because upon 
mature deliberation he is not satisfied with the stipulations we 
have agreed upon'. 

" I will not here relate what I said in answer to a discourse so 
strange. ... I spoke warmly of this attempt to succeed by 
surprise ; 1 resolutely protested that I would never accept such 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 1 65 

an act, expressly contrary to trie Pope's will. I therefore de- 
clared that if, on their part, they either could not or would not 
sign the document we had agreed upon, the sitting must come to 
an end". 

Joseph Bonaparte then spoke. He depicted the fatal conse- 
quences which would result to religion and to the state from 
breaking off the negotiations ; he exhorted them to use every 
means in their power to come to some understanding between 
themselves, on that very day, seeing that the conclusion of the 
treaty had been announced in the newspapers, and that the news 
of its having been signed was to be proclaimed at to-morrow's 
grand banquet. It was easy, added he, to imagine the indignation 
and fury of one so headstrong as his brother, when he should have 
to appear before the public as having published in his own 
journals false news on a matter of such importance. But no 
arguments could persuade the Cardinal to negotiate on the basis 
of the substituted project of Concordat. He consented, how- 
ever, to discuss once more the articles of the treaty on which 
they had agreed before. The discussion commenced about five 
o'clock in the evening. " To understand how serious it was, 
how exact, what warm debates it gave rise to on both sides, how 
laborious, how painful, it will be enough to say that it lasted 
without any interruption or repose for nineteen consecutive 
hours, that is to say, to noon on the following day. We 
spent the entire night at it, without dismissing our servants or 
carriages, like men who hope every hour to finish the busi- 
ness on which they are engaged. At mid-day we had come 
to an understanding on all the articles, with one single ex- 
ception". This one article, of which we shall speak later, 
appeared to the Cardinal to be a substantial question, and to 
involve a principle which, as has often been the case, the 
Holy See might tolerate as a fact, but which it could never 
sanction (canonizzare) as an express article of a treaty. The 
hour when Joseph Bonaparte must leave to appear before 
the First Consul was at hand, and " it would be impossible", 
says the Cardinal, " to enumerate the assaults made on me at that 
moment to induce me to yield on this point, that he might not 
have to carry to his brother the fatal news of a rupture". But 
nothing could shake the resolution of the Papal minister or lead 
him to act contrary to his most sacred duties. He yielded so far, 
however, as to propose that they should omit the disputed article, 
and draw out a copy of the Concordat in which it should not 
appear, and that this copy should be brought to Bonaparte. 
Meantime the Holy See could be consulted on the subject of the 
article under debate, and the difficulty could be settled before the 
ratification of the Concordat. This plan was adopted. In less 



166 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

than an hour, Joseph returned from the Tuileries with sor- 
row depicted on his countenance. He announced that the First 
Consul, on hearing his report, had given himself up to a fit of ex- 
treme fury ; in the violence of his passion he had torn in a hun- 
dred pieces the paper on which the Concordat was written : but 
finally, after a world of entreaties and arguments, he had con- 
sented with indescribable repugnance, to admit all the articles 
that had been agreed on, but with respect to the one article 
which had been left unsettled, he was inflexible. Joseph was 
commanded to tell the Cardinal that he, Bonaparte, absolutely 
insisted on that article just as it was couched in the Abbe 
Bernier's paper, and that only two courses were open to the 
Pope's minister, either to sign the Concordat with that article 
inserted as it stood, or to break off the negotiation altogether. 
It was the Consul's unalterable determination to announce at 
the banquet that very day either the signing of the Concordat, 
or the rupture between the parties. 

4 * It is easy to imagine the consternation into which we were 
thrown by this message. It still wanted three hours to five 
o'clock, the time fixed for the banquet at which we were all 
to assist. It is impossible to repeat all that was said by the 
brother of the First Consul, and by the other two, to urge me to 
yield to his will. The consequences of the rupture were of the 
most gloomy kind. They represented to me that I was about to 
make myself responsible for these evils, both to France and 
Europe, and to my own sovereign and Rome. They told me 
that at Rome I should be charged with untimely obstinacy, and 
that the blame of having provoked the results of my refusal 
would be laid at my door. I began to taste the bitterness of 
death. All that was terrible in the future they described to me 
rose up vividly before my mind. I shared at that moment (if I 
may venture so to speak) the anguish of the Man of Sorrows. 
But, by the help of Heaven, duty carried the day. I did not 
betray it. During the two hours of that struggle I persisted in 
my refusal, and the negotiation was broken off. 

" This was the end of that gloomy sitting which had lasted full 
twenty-four hours, from four o'clock of the preceding evening to 
four of that unhappy day, with much bodily suffering, as may be 
supposed, but with much more terrible mental anguish, which 
can be appreciated only by those who have experienced it". 

" I was condemned, and this I felt to be the most cruel incon- 
venience of my position, to appear within an hour at the splendid 
banquet of the day. It was my fate to bear in public the first 
shock of the violent passion which the news of the failure of the 
negotiations was sure to rouse in the breast of the First Consul. 
My two companions and I returned for a few minutes to our 



St. Brigid's Orphanage. 167 

hotel, and after making some hasty preparations, we proceeded to 
the Tuileries. 

" The First Consul was present in a saloon, which was thronged 
by a crowd of magistrates, officers, state dignitaries, ministers, 
ambassadors, and strangers of the highest rank, who had been in- 
vited to the banquet. He had already seen his brother, and it 
is easy to imagine the reception he gave us as soon as we had 
entered the apartment. The moment he perceived me, with a 
flushed face and in a loud and disdainful voice, he cried out : 

*' * Well, M. le Cardinal, it is, then, your wish to quarrel ! So be 
it. I have no need of Rome. I will manage for myself. If Henry 
VIII. , without the twentieth part of my power, succeeded in 
changing the religion of his country, much more shall I be able 
to do the like. By changing religion in France, I will change 
it throughout almost the whole of Europe, wherever my power 
extends. Rome shall look on at her losses ; she shall weep over 
them, but there will be no help for it then. You may be gone ; 
it is the best thing left for you to do. You have wished to quar- 
rel well, then, be it so, since you have wished it. When do 
you leave, I say?'" 

" After dinner, General", calmly replied the Cardinal. 

(TO BE CONCLUDED IN OUR NEXT.) 



ST. BRIGID'S ORPHANAGE. 

St. Brigitfs Orphanage for Five Hundred Children, Eighth Annual 
Report. Powell, 10 Essex Bridge, Dublin. 

It would be interesting to trace the various arts and de- 
vices which have been adopted for the propagation of Protestant- 
ism in this country. Its authors certainly never intended to 
spread it through the world in the way in which the Gospel was 
introduced by the disciples of our Lord. The apostles gained 
over unbelievers to the truth by patience, by prayer, by good 
example, and by the performance of wonderful works. Their 
spirit was that of charity, their only object was the salvation of 
souls. So far from being supported by an arm of flesh, all the 
powers of the earth persecuted them and conspired for their de- 
struction. 

But how was Protestantism propagated in Ireland ? By acts 
of parliament fraudulently obtained, by the violence and influ- 
ence of two most corrupt and unprincipled sovereigns Henry 
VIII. and Elizabeth. Under their sway great numbers of Irish 



IT) 8 St. Brigid's Orphanage. 

Catholics were put to death because they would not renounce 
the ancient faith ; convents and monasteries were suppressed 
because their inmates were faithful to their vows ; the parochial 
clergy and bishops were persecuted and spoiled, and many put 
to death, because they adhered to the religion of their fathers, 
and would not separate "themselves from the communion of the 
Catholic Church, spread over the whole world. 

Moreover, the property of the Catholics was confiscated, and 
the nobles of the land were reduced to poverty, because their con- 
sciences would not allow them to bow to the supremacy of the 
crown in religious matters. What shall we say of the ingenious 
system of penal laws, which, with Draconian cruelty, was enacted 
against Catholicity ? A father was not allowed to give a Catho- 
lic education to his children ; and the child of Catholic parents, 
if he became a Protestant, could disinherit his brothers, and re- 
duce his father to beggary. Catholic education and Catholic 
schools were proscribed. A Protestant university was instituted 
and richly endowed with confiscated property, in order that it 
might be an engine for assailing Catholicity, and a bulwark of 
Protestantism. Charter schools were established for the purpose 
of infecting poor children with heresy. A court of wards was 
instituted, in order that the children of the nobility might be 
seized on, and brought up in the errors of the new religion. It 
was in this way that the Earls of Kildare and other noble families 
lost their faith. Catholics were excluded from all offices of trust ; 
they could not be members of parliament, they had no right of 
voting at elections, and they were not even allowed to hold 
leases of the lands from which their fathers had been violently 
and unjustly expelled. Such were the evangelical arts adopted 
to spread Protestantism in Ireland. What a contrast with the 
means employed by Providence to propagate the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ ! 

Thanks be to God, the faith of the people of Ireland over- 
came all the agencies which were employed for its destruction, 
and is now producing wonderful works of piety and charity at 
home, and bringing the blessings of salvation to foreign lands 
that heretofore were sitting in darkness and the shades of death. 
However, active efforts are still made to propagate the religion of 
Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, and it is hoped that what those cor- 
rupt and wicked, but powerful and despotic, sovereigns could not 
effect by fire and sword, by cruel penal laws, and confiscation of 
property, may be compassed by a degraded and contemptible sys- 
tem of pecuniary proselytism, which consists in collecting money 
in England for the purpose of bribing poor Catholics to become 
hypocrites and to deny their faith, or of purchasing children from 
miserable or wicked parents, in order to educate them in the 



St. Brigid' s Orphanage. 169 

religion, whatever that may be, of the Church Establishment, or 
more probably in no religion at all. 

The Report of St. Brigid's Orphanage, mentioned at the head 
of this notice, gives most interesting details regarding this new 
method of propagating the errors of Luther and Calvin. This 
document, though brief, is most worthy of the perusal of every 
Catholic. It Describes the activity and perfidy of the proselytisers, 
and it shows that they have immense resources, even hundreds of 
thousands of pounds per annum, at their disposal. The zeal of 
those men and their sacrifices in a bad cause, must be a reproach 
to Catholics, if they are not ready to stand forth and exert them- 
selves in defence of the Holy Catholic and Apostolical Church, 
out of which there is no salvation. 

The Association of St. Brigid in the few years of its existence 
has saved a large number of children from the fangs of proselytism. 
It has been able to perform so great a work of charity because its 
funds, though small, are managed with great economy. No ex- 
pense is incurred for buildings, or for the rent of houses, or for 
a staff of masters and mistresses. The ladies who manage the 
orphanage receive no remuneration, but give their services for 
the love of God. The poor orphans are sent to the country, and 
placed under the care of honest and religious families, who, for five 
or six pounds for each per annum, bring them up in the humble 
manner in which the peasants of Ireland are accustomed to live. 
In this way the orphans acquire that love for God, and that 
spirit of religion, for which this country is distinguished, and, at 
the same time, they become strong and vigorous like the other 
inhabitants of the country, and are prepared to bear the hard- 
ships to which persons of their class are generally exposed in 
life. Were those children educated in large orphanages and in 
the smoky air of the city, -they would perhaps be weak and 
delicate, incapable of bearing hard work, and likely to fail in the 
day of trial. 

The education of the orphans of St. Brigid is not overlooked 
by the managers. They require the nurses not only to teach the 
children by word and example, but also to send them to good 
schools, where they learn reading, and writing, the catechism, and 
all that is necessary for persons in their sphere of life. Some of 
the ladies of the association call them together from time to time 
for examination, and considerable premiums are awarded to the 
families in which the children are found to have made the 
greatest progress. In this way great emulation is excited, and 
a considerable progress in knowledge is secured. 

"When the orphans grow up, as they are generally strong and 
healthy and able for farm work, they are easily provided for. 
Many of them are adopted by those who reared them. In this 
VOL.I. 12 



170 St. BrigicVs Orphanage. 

way great economy is observed, and this is a consideration which 
cannot be overlooked in a poor country like Ireland, where the 
charity of the faithful has so many demands upon it. However, 
everything necessary is attained, as the orphans are prepared 
to earn a livelihood in this world, and trained up in the practice 
of those Christian virtues and practices by which they may save 
their souls. 

The report of the Orphanage is followed by the speeches which 
were made by several gentlemen at a late meeting of the Asso- 
ciation, held on the 16th November last. They will be read with 
great interest. Canon M'Cabe's address thus sums up the re- 
sults already obtained by St. Brigid's Association : 

" I thank God", said he, " that I am here to day to testify to the 
glorious fact, that already 525 destitute orphans have found a home in 
St. Brigid's bosom ; and that 247 of these, nursed into strength, moral 
and physical, have been sent forth into the world to fight the battle 
of life ; and we may rest perfectly satisfied that if, at the hour of 
death, they are not able to exclaim with the apostle, ' I have kept the 
faith', the fault most certainly will not rest with the friends of their 
infant orphan days". 

What a contrast with such happy results does the sterility of 
all Protestant religious undertakings present ! This is illustrated 
in the course of his discourse by the learned Canon. We give 
the following extract : 

" Marshall, in his admirable book on Christian Missions, assures us 
that the sum annually raised in England for missionary purposes, is 
not less than two millions sterling ; but he also tells us, on the au- 
thority of the Times newspaper, the consoling fact, that before one 
penny leaves England, half a million is consumed by the officers at 
home. We may rest quite satisfied that out of the 88,000 annually 
expended here in Dublin, a very decent sum goes every year to bring 
comfort, elegance, and luxury to the homes of pious agents and zeal- 
ous ladies engaged in the good cause. We have also the consoling 
knowledge that English gold and the grace of conversion are very far, 
indeed, from correlatives. Even in pagan lands its only power is to 
corrupt the hearts of those to whom it purports to bring tidings of 
Gospel truth. The spirit which influences the missioriers whom it 
sends forth, and the converts which it wins, is beautifully illustrated 
by a story told by a missionary Mr. Yate. He holds the following 
dialogue with a converted New Zealander : 4 When did you pray 
last?' 'This morning'. 'What did you pray for?' 'I said, O 
Christ, give me a blanket in order that I may believe'. This same 
Mr. Yate innocently records a letter written to him by a New Zea- 
land convert, which aptly strikes off the character of master and dis- 
ciple. * Mr. Yate, sick is my heart for a blanket. Yes, forgotten; 
have you the young pigs I gave you last summer ? Remember the 
pigs which I gave you ; you have not given me any thing for them. 



St. Brigid's Orphanage. 171 

I fed you with sucking pigs ; therefore I say, don't forget'. Need 
we wonder that such converts and such teachers were equally 
strangers to the blessings of Divine grace, and that the success of 
their preaching may be universally summed up in the words of a re- 
port which a famous Baptist preacher gave of his year's harvest. 
* During last year', he writes, ' I had 25 candidates ; out of that 
number six died, seven ran away, six are wavering backwards and 
forwards, and six are standing still". So the good man's success was 
represented by large zero. The same characteristics in teacher and 
disciple mark the history of the crusade carried on against ' the reli- 
gion of Ireland. The Irish New Zealander expects his blanket as 
the grand motive power of believing in souperism. The Irish Mr. 
Yate gets his ' sucking pig', and very often is ungrateful to his bene- 
factors. In one word, if any success attend the efforts made by the 
proselytiser, it is read in the total overthrow of the morals as well as 
the faith of their victims". 

Not to be too long, we merely refer the reader to Alderman 
Dillon's speech, in which he shows that the Protestant Church 
Establishment has been for centuries and is at present the un- 
happy source of all the evils of Ireland. With him we join in a 
fervent wish that a political institution, the creature and the slave 
of the state, an institution so useless and so mischievous, may soon 
reach the end of its career. Its present position may be under- 
stood from the following statistics given by Mr. Dillon, and 
which are founded on the authority of the last census: 

" The present Protestant population of the diocese of Kilfenora 
251, men, women, and children is less than that of the Jews in the 
city of Dublin, and could be removed in a few omnibuses ; that of 
Kilmacduagh, consisting of 434 persons, would not fill one room in the 
Catholic Parochial Schools at Ennistymon, in that diocese ; the small- 
est rural Catholic Chapel in the diocese of Emly would be thinly filled 
with the 1,414 professing Anglicans in that diocese ; the new Catholic 
Church in Ballinasloe would be comparatively empty with a congre- 
gation composed of the 2,521 Protestant inhabitants of the diocese of 
Clonfert; whilst, through the Cathedral of Waterford, three times 
more Catholies pass on Sunday, during the hours of Divine worship, 
than the 2,943 Protes:ants in the whole of that diocese. In fact, 
the single parish of St. Peter's, in the City of Dublin, contains, ac- 
cording to the Census of 1861, more Catholics than there are Protes- 
tants in the five dioceses just named, together with those in the six 
other dioceses of Achonry, Cashel, Killaloe, Ross, Lismore, and 
Tuam ; the Protestant population of these eleven dioceses, amount- 
ing to 38,962 persons, and that of the one Catholic perish, to upwards 
of 40,000 souls. There are as many Catholics in the City of Lime- 
rick as there are Protestants in the whole five counties of Connaught ; 
there are more Catholics, by 23,000, within the municipal bounds of 
the city of Dublin than there are Anglicans in the twelve counties of 
Leinster ; there are many thousands more Catholics in every county 

12 B 



172 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

in Ulster, save the small county Fermanagh, than there are Protestants 
in the whole province of Munster ; and, finally, the Anglican popu- 
lation of the kingdom exceeds that of the Catholics of the single 
county of Cork by only about 70,000 souls. In no province, no 
county, no borough in Ireland, can the Anglican population show a 
majority". 

We conclude by recommending the Orphanage of St. Brigid 
to the charity, not only of Dublin, but of all Ireland. It is a 
national institution. In a few years it has rendered great 
services to the country at large and to religion by saving so large 
a number of children from error and perversion : it is conducted 
on principles of the strictest economy, so necessary in the de- 
pressed state to which our population is reduced ; and it is espe- 
cially recommended by the way it brings up the poor orphans, as- 
similating them to our healthy and vigorous country people, and 
inspiring them with the same love for God and fatherland which 
distinguishes the peasants of Ireland. St. Brigid, the Mary of 
Ireland, will not fail to protect all who assist her orphans. 



THE MSS. REMAINS OF PROFESSOR O'CURRY 
IN THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY. 

NO. III. 

The Rule of St. Carthach, ob. 636. Part II. 

OF THE CONDUCT OF A MONK. 

67. If you be a monk under government, 

Cast all evil from your hands ; 

Abide in the rights of the Church 

Without laxity, without fault, 

68. Without quarrel, without negligence, 

Without dislike to any one, 
Without theft, without falsehood, without excess, 
Without seeking a better place, 

69. Without railing, without insubordination, 

Without seeking for great renown, 
Without murmur, without reproach to any one, 
Without envy, without pride, 

70. Without contention, without self-willedness, 

Without competition, without anger, 
Without persecution, without particular malice, 

Without vehemence, without words, 
f 1 Without languor, without despair, 
Without sin, without folly, 



The Rule of St. Carthach. 173 

Without deceit, without temerity, 

Without merriment, without precipitance, 

72. Without gadding, without haste, 

Without intemperance which denies all 
Without inebriety, without jollity, 
Without silly, vulgar talk ; 

73. Without rushing, without loitering, 

With leave for every act ; 
Without paying evil for evil, 
In a decayed body of clay ; 

74. With humility, with weakness, 

Towards uncommon, towards common ; 
With devotion, with humbleness, 
With enslavement to every one. 

75. In voluntary nocturns, 

Without obduracy, without guile, 
Waiting for your rewards 
At the relics of the saints. 

76. With modesty, with meekness, 

With constancy in obedience; 
With purity, with faultlessness 
In all acts, however trivial. 

77. With patience, with purity, 

With gentleness to every one ; 
With groaning, with praying 
Unto Christ at all hours ; 

78. With inculcation of every truth, 

With denunciation of every wickedness, 
With perfect, frequent confessions 
Under direction of a holy abbot ; 

79. With preservation of feet, and hands, 

And eyes, and ears, 
And heart, for every deed 

Which is due to the King above ; 

80. With remembrance of the day of death 

Which is appointed to all men ; 
With terror of the eternal pain 

In which [souls]] shall be after the Judgment. 

81 . To welcome the diseases, 

Patience in them at all times, 
With protection to the people of heaven 
It is a holy custom. 

82. To reverence the seniors, 

And to obey their directions, 
To instruct the young people 
To their good in perfection. 



174 The Rule of St. drth'dch. 

83. To pray for our cotemporaries, 

Greatly should we love it, 
That they barter not their Creator 
For the obdurate, condemned demon. 

84. To forgive every one 

Who has done us evil, 
In voice, in word, in deed, 

Is the command of the King of the Heavens. 

85. To love those who hate us 

In this Earthly world ; 
To do good for the persecutions, 
Is the command of God. 

FOR THE CELE DE (CULDU), OR THE REGULAR CLERIC. 

86. If we be serving the priestly office, 

It is a high calling ; 
We frequent the holy church 

At [canonical] hours perpetually. 

87. When we hear the bell 

The practice is indispensable 
We raise our hearts quickly up, 

We cast our faces down ; 
88 We say a Pater and a Gloria, 

That we meet no curse ; 
We consecrate our breasts and our faces 

With the sign of the Cross of Christ. 

89. When we reach the church 

We kneel three times ; 
We bend not the knee in [worldly] service 
In the Sundays of the living God. 

90. We celebrate, we instruct, 

Without work, without sorrow ; 
Illustrious the man whom we address, 
The Lord of the cloudy Heavens. 

91. We keep vigils, we read prayers, 

Every one according to his strength ; 
According to your time, you contemplate 
The Glory until the third hour. 

92. Let each order proceed as becomes it, 

According as propriety shall dictate ; 
As to each it is appointed, 
From the third hour to noon. 

93. The men of holy orders at prayers, 

To celebrate Mass with propriety ; 
The students to instruction, 

Accordingly as their strength permits ; 



The Rule of St. Carthach. \75 

94. The youngsters to attendance, 

Accordingly as their clothes will allow ; 
For a lawful prey to the devil is 
Every body which does nothing. 

95. Occupation to the illiterate persons, 

As a worthy priest shall direct ; 
Works of wisdom in their mouths, 
Works of ignorance in their hands. 

96. The celebration of every [canonical] hour 

With each order we perform ; 
Three genuflexions before celebration, 
Three more after it. 

97. Silence and fervour, 

Tranquillity without grief, 
Without murmur, without contention, 
Is due of every one. 

OF THE ORDER OF REFECTION, AND OF THE REFECTORY. 

98. The Rule of the Refectory after this, 

It is no injury to it to mention it ; 
It is for the abbot of proper orders 
To judge each according to his rank. 

99. The question of the refectory at all times, 

Thus is it permitted : 
An ample meal to the workmen, 
In whatever place they be. 

100. Tenderness to the seniors 

Who cannot come to their meals, 
Whatever be their condition, 
That they come not to neglect. 

101. Different is the condition of every one; 

Different is the nature of every wickedness ; 
Different the law in which is found 
The adding to a meal. 

102. Sunday requires to be honoured, 

Because of the King who freed it ; 
The feast of an apostle, noble martyr, 
And the feasts of the saints, 

103. Be without vigil, with increased meals. 

A tranquil, easy life 
From the night of great Christmas 

Till after the Christmas of the Star.* 
104. The festivals of the King of truth, 
In whatever season they happen, 

* Epiphany. 



1 76 The Rale of St. Carthach. 

To honour them is proper, 
To glorify them is right 

105. The fast of Lent was fasted by Christ 

In the desert within ; 

The same as if it were your last day, you eat not 
The meal of every day in it. 

106. To fast upon Sunday I order not, 

Because of the benignant Lord ; 
In the enumeration of the tenth* 
Nor of the year, it is not. 

107. Joy, glory, reverence, 

In great and glorious Easter, 
The same as Easter every day, 
Until Pentecost, is proper, 

108. Without fasting, without heavy labour, 

Without great vigils ; 
In figure of the glorious salvation 
Which we shall receive yonder. 

109. The feast of an apostle and martyr 

In the time of the great Lent ; 
In figure of the righteousness 
Which we shall receive yonder. 

110. The two fast days of the week 

Are to be observed by a proper fast, 
Accordingly as the time occurs, 
By him who has the strength. 

111. Summer Lent or Winter Lentfi 

Which are bitter of practice, 
It is the laity that are bound to keep these, 
Who do not do so perpetually. 

112. For as regards the ecclesiastics, 

Who abide in propriety, 
It is certain that of Lent and fasting 
All seasons are to them.t 

113. The meritorious fast is, 

And the abstinence so bright, 
From noon to noon no false assertion ; 
From remote times so it has been done. 

114. A tredan [three days' total fast] every quarter to those 

Who fast not every month, 
Is required in the great territories 
In which is the Faith of Christ. 

115. From the festival of the birth of John 

Till Easter, happy the combat, 

* Tithe. t Advent. 

J It is certain that all seasons are seasons of Lent and fasting to them. 



The Rule of St. Carthach. 177 

It is from vesper time to vesper time 
It is proper to go to table. 

116. From Easter again to John's feast, 

It is from noon to noon ; 
It is at evening of alternate days 
That comfort is allowed them. 

117. When the little bell is rung, 

Of the refectory, which is not mean, 
The brethren who hear it 

Come all of them at its call ; 
118. Without running, without stopping, 

Without passing proper bounds ; 
Every man separately it is no sad assertion - 

Receives the punishment [of the board ?J 

119. Then they go into the house, 

And shed tears with fervour ; 
They repeat a Pater for rest in God ; 
They stoop down three times. 

120. They then sit at the table, 

They bless the meal, 
Allelujah is sung, the bell is rung, 
Benediction is pronounced. 

121. A senior responds in the house, 

He says : God bless you ; 
They eat food, and drink, 

They return thanks after that. 

122. If there be anything more choice 

Which one should thirst for, 
Let it be given in private 
To a senior by himself. 

123. Let relief be given, if requisite, 

To those [penitents] who have devoutly fasted ; 
Let them be deprived, if not requisite, 
Until they have done penance the men 

124. After this, each man to his chamber, 

Without murmur, without anger, 
To reading, to prayers, 

To sighing unto his King ; 

125. To go afterwards to vespers, 

To celebrate them gracefully ; 
To retire afterwards to rest 

In the place which he occupies ; 

126. To bless the house 

Entirely upon all sides ; 
To attend the canonical hours* 
Without delay, without fail ; 
* Matins (?). 



178 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

127. To pray God for every one 

Who serves the Church of God, 
And for every Christian 

Who has come upon the earthly world. 

OF THE DUTIES OF A KING. 

128. If you be a king, be a just king, 

You shall ordain no injustice ; 
Illustrious is the Man who has appointed you 
The Lord of holy Heaven ! 

129. You shall not be rash, 

You shall not be prosperous and fierce ; 
You shall be watchful of the All Powerful, 
Who has given thee the rank. 

130. The wealth which you have obtained, 

If you do not be obedient to HIM, 
Shall be taken from you in a short time ; 
They shall leave you in pain. 

131. For it has been the full reduction 

To every king who has been, 
When you have bartered hapless power ! 
Your righteousness for unrighteousness. 

132. For it is through the unrighteousness of kings 

That all peace is disrupted 
Between the Church and the laity 
All truth is broken. 

133. For it is through their contention 

Comes every plague, it is known ; 
It is through their excesses that there comes not 
Corn, or milk, or fruit ; 

134. It is through them come all mortalities, 

Which defy every power ; 
It is through them that battle-triumph attends 
Every enemy over their countries ; 

135. It is through them come the tempests 

Of the angry, cold skies, 
The insects the many distempers 
Which cut off all the people. 

[There were a few stanzas more, but they are illegible.] 

It is unnecessary for us to dwell at any great length on the 
importance of this venerable document. It not only illustrates 
in an extraordinary manner many points of Catholic dogma, but 
also shows that several of the disciplinary observances now in 



The Rule of St. Carthach. 179 

force in the Church were faithfully observed by our fathers in 
the seventh century. For instance, the respectful and loving 
homage due to the Blessed Mother of God is insinuated in the 
fifth strophe ; in the ninth and following strophes we are taught 
the authority with which bishops are invested in the Church 
authority which extends over every class no matter how exalted : 
" Check the noble kings: be thou the vigilant pastor". In the 
eighteenth and following we are instructed in the duty of 
honouring superiors as we honour Christ Himself. From the 
thirty-eighth to the sixty-sixth we are taught the great and 
most important offices of a priest, especially with regard to 
offering the Holy Body and Blood of Our Lord, the practice of 
daily Mass, the celebration of Requiem Masses for the dead, the 
administration of the Holy Communion in life and death, and 
the necessity of receiving the confessions of the faithful, both 
before Communion and at the last moment. 

The disciplinary observances which we chiefly remark in the 
Rule are the raising up of the hands, the striking the breasts, 
and the genuflexions prescribed at the time of prayers and of 
the Holy Sacrifice; the perpetual psalmody: " To sing the three 
times fifty (Psalms) is an indispensable practice" ; the purity of 
life required in the priest : " There shall be no permanent love in 
thy heart, but the love of God alone ; for pure is the Body which 
thou receivest: purely must thou go to receive it" (strophe 65). 
The use of the sign of the Cross is mentioned at strophe eighty- 
eight ; and at eighty-six we find mention of the canonical hours, 
and at eighty-nine of the ancient custom, still preserved in many 
parts of the Liturgy, of praying erect, of not kneeling on Sundays, 
and of genuflecting on entering the church or place where God's 
glory dwells. The practice of fasting, and of other corporal 
austerities, is also inculcated ; and while in the 102nd and 106th 
strophes, Sundays and festivals are exempted from the law of 
fasting, the fast of Lent (strophes 105, 109, and following), of 
Advent (strophe 111), of two fasting days in each week, 
(strophe 110), and of the Quarter Tense (strophe 114), are 
specially mentioned. We also find an enumeration of the festi- 
vals as they are celebrated by the Church even at our day ; the 
Sundays, festivals of the apostles, of noble martyrs, and of all the 
saints; the "night of great Christmas", the Epiphany, when 
the star led the wise men to Bethlehem; Easter; " the festivals 
of the King of Truth" ; Pentecost ; and even the festival of the 
birth of St. John the Baptist. 

On reading over this remarkable document we are struck with 
the truth of the remark of the eloquent Ozanam in the chapter 
of his work Etudes Germaniques, he has devoted to the " preach- 
ing of the Irish". He says: "We must not here repeat that 



1 80 The Rule of St. Carthach. 

accusation so often brought against the Church of Ireland, viz., 
that being instructed in sacred learning from Asia, she re- 
jected the authority of the Popes; and that in union with the 
Culdees of Brittany, her monks preserved their religious inde- 
pendence in the midst of the universal spiritual bondage of the 
middle ages. If the founders of Irish monasteries, in the pro- 
visions and very terms of their rules, often recall to mind the in- 
stitutions of the east, it was at Lerins and in the writings of 
Cassian they learned them. It was from Rome that Patrick 
received his mission ; from Rome he received the language of 
his liturgy, the dogmas he taught, and the religious observances 
he propagated. Run over all that remains of these first centuries 
(of the Irish Church), the decrees of national synods, the pe- 
nitentials, the legends : you will find in them everything which 
the enemies of Rome have rejected ; the Eucharistic Sacrifice, 
the invocation of saints, prayers for the dead, the practice of 
confession, of fasting, and or abstinence. The differences be- 
tween her and the Churches of the continent are reducible to 
three points : the form of the tonsure, some of the minor cere- 
monies of baptism, and the time of keeping Easter, and these 
slight differences disappeared when the Fathers of the Council 
of Lene (A.D. 630), " having had recourse", as they tell us, " to 
the chief of Christian cities, as children to their mother", adopted 
the customs of the rest of Christendom. The religious commu- 
nities of Ireland were not, then, the jealous guardians of some 
unheard-of heterodox Christianity. They were the colonies and 
(as it were) the out-posts of Latin civilization. They maintained 
learning as well as faith, and their schools imitated the Roman 
schools in Gaul, whence had come forth the bright luminaries of 
the Church, Honoratus, Cassian, Salvian, and Sulpicius Severus". 
How beautiful is the description of one of these monastic 
rules, that of Benchor, found in the ancient Antiphonary of that 
monastery, published by Muratori, and quoted by the same 
distinguished writer: 

" Benchiur bona regula. 

Recta atque divina. 

Navis nunquam turbata, 

Quamvis fluctibus tonsa, 

Necnon vinea vera, 

Ex ^Egypti transducto, 

Christo regina apta, 

Solis luce amicta. 

Simplex simul atque docta. 

Undecumque invicta 

Benchiur bona regula". 
After giving this glowing picture of the monasteries of Ireland 



Association of St. Peter's Pence. 181 

we are not surprised to find this same learned writer exclaiming, 
" That the monastic race of the ages of barbarism, the mission- 
ary race destined to bear aloft the light of faith and learning 
amidst the increasing darkness of the west, was the Irish people, 
whose misfortunes are better known than the great services they 
rendered to European civilization, and whose wonderful vocation 
has never been studied as it deserves". 

In a future number we hope to enter again upon this most 
interesting subject, when reviewing a valuable contribution just 
given to our national literature by the learned Dr. Reeves on 
the Culdees of the British Isles. 



ASSOCIATION OF ST. PETER'S PENCE, 

DUBLIN. 

This association was founded in the end of the year 1861, by 
the pious Catholics of Dublin, for the purpose of aiding the 
Pope in the distress and difficulties to which he has been reduced 
by the perfidy and violence of the Sardinian Government and 
other enemies of the Church of God. 

Since its foundation, three years ago, this association has for- 
warded to Rome the sums of which we publish the annexed 
account. In a preceding collection, made on the first Sunday of 
Lent, 1861, about eighteen thousand pounds were contributed 
in Dublin, to which we do not refer on the present occasion. 

All we shall now say is, that the generosity of the faithful of 
Dublin, and their anxiety to assist the Pope, supply the best 
proofs of the vitality and strength of their faith. 

The Pope is the common father of all, the Chief Pastor of the 
Church of God, the Vicegerent of Christ, the inheritor of the 
dignity and office of St. Peter. He is the servant of the servants 
of God, obliged to toil incessantly for the welfare of the Church 
and the salvation of souls. Were the benign influence of the 
Popes destroyed, the Church would split into factions, and unity 
and Catholicity would cease to distinguish it. 

Whilst the successor of St. Peter has the claims of a father and 
of a pastor, and so many other claims on his children and spiri- 
tual subjects, those who look with indifference on his afflictions 
or who rejoice when he is plundered by his enemies, are liable to 
the charge of want of filial affection, of gratitude, and indeed of 
a proper spirit of religion. 

It is a consolation to know that the Catholics of almost every 
country and every diocese of the world have proved themselves 
worthy of their calling, and made great exertions to relieve the 
Pope. France, Spain, Germany, Belgium, Ireland, and even the 



182 



Poland. 



oppressed and persecuted Catholics of Sardinia, have done their 
duty most nobly. The consequence is, that by the aid of the 
alms of the faithful, the Pope is able to meet his engagements, 
and continue uninterruptedly the administration of the affairs of 
the Universal Church. And he is powerful in his weakness. At 
the same time, the excommunicated King of Sardinia and his 
ministers, notwithstanding the robberies they have committed, 
find their hands and their treasury quite empty, and must soon 
terminate in a state of public bankruptcy. 

It is evident that our Divine Redeemer watches over the Holy 
See, and defeats all the assaults of the powers of darkness that 
are directed against it. It is Heaven that inspires the Catholics 
of the world to institute associations for the relief of the Vicar of 
Christ on earth, and to aid in bringing about the triumph of 
truth over error, and of light over darkness. Ireland, we trust, 
will always be ready to assist the good cause even from the 
depths of her poverty. The few who sneer at the sufferings of 
their father, and refuse him sympathy and relief, are unworthy 
of the name of Irish Catholics ; they are degenerate children of 
forefathers who died rather than renounce their attachment to 
the See of Peter. 



1862 February 19th, 
February 26th, 
March llth, 
March 26th, 
May 19th, 
July 28th, 
August 9tb, 
September 4th, 
November 14th, 
November 28th, 



'180 








1863 March 9th, 


100. 








Way 13th, 


30 








May 29th, 


100 








July 15th, 


100 








July 29th, 


200 








November 26th, 


200 








1864 April Hth, 


500 








July 27th, 


500 








November 8th, 


120 










30 











150 

150 

50 

700 

500 

300 

200 o 

1000 

350 

5,460 



POLAND. 

His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin has honoured us by ad- 
dressing to us the following letter : 

To the Editors of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record. 

55 Eccles Street, 22nd December, 1864. 

REV. GENTLEMEN, 

The sad condition to which Russian despotism has reduced 
our Catholic brethren in Poland must be a source of grief and 
affliction to every Christian heart. Tens of thousands of the 
inhabitants of that generous country, so long the bulwark of 
Christendom against the encroachments of pagan or Mahometan 
hordes, have been condemned to pass their days in the deserts of 
Siberia, and to suffer an exile worse than death : noble families 



Poland. 183 

have been totally destroyed, and their children dispersed : even 
young ladies of the highest rank have been dragged from the con- 
vents where they were receiving a Christian education, and sent to 
pass their days among the Calmucks or the Tartars. The property 
of the Catholic nobility and gentry has been confiscated ; many 
churches and colleges and almost all the convents and monas- 
teries, have been stripped of their possessions, or suppressed. The 
scaffold has been purpled with the blood of innumerable victims, 
lay and clerical, and some bishops and hundreds of priests are 
now scattered over the continent of Europe, undergoing the 
sufferings of exile. " Crudelis ubique luctus, ubique pavor et 
plurima mortis imago". All these evils have been afflicted on 
Poland in the presence of Europe, and all the great powers have 
been silent, looking on with indifference. The Holy Father 
alone, acting with the usual spirit of the Apostolic See, has 
raised his voice in favour of suffering humanity ; but heresy and 
schism shut their ears against the words of truth, and Sarmatia 
is left to her unhappy fate. 

The scenes now enacted in Poland cannot but remind us of the 
calamities with which our own dear country was visited in the 
days of Cromwell and the Puritans, when the streets of our towns 
ran with the blood of massacred Catholics, and multitudes of 
Catholic children were torn from their homes and sent to drag 
out a miserable existence in the swamps of Georgia or on the 
scorching sands of the Antilles. 

Ireland having suffered in the same cause and in the same 
way as Poland, must feel deep sympathy with her afflicted 
sister " Haud ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco". Hence, 
I am confident that our charitable people., though severely tried 
themselves, will do everything in their power to assist the poor 
exiled Poles, who have been obliged to take refuge in France 
and other countries of Europe, in order to avoid the sword or 
the halter of the Russian despot. 

The clergy of France, encouraged by the exhortations and 
example of our Holy Father, who has not only raised his voice 
in favour of the poor exiles, but has founded a college for them 
in Rome the clergy of France, always active and zealous 
in the protection and propagation of the faith, have instituted a 
society, with the view not only of providing for the present 
wants of the Poles now scattered through Europe, but also of 
taking steps to secure in times to come the existence of our holy 
religion in that unhappy country, by educating young students 
to fill the ranks of the priesthood. 

A most distinguished prelate, Monseigneur Segur, well known 
for his innumerable works of charity and religion, is at the head 
of the society just mentioned, and the Very Rev. Abbe Per- 



184 Poland. 

raud, a learned priest of the Oratory, and author of an admirable 
work on the state of Ireland, is its secretary. The society is 
patronised by the bishops and nobles of France. 

Wishing you, reverend gentlemen, every blessing and every 
success, I remain, your obedient servant, 

% PAUL CULLEN. 

The president and secretary have addressed to me the two 
documents here annexed, which give a full and true account of 
the unhappy state of the Polish exiles, and of the sufferings of 
the clergy. 

May I beg of you to publish them in the next number of the 
Record, a periodical which I hope will do good service to Irish 
ecclesiastical literature. 

I will send 10 myself, to assist in relieving the persecuted 
Poles. If any of your readers wish to confide their contribu- 
tions to me, I will be happy to remit them to that good friend, 
both of Ireland and Poland, the Abbe* Perraud. 

Letter addressed to their Lordships the Archbishops and Bishops of England 
and Ireland by the President oj the Association. 

The 30th of July, 1864, date of the circular of the Sovereign Pontiff, Pius IX., 
addressed to the Archbishops and Bishops of Poland, will ever be a memorable 
epoch for the martyred nation. From that day she may look with confidence to 
the future ; Catholicism is saved in Poland, and with Catholicism the past history 
of the Polish nation. 

In obedience to the voice of the Holy Father, who solemnly warns us not to fol- 
low prescriptions contrary to the laws of God and of His Church, and " placing, 
according to his word, everything else below religion and the Catholic doctrine", 
some of his sons assembled on the 24th of September, 1864, for the purpose of ob- 
taining in behalf of Poland that which the Emperor of Russia refuses her. 

Borrowing the very expressions of the Pontifical letter, the following are their 
engagements : 

" The Czar wishes to extirpate Catholicism" ; we will uphold it. " He would 
drag the whole of his people into this wretched schism"; we will lend them our 
aid. " He prohibits writings that are propitious to Catholicism"; we will print 
them. " He impedes the communications with the Holy See" , we will free them 
from difficulty. "He forbids showing, either by preaching or instructing, the 
difference that exists between truth and schism" ; we will receive and propagate 
works that demonstrate this difference. 

" Bishops are torn from their dioceses and sent into exile"; we should be proud 
to own them. "The religious are expelled from their communities, and their 
monasteries are turned into barracks" ; we are ready to offer them a refuge. 
" Priests are cruelly persecuted, deprived of all they possess, reduced to poverty, ex- 
iled, thrown into prison or put to death" ; we undertake to receive them with 
honour, to alleviate their sufferings, to create or to support houses of education, 
both elementary and of a higher order, so that the source of priesthood in Poland 
may not be dried up, and so as to disseminate the benefits of Christian education. 
" Numbers of Catholics of every rank and age are removed to distant countries" ; 
we will open our doors to them. 

In a word, the nucleus of an exclusively religious association, under the denomi- 
nation of a Work of Catholicism in Poland", has been formed in Paris, with the 
view of maintaining, " by all the means that charity can suggest", this generous 
nation in her fidelity to the Church. 

Mgr. de Segur, prelate of his Holiness' household and Canon of St. Denis, has 
consented to honour this most important work with his patronage. 



Poland. 185 

The Rev. Father Ptetot, superior-general of the Oratory, and the Rev. M. 
Deguerry, parish priest of the church of La Madeleine, at Paris, the Count Mon- 
talembert, and M. Cornudet, councillor of state, have also kindly accepted the 
vice -presidentship. 

Our first duty is to receive with sympathy the representatives of Polish heroism, 
men who have not hesitated between tortures and apostacy. Many of them were 
in the enjoyment of affluence at home; and after having proved in the last strug- 
gle the vitality of their invincible nation, the spirit of faith and of sacrifice is now 
the sole treasure which they possess. 

Amongst the Poles now in Paris, there are representatives of every profession; 
employment must be found for them, either in the capital or the provinces. A 
neighbouring country of two millions and a half of inhabitants, Switzerland, has 
harboured about two thousand. There, not one of the exiles but has found both 
assistance and means of gaining his livelihood. An asylum even is being founded 
for the reception of invalids ; a residence is offered to them. Public opinion in 
Switzerland is so favourable to the Poles, that in their presence even religious dif- 
ferences are done away with. What the Helvetian republic has effected, the whole 
of France will not fail to accomplish. So much for the more immediate necessities. 

Whenever there is question of works of the apostleship in foreign lands, we are 
always ready to assist the missionary. Have we not a short time ago signalized our 
zeal for the Christians of Syria and Lebanon, and still more recently for the Bulga- 
rian nation, for whose return to unity we may safely hope? What we require at pre- 
sent, and what is easier to perform, and less uncertain, is to maintain in her attach- 
ment to the Church a Catholic nation of 25 millions of men. To accomplish this, 
we must provide for the religious education of those whom the misfortunes of the 
times prevent from entering into the seminaries of Poland. The Holy Father has 
himself given the initiative, by opening a Polish seminary at Rome. Why should 
we not follow his example? At the time of the persecutions in Ireland, we counted 
in the north of France alone, no less than four colleges for the use of young Irish- 
men: Saint-Omer, where the great O'Connell was formed: Douai, whence came 
in the time of Elizabeth, forty of England's early martyrs : Lille, and Paris. 

Until such time as the extension of the work shall enable us to collect the ne- 
cessary funds for the foundation and maintenance of these establishments, we would 
humbly request the bishops to admit into their large and small seminaries the young 
Poles who show signs of an ecclesiastical vocation. If, after preparatory studies, 
they could not all return to their mother country, their aid would be valuable for 
the conversion of different nations of the East. 

As it is probable that this association of prayers and of alms will not be of long 
duration, the annual subscriptien is fixed at a minimum of 5 fr. Many of the 
faithful no doubt will not be satisfied with so small a contribution. Others, on the 
contrary, may group together to form it. 

We would also request their Lordships the Bishops to be kind enough to appoint 
in each of their dioceses a member of their clergy who would have the charge of 
centralising the work and making it known, and who would enjoy the spiritual 
favours of the Sovereign Pontiff, who has ever been the protector and father of 
Poland. To every Catholic, to whatever country he may belong, this work is 
a question of honour, a protestation of the civilised world against barbarity. 

Out of France we firmly hope our work will meet with deep sympathy, similar 
associations will be formed, and regular communications established between them. 

May the blessed Virgin, Patroness of Poland, bless and second our efforts. 

All communications and donations intended for the " Work of Catholicism in 
Poland" to be addressed to the Rev. Father Perraud, Priest of the Oratory, Direc- 
tor General of the Work, 44 Rue du Regard, Paris. 

French and foreign newspapers favourable to Poland are requested to publish 
this act of foundation of the " Work of Catholicism in Poland". 

Letter to the Archbishop of Dublin from the Director- General oj the Association. 

"Paris, 20th December, 1864, 
" MY LORD ARCHBISHOP, 

" The work, the plan of which we lay before you to-day, is one which recom- 
mends itself to your zeal and your love for the Church. 

VOL I. 13 



186 Liturgical Questions. 

" The touching words of the Sovereign Pontiff have stirred us to lend assistance 
to martyred Poland May the Church of Ireland second the Church of France in 
this endeavour, which is so noble, and, at this moment, so necessary. 

" I venture to unite my humble voice with that of the pious prelate and of the 
eminent men who are at the head of this work, in the hope that the bishops and 
priests of Ireland will listen with favour to an appeal on behalf of a persecuted 
church and nation. Accept, my Lord, the expression of profound respect and 
lively gratitude with which I am, 

" Your most devoted humble Servant, 

"ADOLPHE PERRAUD, 
" Director-General of the Work". 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. 

One of the objects which, the founders of the IRISH ECCLE- 
SIASTICAL RECORD had proposed to themselves from the very 
beginning of their undertaking was to offer to the Irish clergy in 
its pages an appropriate place for the discussion of liturgical ques- 
tions. They judged that they could not better recommend this 
object to their readers than by laying before them a sample of the 
actual working of the liturgical department of an ecclesiastical 
periodical of long standing and renown. With this view it was 
resolved to insert in our early numbers some of the questions 
which from time to time had been asked by French clergymen in 
the Revue des Sciences Ecclesiastiques (edited by the learned Abbe 
Bouix), adding in each case the answers given by those charged 
with that part of the Review. No official character has ever 
been claimed for these answers by their authors, who invariably 
give for what they are worth the arguments on which their 
answers rest. In the same way the excellent Archivio deW 
Ecclesiastico of Florence devotes every month a portion of its 
pages to the liturgical questions which are continually addressed 
to the Editor by the clergy of Northern Italy. We are happy 
to announce to-day that several distinguished ecclesiastics who 
have devoted much time and study to liturgical pursuits have 
undertaken to attend to any similar questions that may be ad- 
dressed to the RECORD by the clergy of Ireland. Following the 
custom of the periodicals just mentioned, all information shall 
be withheld concerning the sources whence the questions have 
come, except where publicity is expressly desired. Every 
question with which we may be honoured, shall be carefully at- 
tended to. We hope that every priest will assist us in this effort 
to make the IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD a work of practical 
benefit to the clergy of Ireland. 

We give to-day a collection of the decrees of the S. Con- 
gregation of Rites on various points of the Rubrics of the Missal. 



Liturgical Questions. 187 

We extract them from the first Ratisbon edition of the Manuale 
Ordinandorum, March 1842. In order that the words of each 
decree of the S. Congregation may be distinguished from those 
of the editors, the former are printed in Italics. 

EX DECRETIS S. RITUUM CONGREGATIONS. 
Ad . II. De ingressu sacerdotis ad altare. 

1. Acolythus aut alius accendens cereos ante Missam, aut ante 
aliam sacram functionem, incipere debet a cereis qui sunt a cornu 
evangelii, quippe nobiliori parte. 12 Aug. 1253 (Anal. II. p. 
2201). 

2. Non licet sacerdotibus deferre manutergium supra calicem 
tarn eundo quam redeundo ab altari. 1 Sept. 1703 in u. Pisaur. 

3. Sacerdos pergens ad celebrandum et calicem manu sinistra 
portans, ad ianuam sacristiae signet se, si commode fieri potest, 
aqua benedicta; sin minus, se abstineat. 27 Mart. 1779 in u. 
Ord. Min. ad 14. 

4. Si sacristia est post altare, a sacristia ad illud e sinistra 
egrediendum, a dexter a ad illam accedendum. 12 Aug. 1854 in 
u. Brioc. ad 17. 

5. Sacerdos Missam celebraturus transiens ante altare, ubi fit 
.populi Communio, non debet permanere genuflexus, quousque 

terminetur Communio. 5 Jul. 1698 in u. Collen. ad 17. In 
quaestione : quomodo se gerere debeat sacerdos celebraturus, dum 
transit ante altare, in quo sit pub lice expositum Ss. Sacramentum ? 
An post factam genuflexionem detecto capite, surgens debeat 
caput tegere, donee ad altare pervenerit? an vero detecto capite 
iter prosequi ob reverentiam tanti Sacramenti sic publice expositi, 
cum rubrica Missalis Romani non videatur loqui do hac praecisa 
adoratione in casu de quo agitur? servandae sunt rubricae Mis- 
salis JRomani, quae videntur innuere, quod post factam adora- 
tionem genibus flexis, detecto capite, surgens caput operiat. 24 
Jul. 1638 in u. Urb. 

6. Tarn in ingressu Sacerdotis ad altare, quam ante principium 
Missae, reverentia Sacerdotis debet esse profunda capitis et cor- 
poris, non capitis tantum, inclinatio, juxta rubricam 8. April. 
1808. in u. Compostell. ad 5. In accessu ad altare, in quo habe- 
tur Ss. Sacramentum, sive expositum, sive in tabernaculo recondi 
turn et in recessu, in piano est genuflectendum; in infimo autem 
gradu altaris, quoties (alias ante altare) genuflectere occurrat (e. g. 

in principio Missae). 12. Nov. 1831 in u* Mars, ad 51 Inter 

Missam privatam a ministro in transitu tantum ante medium 
altaris genvflectendum, (si Ss. Sacramentum inclusum est in 
tabernaculo), vel inclinandum. 12. Aug. 1854 ad 70 et 71 (Anal. 
II 2200). 

7. Si multae sunt particulae consecrandae, satius est eas ponere 



188 Liturgical Questions. 

in pixide;* si paucae poni possunt in alia patena; nunquam 
vero in alio Corporali complicate. 12. Aug. 1854 ad 19 (Anal. 

11. p. 2192) 

8. In Missis privatis non potest permitti ministro aperire 
Missale et invenire Missam ; et serventur rubricae. 7. Sept. 1816 
in u. Tuden. ad 11; neque potest permitti ministro, si fuerit 
sacerdos vel diaconus sive subdiaconus, ut praeparet calicem, et 
ipsum extergat in fine post ablutiones. Ibid, ad 12. 

Ad III. De prmcipio Missae et Confessione facienda. 

In Missa dicendum est Confiteor pure et simpliciter, prout ha- 
betur in Missali Romano, absque additione alicujus Sancti etiam 
Patroni, nisi adsit speciale indultum Apostolicae Sedis. 13. 
Febr. 1666 in u. Ord. Min. ad 5 ; Jul. 1704 in u. Valent. 

Ad . IV De IntroitUj Kyrie, et Gloria. 

In quaestione : an post signum crucis. quod fit in fine " Gloria 
in excelsis", " Credo" et " Sanctus" manus sint jungendae, 
etiamsi nihil hujusmodi praescribat rubrica? serventur rubricae, 

12. Nov. 1831 in u. Mars, ad 30. 

Ad V. De Oratione. 

Congruit, ut fert praxis universalis, praesertim Urbis, quod 
fiat inclinatio capitis, cum pronunciatur nomen Ss. Trinitatis, 
sicut fit, cum profertur nomen Jesus. 7. Sept. 1816 in u. 
Tuden. ad 40. 

Ad. VI. De Epistola usque ad Offertorium. 

1. Juxta rubricas in elevatione oculorum crux est aspicienda. 
22. Jul 1848 in u. Adiacen. ad. 3. 

2. Manus sinistra poni debet super missale ad Evangelium, 
cum dextera fit signum crucis super ipsum. 7. Sept. 1816 in u. 
Tuden. ad 25. 

3. In Missis privatis ad verba " Et incarnatus est", Celebrans 
genuflectere debet unico genu. 22. Aug. 1818 in u. Hispal. ad 
10 

Ad . VII. De Offertorio usque ad Canonem. 

1. In dubio: an in Missa privata. quando minister non est 
superpelliceo indutus, deceat eum, lecto Offertorio a Celebrante, 
ad altare ascendere, accipere et licare velum calicis, vel hie ritus 
reservari debeat ministris superpelliceo indutis vel etiam Cele- 
brans ipse debeat plicare velum et super altare ponere ? servanda 
est consuetudo. 12. Aug. 1854 ad 69 (Anal. II. p. 2200). ^ 

2. In quaestione : utrum parvi cocnlearis pro aqua in calicem 

* Ex quo patet, " va* man lam beuedictum", de quo rubrica esse pividem. 



Liturgical Questions. 189 

infundenda usus sit omnibus licitus? servanda est rubrica. 7. 
Sept. 1850 in u. Rupel. ad 13. 

3. Praxis extergeudi calicem cum purificatorio ad abstergen- 
das guttas vini adhaerentes lateribus interioribus cuppae calicis, 
quae aliquando resiliunt, dum praeparatur ipsemet calix, magis 
congruit etsummopere laudabilis est. 7. Sept. 1816 in u. Tuden. 
ad 28. Relinqui vero potest Sacerdotis arbitrio utrum punfica- 
torium ponere velit super pedem calicis dum praeparatur (vinum 
ad offertorium infunditur), vel potius super patenam. Ibid, ad 29. 

4. Oratio " Deus qui humanae" incipienda est a sacerdote 
eodem momento, quo benedicit aquam; non vero prius aqua 
benedicatur nihil dicendo, atquo tune demum, facto signo crucis, 
ilia oratio incipiatur. 12. Aug. 1854 ad d. 25. (Anal. Jur. 
Pontif. II. p. 2193). 

5. Cruces quas fiunt super oblata a sacerdote, non debent fieri 
manu transversa sed manu recta. 4. Aug. 1663 in u. Dalmat. 
ad 4. In benedictionibus congruentior juxta rubricas et ritum 
videtur modus benedicendi manu recta, et digitis simul unitis et 
extensis. 24. Jun. 1683 in u. Abling. ad 6. 

6. Congruit, ut fert praxis universalis, praesertim Urbis, quod 
fiat inclinatio capitis in fine Psalmi " Lavabo" (ad " Gloria 
Patri"), qui dicitur in Missa, sicut praescribitur in principio 
Missae. 7. Sept. 1816 in u. Tuden. ad 37. 

Ad VIII. De Canone usque ad Gonsecrationem. 

1. Ad quaestionem: an Sacerdos dicere debeat " Te igitur" 
in principio Canonis, dum elevat manus et oculos ; vel incipere 
debeat, dum est jam in profundo inclinatus? servanda est rubrica 
de ritu servando in celebratione Missae tit. 8, num. 1, et alter a, 
Canoni praefixa. 7. Sept. 1816 in u. Tuden. ad 33. 

2. Omnes sacerdotes celebrantes, dum in Canone Missae 
Papam nominant, debent juxta rubricam caput inclinare. 23. 
Mai 1846 in u. Tuden. ad 6. 

3. In Canone nomine Antistitis non sunt nominandi superiores 

Regularium 13. Febr. 1666 in decret. ad Missal, ad 11 li Re- 

ligiosi, qui, Antistitis nomine tacito, ejus loco in precibus sive in 
Canone suae Religionis Superior em nominant, contra caritatem 

faciunt. 12. Nov. 1605 in u. Ulixbon. rln Canone et in Col- 
lectis omnino, facienda est mentio de Episcopo etiam ab exemptis 
25. Sept. 1649 in u. Tornac. ad 6. 

4. Debet Sacerdos pronuncians in Canone Missae nomen 
alicujus Sancti, de quo factum est Officium, vel saltern Com- 
memoratio, facere iuclinationem capitis. 7. Sep. 1816 in u. 
Tuden. ad 34 Nomen S. Joseph Sponsi B. M. V. non potest. 
addi in Canone. Permittitur vero hujus nominis additio in 
Collecta "A cunctu\ 17. Sep. 1815 in u. Urbis et Orbis. 



1 90 Raiments. 

5. A " Hanc igitur oblationem" manus sacerdotis ita debent 
extend!, ut palmae sint apertae, pollice dextero super inistrum 
in modumcrucis supra manus posito. 4. Aug. 1663 in u. Dai- 
mat, ad 5. 

| THE REMAINDER IN OUR NEXT. | 



DOCUMENTS. 



PLENARY INDULGENCE IN ARTICULO MORTIS. 

Rescript of Clement XIV. by which powers to grant the said Indulgence are given 
to Bishops in countries where Catholics live mixed with other religious de- 
nominations. Indulgence to be gained by invoking the sacred name. 

The experience of Catholics proves that nothing tends more 
effectually to promote practices of piety and to enkindle a reli- 
gious spirit, than the doctrine of the Catholic Church regarding 
indulgences. Take, for example, the case of a plenary indul- 
gence. How many penitential and meritorious works are required 
to secure a participation in so precious a treasure. The person 
wishing to gain an indulgence of this kind must diligently ex- 
amine his conscience, excite himself to contrition for his sins, 
make an humble confession, and perform some penitential work 
in reparation for the past. Besides, the holy Sacrament of the 
altar must be worthily received, prayers recited for a pious pur- 
pose, and some work of charity or religion performed. 

Considering the good thus done, the Church grants plenary in- 
dulgences to the faithful on many festivals ; but she is never so 
liberal in dispensing her treasures, as when there is question of 
persons in immediate danger of death. When that dreadful 
moment arrives, as on it depends our fate for all eternity, re- 
served cases are no longer maintained, and all priests are allowed 
to absolve from every censure. For the consolation also of the 
dying, and to promote their spiritual welfare, every facility is 
granted for the obtaining of plenary indulgences. 

Benedict XIV. treats at great length of this important matter 
in a Bull which commences " Pia mater", published on the 
5th April, 1747. To each bishop who has once obtained 
from the Holy See the privilege of imparting indulgences in 
articulo mortis, he grants the power of communicating the same 
faculty to such priests subject to his jurisdiction as he may de- 
sire. In a rescript of the Propaganda, dated 5th April, 1772, 
Clement XIV. extends that privilege very considerably for all 



Documents. 191 

countries where Catholics live mixed up with persona of other 
religious denominations ; and when it happens that no priest can 
be found to grant the indulgence in the usual form, his Holiness, 
in the abundance of his charity, grants a plenary indulgence to 
all who invoke the holy name of Jesus at least in their heart, 
and who with Christian humility and resignation receive death 
from the hand of God, commending their souls into the hands 
of their Creator. 

In order that the valuable privilege granted to the prelates of 
the Church and to the faithful in general may be known ^to all, 
we publish the rescript of Clement XIV., as it is found in Dr. 
Burke's Hibernia Dominicana, Appendix, page 936: 

" Ex Audientia Sanctissimi D. N. dementis Papae XIV. habita 5 

Aprilis 1772. 

" Ne Christifidelibus, inter Hereticos, et Infideles, in qualibet 
Orbis parte degentibus, et in ultimo vitae discrimine, constitutes, ea 
spiritualia auxilia desint, quae Catholica pia mater Ecclesia filiis 
suis a saecula recedentibus solet misericorditer impertiri : Sanctissi- 
mus Dominus Noster Clemens, divina Providentia Papa XIV., me 
infrascripto sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Secretario 
referente, pro eximia caritate, qua illos fraterne complectitur, omni- 
bus et singulis RR. PP. DD. Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, 
Vicariis Apostolicis, necnon RR. Praefectis seu Superioribus mis- 
sionum tarn Cleri Saecularis, quam Regularis, inter Infideles et Here- 
ticos, ut supra, modo existentibus, seu quocumque tempore extituris 
peramanter concedit facultatem impertiendi benedictionem, cum In- 
dulgentia plenaria fidelibus praedictis, ad extremum agonem redactis : 
Cum ea etiam extensione ut facultatem hujusmodi Sacerdotibus, et 
respective missionariis, eorum jurisdiction! subjectis, pro locis tamen 
suarum Dioceseum, vel pro missionum districtibus tantum, communi- 
care possint et valeant : dummodo in hac benedictione impertienda 
serve tur formula prescripta a San. Mem. Benedicto XIV. in Constitu- 
tione data 9 Aprilis, 1747, quae incipit Pia mater, inferius regis- 
tranda. 

" Quoniam autem facile continget ut aliqui ex praedictis Christi- 
fidelibus, ex hac vita decedant, quin Ecclesiae Sacramentis fuerint 
muniti, et absque Sacerdotis cujuslibet assistentia; ideo Sanctitas 
Sua, de uberi apostolicae benignitatis fonte, etiam illis plenariam In- 
dulgentiam elargitur, si contriti nomen Jesu, corde saltern, invocave- 
rint, et mortem de marm Domini, ea qua decet, Christiana animi de- 
missione, et spiritus humilitate susceperint, animamque in manus 
Creatoris sui commendaverint. Quae prostrema Decreti pars ut Chris- 
tifidelibus omnibus innotescat, earn in suis dioecesibus, ac missionibus, 
Antistites, et Superiores memorati identidem, et praesertim sanctae 
Visitationis tempore publicare curent et satagant. 

" Datum ex aedibus Sac. Congregationis praedictae, die 5 Aprilis, 
1772. 

'* ST^PHANUS BORGIA, Secretarius". 



192 Documents. 



n. 
THE STATIONS OF THE CROSS FOR THE SICK. 

The Holy See has long since granted to the general, the 
provincials and guardians of the Franciscan order, the faculty of 
blessing crucifixes, to enable sick persons, prisoners, and others, 
unable for lawful reasons to make the stations of the cross, to 
gain all the indulgences of the said stations. 

Such persons have only to recite twenty times, the Pater, 
Ave, and Gloria, before the cross thus blessed, and which they 
are required to hold in their hands during these prayers. 

Pius IX. in the following brief extends this faculty to those 
who in the Franciscan convents take the place of the guardians, 
when these latter for any reason are called away from home. 

" Pius PP. IX. Ad perpetuam rei memonam, Exponendum nuper 
Nobis curavit dilectus Filius Raphael a Ponticulo Minister Generalis 
ut praefertur Ord. Fr. Min. S. Francisci jam alias ab hac Sancta 
Sede facultatem concessam fuisse, cujus vi fideles vel infirmi vel 
carcere detenti aliave legitima causa impediti, recitantes viginti vici- 
bus Orationem Dominicam, Salutationem Angelicam, et Trisagium 
ante Crucein, quam manu tenere debeant, benedictam a Ministro 
Generali Ord. Min. S. Francisci, vel Provincial}, aut a Guardiano 
quocumque dicti Ordinis indulgentiam Statiormm Viae Crucis seu 
Calvariae lucrari valeant. Cum vero ut idem dilectus Filius Nobis 
retulit in nonnullis Regionibus Conventus praesertim recens erecti 
existant, qui Guardianos non habeant, sed Superiores qui Praesides 
nominantur, aut etsi habeant saepe eveniat ut vel Sacris Ministeriis, 
et spiritual! proximorum commodo, aut etiam aliis negotiis peragendis 
operam impensuri a respectivis Conventibus per aliquod temporis 
spatium abesse debeant, quo tempore eorum vices gerunt, qui Vicarii 
Conventus nuncupantur, nine fit ut saepe in dictis Regionibus nullus 
Frater ex eodern Ordine praesto sit auctoritate praeditus, quo piis 
tidelium votis et spiritual! consolation! satisfied possit. Quare prae- 
fatus Minister Generalis enixe Nobis supplicavit ut in praemissis 
opportune providere ac ut infra indulgere de benignitate Apostolica 
dignaremur. Nos fidelium commodo, quantum in Domino possumus 
consulere, et piis hujusmodi precibus obsecundare volentes Praesidi- 
bus nunc et pro tempore existentibus in Conventibus Fratrum Ord. 
Min. S. Francisci, qui Guardianos non habent, nee non Vicariis Con- 
ventuum ejusdem Ordinis, qui absentibus Guardianisrespectivi Guar- 
diani vices gerunt, facultatem mernoratam, quae ab hac Sancta Sede 
alias Miuistro Generali, Provinciali, et cuivis Guardiano praedicto 
Ministro Generali subdito concessa fuit benedicendi Cruces cum ad- 
nexis Indulgentiis Stationum Viae Crucis seu Calvariae, dummodo 
tamen omnia quae praescripta sunt ab eis serventur, tenore praesen- 



Documents. 193 

tium auctoritate Nostra Apostolica in perpetuum concedimus et elar- 
gimur. In contrarium facieu. non obstan. quibuscumque. 

" Datum Romae apud S. Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris die XI. 
Augusti MDCCCLXIII. Pontificatus Nostri Anno Decimoctavo. 
"Loco jfc Sigilli. 

" PRO DNO. CARD. PARACCIANI-CLARELLI. 
" lo. J3. Brancaleoni Castellani Substtiutus. 

"Praesentes Litterae Apostolicae in forma Brevis sub die 11 August! 
1863 exhibitae sunt in Secretaria S. C. Indulgentiarum die quinta 
Septembris ejusd. anni ad formani Decreti ipsius S. C. die 14 
Aprilis 1858. In quorum Fidem etc. Datum Romae ex Eadem Se- 
cretaria die et anno ut supra. 
" Copia Originali conformis. 

"A. ArcTiipr. Prinzivalli Substitutus" . 



III. 

LETTER OF CARD. PATRIZI TO THE BISHOPS 
OF BELGIUM, ON SOME DOCTRINES TAUGHT 
AT LOUVAIN. 

Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine uti Frater, 
Quum non levis momenti sit pluribus ab hinc annis istis in regio- 
nibus agitata quaestio circa doctrinam a nonnullis Universitatis Lova- 
niensis doctoribus traditam de vi nativa humanae rationis, Sanctissimus 
D. N. qui in Apostolicae Sedis fastigio positus advigilare pro suo mu- 
nere debet, ne qua minus recta doctrina diffundatur, quaestionem illam 
examinandam commisit duobus S. R. E. Cardinalium conciliis, turn S. 
Officii turn Indicis. Jam vero cum esset hujusmodi examen instituen- 
dum, prae oculis habitae sunt resolutiones quae sacrum idem concilium 
Indicis edidit, jam inde ab annis 1843 et 1844, posteaquam ad illius 
judicium delata sunt opera Gerardi Ubaghs in Lov. Univ. doctoris de- 
curialis, in primisque tractatus logicae ac theodiceae. Etenim sacer 
ille consessus mature adhibita deliberatione duobus in conventibus 
habitis die 23 mens. Jun. An. 1843, ac die 8 Aug. an. 1844, emendan- 
das indicavit expositas tarn in logica quam in theodicea doctrinas de 
humanarum cognitionum origine sive ordinem metaphysicum spectent 
sive moralem, et illarum praesertim quae Dei existentiam respiciant. 
Id sane constat ex duobus notationum foliis, quae ex ejusdem sacri 
consessus sententia Gregorii XVI. SS. PP. auctoritate confirmata ad 
Emum. Card, archiep. Mechliniensem per Nuntiaturam Apost. trans- 
missa fuerunt, monendi causa auctorem operis ut nova aliqua edttione 
librum suum emendandum curet, alque interim in scholasticis suis 
lectonibus ab ii$ sententiis docendis abstinere velit. Quae duo nota- 
tionum folia, modo res spectetur, simillima omnino sunt ; si namque 
in folio posteriori aliqua iacta est specie tenus immutatio, id ex eo re- 
petendurn est, quod auctor accepto priori folio libellum die 8 Dec. an. 
1843, Emo. Archiepiscopo tradidit, quo libello doctrinae suae rationem 



194 Documents. 

explicare atque ab omni erroris suspicione purgare nitebatur. Quern 
sane libellum, licet idem Emorum. Patrum concilium accurate perpen- 
disset, minime tamen a sententia discessit, atque adeo tractatus illos 
ac nominatim tractatum de Theodicea, qui typis impressi in omnium 
versabantur manibus, atque in Universitate aliisque scholis publice 
explicabantur, corrigendos judicavit. Fatendum quidem est, post 
annum 1844 nonnullos intervenisse actus, quibus praedicto Lov. 
doctori laus tribuebatur, perinde ac si in posterioribus sui operis edi- 
tionibus sacri consessus voto ac sententiae paruisset, sed tamen uti 
firmum ratumque est bina ilia notationum folia post sacri ejusdem 
concilii sententiam SS. P. auctoritate comprobatam fuisse conscripta, 
ita pariter certum est, posteriores illos actus haudquaquam S. con- 
sessus, multoque minus SS. P. continere sententiam, quod quidem 
actus illos legentibus videre licet. Quae quuni ita sint, necessarium 
investigare ac perpendere visum est, num memoratus Lov. doctor in 
editionibus logicae ac theodiceae, quas post diem 8 mens. Aug. an 
1844 confecit, accurate sit exsequutus quod a S. Concilio libris notan- 
dis inculcatum ei fuit in memoratis notationum foliis per Card, archie- 
piscopum eidem auctori transmissis. Hujusmodi porro institute ex- 
amine rebusque diu multum ponderatis, memorati cardinales turn qui 
S. Inquisitioni turn qui libris notandis praepositi sunt, conventu habito 
die 2 1 sept, proxime praeteriti judicarunt recentes eorumdem tractatuum 
editiones minime fuisse emendatasjuxtaspraedicti sacri consessus notationes, 
in Usque adhuc reperiri ea doctrinae principia quae uti praescriptum 
fuerat, corrigere oportebat. 

Quod quidem auctor ipse recenti in epistola ad Emum. Card. Ludo- 
vicum Altieri praef. S. C. libris notandis missa aperte fatetur. Scribit 
enim quatuor adhuc se publicasse theodiceae editiones, 1 nimirum an. 
1844, quae primitus subjecta est S. Sedis judicio ; 2 an. 1845, typis 
impressam haud ita muho post notationes a S.' Card, consessu propo- 
sitas. Utraque vero editio, quemadmodum suis ipse verbis tatetur 
auctor, similes prorsus sunt, idem capitum, paragraphorum et pagina- 
rum numerus, eaedem locutiones; hoc solum differunt, quod secunda editio 
aliquot diver si generis notas et paucas phrases incidentes continet, quae 
simul paginas forte duodecim implere possint. Editiones vero, ut ipse 
prosequitur, tertia an. 1852, et quarta an. 1863, etiam in se similes sunt 
et a praecedentibus, si formam exteriorem, non doctrinam species, multum 
differunt. Ad logicam porro quod spectat, cum illius tractatum iterum 
typis mandavit, post acceptas S. consessus notationes haec in praef a- 
tione significuvit : Quantuncumque scripta immutaverim, nunquam 
minime recedendum esse duxi a principiis, quae in primis editionibus as- 
sumpseram, quae tamen repudiare vel mutare me non puderel, si ilia falsa 
vel minus recta esse quisquam ostendisset. Hinc pariter memorati Car- 
dinales judicarunt, exsequendum ab auctore esse quod minime adhuc 
praestitit, nimirum emendandam illi esse expositam doctrinam in 
cunctis iis locis seu capitibus quae S. consessus librorum notandorum 
judex minus probavit, juxta notationes in supradictis duobus foliis 
comprehensas et peculiariter in primo, utpote quod rem apertius ac dis- 
tinctius exphcat. Ex quo tamen haudquaquam intelligendum est 



Documents. ii';> 

probari doctrinas reliquas, quae in recentioribus operum praedictoruin 
editionibus continentur. Hanc porro Emorum. Patrum sententiam 
SSrnus. D. N. Pius IX. auctoritate sua ratam liabuit et confirmavit. 

Quae cum ita se habeant, dum Emus. Car. Mechliniensis juxta de- 
mandatas ei partes memoratum doctorem Gerardum Casimirum Ubaghs 
admonebit officii sui eique vehementius inculcabit, ut doctrinam 
suam ad exhibitas S. consessus notationes omnino componat, erit 
yigliantiae tuique studii pastoralis una cum archiepiscopo aliisquc suf- 
fraganeis episcopis omnem dare operam tit hujusmodi Emorum. Patrum 
sententia execution! nulla interject a mora mandetur, neque in ista 
Lovan. Universitate, quae ab Arcliiep. Mechl. et suffrag. antistitum 
auctoritate pendet, neque in seminariorum scholis aliisque lyceis illae 
amplius explicentur doctrinae, quae uti primum ad Apost. Sedis judi- 
ciurn delatae fuerunt, visae sunt a scholis catliolicis amandandae. 

Haec significanda mihi erant Emorum. Patrum nomine Amplitu- 
dini Tuae cui fausta ornnia ac felicia precor a Domino. 
Amplitudinis Tuae 

Addictissimus uti Frater, 

C. CARD. PATRIZI. 

Romae d. 11 Oct., 1864. 



NOTICES OE BOOKS. 



i. 

Juris Ecclesiastici Graecorum Plistoria et Monumenta, jussu 
Pii IX. Pont. Max., Curante I. B. Pitra, S.R.E., Card. 
Tom. I. a primo p. C. n. ad VI. sseculum. Romae, Typis 
Collegii Urbani. MDCCCLXIV. 1 vol. fol. pagg. Ivi.- 
686. 

The vast erudition which has made the name of Cardinal 
Mai for ever illustrious in the history of ecclesiastical literature, 
reappears in Cardinal Pitra, whom the wisdom of Pius IX. has 
lately called to be honoured by, and to do honour to, the 
Roman purple. The book before us is worthy of the reputa- 
tion of the learned Benedictine, to whom we owe the Spici- 
legium Solesmense, and in whose person the best glories of 
the Maurini Editores have been revived. As the title imports, 
the volume is divided into two parts, one being devoted to the 
monuments, the other to the history, of the Greek ecclesiastical 
law. Of these monuments there are two distinct classes. The 
first contains all such as may be styled juris apostolici, viz., the 
canons of the apostles, their constitutions de mystico ministerio y 
their sentences, the acts of the council of Antioch, select portions 



Notices of Books. 

of the apostolic constitutions, penitential canons, and the eight 
books of the constitutions. The second embraces the canons of 
councils held during the fourth and fifth centuries the councils 
of Nice, of Ancyra, of Neo-Caesarea, of Gangre, of Constan- 
tinople, of Ephesus, and of Chalcedon. Next follow the canoni- 
cal epistles of the Fathers viz., two letters of St. Dionysius of 
Alexandria, one to Basilides, the second to Conon, which latter 
is here published for the first time. The canons of St. Peter of 
Alexandria, derived from two sermons on Pentecost and Easter ; 
the canonical letter of St. Gregory of Neo-Caesarea, and his ex- 
position of faith ; three epistles of St. Athanasius ; the epistles of 
St. Basil the Great to Amphilochius, to Gregory the Priest, to the 
chor -episcopi, and to the bishops ; the epistle of St. Gregory of 
Nyssa to Letorius ; the canonical replies of Timothy of Alexan- 
dria; the edict of Theophilus of Alexandria, concerning the 
Theophanias; the commonitorium to Ammon; the declaration 
concerning the Cathari, and his replies to the bishops Agatho 
and Menas, all by the same Theophilus ; the three letters of St. 
Cyril of Alexandria, to Domnus, Maximus, and Gennadius ; and 
finally, two catalogues of the inspired books, drawn up in verse 
by St. Gregory Nazianzen. These precious monuments are 
given both in their original language and in a Latin version. 
The text of the original is as perfect as a patient collation of 
MSS. and editions could make it, and the translation which ac- 
companies it, is either the best already known, or a new one made 
by the eminent author. The notes are all that can be desired. 

The history of Greek Ecclesiastical law is divided by the au- 
thor into five periods. The first extends from the first to the 
sixth century ; the second, from Justinian to Basil the Macedo- 
nian; the third, from the ninth to the twelfth century; the 
fourth, to the fall of the Empire ; the fifth, to our own day. In 
the first epoch Ecclesiastical jurisprudence was in a most flou- 
rishing condition. In" the following periods it lost its vigour, 
owing to the loss of the sacerdotal spirit among the bishops who 
sought favour at court, to the craft of the civil lawyers, to im- 
perial tyranny, and at last to the Ottoman yoke. The method 
to be pursued in tracing the history of Greek Ecclesiastical law, 
according to our author, is to examine in each of these epochs, 
first, the canons in detail ; next, the collections of canons ; and 
finally, the interpretations and comments made upon them. 

The volume is furthermore enriched by copious indexes of 
MSS. editions and libraries, and by a collection of the most 
striking passages of the Fathers and Councils which prove the 
primacy of the Apostolic See. 



Notices of Books. 197 

ii. 

La Tres Sainte Communion, etc. [floly Communion. By Mgr. 
de Segur; 43rd edition] Paris: Tolra and Haton, 68 Rue 
Bonaparte, 1864, pagg. 70. 

This little work so unpretending in appearance comes before us 
honoured with an approbation which the most splendid volumes 
might be proud to deserve. The preachers of the Lenten sermons 
in Rome are accustomed to assemble at the commencement of that 
season in one of the halls of the Vatican to receive from the Holy 
Father, together with his blessing, their commission to preach the 
Word of God. On occasion of this ceremony before the Lent 
of 1861, Pius IX. distributed with his own hand to each of the 
preachers a copy of the Italian translation of the work under notice, 
saying: " This little book, which has come to us from France, has 
already done a great deal of good; it ought to be given to every 
child who makes his first communion. Every parish priest 
ought to have it, for it contains the true rules about communion, 
such as the Council of Trent understands them, and such as 
J wish to be put in practice" 1 . Besides, in an Apostolic Brief, 
dated 29th September, 1860, the Holy Father approves of 
the doctrine which serves as the foundation of all the rules laid 
down by the author concerning frequent communion. The lead- 
ing principle of the work is this : that Holy Communion is not a 
recompense for sanctity already acquired, but a means of preserv- 
ing and of augmenting grace, and thereby of arriving at sanctity. 
Holy Communion, therefore, should be an ordinary and habitual 
act of the Christian life, and frequent communion should be the 
rule of the good Christian's conduct. There are, however, some 
important distinctions to be made. To go to communion every 
day, or almost every day, or three or four times a week, is frequent 
communion in its absolute sense, and frequent with respect to 
every class of person. To go to communion every Sunday and 
Holiday, a practice indirectly recommended to all by the Council 
of Trent, is not frequent communion for priests, members of re- 
ligious orders, ecclesiastical students, or in general for such as aim 
at perfection ; but it is frequent communion for children and for 
the mass of the faithful, who have but scanty leisure to devote to 
pious exercises. To communicate every month and on the great 
festivals, is not frequent communion at all, even for the poor and 
the labouring class. It is, no doubt, an excellent practice, and 
to be recommended to all, but it cannot be called frequent com- 
munion. 

These principles once laid down and proved by the authority 
of Councils and Fathers, M. de Segur proceeds to give a plain 
and convincing reply to the difficulties urged by those who, 



198 Notice* of Book*. 

Having the dispositions required for frequent communion, are 
unwilling to permit it to themselves or to others. Of such dif- 
ficulties he examines fifteen, which we here enumerate, in 
order that the eminently practical character of the book may 
be apparent to all: 1. To go frequently to communion, I 
ought to be better than I am; 2. I am not worthy to come 
so close to God; 3. Communion, when frequent, produces no 
effect; 4. I don't like to grow too familiar with holy things; 
5. I am afraid to go communion without first going to con- 
fession, and I cannot go to confession so often; 6. It is 
bad to go to communion without preparation, and I have no 
time to prepare myself as I ought; 7. I do not feel any fervour 
when I communicate ; I am full of distraction and without de- 
votion ; 8. I do not dare to communicate often ; I always relapse 
into the same faults; 9. 1 am afraid of surprising and scandalizing 
my acquaintances by going so often to Communion; 10. My 
family will be displeased if I become a frequent communicant ; 

11. I know many pious persons who communicate but seldom; 

12. I am most anxious to communicate frequently, but my con- 
fessor will not allow me; 13. Frequent communion is not the 
custom in this country; 14. It is quite enough to go to com- 
munion on the great festivals, or at most once a month; 15. 
Your doctrine on frequent communion goes to extremes, and 
cannot be put in practice. These objections are solved in a 
manner at once convincing and pleasing. To the charm of a 
most agreeable style, and a great knowledge of the world of to- 
day, Mgr. de Segur unites the still higher excellence of sound 
learning and the spirit of the most tender piety. These quali- 
ties are especially remarkable in the sections which, at the end of 
his work, he devotes to prove how beneficial frequent commu- 
nion is to children, to young persons, to Ecclesiastical students, 
and to the sick and afflicted. 

It will serve as a further recommendation of this little book to 
know that the Cure of Ars, who was an intimate friend of Mgr. 
de Segur, acted according to its maxims in the discharge of his 
ministry, and with what abundance of good to souls, France 
and the world well know. 

in. 

TJie Present State of Religious Controversy in America. An 

Address delivered before the New York Theological Society. 

By the Rev. J. W. Cummings, D.D. New York: O'Shea, 

1864. 

The society at the inauguration of which this address was de- 
livered, owes its origin to the zeal of some excellent young priests 
of the diocese of New York. They founded it that they might 



Notices of Booh. 109 

have in it at once a help and an incentive to keep up amid 
the labours of the mission that acquaintance with theology 
which they had cultivated in college. At each of the monthly 
meetings of the society two dissertations are read on some sub- 
ject of Dogmatic Theology ; and by the prudent advice of Dr. 
M'Closkey, the new Archbishop of New York, the discussion of 
a moral case has been added on each occasion. It speaks well for 
the sacerdotal spirit of the American clergy, that we can find 
flourishing among them this and similar associations, created by 
themselves and conducted with so much vigour and judgment. 
The New York Theological Society deserves from the priests of 
Ireland the highest praise these latter can bestow the praise 
which consists in the imitation of what we admire. The range 
fixed for the society's labours naturally suggested to Dr. Cum- 
mings the subject of his inaugural discourse, and led him to 
address himself to the solution of this question: " What are the 
distinctive features of religious controversy as it occupies the 
public mind in our own age and country ?" Among the distinc- 
tive features of American controversy he places the fact that the 
old political differences which ranged Protestants against Catho- 
lics in Europe have no real life or significance beyond the 
Atlantic. The Englishman's dread of Catholicism as a foreign- 
ism has no hold on the mind of an intelligent American. No 
doubt, there is even in American Protestants much bitterness 
against the Catholic Church, but it is merely the same spirit of 
opposition to lawful authority which ever has been and ever will 
continue to be in the world. But, with all his freedom of 
thought, there is in the case of the inquiring American a great 
difficulty to overcome. 

" That difficulty is prejudice. The dark form of the old protest 
has passed away ; but the injurious effects of its presence will long 
remain. What the gray dawn is to the night, what the chafing 
of the sea waves is after the storm, such is the cold mistrust, the 
vague fear, the half-concealed repugnance to Catholics and Catholi- 
city, which has succeeded to the bitter hatred and stern defiance of 
days gone by. Very commonly the Protestant who happens to meet 
with some point of Catholic controversy is either entirely ignorant of 
the subject knows absolutely nothing about it or is misinformed 
and malinformed ; in fact, has his mind filled with all sorts of ideas 
touching the case in point except right and true one. 

" It follows from these remarks that what is most needed from us 
is sound, clear, and honest explanation of the doctrines taught by 
our Church. It is a waste of time to go on proving that Luther and 
Calvin were inconsistent, and contradicted themselves, or that they 
were ungodly in their conduct. No American is a Protestant out of 
respect for Luther 01 Calvin. He believes that Protestantism is 
liberty and enlightenment, and Catholicity is despotism and super- 



200 Notices of Books. 

stition. Show him that he can be a good Catholic and preserve his 
liberty too, and combat ignorance and superstition as much as he 
pleases, and he will listen respectfully to your voice". 

Seeking thus the Kingdom of God, the Catholic priests of 
America will find that through their labours God has added 
unto their country all good things even in the temporal order. 
The Church in America is exhibiting every day more clearly 
her wondrous power as the civilizer of the nations. This is in 
no wise surprising to us who know her: but it is cheering to 
learn from such an authority as Dr. Cummings, that even those 
who are not her children are beginning to follow with reverent 
looks the traces she leaves in society by her influence on the 
hearts of men. 

"Our honest Protestant friends, whether they are statesmen, 
scholars, publicists, military commanders, and in many cases, even 
ministers of the Gospel, are ready to concede, that unless the masses 
of the American people are led to act under the guidance of Catholic 
principles, there is little chance of saving this country from speedy 
and utter destruction. 

" Let us, reverend brethren, do our work patiently and cheerfully 
to forward so grand a purpose as the conversion of this whole great 
country to true religion, leaving the result to God and to those who 
will follow us in the ministry when our seats shall be vacant in the 
holy sanctuary. The pioneer who, on the plains of our far western 
country, toils patiently in removing the charred and blackened tree- 
stumps scattered over the field where once rose the dark and tang- 
led forest, does as necessary and honourable a work as his successor 
who passes scattering handfuls of seed along the soft, brown furrows, 
and as useful a work as the successor of both, who puts his sickle 
into the nodding grain and gathers in its golden sheaves at tile happy 
harvest home". 

IV. 
Ireland, her Present Condition, and what it might e. By the 

Earl of Clancarty. Dublin: Herbert, 1864, pag. 39. 

Even the nettle has its flower ; and Lord Clancarty 's pamphlet, 
bristling as it is with stinging points against the Catholic religion, 
is not without something to recommend it. The author says 
of the Catholic Church that, "while she was the depository of 
learning, and especially of the sacred writings, she neither fur- 
thered the interests of science, nor disseminated the knowledge 
of God's written word", and in the same breath he calls upon the 
state to countenance the Catholic University, " for which so ar- 
dent, and it must be admitted so legitimate, a desire is manifested 
by the Roman Catholic body". He raises, and satisfactorily dis- 
poses of, all the arguments that can be brought against the grant 
of a charter to the University. It is not the first time that lips 
opened to utter hard things against God's people have been made 
to become the vehicle of good wishes towards the same. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

FEBRUARY, 1865. 



CARDINAL CONSALVI AND NAPOLEON 
BONAPARTE. 

[Concluded from page 167.] 

Tills laconic answer produced on Napoleon an extraordinary 
effect. He started, and fixed on the Cardinal a long and 
searching look. The man of iron will felt that he had to deal 
with another will, which, while it matched his own for firmness, 
surpassed it in the power that ever springs from self-control. 
Taking advantage of the Consul's surprise, Consalvi went on to 
say that he xjould not exceed his powers, nor could he agree to 
terms in opposition to the principles of the Holy See ; that it 
was not possible in ecclesiastical matters to act as freely as was 
allowable in urgent cases wherein only temporal matters were 
concerned. Besides, in fairness the rupture could not be laid to 
the Pope's charge, seeing that his minister had agreed to all the 
articles with one single exception, and that even this one had 
not been definitely rejected, but merely referred to the judgment 
of his Holiness. 

. Somewhat calmed, the Consul interrupted, saying that he did 
not wish to leave after him unfinished works; he would have 
all or none. The Cardinal having replied that he had no power 
to negotiate on the article in question as long as it remained in 
its present shape, Napoleon's former excitement flashed out once 
more as he repeated with fire his resolution to insist on it just as 
it was, without a syllable more or less. " Then I will never 
sign it", replied the Cardinal, "for I have no power to do so". 

VOL. I. 14 



202 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

" And that is the very reason", cried tlie other, " why I say that 
you wished to break off the negotiations, and that I look on 
the business as settled, and that Rome shall open her eyes, and 
shall shed tears of blood for this rupture". Then almost rudely 
pushing his way through the company, he went about in every 
direction, declaring that he would change the religion of Europe ; 
that no power could resist him ; that he would not be alone in 
getting rid of the Pope, but would throw the whole of Europe 
into confusion : it was all the Pope's fault, and the Pope should 
pay the penalty. 

The Austrian minister, the Count de Cobenzel, full of conster- 
nation at the scene, ran at once towards the Cardinal, and with 
warm entreaty, implored of him to find some means of averting so 
dreadful a calamity. Once more had the Cardinal to hear from 
lips to which fear lent most earnest eloquence, the harrowing 
description of the evils in store for religion and for Europe. " But 
what can be done", he replied, " in the face of the obstinate de- 
termination of the First Consul, to resist all change in the form 
of the article ?" The conversation was here interrupted by the 
summons to dinner. The meal was short, and was the most 
bitter the Cardinal had ever tasted in his life. When they 
returned to the saloon, the Count resumed his expostulations. 
Bonaparte seeing them in conversation, came up to the Count, 
and said that it was a loss of time to try to overcome the obsti- 
nacy of the Pope's minister ; and then, with his usual vivacity 
and energy, he repeated his former threats. The Count respect- 
fully answered that, on the contrary, he found the Pope's minister 
sincerely anxious to come to terms, and full of regret at the 
rupture ; no one but the First Consul himself could lead the 
way to a reconciliation. " In what manner?" asked Bonaparte, 
with great interest. " By authorising the commissioners to hold 
another sitting", replied the Count, " and to endeavour to intro- 
duce some such modification of the contested point as might 
satisfy both parties". These and other remarks of the Count 
were urged with such tact and grace, that after some resistance, 
Napoleon at last yielded. " Well, then", cried he, " to prove to 
you that it is not I who seek to quarrel, I consent that the com- 
missioners shall meet on to-morrow for the last time. Let them 
see if there be any possibility of an agreement ; but, if they sepa- 
rate without coming to terms, the rupture may be looked on as 
final, and the Cardinal may go. I declare, likewise, that I insist 
on this article just as it stands, and I will allow no change to be 
made in it". And so saying, he abruptly turned his back on the 
two ministers. 

These words, ungracious and contradictory as they were, 
nevertheless contained the promise of a respite. It was resolved 



Cardinal Gonsalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte- 203 

at once to hold a sitting the next day at noon in the usual place, 
in the hope that, having come to some agreement between them- 
selves, they might win the First Consul's consent, through the 
influence of his brother Joseph, who had a great regard for De 
Cobenzel, and who was desirous of peace. 

That night, following a day of such anxiety, and preceding a 
day of dreadful struggle, brought but little repose to Cardinal 
Consalvi. But when the morning came, a circumstance occurred 
which filled to overflowing the cup of bitterness he had been 
condemned to drain. At an early hour Mgr. Spina came into 
his room with sorrow and embarrassment in his countenance, to 
report that the theologian, P. Caselli, had just left him, after 
having announced that he had spent the night in reflecting on 
the incalculable mischief likely to follow from such a rupture ; 
that its consequences would be most fatal to religion, and, as 
the case of England proved, without a remedy ; that, seeing the 
First Consul inflexibly bent on refusing any modification of the 
disputed article, he had come to the determination of signing 
it as it stood; that in his opinion, it did not touch doctrine, 
and the unparalleled character of the circumstances would 
justify the Pope's condescendence in such a case. Mgr. Spina 
added that since this was the opinion of P. Caselli, who was so 
much better a theologian than he himself, he had not courage 
enough to assume the responsibility of consequences so fatal to 
religion, and that he, too, had made up his mind to receive the 
article and sign it as it was. In case the Cardinal believed that 
it was not competent for them to sign without him, they would 
be under the necessity of protesting their acceptation of the 
article, thereby to save themselves from being responsible for 
the consequences of the rupture. 

This declaration, coupled with the thought that he was now 
alone in the conflict, deeply affected the Cardinal. But it did 
not shake his resolution nor take away his courage. He set 
himself to the task of persuading his two friends of their mistake, 
but his endeavours were in vain. Perceiving that all his argu- 
ments were counterbalanced by the dread entertained of the con- 
sequences, he ended by saying that he was by no means con- 
vinced by their reasons, and even single-handed he was resolved 
to persevere in the conflict. He therefore requested them to de- 
fer the announcement of their having accepted the article until 
the conference was at an end, if it should be necessary to break 
off negotiations. They willingly assented, and promised to give 
their support to his arguments in the course of the debate, 
although they were resolved not to go as far as a rupture. 

Precisely at noon the sitting was opened at the residence of 
Joseph Bonaparte. It lasted twelve hours, the clock having 

14 B 



204 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

struck midnight as they arose from the table. Eleven hours 
were devoted to the discussion of the article of the Concordat 
which had been the cause of so many disputes. It is now time 
to redeem our promise to enter somewhat into detail concerning 
this famous question. 

At Rome two things were considered as absolutely essential to 
the Concordat, of which they were declared to be conditions sine 
quibus non. One of these was the free exercise of the Catholic 
religion ; the other, that this exercise of religion should be public. 
The Head of the Church felt it indispensable that these two 
points should be proclaimed in the Concordat, not only because 
it was necessary to secure for religion some solid advantage 
which might justify the extraordinary concessions made by the 
Holy See, but also because the spirit of the secular govern- 
ments both before, and much more after, the French Revolu- 
tion, ever tended to enslave and fetter the Church. Besides, it 
had become quite evident in the earlier stage of the negotiations, 
that the government of France was obstinately opposed to the 
recognition of the Catholic religion as the religion of the state. 
That government had ever met the exertions made by Rome to 
gain this point by reciting the fundamental principle of the con- 
stitution, which asserted the complete equality of rights, of 
persons, of religions, and of everything else. Hence it was 
looked upon as a great victory, and one for which Cardinal 
Consalvi deserved high praise, when he succeeded in extorting 
the admission that stands at the head of the Concordat, to the 
effect that the Catholic religion in France was the religion of 
the majority of the citizens. Another reason there was to insist 
upon these two points. That universal toleration, which is one 
of the leading principles of the jus novum, had long been proved 
by experience to mean toleration for all sects, but not for the 
true Church, The Cardinal had not much difficulty in obtain- 
ing the recognition of the free exercise of the Catholic religion. 
Perhaps the government already had thought of the famous 
organic laws which it afterwards published, and which effec- 
tually neutralised all its concessions on this point. But a whole 
host of invincible difficulties was marshalled against the demand 
made for public exercise of the Catholic worship. It was 
urged with some reason, and no doubt in a good measure with 
sincerity, that circumstances had made it impossible to carry 
out in public with safety to the general peace, all the cere- 
monies of religion, especially in places where the Catholics were 
outnumbered by infidels and non-catholics. These latter would 
be sure to insult and disturb the processions and other public 
functions performed outside the churches; and it was not to 
be expected that the Catholics would bear these outrages with 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 205 

patience. Hence, not being willing to sanction an indefinite 
right of publicity, the government expressed its views in these 
terms:* "The Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion shall be 
freely exercised in France : its worship shall be public, regard 
being had, however, to police regulations". This is the article 
the discussion of which had occasioned so much labour and 
anxiety. 

Cardinal Consalvi discovered in the article thus worded two 
fatal defects : firstly, it tended to enslave the Church by placing 
her at the mercy of the civil power ; and secondly, it implied on 
the part of the Church a sanction of the principle which would 
serve to legalise such enslavement. For many years, court law- 
yers had spoken but too plainly concerning the supposed right 
of the crown to regulate external worship; and so far had 
this right been extended in practice, that the Church found 
herself almost, or even altogether, the slave of the civil power. 
" I had good reason, therefore", says the Cardinal, " to entertain 
a sovereign dread of that indefinite and elastic phrase ' regard 
being had to' (en se conformant)". Besides, many things pointed 
to the probability that in virtue of such a convention signed by 
the Holy See, the police, or rather the government, would inter- 
fere in everything, and submit everything to its own will and 
pleasure, without the Church being able to object, her liberty 
being tied up by the expression in the treaty. No doubt the 
Church frequently finds herself in such circumstances, as lead 
her to tolerate de facto violations of her rights and laws, such 
toleration being recommended either by prudence, or by charity, 
or by lack of power, or by other just motives. But she never 
can authorize by a solemn engagement the principle from which 
such violations spring. 

Whilst fully decided never to accept at any risk an article 
so fraught with mischief to the Church, Consalvi was too loyal 
and too honest to deny the force of some of the arguments 
brought into the field by the French commissioners. Hence he 
proposed various expedients by help of which the dreaded dan- 
gers to the public peace might be turned away. One of these 
expedients was a Papal Bull to the French clergy, commanding 
them to abstain for some time from certain public ceremonies in 
places where those hostile to Catholicism were numerous or in- 
tolerant ; another was, to insert an additional article limiting the 
duration of the proposed exception, and determining the cases in 
which the police might interfere : but all was in vain ; the govern- 
ment obstinately clung to its idea. The Cardinal tells us that he 

* Art. i. . 6. Religio Cathelica Apostolica Romana libere in Gallia exrcebitur ; 
cultus publicus rit, habits* taman ratione ordinationum quoad politiam. 



206 Cardinal Consalvi arid Napoleon Bonaparte. 

would have preferred to omit all mention of the right to publicity of 
worship, and thus cut the knot it was so troublesome to unravel ; 
but his orders from Rome to include that point were too decided, 
and he was not allowed to send a courier to solicit fresh instruc- 
tions from the Holy Father on the subject. He felt, therefore, 
that, even at the cost of a rupture between the two contending 
parties, he was bound by his most solemn and sacred duty to re- 
fuse his sanction to the obnoxious proposition. 

With these convictions Consalvi took his place at the meeting, 
on the result of which hung the spiritul interests of so many mil- 
lions of souls. We shall not follow out in detail the shifting 
phases of the negotiation, but we will come at once to its closing 
passage. The French commissioners declared that the state had 
no wish to enslave the Church ; that the word police did not 
mean the government, but simply that department of the execu- 
tive charged with the maintenance of public order, which order 
was as much desired by the Church as by the state. Now it was 
absolutely necessary to preserve public order, and no law could 
stand in the way of such a result. Salus populi suprema lex. It 
was impossible, they said, for public order to last throughout parts 
of France, if unrestricted publicity were once permitted in reli- 
gious ceremonies ; and as no other power save the government 
could judge where such publicity might be safe and where dan- 
gerous, it should be left to the discretion of the government to 
impose, for the sake of peace, such restrictions as the general 
good required. The Cardinal admitted that public tranquillity 
was by all means to be preserved, but he contended that the 
article did not restrict, either in point of object or of time, the 
power it assigned to the government; that such unrestricted 
power was dangerous to the Church ; and therefore some clause 
should be added to determine more plainly the precise nature and 
bearing of the authority to be given to the police to regulate pub- 
lic worship. At length he urged a dilemma which completely 
vanquished the commissioners. "I objected", says he, " thus: 
either the government is in good faith when it declares the 
motive which forces it to subject religious worship to police re- 
gulations to be the necessary maintenance of public tranquillity, 
and in that case it cannot and ought not refuse to assert so much 
in the article itself; or the government refuses to insert such an 
explanation ; and then it is not in good faith, and clearly reveals 
that its object in imposing this restriction on religion is to en- 
slave the Church". 

Caught between the horns of this dilemma, the commissioners 
could only say that the explanation required was already con- 
tained in the word police, police regulations being in their very 
nature regulations directed to secure public order. " I replied", 



Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 207 

continues the Cardinal, " that this was not true, at least in every 
language ; but even supposing it to be true", said I, " where is 
the harm in explaining it more clearly, so as to remove any mis- 
taken interpretation which may be prejudicial to the liberty of 
the Church? If you are in good faith, you can have no diffi- 
culty about this ; if you have difficulty, it is a sign you are not in 
good faith". Pressed more and more by the force of this dilem- 
ma, and unable to extricate themselves, they asked me " what 
advantage do you find in this repetition you propose ?" (for they 
continued to hold that the word police expressed it sufficiently). 
" I find in it a very signal advantage", replied I ;" for by the 
very fact of restricting in clear and express terms the obligation 
of making public worship conform to the police regulation, we 
exclude restriction in every other case, for inclusio unius est ex- 
clusio alterius. Thus the Church is not made the slave of the 
lay power, and no principle is sacrificed by the Pope, who in that 
case sanctions only what cannot be helped, for necessitas non 
habet legem". 

This reasoning overcame the commissioners, who had no fur- 
ther answer to make. It was resolved to add to the article an 
explanatory phrase, which should narrow its meaning, and pre- 
clude the possibility of unfair interpretations in after days. 1 he 
amended article read as follows: " The Roman Catholic Apos- 
tolic religion shall be freely exercised in France: its worship 
shall be public, regard being had, however, to such police ar- 
rangements as the government shall judge necessary for the pre- 
servation of the public peace" (quas gubernium pro publica tranquil- 
litate necessarias existimabit). The Concordat was thus finally 
agreed to by the commissioners of the two contracting parties; 
and although Bonaparte had declared himself determined to allow 
no change to be made, his representatives resolved to sign the 
document, modified as it was. To this step they were strongly 
urged by Joseph Bonaparte, who, with keen insight into his 
brother's character, declared, that if before signing they should 
again consult Napoleon, he would refuse to accept the amend- 
ment, whereas, if the Concordat were brought to him already 
completed, he would be reluctant to undo what had been done. 
Joseph charged himself with the task of endeavouring to secure 
the First Consul's consent. On the stroke of midnight the six 
commissioners placed their signatures to the important document. 
Not a word was said about any other articles save those contained 
in the Concordat itself. 

Another anxious night followed. In the morning Cardinal 
Consalvi learned from Joseph Bonaparte that the First Consul 
had been at first extremely indignant at the change which had 
been made, and had refused for a long time to approve of it ; 



208 Cardinal Consalvi and Napoleon Bonaparte. 

but that at length, thanks to his brother's entreaties and reasons?, 
after protracted meditation and a long silence, which later events 
sufficiently explained, he had accepted the Concordat, and 
ordered that the Pope's minister should be at once informed of 
his consent. 

Universal joy followed the announcement of the signing of the 
Concordat. The foreign ambassadors, and especially the Count 
de Cobenzel, came to congratulate the Cardinal, and offer their 
thanks, as for a service rendered to their respective countries. On 
the following day Bonaparte received the six commissioners with 
marked courtesy. Ever true to his duty, the Cardinal took care, 
on this occasion, to make Napoleon observe that the Holy See 
had not uttered a single word about its temporal concerns through- 
out the whole course of the negotiations. k< His Holiness has 
wished to prove to France, and to the world, that it is a calumny 
to accuse the Holy See of being influenced by temporal motives". 
He also announced his own speedy departure within a few days. 

Next day he was suddenly summoned to an audience of the 
First Consul. For some time he could not detect the object 
Napoleon had in view in engaging him in conversation, but at 
length he was able to perceive that it was the Consul's intention 
to appoint some of the constitutional bishops to the new sees. 
With much difficulty the Cardinal convinced him that the ap- 
pointments of these men would never receive the sanction of the 
Holy See, unless they made a formal declaration of having 
accepted the Pontifical decision on the civil constitution of the 
clergy. 

During the ensuing three or four days the Cardinal had no pri- 
vate audience. On the eve of his departure from Paris he saw 
Napoleon at a review at which he and the rest of the diplomatic 
body assisted according to custom. 

It was his intention to address, by way of leave-taking, a 
few words to the First Consul before they left the saloon; 
but when that personage proceeded to make the round of the 
room, and began by conversing with the members of the diplo- 
matic body, at the head of which stood Consalvi, he loked for a 
moment fixedly at this latter, and passed on without taking the 
slightest notice of him, or sending a word of acknowledgment 
to the Holy Father. It was probably his intention to show by 
this public slight how little he cared for a Cardinal and for the 
Holy See, now that he had obtained all he required from them, 
and to make this insult the more remarkable, he delayed for a 
considerable time to converse on indifferent topics with the Count 
de Cobenzel, who came next after Cardinal Consalvi, and then 
with the other ambassadors in turn. The Cardinal retired with- 
out awaiting his return from the review. When he had just 



i 



The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 209 

finished his preparations for his departure, which had been fixed 
for that evening, the Abbe Bernier made his appearance at the 
hotel to announce that it was the will of the First Consul that be- 
tween them they should come to some understanding about the 
Bull which, according to custom, was to accompany the treaty. 
It was in vain to refuse, and this new labour imposed on the Car- 
dinal another sitting of eight hours. He rose from the table to 
enter his carriage, and after travelling day and night he reached 
the Eternal City on the 6th August, more dead than alive, over- 
come by fatigue, and with his legs so swollen that they were un- 
able to support him. The Pope received him with indescribable 
tenderness, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with all that had 
been done. A special consistory of all the Cardinals in Rome 
approved of the Concordat, which was solemnly ratified thirty- 
five days after it had been signed at Paris. 

Thus was completed the great act which has been fruitful of so 
many blessings to Europe, and for which, under God, the Church 
is indebted to the wisdom of Pius VII. and the firmness of Cardinal 
Consalvi. 

It was long before the Concordat was published at Paris, and 
when at length it did appear, what was the pain of the Holy 
Father to find, together with the treaty and under the same 
date, a compilation of the so-called organic laws which were put 
forth as forming part of the Concordat, and included in the ap- 
probation of the Holy See ! Of the organic laws it is enough to 
say, that they almost entirely overthrew the new edifice which 
Cardinal Consalvi had found so difficult to erect. In spite of the 
solemn protestations of the Popes these laws still remain, but they 
remain as a standing proof of the dishonesty which Cardinal 
Consalvi has shown to have marked the entire conduct of Napo- 
leon Bonaparte in the negotiations for the Concordat. 



THE SEE OF ACHONRY IN THE SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY. 

Few dioceses of Ireland present so uninterrupted a succession 
of bishops as Achonry in the sixteenth century. Thomas 
Ford, Master of Arts, and an Augustin Canon of the Abbey of 
Saint Mary and Saint Petroc, in the diocese of Exeter, was ap- 
pointed its bishop on the 13th of October, 1492, and after an 
episcopate of only a few years, had for his successor Thomas 
O'Congalan, " a man in great reputation, not only for his wis- 
dom, but also for his charity to the poor". He, too, was sum- 
moned to his reward in 1508, and a Dominican Father, named 



210 The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 

Eugene O'Flanagan, was appointed to succeed him on the 22nd 
December, the same year. The Bull of his appointment to the 
See of Achonry is given by^ De Burgo, page 480, and it de- 
scribes Dr. Eugene as " ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum profes- 
sorem ac in Theologia Baccalaureum, in sacerdotio et aetate legi- 
tima constitutum cui apud Nos de Religionis zelo, literarum 
scientia, vitae munditia, honestate morum, spiritualium providen- 
tia, et temporalium circumspectione, ac aliis multiplicium virtutum 
donis, fide digna testimonia perhibentur". The learned historian 
of the Dominican order gives two other Briefs of the then reign- 
ing Pontiff, Julius the Second, by one of which the newly-ap- 
pointed bishop was absolved from all irregularities and cen- 
sures which he might perchance have incurred during his past 
life, whilst the other authorized him to receive episcopal conse- 
cration from any Catholic bishop he might choose, having com- 
munion with the Apostolic See. Dr. O'Flanagan was present in 
Rome at the time of his appointment to the see of Saint Nathy, 
and before his departure received from the Holy Father com- 
mendatory letters to King Henry the Seventh, from which we 
wish to give one extract, in order to place in clearer light the 
relations, so often mistaken or misrepresented, which subsisted 
between the English monarchs and the occupants of our episco- 
pal sees. After stating that by Apostolic authority he had con- 
stituted Dr. O'Flanagan bishop of the vacant See of A chonry, 
Pope Julius thus addresses the English king : 

" Cum itaque, Fill charissime, sit virtutis opus, Dei ministros be- 
nigno favore prosequi, ac eos verbis et operibus pro regis aeterni 
gloria venerari, serenitatem Vestram Regiam rogamus et hortamur at- 
tente quatenus eundem Eugenium electum, et praefatam Eeclesiam 
suae curae commissam, habens pro Nostra et Apostolicae Sedis reve- 
rentia propensius commendatos, in ampliandis et conservandis juribus 
suis sic eos benigni favoris auxilio prosequaris, ut idem Eugenius 
electus, tuae celsitudinis fultus praesidio in commisso sibi curae 
Pastoralis officio, possit, Deo propitio prosperari ac tibi exinde a Deo 
perennis vitae praemium, et a Nobis condigna proveniat actio gratia- 
rum". 

Dr. O'Flanagan had for his successor a bishop named Cormac, 
who seems to have held this see for about twelve years, and died 
before the close of 1529. During his episcopate a provincial 
synod was held in Galway the 27th of March, 1523, and amongst 
the signatures appended to its acts was that of " Cormacus Epis- 
copus Akadensis manu propria". It was in this synod that the 
famous will of Dominick Lynch received the sanction of the 
western bishops. This will is memorable in the history of the 
period, not only as showing the affluence of the burgher class, 
but also on account of the testator's munificence to the Church, 



The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 21 

as an instance of which we may mention that among his various 
bequests there is one item assigning a legacy to all the Convents 
of Ireland. (See Irish Arch. MisceL, vol. i. pag. 76 seq.). Dr. 
Cormac was succeeded "by a Dominican Father, named Owen, or 
Eugene, who, as is mentioned in a manuscript catalogue of Do- 
minican bishops, held this see in 1530, and by his death in 1546, 
left it vacant for Fr. Thomas O'Fihely, of the order of Saint 
Augustine. This bishop was appointed on the 15th of January, 
1 547, as appears from the following consistorial record : " 1547, die 
15 Januarii S.S. providit Ecclesiae Achadensi in Hibernia vacanti 
per obitum Eugenii de persona P. Thomae Abbatis monasterii S. 
Augustini Mageonen. cum retentione monasterii". Dr. O'Fihely 
governed this see for eight years, till his translation to Leighlin, 
as we find thus recorded in the same consistorial acts: " 1555, 
die 30 Augusti: S.S. praefecit Ecclesiae Laghlinensi Thomam 
Episcopum Acadensem cum retentione parochialis Ecclesiae 
Debellyns, Dublinensis Dioecesis". This translation to Leighlin is 
also commemorated by Herrera in his " Alphabetum Augustini- 
anum", pag. 450. The Elizabethan Chancellor of Leighlin, 
Thady Dowling, in his Annals under the year 1554, gives the 
following entry : " Thomas Filay, alias Fighill, Minorum frater 
auctoritate Apostolica Episcopus Leighlinensis". (I. A. S. 1849, 
part 2nd, pag. 40.) The apparent discrepancy between this 
entry and the consistorial record may, perhaps, be referred to the 
well-known inaccuracy of the Anglo-Irish annalists, or perhaps 
the bishop himself exchanged the Augustinian order for that of 
St. Francis similar changes from one religious order to another 
not being unfrequent in the sixteenth century. 

Cormac O'Coyne was appointed his successor in the See of 
Achonry in 1556, and died in 1561. This prelate belonged to 
the order of Saint Francis, and was probably the same as 
" frater Cormacus, guardianus conventus fratrum Minorum de 
Galvia", who signed the decrees of the provincial synod of 1523 
(I. A. S. MiscelL, vol. i. pag. 81). The next bishop was appointed 
on 28th January, 1562, as is thus registered in the consistorial 
acts : 

" 1562, die 28 Januarii : Referente Cardinale Morono Sua Sanctitas 
providit Ecclesiae Achadensi vacanti per obitum bon. mem. Cormaci 
O'Coyn nuper Episcopi Achadensis extra Romanam curiam defunct! 
de persona D. Eugenii O'Harth Hiberni ordinis praedicatorum Pro- 
fessoris, nobilis Catholici et concionatoris egregii commendati a R .P. 
Davide". 

The Pater David here referred to, was David Wolf, of the 
Society of Jesus, who was sent to Ireland as Apostolic Delegate 
in 1560, and received special instructions from the Holy See to 
select the most worthy members of the clergy for promotion to 



212 The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 

the various ecclesiastical preferments. One of the first thus chosen 
by Father Wolf and recommended to the Sovereign Pontiff, was 
Eugene O'Hart. The result more than justified his choice, for 
during the whole long reign of Elizabeth, Dr. O'Hart continued 
to illustrate our Church by his zeal, learning, and virtues. One 
of the good Jesuit's letters is still happily preserved. It is dated 
the 12th of October 1561, and gives us the following interesting 
particulars connected with the See of Achonry and its future 
bishop, Eugene O'Hart: 

" Bernard O'Huyghin, Bishop of Elphin, has resigned his bishoprick 
in favour of a Dominican Father, the Prior of Sligo, named Andrew 
CreaDj |k man of piety and sanctity, who is, moreover, held in great 
esteem fey the laity, not so much for his learning as for his amiability 
and holiness Father Andrew is accompanied by another reli- 
gious of the same order, named Owen or Eugene OH arty, a great 
preacher, of exemplary life, and full of zeal for the glory of God : he 
lived for about eight years in Paris, arid I am of opinion (though he 
knows nothing of it, and goes thither on a quite different errand) that 
he would be a person well suited for a bishoprick. And should any- 
thing happen to Father Andrew, for accidents are the common lot of 
all, Father Eugene would be a good substitute, although the present 
bishop did not resign in his favour. Should it please God, however, 
to preserve Father Andrew, and appoint him to the See of Elphin, his 
companion might be appointed to the See of Achonry, which diocese 
has remained vacant since the demise of Cormac O'Coyn of happy 
memory, of the order of Saint Francis. The Cathedral Church of 
Achonry is at present used as a fortress by the gentry of the neigh- 
bourhood, and does not retain one vestige of the semblance of reli- 
gion ; and I am convinced that the aforesaid Eugene, by his good 
example and holy life, and with the aid of his friends, would be able 
to take back that church, and act with it as Dr. Christopher (Bodkin) 
did in Tuam". (See Introd. to Alps, of Dublin, pag. 86 seq.) 

From this passage we learn that the statement of De Burgo in 
regard of Dr. Eugene, is inexact: "from being Prior of the 
Convent of Sligo", he says "he was made Bishop of Achonry". 
(Hib. Dom., 486.) Dr. Eugene's companion, however, was the 
Prior, and not Dr. Eugene himself. His was a still higher post 
amongst the illustrious fathers of the Dominican Order, as we 
will just now learn from another ancient record. 

The published writings of Rev. John Lynch, Archdeacon of 
Tuam, throw great light on the history of Ireland during the 
sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century^ He 
was known, however, to have composed other works, which till 
late years were supposed to be irretrievably lost. It was only 
two or three years ago that a large treatise "on the History of 
the Irish Church", by this learned archdeacon, was discovered 
in the Bodleian Library, and we learn from a few extracts which 



The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 213 

have been kindly communicated to us, that it is a work of para- 
mount importance for illustrating the lives of some of the great- 
est ornaments of our island during the sad era of persecution. 
As regards the appointment of Dr. O'Hart, this work informs us 
that he was nephew of the preceding bishop, whom he styles 
Cormack 0' Quinn, and when young, took the habit of the order 
of Saint Dominick in the convent of Sligo. In after years he 
was chosen Prior of this same convent, from which post he was 
advanced to be Provincial of the order in Ireland. It was whilst 
he discharged the duties of this important office that the sessions 
of the Council of Trent were re-opened in 1562, and he was 
unanimously chosen by his religious brethren to proceed thither 
as their procurator and representative. Father Wolf, however, 
made him bearer of letters to the Pope of still more momentous 
import, " ut eum ad Episcopalem in Achadensi sede dignitatem 
eveheret". Dr. Lynch adds, regarding his companion on this 
journey: u On his journey to Trent he was accompanied by 
another member of the convent of Sligo, Andrew O'Crean, who 
fell sick in France, and not being able to proceed further, there 
received letters fiom the Pope, appointing him Bishop of El- 
phin". 

It was probably in Rome that Dr. O'Hart was raised to the 
episcopal dignity, and on the 25th of May, 1562, and accom- 
panied by Dr. O'Herlihy, Bishop of Ross, and MacConghail, 
Bishop of Raphoe, he took his place amongst the assembled 
Fathers of Trent. The metrical catalogue of the bishops of this 
great Council describes these three ornaments of our Church as 
"... Tres juvenes quos frigida Hibernia legat 

Eugenium, Thomamque bonos, justumque Donaldum 

Omnes ornatos ingens virtutibus orbis 

Misit ut hanc scabiem tollant, morbumque malignum 

Sacratis omnes induti tempora mitris". 

The votes and arguments of Dr. O'Hart are especially com- 
memorated in the acts of the subsequent sessions of the Council. 
Thus, on the question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, some were 
anxious to expressly define that episcopal jurisdiction was derived 
immediately from God. This opinion, however, was warmly 
impugned by the Bishop of Achonry, who assigned the three fol- 
lowing motives for rejecting it: "1st, Were this jurisdiction 
derived immediately from God, we would have innumerable in- 
dependent sources of authority, which would lead to anarchy and 
confusion. 2nd, Such an opinion leads towards the heretical 
tenets, and seems to favour the Anglican opinion, that the king 
is head of the Church, and that the bishops being consecrated by 
three other bishops, receive their authority from God 3rd, 
Were such a doctrine once admitted, the Sovereign Pontiff could 



214 The See of Achonry in the Sixteenth Century. 

not deprive bishops of their jurisdiction, which is contrary to the 
prerogatives of the Holy See, and repugnant to the primary 
notion of the Christian Church". The opinion of Dr. O'Hart 
was embraced by almost all the other bishops, and the historian 
of the council adds : " Quae sententia omnibus placere maxime 
visa fuit". Even the Papal legates, when subsequently dealing 
with this controversy, expressly refer to the reasoning of our 
bishop. On another occasion, when the question of episcopal 
residence was discussed, an Irish bishop, who was probably Dr. 
Eugene, stated the following curious fact : 

" Est necessarium ut Praelati intersint in conciliis regum et princi- 
pum, alias actum esset de religione in multis regnis. Nam in Hiber- 
nia cum ageretur concilium reginae Mariae et duo contenderent de 
Episcopatu, alter Catholicus, alter haereticus, dixit advocatus Catho- 
lici, adversarium esse repellendum quia obtinuit Episcopatum a rege 
schismatico Henrico VIII. ; tune statim praefecti consilio judicaverunt 
ilium reum esse laesae majestatis. Ille respondit : rogo ut me 
audiatis ; nam si Henricus fuit Catholicus, necesse est ut regina sit 
schismatica aut e contra ; eligite ergo utrum velitis. Tune praefecti, 
his auditis, ilium absolverunt et eidem Episcopatum concesserunt". 

The Acts of the Council register Dr. Eugene's name as fol- 
lows: " Eugenius Ohairt, Hibernus, ordinis Praedicatorum, 
Episcopus Acadensis". The synod being happily brought to a 
close, the good bishop hastened to his spiritual flock, and during 
the long eventful period of Elizabeth's reign, laboured indefati- 
gably in ministering to their wants, and breaking to them the 
bread of life. He enjoyed at the same time the confidence of 
the Holy See, and several important commissions were entrusted 
to him. When in 1568 Dr. Creagh wrote from his prison to 
Rome, praying the Holy Father to appoint without delay a new 
bishop to the see of Clogher, Cardinal Morone presented his 
petition, and added: "Causa committi posset in partibus D. 
Episcopo Acadensi et aliquibus aliis comprovincialibus Epis- 
copis". Amongst the papers of the same illustrious Cardinal, who 
was at this time " Protector of Ireland", there is another minute 
which records the following resolutions regarding our Irish 
Church: "The administration of the see of Armagh should be 
given to some prelate during the imprisonment of the archbishop, 
and should the Holy Father so approve, this prelate should be 
the Bishop of Achonry. The sum which is given to assist the 
Primate of Armagh should be transmitted through the President 
of the College of Louvain. In each province of Ireland one 
Catholic Bishop should be chosen by the Apostolic See, to give 
testimonials to those of the clergy who come to Rome, viz., in 
Ulster, the Bishop of Achonry, during the imprisonment of the 
Metropolitan; in Munster, the Bishop of Limerick; in Con- 



The See of Aclionry in the Sixteenth Century. 215 

naught, the same Bishop of Achonry; and in Leinster. too. the 
Bishop of Limerick" (Ex Archiv. Sec. Vatic). A few years later 
we find a brief addressed to " Eugenio Accadensi", granting him 
some special faculties, and moreover, authorizing him to make 
use of them throughout " the whole province of Tuam". The 
only other notice I have met with regarding Dr. Eugene con- 
nected with this period of his episcopate, is from the Vatican list 
of 1578, which gives the names of the clergy who were actually 
engaged in the mission in Ireland. The first name on the list is 
" Reverendissimus Edmundus Episcopus Corchagiensis, pulsus 
tamen Episcopatu". Next comes " Episcopus Rossensis doctus 
qui interfuit concilio Tridentino et ipse exulans". The third 
name is that of Dr. O'Hart, " Episcopus Accadensis ex ordine 
Praedicatorum". 

Our Bishop was subjected to many annoyances and persecu- 
tions whilst Bingham administered the government of Connaught. 
This governor was a worthy agent of Elizabeth, imbued with 
her principles, and animated with her hatred of the Catholic 
faith : his cruel exactions and barbarity became proverbial in the 
West, and he reaped a rich harvest of maledictions from the good 
natives of that province. In Dowera's narrative, published by 
the Celtic Society in 1849, mention is incidentally made of an 
excursion of this governor to the episcopal town of Dr. Eugene : 
" he passed the mountain", says this narrative (pag. 207), " not far 
from an abbey called Banada, and encamped at night at O'Con- 
roy (Achonry) a town of the Bishop Oharte". It seems to have 
been in some such excursion that Dr. Eugene was arrested in 
the beginning of 1585, and sent a close prisoner to Dublin Cas- 
tle. Sir John Perrott, who was then Lord Deputy, commissioned 
the Protestant Archbishop of Armagh, Dr. Long, to visit* him, 
and a fulsome letter of this dignitary to Walsingham, dated 4th 
June, 1585, reveals to us the important fact that the hopes and 
desires of the government of that period were precisely like those 
of the soupers of our own days. Dr. Long's letter is as follows : 
" Owen O'Hart, Bishop of Achanore, alias Achadensis, commit- 
ted unto me by his Lordship to be conferred with, who was at 
the Council of Trent, is brought by the Lord's good direction to 
acknowledge his blindness, to prostrate himself before her ma- 
jesty, whom he afore agreed to accurse in religion. So per- 
suaded, I doubt not of great goodness to ensue by his means. 
He has resigned his Bishoprick and no doubt (void of all tem- 
porizing) is thoroughly persuaded that the man of sin sitteth in 
Rome. I assure your honour if we used not this people more for 
gain than for conscience, here would the Lord's work be mightily 
advanced". (Record Office, Ir. Cor., vol. cxvii.) The Protestant 
primate soon found that these his desires and hopes were as 



216 The See of Achonry m the Sixteenth Century. 

groundless as his tenets, and hence, as soon as the circumstances 
permitted, Dr. Eugene was deprived of his temporalities, and a 
crown nominee was appointed to administer the see of Achonry. 
Perrott, however, was for the present anxious to conciliate the 
powerful septs of the Western Province, most of whom were 
closely allied to the O' Harts, and hence he gave full liberty to 
our Bishop on his acknowledging the sovereignty of Elizabeth. 
In an indenture made on 23rd September, 1585, the various 
members of the O'Hart family and other Western septs submit- 
ted to hold their lands from the crown, and amongst the favours 
granted in return by the lord deputy, we find it decreed "that 
the Lord Bishop of Aghconry shall have four quarters of land 
adjoining his house or town of Skrine in the barony of Tireragh, 
free, and six quarters as a demesne to his house or town of 
Achonry in the barony of Magheraleyny, free" (Morrin's Ca- 
lendar, ii. pag. 150; and publications of I. A. S. 1846, pa2 
345). In another inquisition which was held in 1553, we find 
it further mentioned that the Bishop of Achonry was allowed 
to hold one quarter of land in Kilmore in the barony of Belag- 
hanes, commonly called Mac Costello's country (Morrin, ib., pag. 
141). There is also a State Paper of 1586, which not only men- 
tions Dr. O'Hart as Bishop of Achonry, but further adds that the 
friars then held in peace their abbeys and houses throughout all 
Sligo and Mayo. As soon, however, as the government found 
itself sufficiently strong to despise the O'Harts and their depen- 
dants, a Protestant Bishop was appointed to hold this see. Dr. 
Mant, indeed, is of opinion that Miler McGrath, appointed in 
1607, was the first crown nominee to Achonry. Archdeacon 
Cotton is more discreet in his statement: "Queen Elizabeth", he 
says, " appears to have neglected filling up this see, as well as 
some few others, during great part of her reign". Ware, too, only 
obscurely hinted that, besides the Catholic Bishop Eugene, there 
was another contemporary of the same name holding from the 
crown the see of Achonry. Nothing more, however, was known 
about this Bishop till the manuscript history by Archdeacon 
Lynch, above referred to, disclosed to us some remarkable features 
of his ministry. This contemporary Protestant Bishop of 
Achonry was Eugene O'Conor, who, from being dean of this see, 
was appointed by letters patent of 1st December, 1591, Bishop of 
Killala and administrator of Achonry. Dr. O'Hart had been in 
early life the friend and school companion of this court favourite, 
and hence easily persuaded him not to interfere in the spiritual 
administration of the diocese, engaging, on the other hand, to pay 
him annually one hundred and eighty marks, that is, the full 
revenue of the see. One passage of this narrative is so important, 
that we must cite the original words of the learned Lynch: "Id 






The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 217 

etiam commodi ex episcopatibus Achadensi et Alladensi Eugenio 
O'Conor ab Elizabeth Regina collatis liausit, ut ab ilia sede sua 
minime motus fuerit, utpote cui arcto amicitiae nexu ante reli- 
gionis mutationem devinctus fuerat, sed centum et octaginta mar- 
carum censu veteri sodali quotannis persoluto quietem sibi et func- 
tiones episcopates intra suae Dioecesis fines obeundi potestatem 
comparavit. Et alter ille Eugenius ideo tantum a fide descivit, 
ut se fluxis et caducis divitiis et voluptatibus expleret". By this 
means Dr. O'Hart secured peace for his diocese during the re- 
mainder of Elizabeth's reign; if the temporalities were lost, 
his spiritual fold, at least, was preserved from the wolves that 
threatened it, and the good Bishop was enabled to continue un- 
disturbed to instruct his faithful children, and dispense to them 
the blessings of our holy faith. It was in 1597 that the Fran- 
ciscan Superior, Father Mooney, visited the western convents of 
his order. During this visitation he met with Dr. O'Hart, and in 
the narrative which he subsequently composed, he describes our 
good bishop as being then venerable for his years, and still not 
deficient in strength and energy, " grandaevus, robustus tamen". 
For six years more Dr. O'Hart continued to rule the see of 
Achonry, till at length, having survived the arch-enemy of his 
Church and country, he, in 1603, yielded his soul to God, having 
attained the forty-third year of his episcopate, and the one- 
hundredth of his age. He was interred in his cathedral church, 
and Lynch describes his place of sepulture as being " prope 
aram principalem suae Ecclesiae in cornu Evangelii". 



THE ETERNAL PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED. 

Eternal Punishment and Eternal Death. An Essay. By James Barlow, M.A., 
Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Dublin. London: Longman and Co., 
1865. 

There is a class of writers at the present day, who believe 
themselves good Christians, and yet whose spirit contrasts very 
strangely with the spirit of the Gospel. It was a maxim of St. 
Paul, that every understanding should be made " captive unto the 
obedience of Christ".* But in the nineteenth century Christian 
philosophers are found who presume to sit in judgment on the, 
doctrine of Christ, and to measure it by the standard of human 
reason. Mr. Barlow's book, we regret to say, partakes largely of 
this spirit, equally at variance with the faith of the Catholic 
Church and with the maxims of Inspired Scripture. It is fit, 
therefore, that the Irish Ecclesiastical Record should raise its 

* IT. Cor., x. 5. 

VOL. I. 15 



218 The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 

voice to expose the dangerous tendency of his principles and 
the fallacy of his arguments. 

The Apostle Paul was " rapt even to the third heaven", and 
was there favoured with those mysterious revelations " which it is 
not granted to man to utter".* Nevertheless, when he looked 
into the profound depths of God's decrees, and saw at the same 
time the littleness of human reason, he was forced to exclaim : 
" How incomprehensible are His judgments, and how unsearch- 
able His ways!"| Not so Mr. Barlow. He has ventured to 
sound those depths which St. Paul could not fathom ; he has been 
bold enough to scrutinize those judgments which St. Paul 
could not comprehend. The decree of eternal punishment, pro- 
nounced by Jesus Christ against the wicked, does not harmonize 
with Mr. Barlow's notions of morality.t He has weighed the 
malice of sin in the scales of human philosophy, and he has pro- 
nounced that it does not " deserve" eternal torments. Therefore, 
he concludes, must this " detestable dogma" (p. 135) " be struck 
from the popular creed" (p. 144). Such is the general scope 
and tenor of a book on which we propose to offer a few remarks. 

Our readers are well aware that the eternal punishment of 
the wicked is the unmistakable doctrine of Sacred Scripture. It 
is foreshadowed in glowing imagery by the Prophets ; it is set 
forth in simple and emphatic words by Jesus Christ ; it is borne 
to the farthest end of the earth by the burning zeal of the Apos- 
tles. We need not be at any pains to search for texts. The follow- 
ing are familiar to us all. " Then shall He say to them also that 
be on His left hand : Depart from me, you cursed into everlasting 
fire which was prepared for the devil and his angels". " And these 
shall go into everlasting punishment; but the just into life ever- 
lasting". Let it be observed, that the punishment of the 
wicked is here declared everlasting, in the very same sense 
as the happiness of the good is said to be everlasting. On 
another occasion our Divine Lord thus admonishes His dis- 
ciples: "If thy hand or thy foot scandalize thee, cut it off, 
and cast it from thee. It is better for thee to go into life 
maimed or lame, than, having two hands or two feet, to be cast 
into everlasting fire".|| Or, as St. Mark has it: " To be cast into 
unquenchable nre ; where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not 
extinguished".^ This dreadful judgment of the wicked had been 
already announced by St. John the Baptist to the multitude who 
flocked around him in the desert of Judea. Speaking of Christ, 
whose coming he announced, he said: " He will gather His 
wheat into His barn, but the chaff He will burn with unquench- 

* II. Cor., xu. 2-4. t Rom., xi. 33. 

t See Mr. Barlow's book, pp. 37 (note), 38, 39. Matth., xxv. 41-46. 

i| Matth., xviii. 8. f Mark, ix. 42, 43, 44, 4 >, 47. 



The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 219 

able fire".* And long before, it was written by the prophet 
Isaias: "And they shall go out, and see the carcasses of the men 
that have transgressed against me ; their worm shall not die, and 
their fire shall not be quenched".] Again, we read in the 
Apocalypse: " And the devil, who seduced them, was cast into 
the pool of fire and brimstone, where both the beast and the false 
prophet shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever. . . 
And whosoever was not found written in the book of life, 
was cast into the pool of fire"4 These passages speak plainly 
for themselves ; they stand in need of no commentary from us. 
True, it is an awful doom ; and he who ponders well upon that 
fire which shall never be quenched, that worm which shall never 
die, must look forward to the great accounting day with " fear 
and trembling". But we must not hesitate to accept a doctrine 
which comes to us from the lips of Eternal Truth, in language 
so clear, so simple, so divine. 

Indeed, some of the texts we have adduced! seem to Mr. Bar- 
low himself so very conclusive, that he candidly admits he can 
offer no satisfactory solution. " I trust I shall not be misunder- 
stood to assert that there are no passages in the New Testament 
relating to the question, which present formidable difficulties. 
This would be simple dishonesty. Such passages exist, and 
though the difficulties involved in them may be much extenuated, 
they cannot be wholly removed" p. 86. The " difficulties", 
indeed, are " formidable", and " cannot be wholly removed", 
because in these passages it is simply asserted that the punish- 
ment of the wicked will be eternal, whereas Mr. Barlow main- 
tains that it will not. 

So far the testimony of Scripture. As for Tradition, we shall 
content ourselves with Mr. Barlow's own admission. He tells 
us that " the eternity of future punishments has been, in truth, 
the immemorial doctrine of the great majority of the Church" 
Preface, p. v. And in another place, he speaks of " a long- 
ing to make out a doctrine of everlasting punishment, which has 
in all ages characterized the genuine theologian" p. 86. Such, 
then, are the overwhelming odds against which this intrepid 
writer boldly takes his stand, the clear and obvious meaning of 
the sacred text, " the immemorial doctrine of the great majority 
of the Church", and the teaching of " the genuine theologian in 
all ages". Surely he is a dauntless warrior, and must come forth 
to the conflict armed with mighty weapons, and clad in impene- 
trable armour. Not so, indeed; but his understanding, which 
should have been made " captive unto the obedience of Christ", 
has shaken off that sweet and gentle yoke ; he has looked with 
too curious a scrutiny into the mysterious decrees of God, until 

* Matth., iii. 12. f Is., Ixvi. 24. J Ajioc., xx. 9, 10, 15. 

15 B 



220 The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 

at length his dizzy reason has become the dupe of false prin- 
ciples and fallacious arguments. 

" The civilization of the nineteenth century jars with a belief 
in everlasting torments, to be inflicted by the All-Merciful on the 
creatures of His hand" Preface, p. iv. This is the sum and sub- 
stance of Mr. Barlow's difficulty. The words of eternal truth, 
and the faith of the universal Church, are weighed in the balance 
against the civilization of the nineteenth century ; they are found 
wanting, and they must be cast aside. We cannot contemplate 
this sentiment without a feeling of horror and amazement. One 
would think that, if such a contradiction did really exist, it would 
be the duty of a Christian writer to elevate modern civilization 
to the standard of revealed truth. But this is not the principle of 
Mr. Barlow. He looks down, as it were, from the vantage ground 
of the nineteenth century, and he proposes to reform the faith of 
Christ, and to raise it up to the level of his own philosophy. 

We are satisfied that this dreadful principle contains the germ 
of all that Mr. Barlow has written against the doctrine of eternal 
punishment. But it does not always appear in its naked defor- 
mity. Sometimes it assumes the grave and imposing garb of 
philosophical argument ; sometimes it is adorned with the graces 
of rhetoric ; and thus for a time it is mad$ to appear plausible, 
and even attractive. In the following passage it may be recog- 
nized without much difficulty : "I cannot conceive any finite 
sin deserving such a doom. I cannot conceive it proceeding from 
a merciful being. The sentence appears to be clearly repugnant 
not only to mercy, but to justice. It surely requires some ex- 
planation. The onus probandi rests upon its supporters ; let us 
see what they have to allege on its behalf".* 

Mr. Barlow " cannot conceive any finite sin deserving such a 
doom !" Mr. Barlow " cannot conceive" eternal punishment pro- 
ceeding from a merciful being ! That is to say, one of the u in- 
comprehensible decrees" of God exceeds the limits of Mr. Barlow's 
conception, and this is a sufficient reason " to strike it from the 
popular creed" (p. 144), and to reform the venerable symbols of 
Christian faith.f He adds, indeed, that " the sentence appears 

* Pp. 38-39. The words in italics are so printed in Mr. Barlow's book. 

t See pp. 7-8, where this principle is advanced in a still more confident tone, and 
with even less regard for the maxims of the Gospel. We extract the following 
passage: "I do truly believe that if every man, before repeating the Athanasian 
Creed, would sit down quietly, and say for five minutes steadily endeavour to 
realize in his imagination, as far as he is capable of doing it, what the contents of 
the notion * Eternal Torments' are, we should find an enormous increase of so-called 
heresy with respect to these portions [the " damnatory clauses"] of the Creed. 
The responses, * Which faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled, with- 
out doubt he shall perish everlastingly', would be nearly confined to the clerk". 
Five minutes' reflection is quite enough, in the estimate of Mr. Ikrlow, to convince 
every man that he ought to abandon the faith of ages. 



The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 221 

to be clearly repugnant not only to mercy, but to justice". But 
when we look for a proof of this daring assertion, we are told 
that the onus probandi rests upon us. Now, this is a simple 
issue. Does the onus probandi rest with us or with Mr. Barlow ? 
Let our readers judge for themselves. Mr. Barlow professes to 
believe in the Bible. We urge upon him the solemn declara- 
tion, so often repeated by Christ and His Apostles, that the 
wicked " shall go into everlasting punishment". True, he replies, 
I cannot gainsay these words; but " I believe that the doctrine 
is untenable" (Preface, p. iv.), because it is repugnant to the attri- 
butes of God. Surely it devolves upon him to prove this alleged 
contradiction between the attributes of God and the words of 
Christ. As for us, we have nothing to prove. We cling fast to 
the words of eternal truth, with a firm confidence that they can- 
not be shaken by the arguments of human wisdom, nor even by 
the boasted civilization of the nineteenth century. 

The ingenious sophistry by which our author seeks to shift 
the burthen of proof from his own shoulders, may be exposed 
more clearly by the following illustration: God alone exists 
from eternity. This world, therefore, which we inhabit must have 
been created by Him out of nothing. This is an obvious and a 
certain conclusion. But some one might object : "This opinion is 
untenable if creation out of nothing is an impossibility; and 'I 
cannot conceive' that it is possible. How do you prove that it 
is consistent with the Divine attributes ?" Mr. Barlow, we think, 
would give little quarter to such an objector. And yet this is 
the very course of reasoning he has himself pursued. The an- 
swer in each case is exactly the same. We know that creation 
is possible, because it has actually taken place. And so, too, we 
know that the doctrine of eternal punishment is in harmony with 
the attributes of God, because He that cannot deceive has told 
us that the doctrine is true. If we cannot see that harmony, it is 
because the judgments of God are incomprehensible, His ways 
unsearchable to our finite understanding. 

But we must do justice to Mr. Barlow. Though he maintains 
that the burthen of proof rests with his adversaries, yet he does 
set himself to demonstrate that the doctrine of eternal punishment 
contradicts the attributes of God. Now, in this part of his task, 
we freely admit that much of his reasoning is cogent and indeed 
conclusive: but it falls very short of the conclusion which he 
labours to establish. Thus, for example, in the case of a little 
child that " cries about taking its medicine", Mr. Barlow cannot 
bear the idea that this trivial fault will be punished with eternal 
flames (pp. 19, 20). Or, "you fall asleep for a minute or two 
in church, at afternoon service on a hot day: of course you 
have not been attending to the service ; but, honestly and truly, 



222 The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked 

do you clearly see and feel that those two minutes' sleep deserves 
at the hand of Infinite Justice everlasting agony ?" (p. 38, note). 
Again, " a quick little child of two years old, or even younger, 
knows very well that it is naughty to get into a passion and 
strike his mother or his nurse : his elders, however, do not think 
a great deal of this little ebullition of temper, and consider it 
amply expiated by sending him to bed. But the child may 
suddenly die in his sin. Will the * All Merciful ' consign him 
to everlasting tortures?" (p. 44). In another place (chap. v.)he 
adduces several texts to prove that " punishment after death, 
finite in duration, as the lot of some, is the unambiguous 
doctrine of Holy Scripture" (p. 116). There is nothing in all 
this to which we can object. But we maintain that such argu- 
ments are worthless in the cause of which Mr. Barlow is the ad- 
vocate. He proves, indeed, that there are many sins which do 
not deserve eternal punishment. He proves too from the In- 
spired Writings, that, beyond the grave there is a state of expia- 
tion, in which many souls must needs be purged from such minor 
transgressions before they can appear in those mansions of hea- 
venly purity where " nothing defiled shall enter".* 

Our readers will here recognize without difficulty the Catholic 
doctrine of venial sin, and the Catholic doctrine of purgatory. 
Unconsciously Mr. Barlow has become for a time the champion 
of Catholic faith. But the question at issue has not to do with 
the innocent little babe that beats its nurse, nor the wayward 
child that refuses its medicine, nor yet with the just man that, 
through human frailty, " shall fall seven times, and shall rise 
again".f The controversy in which Mr. Barlow has engaged 
regards the future lot of the wicked of those who, with full 
deliberation, have committed grievous sin; of whom St. Paul 
has said that they " shall not possess the kingdom of God" ;t in 
a word, of that unhappy band to whom the Great Judge will 
one day speak those dreadful words : " Depart from me, you 
cursed, into everlasting fire". It yet remains for Mr. Barlow to 
demonstrate that this fire will not last for ever, that it will one day 
be extinguished, and that the torments of the wicked will cease. 

We may pass on, then, to other proofs. " How beautiful are 
the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace, that bring glad 
tidings of good things". This is the sentiment of St. Paul and 
of the Prophet Isaias. But, argues Mr. Barlow, if the gospel of 
eternal punishment be true, he that goes forth to preach the 
gospel to the heathen is a curse and not a blessing. Now what 
are the practical results of our missions to the heathen ? Is not 
the testimony of all unbiassed witnesses who have travelled 

* Apoc., xxi. 27. t Prov., xxiv. 16. J I. Cor., vi. 9, 10; Gal, v. 21. 
.) x. 15; Isaias, lii. 7. 



The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 223 

among them uniform ? Success is infinitesimal, failure all but 
universal. What impression has been made by our associations 
on the hundred and fifty millions of India ? Taking the esti- 
mates of the missionaries themselves, who are not unnaturally 
disposed to magnify the good results of their work, the nominal 
converts are barely one in two thousand, while the number of 
bond fide native Christians, 'possessed of saving faith', may 
be regarded as practically evanescent. Remembering, then, 
these facts, and assuming as a not improbable proportion, that 
a zealous missionary preaches the Gospel to a thousand who 
reject it for one whom he converts to Christ God help him 
the load of human misery which that man has brought about 
must surely weigh heavy on his soul. . . . Has any tyrant, 
a recognized scourge of the human race, brought down such 
storms of misery on his species as must be ascribed to the active 
missionary who has failed ? And they have all failed failed a 
thousand times over for once they have been successful" (p. 
14, 15). 

On reading this very remarkable passage we are struck with the 
ingenuous candour of the writer. It is nothing new for us to learn 
that Protestant missions in pagan countries have been all but 
absolutely barren. But it is something new to find a distinguished 
Protestant Divine, who frankly admits this inconvenient fact. Mr. 
Barlow must, indeed, find it difficult to persuade himself that 
the Church which sends forth such missions, is the same as that 
which Isaias addressed in those well known words : "Enlarge 
the place of thytent, and stretch out the skins of thy tabernacles ; 
spare not ; lengthen thy cords and strengthen thy stakes. For 
thou shalt pass on to the right hand, and to the left, and thy 
seed shall inherit the gentiles".* " And the gentiles shall walk 
in thy light, and kings in the brightness of thy rising. Lift up 
thy eyes round about and see : all these are gathered together, 
they are come to thee : thy sons shall come from afar, and thy 
daughters shall rise up at thy side. Then shalt thou see, and 
abound, and thy heart shall wonder and be enlarged, when the 
multitude of the sea shall be converted to thee, the strength of 
the gentiles shall come to thee". This magnificent prophecy, 
Mr. Barlow must confess, has no fulfilment in the Protestant 
Church. 

But let that pass. It is not with the fact but with the argument 
that we purpose to deal. And first, it occurs to us that the argu- 
ment, if valid, would prove not only against the doctrine which 
Mr. Barlow impugns, but also against that which he defends. 
He certainly will admit that a grievous sin against God is a 
dreadful crime; that it far transcends every other evil which 

* Isaias, liv 2, 3. 



224 The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 

exists or can be conceived. He maintains, moreover, that each 
one will receive, in the world to come, rewards and punishment 
" according to his works' 1 . Therefore, the punishment reserved for 
the sinner, even though it were not eternal, must yet be some- 
thing dreadful to contemplate. And the missionary, the num- 
ber of whose real converts, " * possessed of saving faith', may be 
regarded as practically evanescent", brings down this dreadful 
punishment on all to whom he preaches the gospel. Hence, if 
we accept Mr. Barlow's argument, even on his own doctrine of 
finite punishment, the missionary will be a curse to heathen 
nations ; not indeed so great a curse as if the punishment of sin 
were eternal, but still a curse and not a blessing. He must there- 
fore answer his own argument, or else he will be forced to main- 
tain that there is no punishment for sin in the world to come. 

To us his reasoning offers little difficulty. If the heathen, 
when he rejects the Christian faith, commits a deliberate griev- 
ous sin, he will certainly be punished accordingly. But this 
punishment must surely be ascribed to his own wickedness, and 
not to the labours of the missionary. The work of the mission- 
ary is a blessed work ; it is the heathen himself that has changed 
it into a curse. We may illustrate this explanation from the 
pages of Sacred Scripture. The wicked servant in the gospel, 
if he had not received the one talent from his master, could not 
have buried that talent in the earth. And yet, for this fault 
he is " cast into exterior darkness", and condemned to " weep- 
ing and gnashing of teeth".* Will Mr. Barlow say that the gift 
of his master was not a blessing but a curse? If so, he arraigns 
the conduct of God Himself, whom this master represents. Again, 
if our Divine Lord had not selected Judea for the scene of His 
public mission, the Jews would never have been guilty of the 
frightful crime of Deicide, nor would they have incurred the 
terrible chastisement with which that crime was punished. Yet 
who will deny that the presence of the Incarnate Word amongst 
them was a special favour the last and greatest vouchsafed by 
a loving Father to that unhappy people? We need only add 
that the words of holy Simeon, addressed to the Virgin Mother 
on the presentation of her Infant Son in the Temple, are still 
applicable to every zealous missionary: " Behold, He i set up 
for the fall and for the resurrection of many in Israel";! for 
the resurrection of those who hearken to the glad tidings, and 
eagerly accept the grace which He brings ; for the fall of those 
who spurn the one, and trample the other under foot. 

The next argument to which we shall invite the attention of 
our readers, is founded on the condition of the blessed in Heaven. 
" But the terrible difficulty arising from the relations of the saved. 
* Matth.,xxxv 30 t Luke, ii. 34. 



The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 225 

to the lost cannot even be mitigated" (p. 22). This " terrible diffi- 
culty" is presented to us in two different forms. First, Mr. Bar- 
low implicitly appeals to the divine precept of fraternal charity. 
Every one is bound to love his neighbour as himself. Now, if 
the blessed in Heaven fulfil this precept, they must be intensely 
miserable. For the proof of true charity is that we feel for our 
neighbour's sufferings, the same grief as if they were our own. 
Therefore the saints must experience the same internal anguish 
for the torments of the damned as if they endured these torments 
themselves.* This argument may be dismissed in a few words. 
The precept of fraternal charity does not extend to the future 
life. The blessed inhabitants of Heaven cannot love the wicked 
in Hell; much less are they bound to love them. They see 
God face to face, and they love Him with a resistless impulse. 
Whatever else is good and pleasing to Him, that they love for 
His sake ; whatever is bad and offensive in His sight, they cannot 
love, because they see that it is unworthy of their love. A di- 
vine precept to love the devil and his unhappy companions in 
misery, is an idea peculiar to Mr. Barlow. 

The second form in which this " terrible difficulty" appears 
is more plausible than the first. Many a saint in Heaven will 
miss from the mansions of the blessed the friend of his bosom. 
Many a fond sister will look in vain for her gay and dissipated, 
but yet warm-hearted and affectionate brother. Many a loving 
mother will behold afar off the undying torments of her darling 
son. Are we to suppose that the generous affections of the hu- 
man heart are extinguished in Heaven ? If so, then man must be 
morally worse in Heaven than he was upon earth. And if not, 
it cannot be true that " mourning and sorrow shall be no more"f 
in the City of God. Here is the argument as it is put by 
Mr. Barlow. " I firmly believe that if, in the fruition of the 
Heavenly Kingdom, a time should come when I shall be capa- 
ble of forgetting that one who truly loved me in this world 
... is alive in hopeless torment scorched by the everlasting 
flame gnawed by the undying worm I must have sunk down 
lower in the moral scale before this came to pass. I must have 
become more deeply immersed in heartless selfishness than I am 
now. And this, which I believe of myself, I believe of every one 
else. There is only one explanation of this frightful difficulty. 
We must assume that the redeemed are morally worse in Heaven 
than they were on Earth" (p. 24). 

This difficulty, which appeals more strongly to the feelings 
than to the judgment, is by no means peculiar to the doctrine of 
eternal punishment. It must be explained as well by those who- 
say the torments of the damned will come to an end, as by tho?e? 

* See Mr. Barlow's look, p. 22 ; also p. 17. f Apoc., xxi. 4, 



220 The Eternal Punishment of the Wicked. 

who say they will not. If the saints must grieve at the 
eternal punishment of their friends, they must certainly grieve 
at the temporal punishment of their friends. The latter grief will 
be less poignant, it is true ; but it will still be inconsistent with 
perfect happiness. Let Mr. Barlow explain how the inhabitants of 
Heaven will be free from all sorrow, if the punishment of Hell 
be limited in duration, and it will be easy to show they will be 
equally free if the punishment be eternal. 

As for us, we see no necessity for any explanation. God has 
promised to make His saints happy. Surely He is able to do it. 
Mr. Barlow thinks they will be weeping for their friends. But 
is it not written that " God will wipe away all tears from their 
eyes" ?* In what manner this will be done it is not necessary 
for us to explain. Yet we may be allowed to offer a con- 
jecture, which, as it seems to us, is supported alike by reason 
and by revelation. We would say that, in the saints every 
affection that has not for its object what is good and pleasing 
to God, will be utterly extinguished ; and therefore they will 
cease to love those unhappy souls that have been condemned to 
Hell. The reason is clear. The saints in Heaven see things as 
they are ; and hence they cannot love that which is wicked and 
hateful in the sight of God. In Mr. Barlow's mind this sever- 
ance of earthly ties must come from an increase of " heartless 
selfishness". To us it seems to flow from perfect love of God. 
Neither does it follow, as he supposes, that the saints have " sunk 
down lower in the moral scale". On the contrary, it is manifest 
they have been raised up immeasurably higher. On Earth their 
affections were often guided by mere human motives, and, at 
best, were governed by an erring human judgment; in Heaven, 
they are moulded with the most perfect fidelity after a Divine 
model. 

With these remarks, we take leave of Mr. Barlow and his 
book. We cannot, however, close this brief paper without 
directing the attention of our readers to a very serious considera- 
tion which this book suggests. The Reverend Mr. Barlow is a 
Fellow of Trinity College. And there are many who would 
ask Catholic parents to entrust the education of their children to 
him and his colleagues. We have seen a specimen of his prin 
ciples ; in particular we have seen that, according to his views, 
" the civilization of the nineteenth century jars" with a doctrine 
which every Catholic is bound to believe. Is it safe, then, for 
a Catholic youth to gather his ideas of modern civilization 
from the lips of such a teacher as Mr. Barlow? We are 
told, indeed, it is for secular education alone that a Catholic 
student should go to Trinity College: that he may learn his 

* Apoc., xxi. 4* 



Catholic Education, etc. 227 

religion from other sources. But, if we understand the words 
aright, secular education must surely include modern civilization, 
and modern civilization, as taught by Mr. Barlow, is contrary to 
Catholic faith. These are simple facts. Our readers may draw 
their own conclusion. 



CATHOLIC EDUCATION DISENDOWMENT OF 
THE PROTESTANT ESTABLISHMENT. 

The last year terminated with the establishment in Dublin of 
an association, which, we trust, whilst protecting the material 
interests of the country, will contribute to put an end to religious 
oppression and intolerance, and to spread the blessings of Ca- 
tholic education through all Ireland. Undertaking a task so 
meritorious in itself, and so much in accordance with the objects 
of the Record, the association will have our best wishes and co- 
operation. Its first meeting was held in the Rotundo on the 29th 
of December last, and a vast number of influential and respec- 
table laymen, from city and country, many clergymen, and 
several archbishops and bishops attended. Its proceedings were 
most impressive, and the speakers all displayed great moderation 
accompanied with energy and firmness in their addresses. We 
may add that the speeches of the Archbishop of Cashel and the 
Bishop of Cloyne, on the claims of tenants for compensation for 
beneficial improvements, were most eloquent and convincing ; that 
the Bishop of Elphin made an excellent and learned defence of 
the rights of Catholics to a Catholic system of education ; and that 
the Archbishop of Dublin, supported by Mr. O'Neill Daunt, 
proved to the satisfaction of all present that the Protestant Estab- 
lishment in Ireland is a nuisance and an insult, and ought to be 
abolished. We regret that the limits of this periodical will not 
allow us to enter fully into the various questions discussed at the 
meeting: we must restrict ourselves to a brief article on the 
topics most closely connected with the objects of the Record we 
mean the question of education and of the Church. We cannot, 
however, but recommend our readers to assist the association by 
their influence, their counsels, and contributions, being full of 
hope that Ireland will derive great advantages, temporal and 
spiritual, from its labours. 

The Lord Mayor, by whose influence and authority the meet- 
ing had been convened, having taken the chair, the Archbishop 
of Dublin, Dr. Cullen, was called on to propose the first resolu- 
tion. Before doing so he explained the objects of the association, 
and showed that they were so moderate, so reasonable, and so 



228 Catholic Education; 

necesssary, that no liberal minded man could refuse to support 
them. 

" It is proposed", said he, " to protect liberty of religion by reliev- 
ing the great majority of the inhabitants of this country from an op- 
pressive and degrading burden, forced on them for the maintenance 
of the Protestant Establishment, which they look on as a galling 
and permanent insult ; it is proposed to encourage the growth of 
learning, by holding out equal hopes to every class, and putting on a 
footing of equality all who engage in the career of letters and science ; 
and finally it is proposed to restore prosperity to this country, by 
giving inducements to the people to invest their capital in useful and 
permanent improvements". 

Having thus stated the reasons for founding the new associa- 
tion, the Archbishop briefly alluded to the necessity of a good 
education, to the services of the Catholic Church ID promoting 
science and letters, and to the glorious mission of carrying the 
light of the gospel and true civilization to pagan nations, which 
was given to Ireland for centuries after her conversion. That 
mission was interrupted by Danish and Anglo-Saxon invasions. 
Continued attempts to force the Reformation on our forefathers, 
the prohibition of Catholic schools, and a most galling system 
of penal laws, afterwards reduced our country to a state of 
misery and degradation, in which it was impossible for the 
masses of the people to approach the fountains of knowledge, or 
to render services to other countries. As soon, however, as li- 
berty began to dawn, active efforts were made by the Catholic 
laity and clergy to repair the ruins of past times, and within the 
present century innumerable schools, colleges, convents, and 
other educational establishments, have been called into existence, 
which are rendering great services to the country, and preparing 
to make it again what it once was a land of sages and saints. 
The exertions and sacrifices made in this holy cause are a proof 
of the zeal of the Catholics of Ireland for education, and reflect 
the greatest honour on their charity and generosity. 

Let us now look to what government has done in regard to 
Catholic education. In the first place, our rulers in past times 
prohibited all Catholic schools under the severest penalties, de- 
termined, it would appear, to sink the people into the degrading 
depths of ignorance, or to compel them when acquiring know- 
ledge to imbibe at the same time Protestant doctrines. Secondly, 
a Protestant university and Protestant schools were founded and 
richly endowed with the confiscated property of Catholic schools 
or monasteries, and all possible privileges and honours were 
lavishly conferred on them by the state, in order to give them 
weight and influence, and to render them more powerful in their 
assaults on the ancient creed of Ireland. Thirdly, these institu- 



Disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. 229 

tions are still preserved, and possess immense property, nearly 
all derived from public grants. Besides other vast sources of 
income, Trinity College holds about two hundred thousand acres 
of land, and the several endowed schools are worth seventy or 
eighty thousand a year and own a great deal of landed property. 
Fourthly, it is to be observed that the management of these 
schools is altogether in Protestant hands, the teaching Protestant, 
and their atmosphere thoroughly impregnated with Protestantism. 
If any Catholic be admitted into those institutions, his faith is 
exposed to great danger, and unhappily it is too true that many 
who ventured to run the risk, perished therein, so that we find 
it recorded that several Catholics, when passing through the 
ordeal of Protestant education, lost their faith and became minis- 
ters and preachers of error. At present there are Protestant 
bishops and archdeacons, and other dignitaries, now enemies of 
the ancient faith, who commenced their career in Trinity Col- 
lege as very humble members of the Catholic Church. I say 
nothing of the many Catholics who, in consequence of the train- 
ing received in Trinity College, never frequent any sacrament of 
their Church, and neglect all religious duties. The parents who 
expose their children to such dangers cannot be excused from a 
grievous breach of the trust committed to them by God. Can 
they be admitted to sacraments ? 

Keeping in mind the facts just stated, may we not ask, were not 
Protestants provided with everything they could desire for 
educational purposes ? was it necessary to adopt other measures in 
their favour ? 

Now such being the case, had not we a right to expect that 
when new educational arrangements were to be made, the past 
sufferings of Catholics, the spoliation of their property, and their 
actual wants, should be taken into account? Was it to be sup- 
posed that their claims should be overlooked in order to give 
further advantage to Protestantism ? Reason and sound policy 
would have prohibited such suppositions. But " aliter superis 
visum". Instead of repairing past injustice and making some 
compensation for the confiscations of times gone by, the govern- 
ment, in all new measures for promoting education, seemed to 
forget the Catholics, and to think only of Protestant interests, 
just as if they were not abundantly provided for already. Thus, 
when the Queen's Colleges were projected, it was determined to 
establish them, and to endow them at the expense of the Catholics 
of the country, and on principles so hostile to Catholicity, that 
the Sovereign Pontiff and Irish bishops were obliged to condemn 
them as dangerous to faith and morals, whilst a Protestant states- 
man admitted that they were a gigantic scheme of godless educa- 
tion Hence, no Catholic parent, though taxed for their support, 



230 Catholic Education; 

unless .lie be ready to immolate his children to Baal, can send 
them to institutions thus anathematised. Have not Catholics 
great ground to complain upon this head ? 

The national system was also founded on bad principles, and to 
protect the consciences of Protestant children, even in schools 
where they never attend, Catholic instruction was prohibited in 
them during the common hours of class. 

To illustrate the effects of this prohibition, the Archbishop 
refers to part of his own diocese the county Dublin in which 
there are 145 so-called National Schools, frequented by 36,826 
Catholic children, without the intermixture of one single Protes- 
tant, and asks is it not most unjust and insulting to banish Catholic 
books, Catholic practices, the history of the Catholic Church, 
from such schools, and to treat them as if they were mixed or 
filled with Protestants ? If the case were reversed if there were 
so large a number of Protestant children in schools without any 
mixture of Catholics, would Protestants tolerate any regulation 
by which every mention of their religion would be banished from 
such schools ? Why apply one rule to Catholics and another to 
Protestants ? The Archbishop then adds : 

" Let me repeat it : Catholic children in purely Catholic schools 
must pass the greater part of the day without any act or word of 
religion, lest they should offend Protestants who are present only in 
imagination. No crucifix, no image of the Blessed Mother of God, 
no sacred pictures, no religious emblems, though experience teaches 
that such objects make excellent impressions on the youthful mind, 
are tolerated in National schools, even when no Protestant frequents 
them. No Catholic book can be used, and even the works of such men 
as Bossuet, Massillon, Fenelon, the most eloquent writers of modern 
times, must be excluded because they were Catholics and inculcate 
Catholic doctrines. The only books used by Catholics in these schools 
have been compiled by the late rationalistic Archbishop of Dublin, by 
Dr. Carlisle, a Presbyterian, and other Protestants, and are tinged 
with an anti-Catholic spirit. It is to be added, that the history of 
our Irish saints and missionaries and of the ancient Church of Ireland 
and its doctrines, as well as the sad narrative of our sufferings and 
persecutions, is completely ignored. Were it necessary to throw still 
greater light on the spirit of the mixed system, we could show that 
the late Dr. Whately, one of its great patrons, declared in his last 
pastoral charge to the clergy of Kildare, that his object in introducing 
certain Scripture lessons into the schools was to shake the religious 
convictions of the people, and to dispel what he is pleased to call their 
scriptural darkness. When things are thus conducted, have we not 
here again great reason to complain ?" 

The Archbishop also urges against the national system, its 
tendency to throw the education of this Catholic country into 
the hands of a Protestant government, whose past history proves 



Disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. 231 

that it has been always hostile to Catholic interests. Model 
and training and agricultural schools, which are completely with- 
drawn from Catholic control, have this tendency. Are not 
inspectors and other managers of the system altogether govern- 
ment nominees ? When books were to be selected, was not the 
same object promoted by deputing to compile them Protestant 
archbishops, Presbyterian ministers, and other Protestants, who 
banished from them everything Catholic and national, and made 
them breathe a spirit of English supremacy and anti-Catholic 
prejudice ? May not the experience of past ages be appealed to 
to prove that education under such government control becomes 
hostile to true religion, tends to introduce a spirit of despotism, 
and to rob the subject of his liberty ? This was the tendency of 
all government enactments on education in Ireland for centuries. 
The Archbishop observes: 

" Robespierre and other French despots fully understood all this, 
when they proclaimed that all children were the property of the state, 
to be educated under its care, at the public expense. When the in- 
struction of the rising generations and the direction of schools falls 
under the absolute control of the ruling powers of the Earth, that 
sort of wisdom which Saint Paul calls earthly, sensual, diabolical, 
soon begins to prevail ; the wisdom from above falls away, and neither 
religion nor true Christian liberty can be safe". 

Having examined in this way the present defects and short- 
comings of education in Ireland, as far as it receives aid from 
the state, the Archbishop insisted that Catholics have a decided 
claim to a Catholic university, with every privilege and right 
conferred upon Protestant universities, to Catholic training and 
model schools, and to a system of education under which the 
faith and morals of Catholic children would be safe from all 
danger. In England* the schools for the people supported by 
government are denominational, and the Catholics, though only 
a fraction of the population, have all the advantages of a Catholic 
system of education. Why should Ireland be deprived of rights 
which are freely granted to every class of people not only in 
England and Scotland, but in all the British colonies ? Are the 
Catholics of this country to be degraded and insulted on account 
of their religion ? Would such a mode of acting be in conformity 
with the liberality of the present age ? 

* In the report of the Endowed Schools Commission of 1858, p. 284, there is an 
excellent letter of Baron Hughes on mixed education. Having observed that in 
England Protestant bishops and noblemen are opposed to it, he says: "I am 
convinced that the mixed system is wrong in principle, and cannot, even if right, 
be carried out in Ireland. I believe that the separate system is sound in principle ; 
and if that is doubted, I think it is worthy of being submitted to a fair trial, as the 
only alternative the state can adopt". 



232 Catholic Education; 

Since the Archbishop made the foregoing observations, the 
Holy Father, our supreme guide in matters of religion, has pub- 
lished a series of propositions which he had condemned and repro- 
bated on various occasions. We insert three of those propositions 
which bear upon education : 

The forty-fifth is as follows : 

" XLV. The entire government of public schools in which the youth 
of any Christian state is educated, except (to a certain extent) in the 
case of episcopal seminaries, may and ought to appertain to the civil 
power, and belong to it so far that no other authority whatsoever 
shall be recognized as having any right to interfere in the discipline 
of the schools, the arrangement of the studies, the conferring of 
degrees, in the choice or approval of the teachers". 

The forty-seventh adds : 

" XLVII. The best theory of civil society requires that popular 
schools open to the children of every class of the people, and, generally, 
all public institutes intended for instruction in letters and philo- 
sophical sciences, and for carrying on the education of youth, should 
be freed from all ecclesiastical authority, control, and interference, 
and should be fully subjected to the civil and political power, at the 
pleasure of the rulers and according to the standard of the preva- 
lent opinions of the age". 

The forty-eighth bears on the same subject: 

"XL VIII. Catholics may approve of a system of educating 
youth, unconnected with Catholic faith and the power of the 
Church, and which regards the knowledge of merely natural things, 
and only, or at least primarily, the ends of earthly social life". 

Let our readers attentively consider these propositions. They 
undoubtedly reprobate what is called mixed education, or the 
system which endeavours to separate education from religion, as 
the Queen's Colleges profess to do. They appear to us also 
most distinctly to condemn the principles on which the National 
Schools are founded. In many of those schools all religious edu- 
cation is excluded, and in those which are under Presbyterian 
and other similar patrons, as well as in model and training schools, 
the rights of the bishops of the Catholic Church, to whom Christ 
gave the power of teaching all nations, are completely ignored. 
In every National School the teaching and practice of religion 
are strictly prohibited during the hours of class. Such a system 
appears to fall under the condemnation of the Holy See. We 
shall return to this matter again on some future occasion. In 
the mean time, we shall merely add, that if we wish to be true 
children of the Church, we must receive with humility, and in a 
spirit of obedience, the decisions of Christ's vicar on Earth, and 
reprobate and condemn from the inmost of our hearts the pro- 



Disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. 233 

positions which he, using the power given to him by the Eternal 
Shepherd of our souls, reprobates and condemns. The only view 
his Holiness proposed to himself in censuring the propositions we 
refer to was, to secure for the rising generations the greatest 
blessing that can be conferred on them a good religious educa- 
tion, and the preservation of their faith from danger. As dutiful 
members of the true Church we ought to act on the lessons of 
wisdom that have been given to us. 

Having treated at some length of the education question, the 
Archbishop next directed the attention of the meeting to the 
condition of the agricultural and manufacturing interests of Ire- 
land, showing that it is the duty of those in power to apply im- 
mediate remedies to the evils of the country, which menace us 
with universal ruin, and then proceeded to examine the proposed 
disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. History informs 
us that the Irish Protestant Church had its origin in an act 
declaring Henry VIII. head of the Church, which was passed 
by the Irish parliament in 1536, and in another act of the same 
parliament by which a similar dignity was conferred on Queen 
Elizabeth. A statement on this subject made by Dr. Gregg, 
Protestant Bishop of Cork, in a late pastoral charge, is altogether 
at variance with history. His LorcMiip's words are : 

" She (the Protestant Church) sprang from the truth, was nurtured 
in truth, laden with truth, in truth she delights, to the truth she ap- 
peals, and by God's gracious blessing, in mighty truth shall she 
stand". 

These are emphatic words ; but, if he wished to speak correctly, 
the writer should have said that the Church he eulogises sprang 
from the passions and despotism of Henry VIII. ; was nurtured 
by the avarice, hypocrisy, ambition, and corruption of Elizabeth; 
derived spiritual powers from a body of men who had no such 
powers themselves ; that to the sword, the gibbet, and penal laws 
she owes her propagation ; that her existence still depends upon 
brute force ; and that, so little does she stand on or uphold truth, 
that she is not able to defend the Gospel any longer, or to sup- 
port the doctrines and ordinances of religion. She could not 
restrain the late Protestant Archbishop of Dublin from explain- 
ing away the fundamental mysteries of the Trinity and Incarna- 
tion, nor Dr. Colenso from denying the inspiration of the Sacred 
Scriptures, nor Rev. Mr. Barlow, a Fellow of Trinity College, from 
impugning the eternity of punishment in another world. She 
affords so little light to her children, that, according to a report 
of the Church Pastoral Aid Society, signed by several dignita- 
taries of the Establishment, millions of those children are pining 
away in ivorse than pagan vice and ignorance Finally, so far 

VOL.1. *16 



234 Catholic Education; 

from resting on truth, her only support is the arm of the State, 
whose creature she is, and at whose nod she may cease to exist. 
Having obtained spiritual authority by an act of the temporal 
power, much in the same way as the Roman emperors obtained 
divine honours by decrees of the senate, Henry VIII. and Eli- 
zabeth set about their new functions, and determined to show 
themselves worthy leaders of the Reformation. There were 
many richty endowed monasteries in Ireland at the time of 
Henry, -aid several continued to exist even till the days of Eli- 
zabeth. The inmates of those institutions passed their time in 
prayer and study ; they had rendered great services to literature 
V p^J m g an( l preserving the works of classical antiquity, whilst 
their-.lfibours for religion and the poor were worthy of the highest 
praise. There were also many convents of religious ladies, who 
devoted their lives to the service of God and their neighbour, to 
the education of youth, and who edified the world by the sweet 
odour of their virtues. By the new heads of the Church, and 
the new patrons of the Gospel, those merits were looked on as 
crimes, and all religious orders were suppressed. 

In Ireland there was an ancient institution founded by St. 
Patrick, which for more than a thousand years had maintained 
its connection with the Apostolic See, the true rock on which 
Christ built His Church, anorhad always preserved the integrity 
and purity of the Catholic faith. The existence of that venerable 
Irish Church was not consistent with the supremacy of the crown 
in spiritual matters, and its destruction was decreed. 

At the same time, a religion, with new doctrines, a new cere- 
monial, new liturgical books, and forms of prayer in the English 
language, then almost unknown in Ireland, was proclaimed, and 
all the sanction was given to it that could be derived from an 
act of parliament or a royal decree. It was pretended that this 
religion was to restore liberty of conscience to the world ; but 
history shows that it enforced its teaching by penal laws, by fire 
and sword, and by every sort of violence. 

The monasteries of men, the convents of nuns, the episcopal 
sees, and the parochial churches, were possessed, at that time, of 
considerable revenues. This property was not the gift of the 
English government. In great part it was of ancient origin, as 
we may conclude from the fact that in the year 1179, shortly 
after the English invasion, Pope Alexander HI. confirmed to St. 
Laurence O'Toole nearly the same possessions which are still 
held by the see of Dublin, and which he had inherited from his 
predecessors who lived before English rule began in Ireland. It 
was also private property, belonging to monasteries and convents, 
and to the Church, so that neither king nor parliament had any 
claim on it. But ancient rights and justice and prescription were 



Disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. 235 

no longer to be respected ; the reforming monarchs did not hesi- 
tate to change the law of God and of nature, and to ignore the 
maxim that every one should have his own. Hence, all ecclesi- 
astical property was confiscated. A large portion was given to 
the agents and minions of royal despotism, and another portion 
was devoted to the support of bishops and ministers of a new 
creed and religion, and turned away altogether from the purposes 
for which it had been destined by the donors ; so tfito what was 
originally given for the support of the Catholic ChurcE; .was now 
handed over to an establishment just called into existence? whose 
principal aim has always been to decry and misrepresent the an- 
cient Church, to persecute its ministers, and to uproot it, if- pos- 
sible, from the soil. 

The heads of the Irish Protestant Establishment, Heniy and 
Elizabeth, having commenced their spiritual rule by an act of 
robbery and spoliation, continued to propagate their new religion 
by intimidation, by violence, and penal enactments. The old 
nobility of Ireland, both of Norman and Irish descent, were 
persecuted and robbed of their possessions in order to convince 
them of that Gospel truth which first beamed from Boleyn's 
eyes ; for the same purpose whole provinces were laid desolate, 
and torrents of blood inhumanly shed. In such proceedings 
we find a great deal to remind us ofcthe persecutions inflicted on 
the early Christians by the Roman emperors, and a singular 
resemblance to the system adopted by Mahomet for the propa- 
gation of the impure doctrines of the Koran ; and as that impos- 
tor spread desolation through the most flourishing regions of the 
East, so did the founders of the Protestant establishment reduce 
the blooming fields of Erin to the condition of a howling wilder- 
ness, and like him they became the votaries of ignorance, and 
carried on a long and destructive war against Catholic schools 
and education. 

There was, however, something worse in the mode of propaga- 
ting the doctrines of the Reformation than in that which was 
adopted for the maintenance or introduction of Paganism and 
Mahometanism. Those forms of worship openly avowed their 
designs, and publicly professed their enmity to the Christian re- 
ligion. The proceedings of those who promoted and supported 
the Church Establishment were, on the contrary, marked by the 
vilest and most degrading hypocrisy. They pretended and pro- 
fessed to be the sincere friends of liberty of conscience, and of 
the progress of education and enlightenment, whilst at the same 
time they were the most dangerous enemies of every kind of 
freedom and progress, and endeavoured to establish the most 
galling despotism, and to spread ignorance through Ireland. 

Innumerable proofs are at hand of the despotic tendencies of the 

16 B 



2')6 Catholic Education; 

Establishment. We merely give one instance, related by Mant 
in his Ecclesiastical History at the year 1636, in which the 
Protestant bishops, with Usher at their head, made the following 
declaration : that 

" The religion of the Papists is superstitious and idolatrous ; their 
faith and doctrine erroneous and heretical ; their Church, in respect 
to both, apostatical. To give them, therefore, a toleration, or to con- 
sent that they may freely exercise their religion and profess their 
faith and doctrine, is a grievous sin" Mant, vol. i. p. 510. 

And recollect that this declaration was made against the an- 
cient religion of the country, a religion established in it for more 
than one thousand years, and that it was made for the purpose of 
excluding millions of the people from every office of trust and 
emolument. Nothing worse can be found in the annals of Pa- 
ganism or Mahometanism. The Archbishop continues : 

" But, passing over a remoter period, have we not to regret that the 
spirit which then prevailed still continues to manifest itself in our 
own days ? And, indeed, were not the heads of the Protestant estab- 
lishment the most active opponents of Catholic Emancipation ? Who 
were the great promoters of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill ? Was not 
the head of the Establishment, in this city, most anxious, a few years 
ago, to put convents and moi^steries under police control, and to 
give every annoyance to the holy and pious virgins who devote them- 
selves to the service of God and the poor ? And are not the prin- 
ciples acted on by the Establishment still embodied in Protestant 
oaths? and can we be surprised that dissensions exist in this country, 
and that it is reduced to so deplorable a state as it is now in, when 
we reflect that by such oaths and declarations discord is excited in 
the country, rulers and subjects placed in a state of hostility, and the 
people divided into factions and parties ?" 

As to education, we shall merely observe that the supporters 
of the Establishment left no means untried to banish it altogether 
from among the masses of the people in Ireland. Catholic schools 
were suppressed, and their property confiscated ; the erection of 
new schools prohibited; no Catholic parent allowed to give a 
Catholic education to his children at home, and he was subjected 
to the severest penalties if he sent them to foreign schools. What 
more could be done to suppress the knowledge of the Christian 
religion by a Julian or a Mahomet? Yet, those who acted in 
that way cry out that they alone are the friends of progress and 
enlightenment, and that Catholics seek for nothing but darkness. 
Was there ever a more decided manifestation of recklessness and 
hypocrisy ? 

Having given in detail some other instances of the violent and 
persecuting measures which were used for the propagation of 



Disendowment of the Protestant Establishment. 237 

Protestantism, the Archbishop proceeds to examine the results 
obtained by them : 

" Let us now ask", says he, " what have been the fruits of so much 
bigotry, of so much violence, and of so many penal laws ? The late 
census tells us that every effort to introduce Protestantism has been a 
complete failure, and that notwithstanding so many persecutions and 
sufferings, the old Catholic faith is still the religion of the land, deeply 
rooted in the affections of the people. Without entering into details 
which would occasion too much delay, I shall merely state that all the 
members of the Establishment in this kingdom are under seven 
hundred thousand ; that out of the two thousand four hundred 
and twenty-eight parishes into which Ireland is divided, there were, 
in 1861, one hundred and ninety-nine parishes containing no mem- 
bers of the Establishment, five hundred and seventy-five parishes 
containing not more than twenty, four hundred and sixteen contain- 
ing between twenty and fifty, three hundred and forty-nine contain- 
ing between fifty and one hundred in all, one thousand five hundred 
and thirty-nine parishes, each with fewer than one hundred parish- 
ioners. I will add that, according to the same census, the parish of 
St. Peter's, in Dublin, contains more Catholics than the eleven dioceses 
of Kilmacduagh, Kilfenora, Killala, Achonry, Ossory, Cashel, Emly, 
Waterford, Lismore, Ross, and Clonfert contain Protestants: and 
that the Catholics of the diocese of Dublin exceed by thirty-five 
thousand all the Protestants of the Established Church in twenty- 
eight dioceses of Ireland ; indeed, in all the dioceses of Ireland, ex- 
cepting those of Armagh, Clogher, Down, and Dublin. Whilst such 
figures show that all the protection of the State, the persecution of 
Catholics, the confiscation of their property, the suppression of Catho- 
lic schools, the lavish endowment of Protestant schools, and innumer- 
able penal laws, have not been able to establish Protestantism in 
Ireland, they must convince us at the same time, that it is most un- 
reasonable, and contrary to the interests of the people and to a 
sound policy, to keep up a vast and expensive ecclesiastical estab- 
lishment for the sake of so small a minority, and in opposition to the 
wishes of the great mass of the population". 

The Archbishop next quoted several authorities from Protes- 
tant writers condemnatory of the Anglican establishment, and 
among others, that of Lord Brougham, who, confirming his own 
views by those of the celebrated Edmund Burke, says : 

" I well remember a phrase used by one not a foe of Church Estab- 
lishments I mean Mr. Burke. ' Don't talk of its being a church ! 
It is a wholesale robbery !'...! have, my lords, heard it called an 
anomaly, and I say that it is an anomaly of so gross a kind, that it out- 
rages every principle of common sense, and every one endowed with 
common reason must feel that it is the most gross outrage to that 
common sense as it is also to justice. Such an establishment, kept up 
for such a purpose, kept up by such means, and upheld by such a 



238 Liturgical Questions. 

system, is a thing wholly peculiar to Ireland, and could be tolerated 
nowhere else. That such a system should go on in the nineteenth 
century ; that such a thing should go on while all the arts are in a 
forward and onward course, while all the sciences are progressing, 
while ail morals and religion too for, my lords, there never was more 
of religion and morality than is now presented in all parts of the 
country, that this gross abuse, the most outrageous of all, should be 
allowed to continue, is really astonishing. It cannot be upheld, unless 
the tide of knowledge shall turn back, unless we return to the state 
in which things were a couple of centuries ago". 

After quoting several other authorities similar to that of 
Lord Brougham, the Archbishop called on his hearers to unite 
with him in calling for the abolition of the Establishment. 

" When you consider", said he, " the reasons and the weight of 
authority which I have alleged, I trust you all will admit that an es- 
tablishment which traces back its origin to the lust, the avarice, and 
the despotism of Henry VIII. and his daughter ; an establishment 
introduced by force and violence, and that has no support save in the 
protection of the state, of which it is the creature and the slave ; an 
establishment that has been the persevering enemy of civil and reli- 
gious liberty ; that has called for penal laws in every century from 
the days of Elizabeth to the passing of the Ecclesiastical Titles Act ; 
that has never failed to oppose every proposal for the relaxation of 
such laws, not only in the days of Strafford and Clarendon, but even 
when there was question of emancipation in the midst of the liberality 
of the present century ; an establishment that has inflicted great 
evils on Ireland by depriving the mass of the people of all the means 
of education, by persecuting schoolmasters, and seizing on and con- 
fiscating schools, and that has been always the fruitful source of dis- 
sensions in the country when you consider all these things, you 
will undoubtedly agree with me, that such an establishment ought 
not to be any longer tolerated in this country that it ought to be 
disendowed, and its revenues applied to purposes of public utility". 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. 

In answer to the request made in our last number, some of our 
reverend friends have addressed to us several most interesting 
questions on Liturgical points. Owing to the great pressure this 
month on our limited space, and to the necessity of completing 
the series of decrees on the Holy Mass, we are not able to 
attend to them for this month. In our next issue we hope to 
bo in a position to satisfy our respected correspondents. 



Liiturgical Questions. 239 



DECREES ON THE HOLY MASS. 

[Concluded from page 190.] 

Ad . IX. Post Consecrationem usque ad Orationem Dominicam. 

1. Dum Sacerdos dicit orationem " Supplices te rogamus", et 
orationes ante Communionem, servandae sunt rubricae, quae 
jubent manus ponendas esse super altare, non intra corporale. 7. 
Sept. 1816 in u. Tuden, ad 35. 

2. Qui in Canone Missae post consecrationem, in oratione 
" Nobis quoque peccatoribus", nominatur Joannes, est s. Joannes 
Baptista, et ideo caput est ad hoc nomen inclinandum, dum 
Missa dicitur aut commemoratio fit de s. Joanne Baptista ; non 
vero quando Missa dicitur aut commemoratio fit de s. Joanne 
apostolo et evangelista. 27. Mart. 1824. in u. Panormit. ad 2. 

Ad . X. De Oratione Dominica usque adfactam Communionem. 

1. Signum cum patena faciendum a sacerdote a fronte ad pec- 
tus, dum dicit orationem " Libera nos quaesumus Domine", 
debet esse integrum signum crucis; et post dictum signum crucis 
est deosculanda patena. 13. Mart. 1627 in u. Panorm. Cum 
Celebrans dicit: *' Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris", patenam 
in extremitate* seu orampatenae, congruentius osculatur. 24. Jun. 
1683 in u. Albingan. ad 5. 

2. Pax, dummodo adsit consuetudo, in Missa pro sponso et 
sponsa dari potest; attamen danda est semper cum inst rumen to, 
numquam vero cum patena. 10 Jan., 1852 inu. Cenoman. ad. 8. 

3. Pars inferior hostiae praecidi debet) non superior, quando 
dicitur: " Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum". 4 Aug. 1(363 in 
u. Dalmat. ad 6. 

4. Tolerari potest consuetudo pulsandi campanulam a ministro 
in Missa non solum ad verba " Sanctus", etc. et in elevatione 
Sanctissimi, sed etiam ad verba " Domine non sum dignus" ante 
eumptionem, et quoties administrate Communio fidelibus, ad 
praedicta verba. 14 Mai. 1846 in u. Ord. Min. ad 9. 

5. Sacerdos seipsum signans cum hostia et calice consecratis 
ante sumptionem Ss. Sacramenti, ad verba " Jesu Christi" debet 
caput inclinare juxta rubricas. 24 Sept. 1842 in u. Neap, ad 1. 

6. In quaestione: an Sacerdos post sumptionem pretiosissimi 
sanguinis debeat parumper immorari in adoratione, prout fit post 
sumptionem sacrae hostiae? serventur rubricae. 24 Sept. 1842 
in u. Neap. ad. 2. 

7. In quaestione : an pro abluendis vino et aqua pollicibus et 
indicibus in secunda purificationo post Communionem debeat 
Sacerdos e medio altaris versus cornu epistolae recedere ? serven- 
tur rubricae pro diversitate Missae* 22 Jul. 1848 in u. Tornac. 



240 Liturgical Questions. 

8. Ante versiculum quod dicitur " Communio", cooperiendus 
est velo calix in anteriori parte, prout ante confessionem. 1 Mart. 
1698 in u. Prag. ad 1. 7am in principio Missae quam post 
Communionem calix velatus esse debet totus in parte anteriori. 12 
Jan. 1669 in u. Urbinat. In quaestione: an deceat corporale 
retinere extensum super altare toto tempore, quo celebrantur 
Missae, et donee ab ultimo in eo celebrante reportetur ad sacra- 
rium (sacristiam) ; et an conveniat corporale extra bursam deferre ? 
episcopus incumbat observantiae et executioni rubricarum. 13 
Sept. J 704 in u. Ravenat. 

9. De Comniunione fidelium intra Missam: 

Consueludo dicendi: " Ecce Agnus Die", et: " Domine non 
sum dignus", idiomate yulgari, est eliminanda, utpote contraria 
Rituali et Missali Romano. 23. Mai. 1835 in u. Ord. Min. 
Capuc. Helv. ad 5. 

Sacerdos debet semper, etiam communicando moniales habentes 
fenestrellam in parte evangelii, pro Communione distribuenda 
descendere et revertiper gradus ante riores, et non laterales altaris. 
15 Sept., 1736, in u. Tolet. ad 8. 

Dum Celebrans administrat sacram Communionem in Missa 
privata, minister non debet eum comitari cum cereo accenso ; 
sed quum purificationem, utpote quae pro populo non est in usu,f 
non praebeat, nee mappam Communionis, utpote cancellis af- 
fix am, ante communicantes sustineat, tune debet manere genu- 
flexus in latere epistolae. 12 Aug. 1854 ad 72. (Anal. II. 
p. 2188 sqq.) 

Servetur consuetudo dividendi consecratas particulas, si adsit 
iiecessitas. 16 Mart. 1833 in u. Veron. ad 1. 

In Communione quae inter Missae sacrificium peragitur, 
minister sacrificii, non ratione praeeminentiae, sed ministerii, prae- 
ferendus est ceteris quamvis dignioribus. 13 Jul. 1658 in u. 
Galliar. 

Patenae suppositio per sacerdotem cotta indutum in Commu- 
nione generali, quae per Dignitates agitur, retinenda est. 3 Sept. 
1661 inu. Andrien. Non potest sacerdos sanctam Communionem 
sive intra sive extra Missam administrans tenere patenam inter 

Missae diversitatem, de qua decretum loquitur, ita intellexerunt ac suo tem- 
pore exposuerunt ipsius decreti auctores h. e. doctores Roman! a, 1848, ut in Missis 
solemnibus numquam sit e medio altaris recedendum ad abluendos digitos; in Missis 
non solemnibus e contra semper e medio sit ad cornu Epistolae progrediendum (licet 
rubrica de hoc progressu sileat). Haec sententia ipsorum auctorum decreti atque 
interpretatio praeclare confirmatur ex universal! ac constant! omnium totius Urbis 
ecclesiarum praxi. Cf. Attestat. Roman! s. Theologiae Professoris apud Falise 
p. 77: "Dum revertitur e cornu Epistolae in medium altaris, digitos purificatorio 
abstergit". 

t Juxta Herat! (Comment, ad hanc rubr. n. 34) haec purificatio retinetur so- 
lummoJo " in aliquibus ecclesiis", Ubi ilia non est in usu, ejusrnodi consuetudo 
servaiida est. 12. Aug. 1854 ad 23. loc. sitpra cit. 



Documents. 241 

digitos manus sinistrae, quae sacram pixidem gestat, ut earn sic 
mento communicantium supponat, sed cura et solertia sacerdotis 
supplere debet, ut praecaveatur sacrorum fragmentorum disper* 
ditio. 12 Aug. 1854 ad 21 et 22 loc. cit. 

Ad . XII. De benedictione in fine Missae, et Evangelio Sancti 

Joannis. 

1. In fine Missae ad quodcumque altare celebratae^fit reveren- 
tia Cruel infra gradus, capite discooperto. 13 Febr. 1666 in 
decret. ad Missal, ad 9. 

2. Arbitrio et prudentiae Ordinarii relinquitur inducere praxim 
lavandi manus in fine Missae, postquam Celebrans exuerit vestes 
sacerdotales, in dioecesim, in qua non est in usu ; sed non indu- 
catur per modum praecepti. 12 Aug. 1854 ad 28 (Anal. II. p 
2193). 



DOCUMENTS. 



DECREE OF THE SACRED CONGREGATION OF 
INDULGENCES. 

URBIS ET ORBIS. Cum non sit aliud Nomen sub coelo, in quo nos 
oportet salvos fieri, nisi Nomen lesu in quo est vita, salus, et resur- 
rectio nostra, per quern salvati et liberati sumus, idcirco Sixtus V. 
fel. rec. Pont. Max. sub die 11 lulii 1587 in Bulla Reddituri Indul- 
gcntiam concessit quinquaginta dierum omnibus et singulis Christifi- 
delibus qui quocumque idiomate sic se salutaverint : Laudetur lesus 
Christus, vel responderint : In saecula^ vel Amen, aut Semper; plena- 
riam vero in mortis articulo iis qui hanc laudabilem consuetudinem 
habuerint, modo ore, vel corde (si ore non potuerint) lesu nomen 
invocaverint. 

Nonnullis deinde in locis cum mos invaluisset lesu Nomini et illud 
Mariae in se invicem salutando addere, Clemens PP. XIII. ad bu- 
rn illimas preces Generalis Ordinis Carmelitarum per Deere turn die 
30 Novembris 1762 benigne impertitus est pro Carmelitis eamdem 
Indulgentiam quinquaginta dierum quotiescumque in mutua saluta- 
tione verba usurpaverint : Sia lodato Gesu e Maria* 

Nunc vero SS mus. Dominus Noster Pius PAPA IX. nonnullorum 

Episcoporum precibus peramanter inclinatus, referente me infra- 

scripto Sacrae Congregationis Indulgentiarum Cardinali Praefecto in 

Audientia diei 26 Septembris 1864, ut magis magisque Fideles- 

* " Praise be to Jesus and Mary". 



242 Documents. 

utriusque Nominis lesu et Mariae salutares percipiant efFectus, et 
ilia quam saepissime in ore et corde retineant, eamdem concessioner!! 
ad omnes et singulos Christifideles extendit, ita ut qui se invicem 
salutando hac forma, in quocunaque idiomate, utantur: Sia lodato 
Gesu e Maria* vel responderint : Oggi e semprerf aut similibus verbis, 
easdem plane Indulgentias, quae in praefata Bulla memorantur, con- 
sequi possint et valeant. Quam gratiam voluit SANCTITAS SUA per- 
petuo suffragari absque ulla Brevis expeditione. 

Datum Eomae ex Secretaria eiusdem Sacrae Congregationis In- 
dulgentiis Sacrisque Keliquiis praepositae. Die 26 Septembris 1864. 
Fr. ANTONIUS M. CARD. PANEBIANCO S. C. PRIEFECTUS. 

Loco f Signi. A. Colombo Secretarius. 



II. 

LETTER FROM THE CARD. PREFECT OF PRO- 
PAGANDA TO THE BISHOPS OF IRELAND 
CONCERNING THE B. EUCHARIST. 

The following letter on the manner in which, in missionary 
countries, the Blessed Eucharist is to be conveyed to the sick, is 
a fresh proof of the zeal of the Holy See in promoting devotion 
to the Most Holy Sacrament. 

ILLUSTRISSIME ET REVERENDISSIME DOMINE, 

Etsi sancta omnia sancte tractanda sint, propterea quod ad Deum 
pertineant qui essentialiter sanctus est, attamen augustissimum Eu- 
charistiae sacramentum sicut sacris mysteriis omnibus absque ulla 
comparatione sanctitate praeeminet, ita maxima prae ceteris venera- 
tione est pertractandum. Nil itaque mirum si tot Ecclesia diversis 
temporibus ediderit decreta, quibus Sanctisshnae Eucharistiae delatio 
pro adjunctorum varietate vel denegaretur omnino, vel ea qua par 
esset reverentia admitteretur ;| cum nihil antiquius fuerit Eccle- 
siae Dei quam ut animarum profectum atque aedificationem debito 
cum honore divinorum omnium divinissimi mysterii consociaret. 
Haec porro prae oculis habens Sacrum hoc Consilium Christiano 
Nomini Propagando, cum primum intellexit in quibusdam istius 
regionis Dioecesibus consuetudinem seu potius abusum invaluisse, ut 
Sacerdotes Sanctissimum Sacramentum a mane usque ad vesperam 
secum deferrent ea tantum de causa quod in aliquem forte aegrotum 
incidere possent, ad Metropolitanos censuit scribendum, turn ut 
consuetudinem illam ab Ecclesiae praxi omnino abhorrere declararet, 
turn etiam ut ejus extensionem accuratius deprehenderet. Responsa 
Archiepiscoporum brevi ad Sacram Congregationem pervenerunt, ex 
quibus innotuit, rnultis in locis de abusu illo gravem admirationem 
exortam esse, cum aliqua in Dioecesi ne credibilis quid em videretur. 

* "Praise be to Jesus and Mary". t " Now and for evermore". 

I Vid. quae in rem proferantur in subjecta 



Documents. 243 

Verum non defuerunt Antistites qui illius existentiam ejusque cau- 
sas ingenue confess! sunt. Quare Eminentissimis Patribus Sacri 
hujus Consilii in generalibus comitiis die 28 Septembris elapsi anni 
habitis omnia quae ad hanc rem referebantur exhibita sunt perpen- 
denda, ut quid Sanctissimi Sacrament! debitus honor ac veneratio 
postularerit in Domino decerneretur. Omnibus igitur maturo ex- 
amini subjectis, statuerunt Eminentissimi Patres literas encyclicas ad 
Archiepiscopos atque Episcopos istius regionis dandas esse, quibus 
constans Ecclesiae rigor circa Eucharistiae delationem commemo- 
raretur. Voluit insuper S. C. ut singuli Antistites excitarentur, 
quemadmodum praesentium tenore excitantur, ad communem Eccle- 
siae disciplinam hac in re custodiendam, quantum temporis ac loco- 
rum adjuncta nee non inductarum consuetudinum ratio patiantur, ita 
tamen ut sedulam navent operam ad veros abusus corrigendos atque 
eliminandos. Quam quidern in rem censuerunt Patres Eminentissimi 
ap prime conferre frequentem celebrationem sacrificii missae, quo 
videlicet Sacerdotes facile necessitati occurrere possunt Sanctissimam 
Eucharistiam secum per multos dies retinendi. Quae cum ita sint 
hortor Amplitudinem Tuam ut in eum finem rurales aediculas multi- 
plicandas cures, atque talia edas decretaex quibus delatio Sanctissimi 
Sacramenti ad urgentes tantum causas, atque ad actuale ministerii 
sacerdotalis exercitium coarctetur, injuncta vero presbyteris stricta 
obligatione semper in hisce casibus Sanctam Hostiam super pectus 
deferendi. Denique decreverunt Eminentissimi Patres ut de negotio 
isto gravissimo in Provincialibus Conciliis agatur, quo nimirum 
Antistites earn in suis dioecesibus communem normam inducere 
satagant, quam augustissimum Eucharistiae mysterium decere existi- 
maverint. Tandem Amplitudini Tuae significare non praetermitto 
omnia et singula quae superius decreta sunt Sanctissimo D. N. Pio 
PP. IX. per me relata fuisse in audientia diei 3 Octobris elapsi anni, 
eaque a Sanctitate Sua in omnibus adprobata fuisse atque apostolica 
auctoritate confirmata. 

Datum Romae ex Aedibus S. Congregations de Propaganda Fide 
die 25 Februarii 1859. 

Amplitudinis Tuae 

Ad officia paratissimus 

AL. C. BARNABO, Praef. 

CAJET ARCHIEPISCOPUS THEBAR. Secretarius. 

R. P. D. PAULO CULLEN, 
Arckiepiscopo Dublinensi. 

1. Ex duUis propositis pro christianis Sinensibus. Ad propositum 
dubium " An sacerdotibus Sinensibus liceat in itineribus quae longis- 
sima sunt secum deferre Eucharistiam ne ea priventur?" Resp. IN on 
licere. Qualificatores S. O. die 27 Martii 1665, et Eminentissimi ap- 
probarunt die 15 April. 1665. 

2. Pro Gubernatoribus navium Lusitaniae qui singulis annis in 
Indias orientales navigant, petentibus licentiam deferendi sacramen- 
tum Eucharistiae, ne nautae et Rectores sine Viatico decedant. Lecto 
memorial! et auditis votis Sanctissimus supradictam petitionem om- 



244 Documents. 

rrino rejecit ; ita quod nee in posterum ullo modo de ea tractetur. S. 
0. S. O. die ISJulii 1660. 

3. Bened. XIV. Inter omnigenas " pro Incolis Regni Serviae et 
finitimarum Regionum". " At ubi (sicuti ibidem legitur) Turcarum vis 
praevalet et iniquitas, sacerdos stolam semper liabeat coopertam ves- 
tibus; in sacculo seu bursa pixidem recondat quam per funiculos 
collo appensam in sinu reponat et nunquam solus procedat, sed uno 
saltern fideli, in defectu Clerici, associetur". 

4. Honorius III. in cap. Sane de celebratione Miss, expresse habet 
de delatione Eucharistiae quod si " in partibus infidelium ob necessi- 
tatem S. Viatici permittitur, tamen extra necessitatem permittenda 
non est, cum hodie Ecclesiastica lege absolute prohibitum sit ut 
occulte deferatur. Occulte deferre in itinere, nequit moraliter fieri 
absque irreverentia tanti sacramenti". 

5. Verricelli de Apostolicis Missionibus Tit. 8. pag. 136. expendit, 
" An liceat in novo Orbe Missionariis S. Eucharistiam collo appensam 
secum in itinere occulte deferre etc. et quidquid sit de veteri discip- 
lina concludit hodie universalis Ecclesiae consuetudine et pluri- 
morum Conciliorum decretis prohibitum est deferre occulte S. Eucha- 
ristiam in itinere, nisi pro communicando infirmo, ubi esset timor et 
periculum infidelium, et dummodo ad infirmum non sit nimis longum 
iter sed modicum et unius diei". 

6. Thomas a Jesu de procur. salut. omnium gentium lib. 7. " non 
auderem Evangelii ministros qui in illis regionibus aut aliis infidelium 
provinciis conversantes, si imminente mortis periculo secum Viaticum, 
occulte tamen, deferrent, condemnare". 



Hi. 

LETTER FROM THE CARD. PREFECT OF PRO- 
PAGANDA TO THE BISHOPS OF IRELAND 
ON THE RESIDENCE PRESCRIBED BY THE 
CANONS. 
ILLUSTRISSIME AC REVERENDISSIME DOMINE, 

Quandoquidem divino praecepto animarum Rectoribus mandatum 
sit oves suas agnoscere, casque pascere verbo Dei, sacramentis, atque 
exemplo bonorum operum, idcirco ii ad personalem in suis Dioecesi- 
bus vel Ecclesiis residentiam obligantur; sine qua injunctum sibi 
officium defungi per se ipsos minime possent. Porro pastoralis resi 
dentiae debitum quovis tempore Ecclesia Dei asserere atque urgere 
non destitit ; cujus sollicitudinis luculenta exhibent testimonia non 
modo veteres canones, sed et sacrosancta Tridentina Synodus Sess. 
VI. cap. 1. de Refor. et Sess. XXIII. de Ref. cap. 1. ac novissime 
Summus Pontifex Benedictus XIV. qui Constitutione ad Universae 
Christianae Reipublicae statum edita die 3 Septembris 1746, residen- 
tiae obligationem et inculcavit sedulo et disertissime explicavit. 

Quod si ubique locorum Pastores animarum pro officii sui latione 
continenter in medio gregis vivere oportet, ad id potiori etiani titulo 
illi tenentur quibus animarum cura demandata est in locis Missionum. 



Documents. 245 

Cum enim fideles in Missionibus graviora passim subire cogantur 
pericula, dum minora ut plurimum iis praesto sunt adjumenta virtu- 
tum, peculiari ac praesentissima indigent vigilantia atque ope Pas- 
torum. Hand igitur miruni si sacro Consilio Christiano Nomini 
Propagando nil fuerit antiquius quam datis etiam Decretis curare ut 
a se dependentes Episcopi Vicariique Apostolici in suis Missionibus, 
quoad fieri posset, absque ulla interruptione residerent. Quam qui- 
dem in rem eo usque pervenit Sancta Sedes, ut laudatis Praesulibus 
sub gravissimis poenis prohibuerit, ne Pontificalia munia in aliena 
Dioecesi vel Districtu etiam de consensu Ordinarii ullo modo pera- 
gerent. 

At quoniam, hisce non obstantibus, haud raro contingit ut Prae- 
lati Missionum inconsulta Sede Apostolica et absque vera necessitate 
aut causa canonica perlonga suscipiant itinera, ex quo non mediocria 
commissae illis Missiones pati possunt detrimenta, propterea Eminen- 
tissimi ac Reverendissimi Patres Sacrae hujus Congregationis in 
generalibus comitiis habitis die 21 Januarii hujus anni expedire 
censuerunt, ut in memoriam revocarentur praedictorum Praesulum 
canonicae sanctiones circa Pastorum residentiam, nee non Decreta 
quae circa ejusdem obligationem edita sunt pro locis Missionom, ne 
quis videlicet in posterum Dioecesim aut Districtum cui praeest vel 
ad tempus relinquat absque praevia licentia ejusdem S. Congrega- 
tionis. Quod quidem dum Amplitudini Tuae significo ex mente 
Eminentissimorum Patrum, Decreta, de quibus supra, addere non 
praetermitto (Num. 1). 

Praeterea Eminentissimi ac Reverendissimi Patres in iisdem gene- 
ralibus comitiis statuerunt, utuniversis Episcopis, Vicariis, ac Prae- 
fectis Apostolicis Missionum Quaestiones transmittantur pro relatione 
exhibenda Sacrae Congregation! de statu Dioecesium vel Missionum 
queis praesunt. Cum enim ii omnes qui Missionibus praeficiuntur 
praedictam relationem statis temporibus subjicere S. Sedi teneantur, 
voluit Sacrum Consilium ut earn in posterum exigendam curent ad 
norruam 55 Quaestionum quae in adjecto folio continentur (Num. 2), 
utque in iis praesertim accuratiores se praebeant, quae ad vitam, 
honestatem ac scientiam sacerdotum referunfur. 

Datum Romae ex Aedibus S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide 
die 24 Aprilis 1861. 

Amplitudinis Tuae 

AL. C. BARNABO, Praef. 

R. P. D. Archiepiscopo Dubliriensi. 
Num. 1. 

Decreta et Declaration's S. Congregationis de Propaganda fide super 
Residentia praesalum in locis missionum. 

i. 

In Congregatione Generali coram Sanctissimo habita die 
28 Martii Anno 1651. 

" Sanctitas Sua decrevit quod Episcopi S. Congregationi de Pro- 
paganda Fide subordinati non possint exercere Pontificalia in aliis 



246 Documents. 

praeterquam in propriis Ecclesiis, etiamsi esset de consensu Ordina- 
riomm sub poena suspensionis ipso facto incurrendae, ac eidem 
Pontifici reservatae, dummodo a praefata S. Congregatione non sint 
in certo loco destinati Vicarii Apostolici, seu Administratores alicajus 
Ecclesiae deputati". 

Similia Deer eta prodierunt db eadem >S. Congregatione die 26 Julii 
1662 et 11 Julii 1715. 

IT. 
In Congregatione particulari de Propaganda Fide 

habitadie 7 Maii 1669. 

Cum iteratis per S. C. decretis exercitium Pontificalium extra 
Dioeceses Episcopis ejusdem S. C. assignatas prohiberetur, quaesivit 
Episcopus Heliopclitanus. 

" An dicta decreta intelligenda essent vim suam habere intra fines 
Europae tantum, an vero extenderentur etiam ad alia loca, per quae 
transeundum esset, cum ad suas Ecclesias proficisceretur". 

" S. Congregatio respondit Decreta proliibentia dictum exercitium 
Pontificalium extendi ad omnia loca, etiam extra fines Europae". * 

in. 
In Congregatione Generali habita die 10 Julii 1668. 

Eminentissimi ac Reverendissimi Patres S. Consilii Christiano Nom. 
Propag. attends expositis contra Episcopos ab eodem S. Consilio 
dependentes qui cum detrimento suarum Dioecesium eas deserebant 
ut Romam vel alia loca peterent, statuendum censuerunt. 

" Inhibeatur Episcopis S. Congregationi subjectis ne Romam sub 
quovis praetextu veniant, absque licentia Sacrae Congregationis. 
Decretum editum Anno 1626 renovarunt". 



IV. 

DECREE OF THE S. CONG. OF PROPAGANDA 
QUOAD USUM PONTIFICALIUM EXTRA DIO- 
CESIM. 

Decree of the S. Congregation of Propaganda permitting the English 
Bishops to exercise Pontificalia within the Three Kingdoms. 

Ex negligentia Antistitum circa onus residentiae si ubique mala 
gravissima obvenirent, potissimum id valet quoad regiones, in quibus 
ob admixtionem infidelium vel haereticorum gravioribus periculis 

* Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide cum comperisset generalem inhibi- 
tionem quae continetur in superioribus Decretis non mediocri quandoque incommodo 
esse, praesertim quum Aniistites ob adversam valetudinem ad ea peragenda quae 
Episcopalis sunt potestatis vicinum aliquem Praesulem accersere coguntur, in gen. 
conventu habito die 2 Augusti 1819, censuit supplicandum Sanctissimo pro eorum- 
dem Decretorum moderations^ ita ut quando rationabili causa vel urgente neces- 
sitate Episcopi seu Vicarii Apostolici ad alienas Dioeceses vel Vicariatus se confe- 
runt, possint sibi invicem communicai'e facultatem Pontificalia exercendi, dummodo 
tamen semper accedat Episcopi seu Vicarii loci consensus, inviolatumque de cetero 
maneat residentiae praeceptum. Id autem Summus Pontifex Pius PP. VII. in 
And. diei 8 Augusti ejusdem anni ratum habuit ac probavit. 



Documents- 247 

fideles objiciuntur ; proinde Episcopis et Vicariis Apostolicis regionum 
ad quos S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide sollicitudo extend- 
itur, indictum baud semel fuit, ne extra propriam Dioecesim vel 
Vicariatum Pontificalia etiam de consensu Ordinariorum exerceant. 

Porro cum dubitari baud valeat de studio Episcoporum Angliae 
in hujusmodi residentiae lege servanda, iidemque postulaveiint, ut 
tenor regulae hujusmodi in suum favorem relaxetur; S. Congregatio 
de Propaganda Fide in generali conventu habito die 5 Aprilis 1852 
attento quod baud raro necessarium vel opportunum admodum 
existat, ut iidem admitti possint ad Pontificalia exercenda in aliis 
Angliae ipsius dioecesibus, aliquando etiam in proximis regionibus 
Hiberniae et Scotiae, censuit supplicandum Sanctissimo pro relaxa- 
tione memoratae inhibitionis in favorem Episcoporum Angliae quoad 
tria regna unita, in quibus proinde de consensu Ordinariorum Pon- 
tificalia iidem exercere valeant. 

Hanc vero S. Congregationis sententiam Sanctissimo D. N. Pio 
PP. IX. ab infrascripto Secretario relatam in Aud. diei 6 ejusdem 
mensis et anni Sanctitas Sua benigne probavit, et juxta propositum 
tenorem facultates concessit, contrariis quibuscumque baud obstanti- 
bus. 

In epistola data die 6 Feb. 1862. Eminentissimus Dominus Car- 
dinalis S, Cong, de Prop. Fide Prefectus ad Arcbiepiscopum Dub- 
linensem scribens declarat facultatem supra memoratam omnibus 
Hiberniae praesulibus eodem modo ac Angliae episcopis fuisse a 
Sanctissimo Domino N. Pio IX. concessam. 

% PAULUS CULLEN. 



NOTICES OF BOOKS, 



Imagwi Scelte della B. Vergine Maria, tratte dalle Catacombe 

Romane. 
[Select pictures of the Blessed Virgin Mary, from the Roman 

Catacombs, with explanatory text by Cav. G. B. de Rossi. 

Rome, Salviucci, 1863.] 

The esteem in which the learned on both sides of the Alps and 
the sea have long held Cav. de Rossi, dispenses us from the duty 
which we would otherwise gladly discharge, of expressing in hig 
regard our humble tribute of respect and admiration. But as great 
reputations can afford to do without small praise, we shall rather 
establish his claim to our readers' gratitude by availing ourselves 
of his remarks in the work under notice, to the end that we may 
show how unmistakably early Christian art bears witness to the 
veneration paid by the primitive Church to the ever glorious 



248 A otices of Books. 

Mother of God. Living as we are in the midst of those who re- 
vile us for our devotion to our Blessed Lady, it will be most 
useful to have at hand, conducted with scientific accuracy, a proof 
of the antiquity of the sacred tradition we follow in this most 
cherished practice of our religion. Nor is it only among the vul- 
gar herd of Protestants, or in the ranks of bigoted controver- 
sialists, that we meet assailants on this point. Even refined and 
graceful hands play at times, perhaps unconsciously, with wea- 
pons which are not the less dangerous because they come upon 
us by surprise, and wound us while we think but of taking our 
pleasure in the fair fields of art. Many causes which we will 
not here recite, have contributed of late years to diffuse among 
educated Catholics a knowledge of Christian art; but, among 
these causes, the late Mrs. Jameson's works have had a very 
wide range. From what table were her books absent? what 
library was considered complete without them? Who would 
think of visiting the Continental galleries without first making 
a preparatory course with the aid of Mrs. Jameson's pages? 
And upon the whole, all this is a great gain; but it has 
its disadvantages as well. We do not now speak of Mrs. Jame- 
son as a critic, or of her judgments on points of art, or of the 
accuracy of her information on purely technical matters, or 
of some minor mistakes caused by her ignorance of Catholic 
usages, as when speaking of the Pax of Maso Finiguerra, so 
well known in the history of engraving, she takes the Pax to 
mean the Pix, or vessel for containing the Blessed Sacrament. 
But in the two subjoined passages there are errors of a more serious 
character, and in the latter especially there is much which needs 
the correction contained in De Rossi's observations. 

" The early Christians had confounded in their horror of heathen 
idolatry all imitative art and all artists ; they regarded with decided 
hostility all images, and those who wrought them as bound to the 
service of Satan and heathenism ; and we find all visible representa- 
tions of sacred personages and actions confined to mystic emblems. 
Thus, the cross signified Redemption; the fish, Baptism; the ship 
represented the Church ; the serpent, sin or the spirit of evil. When, 
in the fourth century, the struggle between paganism and Christi- 
anity ended in the triumph and recognition of the latter, and art 
revived, it was, if not in a new form, in a new spirit, by which the 
old forms were to be gradually moulded and modified. The Christians 
found the shell of ancient art remaining ; the traditionary handicraft 
still existed: certain models of figure and drapery, etc., handed down 
from antiquity, though degenerated and distorted, remained in use, 
and were applied to illustrate, by direct or symbolical representations, 
the tenets of a purer faith".* 

* Lives of the early Italian Painters. By Mrs. Jameson, p. 2. 



Notices of Books. 24 9 

" The most ancient representations of the Virgin Mary now re- 
maining are the sculptures on the ancient Christian Sarcophagi, 
about the third and fourth centuries, and a mosaic in the chapel of 
San Venanzio at Rome, referred by antiquarians to the seventh cen- 
tury. Here she is represented as a colossal figure majestically draped, 
standing with arms outspread (the ancient attitude of prayer), and 
her eyes raised to heaven. Then after the seventh century succeeded 
her image in her maternal character, seated on a throne with the 
Infant Saviour in her arms. We must bear in mind, once for all, that 
from the earliest ages of Christianity the Virgin Mother of our Lord 
has been selected as the allegorical type of RELIGION in the abstract 
sense, and to this, her symbolical character, must be referred those 
representations of later times in which she appears as trampling on 
the dragon, as folding her votaries within the skirts of her ample 
robes, as interceding for sinners, as crowned between Heaven and 
Earth by the Father and the Son".* 

That these statements are very far from the truth, we now 
proceed to show. 

That our Blessed Lady has been from the earliest ages selected 
as the type of the Church (not of Religion in the abstract, what- 
ever that may mean), is quite true. The most learned anti- 
quarians recognize her in this character in the female figure in 
prayer, which in the very oldest portion of the catacombs is fre- 
quently a pendant to the group of the Good Shepherd. But this 
fact, which, though, incidentally, yet clearly reveals the depth 
of the feelings of veneration towards Mary which suggested her 
as a fit type of the Spouse of Christ, is far from establishing her 
place in art to be purely symbolical, or her character as intercessor, 
etc., to belong to her only as inasmuch, as she is a type of Religion 
in the abstract. A single glance at the chromolithographs to 
which De Rossi's text serves as a commentary, will convince every 
one that Mrs. Jameson's statements cannot be for a moment main- 
tained. The subjects of these exquisite plates are representations 
of our Blessed Lady, six in number > selected from the many found 
in the Roman catacombs, and selected in such wise as that they 
constitute a series from the apostolic era down to the fourth cen- 
tury. The selection has been confined to works of one class. 
The Blessed Virgin is represented in ancient monuments, chiefly 
in two ways, seated and with her Divine Son in her arms, or 
standing with outstretched hands in the attitude of prayer or in- 
tercession. Of the person represented in works of the first class 
there can be no doubt, especially when the other figures of the 
group show that it is Mary ; the works of the second class are 
more obscure, although at times the name of Mary is written over 
the figure. Hence it would require a lengthened examination be- 

Ibid., pag, 4. 
VOL. I. 17 



250 Notice-s of Bocks. 

fore we could safely say that a given specimen of this class un- 
doubtedly represents the Blessed Virgin, and this consideration 
has recommended the selection of types of the first class only. 
In these monuments, Mary is represented with Jesus in her arms. 
The subject of the composition is determined by the Magi, who 
are generally present, though not in every case. When the Magi 
are absent, there are other marks to show that we look on the 
Mother of God with the Incarnate Word. Even when other signs 
are wanting, the very arrangement of the figures, identical with 
that employed in undoubted paintings of the Blessed Virgin, 
affords argument enough. The Magi appear standing before her 
in sculptures on sarcophagi, not only in Rome, but also in other 
cities of Italy and of France ; in diptychs, and other ivories ; in 
bronzes of the fourth and fifth centuries ; in the mosaic placed at 
St. Mary Major's by Sixtus III. in 432. This composition came 
down from the earliest ages, and is first found in the paintings of 
the catacombs. From among these De Rossi has selected four 
specimens of various types, but all anterior to the days of Constan- 
tine. Our space will not allow us to describe more than one of 
these (tav. I.), but that one shall be the oldest, and under every 
respect the most interesting of them all. 

On the Via Salaria Nuova, about two miles from Rome, the 
Irish College has its vineyard, formerly called the Vigna de 
Cuppis. In this vigna the excavation of the famous cemetery of 
Priscilla had its beginning, and from this it extended its intri- 
cate galleries in all directions, passing beneath the road, and far 
under the fields on the other side. The picture we are about to 
examine is found over a loculus or grave in this cemetery of 
Priscilla. In it is depicted a woman, seated and holding in 
her arms an infant, who has his face turned towards the 
spectator. She has on her head a scanty veil, and wears a 
tunic with short sleeves, and over the tunic a pallium. The 
position of these figures and the whole composition are such 
as to convince any one who has had experience of this kind 
of paintings, that they are intended for the Virgin and Child. 
Indeed, all doubt of this has been removed by the painter 
himself. Near the top of the painting he has represented 
the star which is ever present when our Lady is described 
as presenting her Son to the Magi, or as seated by the manger. 
To the spectator's left, a man youthful in appearance, with a 
sparse beard, standing erect and robed only in the pallium, 
raises his right hand and points towards the Virgin and the 
star. In his left he holds a book. At the first sight of this 
figure it naturally occurs to the mind that it can be none other 
than Joseph, the chaste spouse of the Blessed Virgin, who is 
represented at her side on various sarcophagi in Italy and 



Notices of Books. 251 

France, in diptychs, and in the mosaics of St. Mary Major's. 
Generally speaking, he is described as of a youthful appearance, 
and rarely with a beard. But it is unusual to paint him with the 
pallium, and with a book in his hand. De Rossi is of opinion 
that the figure in question is that of a prophet, it being quite 
usual to unite the figure from the Old Testament with the 
reality in the New. Besides, in a monument of the ninth cen- 
tury two prophets attired like our figure stand one each side of 
our Blessed Lady. He believes it to be Isaias, who so often 
foretold the star and the light that was to shed its rays on the 
darkness of the pagan world (Isaias, ix. 2 ; Ix. 2, 3, 19 ; cf. Luc., 
i. 78, 79). On one of the painted glasses explained by F. Gar- 
nieri, Isaias is represented as a young man. We have here, there- 
fore, in the heart of the catacombs an undoubted representation 
of our Blessed Lady. 

We now proceed to determine the age of this painting 
a matter of the greatest importance to our present purpose. 
What canons of judgment ought to be followed in such an 
investigation? First, we should attend to the style of the 
painting, and the degree of artistic perfection it exhibits in con- 
ception and execution ; secondly, we should confront the results 
of this first examination with such information as we may be 
able to collect from a close study of the history, topography, 
and inscriptions of each subterranean apartment, such a study 
being admirably calculated to assist us in fixing the date of 
the painting. To do all this in any given case, is not the work 
of a few pages, but of a bulky volume. As far as our paint- 
ing is concerned, all the tests above mentioned serve to prove 
its extraordinary antiquity. " Any one can see ", says our 
author (page 15), " that the scene depicted in the cemetery 
of Priscilla is treated in a manner altogether classical, and is a 
work of the best period of art. The very costume employed 
therein suggests a very remote antiquity ; that is to say the pal- 
lium, without any under garment, the right arm bared in the 
figure of the prophet, and still' more the short-sleeved tunic on 
the Virgin. The beauty of the composition, the grace and dig- 
nity of the features, the freedom and skill of the drawing, stamp 
this fresco as belonging to a period of art so flourishing, that, 
when first I saw it, I thought I had before me one of the oldest 
specimens of Christian painting in the Catacombs. I spoke of it 
to my master, the late celebrated P. Marchi, who proceeded to 
examine it in company with the illustrious Professor Cav. Min- 
ardi, now member of the Commission of Sacred Archaeology, 
and both pronounced it to be a wonderful specimen of the very 
earliest Christian art. The learned and the experts in the study 
of Greco-Roman monuments who have seen this fresco, have de- 



252 Notices of Books. 

clared it to be not later than the time of the first Antomnes, and 
perhaps even prior to that epoch. It remains therefore to col- 
lect such proofs as may fix as closely as possible the age of this 
remarkable monument, which all admit to belong to the first years 
of Christianity. To this end I will first compare it with other 
paintings of more or less certain date, and then confront the 
results of the comparison with the history, topography, and 
inscriptions of the crypt". He then compares our fresco first 
with paintings in the cemetery of Callixtus, which it is admit- 
ted belong to the days of Popes Pontianus, Anteros, and Fabian, 
and finds that it is far superior to them in style and execution, 
and consequently belonging to an older and more classical 
school. He next compares them with the ornaments of the 
square crypt, discovered last year in the cemetery of Pretex- 
tatus, and belonging to about the year 162. These ornaments, 
better than the last mentioned, are still inferior to our fresco. 
Finally, in the cemetery of Domitilla, there is a cubiculum 
adorned with the finest stucco, on which a pencil more skilled in 
pagan than in Christian painting has drawn landscapes and figures 
that remind you of the houses at Pompeii and Herculaneum, 
rather than of the paintings of the catacombs. Compared even with 
these, our fresco loses nothing, but, if anything, surpasses them in 
composition and design. " Hence", concludes our author, " the 
painting in the cemetery of Priscilla, compared with those paint- 
ings, the date of which is more or less determined, is found to be 
as beautiful and valuable as the very oldest of them, or even more 
so ; and allowing that some portion of its merit belongs to the 
artist and not to the period, we must still conclude that it is co- 
temporary with the very origin of Christian painting, or at least 
very little distant from it. In a word, the painting belongs to the 
penod of the Flavii and of the preaching of the Apostles, or to 
that immediately following, namely, the period of Trajan (A.D. 
98), of Hadrian (A.D. 117), and at the latest of the first Anto- 
nines" (A.D. 138). The truth of this result is confirmed on the 
application of the other tests mentioned above: by the style of the 
other ornaments of the place, which being in relief are never found 
in a crypt of the third century ; by the history of the cemetery, 
which is clearly proved to have been the place of burial of the 
Christian family of Pudens, the first of whom were cotemporary 
with the Apostles ; by the topography, for the spot where the 
painting exists was the very centre of the excavation ; by the style 
of the inscriptions around it, which are of the most ancient form, 
and almost apostolical. All these arguments, taken together, are 
invincible, and prove beyond a reasonable doubt that this beauti- 
ful painting of our Blessed Lady was traced almost beneath the 
eyes of the Apostles themselves. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

MAKCH, 1865. 

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 

There are few so foolish as to close their eyes against the 
brilliant rays of the mid-day sun, and, at the same time, to 
assert deliberately that the sun is not yet risen, and that the 
world is still enveloped in darkness. 

Nevertheless, something like this has been done quite re- 
cently by an estimable Protestant nobleman, who has as- 
sured his Irish fellow-countrymen that the Catholic Church, 
before the Reformation, " neither furthered the interests of 
science nor disseminated the knowledge of God's written 
word".* There was a time, indeed, when such a calumny 
would have been received by the British public with applause, 
and when it would have been echoed from Protestant pulpits 
by the predecessors of Colenso, and by the ancestors of many 
who now hold a place in the councils of her Majesty. But 
that calumny has been long since abandoned, even by the 
enemies of our holy faith. Our assailants have laid aside the 
mask, and revealed to the world the important fact, that whilst 
they clamoured for the Bible, they were themselves its true 
enemies; and that, combating the Church, their secret aim was 
to sap the foundations of inspired truth, and thus undermine the 
very citadel which they pretended to defend. It is not in Eng- 
land alone, but in France and Italy, and throughout the whole 

* Ireland, her present condition, and what it might be. By the Earl of Clan- 
carty. Dublin: 1864. 

VOL. I. 18 



254 The Catholic Church and the Bible. 

continent, that this striking fact is seen. Everywhere society 
presents the singular phenomenon of a sifting of its elements ; 
and whilst all that aspires to the supernatural life, or clings to 
revelation, virtue, or truth, is gathered into the bosom of our 
holy Church, all that is without the Catholic pale is hurried 
down the inclined plane of Protestantism, and cast into the 
abyss of infidelity and rationalism. And yet, in the face of 
this social miracle, a Protestant peer is bold enough to assert 
that the Catholic Church is opposed to the progress of science 
and inspired truth ; thus insulting the memory of his own 
illustrious forefathers, and outraging the feelings of his fellow- 
countrymen. It is not, however, as a matter of controversy 
that we wish to enter on the present inquiry: we wish to view 
it merely as a matter of pure historic truth. In a future num- 
ber we hope to consider the relations of the Church to science ; 
our remarks to-day will only regard her solicitude during the 
ante-Reformation period to diffuse among her children a salu- 
tary knowledge of inspired truth as contained in the Holy 
Scriptures. 

1. The first question that naturally suggests itself is, did the 
Church seek to remove the sacred volume from the hands of her 
own ministers, that is, of those whom she destined to teach her 
faithful children, and to gather all nations into her hallowed fold ? 
The whole daily life of these sacred ministers of itself responds 
to such a question. Ask their diurnal hours, or any page of the 
daily Liturgy of the Church ; ask those beautiful homilies which 
were delivered day by day in the abbeys of Bangor, Westminster, 
or Certosa, all of which breathe the sweet language of the inspired 
text ; ask the myriad children of St. Columban, who in uninter- 
rupted succession, hour by hour, chanted the praises of God in 
the accents of holy writ; ask the countless sanctuaries which 
decked the hills and valleys not only of our own island, but of 
every land on which the light of Christian faith had shone the 
peaceful abodes of those who renounced the world's smiles and 
vanities to devote themselves to the service of God, and whose 
every orison recalled the teaching and the words of inspired truth. 
Ask even the medieval hymns published by the present Protestant 
Archbishop of Dublin, which, though shorn by the editor of much 
of their Catholic beauty, yet bear in each remaining strophe a 
deep impress of the language and imagery of the Bible, and 
prove to conviction that, so devoted was the Church of the ante- 
Reformation period to the study of the inspired text, that the 
very thoughts of her clergy, their language, their daily life, 
seemed to be cast in its sacred mould. 

2. About 1450, long before Lutheranism was thought of, the 
art of printing appeared in Europe. Now some of the first efforts, 



T/ie Catholic Church and the Bible. 255 

as well of the wooden types of Gutenberg, as of the more perfect 
models of Faust and SchoeiFer, were directed to disseminate accu- 
rate editions of the Bible: "No book", says one of the leading 
Rationalists of Germany, " was so frequently published, imme- 
diately after the first invention of printing, as the Latin Bible, 
more than one hundred editions of it being struck off before the 
year 1520".* And yet the number of editions thus commemo- 
rated is far below the reality. Hain, in his late Repertorium 
Bibliographicum, printed at Tubingen, reckons consecutively 
ninety-eight distinct editions before the year 1500, independently 
of twelve other editions, which, together with the Latin text, pre- 
sented the glossa ordinaria or the postillas of Lyranus. Catholic 
Venice was distinguished above all the other cities of Europe for 
the zeal with which it laboured in thus disseminating the sacred 
text. From the year 1475, when the first Venetian edition 
appeared, to the close of the century, that city yielded no fewer 
than twenty-two complete editions of the Latin Bible, besides 
some others with the notes of Lyranus. Many other cities of 
Italy were alike remarkable for their earnestness in the same 
good cause, and we find especially commemorated the editions 
of Rome, Piacenza, Naples, Vicenza, and Brescia. 

3. Italy, however, was not only remarkable for the number of 
its editions ; it deserves still greater praise for the solicitude with 
which it compared the existing text with that of the ancient 
manuscripts, and endeavoured to present to the public editions 
as accurate as the then known critical apparatus would allow. 
One or two editions deserve particular notice, and in our re- 
marks we will take the learned Vercellone for our guide, in his 
Dissertazioni Accademiche (Roma, 1864, pag. 102, seq. 9). 

The most famous edition of the fifteenth century was that of 
Rome in 1471. It was published under the guidance of John 
Andrew de Bossi, Bishop of Aleria, and was dedicated to Pope 
Paul II. The printers were Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold 
Paunartz. Their press was in the princely palace of the illus- 
trious Massimi family. Five hundred and fifty copies were struck 
off in the edition; and on the death of Pope Paul II., his suc- 
cessor, Sixtus IV., was its zealous patron. 

The Venice edition of 1495 is also of great critical importance. 
The religious superior of the Camaldolese of Brescia superin- 
tended its publication. It consisted of four volumes in folio, and 
presented, together with the Latin Bible, the gloss and notes of 
Lyranus. This great work was dedicated to Cardinal Francis 
Piccolomini, who was soon after raised to the popedom under 
the name of Pius III. From its preface we learn that not only 

* Ed. Reuss, " Die Geschichte der heiligen sc/iriften, N. J 1 .". Brunswick, 1853, 
pag. 458. 

18B 



256 The Catholic Church and the Bible. 

the best preceding editions, but also Jive ancient manuscripts, 
were made use of in preparing this edition. 

Still more accurate, however, is another edition, published 
without name of place in 1476, but which Pauzer and Vercellone 
refer to the city of Vicenza. Its editor was the learned Leonard 
Acate. He first sought out with great care the most ancient and 
correct manuscript of the Latin text, and then he devoted all his 
care to have it accurately printed. In a short preface, he merely 
says : " Lector, quisquis es, si Christiane sentis, non te pigeat 
hoc opus sanctissimum . . . Codex praetiosissimus in lucem emen- 
datissimus venit" ; and it must be confessed that this statement 
was not made without reason, since, notwithstanding all the cri- 
tical researches of the last four centuries, that edition still holds 
its place amongst the most accurate and most conformable to the 
ancient Latin text. 

4. Thus, then, in regard to the Latin text at least, Lord 
Clancarty must admit that the Church in the ante-Reformation 
period was not negligent in disseminating the Bible. And here we 
must remark that Latin was the literary language of that age, and 
that whosoever could read at all, was sure to be versed in the Latin 
tongue. How justly, then, does Mr. Hallam, when speaking of 
this period, state: " There is no reason to suspect any intention 
in the Church of Rome to deprive the laity of the scriptures" ;* 
and how truthful are the words of another eloquent man: " The 
Catholic Church is not the enemy of the Bible. I afiirm 

it, and I shall prove it She has been the guardian of 

its purity and the preserver of its existence through the chances 
and changes of eighteen hundred years. In the gloom of the 
Catacombs, and the splendour of the Basilica, she cherished that 
holy book with equal reverence. When she saw the seed of 
Christianity sown in the blood of the martyrs, and braved the 
persecutions of the despots of the world, and when those despots 
bowed before the symbol of Redemption, and she was lifted from 
her earthly humbleness, and reared her mitred head in courts and 
palaces, it was equally the object of her unceasing care. She 
gathered together its scattered fragments, separated the true word 
of inspiration from the spurious inventions of presumptuous and 
deceitful men, made its teachings and its history familiar to her 
children in her noble liturgy; translated it into the language 
which was familiar to every one who could read at all ; asserted 
its divine authority in her councils; maintained its canonical 
authority against all gainsayers ; and transmitted it from age to 
age as the precious inheritance of the Christian people. The 
saints whom she most reveres were its sagest commentators ; and 
of the army of her white-robed martyrs whom she still comme- 

* View of Europe during the Mid. Ages. 



The Catholic Church and the Bible. 257 

morales on her festal days, there are many who reached their 
immortal crowns by refusing on the rack and in the flames to 
desecrate or deny the holy book of God".* And yet, if we are 
to believe Lord Clancarty, it is precisely this holy Church that 
is opposed to science and to the dissemination of the written 
word of God ! 

5. But perhaps Catholics were in dread at least of the original 
text of the sacred Scriptures, and placed some obstacles in the 
way of its diffusion. Here, again, we appeal to the testimony 
of facts. The only editions of the Old Testament which 
appeared in the original Hebrew language in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, were all printed beneath the shadow of the Inquisition in 
the Catholic land of Italy. Soncino, near Cremona, in 1488, 
Naples in 1491, and Brescia in 1494, are the cities to which 
belongs the glory of thus giving birth to the first editions of the 
Hebrew text. Bologna, too, was privileged in being the first to 
publish the Chaldaic paraphrase of Onkelos : its edition appeared 
in 1482 ; and for the next two editions, which appeared towards 
the close of the century, we are indebted to Catholic Portugal.f 

As to the Greek text of the New Testament, its first edition 
was printed in 1514, under the auspices of an illustrious Spanish 
Franciscan, Cardinal Ximenes. Though the New Testament is 
only the fifth volume in the great Polyglot of Ximenes, yet it was 
first of all in order of time, its text being completed on the 10th 
of January, 1514. Five other editions followed in quick suc- 
cession, in 1516, 1519, 1522, 1527, 1535, all bearing the name 
of Erasmus.t The only portions of the Greek text of the Old 
Testament that were printed in the fifteenth century all had 
their origin in Italy, and bear the date of 1481, 1486, and 1498. 

6. It is time, however, to refer to the first great Biblical Poly- 
glots those vast repertories devised by master minds, and 
which, presenting in parallel columns the original texts 
of the Old and New Testaments, together with the various 
ancient versions, are an incalculable aid in the study of Biblical 
criticism and in the interpretation of the sacred books. Even in 

* Speech of O'Hagan on the trial of F. Petcherine. 

t See Catalogo di opere Ebraiche, etc., by Gustavo Zaccaria, Fermo, 1863. 

j Erasmus's edition of 1516 was the first published Greek Testament. Its dedi- 
cation to Leo X., and its publication at the expense of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, sufficiently disclose to us the Catholic auspices under which it appeared. In 
the dedication, which is dated the 1st of February, 1516, Erasmus commemorates 
the many glories of the house of Medici, and especially the zeal of Pope Leo in 
promoting religion and literature, and adds : " Quamquam ut ingenue dicam, quid 
quid hoc est operis videri poterat humilius quam ut ei dicandum esset quo nihil majus 
habet hie orbis, nisi conveniret, ut quidquid ad religionem instaurandam pertinet 
haud alii consecretur quam summo religionis principi et eidem assertori". As 
regards the Archbishop of Canterbury, Erasmus writes of him that he deservedly 
held the post of legate of his Holiness: "Cui meipsum quoque quantus sum 
debeo non modo universum studii mei proventum". 



258 The Catholic Church and the Bible. 

the publication of these great works Protestants only came to 
glean where the Catholics had already reaped an abundant 
harvest. It was the privilege of the illustrious order of St. 
Dorninick to give to the world the first Polyglot edition of a 
portion of the sacred text. It was entitled " Psalterium He- 
braicum Graecum, Arabicum, et C/ialdaicum cum tribus Latinis 
Interpretationibus et Glossis". From the dedication we learn 
that its author was " FT. Augustinus Giustiniani ord. Praed. 
Episcopus Nabiensis", who inscribes this fruit of his learned 
labours to the reigning pontiff, Leo X. It was in the Giusti- 
niani palace in Genoa that this Polyglot was printed, under the 
immediate superintendence of the bishop himself, and from the 
same city he addressed its dedication to Pope Leo on 1st August, 
1516. An extract from this dedicatory letter will best serve to 
show that the sentiments of the Catholic bishops of the ante- 
Reformation period were far different from what the Earl of 
Clancarty would wish us to suppose. It thus begins : 

" Scio Pater Beatissime, perlatum ad aures tuas jam diu laborasse 
nos quo utrumque sacrae legis instrumentum quinque praecipuis 
linguis in unuin redactum corpus ederemus : opus nimirum ut meis 
viribus impar ita nostrae profession! vel maxime congruens. Nihil 
enim aeque sacerdoti convenit quam sacrarum litterarum expositio et 
interpretatio. . . . An vero noster hie labor fructum aliquem 
sit pariturus in Catholica matre Ecclesia cui ipse digne praesides li- 
buit periculum facere hoc Davidico psalterio quod ex toto opere nunc 
quasi delibamus tuo dicatum nomini". 

The learned linguist, Baptista Fliscus, was requested by Gius- 
tiniani to revise the text of the oriental versions, and senoling his 
list of corrections, he prefaces it with the following words : 

"Tu vero perge divinum complere negotium et quod Psalterio 
Davidico tribuisti confer caeteris quoque sacrae Scripturae partibus 
ut ea tot nationum auribus accommodate, invitetur universus orbis 
ad tantarum rerum iiotitiam. . . . Turn Leo ipse Pont. Max. cui 
tu opus ipsum dicasti pro sua erga omnes benignitate et munificentia 
non deerit tibi quoque in cunctis operi necessariis praesertim adeo 
utiliter navanti operam ei cujus vices gerit in terris". 

Surely such expressions breathe sentiments far different from 
those of hostility to the dissemination of the genuine text of the 
Sacred Scriptures. 

7. The second and far more important Polyglot was prepared 
under the guidance and published at the expense of a Franciscan 
prime minister of Spain, the illustrious Cardinal Ximenes. This 
great work, which was begun in 1502, was completed only a few 
weeks before the death of the Cardinal in 1517. When the son 



The Catholic Church and the Bible. 259 

of the printer entered the apartment of Ximenes, bearing the last 
sheets of the Polyglot, the aged Cardinal exclaimed: " I give 
thee thanks, O Lord! that thou hast enabled me to bring to 
the desired end the great work which I undertook". And then 
turning to those around him, he added: " Of the many arduous 
duties which I have performed for the benefit of the country, 
there is nothing on which you ought to congratulate me more 
than on the completion of this edition of the Bible".* This 
Polyglot comprises all the books of the Old and New Testa- 
ments in their original text, together with various ancient ver- 
sions. Its expense was wholly defrayed by the Cardinal, who 
spared no pains to render it as complete as human efforts could 
effect. His biographer especially commemorates how on one 
occasion he gave the sum of 2,000 for seven ancient Hebrew 
manuscripts which were made use of in printing the Hebrew 
text; and the whole expense of the publication amounted to 
25,000, which at that period was equivalent to four times 
that sum at the present day. " He made researches on all 
sides", writes Hefele, "for manuscripts of the Old and New 
Testaments, and sometimes was obliged to purchase them at an 
enormous expense, while others generously hastened to lend 
them for his use, amongst whom must be mentioned Pope Leo X. 
This pontiff honoured and revered Ximenes, and still more 
he loved the fine arts. He therefore generously supported him 
in the publication of the celebrated Polyglot. In return Ximenes 
dedicated the work to his Holiness, and in the introduction gave 
him public thanks in these words : ' Atque ex ipsis exemplaribus 
quidem, Graeca Sanctitati Tuae debemus, qui ex ista Apostolica 
Bibliotheca antiquissimos tarn Veteris quam Novi Testament! 
codices perquam humane ad nos misisti' : i.e. ' To your Holiness 
we are indebted for the Greek manuscripts. You have sent us with 
the greatest kindness the copies both of the Old and New Tes- 
tament, the most ancient that the apostolic library possessed", f 
In the introductory remarks to the various volumes, the learned 
editor more than once acquaints us with the motives which im- 
pelled him to this gigantic undertaking, and repeats the same 
expression of gratitude to the reigning pontiff for the kind 
assistance afforded him. Thus in the prolegomena he writes: 
" No translation can fully and exactly represent the sense of 
the original, at least in that language in which our Saviour 
himself spoke. It is necessary, therefore, as St. Jerome and 
St. Augustine desired, that we should go back to the origin 
of the sacred writings, and correct the books of the Old Testa- 
ment by the Hebrew text, and those of the New Testament by 
the Greek text. Every theologian should also be able to drink 

* He/ele, pag. 157, and Gomez, pug. 38. t Pag. HO, seq. 



260 The Catholic Church and the Bible. 

of that water 4 which springeth up to life eternal', at the fountain- 
head itself. This is the reason, therefore, why we have ordered 
the Bible to be printed in the original language with different 
translations. To accomplish this task we have been obliged to 
have recourse to the knowledge of the most able philologists, and 
to make researches in every direction for the best and most 
ancient Hebrew and Greek manuscripts". Again, in the preface 
to the New Testament, we read: " Illud lectorem nonlateat non 
quaevis exemplaria impressioni huic archetypa fuisse sed anti- 
quissima emendatissimaque^ac tantae praeterea vetustatis ut fidem 
eis abrogare nefas videatur quae sanctissimus in Christo Pater 
et Dominus Noster Leo X. Pontifex Max. huic institute favere 
cupiens, ex Apostolica Bibliotheca educta misit ad Reverendis- 
simum D. Cardinalem Hispaniae". 

Such, then, were the sentiments, such the solicitude, of the 
reigning Pontiff and of the Franciscan Cardinal in publishing 
the great Complutensian Polyglot for it is thus it was styled, 
from the city of Complutum, better known by the modern name 
of Alcala, in which it was printed. Still, if we are to credit 
the assertion of Lord Clancarty, they were the enemies of 
science, and opposed to the dissemination of the Word of God ! 
How far more justly was the character of Ximenes appreciated 
by the two Protestant historians, Robertson and Prescott. The 
former writes: " The variety, the grandeur, and the success of 
his schemes, leaves it doubtful whether his sagacity in council, 
his prudence in conduct, or his boldness in execution, deserve 
the highest praise". The latter, still more to the point, ob- 
serves : " The Cardinal's Bible has the merit of being the first 
successful attempt at a Polyglot version of the Scriptures. . . 
Nor can we look at it in connection with the age, and the auspices 
under which it was accomplished, without regarding it as a noble 
monument of learning, piety, and munificence, which entitles its 
author to the gratitude of the whole Christian world".* 

8. Even these two great works did not suffice for the Catholic 
Biblical scholars of that age. Another still more perfect Poly- 
glot soon followed the Complutensian edition. It was published 
at Antwerp in 1569-1572, under the auspices of Philip II. 
of Spain, and under the superintendence of Cardinal de 
Spinoza. The most learned men of the age concurred to com- 
plete this edition, and amongst its editors are named Sanctes 
Pagnini, Arias Montanus, Raphaelengius, and others. 

9. The Polyglot of Le Jay, published at Paris, though later 
in point of time, surpassed all preceding editions in magnificence, 
and is generally reputed one of the most costly and splendid 
works that ever issued from the press. The booksellers of 

* Chap. xxi.,png. 522. 



The Catholic Church and the Bible. 261 

London offered the editor large sums of money, besides other 
advantageous terms, on condition that it should be called the 
London Polyglot. This offer, however, was contemptuously re- 
ceived by Le Jay, and this immense work appeared at his own 
individual expense solely, under Catholic auspices, and for the 
first time, in addition to the other texts, presented to the world 
the Samaritan Pentateuch. 

10. Now all these great works appeared before a single 
attempt was made by Protestants to publish a Polyglot Bible ; 
they all appeared under the patronage of the clergy, and show 
the ever active solicitude of the Catholic Church to promote a 
true Christian interpretation, and to diffuse an accurate text of 
the Sacred Scriptures. Even in regard to versions into the 
various modern languages, Catholics were ever foremost in the 
field. Of these we will speak on a future day, but we cannot 
close this article without commemorating another characteristic 
Biblical work of the ante-Reformation period, which might be 
justly styled the " Polyglot of the illiterate", and which is com- 
monly known by the name of Biblia Pauperum. This con- 
sisted of a series of prints presenting the facts of prophecy of the 
Old law, and generally accompanied with the representation of 
their fulfilment in the facts of the New Testament. Some of the 
very first xylographic efforts were devoted to diffuse these Biblia 
Pauperum, and several editions appeared in the fifteenth and 
the beginning of the sixteenth century.* Even before the art of 
printing was discovered, this ingenious sort of Polyglot, suited to 
the illiterate, of whatsoever nation they might be, was diffused 
through the monasteries and Catholic sanctuaries of Europe. It 
was indeed a tedious labour to achieve such a work with the pen ; 
but for the monks of the middle age such works were a labour 
of love. It was only in our own day, however, that the exist- 
ence of such manuscripts has been fully proved. The learned 
Heider, in his Christian -Typology (Vienna, 1861), first an- 
nounced their discovery in the Viennese archives; and in 1863 
a complete edition was published by him, aided by Albert Ca- 
mesina, from a manuscript of the fourteenth century. 

ALPHA. 



* See Brunei. Manuel de libratre, Brux. 1838, torn. 2, pag. 444. 



262 



THE SEE OF DOWN AND CONNOR. 

The united dioceses of Down and Connor present many themes 
of special interest to the student of the ecclesiastical history of 
our island, and have engaged more than any other diocese of 
Ireland the attention of Irish antiquarians. Suffice it to men- 
tion the learned work of Dr. Reeves, entitled Ecclesiastical Anti- 
quities of Down, etc., published in 1847, and presented by the 
author to the Irish Archaeological Society. Nevertheless, even 
in this favoured see, the succession of bishops, as published by 
Ware and Harris, and subsequently adopted, with few variations, 
by Reeves and Cotton, abounds with errors and anachronisms; 
and hence, that the reader may learn to receive with caution the 
statements even of our most esteemed antiquarians when they 
are unsupported by ancient records, we propose to present a more 
accurate list of the bishops of this see, from the arrival of the 
English, down to the close of Elizabeth's reign. 

When De Courcy invaded Ulster in 1177, he found the Diocese 
of Dundalethglas, i.e. Down, governed by a Bishop Malachias, 
who was third in succession from the great St. Malachy. This 
Bishop subsequently accompanied De Courcy into England, and 
was instrumental in the donations made by that nobleman to 
the Abbey of St. Werburga in Chester, and to other religious 
houses. He died in 1201. 

Ralph, Abbot first of Kinloss and afterwards of Melross, in 
Scotland, was chosen his successor, and was confirmed by Car- 
dinal John de Salerno, legate of Pope Innocent III. in 1202. 
Having governed this see for eleven years, he had for his suc- 
cessor, in 1213, Bishop Thomas, during whose episcopate many 
donations were made by Hugh de Lacy to the monastery of 
Dundalethglas. Matthew Paris records some facts connected 
with this prelate, and especially his having held an ordination in 
the great monastery of St. Alban's; he also consecrated there 
three churchyards, and dedicated an altar to St. Leonard. He 
died in 1242. 

A contest then arose between the abbeys of Down and Bangor 
as to which belonged the right of electing the bishop of the see. 
The Abbot of Bangor claimed it as an ancient privilege of that 
great monastery, whilst on the other hand the Benedictine Monks 
of Dundalethglas put forward their claim, as constituting the 
chapter of the Cathedral Church. Rome referred the question 
to the decision of the Archbishop of Armagh, who, with his 
suffragans, in 1243, pronounced judgment in favour of the abbey 
of Down, and this sentence was ratified by Pope Innocent IV., 
on the 3rd of the Nones of March, 124f (Theiner, Monumen. 
Vat., page 42). 



The See of Down and Connor. 263 

Randal (in Latin Ranulfus) was then appointed bishop of this 
see. He died in 1253, and the chapter of Down chose, without 
delay, a successor in the person of Thomas Liddell, who is styled in 
the brief of his appointment Rector Ecclesiae de Ratlilonge, Carno- 
tensis (a mistake for Connorensis) Dioecesis. King Henry III. 
refused to sanction this election, and nominated Reginald, Arch- 
deacon of Down, to the vacant see. The chapter could not be 
induced to ratify this nomination ; nevertheless, the king issued 
a writ, commanding the Archbishop of Armagh to consecrate 
Reginald, who took possession of the see in 1258. The chapter 
appealed to the tribunal of the successors of St. Peter, and after 
a long and tedious examination of the whole controversy, judg- 
ment was given by Pope Clement IV., in 1265, declaring that 
Dr. Liddell was the canonically elected bishop, and that the 
appointment of Reginald had been from the beginning null, and 
void. Reginald submitted with alacrity to the decree of Rome, 
and was soon after appointed to the Diocese of Cloyne. The 
Holy See, moreover, was pleased to confirm all the parochial 
appointments which Reginald had made during the period of 
his disputed appointment, adding only the clause, that the clergy 
thus appointed by him should otherwise be free from all cano- 
nical impediments, and capable of discharging the functions 
confided to them. The brief of Pope Clement IV. granting this 
favour is dated from Perugia, the 30th April, 1265, and begins: 
" Tuae devotionis promeretur affectus, ut petitionibus tuis, quan- 
tum cum Deo possumus, favorabiliter annuamus" (Mon. Vat., 
page 96). Two months later the bull sanctioning the appoint- 
ment of Dr. Liddell to the See of Down, was published with due 
solemnity in Viterbo, where the Pontiff then resided. It begins 
with the statement of the controversy which had deprived that 
diocese of a chief pastor for so many years, and terminates with 
the hope that " eadem Dunensis Ecclesia per tuae circumspec- 
tionis industriam salubria in spiritualibus et temporalibus susci- 
piat incrementa" (Ibid., page 101). Thus, then, the name of 
Reginald, which stands so prominent in the lists of Ware, 
Reeves, and Cotton, must be cancelled from the canonical order 
of episcopal succession in the See of Down. 

In 1276 Dr. Liddell was summoned to his eternal reward, 
and had for his successor, the same year, Nicholas, who, from 
being Prior of the Monastery of Down and treasurer of Ulster, 
was elected bishop by the chapter, and confirmed by Rome. 
During his episcopate a controversy was carried on, as to the 
rights of the Archbishop of Armagh whilst performing the 
visitation of his suffragan sees. Pope Nicholas III., in 1279, 
commissioned the Bishop of Clonfert to examine into the 
various allegations which had been made, and authorised him to 



264 TJie See of Down and Connor. 

cite the Archbishop to Rome, should it be discovered that the 
visitation of the see had been uncanonically performed. From 
this letter of the Holy Father it incidentally results that the 
Archbishop of Armagh had the privilege not only of personally 
making the visitation of the suffragan episcopal sees, but also, 
" should any necessity so demand", of deputing a simple clergy- 
man to make similar visitation in particular churches or districts 
of such sees (Mon. Vatic., pag. 121). 

Dr. Nicholas died in 1304. His successor was Thomas Kittel, 
pastor of Lesmoghan, who received possession of the temporalities 
of the see on the 1st of July, 1305, and died in 1313. The chap- 
ter of St. Patrick's, according to their no-longer disputed privi- 
lege, made choice of Thomas Bright, prior of the cathedral, who 
received consecration at the hands of Roland De Jorse, Arch- 
bishop of Armagh, in 1314. He was, in 1322, nominated by 
the Holy See to inquire into the various accusations which had 
been made against the Primate by the English government and 
others. He died in 1327, and was buried in his own cathedral 
of St. Patrick. 

Reeves commemorates as his successor John of Baliconingham, 
rector of Arwhyn, and there is no doubt that this prelate was 
chosen by the English king, and held for some time possession 
of the temporalities of the see. However, he never was Bishop 
of Down. Ralph, or Rodulfus, of Kilmessan, in the diocese of 
Meath, a Franciscan friar, was appointed by Pope John XXII. 
on the 12th of December, 1328, and consecrated in Avignon 
by Bertram, the Cardinal Bishop of Tusculum. Even the Eng- 
lish government made no opposition, and he received the tem- 
poralities of the see on the 1st of April, 1329. The above pastor 
of Arwhyn was, however, promoted by the same pontiff to the 
See of Cork, and when, towards the close of 1329, both bishops 
petitioned the Holy Father to be allowed to exchange their sees, 
a letter was addressed from Rome to the Archbishop of Armagh, 
dated the Nones of January, 1330, empowering him to grant 
this favour to these bishops, should they persist in desiring it, 
and should he deem it beneficial to their respective sees (Mon. 
Vatican., pag. 249). Stephen Segrave then held the primatial 
see, and he seems to have judged such an exchange of dioceses 
inopportune or unnecessary, and hence Bishop Rodulfus con- 
tinued to hold the See of Down till his death in 1353. 

In the first year of Pope Innocent VI. (1353) it was represen- 
ted that the See of Down was vacant by the death of Rodulfus : 
" dicta Ecclesia per obitum Rodulphi, qui in partibus illis, 
Praedecessore nostro vivente, debitum naturae persolvit"; and 
hence Gregory, provost of Killala, was appointed bishop on the 
29th January, 1353, and was consecrated at Avignon by Car- 



The See of Down and Connor. 265 

dinal Peter, Bishop of Palestrina. The infirm Bishop Rodulfus, 
however, was not yet deceased, and Gregory was immediately 
promoted to some titular bishopric. When Rodulfus finally 
passed to a better world, in August, 1353, the clergy and chapter 
of Down petitioned to have Richard Calf, who was prior of the 
monastery, advanced to the vacant see. This petition was readily 
granted, and the appointment of Dr. Richard was registered on 
the 2nd of the Nones of December, the same year. A few days 
later he was consecrated in Avignon, by order of his Holiness, 
and on the 23rd of December the following beautiful letter was 
addressed to him by the Holy Father: 

" Pridem Dunensi Ecclesia Pastoris solatio destituta, Nos ad per- 
sonam tuam claris virtutum titulis insignitam nostrae mentis aciem 
dirigentes, te de fratrum nostrorum consilio eidem Ecclesiae in Epis- 
copum praefecimus et pastorem, curam et administrationem ipsius 
Ecclesiae tibi in spiritualibus et temporalibus plenarie committendo 
prout in litteris nostris inde confectis plenius continetur. Cum autem 
postmodum per ven. fratrem nostrum Petrum Episcopum Botten- 
tonensem tibi fecerimus apud Sedem Apostolicam munus consecra- 
tionis impendi, fraternitati tuae per apostolica scripta mandamus, 
quatenus apostolicae sedis beneplacitis te conformans, ad praedictam 
Ecclesiam cum nostrae benedictionis gratia te personaliter conferens, 
sic te in administratione ipsius, diligenter et sollicite gerere studeas, 
ut utilis administratoris industriae non immerito gaudeat se com- 
missam, ac famae laudabilis tuae odor ex tuis probabiliter actibus 
latius diffundatur, et praeter aeternae retributionis praemium nos- 
trae benevolentiae gratiam et favorem exinde uberius consequaris" 
(Mon. Vatic., p. 306). 

Dr. Richard governed the diocese till his death in 1365. His 
successor, the Archdeacon William, held the see only three years, 
and died in August, 1368. Ware and subsequent writers com- 
memorate John Logan as the next bishop. However, the bull 
of appointment of Richard, prior of the Benedictine monastery 
of Down, which is dated 19th February, 1369, styles him the 
immediate successor of William, and thus leaves no room for Dr. 
Logan. The chapter was unanimous in presenting the name of 
Richard to the Holy Father, and the proofs which were added 
" de religionis zelo, litterarumque scientia", rendered delay un- 
necessary in appointing him to the vacant see (Mon. Vatic., 
p. 332). He ruled the diocese till his death on the 16th of May, 
1386. Joannes Rossensis, from being prior of the monastery , 
was next elected by the chapter, and confirmed by the Holy See. 
He died six years after his consecration, and had for his suc- 
cessor John Dougan, who, in 1394, was translated to this see, not 
from Derry, as Ware imagined, but from the diocese of the Isle 
of Man, the Latin name for which see, i.e. Sodoremis, led the 



266 The See of Down and Connor. 

learned author into this error. The Archives of Rome preserve 
several documents connected with this prelate, some of which 
were published by my esteemed friend Professor Munch, in his 
learned notes to the Chronicle of Man, edited for the Royal Uni- 
versity of Christiania, in 1860. The first letter which we find 
regarding him is a brief of Urban V., dated January 23rd, 1367, 
which commences : " Probitatis et virtu turn merita super quibus 
apud nos fidedignorum commendaris testimonio, nos inducunt ut 
tibi reddamur ad gratiam liberales". It subsequently addresses 
Dr. Dougan as Pastor of Camelyn, in the Diocese of Down, 
and appoints him Archdeacon of the see, the former Archdeacon, 
William, having been elevated to the episcopacy early in the 
preceding year. The office of Archdeacon of Down is further 
described as having attached to it the care of souls, and as usually 
conferred on persons not belonging to the cathedral chapter. Its 
annual revenue, too, is described as not exceeding forty marks. 
Soon after, we find this Archdeacon appointed Apostolic Nuncio 
for Ireland, and on 13th March, 1369, the privilege was granted 
to him of choosing as his confessor any member of the secular or 
regular clergy. The brief according this privilege thus begins : 
" Benigno sunt tibi ilia concedenda favore per quae sicut pie de- 
sideras conscientiae pacem et salutem animae, Deo propitio con- 
sequi merearis. Hinc est quod nos tuis devotis supplicationibus 
inclinati tibi Apostolica auctoritate indulgemus ut quamdiu nos- 
tri et Ecclesiae Romanae servitiis institeris aliquem idoneum et 
discretum in tuum possis eligere confessorem, etc." (Dat. Romae 
ap. S. Petrum, 3 Id. Martii, Pontif. N. an. septimo). 

The Bull appointing John Dougan, Archdeacon of Down, to 
the See of Man, is dated November 6th, 1374, and addressed to 
" Joanni electo Sodorensi". It mentions as a chief motive for 
this appointment, that the clergy and people of Man had ear- 
nestly solicited it: " pro quo etiam dilecti filii, clerus civitatis et 
Dioecesis Sodorensis per eorum patentes litteras nobis super hoc 
humiliter supplicarunt". The Cardinal who consecrated Dr. 
Dougan was the celebrated Simon de Langham, who held suc- 
cessively the posts of Prior and Abbot of Westminster, Bishop of 
London and of Ely, Chancellor of England, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, Cardinal Priest of S. Prassede, and at the time of which 
we speak was Cardinal Bishop of Palestrina. Of our prelate, 
it is recorded in the Chronicle of Man that he was elected Bishop 
on the feast of Corpus Christi, was confirmed by the Pope on the 
feast of St. Leonard, and was consecrated on St. Catherine's Day. 
When returning to his diocese he was arrested and thrown into 
prison in the city of Boulogne, and only after several months 
was liberated on the payment of a fine of five hundred marks. 
The motive of this imprisonment has not been recorded. It was 



The See of Down and Connor. 267 

probably in connection with his office of papal Nuncio, for he 
continued, even when Bishop of Man, to exercise the duties of 
Nuncio of the Holy See for Ireland (Mon. Vatican, pag. 365 : 
Munch, loc. cit. pag. 31). In 1395 Dr. Dougan was, by Bull of 
Pope Boniface IX., translated to Down. He received many fa- 
vours from King Henry IV., and on the 16th of September, 
1405, we find a commission addressed to him (published by 
Rymer), authorizing him and Jenico d' Artois to negociate a 
peace between the Irish northern chieftains and the " Lord of 
the Isles". -Dr. Dougan died in 1412. 

The next Bishop of Down was John Sely, who had hitherto 
been a Benedictine monk, and prior of the Cathedral of St. 
Patrick. He governed this diocese from 1413 to 1441, when it 
was united to the See of Connor. The bishops of both sees had 
more than once represented to the king and to the Holy See the 
inadequacy of their respective revenues to support with due 
decorum the episcopal dignity. On the 29th of July, 1438, a 
royal decree was published permitting these bishops to sue in 
Rome for a union of their sees: it states as the motive for 
granting this permission that both sees, " uti fidedigna relatione 
suscepimus, adeo tenues sunt et exiles ut ipsarum neutra in suis 
fructibus et proventibus decentiae sufficiat Episcopali". Pope 
Eugene IV. lent a willing ear to the petition of the Bishops, and 
no sooner had the Bishop of Down resigned his see than John, 
Bishop of Connor, was by a special brief constituted at the same 
time Bishop of Down, and in the following year a papal consti- 
tution was published, instituting a real and perpetual union of 
both sees. Many controversies subsequently arose, especially in 
regard to the temporalities of the See of Down ; Bishop John, 
however, continued in undisturbed possession of the united dio- 
ceses till his death, in 1450, and his successors have ever since 
retained the title of Bishops of Down and Connor v 

The chapter of the united dioceses elected Robert Rochfort to 
fill the vacant see. He was also strongly recommended to the 
Holy Father by Primate Mey, who, writing to Pope Nicholas 
V., on 10th of April, 1451, mentions among his other good 
qualities that he was " lingua Anglicana et Hibernica facundus". 
Pope Nicholas, however, had already chosen another pastor for 
that fold, and Richard Wolsey, of the order of St. Domiiiick, 
was appointed Bishop of Down and Connor by brief of 21st 
June, 1451. In this brief the see is described as vacated by the 
demise of " Thomas, last Bishop of the canonically united Dio- 
ceses of Down and Connor". It is added that the new bishop, 
Dr. Wolsey, was a professed member of the order of St. Dominick, 
remarkable for his zeal, and prudence, and other virtues (De 
Burgo, pag. 474). He held the see for more than five years, and 



268 The See of Down and Connor. 

had for his successor Thomas, prior of St. Catherine's, Waterford, 
who was consecrated by Archbishop Mey on the 31st of May, 
1456. His Episcopate lasted for thirteen years, and we find a 
letter of Paul II. addressed to him on the 16th of April, 1469, 
empowering him to grant to the friars observant of St. Francis 
some houses which had been abandoned by the conventual 
branch of the Franciscan order. This beautiful letter thus 
begins : " Inter caeteros ordines in agro dominico jDlantatos 
sacrum ordinem beati Francisci gerentes in visceribus caritatis, ad 
ea ex pastorali officio nobis Divina dispensatione commisso li- 
benter intendimus, per quae ordo rpse ad laudem Dei et exalta- 
tionem fidei Catholicae ubilibet renorescat" (Mon. Vatic., pao-e 
461). 

He was succeeded by Thadeus, who was consecrated at Rome, 
in the Church of St. Mary Supra Minervam, on the 10th of 
September, 1469. His death is registered in the year 1486, 
and his successor, Tiberius, during along and eventful episcopate, 
governed this see till his death in 1519. Ware, indeed, sup- 
posed that his episcopate continued till circa an. 1526 ; but 
Reeves discovered an ancient record which describes the see as 
vacant by our bishop's death in 1519 (Ec. Antiq., page 160). 

The historians of the Augustinian order mention a Bishop 
Thadeus, who seems to have succeeded in 1520, and held the 
see till 1526. Robert Blyth, a Benedictine and abbot of the 
monastery of Thorney, in Cambridgeshire, received this diocese 
in commendam by royal privilege in 1526. Dr. Cromer, Arch- 
bishop of Armagh, refused to give his sanction to this commen- 
datory jurisdiction, and appointed to various benefices of Down 
and Connor, assigning as his motive the absence of the bishop, 
" in remotis agentis sine licentia summi Pontificis aut Metropo- 
litan! sui". Dr. Blyth, however, continued to administer the 
diocese till 1540, when he resigned this charge, and had for his 
successor Eugene Magennis, who was proclaimed in consistory 
Bishop of Down and Connor in 1541. This Bishop submitted 
his Bulls to the crown in 1542, and hence was admitted not only 
to the temporalities of the see, but received in addition other 
ecclesiastical benefices. On May 9th, 1543, a further writ of 
pardon was issued in his favour (see Morrin, i. 91) ; but in all 
these acts of submission no mention is made of the royal supre- 
macy. The position of his see rendered his submission in tem- 
porals too important to the crown to introduce any such embit- 
tering clause, and, in fact, the northern chieftains who submitted 
at the same time were exempted from all reference to religion 
when professing their allegiance to the government. At all 
events, no doubt can be entertained of the orthodoxy of this 
prelate, and in addition to the proofs adduced by other writers, 



The See of Down and Connor. 269 

we may mention the consistorial record for the appointment of 
his successor, in which the see is described as vacant, not by the 
apostacy or deposition, but simply as is usual in regard of the 
Catholic bishops, per obitum Eugenii Magnissae. 

The precise date of Dr. Eugene's death cannot be fixed with 
certainty. There is a petition addressed from Carrickfergus to 
the crown, printed by Shirley (page 132), which is generally sup- 
posed to fix the see as vacant in 1563. This petition, however, 
merely sets forth the desire that, " for the better establishment 
and countenance of the religion of the Gospel", her Majesty might 
prefer " some worthy learned man to the Bishopric of Down, a 
goodly benefice, within the Pale .... who might with 
special severity establish order in the Church". No mention 
is made of the death of Dr. Eugene, or of the vacancy of the 
see ; and the desire of the petitioners to have a Protestant bishop, 
without mentioning such a vacancy, seems to us rather to be a 
proof that the orthodox bishop was still living. However, the 
petition bears no date, and Shirley merely marks it as, " supposed 
date, 1563", under which heading he includes the first month of 
1564. 

Miler M'Grath, the next bishop, was appointed in consistory of 
12th Oct., 1565 : " Referente Emine'ntissimo Cardinali Simon- 
etta, Ecclesiae Dunensi et Connorensi vacanti per obitum Eugenii 
Magnissae, praefectus fuit fr. Milerius Macra eodem loco Dunii 
oriundus professus ord. S. Francisci conventualium Presbyter", 
etc. The appointment of M'Grath had been earnestly opposed 
by the holy Primate Dr. Creagh, as he himself attests in his de- 
positions made in the Tower of London. Indeed the only recom- 
mendation which seems to have been made was from the 
northern princes, many of whom solicited his appointment to the 
see, because he was foster-brother of their cherished chieftain, 
Shane O'Neill. This relationship between O'Neill and M'Grath 
is expressly mentioned in a Vatican paper, and is the sole key to 
many documents of the period which hitherto have been an 
enigma to our ecclesiastical historians. Though M'Grath after a 
few years embraced a schismatical connection with the Elizabe- 
than government, Rome, through respect for his family, and 
in hopes that reflection would bring him back from his iniqui- 
tous course to the path of truth, delayed sentence of deposition 
against him till the close of 157f. We make this statement on 
the authority of a Vatican list of Irish sees, drawn up in 1579 
or 1580, which expressly describes the See of Down as vacant, 
" per depositionem Milerii ab hac sancta sede factam anno prae- 
terito". 

Donatus O'Gallagher was appointed his successor, being trans- 
lated from the See of Killala to Down, in the first months of 
VOL.I. * 19 



270 The See of Down and Connor. 

1580. In less than two years he was summoned to his eternal 
crown, and on 27th of April, 1582, we find the following entry 
in the consistorial record : " Cardinalis Senonensis proposuit 
Ecclesiam Dunensem et Connorensem vacantem per obitum, de 
persona Cornelii O'Duibenid ord. min. de observantia, praesentis 
in curia". Much might be said of the merits of this great bishop. 
Whilst as y^et a simple religious, he displayed an ardent zeal for 
the conversion of souls to God. When consecrated bishop, this 
ardour was increased an hundredfold. More than once he was 
subjected to the hardships of imprisonment; nevertheless, he 
lived to witness the triumph of the Irish Church over all the 
efforts of Elizabeth, and having handed down to more youthful 
pastors the sacred deposit of faith, his life of devotedness and 
charity merited for him the martyr's crown, which he happily 
attained on the llth of February, 1612. 

We must now give a glance at the claims of those whom the 
Established Church reveres as its first fathers in this ancient see. 
It suffices merely to state their claims, to discern whether they 
are to be reckoned amongst the true shepherds of the flock, or 
amongst those wolves whose mission it is to rend and scatter the 
sacred fold of Christ. 

On the 6th of January, 1565, instructions were sent to the 
Lord Justice of Ireland to advance James MacCaghwell to the 
bishopric of Down. It was, however, too perilous an experi- 
ment for a nominee of Elizabeth to appear as bishop within the 
territory of Shane O'Neill ; and hence we find Loftus of Armagh, 
and Brady of Meath, petitioning Sir William Cecil, on 16th 
May, 1565, to have MacCaghwell provided with some other see, 
since " he durst not travel to Down through fear of bodily harm" 
(Shirley, pag. 192). 

For this reason it was not deemed expedient to have Mac- 
Caghwell consecrated for the See of Down, and as Dr. Mant, the 
late Protestant occupant of the see informs us, John Merri- 
man was its first Protestant bishop (vol. i., pag. 296). He was 
chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, and in 1568 was consecrated by 
Lancaster of Armagh, in St. Patrick's, Dublin. As there was 
already a canonically appointed bishop holding the See of Down, 
no doubt can be entertained as to the true nature of Dr. Merri- 
man's mission. He died in 1572, and Queen Elizabeth wrote to 
the Lord Deputy Sydney, on 6th November, 1572, commanding 
him " to prefer one Brown, if he knew no better, to these sees''' 
(Harris' Ware, pag. 205). Hugh Allen, however, a colonist of 
the Ards, was the individual selected by the Lord Deputy, and 
in the month of November, 1573, he was constituted successor 
of Dr. Merriman. The canonical bishop, however, still held the 
see, and Dr. Allen must again be stigmatized as an intruder. On 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 271 

his translation to Ferns, in 1582, the crown did not even attempt 
to nominate a Protestant bishop till the year 1593; and Dr. 
Mant adds that this vacancy shows " a neglect on the part of the 
government rather to be lamented than explained". 

Thus, then, Dr. O'Deveny was not only the canonically ap- 
pointed bishop, but was for ten years in possession of his see, 
and engaged in feeding there the flock of Christ, when Edward 
Edgeworth was nominated by Elizabeth, in 1593, Bishop of 
Down and Connor. This dignitary, indeed, seems never to have 
even seen his see ; other crown nominees, however, soon followed 
in rapid succession John Charldon, in 1596 ; Robert Humston, 
in 1602 ; and John Todd, in 1606, who, as Ware informs us, 
was, in 1611, deposed for his public immorality and other crimes, 
and " soon after died in prison in London, of poison, which he had 
prepared for himself" (Hams' Ware, pag. 207). The true pastor, 
Dr. O'Deveny, was all this time at his perilous post, in season 
and out of season, ruling, by divine authority, the spiritual fold 
assigned to his charge ; and whilst the Protestant nominee was so 
unhappily terminating his earthly career, the faithful shepherd 
was in the very same year laying down his life for his flock. 
We will conclude this hurried sketch with the words of the 
Four Masters when commemorating the death of this holy 
bishop: " There was not a Christian in the land of Ireland 
whose heart did not shudder within him at the terror of the 
martyrdom which this chaste wise divine, and perfect and truly 
meek righteous man suffered for the reward of his soul. The 
faithful of Dublin contended with each other to see which of 
$iem should have one of his limbs ; and not only of his limbs, 
but they had fine linen in readiness to prevent his blood from 
falling to the ground, for they were convinced that he was one 
of the holy martyrs of the Lord" (iii. p. 2,371). 



DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

NO. I. 

The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua Critically Examined. By 
the RIGHT REV. JOHN WILLIAM COLENSO, D.D., Bishop of 
Natal. London: Longman and Co., 1862-64. 

For three hundred years the Catholic Church has been de- 
nounced as the enemy of the Bible. This cry was first raised 
by Luther ; it was taken up by Protestant sects of every deno- 
mination; it resounded through Germany, through France, 

19 B 



272 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

through England ; it passed from generation to generation ; even 
at the present day its echoes are still ringing in our ears. No 
defence would be admitted ; no arguments would be heard. The 
calumny, when once disseminated, was received by the enemies 
of the Church as a fact so patent, so elementary, that any inquiry 
would be superfluous, any proof unnecessary. It was taught by 
the preacher in his pulpit, by the divine in his writings, by the 
pedagogue in his school. Little children learned it on their 
mothers' knee ; young men found it interwoven with history and 
romance; old men clung to it as a truth impressed upon their 
minds in tender infancy, and confirmed in the riper years of 
manhood. 

Meanwhile we were told that the Bible had found a home and 
a refuge in the heart of the Protestant Church. From the Bible, 
as from a pure fountain, the Protestant drank in the refreshing 
waters of divine faith ; in the Bible he discovered a sure antidote 
against the idolatry and superstitions of Popery. To the Pro- 
testant, therefore, the Bible became an object of that religious 
veneration which was due to its sacred character. Not alone did 
he receive its doctrine, its history, its facts of every kind, but 
every word, every syllable, every letter, he regarded as stamped 
with the impress of Eternal Truth. 

But a great change seems to be now impending, and has, 
indeed, already commenced. The teaching of the first Reformers 
is forgotten, or neglected, by their disciples. The Bible has lost 
its charm. As Protestantism has advanced in years it has in- 
creased in boldness. The same spirit which three centuries ago 
protested against the authority of the Pope, rises up to-day to 
protest against the authority of the Bible. And once again it 
devolves on the Catholic Church to defend that sacred book, 
which has been preserved to the world by the blood of her 
martyrs, and illustrated by the eloquence of her confessors and 
her doctors. 

As in the great revolt of the sixteenth century, so likewise in 
our time, the first murmurs of rebellion are heard in Germany. 
It is there that the spirit of free inquiry is first let loose ; it is 
there that the Bible is first suspected and brought to trial. The 
various human sciences are, in turn, summoned as witnesses 
against it. It is hastily judged and rashly condemned. Little 
heed is paid to the venerable antiquity of the book, to the consent 
of all civilized nations, to the voice of immemorial tradition. 
True it is that the simple story of the Hebrew lawgiver contains 
a more profound wisdom than the proudest productions of Greek 
and Roman philosophy. True it is that, when the whole world 
was buried in darkness and error, it gave to man a religion which 
alone was pure and bright and holy. True it is that for ages it 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament 273 

has withstood unshaken the attacks of hostile criticism. Yet 
must we now abandon it for ever as false and delusive, because, 
forsooth, it seems to clash with the scarcely intelligible babblings 
of infant sciences. 

The contagion of these principles has, within the last few 
years, reached the shores of England. They seem to touch a 
secret chord of sympathy in the Protestant bosom. They have 
met with a ready welcome from the press. They have penetrated 
into the hallowed solitudes of the universities. And now, to 
the glory of free-thinkers and the shame of all orthodox believers, 
they have duly taken their place on the episcopal bench. 

Amongst the advocates of the new opinion in England, there 
is none more popular in his style, none more plausible in his 
arguments, none more earnest in the cause, than John William 
Colenso, Protestant Bishop of Natal. Distinguished among 
his clerical brethren for his eminent skill in figures, he became, 
some few years ago, the chosen candidate for the see over which 
he now presides. He set out for his new mission armed with the 
Bible, and full of zeal for the conversion of the Zulus. His first 
thought was to make himself master of their tongue, and then to 
give them a translation of the Bible. While engaged in this 
latter task, he is asked by a " simple-minded but intelligent native, 
4 Is all that true ?' ' Do you really believe that all this hap- 
pened thus ?' " (Part I. Preface, p. vii.). This very captious and 
subtle question seems to have taken the bishop by surprise. He is 
led to reflect and to examine ; and the result of his labours is laid 
before us in the book to which, for a brief space, we invite the 
atttention of our readers. 

The position assumed by Dr. Colenso is simply this : That 
the traditional reverence with which the Bible has hitherto been 
received, is no reason why it should not be submitted to the test 
of critical and scientifical investigation : that he has himself ap- 
plied that test to the Pentateuch and the Book of Josue : that by 
that test he has proved the leading facts in both these books 
to be false : that the narrative, in general, cannot be regarded 
otherwise than as fabulous and legendary ; nay, that, even as a 
fable, it is inconsistent, impossible, and self-contradictory. So 
much for those parts of the Bible to which the bishop's researches 
have hitherto extended. He means to proceed with his studies 
in the same spirit through the rest of the sacred books ; and he is 
quite prepared for any consequences to which these studies may 
lead him. 

Such is the general scope and character of a work which we 
cannot but regard as one of the most remarkable productions of 
the age. It has gained for its author a wide-spread celebrity. 
His ingenious arguments are discussed in every literary circle ; 



274 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

they find an honoured place in our own periodical press ; they are 
not unknown on 'change ; and even in our clubs they have been 
for a time the topic of the day. It is meet, therefore, that a 
Catholic should be furnished with the means of defence, and thus, 
in the language of St. Peter, be " ever ready to give a reason of 
the hope which is in him". 

But what an arduous task this would seem even to the most 
learned ; how utterly beyond the reach of the simple and lowly ! 
Here is an able and accomplished scholar, who presses into his 
service Hebrew, and Greek, and statistics, and history, and books 
of travels. These are formidable weapons, which few possess, 
and fewer still are skilled to use. Yet we need not, therefore, 
shrink from the encounter. The Catholic Church has provided 
a defence for all ; for the unlettered mechanic, no less than the 
learned theologian. The one may take shelter beneath the pro- 
tecting shield of an infallible authority; the other need not 
fear to venture into the open field, and meet the foe upon his own 
ground and with his own weapons. 

Every Catholic firmly believes that, in virtue of a divine pro- 
mise, the Church is preserved free from all error in her teach- 
ing. Now, on the subject before us, the Church has pronounced 
her judgment in clear and simple words. In the Council of Trent it 
is defined that " God is the author of all the books of the Old and 
of the New Testament" (sessio quarta). And, surely, it would 
be nothing short of blasphemy to ascribe to God such a book as 
the Bible would be in the theory of Dr. Colenso. Therefore, 
that theory cannot be true, and the arguments by which it is 
supported must be false and delusive. 

It may be that the unlettered Catholic cannot cope with these 
arguments in detail ; cannot tell whether it is that the facts are 
untrue, or that the logic is unsound. But he well knows that 
the grace of faith was meant for all, though all have not the learn- 
ing or the power to unravel the sophistry of error. He may, 
therefore, in safety cling fast to that Church which is " the 
pillar and the ground of Truth", and pass by unheeded the elo- 
quence and the subtlety of those who would fain draw him into 
the arena of controversy. Conscious that he has truth upon his 
side, he has nothing to fear from the progress of human learning. 
New sciences may, in their infant struggles, seem for a time to 
clash with that Revelation which, in God's design, they were 
meant to confirm, to illustrate, and to adorn. But he may calmly 
await the issue of the conflict, with a firm conviction that, in the 
end, the cause of truth must triumph; that, when proof shall 
have taken the place of conjecture, when theories shall have 
been tested by facts, when doubt and uncertainty shall have been 
dispelled by new discoveries, science will then prove to be, as 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 275 

she has ever been, not the enemy of religion, but her friend 
and faithful ally. 

It is not fit, however, that all should remain idle spectators of 
the struggle between science and Revelation. There are many 
whose intellectual acquirements, and whose opportunities, will 
permit them to gird on their armour, and to go forth to battle 
in the cause of truth. The rich treasures of learning and science 
which they have amassed cannot be better employed, than for 
the ornament and defence of the Church of God. Such men, if 
we may borrow a beautiful figure from the early Fathers, are 
like the Hebrews of old, who, having carried away the precious 
spoils of Egypt, laid them, with a profuse generosity, at the feet 
of Moses for the service of the Tabernacle. As for ourselves, we 
are sensible that, from our scanty means, we have little to offer. 
But, in the temple of God, each one may contribute according to 
the measure of his abilities. While others, therefore, bring 
their gold, and their silver, and their precious stones, we may 
humbly venture to make our simple offering at least of hair 
and skins.* 

We do not mean to examine in detail all the views of Dr. 
Colenso, nor to refute all his arguments. Such a task would 
trespass too much on our limited space, and perhaps we may 
add also, on the patience of our readers. It will be more satis- 
factory to select a few examples, which may fairly represent the 
general tone of his book and the peculiar character of his reason- 
ing. He is undoubtedly an agreeable and a plausible writer. 
His style is graceful and simple ; his logic is homely and forcible ; 
his manner is frank and earnest. Above all, he possesses that 
peculiar tact of a clever and experienced advocate, when his 
cause is weak he can disguise its weakness ; when it is strong he 
knows how to exhibit its strength with clearness and vigour. 
Yet we hope to satisfy our readers that his arguments cannot 
stand the test of rigid scrutiny. They may indeed attract and 
amuse that numerous class which is ever in search of what is 
novel and startling ; they may bewilder and perplex the super- 
ficial and careless reader; they may even bring conviction to 
the minds of many who hold the gift of faith with an infirm 
grasp, and who, in the words of the Apostle, are " carried about 
by every wind of doctrine". But when submitted to a minute 
and careful analysis, they will be found to be made up, for the 
most part, of false assumptions and unsound reasoning. 

Let us, in the first place, clearly understand what is the issue 
we are called upon to discuss. It must be remembered that we 
have the most convincing, unanswerable proofs that the Penta- 
teuch is a trustworthy history ; nay, more, that it is the Word of 
* St. Jerome, Prologus Galeatus, 



276 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

Eternal Truth. These proofs have for ages stood the test of 
critical inquiry, and have been accepted as valid by the great 
bulk of the civilized world. They are not impugned by Dr. 
Colenso ; they are left unshaken, untouched. But he says the 
history cannot be true, for it contains " many absolute impossi- 
bilities", and " a series of manifest contradictions and inconsis- 
tencies" (Part i. p. 11). 

Now we certainly admit that if any history relate as a fact 
that which is absolutely impossible^ or if it relate two facts 
which are manifestly^ inconsistent with each other, it is so far un- 
true. And if these impossibilities and contradictions are of fre- 
quent occurrence, it must forfeit the character of a truthful nar- 
rative. But it would be a great mistake to reject as impossibili- 
ties those facts which we are simply unable to explain. It often 
happens that we cannot tell how an event took place, though we 
are quite sure that it did take place. No one, for example, has 
ventured to explain how Franz Miiller made his escape from the 
railway carriage on the evening that he murdered Mr. Briggs ; 
and yet all must admit that he did escape. When a fact is estab- 
lished by indisputable proof, we must accept that fact, even 
though we may not be able to point out the means by which it 
was accomplished. This is a principle so simple and plain that 
our readers may, perhaps, wonder why we stop to enforce it so 
strongly^ We can only say in reply, that, plain and simple 
though it is, this principle is often overlooked by Dr. Colenso, as 
the sequel of our paper will show. 

Again, while we reject as false what is absolutely impossible, 
we must not regard as impossible what is only improbable. 
Every one is familiar with the common axiom, that it is very 
probable a great many improbable things will come to pass. 
History abounds with examples to confirm the truth of this 
saying. Take, for instance, the exploits of the first Napoleon, 
or the career of his nephew, the present Emperor of the French, 
or the vicissitudes of the ill-fated Louis Philippe. Here the 
history of a single country, and for a very short period, presents 
to us a tissue of startling improbabilities. And yet, we all accept 
the leading facts of that history, because the evidence by which 
they are established is convincing and overwhelming. Now, the 
evidence in support of the Pentateuch is of the same character, 
and of equal weight. Hence, nothing less than an " absolute 
impossibility", " a manifest contradiction", can at all shake our 
belief in the truth of the story. If Dr. Colenso prove that such 
impossibilities and contradictions are to be found in the Penta- 
teuch, he has established his point ; if he fail in this, he has done 
nothing. 

The first charge against the historical accuracy of the Bible 



Dr. Colemo and the Old Testament. 277 

which we propose to examine, is found in cliap. ix. part i. of Dr. 
Colenso's work. We shall let the author speak for himself: 

" ' The children of Israel went up harnessed out of the land of Egypt* 
(Ex., xiii. 18). 

"The word BV ^5, which is here rendered 'harnessed', appears 
to mean * armed', or, 'in battle array', in all the other passages 
where it occurs. * * * It is, however, inconceivable that these down- 
trodden, oppressed people should have been allowed by Pharaoh to 
possess arms, so as to turn out at a moment's notice six hundred 
thousand armed men. If such a mighty host nearly nine times as 
great as the whole of Wellington's army at Waterloo had had arms 
in their hands, would they not have risen long ago for their liberty, 
or, at all events, would there have been no danger of their rising ? * * 
Are we to suppose, then, that the Israelites acquired their arms by 
1 borrowing' on the night of the Exodus ? Nothing whatever is said 
of this, and the idea itself is an extravagant one. But, if even in 
this, or any other way, they had come to be possessed of arms, is it 
conceivable that six hundred thousand armed men, in the prime of 
life, would have cried out in panic terror, ' sore afraid' (Ex , xiv. 10), 
when they saw that they were being pursued?" (pp. 48, 49). 

He afterwards proceeds to argue on other grounds that, ac- 
cording to the Scripture narrative, the Israelites must have been 
possessed of arms when they went up out of Egypt : 

" Besides, if they did not take it with them out of Egypt, where 
did they get the armour with which, about a month afterwards, they 
fought the Amalekites (Ex., xvii. 8-13), and 'discomfited them with 
the edge of the sword'? It may, perhaps, be said that they had 
stripped the Egyptians whom they 'saw lying dead upon the sea- 
shore' (Ex., xiv. 30). And so writes Josephus (Ant., ii. 16, 6) : ' On 
the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the Egyptians, 
which were brought to the camp of. the Hebrews by the current of 
the sea, and the force of the winds assisting it. And he conjectured 
that this, also, happened by Divine Providence, that so they might 
not be destitute of weapons'. * * The Bible story, however, says 
nothing about this stripping of the dead, as surely it must have done 
if it really took place. * * * And even this supposition will not do 
away with the fact that the stubborn word ** exists in the text 
before us. Besides, we must suppose that the whole body of six hun- 
dred thousand warriors were armed when they were numbered (JV., 
i. 3) under Sinai. They possessed arms, surely, at that time, accord- 
ing to the story. How did they get them unless they took them out 
of Egypt ? 

" If, then, the historical veracity of this part of the Pentateuch is 
to be maintained, we must believe that six hundred thousand armed 
men (though it is inconceivable how they obtained their arms), had, 
by reason of their long servitude, become so debased and inhuman 
in their cowardice (and yet they fought bravely enough with Amalek 



278 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

a month afterwards), that they could not strike a single blow for their 
wives and children, if not for their own lives and liberties, but could 
only weakly wail and murmur against Moses, saying : ' It had been 
better for us to serve the Egyptians than that we should die in the 
wilderness' (Ex., xiv. 12)" (pp. 50, 51.) 

The substance of this objection may be compressed into a few 
words. It is stated in the Pentateuch that the Israelites went 
up armed out of Egypt. Furthermore it is stated that the num- 
ber of armed men among them was 600,000. But these state- 
ments are utterly inconsistent with other facts contained in the 
same book. Therefore the narrative cannot be regarded as his- 
torically true. 

To estimate the value of this argument, it will be necessary to 
inquire if Dr. Colenso has proved that these two statements are 
really to be found in the Pentateuch. We maintain that he has 
not. For the first, he appeals to the words of Exodus, xiii. 18 : 
" The children of Israel went up harnessed out of the land of 
Egypt". This text is indeed conclusive, if it be shown that 
the Hebrew word Qh '^n (Chamushim), which is here translated 
harnessed, must mean armed, and can mean nothing else. But 
has Dr. Colenso adduced any satisfactory evidence to establish 
this point, so essential to his argument? Far from it. In the 
whole Hebrew language there is not a single word of which the 
meaning is more uncertain. It occurs but four times in the Old 
Testament, and never later than in the Book of Judges. We 
must, therefore, be content to conjecture its meaning partly 
from its etymology, partly from the authority of early versions, 
and partly from the context of those passages in which it is 
found. We do not, however, mean to inflict upon our readers 
the dry details of a philological discussion. Nor could we pre- 
sume to set up our own judgment in these matters against the 
opinion of Dr. Colenso. It will be less tedious, and more satis- 
factory, to appeal to the authority of those who have made the 
Hebrew language the subject of their special study, and who 
have availed themselves of all the means which the science of 
philology can supply, to determine the precise signification of 
every word in the Bible. 

It is quite clear, notwithstanding the ingenious shifts of Dr. 
Colenso, that the authors of the English Protestant version re- 
garded the word B ^5 (Chamushim) as one of obscure and 
doubtful meaning. In the text it is here rendered harnessed, 
and elsewhere (Jos., i. 14; Jud., vii. 11) armed. But in the 
margin a very different idea is suggested, " by five in a rank", 
"marshalled by five". The Septuagint is by far the oldest 
translation we possess of the Hebrew text. It dates almost from 
a time when the Hebrew was still a spoken language ; and there- 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 279 

fore the biblical scholars by whom it was produced must have 
enjoyed many advantages, which all the learning and research 
of modern times cannot supply. No one, certainly, will maintain 
that, if the meaning of an important Hebrew word were clear 
and certain, that meaning could have remained unknown to the 
authors of this celebrated version. Yet the seventy interpreters 
appear to have been curiously perplexed about the very word 
on which Dr. Colenso is so flippant and so confident. Four 
times it occurs in the text, and each time we find a different 
translation. Nay, of the four translations, not one corresponds 
with the translation of Dr. Colenso. First it is rendered in the 



fifth generation tripm^ SE yfvco (Ex., xiii. 18). Next, girt 
as for a journey cu^wvot (Jos., i. 14). Then, prepared, fur- 
nished SiivKtvavfjiivoi (Jos., iv. 12). And in the fourth place 
it is translated of the fifty rwv TTfvrrjKovra (Jud., vii. 11). 

Perhaps, however, Dr. Colenso would appeal to the authority 
of modern Hebrew scholars. If so, we can assure him he would 
appeal in vain. Amongst lexicographers we may refer to 
GESENIUS. Under the root *55 (Cham ash) we find the fol- 
lowing explanation : " Hence, part. pass. plur. av f 'G (a word 
the etymology of which has long been sought for) i.e. the eager, 
active, brave, ready prepared for fighting". Again, ROSENMULLER 
in his Commentary, though he does not reject armati, seems to 
prefer the interpretation generally adopted by the Jews, and 
supported by the authority of their paraphrases. Here are his 
words: " Nee igitur rejiciendum, quod Hebraei B ^5 ad quin- 
tam costam; i.e. circa lumbos accinctos proprie significare 
dicunt, et hoc Exodi loco Israelitas dici exiisse expeditos et 
accinctos paratosque omnibus ad iter necessariis. Quod ipsum 
expresserunt Onkelos et duo reliqui Chaldaei paraphrastae", etc. 

It would be easy to cite a host of distinguished authorities 
unfavourable to Dr. Colenso's interpretation. But we may well 
be content with these two. They certainly deserve a place in 
the very foremost rank of Hebrew scholars. Moreover, their 
testimony on the present question is above all suspicion ; for it 
is well known that they share largely in the opinions of Dr. Co- 
lenso and his school. Nothing, therefore, could be farther from 
their purpose than to sacrifice the principles of philology with 
a view to defend the historical accuracy of the Bible. We beg 
to remind our readers that we express no opinion as regards the 
genuine meaning of this disputed word. Our position is simply 
this : Dr. Colenso's argument is totally devoid of foundation un- 
less he prove that the word must mean armed men; and we 
maintain that he has utterly failed to do so; that, after all he 
has written, the meaning of the word still remains uncertain. 

He attempts, however, to support his opinion by a fact re- 



280 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

corded in the Pentateuch itself: " If they did not take it with 
them out of Egypt, where did they get the armour, with which, 
about a month afterwards, they fought the Amalekites (Ex., xvii. 
8-13), and ' discomfited them with the edge of the sword'?" 
Dr. Colenso undertakes to prove that the Israelites are repre- 
sented by Moses to have gone up armed out of Egypt. And 
here is his proof. If they did not bring the arms with them, 
where did they get them afterwards ? That is to say, after the 
lapse of thirty-three centuries, when we have nothing to assist 
us but the very brief and summary narrative of Moses, he asks 
us to explain in what way the Israelites were supplied with 
arms. And if, with such scanty means of information, we 
cannot tell him how that fact took place, he infers that it was 
therefore impossible. Such is the flimsy reasoning by which he 
vainly hopes to shake the foundations of Christian faith. 

It seems to us that nothing could be more satisfactory than the 
explanation suggested by Josephus, to whom Dr. Colenso has 
himself referred. But such conjectures, however probable in 
themselves, and well supported by authority, are unnecessary for 
our purpose. It is not for us to explain how the facts actually 
occurred, but for our adversary to make good his assertion, that 
they are absolute impossibilities or manifest contradictions. 

If the first assumption in Dr. Colenso's argument is uncertain, 
the second is manifestly false. He maintains that, not only are 
the Israelites said to have been armed, but that they are repre- 
sented as having 600,000 armed men. It is the existence of such 
a mighty host nearly nine times as great as the whole of Welling- 
tons army at Waterloo with arms in their hands, that seems to 
him irreconcileable with the condition of a down-trodden, op- 
pressed people. It is because the children of Israel had 600,000 
armed men in the prime of life that he cannot conceive it possi- 
ble they would have cried out in panic terror " sore afraid". 

Now let us grant, for a moment, the point which we have 
just been disputing, and let us suppose Moses explicitly to declare 
that the children of Israel went up armed out of Egypt. Would 
this statement convey that there were 600,000 armed men? 
We know, indeed, that this was the number of the adult male 
population. But when we say that a people is armed, we do not 
mean that every man of twenty years old and upwards is under 
arms. Within the last two years how often have we heard it 
said that the Poles were armed against Russia? And yet the 
number of Poles actually bearing arms was not one-twentieth 
part of the adult male population. Just in the same way, if it 
were said that the Israelites were armed, we should understand 
nothing more than that a certain proportion of the people was 
armed for the protection of the whole. It would, then, be no 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament 281 

matter for surprise that such a collection of armed men, without 
organisation, without training, should be struck with terror at the 
sight of the numerous and well-disciplined troops of Pharaoh, 
fully equipped, and provided with horses and chariots and all 
the accoutrements of war. 

Dr. Colenso, as if anticipating this reply, next appeals to the 
Book of Numbers: "Besides, we must suppose that the whole 
body of 600,000 warriors were armed, when they were numbered 
(Num., i. 3.) under Sinai. They possessed arms, surely, at that 
time, according to the story". Here we join issue with the 
bishop on two points. First, he insinuates that Moses makes 
mention somewhere of 600,000 warriors. Secondly, he asserts 
that, according to the story, all these warriors possessed arms. 
Now we challenge him to produce a single text from the Penta- 
teuch in which there occurs any mention of 600,000 warriors. 
We are told that the Israelites numbered 600,000 men of twenty 
years old and upward. But where are these men called warriors ? 
And again, where is it said that all possessed arms ? These are 
points which certainly demand clear and unmistakable evidence. 
It would be a fact unparalleled in history that every single man 
over twenty years of age, in the entire nation, should have been 
a soldier fully equipped for war. Our author tells us, indeed, 
that we must suppose they were armed; that they possessed arms, 
surely, at that time. But when we look for his proofs, we find 
nothing but a naked reference to the third verse in the first chap- 
ter in Numbers. 

Let us then look into this passage, and see if it corroborates 
the assertion of Dr. Colenso. Here is the text as we find it in 
the English Protestant version, to which we must suppose the 
bishop to have referred : " Take ye the sum of all the congre- 
gation of the children of Israel * *"from twenty years old and up- 
ward, all that are able to go forth to war in Israel" (Numbers, i. 
2, 3). The people were numbered accordingly by Moses and 
Aaron, and the result is given to us in the same chapter: " So 
were all those that were numbered of the children of Israel * * 
from twenty years old and upward, all that were able to go forth 
to war in Israel; even all that were numbered were six hundred 
thousand and three thousand and five hundred and fifty" (v v. 45, 
46). If we are to rely upon this version, it is clear that Moses 
does not say there were 600,000 warriors, nor 600,000 men 
possessed of arms, nor 600,000 men that went to war, but, simply, 
600,000 men fit to go to war, in other words, 600,000 men in 
the prime of life. 

But perhaps Dr Colenso would prefer to be judged by the 
authority of the Hebrew text. Those who were numbered 
are described by the words x R F~^? (kol yotze tzaba) every 



282 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

one going forth to the host. In the opinion of Dr. Colenso 
this must mean every one belonging to the army every armed 
warrior. Let us see if this interpretation is borne out by the 
use of the same phrase in other passages. We find it prescribed 
(Numbers, viii. 25) that at the age of fifty the Levites shall re- 
turn from the host (*=* tzaba) of the service". Now, it is well 
known that the Levites were not permitted to serve in the army. 
Therefore, the word host (^) does not here mean the army, but, 
as all commentators explain it, the body of Levites engaged in the 
active service of the Tabernacle. Again, we read (Gen. ii. 1). 
" The heavens and the earth were finished, and all the host (**?*) 
of them". In this passage the word manifestly refers to the 
works of the creation which had just been completed. It is also 
frequently applied by the prophets to the heavenly bodies,* and 
to the choirs of angels.f This word, therefore, in its primary 
sense, would seem to represent a collection of men or things 
marshalled in order. Frequently, indeed, and most fitly, it was 
used to designate an army ; but we deny that it was employed 
exclusively in that signification. 

If, then, we seek to ascertain its exact meaning in the first 
chapter of Numbers, we must examine the context in which 
it is found, and the circumstances to which it refers. Moses 
is commanded by God to number the people, and the way 
in which he executed that command is accurately described. 
There is not a word, in this, or the following chapters, about sol- 
diers, or arms, or warfare. The object of the census was simply 
to distribute the people of Israel, according to their tribes and 
families, around the Tabernacle which stood in the midst of the 
camp. The position of each tribe was clearly defined, with a 
view to the preservation of strict order and regularity. May we 
not, then, fairly infer that by the host is here meant the whole 
people of Israel marshalled, as they were, in order around the 
Tabernacle ? It is probable that those only were numbered who 
were responsible members of the community, that is to say, all 
the fathers of families. 

We conclude that the argument of Dr. Colenso fails to es- 
tablish any inconsistency in the sacred narrative : first, because 
it is quite uncertain that the Israelites are said to have been 
armed; secondly, because it is simply false that they are repre- 
sented to have had 600,000 armed warriors. 

Our readers will perhaps be disappointed to find that they 
have reached the end of our paper, and that out of the many ob- 
jections of Dr. Colenso, we have answered but one. We con- 

Isaias, xxxiv. 4 Id., xl. 26. Id. t xlv. 12. Jer., xxxiii. 22. Dan. y viii. 10. 
., cxlviii. 2. III. Kings, xxii. 19. II. Paral, xviii. 18. 



Liturgical Questions. 283 

fess, indeed, we have done but little. Yet it is something if we 
have parried even a single blow that was aimed at the Ark of 
God. It is something if we have struck down even one of that 
daring and defiant host with which Dr. Colenso has essayed to 
storm the citadel of truth. 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. 

From among the many questions with which we have been 
favoured, our space allows us to attend in this number only to 
the following. For the others we shall find place next month. 

I. 

1. Can black or violet vestments be used indifferently at Re- 
quiem Masses, as stated in the Ceremonial of Baldeschi, edited by 
Vavaseur? (page 14), Pan's, 1859. 

2. " Rubrica de coloribus paramentorum non est praeceptiva, sed 
directiva, unde non inducit rigorosam obligationem ; quia praeceptum 
S. Pii V. latum in bulla missalis, ex quo rubricae vim obligandi 
habent, non se extendit ad hanc rubricam de coloribus". Ferraris, 
in voc. Paramenta Sacra. 

Can a priest, therefore, use at Requiem Masses vestments of 
any colour, when, on any occasion, the number of priests to cele- 
brate are many, and the black or violet vestments few ? Can we 
conclude that, in such circumstances, the obligation of the rubric 
ceases ? 

3. Must the ciborium containing particles to be consecrated, be 
placed not merely on the corporal, but also on the altar stone ? 
What is to be done when the altar-stone is too small to contain 
the chalice and large host ? Can the ciborium be placed outside 
the stone, or should the particles be taken from the ciborium and 
arranged on the corporal, so as to rest on the altar-stone ? 

In reply to the first question, we beg to state that black or 
violet vestments, in our opinion, cannot be used indiscriminately. 
The Rubric of the Missal clearly lays down that black vestments 
are to be used, and we are not aware of any authoritative 
decree stating the general principle that one or the other can be 
used at discretion. The custom, no doubt, has been introduced 
of using the violet colour in many places ; but in several instances 
this was done and sanctioned by authority, through a necessity 
which would justify a departure from the Rubric, inasmuch as 
there might not be a supply of black vestments ; in other in- 
stances, it may have been done in consequence of the opinion 



284 Liturgical Questions. 

gradually gaining ground that black or violet could be used in- 
differently. It appears to us more correct to say, that in case of 
necessity the violet can be used without much difficulty. 

But our reverend correspondent gives, as his authority, the 
Ceremonial of Baldeschi, edited by Vavaseur, 1859. We have 
consulted this author, and we find that he refers the reader to 
the Ordo Divini Officii, Roma. In this ordo it is stated that 
the colour in Missa Defunctorum is niger vel violaceus. And 
the following note is appended: " S. R. C. Ann. 1670. 21 
Jun. v. Cardellini in Nota ad quaest. 3. Decret. 4440. Cujus 
tamen coloris (violacei) parcus admodum erit usus, et fortasse 
solum in aliquali necessitate ; sic Cavalieri". The decree of the 
Sacred Congregation of Rites here referred to, is as follows: 
Oritana " Sacra Congregatio censuit servandum esse decretum 
vicarii in Ecclesia Cathedrali ne in posterum celebrentur Missae 
defunctorum nisi cum colore nigro vel saltern violaceo .... 
Hoc die 21Junii, 1670". 

The word saltern appears to us not to allow the indiscriminate 
use of black or violet, but rather the use of the violet, when the 
black vestments are not at hand. 

It may not be out of place to observe here, that there are two 
decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences which illus- 
trate this subject. 

Dub. 1. "Utrum qui privilegium habet personale pro quatuor 
Missis in hebdomadis singulis debeat cum paramentis coloris nigri 
celebrare diebus non impeditis ut possit indulgentiam Plenariam pro 
Animabus Defunctorum lucrari? 

Dub. 2. "Utrum qui celebrat in Altari Privilegiato pro singulis 
diebus debeat semper uti paramentis nigris diebus non impeditis ut 
indulgentiam Privilegii consequatur ? 

" Ad primum dubium resp. Affirmative. Ad secundum pariter ut 
in primo. 

"Ita decrevit sub die 11 Aprilis, 1840". 

From these two decrees it is quite clear that it is indispensable 
for a priest to celebrate in black vestments on the days allowed, 
of course, in order to gain the plenary indulgence, ut possit in- 
dulgentiam plenariam pro animabus defunctorum lucrari. If the 
black or violet could be used indifferently, there exists no reason 
for confining this important privilege of a plenary indulgence to 
a Requiem Mass said in black vestments. We are of opinion, 
therefore, that, as a general rule, the black vestments are to be 
used, and the violet only ex aliquali necessitate, as has been re- 
marked in a directory which we have before us. We must, 
however, observe that in the Caeremoniale Episcoporum it is 
stated that the bishop assisting at a Requiem Mass can use a 



Liturgical Questions. 285 

black or violet cope : " Si Episcopus noluerit celebrare, sedhujus- 
modi missae pro defunctis per alium celebratae interesse eadem 
norma in omnibus servabitur, quae expressa est in capite prae- 
cedenti ; ipse vero Episcopus cum cappa, vel cum pluviali nigro 
seu violaceo facta confessione cum celebrante ibit cum suis assis- 
tentibus ad sedem suam" Caeremoniale Episcoporum, libro 2, 
cap. 12, no. i. 

This, however, only applies to the bishop. 

Again, the Caeremoniale, in the same book, chapter 25th, no. 
vi., treating of the function of Good Friday, says : " Episcopus 
et omnes utuntur paramentis nigris si haberi possint et deficien- 
tibus nigiis coloris violacei". 

We now come to the second question, and in our answer we 
shall probably have to make some observations closely connected 
with the subject matter of the first question. We hold that the 
rubric de coloribus paramentorum is praeceptiva. There are two 
decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Rites bearing on this 
subject. 

1. " Inter postulata a Reverendissimo Episcopo Vicen. in visitatione 
ad Limina transmissa unum extat, quo ipse jure conqueritur de con- 
fusion e colorum in paramentis sacrosancto Missae sacrificio, aliisque 
functionibus deservientibus, quae etiamsi sacris ritibus opposite, in 
"dicta tamen civitate et in ceteris Episcopatus Ecclesiis conspicitur. 
Huic propterea abusui providere, imo de medio tollere volens, humil- 
lime supplicavit idem Episcopus pro opportune remedio. Et Sac. 
Bituum Congregatio in ordinario coetu ad Vaticanum coacto respon- 
dendum censuit Serventur omnino rubricae generates : facta tamen 
potestate Episcopo indulgendi ut in Ecclesiis pauperibus permittat 
illis uti donee consumantur". 19 Decemb., 1829. in Vicen. 

2. " Pctestne continuari usus illarum Ecclesiarum quae pro colore 
tarn albo, quam rubro, viridi et violaceo utuntur paramentis flavi coloris 
vel mixtis diversis coloribus, praesertim si colores a rubrica praescripti 
in floribus reperiantur ? Resp. Servetur strictim Rubrica quoad colo- 
rem indumentorum, 12 Nov., 1831. Marsor. ad dub. 54. VideJS/a- 
nuale Decretorum S. Rituum Congregationis" . 

In these two decrees, the observance of the Rubric with regard 
to the colour of the vestments is prescribed, " servetur strictim 
Rubrica quoad colorem indumentorum". Such a form of words 
appears to us inconsistent with the opinion that the said rubric 
is merely directives 

We may also observe that even the use of many colours, or 
rather the mixture of them, is laid down as an abuse to be abo- 
lished, and power is granted to the bishop to allow the use of 
such vestments in poor churches until they shall be no longer fit 
for use. If it be an abuse to use many colours, how much greater 
the abuse if a colour be used quite opposed to the rubric ! It 
VOL i. 20 



286 Liturgical Questions. 

therefore seems to us that the opinion of Ferraris is at variance 
with what the Sacred Congregation of Rites lays down on this 
subject. He holds that the bull of St. Pius V., " non se exten- 
dit ad hanc rubricam de coloribus\ and the Congregation of 
Rites says, " servetur strictim Rubrica quoad colorem indumen- 
torum". Indeed we must say that all discussion appears to us 
to be set aside on this point by these decrees, particularly if we 
keep in view a decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites 
dated 23rd May, 1846, which was afterwards approved and 
confirmed by the present Pope on the 17th July, 1848, and 
which is as follows: " Decreta a Sacra Congregatione ema- 
nata et responsiones quaecumque ab ipsa propositis dubiis scripto 
formiter editae, eamdem habeant auctoritatem, ac si immediate 
ab ipso summo Pontifice promanarent, quamvis nulla facta fuerit 
de iisdem relatio Sanctitati Suae". We hold, therefore, that 
the rubric is praeceptiva, and ought not to be departed from 
unless in such cases where a real necessity would warrant us to 
do so ; and we may add that we would not consider it lawful to 
use white vestments in a Requiem Mase, inasmuch as we cannot 
conceive what necessity could turn up to justify such a departure 
from the rubric. Much better would it be, in such a case, to say 
the Mass of the day occurring, or some other votive Mass. 

With regard to the third question, we beg to say that the 
ciborium or particles ought to be placed on the altar-stone, and 
that not only during the consecration, but to the communion. 
The chalice and host must be placed on it, according to the 
rubric of the missal, and we see no reason why the same thing is 
not to be done with the small particles which are to be conse- 
crated. St. Alphonsus Liguori is clearly of this opinion : " Non 
igitur licet ante communionem ponere particulas consecratas 
extra aram". La Croix, treating of the same subject, says: 
" Post communionem sacerdotis possunt parvae hostiae ab eo 
consecratae poni extra aram in corporali" ; and he gives the fol- 
lowing reason: " Quia omnes sunt unica victima et per modum 
unius offeruntur". Indeed La Croix, for the same reason, states 
that it would be unlawful to have a second altar-stone, in case 
the one would not be large enough to hold the small particles 
together with the chalice and host: "Si unum portatile non 
possit cum hostia et calice capere omnes particulas consecrandas, 
illicitum esset has collocare et consecrare in alio portatili vicino". 
The best, and indeed the only remedy we can suggest, especially 
where there are many communicants, is to procure a large altar- 
stone. We have heard of some bishops declining to consecrate 
any stone that was under fourteen inches in length, and twelve 
inches in width, at least. It is unnecessary to observe that there 
is great danger, and irreverence too, in placing a large number 



Jjiturgical Questions. 287 

of particles on a very small space or corner of an altar-stone, 
where an accident, and that of the most serious nature, is likely 
to take place at any moment. Perhaps it may not be amiss to 
remark, also, that those theologians who hold the opinion that 
the rubrics are merely directivae, except always such rubrics 
as are closely connected with the Most Blessed Sacrament, and 
maintain that those are praeceptivae. We conclude, therefore, 
that the ciborium or particles ought to be placed on the altar- 
stone, and if the altar -stone be too small for the chalice and host, 
it ought not to be used. 



ii. 



1. At High Mass, ought the celebrant to elevate the Host 
before the choir has terminated the singing of the Sanctus and 
following words? 

Ansicer: The Caeremoniale Episcop. lib. ii. no. 70, gives the 
answer: " Chorus prosequitur cantum usque ad Benedictus qui 
venit exclusive : quo finito et non prius elevatur sacramentum. 
Tune silet chorus et cum aliis adorat. Organum vero, si habe- 
tur, cum omni tune melodia et gravitate pulsandum est". The 
celebrant ought to proceed slowly with the canon, so as to give 
time to the choir to terminate their part before he comes to the 
elevation. The choir ought to be cautioned not to protract the 
singing of the Sanctus too much. 

2. At High Mass, when the celebrant has sung " Et ne nos 
inducas in tentationem", in the Pater Noster, is he bound to 
wait until the choir has finished singing " Sed libera nos a 
malo", before he says Amen? 

Answer: According to a ceremonial much esteemed in Rome, 
published by a missionary of St. Vincent, in Bologna, 1854, 
1. iv. no. 1484, the priest is bound to wait. The choir agit 
partem ministri in its answers at High Mass, and on that 
account the priest must wait until it responds to him, as on 
other occasions he waits until the server or clerk terminates 
his answers. 

After the priest has sung " Pax Domini sit semper vobis- 
cum", he must also wait until the choir has sung " Et cum 
spiritu tuo", before he says u Haec commixtio", etc. 

3. When the deacon has sung " Ite Missa est", can the 
celebrant, without waiting for the choir to answer u Deo 
gratias", turn to the altar and say the prayer "Placeat"? 

Answer: The Caeremoniale, Ep. 1. ii. c. viii. no. 78, says: 
"Diaconus vertit faciem ad populum, renes autem celebranti 
. . et cantat (Ite missa est) . . . quo dicto, ipse et cele- 

20s 



288 Correspondence. 

brans simnl vertunt se per latus epistolae ad altare, et celebrans 
dicit (Placeat tibi, S. Trinitas, etc)". As the singing of " Deo 
gratias" occupies so short a time, it will terminate before the 
priest can turn to the altar ; in any case, he ought not to com- 
mence the Placeat until the choir has responded. 



CORRESPONDENCE, 



Kilkee, February 7th, 1865. 

To the Editors of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record. 
GENTLEMEN, 

Be pleased to allow me to bring under your notice a slight 
mistake noticeable in the January issue of your Record, and in 
doing so I may be permitted to express my great satisfaction, 
and that of all those who spoke to me on the subject, with the 
interesting and varied matter in your Record. Your high cha- 
racter, not to speak of stronger reasons, will secure for your 
statements a ready acceptance with Catholics, and this, coupled 
with the very faultless character of your extensively read 
periodical, renders me anxious to have it the medium of correc- 
tion to its own mistakes, however slight. The learned writer on 
the Irish sees of the sixteenth century, speaking of the vicissi- 
tudes of Clonmacnois, and of its subjection to the metropolitical 
see of Tuam, says, in p. 158 of the Record: " This change pro- 
bably took place during the episcopate of Bishop Symon of the 
Order of St. Dominick, who, though omitted in the lists of 
Ware and De Burgo, was appointed to the see on the death 
of Dr. Henry in 1349". Now, Symon was never Bishop of 
Clonmacnois. Indeed, as remarked by the learned writer in the 
Record , Theiner gives, in page 291, the bull of his appointment. 
But the appointment was null, as the see was not vacant by the 
death of Dr. Henry. Hence, by looking to the next page of 
Theiner, you will see how good Pope Clement VI. acknow- 
ledges and rectifies the mistake by appointing Symon to the see 
of Kildare, then vacant. The report of Dr. Henry's death was 
unfounded; therefore, as the bull of Pope Clement declares, 
Symon was not, and in the circumstances could not have been, 
Bishop of Clonmacnois. " Cum autem sicut postea vera relatio 
ad nos perduxit", etc., the Pope says, addressing Symon, " tu nul- 
lius Ecclesiae remansisti". 

I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your obedient servant, 

SYLVESTKR MALONK. 



Correspondence. 289 

[We feel much obliged to our learned and reverend corres- 
pondent for the interest he takes in the success and the accuracy 
of the Record, and we beg to assure him that the greatest attention 
will be paid to every communication and suggestion from him, 
or from any other promoter of the study of Irish ecclesiastical 
literature or antiquities. In publishing the Record, our only 
desire is to illustrate and uphold truth, and thus to promote the 
interests of religion. 

We regret that, our colleague who treated of the See of Clon- 
macnoise in the January number being at present absent, we 
have not been able to communicate to him the remarks con- 
tained in the above letter; we can therefore only state that, as 
he was not treating of the fourteenth century, he referred only 
incidentally to the appointment of Bishop Symon in order to fix 
the period at which a change had been " probably" effected in o, 
matter of ecclesiastical jurisdiction connected with the See of 
Clonmacnois, and that he had no intention of giving the history 
of the bishops of that diocese, or of entering into a question 
which was not connected with his subject ; so that, having fixed 
the date in question with accuracy as he does by referring to 
the appointment of Bishop Symon to Clonmacnoise, as given by 
Theiner it did not appear necessary for him to proceed farther. 
However that may be, we can safely promise in the name of 
our colleague, that he will be happy to correct any mistake into 
which he may have fallen. He will be able to do so the more 
readily because he has been requested to publish in a separate 
volume all he has written on the succession of the Bishops in the 
various Sees of Ireland. When corrected and completed, these 
articles will be a valuable accession to our ecclesiastical history, 
whilst they will supply a triumphant answer to an assertion of 
the learned Dr. Todd in the preface to his Life of St. Patrick, 
viz.: that the original Irish Church, having merged into the 
Church of the English Pale, adopted the Reformation in the six- 
teenth century. That assertion undoubtedly was made hastily 
and without sufficient reflection. Any one who reads the 
articles of the Record will find that it has no foundation in fact. 
Penal laws, indeed, and brute force were employed to propagate 
the Reformation in Ireland, but the true faith was so deeply 
rooted in the minds of the clergy and laity of the " original 
Irish Church" that all the powers of Hell could not extermi- 
nate it. 

As to Bishop Symon, mentioned by our correspondent, it 
appears that he was appointed in 1349 by Clement VI. to 
Derry, not to Kildare. According to Ware, there was no vacancy 
in that year in this last see, as it was occupied from 1334 to 1365 
by Richard Hulot and Thomas Giffard. But in the list of the 



290 J documents. 

Bishops of Deny given by Ware, a Bishop Symon, of some order 
of friars, is mentioned as filling that see in 1367 and 1369. The 
historian states that he could not discover to what religious order 
that prelate belonged, or what was the date of his consecration. 
The valuable documents published by the Archivist of the Vati- 
can, F. Theiner, show that Bishop Symon was of the Order of 
St. Dominick, that he was consecrated by Talleyrand, Bishop of 
Albano, that he was appointed to Derry in 1349, and that he 
succeeded a Bishop Maurice who was unknown to Ware. A copy 
of the brief appointing Bishop Symon to Deny, was sent to the 
Archbishop of Armagh, as appears from Theiner, p. 292. This 
shows that the Ecclesia Darensis conferred on Bishop Symon 
belonged to the .province of Armagh. Kildare, indeed, was 
called by the same name, but it belonged to a different province. 
Theiner gives the appointment of a Bishop of Kildare at page 
261, in which reference is made to his metropolitan of Dublin. 
At page 64 Ecclesia Darensis is mentioned again, but it is 
stated to belong to the metropolitan of Armagh. Thus, although 
Derry and Kildare went by the same name, it is not difficult to 
determine to which see the papal Bulls regarding them belong, 
because mention is generally made of the metropolitan to whose 
suffragan the document is addressed.] 



DOCUMENTS. 



LETTER OF THE IRISH BISHOPS TO THE RIGHT 
HONOURABLE HENRY GRATTAN, M.P. 

We publish the following letter, addressed by the Irish 
Bishops to Mr. Grattan in the year 1795. It shows how 
anxious those Prelates always were to unite education and reli- 
gion, and to preserve the sources of knowledge from being con- 
taminated by error and infidelity. 

SIR, 

We, the under-written Roman Catholic prelates of Ireland, 
having, on behalf of ourselves and absent brethren, already expressed 
our wants and wishes respecting clerical education, in the minutes 
submitted to your revision and correction, take the liberty at present 
to explain some of them more particularly, in order to remove mis- 
apprehensions which may furnish an occasion of perplexity or equi- 
vocation. 

As the principle of our application to parliament seems universally 



Documents. 291 

admitted, we shall confine ourselves to those parts only of the detail 
to which, as we hear, objections have been made. 

It is said, that as our plan extends to the education of the laity, the 
appointment of professors to lecture on philosophy, mathematics, 
rhetoric, and the languages, which are common to clergy and laity, 
should not be vested in the bishops only, because these branches of 
learning are not intimately connected with religion and morality, and 
much less with the peculiar duties of ecclesiastics. 

We cannot subscribe to this position, as experience has convinced 
us of the fatal impressions made on youth in all times and places, 
particularly in France, by infidel, seditious, or immoral professors 
even of grammar, and proved the necessity of scrupulous attention to 
the principles and conduct of every teacher previous to his admission 
into any seminary or school. It is always more advisable to prevent 
evil in this manner, than punish the whisperers of atheism and Jacob- 
inism by a controlling power in the bishops to expel them. More- 
over, the exercise of this control will appear odious to many, must 
occasion clamour, and would frequently excite disputes between the 
bishops and lay friends of those unworthy professors or lecturers. 

These observations, as you will perceive, are grounded on a sup- 
position that the intended colleges are to be regulated on the precise 
plan presented to your consideration. We extended it to general in- 
struction on the suggestion of our zealous and patriot agent at London, 
who constantly assured us, that it was the earnest wish of the Duke 
of Portland, Earl Fitzwilliam, Mr. Burke, and others, that the laity 
should not be excluded from the benefit of public instruction in the 
proposed colleges. 

It appears from our printed memorial to Lord Westmoreland, of 
which we enclose a copy, that our original views were confined to 
clerical education only. 

This continues to be the great object of our anxious wishes and 
solicitude ; and as no one, to our knowledge, controverts the exclu- 
sive competency of the bishops to superintend and regulate it, we are 
perfectly satisfied to arrange the education of persons not destined 
for the sacred ministry on another proper plan, to be hereafter con- 
certed. 

As four hundred clerical students are absolutely necessary to pre- 
serve the succession of Koman Catholic Clergy in this kingdom, we 
have, after very mature deliberation, judged it expedient to establish 
one house in each province for their education. It is needless now 
. to enter into a detail of our motives. They are many and weighty. 
We shall mention one. By our having a college in each province, 
the opulent and religious Catholics will be more strongly excited to 
grant donations to an establishment in their own neighbourhood, 
than they would be to others at a great distance, which many of them 
may view with jealousy, and feel hurt at not being equally accommo- 
dated. 

We confidently hope that these four colleges will equally partake of 
the national bounty in whatever time it may be granted by Parliament. 



292 Documents. 

It never was our wish or intention that you should introduce our 
plan of education or any part of it into Parliament, until the Bill on 
general Emancipation shall be disposed of, as we always considered 
the success of this to depend in a great measure on that of the other. 

We understand that the appointment by us of a Medical and Chy- 
mical Lecturer is objected to from our incompetency to judge of his 
knowledge in these sciences. 

It was our design to consult learned professional men on the choice 
of such lecturers, after ascertaining their principles and conduct ; 
neither did this measure of a Chymical or Medical Professor originate 
with us. It was likewise suggested by our agent at London to Go- 
vernment from motives of humanity. We shall most readily give up 
that point, if required, as it made no part of our own plan. 

With the firmest reliance on your brilliant exertions in promoting 
the measure we have so much at heart for the advantage of society 
in this kingdom, and with due deference to your instructions in con- 
ducting it on our parts, we have the honour to remain, etc. 

Dublin, 2nd February, 1795. 

Signed by eighteen Prelates. 

5< JOHN THOMAS TROT, of Dublin. 
^ THOMAS BRAY, of Cashel. 
4< FRANCIS MOTLAN, of Cork. 
>f< GERARD TEAHAN, of Kerry. 
ffc WM. COPPINGER, of Cloyne and Ross. 
>|< JAMES CAULFIELD, of Ferns. 
ilji DANIEL DELANY, of Kildare and Leighlin. 
ffa DOMINICK BELLEW, of Killala. 
i{i EDMUND TRENCH, of Elphin. 
jfc RICHARD O'REILLY, of Armagh, 
iji BOETIUS EGAN, of Tuam. 
{i P. J. PLTJNKETT, of Meath. 
iji HUGH O'REILLY, of Clogher. 
iji MATT. LENNAN, of Dromore. 
ij< JOHN CRUISE, of Ardagh. 
tf* M'MULLEN, of Down and Connor. 
p^t CHARLES O'REILLY, Coadjutor of Kilmore. 
iji DILLON, Coadjutor of Kilfenora and 
Kilmacduagh. 



Documents. 293 



n. 

LETTER OF CARDINAL ANTONELLI TO THE 
ARCHBISHOPS OF IRELAND IN 1791 RE- 
GARDING THE CHANGE IN THE CONSE- 
CRATION OATH OF BISHOPS. 

PER-ILLUSTRES ET REVERENDISSIMI DOMINI UTI FRATRES, 

Ex literis vestris sub die 17 Novembris anni 1789 scriptis sum- 
mopere Vos commoveri intelleximus, quod cum in lucem prodierit 
quidam libellus a Pseudo-Episcopo Cloynensi conscriptus, De praesenti 
Statu Ecclesiae, occasionem inde ceperint obtrectatores nostri, veteris 
calumniae adversus Catholicam Religionem acrius refricandae nullo 
scilicet modo posse hanc, salva Regum, ac Rerumpublicarum inco- 
lumitate, consistere. Cum enim, inquiunt, Romanus Pontifex om- 
nium Catholicorum Pater ac Magister sit, ac tanta praeditus aucto- 
ritate, ut alienorum Regnorum subditos a fide, ac Sacramento Regibus 
ac principibus praestito relaxare possit, eumdem facili negotio turbas 
ciere, ac publicae regnorum tranquillitati nocere posse propugnant. 
Miramur his vos querelis turbari potuisse, cum praesertim praecla- 
rissimus iste Frater vester, et censors Apostolici muneris Archiepisco- 
pus Caselliensis, aliique strenui jurium Apostolicae Sedis Defensores 
maledica ista convicia egregiis scriptis refutarint plane ac diluerint. 
Quid igitur proderit, novam nunc quemadmodum petitis, edi ab hac 
Apostolica Sede declarationem, ut sua jura tueatur, explicet, atque a 
criminationibus vindicet? Nihil hoc esset aliud, quam adversus 
ipsammet Catholicam Fidem novos excitare hostes. Ea enim est hujus 
nostri temporis improborum hominum mens, atque animus, ut dum 
certare se simulant adversus Apostolicae Sedis jura, contra ipsam 
tamen Fidem intentant aciem, eamque unitatem, quam Catholicae 
universi Orbis Ecclesiae cum Apostolica Petri Cathedra firmissime 
retinent, convellere, ac labefactare conantur. 

Itaque ad hujusmodi conatus nolite expavescere ; jam enim toties 
eorum calumniae repulsae sunt, ut nihil nunc agant, quam vetera 
ut nova proponere, instaurare disjecta, detecta retexere. Probe jam 
noverat Sanctissimus ille, nee sapientia minus, quam pietatis laude 
clarissimus Antistes Franciscus Salesius, nonnisi ad ciendas turbas, 
atque ad imbecilles animos commovendos, agitaripiaec passim, ac in 
vulgus jactari. Qua de re luculentissimum ille testimonium edidit 
epistola 764, torn. 6, edit. Parisien., an. 1758 ; quam vobis, non per- 
legendam modo, sed ut providam adhibendae moderationis normam, 
prae oculis habendam valde consulimus. Eodem exemplo, vos quoque 
insidias detegite, et populos vestrae solicitudini commissos docete, 
quae recta sunt, ut a laqueis, quos ante pedes struunt, declinare 
discant, ne in transversum agantur. Id sane cum vestra pietate dig- 
num, turn etiam a vestra auctoritate profectum, multo magis Fidelium 
vestrae Pastorali curae concreditorum mentibus insidebit atque ab 
obtrectatorum calumniis vindicabit. Minime enim vobis pro vestra 
doctrina ignotum esse ^rbitramur, quaenam sint Apostolicae Sedis 



294 Documents. 

jura, quibusque argumentis propugnare possint. In hac causa illud 
accuratissime est distinguendum, quae sibi jure optimo vindicet Aposto- 
lica Sedes ab iis, quae ad inferendaui calumniam a Novatoribus hujus 
saeculi eidem affiguntur. Nunquam Romana Sedes docuit haetero- 
doxis fidem non esse servandam, violari quacumque ex causa posse 
juramentum, Regibus a Catholica communione disjunctis praestitum ; 
Pontifici Romano licere temporalia eorum jura, acdornmia invadeie. 
Horrendum vero, ac detestabile facinus etiam apud nos est, si quis 
unquam, atque etiam religionis praetextu in Regum ac Principuni 
vitam audeat quidpiam, aut moliatur. Non haec consectaria sunt ejus 
auctoritatis, qua valeat Romanus Pontifex in extremo religionis 
discriniine, jurisjurandi vinculum solvere, quam tamen satis vobis 
compertum est nee inter fidei dogmata recenseri, nee pro haereticis 
haberi, qui ab ea dissentiunt. 

Verum neque etiam in nullo pretio haberi voluit postulationes ves- 
tras Sanctissimus Pontifex Pius VI. ut enim omnis carpendi, ac calum- 
niandi eradicetur occasio, quam quidam, ut scribitis, sumunt ex iis 
verbis formulae juramenti obedientiae Apostolicae Sedi praestandae 
et ab Episcopis in eorum consecratione adhibendae, Haereticos pro posse 
persequar et impugndbo, et quam quasi classicum ad bellum iis indicen- 
dum, et tamquam hostes persequendos, atque impugnandos malevole 
interpretantur, non intelligentes, earn persecutionem, atque impug- 
nationem, quam contra haereticos Episcopi suscipiunt, ad illud 
studium, ac conatum referri, quo eos ad saniorem mentem perducere, 
ac Ecclesiae Catholicae reconciliare nituntur, Sanctitas Sua benigne 
annuit, ut loco precedentis juramenti formulae, altera subrogetur quae 
ab Archiepiscopo Mohiloviensi, tota plaudente Petropolitana Aula, 
ipsaque Irnperatrice adstante palam perlecta est, quamque his litteris 
alligatam ad vos transmittimus. 

Ceterum Praesules Amplissimi, qui isthic agitis excubias Domini 
florentissimasque istas Hiberniae Ecclesias, divina gratia adspirante 
ex Apostolice Sedis gratia administrandas suscepistis, huic Petri 
Cathedra in qua Dominus posuit verbum veritatis, firmiter adhaerete, 
praedicate Evangelium Christi in ornni patientia, ac doctrina: in 
omnibus praebete vosmetipsos exemplum bonoram operum, in doctrina, 
in integritate, in gravitate, verbum sanum, irreprehensibile. Haec 
si feceritis, quemadmodum jam fecisse, et deinceps incensius fac- 
turos non dubitamus, non modo vestra virtute, ac constantia male 
contextas calumnias propulsabitis, verum etiam qui ex adverso sunt 
verebuntur, nihil habentes malum dicere de vobis. 

Enim vero, quis est, cui non perspicua sint ilia, quae Ecclesia 
Rornana omnium mater et magistra de praestanda a subditis saeculi 
potestatibus obedientia, praedicat, docet, ac praecipit ? 

Ab ipso nascentis Ecclesiae exordio Apostolorum Princeps B. Pe- 
trus, Fideles instruens, ita eos hortabatur Subjecti estate omni humanae 
creaturae propter Deurn : sive Regi, quasi praecellenti, rive Ducibus, 
tamquam ab eo mi&sis ad vindictam malejactorum, laudem vero bono- 
ru,ni) quia sic est voluntas Dei, ut benefacientes obtumewere faciatis im- 
prudentium howinitni ignorantiam. His praeceptis instituta Gatholica 



Documents. 295 

Ecclesia, quum Gentiles furentibus odiis adversus Christianos, tam- 
quam Imperil hostes, debacharentur, praeclarissimi Christian! nominis 
defensores respondebant Precantes (Tertul. In Apologet., c. 30) sumus 
omnes semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus, vitam illis prolixam, impe- 
rium securum, Domum tutam, exercitum fortem, senatum fidelem, 
populum probum, Orbem quietum Id ipsum saepius Eomani Ponti- 
fices Petri successores inculcare non destiterunt, praesertim ad mission- 
aries, ne ulla Catholicae fidei cultoribus, ab hostibus Christiani nominis 
crearetur invidia. 

Praeclarissima in hanc rem veterum Romanorum Pontificum 
monumenta proferre pretermittimus, quae vos ipsi non ignoratis. 
Verum nuperrimum sapientissimi Pontificis Benedict! XIV. moni- 
tum vobis in memoriam revocare arbitramur, qui in iis regulis, 
quas pro Missionibus Anglicanis observandas propostiit, quaeque vobis 
etiam communes sunt, ita inquit Sedulo incumbant Vicarii Apostolici, 
ut missionarii saeculares prole honesteque in omnibus se gerant, quo aliis 
bono exemplo sint, et in primis sacris officiis celebrandis, opportunisque 
institutionibus populo tradendis, atque infirmis opera sua sublevandis 
praesto sint, ut a publicis otiosorum coetibus, et cauponis omnimode caveant 

. . . at potissimum ipsimet vicarii, omni qua possunt ratione, 
severe tamen illos puniant, qui de publico regimine cum honor e sermonem 
non hdberent. 

Testis autem ipsamet Anglia esse potest, quam alte istius modi 
monita in Catholicorum animis radicitus egeilnt. In nupero enim, 
qua tota fere America conflagravit bello, cum florentissimae Provin- 
ciae, in quibus universa fere gens a Catholica Ecclesia disjuncta immo- 
ratur, Magnae Britanniae Regis imperium abjecissent, sola Canadensis 
Provincia, quae Catholicis pene innumeris constat, quamquam callidis 
artibus tentata, atque etiam aviti Gallorum dominii haud immemor, 
in obsequio tamen Anglorum perstitit fidelissime. Haec vos, egregii 
Antistites, crebris usurpate sermonibus, haec Episcopis Suffraganeis 
vestris saepius in memoriam revocate. Cum ad populum pro concione 
verba facitis, iterum, atque iterum ilium aduionete, omnes honorare^ 
fraternitatem diligere^ Deum timere, Regem honorificare. Quae quidem 
Christiani hominis officia cum in omni Regno, atque imperio colen- 
da sunt, turn maxime in isto vestro Britanico, in quo Regis 
sapientissimi, aliorumque praeclarissimorum Regni procerum ea 
est in Catholicos voluntas, ut non asperuin, ac grave jugum im- 
ponant cervicibus vestris, sed leni, ac blando regimine ipsi etiam 
Catholici utantur. Hanc agendi rationem si unanimes retinue- 
ritis, si omnia vestra in charitate fiant, si id unum respexeritis 
in regenda plebe Domini, salutem nimirum animarum ; verebuntur 
(iterum confirmamus), adversarii quidpiam dicere de vobis, ul- 
troque fatebuntur, Catholicam fidem non mode ad beatam vitam 
assequendam, sed etiam (Epis. 138) ut B. Augustinus inquit in 
epistola ad Marcellinum, ad terrenae hujus Civitatis firmissimam 
pacem, atque ad Regnorum columen, ac praesidium tutissirnum a caelo 
esse delapsam : quidoctrinam Christi, verba sunt S. Doctoris, adversum 
dicunt esse Reipublicae dent ex<rcitum talem, qtiales doctrina Chritti esse 



296 Documents. 

milites jussit, dent tales provinciates, tales maritos, tales conjuges, tales 
parenteS) tales filios, tales dominos, tales servos, tales reges, tales judices, 
tales denique debitorum redditores, et exactores ipsius fisci, quales esse 
praecipit doctrina Christiana, et audeant earn dicere adversam esse Rei- 
publicae, imo vero non dubitent earn confiteri magnam, si ei obtemperetur, 
salutem esse ReipuUicae. Hujus porro salutaris doctrinae constantem, 
ac firmam integritatem nonnisi in Catholica Societate consistere, ac 
vigere, quae videlicet communione cum Komana Sede velut sacro 
unitatis vinculo divinitus adstricta per totum Orbem diffunditur, ac 
sustentatur, idem S. Doctor, caeterique unanimi consensu Ecclesiae 
Patres invictis plane argumentis apertissime demonstrant. Deus Opt. 
Max. Vos incolumes diutissime servet quemadmodum enixe optamus 
pro summo nostro erga vos studio ac voluntate. Valete. 

Amplit. Vestrarum. Romae 23 Junii 1791. 

Uti Frater Studiosissimus. 

L. CARD. ANTONELLUS, Praef. 

A. Archiep. Adven. Secretarius. 

Dominis Archiepiscopis Regnis Hiberniae. 



III. 

RESCRIPT PERMITTING A LOW MASS DE RE- 
QUIEM TO BE SAID EVEN ON DOUBLES 
PRAESENTE CADAVERE. 

PERMISSIO LEGENDI MISSAM DE REQUIEM IN FESTIS DUPL. 

BEATISSIME PATER, 

Vicarii Apostolici Angliae atque eorum nomine Nicolaus Wiseman, 
Episcopus Melipotamensis et in districtu, central! vicarii Apostolici 
coadjutor, ad pedes Sanctitatis Tuae provoluti humillime supplicant 
ut benigne dignetur concedere, indultum in Scotia jam existens ut 
scilicet in eis locis in quibus ob Sacerdotum inopiam missa cantari 
non possit, legi possint etiam in festis duplicibus missae privatae de 
Requiem praesente cadavere. Quare, etc. 

Ex AUDIENTIA SANCTISSIMI HABITA DIE 7 MARTII 1847. 

Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Pius divina providenta PP. IX. 
referente me infrascripto Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide 
Secretario, perpensis expositis indultum jam alias concessum Vicaria- 
tibus Apostolicis Scotiae, benigne extendit ad omnes vicariatus Apos- 
tolicos Angliae servatis in reliquis tenore ac forma indulti memorati 
Contrariis quibuscunque non obstantibus. 

Datum Romae, ex aedib. die. Sac. Congregationis die et anno qui- 
bus supra. 

Gratis sine ulla omnino solutione quocunque titulo, 

JOANNES ARCH. THESSALONICENSIS, Secretarius. 

Loco p 1 SIQILLI. 



Notices of Books. 297 

BEATISSIME PATER, 

Episcopi Hiberniae, ad pedes Beatitudiuis Tuae provoluti, humil- 
lime supplicant ut facultatem concedere digneris, qua, in iis locis in 
quibus ob Sacerdotum inopiam Missa solemnis celebrari non possit, 
legi possint etiam in festis duplicibus Missae Privatae de Requttm 
praesente cadavere. 

Quare, etc. 

Ex AUDIENTIA SANCTISSIMI HABITA DIE 29 JUNII 1862. 

Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Pius Divina Providentia Papa IX. 
referente me infrascripto S. Congregations de Propaganda Fide Secre- 
tario benigne annuit pro gratia juxta preces, exceptis duplicibus 
primae vel secundae classis, festis de praecepto servandis, feriis, 
vigiliis, et octavis privilegiatis. 

Datum Eomae ex aedibus dictae S. Congnis. die et anno praedictis. 

Gratis sine ulla solutione quovis titulo. 

H. CAPALTI Secretarius. 



NOTICES OE BOOKS. 



Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum Historiam Illus- 
trantia; quae ex Vaticanis, NeapoUi, ac Florentiae Tabulis 
deprompsit et ordine clironologico disposuit Augustinus 
Theiner, etc. Ab Honorio Pp. III. usque ad Paulum Pp. 
III. 1216-1547. Romae, Typis Vaticanis, 1864. 

When first we introduced to the notice of our readers Mgr. 
Theiner's Vetera Monumenta, we promised to make early return 
to the subject, and to furnish some account of the treasures of 
ecclesiastical history contained therein. That promise we now 
set ourselves to fulfil. The chief difficulty in the way of our 
present undertaking is created by the rich superabundance of 
the varied materials which Mgr. Theiner's industry has reunited 
and given to the world. A collection of one thousand and sixty- 
four documents, in which are registered the shifting phases of 
most of the important events in Church and State in Ireland 
and Scotland which occupied the attention of thirty-seven 
Roman Pontiffs, from 1216 to 1547, offers to research so vast 
a field, and so boundless, that we may well be pardoned if we 
feel puzzled where to begin. Our attention is, however, ar- 
rested on the very threshold of the work by a question than 
which few others are more interesting to Irishmen; namely, 
what position did the Roman Pontiffs take up in the questions 
between Ireland and England at the beginning of the thirteenth 



298 Notices of Books. 

century? Did they, as has often been alleged, leave unreproved 
the iniquities perpetrated in this country by the English, and, 
forgetful of their own proper duties as Fathers of Christendom, 
did they shut their heart against the cries wrung by oppression 
from a persecuted race ? or did they, on the contrary, stand forth 
in defence of the weak against the strong, and here, as every- 
where else, with apostolic justice, judge the poor of the people, 
and save the children of the poor, and humble the oppressor? 
The documents published in the first pages of the work under 
notice supply us with materials to answer this question in the 
sense most favourable to the Apostolic See. An examination 
of these documents shall form the subject of our present notice. 

Before we enter upon the question we have selected, the dedi- 
cation of the book claims from us some notice, and much grati- 
tude towards the author. The work is dedicated to Archbishop 
Cullen, to whose frequent conversations on Ireland, during plea- 
sant summer walks with the author in the neighbourhood of 
Tivoli, and to whose requests, oft repeated in after days, Mgr. 
Theiner declares his collection of Irish ecclesiastical documents 
to be due. He tells us, moreover, that the Archbishop's words 
found him a willing labourer for the sake of Ireland ; deep feel- 
ings of admiration and compassion had long since touched his 
heart, and won his pen to the cause of that stricken nation. 
" Who can sufficiently admire", asks he, " that almost incre- 
dible piety and unflinching hereditary constancy in the profes- 
sion of the Catholic faith, in which, from the earliest times, 
the Irish have been so firmly rooted that no assaults could 
ever weaken or shake them, even though they had to struggle 
against tyrannical laws, or the violence and cunning of perverse 
men ? How glorious a thing this is, all history is the witness ; 
witnesses are our ancestors and ourselves ; witnesses are all the 
nations of Europe, who with one accord proclaim the Irish 
nation a spectacle of fortitude, so that among all Christian 
peoples it is deservedly styled a nation of martyrs". 

The troubles that clouded the early years of the reign of the 
youthful King Henry III. were watched with anxiety by Ho- 
norius III. In a letter to the Archbishop of Dublin (Theiner, 
n. 4, p. 2), that Pontiff enumerates the reasons why he felt so 
much solicitude for the welfare of the English monarch. The 
king was a vassal of the Roman Church, and a ward of the same ; 
he had taken the Cross, and the Pope was apprehensive of aught 
that could impede the Crusade ; besides, both his kingdom and his 
person had been solemnly confided to the protection of the Pope 
by his father, King John, when on his death-bed in the castle at 
Newark. The dangers that threatened the boy-king (he was but 
nine years of age when he succeeded) were of such a nature as to 



Notices of Booh. 299 

demand from his well-wishers strenuous exertions on his behalf. 
With the crown he had inherited a war with Louis, afterwards 
Louis VIII. of France, who on English soil had received the 
homage of the English barons at London, June 2, 1216; and 
to this was added the bitter hostility of the barons themselves, 
whom King John's perfidy had disgusted. These perils were 
increased by disturbances in Scotland, where Louis had allies, 
and in Ireland, where there existed a formidable party hostile to 
the king. On the same day, January 17, 1217, Honorius III. 
wrote to Scotland and to Ireland in the hope of canning these 
commotions by his authority, and of bringing into submission 
those who were in arms against Henry. In his letter to the 
Archbishop of Dublin he appointed that prelate delegate of 
the Apostolic See, with a command to use the powers which 
that position gave him to bring back harmony between the king 
and his subjects in Ireland. These legatine faculties were 
withdrawn by another letter (n. 34, pag. 15), dated July 6, 
1220, in which the Pontiff states that as peace had been fully 
restored in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, it was no 
longer necessary that the Archbishop should continue to act 
as legate. But on the 31st of the same month letters were 
issued to the Irish prelates, announcing to them the appointment 
of a new legate for Ireland and Scotland, in the person of James, 
the Pope's chaplain and penitentiary. On the same day, and to 
the same effect, letters were issued to the King of Scotland, as 
well as to the Irish princes, who are addressed thus: Regibua 
Ultonie, Corcaie, Limrith, Connatie, Insularum. In one week 
after his appointment, the new legate was commanded to exer- 
cise his authority against the English king, on behalf of the Irish, 
in a matter of the greatest importance, the documents in con- 
nection with which we will now place before our readers. 

We said before that on the 17th January, 1216, Pope Hono- 
rius III. had written to the Archbishop of Dublin appointing 
him legate during the then existing troubles. On the 14th Ja- 
nuary, 1217, just three days before the papal letter was written, 
Henry III., or his adviser, the Earl of Pembroke, wrote the fol- 
lowing letter* to the justiciary of Ireland (Rot. Pat. i. Hen. Ill, 
m. 14): 

" Kex, justiciario suo Hiberniae, salutem. Mandamus vobis quod, 
in fide qua nobis tenemini non permittatis quod aliquis Hiberniensis 
eligatur vel praeficiatur in aliqua ecclesia cathedral! in terra nostra 
Hiberniae, quoniam ex hoc posset terra nostra, quod absit, pertur- 

bari. Et quoniam, etc Teste ipso comite apud Oxoniam xiv 

die Januarii". 

* Shirley's royal and other historical letters illustrative of the reign of Henry 
III., vol. i., pag. 4. 



300 Notices of Booh. 

This most iniquitous design of excluding Irish ecclesiastics, no 
matter how fit they might otherwise be, from the government of 
the Irish sees, and from the spiritual care of their own people, 
provoked the indignation of the Pope, notwithstanding the deep 
interest he took in Henry's fortunes. As soon as he was informed 
of the plan, he at once wrote to the legate the letter alluded to 
above, commanding him to declare publicly that this law of the 
king was unjust, null, and void, and that, as heretofore, deserving 
Irish ecclesiastics should be proposed for vacant sees. The fol- 
lowing is the text of the letter (n. 36, p. 16) : 

" Honorius Episcopus etc. Dilecto filio Magistro Jacobo Capellano, 
et penitentiario nostro, Apostolicae Sedis legato salutem etc. Pervenit 
ad audientiam nostrara, quosdam Anglicos inauditae temeritatis au- 
dacia statuisse, ut nullus clericus de Ibernia, quantumcunque litte- 
ratus et honestus existat, ad aliquam dignitatem ecclesiasticam assu- 
inatur. Nolentes igitur tantae temeritatis et iniquitatis abusum surdis 
auribus pertransire, presentium tibi auctoritate mandamus, quatinus 
statutum hujusmodi publice denuntians irritum et inane, ac inhibens 
ipsis Anglicis, ne vel inherere illi, vel simile decetero attemptare pre- 
sumant. Ibernienses clericos, quibus vitae ac scientiae merita suffra- 
gantur, denunties ad ecclesiasticas dignitates, si electi canonice fue- 
rint, libere admittendos. Datum apud Urbemveterem, viii. Idus 
Augusti, Pontificatus nostri anno quinto". 

What the result of the legate's condemnation may have been 
we do not know ; what is certain is, that four years later Hono- 
rius III. found it necessary to condemn, by his own authority, 
the same abuse. His letter to the Irish clergy runs as follows 
(Theiner,n. 55, p. 23): 

" Honorius Episcopus etc. Dilectis finis Clero Ybernensi, salutem 
etc. Sicut ea, que rite ac laudabiliter fiunt, decet per Sedem Apos- 
tolicam roborari, ut solidius in sui roboris firmitate consistant, sic ea, 
que temere ac illicite presumuntur, infirmari convenit per eandem, ne 
processu temporis robur indignae firmitatis assumant. Sane nostris 
est jam frequenter auribus intimatum, quosdam Anglicos inauditae 
temeritatis audacia statuisse, ut nullus clericus de Ybernia, quantum- 
cunque honestus et litteratus existat, ad aliquam dignitatem ecclesi- 
asticam assumatur : Nolentes igitur tantae presumptionis et iniquitatis 
abusum sub dissimulatione transire, statutum hujusmodi, omni juris 
et honestatis auxilio destitutum, presentium auctoritate decernimus 
irritum et inane, districtius inhibentes, ne quis vel inherere illi, vel 
decetero simile attemptare presumat. Nulli etc. nostrae constitutionis 
et inhibitionis etc. Si quis etc. Datum Laterani vi. Kalendas Mail 
P. n. an. octavo". 

Thus did the Roman Pontiffs resist this attempt to enslave 
the Irish Church. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

APRIL, 1865. 



MEMOIRS OF MY MINISTRY. 

BY CARDINAL CONSALVI. 

In the lonely hours of his exile at Rheims, whithei he had 
been banished by Napoleon for having refused to assist at 
the imperial marriage with Maria Louisa, Cardinal Consalvi 
found employment in tracing from memory an outline of the 
great affairs which had occupied him during his ministry as 
Secretary of State. It was no self-love nor mean desire of praise 
that induced the man of action thus to become the historian of 
his own deeds. To the same zeal which had nerved him in his 
conflicts for the cause of the Church, do we owe the truthful re- 
cord he has left us of the fortunes of these conflicts in which the 
Holy See was so audaciously attacked and so successfully de- 
fended. The thought that, perhaps, one day his words might be 
of advantage to the interests of religion, or might supply weapons 
for its defence, was a motive strong enough to influence him to 
undertake the task under circumstances the most unfavourable 
that can well be imagined. " I have drawn up these memoirs", 
he writes, " at most critical moments ; how critical, may well 
be imagined when I mention, that as soon as I have finished a 
page I must hide it at once in a safe place, so as to secure it from 
the unforeseen perquisitions to which at all times we are exposed. 
. . . I am without notes either to guide or to confirm my re- 
miniscences. I have not the leisure, nor the tranquillity, nor the 
security, nor the liberty which I require, if I would enrich my 

VOL. I. 21 



302 Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Comalvi. 

narrative with comments and becoming ornaments 

If God grant me life and better days, I hope to give to my work 
all that perfection of form and style which is at present beyond 
my power". 

But, whatever the narrative may lack in perfection of form 
and style, is abundantly compensated by the interest attaching to 
the events it describes. It sets before us a picture of the 
movement of European society during the starring period of 
the Cardinal's administration. The intrigues, and schemes, and 
falsehoods of diplomacy ; the art of masking ambitious designs 
tinder generous language, and laying snares for a rival's unwary 
feet ; the dishonourable selfishness, the detestable hypocrisy in a 
word, all that goes to make up the strategy of modern statecraft, 
is laid bare in its pages by a master hand. And what lends fresh 
interest to the subject is the contrast it offers between the baseness 
of courts and the loyal rectitude of the Holy See, between the 
plotting which on the world's side exhibits nought but the cun- 
ning of the serpent, and the honourable prudence on the part of 
the Church which tells also of the simplicity of the dove. On the 
one hand we have a web of intrigue, each thread of which is 
meant to secure some perhaps undue advantage ; on the other, 
a straightforward policy placing religion above everything, and 
worthy of the Pontiff who is vicar on earth of that Lord who loves 
souls. That the voice of such a policy should be heard at all, is 
due under Providence to the temporal sovereignty of the Holy 
See. The folly of those who would wish, for the sake of religion, 
to see the Pope a subject rather than a sovereign, cannot be better 
shown than by the history of the relations between the Holy See 
and the courts of Europe during Consalvi's administration. 
During that period Naples, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Russia, 
Malta, and France had each of them separate negociations to 
conduct with the Holy See on matters affecting the liberty of the 
Church and the interests of religion. It was a time when the 
interests of different states crossed each other in a thousand ways, 
and if the Pope had been the subject of any one of these king- 
doms, it would have been simply impossible, humanly speaking, 
to carry on the government of the Church. Statesmen would 
have at their hand the ready pretext that the decisions of the 
Holy Father were coloured by undue national prejudices, and 
this pretext would serve to excuse their own encroachments upon 
the liberties of the Church in their own territories. Besides, 
that jealousy of the Church which has ever impelled statesmen 
to fetter its action, would certainly influence the sovereign who 
might claim the Pope as his subject to interfere with the liberty 
of so formidable a rival. The success which followed Cardinal 
Consalvi's management of affairs was due, no doubt, in great 



Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 303 

part, to his surpassing abilities ; but these abilities required, as 
the condition of their exercise, the vantage ground of indepen- 
dence. Speaking from the steps of a throne, with all the liberty 
which that position secured to him, the Cardinal Secretary had 
an influence which could never belong to the mere ecclesiastic 
raising a suppliant voice at the footstool of some haughty sove- 
reign. 

The relations of France with the Holy See in the beginning of 
this century were such as to demand the unceasing attention of 
the Papal minister. We have already given the history of the 
negociations concerning the Concordat with the First Consul ; we 
are sure that the Cardinal's narrative of other transactions between 
Napoleon and the Pope will prove not less interesting to our 
readers. 

It is not a little singular that the earliest negociation between 
Pius VII. and France was precisely similar to the latest, and that 
the name of England held a prominent place in both. It is not at 
all singular, however, that the Pope followed in the latest the self- 
same principles of conduct which he professed in the earliest, even 
though this faithful adherence to his duty cost him his throne, 
and his liberty. Soon after his arrival in Rome, from Venice, 
there was some reason to fear lest the French army might pro- 
claim once more the Roman Republic, and thus deprive the Holy 
Father of his dominions. All anxiety was soon dispelled by the 
proclamation issued by Murat to his troops, then about to march 
upon Naples through the Pontifical territory. In this proclama- 
tion he commanded his soldiers to observe strict discipline in pass- 
ing through the friendly territory of the Holy See. This recogni- 
tion of the papal sovereignty was a joyful surprise to all those who 
heard of it. But among those who did not hear of it was a Mgr. 
Caleppi, just named as Nuncio to the Brazils, who had become ac- 
quainted with Murat at Florence. Filled with zeal for the Pope, 
Mgr. Caleppi, without having received any orders from Rome, 
hurried after the general and overtook him at Florence. He 
there induced Murat to agree to a treaty, securing the integrity 
of the Papal territory on certain conditions, which he promised 
would be at once carried to Rome and gladly accepted by his 
Holiness. The treaty was short, but contained one article which 
plunged the Holy Father into a most embarrassing position. 
This article declared that the Pope would close his ports against 
the English and all other enemies of France. Nothing could be 
more opposed than this to the view the Pope took of the duties of 
his position as common Father of the faithful and minister of 
peace. He had resolved to maintain a strict neutrality in the great 
struggle that was going on, hoping by this conduct to preserve 
the free exercise of his spiritual sovereignty, even in the countries 

21 B 



304 Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 

against whose sovereigns France was waging war. The indis- 
creet zeal of Mgr. Caleppi placed him in the alternative of either 
breaking through his fixed rule of conduct, or of making a de- 
claration of neutrality at a time when such a declaration was sure 
to be attended with the most disastrous consequences. He re- 
solved not to ratify the treaty. In a short time Murat came to 
Rome, and by his frank and loyal character, won for himself the 
esteem of Consalvi. When they came to treat of the conven- 
tion, and when the Cardinal disavowed the proceedings of Mgr. 
Caleppi, Murat gave a signal proof of his affection for Pius VII. 
It was in his power to insist on the ratification of the treaty, and 
to inform Bonaparte of the Pope's refusal ; but he preferred to 
lose the credit he could have won for himself by such an act, and 
after employing many arguments to shake the Pope's resolution, 
he at length exclaimed: "Well, then, since this treaty is a 
source of so much trouble to the Holy Father and to you, let us 
throw it into the fire, and say no more about it". 

Soon after this occurrence Consalvi went to Paris to negociate 
the Concordat. After the ratification of the French Concordat 
came the discussion of the Italian Concordat for the kingdom 
of Italy. What the organic laws were to the French Concordat, 
the decrees of the President Melzi became to the Italian one. The 
Emperor's decrees which, while they appeared to revoke those of 
Melzi in deference to the Pope's opposition, in reality confirmed 
them completely frustrated the good effects of the Concordat. 
The difficulties of these two negociations were hardly over when 
the marriage of the Emperor's brother Jerome was a source of 
fresh trouble to the Holy See. Napoleon urged the Pope to de- 
clare null the marriage his brother had contracted in America with- 
out the consent of his mother or his brother. Cardinal Fesch, the 
Emperor's uncle, was charged with the management of this affair, 
and spared no importunities to extort from the Pope the desired 
decision. The whole question hinged on this : could the Emperor 
prove that the decrees of the Council of Trent had been pub- 
lished at Baltimore, where the marriage was contracted ? If proof 
of this were forthcoming, the Pope would at once declare the 
marriage null and void; but if it could not be proved, then the 
marriage was perfectly valid, seeing that the defect of the consent 
of the parents was not an impedimentum dirimens, but only a 
civil disability in the eyes of the French law. The Cardinal 
relates that in the many letters written by the Emperor to the 
Pope during the course of this affair, he frequently insisted, and 
with extreme energy, on the fact that his brother's spouse was 
a Protestant, and he censured in the most abusive languge the 
Pontiff, who, as he said, was desirous of maintaining a heretic 
in a family every member of which was destined to mount a 






Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 305 

throne. The Pope's reply was, that although this difference of 
religion rendered the marriage unlawful, yet it did not make it 
invalid. After these letters, who could believe that as soon as 
the ecclesiastical authorities at Paris had declared the American 
marriage null and void, the Emperor would make Jerome marry 
another Protestant, the daughter of the King of Wurtemberg, 
and afterwards Queen of Westphalia ? 

Next came the great event of the journey of Pius VII. to 
Paris, to officiate at the coronation of the Emperor. One day 
a letter came to Rome from the Cardinal Caprera, then legate 
at Paris, containing an announcement as unexpected as it was im- 
portant. The Legate stated that the Emperor had summoned 
him to an audience, and had represented to him that all orders 
of the state, and the best friends of the Church, believed it 
likely to be of service to religion that he should be crowned by 
the Pope under his new title of Emperor of the French ; that 
this was also his own opinion ; that the state of France made it 
impossible for him to go to Rome to receive the diadem there, 
and that consequently the ceremony could not be performed un- 
less the Pontiff should consent to come to Paris for the purpose, 
as some of his predecessors had done ; that, by reason of the ad- 
vantages which would accrue from it to religion, the Pope would 
remain satisfied with his journey beyond all his hopes; that the 
matter should be laid at once before the Holy Father ; and in case 
he consented, that the government would forward a formal invi- 
tation with all the solemnity and pomp befitting such a guest 
and such a host. 

The imperial representations were backed by the Cardinal 
Legate's own remarks. He added that he was in a position to 
declare that great benefits would follow the Pope's compliance, 
whilst the worst consequences might be speedily expected from 
a refusal ; that a refusal would be felt very much, and would never 
be forgiven ; that excuses based on the health or the advanced 
age of the Pope, on the inconveniences of the journey, etc., 
would be looked upon as mere pretexts ; that a tardy reply would 
be equivalent to a refusal; and that it was idle to raise objections 
on the etiquette of the reception and sojourn at Paris, for the 
writer knew, on the best authority, that the reception of the Holy 
Father would equal, and even surpass, in magnificence all former 
occasions ; but the Emperor was not willing to undergo the hu- 
miliation of binding himself by a formal treaty to do that to which 
his own heart naturally inclined him. 

This proposal was of a nature to require the most careful con- 
sideration. The impetuous character of Napoleon made it easy 
to foresee what disastrous consequences might spring from a re- 
fusal ; and on the other hand, the state of European feeling to- 



306 Memoirs of my Ministry, by (Cardinal Consalvi. 

wards the Emperor was such as to convince any one that to 
accept the invitation was to provoke the indignation both of 
governments and of individuals. What was the Holy Father to do 
in such a crisis ? He did what the Popes have ever done ; call- 
ing to mind that human wisdom is weak at its best cogitationes 
mortalium timidae et incertae^ as he expressed it in his allocu- 
tion he implored from God light and help to the end that he 
might discover which of the two courses would better promote 
the honour and the interests of religion. He set aside all earthly 
influences, and refused to take counsel from human motives. He 
convoked the Sacred College, and laid before it the letters of the 
Cardinal Legate and of Cardinal Fesch, who, as French Am- 
bassador at Rome, had been charged by his government with 
the negociation. The Cardinals gave their opinion in writing, 
and by a majority declared that the invitation should be accepted. 
The Emperor had formally pledged his word that the journey 
would be productive of much good to religion, and it was 
thought the Pope could not refuse an invitation so expressed. 
A refusal would throw all the blame of the consequences on the 
Holy See, and it was of the last importance that no pretext for 
these calumnies should be afforded to the enemies of that See. 
Besides, all the Catholic powers of Europe, and many besides, 
had already recognized the new empire. In addition to these 
general reasons, there were two to which special weight was 
attached. The organic laws, and the installation of constitutional 
bishops, who had not retracted their errors, were two outrages 
upon religion in France, which caused perpetual grief to the Holy 
Father. The formal promises of Napoleon, coupled with the 
advantage of the Pope's presence in Paris, gave good grounds to 
hope that these two evils could be remedied if the Emperor's invi- 
tation were accented. It was not thought prudent, however, to 
accept the invitation in the dark, as it were, nor did the Emperor's 
verbal promises to the Legate, nor Cardinal Fesch's vague gene- 
ralities on the good of religion, inspire confidence enough. Be- 
fore the Pope would give his final consent, he determined to re- 
duce to something tangible and obligatory these vague indefinite 
promises of the French government. Cardinal Fesch advised 
that the Pope should exact, as a condition of his consent, the res- 
titution of the three Legations which France had torn from the 
States of the Church. But the pure soul of Pius VII. revolted 
against the idea of admitting any thought of temporal advan- 
tages ; not only did he reject the Cardinal's well-meant sugges- 
tion, but positively forbade him ever again to make mention of it. 
He refused to give his consent unless the French government 
would promise to withdraw the organic laws, and to abandon 
those of the constitutional bishops who should refuse to make 



Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 307 

a public and sincere retractation. It took four or five months of 
negociation to extort these promises from Napoleon. During 
that period Consalvi had daily conferences with Cardinal Fesch, 
whose warm temper frequently led to lively debates. At length 
M. de Talleyrand addressed an official note to the Cardinal 
Legate, in which it was expressly declared that as to the organic 
laws the Emperor would treat directly with the Holy Father, 
whose representations should be attended to in such a way as to 
give his Holiness the most complete satisfaction. The Emperor was 
ready to do even more than the Pope had asked ; and it was in- 
sinuated that he would be happy to listen with favour to any re- 
quests the Pope should make concerning his temporal interests. 
Touching the intruded bishops, M. de Talleyrand made large pro- 
mises, but their tenor was so vague that the Holy Father did not 
remain satisfied until he held in his hand a written promise that 
the constitutional bishops should make their retractation in the 
Pope's hands in the form prescribed by him, and that any who 
might refuse to do so should be forced to resign their sees. This 
point having been arranged, it was thought that the due regard 
for the majesty of the pontifical dignity demanded some other pre- 
cautions. The Holy Father felt that he ought not to expose his 
high office to insult or irreverence, and this consideration urged 
him to request some information as to the manner in which he 
was to be received at Paris by the Emperor. In his reply to 
the inquiries made on this point Talleyrand employed these re- 
markable words : " Between Pius the Seventh's journey to France, 
his reception there, his treatment, and the results which are to 
spring from it, and Pius the Sixth's journey to Vienna, there shall 
be as much difference as there is between Napoleon I. and Joseph 
II.". Another precaution judged necessary by Consalvi regarded 
the coronation itself. The later notes of Cardinal Fesch were 
remarkable for a strange variety of expressions. Instead of the 
word coronation (incoronazione), employed in the original invi- 
tation presented by the Cardinal Legate in the Emperor's name, 
the Cardinal Fesch had commenced to use the word consecration 
(consecrazione). Consalvi at once demanded the reason of this 
change, and Cardinal Fesch replied: "Beyond all doubt, the 
Pope is to crown the Emperor, but I believe there is to be a 
double coronation, one in the Church by the Pope, the other in 
the Champ de Mars by the Senate". The Pope at once sent a 
despatch to the Legate at Paris commanding him to signify to 
the Emperor that the Holy Father could not allow his Majesty 
to be crowned by other hands after he had been crowned by 
the Pope ; that a second coronation would be an insult to the 
dignity of the Head of the Church ; and that, consequently, if it 
were intended that the Emperor should be twice crowned, the 



308 Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 

Holy Father would not go to Paris at all. Talleyrand replied in 
an official note that the Emperor set too high a value on his coro- 
nation by the Pope to wish to receive a second diadem from the 
hands of others. 

The choice of those who were to form the suite of the Pontiff 
next came under discussion. The French government was 
anxious that the Pope should take with him twelve cardinals and 
a corresponding number of prelates and of Roman nobles. The 
Holy Father resolved to bring only four cardinals and four 
bishops, besides the prelates attached to his immediate service, 
such as his maggiordomo and his maestro di camera. The two 
Roman princes who Commanded the noble guard were to 
follow him. However, in deference to Cardinal Fesch's requests, 
he added to this little court the two cardinal deacons, Braschi 
and de Bayane. The other four cardinals were Antonelli, de 
Pietro, Borgia, and Caselli. 

To conduct these negociations to a happy issue was a task of 
immense difficulty. The Cardinal writes that while they were 
proceeding he had to bear what was almost intolerable, and what 
only his zeal for the interests of the Holy See could have made 
him brook. At length the decisive yes was spoken, at first confi- 
dentially, because no formal invitation was to be delivered until 
such time as all arrangements were completed. The French 
government at once announced the Pope's intended visit, in 
order that the publicity thus given to his promise might make 
any change of purpose impossible or very difficult. Having thus 
made himself sure of the presence of the Roman Pontiff at his 
coronation, Napoleon all at once changed his tone, and made the 
Pope feel how little respect he really had for the Head of the 
Church. Indeed, it was Cardinal Consalvi's deliberate opinion 
and after events show that he was correct in his judgment 
that the French government was fully determined never to carry 
out the promises which the Pope's minister had extorted from it. 
The formal invitation was couched in language that fell far short 
of the ancient formula used on similar occasions, and which the 
government had promised to employ. Then, instead of deputing 
ecclesiastics or great dignitaries to present the Emperor's letter 
to Pius VII., Napoleon sent through Brigadier-General Caffarelli 
a note so mean in every respect that the Holy Father was inclined 
to refuse to accept it. But as he had undertaken the journey for 
the good of the Church, he resolved to bear with calmness and 
patience whatever slights might be put upon him.^ He soon 
found abundant occasions for the exercise of these virtues.^ In 
the first place, he was forced to set out on his journey^with a 
precipitate speed that was equally unbecoming his dignity and 
injurious to his health. He left Rome on 2nd November, 1802, 



Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 309 

in order to arrive at Paris on the 27th or 28th; and during this 
long journey he was allowed to rest only twice once at Florence 
for a day or two, and again a day at Turin a few hours of re- 
pose being with difficulty permitted him at other places on the 
road. Besides, he was not even consulted about the day to be 
fixed for the ceremony, although common politeness should have 
suggested this mark of deference. " I will say nothing", says 
Consalvi, " of all the Pope had to suffer from the disrespect 
shown him in the capital; I will not speak of the manner in 
which Napoleon made his first appearance before his Holiness at 
Fontainebleau, in the midst of a pack of fifty hounds, as if going 
to or returning from the chase ; I will not tell how the Pope was 
made to enter Paris by night and in silence", in order that no eye 
might see the Emperor at the Pontiff's left, for being in his own 
carriage he was forced to yield the right to his guest. I will be 
silent as to how and why, on the day of the consecration, Napoleon 
made his Holiness wait a full hour and a half seated on the throne 
near the altar, and how all the arrangements which had been 
agreed on for the ceremony were set aside; I will not tell 
how the Emperor himself placed the crown on his own head, 
having rudely snatched it from the altar before the Pope stretched 
out his hand to take it up ; I will not tell how at the imperial 
banquet on that day the Pontiff was made to sit in the third 
place at the table where sat the Emperor, the Empress, and the 
Prince Elector of Ratisbon ; nor will I say a word of the second 
coronation which, contrary to solemn pledges, took place in the 
Champ de Mars, nor of the way in which Napoleon, although as 
it were in his own house, took the right of his Holiness on all 
occasions when they made their appearance together in public, 
nor of the little respect he showed him. He never paid him 
those marks of veneration which so many great kings and 
emperors have been proud to pay to the Sovereign Pontiffs. 
Finally, I will be silent about the humiliations which Pius VII. 
was made to undergo during the whole period of his sojourn. 
I have but enumerated these sufferings, to the end that all may 
understand how much virtue, moderation, and goodness the 
Pope had need of to follow the magnificent examples of self- 
abasement which the God whose vicar he was here below, has 
bequeathed to the world. I have wished, likewise, to expose 
conduct on which I will not allow myself to pass judgment, for 
I could not do so with becoming coolness and self-respect". 

These insults would have been more sweet to the Holy Father 
if he had been able to realise all the good he had promised him- 
self to achieve for religion at the price of his condescension. 
But here, too, he was disappointed. After many memorials on 
the subject to the Emperor, and after many interviews, he was 



310 Memoirs of my Ministry, by Cardinal Consalvi. 

forced to surrender all hopes of seeing the organic laws abolished. 
Napoleon was simply false to his solemn promises. Nor would 
the government fulfil its engagement to force the constitutional 
bishops to a retractation. But what the power of the state would 
not do, the force of the Pope's gentle virtues happily effected. 
He called the bishops several times to an audience; and his 
affectionate manners, his kind language, and the charm of his 
goodness, made such an impression on their minds, that they 
avowed their schism, and made a solemn retractation in the 
form prescribed by the Holy See. Nor did any one of them 
ever afterwards, by word or deed, give sign of their ancient 
errors. The Pope thus had the unspeakable delight of having, 
by his journey, extinguished that dangerous schism, to effect the 
destruction of which he had before agreed to the Concordat. 

We must pass over the other indignities which the Pope had 
to endure before he could effect his departure from Paris. It 
was while the Pope was his guest that the Emperor changed the 
Italian republic into the kingdom of Italy, taking formal posses- 
sion of the three Legations, and adding the pontifical keys to his 
coat of arms. He was also disrespectful enough to neglect his 
duties as host, by setting out for Italy before the Pope left his 
palace. He even compelled his Holiness to follow him, and wait 
at every post for the use of the horses which had been employed 
to draw the imperial carriages. He was too jealous to allow the 
Pope to officiate in public at any religious ceremony, even on 
Christmas Day, on which festival the Sovereign Pontiff had to 
go to the parish church to say a low Mass. Even the presents 
which he gave in return for the magnificent gifts which Pius 
VII. had brought from Rome, where Canova had selected them, 
were disgracefully mean, with the exception of a costly tiara, of 
which, however, the most precious jewel was a diamond taken 
from the pontifical tiaras under Pius VI., to pay the exactions of 
Tolentino. The newspapers were filled with the description of 
a wonderful altar, two rich carriages, and other splendid pre- 
sents; but these objects never found their way to the Pope. 

On his way home Pius VII. had the consolation of receiving 
back into the Church the famous Mgr. Ricci, whose name is so 
well known in connection with the Synod of Pistoia, This prelate 
made before the Pope a full and sincere retractation of all his 
errors. At length the Holy Father arrived at Rome amidst the 
enthusiasm of his subjects, who so soon were to be torn from him 
by the very man to do honour to whom he had undertaken and 
suffered so much. 



311 



THE UNITED DIOCESES OF CORK AND 
CLOYNE. 

As early as the year 1326, Pope John XXII. gave hig 
sanction to the contemplated union of the Dioceses of Cork and 
Cloyne. The Pontifical letter conveying this sanction bears date 
the 2nd of August, tenth year of his pontificate. The motive 
alleged by King Edward III. when soliciting this union, was the 
poverty of 'both sees. Cork is described as having a revenue of only 
sixty pounds per annum, and it is added that both sees " adeo in 
facultatibus et redditibus suis tenues et exiles sunt, quod earum 
praesules singulariter singuli ex eis nequeunt juxta episcopalis 
status decentiam commode sustentari". Nevertheless, this con- 
templated union was not carried into effect, and for more than 
one hundred years we find a distinct and regular succession of 
bishops in each see. It was only in 1430, when both sees hap- 
pened to be vacant at the same time, that Jordan, chancellor of 
Limerick, was appointed by Pope Martin V., first bishop of the 
united dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. , 

Thirty years later intelligence was conveyed to Pope Pius II. 
that this bishop, weighed down by the burden of eighty years, 
was no longer able to exercise his episcopal functions, the more 
so as he was subject to frequent infirmities, and suffered from an 
excessive weakness of sight. Hence, on 27th of May, 1461, we find 
William Roche (alias De Rupe) appointed auxiliary bishop of Dr. 
Jordan, with right of succession to the united sees. In the brief 
of appointment he is styled " Archdeacon of Cloyne, of noble 
lineage, distinguished by his zeal, prudence, and learning": 
" aliarumque virtutum donis quibus eum Altissimus insignivit" 
(Monument. Vatic., pag. 430). This prelate, however, was not 
pleasing to the aged bishop, whilst he was specially distasteful to 
the English monarch : and to restore peace to our southern see, 
Rome found it necessary, in the following year, to relieve Dr. 
Roche of the duties of auxiliary bishop. 

On the 31st of January, 1462-3, Gerald Fitzgerald was ap- 
pointed by the Sovereign Pontiff bishop of the united sees, 
vacant by the resignation of the aged Bishop Jordan. Many 
efforts were subsequently made to set aside this appointment; 
however, it was irrevocably recognized by Rome. The chief 
difficulty arose from the former coadjutor, Dr. Roche, who, 
finding the see now vacant by the resignation of Bishop Jordan, 
claimed it as belonging to him by that " right of succession" 
which had originally been accorded to him. It was only in De- 
cember, 1471, that this controversy was finally closed, when a 
letter was addressed by Pope Paul II. to the Archbishop of 



312 The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

Cashel, commanding him to put Gerald Fitzgerald in full pos- 
session of all the temporalities of the united sees. Peace being 
thus restored, Dr. Fitzgerald remained in undisturbed possession 
till his death in 1479. William Roche, by his submission to 
the former decisions of the Holy See, merited to be appointed 
his successor; thus all rival claims were happily adjusted, and 
Dr. Roche for eleven years continued to administer this see. 
When at length he resigned the arduous charge, Thady Mechar 
or Maher was appointed the next bishop in 1490. Most of the 
temporalities of the see, however, were seized on by the Fitz- 
maurices and other southern chieftains ; so much so that Pope 
Innocent VIII. was obliged to issue a brief on the 18th of July, 
1492, commanding these parties under the usual penalties to 
desist from their iniquitous usurpation. The Pontiffs letter thus 
begins : 

" Dudum Corkagensi et Clonensi Ecclesiis invicem canonice unitis, 
tune certis modis vacantibus, nos illis de persona Ven. fratris nostri 
Thadei Episcopi Corkagensis et Clonensis, nobis et fratribus nostris, 
ob suorum exigentiam meritorum, accepta, de fratrum eorumdem 
consilio apostolica duximus auctoritate providendum. . . . Cum 
autem, sicut non absque gravi animi displicentia accepimus, nonnulli 
iniquitatis filii videlicet Mauritius comes de Simonie, ac Willelmus 
Barri, ac Edmundus Mauritii de Gerardinis et communitas civitatis 
Corkagiae necnon universitas civitatis Yoghilliae Clonensis Dioecesis 
ipsorumque comitis et Willelmi ac Edmundi fratres eorumque ac 
civitatis et universitatis praedictorum subditi, necnon Philippus 
O'Ronayn, clericus Corkagensis Dioecesis, nescitur quo spiritu ducti, 
ipsum Thadeum Episcopum, quominus possessionem regiminis et 
administrationis ac bonorum dictarum Ecclesiarum assequi potuerit 
atque possit, multipliciter molestare et perturbare, Dei timore post- 
posito non cessaverint", etc. (Mon. Vatic., pag. 506). 

The temporalities of Cork and Cloyne were in great part gifts 
and grants from the various branches of the Geraldine family, 
and hence it was that these southern chieftains were now un- 
willing to see them pass into the hands of a stranger. The death 
of Bishop Thady put an end to the controversy. He himself 
had been in Rome when the decree of Pope Innocent was made : 
and on his journey homeward he was seized with a mortal dis- 
temper, which, in a few days, hurried him to his grave in the 
month of October, 1492, in the town of Eporedia, now Ivrea, 
in Piedmont, where his mortal remains were deposited in the 
chapel of St. Eusebius. As great miracles were performed by 
his intercession, he is venerated at Ivrea as Blessed. 

His successor's name was Gerald, but we only know of him 
that he was implicated in the rebellion of Per kin Warbeck, for 
which he received a pardon from the crown in 1496. He re- 
signed his bishopric in 1499, and John FitzEdmund was next 



The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 313 

appointed to these sees, by brief of 26th June the same year. 
During twenty-one eventful years he continued to administer 
the united dioceses, and on his death we find the following 
letter addressed from Dublin by the Earl of Surrey, lord deputy, 
to Cardinal Wolsey, who was at this time at the zenith of his 
power in the court of King Henry : 

" Pleaseth your Grace to understand that the Bishop of Cork 13 
dead ; and great suit is made to me to write for men of this country. 
Some say it is worth two hundred marks per annum, some say more. 
My poor advice would be that it should be bestowed on some English- 
man. The Bishop of Leighlin, your servant, having both, methinks 
he might do good service here. I beseech your Grace let none of 
this country have it, nor none other but such as will dwell thereon, 
and such as are able and willing to speak and ruffle when need shall 
be". (State Papers, vol. ii. page 43). 

This letter is dated Dublin, 27th August, 1520, and whatever 
may have been the cause, another recommendation was transmit- 
ted in the following month by the same lord deputy in favour 
of Walter Wellesley. Both these recommendations, however, 
were without success, and we meet with a Bishop Patrick, whose 
name sufficiently indicates the land of his birth, holding these 
sees in the year 1521. His episcopate was short: as Cotton re- 
marks, " he probably sat only for a year or two". In the State 
Papers Cork is again described as vacant on the 25th of April, 
1522 : and before the close of that year John Bennett was ap- 
pointed by the Holy See, successor of Saint Finbarr. He chose 
for his place of residence the collegiate establishment of Youghal, 
which had originally been founded by his family, and at his 
death he too endowed it with a great part of his own paternal 
property. Brady in his Records has registered several interest- 
ing memorials connected with this ancient Collegiate Church of 
Youghal. The catalogue of its books, drawn up in the year 1490, 
especially deserves attention, as it reveals to us what was the 
literary store treasured up in an humble religious house in a 
country town of our island at a supposed period of ignorance 
and barbarism. Besides several books of devotion and tracts 
on the decretals and canon law, there were eight Missals, five 
of which are described as " missalia pulchra pergameni". There 
was also the Life of Christ, by Ludolf of Saxony, now so rare, 
the Letters of St. Jerome, the Works of St. Gregory the Great, 
the Summa of St. Thomas, and a number of treatises by St. 
Bonaventure, the Master of Sentences, St. Antoninus, and others. 
The Sacred Scriptures had a specially prominent place; there 
were five psalters for the use of the choir, and twelve other copies 
of the Bible. One of these is entitled " Una Biblia Tripartita, 
et alia parvae quantitatis" : another was the Old and New Testa- 



314 Tlie United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

ment, with the gloss of Nicholas de Lyra, " in five volumes" ; and 
then there are "quatuor Evangelistae, glossati, in quatuor volumi- 
nibus", and " unum volumen in quo continentur parabolae Salo- 
monis, libri Sapientiae, Canticorura, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus", 
etc. Some of the works of this little library, if now preserved, 
would be invaluable for illustrating the antiquities of our island. 
There was one " antiquum martiroloojium" ; also a volume called 
" Petrus de Aurora, artis versificatoriae", is described as " mire 
exauratum": again, " Apparatus Magistri Johannis de Anthon 
super constitutiones Ottoboni" : whilst another small volume was 
enriched, amongst other things, " cum quibusdam historiis provin- 
ciae Hiberniae". An addition was made to this library in 1523, 
consisting, probably, of the Books of Dr. Bennett. It will suffice 
to mention two of these works, viz., " Liber meditationum 
sancti Bonaventurae cum aliis meditationibus et cnronicis Geral- 
dinorum", and " Biblia de impressione, in rotunda forma, in 
manu Joannis Cornelii" (Records^ etc., London, 1864, vol. 3, pag. 
319, seqq.). 

Dr. Bennett died in the year 153|, and at his death enriched 
the chantry of St. Mary's with some ancestral lands in Yoijghal 
and its neighbourhood (Ulster Journal of Arch., April, 1854). 
Henry VIII. appointed Dominick Tirrey to the vacant see, but 
the reigning Pontiff refused to recognize this nomination, and 
chose a Franciscan named Lewis MacNamara as successor to 
Dr. Bennett. The brief of his appointment to Cork and Cloyne 
is dated 24th September, 1540. This prelate, however, soon after 
his consecration was summoned to a better world, and on the 
5th of November, the same year, another brief was expedited 
appointing John Hoyeden, (which name is probably a corrup- 
tion for O'h-Eidhin, i.e. O'Heyne; see O'Donovan, Book of 
Rights, pag. 109), a canon of Elphin, bishop of the united 
dioceses. From the consistorial acts we learn that he was im- 
peded by the crown nominee from taking possession of the tem- 
poralities of his see, and hence on the 25th February, 1545, he 
received the administration of his native diocese. The following 
is the consistorial record : 

Die 20 Feb., 1545. S. Sanctitas providit Ecclesiae Elphinensi 
de persona Joannis Episcopi Corcagiensis et Clunensis (sic) qui re- 
giminis et administrationis Corcagensis et Clunensis Ecclesiarum 
invicem unitarum possessionem eo quod a schismaticis et iis qui a 
Catholica fide defecerunt occupatae detinentur assequi non potuit, 
nee de proximo assequi speret : ita quod, propter hoc, eisdem Cor- 
cagensi et Clunensi Ecclesiis praesse non desinat sed tarn Elphin- 
ensi quam Corcagensi et Clunensi Ecclesiis hnjusmodi ad sex men- 
ses a die habitae per eum pacificae possessions seu quasi regiminis", 
etc. (sic). 



The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 315 

It was probably impossible for Dr. O'Heyne to obtain posses- 
sion of the temporalities of his see till the accession of Queen 
Mary. Even then he must have held them only for a little 
while, as the royal letter granting these temporalities to Roger 
Skiddy is dated 18th of September, 1557. A curious record of 
the period gives us an accurate idea of the possessions of the re- 
ligious houses in the vicinity of Cork : it is a pardon granted to 
William Bourman for alienating the property of the house of the 
Friars Preachers, situated in the suburbs of Cork, and the pro- 
perty thus alienated is described as " the site, circuit, and pre- 
cinct of the monastery, the church, belfry, closes (perhaps this is 
for clausurd), halls and dormitories, castles, messuages, lands, 
buildings, gardens, mills, and other hereditaments thereunto be- 
longing, an orchard, three gardens, a water-mill, a parcel of mea- 
dows containing half a stang, a fishing pool, a salmon weir, three 
acres called the half scaghbeg, ten acres in Rathminy, and twenty 
acres in Galliveyston" (Morrin, i. 374). 

The next Bishop appointed to the united sees of Cork and 
Cloyne was Roger Skiddy, who for some time had held the 
dignity of Dean of Limerick. Queen Mary's letter ordering the 
restitution of the temporalities to him, is dated the 18th of 
September, 1557, and it adds that her Majesty " had addressed 
letters commendatory to his Holiness the Pope a good while sifice 
in his favour, and it was hoped he should shortly receive his Bull 
and expedition from his Holiness" (76., i. 377). Letters patent 
granting the temporalities to him were issued on 2nd November 
the same year (/>., i. 373, and Brady, Records, iii. 46), and it 
is probable that the Bulls from the Holy See were expedited 
during the interval ; for, in an original memorandum preserved 
in the State Paper Office, London, the remark is made that 
" the Queen's letters were sent to the Bishop of Rome, and the 
Bulls were returned thence for the bishoprick of Cork" (Shirley, 
pag. 115). Nevertheless, this Bishop was not consecrated, neither 
did he receive possession of the temporalities during the life-time 
of Queen Mary, although her death did not take place till the 
17th of November, 1558. For some time after the accession of 
Queen Elizabeth, no mention was made of the See of Cork and 
Cloyne, till on 31st of July, 1562, her Majesty wrote to the Earl 
of Sussex and the Lord Chancellor, " directing the admission of 
Roger Skiddy to the bishopricks of Cork and Cloyne, to which 
he had been previously elected" (Ibid., 472) ; accordingly, on the 
29th of October, 1562, this dignitary was admitted to possession 
of the temporalities, and a mandate was issued for his consecra- 
tion, bearing the same date. In his writ of restitution to the 
temporalities was inserted a retrospective clause, that he should 
have possession of them from the time of his first advancement 



316 The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

by Queen Mary. Whether Dr. Skiddy was actually consecrated 
or not, no record has been preserved to us, and his consecration 
in virtue of such a royal mandate would be wholly uncanonicai 
and schismatical. No doubt, however, seems to be entertained 
of his orthodoxy and devotedness to the Catholic faith : and in 
1567, unwilling to lend his name to the religious novelties which 
the government of the day wished to propagate in the kingdom, 
he resigned the bishoprick and retired to Youghal, where for 
several years he devoted his undivided attention to prepare for a 
happy eternity. 

Nicholas Landes was appointed bishop of this see in con- 
sistory of 27th of February, 156f. The consistorial entry is 
curious, as it omits all mention of Dr. Skiddy, and describes the 
see as vacant by the death of Dr. John O'Heyne. 

"Die 27 Februarii, J1568 : referente Revmo. Cardinal! Alciato 
S. Sanctitas providit Ecclesiae Corcagiensi et Cloinensi invicem 
unitis, per obitum bonae memoriae Joannis Jadican, ultimi Episcopi 
vacanti, de persona Rev. D. Nicolai Landes, Hiberni et litteris Epis- 
coporum Catholicorum ejusdem Provinciae atque etiam testimonio 
Reverendi Patris Wolf S. I. commendati cum retentione rectoriae 
cum cura donee possessionem Episcopatus adeptus fuerit". 

A suggestion has been made that the name Landes is a cor- 
ruption for some other original name. Such errors in names 
are certainly very frequent in the consistorial entries of our Irish 
Bishops : still, two distinct copies of the consistorial acts (viz., 
the Corsinian and the Vallicelliari) retain the present name 
without variation ; and what is still more important, the Brief 
appointing his successor, Dr. Tanner, in 1574, describes the see 
as then vacant per obitum Nicolai Landes. Moreover, the name 
Landey was no novelty in the ecclesiastical records of Ireland 
in the sixteenth century, an Abbot Landey having held the 
monastery of St. Mary's, Dublin, during Henry VIII.'s reign, as 
we learn from the first volume of Morrin's Records. 

Dr. Edmund Tanner was next appointed to Cork and Cloyne 
by brief of 5th November, 1574. There are some peculiar 
passages in this brief, which merit our attention. Thus it de- 
scribes Dr. Tanner as "in Theologia Magistrum, de legitimo 
matrimonio procreatum, in quinquagesimo aetatis anno et pres- 
byteratus ordine constitutum, qui fidem Catholicam juxta arti- 
culos dudum a Sede Apostolica emanates professus fuit, cuique 
de vitae munditia, honestate morum, spiritualium providentia et 
temporalium circumspectione, aliisque multiplicum virtutum 
donis fide digna testimonia perhibentur". Subsequently, ad- 
dressing the clergy and faithful of the united sees, the brief 
continues : 

" Dilectis filiis capitulis et vassallis dictarum Ecclesiarum et populo 



The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 317 

Corkagen. et Clonen. civitatum et Diocesium, per Apostolica scripta 
mandamus, quatenus capitula tibi tamquam patri et pastori ani- 
marum suarum humiliter intendentes exhibeant tibi obedieritiam et 
reverentiam debitas et devotas : ac clerus te pro nostra et sedis 
Apostolicae reverentia benigne recipientes et honorifice pertractantes, 
tua salubria monita et mandata suscipiant humiliter et efficaciter 
adimplere procurent : populus vero te tamquam patrem et pastorem 
animarum suarum devote suscipientes et debita honorificentia pro- 
sequentes, tuis monitis et mandatis salubribus humiliter iutendant. 
Itaque tu in eis devotionis nlios, et ipsi in te per consequens 
patrem benevolum invenisse gaudeatis". 

Moreover, this is the first occasion on which I have found 
the following clause inserted in the Bull of appointment to 
the Irish Sees: 

" Volumus autem, ut occasio et materia tibi auferatur vagandi, 
quod extra Corkagen. et Clonen. civitates illarumque Dioeceses 
etiam de licentia Episcoporum locorum ordinariorum Pontificalia 
officia exercere nequeas, decernentes irritum et inane quidquid secus 
per te actum et gestum fuerit" (Ex Secret. Brevium Romae). 

Dr. Tanner was consecrated bishop in Rome, and subse- 
quently tarried during the winter months in the Eternal City, 
laying up spiritual treasures for his future mission. On the 10th 
of April, 1575, special faculties were granted to him, and he 
was, moreover, empowered to exercise them not only in his own 
united Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne, but also " throughout the 
whole Province of Dublin, of which he was a native (universae 
provinciae Dublinensis ex qua exoriundus), as well as throughout 
the whole province of Munster, so long as the various Archbishops 
and Bishops were obliged by the fury of the persecution to be ab- 
sent from their respective sees (Ex. Sec. Brev.). About the 
middle of May the same year, he set out from the Seven Hills 
to assume the charge assigned to him, and the great Pontiff 
Gregory XIII. wished to accompany him with the following 
commendatory letter, dated 12th of May, 1575: 

" Universis et singulis Episcopis atque aliis Praelatis ad quos hae 
nostrae litterae pervenerint, salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. 

" Ut Nos commendatissdmos habemus viros eos quos pietate atque 
integritate praestare intelligimus, sic cupimus eos nostris in Christo 
fratribus ac filiis esse summopere commendatos, huncque animum 
cum omnibus pietate et virtute praeditis turn vero venerabilibus 
fratribus Episcopis ut ordine ipso sic charitate Nobis conjunctissimis 
Nos debere cognoscimus. In his est venerabilis frater Edmundus 
Episcopus Corcagiensis qui a Nobis discedit ut in patriam revertatur. 
Erit igitur Nobis gratissimum, si eum in hac peregrinatione quam 
commendatissimum habebitis, vestroque ubi opus esse intelligetis 
favore complectemini : Datum Romae apud S. Petrum sub annulo 
Piscatoris die 12 Maii 1575, Pontif. Nostri an. tertio". Theiner, 
Annals, ii. 133). 

VOL. 7. 22 



318 Thv United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

This worthy bishop, during four years, endured the toils and 
sufferings of his perilous ministry. The Vatican list of 1579 
represents the see " Corchagiensis et Clonensis" as still presided 
over by a canonically appointed bishop : and another list of the 
clergy who were then engaged in the exercise of their sacred 
ministry in Ireland presents first of all the name " Reverendis- 
sinrus Edmundus Epus. Corchagiensis, pulsus tamen Episcopatu". 
In this last named list we also find commemorated: " Thomas 
Moreanus Decanus Corchagiensis" : and again, " P. Carolus Lens 
et P. Robertus Rishfordus, ambo Societatis Jesu, qui in variis 
locis docent litteras sub cura et mandate Reverendissimi Corcha- 
giensis". Soon after, however, on the 4th of June, 1579, Dr. 
Tanner was summoned to receive the reward of his zeal and 
labours. 

His successor was Dermitius Graith, who was proposed for 
the first time in the consistory of 7th October, 1580, and whose 
election was definitely confirmed on the llth of the same month. 
The following is the consistorial entry: 

"Die 11 Octobris, 1580, Cardinalis Ursinus praenunciavit Ec- 
clesias Corkagien. et Cloinen, invicem unitas in Provincia cuidam 
principi Catholico subjecta, pro Hyberno scholari Collegii Germanici". 

In the list of the Irish clergy above referred to, under the 
heading ** qui sunt extra Hiberniam", is mentioned Darmisius 
Craticus, who is described as studying in Rome, and in his thir- 
tieth year. He is subsequently again mentioned among those who 
might be destined for the Irish mission, and it is there added 
that he was a native of Munster, and though he was^skilled in both 
the English and Irish languages, he was more conversant with 
the Irish: "melius loquitur Hibernice". From the consistorial 
acts we further learn that he applied himself to sacred studies 
in the illustrious college which had been founded a few years 
before for the purpose of supplying missioners to Germany and 
other countries suffering from the oppression of heresy, and among 
his companions in its hallowed halls was Nicholas Skerrett, 
who was destined to be sharer of his missionary toils and perils 
as Archbishop of Tuam. 

Dr. Graith was one of the most illustrious missioners who 
laboured in our Irish Church during the sixteenth century ; and, 
as Peter Lombard informs us, was at one time the only 
bishop in the province of Munster. Soon after his arrival in our 
island, the agents of heresy mainly directed their efforts towards 
his apprehension, and so chagrined were they at his escape that 
they even accused Sir John Perrot of having secretly favoured him 
and thus baffled their designs. In a memorial presented to 
government in 1592, " Doctor Creagh, Bishop of Cloyne and 
Cork", appears first on the list of those who in Munster were 



The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 319 

enemies of the Elizabethan rule, having lived " in the country 
these eleven or twelve years past, without pardon or protection, 
consecrating churches, making priests", etc. ; and it is further 
added that " he did more evil", that is, he was more zealous in 
propagating our holy faith, even " than Dr. Sanders in his time" 
(see Essays, etc., by Rev. Dr. M'Carthy, pag. 424). Another 
State Paper, being a letter from the Lord Deputy to Lord 
Burghley, in England, dated 17th May, 1593, gives us the fol- 
lowing particulars : 

" We have laboured with all possible endeavours with the Earl of 
Tirone, as well by private conference as by our sending letters, for 
the apprehension of the titular bishops remaining in these parts ; yet 
can we by no means prevail, though it is very well known to us that 
the earl might have done great and acceptable service therein, on ac- 
couiit of the friendship between him, O'Donell, and Maguire Ma- 
guire being cousin-germain, and altogether at his service, and, as 
report goeth, either hath or is to marry the earl's daughter. And as 
in this I made bold, I humbly pray your lordship's pardon, to state 
what little success hath followed of the great shams of service made 
by the Archbishop of Cashel and Richard Power, rather in regard for 
their own benefit and to serve their own turns, than for any perfor- 
mance of actions at all. Upon the Archbishop's coming over they 
pretended a plot, both for the getting of great sums of money for her 
Majesty and for the apprehension of Dr. Creaghe, to the second of 
which we rather first hearkened, but in the end nothing was done 
more than to spend so much time, and an open show, as it were, made 
to the world how that traitor was sought and laid for, whereby the 
other traitorous titular bishops might take warning to be the more 
wary upon their keeping" (S. P. O.). 

The accusation which is here made against the unfortunate 
Miler MacGrath, Protestant Archbishop of Cashel, had probably 
more foundation than the Lord Deputy imagined; and whilst 
much noise was made for the arrest of our Bishop Dermitius, in- 
telligence of all such schemes was communicated to him by 
Miler himself. One letter of MacGrath to his ** loving wile 
Any" is preserved in the S. P. O., dated from Greenwich, the 
26th of June, 1592, in which he writes: "I have already 
resolved you in my mind touching my cousin Darby Creagh, and 
I desire you now to cause his friends to send him out of the 
whole country if they can, or if not to send (to him) my orders, 
for that there is such search to be made for him that unless he be 
wise he shall be taken". 

On the 31st of October, 1595, a brief was addressed to " Der- 
mitio Episcopo Corcagiensi", commissioning him to grant some 
ecclesiastical livings to Owen MacEgan, who a few years later 
became illustrious in the annals of our church as Vicar Apostolic 
of Ross. (See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, vol. i., p. 110). In 

22 B 



320 The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

1599 Dr. Graith was visited by the Franciscan Father Mooney, 
who in his History of the Order, commemorating this visit, des- 
cribes the bishop as " vir valde prudens et in rebus agendis ver- 
satus". This must have been a period of harrowing anxiety for 
the worthy bishop. His diocese was laid waste by fire and 
sword, the Irish chieftains driven to arms by the iniquitous policy 
of the agents of Elizabeth, having made the southern districts of 
Ireland the theatre of their struggle. Dr. Graith shared the 
perils of their camp, ministering to them the comforts of religion. 
One of his hair-breadth escapes is thus described in the Hibernia 
Pacata, pag. 190 : 

" The Earl of Thomond, Sir George Thornton, and Captain Roger 
Harvey, with their companies, following the direction of their guide, 
were conducted to Lisbarry, a parcel of Drumfinnin woods. No sooner 
were they entered into the fastness, than presently the sentinels who 
were placed in the outskirts of the wood, raised the cry which it 
would seem roused the Earl of Desmond and Dermod MacCraghe,the 
Pope's Bishop of Cork, who were lodged there in a poor ragged cabin. 
Desmond fled away barefoot, having no leisure to pull on his shoes, 
and was not discovered ; but MacCraghe was met by some of the 
soldiers clothed in a simple mantle, and with torn trousers like an aged 
churl, and they neglecting so poor a creature, not able to carry a 
weapon, suffered him to pass unregarded". 

This happened in the month of November, 1600. 

It was on the 30th March that year, that O'Neill and the 
other Irish princes addressed a letter in common to the Sove- 
reign Pontiff, unfolding to him the miseries which laid desolate 
our island, attesting too their resolute desire to combat for the 
Catholic faith, and to promote the interests of Holy Church, and 
petitioning in fine, that the vacant sees of the province of Mun- 
ster might be filled by those who were recommended by the 
Bishop of Cork and Cloyne : they add that the only bishop then 
in the southern province was " Reverendissimus Corcagiensis et 
Cloanensis qui senio et labore jam paene est confectus" ; and as a 
special motive why the Holy See should not delay to make these 
appointments to the vacant dioceses, they write : " Hoc eo confi- 
dentius petimus quia qui electi conservati et ad nos dimissi fuerunt 
a vestra sacrosancta Sede, ad vacuas his in partibus sedes occn- 
pandas, a nobis pro viribus, in iisdem Dei gratia defenduntur, 
ut gregibus sibi commissis tuto invigilare queant". Original 
Letter in Hib. Pacat., page 311. 

The next notice that we find of our aged Bishop is in the ap- 
pointment of Luke Archer to administer the see of Leighlin 
during the absence of its Bishop Ribera, on whose death, in 
1604, the same Luke Archer was constituted Vicar- Apostolic of 
that see. From the words used by Harty when registering 



The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 321 

this appointment made by our Bishop, we may conclude that 
Dr. Graith, as his predecessor, had received special faculties 
from Rome not only for his own diocese, but also for the province of 
Leinster. " Dermitius Chrah (he writes), Corcagiensis et Clonen- 
sis tune Episcopus apostolica auctoritate qui fulserat". 

As regards the precise period of Dr. Graith's death, no record 
has come down to us. Mooney, the Franciscan annalist, merely 
attests that " he lived for some time subsequent to 1599". Dr. 
Matthews, who was consecrated bishop of Clogher in 1609, 
reckons him amongst the bishops who survived Elizabeth, 
and lived for some years " aliquibus annis" under James I. 
This would lead us to conclude that his life was prolonged till 
the year 1605. O'Sullivan Beare, writing in 1618, leaves us in 
a like uncertainty, as he refers his death in general terms to the 
first year of the seventeenth century, after an episcopate, of more 
than twenty years. The eulogy, however, passed upon this bishop 
by O'Sullivan Beare deserves to be cited in full : 

" Catholicorum infelicitati adscribendum est", he writes, " quod 
sub id tempus fato functus sit vir integerrimus atque clarissimus 
Dermysius Mac Carrhus, Corcaghae et Clueniae Episcopus, qui annos 
viginti et amplius in hac insula in fide retinenda magnopere insu- 
davit, dumque bellum hoc gerebatur, movendis Catholicorum animis, 
ut Christianam pietatem armis defenderent, multum studii et laboris 
impendit : cujus interitu Ibernorum concordia non minima parte 
elanguit. Quae ob merita in Dei ecclesiam et Iberniae regnum 
collata, cum ejus caput Angli diu frustra impetiverint, tandem illius 
interfectori vel deprehensori grandem pecuniae summam consti- 
tuerunt, quin etiam tain inexpiabili odio eum prosequuti sunt ut 
illius etiam consanguineos labelactare non destiterint. Ex quibus 
Thomam MacCrachum antistitis nepotem ex fratre Thoma deprehen- 
sum ad fidem Catholicain deserendam cogere et praemiis et terrore 
sunt conati : qua spe dejecti magni et maxime Catholici ammi -virum 
securi percusserunt. Sed quoniam in episcopi mentionem incidimus, 
illud ejus magnum atque rarum mirum nequeo silentio praeterire 
quod chirographum vix male eifingeret, aliam vero ne litteram quidem 
unam visus sit unquam scribere, cum tamen adeo disertus atque 
sapiens evaserit ut doctor in utroque jure creatus sacram Theologian! 
Lovaniae annos aliquot publice sit professus, quippe tanto ingenii 
acumine tamque felici memoria pollebat ut ne discipulus quidem 
necesse habuerit lectionem notis excipere, et de doctrina Christiana 
libellum Ibernice scriptum posteris reliquerit, cujus praeceptis in 
hunc usque diem juventus in ea insula excolitur" (Hist. Cath., pag. 
223). 

We may now inquire who were the individuals chosen by 
Elizabeth to hold the temporalities of Cork and Cloyne during 
this interval. The first Protestant bishop of these sees was 
Richard Dixon, a chaplain of the Lord Deputy Sydney. The 



322 The United Dioceses of Cork and Cloyne. 

see in 1568 had received a Catholic appointment, but it was only 
on the 17th of May, 1570, that Elizabeth wrote to the Lord 
Deputy : " We are pleased that Richard Dixon, being by you 
very well commended for his learning and other qualities, shall 
have the bishoprics of Cork and Cloyne" (Morrin, i. p. 539). 
Nevertheless, the prelate thus warmly commended was, on the 
7th of March, 1571, sentenced by a royal commission to perform 
public penance in the Cathedral of Christ Church, Dublin, 
which penance, adds the government record, he went through 
in hypocrisy and pretence of amendment; wherefore, on the 7th 
of November following, the same commission proceeded to de- 
pose him from his Protestant episcopal functions, declaring him 
guilty of public immorality and other crimes. (See Brady 
Records, iii. 47). Mathew Sheyn, or Shehan, was the next 
episcopal incumbent chosen by Elizabeth : only two events are 
commemorated to mark his episcopate: 1. that in 1575 " he 
leased away the whole see of Cloyne for ever for five marks per 
annum"; and 2. that in October, 1578, he made public display 
of his impiety by consigning to the flames at the high cross of 
Cork a statue of St. Dominick, long held in veneration by the 
faithful of that city (Ibid., pag. 49). The next Protestant 
Bishop, William Lyons, combined in his commission the sees of 
Cork, Cloyne, and Ross. We have already spoken of this dig- 
nitary under the head of Ross (Record, vol. i. pag. 110-1): we 
will now only add that his chief enmity seemed directed against 
the faithful of Timoleague. Already in 1589 he had destroyed a 
portion of its venerable monastery to erect a house with the ma- 
terials. In 1612 he resolved to complete his work of destruc- 
tion ; for intelligence was conveyed to him that a large con- 
course of Catholics had assembled there to assist at midnight 
Mass on the great Christmas festival Though advanced in years, 
he set out with a troop of soldiers to punish these offenders ; 
however, he had proceeded only a little way from the city when 
he was seized with such violent pains throughout his whole 
body that he was obliged to desist from his undertaking. During 
the five remaining years of his life he displayed less violence 
against the Catholics, and to his dying day he retained a lively 
memory of his Christmas excursion to Timoleague (Mooney's 
MS. Hist., p. 49). 



323 



THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE, 
ii. 

We have seen in a former article that the Catholic Church 
was the careful guardian and zealous propagator of the original 
texts of the inspired volume. We now proceed to show that 
her missionaries and her most devoted sons were most earnest 
in communicating its sacred truths to all the faithful, by dif- 
fusing throughout the various nations of Christendom untainted 
and authentic versions of the Holy Scripture. This assertion 
must be proved not by theory but by facts. In producing these 
facts our task will be comparatively easy, on account of the many 
able and interesting essays which have already been published, 
in illustration of this subject. 

At the very time that Luther and his followers were engaged 
in declaiming against Holy Church, and in withdrawing so many 
of her children from the hallowed fold, the words of a Prophet 
were first echoed on the shores of a new world: " quam pulchri 
pedes evangelizantium pacem, evangelizantium bona". The 
losses of the Church in Europe were more than counterbalanced 
by her gains among the new nations of America, whose fervour 
and faith formed a striking contrast to the frenzy and irreligion of 
the sophists of Germany. Now no sooner were these western chil- 
dren summoned to the bosom of the Church than versions of 
the Sacred Scripture were made for their use, in their yet uncouth 
and unpolished tongues, by the missionaries of the Cross. Bene- 
dict Fernandez, a Spanish Dominican Friar (writes the Protes- 
tant Home), being appointed Vicar of Mixteca, in New Spain, 
translated the Epistles and Gospels into the dialect spoken in 
that province. Didacus de S. Maria, another Dominican and 
Vicar of the province of Mexico (who died in 1579), was the 
author of a translation of the Epistles and Gospels into the Mexi- 
can tongue, or general language of the country. The Proverbs 
of Solomon and other fragments of the Holy Scriptures were 
translated into the same language by Louis Rodriguez, a Spanish 
Franciscan Friar ; and the Epistles and Gospels appointed to 
be read for the whole year were translated into the idiom 
of the western Indians, by Arnold a Basaccio, also a Fran- 
ciscan Friar" (Introduction, vol. ii. pag. 120). Besides these 
various Mexican versions, there were others which escaped 
the researches of Mr. Home. Thus, for instance, within the 
past years was printed the " Evangeliarium, Epistolarium, 
et Lectionarium Aztecum", composed nearly three centu- 
ries and a half ago by a Spanish Franciscan named Bernar- 
dine Sahagyn. This zealous religious entered on his mis- 
sionary career in Mexico about the year 1520, and for sixty 



324 The Church and the Bible. 

years devoted himself to the spiritual culture of that new vine- 
yard of God. He was not inattentive at the same time to 
the literature and ancient monuments of the Aztec race, and 
his name is well known to Mexican antiquarians for his re- 
searches regarding the language, history, and antiquities of the 
New World. Lord Kingsborough, in the seventh volume of 
his great work, published the Historia Universal de las Cosas 
de Nueva Espana, composed "by our Franciscan about the year 
1550, and his version of the Sacred Scripture, when first 
announced to the literary world, was thus described by M. 
Beltram: " J' ai une trouvaille a vous montrer, la plus interres- 
sante, je crois, de toutes celles que vous avez deja vues . , 
. . on y voit un beau reste de 1'illustre philanthrope et moinc 
Bernardino de Sahagun" (Le Mexique, vol. ii. pag. 167. Paris, 
1830). Nevertheless, this version was destined to remain still 
thirty years a hidden treasure, and it was only in 1858 that 
its publication was commenced in Milan by the accomplished 
Mexican scholar Biondelli. From the introduction of the 
learned editor we learn that Bernardino's version comprised 
almost all the New Testament and a portion of the Old, and that 
its date was anterior to those commemorated by Mr. Home, the 
manuscript from which the text was printed having been copied 
in the year 1530. (See Evangeliarium, etc., ex antique codice 
Mexica.no nuper invento depromptum. Milan, 1858, 4to, page 
xlix. 576). 

Returning to the old continent, the first country which we 
meet is our own beloved land. Now was the Bible a sealed 
Book in our Catholic island, and were our sainted fathers ene- 
mies of, or strangers to, its inspired truths ? Oh ! ask the great 
apostle of North England, St. Aidan, whose disciples, as Bede 
informs us, " whether they were of the clergy or of the laity, were 
bound to exercise themselves either in reading the Scriptures or 
in learning the Psalms" (Hist. EccL, iii. 5). Ask St. Livinus, 
" who", as his ancient biographer relates, " was trained up from 
his youth by his holy Master, Benignus, in singing David's 
Psalms, and reading the holy Gospels". Ask St. Columbanus, 
in whose " breast the treasures of the Holy Scriptures were so 
laid up, that within the compass of his youthful years he set 
forth an elegant exposition of the Book of Psalms" ( Vita, cap. 
2) ; or ask the Northumbrian King Alfred, of whom Bede again 
writes that, " residing in Ireland, he imbibed there celestial 
wisdom in his attentive soul, and became a man most learned in 
the Scriptures : having left his native country and his pleasant 
fields, that in diligent exile he might learn the mystery of godli- 
ness". St. Furse, from his youth, was taught to drink in 
heavenly wisdom at the sacred source of the inspired volume. 



The Church and the Bible. 325 

St. Columbanus expressly exhorts his disciple Hunaldus to its 
diligent study : " Sint tibi divitiae, divinae dogmata legis" (epist. 
ad Hunald.); St. Patrick himself teaches us that " meditation 
on the Sacred Scriptures gives strength and vigour to the soul"; 
" St. Kieran", as Dr. King learnedly writes, " when thirty years 
old, went to Rome and spent there twenty years reading the 
Divine Scriptures and collecting copies of them" (Ch. Hist, of 
IreL, i. 323) : and as to St. Columba, we may adopt the words of 
the Cample ton minister, who in his life of that great saint says : 
" His passion for studying the Scriptures was most intense, when 
the other parts of ministerial duty allowed him to indulge it. 
Thus we find him sometimes engaged for whole days and nights 
in exploring dark and difficult passages of Scripture, and accom- 
panying his study and application with prayer and fasting" (Life, 
etc., by J. Smith, pag. 113). It was in the Latin version that all 
these saints usually meditated on the heavenly truths, and Bede 
does not hesitate to say that, though the Irish, Britons, Picts, 
and Angles had their own peculiar languages, yet, " by the me- 
ditation of the Scriptures", the Latin tongue became common to 
them all (Hist. EccL, lib. i. cap. i.). How many noble monu- 
ments, too, remain to attest, at the same time, the artistic taste 
and the devotion of our Catholic fathers, in adorning and illus- 
trating the books of Holy Writ ! The Domhnach Airgid is 
well known to the students of Irish Ecclesiastical antiquities ; it 
is a MS. copy of the Latin text of the Gospels, described by 
Petrie as " perhaps the oldest copy of the Sacred Word now 
existing" (Trans. R.I. A. xviii. Antiq., pag. 17), and which, as 
Eugene Curry adds, " we have just reason to believe, was the 
companion in his hours of devotion of our Patron Saint, the 
apostle Saint Patrick" (Lect., pag. 321) This venerable text is 
encased in three distinct covers, the first or inner one being of 
yew, and probably coeval with the manuscript itself; the second 
of copper plated with silver whose interlaced ornaments indicate 
a period between the sixth and twelfth centuries ; whilst the third 
or outer one, of the fourteenth century, is of silver plated with gold, 
being decorated with relievos of the crucifixion, of the Blessed 
Virgin, and the other Patrons of Ireland. Thus are all the 
ages of faith in our island, anterior to the Reformation, linked 
together in a holy union, to proclaim with one accord the 
love and devotion of our Catholic fathers for the inspired text. 
The Cathach, or vellum Book of Psalms, handed down from St. 
Columbkille, with its rich case of solid silver, is scarcely less 
interesting; and what shall we say of the Book of Kells, i.e., the 
Latin Gospels of St. Columba, " a manuscript (as Petrie remarks) 
which for beauty and splendour is not surpassed by any of its 
age known to exist" (Round Towers, pag. 203), and of which 



326 The Church and the Bible. 

Westwood thus writes: ''Ireland may justly be proud of the 
Book of Kells : it is unquestionably the most elaborately executed 
MS. of early art now in existence" (Palaeog. Sac.). Besides 
these, there are Dimma's Book and the Gospels of MacDurnan, 
the Psalter of St. Ricemarch, the Evangeliarium of St. Moling, 
Bishop of Ferns, and the fragments of several Gospels, rivalling 
in point of ornament and accuracy the most precious MSS. of the 
Continent (Ibid.). There is one copy of the sacred text which 
it is sad to miss from the collections of our Christian antiquities. 
It is the so-called Book of Kildare, which was publicly de- 
stroyed by the fathers of Protestantism in this country, but which 
has happily been described by Giraldus Cambrensis, a writer 
whom none will suspect of bias in favour of our Irish Church. We 
will give the original text of his description, which may not, per- 
haps, be easily accessible to the reader: 

" Inter universa Kyldariae miracula nil mihi miraculosius occurrit, 
quam liber ille mirandus, tempore virginis Brigidae (ut ajunt) Angelo 
dictante conscriptus. Continet hie liber quatuor Evangelistarum 
juxta Hieronymum concordantiam, ubi quot paginae fere sunt, tot 
ngurae diversae variisque coloribus distinctissimae. Hie majestatis 
vultum videas divinitus impressum : hinc mysticas Evangelistarum 
formas : nunc senas, nunc quaternas, nunc binas alas habentes, hinc 
aquilam, inde vitulum, hinc he-minis faciem, inde bovis, aliasque figu- 
ras pene infinitas, quas si superficialiter et usuali more minus acute 
conspexeris, litura potius videbitur quam ligatura ; nee ullam atten- 
dens prorsus subtilitatem, ubi nihil tamen praeter subtilitatem. Sin 
autem ad perspicacius intuendum oculorum aciem invitaveris, et longe 
penitius ad artis arcana transpenetraveris ; tarn delicatas et subtiles, 
tarn actas et arctas, tarn nodosas et vinculatim colligatas, tamque re- 
centibus adhuc coloribus illustratas notare poteris intricaturas, ut vere 
haec omnia Angelica potius quam humana diligentia jam asseverave- 
ris esse composita. Haec equidem quanto frequentius et diligentius 
intueor, semper quasi novis obstupeo, semperque magis ac magis ad- 
miranda conspicio"' (Topogr. Hib., ii. 38, pag. 730). 

Even the continental libraries retain many Scriptural monu- 
ments of the Irish Church, though the designation of Anglo-Saxon 
MSS. commonly given to them, has withdrawn them from that 
careful investigation which they otherwise would have obtained 
from our antiquarians : such are, for instance, the Psalter of St. 
Ouen, at Rouen ; the Gospels of St. Gatien, at Tours ; of Mac Re- 
gol, at Oxford ; of St. Germain de Pres ; besides the Book of St. 
Chad, and many others mentioned by Westwood in his Palaeo- 
graphia Sacra (London, 1845). The Gospels of St. Boniface, in 
Fulda, are now generally supposed to have come from the Irish 
school: and equally venerable are the Evangelia of St. Kilian, 
still preserved in Wiirzburg. The last page of this precious text 
is tinged with the blood of this great Irish martyr, and on his 



The Church and the Bible. 327 

festival (8th July) it is still solemnly exposed upon the altar 
during the celebration of the Holy Mysteries (See Appendix A 
to Report on the Foedera, published by the Record Commission, 
for a long notice and fac-simile of the writing of this MS.)- In. 
Italy, the Book of St. Silas is preserved in his tomb at Lucca ; 
a fragment of St. Caimin's Psalter may be seen in Rome ; and 
St. Cathaldus's Gospels are enclosed in his shrine at Tarento. 
The library of St. Gall, in Switzerland, possessed for centuries 
many old Irish manuscripts, amongst which are mentioned by 
Von Arx, " Quatuor Evangelia; Evang. S. Joannis; Epistolae 
S. Pauli; liber Prophetarum ; et plura fragmenta", all which are 
styled Codicis Scottici in a catalogue of the ninth century 
(Monumenta Germ. Historica. torn. 2, pag. 66 et 78). The 
monastery of Bobbio, however, was distinguished above all 
others for the richness of its store of manuscripts : it was founded 
by Irish Religious in the seventh century, and for a long subsequent 
period was the great literary mart of North Italy, and a cherished 
resort of Irish pilgrims. From the present of books made to 
this monastery by an Irish ecclesiastic named Dungall, we may 
judge how abundant were the Biblical treasures of our island 
before the tenth century. The ancient list of these books is 
published by Muratori, and it comprises not only the JEvan- 
gelium plenarium, and Psalterium, and other Books of Scripture, 
but also the commentaries of Origen, St. Jerome, St. Augustine, 
St. Gregory the Great, St. Ambrose, Bede, Cassiodorus, and 
Albinus ; the poems of Fortunatus, Paulinus, Arator, Prudentius, 
and Juvencus ; the Ecclesiastical History of Hegesippus ; and one 
work with the curious title, " librum quendam Latine Scotaicae 
linguae", which probably means a treatise in Latin on the Irish 
language (See Muratori, Antiqq. ItaL, iii. 818). Such collec- 
tions of books, once so abundant in our island, were deliberately 
pillaged and destroyed, first by the pagan Danes, and again by 
the Protestant maligners of our country, under Henry VIII. and 
Elizabeth. In a preceding article, " The See of Cork", we 
have given a specimen of the Scriptural books preserved in an 
humble Franciscan convent in Youghal in 1490 ; and Dr. Reeves, 
in his Essay on the Culdees, gives us a short notice of another 
Irish library in" the twelfth century, in which the Gospels and 
copies of other portions of the Sacred Scripture hold their usual 
place (Transact of R. I. A., Dublin, 1864, pag. 249). Even dur- 
ing the sad era of the desolation of our island, from the twelfth 
to the sixteenth century, the labours of Irishmen on the continent in 
illustrating the sacred text, won for them a distinguished fame ; 
whilst the testimonies collected by Boerner (Le Long, ii. 369) 
further prove that at home a version of the Sacred Scripture 
into the Irish language was achieved long before the so called 



328 The Church and the Bible. 

Reformation, being generally attributed to Richard Fitzralph, 
Archbishop of Armagh, who died in 1360. We must be 
pardoned, if, as we fear, we dwelt too long on the venerable 
monuments of our early Church. 

England next claims our attention. Forty years ago a member 
of its Established Church did not hesitate to write that during 
the Catholic ages, " the Bible was a sealed Book . . . 
there is good reason for believing that the great mass of men 
never heard that such a book was in existence" (Soames' Hist, 
of Reformation in England). Yet surely it was not so in the 
ages of Bede and Alcuin. The holy Caedmon presented to his 
contemporaries an Anglo-Saxon metrical paraphrase of the 
Bible, a portion of which we have seen translated into English 
and re-issued from the press in our own days. Fragments of many 
other Anglo-Saxon versions have also been preserved, some of 
which bear the classic names tfBede, Athelstan, Aeldred, Aelfric, 
and King Alfred. The publication of these works has long engaged 
the attention of our antiquarians, from the early edition by Mar- 
shall, in 1665, to that of Dr. Thorpe, in 1842. After the Norman 
Conquest, French and Latin were for three centuries the literary 
languages of England ; no sooner, however, was the English lan- 
guage formed, than we find it employed in presenting to the 
faithful the teaching of the inspired volume. An old MS. in 
the Imperial Library of Vienna commemorates an exposition of 
the Gospels in the writer's possession, " in vetustissimo Anglico, 
quod vix aliquis hominum jam viventium sufficienter intelli- 
geret" (Appendix A to Record Commission Report, pag. 
232). Usher in his day referred the first English version to the 
year 1290. Trevisa, who died before 1360, also translated 
" Biblia Sacra in vernaculam", as Anthony Wood informs us 
(Antiq. Oxon>, ii. 95). It was only some years later that 
WiclefPs version appeared ; and though some English writers 
refer it to 1367, the German Rationalist, Reuss, marks its date 
as 1380 (Die Gesch. der Heilig. Schriften, Brunswick, 1853). 
For an interesting and detailed account of the more recent 
Catholic translations in English, we must refer to the learned 
General Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures (Dublin, 1852) 
by our venerated Primate. At present it will suffice to men- 
tion one which is but little known to English biblical readers. 
It was the work of an Irish Priest, the Rev. Cornelius Nary, 
who, whilst administering the Parish of St. Michan's in the 
city of Dublin, found leisure to compose several valuable 
treatises, and especially to translate the New Testament from 
the Latin Vulgate, comparing it with the original Greek, and 
with several ancient translations into other languages. This 
version was printed in 1718: a few years later the author's 



The Church and the Bible. 329 

name was on the list of those presented to the Holy See by the 
chapter of Dublin, when soliciting a successor to their deceased 
Bishop, Dr. Edward Murphy; he died full of years, deeply 
lamented by his spiritual children, in 1738. 

Much might be said on the many versions which were 
made throughout the continent during the ante-Reformation 
period. In the French language there is extant a version of 
the books of Kings and Maccabees, which is referred by Le 
Long to the eleventh century. Several MSS. of the Psalms are 
also still preserved, which are placed by Wharton as early as the 
twelfth century, and Hallam in express terms attests that " we 
find translations of the Psalms, Job, Kings, and the Maccabees, 
into French, in the eleventh or twelfth century". Guyars de 
Moulins, a priest and canon of St. Pierre d'Aire, about the year 
1290, translated into French and completed the Historia Sacra 
of Peter Comestor. This work is not, as Home describes it, " a 
popular abstract of sacred history", but comprises the historical 
and moral books of the Old and New Testament ; and we have 
said that de Moulins completed the work of Comestor, because 
his version embraces the whole of the sacred writings of the Old 
and New Testament. It was not, however, a mere transla- 
tion of the Sacred Scripture ; here and there notes and commen- 
taries are added, and these are found to vary in several MSS., 
as if they were inserted to suit the various controversies which 
arose in. the French Church. The first printed text was the 
New Testament, which was published in folio, in Lyons, in 
1478, being translated into French by two Augustinian friars, 
Julian Macho and Pierre Farget. A copy of this edition is 
still preserved in the public library of Leipsic (Reuss, pag. 446). 
The version of de Moulins was very soon after also printed in a 
quarto edition, whilst its Editio Princeps, carefully revised by 
Jean de Rely, afterwards Bishop of Angers, was published in 
Paris under the auspices of Charles VIII., in 1487. It passed 
through fourteen other editions in Paris and Lyons alone, before 
the year 1546. We may also refer to this ante-Reformation 
period the version of James Le Fevre, of Estables, who is better 
known by his Latin name of Faber Hapulensis, and who under- 
took a new translation of the Bible in 1512. This work, especially 
with the corrections of the Louvain divines, acquired consi- 
derable popularity, and more than forty different editions of it ap- 
peared before the year 1700. Even before any French Protes- 
tant version of the Sacred Scripture appeared, another French 
Catholic translation was made by Nicholas de Leuse, a doctor of 
Louvain, and was printed at Antwerp in 1534. The first Pro- 
testant version was published at Neufchatel in the following year. 

Perhaps in Germany at least, the native land of Protestantism, 



330 T/ie Church and the Bible. 

the holy Bible was a sealed book to the children of the Catholic 
Church ? No, it was far otherwise. As early as the tenth cen- 
tury Notker Albulus, abbot of the monastery of St. Gallus, trans- 
lated into German the book of Psalms; and a century later most 
of the other inspired books were translated by William of Ebers- 
berg, in Bavaria, and other religious whose names have not been 
handed down to us (Reuss, pag. 439). In the succeeding cen- 
turies several other translations appeared, so much so, that the 
author of the Cologne version, printed in 1480, was able to affirm 
in his preface that he availed himself " of a variety of different 
versions, which were made and circulated both in Lower and 
Upper Germany, before printing came into use". The first 
printed German Bible issued from the Mentz press in two 
volumes in folio about 1462. Other editions seem to have fol- 
lowed soon after ; for, in the next earliest edition which is now 
known, viz., that of Augsburg, in 1477, the editor was able to 
commend the accuracy of his version, and eulogize it " prae om- 
nibus aliis antea impressis Bibliis Germanicis". So rapid was the 
diffusion of the printed text, that from 1477 to 1490, this city of 
Augsburg alone gave five different editions. The city of Nurem- 
berg gave proofs of equal fecundity, having published distinct 
editions in 1477, 1480, and 1483. The editor of this last edition 
laid claim to special elegance of type and accuracy of text, " prae 
omnibus antea impressis Germanicis purius, clarius, et verius" ; 
and, it would seem, justly, for David Clement, who examined 
the edition, thus describes it: "I saw that magnificent edition 
in the library of the Duchess of Nuremberg ; the paper, the 
ornamented letters, the illuminated figures so well drawn and 
engraved around, all so delightful to behold, giving a most 
pleasing idea of the degree of perfection to which the art of 
printing had already arrived, and this only thirty years after the 
invention of movable types". The other chief cities of Ger- 
many, Cologne, Lubeck, Halberstadt, Strasburg, and Mentz, had 
also their distinct editions; and before the year 1500 that is to 
say, many years before the appearance of Lutheranism thirty 
editions of the entire Scriptures were in circulation in the ver- 
nacular language of Germany. 

We will give but a rapid glance at the versions of Poland, 
Spain, and Bohemia, that we may be able to devote more space 
to one country which is especially dear to every Catholic heart. 
The first Polish version was made about 1390, by order of St. 
Hedwige, wife of the famous Duke of Lithuania who was chosen 
king under the name of Ladislaus IV. About the same time a 
second translation is said to have been made by Andrew Jasso- 
witz. Another version of the Psalter, and a fragment of a 
translation of the Old Testament made in 1455, are comme- 



The Church and the Bible. 331 

morated by Graesse in his Litter. Hist , v. 484. Translations of the 
Bible into -Spanish are spoken of by the national writers, during 
the reign of James I. of Arragon, in the thirteenth century, and 
again under John II. of Leon, about 1440. The first printed 
edition appeared in 1478, and another edition, of 1515, is referred 
by Graesse (loc. cit.) to a Carthusian monk, named Boniface 
Ferrer. As regards Bohemia, MM. Schaffarik and Palacky com- 
memorate a translation of the Gospel of St. John, made as early 
as the tenth century (Bohm. Denkm., an. 1840). A Bohemian 
Psalter beais date 1396. Huss in one of his controversial tracts 
speaks of the New Testament as already extant in the Bohemian 
language. The translation of the whole Bible into Bohemian 
was achieved at Dresden in 1410, as Dobrowsky proves 
(Slovanka, Th. 2), and we find printed editions at Prague in 
1488, at Cutna in 1498, and at Venice in 1506 and 1511. Even 
Denmark had its translation of the Sacred Scriptures, and a 
version of the historical books of the Old Testament was made 
in 1470, as Molbek and Grimm inform us. 

If, however, the Catholic Church were hostile to the sacred 
Scriptures, we should naturally suppose that in Italy, at least, 
little enthusiasm should have been displayed in the diffusion of 
the Bible in the vulgar tongue; for Italy was more im- 
mediately subject to the influence of the Holy See ; in its centre 
stood the capital of the universal Catholic world the new 
Jerusalem of the Church the See of Peter. Nevertheless, of all 
European countries, Italy was, perhaps, the most remarkable for 
the diffusion of the sacred text during the ante-Reformation period. 
Jacopo de Voragine, Bishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, was the 
first to translate the Scriptures into the Italian tongue, and thus his 
version dates before Dante and the other great masters of the 
language. New translations by Nicholas de Neritono, of the 
Dominican Order, Pietro Arighetto, Cavalca, and others, fol- 
lowed soon after ; and so rapid was the diffusion of the sacred 
text, that, as Lamy informs us, the archives of Florence alone 
contain forty manuscripts belonging to the fourteenth century, 
all presenting various portions of the Bible in the Italian tongue 
(De Eruditione App., page 308, seqq.). The discovery of the 
art of printing was hailed in Italy with special delight. 
Sweynheyne and Paunartz, under the auspices of Cardinal 
Cusa, hastened thither with the newly-found treasure, and Rome 
was the first city that welcomed them within its walls. Various 
editions of the Bible, the classics, and the Fathers, soon ap- 
peared; indeed, before the year 1500, almost every city of Italy 
had one or more printing presses in operation, but, above all, the 
names of the great Benedictine monastery of Subiaco, and the 
" Palazzo Massimi" in Rome, record to posterity the religious 
patronage and princely munificence which welcomed the Ger- 



332 The Church and the Bible. 

man artists to the divinely favoured patrimony of the successors 
of St. Peter. 

Three editions of the Bible in the Italian tongue appeared in the 
year 1471. The first bears the name of Nicholas Malermi, a reli- 
gious of the Order of Camaldoli. The closing words of the second 
volume fix its precise date : " Impresso fu questo volume nel 1'alma 
patriade Venetia nell' anno dela salutifera incarnatione del Figliolo 
de 1'etemo et omnipotente Dio, MCCCCLXXI, in Kalende di 
Augusto per Vendelino Spira". This version was subsequently 
repeated in new editions, and is still esteemed for the purity of 
its language, being described by the latest writer on this subject 
as written " vel miglior secolo della nostra lingua" (Vercellone, 
Dissert. Roma, 1864, pag. 100). The second Venetian edition 
of 1471, was printed " per Nicolo Jenson incalende di Ottobre", 
and by some inexperienced modern observers was supposed to be 
merely a reprint of the former text : it is, however, quite distinct, 
and the best judges of the present day are of opinion that this 
version is from the pen of Cavalca, a Tuscan writer of the golden 
age, who flourished in the fourteenth century. It is cited 160 
times in the last edition of the Crusca (Florence, 1843), under 
the title Volgarizzamento di Pistole e di Vangeli, and some 
manuscripts of it are extant, which date back to the close of the 
fourteenth century (Curioni, Sui due Primi Volgarizzamenti", 
etc, Milan, 1847; and Sorio in Archiv. Eccles. Firenze, 
1864, vol. i. pag. 297). A third Italian version appeared in 
Rome in the same month of October, 1471, in two volumes 
folio : many writers have described it as the version of Malermi ; 
but Maffei, who diligently compared both texts, pronounced it to 
be a distinct and independent version. No fewer than eleven com- 
plete editions of these several versions appeared before the year 
1500, and more than forty editions are reckoned before the ap- 
pearance of the first Protestant edition of the Bible in the Italian 
language. Some of these editions, too, deserve the name of dis- 
tinct versions, on account of various alterations and improvements 
made in the text, and all appeared under ecclesiastical sanction ; 
thus, for instance, an edition of Venice, in 1477, bears the name 
of " Fratre Marino del Ordine di Predicatori, de la sacra pagina 
professore umile". 

An entirely new translation from the original text was made 
by Sanctes Marmoschini in 1538, and was reprinted in 1546. 
Another translation, which appeared in 1547, was remarkable for 
its poetical version of Job and the Psalms. The translation of 
Antonio Bruccioli attracted still more attention. It was made 
" de la Hebraica verita", and was ushered in under the patronage 
of the French monarch, Francis I., in the month of May 15o2. 

From that date to ,1552, twelve editions of this version 
appeared ; but, though remarkable for its Tuscan dialect, it was 



The Church and the Bible. 333 

inaccurate in many passages, for which reason it was condemned 
by the Council of Trent. The first Protestant Italian Bible was 
printed in Geneva as late as 1562, and was little more than a 
reprint of Bruccioli's version. About fifty years later Diodati's 
Bible appeared, which is rather a Calvinistic paraphrase than a 
version ; nevertheless, this corruption of Holy Writ has for two 
centuries held its place as the great Protestant standard of ortho- 
doxy. Even in later times the Catholic Church has presented a 
new and accurate Italian version to her children, and Anthony 
Martini, Archbishop of Florence, by the accuracy of his transla- 
tion, the purity of his style, and his admirable explanatory notes, 
merited the congratulations and approval of the illustrious 
Pontiff Pius VI.: "Beloved Son", writes this great Pope, 
" at a time when vast numbers of bad books are being circu- 
lated, most grossly attacking the Catholic Church, to the great 
destruction of souls, you have judged exceeding well in exhort- 
ing the faithful to the reading of the Holy Scriptures ; for these 
are most abundant sources, whence every one ought to be in a 
position to draw purity of morals and of doctrine, and to eradi- 
cate the errors which are so widely disseminated in these cor- 
rupt times. This you have seasonably accomplished, publishing 
the sacred writing in the language of your country, to be un- 
derstood by all, especially as you declare that you have added 
explanatory notes, which, being extracted from the Holy Fathers, 
preclude every possible danger of abuse, etc. Given at Rome 
on the calends of April, 1778". 

Thus, then, so far from the Church being the enemy of the 
Bible, she was its watchful guardian, and ever cherished it as a 
sacred treasure. When heresy introduced corruption into the 
inspired volume, and substituted the word of man for the Word 
of God, the pastors of the Catholic fold fearlessly raised their 
voice, and warned the faithful of the snares which were laid for 
them. When enemies had poisoned the life-giving stream, the 
Church permitted not her children to drink the deadly draught. 
But in no country, and at no period, was the Catholic Church 
the enemy of the Bible ; never was its sacred text a sealed book 
to the faithful; but, on the contrary, the pastors of the Church, 
the divinely constituted guardians of the inspired writings, were 
ever zealous in promoting the study of their sacred truths, and 
in " disseminating the knowledge of God's written word". 

We now take leave of the learned Earl of Clancarty . Would 
it be too much to expect from his candour that he would with- 
draw the statement which he has made, since, as we have seen, 
when viewed historically, it is false and groundless in itself, 
whilst at the same time it outrages the feelings of the whole 
Catholic Irish nation? 

VOL. i. 23 



334 



THE SOCIAL MISSION OF THE CHURCH. 

The social mission of the Christian Church ig a subject to 
which none can be indifferent. For eighteen centuries and a half 
the career of the Church has remained unchanged ; and amid the 
revolutions of nations and the migrations of tribes and peoples, 
her social mission has ever been to educate, to civilize, and 
to elevate humanity. The civilization of the east had languished 
into decay, the greatness of Greece was merged in the universal 
empire of Rome, and the east and the west groaned under the 
despotism of the Caesars. When this new and strange power 
appeared upon the earth it was a power insignificant in appear- 
ance, and far beneath even the contempt of the haughty empe- 
rors ; yet that little society, these few poor and despised Gali- 
leans were destined to crush the colossus of Paganism, and to 
erect upon its ruins an empire more extended than that of Rome, 
and a civilization more refined and more enlightened than that 
of Egypt or of Greece. These few ignorant men were to purify 
the philosophy of Greece, to humble the greatness of Rome, to 
arrest the wandering tribes of the desert and the savage hordes 
of the north, to civilize them and to lead them within the pale 
of the Christian Church ; slavery was to retire before her influence ; 
the dark clouds of ignorance and barbarism were to be dispelled 
by her light ; and arts, learning, and civilization were to flourish 
under the shadow of her patronage. Her hands were full of gifts 
to men ; to the slave she was the herald of freedom, to the ignorant 
she was the bearer of knowledge, and to all she was the teacher 
of a pure and elevated morality, unknown to the pagan world. 
Such was the social mission of the Christian Church; how nobly 
has she fulfilled it ! 

In three centuries, after persecutions the most dire, the 
Christian Church won her way from the gloom of the cata- 
combs to the imperial throne of Rome. The hand of power 
sought to check her progress, but in vain ; the sword of perse- 
cution raised against her fell from the hand of the tyrant; 
the insidious breath of heresy could not corrupt her ^ purity, 
nor the splendid teachings of Athens or Alexandria draw 
her from her sublime mission of truth. She consoled the 
slave, she cheered and strengthened the martyr, she elevated 
and purified all; she struggled with Paganism with its pro- 
fane and captivating rites with its proud philosophy and its 
millions of refined and luxurious votaries. She won disciples 
from every grade, and class, and nation, until Christianity be- 
came the national religion of the proud and persecuting empire 
of the Caesars. But now, that very empire which the Church 



The Social Mission of the Church. 335 

lias won is tottering to ruin; new difficulties beset her, and anew 
mission awaits her. The Goth, the Hun, and the Vandal have 
seized on the richest provinces of Rome. Her cities lie in ruins, 
her temples are profaned, and Europe seems again fast sinking 
into hopeless barbarism ; the clash of arms and the yell of tri- 
umph has silenced the voice of civilization, and the jargon of her 
rude conquerors startles the ear in the very streets of Rome ; 
streams of human population pour in from the northern na- 
tions they extinguish the Roman power, and carry into the 
heart of Europe new traditions, a new mythology, new habits 
of thought, and new principles of action. And whilst the north 
was thus violently convulsed by the crash of the western empire, 
the south was not less violently agitated by the rising greatness of 
the Saracen. From the Atlantic to the Pacific the sway of Omar 
extended ; and many were the cities ruined, and many were the 
literary monuments destroyed by these untamed children of the 
desert. In such perils what is able to save what spirit could 
brood over this social chaos and breathe into it order and beauty 
what power could move in the track of the desolating host, 
could collect the half ruined fragments of classic art and construct 
them again into a still more beautiful temple of learning? What 
influence could wean that lawless race from the wild ways of 
rapine and the degrading vices of savage life, and make them 
rival and excel the polished Roman in all the arts and accom- 
plishments of civilized life? The Church alone could arrest 
the onward march of barbarism, and restore social order ; with 
prophetic glance she seemed conscious of the perils that beset her, 
and prepared to overcome them. Augustine, Jerome, Hilary, 
and Prosper, the last expiring lights of the past civilization, 
were the devoted children of the Church. In the sixth cen- 
tury, when the schools of the empire were closed, her monas- 
teries were the sole sanctuaries of learning. In them she studied 
and taught, and opposed an organised resistance to the despotism 
of the sword, whilst her secular clergy acted, governed, and pre- 
served external order. In this century St. Remus preached 
with a classic purity, and Avitus of Vienne, the Milton of the 
Church, sang of the creation and the fall in the thrilling accents 
of genius. In this period appeared Cesarius of Aries, Gregory 
of Tours, .and Fortunatus of Poitiers, whose learning shed a light 
upon their age, and whose works marked the birth of a new 
literature purely ecclesiastical. The learning and sanctity of 
our own Church relieved the darkness of the seventh cen- 
tury. Columbanus awakened a new spirit in the French Church, 
he arrested the march of barbarism in southern Germany, and 
perpetuated the study of antiquity among his numerous disciples. 
The eighth century marked a new era in letters ; Charlemagne and 

23 B 



336 The Social Mission of the Church. 

the Church vied with each other ; Bede and Bennett adorned Eng- 
land ; the Carlovingian schools were organized under the genius 
of Alcuin, and over the wide dominions of Charlemagne an im- 
pulse was given to learning which was felt for centuries. By her 
Popes, her councils, and her bishops, the Church ever laboured 
to diffuse knowledge amongst her people. With a willing obe- 
dience her monastic institutions responded to her call, and during 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries awakened a literary activity 
from the Tiber to the Atlantic. The wonders of the press 
were yet unknown, but the simple, learned, and laborious monk 
plied his daily task, and rivalled the press in the extent, variety, 
and beauty of his labours. These venerable institutions, so often 
the scorn of the ignorant, were rapidly multiplied over the whole 
continent of Europe; Clugny and Citeaux spring into life, and 
each becomes a school of knowledge, a centre of civilization, 
and a prolific nursery of saintly and learned men. Let the scep- 
tic on this point read Mabillon's book on monastic studies, in 
reply to De Ranee, the venerable Abbot of La Trappe ; let him 
.examine the collection of manuscripts found in the eight hun- 
dred monasteries visited by Martini in his literary tours ; let him 
look at the contents of the fourteen volumes folio, compiled by 
Martini and the illustrious band who accompanied him in his 
antiquarian researches through the monasteries of central Europe ; 
let him glance at the Titan labours of Mabillon, Montfaucon, 
and the Benedictines of St. Maur ; and then let him dilate on the 
stupidity and ignorance of the monks of the " dark ages". Thus, by 
the zeal of the Church, and her monks and her missioners, the 
Christian faith was again spread over Europe, Saxon England 
was reconquered to the Church, Clovis and his people entered 
her fold, Germany was won over to her empire, and the fierce 
children of the north everywhere bowed to her yoke. Their 
minds, filled with the dim shadows of their native traditions 
and the bloody deeds of their ancestors, became awakened to all 
the beauties of Christianity ; they yielded to the softening in- 
fluence of the more genial climate of their conquered home, 
they cast off the bonds of their gloomy superstition, they entered 
the Church, and under her guidance they became the founders 
of the nations and the authors of the mediaeval and modern 
literature of Europe. The Church moulded with the same 
skilful hand the sternness and energy of the north, and the 
more soft and imaginative races of the south, and united the 
fierce worshippers of Thor with the followers of the giddy Genii 
of the east, in one grand struggle for the glory of their common 
creed. She summoned the spirit of chivalry, then in its youth- 
ful vigour ; she excited a glow of religious enthusiasm that set 
Europe in a flame ; she appealed to the spirit of warlike enter- 



The Social Mission of the Church. 337 

prise, and gathered round her standard that group, who, quitting 
home, country, and friends, arose at the call of Urban, and put 
on the badge of the crusader. Yes, the crusades are a great fact 
in the history of modern civilization ; they stilled the voice of 
domestic strife, which had been productive of so much evil; they 
united, elevated, and consecrated the chivalry of Europe, and 
exhibited to the world the power and the glory of religion. These 
were days of great excitement and of rapid progress; this 
was the age of the growth and ascendancy of the scholastic 
philosophy. The Arabic empire of Spain was in its meridian 
glory. It was in this age Peter preached, and the Cross was 
raised at Clermont, and Godfrey and Boemond rushed to the 
liberation of the sacred city. It was in this age the glorious 
Hildebrand laboured so successfully to eject feudal influence from 
the sanctuary, to abolish the baneful right of lay investiture, and to 
give to the Church ministers worthy of their sublime duties. It 
was in these days the Italian cities were fostered by the protection 
of the Papal power, and the leagued towns of Germany under their 
bishops ; and the municipal councils were breaking down feudal 
tyranny, and opening to the peasant mind the path to political 
and literary distinction, which they have since so nobly trod. In 
the ninth century Hamburg was the stronghold of tyranny ; in 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries this same city was the nu- 
cleus of a great confederation which for centuries influenced 
the destinies of Europe. In the thirteenth century the spirit of 
Bernard and Hildebrand was again revived. The genius, the 
sanctity, the learning, and the courage of Innocent III. guided 
the destinies of the Church. Rodolph, with the Cross for his 
sceptre, ruled in Germany ; St. Louis governed France ; Spain 
gloried in Alphonso and Ferdinand, and in the victories of 
Seville and Tolosa ; and England, under a Cardinal of the Roman 
Church, wrung from her king the charter of her rights. This was 
the age of St. Francis and St. Dominick,' of Albertus and St. 
Thomas, of Bacon and Bonaventure. In these days Oxford 
boasted of her thirty thousand students ; twenty -five thousand 
trod the halls of Paris ; and ten thousand read law at Bologna. 
Never was there an age more glorious than this age of Christian 
faith ; glorious in great deeds and historic names ; glorious in 
learning and life of the universities with which the Church 
had studded Europe ; glorious in a noble Christian art and archi* 
tecture ; and glorious too in the sublime genius of its poets. And 
all these great movements, intellectual and social, all pregnant 
with such grand results for the happiness and enlightenment of 
mankind, and for the future greatness and civilization of the na- 
tions of Europe, were originated and guided to success by the 
genius of the Catholic Church. The Church was that mysterious 



338 The Social Mission of the CJvurch. 

power that moulded the nations, and influenced the social con- 
dition of successive generations over the whole continent. In the 
lawless ages ^of rapine and violence she stood between the tyrant 
and his victim, and restrained the excesses of feudalism by the 
sword of her spiritual authority. She was ever the protector of 
the weak, and the defender of rational liberty. In the words of 
an eloquent Protestant writer, " The Church was the great bul- 
wark of order, she perpetuated justice and light, and fought the 
battle of civilization and freedom. The feudal castle could not 
screen the oppressor of the poor from her vengeance, nor the 
kingly diadem save the tyrant of his people from her stern male- 
dictions ; the Church presided over mediaeval society ; her Pon- 
tiff reigned with an universal sway, with which the grateful 
suffrage of Europe invested him ; and never was human power ex- 
ercised with more justice or with more glorious results for the 
welfare of humanity". And this is the Church which her ene- 
mies would shamelessly brand as hostile to the diffusion of know- 
ledge; this the Church that would restrain the freedom of 
human thought, perpetuate ignorance, and dwarf the intellect of 
man; the Church of Nicholas, of Leo, and of Benedict; the 
Church that presided over the revival of Greek learning, and 
saved the decaying fragments of classic genius ; the Church that 
before the sixteenth century founded fifty-eight universities in 
Europe, and from her poverty encouraged learning with a mu- 
nificence which should shame the nations of our day ! The Ca- 
tholic Church cultivated the mind of Petrarch, she inspired the 
genius of Dante, and listened to the thrilling tones of Ariosto. 
Calderon was her child, and Tasso loved to linger in her capital. 
Yes, this is the Church that would dwarf the human intellect ! Go- 
thic architecture is her own creation, and the glories of Italian art 
were developed in the shadow of the Vatican. The palace of Nicho- 
las and of Leo was the temple of learning, and the gifted of every 
nation flocked to the city of the pontiffs to live in the smile of 
his favour and on the munificence of his bounty. In his presence 
the poet felt a new inspiration, the sculptor breathed life into 
the marble, and the magic pencil of Italy imparted to its match- 
less productions a more than divine beauty. The same ear that 
was charmed with the strains of Ariosto could listen with appro- 
val to the researches of Flavio or the sublime theories of Coper- 
nicus. The Pope during the middle ages was the great high 
priest of literature, of science and of art, enthroned by the suffrage 
of Europe ; the learned of the age paid to him the tribute of 
their grateful affection ; and the office of his secretary was for cen- 
turies regarded as the prize of genius, which the first scholars of 
the age claimed as the reward of their intellectual greatness. 



339 



LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. 

Our reverend correspondents on liturgical subjects will hold 
us excused if we are not able to answer the several questions 
kindly forwarded to us, as we deem it our duty, in compliance 
with the request of several friends, to treat of some questions in 
connection with the ceremonies of Holy Week, which may be 
deemed useful for the guidance of the clergy in carrying on the 
solemn functions of that week. 

The following questions have been proposed : 

1. Can a low Mass be said on the three last days of Holy 
Week? 

2. Can a low Mass be said on Holy Thursday or on Holy 
Saturday ? 

3. What is to be done in the country parishes where there is 
not a sufficient number of priests to have high Mass, and where 
the other ceremonies cannot be observed? 

In reply to the first question we beg to say that low Masses are 
strictly forbidden on the three last days of Hoty Week. When 
there is a sufficient number of priests, the rubrics require that a 
solemn high Mass be celebrated, and in those churches not hav- 
ing a sufficient number of priests for high Mass the Memoriale 
Rituum of Benedict XIII. must be used, which prescribes cer- 
tain solemnities to be observed by one priest, and requires that he 
be attended by at least three clerics in surplices, in performing 
the functions of Holy Week. This ceremonial of Benedict XIIL 
is to be observed only in case there is a deficiency of priests, and 
hence it presupposes that a solemn Mass is to be said with deacon 
and sub-deacon when they can be had, as the Memoriale Ri- 
tuum was published by order of Benedict XIII. solely with 
the view of enabling the clergy in the smaller churches to carry 
out the ceremonies of Holy Week, and accordingly, in reply to 
various questions as to private Masses on those three days, we 
find that the answer invariably was, that the ceremonies were to 
be carried out " servata forma parvi Ritualis S. M. Benedict! 
XIIL, ann. 1725,jussu editi". 

2. Thus the following answer was given by the Sacred Con- 
gregation of Rites (4904) : 

1. " An in Ecclesiis Parochialibus in quibus nullus extat clerus 
sed solum Parochus, possit vel debeat iste facere Benedictionem Gan- 
delarum, Cinerum, Palmarum, novi ignis, Cerei Paschalis, Fontis Bap- 
tismalis et coeterorum hujusmodi, necnon instituere officium Feriae 
quintae in Coena Domini et Feriae sextae in Parasceve sine cantu 
et solum privata voce prout celebratur Missa privata ? 

" Ad 1. Servetur parvum Caeremoniale a sa. me. Benedicto Papa 
XIII. ad hoc editum. Die 23, Mali, 1846". 



340 Liturgical Questions. 

This applies to the last three days of Holy Week ; but can a 
low Mass be said on one of these days, such as Holy Thursday? 
There are innumerable decrees of the Sacred Congregation of 
Rites on this subject, and it would be impossible to quote all: we 
shall give one or two. Thus on the 31st August, 1839, the 
question was proposed : 

" An in Ecclesiis ubi Functiones Majoris hebdomadae fieri nequeunt, 
Feria quinta celebrari possit Missa lecta. Negative". 

And again: 

1. '* An toleranda sit consuetude vigens in quibusdam paroeciis, 
praesertim in ruralibus celebrandi per parochum Missam lectam Feria 
V. in Coena Domini quin peragi valeant eadem Feria, et sequeuti 
coeterae Ecclesiasticae functiones praescriptae ob clericorum dafectum, 
vel potius obolenda. 
******* 

3. " An ad eliminandos abusus, siqui irrepserint, sit consuleridum 
Sanctissimo pro revocatione cujuscumque Indulti celebrandi privatim 
eamdem Missam, (idest in Sabbato Sancto) firmo tamem remanente sin- 
gulari privilegio aliquibus Ecclesiis,peculiaribus attentis circumstantiis, 
concesso unam vel alteram Missam lectam celebrandi post unlearn 
solemnem de die ? 

"Ad. 1. Affirmative et ad mentem : mensest ut locorum ordinarii 
quoad Paroecias in quibus haberi possunt tres, quatuorve saltern 
Clerici Sacras Functiones Feriis V. et VI. ac Sabbato majoris heb- 
domadae peragi studeant, servata forma parvi Bitualis S. M. Bene- 
dict! XIII. anno 1725, jussu editi ; Quoad alias paroecias quae Cleris 
clestituuntur, indulgere valeant ob populi commoditatem, ut Parochi 
(putita quotannis venia) Feria V. in Coena Domini Missam lectam 
celebrare possint, priusquam in Cathedrali vel Matrice Conventualis 
iucipiat. Et ad D. Secretarium cum Sanctissimo. 

" Ad. 3. Affirmative juxta votum videlicet Consulendum Sanc- 
tissimo pro revocatione cujuscumque Indulti celebrandi privatim in 
Sabbato Sancto, firmo tamen singular! privilegio aliquibus Ecclesiis, 
peculiaribus attentis circumstantiis, concesso, unam vel alteram Missam 
lectam celebrandi post unicam Solemnem de die prout in dubio, Die 
28 Julii, 1821". 

With reference to the first decision, it is to be remarked, how 
the observance of the Memoriale Rituum is inculcated, and 
that even in case the clerics cannot be had, the parish priest 
cannot celebrate a low Mass unless he gets permission to do so 
from the bishop each year (petita quotannis venia), and we may 
here observe that the only reasons which would warrant the 
bishop to grant permission for a low Mass on Holy Thursday, are 
two : first, to give an opportunity to the faithful of making 
their Easter Communion ; and second, to give Communion to 
the sick. In these two circumstances the bishop can give per- 
mission for a low Mass, if he thinks it necessary, on Holy 



Liturgical Questions. 341 

Thursday, but the parish priest, or, much less, any other priest, 
cannot say Mass even in these circumstances, without the per- 
mission sought and obtained every year from the bishop (venia 
quotannis petita). 

Gardellini, in a very valuable dissertation on this decree, has 
the following words : " Rem tamen noluit in Parochorum ruralium 
arbitrio relinquere, sed demandavit ut iidem quotannis et pete- 
rent et ab episcopo celebrandi veniam obtinerent". In another 
passage he (Gardellini) quotes the authority of Benedict XIV., 
who, when Archbishop of Bologna, had granted permission to 
some of the parish priests to say a low Mass under the circum- 
stances above referred to, and then he adds: 

" Praeter parochum in sua parochia, si sacerdos aliquis cujus- 
cumque conditionis aut dignitatis Missam privatam Feria quinta, 
sexta, ac Sabbato majoris hebdomodae celebrare ausus fuerit, ipsum 
graviter puniemus et a Divinis etiam interdicemus". 

With regard, however, to Holy Saturday, the case is quite 
different. For a private Mass cannot now be celebrated on that 
day without a special indult from the Holy See, as appears from 
a decree of the llth March, 1690: 

" Firmo in reliquis remanente praedicto decreto edito die 1 1 Feb- 
ruarii nempe in Sabbato Sancto celebrationes Missarum privatarum 
omnino prohibentur in quibuscumque Ecclesiis et oratoriis privatis, 
non obstante quacumque contraria consuetudine, et unica tantum 
Missa Conventualis una cum officio ejusdem Sabbati sancti cele- 
bretur". 

Gardellini, in his dissertation already mentioned, speaking of 
this decree, says : 

" Quurn autem hoc Decretum Summus Pontifex sua auctoritate 
firmaverit et ope typorum evulgari jusserit, vim habet legis universalis 
quae relaxari nequit nisi ab eo a quo lata est". 

It is plain, therefore, that there is a great difference between 
Holy Thursday and Holy Saturday, as to the question of low 
Masses. With regard to Holy Thursday, the bishop may allow 
it in certain circumstances, but not so on Holy Saturday. This 
difference is evidenced in the fact, that if a holiday of obligation 
fall on Holy Thursday, it is to be observed, and some low Masses 
are permitted, so that the people may fulfil the precept of hearing 
Mass. But if the holiday fall on Holy Saturday or Good 
Friday, it is transferred to another day, together with the obliga- 
tion of hearing Mass, and no private Masses are allowed. 

We now come to the last question, which is one of a practical 
character, and which must be treated as such. The Memoriale 
Rituum lays down most distinctly all the directions for the due 
performance of the ceremonies in Holy Week when there is not 
a sufficient number of priests to carry them on with the solemnity 



342 Liturgical Questions. 

prescribed by the Missal. In the preface it states that it was 
ordered by Pope Benedict XIII., and published " ut Minorum 
Ecclesiarum Rectores minime vel perstrictus Parochialium Cleri- 
corum numerus detineat, vel insuetorum Rituum anfractus de- 
terreat". Hence in the same preface it charges the parish priest 
to instruct three or four clerics in the ceremonies, " ut sacrae 
actiones, si nequeant solemniter, decenter saltern peragantur". 
This is the first point to be attended to, namely, to appoint 
three or four youths and train them in the manner of performing 
the ceremonies. This at first may appear to cause great incon- 
venience and trouble, but it is well known to those who have 
tried the experiment how quickly well disposed youths learn such 
matters, and what taste they even display in arranging the altars, 
etc., considering the opportunities within their reach. 

2. But, as far as we know, the chief difficulty which is usually 
made is, that they cannot do anything in the country districts in 
the way of singing the hymns and the psalms. This, no doubt, 
would be an insurmountable difficulty in many instances ; but the 
Memoriale Rituum of Benedict XIII. does not require music or 
singing. It requires the priest and the youths to recite, and to 
do so " aequa vocum concordia" (vide Memoriale Rituum). If 
the parish priest could have the singing, it would, of course, be 
most desirable and very edifying, but not at all necessary. 

3. The Memoriale Rituum requires for Holy Thursday an 
altar set apart from the high altar at which the ceremonies are 
performed, which is called the altar of repose, and which is to be 
decorated and adorned with the greatest pomp. There is not 
much difficulty in complying with this particular, which is clearly 
pointed out by the Rubrics of the Missal; and we may here 
observe that we have heard with surprise that the altar of repose 
on Holy Thursday in some Churches is the same as the high 
altar, and not distinct from it, where the ceremonies could 
and ought to be carried out with the greatest solemnity and 
accuracy. 

4. The Memoriale Rituum enters into many details about 
the function of Good Friday and Holy Saturday, and for this lat- 
ter day many things are to be procured by the parish priest which 
are clearly laid down in the Missal and the Memoriale so often 
referred to. We deem it unnecessary to mention all the details, 
particularly as while we are writing on these subjects we have 
been favoured with a copy of a letter of his Grace the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin to the clergy of his diocese, which we annex 
here as confirming our views on these points, and also as a 
summary of what we have been stating in this article. 



Liturgical Questions. 343 



PAULUS, 

Dei et Apostolicae sedis gratia, Archiepiscopus DubKnensis, etc., Venerabili Clero 
Dublinensi Tarn Saeculari quam Regulari. 

MAXIMI moment! esse ut leges ecclesiasticae ad sacras caeremonias 
peragendas spectent, accuratissime observentur, nemo est qui ignoret. 
Itaque, cum Nobis relatum fuerit in quibusdum hujus dioecesis 
Ecclesiis quasdam leges rituales praecipue ad hebdomadam sanctam 
spectantes, diversam et variam interpretationem accipere, adeoque in 
omnibus eandem disciplinam non vigere, cum que maximopere optan- 
dum sit ut non tantum idem spiritus sed et eadem agendi ratio ubique 
servetur, nostrim uneris esse existimavimus paucaquaedam que ad uni- 
tatem promovendam opportuna videntur, in omnium memoriam revo- 
care, non quasi nova aliqua decernentes, sed eo tantum fine ut quam 
accuratissime Ecclesiae leges jam latae observentur. Haec vero sunt 
quae ab omnibus servari volumus : 

Imo. In oratoriis domesticis, missa celebranda non est in Feria 
Quinta in Coena Domini, neque in duobus sequentibus diebus, neque 
in die Paschatis 

2do. In Feria quinta praedicta, unica tantum celebrandi est Missa 
in singulis Ecclesiis, quae solemnis aut conventualis esse debet. In 
ea vero Missa clerus qui ad ecclesiam spectat, Communionem inter 
Missarum solemnia a manu celebrantis recipere debet, juxta veterem 
et constantem Ecclesiae usum. 

3tio. Altare in quo reponendum est SS. Sacramentum, quod Feria 
Sexta in Missa Praesanctificatorum sumi debet a celebrante, omni 
cura ornandum est. Caeterum, Sacra Hostia includenda est in cap- 
sula, seu in sepulchre, ut vulgo dicitur, quod clave a sacerdote custo- 
dienda claudi debet, nee licet sacram Hostiam ita exponere ut videatur 
a fidelibus. 

4to. In die Sabbati Sancti unica tantum celebrari potest Missa, 
que solemnis esse debet, vel celebrata ad normam Caeremonialis Be- 
nedicti XIII. 

5to. Monendi sunt fideles a confessariis et a Concionatoribus prae- 
ceptum quo tenentur sacram communionem tempore paschali recipere, 
adimpleri non posse nisi in propria cuj usque Ecclesia Paroeciali, ex- 
cepto casu quo habeatur dispensatio ab episcopo, vel proprio parocho. 

6to. Die Paschatis, in Ecclesiis, quae paroeciales non sunt, vetitum 
omnino est Sacram Communionem fidelibus dispensare, sive privatim, 
sive publice. 

7to. Quod vero spectat ad eos qui vivunt in communitate, ut, e. g., 
in Conventibus et Monasteriis, in Collegiis et Seminariis ecclesiasticis, 
Communionem Paschalem tarn ipsi quam eorum famuli, in propriis 
sacellis aut ecclesiis sumere possunt. 

8to. In singulis Ecclesiis paroecialibus Sabbato Sancto benedicendi 
sunt fontes baptismales secundum ritum in Missali Romano praescrip- 
tum. 

9 to. Vetera Olea ad eos benedicendos adhibenda non sunt ; quare, 
omnibus cavendum est, ut nova olea die antecedent!, ad eum finem 



344 Documents. 

petant. Olea vero sacra a laicis deferenda non sunt, sed a Sacerdoti- 
bus, a quibus etiam diligenter in loco tuto et clave obserrato semper 
custodienda sunt. 

lOto. Si qua in Ecclesia plures Sacerdotes ad sacras caeremonias 
peragendas haberi non possint, et unicus tantum adsit, servari debet, 
in hac hebdomada sancta ceremoniale editum jussu Benedicti XIIL, 
pro minoribus ecclesiis, quod nuper in hac urbe in lucem prodiit ex 
typographia Domini Jacobi Duffy. 

1 1 mo. Organa quae pulsantur dum cantatur Gloria in excelsis in 
Missa Feriae Quintae in Coena Domini, silere postea debent donee 
initium fiat ejusdem hymni angelici in Missa Sabbati Sancti. 

12 mo. Campana silere eodern temporis spatio omnino debent. 
Caeterum, omnes Parochos et Ecclesiarum Regularium Superiores 

in Domino rogamus ut, ea que hie praescripta sunt, quam accuratis- 
sime observari curent, atque eo zelo quo pro gloria Dei et disciplinae 
ecclesiasticae observantia flagrant, operam diligentissime navent, ut 
non solum in hac Sacra Hebdomade, verum etiam per totius anni 
curriculum, omnes sacrae caeremoniae et ritus ab Ecclesia sanciti, ea 
qua convenit dignitate et decore, qui domum Dei decet, peragantur. 

% PAULUS CULLEN. 
Dat. Dublini, Die 5 ApriKs, 1857. 



DOCUMENTS. 



MONITA TO PROFESSOR UBAGHS, BY THE S. 
CONGREGATION OF THE INDEX.* 

Folium primum anni 1843, de quo sermo est in epistola ad Episcopos 
Belgii ab Eminentissimo Cardinali Patrizi, secretario S. Inquisit. data 
d. 11 oct. 1864. 
R. D. Ubaghs, docet in Theodicea et interdum etiam in Logica 

sequentes propositiones, quas S. Congregatio Indici praeposita emen- 

dandas esse judicat. 

I. " Haud posse nos in cognitionem cujusvis externae metaphysicae 
veritatis venire (nempe quae respiciat ea quae sub sensus nostros non 
cadunt), absque alterius instructione, ac in ultima analysi absque 
divina revelatione". 

Porro haec doctrina admitti nequit, quia sicut veritates internae et 
mathematicae cognosci possunt ope ratiocinii, ut ipsemet auctor fatetur, 
ita saltern possibile est veritates externas assequi, quotiescumque ne- 
cessario cum internis connectuntur ; aut cum ipsae internae consistere 
nequeunt non supposita aliqua veritate externa. 

II. " Veritates externas metaphysicas demonstrari non posse". Vide 
Thzod., pag. 220, n. 413 et seq. 

* See Record, vol. i. part i. p. 194. 



Documents. 345 

Jam vero veritates externae quandoque cum internis necessario 
copulantur, tanquam effectus cum causa, et ideo per hanc connexionem 
demonstrari possunt eo genere argument! quod a posteriori vocatur, 
cujus certitude non minor ilia est, quae per demonstrationem a priori 
obtinetur. 

III. " Dei existentiam minime demonstrari posse, Deum existere 
demonstrari posse negamus". Theod., pag. 73. 

Quae importuna doctrina ultro fluit ex opinionibus jam indicaris 
ipsius auctoris. 

IV. " Probationes existentiae Dei reduci ad quandam fidem, aut 
fundari in hac fide, qua uon tarn videmus quam credimus, seu natu- 
raliter persuasum nobis est, ideam hanc esse fidelem, id quod evidentia 
mere interna cernere non possumus". Theod.^ pag. 73. 

Quae verba significare videntur potius credi quam demonstrari Dei 
existentiam, quod quidem a vero omnino distat. 

V. " Auctor ornnes probationes veritatum externarum metaphysi- 
carum reducit ad sensum communem". 

Quae doctrina admitti nequit, eo quod aliquae veritates externae 
demonstrantur a posteriori per veritates internas, absque ilia relatione 
ad sensum communem. Ita habentes conscientiam nostrae existentiae, 
directe inferimus existere causam quae nobis existentiam cuntulerit ; 
seu ab una veritate interna deducimus aliam veritatem externam 
absque interventu sensus communis. 

Hae sunt praecipuae sententiae, quae in praedicto libro corrigendae 
videntur. Monet igitur S. Cong. Rev. auctorem ut nova aliqua editione 
librum emendandum curet atque interim in scholasticis suis lectionibus 
ab iis sententiis abstinere velit. 

Folium alterum da quo termo e*t in ejrirfola Eminentissimi 
Cardinalis Patn'zi. 

Pauca quaedam loca in opere quod a cl. viro G. C. Ubaghs a. 1841 
Lovanii editum est et inscribitur Theodicea, seu Theologiae naturalis 
element^ adnotanda esse videntur, ut doctissimus auctor additis qui- 
busdam illustrationibus obortas circa ejusdem operis intelligentiam 
difficultates e medio tollere possit. Ac 1 quidem memoranda sunt ilia 
quae pag. 73 habentur de Dei existentia : " Deum existere demon- 
strari posse negamus, sed id certo certius probari etiam atque etiam 
affirmamus". Omnis certe ambiguitas ex hoc loco tolleretur, -si post 
vocem demonstrari adderetur a priori, quod conveniret cum iis quae 
tradit auctor in Logica, p. 114, ed. tertia, de demonstrationis divisione, 
ubi ostendit contra Kantianos demonstrationem a posteriori, jure ac 
merito veram demonstrationem vocari. Auctor etiam, ibid. p. 105, 
haec habet : " Demonstrare, si stricte intelligitur, idem est ac probare 
judicium certo esse sicut effertur". Nemo autem negabit probationes 
existentiae Dei earn vim habere, ut respondeant notioni strictae de- 
monstrationis quae hie a cl. auctore traditur. 

2 Ubi auctor ad examen vocat diversa argumentorum genera, 
quae ad Dei existentiam demonstrandam afferri solent, quaedam habet 
quae observatione digna videntur. Theod., pag. 86, de argumentis 
physicis loquens ait :- " Et licet turn recta ex rationalis naturae im- 



346 Document*. 

pulsu, etc., probari posset eumdem esse potentia et intelligentia vere 
infinita, illud tamen ex argumentis physicis eolis et stricte spectatis 
secundum leges logicas effici nequit". Pag. 87, de argumentis quae 
moralia dicuntur ita se exprimit : " In his solis veram Dei infinitatem 
expresse contentam esse, strictis logicae legibus nondum plane 
efficitur". Additis porro quibusdam de argumento ex ente infinite, 
concludit : *' Fide naturali et spontanea quadam progressione continua 
suppleamus in quod ad accuratam Dei notionem concipiendam, et ad 
veri Dei existentiam plene probandam illi soli probation! logicae, si 
strictissime acciperetur, deesse videretur". Tandem p. 89 legimus : 
" Probabiles quidem conjecturas facere de prima causa vel de primis 
causis (nesciremus utique, utrum una aut plures dicendae essent) 
deque earum proprietatibus possemus". In his omnibus mens doc- 
tissimi auctoris paulo clarius explicanda videtur, ne quis inde 
occasionem sumat vim elevandi argumentorum quae Dei existentiam 
demonstrant. 

3 Clarissimus auctor, cap. 7, p. 3 T7ieod., profitetur se " magis 
speciatim ac si fieri possit, paulo apertius declarare velle ea quae ad 
veritatem cognoscendam spectant". Quaedam tamen ibi leguntur, de 
quorum intelligentia dubitationes oriri possent. Pag. 216, haec ha- 
bentur : " Veritatem internam immediate cognoscere possumus, exter- 
nam non sine interposita fide". Et pag. 219 : " Necesse cst...ut insti- 
tutio aliena nobis manifestas faciat veritates quae nee mere animi 
affectiones sunt, nee sub sensus nostros externos cadunt". Plura alia 
ejusdem generis ibi obvia sunt, quae contra mentem auctoris forte in 
alienos sensus torqueri possent, et ad id adhiberi, ut vis humanae 
isationis extenuaretur, et argumenta quae pro veritatibus externis de- 
monstrandis adhibentur ita infirmarentur, ut certitudinem illam 
minime afferrent, quae in iis homini omnino necessaria est. 



II. 

RESCRIPT OF THE S. CONG. OF RITES TO THE 
BISHOP OF ST. BRIEUC ON THE FORM OF SUR- 
PLICE TO BE WORN IN ADMINISTERING THE 
SACRAMENTS. 
REVEREND ISSIME DOMINE OTI FRATER, 

Praecipuas curas quas Amplitude Tua religiosissime impendere non 
cessat ut iterum assumpta liturgia romana in ista tot nominibus com- 
mendabili Briocensi dioecesi integra servetur, non solum quoad 
rationem divinorum officiorum et sacrosancti missae sacrificii, verum 
etiam in reliquis vel functionibus ecclesiasticis, vel sacris caeremoniis, 
dum SS. D. N. Pius Papa IX. et Sacra Rituum Congregatio cum gaudio 
comperiunt, Amplitudinis Tuae zelum, et erga hanc sanctam aposto- 
licam Sedem devotionem promeritis laudibus, commendatione, praeci- 
pua extollunt. Cum vero impraesentiarum Amplitude Tua exponat, 
num, attends addictissimi tui cleri votis, recedere liceat a prudenter a 
te decretis de anno 1848 pridie idus decembris quoad vestes adhibendas 
a sacerdotibus choro interessentibus quin canonicali titulo sint insigniti, 



Documents. 347 

itemque in sacramentorum administratione ; ac proinde permittere ut 
utantur cotta cum dtis, vel rochetto manicis destitute, Sanctissimus item 
Dominus, cui fideliter per me infra scriptum Sacrorum Rituum Con- 
gregationis prosecretarium litterae Amplitudinis Tuae relatae fuerunt, 
per particulares hasce litteras Amplitudini Tuae significandum prae- 
cepit, ut qua polles religione et eloquio allabores, ut praescripta cotta 
cum manicis largioribus juxta romanum morem omnino in choro 
utantur qui non sunt canonici, quam tamen ad extremitates textili 
pinnate, vel alio ornatu acu picto decorare liceat : verum in sacra- 
mentorum administratione cotta cum stola, uti plura exigunt decreta 
et rituale requirit, omnino adhibenda est. 

Dum ita SS. D. N. mentem Amplitudini Tuae aperio, eidem 
diuturnam exopto felicitatem. 

tRomae, 12 februarii 1852. 
Amplitudinis tuae, uti Frater, A card. LAMBRUSOHINI, S. R. C. P. 
Locus < SIGILLI. 



III. 
RESCRIPT OF THE S. CONG. OF INDULGENCES. 

Inter dubia de Translatione festorum, quae N. huic Sacrae Congre- 
gationi Indulgentiarum obtulerat enodanda, sequens propositum est : 

Utrum Indulgentiam alicui festo adjunctam lucretur quisquis die 
ipsa juxta Kalendarium Breviarii Romani, vel potius juxta Kalen- 
darium uniuscujusque dioecesis, Ordinis, etc. Item qui sodalitati 
cuicumque nomen dederunt an Indulgentias acquirant die in quafestum 
celebratur in Ordine regulari ad quern attinet dicta sodalitas, licet sit 
diversa a die Kalendarii Romani, vel dioecesani ? 

Sacra Congregatio Indulgentiis sacrisque Reliquiis praeposita, in 
generalibus conaitiis habitis apud Vaticanas aedes die 29 augusti 1864, 
praeviis consultorum votis, et re mature discussa, respondit : 

" Indulgentiam acquiri a Christifidelibus die fixa et rite constituta 
in sua dioecesi, a Regularibus Ordinibus die rite constituta in suo 
Kalendario ; a sodalitatibus vel die rite constituta in Kalendario 
Ordinis cui adhaerent si hujus Indulgentiarum participes sint, vel in 
Kalendario dioecesis, non tamen in utraque die". 

Datum Romae ex secrctaria ejusdem Sacrae Congregationis Indul- 
gentiarum die 29 augusti 1864. 

ANTONIUS M. Card. PANEBIANCO, Praef. 

Loco >J SIGILLI. 

PHILIPPUS CAN. COSSA, substitutes. 



IV. 

DECISIONS REGARDING THE JUBILEE. 

Sono pervenuti alia S. Penitenzieria i seguenti Quesiti : 
1. Quei Vescovi che credono espediente far fruire nella pros- 
sima Quareisma ai lore- diocesani lo spirituale vantaggio del S. 



348 Documents. 

tore Apostoliche degli 8. Decembre 1864, possono commutare i 
tre giorni dell' ingiunto digiuno in altre opere pie ; ovvero, ove 
Giubileo accordato dalla Santita di N. S. Papa Pio IX. con Let- 
per benignita della Santtia Sua e dispensata 1' astinenza dalle 
carni possono ingiungere detta astinenza per tre giorni, non 
ostante il studetto indulto, e ferino rimanendo il precetto del 
digiuno ecclesiatico ? 

2. Quei Vescovi nelle cui diocesi il tempo del Giubileo an- 
dase a cadere durante il tempo Pasquale, possono dichiarare ai 
loro fedeli che colla Comunione Pasquale resti sodisfatta la Co- 
munione ingiunta pel Giubileo ? 

3. Molto giovando a dispore i fedeli all' aquisto delle indul- 
genze del Giubileo una fervorosa preparazione merce le Sante 
Missioni, ed altronde non essendovi in Diocesi tanti Operaj da 
percorrerla in un Mese ; ovvero, stimandolo i Vescovi piii oppor- 
tune pel bene spirituale dei loro diocesani, possono i medesiini 
designare diversi mesi pei diversi. Luoghi deila Diocesi, sempre 
pero dentro I'annol865? 

4. Nelle Lettere Apostoliche del 26 Marzo 1860 il Sommo 
Pontefice riservo a Se, e Suoi Successori 1'assoluzione dalle Cen- 
sure per coloro che mandarono ad effetto la ribellione ed usur- 
pazione deiDominj Pontificj non che dei loro Mandanti, fautori, 
cooperatori, consiglieri, aderenti, esecutori ecc Ora colle amplis* 
sime facolta che si consedono ai Confessori in occasione del Santo 
Giubileo, di cui parlano le sopraindicate Lettere Apostoliche 
delli 8. Decembre 1864 e quelle del 20 Novembre 1 846 s' intende 
tolta la suddetta riserva aposta nella detta Bolla del 26 Marzo 
1860? 

S. Poenitentiaria, facta praemissorum relatione Sanclissimo 
Domino Nostro Papa Pio IX., juxta Ejusdem Sanctissimi 
Domini mentem, respondet. 

Ad l um Per jejunium Quadragesimale, etiamsi adsit neces&itaa 
utendi lacticiniis, satisfit duplici oneri. 

Ad 2 um Affirmative. 

Ad 3 um Ex novo Indulto Sanctissimi, affirmative. 

Ad 4 um Negative, et recurrendum esse ad Locorum Ordinaries, 
qui providebunt juxta Instructiones. 

Datum Romae in S. Poenitentiaria die 20 Januarii 1865. 
A. M. CARD. CAGIANO MAJOR POENIT. 

G. BALLARATI S. P. Secretarius. 

Concordat cum originali. 

^ PAULUS CULLEN, Archiepiscopus. 



349 
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 



i. 

Letters to the People of the World on a Life of Pleasures. By 
V. Dechamps, of the Congregation of the Holy Redeemer. 
Paris: 36 Rue Bonaparte. 

The author of this work draws a picture of the life which those 
who devote themselves altogether to the pursuit of pleasure are ac- 
customed to lead, and describes the dangerous character of the 
amusements sanctioned by the pleasure-loving and fashionable society 
of the present day, which seems to have forgotten the teaching of 
the Gospel, that any one who wishes to be the disciple of our Lord 
must deny himself, and crucify his perverse appetites andinclinations. 

Probably there are persons who, through levity or want of re- 
flection, allow themselves to be carried too far in the search of 
earthly amusements, and yet keep up a certain spirit of religion, and 
occasionally perform good works. However, admitting those excep- 
tions, you will find that in general gentlemen and ladies who enter 
on what is called a life of pleasure, and who determine to gratify 
every whim for amusement, if their conduct be closely examined, 
appear to live as if they had no souls, or as if they were made solely 
for the purpose of enjoying earthly delights. Forgetting their Creator, 
never reflecting on our hope of future happiness, never raising their 
thoughts to Heaven, bent down to Earth, they spend their days in 
idleness or in useless occupations, and their nights at theatres or in 
other distracting, dangerous, or corrupting amusements. When they 
wish to pass away a tedious hour, they may take up a book, but it will 
be nothing more serious than a novel, or a romance, or something 
calculated to corrupt the heart or pervert the mind. Like gaudy but- 
terflies, they flit from flower to flower in their hour of sunshine, but 
do no good, and leave no trace of utility behind them. What a dread- 
ful account will they have to render to their Creator for having 
wasted away the precious time and the good gifts which he gave 
them that they might be usefully employed both for this world and 
the next ! 

The class of votaries of pleasure to whom' we refer is accurately 
described by the inspired writer of the Book of Wisdom : " Come, 
say they, and let us enjoy the good things that are present, and let 
us speedily use the creatures as in youth : let us fill ourselves with 
costly wine and ointments, and let not the flower of the time pass by 
us : let us crown ourselves with flowers before they be withered : let 
no meadow escape our riot" ( Wisdom, ii. 6). 

The consequences of such a life of pleasure are very fatal ; those 
who engage in it think of nothing but self, forget the rights and in- 
terests of others, and become cruel and hard-hearted. When the 
Romans abandoned their ancient simplicity, and became disciples of 



350 Notices of Books. 

the effeminate Epicurus, we learn from history that they were accus- 
tomed to have gladiatorial combats at their banquets, so that whilst 
indulging in the pleasures of the table, they might glut their eyes 
with the sight of unfortunate men murdering one another. It is also 
related that in the times of the greatest pagan refinement in Rome, 
masters sometimes put their slaves to death, in order that the 
muraenas and other fishes which they kept in artificial lakes, might 
oe made more delicate and grateful to their taste by feeding on 
human flesh. It was also, we are not to forget, in a ball-room, in 
the midst of pleasures, that a dancing-girl, the daughter of Herodias, 
petitioned Herod to grant her the head of St. John the Baptist in a dish. 

This tendency of those who abandon themselves to earthly 
pleasures is confirmed by the testimony of the same inspired writer 
whom we have just quoted. According to him, they say within 
themselves, " Let none of us go without his part in luxury ; let us 
everywhere leave tokens of joy ; for this is our portion and this our 
lot. Let us oppress the poor just man, and not spare the widow, nor 
honour the ancient gray hairs of the aged. But let our strength be 
the law of justice, for that which is feeble is found to be little worth" 
( Wisdom, ii. 9). How often are these words illustrated in our own 
days ! Men who throw away thousands on horse-racing, gambling, 
the theatre, and fashion, frequently persecute the poor, deprive them 
of their just rights, and envy them not only the smallest enjoyment, 
but even the necessaries of life. Many political economists go still 
farther, and endeavour to exterminate the poor altogether, lest their 
rags and their suffering should offend the eye of the wealthy. Indeed 
in the present day and among ourselves, " strength is the law of justice", 
and the artizan and labourer are looked on as mere instruments to 
promote the wealth and pleasures of others ; " for that which is feeble 
is found to be little worth". 

Having treated of a life of pleasures in general, the learned Redemp- 
torist examines some of the amusements now in vogue, and treats at 
considerable length of modern dances, proving that many of them 
ought not to be tolerated in Christian society. St. Francis de Sales, 
indeed, and St. Alphonsus, both remarkable for their charity and 
meekness, admit that dances may be allowed when conducted with 
Christian moderation and propriety ; but where scandal is given, either 
by immodest dresses, or gestures, or movements, and where there is 
danger of sin,they prohibit such amusements altogether. Gury, in his 
valuable compendium of moral theology, having quoted the authority 
of those saints, adds : * 4 It is clear that dances rendered immodest by 
the dresses or the nudity of the persons engaged in them, or by the 
character of their movements or gestures, are grievously unlawful. 
To this class of dances are to be referred the polka, the waltz, the 
galop, and other similar mo'dern introductions". He adds : " In prac- 
tice, as they are generally very dangerous, all dances in which 
persons of different sexes engage are to be prevented as much as 
possible. Hence, parish priests and confessors should endeavour 
to withdraw their subjects and penitents from them". 



Notices of Books. 35 1 

Our author confirms the teaching of Gury by the authority of se- 
veral French and Belgian bishops. The venerable Archbishop of 
Lyons, Cardinal de Bonald, writing on this matter, says : " If you 
assist at a modern ball, will you not be tempted to inquire whether 
it is not a pagan spectacle to which you have been invited ? Look- 
ing round in search of modesty, decency, or even propriety, you will 
not know where to rest your eyes, in the midst of shameless nudities and - 
of lewd and slippery dances. Such assemblies ought not to be called 
Christian : they are unworthy of that name. . . We are not sur- 
prised that the dances referred to have been carried from the great 
cities even to the remotest villages, for it was to be expected that the 
powers of Hell would endeavour to propagate a fashion, the origin of 
many evils, and well calculated to excite passions that cause many 
bitter but useless tears". 

The Bishop of Gand says : " Many who take part in modern fashion- 
able dances justify themselves by the necessity in which they are 
placed ; they must do as others do ; they must keep up to the fashion 
of the day. Let such persons enter into themselves for a moment 
before the crucifix : there they will learn that Christ has not said, I 
am the custom or the fashion, but I am the way, the truth, and the 
life ; that He has declared that no one can serve two masters ; and that 
on the last day He will judge us, not according to the laws of fashion, 
but by the precepts of the Gospel not by the example of others, but 
by the promises of our baptism". 

The same bishop continues : " I see with grief that a rage for 
amusement induces Christian mothers to bring their daughters into 
assemblies where immoral dances are carried on. These same females 
sometimes exteriorly profess piety, and even approach the sacraments. 
They pretend that they do so under the direction of their confessors. 
I cannot believe their statement. No confessor could tolerate such 
abuses : doing so he would cooperate, by a culpable negligence, in 
the scandals given by such penitents, and would entail a great 
responsibility on his conscience before God". 

These words of the zealous bishop prove that those who have the 
care or direction of souls ought to be most active in preventing 
scandalous dances, which give occasion to so many sins. Certainly 
those who indulge in such amusements are not worthy to be united 
to the Immaculate Lamb of God by receiving the sacrament of the 
Blessed Eucharist, until they determine to abandon their bad habits. 

Many who take part in modern dances, and who spend their 
nights in the excitement of the polka and the waltz, say that they 
are not conscious of having committed sin, and that they have a 
right to approach the sacraments. Our author would not believe 
their assertions or admit their claims. They appear to forget that 
there is such a sin as the waste of time, such a sin as scandal. 
Though imagining themselves free from guilt, they may have been 
the occasion of the spiritual ruin of others by their example, or by 
their improper dresses, and have a grievous responsibility on their 
souls. Anyhow, it is not edifying that persons who during the 



352 Notices of Books. 

week continually indulged in vanity or impropriety of dress, and 
in dangerous amusements, should be freely allowed to approach the 
holy altar on Sundays. Spiritual directors must take care not to 
render themselves, by their laxity, responsible for the sins of others. 
Though their penitents say they committed no sins themselves, yet 
that is not sufficient. It must be seen whether they have not made 
others commit sin, or at least put them in danger of doing so. 

A translation of the work of Father Dechamps into English would 
serve to give accurate ideas on modern fashions, and to correct 
prevalent abuses. Indeed, everything ought to be encouraged that 
tends to check the growth of an effeminate spirit and the extravagant 
love of costly and corrupting fashions, which cannot fail to bring 
great scourges on the world. 



II. 

Obnoxious Oaths and Catholic Disabilities : A Speech of Sir J. 
Gray, etc. Fowler, 3 Crow Street, Dublin, 1865. 

Sir J. Gray deserves great credit for the force and learning with 
which he has brought the question of obnoxious oaths before the 
public. Every one is aware that for nearly three centuries the Ca- 
tholics of Ireland were reduced to a state of thraldom by the ope- 
ration of such oaths ; for unless they consented to renounce upon 
oath some of the most sacred doctrines of religion, they were ex- 
cluded from all the rights of citizens. This was the system adopted to 
propagate and uphold Protestantism, which still pretended to leave to 
every individual the right of judging for himself. The anti-Catholic 
oaths have latterly been set aside ; but Catholics are still required to 
take useless oaths, apparently introduced for the purposes of annoy- 
ance and insult, before they can occupy any public office. Such 
useless and offensive swearing ought to be put an end to. 

The oaths still taken by Protestants are most insulting to Catho- 
lics, and must be the occasion of great remorse to every delicate con- 
science. The Lord Lieutenant, on arriving in Ireland, is obliged to 
perform the disagreeable task of insulting those whom he is come to 
govern, by swearing what he cannot know that some Catholic doc- 
trines are idolatrous and superstitious, and, moreover, swearing what 
everybody knows to be false that the Pope has not any authority in 
Ireland, where every day he exercises a most extensive spiritual juris- 
diction. Other officials of the state and of the establishment take 
similar oaths, insulting to the Catholics of the whole world, and cer- 
tainly hurtful to the consciences of those who take them. Every 
Protestant, when swearing that the Pope has no power in Ireland, 
must feel that he swears to what is in opposition to the known truth. 
It is time that such a system of perjury should be done away with. 
8ir J. Gray deserves well of the country for having placed this ques- 
tion in its true light. 



THE IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. 

MAY, 1865. 

THE SEE OF DERRY. 

The territory of Cineal-Eoghain, from a very early period, 
formed a distinct diocese, which took its name from the church 
of Arderath, now Ardstraw, situated on the River Derg, and 
founded by St. Eugene, first bishop of this see. In the synod 
of Rathbreasail, an. 1110, it is called " Dioecesis Ardsrathensis", 
though probably in that very year the city of Derry was chosen 
for the episcopal residence. " Sedes Episcopalis", writes Dr. 
O'Cherballen, bishop of the see in 1247, " a tempore limitationis 
Episcopatuum Hyberniae in villa Darensi utpote uberiori et 
magis idoneo loco qui in sua Dioecesi habeatur, extitit constituta". 
For some years this arrangement continued undisturbed, till the 
appointment of Dr. O'Coffy, who about the year 1150 transferred 
his see to Rathlure, a church dedicated to St. Luroch ; and sub- 
sequently, for one hundred years, we find the see designated 
" Dioecesis Rathlurensis", or " de Rathlurig", under which name 
it appears in the lists of Centius Camerarius. 

Dr. Muredach O'Coffy was a canon regular of the order of St. 
Augustine, and " was held in great repute for his learning, humi- 
lity, and charity to the poor" (Ware). The old Irish annalists 
style him " the sun of science ; the precious stone and resplen- 
dent gem of knowledge ; the bright star and rich treasury of 
learning ; and as in charity, so too was he powerful in pilgrimage 
and prayer 1 '. He assisted at the Synod of Kells, which was con- 
vened by Cardinal Paparo in 1152, and in the catalogue of its 
bishops he is styled from the territory occupied by his see, the 
Bishop of Cineal-Eoghain. His death is marked in our annals 
on the 10th of February, 117|. 

Amlaf O'Coffy succeeded the same year, and is also eulogized 
VOL. ii. 25 



354 The See of Derry. 

by our annalists as " a shining light, illuminating both clergy and 
people". He was translated to Armagh in 1184, but died the 
following year. Our ancient records add that " his remains were 
brought with great solemnity to Derry and interred at the feet 
of his predecessor". 

Florence O'Cherballen next governed the see, from 1185 to 
1230; whilst the episcopate of his successor, Friar German 
O'Cherballen, embraced well nigh half a century, extending 
from 1230 to his death in 1279. It was during the administra- 
tion of this last-named bishop that the episcopal see was once 
more definitively fixed in Derry. The Holy See, by letter of 
31st May, 1247, commissioned the Bishop of Raphoe, the Abbot 
of the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul in Armagh, and the 
Prior of Louth, to investigate the reasons set forth by Dr. Ger- 
manus for abandoning the church of Rathlure. The following 
extract from the Papal letter preserves to us the chief motive 
thus alleged by Bishop Germanus : 

" Cum villa Rathlurensis pene sit inaccessibilis propter inontana, 
nemora et paludes, quibus est undique circumcincta, aliasque propter 
sterilitatem ipsius et necessariorum defectum nequeat ibi dictus Epis- 
copus vel aliquis de suis canonicis residere, nee clerus ejusdem dioe- 
cesis illuc convenire ad synodum et ad alia quae saepius expedirent 
praefatus episcopus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut utilitatibus Rath- 
lurensis Ecclesiae, ac cleri ejusdem misericorditer providentes sedem 
ipsamreduci ad locum pristinum Darensem villam videlicet de benigni- 
tate Sedis Apostolicae faceremus" (Mon. Vatic, pag. 48). 

It was also added by Dr. O'Cherballen, that his predecessor, 
O'Coffy, had himself been born in Rathlure, and that it was 
through love for his native district he had, by his own authority, 
transferred the episcopal seat from Derry to Rathlure (illectus 
natalis soli dulcedine transtulit motu propriae voluntatis). 

The appointed deputies approved of the resolution taken by 
Bishop Germanus, and a few years later (1254), in reply to the 
Chapter of Derry, the same Pope Innocent IV. thus confirmed 
this translation of the see : 

" Cum, sicuti ex tenore vestrae petitionis accepimus, sedes Anich- 
lucensis* Ecclesiae de speciali mandate nostro et assensu etiam 
venerabilis fratris nostri Archiepiscopi Armachani loci metropolitan! 
ad Darensem Ecclesiam sit translata, nos vestris supplicationibus in- 
clinati translationem hujusmodi, sicut provide facta est, et in alicujus 

* The reader must not be surprised at the name thus given to the See of 
Derry. Camden cites, from an ancient Roman Provinciale, the name Rathlucensis 
given to this see (Publications of I. A. S., 1843, pag. 61), and O'Sullivan Beare more 
than once designates the town of Derry by the Latin name Lucus, and styles its 
bishop " Dirii vel Luci Episcopus" (Hist. Cath., pag. 77, et passim). 



The See of Derry. 355 

praejudicium non redundat, ratam et firmam habentes, earn auctori- 
tate Apostolica confirmamus. Datum Neapoli, secundo Nonas Novem- 
bris, Pontificatus nostri anno duodecimo" (Ibid., 64). 

By a previous letter he had, as early as the first of July in the 
fourth year of his pontificate, in anticipation of this translation 
of the see, granted to the chapter of the diocese of Derry the 
same privileges, indulgences, and other special favours which it 
had hitherto enjoyed in Rathlure (/&., pag. 48). 

The successor of Bishop Germanus was Florence O'Cherballen, 
who held the see from 1279 to 1293. Five other bishops then 
came in rapid succession. Henry of Ardagh, from 1294 to 1297 ; 
Geoffry Melaghlin, from 1297 to 1315; Hugh or-Odo O'Neal, 
from 1316 to 1319; Michael Melaghlin, from 1319 to about 
1330; and Maurice, from about 1330 to 1347. ^ 

On the death of the last named bishop, a Dominican, by name 
Symon, was appointed by Pope Clement VI. to rule the See of 
Derry. He had indeed already been nominated by brief, dated 
the 5th of the Ides of May, 1347, to the diocese of Clonmacnoise, 
but the aged and infirm bishop of that see, who was reported to 
have passed to a better life, was not yet deceased, and hence, on 
the vacancy] of Derry, Bishop Symon was, by brief of 18th De- 
cember, 1347, appointed successor of St. Eugene. From the 
first brief, which nominated him to Clonmacnoise, we learn that 
Friar Symon was Prior of the Dominican fathers of Roscommon, 
and was remarkable for his zeal, his literary proficiency, and his 
manifold virtues. The brief of his appointment to Derry adds 
the following particulars : 

" Dudum ad audientiam apostolatus nostri relatione minus vera 
perlata, quod Ecclesia Cluanensis per obitum Venerabilis fratris nostri 
Henrici Episcopi Cluanensis qui in partibus illis decessisse dicebatur, 
vacabat : Nos credentes relationem hujusmodi veram esse, de te 
ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum professore eidem Ecclesiae duximus 
providendum, praeficiendo te illi in Episcopum et pastorem : et sub- 
sequenter per Ven. fratrem nostrum Talayrandum Episcopum Alba- 
nensem tibi apud sedem Apostolicam fecimus munus consecrationis 
impendi. Cuin autem sicut postea vera relatio adnos perduxit praefatus 
Henricus tempore provisionis hujusmodi ageret, sicut agere dignoscitur, 
in humanis, tu nullius Ecclesiae Episcopus remansisti. Postmodum 
vero Ecclesia Darensi, per obitum bonae memoriae Mauricii 
Episcopi Darensis qui extra Romanam curiam diem clausit ex- 

tremum, pastoris solatio destituta, Nos cupientes talem eidem 

Darensi Ecclesiae praeesse personam quae sciret, vellet et posset 
earn in suis manutenere juribus ac etiam adaugere, ipsamque 
praeservare a noxiis et adversis, post deliberationem quam super his 
cum fratribus nostris habuimus diligentem, demum ad te conside- 
ratis grandium virtutum meritis, quibus personam tuam Dominus 
insignivit, convertimus oculos nostrae mentis, etc. Datum Avinione 

25s 



356 The See of Derry. 

XV. Kalend. Januarii Pontif. Nostri anno octavo" (Mon. Vatic., 
pag. 292). 

Bishop Symon seems to have held the see till the close of this 
century, and the next bishop that we find was John, Abbot of 
Moycoscain, or de claro fonte^ who was appointed to Derry by 
brief of Pope Boniface IX. on 19th August, 1401. Of his im- 
mediate successors we know little more than the mere names. 
William Quaplod, a Carmelite and a distinguished patron of 
literary men, died in 1421. Donald for ten years then ruled the 
diocese, and resigned in 1431 ; his successor, John, died in 1456. 
A Cistercian monk, named Bartholomew O'Flanagan, next sat 
in the see for five years; and Nicholas Weston, a canon of 
Armagh, who was consecrated its bishop in 1466, held it till his 
death in 1484. 

Donald O'Fallon, an Observantine Franciscan, was advanced 
to this see by Pope Innocent VIII. on the 17th of May, 1485: 
" he was reckoned a man of great reputation in his time for 
learning, and a constant course of preaching through all Ireland, 
which he continued for full thirty years" ( Ware). He died in 
the year 1500. 

James Mac Mahon is the first bishop whose name appears in 
the sixteenth century. He was Commendatory Prior of the 
Abbey of SS. Peter and Paul, at Knock, in the county Louth, 
and died in December, 1517. 

William Hogeson, which is probably a corruption of the Irish 
name OG-ashin, was appointed his successor by Pope Leo X. on 
8th of August, 1520. He belonged to the order of St. Domi- 
nic, and seems to have administered the see till 1529. 

Roderick or Rory O'Donnell, Dean of Raphoe, was chosen by 
Pope Clement VII., on 19th September, 1529, to occupy the 
see of Derry. This bishop was very much opposed to the re- 
ligious innovations which Henry VIII. endeavoured to introduce 
into the Irish Church. In the State Papers (vol. i. pag. 598) 
there is a letter dated 14th March, 1539, and addressed by Lord 
Cromwell to the English king, in which the following eulogy is 
passed on Dr. O'Donnell : " Also there be letters long from an 
arrant traitor, Rorick, Bishop of Derry, in your grace's land of 
Ireland, his hand and great seal at it, to the Bishop of Rome, 
declaring the calamities of the Papists in Ireland". It was in the 
preceding year that Bishop Roderick had mortally offended the 
agents of King Henry by his efforts to preserve from their grasp 
the youthful Gerald, who, though yet in his boyhood, was chief 
of the Geraldines, and destined, it was hoped, to become one day 
the rallying point of a confederacy of the Irish chieftains. In 
the month of May Gerald and his faithful escort passed without 



The See of Derry. 357 

molestation from the south to the north of Ireland, being hospita- 
bly received in Thomond, Galwa^, and Sligo ; and they were 
safely entrenched within the barriers of Tyrconnell before the 
government spies had even caught the intelligence of this jour- 
ney. On the 28th of June the Earl of Ormonde wrote a long 
letter to the council of Ireland, giving information of the move- 
ments of young Gerald. From this letter we learn that it was an 
Irish rhymist that acted as his spy amongst the Northern chief- 
tains, and that, according to the latest intelligence received from 
him, " twenty-four horsemen, well apparrelled", had been appoin- 
ted to wait upon the young Geraldine. The King of Scotland, too, 
solicited the Irish princes to commit Gerald to his care. However, 
in another letter, of 20th July, the same earl writes that this scherr e 
was not pleasing to O'Neil and O'Donnell, but " the Bishop O'Don- 
nel (of Derry), James Delahoyde, Master Levrous, and Robert 
Walshe, are gone as messengers to Scotland, to pray aid from the 
Scottish king ; and before their going, all the gentlemen of Ulster, 
for the most part, promised to retain as many Scots as they should 
bring with them, at their own expense and charges during the 
time of their service in Ireland" (St. Pap., iii. 52). Another 
information further states that as a Christmas present in Decem- 
ber, 1538, Art Oge O'Toole had sent to Gerald " a saffron shirt 
trimmed with silk, and a mantle of English cloth fringed with 
silk, together with a sum of money" (Ibid., pag. 139). And a 
few months later Cowley writes from Dublin to the English 
court, that " there never was seen in Ireland so great a host of 
Irishmen and Scots, both of the out isles and of the mainland of 
Scotland ; whilst at the same time the pretended Earl of Desmond 
has all the strength of the west" (Ibid., pag. 145). It is not 
necessary to pursue the subsequent events of this confederacy, as 
we have no express documents to attest the share taken in it by 
the Bishop of Derry. One further fact alone connected with our 
great prelate has been recorded by our annalists, and it, too, 
regards the closing scene of his eventful life, viz., that before his 
death he wished to become a member of the Franciscan order, 
and dying on the 8th of October, 1550, " he was buried in the 
monastery of Donegal in the habit of St. Francis" (Four Mast.. 
v. 1517). 

Eugene Magennis, the next bishop, governed the see from 
1551 to 1568. It was during his episcopate that the venerable 
church and monastery of St. Colomba, together with the town of 
Derry, were reduced to a heap of ruins. The fact is thus nar- 
rated by Cox : " Colonel Saintlow succeeded Randolph in the 
command of the garrison, and lived as quietly as could be desired ; 
for the rebels were so daunted by the former defeat that they did 
not dare to make any new attempt; but unluckily, on the 24th 



358 The See of Derry. 

day of April (1566), the ammunition took fire, and blew up both 
the town and the fort of Derry, whereby twenty men were killed, 
and all the victuals and provisions were destroyed, and no pos- 
sibility left of getting more, so that the soldiers were necessitated 
to embark for Dublin" (Hist., part i. pag. 322). This disaster 
was regarded at the time as a divine chastisement for the profa- 
nation of St. Columba's church and cell, the latter being used by 
the heretical soldiery as a repository of ammunition, whilst the 
former was defiled by their profane worship (O'Sulliv^ pag. 96). 
The next bishop was Raymond O'Gallagher, who, when re- 
ceiving the administration of the see of Killala, in 1545, is 
described in the Consistorial Acts as " clericus dioecesis Rapo- 
tensis in vigesimotertio anno constitutus". It was also commanded 
that after four years, i.e. when he would have attained his twenty- 
seventh year, he should be consecrated Bishop of Killala. In 
1569, he was translated from that see to Derry, which he ruled 
during the many perils and persecutions of Elizabeth's reign, till, as 
Mooney writes, " omnium Episcoporum Europae ordinatione 
antiquissimus", he died, full of years, on the 15th of March in 
1601. In a government memorial of 28th July, 1592, Dr. 
O'Gallagher is thus noticed: " First in Ulster is one Redmondus 

O'Gallagher, Bishop of Derry The said Bishop 

O'Gallagher hath been with divers governors of that land upon 
protection, and yet he is supposed to enjoy the bishoprick 
and all the aforesaid authorities these xxvi years and more, 
whereby it is to be understood that he is not there as a 
man without authority and secretly kept" (Kilken. Proceedings, 
May, 1856, pag. 80). The xxvi of this passage has led 
many into error as to the date of Dr. O' Gallagher's appointment 
to Derry, which, reckoning back from 1592, should be placed 
in 1567. However, that numeral probably is a misprint for 
xxiii, such mistakes being very frequent in the mediaeval 
manuscripts, as well as in more modern publications. The 
following extract from the papers of Cardinal Morone in the 
Vatican archives, will serve to show that in 1569 the see was 
vacant by the death of Bishop Eugenius: 

" Litterae Reverendissimi Armachani ad Patrem Polancum : Quod 
Daniel ab ipso nominatus fiat Episcopus Darensis : contentio de 
Episcopatu Clogherensi inter duos, videtur ponendus tertius : 
Rapotensis et Darensis non iverunt ad concilium Provinciale propter 
bella : Archiepiscopus Armacanus haberet suara Ecclesiam si vellet 
consentire Reginae : posset mitti subsidium pro Armachano ad 
Praesidentern Collegii Lovaniensis : Archiepiscopus Armachanus 
male tractatur in carceribus". 

This minute of Cardinal Morone bears no date, but is re- 
gistered with a series of papers of 1568 and 1569. The Father 



The See of Derry. 359 

Polanco to whom the Primate's letter was addressed, was the 
Procurator-General of the Society of Jesus, and was the same 
who was deputed to be bearer of the blessing of the Holy Father 
to the dying founder of that great order. To the preceding 
minute are added the following remarks, which seem to have 
been presented to the Cardinal by Father Polanco :- 

" Archiepiscopus Armachanus scribit expedire ut tertius nomi- 
netur JEpiscopus pro Clogherensi Dioecesi, non tamen favet Domino 
Milero. Causa posset committi in partibus D. Episcopo Accadensi 
et aliquibus aliis comprovincialibus Episcopis. 

" Episcopatus Darensis in dicta Provincia Armachana vacat mine 
per obitum Eugenii ultimi Episcopi. Duo Hiberni dictae Dioecesis 
pro eo obtinenflo venerunt ad curiam : viz. Cornelius O'Chervallan 
cum quibusdam litteris Patris David Wolff et cum aliis Rectoris 
Lovanii. Item Magonius (Mac Mahon) Abbas commendatus litteris 
Episcoporum Rapotensis et Kilmorensis cum approbatione capituli 
Darensis". 

Dr. O'Gallagher, however, was the person chosen by the Holy 
See, and was proclaimed in consistory before the close of 1569. 
A few years later we find faculties communicated to him by 
Rome for his own diocese, and for the whole province of 
Armagh, " quamdiu venerabilis frater Richardus Archiepiscopus 
Armachanus impeditus a Dioecesi et Provincia Armachana ab- 
fuerit" (13 April, 1575, Ex. Secret. Brev.). About 1594 
other special faculties were again communicated to him through 
Cardinal Allan (ap. King, Hist., pag. 1213) ; and we soon after 
meet with him in the camp of O'Donnell, when that chieftain 
was gathering his forces to cut short the military career of 
General Norris: " There were there", writes O'Sullivan, "some 
ecclesiastics, and especially Raymond O'Gallagher, Bishop of 
Derry, and Vice-Primate of Ireland, who absolved from the 
excommunication which they had incurred, those troops that 
passed from the Elizabethan ranks to the Catholic army" (Hist. 
Cath., p. 181). It was in 1596 that Norris set out with about 
10,000 men to invade North Connaught and Tyrconnell. That 
general was flushed with his victories in France and Belgium, 
nevertheless he was obliged to ignominiously retreat from the 
Ulster frontiers, being unable even to bring to battle the chosen 
army of 5,000 men which was led by the brave O'Donnel. 

On the 22nd of July, 1597, an Irishman named Bernard 
O'Donnell was arrested at Lisle, and brought before the royal 
court, accused of carrying on treasonable intercourse with the 
Spanish government, and of being bearer of despatches from the 
Irish bishops and chieftains to the authorities in Spain and Rome. 
From one of the questions proposed to him at his cross-examina- 



360 The See of Derry. 

tion, we glean some further particulars connected with our 
Bishop of Derry : 

" Respondes tibi nulla fuisse negotia ab Hibernis commissa : 
et tamen reperimus prae manibus tuis litteras cujusdam Gabrielis 
Vasci (Vasquez), Theologi Societatis Jesu ex Hispania decimo die 
mensis Junii superioris (1596) scriptis Komam ad Franciscum 
Rodrigum (Rodriquez) Societatis Jesu, quibus te illi unice com- 
mendat scribitque te eo profecturum fuisse negotiorum publicorum 
causa. Simul etiam invenimus exemplum manu tua scriptum 
epistolae cujusdam a Remundo Derensi Episcopo ad summum Ponti- 
ficem, ex qua apparet, te, post tuum ex Hispania ad Hibernos re- 
ditum, nobiles Hibernos firmasse et illis animum addidisse ad arma 
suscipienda contra Reginam Angliae : idemque rogat summum Ponti- 
ficem, ut tibi fidem adhibeat in multis quae illi dicenda tibi commisit. 
Invenimus etiam prae manibus tuis exemplum litterarum manu tua 
exaratum quibus O'Nellus ille summum Pontificem rogat ut tibi 
fidem adhibeat non modo in his quae illi dicturus eras de bene- 
ficiorum Ecclesiasticorum dispensatione apud Hibernos, sed etiam de 
omnibus rebus publicis Hibernorum ? Reap. Agnosco equidem ilia 
omnia exemplaria litterarum fuisse mea manu scripta : sed ad cumu- 
landam commendationem meam". 

Fortunately, appended to this examination, the letter itself of 
the Bishop of Derry has been preserved to us. We present it 
in full to the reader, as it is the only letter of this great bishop 
that the calamitous era of persecution has permitted to reach us : 

" Copie de lettre escrite au Pape par Remond Derensis Episcopus. 

" Tuam Sanctitatem latcre non arbitramur quam alacri et excelso 
animo nostrae nobilitatis praecipui, Sancti haud dubie Spiritus in- 
stinctu, tyrannicae Angloruin pravitati ausi sunt resjstere : omnem 
ipsorum virulentiam et Satanici furoris artificia, aperto marte 
viriliter irritando. Tametsi quis facile enumeret quae quotidie vol- 
vantur et emergant quibus ut animum adderet, ipsosque in hoc 
pulcherimo institute spe subsidii confirmaret, stabiliretque, cum lator 
praesentium N. (sic.) ex Hispania novissime venisset, cuncta ita uti 
sunt Catholicae majestati fideliter relaturus, volumus atque monemus 
ut Tua quoque Sanctitas fidem incunctanter eidem adhibeat ; ac 
luctuosae tuae Hiberniae et innumeris cladibus ab haereticis jamdiu 
afflictae, squalidam ac funestam faciem benigno vultu aspiciat et 
egregiam hanc occasionem divinitus, ut credimus, oblatam op- 
portune arripiat, memor quam eadem esse soleat occipiti calvo: 
suisque fidelissimis non modo ab ineunte Christianismo clientibus, 
sed ab aliquot annorum centuriis regio jure subditis, quam maturee 
poterit clementer prospiciat, ac expectationis nostrae ac Tabellarii, 
cui pleraque Tuae Sanctitati nuncianda relinquimus, desiderio satis- 
faciat : cujus etiam nos, generis, industriae, nobilitatis, ac sinceri 
et vehementis in religionem et patriam affectus, rationem habentes, 
Tuam oramus Sanctitatem ut eundem benigno favore prosequatur, 
ipsique de digriitate Af. providere non cunctetur nostrum in hac 



The See of Derry. 361 

re judicium auctoritate sua comprobando" (St. Pap., Public Rec. 
Off. London). 

With tins evidence before him, the reader may fully appreciate 
the favourite modern theory of the defenders of the Protestant 
Establishment, that, forsooth, the Irish bishops during Elizabeth's 
reign abandoned the faith of their fathers, and became liege ser- 
vants of the church by law established ! Dr. Cotton when speak- 
ing of our see makes a somewhat more reserved, but equally 
erroneous statement: " Redmond O'Gallagher", he says, "was 
bishop at this time, but whether recognised as such by Queen 
Elizabeth and the Protestant Church does not appear" (Fasti, 
iii. 315). Why, it does appear as plainly as the noon-day sun 
that he was the determined enemy of the Protestant queen and 
her establishment: throughout his whole episcopate he was a 
devoted pastor of the Catholic Church, and thus his fidelity and 
devotion to the cause of God merited for him in death the 
martyr's crown. First on the list of those who suffered for the 
faith during the reign of Elizabeth is reckoned by Dr. Mathews, 
Archbishop of Dublin, in 1623, " Redmondus Galluthurius Da- 
rensis Episcopus et Martyr" (Relat. ad. S. C. de Prop. Fid.) 
Mooney, writing in 1617, also styles him a martyr: " Episcopus 
Redmondus Gallaher martyr obiit anno 1601" ; and O'Sullivan 
Beare, about the same time, adds some of the circumstances of his 
death: " Raymundus O'Gallacher", he writes, " Derii vel Luci 
Episcopus, ab Anglis bipennibus confossus, et capite truncatus 
annum circiter octogesimum agens" (Hist. Cath., pag. 77). The 
Four Masters (ad an. 1601) also mention his being put to death 
by the English ; and Rothe reckons him amongst those who suf- 
fered for the faith. Tradition still points out the spot on which 
the venerable bishop was slain, almost midway on the high road 
between O'Kane's Castle and Dungiven. (See Dr. Kelly's Essays, 
with the additions of Dr. M'Carthy: Dublin, 1864, pag. 425). 

It now only remains to notice some few popular errors con- 
nected with this see. 

1. On account of the old Latin form of the name of this see, 
i.e. Darensis, it has frequently been confounded with the Diocese 
of Kildare. Thus, not to mention more recent examples, Ware 
severely criticises Bale of Ossory for falling into this mistake 
(Bishops, pag. 190). The chief criterion for distinguishing be- 
tween the two sees, is the mention which is generally made of 
the metropolitan to whom the brief is addressed, or of the ec- 
clesiastical province to which the diocese belongs. 

2. Dr. King notices as an improbability that O'Gallagher 
could have been bishop for fifty-two years, and, nevertheless, be 
only (as Dr. King imagines) seventy years of age at his death. 
However, true dates are sure always to mutually correspond, 



362 The See 'of Derry. 

Referring to the Consistorial Acts, cited above, it appears that 
in 1545 Dr. O'Gallagher was in his twenty-third year, and that 
a dispensation was then granted to him to be consecrated bishop 
in his twenty-seventh year: hence, at his death in 1601, Dr. 
O'Gallagher may very well have attained the fifty-second year 
of his Episcopate, whilst he will be found, not indeed in his 
seventieth year, but, as O'Sullivan writes, " circa octogesimum 
annum agens". 

3. The succession of bishops in the See of Derry affords a 
practical refutation of the novel theory so fashionable now-a- 
days amongst the clergy of the Establishment, that forsooth the 
native clergy without hesitation embraced the tenets of Henry 
VIII. and Elizabeth, and that the Catholic Church was only 
upheld in our island " by begging friars and foreign priests". 
We pray the reader whenever he hears such a statement made, 
to call to mind the See of Derry. Was Roderick, " the arrant 
traitor", in the days of King Henry, a foreign priest and a 
stranger to our island ? Was Raymond O'Gallagher a foreigner 
during Elizabeth's reign? Oh! ask the faithful of Innishowen, 
amongst whom he first exercised his sacred ministry ask the 
camps of Maguire, O'Donnell, and O'Neill ! Ask, too, the very 
enemies of our holy faith, the first founders of the Protestant 
Establishment: their deeds will tell you that he was the true 
pastor of the fold, and hence they set a price upon his head, and 
at length conferred on him the martyr's crown. 

There was, however, one foreign prelate who received an ap- 
pointment in Derry at this period, and he was precisely the first 
and only Protestant nominee to this see during Elizabeth^ 
reign. " To the two northern sees of Raphoe and Derry", writes 
Dr. Mant, " Elizabeth made no collation, unless in the year 1595, 
when her reign was drawing towards its close" (Hist, i. 284). 
George Montgomery, a Scotchman, was the individual thus 
chosen to be the first representative of the Establishment in 
our northern sees. His patent for the sees of Clogher, Derry, 
and Raphoe, was dated the 13th of June, 1595, where al- 
ready for many years a canonically appointed bishop ruled 
the fold of Christ. The good sense, however, of the 
Knoxian reformer judged it more prudent not to risk himself 
and family amidst the O'Kanes whilst arms were in the 
hands of the Irish chieftains : he hence consigned to oblivion his 
royal patent, and allowed the Irish pastors to feed in peace their 
spiritual fold. Even when, in 1605, he sought for a new appoint- 
ment to these sees at the hands of King James, as we learn from 
Mant, Ware, and other Protestant authorities, he took care to 
make no allusion to the writ which he had formerly received in 
the thirty-seventh year of Elizabeth. 



DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

No. II. 

The Colenso controversy has entered on a new phase. It ap- 
pears we must no longer speak of Dr. Colenso as the Protestant 
Bishop of Natal. He enjoyed this title indeed for a time, in 
virtue of letters patent issued by the supreme head of the Es- 
tablished Church. But the judicial committee of her Majesty's 
privy council has sat in judgment on her Majesty's letters patent, 
and has just pronounced that they are invalid and without effect 
in law; that her Majesty had assumed a prerogative which did 
not belong to her, and had been guilty in fact, though inadver- 
tently, of an illegal aggression upon the rights of her colonists. 

The history of this remarkable decision may be told in a few 
words. Dr Colenso was appointed to the See of Natal in the 
year 1853. In the same year, Dr. Gray, as Bishop of ^ Cape 
Town, was invested by royal letters patent with metropolitan 
jurisdiction over Dr. Colenso and the diocese of Natal. Ten 
years passed away, and each in his own sphere exercised the 
authority which he was supposed to have received from the 
crown. At length Dr. Colenso's book appears, and a charge of 
heresy is preferred against him. The charge is entertained by 
the supposed metropolitan, who sets up a court, proceeds to try 
the cause, and finally, in December, 1863, delivers his sentence. 
By this sentence Dr. Colenso is deprived of his see, and forbidden 
to exercise his sacred functions within the ecclesiastical province 
of Cape Town. The deposed bishop refuses to acknowledge the 
jurisdiction of the court, and appeals to the privy council. The 
controversy was thus reduced to a simple question of law, was 
Dr. Gray legally possessed of those metropolitan rights to which 
he laid claim ? To this question the judicial committee of the 
privy council has given a clear and decisive answer. When a 
colony is once endowed with legislative institutions of its own, 
the crown no longer possesses any authority to create sees or to 
confer ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Now in the two colonies of 
Cape Town and Natal an independent legislature had been es- 
tablished in the year 1850; and therefore the letters patent of 
1853 were null and void in law. Hence it follows that, accor- 
ding to English law, Dr Gray was never in point of fact the 
Metropolitan of Cape Town ; but neither was Dr. Colenso the 
Bishop of Natal. 

Thus has Dr. Colenso pulled down the whole edifice of the 
English colonial episcopate. Like Sampson of old, he has been, 
indeed, avenged upon his enemies, but he has been himself 
crushed beneath the ruins he has made. Yet, though his juris- 



364 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

diction as a bishop may be taken away, his moral power and his 
influence are increased. He now appears not only as an eminent 
leader of the free-thinking and infidel school of theology, but as 
a martyr who has suffered in the cause ; and this new character 
gives him an additional claim to the sympathy and venera- 
tion of his followers. When the youthful plant is checked in 
its upward growth by the skilful knife of the gardener, it puts 
forth new branches on every side, and flourishes with increased 
luxuriance. And so, according to every human probability, the 
check which Dr. Colenso has received will but promote the 
rapid expansion of his views, and their dissemination throughout 
the Protestant Church. It is therefore all the more important 
for those who defend the cause of truth to refute his charges 
against the Bible, and to lay bare the sophistry of his arguments. 
Let us take the following example : 

" ' And Jehovah spake unto Moses, saying, . . . Gather 
thou the congregation together unto the door of the tabernacle of 
the congregation. And Moses did as Jehovah commanded him. 
And the assembly was gathered unto the door of the tabernacle of 
the congregation (Lev., viii. 1-4). 

" First, it appears to be certain that by the expressions used so 
often, here and elsewhere, * the assembly', 4 the whole assembly', 

* all the congregation', is meant the whole body of the people 
at all events, the adult males in the prime of life among them 
and not merely the elders or heads of the people, as some have 
supposed, in order to escape from such difficulties as that which 
we are now about to consider. At any rate, I cannot, with due 
regard to the truth, allow myself to believe, or attempt to per- 
suade others to believe, that such expressions as the above can 
possibly be meant to be understood of the elders only. 

" This vast body of people, then, received on this occasion, 
and on other similar occasions, as we are told, an express com- 
mand from Jehovah himself, to assemble 'at the door of the 
tabernacle of the congregation'. We need not press the word 

* all ' so as to include every individual man of this number. 
Still the expression * all the congregation', the * whole assembly', 
must be surely understood to imply the main body of those who 
were able to attend, especially when summoned thus solemnly by 
the direct voice of Jehovah himself. The mass of these 603,550 
men ought, we must believe, to have obeyed such a command, 
and hastened to present themselves at the ' door of the tabernacle 
of the congregation'. . . . 

" Now the whole width of the tabernacle was 10 cubits, or 
18 feet, . . and its length was 30 cubits, or 54 feet, as 
may be gathered from Exodus, xxvi. Allowing two feet in 
width for each full-grown man, nine men could just have 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 365 

stood in front of it. Supposing, then, that ' all the congrega- 
tion' of adult males in the prime of life had given due heed to 
the divine summons, and had hastened to take their stand, side 
by side, as closely as possible, in front/not merely of the door, but 
of the whole end of the tabernacle in which the door was, they 
would have reached, allowing 18 inches between each rank of 
nine men, for a distance of more than 100,000 feet, in fact nearly 
twenty miles" (Part i. pp. 31,33). 

Dr. Colenso revels in figures. When he sets about a problem 
he delights to look at it from every point of view, and to work 
out his sum in a variety of ways. By a very simple process of 
multiplication and addition he has here proved that the Scrip- 
ture narrative is quite ridiculous and absurd. Yet he is not con- 
tent. He must lead his readers to the same conclusion by an- 
other process : 

" As the text says distinctly * at the door of the tabernacle', 
they must have come within the court. And this, indeed, was 
necessary for the purpose for which they were summoned on 
this occasion, namely, to witness the ceremony of the consecration 
of Aaron and his sons to the priestly office. This was to be per- 
formed inside the tabernacle itself, and could only, therefore, be 
seen by those standing at the door. . . . 

" But how many would the whole court have contained? Its 
area (60 yards by 30 yards) was 1,800 square yards, and the 
area of the tabernacle itself (18 yards by 6 yards) was 108 square 
yards. Hence the area of the court outside the tabernacle was 
1,692 square yards. But the whole congregation would have 
made a body of people nearly twenty miles or, more accurately, 
33,530 yards long, and 18 feet or 6 yards wide ; that is to say, 
packed closely together, they would have covered an area of 
201,180 square yards. In fact the court, when thronged, could 
only have held five thousand people ; whereas the able-bodied 
men alone exceeded six hundred thousand. . . . It is incon- 
ceivable how, under such circumstances, ' all the assembly', the 
* whole congregation', could have been summoned to attend * at 
the door of the tabernacle', by the express command of Almighty 
God" (pp. 33, 34). 

Before we proceed to examine this singular objection, put for- 
ward in so plausible and popular a form, it may be useful to de- 
scribe, in a few words, the general appearance of the tabernacle, 
and of the court which surrounded it. Our readers will thus be 
placed in a position to form a clear and distinct idea of the diffi- 
culty which Dr. Colenso has raised. And we are satisfied that 
the more thoroughly it is understood, the more complete and 
satisfactory will the explanation be found. 

The court of the tabernacle was an oblong rectangle, one hun- 



366 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

dred cubits* in length, from east to west, and fifty cubits in 
breadth, from north to south. This space was enclosed by hang- 
ings of fine twisted linen, supported by sixty pillars, to which 
they were attached by hooks and fillets of silver. The entrance 
to the court was at the eastern end; it was twenty cubits in 
width ; and across the opening was suspended a curtain, embroi- 
dered with fancy needlework, and rich with gorgeous colours. 

Within the court, and towards the western end, was erected 
the tabernacle. It was simply a large tent, constructed with 
elaborate care, and formed of costly materials. Like the court 
in which it was placed, it was an oblong rectangle, being thirty 
cubits in length and ten cubits in breadth. The walls were of 
setim or acacia wood ; the roof of fine linen, covered with cur- 
tains of goats' hair and skins. The eastern end was open, but 
was furnished with a rich hanging to serve as a door. Internally 
the tabernacle was divided by a veil into two apartments ; the 
Holy Place, twenty cubits in length, which contained the golden 
candlestick, the table of show-bread, and the altar of incense ; 
and the Holy of Holies, ten cubits in length, in which was placed 
the ark of the covenant. The Holy Place was appropriated to the 
priests, who entered it twice a day, morning and evening. The 
Holy of Holies was forbidden to all but the high priest alone, 
and even he could enter only once a year, on the great day of 
atonement. 

The argument of Dr. Colenso is now easily understood. Ac- 
cording to the Scripture narrative, the whole multitude of the 
Israelites, or at least six hundred thousand men, were summoned 
to attend, and actually did attend, "at the door of the tabernacle". 
It follows that they must have stood in a line eighteen feet broad 
and twenty miles long, which is perfectly absurd. Besides, they 
could not have witnessed the ceremony to which they were sum- 
moned unless they came within the court. But this is an abso- 
lute impossibility, as the court would only hold five thousand 
men, even if they were closely packed together. 

Here is, indeed, a very serious charge against the credibility 
of the Pentateuch. But it seems to us a charge which, from its 
very nature, must refute itself. Dr. Colenso will not deny that 
the Book of Leviticus was written while the tabernacle was still 
in existence ; and that its author, whoever he may have been, had 
the tabernacle and its appurtenances constantly before his eyes. 
If he was not a truthful historian, but an impostor, he was cer- 

* The cubit was originally the length of the human arm from the elbow to 
the end of the middle finger. It is variously estimated at from 16 to 22 inches. 
Our readers may form an idea of the tabernacle and the court, sufficiently accu- 
rate for all practical purposes, by allowing one yard English for every two cubits. 
See Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, or his Dictionary of Greek and Roman An- 
tiquities' 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 367 

tainly a most skilful impostor. He must have known well, all 
his readers must have known well quite as well as Dr. Colenso 
that the tabernacle could not hold more than five thousand peo- 
ple. Now it is perfectly incredible that any man of common 
sense, not to say a most clever and successful impostor, under 
these circumstances, would have ventured boldly to state that six 
hundred thousand persons were gathered within its precincts. 

Let us, however, examine the argument in detail. The foun- 
dation on which it rests is clearly enough stated by Dr. Colenso. 
" It appears to be certain that by the expressions, used so often 
here and elsewhere, ' the assembly', * the whole assembly', * all 
the congregation', is meant the whole body of the people at all 
events, the adult males in the prime of life among them and 
not merely the elders or heads of the people", etc.. We deny 
this assertion. The Hebrew word n !?. (heda), which is here 
translated the assembly, the congregation, comes from the root 
(yahad), to appoint, and means literally an assembly 
meeting by appointment It is quite true, as Dr. Colenso con- 
tends, that the word is sometimes employed to designate the 
entire body of the people. But it is also true, though he ignores 
the fact, that it is sometimes applied to a select few, invested with 
a certain authority and jurisdiction. We shall be content with 
submitting to our readers one remarkable example. 

In the thirty-fifth chapter of Numbers we read of the cities of 
refuge. They were to be six in number three upon each side 
of the Jordan ; and were intended to afford shelter to those who 
had unintentionally shed innocent blood. " And they shall be 
for you cities for refuge from the avenger ; that the manslayer 
die not until he stand before the assembly ( ri ^?.) for judgment* 
(Numbers, xxxv. 12).* It is then laid down that if the murder 
have been deliberate, it shall be punished with death (16-21). 
But if the fatal blow have been struck without enmity or pre- 
meditation, or by chance (22, 23), " then the assembly (*1*) 
shall judge between the slayer and the revenger of blood. 
And the assembly (*!?.) shall deliver the slayer out of 
the hand of the revenger of blood, and the assembly ( n "S) 
shall restore him to the city of his refuge" (24, 25). It is qui^e 
impossible to suppose that the judicial tribunal here spoken of 
could be the entire body of the people, or even the 600,000 

* Our readers must not be surprised if in this and in other instances we 
depart a little from the reading of the Vulgate version, and adhere to the 
literal translation of the Hebrew text. In controversy it is often desirable to 
accommodate ourselves to the views and even to the prejudices of our adver- 
saries ; and since the authority of the Hebrew text is admitted by all classes of 
Christians, we appeal to it as a common ground of argument. Besides, when the 
point in dispute depends on the meaning of a Hebrew phrase, it will be always 
useful to have the exact words of the Hebrew text before our eyes. 



368 Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 

male adults. The question to be tried was one of the highest 
moment, involving the life or death of a fellow-citizen. It was 
also one of extreme delicacy, having to deal, not with the mere 
external act, but with the motives and feelings of the heart. 
To the assembly () it belonged to pronounce, not merely 
whether one man had killed another, but whether in his heart 
he had committed the crime of murder. For this purpose wit- 
nesses should be examined, evidence should be carefully sifted, 
and, perhaps, even the domestic secrets of the accused and of his 
victim should be laid bare. Was this a task that could be 
entrusted to a mixed multitude of 600,000 men ? 

Accordingly we find that Rosenmuller, in his commentary 
on this passage (Num., xxxv. 24), explains the word, the 
assembly of judges " caetus judicum urbis in cujus agro con- 
tigerit homicidiunT. If we apply this interpretation to the 
passage in Leviticus, every shadow of improbability and incon- 
sistency will at once disappear from the narrative. Now, we 
ask Dr. Colenso, when a word in Scriptural usage has two 
different meanings, which must we choose when we come to 
examine a text in which that word is found ? Are we to select 
the meaning which is in every way suitable to the context and 
circumstances ; or must we rather adopt an interpretation which 
will make the sense absurd and impossible? Dr. Colenso has 
preferred the latter course. It appears to us that the former is 
alone consistent with the instinct of common sense and the 
principles of genuine criticism. 

We think our readers will admit that we have fairly established 
our point, and proved that Dr. Colenso's argument is utterly 
destitute of foundation. For the ordinary purposes of con- 
troversy it would be unnecessary to go further. But we frankly 
confess we aim at something more. We are not content with 
answering the argument of Dr. Colenso ; we wish to shake his 
authority as a trustworthy critic. All that he has written against 
the Pentateuch is made up of these two elements first, the 
meaning which he attaches to the narrative, and, secondly, the 
process of reasoning by which he labours to show that this mean- 
ing is inconsistent or impossible. Now it is plain, from the 
argument we are considering, that Dr. Colenso is liable to the 
grossest errors, not only when he undertakes to interpret the 
sacred text, but also when he proceeds to reason on his own 
interpretation. If this assertion be established, his authority can 
have but little weight. 

Let us suppose then, for a moment, that by the assembly is 
meant, in a general way, the entire people of Israel; does it 
follow, as Dr. Colenso maintains, that, according to the narrative, 
600,000 men must have " hastened to present themselves at the 



Dr. Colenso and the Old Testament. 369 

4 door of the tabernacle ?' " We believe it does not. Nay, 
more, we believe that the absurdity of Dr. Colenso's opinion is 
clearly proved by some of the texts which he has himself ad- 
duced. For instance: " Bring forth the blasphemer out of the 
camp . . and let all the assembly ( n T) stone him" 
(Lev., xxiv. 14). And again, in the case of the Sabbath- 
breaker : " The man shall be surely put to death ; all the 
assembly ( ri ^?.) shall stone him with stones without the camp. 
And all the assembly ( n .) brought him without the camp, 
and stoned him with stones, and he died" (Num., xv. 35, 36). 
No one will maintain that the writer here means to say that 
600,000 men were engaged in carrying the condemned man, or 
that 600,000 men threw stones at him. If Dr. Colenso had paused 
for a moment to reflect on these texts as he copied them from 
the Bible, we are convinced he would have suppressed his fool- 
ish argument. Exactly as it is said that all the assembly was 
gathered into the door of the tabernacle, so too is it said that all 
the assembly stoned the blasphemer and the Sabbath-breaker. 
In the latter ease, it is clear that the number of those who were 
actually engaged in carrying out the sentence of God was com- 
paratively small, but the act is fairly ascribed to the whole com- 
munity, because all were summoned to take part in it, and those 
who complied with the summons represented those who did not. 
Surely there is no reason why we may not apply the same in- 
terpretation to the former passage. 

Nor is this mode of speaking peculiar to Sacred Scripture. 
Every year the members of the House of Commons are sum- 
moned to appear at the bar of the House of Lords ; every year 
we are told that they obey that summons. Who is there that ques 
tions the truth of this statement ? It represents a fact with which 
we are all familiar. Yet Dr. Colenso with his rule and measure 
will demonstrate that the fact is impossible and the stat