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IRISH Ecclesiastical Record. 1898 
4th series. Jan. -June. v. 3 * 




& ilontfjfo Journal, untJcr Episcopal Sanction 


jFourtfj Scries 



Nihil Obstat. 





Arehiep. Diillin., Hiberniae 



Aileach of the Kings : A Brief Sketch of the History and Traditions 
of the Ancient Northern Residence of the Irish Kings. By Most 

Rev. Dr. O'Doherty - - ?,S"> 

Archbishop Troy. By Rev. N. Murphy, p.p. - - , 232 

Cardinal Wiseman, The Policy of. By Rev. "William Barry, D.D. 117 

Continuity Theory, The. By Right Rev. Mgr. John S. Vaughan 18 

Convention of Drum Ceat, The. By Most Rev. Dr, O'Doherty - 289 

Correspondence : 

The Ancient Irish Church - . 74, 174,264 

The Priest in Nationality - - 549 

Dante's First Defender. By Edmund G. Gardner, MA. - 156 

^Documents : 

Accumulating Impediments, Faculties for - - 464 
Archconfraternity of Our Lady o Compassion - , - 179 
Banners to be carried in Procession - 365 
Baptism, Form of, up to fourteen years of age - - - 471 
Books prohibited by the Ordinary - - 468 
Books, The Decree of the Index on the Prohibition and Censure of 564 
Burial, The, of Amputated Members - - - 567 
Ceremonies of Low Mass - - 369 
Churches and Church Practices in England, Decision of Congre- 
gation of Rites - 371 
Commentarius de Judicio Sacrimentali - 287 
Condiments on Fast Days - - 375 
Confraternities at Procession of Blessed Sacrament - - 366 
Conversion of England - 179 
Decree regarding Pious Unions and Societies - 662 
' Decreta Authentica ' of the Congregation of Rites - 376 
Dispensations in Ago, Extent of Bishops' powers - - 365 
Encyclical of His Holiness Leo XIII. to Canadian Bishops - 272 
Error in ' Supplex Libellus ' - 564 
Excommunications by Roman Congregations - 365 
Extraordinary Confessors of Nuns 27H 
Faculties for Accumulating Impediments .... 464 
Faculties granted to American Bishops - - 557 
Fasting during Advent, Dispensation in the law of 559 
Faculties, Succession of 465 
Form of Baptism up to fourteen years of age . - 471 


DOCUMENTS continued. 

Glass. Decision regarding the use of, in the ' Crescent Lunette ' 555 

Indulgences for St. Anthony of Padua - 463 

Indulgence of a Privileged Altar - 563 

Italian Priests in America 559 

Leo XIII. to God and the Virgin Mother - 88 

Litanies of the Holy Family 373 

Litanies, Special - 374 

Manitoba Schools' Encyclical 272 
Marriages of Freethinkers. Sectaries, and Catholics who refuse to 

fulfil their Christian Duties - - 565 

Method of Filling a Vacant Bishopric in Ireland 4*2 

' Oratio Irnperata ' in another Diocese - 376 

Ordinatiou, The Form of, corrupted by Inadvertence .">57 

Ordination, Certain Defects in 367, 471 

Paschal Baylon, St., Patron of Eucharistic Congresses - 469 
' Per Modum Potus,' What is meant by, in dispensations in the law 

of Fasting 5(i8 

Relics of the Sacred Passion - - 561 

Requiem Masses, The Privilege of Singing, twice a week - - ").">"> 

' Sanatio in radice,' A Case of - 466 
Solution of Doubts regarding Extraordinary Confessors of nuns - 278 

Some of the Fruits of Fifty Years : Annals of Catholic Church in 

Victoria 285 

Succession of Faculties 465 

Water and Cement, The Ble-sing of, for the Altar - 55(5 

Ecclesiological Art in Ireland, The Decadence of. By Michael J. C. 

Buckley, M.E.S.A.I. 317 

Exiles, Irish, in Brittany. By Rev. A. Walsh, o.s A. 32:5 

Glen of Altadavin. The. By Rev. T. Livius, C.SS.E. 316 

Kilkenny and Bishop Rothe. By Rev. N. Murphy 536 

Letters, Another Batch of. By Hev. Matthew Russell, s.J. 345 

Modern Scientific Materialism. By Rev. E. Gaynor, C.M. 193 

Monasteries, Irish, in Germany. By Rev. J. F. Hojran - r>>ti 

'Muls' and 'Gils', The: Some Irish Surnames. By Rev. E. 

O'Growney 4'? 3, 4'I2 

Rotes an& (Queries : 

LITURGY (By Rev. Daniel O'Loan, D.D.) : 

Candles, The quality of, to be used during Mass &c. 2fi2 

Chasuble, Why did Gothic, fall into disuse - 260 

Expo>ition of the Blessed Sacrament "> 1 7 
Mitre, Why was present large, substituted for small one of earlier 

times ? - 260 

Procession and Benediction, Questions regarding - 258 

Scapulars, Questions on the - -257 
Throne, May a Movable, be used for Exposition of M<.s f Holy 

Sacrament ': 
Votive Mass of the Holy Ghost 


THEOLOGY (By Kev. Daniel Mannix, D.D.) : 

Absolution from a Reserved Sin and the Maynobth Synodal 

Decrees - - 358 

Condemned Secret Societies - 449 

Communion of the Sick 70 

Mass on board ship - 4.">0 

Masses for the Dead - 171 

Maynooth Synodal Decrees and Absolution from a Reserved Sin - 358 

Matrimonial Dispensations, Cumulation of - - 451 

November Offerings - 72 
Nuptial Blessing : Can Catholics, validly married at a Registry 
Office or in a Protestant Church, subsequently receive the 

Nuptial Blessing r - 254 

Protestant Witnesses at Marriage of Catholics - - . 254 

Sick, Communion of - 70 

Notices of JSoofcs : 

America, Our Lady of, 476; Annals of the Church in Victoria, 
285; Augustine, St., Life of, 93; Biblia Sacra juxta Vulgatae 
Exemplaria et Correctoria Romana, 91 ; Blessed John of Avila, 
Life of, 574 ; Breviarium Rornanum, 186, 473; Canonical 
Procedure in Disciplinary and Criminal Cases of Clerics, 569 ; 
Catholic Ceremonies and Explanation of the Ecclesiastical 
Year, 381 ; Cantus Sacri, 382 ; Chants, Twelve Eucharistic, 
383 ; Commentarius de Judicio Sacramentali, 287 ; Data of 
Modern Ethics, 382 ; Eucharistic Christ, The, 280 : First 
Christian Mission to the Great Mogul, 95 ; General Introduction 
to the Study of Holy Scripture, 92 ; Gregorian Music, 478 ; Hand- 
book of Rules for Singing and Phrasing Plain Song, 478 ; Horac 
Diurnae, 186, 473 ; Institutiones Theologiae Dogmaticac, 187 ; 
Le Costume et les Usages Ecclesiastiques selon la Tradition 
Romaiiie, 474 ; Missa Immaculata i. h. B. M. Virginis Immaculatae 
ad III. voc. aequ, 381; Missa in Honorem Sancti Spiritus, 383 ; Missa 
in Houorem Purissimi Cordis, B.V.M., 383 ; Missale Romanum 
(Mame etFils), 473 ; Moral Principles and Medical Practice, 379 ; 
My Life in Two Hemispheres, 279 ; Missa : Mater Salvatoris, 574 ; 
Praelectiones Dogmaticae quas in Collegio Ditton Hall habebat 
Christianus Pesch, s.j., 378 ; Rituale Romanum (Mame ct Fils), 
473 ; Sermons, 190 ; Sermons and Moral Discourses for all the 
Sundays of the Tear, 377 ; Shall and Will, 89 ; Sister Aime 
Katharine Emmerich, 573 ; Songs of Sion, 18o ; Theologia Month's 
per Modum Conferentiarum, 382 ; Very Rev. Father Dominic of 
the Mother of God, Life of, ">75 ; Vita Jesu Christi, 478 ; 
Wiseman, Cardinal, Life and Times of, 89. 

Oliver Kelly, Archbishop of Tuam. 13y R. J. Kelly, Esq., B.L. - 417 

Origin and Conservation of Motion. By Rev. M. Barrett - 60 

Phoenicia and Israel. By Rev. Hugh Pope, O.P. 38 


Reason's Synthetic Judgments. By Rev.T. J. O'Mahony, D.D. - J4o 
Redmond O'Gallagher, the Martyr-Bishop of Derry. By Most Rev. 

Dr. O'Doherty 1 

Socialism, The Economic Aspect of. By Rev. M. Cronin, D.D., M.A. 140 

Tara, Pagan and Christian. By Most Rev. Dr. Healy 97 

Two Great Spiritual Associations. By J. A. Cullen, s.j. - - 513 

Victor Vitensis on the Vandal Persecution. By Philip Burton, C.M. - 481 

Yellow Steeple of Trim, The/. By Very Rev. Philip Gallery, v.r., v.r. - 438 


IN reading over the history of the Church in these 
kingdoms during the Elizabethan period we are struck 
with the similarity of the sufferings endured by our 
ancestors in the early days of the Reformation, with 
the account which St. Paul gives of the sufferings inflicted 
on God's servants in the Old Law. Indeed, one would 
think it was Elizabeth's victims that great Apostle was 
sketching, and that he wrote from Ireland instead of from 
Italy to the Jews in Palestine. What truer description of 
the lives of the Irish bishops and priests in the penal days 
could be given than that 

They were stoned, they were cut asunder, they were tempted, 
they were put to death by the sword ; they wandered about in 
sheepskins, in goatskins, being in want, distressed, afflicted ; of 
whom the world was not worthy, wandering in deserts, in 
mountains, and in dens, and in caves of the earth. 1 

It was a sad period an anticipation of the days of 
Antichrist. In England the scaffolds reeked with blood ; 
the dungeons were rilled with the flower of the nobility ; 
whilst the fiendish atrocities to which priests and bishops 
were alike subjected make one pause to inquire were the 
authors of these barbarities human. In Ireland it was still 

1 Heb. xi. 37 38 


worse ; for here, to the greed of gain and hatred of 
the Church, was added that racial hatred which has ever 
existed since the days of the second Henry, and which at 
that period stirred to its lowest depths the savage nature of 
the British myrmidons. Their rulers urged them on to 
exterminate the ' mere Irish,' and wealth and honour 
crowned the murderer of the priest or the bishop. Altars 
were desecrated, churches were razed to their foundations, 
education banned, and innocent blood poured out, amid the 
scoffs and jeers of a brutal soldiery. Such, in Ireland, was 
the reign which in cruel irony has been called glorious, such 
the fate of those faithful servants of Christ who had the 
courage to profess themselves children of that Church 
whose centre is the See of Peter. 

Raymund, or Redmond, O'Gallagher was a prominent 
figure in the Irish Church during nearly the whole of 
Elizabeth's reign, having been murdered only two years 
before that sovereign's death. He had been a bishop before 
she came to the throne, having been appointed Administrator 
of the see of Killala in 1545, two years before the death of 
Henry VIII., and consecrated bishop of that same see 
three years later. Redmond 0' Gallagher was a native of 
the diocese of Raphoe, County Donegal, and was of noble 
family. The O'Gallaghers once held a conspicuous place in 
that county, and were the owners of extensive property. 
It was not, however, his nobility of birth that recom- 
mended him to the Holy See, but his character for learning, 
piety, and prudence. His appointment to administer a 
diocese whilst he was scarcely twenty-four, and his conse- 
cration at the unusually early age of twenty-seven, are 
proofs of his extraordinary qualifications and of the con- 
fidence reposed in him by the Holy Father. And that 
confidence was fully justified by his whole long career after- 
wards as administrator and bishop, covering in all a period of 
nearly fifty-six years. The following is a translation of the 
record of his appointment to the see of Killala : 

On the 7th November, 1545, the Holy See deputed as adminis- 
trator, until he attain the twenty-seventh year of his age, in 
spiritual matters, of the church of Killala, in Ireland, then 


vacant by the death of Eichard Baired [Barrett], formerly Bishop 
of Killala, who died outside the Eoman Curia, of happy 
memory, D. Baymund Ogalcubait [0 'Gallagher], cleric of the 
diocese of Eaphoe, aged twenty-four years or thereabouts, of 
noble origin ; and then in his person makes provision for the 
same church, and appoints him as its bishop ; tax, 11 florins. 1 

Later on we shall get a glimpse of his zeal in the cause 
of discipline and religion whilst in that diocese. 

After governing the diocese of Killala for twenty-four 
years three as administrator and twenty-one as bishop 
he was, in 1569, translated to the see of Derry. The 
following is the record of his translation : 

On the 22nd of June, 1569, the Court of Eome absolved 
D. Eedmond Ogalchur, Bishop of Killala, from the bond of 
the church of Killala, and transferred him to the church of 
Derry, vacant by the death of Eugene Idocharti (O'Doherty), 
with the power of retaining the priory of Eachini, of the order of 
Canons Eegular of St. Augustine, and all things annexed thereto, 
in the diocese of Killala ; value, 24 marks sterling. 2 

A few years after his translation to Derry he was 
appointed vice-primate by the Holy See. The faculties 
then granted him are thus recorded in the Secretaries Brevium 
in Eome : 

To the Venerable Brother Eedmund, Bishop of Derry, for his 
own diocese and for the entire province of Armagh, as long as the 
Venerable Brother Eichard, Archbishop of Armagh, shall be absent 
from his diocese and the province of Armagh (13th April, 1575). 

In 1580, O'Gallagher is mentioned in a Vatican list as 
a Bishop of Derry who had not taken the oath of alle- 
giance. 0' Sullivan Bear, in his Catholic History, 3 refers 
to him as vice-primate. Relating certain events in t the 
Elizabethan wars, he says : 

There were present some ecclesiastics, chief among whom 
was Eaymund O'Gallachur, Bishop of Luci and Vice-Primate of 
Ireland, who absolved from the ban of excommunication those 
who passed over from the royal to the Catholic army. 4 

1 Barberini and Vatican Archives. 

2 Barberini Archives. See Brady's Irish Bishops, and Rev. J. M'Laughlin's 
Bishops of Derry. 

3 Chap, ix., B. iii. 

4 The excommunication here referred to was that pronounced by Pius V. 
against Elizabeth and her adherents. Note by Dr. M. Kelly, in his edition of 
0' Sullivan. 


An interesting reference to O'Gallagher occurs in a 
curious work, translated from the Spanish by Robert 
Crawford, M.A., and published during the past year by 
Elliott Stock, of 62 Paternoster-row, London. It is entitled, 
Captain Cuellar's Narrative of the Spanish Armada and his 
Adventures in Ireland. Cuellar was a captain in the 
Armada, and on the wreck of that ill-fated flotilla was cast 
upon the Irish coast ; with many others of his countrymen. 
Afte". narrating the hardships and perils he had passed 
through in Connaught and Ulster, he tells what happened 
to him in O'Cahan's country the present County Derry. 
The English soldiers were everywhere searching for the 
unfortunate shipwrecked Spaniards ; but they were making 
a special search for Captain Cuellar, who, they had 
discovered, was in the neighbourhood : 

Information about me [says he] had already been given to 
them, and no one passed by whom they did not ask if he had 
seen me . . . The boy was such a good lad that, upon learning 
this, he returned to his hut, and informed me of what had 
occurred ; so that I had to leave there very early in the morning, 
and to go in search of a bishop who was seven leagues off in a 
castle) where the English kept him in banishment and retire- 
ment. This bishop was a very good Christian, and went about 
in the garb of a savage x for concealment ; and I assure you, I 
could not restrain tears when I approached him to kiss his hand. 
He had twelve Spaniards with him, for the purpose of passing 
them over to Scotland ; and he was much delighted at my 
arrival, all the more so when the soldiers told him that I was a 
captain. He treated me with every kindness that he could for 
the six days I was with him, and gave orders that a boat should 
come to us to take us over to Scotland, which is usually done in 
two days. He gave us provisions for the voyage, and said Mass 
for us in the castle, and spoke with me about some things 
concerning the loss of the kingdom, and how his Majesty had 
assisted them, and that he should come to Spain as soon as 
possible after my arrival in Scotland, where be advised me to 
live with much patience, as in general they were all Lutherans, 
and very few Catholics. The bishop was called Don Esimundo 
Termi (?) [Bishop of Times], an honourable and just man. God 
keep him in His hands, and preserve him from his enemies. 

The translator fails to identify this bishop, and calls him 

rm for a native of the country. 


by the unmeaning title of 'Bishop of Times.' The word 
Termi is evidently a mistake for Derrie, as Derry was then 
usually spelled ; and it is quite certain that the bishop was 
Eaymund O'Gallagher, the then bishop of the diocese, who 
lived in disguise at this period in O'Cahan's country, and 
who, tradition says, used to tend sheep by day on the 
mountains, and visit by night the sick and dying of his 
flock. It may be interesting to readers of the I. E. RECOBD 
to know that Captain Cuellar, with a number of other 
Spaniards, was soon afterwards, by the kindness of Sir James 
M'Donnell, sent in a boat from Dunluce to Scotland. 1 

This same year, 1588, we have a letter from O'Gallagher 
to Cornelius O'Devany, Bishop of Down and Connor, and 
dated from Tamlaghtard, better known as Magilligan. 
This letter was found on O'Devany's person shortly after- 
wards, and in consequence he was imprisoned in Dublin, 
and kept in confinement for two years. Though liberated 
for a time, he was taken prisoner again, and ultimately put 
to death in the metropolis, in 1612. The letter was as 
follows : 

We, Eedmond, by the grace of God and favour of the 
Apostolic See, Bishop of Derry and Vice-Primate of All Ireland, 
to the Most Reverend, our dear brother, Cornelius, Bishop of 
Down and Connor. Seeing that we cannot, without incurring 
imminent peril of life, make visitation of your territory, we. 
therefore, by the authority of Letters Apostolic and by the 
authority of the primatial dignity, by the purport of these pre- 
sents, do appoint you in our stead for a full year from the date 
hereof, and for the same period we give and grant you power to 
absolve from episcopal and also from papal cases each and every- 
one who has recourse to you, obligations of conscience being 
safeguarded, and salutary penance in proportion to the fault 
being enjoined. 

Given in the Parochial Church of Tamlaghtard, the 1st day 
of July, 1588. 

E., Bishop of Derry and Vice-Primate. 

Another letter of his, written some years after this, and 
addressed to Clement VIII. , may be introduced in this 

1 Ulster Journal of Archceology, vol. i., No. 3, n. 3, 1895. 


place. It refers to the sufferings for the faith in Ireland, 
and the noble stand then being made against English power. 
It runs thus : 

1 am confident your Holiness knows that our leading nobles 
doubtless by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost have made a 
courageous stand against the malicious oppression inflicted on 
them by the English, and have done so with a spirit and daring 
more than human. By their manful resistance in the battle-field 
they have baffled and foiled the English devices, their rancour 
and satanic rage. Yet every day brings changes more numerous 
than one could tell ; and so, to give our nobles greater courage, 
to strengthen them, and to make them steadfast in their glorious 
undertaking by the hope of succour, a person has come here, a 
little ago, from Spain for the purpose of making a report that 
will be relied on to his Catholic Majesty of the actual state of 
affairs. He is the bearer of this letter. I recommend your 
Holiness to have unhesitating confidence in his testimony. I 
ask you to do so, and to cast a kindly look on Ireland, always 
faithful to you Ireland which now presents such a dismal 
appearance, so wretched and so mournful, suffering for so long 
a time, and suffering so many disasters at the hands of the 
heretics. The present opportunity is specially favourable. I am 
convinced it is a gift of God. I ask your Holiness to seize it at 
once, remembering that opportunity is usually bald on the back 
of the head. Make kindly provision as speedily as in your power 
for those who are your own dependents yes, and the most faithful 
of all your dependents since Christianity came into the world. 
Do not disappoint myself and the bearer of my letter in the 
hopes we have formed and set our hearts on. I leave to him to 
tell your Holiness many other matters that need to be mentioned. 
And, taking into account what I know of his family, his dili- 
gence, his uprightness, his sincere and earnest zeal for faith and 
country, I beseech your Holiness to bestow some favour on him, 
to have no hesitation in granting him the dignity of N., thereby 
approving with your own authority the action I am taking in 
the present emergency. 1 

Protected by the still powerful sept of O'Cahan, it 
would seem that O'Gallagher was all this time able to exer- 
cise his ministry with a certain amount of security. In a 
State Paper, dated 28th July, 1592, the following account of 
him is given : 

First in Ulster is one Eedmundus O'Gallagher, Buishopp of 
Dayrie, alias Daren, Legate of the Pope and custos Armaghen, 

1 For the original Latin letters see Meehan's Flight of the Earh. 


being one of the three Irish buishoppes that were in the Council 
of Trent. This buishopp used all manner of spiritual jurisdic- 
cion throughout all Ulster, consecrating churches, ordeyning 
priests, confirming children, and giving all manner of dispensa- 
cionS; rydeing with pomp and ceremony from place to place, as 
yt was accustomed in Queen Marye's days. And for all the rest 
of the clergy there, they use all manner of service there nowe as 
in that tyme, and not only that, but they have changed the tyme 
according (to) the Pope's new invencion. The said Buishopp 
O'Gallagher hath bin with diverse governors of that land upon 
protecion, and yet he is suffered to enjoy the bishoprick, and 
all the aforesaid aucthoryties, these xxvi years past and more, 
whereby it is to be understood that he is not there as a man 
without aucthority or secretly kept. l 

Though this statement is inaccurate in some of its 
details, and is considerably exaggerated, still it is important 
as showing the zeal and influence of O'Gallagher in Ulster 
at this period. It is not correct to say that he was one 
of the Irish bishops who attended the Council of Trent. 
The three who did attend, were Donald M'Congail, Bishop 
of Raphoc ; Thomas O'Herlichy, Bishop of Boss ; and 
Eugene O'Hart, Bishop of Achonry. Nor is it true to say, 
that he was legate of the Pope. He had merely received 
from him extraordinary jurisdiction to be exercised in the 
absence of the Primate, and hence in most documents of 
the time he is styled Vice-Primate. It is by no means 
likely that he was in the habit of ' rydeing with pomp 
and company from place to place,' for the English soldiers 
had gained a footing in O'Cahan's country at this time, and 
one of their great objects was to seize the Bishop who 
was regarded as their most powerful opponent. Though 
exercising his ministry, he did so disguised as a peasant, 
and under the protection of the chieftains who were not as 
yet entirely shorn of their power. Though residing, as a 
general rule, in O'Cahan's territory, we find that occasionally 
he dwelt in the city, and also at Fahan, on the shores 01 
Lough Swilly. In a MS. paper in the State Paper Office, 
dated 12th April, 1601, and endorsed : ' The Description of 
Lough Foyle, and the country adjacent,' we find the 

1 See Kilkenny Arch, Jour, for 1856-7. 


following entries : ' Three miles above Culmore stands the 
Derrie, where the bishop dwells, who is one of the sept of 
the Gallocars.' And again : ' Over against Elloghe, in 
O'Dovgherdie's country, is a castle and a church called the 
Fanne, but broken down synce our aryvall, Here dwells 
the Bishop O'Galchar.' 1 

Except occasional references to him, these are all the 
facts that have hitherto been recorded regarding him, till 
we come to the record of his death. That sad occurrence 
is mentioned by several authorities, but all are not agreed 
as to the year in which it took place. Dr. Burke, in a note 
to the eighteenth chapter of his Hibernia Dominicana, after 
recounting the names of many who had suffered for the 
faith, says : 

To these are to be added, deceased shortly after Elizabeth, 
Eedmund Galcharius, vernacularly, O'Gallagher, bishop of 
Derry, who about his seventieth year being taken prisoner 
by heretical soldiers of the garrison who were scouring the 
country, and being pierced by them with many wounds, died 
in the year 1604. 

O'Keilly, in his Sufferers for the Catholic Faith in Ireland, 
adopts, apparently without any inquiry, the chronology of 
De Burgho. O' Sullivan Bear gives the same date in 
enumerating various victims that were put to death for the 
faith under James, the year after his coming to the throne. 
' Baymund O'Gallagher, Bishop of Derry or Luci, was slain 
by the English with two-edged swords, and beheaded about 
his eightieth year.' 2 Others give the date as 1602 ; but 
even this is not correct except in so far as the old style 
corresponds with the new. The date given by the Annals 
of the Four Masters, and by Donatus Mooney in his 
MS. History of the Franciscans, compiled in 1617, is the 
correct one. The annalists, under date 1601, say in their 
usual terse style : ' Eedmund O'Gallagher, Bishop of Derry, 
was killed by the English in Oireacht-Ui-Chathain, on the 

1 See U!st. Jour, of Arch., vol. v. Though dated 1601, this paper was 
written at least a year before that. 
8 B. ii., chap, iv., Cath. Hist. 


15th day of March;' and Mooney writes : 'Kedmund Galchur, 
martyr, died in 1601, the 8th of March, being an old man, 
and as was considered the oldest, by ordination, of all the 
bishops of Europe.' 1 

It is strange that none of all these writers mention the 
place where he was murdered, except the Four Masters, and 
even they make only a vague reference to it ; yet on the 
strength of that reference some modern writers fix the place 
as midway between Limavady and Dungiven. Notwith- 
standing repeated inquiries, the present writer could never 
discover any reliable authority for this statement. He 
believes, however, that he can now fix the exact spot of the 
murder, and the burial of the martyred bishop, as well as 
give many details of his life not hitherto published. In the 
library of Trinity College, Dublin, there is an unpublished 
manuscript of Dr. Lynch, the author of Cambrensis Eversus, 
in which he gives a tolerably good summary of the life of 
O'Gallagher, and furnishes, moreover, the details of his 
death, and where it occurred, with a minuteness which 
enables an investigator to fix almost to a certainty on 
the very spot where it took place. 2 Though some of the 
facts already given will of necessity be repeated in this 
extract from Lynch, yet even at the risk of repetition it 
seems better to give the text in its entirety. He writes 
as follows : 

We see from the Eecords at Borne that Eedmond O'Gallagher, 
one of the clergy of the diocese of Eaphoe, the son of Gilduff, 
was on the 6th Nov., 1545, when he was only twenty-four years 
of age, or rather somewhat less, created bishop of Killala, then 
vacant by the death of Bichard Barret. The Kecords speak 
of Bedmond as of noble family. It may well be that, as Pliny 
says about Macrinus, in merit he could compete with those 
more advanced in years, in whose dignity he was a partner. 
At any rate he was not the only person we read of, who for 
unusual merit was elevated before the age of thirty to the 
episcopal rank, whose progress in virtue far outstripped their 

1 See note to O'Sullivan Bear's Cuth. Hist. 

2 The MS. is numbered 1445, is written in Latin, bound in two largo 
volumes, and a note prefixed to it states that it was transcribed in 1863, by 
Mr. John Rathbone, from the original in the Bodleian Library. Its title is : 
Historic* Eccletiastica Hibernite or De Frcesnlibus Hibirnice. 


progress in years. The Pope wrote to him in the year 1553. 

Beyond all that, it appears to me to be a powerful testimony to 

his worth, that during a period when the most of the bishops 

of Ireland, not only those that were appointed by the king, but 

those who were appointed by the Pope, were infected and 

corrupted by the guilt of the revolt of the State against the 

Church, Kedmond, who had been made bishop by the Pope, 

when Henry VIII. was still reigning, faithfully fulfilled his 

duties as bishop of Killala during the reigns of Edward and 

Mary, and until far on in the reign of Elizabeth. The legislation 

of Edward against the faith never obtained power or validity in 

Ireland, or, at any rate, was not enforced in the distant parts of 

the country. It was told to me, that Eedmond, strange to say, 

had detached from the see lands a farm, and conveyed it to 

his sister's husband. The time of this transaction is not 

mentioned, and I am of opinion that it took place (that is if 

ever it took place) during the reign of Edward. Kedmond, 

seeing that Edward was making over the church lands to lay 

persons, preferred to have the farm in the hands of his sister 

than of a stranger, to whom certainly the king would give all the 

lands of the see of Killala that he could get hold of by open war 

or private violence. Accordingly Eedmond is in nowise touched 

by the excommunication issued by Victor II., in the Council 

of Florence against those who alienate church lands ; neither 

does he incur the rebuke of Peter Damian, that ' the reverence 

for the sanctuary is weakened when by alienation of this kind 

its ministers are in miserable want, when the poor, the widow, 

the orphan, and the pilgrim cry out : ' We are being cut off by the 

sword of hunger from the face of the earth ; ' adding that a bishop 

of Bologna lost the power of his speech for having alienated 

ecclesiastical property. Eedmond's great zeal for the repression 

of heresy, and for the spread of the Catholic faith, was shown 

by his holding, in 1566, in conjunction with Andrew O'Crean, 

bishop of Elphin, and Eugene O'Hart, bishop of Achonry, a large 

assemblage of the clergy in the form of a provincial Council 

(at which, it appears, he presided as senior bishop), and they 

there passed a decree, that their observance in their full integrity 

of the decrees of the Council of Trent was of universal obligation. 

Later on provincial Councils were held to enforce the observance 

of those decrees on the subjects of these three dioceses. 

On the plea that there was a suspicion of undue familiarity 
between Eedmond and the wife of a certain man of the nobility, 
he was imprisoned, his goods confiscated, and himself exiled 
from his diocese by Sir John Burke, son of Oliver, who had 
obtained the dignity of the Mac William, and the presidency of 
lower Connaught, attached to that dignity, and who died in 
1580 ; and by Sir Edmund Burke. So Sanders is correct enough 
in saying, that he was either imprisoned or exiled, not for any 


crime, but that what he suffered, whether exile or imprisonment, 
was because he was a Catholic and a bishop ; suggesting that 
what he wrote he had heard, and had no other foundation for 
believing it beyond the common proverb : ' There is usually truth 
in a rumour.' The misfortunes that befel the descendants of 
those who persecuted Bedmond, seem to clear him of that 
wicked and malicious suspicion, especially when we take into 
consideration, that had a stain of so gross a nature attached to 
him, he never would have been translated to the see of Derry, 
or dignified with the title of Vice-Primate. I do not know the 
year in which he was translated, but he was bishop of Derry, 
when Gregory XIII., as we know, wrote to him, 6th June, 1575, 
the fourth year of his pontificate. In that letter the Pope gives 
instructions about promoting to holy orders, and to benefices 
some persons who had been born out of lawful wedlock. 

In Ulster, at any rate, the public exercise of the Catholic 
religion was at that time unmolested and prosperous. The 
princes and nobles of Ulster continued by force of arms to 
exclude heresy from their dominions. Now, Eedmond, it seems, 
was the tower of strength of the Ulstermen and their bond of 
union, and to him was due the long continuance of their indepen- 
dence. At any rate, the heretics believed him to be the person 
who kept alive the war and kept up the spirit of the forces, for 
they singled him out as the one person for whose destruction all 
their efforts were to be combined. 

Many a work he engaged in, in rooting up the thorns and 
brambles of heresy, and in planting the true vine of the Catholic 
faith ; nor was his zeal confined to Ulster, for by a letter of 
8th August, 1596, from Belhena, by virtue of his power as Vice- 
Primate, he appointed Bernard Macaghowan Vicar-General of 
Tuam and Mayo, and John O'Dongal Guardian of Mayo. 

The defeat of the Ulster forces left him unprotected a 
mark for the enemy's vengeance. The following year, abandoned 
by Neil Garve O'Donnell, who (as Coppinger states) then took 
part with the heretics, Henry Docwra, with the Lough Foyle 
garrison, got on his track, and at last seized him in Cumalia, an 
out-of-the-way hamlet about a mile from Derry, on the way 
which leads to Strabane, where there was a parochial church. 
A short time before the bishop had learned the arrangements the 
enemy had made for getting hold of him, and had in consequence 
hid himself in a bog, winter though it was ; but the bitter cold and 
his enfeebled old age compelled him to slip into a house at the 
dead of night. On the approach of the enemy all in the house 
took to flight, except himself. Unable to fly, he hid himself among 
some sheaves of corn. The enemy having got up to the house, 
and having laid hold on a woman and boy, slaughtered them 
both, and went away. The people of the place then went into 
the house, and asked was there anyone there still alive. The 


bishop, from his hiding-place, answered that he was still alive. 
One of the army scullions of the enemy, who was lurking close 
by, overhearing the voice, hurries off to his party with his utmost 
speed, urges them to come back, which they do without delay, 
fall upon the bishop, thus taken by surprise, mangle him with 
many a wound, and leave him lifeless. That was in 1602. 

It is believed that God inflicted punishments on the authors 
of this foul murder ; that is, Neil and Docwra ; for Docwra was 
set aside, and Henry Folliat was made Governor of Ballyshannon 
in his place an event which was miraculous, even in the eyes 
of the English, that the very man who regained Ballyshannon 
should be dismissed from being governor. Neil was so indignant 
that, after all his loyalty to the English, Eory O'Donnell should 
be set over him, that, rushing headlong to his own destruction, 
he took to himself the title of O'Donnell, and thereupon 
obtained a prolonged abode in the Tower of London, wherein he 
kept his abode till his death. 

The bishop was buried in the graveyard of the parochial 
church I mentioned, at the side where the eastern window stood, 
the interior of the church having been desecrated. 

From this passage we learn of the zeal of O'Gallagher 
in introducing the Tridentine regulations, and in enforcing 
the rules of morality and religion, a zeal which, no doubt, 
provoked the anger of the irreligious, and excited their 
malice against the saintly bishop. We know the lawless 
nature of some of the Irish chieftains, and the lax notions of 
virtue that prevailed among not a few ; and woe to the cleric 
that dared to upbraid them for their vices. O'Gallagher, as 
Bishop of Killala, probably found it his duty to reprove 
some of those chiefs for their loose lives, or for their 
defection from the faith, and in return they determined to 
check his virtuous zeal, as the Arians of the fourth century 
did with the great St. Athanasius. They resorted to the 
same species of calumny as did the Arians, and added 
violence to their defamation ; but God vindicated his 
innocence as He did that of Athanasius, and his fellow- 
bishops, as well as the Supreme Head of the Church, 
manifested their faith in his virtue by his promotion to 
the see of Derry. To this the Sovereign Pontiff soon 
afterwards added the dignity of Vice-Primate. 

His labours in the cause of faith and fatherland, 'while 
Bishop of Derry, made him a tower of strength to the 


Catholics of the north, and a terror to his enemies. No 
wonder, then, that the English incessantly sought his life. 
The O'Cahans and other chieftains of the district protected 
him as long as they had the power, but their territory had 
become the prey of the invader, and the life of the aged 
bishop was no longer secure in the mountains of Dungiven 
or Magilligan. His only safety was in flight. He was pro- 
bably sojourning at his house in the city of Derry for as we 
saw above he sometimes resided in the city, and sometimes 
at Fahan, as well as in the O'Cahan country when he 
discovered the machinations of Docwra against his life. If 
he could escape to his native Tyrconnell he might elude the 
bloodhounds of Docwra, and obtain protection among his 
own kith and kin. This would seem to have been his object 
in taking the route he did when flying from the city. Lynch's 
minute description at this point enables us to follow the 
aged fugitive step by step to the spot where he met his 
doom. He went from the city, says Lynch, by the road 
that leads to Strabane. The only road then leading from 
Derry to Strabane was that on the western side of the 
Foyle, which passes through the towns of Carrigans 
and St. Johnston, and thence to Lifford No bridge then 
spanned the river at Derry, and consequently there was no 
communication between the city and the eastern side of the 
Foyle, except by means of a ferry. To attempt to cross 
this ferry with the soldiers of the garrison on the look out 
for him, and with Protestants manning the ferry-boats, 
would have been sheer madness on the part of the 
bishop. Besides, the route was the very opposite to that 
he should have taken, if, as we suppose, he intended going 
to Tyrconnell. 

Setting out by night, he reached a hamlet which, Lynch 
says, was about a mile from Derry, and where there was a 
parochial church. Here he at first concealed himself in a 
bog, but the intense cold induced him to slip into a house 
about midnight to get himself warmed. Now the only 
parochial church in that direction was the church of Killea, 
which was one of five rural churches which depended on and 
were attached to the great church in Derry. Killea is three 


miles from the city ; but we could not expect Lynch, a 
stranger to the locality, to know the exact distance. His 
meaning, clearly, is, that the place was a short distance 
from Derry. Evidently the place was well known to 
O'Gallagher, as he betook himself there for safety, and he 
felt he could trust himself in the cottages of the poor 
Catholics there. Killea corresponds exactly with Lynch's 
description. There was the bog in which he concealed 
himself at first. The bog is now exhausted, but in the 
present writer's early days it was still extensive, and 
supplied the entire neighbourhood with fuel. The 
church stood on a gentle slope above this bog, and its 
ruins were standing until a few years ago, when they were 
taken down, and the materials used in building a new wall 
around the graveyard. The latter is still used for inter- 
ments. The church gives its name to the adjoining parish 
of Killea, which in the Protestant division is still a distinct 
parish, but in the Catholic division is amalgamated with a 
number of other small parishes to form what is called 
the parish of Taughboyne and All Saints. The parish of 
Killea is in the diocese of Raphoe, but the townland and 
church of Killea are in the diocese of Derry. The north- 
west Liberties, which extend three miles in every direction 
from the city, on the western side of the Foyle, were cut off 
from Donegal by Docwra, and added to the county of Derry. 
This explains the reason of the parish being at present in 
a different county from the church which gave it its name; 
and this too may explain the expression of the Four Masters, 
that O'Gallagher was killed in O'Cahan's territory, since the 
Liberties were now part of the county Derry. More likely, 
however, they took it for granted, that it was in county 
Derry he had been killed, since it was there he had 
generally dwelt during the time of his episcopate. The 
hamlet of which Lynch speaks, like most of our old 
Irish villages, has disappeared, though a number of 
houses are still scattered around the vicinity of the old 

In Lewis's Topographical Dictionary mention is made 
of two cairns in the townland of Killea, one of which, the 


writer says, is in the bed of a rivulet called the 4 Priest's 
Burn,' from a tradition, that a priest was killed on the spot. 
This, too, helps to indicate the place where O'Gallagher was 
slain ; for from the testimony of a native of the place, now 
in his ninety-third year, the present writer has learned, 
that there was a cairn formerly at Killea Burn a few 
hundred yards below the church, at the edge of the bog, 
where he believes the hamlet stood which Lynch describes, 
and where the aged bishop was done to death by the brutal 
soldiers of Elizabeth. 

If for nothing else this MS. of Dr. Lynch is of the 
utmost value as furnishing data for fixing on the place of 
O'Gallagher' s martyrdom and burial, and for giving so many 
details of his life. The topography is so accurately described 
that no doubt whatever remains on the mind of the writer 
as to the spot where the saintly bishop fell and was interred. 
That he fell by Killea Burn, and was interred in Killea 
graveyard by the ruins of the old church, at the side where 
the eastern altar stood, seems to be beyond a doubt if we 
are to accept the history given by Lynch ; and there is no 
reason for calling its accuracy into question. At the time 
of his martyrdom he was in his eightieth year, having been 
twenty-four at the time of his appointment to Killala, and 
having exercised jurisdiction for fifty-six years afterwards. 

His was an eventful and fruitful episcopate. Ever 
battling for the Church, rebuking when necessary the vices 
of the great, even, as we have seen, at the risk of defamation 
and loss of liberty ; supporting the weak, strengthening the 
wavering, bringing hope and consolation to the sick and 
dying, urging the chieftains to fight strenuously against the 
inroads of heresy, he was truly another St. Paul to the perse- 
cuted flock over whom he ruled, and a tower of strength to the 
Catholics of Ulster. His heartless and brutal murder was 
but one in the long, dark catalogue of crimes which charac- 
terized the reign of Elizabeth, but one sufficient in itself to 
mark an epoch. In the same month, two years afterwards, 
she followed him to her final account ; but how widely 
different the death of the bishop and the death of the 
queen ! The one, after a long and faithful stewardship in 


the vineyard of the Lord, after preaching Christ's Gospel, 
and putting into practice its precepts, gives up his life for 
the Church and the faith which he had so long and so 
vigorously defended ; the other, after a regime stained by 
every crime, after overthrowing the religion of her ances- 
tors, murdering the innocent Queen of Scots, slaying the 
ministers of God's Church, assuming to herself the 
prerogatives of Christ's Vicar on earth, ' drunk with the 
blood of the saints and with the blood of the martyrs 
of Jesus,' sinks at last despairing into the arms of death, 
not daring to invoke the name of that God against whom 
she had warred during life, nor permitting a prayer to 
be breathed by her bedside as she went before the 
judgment seat to receive her final sentence. 1 

The murder of Eedmond O'Gallagher was but the 
prelude to the martyrdom of a host of priests, both secular 
and regular, who were slain in Derry during the reign of 
James I. and his successors, till the catalogue was closed by 
the death of the Kev. Clement O'Colgan, O.P.P., who, 
after an imprisonment of two years, died for the faith in 
Derry jail, as late as the year 1704. If sword and flame, 
confiscation of property, outlawry of priests and bishops, 
destruction of churches and monasteries, could have 
destroyed Catholicity, it might well have been extin- 
guished in the city of Columbkille and in the diocese of 
St. Eugene ; but it still survived with that indestructible 
life which Christ promised to His Church on earth. The 
storm of persecution became exhausted by its own fury ; 
fanaticism grew weary of its tyranny, and bigotry learned 
to be ashamed of its atrocities. Happier days began to 
dawn, and with them came the revival of religion and the 
reconstruction of its sacred edifices. Just like some valu- 
able palimpsest, from whose page the skill of the modern 
chemist has effaced the writing of the later scribe, restoring 
thereby to the world the priceless characters first written on 
the parchment, so the purifying hand of time has obliterated 

1 For a description of the last days of this queen, see Dr. Lee's Church 
- Elizabeth. 


from the Church of Derry the handwriting of evil men, and 
has restored to the light of day the beauty and glowing 
fervour of its ancient faith. 

Redmond O'Gallagher has long since gone to his ever- 
lasting crown ; his heartless and cowardly murderers have 
passed to their account ; but the faith which they endea- 
voured to destroy, and for which he fought, the Church 
which they blindly hoped to crush, and for which he shed 
his blood, still live on, purified and strengthened by the 
ordeal through which they have passed. Ezechiel's vision 
has again been fulfilled ; for the Spirit of the Lord has 
breathed once more over the dry bones of the plain, and a 
new race has arisen to fill up for Mother Church in Derry 
the place of her martyred dead. 




T)EFOBE entering upon the subject of this essay, I think 
J3 it will make my task lighter, if I begin by stating 
exactly what I am going to do. I am going to compare the 
Church of England as it existed before the sixteenth 
century with the Church of England as it exists to-day. 
I call the first the ' Pre-Eeformation Church,' and the 
second the ' Post-Keformation Church.' But what kind of 
comparison am I going to institute ? Am I going to prove 
that the one is true, and the other false? No. Am I going 
to prove that the one is a divine, and the other a human 
institution ? No, nothing of the kind. My purpose is far 
more simple. I am going to prove merely that the one 
Church is not the other. 

The issue is, therefore, very simple. The sole question 
before us is this : Is the ' Pre-Beformation Church ' the 
same Church as the ' Post-Beformation Church,' or is it a 
different one ? Is the faith professed by the English 
sovereigns and people in the twelfth, thirteenth, and four- 
teenth centuries the same as that professed by the 
sovereigns and people in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and 
nineteenth centuries ? Have the same doctrines and eccle- 
siastical government continued century after century, or 
has there been a rupture, a severance, a breaking away, a 
dislocation ? In a word, has there been a distinct interrup- 
tion, or has there been an unbroken continuity? We, as 
Catholics, answer emphatically that there has been a most 
decided interruption ; while, on the other hand, certain of 
our Anglican friends declare with equal emphasis that there 
has not. 

Take note that we are concerned with doctrine, faith, 
religious observance, and ecclesiastical government ; not 
with mere external possessions. "When pagan Borne 
was converted to Christianity the Christians, in many 
instances, transformed the pagan temples into places of 


Catholic worship. But because they occupied the same 
territory, lived in the same towns, and retained the same 
buildings, we cannot upon that ground argue that there 
was any real ' continuity,' in doctrine or religious belief, 
between paganism and Christianity. So, for a like reason, 
when the Reformers took possession of the Catholic 
cathedrals and churches, and of the abbeys and the abbey 
lands, and clothed themselves with the spoils of the monas- 
teries, we can no more argue that they were on that account 
of the same creed as the monks and priests whom they 
turned adrift, transported, or hanged, than we can argue 
that the wolf is of the same nature as the sheep, on the 
ground that, having slain the sheep, he now wears its 
fleece. He is still as much a wolf as ever. 

We are perfectly well aware that the grand old English 
cathedrals, such as those of Bath and Wells, of Canterbury 
and Durham, of Gloucester and Hereford, of York and 
Ely, and Worcester, Lincoln, Salisbury, Winchester, and 
Norwich, and many more (though designed by Catholic 
artists, built by Catholic hands, and paid for by Catholic 
gold) have been appropriated by that Protestant Reformed 
religion, established by law, which King William and Queen 
Mary, and presumably all English sovereigns since, in their 
coronation oaths, have solemnly sworn to defend. 1 

We are well aware that the Universities of Oxford and 
Cambridge, together with the moneys and emoluments, 
and the sums left as bequests for Masses, and many other 
things of a material and pecuniary value, which once 
belonged to the ' Pre-Reformation Church,' were taken 
away, and have now become the property of the ' Post- 
Reformation Church.' But the religion and faith of the 
' Pre-Reformation Church ' that is to say, that which 
constitutes its very essence, its innermost spirit and life 
have not descended to the English as a nation. The wolf 

i CORONATION OATH, 1689-1702. 

To King William and Queen Mary. 

Archbishop. ' Will you, to the utmost of your power, maintain the laws 
of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant Reformed 
Religion, established by law ? ' 

' We -will,' &c. (The Book of Riyhts. By Edgar Taylor, p. 215.) 


has got the fleece. True ! But there still remains a mighty 
and essential difference between the wolf and the sheep. 
But how does it happen that all Protestants, as well as 
Catholics, are not agreed upon this point ? Well, let us 

People read history very differently, according to the 
manner in which the facts may affect their own particular 
interests ; and we cannot but feel that, whether consciously 
or unconsciously, the upholders of the theory, which we 
are examining here to-day, are not impartial, but so strongly 
biassed in its favour as to think they see proofs even where 
none exist. Of such men may be said, with the alteration 
of a single word, what Shakspeare says of the jealous : 
' Trifles light as air are to the biassed (jealous) confirmation 
strong as proofs of Holy Writ.' 1 

But is there a strong motive to maintain the continuity 
theory at any cost ? Well, I think we shall find there is. 
Indeed, Anglicans must cling to this theory, because it is 
essential to their position I might almost say to their 
very existence. It may be an improbable theory, it may 
be an impossible theory, it may be a theory which 
history, loud and trumpet toned, denies and contradicts ; 
a theory derided and scouted by the overwhelming 
body of Christians throughout the world ; but it is essential 
to the position of the little local Church that defends it. 
Therefore, in mere self-defence, and in virtue of the 
natural instinct of self-preservation, these good people 
close their ears to every argument, and remain blind 
to the most unassailable evidence. They have ears, 
but hear not ; eyes, and see not, because they really cannot 
afford either to see or to hear. To do so would be to admit 
themselves in the wrong. To give up continuity is equiva- 
lent to affirm that their Church is less than four hundred 
years old ; it is implicitly to admit that it is not the Church 
of Christ, which was established in this land more than a 
thousand years earlier ; and, if not the Church of Christ, 
then, of course, not a true Church at all. Further, it is to 

1 Othel., iii 3. 


admit that they have no real right to the doweries and 
emoluments and the ecclesiastical legacies and Church 
lands. No, no more than a supposed heir to a property has 
a right to that property when it is discovered that he is, 
after all, no true son, but only a bastard. The thought of 
these and many other consequences puts religiously-minded 
men in a position in which we can no more wonder at their 
clinging to any vestige of an argument, and to any shred or 
shadow of a proof, than we can wonder at a drowning man 
clasping and snatching at any floating straw or drifting 
weed that comes within his reach. 

But, even in spite of all this, so clear and so irresistible 
is the evidence against the continuity theory, that the more 
clear-headed, learned, honest, and impartial of Anglicans 
themselves have felt obliged to admit that there has been 
really no true and real 'continuity' in the Church of 
England at all. They admit, in a word and the admission 
being so contrary to their own interests is of quite excep- 
tional value that the Church of England, as now existing, 
is radically different from the Church of England of four 
hundred years ago that, in a word, the present Church of 
England started into existence only as late as the sixteenth 
century, and was the creation of Henry VIII. and 

Now, it is not our purpose to try and force our own 
belief, however certain, down anybody's throat ; nor need 
we accuse any individual of dishonesty because evidence 
which convinces others does not convince him. The law 
courts afford us innumerable cases of evidence completely 
satisfying eleven jurymen, and yet altogether failing to 
convince the twelfth. So it may be in the case of contin- 
uity. Now, there are at present in my mind theological 
reasons which, altogether independently of historical facts, 
absolutely satisfy me that the English Church of to-day is 
totally distinct from the English Church of St. Thomas of 
Canterbury and of Archbishop Chicheley; but I am not 
going to produce any theological arguments now. As there 
is not time for everything, I will confine myself to the 
evidences of history, and I will call up various weighty 


witnesses. Nay more; in order to give my Anglican friends 
every advantage, I will pack my witness-box, and select my 
witnesses, not from among Catholics, who might be thought 
biassed against the continuity theory, but from among 
non-Catholics, and non-Catholics alone. 

The first I will summon is Mr. E. A. Freeman, Eegius 
Professor of Modern History, Oxford, whom Canon Bright 
calls ' a great master of English history.' He witnesses as 
follows : l 

England was the special conquest of the Roman Church, 
the first land which looked up with reverence to the Eoman 
Pontiff, while it owed not even a nominal allegiance to the 
Roman Caesar. . . . The English folk were first called to cast 
aside the faith of Woden, and to embrace the faith of Christ by 
men who came on that errand from Rome herself, at the bidding 
of the acknowledged father of Western Christendom. 

I will now call upon the Rev. F. C. Warren, a recognised 
Anglican authority on the liturgy of the ancient British 
Church. He, like Freeman, emphatically testifies to the 
essentially Eoman character and condition of the early 
English Church : 

Roman [he says] in origin, owing her existence to the fore- 
sight of one of the greatest Popes, and fostered at first by 
Roman missionaries and bishops, the Church of England had 
been constantly and loyally Roman in doctrine and practice. Her 
liturgical books, as well as her vestments, and church ornaments 
came direct from Rome, being sent from Gregory to Augustine. 
Her archbishops, from the very first, applied for and wore the 
pall. 2 

This is pretty strong evidence, as coming from an 
Anglican clergyman. But let us now dismiss him and 
call our next witness. 

What has the Protestant historian, Child, to say on the 
subject ? Turning to his well-known work, we come across 
the following : 

When Henry died, a complete revolution had been effected in 
the history of the Church. Instead of the Church in England, it 

1 Eniycl. Brit., art. 'England,' pp. 277-278. 

2 Intro, to Leofric's Missal, p. 24. Rev. F. C. Warren. 


had become in good truth, the Church of England ; instead, 
that is, of an integral part of that great western province of 
Christendom, to which it owed its first conversion, and with 
which it had been one ever since, for nearly a thousand years, it 
had become for the first time in its history, a separate Christian 
community, of which little could be affirmed, but that, for the 
time being at any rate, it agreed with no other; that it retained 
an anomalous and decapitated form of Catholicism ; and that, in 
practice, if not in theory too, it owed its doctrine as well as 
whatever of discipline it retained to its lay supreme head. 1 

So much for Mr. Child. We will now ask his Lordship 
the Eight Eev. Protestant Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Short, 
to state his honest conviction upon this interesting point : 

The Englishman [writes Bishop Short] who derives his blood 
from Saxon veins will be ungrateful if he be not ready to confess 
the debt which Christian Europe owes to Borne ; and to confess 
that whenever she shall cast off these innovations of men, which 
now cause a separation between us, we shall gladly pay her 
such honours as are due to the country which was instrumental 
in bringing us within the pale of the Universal Church of 
Jesus Christ. 

And further on Dr. Short admits that the existence of 
the Church of England, as a distinct body, and her final 
separation from Home, may be dated from the period of the 
(Henry's) divorce. 

This is an unequivocal testimony. If the English 
Church separated from Eome in Henry's time, then she 
must have been united with Eome before Henry's time. 
The historian, Gardiner, in his Student's History of England? 
also states, that ' The English Church was in all outward 
matters regulated in conformity with that of Eome.' 

Herzog affords us yet another testimony. In his 
Encyclopcedia of Theology, article ' Church of England,' 
though he impartially state, that many Anglicans advance a 
claim to antiquity for their Church, he expresses his own 
opinion : ' Its history begins with the reign of Henry VIIL, 
when breaking with the Pope, he was declared the head of 
the Church in his dominions.' 3 

1 Church and State under the Tudors, pp. 264-5. 

2 Page 50. 

3 History of the Church of England to the Revolution, 1668, p. 8. 


We now call upon another witness, the learned author 
of a work entitled Celtic Scotland. 1 

Now Mr. Skene testifies to the identity of doctrine and 
practice in the Koman and ancient British Churches in 
these words : 

Suffice it to say that during the Eoman occupation the 
Christian Church in Britain was a part of the Church of the 
Empire. It was immediately connected with that of Gaul, but 
it acknowledged Eome as its head, from whom its mission 
was considered to be derived, and it presented no features 
of difference from the Konaish Church in the other western 
provinces. We find it in close connection with the Gallican 
Church, and regarding the Patriarch of Eome as the head of the 
Western Church, and the source of ecclesiastical authority and 
mission, and with the exception of the temporary prevalence of 
the Pelagian heresy in Britain, we can discover no trace of any 
divergence between them in doctrine or practice. 

Some of our antagonists would have us make a dis- 
tinction between Protestantism and Anglicanism, but as 
the Archbishop of Melbourne truly observes : ' This distinc- 
tion has no foundation in the history of the Reformation.' 
The following statement of historical facts, written, not by 
Catholic, but by the Protestant historian Child, will satisfy 
every impartial reader. He says : 

It is difficult to study the actual facts of the sixteenth 
century history, putting apart preconceived ecclesiastical 
theories, without arriving at the conclusion that the English 
National Church was as completely the creation of Henry VIII., 
Edward's Council, and Elizabeth, as Saxon Protestantism 
was of Luther, Swiss of Calvin, or of Zwingle. 2 

The history of the Church in England was continuous from 
the mission of Augustine, or, if we prefer it, from the Synod of 
Whitby, to the time when Henry VIII., upon a disagreement 
with the Pope about his divorce, cast off his allegiance to the 
Papacy. From that time to the present, with the short interval 
between the reconciliation under Mary and Elizabeth's first 
Parliament, it has been severed and excommunicated by the 
great body of the Catholic Church ; and as the latter was before 
precisely that which it has continued since, it is clear that the 
former must have been something not the same. And it is not the 
mere retention of a few names and titles, used in a kind of ' second 

. ii., pp. 2,7. " Church and State, &c., pp. 272-4 


intention,' and a few more or less amputated rites, which will 
ever make persons, intelligently instructed, believe that an 
establishment which obviously is a mere creature of a single 
state, is the legitimate and adequate representative of that 
imposing Western Church, which is older than any existing 
state in Europe, and grander than anything the world has ever 
seen, and which has been picturesquely described by an old 
writer as ' the ghost of the old Boman Empire,' sitting robed 
and crowned upon the grave thereof. 1 

A fair consideration of the actual facts of the Tudor history 
serves to show that, a theory like that which prevails so widely 
at present, which represents the English Church in any other 
light than that of one (though it may, perhaps, be admitted, the 
greatest and most dignified) of the Protestant Churches which 
arose in the sixteenth century, is a novelty which took its very 
earliest rise some half century or more after the separation from 
Eome, as a direct consequence of Elizabeth's determination to 
give no quarter to the early Puritans, and which made little or 
no progress for another half century still. The evidence is simply 
overwhelming, which shows that, during the whole period from 
1552 onwards, the English Church was considered by friends 
and foes alike to be, for all intents and purposes, one with the 
Swiss Churches of Zurich and Geneva. 2 

The truth upon this subject is so patent to the unpre- 
judiced mind that, not in serious histories merely, but even 
in the daily press, and on the public platforms it is taken as 
a matter of course. An instance or two here will not be 
out of place. 

Taking up a Protestant paper 3 1 came across an account 
of a meeting at which Sir G. Osborne Morgan, M.P., 
took the chair. Though a Protestant himself, and son 
of the Kev. M. Morgan, Protestant Vicar of Conway, 
Carnarvonshire, he nevertheless delivered himself in the 
following words : 

What was the Church of England as by law established? 
He would answer the question in the words of the highest 
legal authority in the land. ' The Established Church,' says the 
Chief Justice of England, ' is a political institution, established, 
created, and protected by law, absolutely dependent upon 
Parliament.' Why, every student of English history knew that 

1 Child, Church and State, pp. 272-4. 

2 Ibid., pp. 272-4. 

3 The Manchester Guardian, Sept. 21st, 1893. 


if a very bad king had not fallen in -love with a veiy pretty 
woman, and desired to get divorced from his plain and elderly 
wife, and had not compelled a servile Parliament to carry out 
his wishes, there would, in all human probability, never have 
been an Established Church at all. Last year, just before the 
General Election, he had stated this fact, upon which a reverend 
gentleman, Canon West, of Manchester, had offered 4*10 towards 
his election expenses if he could name the Act of Parliament by 
which the Church of England was established. He had named 
six of these Acts, but he never got his 10. 

The baronet then went on to say that 

When the Established Church said, ' Orthodoxy is my doxy, 
and heterodoxy is everybody else's doxy,' it could not claim, 
like the Church of Eome, a divine mandate, but only a Parlia- 
mentary mandate for the assertion. 

The Puseyites of the last generation, or the Anglo-Catholics, 
as they called themselves, insisted that the Church of England 
was the only true Catholic Church, and that the Church of Home 
was nothing but a corrupt and heretical departure from the same 
primitive Church. But when they came to look around them, 
and saw from one pulpit a man preaching Calvinism and 
another Deism, and found that their only protection against their 
errors was a human tribunal i.e., the Privy Council, upon which 
Jews and infidels might sit everyone of them who had a grain 
of honesty in his nature went over with Cardinal Newman to 
the Church of Eome a Church which, at least, rested its claim 
to infallibility on something higher than an Act of Parliament or 
a judicial committee. 

I will now make an extract from a Protestant London 
daily. 1 In a conspicuous leader, this influential paper 
expresses its opinion in these outspoken words : 

The Anglicans may still persist in patronizing the Roman 
Catholics as a new set of modern dissidents under the old name. 
It is the sort of vengeance which, under favourable circumstances, 
the mouse may enjoy at the expense of the elephant. If he can 
mount high enough by artificial means, the smallest of created 
things may contrive to look down on the greatest, and to affect 
to compassionate his want of range. For purposes of contro- 
versy the Anglican could talk of himself as a terrestrial ancient 
of days, and regret the rage for innovation which led, not to his 
separation from Eome, but to Rome's from him. So might the 
pebble, if determined to put a good face on it, wonder what had 
become of the rock, and recite the parable of the return of the 
prodigal to the Atlas range. 

1 T)iv Daily Xews, Sept. 19th, 1893. 


Thus far we have quoted merely the serious judgment of 
a few among the many Protestant bishops, clergymen, 
historians, and ecclesiastical authors, as well as the common 
press and platform utterances, which sometimes indicate 
more clearly than history, the common-sense view of any 
question before the public mind. Now, we shall not call up 
any more living authorities, for they can, at best, but declare 
what the result of their study of the Keformation period 
may be, and what conclusions they have come to ; but I 
will turn to simple, undeniable contemporary facts. I am 
going to invite you, my readers, to pass your own judgment 
upon these facts, and ask you candidly whether these facts 
support the continuity theory, or whether they utterly 
destroy it. As the very touch-stone, I will select the 
attitude of the early English Church to the Vicar of Christ, 
the Pope. 

(A.) English history tells us that in 1245 the English 
bishops and clergy, assembled in convocation, wrote to 
Pope Innocent, and in their letter, which anyone who 
understands Latin can read for himself, assured him that 
the ' said kingdom of England was specially devoted to the 
Most Holy Koman Church ; ' and, further, that amongst the 
glories of the ' English Church ' was the fact that she was 
' a special member of the Most Holy Church of Koine.' 
They add that they themselves are ' devoted sons of the 
Most Holy Eoman Church. ' 

(B.) About the same year the nobles of England sent an 
address to the Pope, complaining of the monetary exactions 
of the Curia, in which they protest in these words : 

Our mother, the Eoman Church, we love and cherish with 
all our hearts, as our duty is ; and we seek her honour, increase, 
welfare, with all the affection of which we are capable. 

They also declare that the King of England is not ' the 
head ' of the Church, but ' a most dear son of the Koman 
Church.' Now, let me pause here to ask, will the represen- 
tative of the continuity theory assert that men who wrote 
and spoke these words were not ' Koman Catholics ' ? Does 
he mean us to believe that a Church can be ' a special 


member of the Most Holy Church of Borne,' and yet not 
Koman Catholic ? Or does he expect us to hold that the 
clergy and nobles of England were not Koman Catholic, 
although they themselves declare that they are ' faithful and 
devoted sons of the Most Holy Eoman Church ' ? We want 
a plain, straightforward answer. 1 

(C.) The English Primate, Arundel, in 1413, with the 
advice and assistance of convocation, drew up the following 
profession of faith, to be used as a test to the Catholic 
creed, as then professed in England, against the doctrines 
of the Lollards. We retain the old spelling : 

Christ ardeyned Seint Petir the Apostell to ben His Vicarie 
here in erthe, whose See ys the Church of Rome, ordeyning and 
graunting the same power that He gaf to Petir should succeede 
to all Petir's successours, the wychh we now callyn Popes of 
Eome, by whos power in Churches perticuler special be ordeyned 
prelates as archbysshopes, bysshopes, curates, and other degrees, 
to whom all Chrysten men ought to obey after the lawes of the 
Church of Rome. 2 

If Archbishop Arundel, writing to his clergy, had but 
declared that ' the Pope hath no jurisdiction in this realm of 
England,' the Anglican of to-day might claim him and the 
English Church of that period. But, since he did nothing 
of the kind, since, in plain truth, he said precisely the 
opposite, and what every Boman Catholic in England says 
and believes at this moment, will he explain how the 
Primate and Convocation were not Boman Catholics ? 

(D.) In 1427 the Bishops of England addressed a 
letter to Pope Martin V. on behalf of Chicheley, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, who had been accused at Borne. Now, 
hearken to their words, and say are they the words of 
genuine Boman Catholics or of Anglicans. They run as 
follows : 

Most Blessed Father, one and only undoubted Sovereign 
Pontiff, Vicar of Jesus Christ upon earth, with all promptitude 
of service and obedience, kissing most devoutly your blessed 
feet, &c. 

1 Matthew Paris, pp. 992 and 930, edit. 1571. 

2 This test declaration may be seen in the record of Convocation in 
Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii., p. 355. 


They then proceed to defend their Archbishop, and in 
doing so bear witness that ' the Archbishop of Canterbury 
is, Most Blessed Father, a most devoted son of your Holiness 
and of the Holy Eoman Church.' Nay, cnore ; they declare 

He is so rooted in his loyalty, so unshakable in his allegiance, 
especially to the Roman Church, that it is known to the whole 
world, and ought to be to the city [of Rome], that he is the most 
faithful son of the Church of Rome, promoting and securing 
with all his strength the guarantees of her liberty. 

Again, will our continuity friends explain how a man 
can be ' the most faithful son of the Church of Home,' so 
rooted in his loyalty to her that ' his allegiance is known to 
the whole world,' and yet not be a Roman Catholic ? The 
bishops add that ' they go down upon their knees to 
beseech the Pope's favour for the Archbishop, and in doing 
so declare that they are ' the most humble sons of your 
Holiness and of the Koman Church.' 

(E.) So much as regards the bishops. Let us now appeal to 
the University of Oxford. That renowned seat of learning, 
at the same time, wrote to the Pope, declaring itself the 
' handmaiden of your Holiness,' and adds : 

We, with united hearts, undoubtedly recognise you as the one 
Sovereign Pontiff, the Vicar of Christ upon earth, and the most 
true successor of St. Peter. 

Kecalling the favours the University had received from 
the Pope, it adds : 

Thence on bended knees, and prostrate with all obedience, at 
the feet of your Most Holy Papacy, from our hearts we pay you 
the tribute of our thanks. Casting ourselves, Most Blessed 
Pather, at your blessed feet, with the utmost humility. 

They then entreat that the Pope will not listen to any 
accusation against the Archbishop, and in their turn bear 
witness that ' he is a trusty son of your Holiness and of the 
most Holy Eoman Church.' Bear in mind that this is not 
the sentiment of a mere individual, or of an ignorant body, 
but of the picked men of the greatest university in England. 
The letter is signed : ' The most devoted sons of your 
Holiness, the Chancellor and the unanimous body of the 


Masters of the University of Oxford.' Such was the 
language of the men whom we are asked by certain 
Anglicans to believe were not Koman Catholics ! 

(F.) Finally, Archbishop Chicheley himself wrote at the 
same time to the Pope, addressing him in the following 
terms : 

Most Blessed Father, kissing most devotedly the ground 
beneath your feet, with all promptitude of service and obedience, 
and whatsoever a most humble creature can do towards his lord 
and master (domino et creatori), &c., &c. 

He then assures the Pope that, he has been at all times 
most faithful to the Apostolic See,' and that there is not a 
' scintilla ' of grounds for the rumours spread against him. 
He adds : 

Long before now were it not for the perils of the journey 
and the infirmities of my old age, I would have made my way, 
Most Blessed Father, to your feet, and have accepted most 
obediently whatsoever your Holiness would have decided. 1 

Imagine the present Archbishop of Canterbury writing in 
such a strain to Leo XIII. ! Will our continuity friends 
kindly and frankly declare whether the above is the speech 
and attitude of a member of the present Church of England, 
or of a Koman Catholic? 

(G.) Or, take the following letter, not from bishop, 
nor priest, nor university, but from the dread King and 
Sovereign of England himself, and say is it the letter of a 
Koman Catholic King or of an Anglican king. It was 
written nearly a hundred years before the letter just quoted 
viz., A.D. 1339 (An. Eegni xiii. Edward III). The King 
addresses the Pope in these terms : 

Let not the envious information of our detractors find place 
in the meek mind of your Holiness, or create any sinister opinion 
of a son who, after the manner of his predecessors, shall always 
firmly persist in amity and obedience to the Apostolic See. Nay, 
if any such evil suggestion concerning your son should knock for 
entrance at your Holiness's ears, let no belief be allowed it, till the 
son who is concerned be heard, who trusts and always intends 

1 WilkinB, vol. iii., pp. 471-486. 


both to say and to prove that each of his actions is just before the 
tribunal of your Holiness, PKBSIDING OVER EVERY CREATURE, WHICH 
TO DENY is TO MAINTAIN HERESY. And, further, this we say, 
adjoining it as a further evidence of our intention and greater 
devotion, that if there be anyone of our kindred or allies who 
walks not as he ought in the way of obedience towards the 
Apostolic See, we intend to bestow our diligence ''and we trust to 
no little purpose), that, leaving his wandering course, he may 
return into the path of duty, and walk regularly for the future. 

Alluding then to some supposed unkindness on the part 
of the Pope, the King thus continues : 

That the Kings of England, our predecessors, those illustrious 
champions of Christ, those defenders of the faith (fide athletas), 
those zealous asserters of the right of the Holy Eoman Church, 
and devout observers of her commands, that they or we should 
deserve this unkindness, we neither know nor believe. And 
though, for this very reason, many do say (we say not so) that 
this aiding of our enemies against us seems neither an act of a 
father nor a mother towards us, but of a stepmother ; yet not- 
withstanding we constantly avow that we are, and shall continue 
to be, to your Holiness and your seat a devout and humble son, 
and not a stepson. 

He speaks also of ' the pre-eminence of your sacred 
dignity,' and in another place of 

Your Holiness, who best knows the measure of good and 
just, and in whose hands are the keys to open and to shut the 
gates of heaven on earth, as the fulness of your power and the 
excellence of your judicator requires . . . We being ready not 
only from your sacred tribunal, which is over all, humbly receive 
information of the truth, &c. 

In his reply Pope Benedict XII. says : 

Being desirous that you should follow the commendable foot- 
steps of your progenitors, kings of- England, who were famous 
for the fulness of their devotion and faith towards God and the 
Holy Eoman Church, &c. 

In King Edward III.'s letter to Pope Clement, the Holy 
Father is styled ' by divine Providence, Chief Bishop of 
the Holy Koman and Catholic Church.' The King not 
only addresses the Pope ' Most Holy Father,' and ' Your 
Holiness,' but speaks of him as 'supplying the place of the 


Son of God on earth,' and ' having the care of the souls of 
all Christians,' &C. 1 

Now if a king of England could indite such a letter as 
that, and express himself in such terms, and yet not be a 
Roman Catholic, then, all I can say is, no Roman Catholic 
ever yet existed either in England or out of it. 

(H.) For several centuries before the Reformation, cen- 
turies during which the Pope was the Supreme Court 
of Appeal for the English Church, and decided hundreds 
of disputed ecclesiastical elections, the majority of the 
bishops in every see were appointed summarily by the 
Pope, who issued Bulls of provisions for this purpose. 
During that period every Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
every suffragan 1 bishop took solemnly and publicly on 
the day of his consecration the oath of allegiance to the 

Whoever reads over the oath will find thai it contains 
the following passages, passages which, it appears to me, 
knock the bottom out of the continuity theory altogether. 

I [name] , Archbishop of Canterbury, will be from this hour 
henceforth faithful and obedient to St. Peter, and to the Holy 
Apostolic Eoman Church, and to my lord the Pope [name] and 
to his canonical successors. Neither in counsel, or consent, or 
deed will I take part in aught by which they might suffer loss of 
life, or limb, or liberty. Their counsel which they may confide 
to me, whether by their envoys or their letter, I will, to their 
injury, wittingly disclose to no man. The Eoman Papacy and 
the royalty of St. Peter I will be their helper to defend and to 
maintain, saving my order, against all men. When summoned 
to a synod I will come, unless hindered by a canonical impedi- 
ment. The Legate of the Apostolic See I will treat honourably 
in his coming and going, and will help him in his needs. Every 
third year I will visit the thresholds of the Apostles, either per- 
sonally or by my proxy, unless I am dispensed by Apostolic 
licence. The possessions which pertain to the support of my 
archbishopric I will not sell, nor give away, nor pledge, nor 
re-enfeoff, nor alienate in any way, without first consulting the 
Roman Pontifi 

(I.) A plain and very sure evidence of the Romanism 

1 PagcH 126, 130, History of Edward III., by J. Barnes, Fellow of 
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 1668. Sir T. Sykes Library. 


of the English Church in the same period is the fact, 
that during the trials for heresy, the test approved 
and applied by the English bishops, and convocation as the 
touchstone of orthodoxy was a formula in which the person 
was made to declare their adherence to the Catholic faith 
'according to the determination of the Church of Rome.' 
These words may be seen over and over again in the process 
of the fifteenth century. A similar test is also inserted in 
the form for the abjuration of heresy, drawn out in the 
Exeter Pontifical, used at the same period. 

Will any Anglican say that a Church that was ready to 
send men to the stake who would not accept the Catholic 
faith ' according to the determination of the Church of 
Rome' was not Roman Catholic ? 

If, indeed, we wish to know whether the generations of 
Englishmen and women who lived and died here before the 
Reformation were or were not Roman Catholics, how are 
we to find out ? 

Surely the simplest thing to do is to ask the people 
themselves. If we wish to ascertain what religion a man 
professes we just question him. We think he ought to be the 
best authority upon what he himself believes: if he is not, 
who is? And we feel that his free and serious statement 
upon the point, ought to be decisive. For instance : were 
my supposed Anglican objector to tell me, as no doubt 
he would, that he is 'a member ' of the present English 
Church, or that he is a ' faithful and devoted son ' of the 
present Church of England, I and everyone else would 
know precisely what he means, and no one would dream of 
doubting him. But, if further, we were to stand and hear 
him actually swear a solemn oath of allegiance to the 
Established Church, our certainty on the point would be 
doubly certain. 

Now if we put this question to the English nation before 
the Reformation, we shall find, as I have already pointed 
out, that in Parliament, in Convocation, in the Universities, 
the King, the Lords, the Bishops, the Clergy, on behalf of 
themselves and their people, declared in 1245, as well as 
at other epochs, that they were ' the faithful and devoted 



sons of the Holy Koman Church ; ' and that the Church in 
this country was a 'special member of the Holy Church of 
Rome.' Why will not the Anglican of to-day accept their 
cwn declaration of their own belief 1 He believes they were 
Catholics ; he hears them testify that they were ' members,' 
and ' sons,' and ' most devout sons ' of the Church of Eome. 
Now, will anybody explain how a man can be a Catholic, 
and a member of the Church of Rome, and yet not a Roman 
Catholic, or will he have the hardihood to deny that they were 
Catholic ? No, he cannot ! Will he deny that they were 
'members ' and ' sons' of the Church of Rome? Impossible, 
unless he contradicts his own words, and practically tells 
whole generations of Englishmen, that he knows all about 
their religion far better than they do themselves ! Will 
he then persuade us that it is possible to be a Catholic and 
not a member of the Church of Rome ? If so, I certainly, for 
one, would not care to carry such a brief before the common 
sense of an English jury. Nor is this steadfast declaration 
of the English nation in any sense a ' fugitive utterance,' 
as some Anglicans try to make out. We find it in docu- 
ments which just precede the Reformation. We find it in 
the declaration made by the kings, Parliament, bishops, 
and University of Oxford in 1427. We find it in the 
records of Convocation in 1440. We find it again in the 
declaration of the King, Parliament, bishops, and clergy 
in 1245. We find equivalent expressions in the letters of 
Peckham, Beckett, Anselm, and Lanfranc. And if any- 
thing more plainly still, in the dutiful letter of the Anglo- 
Saxon King, Kenulf, in which (long before the existence of 
the false Decretals, to which our continuity friends love to 
refer), he declares himself the ' son of His Holiness .the 
Pope, whom he embraces in all the strength of obedience.' 
Is our continuity friend still incredulous ? Then let us take 
the long line of bishops and archbishops in every see, for 
centuries, who corne one by one, swearing the oath of 
allegiance to the Pope, and to the ' Church of Rome.' If 
this host of English bishops cannot be believed, even upon 
their oath, as to the fidelity to the Roman Church, and if 
such a declaration does not mean 'Romanism,' then I 


really fail to see what kind of testimony would avail to 
convince him. To crown this, we have the tests adopted 
by the bishops and clergy in Convocation, by which the 
Church in England refused to recognise any man as a 
Catholic unless he ' assented to the Roman Church,' and 
received all the articles of the Catholic faith, ' according to 
the determination of the Church of Rome.' 

We Roman Catholics feel that this is Roman Catholicism. 
If it is not, will somebody tells us what it is? Nor was 
this a ' fugitive utterance ; ' for we find it not only repeated 
again and again in the documents of Convocation, but in 
a standing form in the English ritual (vide the Exeter 
Pontifical), and it therefore took its place in the permanent 
usage of the Church life of the country. 

It may be well to remark here, that much is made by 
some of our antagonists about the disputes concerning what 
is known as the ' statute of pro visors,' an important episode 
of governmental friction between the English Parliament 
and the Court of Rome. But it must be borne in mind 
that the Act never received the assent of the bishops. The 
archbishops formally entered their protest on the rolls of 
Parliament against it. Over and over again, Convocation 
petitioned for its repeal. The English Crown at the 
treaty of Bruges practically recognised the Pope's right to 
provide bishops, and the English kings themselves frequently 
petitioned the Pope to exercise this right. Finally, so much 
was the statute a dead letter, that as a matter of fact the 
Popes provided far more bishops after the passing of the 
statute than they did before it. 

We do not expect educated and honest men to descend 
to the childish plea of the mere Qhurch Defence lecturers, 
whose practice is to pass off cases of friction between 
England and the Roman Curia, as proof that England was 
not Roman Catholic. No doubt, English Roman Catholics, 
in those times, complained of and resented the heavy 
monetary exactions of the Papal Court, and the intrusion 
of foreigners. But so should we, had we been in their 
place, and we should have held, that we were not one whit 
less loyally Roman Catholic for doing so. Besides, any 


reflective mind would naturally ask, ' If there be any weight 
in this argument, where is it to stop?' "Where, throughout 
the whole of Christendom, is the Catholic nation to be 
found which has not had its quarrels with the .Roman See ? 
France, and Spain, Hungary, Germany, Florence, Venice, 
and Naples, and Genoa : who has not heard of their 
numerous conflicts with Legates and Bulls, and Eoman 
excommunications? Every historian and politician knows 
that such elements enter into the staple of the history 
of the most loyal Catholic nations. Catholic England was, 
of course, no exception ; or, if an exception at all, an excep- 
tion only in the sense of being, if anything, somewhat more 
patient, forebearing, and reverential and devoted towards 
the Holy See than the continental nations, and somewhat 
more favoured by Eome in return, as Archbishop Peckham 
himself tells us. If this fact of friction can prove that a 
nation is not Koman Catholic, it would also prove, that 
there never was, and never will be such a thing as a Koman 
Catholic country at any time, or any place, in Europe, or 
out of it, and consequently that the Eoman Catholic Church 
never existed at all. When the Ecclesia Anglicana (the 
technical term which Eome still uses to denote the province 
of the Catholic Church which lies in England) protests, in 
the thirteenth century, and at other times along the line of 
her history, that she is a ' member of the Church of Eome,' 
will someone be good enough to tell us why she should be 
disbelieved any more than the Ecclesia Gallicana, the 
Ecclesia Hispanica, the Ecclesia Florentina, or the Ecclesia 
Neapolitina of the same period? In a word, it amounts to 
this. Are we to believe the modern Anglican, who says 
that our ancestors were not Eoman Catholics, and loyal 
sons of the Eoman Church ; or are we to believe the 
generations of pre-Eeformation Englishmen themselves, 
when they protest that they were, and when their bishops 
for centuries come forward to attest the fact upon their 
solemn oath before the Church and before the country ? 

In conclusion, I will put to any favourer of the con- 
tinuity theory three simple questions : 

1. For more than four centuries before the Eeformatiou, 


did, or did not the bishops and archbishops of the English 
Church publicly swear an oath of obedience and allegiance 
to the Roman See ? 

2. Are, or are not Catholic bishops and archbishops 
who swear obedience to the See of Rome, Roman Catholics ? 

3. If the bishops and archbishops of the English 
Church for centuries before the Reformation were Roman 
Catholics, is it, or is it not absurd to maintain that the 
English Church was never Roman Catholic? 

Are these sufficiently plain questions, and is it unreason- 
able to expect equally plain answers ? 

The action and oath-taking of the whole of the bishops 
of the Church in this country for four centuries is a tangible 
fact and testimony. Let us then keep fast to the point. I 
want the objector to fix his attention on those four hundred 
years, and then to say straightly Yes or No were those 
bishops who took the oath for those four centuries, Roman 
Catholics or not ? And if not, then explain how a man can 
be a Catholic, and in sworn obedience to (not in mere 
communion with) the Roman See and not be a Roman 
Catholic ? 


[ 38 ] 


THE natural advantages of Phoenicia having been such 
as we described, the people who now occupied it 
were in every sense well qualified to make good use of 
such conveniences as the land afforded. Their great 
source of power as a nation was their navy. Cradled 
as they were on the shores of the Erythraean sea, they 
were accustomed from very early years to a life on the 
ocean, and the name of the 'world's first sailors' is quite 
their due. They, and they alone, seem to have possessed 
a navy at a time when other great powers, such as 
Egypt and Assyria, could not build, much less efficiently man, 
a fleet of vessels. Their migration from the shores of the 
Persian Gulf did not extinguish these tastes, and their new 
homes only tended to foster them more. Their skill as 
sailors and navigators earned for them the respect of more 
powerful nations, who made use cf them when conducting 
expeditions by sea, though the Phoenicians themselves did not 
use their fleet so much to acquire new territorial possessions, 
except when founding some fresh colony, as for the 
development of their trade. That the Egyptian monarch s 
made use of their fleet we have good proof in the fact that 
in those places where we know Phoenician colonies existed, 
we find also relics of Egyptian domination which date back 
to the time of the latter country's greatest influence abroad, 
namely, to the reigns of Thothmes III. and his successors 
of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties. Such is the 
case at Cyprus, also along the north coast of Africa and 
among the islands of the -ZEgean Archipelago. This idea is 
confirmed by the fact that Egypt had at that time no fleet 
of her own, and yet supported a large fleet upon the Ked 
Sea, the navigation of which is very difficult ; many years 
later too we find the Bible recording that: ' King Solomon 
made a fleet in Asiongaber, which is by Ailath on the shore 
of the Ked Sea in the land of Edom. And Hiram 


sent his servants in the fleet, that had knowledge of 
the sea.' 1 

It is probable then that the Egyptian sovereigns availed 
themselves of the services of these skilled navigators, and 
by their means opened up trade with Yemen, and the 
almost fabulous Ormuz and Ophir, which were such sources 
of wealth to the potentates of those days. Their merchants 
thronged the markets of Tyre, as the prophet tells in his 
description of the glories and riches of the city : ' The men of 
Dedan were merchants in tapestry for seats. Arabia, and 
all the princes of Cedar, they were the merchants of thy 
hand ; thy merchants came to thee with 'rams, and lambs, 
and kids. The sellers of Saba and Keema, they were thy 
merchants ; with all the best spices and precious stones, and 
gold, which thy set forth in thy market.' 2 The power which 
thus accrued to Pho3nicia can easily be imagined. They 
became the great carriers of the world, the trade of all the 
great nations passed through their hands ; there was no other 
power to compete with them; they were welcome everywhere, 
for, as we have seen, they did not seek territorial aggrandise- 
ment, but only commercial influence; they brought wealth, 
ease, and refinement wherever they went, and the surround- 
ing nations depended almost exclusively upon them for the 
luxuries of life. When Sidon fell and Tyre took her place, 
the latter's wealth and magnificence became the wonder of 
the world, and Ezechiel thus describes the fittings of her 
vessels : ' With fir-trees of Sanier they have built thee, with 
all thy decks for the sea ; they have taken a cedar from 
Libanus to make thee a mast ; they have cut thy oars 
from the oaks of Basan ; and they have made thee benches 
of Indian ivory, and cabins with things brought from the 
islands of Italy. Fine-broidered linen from Egypt was 
woven for thy sail to spread on the mast ; blue and purple 
from the lands of Elisa were made thy covering. The 
inhabitants of Sidon and Aradians were thy rowers; thy wise 
men, O Tyre, were thy pilots. The ancients of Gebal and the 
wise men thereof furnished mariners for the service of thy 

1 3 Kings ix. 26, 27. 2 Ezech. xxvi. 20-22. 


various furniture, all the ships of sea and their mariners 
were thy factors.' 1 Tin, the metal requisite for making 
bronze, was only to be obtained through the hands of 
the Phoenicians. Babylon, it is true, had her own native 
supply ; but their intercourse with Babylon was difficult, the 
distance was great, and caravans were at the mercy of the 
roving desert tribes. The Phoenicians devoted their energies 
to opening up new sources for the supply of this precious 
metal, and then quest led them to the shores of the Euxine, 
and thus commenced their immense trade with Armenia, 
and the Caucasus. Spain too was visited, and mines opened 
there, while the search for the same metal drew them in 
after years to our own Cornwall. 

Nor while their ships were thus busy at sea, were they 
idle on land. Jerusalem, according to Rabbinical tradition, 
is the centre of the earth, and be this as it may, the Holy 
Land was certainly the centre of the then inhabited world. 
Day by day caravans filed forth from Tyre and Sidon, and 
the Phoenician cities ; some wended their way southwards, 
passing through Palestine and Egypt, or, turning aside at 
Jerusalem, crossed the burning desert to the south-east and 
directed their steps to Arabia, carrying spices, perfumes, 
and precious stones, as long ago we know the Midianite 
merchants did when they bought Joseph and sold him into 
Egypt. Others, again, leaving Phoenicia would pass through 
Damascus, and halting at Palmyra, would strike thence 
across the desert for the Euphrates, and so find their way 
to Nineveh and Babylon ; while a third party would go 
Northward, and entering Hamath would turn aside to the 
land of the Hittites, to Tipsah on the Euphrates, till they 
came to Armenia and the shores of the Black Sea. Even 
India was not unvisited, but yielded its quota to their 
markets. Ingots of gold and bars of silver, rare and 
precious woods, strange animals, apes and peacocks, spices 
and perfumes, cloth and tapestries, ivory in the shape of 
huge elephant tusks, and other trophies, constituted their 
trade. Nor must we omit slaves, whom they supplied to 

1 Ezech. xxvii. 5-9. 


the surrounding countries. Circassia, then as now, yielded 
a rich harvest in this respect, and the beauty and grace 
of the Circassian maidens ensured a high price to their 
Phosnician captors. 

And we must not imagine that these great merchants 
were merely the carriers of other nations. They had their 
own wares and their own produce to barter. Glass has 
been claimed as their invention, though this can hardly be, 
since we find it mentioned in Egyptian inscriptions which 
date back so early as the fourth and fifth Dynasties. But 
though we may not cede to the Phrenician the glory of having 
first invented a commodity without which we should now 
find life hardly tolerable, we can yet safely and fairly say 
that in the hands of these unrivalled artists, glass became a 
medium for obtaining the finest possible results in design 
and colouring. Certain processes for the production of 
variegated patterns are said, indeed, to have perished with 
their inventors, and those who are learned in such matters 
affirm that the relics of Phoenician glass-work which remain 
to us, surpass in elegance of design and beauty of colouring 
the best work of the great Venetian glass-makers. They 
seem to have possessed certain secrets of their art, which 
were handed down from generation to generation, and 
kept as a precious deposit an heirloom perhaps in certain 
families, just as the Scriptoria and colouring-rooms of the 
monasteries jealously guarded their secret processes and 
quaint recipes from the vulgar gaze, with the result that 
no modern art can give us stained glass which for richness 
of tint and fixedness of colour may vie with the work of 
our cunning predecessors. For embroidery too and tapestry 
work, the Phoenician women were famous in Homer's time. 
The poet often mentions Sidonian work as of an especial 
value, an offering fit for the gods. Thus Hecuba offers 
Minerva a garment embroidered by Sidonian women : 

She meanwhile 

Her fragrant chamber sought, wherein were stor'd 
Kich garments by Sidonian women worked. 

Again, the tin which they imported so largely was not 
1 Iliad, vi. 334-336 (Earl of Derby's translation), 


destined merely for Egypt, nor to fashion weapons of war 
for the use of their less peaceably-disposed neighbours, for 
they themselves were expert workers in all kinds of metals, 
particularly bronze. It might seem from the words of 
Ezechiel that it was the peculiar province of Carthage to 
supply Tyre with the various ores required in this branch of 
the arts. ' The Carthaginians, thy merchants, supplied thy 
fairs with a multitude of all kind of riches, with silver, iron, 
tin, and lead.' l For a long time the Phoenicians seem to have 
been the sole providers of bronze implements, and statuary, 
and ornaments wrought in this metal together with bronze 
vessels and instruments, were exchanged by them in lands 
which had not yet emerged from the comparative thraldom 
of the stone age. Nor were they less expert in carving 
ivory ; and many beautiful examples of their skill in working 
in this material have been discovered in the islands of the 
Mediterranean ; monuments of their work both in bronze 
and ivory may be seen in the Vatican at the Louvre. 

These commercial instincts of the Phoenicians had two 
main results. One we have already noticed, viz. : the 
establishment of a vast naval power, whose rule over the 
waters was well-nigh despotic ; the other, the natural 
outcome of the former when used by a great trading power, 
was the gradual formation of a series of colonies at a com- 
paratively short distance from each other, and bound to the 
mother city by the ties of mutual support, and the bonds of 
commerce. These colonies were spread over the whole 
littoral of the Mediterranean, and, though at first merely 
small trading stations, became in time the nuclei of 
great cities and commonwealths such as Utica and Carthage. 
The great work, however, which they achieved, though all 
unconsciously, was the civilization of the Western world. 
The spread of the arts which they practised so assiduously, 
and the gradual diffusion of the more luxurious commodities 
of life, exerted a softening influence upon the rude nations of 
the West. Greeks and Bomans, Gauls and Britons, all alike 
came under the sway of these bold sailors and merchants, 

1 Ezech. xxvii. 12. 


till bit by bit, first one barrier then another melted away, 
new modes of thought, new ideas of the good and beautiful 
replaced the rough and uncouth manners of the inhabitants 
of the Morea and Italy, preparing them for the day when 
Rome and Athens, not Thebes or Tyre, Nineveh or Babylon, 
should be the centre ; indeed, disregarding for the moment 
all supernatural ends, we may look upon this as the special 
purpose for which the Phoanicians were raised up. What 
would have become of the arts and treasures of Babylon, 
Nineveh, Thebes, and Memphis, had not the Tyrian sailors 
disseminated them abroad ? It was through them that the 
nations dwelling on the Northern coast of Africa or peopling 
the isles of the .ZEgean Sea became more amenable to the 
softening influences of literature and art. Sculpture and 
architecture, embroidery and weaving, found not only a 
home among the Phosnicians, as in Egypt and Assyria, but 
also a ready channel through which they might diffuse them- 
selves abroad amongst the rude and still unpolished peoples 
of the Western Hemisphere. Moreover, their skill as 
navigators enabled them to penetrate into portions of the 
world which had hitherto been unknown to the peoples of 
the East. For many years, indeed, they had confined them- 
selves to the Mediterranean and to the Bed Sea ; they seem 
to have had a strange fear of passing the Pillars of Hercules, 
and for a long time the rivalry subsisting between Tyre and 
Carthage prevented the sailors of the former city from 
prosecuting their efforts in this direction ; but their genius 
for discovery and exploration led them to face dangers, 
which the mere love of gain could never have overcome, 
and we find them exploring for a considerable distance along 
the western coast of Africa, in spite of the rough and heavy 
seas to which they were probably but little accustomed. 

This then was the nation whose future destinies were to 
be so closely linked with those of the Israelites, and we 
have given at some length the foregoing account of what 
we may call their physical and commercial history, because 
we felt that a knowledge of this lends an additional interest 
to that portion of their domestic history with which we are 
immediately concerned. 


At the time of the Exodus, the Phoenician towns were 
evidently at the height of their power ; Josue speaks of 
' Great Sidon . . . and the strong city of Tyre,' l and though 
these cities were assigned to the tribe of Aser, it seems doubt- 
ful whether the latter was not rather subject to his formidable 
vassals : ' Aser, his bread shall be fat, and he shall yield 
dainties to kings,' 2 prophesied Jacob; while Moses said of 
him : ' Let him dip his foot in oil ; ' 8 words which hardly 
imply those warlike qualities requisite for the conquest of 
Tyre and Sidon. The relations subsisting between Phoenicia 
and Israel are of a very different kind from those which 
at different times prevailed between the latter country and the 
surrounding nations. Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon, when they 
interfered in Jewish affairs, were always masters, and always 
claimed the rights of suzerains over the chosen people. 
Philistia and Syria, by turns conquerors and conquered, and 
when conquerors hard taskmasters, were never really subject 
to the Hebrews ; if the latter rallied under some one of their 
numerous Judges, the invader was merely driven back, the 
Israelite did not conquer him and sell him into slavery, as they 
did the peoples of Moab, Ammon, and Midian. These latter, 
indeed, generally appear in a state of subjection, incomplete 
indeed, and not inconsistent with a smouldering discontent 
which showed itself in an occasional raid into their neighbour's 
territory when bloodshed and rapine marked their route. 
But of a very different kind was the relationship of Phoenicia 
to Israel. The former never domineered over the Israelite, 
nor was she ever his superior. Her influence upon him 
was of a totally different stamp. Rivalry there must always 
have been between the two nations, but war was not a 
Phoenician pastime, nor was territorial aggrandisement her 
aim. If she warred against Judaea, her caravans might be 
cut off on their way to Ormuz and Ophir, and her inter- 
course with Egypt by land might be seriously affected ; hence 
the two peoples remained on friendly terms, at least in 
outward appearance. But at the bottom of all this external 
show, there lay, at least on the part of the Phoenicians, a 

1 Jos. six. 28, 29. * Q. eni x ij X( 2 Q. Deut. xxxiii. 24. 


deep-seated hatred which betrayed itself when Jerusalem 
lay humbled in the dust before Nabuchodonosor. Tyre, 
though the fallen city's ally against the Babylonian, could 
ill conceal her joy at the awful destruction of the ill-fated 
city, and her ill-timed exaltation brought down upon her 
the terrible, denunciation of Ezechiel : ' Because Tyre hath 
said of Jerusalem : Aha, the gates of the people are broken, 
she is turned to me ; I shall be filled, now she is laid waste : 
therefore thus saith the Lord . . . she shall be a drying-place 
for nets in the midst of the sea.' 1 And this hatred cannot 
have sprung from commercial jealousy ; rather the contrary, 
for Jerusalem bought wealth to Tyre as all the other nations 
did : ' Juda and the land of Israel, they were thy merchants 
with the best of corn, they set forth balm and honey and oil 
and rosin in thy fairs.' 2 

What, then, was its origin ? If we read the Book of 
Josue attentively we think the clue to this deadly enmity 
will appear. The Holy Land was promised to the Israelites, 
with the proviso that they should destroy the Chanaanites 
from the land, and the Book of Josue is little more than a 
list of Israeli tish successes against them ; the abominations 
practised by these nations had roused the wrath of the 
Lord, and He had determined to extirpate them; the 
Israelites, with Josue at their head, were but His humble 
instruments ; and hence He said to them : ' Hear, Israel : 
Thou shalt go over the Jordan this day, and shall possess 
nations very great and stronger than thyself . . . say not 
in thy heart when the Lord shall have destroyed them in 
thy sight : For my justice has the Lord brought me in to 
possess this land, whereas these nations are destroyed for 
their wickedness. For it is not for thy justice and the 
uprightness of thy heart, that thou shalt go in to possess 
their land ; but because they have done wickedly they are 
destroyed at thy coming in.' 3 One after another their kings 
were slain, and their people put to the sword: 'All tic- 
kings,' that Josue slew, 'thirty and one.' 4 And who were 
these Chanaanites ? We saw at the outset that they were 

1 Ez. xxvi. 3-5. a Ez. xxvii. 17. 3 Deut. ix. 1-5. * Jos. xii. 24. 


one division of that large body which emigrated into Pales- 
tine from the shores of the Erythraean Sea. The Phoenicians 
formed the other division of this body ; they settled on the 
sea-shore between Lebanon and the Mediterranean, while 
their companions chose the plain for their dwelling, and 
were cut off by the sword of the Hebrews. Thus the 
Chanaanites whom Josue slew were own brothers to the 

Now we see the cause of the hatred which rankled 
under the external friendliness of the Tyrian and the Jew. 
Though the Phoenicians had themselves escaped, yet the 
fear of the Hebrews had fallen upon them as upon all the 
other nations : ' Now when all the kings of the Amorrhites, 
who dwelt beyond the Jordan westward, and all the kings 
of Chanaan who possessed the places near the great sea, 
heard that the Lord had dried up the waters of the 
Jordan before the children of Israel, till they passed over, 
their hearts failed them, and there remained no spirit 
in them, fearing the coming in of the children of Israel.' 1 
The roving tribes of the desert were then as now the carriers 
and postmen of the country. Here to-day, there to-morrow, 
coming and going mysteriously, living from hand to mouth, 
and shifting their quarters according to the supply of forage 
and water, they made themselves acquainted with every- 
thing that was doing, and we can well believe that the news 
thus transmitted from one scout to another, and passed on 
from camp to camp and from tribe to tribe, was strangely 
distorted by the time it had gone the round. The Amalecite 
would hear, as he hung upon the skirts of the wearied bands, 
how the Hebrews had been fed miraculously with bread 
which came down from heaven ; he would hear of waters 
gushing from a rock in a place which he had always known 
to be parched and arid, but which now tempts him to give its 
fortunate possessors battle, and claim it for his own ; while 
lastly, some straggler would tell him of the marvellous 
scenes on Mount Sinai, and of the promises made to the 
people ; they were going to claim a land which they said 

1 Jos. v. i. 


was theirs by right of promise from God ; they were to drive 
out and put to the sword all its occupants, because they had 
offended against that same God, and their coming was to be 
the signal for fear and horror and dread which should fall 
upon all their foes. Thus would the tale pass like lightning 
from mouth to mouth, growing daily with each successive 
victory gained by the Israelites. ' I know,' said Kahab, 
' that the Lord hath given this land to you : for the dread 
of you has fallen upon us and all the inhabitants of the land 
have lost all strength.' 1 And as the list of the slaughtered 
kings and pillaged towns daily swelled ; as the danger and 
the terror came nearer to Phoenicia ; as they heard of now 
one familiar tribe, now another, falling into the hands of the 
invader, how deadly a hatred, begotten of fear, would they 
conceive for this seemingly ruthless destroyer whose power 
was evidently supernatural, whose sword seemed to know 
no dulness, whose heart no pity ; who slew women and 
children like sheep and oxen, who levelled towns to the 
ground after one day's siege, or blew his trumpets and 
gained an entrance into the city over its prostrate wall. 

But Josue's successes came to an end at last ; the want 
of rest and repose, the hitherto unknown joys of a country 
flowing with milk and honey enervated the Israelites, and 
they settled down to the enjoyments of their new possession 
ere their work was completed. The Chanaanite by the sea- 
shore had escaped his doom, and henceforward was to dwell 
side by side with the destroyer of his brethren. Generation 
after generation would pass away, but can we think that the 
story of that night of horror would fade from the Phoenician 
heart '? ' Who are the Israelites ? ' would the Phoenician 
child ask. And the answer would be the oft-told tale of the 
Exodus, of the crossing of the Jordan, and of the slaughter 
of the tribes ; garnished it would be, doubtless, with strange 
and fanciful additions, but still a tale sufficient to kindle 
the flame of hatred in the Phoenician heart, sufficient to 
make the Tyrian of many years after rejoice in the fall of 
Jerusalem. A contributor to Kitto's Biblical Encyclopedia 

1 JOB. ii. 9. 


mentions a Phoenician inscription which runs as follows : 
' We are those who fled before the face of Joshua the robber 
the son of Nun.' Another inscription is given by Suidas : 
'We are the Canaanites whom Joshua the robber perse- 
cuted.' There seems to be some doubt regarding the 
authenticity of the latter ; but even so, the two are interest- 
ing as bearing witness to the reality of the terror inspired 
by the Israelite invasion, a terror which was, doubtless, part 
of the punishments intended for them by Almighty God as 
a penalty for their crying offences. 

And now Phoenicia has a part to play : ' An angel of the 
Lord went up from Galgal to the Place of Weepers, and said, 
I made you go out of Egypt, and have brought you into the 
land for which I swore to your fathers ; and I promised that 
I would not void my covenant with you for ever, on condition 
that you should not make a league with the inhabitants of 
this land, but should throw down their altars ; and you would 
not hear my voice. Why have you done this? Wherefore 
I would not destroy them from before your face, that you 
may have enemies, and their gods may be your ruin.' x 
Phoenicia was to be a thorn in the side of Israel, an instru- 
ment in the Lord's hands, slowly but surely working out 
the punishment which His erring people had incurred. It 
was not to be by force of arms ; it was not to be by intriguing 
against her with foreign enemies; it was not to be by cutting 
off her supplies, or by destroying her trade with the surround- 
ing nations ; it was not to be by harassing guerilla warfare ; 
but it was to be by the consuming canker-worn of idolatry, 
the seeds of which they planted in the Israelitish heart. 
Though it is certain that all the surrounding nations had 
contributed their share towards the corruption of Israel, 
whose children had been initiated into the rites of innumer- 
able strange gods, yet to none was this leavening with heathen 
superstitions so directly due as to the Tyrians and Sidonians. 
They thus revenged themselves upon the destroyers of their 
brethren; but they were the all-unconscious instruments of 
the offended God of Israel. He had put life and death before 

1 Judges ii. 1-3. 


them : ' I call heaven and earth to witness this day, that I 
have set before you life and death, blessing and cursing. 
Choose, therefore, life that both thou and thy seed may 
live.' x And they chose death. 

How, then, was this brought about ? Shortly after the 
fall of Sidon, which we have described as taking place in 
the year 1209 B.C., the Phoenician towns entered into an 
offensive and defensive alliance against the Philistines. Of 
this league Tyre gradually assumed the hegemony, a position 
which she was to retain for many years to come. It is from 
this time that her influence upon Israel dates. In the year 
1015 B.C., when Solomon was preparing to carry out his 
father David's behest, and build the temple so long promised 
to the Lord, he made a commercial treaty with Hiram, 
King of Tyre, who had been a friend of his father and 
himself, sought this alliance with Solomon. 2 Perhaps he was 
led to this by the increased power of Israel, for Solomon's 
dominions now entered from Ailath on the Bed Sea to 
Tipsah on the Euphrates, and the kingdom was at the 
height of its commercial fame and military renown. For 
the Phoenicians, however, the strip of land constituting 
Phoenicia proper was sufficient : the seas were their 
inheritance, and their indifference to territorial possessions 
in Palestine was shown by Hiram's disregard for the gift 
which Solomon made him in return for his assistance in 
the building of the temple. The king offered him twenty 
cities in Galilee, but when the Tyrian monarch came to look 
at them, ' they pleased him not, and he called them the 
land of Cabul (displeasure) unto this day.' 3 A cursory 
reading of the Third Book of Kings might tempt us to 
think very little of this famous friendship as affecting the 
future of Israel, but readers of the Bible must have been 
struck by the seemingly sudden and inexplicable reversion 
of the people to idolatry at the mere call of Jeroboam ; and, 
perhaps, the clue is to be sought in this friendly alliance 
between Solomon and Hiram. First of all we are told that 
over one hundred and eighty thousand men were employed 

1 Deut. xxx. 19. 2 3 Kin^s v. 1. 3 3 Kings ix. 12, 13. 

VOL. III. \) 


in the forests of Lebanon, cutting down trees and hewing 
stones for the intended building; and as Solomon was 
occupied in building during the best part of his reign of 
thirty-nine years, we can safely assign twenty-five years as 
the period during which this fellowship lasted. Besides this 
we read of united fleets of the two nations trading in the 
Red Sea, and even visiting Tharsis together ; 2 and further, 
Phoenician and Jewish tradition have it that Solomon at 
this time married one of Hiram's daughters. Does not such 
an intimacy as this explain the ready response to Jeroboam's 
call? Nay, was not this apostacy the natural result of so 
deep and so persistent a leavening with idolatrous notions 
and superstitions ? 

The curse comes upon King Solomon because he has 
worshipped Astarte, the goddess of the Sidonians ; adversaries 
are raised up against him, and the end of his reign is sorrow 
and affliction. Meanwhile Hiram dies, and a period of wild 
anarchy succeeds. Usurper after usurper strives to establish 
a new dynasty in Tyre, until at last Ethbaal, priest of Astarte, 
places himself upon the throne, and succeeds in transmitting 
it to his son. Juda and Israel too are torn asunder, and 
living at feud with one another ; Jeroboam dies, and after 
seme years there succeeds to the throne of Samaria a man 
whose wickedness was to surpass even Jeroboam's: 'Achab, 
the son of Amri, did evil in the sight of the Lord above all 
that were before him.' 8 The advent of Achab marks the 
flood-tide of Phoenician influence over Israel. He cemented 
the already existing alliance with Tyre by marrying the 
impious Jezabel, daughter of Ethbaal, and from that time 
onward his career was one of crime and idolatry, than which, 
excepting, perhaps, that of Manasses, we have none worse 
depicted for us in the pages of Scripture. ' He did more to 
provoke the Lord, the God of Israel, than all the kings 
that were before him.' 4 And so universal was the idolatry 
which these two companions in iniquity encouraged by their 
example, that the Prophet Elias, who seems to have been 
especially raised up to combat their evil influence, could cry 

1 3 Kings v. 13, 16. 3 Kings xvi. 30. 

2 3 Kings ix. 27, and x. 22. * 3 Kings xvi. 33. 


to the Lord : ' The children of Israel have forsaken Thy 
covenant, they have destroyed Thy altars, they have slain 
Thy prophets with the sword, and I alone am left, and they 
seek my life to take it away.' 1 

And what was this idolatry which exercised so peculiar 
a fascination for the Israelites ? Was it connected with a 
ritual more gorgeous or more marvellous than that of the 
law? Was it more joyous in its celebration, or better 
calculated to appeal to the senses than the religion of 
Jehovah? With our tastes and ideas so different from 
those of the Jews of old, it is hard, perhaps, to give an 
absolutely fair answer to this question, but from the little 
we know of the Pho3nician religion we should be inclined 
to give a decidedly negative reply. Baal-worship means 
the worship of Baalim or Gods, for Baal is a Hebrew 
word meaning ' master,' and each god was a master or Baal 
in the sense that each ruled in his own particular sphere of 
influence. This sphere of influence is sometimes philo- 
sophical, sometimes religious, but more often merely local. 
Hence we hear of Baal-Phegor, Baal-Tsour (Tyre), Baal- 
Sidon, and even of Baal-Zebub (the Lord of Flies). All 
these Baalim were, however, but personifications of one 
Primordial Deity, who at Tyre was known under the 
name of Melkartb. This name Lemormant thinks to be 
merely a corruption of trrv&p, Melek-Erath, the king 
or Baal of the city. Melkarth retains this name merely 
as the tutelar deity of the city, but according as he 
assumes other functions so he assumes other names, and 
we hear of Baal-Chon (the Lord of Life), and of the 
awful Baal-Moloch (the Lord of Destruction). The rites 
and ceremonies of this Baal-worship seem, with few 
exceptions to have been of a very gloomy description. 
Fanaticism and superstition were the order of the day, and, 
as we see in the contest between Elias and the prophets of 
Baal, the latter's votaries were compelled to cut themselves 
severely, while many of the gods were thought to demand 
from their devout clients frequent and terrible scourgings. 

r 3 Kings xix. 14. 


One rite, however, stands out from amidst the surrounding 
gloom, and excites our attention by the poetical myth with 
which it is connected. Famous amongst the sidereal gods 
of the Phosniciaus stands Adonis or Thammuz. According 
to the legend, he is beloved by the goddess known as 
Baalith ; but at the end of spring, when summer killed the 
spring, Adonis was slain, funeral gatherings took place, 
women wept, and lamented for Adonis, and offered funeral 
baked meats to the goddess until the god was brought back to 
life. Again he died in the autumn, when the autumn killed 
the summer, and at this season, in order to aid the people in 
their fantastic devotions, the priests took advantage of a 
curious phenomenon, frequently observable during the year, 
but more especially during autumn : for then the rivers 
were at flood, and, charged with the rich red soil of the 
hill country, poured their seemingly blood-stained waters 
into the sea, tinging the azure waves of the Mediterranean 
with blood, for many miles down the coast. This was the 
blood of Adonis, and consequently lamentations for his 
untimely fate occupied the time of flood, till the waters at the 
river's mouth regained their normal colour, and the priests 
declared that the god had risen again and rejoined his bride. 
Upon this announcement a scene of licentious revelry 
replaced the gloomy celebrations of the preceding days, and 
the whole country round was given up to orgies of the 
wildest and most revolting description. Such was the story 
of Adonis, and the ceremonies connected with his worship 
are alluded to by the prophet Ezechiel : * And he said to me, 
If thou turn tbee again, thou shalt see greater abominations 
which these commit. And he brought me in by the door of 
the gate of the Lord's house, which looked to the north ; and 
behold women sat there mourning for Adonis.' 1 But this 
legend, which has some of the glamour of poetic imagery 
thrown around it, stands out by the way of contrast with the 
surrounding abominations. Fire was supposed to be the 
principle of many of their deities, and hence arose the 

iJEzech. viii. 13, 


awful sacrifice to Moloch, which Milton so powerfully 
describes : 

First Moloch, horrid king, besmeared with blood 
Of human sacrifice and parents' tears, 
Though for the noise of drums and timbrels loud, 
Their children's cries unheard, that passed through fire 
To his grim idol. 

It is awful to think that so hideous an idol should ever 
have reared its ghastly head near to God's temple in 
Jerusalem ! 

This, then, was the gloomy religion which the Phoenicians, 
combined indeed with other nations, introduced into Israel ; 
and it is hard to understand how so awful, so depressing, 
and so licentious a form of worship can ever have taken hold 
of a religious-minded people like the Hebrews. Terrible 
indeed was the denunciation fulminated by the Lord against 
the guilty couple who had led all Israel astray : ' And of 
Jezabel also the Lord spoke, saying : The dogs shall eat 
Jezabel also, in the field of Jesrahel. If Achab die in the 
city, the dogs shall eat him ; but if he die in the field, the 
birds of the air shall eat him. Now, there was not such 
another as Achab. who was sold to do evil in the sight of the 
Lord, for his wife Jezabel set him on.' 1 But the evil was 
not to cease with them. If Israel was steeped in Baal- 
worship ; Juda had as yet escaped comparatively unscathed, 
though tainted, indeed, by the idolatry introduced by 
Solomon. But in an evil day, Joram, the son of Josaphat 
married the daughter of Achab and Jezabel. 2 He was head- 
strong and wilful, but Jezabel's daughter had inherited all 
her mother's wickedness, and, if possible, a double share of 
her strength of character. In both these daughters of Tyre 
we see the same domination over their husbands : the weak 
Achab was led on by Jezabel, the headstrong Joram was 
ruled by Athalia : ' He walked in the ways of the kings of 
Israel as the house of Achab had done, for his wife was a 
daughter of Achab, and he did evil in the sight of the Lord.' 3 
Baal-worship is established, the temple is profaned, the 
sacrifice ceases, the whole land groans under the curse of 

1 3 Kings xxi. 23-25. 2 4 Kings viii. 18. 2 Paralip. xxi, 6. 


idolatry. But worse is to follow, Jorain dies and is succeeded 
by Ochozias his son. ' He also walked in the ways of the 
house of Achab, for his mother pushed him on to do wickedly.' 
He, however, met his death at the hands of the Syrians ; and 
his mother, worthy daughter of Jezabel, added to the already 
long list of her crimes by a butchery which has but few 
rivals in the blood-stained history of oriental despotism. 2 
' Athalia, his mother, seeing that her son was dead, rose up 
and killed all the royal family of the house of Jorarn.' 
She then established herself upon the throne, and for six 
years was free to indulge her idolatrous tastes till she met 
her well-merited death at the hands of Joiada, the High 
Priest, who had sheltered Joas, the son of Ochozias, when 
he escaped the slaughter of his brethren. 3 Such were the 
evils which this Tyrian alliance had brought upon the chosen 
people. The curse, as foretold long ago, had come upon 
them : ' If you will embrace the errors of these nations 
that dwell among you, and make marriages with them, and 
join friendships ; know ye for a certainty that the Lord your 
God will not destroy them before your face, but they shall 
be a pit and a snare in your way, and a stumbling-block at 
your side, and stakes in your eyes, till He take you away and 
destroy you from off this excellent land which He hath given 
you.' * The day of retribution was coming on apace. The 
second Assyrian Empire was daily gathering strength, 
Salmanaser and Sargon would soon be before the walls of 
Samaria ; the terrible name of Sennacherib would soon strike 
terror to the heart of Ezechias, and Jerusalem was preparing 
for Nabuchodonosor and Babylon. 

To return to the history of Tyre. From the fall of Sidon, 
in 1209 B.C., to the foundation of Carthage, in 872 B.C., may 
be reckoned the period of Tyre's greatest glory. But just as 
Sidon yielded to the growing importance of her daughter, 
so Tyre, in turn, paled before the splendour of Carthage. 
The history of the foundation of Carthage is briefly as 
follows : King Ethbaal, as we have seen, had succeeded in 
founding a dynasty which endured for four generations. The 

1 2 Paralip. xxii. 3. 2 Paralip. xxiii. 16. 

3 2 Paralip. xxii. 10. * Jos. xxii. 12, 13. 


third of these was that of Mathan, who died leaving two 
children, Piimelioun and Elissar: the former is better known 
as Pygmalion, the latter as the famous Dido of the Aeneid. 
Their father had wished them to reign conjointly, but this 
the democratic party in the state refused to allow, and 
seated Pygmalion on the throne to the exclusion of his 
sister. The latter married, but her husband was shortly 
afterwards slain by her brother's orders, and Elissar, in fear 
of a like fate, fled with great numbers of the aristocratic 
party to Cambe in Africa. Cambe had been founded a few 
years before by Sidon, but was as yet undeveloped owing to 
the flourishing condition of the neighbouring Tyrian colony 
of Utica; it was now, however, to be changed into the historical 
city of Carthage, which name is probably a corruption 
of nnnTy New City. From this time Tyre's importance 
gradually waned : she was still rich and opulent for many 
years, but Carthage was a rival power in the heart of her 

Hitherto the only troubles which we have seen inter- 
fering with the happiness and prosperity of Phrenicia have 
been either periods of revolution and anarchy amongst 
themselves, or occasional predatory incursions on the part 
of the Philistines. With the Egyptians the Phosnicians 
always managed to remain at peace, even when the former 
marched year by year through Palestine to fight against the 
warlike Hittites on the Orontes ; for they never despised the 
easy though ignoble means of pacifying such formidable foes, 
and prompt submission with large payments from their 
treasury always enabled them to rest in security. But a 
power now comes upon the scene which is to change the 
destinies of the nations. About the year 900 B.C. the king- 
dom of Assyria awoke from the state of lethargy in which 
it had so long lain, and its kings began a career of conquest 
which lasted for close upon three hundred years. Year after 
year the barbarian monarch would cross the Euphrates at 
the head of his army and direct his steps to Syria or Palestine 
or Asia Minor. Towns were burned and pillaged, cities 
levelled to the ground, and whole peoples carried of into 
a cruel captivity. About the year 880 B.C., Assurnazipal, 


the reigning monarch, turned his attention to Phoenicia and 
exacted a heavy tribute from the cities of the district in 
silver and gold, steel and bronze, besides implements of 
iron, curious woods and rich stuffs. From that time till 
the end of the Assyrian Empire, Phoenicia was forced to 
acknowledge its sovereignty, with the exception of one 
short interval ; and when Nineveh crumbled away, its 
place as the ' hammer of nations,' was taken by Babylon, 
whose king, Nabuchodonosor, wreaked a fearful vengeance 
upon the luckless Tyre for refusing to pay the tribute yearly 
demanded of her. From the year 720 B.C. the history of 
Tyre is practically the history of her sieges ; and perhaps no 
city in the world, not even excepting Troy, ever endured 
such terrible blockades or defied for so many years the efforts 
of a beleaguering army. In that same year, 720 B.C., the 
famous Sargon appeared before the city walls. The other 
Phoenician cities, and even Palae-Tyrus itself, the portion 
of the city which stood upon the mainland, bowed before the 
invader, and even helped him in his assault upon the island 
citadel. Perhaps the reason of this defection may be sought 
in the hegemony of Tyre : she may, as head of the league, 
have exacted a deference and submission w T hich galled upon 
the neighbouring towns. But, though everywhere else 
successful, and fresh from the storming of Samaria, which 
his predecessor Salmanasar had been besieging for nearly three 
years, Sargon was not so successful here. For five years 
his armies encompassed the beleaguered city, but the island- 
fortress defied all his efforts, and the baffled monarch was at 
length compelled to draw off his forces and retire discomfited. 
A few years afterwards, however, the city succumbed before 
the terrible Sennacherib, who stormed the city in the year 
700 B.C. Elouli, the same king who had so successfully 
withstood Sargon twenty years before, threw himself into 
his citadel, and prepared to defend it with the same vigour as 
he had shown against his assailant's father ; but the assault 
of Sennacherib overwhelmed him, and the unhappy island 
was compelled to surrender. Sidon, as soon as the avenger 
had departed, claimed the hegemony which she had lost 
more than six hundred years before, and after a few years 


she ventured to refuse the annual tribute demanded by the 
Assyrian Court ; but the reigning monarch, Assurbanipal, 
stormed the town and decimated the inhabitants. 

But Tyre, though beaten, was not destroyed. She still 
retained her fleet, and Sennacherib would seem to have 
treated her with leniency. Her trade and her wealth 
remained to her, and she pursued her commerce beyond the 
seas with the same ardour as before. Yet the end of her 
disasters had not come, she had still to endure a siege which 
surpassed all its predecessors in severity. The despotism of 
Nineveh had been succeeded by that of Babylon, and from 
the year 609 to 588 B.C. the Chaldeans kept up a continual 
succession of incursions into Palestine ; until finally, in 588, 
they took Jerusalem,and carried its inhabitants into captivity. 
Jerusalem had leagued with Egypt and Tyre against the 
oppressors, and Nabuchodonosor was bent on the destruction 
of the coalition. As soon, therefore, as he had crushed 
Judaea, he turned his arms against Tyre. Ezechiel had 
prophesied the siege with all its horrors, for Tyre had 
rejoiced at her rival's fall, and therefore the wrath of God 
was directed against her : ' Behold, I will bring against Tyre, 
Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, the king of kings. . . . 
and he shall set engines of war and battering-rams against 
thy walls, and shall destroy thy towers with his arms . . . 
with the hoofs of his horses he shall tread down all thy 
streets ; thy people he shall kill with the sword, and thy 
famous statues shall fall to the ground. They shall waste 
thy riches, they shall make a spoil of thy merchandise ; and 
they shall destroy thy walls, and pull down thy fine houses ; 
and they shall lay thy stones, and thy timber, and thy dust, 
in the midst of the waters/ * For thirteen years the hapless 
city resisted all the efforts of the besiegers, but the end 
came at last. According to ecclesiastical historians 
Nabuchodonosor succeeded in taking the city in the year 
574 B.C.; but Chaldean accounts, which the Greek historians 
follow, say that the mighty Assyrian found the task beyond his 
power, and had to retire from before the walls as Sargon had 

1 Ezech. xxvi. 7-12. 


done more than one hundred years before. Ezechiel, 
however, distinctly prophesied the capture of the city by 
Nabuchodonosor, as we have seen, and St. Jerome states it 
explicitly in his introduction to his commentary upon that 
prophet . At the same time it may be pointed out, that one 
passage in Ezechiel would seem to imply that the city was 
taken after all by the Assyrian monarch : ' Son of man, 
Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, hath made his army to 
undergo hard service against Tyre; every head was made 
bald, and every shoulder was peeled ; and there hath been 
no reward given him nor his army for Tyre, for the service 
that he had rendered me against it.' 1 It is quite certain that 
Nabuchodonosor would not have in any way spared the 
city or its unfortunate inhabitants if he had once penetrated 
within its walls after such a lengthy and exhausting siege; and 
hence it may be well supposed that the city was so impoverished 
as to afford little or no booty to the expectant soldiery. 

It has been even suggested that an earthquake resulting 
in the total, or at least partial submersion of the city, similar 
to that which took place in the year 1837, bore an important 
part in the reduction of the place ; and certainly the prophet's 
words would seem to bear this out : ' For thus saith the 
Lord God, when I shall make thee a desolate city, like the 
cities that are not inhabited, and shall bring the deep upon 
thee, and^many waters shall cover thee ; ' 2 and again : ' Now 
thou art destroyed by the sea, thy riches are at the bottom 
of the waters, and all the multitude in the midst of thee is 
fallen.' 3 This would explain why Tyre yielded no reward 
to Nabuchodonosor ' thy riches are at the bottom of the 
waters.' But Ezechiel's prophecy does not end with the 
capture of the city by the Assyrian, as St. Jerome seems to 
have expected, when he remarked with astonishment, that in 
his days, Tyre, in seeming defiance of the prophet, was the 
most beautiful city in Phoenicia. The destruction of the 
city by the sea may be only now accomplished, and certainly, 
in spite of her reverses, Tyre seemed possessed of a hydra- 
like vitality which only the incursion of the sea could crush. 
In the year 538 B.C., she came under the Persian domination, 

1 Ezech. xxiv. 18. Ezech. xxvi. 19. 3 Ezech. xxvii. 34. 


and though possessing only a shadow of her formsr greatness, 
she was still comparatvely free and wealthy ; she even 
ventured to rebel against Xerxes when he wasted the 
Phoenician fleet in his attack upon Greece ; but the Persian 
despot at once crushed the revolt and punished the city, 
Sidon, which had joined with Tyre, suffering severely. Two 
hundred years later we find the indomitable city ready to 
stand another historical siege at the hands of Alexander. 
He succceeded in taking the stronghold by filling up the 
intervening sea with a gigantic mole ; he then garrisoned it 
with a body of Carian soldiery, who made such good use of 
the immense strength of its naturally impregnable position, 
that eighteen years later it was hotly besieged and equally 
stoutly defended by Alexander's rival generals. From this 
time we hear but little of Tyre till the time of our Lord. 
But how sad a change is revealed by St. Luke's words in the 
Acts ! How terrible a fall ! How awful a fulfilment of the 
prophecy ! Accustomed to domineer over Jerusalem and 
the neighbouring cities, the canker-worm of pride had eaten 
its way into her heart : ' Thy heart was lifted up with thy 
beauty ; thou hast lost thy wisdom in thy beauty ; ' ' the 
prince of Tyre had said : ' I am God, and I sit in the chair of 
God in the heart of the sea,' 2 but now he hails his Idumean 
conqueror with fulsome praise : ' It is the voice of a god.' 3 

And so the glory of Tyre gradually waned. In the time 
of the Crusaders it lived to endure yet another siege, bat has 
since dwindled away, till, in the year 1837, it was almost 
completely submerged by the inrush of the sea consequent 
upon an earthquake. Some forty years ago but little re- 
mained beyond a few scattered fishermen's huts, whose 
owners unconsciously fulfilled the ancient prophecy : ' She 
shall be a drying-place for nets in the midst of the sea, 
because I have spoken it, saith the Lord God.' 4 ' What city 
is like Tyre, which is become silent in the midst of the 
sea ? ' 5 


1 Ezech. xxviii. 17. 2 Ezech. xxviii. 2. 3 Acts. xii. 22. 

4 Ezech. xxvi. 5. 5 Ezech. xxvii. 32. 


WHAT a grand idea of motion must arise in the mind 
of a man who watches the sun and the innumerable 
other orbs in the heavens and fancies that all are 
revolving round him ! But cruel astronomy tells him 
that, though magnificent, it is all a dream ; that it is he 
that moves with the earth while it spins round on its axis ; 
and that the apparent motion of the heavenly bodies is, 
consequently, a mere illusion. One solid fact, however, he 
has got : the earth moves on its axis. Other real motions, 
also, he may find in sufficient abundance to enable him to 
paint anew, as it were, a lasting picture of far greater 
grandeur than the one that was shattered. The earth, in 
company with the other planets, moves round the sun ; and 
it is not unlikely that the solar system is only a unit in a 
grand sidereal or cosmic system revolving round some undis- 
covered centre. Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are 
violent motions and proofs of more violent motion in the 
earth's interior. And on the earth's crust what an amount 
of motion is discernible ! The restless waves and the resist- 
less tides show forth most convincingly the motion of the 
illimitable sea. What a cycle of motion there is in the 
water that rises in vapour from the ocean, falls in soft flakes 
of beautiful crystals on the ground, is melted, and again 
carried off to its source ! The storm that dashes the angry 
breakers against the rocky shore, and the cyclone that tears 
up trees and overthrows houses in its course, proclaim that 
there can be considerable motion even in the impalpable air. 
In the vegetable world what an amount of motion there is 
in the unceasing production and decaying of plants I What 
a flow of motion there is in the springtime, and what an 

1 Motion : Its Origin and Conservation. An Essay by the Rev. Walter 
McDonald, D.D., Prefect of the Dunboyne Establishment, St. Patrick's College, 
Maynooth. Browne & Nolan, Ltd., Nassau-street, Dublin. 


ebb in the autumn ! Who can count the motions, or even 
varieties of motions, of animals ? And, then, in each 
animal and plant there is another cycle of motion from the 
time matter is taken in as food until it is discharged as 
waste. All this science tells to the disillusioned star-gazer, 
as if to compensate him for the vision of glory she dashed 
from him. She tells him, moreover, that the several chemical 
and physical phenomena of gravitation, electricity, and the 
rest, are all modes of motion, and that even the most 
unsuspected and quiescent particles of matter are simply 
seething with motion. And, above and beyond all, there is 
the motion of man, who not only moves, but is master of 
his motion. Everywhere and in everything motion may be 
discerned. What is the nature and origin of motion, and 
how is it kept on ? These are the main questions discussed 
in the volume under review. 

It must not be supposed that Dr. McDonald's book is a 
condensation of the various physical treatises, with a little 
metaphysics thrown in to give consistency, and that conse- 
quently one need only obey the index to find a convenient 
explanation of any physical phenomenon such as capillary 
attraction or the Rontgen rays. Motion, in general, is the 
subject of the essay, not the particular kinds of motion. These, 
however, are frequently referred to either as illustrations or 
to serve as the basis of an argument. The term motion 
has two meanings. In its wider sense it means any change 
of state or condition ; in its stricter and ordinary sense it 
means merely change of place. As all other motions are 
either founded on or analogous to local motion, the consi- 
deration of the latter alone is regarded as of fundamental 
importance. Accordingly the author restricts the inquiry; 
though, indeed, as may be expected, he frequently passes the 
bounds he has set himself. 

How, then, is motion to be accounted for ? To answer 
this question two theories are propounded the dynamic 
and the kinetic. It would be a mistake to assume that 
these names are well known in the schools, and that a 
formal comparison of their merits is to be found in every 
hand-book of scholastic philosophy. Dr. McDonald, in 


contrasting them, has, to a large extent, broken new ground. 
He has, at all events, given a name to the theory he advo- 
cates. This theory he outlined in a paper read at the 
International Catholic Scientific Congress, held at Freiburg 
last August. After the newspaper accounts appeared he 
had ample reason to complain, with Mr. Balfour, that the 
title of his essay had attracted more notice than the con- 
tents. Everybody was inquiring what a kinetic theory of 
activity meant. One curious wight from the antipodes even 
went so far as to ask : ' Who was Kinetic ? ' The reprint of 
the paper in the October issue of the I. E. RECOKD disclosed 
to the lonely traveller and all other inquirers the inmost 
nature of the kinetic theory. 

It is scarcely necessary to repeat here the expositions of 
the rival theories. The question at issue is : Is there in 
nature, corresponding to the idea of force, an active capacity 
not merely notionally, but really distinct, on the one hand, 
from the motion it causes, and, on the other hand, from the 
substance and its quality ? All Catholic philosophers, except, 
perhaps, a few followers of Descartes, agree that substance, 
qualities, and motion have a real existence. The only 
controversy is about the existence of ' force.' 

In writing this essay Dr. McDonald had two objects 
in view. He wished, of course, to prove that the 
kinetic theory is true; but his primary object was to 
show, that it is not opposed to Catholic teaching; and 
that, consequently, the door of the Church is not to be 
shut against men of science who are driven, or fancy they 
are driven, by scientific investigations to hold that there is 
no such thing as force. There is, unfortunately, too great 
a tendency to brand with some severe censure all with 
whom we cannot agree. The stern legislation of the 
Church is an indication of the extent to which this tendency 
prevailed even in the holy men who carried on the con- 
troversy De Auxiliis. Whether Dr. McDonald has proved 
his theory or not, he has shown, at least, that it is not 
uncatholic, and that anyone who will be censured for holding 
it will suffer in excellent company; for, by an examina- 
tion of several passages from Aristotle and St. Thomas, 


he shows, that the great masters of philosophy did not 
believe in the existence of a reality called force. Clearly 
the passages cannot be cited and examined here. One 
extract, however, must not be omitted. It is the distinction 
of Ferrariensis which is so useful in explaining and defend- 
ing the kinetic theory : 

God causes the act of the will immediately with an 
immediateness of virtue, but not with an immediateness of 
supposit, as has' been already shown with regard to the 
other faculties. On the other hand, the will causes the 
same volition immediately with an immediateness of supposit, 
but not with an immediateness of virtue. 

Some persons may be tempted to despise Ferrariensis 
as an obscure theologian ; but the present Supreme Pontiff 
commends him specially as a channel through which the 
pure stream of St. Thomas's doctrine is transmitted to 
succeeding generations. The above extract is found in 
page 70 ; the preceding page contains the same truth 
worded differently by St. Thomas himself. The distinc- 
tion made by Ferrariensis is so clear, to anyone who knows 
the meaning of the technical philosophical terms employed, 
that explanation is unnecessary. His manifest meaning is, 
that just as God creates the substance and its faculty, so, too 
He puts into them the motion in virtue of which the substance 
is moving. The actual motion, then, is immediately from 
God and the creature, but with the difference already 
indicated. Fr. Dummermuth's attempt to explain the 
distinction from a dynamist's point of view only strengthens 
one's convictions that Ferrariensis clearly believed in 
the truth of the kinetic theory. From the testimony 
of the physical experts and witnesses cited in the 
seventh chapter, even dynamists ought to be convinced 
that, at least, modern scientists are against them. The 
word 'force' is almost banished already from scientific 
terminology, and ' potential energy ' is fast sharing the 
same fate. The undoubted tendency is to reduce all 
physical activity to kinetic energy, or energy of motion. 
Hence Dr. McDonald has done good service in informing 
men of science, that they are merely returning to the 


teaching of the Angelic Doctor; and that, accordingly, even 
the most conscientious Catholic scientist may pursue his 
investigations on these lines without fear of incurring 
theological censure. 

Apart from the weight of authority, ancient, mediaeval, 
and modern, in favour of the kinetic theory, there is a great 
profusion of what may be called intrinsic arguments scattered 
throughout the essay. The publication of some of these 
reasons in the Freiburg paper makes it unnecessary to 
advance proof here, except for form's sake. 

In the first place, then, the very simplicity of the kinetic 
theory ought to recommend it considerably, especially to 
those who respect the principle of parcimony, or ' Ockham's 
razor,' as it is sometimes called : ' Beings are not to be 
multiplied beyond necessity.' Unless the existence of a being 
is evident to some one of our faculties, it must be proved ; 
and unless valid proof be forthcoming nobody ought to 
assert that the being exists. Now, force is surely of this 
class. None of our faculties tells us of its existence. Its 
ardent advocates may be beguiled into the belief that 
consciousness is a witness in its behalf; but they are 
mistaken. Its existence, then, must be proved ; a case must 
be made out in its favour. To establish the kinetic theory 
one has only to rebut that case. 

Dynamists would say that if there is nothing in the 
acting agent but its substance and faculty, created by God, 
and its motion, infused by God, occasionalism must 
be admitted, and the freedom of the human will cannot 
be defended ; and, consequently, there is a manifest neces- 
sity for something in addition, namely, force. In reply it 
is urged that the admission of force militates very strongly 
against one of the most important dogmas in theology, 
namely, the universality of the immediate Divine concur- 
rence with second or created causes in their actions. Thus 
though introduced for the purpose of smoothing away 
difficulties, it is naughty enough to excite new troubles. 
Is not semi-pelagianism as false as occasionalism ? Moreover, 
the charges against the kinetic theory cannot be sustained; 
for according to that theory bodies really act efficiently, and 


man may act freely. As an agent exists by the being God 
has given it, why may it not act by the motion God has 
given it ? We get our bodies and souls from God, yet we 
call them our own. The motion, too, that God gives us we 
may call our own. Hence as we truly are, we truly act. 
Where, then, is the occasionalism or the Calvinism ? One 
may be assisted in forming a judgment in this matter 
by reflecting on the distinction of Ferrariensis, and by 
meditating on the words of St. Paul, Phil. ii. 13, " For it is 
God who worketh in you both to will and to accomplish 
according to His will." 

The charge of destruction of human liberty is equally 
unfounded. What is required for liberty ? In this case, as 
in the case of force, consciousness may, like a most obliging 
witness, give, or appear to give, information suggested by 
the questioner. Hence we ought to be on our guard. From 
a consideration of the free act of the will we might easily 
be led to believe in the existence of a cluster of subsidiary 
acts, and from frequently thinking over them we may be con- 
vinced that consciousness testifies to their actual existence. 
May it not be that the charge of destruction of liberty that 
is levelled against the kinetic theory is based on a misleading 
analysis of the free act itself? What, as a matter of fact, 
is required for liberty? Is not the agent acting freely when 
at each moment of his action he may cease to act ? If that 
be so, the kinetic theory certainly does not clash with the 
doctrine of human liberty. Minor counts in the indictment 
against it may be easily disposed of. Where, then, is the 
necessity for this mysterious entity called force ? Notwith- 
standing all its persistence, it does not stand the application 
of the old Franciscan's ' razor.' 

In proving and rendering intelligible the received 
doctrine of the positive conservation of all things by the 
Creator, the kinetic theory has a great advantage over its 
rival. One of its upholders would have no difficulty in 
giving the desired reply to the question of St. Paul (1 Cor. iv.) : 
' What hast thou that thou hast' not received ? ' A reservation 
need not be made in favour of the actual exercise of that 
active capacity called force. An examination of the Divine 



concurrence, too, is rendered less perplexing when one is 
spared the necessity of inquiring how God immediately 
concurs with the creature in that something, whatever it is, 
contributed by that same active capacity. 

The only other argument that need be discussed is the 
argument from resistance. The argument is given at length 
in the October number. The reasons given, together with 
the authority of Aristotle, St. Thomas, and Suarez, ought to 
place beyond doubt the proposition that resistance is due, 
not to motion, but to absence of motion ; so that, if a body 
were perfectly immovable, it would offer absolute resistance. 
How, then, can resistance be a force ? Just imagine the 
very perfection of active capacity exerting all its energy in 
doing absolutely nothing ! 

But someone may say Dr. McDonald's argument was 
wide of the mark. Formal resistance clearly is not 
a force ; dynamists could not say that ; they can only mean 
that the complex phenomenon the rebound is caused by 
force. Let us summon as a witness Father Tillrnan Pesch, 
one of the most recent and most outspoken of the 
dynamists. In the Institutiones Philosopliiae Naturales, 
vol. i., n. 69, this scholion is found : 

All forces of (inorganic) bodies are conveniently reduced 
to three : nistive force (cohesion, expansion, resistance, 
elasticity, repulsion), conserving force (inertia, reactio), communica- 
tive force (chemical affinity, attraction, impulsion). 1 

This evidence of Father Pesch, this enumeration of 
resistance, cohesion, and elasticity, as three distinct forces, 
drives home and clinches, as it were, Dr. McDonald's 

Almost innumerable points in the essay call for special 
notice. There is scarcely an interesting question in theology, 
philosophy, or what some persons would call the philosophy 
of physics, that is not referred to. A volume would be 
required for even a brief survey of them all. Only a few 
can be selected, and the consideration of these must be very 


Theological questions, such as the physical causality of 
the sacraments, may be left to theologians. To them, too, 
may be entrusted an appropriate response to the strictures 
passed in the 8th chapter, especially on moral theologians, 
for their treatment of that "most shamefully ill-used " word, 
occasion. The ultimate explanation of motion God creates 
a body now, now, &e., or here, here, &c., in adjacent 
moments or places, as it were seems to reduce motion to 
mere resultance. This conclusion, however, is not the 
genuine view of the author, for he repeatedly insists on the 
reality of motion the ' form in flux' of St. Thomas. 

His notion of moral causes, and the explanation of 
physical phenomena that arises from that notion, are, to say 
the least, wonderfully novel. According to the ordinary 
acceptation of the term a moral cause is one that causes an 
effect through the medium of the free-will of another agent, 
i.e., by persuading, threatening, or otherwise inducing a free 
agent to produce the effect. In Dr. McDonald's view any- 
thing that may have a right may be a moral cause, and 
everything, and perhaps even nothing, may have a right. 
An example from page 230 will make the view and its 
application clearer. The question is how is the reflection 
of light to be explained ? 

We find ... it is a question of right. Now, of these rights 
there are two : one in the vibrating ether to continue to exist 
somewhere ; the other in the mirror, to exclude the ether from 
its place. . . . (God) is bound to act in such a manner as will 
secure to both substances the rights He gave to each. 

In the next page he explains this seemingly ridiculous 
use of the term right : 

Conservation is natural, and therefore due, in some way, even 
to brute matter. ... If a vibration or a mirror may have some- 
thing due to it, it has the same thing undoubtedly in some way as 
its right. 

Even granting the lawfulness of using the term right in 
this sense, what does the explanation of the phenomenon 
amount to ? Simply this : It is natural to the ray of light 
to go on in its course : it is natural to the mirror to block 
the way ; hence God must reflect the ray of light. Not 


merely that, but God sends back the ray of light in such a 
manner that the incident and reflected ray have a common 
plane with the normal to the reflecting surface, and both 
make equal angles with that normal. Surely this solution 
merely leaves the question as it found it. 

This same doctrine of rights is applied to solve another 
difficulty. All Catholics hold that this material universe is 
limited in extent ; actual space, therefore, is finite : 

Thus far extend, thus far thy bounds ; 
This be thy just circumference, O World ! 

On the other hand, according to the kinetic theory, 
motion is never converted into potential energy or into 
force ; whenever a body in motion strikes another body, the 
two form one for the time being ; the motion of the first 
passes into the second, which then has motion in itself. 
Whether it will move with molar or molecular motion after 
that, depends on its qualities; but move it will, assuredly. 
Thus motion is never lost ; it is always conserved by the 
Prime Mover. When this motion arrives at the ' just 
circumference ' of the world, what happens ? Is the motion 
lost ? or does the moving mass protrude beyond the 
bounds ? ' 

No, answers Dr. McDonald, and rightly ; but his 
reason seems queer. The ' pure space ' beyond is endowed 
with impenetrability, resists the vibrations, and back they 
go, as from a most perfect reflector, with undiminished 
vigour ' to journey through the aery gloom,' until they are 
again repelled at some other point of the impassable ' cir- 
cumference.' The ultimate reason of this is, of course, the 
decree of the Creator and Conservor of the universe. As a 
more proximate reason the impenetrability of ' pure space ' 
is useless ; for ' pure space ' is nothing, and how can nothing 
sustain an accident ? In exploring the mystery of the 
Eucharist Dr. McDonald confounds 'pure space' with 
' real space.' In the Eucharistic species there is actual 
extension, and therefore real space. The impenetrability 
of ' pure space ' is not an explanation of the extraordinary 
phenomenon described above. Impenetrable nothingness 


is a fine expression, but it has no meaning. A more satis- 
factory explanation may, perhaps, be derived from an inquiry 
into the optical phenomenon known as total reflection by 

. The finiteness of the space allotted to this review is an 
insuperable obstacle to the working out of that explanation, 
as well as to the consideration of several most interesting 
subjects discussed in the essay, such as the production of 
forms accidental and substantial, the nature of vital actions, 
the temporal beginning of mechanical motion, the possibility 
of an infinite series, and its effect on the dynamists' proofs 
of the existence of God. 

The reader may not embrace the author's conclusions ; 
he may even regard them as not merely unproved and 
opposed to the traditional teaching of the schools, but as 
utterly subversive of the most sacred and fundamental 
truths. He cannot, however, deny that the attempt to 
harmonize the immutable great truths of religion with the 
findings of the physical sciences is a noble work ; that it 
was undertaken in obedience to a noble and most charitable 
motive ; that extensive research, prolonged labour, and 
vigorous, penetrating thought were lavished upon it ; that 
an earnest desire, at all hazards , to discover and embrace 
the truth is manifested from beginning to end. Neither can 
he withhold a tribute of gratitude to one who made him 
think for himself, not merely by force of brilliant example, 
but by taking him by the hand, as it were, and in a simple, 
familiar, almost colloquial style, leading him, confident and 
undismayed, into a consideration of the most profound and 
perplexing problems that can engage the attention of the 
human mind. He must be very exceptional, too, if he can 
lay down the essay without regret, or without giving expres- 
sion to an ardent wish that the distinguished head of the 
Theological Faculty of Maynooth may, at no distant date, 
favour him with another intellectual treat by publishing his 
views on some one of the many subjects of interest, that, 
like nuggets in a gold mine of surpassing richness, are met 
with in such abundance in this remarkable volume. 


[ 70 ] 

IHotes anb (Queries 



EEV. DEAR SIR, "With reference to the concluding remarks 
of your reply to ' Sacerdos Americanus,' in the November issue 
of your valuable journal, may I ask what construction ought to 
be put on No. 54 of the Acts and Decrees of the Synod of 

In virtue of the 3rd Statute of the Dublin Dioc. Synod of 
1879, the old rule or principle, ' de S. Viatico ministrando,' 
as given in Dublin Dioc. Synod of 1831, seems to have been 
modified or abrogated to make room for the above No. 54. 

As the old text of 1831 clearly embodied one of the opinions 
of theologians allowing Communion but once a-week the 
communior opinio, says St. Alphonso, the only admissible one 
according to de Lugo, the question seems to me to arise, which of 
the remaining more benign opinions three, I think might more 
likely be understood as aimed at, and thus recommended in 
practice to the Dublin priests, secular and regular, under the 
Synodal enactment (No. 54) now in force 'that Communion or 
Holy Viaticum may be given, not only once a week, as formerly, 
but iterum et saepius,' yositis pomendis, of course. 

I beg you, therefore, to kindly give your readers the advantage 
of some statement on the above. 


The Statute of 1831, to which our correspondent refers, 
was promulgated in all the dioceses of the Dublin province. 
It was as follows : 

Durante eadem infirmitate, Eucharistia, semel tantum, per 
modum Viatici administrari debet ; sed singulis hebdomadis, 
infirmis dari potest per modum communionis, etiam non sint jejuni, 
si adhuc in pei'iculo 'mortis versentur. (See ' Statuta Diocesesana, 
per Provinciam Dublinensem observandum,' etc., p. 95.) 

It will be observed that there is question of those who, 
during a long illness, remain in danger of death adhuc in 
periculo mortis versentur. Two things are laid down in 


connection with the administration of the Eucharist to such 
persons (1) In the same illness, i.e., in eodem periculo 
mortis, the Eucharist should be administered once, and 
once only, per modum Viatici, i.e., with the special form 
assigned in the Eitual for the administration of the Via- 
ticum ; (2) the Eucharist might be afterwards administered 
etiam non jejunis once a week not, it would appear, 
more frequently per modum communionis, i.e., with the 
ordinary form, as long as these same persons remained in 
periculo mortis. 

It may be assumed that the Synod of Dublin fairly reflected 
the common teaching of the time ; but the question is now of 
purely speculative interest. A distinct departure from the 
teaching of 1831 was made at the Plenary Synod of Thurles, 
in 1850. Among the decrees of the S)'nod of Thurles we 
read : 

In eadem infirmitate, si longius protrahitur, parochi saepius 
sacro Viatico aegrotos reficiant, cum illud iterum et saepius licite 
dari possit. (Decreta Syn. Plen. Eps. Hibern. apud Thurles 1850.) 

The Plenary Synod of Maynooth, in 1875, repeated this 
decree unchanged. And, of course, the decrees of these 
Synods have, as our correspondent points out, since found a 
place in various Diocesan Synods, and have moulded the 
universal practice of this country. 

As against the Synod of 1831, the Synods of Thurles and 
Maynooth clearly convey, in the decree above quoted, that the 
Viaticum may, in the same protracted illness or danger of 
death, be administered, not once only, but frequently iterum 
et saepius- In the later Synods, too, it will be remarked that 
the restriction insinuated in the clause 'singulis hebdomadis' 
is omitted. No time is defined for lawfully repeating the 
administration; it merely said, saepius licite dari possit; 
and, lastly the words used in the decrees of Thurles and 
Maynooth 'parochi saepius sacro Viatico aegrotos reficiant,' 
might seem to indicate that, while danger of death lasts, Com- 
munion should be administered, not in the ordinary form, but 
per modum Viatici. However, many theologians hold for no 
solid reason that we can see that Communion should be 
administered per modum Viatici only once in the same danger 


of death. According to this teaching, once the Viaticum has 
been administered, Communion whether the recipient be 
fasting or not should be administered with the ordinary 
form Corpus Domini, &c. 

How often may Communion be given to those in danger 
of death ? The Synod of Maynooth says, saepius daripotest, 
and leaves the confessor to determine how often, accord- 
ing to the needs and dispositions of the sick person. The 
confessor must, therefore, rely on his own judgment. He 
should remember, however, that Communion should be more 
freely conceded to persons at the hour of death than during 
life. Moreover, he is perfectly safe in giving even daily 
Communion to the sick person, if he thinks that the 
devotion of the sick person is such as to render so frequent 
Communion profitable. In giving Communion so frequently 
the confessor may be acting against the opinion of certain 
theologians even modern theologians; but he will have 
amply sufficient authority in his favour, and he certainly will 
violate no law, divine or ecclesiastical. Lehmkuhl puts the 
whole matter briefly and well : 

Durante periculo, toties quoties devotio et dispositio poeni- 
tentis hoc suadit, S. Communio eodem raodo [i. e., aegroto non 
jejuno] repeti potest, jejunio neglecto. Neque quod aegrotus, 
quum sanus erat, S. Communionern non tarn frequenter sumpsit, 
ratio est cur etiarn nunc, modo satis dispositus sit, raro ad earn 
admittatur (ii. n. 161). 


EEV. DEAR SIR, I should feel grateful for an answer to the 
following question : 

To what return are clergy bound who receive from their 
people ' November offerings ' ? In some parishes it is announced 
that people may send in the names of deceased friends to be 
specially commemorated on All Souls day. An offering is always 
expected to accompany the names sent in, and in some cases the 
sum of such offerings is very considerable. To what are the clergy 
receiving these offerings bound ? Is it enough to offer the Mass 
on All Souls day ? Or should other Masses be offered, and if so 
what proportion should the number of Masses bear to the offerings 
received ? SACERDOS. 

The conditions on which these November offerings are 


given and accepted are, we believe, regulated in some 
dioceses by local legislation. Such laws, wherever they 
exist should, of course, be respected. But, apart from special 
local legislation, the clergy should let their people clearly 
understand what return may be expected for offerings made. 
Needless to say, the undertaking given should be faithfully 
and scrupulously fulfilled. Further than this there is no 

It may be interesting to give here a reply of the Congre- 
gation of Propaganda, 30th July, 1877, to a question very 
similar to that of our correspondent. We quote from 
Collectanea Cong, de Prop. Fide : 

. . . Invaluit consuetude ut pro unica Missa, quae in die 
commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum cantatur, fideles 
contribuant pecuniam. Summa autem pecuniae sic collecta 
ordinarie tanta est ut pluriurn centenarum missarum eleemosynas 
facile exaequet. Inter eos qui pecuniam hoc modo contribuunt, 
plurimi sunt de quibus dubitari merito possit utrum earn hoc 
modo collaturi forent si rite edocerentur animabus purgatorii, 
quas sic juvare intendunt, melius provisum iri si tot Missae pro 
iis licet extra diem commemorationis omnium fidelium celebra- 
rentur. Quot juxta taxam diocesanam continentur stipendia in 
summa totali sic contributa ut erroneae opinioni occuratur, in 
quibusdam dioecesibus statute synodali cantum est ut nisi 
singulis annis praevia totius rei explicatio populo fiat, missio- 
nariis earn fidelium pecuniam pro uuica ilia Missa accipere 
non liceat. Quae . . . precor ut . . . ad dubia sequentia 
respondere dignetur (1) utrum praedicta consuetude absolute 
prohibita sit. Quod si negative (2) utrum tolerari possit casu 
quo quotannis praevia diligens totius rei explicatio populo fiat. 
Quod si affirmative (3) utrum si timor sit ne missionarii praeviam 
illam diligentem eamque plenam totius rei explicationem populo 
praebeant, vel populus non satis intelligat, Ordinarius istam 
consuetudinem prohibere possit et missionariis injungere ut, pro 
tota summa contributa, intra ipsum mensem Novembris 
tot legantur vel cantentur Missae quot in ea continentur 
stipendia pro Missis sive lectis sive cantatis. Quod si affirmative 
(4) utrum ob rationem quod Missae illae intra ipsum mensum 
Novembris legendae vel cantandae sint, Ordinarius consuetum 
Missarum sive ligendarum sive cantandarum ob etipendium pro 
aequo suo arbitrio pro illis Missis possit augere. 

S. Cong. . . . rescribendum censuit : nihil innovetur ; tantum 
apponatur tabella in Ecclesia qua fideles doceantur quod iJlis ipsis 
eleemosynis una canitur Missa in die com-nemorationis omnium 
fidelium defunctorum. (Vid. Collect. Cong. Prop. Fid., n. 893.) 




EEV. DEAR SIR, Dr. MacCarthy having made a second 
attack on The Ancient Irish Church as a Witness to Catholic 
Doctrine, I have again to solicit the editorial indulgence while I 
reply. In doing so I shall not mould my manners to his model. 
I shall continue, in what I have to say, to give him his name. 
He, however, not to dwell upon the general discourtesy of his 
tone, has never once given me mine, but perseveres in the 
designedly (though feebly) offensive substitute for it to which I 
drew passing attention in my previous article. Evidently the 
opinions of a mere layman are of sovereign indifference to 
Dr. MacCarthy ; yet I cannot help observing that his studied 
disregard of all politeness is a defect in his constitution as a 
critic that has very often been remarked upon in the past, and one, 
too, that redounds, whatever Jie may think of it, more to his own 
discredit than it does to the disparagement of the various 
writers, myself the latest and least distinguished of the number, 
upon whom he has, from time to time, vented his spleen and his 
bad grammar. 1 

With some curiosity I have been asking myself in what way 
can I have contributed to arouse the initial ire of Dr. MacCarthy, 
for he is the originator of this controversy, and began it with 
regretable taste and temper. The same question is being put to 
me by my friends among the clergy. I know not what to answer. 
I am unconscious of any manifestations of ill-will towards 
Dr. MacCarthy. I refer to him in my book as ' the learned 
Dr. MacCarthy.' 2 There is nothing uncomplimentary in that. In 

1 As a sample of Dr. MacCarthy's grammar, take the following from his 
review of the Li res of Saints from the Rook of Litmote, edited by Dr. Whitley 
Stokes : ' Thereby, however, he has let slip an opportunity which those 
foreigners which he fawns upon so would (if they had the wit to perceive 
it) give a deal to perceive it, give a deal to possess.' 'Foreigners 
which ' ! The ' it ' after ' perceive ' is an ungrammatieal redundancy ; and 
the sentence would have stumbled less had he placed the ' so ' before ' fawns. ' 
See the I. E. RECOHD, 3rd series, xii., p. 15."> : Dublin, 1891. 

2 Tin Am- tent Irish C/tuicJt ax <i Jl'Hiiess to Catholic Doctrine, p. 93 : Dublin, 


no manner do I run across him in it. Can it be but, surely, it 
cannot that he became angry with me when he found me 
tacitly preferring (as some critics do openly) the Oxford Edition 
of the Stoive Missal to that for which he is himself responsible ? 
Be this as it may, my little volume, undertaken in the interest of 
the faith, has earned Dr. MacCarthy's contempt ; and I must 
only console myself with the reflection that cardinals, arch- 
bishops, bishops, &c., have condescended to put pen to paper to 
commend it. As to any practical effect that has so far resulted 
from Dr. MacCarthy's strictures, all I can say is, that he has 
sent up my sales by hundreds. For this I am his not ungrateful 
debtor. As an advertising agant I pronounce him a success. 

And now to consider the substance of his last communication. 

The Bobbio Missal is again prominent. To keep matters 
clear, the point in debate may be repeated. It is this : Is it, or 
is it not, allowable to adduce that ancient document as evidence 
of the dogma of the early Irish Church? As the foundation- 
stone of an argument for the affirmative, I, in the November 
I. E. RECOED, brought forward Dr. MacCarthy's admission : 
' The Bobio [sic'] Missal, in transcription, was the work of an 
Irishman.' He now complains, as of something serious, that I 
gave no indication of what appears in the next paragraph to that 
from which I quoted. It is this : ' But it does not follow, because 
the writing is Irish, that a MS. was written in Ireland ; much 
less upon Irish subjects. In the present case the Mass of 
St. Martin and the names introduced into the Canon tell as 
plainly as the most explicit Colophon that the Missal was drawn 
up for a church in Gaul.' I must confess that I fail to discern 
how, or in what particular, I have misrepresented Dr. MacCarthy. 
Take his belief that the Bobbio Missal is of Gaulish origin. That 
was made sufficiently manifest by me, along with my own assent 
to the proposition, when I said, in the November I. E. EECOED : 
'My critic contends (p. 367) that the Missal in question " was 
drawn up for a church in France, most probably in Burgundy." 
Be it so. I am sure I have nothing to say to the contrary. I 
am so far of his opinion, as my Appendix shows.' On this point, 
then, there has been no misrepresentation of Dr. MacCarthy. As 
to the rest of the unquoted matter, I had, and could have, no 
object in suggesting, as Dr. MacCarthy's opinion, anything 
contrary to what is therein expressed ; for it certainly formed 
no part of my argument, for the propriety of appealing to the 


Bobbio Missal as an indication of early Irish faith, that the 
Bobbio Missal, because of its Irish writing, ' was written in 
Ireland ; ' neither did it form any part of my argument that 
the Bobbio Missal is ' a MS. upon Irish subjects.' For the 
moment I have no interest in ascertaining where the MS. was 
written. Parvo contentus, I am satisfied to have the broad fact 
admitted that the writing in tJie MS. is Irish. On that I base the 
conclusion that the doctrine traceable in the Bobbio Missal is in 
perfect harmony with ancient Irish doctrine. I am not prepared 
to picture Irish monastic scribes, even in vinous Burgundy, 
where the scribe of the Bobbio Missal wrote, as utterly 
indifferent to what theological scripts they employed their 
pens upon, like printers, who care not to what description of 
religious works, Catholic or Protestant, they lend their type, or 
as at all disposed to perpetuate documents which they could not 
but consider pernicious and heretical, if the contents were in 
doctrinal opposition to what they had learned in Ireland to regard 
as the true faith. The soundness of the principle thus implied, 
namely, the writing in certain ancient ecclesiastical MSS. being 
Irish, the dogma inculcated in them is the same as that professed 
by our early forefathers, is very easily brought to the test. 
What is entirely to the present purpose, it is triumphantly con- 
firmed in the individual instance of the Bobbio Missal itself ; 
for there is not a single dogmatic point, such as the Canon of 
Scripture, the Petrine privileges, the reality and efficacy of the 
Eucharistic Sacrifice, prayer for the dead, invocation of saints, 
devotion to our Blessed Lady, veneration of relics, &c. , on 
which the text of that famous Missal has been copiously 
extracted in my book, that is not equally established there, as 
Irish faith, by direct quotations from what, for distinction 
sake, I shall call }wme material, to the relevancy of which even 
the captiousness of Dr. MacCarthy might be invited to take 

To continue to afford proof of the propriety of citing the 
Bobbio Missal as evidence of Irish doctrine, though further 
proof is, perhaps, not really necessary, a strong presumption that 
this MS. was actually used at the celebration of Mass by Irish 
clergy (though out of Ireland) is found in the fact that on one of 
its folios the name ' Munubertus ' is written, and on another 
' Elderatus ; ' the first a Latinised Irish name ; the other a 
Latino-Hebraisation (meaning the Servant of God) of the name 


of St. Deicolus, or Deicola, one of the twelve companions who 
accompanied St. Columbanus from Ireland to Gaul, to share in 
his apostolic labours. 

I had said, in my November article, that the Bobbio Missal 
was in use at Bobbio itself, where for a long time there were 
always Irish monks ; and Dr. MacCarthy, I thought, would not 
have traversed either statement. But he traverses the first one, 
and appeals to Mabillon to maintain his opinion. The same 
Mabillon, however, will inform him that the name ' Bertulfus ' is 
to be read on one of the folios of the MS., and he (Mabillon) 
believes this Bertulfus to have been the Abbot of Bobbio of that 
name who ruled the monastery in the middle of the seventh 
century. 1 I take this circumstance to denote temporary posses- 
sion of the MS. by Bertulfus, and as suggestive of a reasonable 
presumption that the Missal was in use at Bobbio, at least in his 
time. Nor is it at all certain that Mabillon thought anything to 
the contrary. When Mabillon says that the Missal was not ad 
usum monachorum Bobiensium, he may only have meant to convey 
that it was not for Bobbio that the Missal was drawn up. He 
extends his view to other monasteries, and gives his reasons. 
But the probability of use by the Bobbio community is not thereby 
absolutely excluded. Mabillon, it is to be noted, employs the 
same expression, ad usum, when he expresses his opinion as to 
the locality that the Missal, he believes, was drawn up for, namely, 
the Province of Besan9on, containing the monastery of Luxeuil, 
one of the foundations of St. Columbanus, A.D. 590 or 591, from 
which the saint proceeded to found Bobbio, A.D. 612 or 613. 2 
And now here is a question which I should very much like 
Dr. MacCarthy to answer. For what purpose was this 
Missal brought from Luxeuil to Bobbio, by some disciple of 

1 ' BEBTULFUS alicubi legitur in ora folii cujusdam, quem putamus ease 
ipsum Bertulf um loci abbatem medio sseculo septimo. In alio folio ELDEEATUS ; 
item in alio MUNTJBEETUS,' See Mabillou, Museum Italicum, i., pt. ii,, p. 276 : 
Paris, 1724. 

2 ' Cujus porro provincise f uerit hoc Missale, non obvium 3st definire. 
Forte ad usum erat Provinciae Maximse Sequanorum, id est Vesontionensis, in 
qua situm est Luxoviense monasterium, unde Columbanus Bobium migravit. 
Favethuic conjecture Alissa de sancto Sigismundo rege Burgundionum. Certe 
hie codex non fuit ad usum monachorum Bobiensium. Nihil enim in eo de 
sanclis Bobiensibus, Columbano, ejusve discipulis. Nihil item de rebus 
monasticis; non benedictio Abbatis, aut monachorum; non benedictiones pro 
monasterii officials, in ejusmodi libris jnonasticis usitatae:' See Mabillon, 
Museum Italicum, i., pt. ii., p. 276; Paris, 1724. 


St. Columbanus, perhaps the Burguudian Bertulf, * if not to 
be used at Mass? To be made a mere curiosity of? To be 
tossed into the armariitm as a thing of lumber? Surely not. 
And as to the absence of any reference in the Bobbio Missal to 
monastic matters, that may be accounted for by supposing, with 
Dr. Lanigan , that it was ' a general Missal for the clergy both 
secular and regular ; and in such case there was no necessity 
for specifying monastic matters, or introducing into it the name 
of St. Columbanus, &c. Besides, that copy was probably written 
before the death of St. Columbanus.' 2 The latter circumstance 
is strongly borne out by some parallelism of idea and language, 
between the Missal and St. Columbanus, which I place in the 
notes. 3 

In the opinion of Dr. 0' Conor, the Bobbio Missal was a 
portable Missal, employed by the Irish missionaries of Luxeuil and 
Bobbio in their labours among the Burgundians and Lombards.* 
' Be this as it may,' says Dr. Lanigan, ' we may be sure from its 
having been copied by an Irishman, that it was used by Irish 
priests.' 5 With what object in view, I ask, does Dr. MacCarthy 
differ radically, not partially only and on a secondary point as I 
do from some of them, from the O'Conors, the Lanigans, the 
Morans, the Malones, the Healys, the Greiths, and seek to deprive 
the Irish Church of its powerful testimony ? 

And now for another matter. Before passing away from this 
portion of the subject, I am curious to know from Dr. MacCarthy, 

1 ' De hoc eximio Missale, unum et idem sentiunt ambo [Mabillon and 
Ruinart]. Sacramentarium esse, sive Missale, ante annos inille exaratum, quod e 
Luxoviense S. Columbani Monasterio Hibemico, a quodam S. Columbani Din- 
cipulo allatum fuit Bobium, steculo Vllmo, forte a Bertulfo, qui fuit teriius, 
post Magistrum Columbanum, Monasterii i.stius Abbas, et Missale fitisse portatile 
<td Sacra in ipsis itineribus cflebranda,' See O'Conor, Rerum Hibcrnicanim 
Scriptores Veteres, Epistola Nuncupatoria, i., p. cxxx. : Buckingham, 1814-1820. 

3 Lanigan, Ecclesiastical Hixtory of I i eland, iv., p. 373-374: Dublin, 1S29 

:t From the Bobbio Missal (italics mine) : ' Oremus Dominum dilectissimi 
nobis, quia amara nobis adveniunt tempora & periculosi adproximant ainii. 
Mtttantur regwi, vacant ur (rentes,' See Mabillon, Museum Italicum, i., pt. ii., 
p. 371 : Paris, 1724. 

Compare with the Epistloof St. Columbanus to Pope Boniface the Fourth: 
' Dominus appropinquat, et prope jam in fine consistimus inter tempora pcri- 
ciilota. Ecce contnrbantnr gentes, inclinanttir regna.' See Migne, Patrologia 
Latitia, Ixxx., col. 277; Paris. 1863. 

4 ' Ex dictis satis conwtare opinor, Codicem Bobiensem de quo agimus, esse 
Missale Portatile Hibernorum Luxoviensium et Bobiensium, qui exeunte 
Saeculo VI.. fidem Christi Burgundiis et Longobardis pnedicavere.' See 
O'Oonor, Kcnnn Hibcrnicai"uin Scriptores Veteres, Epistola Nuncupatoria, i., 
pp. cxli.-cxlii. : Buckingham, 1814-26. 

5 Lanigan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, iii., p. 336: Dublin, 1829, 


who carps so hypercritically at some of my translations from the 
Latin, whether, in the passage which he produces and translates 
from Mabillon on the Bobbio Missal, Nihil enim in eo de sanctis 
Bobiensibus is satisfactorily rendered, as to its full meaning and 
point, by ' For there is nothing in it of Bobio ' [sic]. 

A word also on the orthography of ' Bobbio. ' I had put it to 
Dr. MacCarthy whether ' Bobio,' the spelling which characterises 
his essay On the Stoive Missal, has the sanction of Italian writers, 
who are the proper judges of what it ought to be, seeing that the 
place is in Italy. In the tail-end of a note he mentions 'Bobiensis,' 
' Bobiensibus,' and ' Bobio ' (the ablative, in the case specified, 
of 'Bobium'), and, in a faint voice, says : ' Note the single b ; 
never bb.' But the Latin language, though the parent of the 
Italian, is not to be allowed to decide how Italian place-names 
are to be written, any more than the Anglo-Saxon language, the 
parent of the English, is to be allowed to decide how we ought to 
spell the names of localities in England ; otherwise, we should 
all commence to write ' Theocsbyrig ' for 'Tewkesbury,' ' Gypes- 
wic' for 'Ipswich,' 'Med-waege' for the 'Medway,' 'Medweagestun' 
f or ' J\l aidstone ' (enough of itself to give one the typhoid fever), 
' Scrobbes-byrig ' for 'Shrewsbury,' ' Searsysbyrig ' for 'Salis- 
bury,' and demonstrate our pedantry in five hundred similar ways. 
I append a couple of extracts from Italian books, just to show 
how Bobbio is written. 1 It would be a veritable puzzle to 
discover a single Italian work in which the name appears as 
'Bobio.' In practice, Dr. MacCarthy now admits his error. 
He spells Bobbio correctly all through his last letter, except 
where he is 'translating from Mabillon, and then, with amusing 
inconsistency, he reverts to the single b I suppose, in hazy 
compliment to his author's Latin. 

St. Cummian's Penitential is Dr. MacCarthy's next point. 
Its authorship is matter of doubt. A Vatican MS. of the ninth 
or tenth century attributes it to St. Cummian the Tall, referring 
to it as inquisitio Acumiani Longii [sic] '-', and this St. Cummian 

1 ' Fra' monaci ancora vi f urono alcuni che coltivarono a questi tempi gli 
studi sacri ; e un monastero singolarmente .-i rendette sopra gli altri illustre, 
dico quello di Bobbio, etc.' See Tiraboschi, Storia dclla Lettcratura Italiana, iii. , 
pp. 189-190 : Milano, 1822-26. 

'Bobbio Citta della Liguria cisappeunina, frammezzo le Alpi Cozie 
distante circa quaranta miglia da Pavia,' etc. See D'Avino, Enciclopedia dell', 
Ecclf.siastico, i. ( p. 376 : Torino, 1863-66. 

2 Moran, Essays on the Origin, Doctrines, and Discipline of the Early Irish 
Church,^. 252: Dublin, 1864. 


wrote in Ireland. Some authorities give it to St. Cummian the 
Fair. Nevertheless for argument sake I am not unwilling 
to assume that this Penitential was composed by another 
St. Cummian the St. Cummian who, at seventy-five, went to 
Bobbio, and died there at upwards of ninety-five, somewhere in 
the reign of Luitprand, King of the Lombards, A.D. 711-744, 1 and 
that the Penitential, so far, is ' continental in its origin and 
application. ' What then ? 

Granting all this, and granting too that extracts are given in 
it from Penitentials which are not Irish, may it not be cited as 
illustrating the nature of ancient Irish doctrine and discipline ? 
Though possibly the production of an exile, is it not still that of 
a typical Irishman? Or is a religious work, penned (say) by 
Cardinal Moran in Sydney, even with some Antipodean applica- 
tion, to be no indication whatever of what the Irish ecclesiastics 
of to-day, and Irish Catholics generally, adhere to as the faith ? 
I certainly fall short of the sublimated intelligence that could 
appreciate an argument which, on the score of irrelevancy, would 
seek to shut out this or any analogous evidence. The Bobbio 
St. Cummian, when he proceeded to the Continent, an old man, 
and wrote this Penitential, if he really did write it, did not then, 
surely, learn for the first time to recognise the Sacraments of 
Confirmation and Penance, the utility of praying for the dead, 
the necessity of clerical celibacy, the use of altar-cloths, or any 
of the other doctrinal and disciplinary points upon which its 
testimony is quoted by me, and which are all equally substan- 
tiated, as in the case of the Bobbio Missal, by citations from what 
has already been denominated home material. 

With regard now to a certain correspondence which is to be 
traced between portions of St. Cummian' s Penitential and the 
Penitential of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 668-690, 
it in no way affects my position again for the sake of argument 
to allow that St. Cummian took extracts from Theodore. This, 
apparently, could not well be true of any but the Bobbio 
St. Cummian. The opinion, however, may be mentioned an 
opinion not unknown to Wasserschleben, and held by Theiner, 
Kunstmann, Cardinal Moran, and others that matters were 
another way about, and that one of the St. Cummians some 
say St. Cummian the Fair, some St. Cummian the Tall was the 

1 Wassercchleben, Die Bussordnnngen der abemUandischen Eirche, pp. 64-65: 
Halle, 1851. 


unnamed Irish author whose libellus was among the sources of 
Theodore's Penitential, according to the ancient preface of that 
Penitential itself. 1 This is made probable by the fact that in the 
seventh chapter of the first book of Theodore's Penitential, 
following a series of canons almost literally agreeing with 
enactments in the Cummian Penitential, there is this ancient 
annotation : Ista testimonia sunt de eo, quod in praefatione diximus 
de 'libello Scottorum, in quo, ut in ceteris, aliquando inibi fortius 
firmavit de pesslmis, aliquando vero lenius, ut sibividebatur, modum 
imposuit pusillanimis. 2 

As a proof that heresy was not unknown in Ireland when 
St. Cummian's Penitential was drawn up, and that I was justified 
in citing St. Cummian's canons in token of how heretics were 
regarded, I, inasmuch as dispute prevails as to which of the 
three St. Cummians wrote the Penitential, in giving some 
extrinsic references to heresy and heretics, purposely made those 
references sufficiently elastic to fall in with the life of all. If 
however, Dr. MacCarthy now believes that the Penitential belongs 
to the seventh century rather than the eighth, why has he not 
dealt with the Roman letter, written in 640, in which the appear- 
ance of the Pelagian heresy in Ireland is referred to ? Why has 
he not even ventured to parade the good old stock answer, that 
the native Annals, &c., are silent on the subject ? But, doubtless, 
he knows better than to submit such a rebutting argument to a 
serious trial of its worth. 

He next glances at the St. Gall Ordo of Penance. Of this 
there is another copy among the Irish MS 3. at Basle. In August, 
Dr. MacCarthy asserted that this Ordo was ' purely Anglo-Saxon.' 
As a matter of notoriety, the form is one that was pretty general. 
The Anglo-Saxons had not the monopoly of it. Now, he allows 
that the writing in the St. Gall Ordo is Irish. The Irish, it 
should almost seem, according to him, were always copying 
Missals, Ordines, &c., which they never used themselves ! He 
still insists that I have libelled our forefathers. Why ? Because 
the Ordo alludes to incestuous practices. But I adverted to the 

1 'In istorum quoque adminiculum est, quod raanibus vilitatis nostre divina 
gratia similiter praevidit, quae iste vir ex Scotorum libello sciscitasse quod 
difEamatum est, de quo talem senex fertur dedisse sententiam, ecclesiasticus 
homo libelli ipsius fuisse conscriptor.' Sec "Wasserchleben, Die Bmsordhtuigen 
der alcndlandischen Kirchc, p. 18 : > ; Halle, 1851. 

2 Wasfiersehleben, iJie Tiiisuwdnxnyen der abcndlandischen Kirche, p. 191: 
Halle, 1851. 

VOL. III. t' 


fact that the forbidden degrees were not always sufficiently 
observed in Ireland ; that marriage with the widow of one's 
brother was not unknown ; that this Jewish practice was 
condemned in an ancient Irish Synod ; hence toleration of it 
must have previously characterised some of the Irish clergy ; 
that its lawfulness was maintained by a certain heretical bishop, 
a countryman of ours ; * that disregard of spiritual affinity con- 
stituted incest ; and Dr. MacCarthy makes not the least attempt 
to meet all this, or to show now where the libel comes in. 

It is to make up for this evasion, perhaps, that the typo- 
graphical errors of my book are again well to the front. 
Excluding the last two pages, which contain the Irish Litany, 
the little volume is as clear of faults of the press as I believe 
most books are usually found to be ; and I explained, as far as 
I am called upon to explain, how those that do exist in it arose. 

Few objects are beneath the notice of Dr. MacCarthy, who 
seems to have been tracking my footsteps very closely. He now 
produces three mistakes in pagination, two of which were already 
known to me ; and there my impeachment stands. If he could 
even discover the grave total of one per cent, of such slips in 
over eleven hundred minute references, it would be still no great 
matter. Page 258 for 257 ; page 237 for 257 ; page 120 for 220, 
are errors which anyone might fall into ; and Dr. MacCarthy 
may magnify and make the most of them. I would only say, of 
him, what Gibbon says, in regard to some similar petty oversights 
objected to by that historian's critic, the Rev. H. E. Davis : 
' I sincerely admire his -patient industry, which I despair of being 
able to imitate ; but if a future edition should ever be required, 
I could wish to obtain, on any reasonable terms, the services of 
so useful a corrector.' a 

We turn now to the question whether Bishop O'Coffey is to 
be considered Archbishop O'Murray's father, on the strength of 

1 Lest Dr. MacCarthy should deny that Clemens was a bishop, I quote a 
distinguished Church historian : ' Bei eiuem andern Widersacher, dem 
Trlandischen Bischof Clemens, mit welchem sich jene Synode zugleich 
beschuftigte, zeigte sich eine ungleich grossere Besonnenheit ; ihm war die 
Kirohe, wie sie damals im alttestamentlich theokratischen Principe erschien und 
wirkte, anstossig." See Alzog, Universalgeschichte der christlichen Kirche, p. 400 : 
Mainz, 1844. 

:ilso the characterisation of Clemens in O'Hanlon, Lives of the Irish 
Saints, vi., p. 173 : Dublin, n. d. 

2 Gibbon, A Vindication of some Passages in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth 
Chaptuts of The Decline nnd Fall of the Roman Empire, p. 16: London, 1779. 


the term athair, applied to him in the Annals of Ulster. The 
surnames being different, it has been suggested that O'Murray 
may have been the Archbishop's mother's name ; but proof was 
challenged by me, that in the Ireland of the twelfth century, 
children, especially sons, ever received or took their mother's name 
instead of their father's. None is forthcoming. Dr. MacCarthy, 
like others, is unable to supply any. He lays it down, however, 
that had the Annals of Ulster intended to convey that Bishop 
O'Goffey was only Archbishop O'Murray's fosterer or tutor, they 
would have employed not athair, but aite, a word which lives 
under the form of oide in the spoken language. As if languages 
that have words for ' fosterer ' and ' tutor ' do not sometimes 
express that office by the very same word as that by which they 
denote a father in the full parental sense ! Take the Latin. 
I place a remarkable example of pater, in its secondary signifi- 
cation, in the notes ; extracted from a sermon in which 
St. Gaudentius of Brescia introduces the name of his patron and 
predecessor in that see, Philastrius, who, certainly, was not his 
natural father. 1 Does Dr. MacCarthy mean to intimate that 
athair, the Irish for the male parent, is never used except to 
signify an actual progenitor ? Like its equivalent in other 
languages, is it not, for instance, applied to a priest ? My view 
of the point being at least probable, why does Dr. MacCarthy 
impugn it? And what, I am curious to divine, is his special 
object in wishing, so strenuously, to give Bishop O'Coffey a son ? 

At page 104 I said : ' Public confession is alluded to in some 
of our ancient canons ;' and to this statement I attached a reference 
to the Penitentials published by Wasserschleben. It appears in 
the foot-notes as follows : Arreum anni triduanus in ecclesia 
sine cibo et potu et somno et vestitu sine sede et canticum psalmorutn 
cum canticis et oratione horarum et in eis XII. geniculationes post 
confessionem peccatorum coram sacerdote et plebe post votum. 
This passage I produced for the sake only of the concluding 
portion, which establishes what 1 affirmed. Dr. MacCarthy 

1 ' Quonam ergo haec spectat tractatio ? Nempe ut vestra dilectio evi- 
denter intelligat, quanta vis meara compulerit parvitatem arduis obsecundare 
prseceptis, atque aperire os meum sub tantorum prsesentia sacerdotum, & 
inaxime post illam venerandse memoriae p-itris mei (italics mine) Philastrii 
eruditissimam vocem,' etc. See Sancti Gandenlii Brixice Epitcopi Sermonet, 
pp. 158-159: Augsburg, 1757. 

2 ' AcAij\, gen., ACAJ\, a father, a general title by which the clergy are 
addressed in Ireland.' See O'Donovan, Supplement to 0'Reilly'& Irish-English 
Dictionary, s. v. : Dublin, 1864. 


now entertains himself with a gratuitous criticism of the ancient 
Arrea or Commutations themselves. ' Triduanns,' he says, ' is a 
vox nihili in this case ; ' and he substitutes triduum from another 
copy, a Paris codex. Triduanus is simply a scribal corruption of 
triduana, a three days' fast. 1 He then goes into what he takes 
to be conveyed by the entire passage a matter not dwelt upon 
by me at all. From sine vestitu he conceives that a year's 
penance was to be commuted by standing three days in a church 
without clothing, and says : ' One has heard of gods and 
goddesses standing naked in the open air; but to read of 
Christian men and women in that condition in a church some- 
what strains one's trust in the informant.' That informant, 
however, is neither myself nor the Arreum: it is Dr. MacCarthy's 
own imagination. I see, like Lowell's ' John P. Robinson he,' 
that they don't ' know everything down in Judee.' A little light 
may be advantageously let in on the subject. In the document 
quoted, sine vestitu no more means naked than plain nudi itself 
does, which, let me inform Dr, MacCarthy, is to be sometimes met 
in ancient decrees of penance. 2 It only implies not in the 
ordinary array. In what condition then ? The public penitent 
might be (1) either partially stripped, of which we have instances, 
or (2) clad in a penitential vesture. This last is what is conveyed 
by the Paris version of the Commutations, which reads that he 
was to stand in the church cum vestimento circa se. Now, from 
the words cum vestimento circa se, meaning that the penitent 
was to stand in the house of God with a garment around him, I 
might just as well foolishly gather that when he was not in the 
church, or was about his daily avocations, he wore nothing at all, 
as Dr. MacCarthy that he was entirely naked, or, at least, is 

r Ducange exemplifies triduana (tridui jejunium") from St. Jerome. See 
his Olotsariinn Media; it InfimcK Latliiitatis, viii., p. 182: Niort, 1883-87. 

Biduano, from bidnanus, a similar barbarism for biduana, is found in the 
ft 'modus AgiiHonalit Eritanniae in Wasserchleben, fhe Bussordnungcn der abend- 
landischfn Kirche, p. 103: Halle, 1851. 

1 Carpentier, in his Supplement to Ducange, gives the following from an 
episcopal document dated 1224 : ' Robertus et Herveus publicam Pcenitentiam 
fuciant nudi (italics mine) et discalciati, virgas in manibus portantes ad pro- 
ressionem in ecclesia Carnotensi in instant! Ascensione Domini, et per manum 
episcopi Carnotensis vel sacerdotis, secundum consuetudinam ecclesise accipiant 
discipfinam,' etc. It is plain, however, from another decree which he quotes, 
containing the words dincalciati et nudi, braccis tantttiir>Jo retmtis, that public 
penitents were not absolutely naked, and that tnidi, wherever it appears alone, 
is to be interpreted with a modification. See Ducang.-, (Jlostarinin M 
Infinite Latinitatis, vi., p. 384: Niort, 1883-87. 


represented as entirely naked, in the sacred edifice, because it 
is stated in the other copy of the Arreum that the penitent was 
to appear there sine vestitu. Both expressions amount to 
the same thing divested of his customary raiment and in 
penitential garb. 

Following the above, exception is taken to my manner of 
dealing with the Memento of the Dead in the Bobbio Missal. 
It exhibits, I am told, my ' textual recension and grammatical 
knowledge.' Here is the entire passage referred to, agreeing, 
to a comma, with Mabillon's printed text 1 of the Missal in 
question : ' MEMENTO ETIAM DOMINE, & eorum nomina, qui nos 
praecesserunt cum signo fidei & dormiunt in somno pacis. Com- 
memoratio defunctorum. Ipsis & omnibus in Christo quiescentibus 
locum refrigerii, lucis, & pacis ut indulgeas deprecamur, per 
Christum dominum nostrum.' This I translate thus: ' Eemem- 
ber also, Lord, the names of those who have gone before us 
with the sign of faith, and sleep in the sleep of peace. [Com- 
memoration of the Dead.] To these, and to all resting in Christ, 
grant, we beseech Thee, a place of refreshment, light, and peace, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord.' 

As verbs of remembering and forgetting sometimes take an 
accusative case, 2 Dr. MacCarthy can hardly object to my render- 
ing Memento nomina, ' remember the names,' on the mere score 
of grammar. But he pronounces nomina a rubric. Well, the 
great Benedictine Mabillon, who edited the Bobbio Missal, was 
as learned a rubricist as Dr. MacCarthy, and evidently he did not 
consider nomina a rubric in this case. His punctuation, to be 
seen above, is against any supposition that he did : besides, we 
have the fact that he in no way distinguishes the word nomina, 
or marks it out from the text by either italics or brackets. The 
real rubric is at the end of the sentence, i.e., Commemoratio 
defunctorum. This, and this alone, he italicizes. To him, more- 
over, all the recensional details belong. I am satisfied to have 
a Mabillon on my side, and a Dr. MacCarthy against me. 

My rendering of Quorum meritis precibusque concedas ut in 
omnibus protectionis tuae muniamur auxilio per Christum Dominum 
nostrum, ' To whose merits and prayers grant that we may be 

1 Mabillon, Museum Italicum, i., pt ii., p. 281 ; Paris, 1724. 

2 On such a point it is superfluous to quote an authority ; nevertheless, see 
Donaldson, Complete Latin Grammar, p, 279: Cambridge, 1867; also additional 
examples, in Andrews, Latin Lexicon, s. v. memitii ; London, 1375. 


defended with the help of Thy protection in all things, through 
Christ our Lord,' is then carped at. ' To whose merits and 
prayers/ it is said, should be ' By whose merits and prayers.' 
Well, in point of Latin grammar, it might be either. In point of 
the sense, too, it might be either. But if there is any superiority 
as between the two versions, mine, if I mistake not, has it. The 
protection asked for is granted us by God, and to the merits and 
prayers of the saints. To their merits and prayers means in 
consideration of them. 

In ' Sunday within the Octave of Easter,' the word ' within ' 
(p. 220) crept in inadvertently. 

Dr. MacCarthy criticises me for saying : ' The mode of com- 
puting Easter is an astronomical . . . question.' He might as 
well have quoted me in full, and given the three words which he 
represents by three dots. What I said (p. 41) was this : ' The 
mode of computing Easter is an astronomical, not a theological 
question.' He adduces Ideler to tell me that Easter is computed 
by cycles, as if I had never mentioned such things. At p. 42 I 
say, speaking of the variation of the old Irish Easter from the 
Eoman : ' It was occasioned by using different cycles ; the Celtic 
and British Churches calculating the paschal date by a discarded 
system the cycle of 84 years while Rome, and the Christian 
world in general, proceeded by a cycle of 19 years, which was 
more astronomically correct.'! 

Does Dr. MacCarthy hold that astronomy has nothing what- 
ever to do with Easter, as he finds fault with my characterisation 
of the question ? Dr. Lingard agrees with me. He says : ' The 
time of Easter was not a theological question ; it could be solved 
only by astronomical calculation.' ] Dr. Lanigan, too, says : ' It 
was a dispute of mere astronomical calculation, similar to that 
between the abettors of the Gregorian, or new style, and those of 
the old one. Neither faith nor morals were in any wise connected 
with it.' 3 

There are one or two other points in Dr. MacCarthy's 
criticism upon which I might say something ; but this letter is, 
perhaps, already too long. For the present, then, I must post- 
pone my observations. 

1 Lingard, History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, L, p. 381 : 
London, 1845. 

2 Lanigan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, iii., p. 67: Dublin, 1829. 


In conclusion, and to place facts in their legitimate light, I am 
not the aggressor in this controversy. My book was undertaken in 
response to numerically strong and influential solicitation ; and I 
have never, in my experience, heard of a work, written in defence 
of Catholic truth, that was assailed, on such trivial grounds, by 
a Catholic priest before. Eeliable authorities among the clergy 
have been pleased to say, since this correspondence began, 
that my small volume fills a void for which even the learned 
Dr. MacCarthy, in his life-long literary labours, has made no 
provision. Yours, &c 


[ 88 ] 





Extremum radiat, pallenti involvitur umbra 
lam iam sol moriens ; nox subit atra. Leo, 

Atra tibi : arescunt venae, nee vividus humor 
Perfluit ; exhausto corpore vita perit. 

Mors telum fatale iacit ; velamine amicta 
Funereo, gelidus contegit ossa lapis. 

Ast anima aufugiens excussis libera vinclis, 
Continue aethereas ardet anhela plagas ; 

Hue celerat cursum ; longarum haec meta viarum 
Expleat oh clemens anxia vota Deus ! 

Oh caelum attingam ! supremo munere detur 
Divino aeternum lumine et ore frui. 

Teque, o Virgo frui ; rnatrem te parvulus infans 
Dilexi, flagrans in sene crevit amor. 

Excipe me caelo ; caeli de civibus unus, 
Auspice te, dicam, praemia tanta tuli. 


[ 89 ] 


Ward. London : Longmans, Green & Co, Two Vols. 

As a full review of this work is being written for the 
February number of the I. E. RECORD, by the Rev. William 
Barry, D.D., we need not do more at present than to express the 
very great satisfaction with which we have read every page of the 
two volumes. For Catholic readers, no more fascinating work has 
issued from the press for many a year. The biography of the great 
Cardinal could not have been entrusted to abler hands. Men might 
have been found to write the Life of Wiseman, who could do justice 
to him as an ecclesiastical ruler and prince of the Church, but who 
would be incapable of appreciating other aspects of his character, 
his proficiency in oriental studies, his deep theological knowledge, 
his interest in archaeology, in art, in science, in literature, his 
intercourse with men of distinction at home, and abroad, his wide 
range of sympathies and broad views on all matters that stirred 
the passions and the interest of his cotemporaries. Mr. Ward 
seems as much at home in dealing with one phase of the 
Cardinal's life as with another. He embraces them all in these 
two volumes ; and, we think, we could not recommend to our 
readers a more enjoyable occupation during their leisure hours of 
the new year than the perusal of a work which brings -out in such 
striking relief the noble figure of the man who fought the battle 
of the Church in England at one of the turning-points of its 
existence. We can also promise those who read the biography 
that their admiration will not be confined to Cardinal Wiseman, 
but that, in its own measure, it will extend as unreservedly to 
Mr. Ward. J. F. H. 

Molloy, D.D., D. Sc. London, Glasgow, and Dublin : 
Blackie and Son. 

As the greater part of this work has already appeared in the 
pages of the I. E. EECOBD, it needs no introduction to our 
readers. The proper use of ' shall and will ' has exercised the 
minds of English grammarians since English grammars were 


invented ; but, as Dr. Molloy justly remarks, there was no book 
in which the subject was treated with any approach to complete- 
Bess. This can certainly be said no longer ; and we are much 
mistaken if Dr. Molloy 's interesting volume does not remain for 
future ages a standard work on the subject not only for Irishmen 
but for Englishmen as well. There are some people, it appears, 
who think that Irishmen have no difficulty in the employment 
of these auxiliaries. We imagine that these are just the people 
who would profit by a careful perusal of the volume before us. 
Their public utterances might gain something by the study in 
correctness if not in elegance of diction. Again, we are told 
that Dr. Molloy's elaborate treatment of the subject tends to 
confuse the minds of those who endeavour to get at the root 
and cause of the difficulty. Such people are, it must be 
admitted, rather easily confused, and we fancy that Dr. Molloy 
will not be greatly surprised at their trouble. Anyone who 
reads the work in a spirit that is not captious, even though 
the author were entirely unknown, should admit that it is the 
production of an accomplished scholar. In precision and correct- 
ness of expression, as well as in the elegant and dignified 
manner in which the author deals with a subject so dry we 
have a fine example of literary refinement. A careful perusal 
of the numerous quotations from the best authors will of itself 
be an admirable help to all except to those who are above such 
aid. How far the latter can afford to dispense with Dr. Molloy's 
assistance their readers are possibly better judges than they are 

We are happy to think that this is not the only work of 
the learned Eector of the Catholic University which first 
appeared in instalments in the pages of the I, B. EECOBD. 
Nobody, of course, will think of comparing a study which 
has been only one form of literary recreation indulged in 
persistently for many years with the important volume on 
Geology and Revelation which first appeared in the pages of 
the I. E. KECOBD, and made Mgr. Molloy's name known and 
honoured in the schools of many countries besides Ireland. 
We are, nevertheless, thankful for the fruits of grammatical 
investigation as for the earlier and more precious fruits of 
scientific and theological study ; and we are convinced that our 
readers at home and abroad will ever welcome anything that 
comes from one whom they have so many reasons to honour and 
revere. J. F. H. 


A. C. FILLION. Paris : Letouzey, Ane & Cie. 
WE have given the title of this work in full, because it 
indicates at once the scope and method of Professor Pillion in 
preparing this edition of the Latin Vulgate. Each of the sacred 
books is divided into parts, sections and paragraphs, in accordance 
with what Professor Fillion, after consulting the best commen- 
tators, considers to be the logical division of the book. Thus, 
to take as an example the Gospel of St. Matthew, the book is 
divided into an introduction and four parts. The genealogy of 
our Lord constitutes the introduction (i. 1-17) ; the first part 
deals with the infancy and private life (i. 18-ii. 23) ; the second, 
with the public life (iii. 1-xx. 34) ; the third, with the last days 
of Jesus, or week of the Passion (xxi. 1-xxvii. 66) ; the fourth, 
with our Lord's resurrection (xxviii. 1-20). Each of these 
divisions is so clearly marked that the reader cannot fail to per- 
ceive at once the broad outlines of the Gospel history, Then the 
parts are subdivided into various sections, and these again into 
well-defined paragraphs, with a marginal indication of at least 
the pith of each paragraph. 

No one can fail to see how much better, at least for the ordinary 
student, this arrangement is than that usually adopted in 
editions of the Vulgate. The summaries usually given at the 
heads of chapters are often jejune, and generally of small utility, 
while the bold division into chapters instead of sections frequently 
breaks the continuity and mars the sense. We are glad also 
to see that Fr. "Fillion discards the mischievous practice of 
beginning each verse with a new line, as is the case in the 
ordinary editions of the Vulgate, as well as in our Catholic 
English Version. If only the recognised numbering of the verses 
is retained, such a practice is wholly unnecessary, while it 
undoubtedly tends frequently to obscure the logical connection. 
In the poetical books and parts the verses are so printed by 
Fr. Fillion as to exhibit at once the Hebrew parallelism, the 
most distinctive feature of Hebrew poetry. 

The labour involved in preparing an edition of the Vulgate like 
that before us, is much greater than might appear at first sight. 
A careful analysis of every book of the Bible implies much 
study and thought, and we are sincerely glad to find that Father 


Fillion's labour has beeii appreciated. The present is the fourth 
edition in ten years. 

It goes without saying that there is room for much difference 
of opinion as to the propriety of some of the paragraphic 
divisions ; but in no case, as far as we have been able to see, is 
any division adopted that is not supported by good authority. 
Occasionally, as, for example, in the twenty-fourth chapter of 
St. Matthew, one might fairly expect in the margin a clearer 
indication of the editor's views ; but, on the whole, the work is 
well and conscientiously done, and will help much to a better 
understanding of God's inspired word. J. M'K. 

SCRIPTURE. By A. E. Breen, D.D. 

THIS is an important contribution from the New World to 
Catholic Biblical literature. The author, Dr. Breen, is Professor 
of Sacred Scripture in St. Bernard's Seminary, Eochester, New 
York. The work is a royal octavo volume of 606 pages ; and, with 
the exception of Biblical antiquities, which are not mentioned, 
discusses the various subjects that we should expect to find dealt 
with in a General Introduction. The nature and extent of 
inspiration, the question of the Canon of the Old and New Testa- 
ment, the history of the original texts and of the various ancient 
versions of the Bible, the origin and authority of the Vulgate, 
the history of modern English versions, the various senses of 
Scripture, and how to find them all these questions are discussed 
fully, fairly, and reverently, yet with an American independence 
that does credit to the honesty and judgment of the author. 

The treatment of the Canon is particularly full ; but consider- 
ing that the work is intended for a class-book, it would have been 
much better, in our judgment, if the author had contented 
himself with summarizing results regarding the Canon, and 
published the extended treatment of the subject, with the nume- 
rous quotations, in a separate volume. In a work of 606 pages 
we should hardly expect to find 340 pages devoted to this one 
subject, especially if the work is to serve as a class-book. 

On page 33, in the treatment of the question of Obiter Dicta, 
there is some confusion, to which we feel it our duty to call 
attention . The author raises two questions 1 . Whether Obiter 
Dicta are inspired. 2. Whether it is of faith k that they are 
inspired. The first question he rightly answers in the affirma- 


tive ; but when he comes to discuss the second question, strangely 
enough, it is the first question he raises again, and again he 
answers in the affirmative. Had he really dealt with the second 
question that is, whether the inspiration of Obiter Dicta is 
of faith the whole context and the authorities he quotes 
approvingly, force us to believe that he would have answered 
iu the negative. 

We cannot agree with the author that ' the Deuterocanonical 
books of the Old Testament primarily existed in the collection 
of the Jews of Palestine/ If they did, why were they afterwards 
excluded ? It cannot have been on account of their Messianic 
character, for it has been truly said that a single psalm often 
contains as much that is Messianic as all the Deuterocanonical 
books taken together. In the chapter on English Versions we 
are surprised to find that no mention is made of the two Catholic 
translations of the New Testament, by Drs. Nary and Witham 
respectively. The former was published in London, in 1705, and 
the latter at Douay, in 1730, as may be seen by a reference to 
Dr. Dixon's General Introduction. We trust these omissions 
will be supplied in a second edition, for our Catholic English 
translations are so few that we can ill afford to pass by 
any of them unnoticed. 

Naturally so large a work is not entirely free from slips and 
misprints, but those that occur are of trifling importance. Thus, 
in the note on p. 55, the Apostolic Constitutions are referred to 
the second century, while from the note on p. 122 it might be 
supposed that the author is doubtful whether they are earlier 
than the third century. It is, of course, owing to an oversight 
that the Prologus Galeatus, or helmeted prologue of St. Jerome, 
is spoken of, in p. 145, as the Prologus Galeaticus. 

Notwithstanding the points to which we have thought it right 
to direct attention, we welcome the work as one of considerable 
value, the result of much conscientious labour, and a decided 
boon to Catholic students. 

J. M'R. 

Historical Study. By Philip Burton, C.M. Third and 
enlarged edition. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. 5s. 

TEN years have now elapsed since this ' Historical Study ' 
first appeared. In the meantime it has had a large circulation, 


and has engaged a large share of public patronage. Two editions 
having been exhausted, the author has, with commendable zeal, 
undertaken and accomplished the onerous task of bringing out 
a new and enlarged edition to meet the demands of an ever- 
growing circle of readers. A work that has been accorded 
so signal a mark of general approbation scarcely needs any 
critical notice, so that we feel we shall best do our duty in 
emphasizing its claims to a still warmer reception at the hands 
of an admiring public. 

St. Augustine's personality has a distinct and decided charm 
peculiarly its own. The study of his varied and versatile career 
appeals to us with an almost fascinating interest. With varying 
feelings we follow him through the strange vicissitudes of his 
strange life : from innocent childhood to sinful boyhood ; and, 
again, from a boyhood steeped in degrading excesses to a 
manhood elevated by faith and ennobled by virtue. In its way, 
nothing can be more interesting than to read how the erring 
youth became the brightest ornament of the Church, the 
greatest of her doctors, and the most vigorous defender of her 
doctrines. From the back-ground of the early fathers, 
St. Augustine stands forth in high relief, first and foremost 
of that noble band, unsurpassed in the penetrating subtilty of his 
genius, and unrivalled hi the fervour and glow of his faith. In 
portraying, then, such a subject our author has found a theme 
worthy of his powerful pen. And it is but paying him a well- 
deserved compliment to say that he has acquitted himself in a 
manner eminently successful. He brings to the accomplishment 
of his design a ripe scholarship, a sound and impartial judgment, 
and a deep research, calculated to render his biography thoroughly 
appeciative. Not only has he a mind well stored with the 
details of St. Augustine's life, and well informed by personal 
observation, as to all its manifold surroundings ; but he has also 
a keen insight into the history of the age in which the saint 
played so prominent a part, a mastery of the nature of the 
heresies he had to combat, and a grasp of the spirit that ruled 
in the early African Church. On the face of it, Father Burton's 
volume bears evidence that it is the outcome of a philosophic 
mind. He weighs his facts carefully, but he does not forget 
to put their circumstances into the scales also. Perhaps the 
most characteristic feature of the biography is the intimate 
knowledge which Father Burton displays of the voluminous 


writings of St. Augustine. The number and aptness of quotations 
given lead us to believe that he must have made a life-long 
study of these beautiful works. And here we may invite atten- 
tion to the rules he lays down (pp. 330, 331) for correctly 
interpreting the great Doctor. If these rules were observed many 
of the gross misrepresentations of St. Augustine's views and 
writings would be effectively obviated. In an additional chapter, 
which has not appeared in the earlier editions, the author 
criticizes St. Augustine's views on the Bible. To many this 
will not be the least interesting portion of his readable book. 

We are grateful to Father Burton for supplying us with such 
a charmingly written biography of a saint that holds a high 
place in all Christian hearts, and we wish his book a still larger 
share of popularity than it has yet secured. 


The Story of Blessed Acquaviva and his Companions in 
Martyrdom of the Society of Jesus. By James Goldie, S. J. 
Dublin: M. H. Gill & Co. London: Art and Book 

WHILE the Spanish conquests in America opened a way for the 
introduction of Christianity into the New World, the arms of 
Portugal in the Indian Peninsula afforded a means for the 
evangelization of that benighted land. Under King John III. 
of Portugal, St. Francis Xavier preached the Gospel to the 
Indians, and all Europe rejoiced in the marvellous success that 
attended his labours. When the grave closed over the remains 
of that glorious missionary, his apostolic spirit still lingered in 
the breasts of many of his brothers in religion, aud there were 
several members of the great society to which he belonged, 
whose one great desire and ambition in life was to convert the 
heathen or win a martyr's crown in the attempt. Accordingly, 
in the sixteenth century missionary volunteers were numerous. 
Scarcely a ship left the southern ports bound for India that did 
not include among its passengers some few souls whose mission 
was to illumine those that sit in the darkness of unbelief. To 
such a class belonged the Blessed Acquaviva and his four 
martyred companions, whose history is graphically described in 
these pages under notice. Descended, nearly all of them, from 


the very first families of Italy, they renounced the world for the 
seclusion of the Society of Jesus, and, burning with a thirst to 
win souls from infidelity to God, they became missionaries, a 
district in India being appointed them as the seat of their opera- 
tions. With what zeal they worked in this vast vineyard ; with 
what fearless intrepedity the Blessed Acquaviva penetrated into 
the heart of the mighty empire, and even to the court of the 
Great Mogul ; how the five were appointed to a dangerous 
position in Salsette; and how, in fine, they were here brutally 
murdered by the fanatic Brahmins, we leave our readers to 
glean from the very beautiful and pathetic narrative of 
Mr. Go! die. The cause for the martyrdom of these five 
missionaries was pleaded as early as 1598, but it was early 
in 1893 that the process was completed, when the Congregation 
decreed the beatification might take place. 

A word of thanks is due to the writer of this instructive 
history for preserving these honoured names from oblivion, and 
to the publishers for the neatness and taste displayed in the 
bringing out of the book. 

P. M. 



Y purpose at least my main purpose in selecting 
this subject for my address this evening is to 
create and foster in the minds of the students 
of this college a deep and abiding love for the 
historic sites and ancient monuments of our native land. 
In the highest sense of the words, you are the heirs, and 
you ought to be, as it were, ex officio the custodians, of the 
historic monuments of the Gael. It would be strange, 
indeed, if the British Parliament should deem it its duty to 
preserve many of these monuments at the public expense, 
and that an Irish priest should be either ignorant of their 
history, or show himself indifferent to their defacement or 
destruction. No man can do more than a priest to aid in 
their preservation, and every sentiment of genuine patriot- 
ism, of national honour, and even of professional zeal, 
should move him to aid in the noble work of illustrating 
the history and guarding the integrity of these ancient 
monuments, which are at once eloquent witnesses of our 
vanished glories in the past, and hopeful emblems of a 
higher national life in the not distant future. 

Now, my young friends, of all the historic sites in 
Ireland, there is no other that can at all approach the Hill of 

1 Lecture delivered to the students of Maynooth College, Nov. 25, 1897. 


Tara, either in antiquity, in historic interest, or in the variety 
and suggestive significance of its ancient monuments. If we 
are to accept, even in substance, the truth of the bardic 
history of Ireland and I see no good reason to question its 
substantial truth there was a royal residence on the Hill 
of Tara before Rome was founded, before Athena's earliest 
shrine crowned the Acropolis of Athens ; about the time, 
perhaps, that sacred Ilium first saw the hostile standards 
of the kings of Hellas. But before I sketch the history of 
the Royal Hill, I must first tell you something of its 
physical features, which alone have remained, through all 
the changeful centuries, unchanged and unchangeable. 


Tara is not a high hill, its elevation above the sea being 
only about five hundred feet. It is rather broad and flat- 
topped, with gently sloping declivities. Still it commands 
a far-reaching prospect of surpassing beauty. On the north- 
east the hill of Skeen rises to the sky-line, and shuts out a 
wider view of the swelling plains beyond ; but on every 
other side the prospect from Tara, of a fine summer's day, 
is one of enchanting loveliness. Nearly the whole of the 
great limestone plain of Ireland lies in view, with all its 
varied scenery of grassy plain, and deep embowering woods, 
and noble mansions peeping through their sheltering foliage. 
Then there are the towers of Trim, and the silvery wind- 
ings of the Boyne, stealing, serpent-like, through sunlit 
meadows, with glimpses of the hoary walls of Bective and 
Columcille's ancient shrine, whose sweet-toned bells once 
tolled across the fertile fields and populous villages, where 
herds of cattle now roam in what is almost a primitive, 
though still a rich and grassy wilderness. Then, far away 
to the south-east, the Wicklow mountains rise up like giant 
ramparts against the blue of the sunlit sky. The smoke of 
Dublin shrouds its spires in the distance. Beyond Dnndalk 
the hills around Cuchullin's ancient home are distinctly 
visible. To the north and north-west the peaks of Cavan 
and Monaghan are well defined against the sky, while to 
the south and south-west the isolated hills of the great 


plain rise in solitary grandeur, with the immense range of 
Slieve Bloom on the southern horizon, which the men of 
old regarded as nature's barrier between the Hy-Niall and 
the warriors of Leagh Mogha. It is difficult to get any- 
where else in Ireland, except, perhaps, from the Hill of 
Usnach, in Westmeath, and that is somewhat similar, a 
prospect to equal the view from Tara Hill in extent, in 
variety, in picturesque beauty, and historic interest. You 
may get grander and wilder scenes, but nothing more attrac- 
tive to the eye, or more suggestive to the mind, than the 
matchless landscape revealed from the summit of Tara 

It is no wonder, then, that the fertility of the soil, and 
the beauty of the prospect from Tara Hill, attracted the 
attention of even the earliest colonists in Ireland. These 
ancient men of barbarous times, in one thing, at least, 
showed far more taste and judgment than the cultured 
people of this nineteenth century. They chose for their 
dwellings and strongholds the breezy summits of fertile 
hills, which at once gave them health and security, and 
above all a far-reaching vision of picturesque grandeur. 
No doubt it was necessary for them to see the country far 
around them, so as to be able to notice the approach of the 
foe, and take measures for their own defence in unsettled 
times. But I think there was something else in their minds 
besides this idea of self-defence. They appreciated, in their 
own simple way, the manifold beauties of their island -home ; 
they loved to see them and enjoy them ; and the vision 
gave them loftier thoughts and bolder hearts. They would 
not dream no, not the smallest Irish chief of building 
his dun in a swampy plain or secluded valley. You will not 
see, in any part of the country, an ancient rath occupying 
such a site. No ; they were in their own land, and they 
built their homes on the windy crests of the swelling 
uplands, where they could see their wide domains, their 
flocks and herds, the approach of the foe, and the 
gathering of the warriors to defend their hearths and 



Of the colonists that came to stay in the land, the 
Firbolgs were the earliest ; and the bards tells us that Slainge, 
the first high king of that race, chose Tara Hill as the site of 
his royal palace, 1 and called it Druim Caein or the Beautiful 
Hill. If we can trust the chronology of the Four Masters, 
Slainge was contemporary with Abraham in the Land of 
Canaan : so that we must go back some nineteen hundred 
years before the Christian era for the first dun that crowned 
the Eoyal Hill. I do not ask you to believe this. I 
merely quote the statement ; and it is probably as well 
founded as a good deal of what is set down as ancient 
history. 'Flaherty's chronology, however, which fixes the 
advent of the Firbolgs about the year 1250 B.C. is far more 

It is, however, to the second colony that occupied 
Ireland the Tuatha de Danann that the origin of the 
Koyal City of Tara is more commonly traced. Nine kings 
of the Firbolgs, it is said, ruled the land ; but as they reigned 
in all only thirty-seven years, they could not have done 
much for Tara. It was the new colony a more civilized 
and powerful people who brought the ogham lore to Erin 
and the Lia Fail to Tara, which they made so the bardic 
story tells us their Cathair, or capital city. Stone-buildings 
were certainly not abundant at Tara ; but still as it is called 
a Cathair by the poet Kineth O'Hartigan, in the tenth 
century, we need not hesitate to adopt the term. 

Tara was called Cathair Crofinn even before it was 
called Tara ; and Crofinn is said to have been a queen of 
the Tuatha de Danann, remarkable both for her talents 
and her beauty. Doubtless she was buried within the 
precincts of the Royal Rath, to which she gave her name ; that 
is, if she did not, like many others of her people, take up her 
abode in the Land of Youth, either under the grassy slopes 
of Tara, or some other of the beautiful enchanted hills 
of Erin. 

i Poem ascribed to Caoilte MacRonain. 


They were a strange people, these Tuatha de Danann, 
dark-eyed and brown-haired, of unknown origin, but of much 
culture, ingenuity, and weird mysterious power, who left no 
survivors in the land of Erin, at least, amongst the children 
of mortal men. Would they had not vanished so completely, 
for the bardic story that tells of their advent and depar- 
ture is full of a strange subtle interest which takes and 
keeps the mind by a secret, silent influence that cannot 
be measured or analysed. It pervades alike our history 
and our romance, the tales of our childhood, and the 
wanderings of our maturer fancy in mystic realms of a 
fairyland that is not all a fable. 

It was the Tuatha de Danann who brought to Tara that 
wonderful Lia Fail, the Stone of Destiny, of which you all 
have heard something. Some say it is still in Tara, others 
that it is under the Coronation Chair in Westminster 
Abbey. I shall speak of it presently, but it is quite natural 
that the enchanted stone should be the gift of the enchanted 
people ; and its history part fact and part fable is as 
strange and mysterious as their own. 

So when the Milesian colony came to Erin, Tara, 
though not yet called by that name, was already the chief 
royal seat of the monarchy. Heremon was married to his 
cousin, a beautiful and accomplished princess named Tea, 
and she asked her lord, even before they landed, to give her 
as her dower her choice hill in Erin, " that she might be 
interred therein, and that her mound and grave-stone might 
be raised thereon," and " where every prince to be born of 
her race should dwell for ever." This favour was guaranteed 
to her ; and then we are told that she chose Druim Caein, 
called also Laeth-Druim, the Beautiful Hill, which from 
her is called Tea-Mur, i. e., Tara, the Mound of Tea, and 
therein she was interred- The Irish form was Tea-mur, 
latinized Temora, which by a kind of metathesis has 
become Tara in the genitive case. Other explanations of 
the name have been also given ; but this is at once the most 
ancient, the most natural, and the most poetic. The pillar 
stone still standing on Tara Hill, over the Croppies' grave, 
which Petrie thinks was the original Lia Fail, was in my 


opinion the gravestone raised over Tea's monument more 
than three thousand years ago. We know that such 
monumental pillars, ' hoary inscrutable sentinels of the 
past,' were raised elsewhere over royal graves, as at Rath- 
croghan over the grave of King Dathi, and at Roscam, near 
Galway, over the grave of King Brian, the great ancestor 
of the Connaught kings ; and in some cases they came to be 
worshipped as idols. So Tea's pillar-stone was raised at 
Tara over her mur or grave mound, from which it was 
removed after 1798, but only a few paces, to place over the 
Croppies' grave, where the foolish insurgent youths made 
their last vain stand. And still it stands through all the 
changeful centuries, and the ashes of Tea's offspring, who 
died for the land she loved, now rest in peace beneath its 


One hundred and twenty kings of the Scotic or Milesian 
race reigned in Erin from Heremon to the cursing and 
desolation of Tara in A.D. 565 ; and it may be regarded as 
fairly certain that all these high-kings kept their court (at 
least for a time) on the Royal Hill. The history of Tara 
would, in fact, during all this time, be the history of Ireland. 
So we can only refer to a few of the most noteworthy events 
in its annals specially connected with the place itself. 

Ollarnh Fodhla, the fortieth in the list of Irish kings, after 
a reign of forty years, died, we are told by the Four Masters, 
' in his own house at Tara. He was the first king by whom 
the Feis, or Assembly of Tara, was instituted ; and by him 
also a Mur Ollamhan was erected at Tara.' The king's real 
name was Eochy, the term Ollamh Fodhla, or Doctor of 
Erin, being given to him as an agnomen on account of his 
learning. There are not wanting critics who doubt of the 
existence of this ancient king ; but the entry proves at least 
one thing, that the ' Feis Tara ' was in popular estimation 
of very ancient origin. Reference is frequently made to this 
famous assembly in all our ancient literature, both sacred 
and profane. It was, in fact, the national parliament of the 
Celtic tribes in Ireland, and as such must have exercised a 
very great influence on the national life. It was held trien- 


nially for one week at Samhaintide, that is three days before 
and three days after November Day. It is probable that in 
fine weather the chiefs met in council on the green of Tara 
in the open air ; but if the weather were inclement then the 
meeting was held indoors, and most likely in the great ban- 
quetting hall, which was the largest building in Tara. Its 
object was to discuss all matters of national importance, 
especially the enactment of new laws, the assessment of 
tribute, the examination and purification of the national 
annals, the settlement of tribal disputes, and the mainten- 
ance of a militia for the preservation of the peace and the 
protection of the nation. All broils between individuals or 
factions during its sessions were punishable with death, 
without the option of an eric, and it would seem that it 
was forbidden to bear deadly weapons, or engage in martial 
exercises, lest they might lead to strife amongst the 
champions. The place of every king and chief was fixed by 
the public heralds with the greatest exactness, and his arms 
and shield hung above the head of the chieftain, but were not 
worn in the hall. When the day's work was done the revels 
were begun, the feasting and drinking being often prolonged 
to a late hour of the night ; and they sometimes found it con- 
venient to sleep beneath the couches on which they sat. 

The next famous reign in connection with the history of 
Tara is that of Tuathal Teachtmar. In connection with 
Tara his most important proceeding was to take a portion 
from each of the old provinces to form a mensal kingdom 
for the high-king. These united together formed the new 
province of Meath, which henceforth was reserved for the 
maintenance of the royal court and royal levies of the high- 
king. The ancient Feis of Tara was preserved ; but Tuathal 
directed that yearly assemblies should be held in each 
of the four parts of his dominions taken from the other pro- 
vinces. So he ordained that at Tlachta, near Athboy, a 
religious festival should be held at Beltane; that a great fair 
should be held at Usnach about mid-summer; and that a 
marriage-market, with sports and games, should be estab- 
lished at Taillteann on the first Sunday of August, called in 
consequence Lugnasa ; but this latter was probably of far 


earlier origin. He also required an oath from the kings and 
chiefs assembled at the Feis Tara, that they would be loyal to 
his house for ever, and never set up a king from the Attacots, 
or even from any rival house. These were all just and wise 
regulations, which tended to concentrate and consolidate 
the royal authority over the whole nation in a single royal 
family a thing greatly needed and much to be desired in 
Erin. But he was also partly responsible for another insti- 
tution, which caused much bloodshed in Tara and much 
strife in Erin for many centuries, and contributed long after- 
wards, at least indirectly, to bring it under foreign domina- 
tion. This was the establishment of the celebrated 
Borrumean Tribute. 


It arose in this way. Tuathal had two daughters ' more 
beautiful than the clouds of heaven,' The King of Leinster 
sought the eldest in marriage, and obtained his request ; but 
after a while he heard that the younger was the more beauti- 
ful. So he sent a false message to Tara, saying that the 
elder sister had died, and that he now wished to marry her 
younger sister. This request was also granted ; but after a 
little the two sisters happened to meet face to face in the 
dun of Naas. Then the eldest, heart-broken at the deceit 
practised against herself and her sister, died of shame, and 
the younger shortly afterwards died of grief at the cruel fate 
of her unhappy sister. 

Word of these proceedings was soon brought to Tara, 
and to the kings of Ulster and Connaught, who were the 
foster-fathers of the maidens in question. A great army 
was raised; Leinster was harried with fire and sword; the 
wicked king was slain; and its princes and people were 
required to pay annually a tax of 1,500 sheep, 1,500 pig?, 
1,500 kine, with many other things also ; amongst the rest, 
a brazen boiler large enough to boil twelve oxen and twelve 
pigs at one go for the hosts of Tara. For more than five 
hundred years this oppressive tax was the cause of con- 
tinuous bloodshed. It was often levied, but never without 
a fight ; it was oftener successfully resisted, but always 


caused hatred, strife, and slaughter between the two king- 
doms until its final remission through the prayers and 
diplomacy of St. Moling. One enduring effect it produced 
was a great estrangement between the men of Leinster and 
Conn's Half, which was not without its influence in induc- 
ing the Lagenians to side with the Danes at Clontarf, and 
at a later date in moving false Diarmaid MacMurrough to 
bring in the Norman, in order to be revenged on his own 
countrymen. Such are the far-reaching consequences of 
public crime and injustice. 


One hundred and twenty years later the majestic figure 
of Cormac Mac Art is seen on Tara Hill ; and Tara never saw 
another king like him neither his grandsire Conn, nor 
Niall of the Hostages, nor any other pagan monarch of 
Ireland. If he had an equal at all it was Brian Boru, who 
may justly be regarded as the greatest of the Christian kings 
of Erin, even as Cormac was of the pagan kings. The 
monuments of Tara especially were the creation and the 
glory of Cormac. Most of its monuments were erected or 
restored by him; he appears as the central figure in its 
history, the hero of its romantic tales, the guardian of its 
glories, and the champion of its prerogatives. For forty 
years he reigned in Tara ; he drank delight of battle with 
his peers in a hundred fights; but he was not only king but a 
sage, a scholar, and lawgiver, whose works, at least in outline, 
have come to our own times, and have challenged the 
admiration of all succeeding ages. When he came to die he 
refused to be laid with his pagan sires in Brugh, but told 
them to bury him at Rosnaree, with his face to the rising 
sun, that the light from the east just dawning in his soul 
might one day light up with its heavenly radiance the gloom 
of his lonely grave. 

Cormac appears first of all as a historian and chronicler. 
He it was who assembled the chroniclers of Ireland, at 
Tara, say the Four Masters, ' and ordered them to unite 
the chronicles of Ireland in one book called the Psalter of 
Tara.' That great work is no longer in existence; but 
Cuan O'Lochan, a poet of the tenth century, gives us a 


summary of its contents, which would lead us to infer that 
the Psalter of Tara was somewhat like the Psalter of 
Caskel, the contents of which are embodied in the Book of 
Rights. As a lawgiver, Cormac may be regarded as the 
original author of the great compilation known as the 
Senchus Mor, of course not in its present form ; but he laid 
the foundations on which that immense superstructure was 
afterwards erected. And it is not improbable that in the 
text, as distinguished from the commentary of the older 
work, we have many of the legal dicta uttered, if not 
penned, by Cormac himself. 

The learned work known as Teigasc na Eiogli has also 
been attributed to Cormac by our antiquaries, who say that 
he composed it for the instruction of his son and successor, 
Cairbre, when he himself was incapacitated to reign from the 
loss of one of his eyes. He was equally renowned as a 
warrior, and broke fifty battles against his foes, north, 
south, east, and west. He was the great patron of Finn 
MacCumhal and his warrior band, who really composed his 
staff and standing army ; and to secure the friendship of that 
great warrior Finn, Cormac gave him his daughter Graine 
in marriage. The lady, however, was by no means faithful 
to her liege lord, and her elopement and wanderings with 
Diarmaid formed the theme of many a song. Cormac was 
also a great builder. He erected the rath, which still bears 
his name at Tara; he restored and enlarged the great 
banquet hall ; he erected for his handmaiden Carnaid, 
the first mill known in Ireland, and thus made Tara the 
great capital of all the land the centre of its strength, its 
power, its grandeur, and its civilization. An ancient writer 
has preserved a picture of Cormac presiding at the feis of 
Tara, which we have no reason to think exaggerated. 1 He 
describes Tara as a beautiful sunny city of feasts, of goblets, 
of springs, as a world of perishable beauty, the meeting- 
place of heroes, with twice seven doors and nine mounds 
around it, a famous strong cathair, the great house of a 
thousand soldiers, lit up with seven splendid, beautiful 
chandeliers of brass. Cormac himself sat at the head of all 

1 Kenneth 0' Hartigan. 


the princes of Erin, clothed in a crimson mantle, with brooch 
of gold, a golden belt about his loins, splendid shining 
sandals on his feet, a great twisted collar of red gold 
around his neck. We might well doubt the accuracy of this 
description, but that the twisted collars of gold have been 
found at Tara, and a golden brooch of exquisite workman- 
ship, with many other ornaments -not far off. Cormac was 
a Connaught-inan ; at least, his mother was a Connaught- 
woman ; and he himself was born and nurtured under the 
shadow of Kesh Corran, in the county of Sligo. 


Cormac was the link connecting Pagan and Christian 
Ireland. The next scene on the Hill of Tara brings the two 
religions face to face in the person of St. Patrick and the 
Druids of King Laeghaire. My description of this meeting 
must be very brief, yet it was the most momentous event 
that ever took place in the history of Ireland, for it was a 
struggle to the death between the old religion and the new. 

Here let me observe that Druidism was not an immoral 
and debasing superstition, such, for instance as now may be 
seen in many parts of Africa. It taught the immortality, or 
at least the transmigration, of souls, it inculcated the necessity 
of many natural virtues; and, though it was idolatrous and 
tolerant of fratricidal strife, its very superstitions were 
romantic, for it deified all nature. Hence the cult, as a whole, 
was very dear to the hearts of our Celtic forefathers, and 
was closely interwoven with their national life. As McGee 
has well said of the Druids : 

Their mystic creed was woven round 

The changeful year for every hour 
A spirit and a sense they found 

A cause of piety and power, 
The crystal wells were spirit springs, 

The mountain lakes were peopled under, 
And in the grass the fairy rings 
Excelled rustic awe and wonder. 

Far down beneath the western sea 
Their Paradise of youth was laid, 

In every oak and hazel tree 
They saw a fair immortal maid, 

Such was the chain of hopes and fears 
That bound our sires a thousand years. 


The battle then between Patrick and the Druids was a 
battle to the death; and the saint could not conquer without 
visible help from on high. There are critics that accept the 
natural but reject the supernatural facts in the narrative. 
The testimony for both is precisely the same ; so their 
proceeding is extremely foolish; That Patrick could con- 
quer the Druids on Tara Hill without a miracle, would, 
in my judgment, be a stranger thing than any miracle he 
wrought there. 

It was Easter Sunday morning, A.D. 433. Laeghaire 
with the remnant of his followers had returned at dawn of day 
from his disastrous journey to Slane. He and his chiefs 
and Druids were gathered together to take a meal they 
needed much in the great mid-court or banquet-hall, and at 
the same time to take counsel for the future, when suddenly 
and unexpectedly, although not uninvited, Patrick with his 
few companions having divinely escaped the ambushes of the 
king, stood before them. Laeghaire was confounded at the 
sight, but the laws of Irish hospitality were imperative, and 
being there, Patrick was invited to sit beside the king, and 
eat and drink. Patrick accepted the invitation; but just before 
he took the cup the wicked Druid found time to pour in a 
drop of poison unnoticed into the ale. Patrick blessed the 
cup with the sign of the cross; the poison curdled, and when 
the cup was slightly turned fell out ; whereupon the Saint 
drained the cup as if nothing had happened. 

Failing in this, the Druid challenged him to work 
wonders. Patrick accepted the challenge, and the Druid 
brought a fall of snow on the plain, but he could not remove 
it : he was powerful for evil, but not for good ; whereupon 
Patrick blessed the plain, and the snow instantly disappeared. 
Then the Druid brought on a thick darkness over all the face 
of the country, yet he could not at Patrick's challenge 
remove it. But the moment the saint made the sign of the 
cross the darkness disappeared, and the sun shone out in its 
splendour. Still the contest was not yet over. 

Both sides had books books of power the Gospel of 
Patrick, and the magic rolls of the Druids. 'Fling them into 
the water,' said Laeghaire, ' into the stream close by, that we 


may see which comes out uninjured.' ' No,' said the Druid, 
' water is his God.' ' Then cast them into the fire,' said 
Laeghaire. ' No,' said the Druid, ' fire he has also for his 
God,' alluding to the fire of the Holy Ghost. Then said 
Patrick to the Druid: 'Let the matter be settled in another 
way. Let a house be made, and do thou, if thou wilt, go 
into that house, which shall be completely shut up, with my 
chasuble around thee, a cleric of my household will also go 
in with thy Druid's tunic around him. Let the house be 
fired ; and so may God deal doom on you both therein.' 

The men of Ireland thought that a fair challenge, and it 
was reluctantly accepted'; yet even there Laeghaire was false, 
for he caused the Druid's part of the house to be built of 
green timber, and Benen's part to be built of dry wood. 
Then a mighty marvel came to pass when the house was 
fired; the green part thereof was burned, and the Druid 
within it too, although Patrick's chasuble in which he was 
clothed was not even singed; whilst Benen's part of the 
house though dry was not burned at all, only the Druid's 
cloak around him was burnt to ashes, he himself being 
untouched by the flames. 

The site of Benen's house is still shown on the hill. The 
wicked king enraged at the death of his Druid would slay 
Patrick, but God scattered his men, and destroyed many 
thousands of them on that day. Then the king himself was 
sore afraid, and he knelt to St. Patrick, and believed in God ; 
' but he did not believe with a pure heart,' and continued to 
be half a Pagan all his life, and he died a Pagan's death, and 
was buried like a Pagan in his grave. Many thousands of 
the king's people also believed on that same day, when they 
saw the wondrous signs wrought by Patrick on the Kcyal 

This was the crowning victory of the Cross at Tara ; but 
it had for a thousand years been the chief seat of idolatry 
and druidism in the kingdom, and the same spirit lurked 
there long afterwards. 

Oilioll Molt, the immediate successor of Laeghaire, does 
not seem to have been a Christian ; Laeghaire's son, 
Lughaidh, who reigned for twenty-five years towards the 


close of Patrick's life, was not a Christian, and was struck 
by lightning from heaven at Achadh-Farcha for his impiety. 
Draidism was not indeed finally destroyed at Tara until the 
year A.D. 565, when another memorable scene was enacted 
on the Koyal Hill to which we must now briefly refer. 


The high-king at the time was Diarmaid, son of 
Ferghus Cearrbhoil, an able and accomplished prince, who 
was resolved to maintain the king's peace, order, and 
discipline, throughout the land. His purpose was certainly 
good ; and it is greatly to be regretted that in enforcing his 
authority he acted in a very high-handed way, which brought 
him into conflict with the saints of Erin who triumphed 
over him. 

In the first place there is strong evidence that Diarmaid, 
though generous to Clonmacnoise, kept Druids in his 
court and army, and was still secretly attached to the 
druidical rites. Then, again, he was high-handed in 
carrying out his laws, without counting the consequences. 
This led him into conflict with his own cousin, the great 
St. Columcille, whose person he insulted at Tara by tearing 
from his arms a youth who fled for refuge to the saint and 
who was not really a criminal, but, accidently, a homicide. 
This outrage raised all the north against the king, and led 
to his defeat in the bloody battle of Cuildreimhne ; but this 
was not, it seems, warning enough for him. He sent his 
herald and his high steward over the country to see that the 
king's peace was duly kept and the royal authority duly 
respected. This official, to show his own consequence, 
carried his spear cross-wise before him ; and if the entrance 
to a chief's dun were not large enough to admit his spear 
thus crossed before him, he caused it to be pulled down, and 
made wider for the king's courier and for all others. In this 
manner he came down to the south of the Co. Galway, near 
the place now called Abbey, in Kinelfechin. The chief of 
the district who was going to get married and bring home 
his bride, had a short time before strengthened his dun, and 
raised a strong palisade of oaken posts over the earthworks. 


But for security sake, the entrance was narrow, and the 
king's bailiff could not carry in his spear cross-wise. ' Hew 
down your doors,' said the bailiff. ' Do it yourself,' said 
Aedh Guaire, and at the same moment he drew his sword 
and with one blow struck off the man's head. It was 
treason against the king, and Guaire knew it well, so he fled 
for refuge, first to Bishop Senach his half-brother, and after- 
wards to St. Euadhan of Lorrha, who was also his relative. 
But Kuadhan also feared the king, and advised the criminal 
to fly for safety to the King of Wales. But, even there, the 
king demanded his extradition ; so that, in despair, he came 
once more to Kuadhan. Then Euadhan hid him in a hole 
under his own cell, afterwards called poll Euadhan. Where- 
upon the king, hearing that Guaire was at Lorrha, came in 
person to demand the criminal. ' Where is he ?' said the king. 
' Give him up to me at once.' ' I know not where he is if he 
is not under this thatch,' said Euadhan. As the king could 
not find him, he departed ; but reflecting that Euadhan 
would not tell a lie, and that he must therefore be on the 
premises, he returned and discovered the unhappy fugitive 
whom he carried off to Tara. 

Now, this was a violation of the right of sanctuary, ie., 
monastic sanctuary, which, if it were ever defensible, would 
be most defensible in that lawless and sanguinary time. So 
Euadhan, summoning to his aid the two St. Brendans, his 
neighbours, and many other saints whom he had known at 
Clonard, in the school of St. Finnian, followed the king to 
Tara to demand the fugitives. The king refused ; but they 
were not to be put off. They fasted on the king, and it 
seems the king fasted on them. One old chronicler says 
that for a full year ' they anathematized Diarmaid, and 
plied him with miracles, he giving them back prodigy for 
prodigy.' This would seem to imply that there was once 
more a conflict between the Druids and the Saints. But in 
the end the Saints were completely victorious. ' They 
chanted psalms of condemnation against him, and rang 
their bells hardly against him day and night ; ' and several 
of the royal youths of Tara died suddenly, without 
apparent cause. The king, too, had a dream, in which he 


saw a great spreading tree on Tara Hill hewn down by 
strangers, and the mighty crash of its fall awoke him. ' I 
am that tree,' said Diarmaid, ' and the strangers who chop 
it are the clergy cutting short my life. By them I am over- 
thrown.' So when he rose he yielded to the clergy, and 
gave up the prisoner ; but, at the same time, he said : ' 111 
have ye done to undo my kingdom, for I maintained the 
righteous cause ; and may thy diocese,' he said to Ruadhan, 
' be the first one that is ruined in Ireland, and may thy 
monks desert thee.' And so, says the old tale, it came to 
pass. Then upon the royal hearth Ruadhan imprecated 
the blackness of ruin ' that never more in Tara should 
smoke issue from its roof-tree.' This certainly came to 
pass ; the king died a violent death before the year was 
over ; and no king after him, though they were called kings 
of Tara, ever dwelt on the Royal Hill. 

This, in substance at least, is authentic history ; but it is 
clear that there is more beneath this story than appears at 
first sight. The conflict really was not between the king 
and the saints so much as between the saints and his 
counsellors, the Druids ; and it was for that reason that the 
king was excommunicated, and that Tara was ' cursed,' or 
interdicted. Yet we cannot help feeling some sympathy for 
the king, and greatly regretting that ' never more in Tara 
should smoke issue from its roof-tree.' The curse has been 
marvellously accomplished ; but what a pity that the home 
of a hundred kings, the royal house of Tuathal, and Cormac, 
and Niall should be desolate j 1 that the grass 'should 
grow in its empty courts ; that the cattle should herd where 
the sages and warriors of the Gael once held high revel. It 
is surely a sad thing, and it was, moreover, a fatal blow at 
the unity and power of the nation. With a high-king 
ruling in Tara there was some chance of welding the tribes 
of Erin into one great nation ; but when Tara fell it might 
be said that hope had disappeared. 

Yet, though Tara was deserted by its kings, for none of 
them would risk the penalty of dwelling in the accursed site, 

1 Even the author of fiacc's Hymn said : ' I like not that Tara should be 
made desolate.' 


it was later on chosen by St. Adamnan and others as a place 
to hold great ecclesiastical synods. It may be that Adamnan, 
wiser than Euadhan, wished to undo the ancient curse, and 
prepare Tara to become once more the seat of the monarchy. 
He certainly held a synod there of the prelates and chiefs 
of Erin, about the year 697, in which women were formally 
and authoritatively exempted from military service ; so that 
they became non-combatants, entitled to the protection of 
all true Christian soldiers on either side. 


The remains still existing at Tara, seen in the light o( 
the lamp of history, are eminently interesting, and well 
worthy of a visit. I wish I had a luminous map on which I 
could exhibit them to you ; but, failing that, I shall try to 
describe them as briefly as I can. 

Now, suppose you approach the Koyal Hill by the great 
road from the south, anciently called Slighe Dala, and still 
in existence, at least on the same lines, you turn a little to 
the left at the southern slope of the hill, .and first of all you 
meet the triple rampart of Bath Laeghaire. It may have 
been the private residence of the king ; but its chief interest 
for us is that its outer rampart was certainly the burial-place 
of the king himself. Laeghaire had in his character some 
traits which we-. cannot help admiring bad traits, if you 
will, but still noteworthy. He was, above all, a steadfast 
Pagan, and a great hater of Leinsterrnen. ' I cannot 
believe,' he said, ' for my father, the great Niall, would not 
allow me to believe, but told me to have myself buried like 
a Pagan warrior on the brow of Tara, face to face against 
my foes ; and so shall I stand till the day of doom.' 

Well, he obeyed his sire. He had sworn a great Pagan 
oath, by all the elements, that he would no more exact the 
Borrumean tribute from the men of Leirister, and he was 
released by them from captivity on the faith of his oath. 
But he did try to exact it, and he was slam by the elements 
by the sun and wind on the banks of Liifey. But the 
dying king was still true to his promise to his father. ' Carry 
my body home to Tara,' he said, ' and bury me like a king.' 



And so they interred him, with all his weapons upon him, in 
the south-eastern rampart of his own royal rath, standing up 
with shield and spear, and his face to Leinster, defying 
them, as it were, from his grave until the day of doom. I 
wonder is he still there, or did they do to him what the men 
of Tir Conall did to another old hero who gave similar direc- 
tions carry him off by night from his royal grave, and bury 
him flat in a marsh with his face down, that he might no 
more fight from his grave against his hereditary foes. At 
any rate, when Monsignor Gargan brings you to Tara do 
not miss Bath Laeghaire, and carefully examine its south- 
eastern rampart. 

Now, leaving Rath Laeghaire, continue due north about 
one hundred paces, and you come to the outer rampart of 
Eath na Biogh where it was rather for much of it has 
been carried away. "Within this outer rampart were all the 
most ancient monuments of Tara. It was also called 
Cathair Crofinn from the Tuatha de Danann Queen; and most 
likely contains her grave. A little to the right within this 
great inclosure on the east was ' Cormac's House,' the 
palace which he built for himself, where he dwelt, and 
which was the scene of his glories. It had, at least, a double 
rampart round it to separate the palace from the other 
buildings of the Koyal City ; and was of considerable extent. 
Further on, only a few paces, was the Farradh or Hall of 
Meeting; the word also means a seat, and doubtless 
signified the place of the royal seat or throne, where the 
kings and chiefs of Erin assembled in council round the 
monarch. Then beyond the Farradh, still to the north, we 
find on the right or east side the Mound of the Hostages 
Dumha-na-Giall where the royal hostages were kept some- 
times in fetters of gold to indicate their quality, but fettered 
all the same, for otherwise the light-limbed youths in 
bondage would soon clear the ramparts of Tara, and make 
their way to their distant homes. On the left, but close by, 
was the site of the famous Lia Fail, or Stone of Destiny. I 
have already indicated that there is a great controversy 
about the identity of this stone, and I have signified my own 
opinion. This stone never could have served the purpose of an 


inauguration- stone ; for it is a true pillar-stone, and the king- 
elect could not be expected to stand upon it. The Lia Fail, 
we are told, was the stone on which the kings were 
inaugurated, and on which they planted their feet in symbol 
of sovereignty. Then, if the prince were of true royal line, 
the stone bellowed loudly to signify approval, otherwise it 
was dumb. This stone, we are told, was taken over to 
Scotland by Fergus Mor MacEarc, a brother of the high- 
king of Tara at that time, the beginning of the sixth 
century, that he might be inaugurated on this ancestral 
stone as king of the Scottish Dalriada. It was taken from 
Scone, it is said, in the time of Edward I., and is now under 
the coronation chair in Westminster Abbey. Petrie's chief 
objection to this story is two-fold first, that we have no 
reference to this translation in our ancient annals; and, 
secondly, that the Milesian chiefs would never allow the 
stone to be carried out of the kingdom. 

Well, in reply to the last point we can only say that most 
likely one brother lent the stone secretly to the other 
without consulting his chiefs; and the same thing would 
account for the silence of the Irish annalists. It is not 
recorded in the annals of the nation. The story of the 
translation came from Scotland, and is told only by our later 
antiquaries. It is a question, though very interesting, not 
yet by any means settled. 

Outside Bath na Riogh, to the north-east, was the well 
Neamhnach, which still flows away to the north-east. It is 
chiefly interesting as the site of the first corn mill ever 
erected in Ireland. Cormac had a beautiful handmaiden, 
a bondswoman called Carnaid, whose duty it was to grind 
the corn on the hand quern. He pitied the hard toil of the 
maiden, and having got some idea of water mills during his 
foreign wars, he erected this to lighten the labour of the 
maiden. The well still flows, and until quite recently we 
believe its waters turned a mill at Tara. 

Beyond the outer rampart of Rath na Riogh, still north- 
ward, was the Rath of the Synods Rath Seanadh where 
Adamnan, and Patrick before him, held a synod of the clerics 
and chiefs of Erin. It has been practically defaced by the 


wall of the Protestant Church, a recent structure, wholly out 
of place on such a site. 

Just a little north-east of this point, between the 
Eath of the Synods, and the southern extremity of the 
banquet-hall, on the very summit of the hill, the five 
great roads that led to Tara had their meeting-point. 
They can still to some extent be traced from the crown 
of Tara radiating in all directions. It is said that they 
were discovered on the night that the great Conn was 
born ; but probably it merely means that his father, who 
had finished their construction, declared them formally 
open in honour of that event. I cannot now describe them 
at length, but it may be said that in general they ran in the 
route of the modern trunk lines of railway to all parts of 
ancient Erin. 

Just beyond the Eath of the Synods still going to the 
north, we find the great Teach-Miodhcuarta, the mid-court 
house, or the mead-circling house, as others have translated 
it, by far the most interesting of all the existing monuments 
of ancient Tara. Its site can still be distinctly traced from 
north to south, and the measurements correspond with the 
accounts of the building given in our ancient books. It was 
no less than eight hundred feet in length, and from sixty to 
eighty feet in breadth, with six or seven great entrances on 
either side. You will at once perceive that this was an 
immense hall, larger than one of the sides of your largest 
square, and capable of accommodating an immense number 
of chiefs and warriors, either at meat or in council. There 
was a great range of couches all round the walls ; the tables, 
loaded with meat, were in the centre; the lower portion 
seems to have contained a great kitchen for roasting and 
boiling, and we are told that some of the large pots could 
contain several beeves and pigs which were boiled together. 
When the meal was ready the attendants plunged huge forks 
into the boilers, which carried out several joints at once to 
be deposited as they were, without covers we may pre- 
sume, before the assembled kings and warriors. At that 
time and long after, knives and forks were unknown ; but I 
have no doubt skeans and daggers were called into 


requisition, and perhaps did the work of carving quite as 

I hope I have said enough to awaken in you a keener 
interest to know for yourselves all about the Eoyal Hill ; and 
if so, then I have gained my purpose in speaking before you 
here of ' Tara, Pagan and Christian.' 



IT would be a pleasant occupation to deal with volumes so 
full of character and incident as these in the light of 
literature, and to compare them with some other famous 
biographies of celebrated modern men. But my task is not 
so easy, nor the scope at which I shall aim so level to the 
apprehension of those who read while they run their several 
ways, and who take up The Life of Cardinal Wiseman for 
their amusement. To me it appears that Mr. Ward has 
raised a vital issue, not only in his last far-reaching and 
speculative chapter on ' The Exclusive Church and the 
Zeitgeist,' but from his very setting out. In exhibiting 
Cardinal Wiseman as a preacher, a controversialist, a ruler, 
and a restorer, he has traced the lines upon which the first 
archbishop of a new Catholic England desired that the 
movement of recovery should go forward ; he has drawn 
out a policy, and directed our attention to principles of such 
high importance, if we once accept them as our own, that 
no ecclesiastical statesman or student, no public writer in 
the orthodox camp, no theologian or metaphysician, who 
dreams of being heard outside his college walls, can afford 
to pass them over in silence. If the Cardinal knew his age, 
the methods which he pursued in the hope of winning it 
deserve our closest examination. Nor will they lose in 
power or persuasiveness, should it be demonstrable that in 

1 The Life and Times of Cardinal Wiseman. In two volumes. By Wilfrid 
Ward. London and New York : Longmans, Green, and Co. 1897. 


following them, as he did, through a most varied and 
enthusiastic career, this great cosmopolitan and father of 
the Church in our day was one of a number whose thoughts 
and designs have at length had the seal of authority set 
upon them by Pope Leo XIII. 

Not that we can separate Wiseman from his work, or 
leave him on one side as a msre abstraction, as the name 
we attach to a system, and an ens rationis, after the manner 
of certain scholastic pedants who, at their best, were a 
volume of impersonal syllogisms. The Irish heart of this 
lonely and sensitive student was exceedingly human. He 
suffered much, and knew that he suffered. With all his 
ardours, enterprises, and hopes he felt the need of sympathy, 
which was often denied him, and never, perhaps, quite 
answered his large expectations. He remained a shy 
creature, this imposing and stately person, with his six 
feet two inches of height, his breadth and bigness, his 
robes, and trains, and equipage. He was not in the least 
that dexterous, self-confident ' Bishop Blougram ' fished up 
by a pattern Protestant in Italy I mean Kobert Browning 
from the depths of his early but unfounded imaginations 
of what a Roman cardinal must ever be no fool, but more 
than three parts knave, and wholly Epicurean. In that 
dark house of the Via Monserrato known as the Collegio 
Inglese, Wiseman lived a curious, dreamlike existence, free 
to study as he pleased, wrapt up in Eastern books and 
manuscripts, bent over his Syriac and his Hebrew, face to 
face with the sacred text so little familiar to many of those 
about him ; and he went through a trial of fire that left its 
mark upon his spirit, and must have contributed towards 
the shaping of his policy in later years. I shall be allowed 
to quote this pregnant passage, in which we find the true 
Wiseman, simple, as he always was, loyal and candid ; a 
witness to the faith wherein, if he now had his severe 
difficulties, yet, even thus, he could not be shaken : 

Many and many an hour have I passed [he writes to a nephew, 
in 1848] alone, in bitter tears, on the loggia of the English 
College, when everyone was reposing in the afternoon, and I was 
fighting with subtle thoughts and venomous suggestions of a 


fiendlike infidelity which I durst not confide to anyone, for there 
was no one that could have sympathized with me. This lasted 
for years ; but it made me study and think, to conquer the 
plague for I can hardly call it a danger both for myself and 
others . . . But during the actual struggle the simple submission 
of faith is the only remedy. Thoughts against faith must be 
treated at the time like temptations against any other virtue 
put away though in cooler moments they may be safely 
analyzed and unravelled. 

In another letter of 1858 he speaks with painful feeling 
of these years as ' years of solitude, of desolation . . . years 
of^ shattered nerves, dread often of instant insanity, con- 
sumptive weakness, of sleepless nights and weary days, and 
hours of tears which no one witnessed.' l 

Remarkable, surely, is this disclosure of a depth below 
the surface that his friends did not imagine, and of expe- 
riences in which they could not share. Wiseman writes at 
all times with transparent sincerity ; but his too florid style, 
which is the Spanish of Gongora or the Italian of Marini, 
seldom touches the heart. In these brief and broken words 
it is piercing. We seem to hear the accents of Lamennais ; 
nor would it be difficult to detect in that sombre correspon- 
dence of the Breton cries which ascend in a like enthralling 
strain of mingled faith and perplexity. Are we astonished 
at a resemblance which turned out to be no sameness in the 
sequel ? Those, certainly, will be far from taking scandal 
who are much travelled in the Lives of the Saints, and 
who do not forget the desolate hours of St. Ignatius and 
St. Theresa. If any man will be a guide through the 
Valley of the Shadow of Death, let him first explore its 
dolorous ways, and taste that darkness which may be felt. 
Nay, as the most lightsome of moderns has told us and he, 
perchance, by temper a real Epicurean whoso has not 
eaten his bread with tears, shall never know the heavenly 
powers ; so true is it that sorrow is the beginning of 
wisdom. To have learned ' patience, self-reliance, concen- 
tration,' to have been ' self -disciplined ' during a conflict 

i Ward, i., pp. 64-65. 


so absorbing this, the Cardinal affirms, made him what he 

Amid these trials [he continues] I wrote my Home Syriacae, 
and collected notes for the lectures ' On the Connection between 
Science and Revealed Religion ' and the ' Eucharist." Without 
this training I should never have thrown myself into the Puseyite 
controversy of a later period. 

The testimony is clear as it is striking. To days and 
years of a torture that, in Montaigne's strong language, 
' strips the man to his shirt,' that burns up delusions, and 
shows in what a fearful and mysterious world our lot is 
cast to this baptism by fire, and meditation in the wilder- 
ness, we owe the Cardinal Wiseman who met the Oxford 
movement half way; who realized that faith is a gift of 
grace, and not the fruit of controversy ; who was never self- 
righteous, or hard upon the weak and feeble ; and who 
would not quench the smoking flax which others were 
sometimes tempted to trample into its ashes. 

At his only English school, Ushaw, "Wiseman describes 
himself as a ' lone unmurmuring boy,' dull and friendless, 
fond of reading, overlooked by superiors, but still not 
unhappy. The journey to Borne stirred his imagination. 
He was one of five students from St. Cuthbert's who began 
the new career of the Collegio Inglese, which had been shut 
up since the French depredations of 1798, and was opened 
now under Cardinal Consalvi's patronage. From that day 
Eome laid a spell upon the young Irish-Spaniard, a lad of 
sixteen, more at home always on the Continent than he felt 
himself to be later on at Oscott or York-place, and hence- 
forth delivered from the narrowing influences that had given 
something harsh and stern, as well as an insular tone of 
thought, to the excellent, stubborn, old-world Catholics 
among whom he might have continued to vegetate save for 
this unexpected change of situation. He became an absolute 

The season was, in Europe at large, a stormy spring- 
tide. Old things were passing away; the new were 
putting forth buds of promise. A mighty reaction had set 
in with Joseph de Maistre, with Chateaubriand, Lamennais, 


Gorres, and the Schlegels ; all of whom quickened the 
Romantic movement which was looking to the Middle Age 
for inspiration, and which saw in the Catholic Church a 
majesty and a charm unapproachable by the sects, and 
enhanced by her recent victory over Napoleon. The grave 
religious figure of Pius VII., a suffering saint, represented 
to Wiseman that beauty of holiness, that hidden strength; 
and he went about Rome, studying it as an open book, as the 
visible and most touching evidence of a Christianity which 
gloried in its martyrs, and offered sacrifice in its Catacombs, 
and dedicated the ancient judgment-halls as its basilicas, 
and took over as its inheritance the arts, the literature, the 
laws, and the imperial instincts of that earlier city, the 
world's mistress. Rome was an epitome of the ages, not 
more mediaeval than modern, abounding in memories of the 
Renaissance, but mindful yet of St. Gregory, of St. Callistus, 
of the Apostles themselves. Who could know its ways 
intimately and not be versatile, as a man that has learned 
how different is one period from another, how many are the 
tongues in which our faith is chanted, how obstinate and 
distinct are the characters of those countless tribes that 
come on pilgrimage to St. Peter's ? The government of a 
Universal Church must be conciliatory, else it will fall into 
endless disasters. Schools of thought exist in the unity of 
the creed which no Pope or Council would allow to condemn 
or to extirpate their rivals ; and yet the Augustinian, the 
Jesuit, the Dominican, the Scotist and the Thomist, the 
Aristotelian and the Platonist, agree to differ on points which 
are closely knit up with principles of immense and vital 
consequence to mankind. Often the Church's decision has 
been that she will not decide ; she sets bounds to human 
rashness, and she leaves a wide domain for private explora- 
tion. She keeps a steady gaze on past centuries, suffers 
their memorials to persist side by side, is tolerant of many 
forms, takes her language from the current phraseology, 
chooses rather than creates, is willing to make the best of 
circumstances, developes by selection, and is at home with 
Orientals, Africans, Byzantines, Franks, Normans, Celts, 
and Teutons, indifferent to all their varieties, though neither 


supercilious nor disinterested; and she cares at last for one 
thing only, ' the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace.' 

We shall never grasp Wiseman's ruling idea if we fail 
to understand this politic but sincere acquiescence in men's 
human qualities, so long as they did not run counter to any 
truth of Revelation. He was perfectly tolerant because he 
had learned to be orthodox in the Roman sense ; large with 
the exquisite good-nature and the fine balance that belong 
to a system in which every phase of history has its assignable 
position. His first impulse could never be to anathematize 
a novel growth in the world around him, but to see whether 
it would not bear grafting on the Roman olive, and give its 
fruit and its richness to the sanctuary. The genuine Roman 
spirit is neither sectarian nor syncretist ; for it relies upon 
a tradition that knows its own ; and by long practice it has 
learned the wisdom of waiting, until light descends from all 
sides to illuminate the question at issue. In matters so 
delicate, and as momentous as they are full of a perplexing 
subtlety, haste is more to be dreaded than the longest delays. 
For submission to the Church's magisterium secures the 
faith ; and it lies in the nature of development that contribu- 
tions of knowledge will be frequently made by those without. 
All judgment, even that of the unerring Master, has its 
needful preliminaries, which, while they are indispensable, 
cannot be forced, and will not be anticipated. 

The distinction which we may claim for Wiseman is 
that he never lost sight of either element in Church history. 
Rome offered him as a great series of facts and institutions, 
of memories and monuments, the philosophy in visible 
shape that to others, like Newman writing his Development 
of Christian Doctrine, or Mohler contemplating systems of 
grace and summing up decrees of Councils, was an infer- 
ence painfully to be deduced from remote historical premises. 
He could say, with his future heroine, St. Agnes, ' Ecce, 
quod concupivi, jam video, quod speravi, jam teneo ; ' what 
proof was equal to the vision that came about him on every 
side, ' in splendoribus sanctorum,' and that refreshed his 
weary heart when difficulties and doubts assailed him, 
drawn these, not from the facts which he beheld, but from 


a critical survey of problems darkened by their immeasur- 
able antiquity and scribbled over with the comments of 
unbelievers ? If Home were one and the same thing as the 
Christian religion, for Wiseman this lower sphere must have 
been simply the gate of heaven. And when his ' desolate 
years ' came to an end, when the yawning gulfs suffered 
him to rise towards the light once more, this Kome it was 
which he made the centre of his preaching. He knew no 
other Gospel ; the touchstone of all good was the Cathedra 
Petri. How would it affect the doctrines, customs, prejudices, 
.aspirations, activities, of those whom he was intended to 
convince or to govern ? 

As a boy he had seen something of the old English 
Catholics. Now he was making acquaintance, as a student 
of Eastern languages, a writer upon questions of Bible 
scholarship, a professor and a preacher in the Borne of 
Pius VII. and Leo XII. , with antiquarians, tourists, ambas- 
sadors, and a mixed society, in which we do not hear of 
sceptics or German philosophers. Wiseman spoke and 
wrote in many dialects. It was too early for Westerns to 
busy themselves about Russian. And, well as he had learnt 
the speech of the Fatherland, it does not appear that he was 
deeply read in the classics of Germany. I cannot find any 
tokens of his intimacy with Kant, or Hegel, or Goethe, or 
Lessing. Abstract metaphysical studies had no charm for 
him; and St. Thomas Aquinas occupied but a little space 
in the curriculum of the Roman University or the Apollinare 
of those innocent days. The Romantic Movement, which 
suffered a severe defeat towards the middle of the century, 
had attended to letters more than to science or systems of 
pure thought, and its promise went beyond its performance. 
Still, we must remark, how liberal, in comparison with the 
Oxford of 1830, was the interest which Wiseman displayed, 
not only in exegesis and in the collation of Syriac manu- 
scripts, but in physical science, in the philosophy of language, 
and in the movement of ideas throughout Europe at large. 
He corresponded with Tholuck, Mohler, and Dollinger; 
he was an eager disciple of Mai and Mezzofanti ; with 
Lamennais he has recorded a most significant conversation ; 


and his friendship at the Prussian Embassy, when Bansen 
resided there, led to his first acquaintance with Newman. 
Thus he had come into contact, before his thirty-second 
year, with old Catholics, modern Liberals of many schools, 
orthodox as well as heterodox, and the Via Media of the 
Church of England. But the school to which he belonged 
himself was at once Catholic and progressive, bent on 
reconstruction, and much more enamoured of conciliation 
than of controversy. 

Home was larger, as he found by an intimate experience, 
than Ushaw, Oxford, or Tubingen. On returning to England, 
in 1835, he was amazed as well as saddened by the apathy 
of which his Catholic friends everywhere gave tokens, in the 
presence of a new world of ideas into which they did not 
care to enter. Like the men in Plato's allegory of the cave, 
their eyes, so long turned to darkness, could not endure 
the fresh light that was streaming in upon them out of a 
morning sky. They were a remnant, helpless and divided. 
They lagged behind the age; but many of them had lost 
the brave old spirit of their religion a hundred years or so, 
since the ruin of the Jacobite cause, had inflicted grievous 
wounds upon them, the apostasy of great families, the 
infection of free-thinking, distrust or dislike of the Holy 
See, a Gallican gloom and rigour, a sense of total frustration 
and unavailing fatigue. They stood aloof as much almost 
from Rome as from England. Their devout men, with 
honourable exceptions like Milner, had fallen upon methods 
dry and harsh, foreign as they were now become to the 
Vita Mystica which is the heart and soul of Catholic piety. 
Good priests cried out against the Litany of Loreto, would 
not endure the devotion to the Sacred Heart, and looked on 
the Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament as a strange 
thing. Pictures, statues, processions, all the outward and 
visible signs of Catholic grace, were abhorrent to their 
feeling. They showed the irritation and the feeble con- 
tempt of invalids for healthy enterprise, which seemed to 
them fraught with peril and doomed to inevitable failure. 
Comparison with a more active form of religion roused 
them to bitterness ; it was cruel, false, impertinent. Yet 


they could not help feeling proud when Wiseman's lectures 
at Moorfields drew all eyes upon him, stirred the country 
to its depths, and announced a champion whose learning, 
warmth, and courage, lent a charm that had long been 
absent to argument in this ancient quarrel. They presented 
addresses, and for the moment stood up frankly in the open 
air. But it struck upon most of them like a biting east 
wind. As soon as Wiseman had gone back to Kome, they 
retreated into their catacombs. 

And yet the days were bringing on a wonderful change. 
Wiseman had set in the forefront of the battle not detached 
squadrons of arguments on a hundred points of doctrine, but 
the one argument, which was, and is, decisive namely, that 
there must be, in matters of religion, a supreme, visible, 
historical authority as the safeguard and the witness of 
revealed dogma, from which authority there can be no 
appeal. He had not read De Maistre or talked with 
Lamennais, and failed to apprehend their governing prin- 
ciple. Upon them that principle had dawned in history, or 
was the secret of a universal philosophy ; Wiseman knew it 
as the city which was eternal, his beloved Rome. The new 
Laudians of Oxford were still like men in a dream ; slowly 
and intermittently they laid hands now on one great Catholic 
truth, now on another, feeling about in the visions of the 
night of antiquity for objects which appeared to them as dim 
but real, certain yet obscurely visible, while in Rome these 
very truths were embodied in sacred rites and institutions, 
not open to cavil, nor asking any subtle ratiocinations, in 
order to be recognised. In the British Critic Newman con- 
templated the discourses at Moorfields as a triumph over 
English divines whose principles were still those of the 
Reformation. He spoke of ' Romanism ' as having in it 
truths ' which we of this day have almost forgotten, and its 
preachers,' he said, ' will recall numbers of Churchmen and 
Dissenters to an acknowledgment of them.' Wiseman was 
sure to win converts, and the Papal system would spread. 
Tract 71 opens with the admission that ' the controversy 
with Roman Catholics has overtaken us like a summer's 


cloud ; ' that ' from long security ' no preparation had been 
made against it ; and that 

The same feelings which carry men now to dissent will carry 
them to Eomanism ; novelty being an essential stimulant to 
popular devotion, and the Eoman system, to say nothing of the 
intrinsic majesty and truth which remain in it amid its corrup- 
tions, abounding in this and other stimulants of a most potent 
and effective character. 1 

Sorry comfort these sayings offered to the multitude, 
who were not unwilling to be disciples of Laud, but who for 
years had thought of Home as dead and buried. They spoke 
their indignation. Yet Newman was the witness of an 
influence far more concrete and actual than he realized in 
1836. Not only was the ^Reformation victoriously borne 
down in argument ; the foundations of the National Church 
were undermined. 

A singular and dramatic episode followed upon this 
engagement of distant artillery between the two leaders. 
Wiseman was made president of Oscott ; but in his study 
at Monte Porzio, looking out towards delightful Tusculum 
and Camaldoli, he had put together, piece by piece, the 
elements of a demonstration which was founded in the 
fathers' writings, yet by one stroke passed out of folios and 
planted itself alive in the nineteenth century. Mr. Ward 
has described the whole situation, in 1839, with candour and 
insight ; nor do I hesitate to say, and the acknowledgment 
is surely due from those who have read his pages, that they 
furnish no unworthy supplement, at this critical turn, to 
the Apologia itself, which keeps in view rather what was 
occurring in England than the general hopes and fears of 
Christendom. Abroad, the logic of the matter was more 
clearly seen on both sides ; authority made its claim against 
the omnipotence of individual reason or Private Judgment, 
and Private Judgment resisted. But there was no confusing 
issue of antiquarianism which could masquerade, though a 
disembodied ghost, in the outward shows of an Establish- 
ment. Keligious minds at Oxford, haunting libraries, lived 

1 Via Media, ii., pp. 87-91. 


in a realm of shadows; they opposed Antiquity to Authority, 
never observing that it is only by the power and prerogative 
of Authority now present that Antiquity does not fade away 
from the millions of struggling mortals who cannot be scholars 
and whose life is moulded by action, not by erudition or the 
fathers. To bring this controversy, otherwise interminable, 
to an issue, Antiquity itself must be made to pronounce, by 
one regal sentence, in favour of Authority as its living voice. 
The sentence was extant in St. Augustine. There had been 
Anglicans of the fourth century, as there were Donatists of 
the nineteenth bishops and churches and local usages, and 
appeals to times past, exactly the same in both provinces, 
Carthage and England. But St. Augustine was Antiquity ; 
and he, the greatest of the fathers, had cut through all these 
questions with a statement of simple fact. Schism, he said, 
was apostasy ; and to be divided from the visible Church 
was to be a schismatic : ' Quapropter securus judicat orbis 
terrarum bonos non esse qui se dividunt ab orbe terrarum, 
in quacunque parte orbis terrarum.' 1 

These miraculous words pulverized the Via Media, and con- 
verted Newman. But I think it has not been remarked 
that ' securus judicat orbis terrarum' is the very principle of 
Lamennais, translated from the region of metaphysics 
where it is capable of doing harm, and may be so handled 
as to deserve condemnation to the domain of history and 
revelation. It excludes private judgment from a subject in 
which that judgment can possess no a priori axioms or self- 
evident intuitions. The Gospel is a treasure confided to 
divinely-appointed keepers ; if its home i& not an historical 
society from which it cannot be lost, it will have undergone 
the fate of all previous and subsequent philosophies, which 
time and tide have disintegrated, broken up, and left at the 
mercy of mere speculation. Dogma is a fact or it is 
nothing better than the fancies of Epicurus or Spinoza. 
And, if it is a fact, the proof of its existence will lie in the 
meridian of facts ; we shall need only to open our eyes and 
see it, instead of searching through a thousand volumes for 

1 Ward, i. 32:5, seq. 


evidence that it once existed. The parallel to Lamennais' 
denunciation of idealism is perfect. Lamennais said, ' You 
cannot prove the world to be a reality ; no proof is possible, 
for none is requisite ; your belief in a world is antecedent to 
all proof.' In like manner, the Via Media was Idealism in 
theology. Given the fathers, said Oxford, the problem is to 
arrive at an actual Church. Wiseman replied by showing 
that the problem was far more simple, and that its solution 
lay close at hand ; that the fathers judged between heretics 
and Catholics by the test of obedience to authority ; and that 
they gave as a sufficient token of authority the vincuhtm 
pads, or unity in visible communion. It was obvious, from 
this point of view, that no Church could be at once apostolic 
and schismatical ; for schism abolished, at one blow, the 
notes and prerogatives of a Christian Church, and reduced 
its disciples to a crowd of incoherent dissenters. 

When Newman read that famous article, he was 
staggered. Never again did he see his English Church in 
the same fair light ; and if he was not prepared to offer his 
submission, yet the Via Media had disappeared. His sole 
ground of reluctance was a Protestant one belief in Roman 
corruptions which had crept in since the beginning. But 
were they corruptions ? How if they should turn out to be 
not corruptions but developments? He yielded imme- 
diately, as one may say, to the negative force of Wiseman's 
quotation from St. Augustine ; of its positive or protecting 
force as regards dogma he had yet to be convinced. In 
sound logic I mean if the Gospel was to endure ' usque ad 
consurnmationem sseculi ' the charisma of unit}' which 
guarded against schism could not fail to guard against 
corruption ; the one Church must be truly Apostolic, and 
the Creed was, therefore, safe in her keeping. However, 
this demonstration from the nature of the case would not 
satisfy Newman. He resolved to work it out in detail, so 
far, at least, as to realize for himself the identity, under laws 
of development, which existed between different phases and 
epochs of the society whose unbroken record lay before him. 
And here, too, by a most happy combination of circum- 
stances, Wiseman led the way. 


It was in October of that same year, 1839, at the opening 
of St. Mary's, Derby, that the preacher who had just taken 
the ground from under Newman's feet delivered a sermon 
which might have been printed in October, 1845, as a 
summary or a preface of the Development. Mr. Ward has 
done well to give the long extracts from it which we read in 
his first volume ; and, considering how significant is their 
anticipation of the New Apologetics, theological students 
will find their reward in turning back to so clear and unmis- 
takable a recognition of principles, never, indeed, unknown, 
yet during this present century brought home to the 
Christian consciousness with startling vivacity. We must 
always bear in mind that it was not from Newman the 
preacher had acquired his doctrine or his illustrations. So 
much the more instructive is their spontaneous agreement. 
Wiseman's text, the ' grain of mustard-seed,' becomes, 
under his calm and conclusive handling, a theory, but a 
theory which as it moves along calls upon the events of past 
ages to confirm all that is advanced. If the Old Testament 
proceeded by way of growth and expansion so runs his 
argument the New has not lost this quality of life. 

These principles [he observes, speaking of sin and the need 
of redemption, on which the Jewish Dispensation rested as upon 
a corner-stone] did yet seem to be neglected until gradually 
brought forth by circumstances into a clearer light, and made 
leading ideas of the first importance. 

This is the very tone and spirit of Bishop Butler's 
Analogy ; l yet I am disposed to think that not Butler so 
much as Joseph de Maistre had taught Wiseman a view 
which is common to St. Augustine and St. Vincent of 
Lerins. He continues : 

So, in the New Law, we might be led to expect a similar 
course, and not be surprised if we have to trace practices or 
feelings which became, at particular times, the leading charac- 
teristics of religious thought to doctrines or principles which 
originally lurked as one seed in the furrow among others of 
greater magnitude. . . Nothing is more common, yet nothing is 
more mistaken, than to confound the greater manifestation of 
things with their first origin. 2 

1 See, especially, Butler, Part ii , ch. 3, p. 160. 2 Ward, i., p. 315. 



He proceeds to give instances of ' outward growth ' and 
1 interior development ' : 

Everything [he says] was gradual. At first the Jewish 
worship was attended, and many of its ceremonial rites observed, 
with scrupulous precision . . . The hierarchy was not planted by 
our Saviour, nor by the Apostles themselves, in a systematic 
form ; but the episcopal body, if I may so speak, evolved from 
itself, in due season, the priestly order . . . The very doctrines 
of Christianity were communicated with a similar proportion. 

And, having laid down this large principle, he applies it, 
as Newman was to do later on, to the powers of the Holy 
See and the cultus of our Lady. Religious belief does not 
alter in its essence, but it grows and expands, and has its 
full effect according as circumstances allow. ' The germ 
only existed in the beginning ; ' still, as that germ was a 
living thing, it contained within itself developments of the 
grandest compass. ' Through the medium of the affections, 
as much as through dogmatical investigations,' the mysteries 
of the faith reached their perfect stature ; nay, heresy itself 
brought out their meaning. Moreover, while 

The vivid impressions of one age grew faint under the influence 
of succeeding agencies, yet enough was left of the spirit of each 
to be borne down to succeeding generations as a record of the 
vicissitudes through which their religion had passed. In this 
way the very evidences of Christianity partook of the character 
of all else connected with it, being themselves capable of 
increasing development. 1 

Here is a view, we may confidently pronounce, which 
for the stationary or crystallized Church, whether of 
Anglicans or Russians, substitutes a doctrine of progress 
which it makes not so much a part as the whole of our 
creed, and declares to be the secret whereby, as Catholics, 
we maintain ourselves under the stress of opposition, as 
well as advance in the spiritual life. How little Wiseman 
was afraid of drawing inferences from his own principles of 
assimilation and evolution, both in dogma and ritual, 
was already manifest in the Letters to Mr. John Poynder, 
who had assailed the Roman Church as at once heathen and 

Ward, i., p. 318. 


idolatrous, on the ground of her borrowing from Pagan 
antiquity. The answer came, not in the form of denial, 
but as a deliberate acknowledgment, for which the justifica- 
tion might be found in St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei, in 
Clement of Alexandria's Stromata, and in St. Gregory's 
Epistles. There was a wider conception of Providence 
than English Puritan theology had grasped. Religious 
truths, and the symbolism by which they are fittingly 
shadowed forth, lie dispersedly in fragments, suggestions, 
gleams, and strange distorted figures, all over the surface of 
the world. Inspiration, without antecedents or material 
to work upon, is not the power which has established 
Christianity from of old. 

If Eome has borrowed, so has Judea. The most peculiar 
of the dogmas confessed by every Church throughout the 
West the Incarnation itself may be paralleled in earlier 
forms of belief, and are not unknown to those enormous 
systems that have long held sway among Hindus or 
Egyptians. 1 In other words, the principle once admitted 
of a germ of divine life which grows by taking up into its 
circulation all the truths accessible to human intelligence, 
we cannot draw the line at any given stage in the Old 
Testament or the New ; we must resolve the history of 
mankind into a series of 'moments,' or of a religious 
dynamics, where every single force acts upon every other, 
and nothing is so common or unclean that it cannot be 
purified, given the freedom of the spirit, and assumed into 
the heavenly synthesis. The sufficient reason of a method 
which some may think very bold is laid down in a hundred 
places by St. Augustine when he is refuting the Manichees. 2 
He had discovered, after years of pain and anguish, that evil 
is a negation of good, not a substance in itself, nor a force, 
nor anything real apart from the truth which it denies or 
the virtue which it rejects. ' Total depravity ' is a figment 
of the imagination ; nature always keeps some element which 
it has received from its Creator, moral, physical, or rational, 
else it would cease to exist. This, then, is the underlying 

1 Ward, L, pp. 247,248. 2 Contra Faustitm, passim. 


unity, as it is the inexhaustible mine, from which we draw 
in assimilating, on our own principles, to a supernatural 
faith, capacities and acquisitions hitherto unblest, or standing 
in need of consecration. 

It is singular that Newman, who had granted so much 
of this view, and expressed it with deep feeling, in his Arians 
of the Fourth Century, 1 where he was an enthusiastic disciple 
of the Alexandrians to whom he always clave, did not per- 
ceive its bearing on controversies of lesser moment. For 
who will compare the development of Papal prerogatives 
with the effulgence in Hebrew Monotheism of a doctrine so 
strange to it, in many eyes, as that of a Logos incarnate, of 
one substance with the Father, yet a Second Person in the 
Trinity? And what is the extent of the change in our 
religious attitude which the veneration of Mary brings 
with it to a mind already Christian, if we have at all 
measured the mental revolution that must have taken place, 
when those who had adored an unseen Deity in Jerusalem 
now bowed down to a crucified man as their God and 
Saviour ? On the other hand, it was a direct consequence 
of the spirit in which Luther and Calvin approached history, 
that when they had bereft the Church of her charismata on 
the ground of abuses, they should go on to divide between 
the world and its Maker in such wise as effectively to 
resuscitate Manicheism. The antidote which alone could 
neutralize that deadly influence was to show the Catholic 
genius in its true light, engaged from the beginning upon 
its task of redemption, not laying life itself under anathema, 
but proving all things, and holding fast in its own strength 
to that which was good. 

This new style of controversy perplexed the elder school 
which had been brought up on Bossuet's Variations, an 
admirable though incomplete statement of the points in 
dispute, now so successful as to be no longer needed. They 
failed to perceive a Catholic promise in the Oxford move- 
ment. To them movement of any sort was distasteful. 
They knew nothing of the philosophy of religious dynamics. 

1 Chap. i. p p. 82, 3rd edit. 


They were not even sensible of the loss which they had 
themselves sustained by not attempting to march onward 
when their brethren in other countries set them an example. 
They had ceased to assimilate, and they were ceasing to 
live. Wiseman established The Dublin Review that in its 
pages, contributed from all parts of the Catholic world 
as he meant them to be, some clear picture might emerge 
of the great things our religion had done in former times, 
and was capable of doing still, if a lair field were not 
denied to her children. It was to ' treat of living questions ' 
and 'grapple with real antagonists.' In all its disquisitions, 
antiquarian or historical, the present nineteenth century 
was to be kept in view. But he also desired, says Mr. Ward, 
'to fashion a zealous and cultivated priesthood,' as 'the 
first step in that general reformation of the English Catholic 
body on which his heart had been set since his English 
campaign of 1835.' And he writes with unusual sagacity 
as regards this training : 

What is principally to be aimed at [he tells Dr. Newsham, of 
Ushaw], is accustoming them from the early part of their course 
to think and judge, of which they seem to have little idea. They 
do not seem to know how to make things out for themselves, or 
to make one bear upon another ; whatever they learn they seem 
to put up in their heads, and not to have it at hand when wanted 
for some other purpose. 1 

He did not reform the education of the clergy, despite 
his excellent intentions. Without trained masters, shut out 
from the universities, and themselves appointed to teach 
before they had been taught, the next generation differed 
very little from their predecessors. Nevertheless, a current 
of life and animation flowed through Oscott while he reigned 
over the College, that made it a centre not unworthy to 
draw within its influence strangers from abroad, and the 
Tractarians who were soon to help Wiseman, or to occasion 
him fresh anxiety, in his efforts to make of Catholicism a 
force which should overcome the spirit of the age. He 
could reckon upon Pugin, that powerful but erratic genius, 
when he would restore the liturgical offices to their ancient 

1 Ward, i., p, 268. 


splendour. But he still felt himself alone. As Lord Acton 
testifies, the motley group of men whom he found, or brought 
together at Oscott, followed their old instincts, nor took 
any severe trouble to make his thoughts and projects their 
own. Some of them who survived the Cardinal into my 
time, as I remember, did not appear to be living in the 
nineteenth century at all ; they were shadows with faint 
voices, murmuring like pallid spectres of the only years in 
which they had drawn breath, long ago in some other world 
not known to moderns. What they felt when a being so 
versatile and hopeful stepped down among them, it is not 
easy to imagine. 

He had from his first coming to Oscott [says Mr. Ward] 
marked the place out, in spite of the smiles of his critics, as the 
site of important accessions to communion with the Holy See ; 
but the fulfilment of his dreams had not materially changed the 
attitude of the English Catholics who opposed the movement. 
The old fashion was to be extremely slow in accepting converts, 
and even to discourage them. 1 

Lingard, judging the Oxford men by their ancestors 
in the time of Laud and Archbishop Wake, cherished no 
hopes of their submission. The Vicar Apostolic of London 
thought schismatics never came back to the Church. 
Another talked of Newman as a traitor, whose kiss of 
peace meant everything that was false and dangerous. The 
missionary spirit was dead among English Catholics. Oscott, 
says Wiseman in a touching fragment written at this time, 
was ' a mere place of education,' and how few were willing 
to see in it ' a great engine employed in England's conver- 
sion and regeneration ! ' He, therefore, as Newman felt, 
was ' the chief or rather the only promoter ' among these 
hereditary Catholics, of those objects which all through, 
however unconsciously to themselves, the Tractarians had 
aimed at realizing. 

But alone, or with Pugin and Spencer, he did bring 
them in after an anxious interval, thanks to the spirit of com- 
passion and charity which he had acquired in Rome, nor 
without the aid and approbation of the Holy Father and the 

1 Ward, i., p. 447. 


due ecclesiastical authorities. At Propaganda no difficulties 
were raised. His Letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, which 
discussed the terms of what has since been described as 
' corporate reunion,' passed without censure, although it 
came close to Tract Ninety, and suggested, as a basis of 
negotiation, the Thirty-nine Articles, subject, of course; to 
explanations which were to follow the Council of Trent. 
After 1845 it was still his task to protect the neophytes, who 
were looked upon as doubtful Christians by many of their 
Catholic brethren while they, in turn, experienced that 
strange, unpleasant sensation which was sure to spring up 
within them at the sight of a people so unlike the company 
from which they had separated. The cure for all this, in 
Wiseman's unalterable judgment, was Home. Converts 
needed to make a pilgrimage thither, as St. Paul went up to 
Jerusalem to see the Prince of the Apostles, lest he should 
' have run in vain.' Old Catholics needed the establishment 
among them of Koman devotions, of religious and ascetic 
communities, of the Vita Contemplativa and the full liturgy; 
of Canon Law and Christian art, and all they had lost in this 
long Babylonish exile from the life of the Universal Church. 
We cannot but admire the simple greatness which adherence 
to this principle manifested on Wiseman's part. He did 
not exalt any article in so large a design out of its relation 
to every other ; he was remarkably well-balanced, and saw 
the whole as from its proper centre. And there is something 
magnanimous, and, one had almost said, philosophical 
though he could not claim to be a philosopher in his view 
of the divers elements that go to make up a fully-developed 

Wiseman did not commit himself willingly to any violent 
extreme. He was not the man to overlook the importance 
to Catholicism in fact of acquaintance with modern criticism, 
with literature and languages, with physical and mental 
science, as it is cultivated in the great schools of France or 
Germany, with Oriental studies, explorations, and documents. 
But it was his misfortune that opportunity never came to 
him of training disciples or raising up a succession of 
learned men. His practice, like Newman's theory, of 


development, though surely destined hereafter to mould the 
Catholic spirit which will brine; in a second and still 
grander Middle Age, encountered opposition, misunder- 
standing, and the wrath of those to whom their own history 
and antecedents were a book with seven seals. They held 
by the Creed with entire faithfulness ; but how they came 
to have a creed at all they never had considered. They 
were Ptolemaics in doctrine for whom the earth stood still. 

Had Wiseman enjoyed robust health after he came to 
Westminster, and had his life been prolonged another ten 
or fifteen years, it is possible that the Church, not only in 
England, but on the Continent, might have escaped some 
grievous troubles. For he was the one Cardinal of European 
fame who exercised a moderating influence, where modera- 
tion was the secret of progress. He never would have 
alienated Newman, since, in spite of remarkable differences 
in training and temper, he understood that rare kind of 
genius, and saw further into the principles of dogmatic 
development than his successor, Cardinal Manning, largely 
as Manning was to hansel them at the Council of the 
Vatican. He could have done much, and with the best 
grace in the world, to keep in check the Gallic ardour of the 
Veuillots and the Gerbets and the Gaumes, which has cost 
our dearest hopes some twenty years of superfluous disap- 
pointment. Perhaps he might have held back the more 
spiritual-minded among the disciples of Munich from their 
fatal step in 1870. Given, at all events, the strong constitu- 
tion which he never had, there was no reason why he should 
not have inaugurated a scheme of Oriental and German 
studies, the want of which is telling now, as it has told these 
many years, with disastrous effect on English theological 
education. Though not himself deeply read in the meta- 
physics of the School, he would have held out his right hand 
to St. Thomas ; but his other hand would have been 
extended to modern research ; and the unsatisfactory skir- 
mishing which went on, thirty-five years ago, round the 
Rambler and the Home and Foreign Revieio, would have 
given place to a critical acquaintance with the text of the 
Bible, and to the sustained efforts, by which alone we shall 


arrive at a genuine common measure, between the language of 
Eastern prophets and the exegesis of Western philosophers. 

Wiseman's last ten years seem now, indeed, a time big 
with calamities ; but they cannot be laid at his door. The 
worst charge ever brought against him may remind us of 
Newman's lines to St. Gregory Nazianzen : ' Thou couldst 
a people raise, but couldst not rule.' He was full of plans, 
missionary, ascetic, educational ; but opposition threw him 
back, and some would call him faint-hearted. There is 
another light in which he appears, like a man forespent 
with long struggling, and none to help. Bead, for instance, 
his singularly touching letter on the disappointment which 
was occasioned by those religious orders introduced solely 
through his exertions into London, the rules of which for- 
bade them to take their place in evangelizing the mixed and 
modern population which lay on every side of them. He 
turned to the Oratorians, who did what was asked. But 
when he established, for a like purpose, the Oblates of 
St. Charles, that weary campaign of old Catholics against 
new began, which was not to end until a fresh generation 
grew up, intent on larger prospects. Our permanent loss, 
on looking back, appears to have been chiefly in the province 
of literature, sacred and secular. Catholics were debarred 
from Oxford until the other day, though having no university 
of their own in England to which they could resort ; and the 
revision of the Bible, to which Newman had put his hand, was 
arrested; on what grounds it would be worth while to inquire, 
though, doubtless, they were as petty and inadequate as the 
reasons commonly assigned for other hindrances to the 
general advance on the part of hereditary believers. 

Concerning this last project Newman has a significant 
passage, as early as the first days of 1847. He tells 
Wiseman : 

The Superior of the Franciscans, Father Benigno, in the 
Trastevere, wishes us, out of his own head, to engage in an 
English authorized translation of the Bible. He is a learned 
man, and on the Congregation of the Index. "What he wished 
was that we should take the Protestant translation, correct it by 
the Vulgate, and get it sanctioned here. 1 

i Ward, i., p. 354. 


This was not done; but an English Catholic Bible is 
still indispensable and will some day be attempted. As for 
that ' blessing of an elevated secular education,' as Wiseman 
himself terms it, in the ancient seats of learning, it could be 
denied only so long as the hope was held out of a university 
founded and carried on with our small resources. When 
time bore witness against so ambitious a scheme, the doors 
were unlocked, always with due caution, which admitted 
Catholic young men to a share in the culture and the public 
life of their own generation. Thus Wiseman's original 
thought has proved to be the issue of a perplexed and irritat- 
ing question, kept open certainly not to our advantage 
for no less than thirty years. 

His lectures to mixed audiences, upon subjects remote 
from controversy and in their nature scientific or antiquarian, 
led to some criticism which we now perceive was not only 
futile but extremely shortsighted. The preacher who had 
delighted thousands at Moorfields, found himself, after the 
storms of 1850, no longer on friendly terms with his country- 
men ; but the platform was not inaccessible on which he 
could win their hearts by an eloquence and a frankness 
that were among his most taking qualities. He lectured to 
England, not in vain. He would not retire into his tent, 
or abide cloistered and secure, but ineffective. His literary 
success made it seem natural for the great Englishman who 
came after him to undertake a social and humanitarian 
crusade, not once, but repeatedly, until he attained the 
memorable triumph of the Dockers' Strike. Between 
Wiseman and Manning there was no difference of tactics. 
They both knew and felt that the day of isolation must 
come to an end. Nevertheless, in range of outlook and accu- 
racy of vision, it will be difficult to deny that Wiseman was 
superior. He did not regard life or literature, the arts or 
the sciences, with a coldness such as the born Puritan finds 
instinctive in himself; constitutionally, he was more sanguine 
than severe, but he would have justified his views on the 
Koman principle, which has in it a wealth of sunshine, and 
is tolerant because it has learned what Mark Pattison truly 
calls, ' the highest art the art to live.' That is an art 


which, since the Reformation had its way, is not much 
cultivated among Englishmen. They are full of movements 
and counter-movements ; but their Religion has too often 
aimed at suppression instead of regulation, nor has taken 
into account the joy of life. 

It would be incumbent on one who was reviewing 
Wiseman's policy at length to show what I shall here briefly 
indicate how it was of the same texture as that which will 
make Leo XIII. a great historical name among popes and 
reformers. We may describe it as constructive ; but who 
can construct without materials, or in the discarded and 
obsolete style of another period, if his purpose aims at 
housing the present generation ? Again, it may be termed 
a missionary plan, which takes for its object the winning to 
Christian faith and practice, not of barbarians, but of the 
civilized and the progressive. Hence it demands learning, 
sympathy, largeness, and a delicate sense of what lies nearest 
the hearts of moderns. It is universal in its enthusiasm 
for the different yet beautiful aspects of God's world, and 
it puts under anathema nothing but sin. The language 
employed by Cardinal Wiseman, as by Pope Leo, is 
studiously self-controlled, even where it condemns or refuses 
assent to untenable propositions. It allows of immense 
variety in tastes, in judgments, in peculiarities of disposi- 
tion, and while tolerant of parties will not allow any of 
them to usurp the name or dignity of the Church. * Peace 
within and conciliation without ' may be said to express the 
spirit in which the modern Catholic programme is drawn 
up. But its designs cannot be fulfilled except at the cost of 
unceasing effort. When we relax in the contemplation of 
revealed truths, and decline to apply them in detail to the 
world in which we find ourselves, we are already weakening 
our hold upon them. Theology is not a science of the dead 
past, but of the living present ; and as it goes back to 
Scripture in one direction, so in another it moves forward 
as the ages move, taking and giving, learning and teaching, 
not ashamed to borrow from to-day for its own high purpose, 
even as it made ample use of the Stoic and Platonic philo- 
sophies, and knew how to welcome the Aristotelians, and 


has been a debtor to Maimonides, to Avicenna, and to the 
Arabians. Neither would it now be impossible to point out 
advantages which have come to us from a knowledge of 
Kant, Hegel, and Schopenhauer. But let these mere hints 
suffice. That regard which we owe to Wiseman's memory 
will, it is imagined, be most deeply felt by Catholics who 
pursue, as he did, the study of the Bible by turning to the 
languages in which it was written ; who 'cultivate science, 
and are alive to the ever-growing significance of art and 
literature in modern days ; and who throw themselves into 
the generous policy which Rome invites them to carry 
onward into the new age, under her guidance and blessing. 




question before us is a definite one. It deals with 
__ but one of the many issues of socialism. With its 
possibility as a political scheme, we have nothing to do. It 
would be difficult to say whether, in theory, the threads of 
labour might run unentangled through an intricate national 
collective industry. Practically, I think that the details of 
commerce could never be controlled by any government, 
centralized or federal. The socialist schemes remind us, as 
a rule, of those chosen few, whom, Lord Bolingbroke tells 
us, are ' specially nurtured in the world by Providence for 
the maintenance and spread of impossible ideals.' Neither 
are we concerned with the attitude of socialism towards 
religion and the Church. Indeed beyond the decided trend 
of the revolution from which it sprang, and the tone and 
character of its advocates and adherents, socialism as a 
system does not profess to have any definite tenet or aim in 
reference to doctrinal matters at all. At times the public 
actions of its leaders evince the action of secret springs 
that undoubtedly are not of God. 'Us aiment,' says 


M. Louis Eeybaud, ' s'escrimer dans 1'ombre, et, quand on 
les presse trop vivement ils s'enveloppent de leurs nuages.' 

Such matters have no interest for us now. We are 
occupied with but one inquiry the attitude of socialism 
to the production of wealth. The innumerable questions 
that this originates, the methods, aims, and promises of 
socialism ; its virtue as an expedient ; its adaptability to the 
varying market tides; its subtlety in ekeing out of the holes 
and corners of industry the treasures they afford to skilful 
manipulation, may all be embodied in this one inquiry 
how will the proletarian fare when private capital has 
become effete, and collectivism supervenes ? This is the 
question that concerns us now. To answer it we shall have 
to digress, at no small length, from the main topic under 

To bring this matter to a definite issue, we may put it 
thus hypothetically. What would happen if every half- 
penny of the capital of England were disbursed from the 
coffers of private owners, and poured en masse into the 
national treasury, that ensuing profits might be dealt out 
evenly, or proportionally to each one's work? Popular 
feeling would certainly run high were such a law suddenly 
enacted. And naturally so. No economic scheme yet known 
offers to the unreflecting mind such rich and abundant fruits 
as socialism. It is this that has made it a popular creed. Now 
we can easily see how far such promises are likely to be realized. 
Let us examine them briefly. A little reflection will enable 
us to see, that the nationalization of our whole capital 
would be quite as unprofitable as the idea is chimerical. 
The greater number of our private concerns require for their 
existence the exertions of one who is conscious to himself, 
that he must sustain whatever is lost, as well as gain what- 
ever is gained. Then, too, to confiscate the land in its 
entirety would be quite useless on socialistic lines. It 
would be much easier, in the socialistic state, for the 
smaller landowners to draw their income from the land 
they till, than to send the products to the national treasury, 
and then receive their yearly divide. The abolition of 
the richer landowners would quite fulfil the Socialistic aims, 


because their incomes are a great deal in excess of what they 
could expect from the national divide. Indeed it is to those 
larger and more permanent factors in our industry, such 
as the large estates, the railways, and (outside of industry), 
the National Debt, and the expenses of royalty, that the 
popular mind naturally turns as the centre of its hopes. 
The workman is envious that the greater part of the 
product of lands should go into the pocket of an idle land- 
lord, whilst his own daughter has to toil daily in the din 
and fluff of a city factory. He, naturally, hopes that at 
some future date, when rent, railway profits, and the 
interest on the National Debt are apportioned, without 
distinction of class, he maybe saved, at least, from the pinch 
of hanger, if not from the need to work. ' The first impres- 
sion of the intelligent population,' says Mr. Kuskin in his 
Crown of Wild Olives, 'is this, that as in the dark ages 
half the nation lived idle, in the bright ages to come the 
whole of it may.' 

Let us now suppose, that all these things have been 
effected. Every farm of over a thousand acres has become the 
property of the nation. Railways are under government con- 
trol, and the capital belongs to the whole people. Every soul 
in the realm has now its share in the interest of the National 
Debt. Eoyalty, too, has disappeared, and with it the heavy 
expenses of the court. What additions will now accrue to 
the incomes received under the old system ? I shall take 
these items separately. The land account would be worth 
to each a little less than three farthings a day. If the 
whole rent were divided amongst us this income would be 
increased by a penny farthing. Eailway profits and the 
National Debt would afford us each about three half-pence 
a day. If the royal court were abolished to-morrow, we 
should each be enriched by sixpence a year, or the one- 
thirty-sixth of a penny a day. Into such figures the socialist 
Utopia shrinks and dissolves. With such miserable results 
awaiting the proletarian, his eyes are made to swim, in 
the delusive vision of future greatness, and wealth, and ease. 

This style of argument, I must admit, smacks strongly 
of the Chrysippean fallacy. Items that, separately, are 


of little account, may be formidable enough when taken 
conjointly. What then about those lesser concerns from 
which considerable profits are at present realized ? I answer, 
first: that the number of concerns it is possible to nationalize 
is a very insignificant portion of our industry. As I have 
said already, the greater number of private concerns depend 
for their existence on the energy and tact of a single 
capitalist, and can exist only because he is imbued and 
stimulated by the thought that whatever is lost, is lost to 
himself, and whatever is gained will be his own. But 
let us examine the more chimerical hypothesis, and suppose, 
for an instant, that the entire capital of the British nation 
is actually centralized in the national treasury. How 
far, we ask, would the ensuing profits exceed the wages 
apportioned in our industry for average labour in an 
average market? We are not contemplating the division 
of capital, but only of profits furnished by its use. The 
national income of England now, allowance being made 
for second countings, is about ^1,200,000,000 a year. If 
every halfpenny of this money were divided, according to 
gradation of age and sex, Mr. Mallock computes that the 
result would be approximately as follows : 

s. d. 

For each adult male ... 19 6 a week 

,, ,, female ... 14 6 ,, 

youth ... 10 

infant ... 40,, 

Now each of these with the exception of the infant 
would have to work for the amount received. Compare 
these figures with the average wages received for labour in 
the English markets. Mr. Giffen has shown that the 
average wage is over 20s. a week. Forty-one per cent, of 
the labouring population are in receipt of more than 25s. 
Only twenty-three per cent, earn less than 20s. Few boys 
and girls in the English factories are in receipt of less than 
10s. a week. Most of them earn a great deal more. Of 
course, more women would be working than now, and that 
would be some increase to trade ; and the support of the 
infant is not to be despised. But, as I said, the case is quite 


chimerical. Our figures will fall on a slight analysis. I am 
not now referring to the decay of industry that should 
necessarily follow the introduction of socialism. I am 
speaking of quite another matter. Let us examine the 
nature of the national income, and then we shall see that 
an enormous portion of that same income is really not 
divisible at all, and that consequently the figures given 
above will be found to shrink to a smaller compass. Of 
the 1,200,000,000 that make up our profits, only 38,000,000 
are represented by coin. An immense portion of what 
remains could never be divided as money can, consisting as 
it does, of service, transports, new works of art, expensive 
furniture, plate, &c. Even of that portion which is actually 
divisible, more than one half is made up of imports given in 
exchange for goods exported. But such exchange will 
last only as long as the untiring energy of capitalist 
and entrepreneur can put their products into competition 
with the best goods in the world's markets. We shall 
afterwards see how unfavourable socialism is likely to prove 
to the exercise of industrial energy. 

We see now that that portion of the 1,200,000,000 
income, divisible into lots falls very short of the total 
itself, for a picture cannot be cut in strips and served out 
to buyers like common cloth. 

But a matter of importance awaits us yet. We have 
taken it for granted in the computations made, that our 
present income would continue to exist quite independent 
of the industrial revolution that socialism is to bring about. 
We have taken it for granted, that the profits of industry 
are a constant quantity, having nothing to do with parti- 
cular systems of production, management, and administration 
of capital. But now I say that a very great part of our 
national income must necessarily vanish in the socialistic 
state. To prove it, we must see what is the cause of the 
immense additions that have accrued to capital in the 
century that has just now passed. We cannot do better in 
answering this question, than to follow the lines laid down 
by Mr. Mallock in his account of the growth of capital in 
England. But before doing so, there are other matters that 


he has not touched, that must claim the reader's closest 
attention. A century ago the capital of England amounted 
to about 1,600,000,000. It now stands at 10,000,000,000. 
What is the origin of this increase ? The answer is plain 
capital has increased because profits are saved. 200,000.000 
are put by annually, and added to the store of existing 
capital. But profits are saved because they belong to a few 
rich men, who cannot spend half of their income. If each 
could spend his entire income very little capital could be saved 
at all. This is the use industry makes of the Rothschilds, 
Vanderbilts, &c. 

But now I ask, on whom in reality do the profits of 
these . savings finally devolve ? Who benefits most by the 
yearly additions that are made to capital ? It is often said 
that the rich grow richer, and the poor poorer as capital 
increases. This, of course, would be a serious objection to 
the thesis I am defending : that socialism runs counter to 
the workman's interest, because it is unfavourable to the 
accumulation of capital. But what now are the facts of 
the case ? Since 1843 the income of capital has increased 
only by one hundred per cent. But, on the other hand, the 
amount of capital has increased in the time as much as one 
hundred and fifty per cent. Thus the income of capital has 
been steadily declining in relation to the growth of capital 
itself. But I have not yet touched the crucial point. Let 
us put out of sight a few rich men like Vanderbilts, 
Rothschilds, Goulds, &c. Now how, I ask, has capital 
increased by one hundred and fifty per cent, in fifty years? 
Is it by additions to each man's capital, or by the augmenta- 
tion of the number of capitalists? Mainly, I say, in the 
latter way. The number of capitalists has considerably 
increased, as can be seen from the statistics of probate 
duties. Capital then has reached its present dimensions, 
principally because with the progress of industry and 
wealth the proletarians have become so rich that a consider- 
able number are enabled yearly to pass over to the body of 
capitalists. This then is the effect of the accumulation of 
capital. The poor are not poorer, but have benefited 
exceedingly by the increase of capital. But the increase 01 

VOL. III. h 


capital was absolutely necessary for the lii'e oi' industry. 
It will be easily seen, that the prime condition of increase 
of wealth, particularly in newly-opened countries, is the 
amassing together of sufficient capital to keep her thousands 
of wheels flying, and maintain the din and roar of her 
factories. How has capital been increased in America ? 
It has increased because her rich men cannot spend their 
profits. Not a tenth part of the product of their capital 
could possibly be spent by the most extravagant owners. 
The rest is saved, and put out as capital, with this result, 
that in a hundred years the wages of labour have more than 
quadrupled, and that innumerable labourers are becoming 
capitalists, renewing the vigour and life of trade, and setting 
fresh industries afloat. 

But the reader may object, if socialism were once 
established, could not such capital be saved by the state, 
before the general distribution of the profits ? In this she 
might maintain her industries quite as efficiently as can 
now be done. This brings me to the central point of this 
whole critique. We shall see that the state could not hoard 
up capital, and for this one reason, that socialism entails the 
decay of industry, and the consequent decline of the profits 
ot capital. We shall see that the incentives that now 
quicken trade will be altogether wanting in the socialistic 
state, and that in the vapid industry that will then ensue 
the growth of capital must be impeded. Let us remember 
too, that in a living industry the very same process that 
impedes the growth, must carry on finally to industrial 

Let me briefly restate the question to be treated. We 
have just been treating as a chimerical hypothesis the 
division of the entire capital of England. We admitted, 
however, that if such a division could be carried out, the 
poorer families would be slightly richer than they are under 
our present regime. This is quite natural. The levelling 
down of the rich man's profits, the sum to be divided 
remaining the same naturally entailed a rise elsewhere. 
The increase, however, was slight and disappointing. Now 
socalism would destroy the interest on capital, and bring all 


salaries to a common level. To keep the salaries of the 
entrepreneur at their present level, would entail the accu- 
mulation of private capital. This must not be in the Socialistic 
State. Salaries must fall to a very low level, and the poor 
man's wages accordingly rise. This is the balance on which 
socialism works. But now let us notice that the balance 
in question rests, as on a fulcrum, on one condition, viz., 
that the sum to be divided is a constant factor. That 
condition I must now examine. We shall see that it never 
could be fulfilled. We shall see that the extinction of 
private capital, and the general levelling of wages for work, 
will entail the instant decay of industry, and the consequent 
decline of profits and capital. 

To what shall we attribute the increase of profits in 
the century that is about to close. A century ago the 
income of Great Britain was 140,000,000. The labouring 
population was then ten millions. To these ten million, 
half the income, that is 70,000,000 were annually assigned. 
What is the state of labour to-day. Every ten" million 
labourers to-day receive not 70,000,000, but 200,000,000. 
Let us mark this well. These ten million labourers are 
now in receipt of 60,000,000 a year more than if the 
whole (not half) of the entire income were divided amongst 
them a century ago. These are figures that ought to be 
engraven on every mind. They surpass the wildest dreams 
of socialism. They proclaim, moreover, an accomplished 
fact, whilst socialism is only tentative. Let us examine 
this matter closely. To what are we to attribute the 
vast increase in our national income? Is it to labour? 
Decidedly not. Labour was more skilled two thousand 
years ago than it is to-day. The skilled labour of the 
ancient Greeks, as evinced, for instance, in the cutting of 
gems, will be looked for in vain in the workshops of to-day. 
Labour as such is unprogressive. What, then, is the source 
of the growth of profits? It is not Labour. It is not Capital. 
It is not the Land. The economic factors in the production 
of wealth must henceforth be written Land, Labour, 
Capital, and Ability. Ability in investing, ability in main- 
taining, in extending the range, and perfecting the methods 


and deepening the intensity and life of our industries. Ability 
is not mere idle genius. It is talent, and tact, and energy, 
and prudence strained to the utmost in trade and commerce. 
Ability is more than mere skilled labour. One stroke of 
ability can reach to thousands. It increases the product of 
each man's labour. Skilled labour affects one labourer 
alone- One stroke of ability, Cartwright's invention, left 
two hundred and fifty thousand men idle, with their 
hand looms beside them in the market-place. But ability 
employed them and enriched them again. Skilled labour 
may teach me to push my barrow, or hold my file, or adjust 
the tin sheet in the lamp stamp; but it cannot make 
me facilitate the work, and increase the products of 
thousands of men. But inventions are barren, and often 
destructive when not directed by able men. The ability of 
the entrepreneur is of more importance than that of the 
inventor. The terrible evils of over-production, that have 
merged whole cities in the blackest ruin, are an instance of 
what invention may do without the exercise of directive 
ability. Let diligence sustain and ability direct the 
pace of industry, and then invention is a source of wealth. 
England's wealth is fabulous to-day ; but let her keen 
business-men depart from her shores, let her ceass to inspire 
them with the hope of gain, and her independence and 
wealth would decline more rapidly even than they 
rose. When trade declined in '91 cheeks grew pale at 
the catastrophe that threatened. It is the keen eye of 
the entrepreneur that keeps us yearly from such calamities. 1 
And what has been eliciting the exercise of ability ? The 
hope of gain ; of gain proportioned to the worth and work 
of one who knows that he is worth more than a hundred 
labourers in the manipulation of capital, and the production 
of profits. 

The man who must live from week to week, who 

1 In tin interesting article, ' Le regne del'argcnt,' in the December number 
of Les deux Motides, M. Anatome TJeanlieu writes as follows : ' S'il n'y avait a 
la Bourse que des hommes d'affaires, des financiers, des banquiers, les crises 
seraient plus rares, et les chutes moins profondes. Ce qui en fait la frequence 
Ct la gruvite, t'est le plus souvent 1'intervention du public.' 


receives just what keeps him for the week, and cannot make 
capital out what is left, who is sure of the pittance that the 
nation allots him, with no overseer to spur his energies, or 
with an overseer who is paid like himself, as secure as 
himself, as unaffected by loss as himself; will such a man 
spend sleepless nights, and toil all day, studying, devising, 
planning new modes, and selecting grooves for the industry 
he directs ? ' The knowledge,' says professor Walker, ' that 
he will gain what is gained, and lose what is lost, is essential 
to the temper of a man of business.' This, I repeat, could 
alone have induced him to watch with anxiety the tides of 
trade, to grasp the opportunities of fitful markets ; and to 
propel his industry through dangerous channels, when so 
little might have submerged it. Mr. Dale Owen had lived 
with the socialists at Nashoba, and he writes thus : 

A plan which remunerates all alike, will, in the present 
condition of society, ultimately eliminate from a co-operative 
association the skilled, and efficient, and industrious members, 
leaving an ineffective and sluggish residue, in whose hands the 
expedient will fail both socially and pecuniarily. 

And Mrs. Annie Besant, apparently for the moment off 
her guard, admits 

That the abnormal development of the gold hunger [which 
characterizes our present system] will disappear upon the 
certainty for each of the means of subsistence. Lat each indi- 
vidual feel absolutely secure for his day's subsistence. Lst every 
anxiety as to the material wants of the future be swept away, 
and the tyranny of pecuniary gain will be broken, and life will 
begin to be used in living, and not in struggling for the chance to 

I know that the theory I have been propounding is not 
in accordance with that noble trust that the socialists evince 
in future man. The socialist heart revolts at the idea that 
man is moved by the hope of gain. They deny that the 
dynamics of the human heart are naturally selfish or 
material. They tell us, too, that socialism will come, not 
with revolution, but with the evolution of the human 
ideal, when selfishness shall have passed away. We can 
only say, that such a process is by no means visible in the 


facts and periods of the history of industry. Socialists, like 
Mr.Kirkup, affirm that the selfish system is of recent growth. 
Evolution then has been working backwards. The poverty 
and isolation of the proletarian succeeded to happier feudal 
days. The classes then separated more and more. The 
labourer sank till he could sink no further. The capitalist 
fed him as he fed his horse. He gave him just what kept 
him alive, that his hands might not drop whilst he dug the 
gold out of the capitalist's industrial gold mine. ' God,' 
said Hood, ' that bread should be so dear, and flesh and 
blood so cheap.' And if labour has advanced in recent 
years, to what are we to refer its progress and power? To 
what shall we attribute the power of the trades-unions ? To 
the evolution of the philanthropic man ? No. Mr. Howell, 
their greatest advocate, informs us that trades-unionism is 
now recognised in the land solely on account of its ' innate 

I have dwelt on this, not because it is worth considering 
on its own ground, but because the socialists have been so 
tenacious in offering their idea of the ' unselfish man.' 
Listen to this, from Mr. Blatchford's volume on Merrie 
England. He speaks of those who think men selfish : 

These flaws [i.e., the opinions we have been propounding] 
are due to the fact that the founders and upholders of the system 
of grab and greed are men who have never possessed either the 
capacity or the opportunity for studying human nature. Mere 
bookmen, schoolmen, logic-choppers, and business men can be 
no authorities on human nature. The great authorities on human 
nature are the poets, the novelists, and the artists . . . The only 
books for the study of human nature are the works of men like 
Shakspere, Hugo, Cervantes, and Sterne, and others who have 
studied in that school. 

The day is coming, therefore, when poets and artists 
shall direct our industries. Business men know nothing of 
the tendencies and wiles of buyers and sellers. Let poets 
and artists, therefore, rule our factories, our imports and 
exports, our markets and salehouses ; let them dream their 
day-dreams in our banks and exchanges ; let Hamlet, and 
Don Quixote, and The Muleteer replace our weekly market 
journals and financial reviews. ' Then shall the eyes of the 
blind be opened.' 


Let us now inquire what are the incentives which the 
socialists substitute for the hope of gain. Mrs. Annie Besant 
enumerates them thus (1) The starvation that would follow 
on the cessation of labour ; (2) the determination of our 
fellow-workers not to allow us to shirk our work ; (3) the 
joy in creative work, the longing to improve, the eagerness 
to win social approval, the instinct of benevolence, &c. Let 
us review them briefly. But first let me say that these 
incentives are supposed to stimulate not only ability, but 
also the work of the ordinary labourer. 

The first incentive I may instantly dismiss with this one 
remark, that we are not concerned with the existence of 
industry, but with its maturity, pace, and growth. We are 
not questioning the cessation of labour, but only its decline. 
Both managers and men may cling on to their employment, 
and receive the wages appointed by the state; but this is 
not the point at issue. The work of the dilettante may 
keep him from starvation. But what we ask is this what 
incentive has the socialist to offer to that keen, unresting, 
untiring energy that has brought our industry to its present 
state ? 

The second incentive is the eye of our companions. 
Life shall become a system of mere universal espionage. 
Will such a system be welcome to mankind? It were 
better to be poor, most men would reply, than that every 
man should be my keeper. 

Tanti tibi non sit opaci, 

Oninis arena Tagi, quodque in mare volvitur aurum 
Ut somno careas, ponendaque praemia sumas 
Tristis, et a magno semper timearis amico. 1 

But let us consider the case as it stands. Two men are 
working at the same lathe ; they both earn a pound a week. 
A idles most of his time. He has a right only to ten 
shillings a week ; but the state pays him his full wages. It 
is evident that the divide will suffer by this. Now, to what 
extent is B injured ? To the one seventy-six-millionth 
of a pound. The same objection might be put also in 

1 Juvenal, Sat. 


another form will it not be a man's own interest to work 
his best? His idleness ultimately recoils upon himself. 
The profits to be divided will not be so large. The answer 
is the same as in the last case. If a man were to live to 
the age of sixty, and during most of that time, were to 
neglect his work, spending his time drinking and sleeping ; 
to what extent would he suffer in the end ? The calcula- 
tion is very simple. He would lose about the one forty- 
thousandth of a pound, or the one-hundred-and-sixtieth part 
of a penny. Such trivial effects are not likely to stimulate 
either his neighbour's vigilance or his own energies. Besides, 
does he not know that numerous workmen throughout the 
country are wasting their time and receiving money, and 
shall he strive to do justice to the nation, whilst others 
are living at his expense? 

Thirdly, there are, the joy in creative work, the longing 
to improve, the eagerness for social honours, the instinct 
of benevolence, &c. The first two of these could never 
maintain or push on our industries. They might influence 
a race of poets and artists, but they have little effect on the 
mass of labourers. Social honours are much more palpable. 
What these honours are to be is not yet decided. They 
will, probably, resemble the honours of Nashoba, i.e., 'the 
very good, good, indifferent, and bad,' indicated by the colour 
of the ribbon on the head ; such honours as these have been 
generally adopted in our infant schools, and are found to 
work very effectually. Even grown-up men have set much 
value on the medals of the Humane Society ; but if twenty 
millions were to receive them yearly they would scarcely 
incite us to deeds of heroism. I have already spoken of the 
instinct of benevolence. These then are the incentives that 
the socialists offer for the maintenance and progress of our 
industries. We can scarcely regard them as very effectual. 

Let me sum up briefly what I have been saying on the 
benefits we may expect from socialism. The present system 
of the market entails fixed wages for the proletarian, which, 
taken from the varying product of industry, leaves for the 
capitalist a varying and uncertain profit. In the socialistic 
state the case is reversed. Fixed wages for the manager, 


but a varying divide for the mass of labourers, from a 
very, changeable and uncertain product, that is supposed 
to be kept at its present level by certain sentimental 
stimuli, that for the mass of men are wholly ineffectual, 
and for all are necessarily short-lived. 

I come now to a matter that has probably suggested 
itself to the reader already. I have been endeavouring 
to show, that socialism entails the decay of industry, 
from want of appropriate and adequate incentives. But 
does not the existence of co-operative industries portray 
in miniature what might be expected from the socialistic 
state ? The principles and results of both are the same ; but 
co-operative industries continue to exist, and afford their 
shareholders an annual divide. I am not now speaking of 
joint stock companies, with a few capitalists, and a host of 
efficient and well-paid managers. I speak, for instance, of 
co-operative stores, where the entepreneur is almost dis- 
pensed with. I answer, the cases are very different. For 
we may store up as capital whatever we reap from co- 
operative industries, and put it out at premium, which 
could not be done in the socialistic state. But, as a matter 
of fact, what has been the history of co-operative industries? 
Have they succeeded where they have been tried? We 
can answer only by appealing to facts. The co-operative 
cotton mills that were started in England either failed or 
were converted into joint stock companies. The co- 
operative stores that were started in France, after the 
revolution of '48 were an utter failure. In Switzerland, 
where everything favoured their adoption, the people never 
took kindly to them. Even joint stock companies with 
a number of capitalists, where no one has heavy stakes to 
risk, are not likely to advance like private concerns. Studnetz 
informs us that, in 1878, he found the mills of New York 
all idle, and those of Philadelphia working away; and he 
attributes the fact to this alone, that the former were under 
joint stock companies, but the latter belonged to private 
owners. It will be readily seen that the co-operation of 
which I have been speaking has nothing to do with that 
co-operation which is advocated in agricultural matters, 


a system that has proved of use to farmers here and 

I shall just refer to one other matter. The reader may say 
I have treated this question as if socialism demanded a 
number of centres; as if England, France, Germany, &c., 
were each to possess its own treasury. But the aims of 
socialism may be wider than this. If nations were linked 
one to another, and the whole world were but one treasury, 
would not depressions of trade in a particular centre be 
counteracted by a proportional rise in another department 
of the universal industry, as surface depressions in particular 
places are followed by the upheaval of hills elsewhere. 
Thus the fluctuations of local markets would have no effect 
in the final divide. Now, the reader will admit that the 
system of industry here advocated is certainly one of the 
impossible ideals of which I spoke in the beginning of this 
paper. But let us examine it for what it is worth. I say 
that the objection that has just been offered embodies a 
serious economic fallacy, a fallacy that assumes many 
different shapes throughout the course of economic science. 
The fallacious principle involved is this that any depres- 
sion in a particular industry, carried through the easy 
channels of commerce in a perfectly adjusted organic system, 
is necessarily followed by a rise elsewhere. The principle 
means that capital and profits are a constant quantity, and 
that, consequently, whatever is lost to a particular market 
is gained by another, as a matter of course. I might call it 
the fallacy of the ' profit fund,' from its close resemblance to 
'the ' wages fund.' Now, I say profits are not a constant 
quantity. They are capable of growth and diminution. They 
are more unstable than capital itself. We know very 
well that the failure of an industry in a particular place will 
often occasion its rise elsewhere, as the Lancashire cotton 
famine some years ago stimulated to a very large extent the 
growth of cotton in India, Egypt, and Brazil. But I fail to 
see why the economic effects of over-population or of over- 
production of market goods is bound to enrich a market 
anywhere. Products often have a limited market, inside 
of which alone they can sell. The surplus supply cannot be 


transferred. In a case like this over-production is necessarily 
a loss. A case like this may easily entail the general collapse 
of trade and commerce. Now, the want of incentives is of 
such a kind ; where incentives are not adequate, industry 
must flag. "We must also remember that industry does not 
right itself. If equilibrium is ever established, it is secured 
by artificial means, by positive interference on the part of 
the manager. But such interference is often useless, and 
often it is quite impossible. We sometimes unconsciously 
touch a spring that sets markets heaving all over the world, 
for the springs of commerce are very hidden, and often 
utterly out of our control. In 1885 it was impossible to tell 
why trade was depressed in 1882. Mr. Giffen could only 
conjecture the cause. He said it was probably due to the 
fact that the demand for gold was very great, and the supply 
was so small, after the enormous output of that metal that 
followed the Australian and Californian discoveries. 

I say then that we have no reason to expect, that the 
centralization of the world's industry will ensure the 
stability of profits and salaries. On the contrary, I can 
easily retort, that no security may be hoped for -in a system 
where the least convulsion in any locality would thrill 
through every fibre of our industry, and set markets heaving 
in the remotest places. 

There are many points on which I have not touched, 
that bear down intimately on the question in hand. But we 
must leave them aside for the present. I have shown, I 
hope, that socialism would not favour the production of 
wealth ; that labour would suffer by such a system ; that 
all that socialism might have attempted in the past, has 
been secured on quite other lines ; that the same success 
could not have been reaped had socialism been the national 
system ; that, therefore, we have nothing to hope for from 
its adoption, but a very great deal to fear. 

The reader may ask, is there no redress, then, for our 
present evils? I answer that socialism could offer none. 
But the future is full of hope for labour. It is only recently 
that the rights of labour have been really recognised. 
Capitalists see that it is more in accordance with their own 


interests to give to labour what is due to it. The system 
that Macaulay described so vividly is already passing or passed 
away, and it has come to this that labour is in a position to 
exercise its rights, and capital is not in a position to ignore 
them. Political economy is an altered science, for the 
school of laissez-faire is dead. ' It needs,' says Mr. Howell, 
' no prophet to foretell that human labour will not in the 
future be divorced from the man-worker, and be treated as 
a mere commodity like pigs or potatoes, corn or cabbage, as 
was the tendency of most writers, more than a generation 

Let us hope that in the future we may see accomplished 
what the Church's voice has been ever advocating, the 
recognition of our common destiny, to be reached by many 
diverse paths. 

M. CRONIN, D.D., M.A. 


AT the beginning and at the end of Dante's life, Bologna 
produced two poets closely connected with the singer 
of the Divine Comedy : Guido Guinicelli, and Graziolo de' 
Bambaglioli. The one was as the morning star to the sun, 
the other a fainter light just visible in its setting. Both, 
like Dante, were exiles, and like him solaced their banishment 
with song ; Guido Guinicelli, Dante's master and father in 
poetic art, was exiled for his devotion to the Empire ; 
Graziolo de' Bambaglioli, his earliest apologist, and almost 
his first commentator, for his adherence to the party of the 

Graziolo, or Bonagrazia, de' Bambaglioli was born about 
1291, of an old Bolognese family. His father was a wealthy 
citizen who had held various offices under the Eepublic, and 
seems to have possessed estates in the country. Our poet 
became a notary, and rose to considerable eminence and 
authority in the Guelph party of Bologna ; and, in July, 
1321, he was elected Chancellor of the Commune, at a 


peculiarly critical time when a revolution had violently 
expelled Homeo de' Pepoli (a rich usurer, who had become 
practically lord of the city), and had established a new form 
of government, in many respects resembling the famous 
popular constitution of the Florentine Republic, with its 
Priors of the Arts and its ' Gonfaloniere di Giustizia.' Two 
months later, on September 14th, Dante died at Eavenna. 
The poet of a renovated Empire and a purified Church had 
passed away upon the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, 
which he represents in his poem as the connecting band with 
which Christ had united the two. 

It was while Chancellor of Bologna that Ser Graziolo 
wrote the first of his two great works that still remain to 
us, his commentary upon the Inferno. Dante's writings, 
perhaps, excited even greater interest in Bologna than else- 
where, although in the Inferno he had assailed the moral 
character of its citizens and treated its renowned University 
with scant courtesy. His lyrics were certainly known and 
sung there before their author's exile. In the early days of 
his banishment Dante had probably been a well-known 
figure in the city, before the disturbance of 1306 hounded 
the exiles out of Bologna too. Towards the end of his life 
those charming pastoral letters in Latin hexameters which 
he interchanged with Giovanni del Virgilio, a young lecturer 
of the university, show that there was a cultured Bolognese 
circle who eagerly read the Divine Comedy, as its cantos 
appeared ; and that the city would gladly have bestowed the 
laurel crown upon its author. But, above all, the De 
Monarchia must have appealed strongly to the Bologna 
University, which in spite of the Guelphic politics of the 
Commune remained in theory ardently Ghibelline and 
imperialist, and from whose jurists the emperors had often, 
in times past, applied for confirmation of their pretended 
rights over the Italian cities. 

The conflict between the Pope and Ludwig of Bavaria, 
following soon after Dante's death, increased the interest 
taken in his writings, and added the stimulus of a burning 
political question. Boccaccio tells us that the Imperialists 
used arguments from the De Monarchia in support of 


Ludwig's pretensions, and that the book, which until then 
was little known, became very famous. Calumniators and 
detractors now arose. Antonio Pucci, a Florentine poet, 
who wrote nearly half a century later, declares that in his 
days the Pope and the cardinals would have been among 
the foremost champions of Dante's reputation. But at the 
time things were not so obvious. Not only did such free 
lances as the poet Cecco d' Ascoli sharpen their tongues 
against him, but even the official clerical party in Bologna 
fiercely assailed Dante's orthodoxy and denounced his works 
as heretical, both from the De Monarchia and from certain 
passages in the Inferno. A Dominican friar from Rimini, 
Fra Guido Vernani, made himself their spokesman. "With 
Escalus, ' we shall find this friar a notable fellow,' although 
nothing seems known of him except his extraordinary attack 
upon the memory of the divine poet. De Potestate sumini 
Pontificis et de reprobatione Monarchiae compositae a Dante 
AUgherio, is the title given by the Dominican to this 
remarkable production, which he dedicates to ' his well- 
beloved son, Graziolo de' Bambaglioli, Chancellor of the 
noble Commune of Bologna,' probably as one of the leading 
Guelph politicians of Bologna, distinguished alike for his 
undoubted orthodoxy and for his enthusiastic admiration of 
Dante. In his exordium, Fra Guido represents Dante's 
works as a growing danger to the faith, as a vessel lovely to 
look upon, but containing cruel and pestilent poison. The 
poet, according to him, is an agent of the father of lies, a 
fantastic and verbose sophist, who, by his alluring eloquence 
and sweet siren strains, by uniting the philosophy of 
Boethius to his own poetical imaginations and fictions, and 
combining paganism with theology, is deluding 'not only the 
weaker brethren, but even studious and learned persons. 
Dismissing Dante's other works with contempt, this daring 
friar proceeds confidently to make manifest the worthlessness 
of the treatise on the Monarchy, from which attempt he 
trusts that Ser Graziolo will derive much spiritual profit 
and edification : 

This then do I send to thee, well-beloved son, in order that 
thy intellect clear by nature and acute by divine grace, eager in 


the investigation of truth, as far as the great affairs committed to 
thee allow, whilst studious of the beauties of this man's work, may 
choose and love what is useful, reject what is false, curtail the 
superfluous, and avoid the useless and harmful. 

It must be admitted that the friar sometimes manages to 
score rather heavily off the poet, especially where he answers 
two of Dante's favourite arguments about the divine appro- 
bation of the Empire. Thus, when Dante declares that 
Christ approved the empire of Caesar when He willed to be 
born under the edict of Augustus, the friar answers that it 
would follow from this line of argument that the devil acted 
justly in tempting Christ, and Judas by betraying Him, the 
Jews by crucifying Him with their tongues, the soldiers 
when they scourged Him, and Pilate when he condemned 
Him to death ; for Christ willed to be in their power, and 
was offered up because it was His will. Again, Dante argues 
that, if the Eoman Empire did not exist by right, the sin of 
Adam was not punished in Christ, and that the judgment of 
Pilate must have been the sentence of a regular judge under 
the Emperor, who had universal authority over all mankind. 
Fra Guido answers that this is mere nonsense, for the 
punishment of original sin cannot possibly be subject to 
the power of any earthly judge, or else such a judge might 
lawfully put to death the new-born child. 

Fra Guide's dedication clearly implies that Ser Graziolo 
was known to be engaged upon a commentary on the divine 
poet ; and it was probably in answer to this challenge that 
Graziolo produced the work, which still in part remains to 
mark its author as the first Catholic apologist for Dante, 
the first in the long line of writers from Bellarmine to 
Hettinger and Cornoldi, who have written from the 
essentially Catholic point of view, to show the true 
relationship of the Church towards her greatest poet. 
The key-note to the intention of Graziolo's commentary 
is struck in the passage where he explains Dante's treat- 
ment of the suicides : Credo tamen auctorem praefatum 
tanquam fidelem Catholicum omni prudentia et scientia 
clarum, suo tenuisse judicio quod ecclesia sancta tenet : ' I 
believe that our author as a faithful Catholic held what holy 


Church holds.' This commentary first appeared about three 
years after Dante's death. It became very famous ; contem- 
porary, and even later commentators quoted and borrowed 
from it. The author of the Ottimo Commento, generally 
called the Ottimo, who wrote about ten years later, in 1334, 
twice quotes Ser Graziolo as a defender of Dante's orthodoxy, 
although he himself holds that there is no need of any 
such defence, and that the Paradiso in itself contains a 
sufficient answer to any accusation of heresy. Already in 
1334, theories casting doubt upon Dante's Catholicity were 
regarded by the poet's best commentators as mere antiquated 

Ser Graziolo's commentary has come down to us in an 
early Italian translation, and in a very fragmentary version 
of the original Latin. The former was published by Lord 
Vernon, in 1848 ; the latter was first edited by Professor 
A. Fiammazzo, in 1892. 1 It is mainly its position in the 
history of the literary study of the Divine Comedy which 
gives this commentary its interest, and invests it \\ith 
charm. It gives us, about certain special points, the opinion 
of one who was perhaps Dante's first commentator, and who 
may even, like Pietro Alighieri and the Ottimo, have been 
in personal contact with the divine singer. It is clearly 
Graziolo's own enthusiastic admiration for Dante, and the 
resulting desire to defend his hero from all detractors, that 
is the prime object of his undertaking. His generous proem, 
full of genuine enthusiasm, will find an echo in the heart of 
every loving student of Dante : 

Although the unsearchable Providence of God hath made 
many men blessed with prudence and virtue, yet before all hath 
it put Dante Alighieri, a man of noble and profound wisdom, true 
teacher of philosophy and lofty poet, the axithor of this marvellous, 
singular and most sapient work. It hath made him a shining 
light of spiritual felicity and of knowledge to the people and 
cities of the world, in order that every science, whether of 
heavenly or of earthly things, should be amply gathered up in this 
public and famous champion of prudence, and through him be 

1 Fiammazzo, // Commento air Inferno di Graziolo de'Bambaglioli, Udine, 
1892. Cf. also Rocca, JH Alcimi Commciiti del'.a D.C. composti nci primi rent' anni 
dojjo la morte di Dautc, Firenze, 1891. 


made manifest to the desires of men in witness of the Divine 
Wisdom ; so that, by the new sweetness and universal matter of 
his song, he should draw the souls of his hearers to self-knowledge, 
and that, raised above earthly desires, they should come to know 
not only the beauties of this great author, but should attain to 
still higher grades of knowledge. To him can be applied the 
text in Ecclesiasticus : ' The great Lord will fill him with the 
spirit of understanding, and he will pour forth the words of his 
wisdom as showers.' And of him can be expounded the writing 
of Ezechiel : ' A large eagle with great wings, long-limbed, full of 
feathers, and of variety, came to Libanus, and took away the 
marrow of the cedar ; he cropt off the top of the twigs thereof, 
and carried it away into the land of Chanaan.' 

Certainly this comparison would have delighted the 
heart of Dante, finding himself likened to the emblem of his 
universal Roman monarchy, the Bird of God, the sacrosanct 
sign, whose praises he had sung in the sixth Canto of the 
Paradiso. It is to be devoutly hoped that a copy of this 
work penetrated into the Dominican Convent of Eimini, 
and was carefully studied by Fra Guide Vernani. 

Throughout his commentary Ser Graziolo rather dis- 
regards the general allegorical meaning, that splendid but 
difficult field upon which the Ottimo, and, later in the 
century, Benvenuto da Imola, were to do such admirable 
work. He is strong upon the personal aspect of the poem. 
According to him, the sleep that Dante describes in the first 
Canto is the poet's own sinful life ; he had wandered from 
the way of truth, and was stained with luxury, pride, and 
avarice. Virgil represents Reason ; he appears in order to 
lead Dante to true knowledge, to awaken his conscience, 
and so raise him from vice and dispose him to virtue. 
Graziolo seems likewise to distinguish between a literal and 
an allegorical Beatrice; in the one sense, she is some supreme 
virtue, summa virtus ; and in the other, the noble soul of 
Lady Beatrice, anima generosa dominae Beatricis. True 
to his intention of, above all, defending Dante's orthodoxy, 
Graziolo manages to very much tone down the terrible 
and bitter words addressed to Pope Nicholas III., 1 and 
turns away Dante's shaft from the Papacy to strike the 

1 Inferno xix. 


great and mighty of the world in general. In comment- 
ing upon the famous and much-disputed passage : Colui 
che fece per vitiate il gran rifiuto, 1 ' He who made 
through cowardice the great refusal,' Graziolo admits that 
St. Celestine V. is the person meant, but tries to interpret 
the passage so as to defend both St. Celestine and his 
successor : ' Through the carefulness and sagacity of Pope 
Boniface, he renounced the papacy.' It was a far easier 
matter to prove Dante's complete orthodoxy on the two 
points which his enemies had specially seized upon as 
heretical ; the one in connection with the power and influ- 
ence of fortune, which was supposed to involve a denial 
of the possession of free will ; 2 and the other on the 
fate of the suicides whose souls were apparently never 
to be reunited to their bodies, 8 which was represented 
as opposed to the resurrection of the body. In neither 
case did the hostile critics think it worth while to look 
beyond the special passages to the Cantos in which these 
two sublime Catholic doctrines are so fully and splendidly 
treated ; and Graziolo, instead of pointing out the absurdity 
and triviality of such objections, solemnly protests his con- 
viction that the poet adhered to the Church's doctrine upon 
these and all other subjects, and then enters into a rather 
long and dreary digression upon each. It does not -even 
occur to him that Dante's treatment of the suicides is 
merely a fine poetical fiction; but he regards it as a meta- 
phorical way of speaking, and thinks that perhaps the poet 
only meant that there is no remedy for this sin of despair, 
so as to give men a terrible warning against cutting them- 
selves off from the hope of divine mercy by committing 

Perhaps, of all the problems arising out of the Divine 
Comedy ; not one has proved so incapable of certain solution 
as that most mysterious prophecy uttered at the beginning 
of the poem, of the coming of a Deliverer, the Veltro or grey- 
hound, who is to be the salvation of Italy, and to hunt the 
horrible she-wolf back to hell. Hardly two critics are in 

* Iufn-Ho iii. a Inferno vii. :< Inferno xiii. 


complete agreement as to what Dante really meant by this 
prophecy, which in slightly varied forms is repeated several 
times in the course of the poem ; and the fancies of modern 
commentators have run riot in suggesting fresh and impos- 
sible interpretations of the wolf and his mysterious destroyer 
The position of Ser Graziolo at the very beginning of the 
critical study of the Divine Comedy gives peculiar interest 
to his interpretation of the question. For him the wolf is 
cupidity, radix omnium malorum, and he sees no political 
meaning in the matter. He mentions that even then a great 
variety of views was held upon the Veltro, but declares that 
it ought certainly to be understood in two ways in a divine 
sense and in a human sense, both of which he works out in 
detail. In the former, this Veltro refers to the coming of the 
Son of God at the last judgment ; in the latter, the Veltro is 
some Pope or Emperor, or some other hero who will arise by 
the influence of the heavens, under whose wise and just rule 
universal peace will be established, and the human race will 
again turn to virtue and truth. And Ser Graziolo, in support 
of his view, quotes the famous canzone or ode which Dante 
wrote in exile, commencing with the line : 

Tre donne intorno al cor mi son venute. 

'Three ladies have come around my heart.' These three 
mystic ladies are Kighteousness, Generosity, and Temper- 
ance ; exiles too, they appear to Dante in his banishment, 
and assure him that, although the virtues have been all 
expelled from men's hearts, yet they are not dead, and that 
a nobler age is to come in which the sacred darts of love 
will again shine brightly amongst men : 

We to the eternal rock may turn ; 

For, be we now sore driven, 

We yet shall live, and yet shall find a race 

Who with this dart shall each dark stain efface. 1 

It was in this canzone, so loved by Graziolo, that Dante 
exulting in these noble spiritual companions in misfortune, 

1 Plumptre's translation. 


had uttered the sentence which strikes the key-note of his 
life : 

L'esilio che m'e dato onor mi tegno. 

'I hold my exile as an honour.' And Dante's defender 
and commentator was now to experience the same fate. 

Bologna lay restlessly beneath the strong hand of 
Cardinal Bertrando del Poggetto, who had been sent into 
Italy by Pope John XXII., in 1326, as Papal Legate to 
defend Tuscany and the Komagna against the petty 
tyrants who were rising up on all sides. Abusing the 
authority committed to him to serve his own ambitious ends, 
Bertrando had taken advantage of the alarm and confusion 
caused by the Italian expedition of Ludwig of Bavaria to 
make himself lord of Bologna and several of the neighbouring 
cities. His rule was at first eminently popular; but, em- 
bittered by suspicion and carried away by success, he 
gradually assumed the part of a typical Italian tyrant, and 
by his arrogance and cruelty aroused the fiercest animosity 
in the very men who had hailed him with acclamations as 
the Church's champion, and the deliverer from the hated 
Bavarian Emperor. Amongst other arbitrary acts, he 
gained considerable notoriety by a disgraceful attempt to 
desecrate Dante's tomb at Eavenna. At last, in 1334, the 
Bolognese rose against him. The Cardinal found himself 
besieged in the castle he had built to overawe the city, until, 
after a blockade of twelve days, he was allowed to escape 
under the protection of the Florentines, by virtue of a secret 
understanding with the leaders of the Bolognese, who were 
anxious to recover their liberties without embroiling them- 
selves with the Pope. 

The part played by Graziolo in these events was probably 
only a passive one ; but, nevertheless, he became involved in 
the Cardinal's fall. Through the assistance of the Florentines 
a new form of communal government was now established 
at Bologna, not without more disturbances, in which the 
party that had overthrown the Cardinal drove out their 
opponents. It is said that in June, 1334, more than a 
thousand Guelphs were thus expelled from Bologna, or sent 


into exile, including nine members of the Bambaglioli 
family, and amongst them the Chancellor himself. 
Ser Graziolo does not seem to have been one of those who 
were violently expelled, but to have pledged himself to obey 
the decree of the Commune and remain in banishment. His 
paths are hidden in obscurity, but it is probable that he 
never returned to his native cit}' . In 1340 there is a record 
of money given to the Franciscans for Masses to be said for 
the repose of his soul ; and in 1343 he is mentioned as dead 
in an application of his son's to the Commune. 1 

Like his great master Dante, Ser Graziolo in exile turned 
to poetry, and with the same noble end : ' To rescue those 
who live in this life from their state of misery, and to guide 
them to the state of blessedness,' though with immeasurably 
slighter powers, and therefore by humbler means. With a 
more modern poet, Graziolo might say : 

Of heaven or hell I have no power to sing. 

He could not, like Dante, set forth the hideousness of 
vice and the beauty of virtue by a sublime vision of the 
world beyond the grave. He set himself, therefore, to attain 
the same end more simply, by plainly treating of the moral 
virtues, of their effects upon human society, and of the 
evils resulting from vice ; and so, in his own way, to render 
testimony to his Maker : 

A tua eterna lode, alto signore. 

This Trattato sopra h Virtu Morali, or Treatise on the 
Moral Virtues, which is the work of Graziolo's exile, as the 
commentary upon Dante had been the literary product of 
his political life, was originally sent by its author, together 
with a Latin commentary and a dedicatory letter, to 
Bertrando del Balzo, the kinsman of King Robert of Naples. 
In this way the treatise became afterwards ascribed to 
King Robert himself, under whose name it has more 
frequently been published than under that of its real 
author. In the dedication Graziolo describes himself as 
olim civitatis Bononiae cancellarius, and imitates the 

1 Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori Bolognesi, Bologna; 1781. 


epistolary style occasionally employed by Dante : exul 
immeritus, humilis. The letter itself is exactly in the 
spirit of Hamlet's words : 

Sure, He that made us with such large discourse, 
Looking before and after, gave us not 
That capability and godlike reason 
To fust in us unused. 

The divine wisdom and clemency, he says, made man 
to His own image and likeness, that he should not fust in 
pernicious idleness and uselessness, but should use his intel- 
lect in speculation, so as to seek and find the truth ; for 
this does the Gospel, through St. Matthew, summon the 
labourers, whom no man has hired, to work in the vineyard 
of the Lord : 

Wherefore I, since no man has hired me to humbly labour or 
to hold office in the state, in order to remain no longer in idle 
waste of time during this unjust exile which envy prepared for 
me, have drawn out this treatise on natural morality from the 
approved writings of venerable authors. 

The work is divided into three sections, each composed 
of a number of sentenze, short Italian stanzas of varying 
length and structure. Quadrio called it one of the finest and 
wisest of early Italian poems, and, although such praise is 
more than excessive, the treatise certainly has great merits. 
Before Graziolo, Francesco da Barberino and Dino Compagni 
produced somewhat similar works ; but Graziolo at the 
outset strikes a higher note, and his opening stanza : 

Amor che muovi '1 ciel per tua virtute, 

shows that he had studied Dante's philosophical lyrics, as 
well as the Divine Comedy : 

Love, that movest the heaven by Thy power, and by the 
\vorking of the stars dost alter all things here below, transfer- 
ring kingdoms from state to state and from nation to nation ; 
mercifully lend ear, Almighty Lord, and deign to inspire me that 
I may make manifest man's virtues and the result of his actions ; 
to Thy eternal praise, Lord, for right affections can never be 
without Thy potent aid. 

In its own modest and humble way, Ser Graziolo's poem 
is a supplement to the Purgatorio. The Purgatorio repre- 


sented allegorically the life of man upon earth, striving to 
reach the Earthly Paradise in accordance with the moral 
and intellectual virtues. Graziolo, therefore, treats of the 
virtues which especially pertain to this life, the cardinal 
virtues which attain to human reason, and which ' perfect 
the intellect and appetite of man according to the capacity of 
human nature.' As for Dante in his Purgatorio, so for 
Graziolo the whole system of the poem is based upon the 
supremacy of free will. 1 The Lombard Marco, in Purgatorio, 
Canto vi., had exposed the 'admirable evasion' of man's 
referring his own misdeeds to the ' enforced obedience of 
planetary influence;' and Graziolo, in very similar strains, 
asserts the freedom of man's will and his own moral respon- 
sibility in spite of the planets. And, just as the Purgatorio 
is based upon the universality of love, and the consequent 
need of setting love in order, and centres in the doctrine 
that love is the cause of every action, so the first part of 
Graziolo's Trattato deals with love, starting with that noble 
invocation to the Supreme Love that moves the sun and the 
stars, and passing thence to love of charity and true friend- 
ship. Love and friendship unite all ranks in the common 
weal, put an end to strife, open all roads. Through love 
the world has peace and the heavens have beauty. Love 
exalts the lowly, makes the weak strong. To the state it 
gives unity for self-defence. It fills the world with sweet- 
ness and nobleness. The true lover, il vero amico, in pros- 
perity and in adversity, loves and serves alike, expecting no 
reward. There are stern words, too, against ingratitude and 
against false friends ; in many passages it is the exile's voice 
that is heard, pleading for that charity which opens gates, 
dispels civil strife, unites cities, and produces true peace 
and happy security. 

The second part treats of the four cardinal virtues. It 
shows to some extent the influence of Dante's Convito ; but 
the treatment is more slight and popular, and they are 
throughout considered with an eye to the direction of 
conduct in a man who is called upon to deal with politics, 
and with special reference to the maintenance of the state, 

1 Cf. F. Faleo, Moralinti Italia ni del trecento, Lucca, 1891 


and the order and welfare of the commune. It might, 
indeed, be described as a practical handbook of the cardinal 
virtues in their application to life in an Italian commune of 
the fourteenth century. Under Prudence there is a curious 
sketch of the duties of an ideal ruler towards his city, his 
household, and his subjects. He must curb his own will, 
and be ever intent upon the good of the commune ; a very 
centre of charity, loving all his subjects in union, and win- 
ning their love in return ; affable and pleasant to all, he is a 
bond of peace and unity. Especially he must be very careful 
as to the behaviour and morality of his own household, and 
at once weed out any undesirable member. He is to be 
prudent in rewarding and honouring merit, to beware of 
flatterers, but be open to receive good counsel from discreet 
and trusty friends. Warnings against indulging in plots on 
the part of the subject, and against unjust sentences on the 
part of the ruler, are followed by general denunciations of 
calumniators. Like Dante, Ser Graziolo had known what 
it was to suffer injustice, 

Through sin of cursed slander's tongue and tooth. 

The sentences on Fortitude are indeed applicable to the 
poet's own position. In adversity, he says, mental peace 
and joyfulness should be cultivated, for sadness is not only 
useless, but real spiritual suicide. Leave all vengeance to 
heaven, and await the turning of fortune's wheel. The man 
of true fortitude will thus experience how honour is gained 
in noble suffering : 

Come del bel soffrir s'acquista onore. 

What Divine Providence permits is to be sustained with 
patience, for such things lead through body's loss to the 
eternal felicity of the soul in God : 

Per dar felicitate 

Allo spirto che in Dio vive eternale. 

There is here almost a faint foretaste of Shakespeare's 
sonnet : 

Then, soul, live thou upon thy servant's loss, 
And let that pine to aggravate thy store ; 

Buy terms divine in selling hours of dross; 
Within be fed, without be rich no more. 


The third, and concluding section treats of the seven 
deadly sins, and of the vices and defects of human life. It 
must be admitted that our good Graziolo has nothing very 
new to tell us upon these themes, and the best and most 
poetical passages are those in which he catches an echo 
from the Convito or the Divine Comedy. The two final 
sentenze are a kind of corollary ; the first laments the malice 
of party spirit, and the second finds a cause for this, and for 
the resulting ruin of Italy, in the utter selfishness of states 
and individuals alike. The common good is neglected; each 
looks only to his own gain ; the most zealous partisans will 
readily change sides for mercenary considerations; states 
are no longer in arms for great causes, but to maintain the 
power of individuals. 

As he had commenced by invocation of the divine grace 
for his poem, so, before closing it, Graziolo gives thanks 
that his prayer has been answered, and ends by lifting the 
thoughts and desires of his readers from the life to which 
these virtues pertain, to that eternal and celestial life on the 
way towards which they are a step. The stanza has usually 
been omitted from the published editions of the Trattato; but 
it is, in its own very humble way, as essential a conclusion 
to the whole work as the Paradiso is to the Purgatorio : 

Opra novella, poich' hai dimostrato 
Li vitii e le virtu d'umana vita, 
Consiglia che ciascun' anzi 1'uscita 
Proveggia bene al suo eterno stato ; 
Poi renda lode, gratia e reverentia 
All' infinita e superna eccellentia, 
La qual per pietade 
Ti ha spirato per la veritade. 

' My little book, since thou hast shown the vices and 
virtues of human life, counsel each one before his 
death to provide well for his future state. Then render 
praise, thanks, and reverence to the infinite and supreme 
excellence which in compassion hath inspired thee for the 
truth.' There is, perhaps, a faint echo here from the 
Convito, 1 where the noble soul in the fourth and last period 

1 Book iv. 


of life returns to God, and blesses the voyage she has made ; 
and Graziolo's accompanying commentary ended in a 
similar strain : ' That with the heavenly citizens of the 
triumphant and holy Jerusalem we may glory and be at 
peace in Him, who is the last end of perfection and glory, 
who alone perfectly fulfils and sets at rest all human 
desires.' Thus we take leave of one who, although him- 
self neither a great poet nor a very profound thinker, yet by 
his rectitude and sincerity wins respect in every fragment 
of his that remains to us, and who certainly claims con- 
siderable interest from his connection with Dante and the 
Divine Comedy, at the time of the poet's death and the 
beginning of the critical study of his work. 


[ 171 ] 

IRotes anb (Queries 



KEV. DEAB SIR, From the answer given with reference to 
the 'Dead List ' in the December number of the I. E. KECORD, it 
would seem that the November offerings must be looked upon as 
honoraria, and that the obligation attached cannot be fulfilled by 
saying second Masses when honoraria are already received for 
the first. 

Now, if the method of division can be taken as determining 
whether these offerings are to be regarded as honoraria or dues, 
it seems to some and to me that a sound distinction would 
regulate the matter. If the offerings are distributed as honoraria 
the obligation is the same as for any other honoraria, and, con- 
sequently, it is prohibited to attempt to satisfy it by the second 
Mass when a stipend has been taken for the first ; but when the 
division has been made according to the mode of parochial dues, 
then the celebrant is free to discharge his obligation by the 
second, as dues are not regarded as honoraria, but part and 
parcel of his official endowment or salary. As the question is 
important, practical, and subject to diversity of interpretation, I 
would be glad to hear more on the matter from the wise and the 
learned among your readers. 


The readers of the I. E. EECOED will, no doubt, readily 
understand our correspondent's point of view when he 
insists that this is an important and a practical question. 
But we decline to believe that, learned or unlearned, they 
will take his estimate of the relevancy or force of the 
argument on which he relies. Apart from the taste in 
making the distinction, we venture to think that our 
correspondent was singularly unfortunate in addressing his 
argument to the ' wise and learned ' among our readers. 

What are generally known as ' November offerings ' our 


correspondent prefers to describe and regard as ' dues.' We 
must confess to a preference for the ordinary designation ; 
but the point is quite immaterial. Our correspondent 
conveys that the ' November offerings ' are, in his parish, 
divided among the parochial clergy after the manner of the 
ordinary ' dues.' He seems to think that the custom of his 
parish or diocese is universal, and that it should settle 
terminology and practice. In both particulars he is in 
error. The practice of his parish is not universal ; it can- 
not, therefore, settle terminology still less practice. "We 
gather from his letter (1) that a portion of the November 
offerings reaches him ; (2) that there is attached an obliga- 
tion to offer a certain number of Masses for those whose 
names are on the ' Dead List ' ; (3) that he has sometimes 
legitimate permission to duplicate on Sunday ; and (4) that, 
without any dispensation, he considers himself justified in 
offering his second Mass on Sunday in discharge of one of 
these ' November Masses,' though he has already taken a 
stipend for his first Mass on that same day. We are 
informed that this view is shared by others whom our 
correspondent has consulted. For the present, we prefer 
to believe that he has misunderstood these theologians. 

It is admitted that in accepting his share of the Novem- 
ber offerings, he contracts in justice to offer the requisite 
number of Masses for the dead. Otherwise, his difficulty, 
in case of duplication, could not arise. Now, that obligation 
in justice being admitted, it is manifest that our correspon- 
dent, if he acted on his own opinion, would take two stipends 
on the Sunday on which he celebrates his first Mass for an 
ordinary honorarium, and his second in satisfaction of the 
obligation arising from the ' November offering. ' He may 
call the latter stipend ' part of his dues,' and he may have 
come by it by any process of division that ingenuity can 
suggest ; it is still a stipend, and usually a good one, with 
an obligation in justice attached ; he cannot take two such 
when he duplicates ex dispensations. 

This is true enough, our correspondent admits, when 
there is question of ' honoraria,' but not, he thinks, when 
there is question of offerings divided ' after the mode of 


parochial dues. ' For ' then the celebrant is free to discharge 
his obligation by the second Mass, as dues are not regarded 
as honoraria, but part of his salary.' We take it that our 
correspondent is a curate. Of course, apart from offerings 
such as these so-called ' November dues,' the maintenance 
that a curate receives from the parish imposes on .him no 
obligation regarding the application of his Masses, and, 
therefore, does not affect the question of a double stipend. 
But, our correspondent has probably heard that a parish 
priest, in accepting his dues, contracts in justice to offer 
certain Masses pro popido, and, moreover, that a parish 
priest, duplicating on Sunday, cannot at one Mass take an 
ordinary honorarium, and by the other lawfully satisfy the 
obligation of celebrating pro populo. So, too, a curate 
duplicating on Sunday, is not justified in taking an ordinary 
honorarium for one Mass when he wishes by the other to 
satisfy the obligation in justice arising from his ' November 
dues.' We assume, of course, that he has not got a 
dispensation to take a double stipend. 

Our correspondent cannot hope to hear from the ' wise 
and learned ' readers of the I. E. RECORD until the March 
number appears. Meantime, as the question is ' important 
and practical ' from points of view other than his, we have 
thought it our duty to illustrate his alleged liberty by 
contrasting it with the obligations of his parish priest. 


t 174 ] 



REV. DEAB SIB, Whether designedly or otherwise, the 
compiler of The Ancient Irish Church has adopted an effectual 
method of bringing the present discussion to a close. A tirade 
of thirteen pages, with less than half devoted to a defence, such 
as it is, and affecting to treat as trivial, whilst ignoring, grave 
charges, including breaches of good faith, cannot lay claim to 
serious attention. 

Contra verbosos noli contendere verbis. 

It only remains, accordingly, in dismissing ' this little publi- 
cation/ to give typical instances of the errors alluded to at the 
end of the letter in the December number. 

To show the intelligent use made of the ' works quoted,' the 
following is accepted as correct : ' the Brehon Laws assume the 
existence of a married as well as an unmarried clergy. They 
make reference to two classes of bishops: the "virgin bishop," 
and the "bishop of one wife." The "virgin bishop," if he 
lapsed into grievous sin, did not, they say, recover his grade or 
pristine perfection, according to some; but the "bishop of one 
wife " did, provided he performed his penance within three days ' 
(pp. 136-7). A reference is given, ' Senchus Mor, i. p. 57.' 

Here, as in so many other instances, the compiler has taken 
statements upon trust. Had he used his own eyes, as he was 
strictly bound to, he would have seen that the Brehon Laws contain 
nothing of the kind. To state the matter briefly. The native 
Corpus Juris consists of statutes, running commentaries and 
verbal glosses. In the MSS., these three are respectively written in 
large, medium, and small script, a lucid arrangement, adopted, 
as to Irish and English, in the official edition. Among the four 
territorial magnates liable to degradation for malfeasance, the 
Law (in large letter) places a stumbling (i.e., incontinent) bishop 
(i. pp. 55-56) (The gloss, it has to be remarked in passing, gives 
an etymology of stumbling tuisledach that is beneath notice.) 
Hereupon is the commentary (in medium character, pp. 56-59), 
which the compiler mistook, at second or third hand, for the 


Law ! These are the full data, and they prove that the ' objection ' 
in question was the outcome of ignorance or malice. 

Now, for the scholium. This affords internal evidence that 
it was composed at a time when married bishops did not exist. 
In the (sixth- century) Penitential of Finnian, both the delin- 
quents named in the commentary received six years' penance, 
and were to be rehabilitated in the seventh year. Whence it 
follows that to make one culprit incapacitated for life and restore 
another equally guilty after three days' fast never represented an 
actual state of things. Equity of the sort was devised for Utopia. 

Nor is this all. Once more, as in the case of the St. Gall 
Ordo, the proof can be extended and completed by aid of a volume 
not on the compiler's list. Another commentary (in medium 
hand), treating, inter alia, of punishments and fines to be 
imposed for assaults upon bishops and priests, applies the 
distinction of ' virgin ' and ' of one wife ' to the two grades 
(Brehon Laws, iv, pp. 362-9). By good fortune, however, the 
enactments themselves, most probably in the original language, 
are extant. They are the (eight) decrees of a Synodis Hibernensis, 
and they mention episcopus and presbyter without qualification 
(Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen, pp. 140-1). 

Thus, neither in the Civil nor in the Canon Law of ancient 
Ireland is the existence of a married clergy assumed. Such, no 
doubt, existed (down to what time, it is immaterial for the present 
purpose to discuss) ; but this falls short toto coelo of proving 
that the number was so great as to obtain formal recognition in 
the legislation of Church and State. The commentaries, accor.d- 
ingly, were purely fantastic, arising from the misdirected (and 
in this case perhaps malicious) ingenuity inveterate in the Brehon 

The value of the Irish testimonies is apparent in another of the 
three extracts that profess to be taken directly from the Speckled 
Book. This excerpt, containing little more than eight lines, will 
be found to present no fewer than eighteen errors, whether of 
transcription or press ; whilst, in addition, a clause of nine words 
is not rendered in the translation, leaving the English reader to 
infer that the native writer did not believe in the Crucifixion 
(p. 79) ! 

Coming to the Latin, one page (37) is adorned with a rescen- 
sion and a translation, each equally notable. Qui potestatem 
habens, ' who hast the power ; ' adversariis potius maims dantia 


quam resistcntis, ' yielding help to, instead of withstanding the 
enemy.' ' Tried by the Dictionaries,' this version, it must be 
admitted, ' may claim an acquittal ' : maims dare, to give hands ; 
i.e., to yield help to ! At the risk of being taxed with ' hyper- 
critical carping,' one is tempted, however, to question whether 
this was the sense which Columbanus (the words are from a 
Letter of the Saint) learned, in the school of Bangor, to attach 
to the expression. 

Elsewhere (pp. 201-2), a quotation from the Book of Armagh 
has crucem quae erat juxta viam sitam and interrogavit qua 
morte abierat. The two editions referred to have the emenda- 
tions sita and obierat. The compiler, it may be, judges these 
' recensional ' details to be erroneous. 

In the matter of ' the early hymnology of the Irish ' (p. 163), 
the compiler is a veritable pundit. The severe rescensions he 
approves of remind one of Hebrew without the points. For 
example (p. 161) : 

Celebra iuda festa christi gaudia 

The scansion and translation are equally striking. ' Eendered 
as English prose ' the words, we learn, signify ' Celebrate, O festive 
Juda, the joys of Christ.' The humdrum prosody, in vogue before 
St. Patrick's Day, A.D. 1897 (when the new Gradus ad Parnassum 
burst upon the world), had it that the line was made up of two 
parts of five and seven syllables respectively, thus expressed : 

Celebra, Juda, || festa Christi gaudia. 

Festa would consequently be accusative plural, not vocative 
singular ; agreeing with gaudia, not with Juda : 

Celebrate, Juda, the festal joys of Christ. 

These, however, are doubtless some of the results of ' a slender 
acquaintance with the study ' (p. 163). 

The adoption of Warren's text of the Stowe Missal has resulted 
in some drastic liturgical changes. To appreciate them to the 
full, and for a reason to be mentioned later on, the rejected 
readings of the Eoyal Irish Academy edition are likewise 

The Ancient Irish Church, Trans. E. I. A. y xxvii. 

p. 158. p. 192. 

Libera nos christe . . . libera nos [Ps. cliii. 7]. 

audi nos christe Christe audi nos ; 

Christ, deliver us. Christe audi nos ; 

Christ, hear us. Christe uudi nos. 



Trans. E.I. A., xxvii. pp. 193-4. 

'To facilitate comparison to some extent, numbers are placed on 

the margins.) 

Propitius esto, parce nobis, Domine, 

Propitius esto, libera nos, Domine. 

Ab omni malo, libera nos, Domine. 

Per Crucem tuam, libera nos, Domine. 
[5] Peccatores, te rogamus, audi nos. 

Fill [Filii, MS.] Dei, te rogamus, aiidi nos. 

Ut pacem dones, te rogamus, audi nos. 
[8] Agne Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, 

miserere [misserere, MS.] nobis. 


The Ancient Irish Church, p. 160. 

(The petitions are here arranged in the usual order ; on the 
page quoted from, they are given continuously, ' for the special 
satisfaction of scholars.') 

Propitius esto. Be propitious. 

Parce nobis domine. Spare us Lord. 

Propitius esto. Be propitious. 

Libera nos, domine, ab Deliver us Lord from all 

omni malo. evil. 

[5] Libera nos, domine, per Deliver us Lord by thy cross. 

crucem tuam. 

Libera nos, domine, pec- Lord deliver us sinners, 


Te rogamus audi nos. We beseech Thee hear us. 

Filii Dei, te rogamus audi Son of God, we beseech Thee, 

nos. hear us. 

Ut pacem dones, te roga- We beseech Thee, grant us 

mus. peace. 

Audi nos, agne Dei. Hear us Lamb of God. 

[11] Qui tollis peccata mundi, Who takest away the sins of the 

misserere nobis. world, have mercy on us. 

Thus by chopping and changing which elude specific classifica- 
tion and comparison, ihe eight items of a have been expanded 
into eleven in b ; the petition here given in italics being, it will 
have been observed, the only one that is left intact. To cap the 
climax the five Irish virgins of the Litany are individually invoked 
under the title Sancte ! The original, written in a hand as plain 
as print, has Sancta in every case, 

VOL. in. M 


The Canon of the Mass, it consequently appears, is not the 
sole part of the Liturgy that has felt the reforming zeal of the 
compiler. "Whether his labours in these directions ' in the interest 
of the faith' are destined to merit the approval of competent 
authority, will doubtless be seen in the ' proposed enlarged edition.' 
Meanwhile, to set the seal on his critical judgment and show at 
the same time how closely he has kept in touch with the subject, 
it has to be recorded that, as far back as ten years ago. Warren 
publicly disavowed and apologized for the errors of his transcript ; 
leaving that ' for which ' the editor of the Academy edition ' is 
himself responsible ' the Textus Receptus ! 

Quern secutus es errantem, sequere poenitentem. 

Still further to show his ' tacit preference,' having stated that 
the Stowe Missal, ' in part, is thought ' to date ' about the early 
seventh century,' the compiler is careful to add that Warren 
refers the whole MS. to the ninth (p. 48 ; cf. p. 61). Yet once 
more, however, a volume not found among the ' works quoted ' 
will enable readers to rightly appraise this attribution. In his 
Liturgy and Ritual, etc. (1881), which is on the list, Warren 
assigns the two parts to the ninth and tenth centuries respec- 
tively (pp. 199, 201). But in his Manuscript Irish Missal, issued 
only two short years before (1879), he was himself the first to print 
the Preface and Canon of the Stowe Mass. These he heads 
(p. 2) : " STOWE MISSAL. (Seventh and ninth centuries.} " 
Then, to mark the changes of script, he has " 9th century 
hand " and " 7th century hand" alternating four times throughout 
(pp. 2-12) ! Such is the rigid consistency of the 'ripe erudition ' 
(p. 220) that captivated the compiler. 

Sooth to say, the conclusion is foregone. A compilation of 
sheer diligence, pervaded with such radical defects as have been 
set forth (and the list defies exhaustion still), arising from glaring 
inability to deal at first hand with the sources and materials of 
our Sacred Archaeology can only prejudice the cause it professes 
to serve. A weak defence is an aggravated betrayal. 


[ 179 ] 







IT is known to all men that the efforts of Our Apostolic Ministry 
have long been specially directed to securing the return to the 
centre of Catholic Unity of those Christian nations which the 
sad vicissitudes of past centuries have torn from the bosom of 
their Mother the Church. Inspired by this ardent desire, We 
have been solicitous for the return to religious union of the 
Oriental nations, and have devoted unusual care to this task. In 
like manner have We cast our eyes upon the illustrious British 
nation, which for so many conspicuous reasons has won the 
especial good- will of the Eornan Church. Our earnest wishes are 
centred upon Great Britain, in union with the wishes of so many 
men distinguished by sanctity, learning, and dignity, more 
especially St. Paul of the Cross, the religious founder M. Olier, 
Father Ignatius Spencer, and Cardinal Wiseman. We have, 
indeed, good hope that Our voice, like good seed, may some day 
produce the wished-for fruits in that land whose past history is 
so glorious, and whose present splendour and civilization dispose 
it to follow the highest aims. Yet We are sensible that all 
efforts and labours towards this end will be unfruitful without the 
powerful help of Divine Grace. This grace We have never 
ceased to invoke from the bottom of Our heart, and We have 
asked also the prayers of the Universal Church. 

But now, desiring to add to these efforts, so that there may 
be a more widely extended and more powerful combination of 
prayer, We have erected a pious Society, in the form of an Arch- 
confraternity, with the object of hastening, chiefly by constant 
prayer, the reunion of Great Britain with the Eoman Church. 
In this work of charity We have Ourselves, in a manner, led the 
way. For two years ago We addressed a Letter to the English 
People, in which We treated of the all-important subject of 


Christian unity ; and after exhorting to repeated prayer for Our 
English brethren, especially the recitation of the Angelical 
Salutation, We appended to the Letter a special prayer to the 
Most Holy Virgin. This prayer We have enriched with indul- 
gences, and have recommended it to the members in the Statutes 
or Eules of the recently-erected Archconfraternity, which are 
comprised under nine headings. We have placed this Society or 
Archconfraternity at St. Sulpice, as a centre for the whole 
Catholic world, from which other Confraternities, like streams 
from an abundant spring, may flow forth into every part of the 
Lord's vineyard. 

We have selected the Church of St. Sulpice as the seat of this 
Society, both because Prance is near to and in very easy communi- 
cation with Great Britain, and also because M. Olier, the founder 
of the Congregation of St. Sulpice, together with his disciples, 
most earnestly longed for the reconciliation of England with the 
Koman Church. Moreover, as the Congregation of St. Sulpice 
extends to almost every part of the world, it will be able to 
establish other Confraternities of the same kind in every country. 
For We are particularly desirous, as, indeed, the object itself 
requires, that this pious Society be spread far and wide ; and, 
therefore, We earnestly exhort all Catholics, not only in France, 
but throughout the world, who are solicitous for the cause of 
religion, to enrol their names in this Society. 

Wherefore, absolving and holding as absolved, for this present 
purpose only, all and every one to whom these Our Letters are 
directed, from all sentences of excommunication and interdict, 
and all other ecclesiastical sentences, censures, and penalties, in 
whatever manner or for whatever cause imposed, if by them 
incurred, by Our Apostolic Authority and by virtue of these 
present Letters, We erect and constitute, in the Church of 
St. Sulpice, an Archconfraternity of prayers and good works for 
the return of Great Britain to the Catholic Faith, under the 
patronage of Blessed Mary the Sorrowful Virgin. This Arch- 
confraternity We place first under the patronage of the great 
Mother of God, ' whose dowry England is ; ' and We assign as 
its heavenly patrons St. Joseph, the most chaste Spouse of the 
Blessed Virgin ; St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, under whose 
patronage England is placed : St. Gregory the Great, Pope, 1 and 

1 St. Gregory was added by the Holy Father after the date of this Brief. 


St. Augustine, bishop, the thirteenth centenary of whose coming 
to England, to bring the Catholic Faith and the means of 
salvation, is at this time specially celebrated. 

Moreover, by the same authority, We grant in perpetuity to 
the presidents, officials, and members of the Archconfraternity, 
both present and future, the right and permission to aggregate 
other Confraternities of the same object and name, existing in any 
part of the Catholic world, observing, however, the form of the 
constitution of Our predecessor, Pope Clement VIII., and other 
Apostolic Ordinances on this matter ; and to communicate to 
them all and every one of the indulgences granted to the 
Archconfraternity, and communicable to others. 
The following are the indulgences granted : 
The members shall be able to obtain a plenary indulgence 

I. On the day of enrolment in the Archconfraternity. 
II. At the point of death. 

III. On each of the Feasts of the Most Holy and Sorrowful 
Mary, the one during Lent, and the other during the month of 
September ; also on the Feasts of St. Joseph, Spouse of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary ; of St. Peter the Apostle, of St. Gregory 
the Great, Pope ; and of St. Augustine, Bishop, Patron of 

IV. On the day of the monthly meeting provided for in 
Article IX. of the Statutes or Rules. 

Moreover, We grant a partial indulgence of fifty days, to be 
obtained once a day by those members who shall piously recite 
the Hail Mary, as provided in Article IV. of the Statutes or 
Eules of the Archconfraternity. 

The members, if they wish, may apply all these indulgences, 
both plenary and partial, to the Souls in Purgatory. 

And We decree that these Our Letters are and shall remain 
firm, valid, and efficacious, and shall have and obtain their 
plenary and full effect, and shall be of full avail to all whom they 
concern, and may concern in the future, in all respects and in all 
circumstances, and shall so be judged and defined in their 
premises by all judges whatsoever, ordinary and delegate ; and 
that whatsoever shall be attempted, wittingly or unwittingly, by 
anyone with any authority otherwise in this matter, shall he null 
and void, notwithstanding Apostolic Constitutions and Ordinances, 


and all others whatsoever, even though deserving of special and 
individual mention, of contrary tenor. 

Given at St. Peter's in Home, under the Eing of the Fisher- 
man, on the twenty-second day of August, 1897, in the twentieth 
year of Our Pontificate. 
L. *S. 



The following are the Statutes of the Primary Association of 
Prayers and Good Works, under the patronage of Our Lady of 
Compassion, for the return of Great Britain to the Catholic 
Faith : 


The object of this pious Association is that its members shall 
endeavour, by prayers and the exercise of good works, to obtain 
from God the return of Great Britain to the Catholic Faith. 


To attain the object of this pious Association, the members 
shall not be content only with prayers, but shall add to prayers 
the practice of good works of every kind, whether of piety or of 
charity, such as the frequentation of the Sacraments, the exact 
observance of the commands of God and the precepts of the 
Church, &c., and the putting in practice of all that may 
efficaciously contribute to the end of the Association. 


Besides the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, the pious Association 
venerates as its special protectors St. Joseph ; St. Peter, Prince 
of the Apostles, and Patron of England ; St. Gregory the Great, 
Pope; 1 and St. Augustine, Bishop and Apostle of England. 


To take part in the Association, and to gain the Indulgences 
with which it is enriched, the associates shall every day add to 
their daily prayers a special prayer at least a Hail Mary in 
order to obtain from God the conversion for which the Associa- 
tion is founded. They are specially exhorted to recite the prayer 
to the Most Holy Virgin, for our English brethren, inserted in 
the Apostolic Letter Ad Anglos of April 15th, 1895. 

1 St. Gregory was added by the Holy Father after the date of the Brief 
and of those Statutes. 



The primary Association has its seat in the city of Paris, at 
the church of St. Sulpice ; and it has the right to aggregate any- 
other similar Associations which may be erected throughout the 
world with the consent of the respective Ordinaries. The 
Sulpicians, however, have the right of erecting the Association in 
their church wherever they have a residence. 


The President of the Primary Association is the Superior- 
General, for the time being, of the Sulpicians, who shall be able 
to delegate as his representative a Father approved by him for 
the transaction of business. The Presidents of the diocesan 
Associations, wherever canonically erected and aggregated to 
the primary one, shall be nominated by the respective 


The President of the Association may select from among 
those members who are specially distinguished for zeal and piety, 
Zealators of either sex in such number as he shall judge fitting ; 
and these Zelators shall devote themselves, as far as possible to 
promoting the welfare of the Association. For this purpose they 
shall meet together with the President at certain fixed times of 
the year, in order to take such measures as may seem opportune 
for the welfare of the Association. 


It shall be the duty of the Zelators to endeavour, as far as 
possible, to increase the number of members, and, with the 
authorization of the President, to issue to them the certificate of 
enrolment. They must be careful to keep a register of the names 
enrolled to be given to the President himself, who shall tran- 
scribe the names into the general register of the Association. 


On one Sunday of the month, to be definitely fixed, there 
shall be a meeting of the members in every church where the 
Association is erected, for the purpose of praying together, if 
possible, before the Blessed Sacrament exposed, in order to 
implore more efficaciously from God the wished-for return of 
Great Britain to the Catholic Church. 

The present copy perfectly agrees in all its parts with the 


original of the Statutes preserved in Rome, in the archives of 
the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. 

Given at Rome, in the Secretariate of the aforesaid Sacred 
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, on the 30th day of 
August, 1897. 


A. TEOMBETTA, Secretary. 


The Decree of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and 
Regulars by which the Statutes were confirmed, and which was 
approved by the Holy Father is then given, and after it the 
following prayer from the Apostolic Letter Ad Anglos : 

' Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of God, and our most gentle 
Queen and Mother, look down in mercy upon England thy 
"Dowry," and upon us all who greatly hope and trust in thee. 
By thee it was that Jesus, our Saviour and our hope, was given 
unto the world ; and He has given thee to us that we might 
hope still more. Plead for us thy children, whom thou didst receive 
and accept at the foot of the cross, sorrowful mother. Inter- 
cede for our separated brethren, that with us in the one time 
Fold they may be united to the Chief Shepherd, the Vicar of 
thy Son. Pray for us all, dear Mother, that by faith fruitful in 
works, we may all deserve to see and praise God, together with 
thee, in our heavenly home. Amen.' 

[ 185 ] 


SONGS OF SIGN. By Mary Stanislaus MacCarthy, O.S.D., 
Sion Hill, Dublin. Dublin : Browne & Nolan, Ltd. 1898. 

THIS volume of sacred verses has already been well described 
as ' a holy and a beautiful book.' It is impossible to read it 
through without acknowledging the genuine religious fervour of 
the ' Songs,' and the truly uncommon gifts of imagination and 
expression with which their author was endowed. Owing to the 
systematic oppression of the Church in these countries, and the 
persistent denial of higher education to Catholics, our religious 
poetry had not, until recent times, reached a very high standard. 
A few gifted writers of the present day have done much, how- 
ever, in spite of all obstacles, not the least of which was a want 
of appreciation and cultivated taste amongst the public at large? 
to fill up this vacant space in Catholic literature. Amongst the 
number, limited though it be, Sister M. Stanislaus must be 
awarded a very high place. Superficial and half-educated 
persons may be inclined to discount religious poetry, and even to 
exclude it altogether from the field of interest of the modern 
world ; but genuine poets, and men and women of the highest 
intellectual cultivation, in all the centuries of the Christian era* 
have ever admired religious poetry, and found enjoyment and 
happiness in the strains that called them away from earthly 
cares. From the humble cell of Hermann Contractus, in a 
lonely island in the Lake of Constance, come down to us the 
' Salve Eegina ' and the ' Alma Redemptoris Mater.' St. Francis 
of Assisi, in an age of feudalism and of chivalry, did not hesitate 
to sing of ' Holy Poverty ' as the lady of his heart, his fiancee, 
and his spouse. St. Bonaventure, Fra Pacifico, Jacomino da 
Verona, and the Blessed Jacopone da Todi, have achieved, in 
poetry alone, a glory which the materialistic versifiers of modern 
times are never likely to rival. Do we not find religious poetry at 
the fountain-head of all the great literatures of the world English, 
German, French, Spanish, Portuguese ? And in our own country 
we know how our Irish ancestors devoted the very best of their 
genius to that religious poetry which is not yet entirely lost, and 


which Irish scholars of the present day take a pride in rescuing 
from oblivion. 

It is in this celestial garden that Sister Mary Stanislaus 
has culled the precious flowers that grace this handsome volume. 
She sings of Him whom she had chosen and loved beyond all 
human love, and of His angels and saints, and of the monuments 
of His boundless love, His Sacraments, His churches, His 
hospitals, His schools. These are the themes of her Songs of 
Sion. It is but poor praise to say that the author of such excel- 
lent poems would have achieved high repute in the world, if she 
had devoted her talents to the worldly aspects of life, or if she 
had aimed at more finished literary effect in these religious 
verses. They are, as they stand, the outcome of a fervent and 
cultivated mind, uttered as occasion called them forth ; and as 
such they will remain a lasting monument of honour to ' Sion 
Hill,' and the worthy expression of a pure life. We have only to 
say, in conclusion, that the publishers have turned out the volume 
in perfect style. The paper, type, and binding are all in keeping 
with the contents, and reflect the highest credit on Messrs. 
Browne & Nolan, Ltd., who have now established themselves as 
capable of executing all sorts of artistic work, in binding as well 
as in printing. 

J. F. H. 

BREVIARIUM EOMANUM. Tornaci Nerviorum. Surnptibus 
et Typis Soc. S. Joannis Evangelistae. Desclee, Lefebvre 
et Soc. Pontif. Editorum. 1897. 

HORAE DIURNAE. Same Publishers. 

WE have much pleasure in bringing under the notice of our 
readers this excellent edition of the Breviary, published by 
Messrs. Desclee, Lefebvre & Co., of Tournay. It is in many 
respects the most convenient edition of the Breviary that has 
come into our hands. Its great advantage is that there is the 
least possible turning of leaves, the fine quality of the paper 
making it possible for the publishers to print the psalms, versicles, 
&c., in many of the special offices, whilst in other breviaries one 
is constantly obliged to turn over for them to the common or to 
offices of similar feasts in other parts of the Breviary. The 
edition which has been sent to us is printed on fine, though 
rather thin, India paper, which has the advantage, notwith- 


standing its slender leaf, of being perfectly opaque. It is bound 
in black, flexible Morocco, with gilt edges and round corners. 
It seems to us excellent value for 1 16s. 2d. Messrs. Desclee, 
Lefebvre & Co., have besides, a large stock of more expensive 
breviaries ; but for practical use, we believe this is the one that 
is most in demand. 

The Horae Diurnae, which costs 6s. 9^., has the same charac- 
teristics as the Breviary ; but, besides the ordinary contents of 
the Horae, it has, at the end, the prayers of the priest before and 
after Mass, before and after confession, together with some most 
useful excerpts from the Koman Eitual, such as the method of 
administering Holy Communion to the sick, the rite of Extreme 
Unction, the ' Benedictio Infirmi,' the ' Benedictio Eosariorum 
B. M. V.,' the ' Forma Brevior Benedicendi et imponendi Scapulare 
B. M. V. de Monte Carmelo,' Benedictio Imaginis vel Numis- 
matis,' ' Benedictio Domorum.' ' Benedictio ad Omnia.' This 
supplementary part will, we have no doubt, be found very useful. 
We should mention that the Irish proper is included in both 
Breviary and 'Horae ' at the prices mentioned , 

J. F. H. 

Herrmann, Congr. SS. Eedemptoris. 3 vols., of about 
650 pages each. Eome, Cuggiani. Vico della Pace, 35. 
Bureaux de la Sainte-Famille a Antony, Seine, France, 
1897. 12i francs. 

THE Bishop of Malaga, in an official paper, which appeared 
on the 16th of June, 1897, wrote : 

' The theology of Father Herrmann is a complete work of its 
kind. His method, his clearness, and the great purity of his 
doctrine . . . makes his work more adapted for a class-book than 
any we know. A student may with the greatest facility make 
the contents his own ; and whoever does so can rest assured that 
he has acquired the knowledge most necessary for our times, while 
he enters at the same time on the road opened to us by the great 
restorer of theological studies, the great Pontiff, Leo XIII.' 

The Holy Father himself, through his Eminence Cardinal 
Rompolla, wrote to the author : 

' Multum gavisus est de amore ac diuturno et frugifero 
studio, quo animum applicuisti ad exponendas mentibusque 
alte inserendas doctrinas Angelici Doctoris Thomae et 


S. Doctoris Alphonsi : quas ipse Pontifex doctrinas memorandis 
commendarat documentis. Id quoque singulariter ei gratum 
accidit quod te in veritati defensionem, tanta haurire subsidia 
ex actis concilii vaticani et ex Litteris suis encyclicis.' 

The Revue Ecclcsiastique de Metz points out that Father 
Herrmann has really given us something new. We all know 
St. Alphonsus as universal master in moral theology ; but how 
few there are who realize that he has written much on the 
dogmas of our holy religion. He popularized St. Thomas, adding 
at the same time, in many questions both practical and specu- 
lative, the weight of his own authority, which certainly counts 
for something since he too is Doctor of the Church. ' In hisce 
exarandis institutionibus [says the author] Ducem et Magistrum 
S. Thomam sequi conatus sum.' He has even kept his word 
as far as the limits of a compendium allowed. He adds : 

1 Propositum etiam mihi fuit, ut, praeter Doctorem angelicum, 
sanctum quoque Doctorem Alphonsum de Liguorio in Ducem et 
Magistrum mihi assumerem, eo nomine (verba sunt SS. D.N. 
Leo PP. XIII.) quod eum sanctus auctor saepe in scriptis suis 
angeli scholarum doctrinam se sequutum fuisse glorietur; ex 
hujusmodi recentioris Ecclesiae Doctoris erga ilium obsequio 
nova S. Thomae doctrinae laus accedat et gloria.' 

At page 656, vol i., we find a long list of St. Alphonsus' 
dogmatic works, and these are referred to in the Breve Concess. 
tituli Doctoris, die 7, 1871, in which Pius IX. says : 

' Nullum esse vel nostrorum temporum errorem qui, maxima 
saltern ex parte, non sit ab Alphonso refutatus.' 

Moreover St. Alphonsus examined thoroughly many difficult 
questions discussed by the older theologians, and drew from his 
examination conclusions quite his own. Thus, for example, in 
the question : how we are to conciliate grace and liberty, he has 
now his own system. In vol. ii., cap. iv., p. 429, under heading 
Systema Caiholica, we have systema Thomistarum, Auguistinia- 
norum, Molinistarum, Conquistarum et Systema S. Alphonsi de 
Liguori. In future in discussions on this subject this last system 
must have its place. Light is often thrown on obscure passages 
in St. Thomas by the teaching of St. Alphonsus. Hence, in 
uniting these two Doctors, the author has given us what is both 
new and useful. Useful, for the Breve cited above continues : 

' Hujus Doctoris libros, commentaria, opuscula, opera denique 
omnia, ut aliorum Ecclesiae Doctorum, non modo privatim, sed 


publics in gyrnnasiis, Academiis, Scholis, Collegiis, Lectionibus, 
Sermonibus, omnibusque aliis ecclesiasticis studiis . . . citari, 
proferri, atque, cum res postulaverit, volumus et decernimus.' 

Father Herrmann has given effect to this mandate of the 
Holy See in his Institutiones. He has done for dogmatic 
theology, as far as the matter permits, what Mare and Aertnys 
have done in moral theology ; and for this he deserves the thanks 
of both students and professors. 

The universal praise with which this work has been received, 
and the high place which has been assigned to it as a manual, 
has led us to examine it with particular care. We have found it 
complete as to matter, wonderfully clear in diction, and methodic 
throughout. The schemas which precede the different tracts give 
the student a bird's-eye view of what is before him. Each part 
therein indicated is taken up separately, and so logically and 
clearly subdivided that the task of learning is made compara- 
tively easy. This is enhanced by the perfect manner in which the 
book is printed. By a careful selection of type, the propositions, 
divisions, proofs, and objections immediately catch the eye and 
keep the memory. Moreover, that which every student should 
know is in bold type, while certain questions which are useful, 
but not necessary, or aspects of questions which the more talented 
students will study and develope with profit, are put in smaller 
type. To this end he gives at the beginning of each tract auc tores 
consukndi. Full room is left to professor for further development 
of doctrine. 

We do not venture to say that this manual is perfect, but we 
are of opinion that in most respects it is excellent, and that 
professors will soon see that Father Herrmann has profited of 
his long experience of the needs and capabilities of students. 1 

And now we wish to go a step further, and say that we believe 
this work to be a most useful hand-book for priests on the mis- 
sion. Its conciseness, clearness, and order make it admirable 
for dogmatic instructions. The schemas, of which we have 
already spoken, the indices of each volume, and especially the 
two general indices at the end of the third volume, are excellent, 

1 In 'a second edition which is sure to be soon called for, the author might 
consider whether it would not be better to unite what he has written, de Fontilits 
Firlei, vol. i., Nos. 10 and 17, and the fuller treatment, Pars, iii., cap. i. and ii., 
of Scripture and Tradition. We think also that in some places the texts taken 
from St. Alphonsus might have been more to the point. 


one Index Berum notabilium; the other, Index continens Alpha- 
betico ordine Errorum Fautores : this is, in reality, a compendious 
dictionary of errors and their authors. 

Before finishing this necessarily short notice, we call special 
attention to Tractus Quintus, vol. ii., Marialogia. A glance at 
the Conspectus generalis, p. 281, shows how fully and with what 
perfect order the subject is treated. We see in the pages that 
follow how solid were the principles on which St. Alphonsus, 
devotion to the Madonna rested ; also to Tractatus Sextus, De 
Gratia. Priests who have to labour for the saving and perfecting 
of souls will read with pleasure the proofs given of two proposi- 
tions proposed by one who is rightly called an apostle of prayer, 
namely : 

' Gratia sufficiens, quae, urgente praecepto, omnibus com- 
muniter conceditur, ita est immediate et proximo ad orandum 
sufficiens, ut quilibet cum ea actu orare possit, si velit, et per 
orationem uberiora auxilia, quibus ad difficiliora peragenda et ad 
salutem consequendam indiget obtinere,' No. 1,225. 


' Ad gratiam efficacem obtinendam oratio est medium neces- 
sarium et omnino infallible,' No. 1,226. 

Just as in his moral and ascetic theology, so likewise in 
his dogmatic treatises, St. Alphonsus is pre-eminently practical. 
Father Herrmann has, it seems to us, thoroughly seized his 
holy founder's spirit, and he has given us a book which has 
come to stay. 

J. M. 

SEBMONS. By Father John Kelly, B.A., late Hector of 
St. Joseph's, Birkdale. Manchester: P. Deschamps, 
Blackfriars Bridge. 

THE author of this volume of Sermons belonged to the 
diocese of Liverpool, where he served at first as Secretary to the 
Bishop, and afterwards as pastor of more than one important 
district. As far as can be known, the discourses now collected 
were all prepared and delivered during the author's missionary 
career, and were addressed to ordinary town and country congre- 
gations. They were not written with a view to publication, but 
were collected after the author's death by one of his friends, who 
found many of the manuscripts in a dilapidated condition, some 


written in pencil and in many places nearly illegible. They 
narrowly escaped being burned as worthless, a fate which has 
befallen many similar efforts which in their day served to kindle 
divine love in the hearts of Christians. 

Most missionary priests will, I imagine, think all the more of 
these discourses of Father Kelly's, forasmuch as they are here 
printed as they were prepared, for delivery in the ordinary routine 
of parochial work. It has been often said that a man's truest 
biography is to be found in the letters which he may have written 
to intimate friends, wherein he unaffectedly reveals his passing 
thoughts and feelings. Writing with a view to publication is like 
sitting for a portrait ; it develops an unconscious but inevitable 
tendency to pose. There is a charming frankness and simplicity 
in discourses which are intended merely for the faithful of the 
parish, one's own household and familiar friends, as it were, 
and in which there is no attempt, consciously or unconsciously, 
to satisfy the larger and more critical audience to which a 
published discourse necessarily appeals. 

There is another point of view from which the volume before 
us is of special interest. It is a chapter, so to speak, from the 
biography of a gifted and zealous priest, in which he reveals 
quite unconsciously the kind of work he did on the mission, and 
from which others may learn not only what a good pastor should 
endeavour to do, but what one has actually done in the way of 
preaching to and instructing his people. During our college 
course and at the annual retreats the lesson is again and again 
repeated, that preaching without preparation which for many 
years, at least, means without writing out the discourse before 
hand is of little value. But so many impediments arise in the 
missionary's daily life ; and it is so easy to find excuses for 
appearing in the pulpit after a hurried preparation. Now, here 
is one who was neither a college professor nor a conductor of 
retreats, but the rector of many important and populous missions, 
where the work pressed heavily on a delicate constitution. And 
here are samples of the discourses he used actually to deliver to 
his people, just as he delivered them ; the ordinary Sunday 
morning or evening lectures, which he never imagined would 
reach a larger audience than was collected for the occasion 
within his parish church. What has been done by one may be 
done by others in similar circumstances ; not, perhaps, as grace- 
fully and well as by Father Kelly, for all have not his talents ; 
but according to the capacity with which each one is endowed. 


It remains to say something of the sermons as sources which 
may be utilized by others in preparing for similar work. It 
seems to me that from this point of view there are two kinds of 
discourse : one formal, \vith the various divisions pointed out 
explicitly, as well as the principal arguments and appeals with 
which each point is amplified ; the other free and flowing, not 
making so many divisions, nor distinguishing them so formally 
one from another, but content to propose some one lesson, and to 
illustrate and enforce this in many ways from theology, philo- 
sophy, history, art, science, experience of men ; each sentence 
and paragraph arising out of the preceding almost imperceptibly, 
and leading to a more artistic if not a simpler and more useful 

For those who can afford to make but a hurried preparation, 
the first kind of sermon is manifestly the most valuable ; and 
Father Kelly's discourses are not of that kind. Those preachers, 
however, who carefully write out their sermons, and aim at 
producing not only solid but artistic results, will find very 
valuable suggestions in the volume before us. It would also 
serve, I think, as useful spiritual reading, especially for the laity, 
inasmuch as it was for the laity the instructions were originally 





WE crave the reader's indulgence for this brief 
excursion into a region more or less abstract. 
The abstract atmosphere is, we admit, un- 
pleasantly thin. Its first effect is not unlike 
that of a great mountain height ; we experience a difficulty 
in catching our intellectual breath, and are disposed to grow 
dizzy at the surrounding emptiness. Then it is such a 
ghostly place the home of disembodied ideas, entities as 
elusive as the sprite. We altogether prefer the bustling 
concrete, where ideas wear bodies of some sort through 
which you can lay hold of them, and exhibit them before the 
great popular tribunal of common sense, and make them 
show cause why they should not be regarded as disturbers of 
the public mind. However, it is with a view to afterwards 
doing all this the more effectually that we now propose 
to have a short consultation with that eminent chamber 
lawyer consciousness. 

The subject we are about to discuss is of great 
even of supreme importance. It is, therefore, industriously 
hidden away by the ' scientific philosophers ' under vague 
forms of words that seem profound while they are 
really only indefinite. In fact our present subject shows 
us our philosophers in a new light. Whatever their 



shortcomings, we have not hitherto had occasion to charge 
them with want of courage to go on. It is therefore 
the more surprising to find them come to a dead stop 
at a point of the philosophic road which is clearly not 
the end, declaring that they have reached the limit of 
speculation even for them. They boldly trace the universe 
back to a certain primordial condition, and then, muttering 
something about ' the unknown and unknowable,' leave it 
an unsolved problem. Nor must anyone else touch it. It 
must be held inscrutable, a mystery, something lying out- 
side the pale, not only of science, but of thought. Having 
seen the universe ground down in the philosophical mill to 
elementary matter and force, you must be content to stop 
there, to regard that condition as ultimate. You must not 
seek to know where these elements of a universe came from, 
or who or what established among them those special 
relations which, according to the teaching of ' advanced 
philosophy,' led to all subsequent developments. You are 
left to conclude, as the only way of pacifying your insub- 
ordinate reason, that the great elements probably constituted 
an effect so prodigious that it could dispense with a cause ! 
Of course the conclusion is not to be put forward in that 
shockingly naked form. Artistically shrouded in the mystery 
of ' the unknown and unknowable,' it will begin to look 
quite reasonable ! 

In fact we have in this great problem of the ultimate 
origin of the universe the veritable skeleton in the philo- 
sophers' cabinet, and they are never quite at ease about it. 
Hence, even while solemnly ticketing it ' unknown and 
unknowable,' they at the same time try to convey an 
impression that science has somehow partly solved it in 
the negative, or at least is just about to do so. And as a 
last resource, they metaphorically snap their fingers at it as 
an unpractical speculation, a mere metaphysical subtlety 
which may be dismissed by practical men. 

But like the calling of spirits from the vasty deep, the 
dismissal of the ultimate problem of causation from the 
human mind is hampered with a fatal difficulty in practice 
it won't go. Try all we may, we cannot think out a reason- 


able theory of the universe without coming at last face to 
face with the question of its origin. The solving of that 
question in some fashion becomes for us, therefore, a neces- 
sity of thought. Further, we contend that the solution is 
equally inevitable that as reasonable beings we can come 
to only one conclusion, viz., that the existing universe had 
an originating cause, which primary cause was necessarily 
a transcendent intelligence. This conclusion we shall 
now endeavour to work out with as little abstruseness as 
may be. 

We suppose it is unnecessary to say a . single word as to 
the importance of the question and its answer. The special 
note of the scientific philosophy is the elimination of the 
idea of an intelligent First Cause from the system of nature, 
that is to say, the elimination of the idea of God. In the 
hands of the infidel philosophers the universe has become 
the great argument against the existence of its Creator. As 
we see it around us now, it can be explained without refer- 
ence to any such being ; and when traced to its primordia 
condition, it vanishes ' behind the veil.' That is the sum of 
the scientific philosophy ; and whoever would retain his 
belief in a God must be prepared to meet it. 

The line of thought followed in this paper was suggested 
by some pregnant sentences in the concluding paragraph of 
Sir John Herschel's lecture On the Origin of Force. 1 Having 
called attention to the fact that the universe, as far as it 
is observable by us, presents to us three orders of phenomena 
viz., physical, vital, and intellectual Sir John Herschel 
continues : 

The first and greatest question philosophy has to resolve in 
its attempts to make out a Cosmos to bring the whole of the 
phenomena exhibited in these three domains of existence under 
the contemplation of the mind as a congruous whole is whether 
or not we can derive any light from our internal consciousness of 
thought, reason, power, will, motive, design : whether, that is to 

1 Familiar Lectures. 


say, nature is or is not more interpretable by supposing these 
things (be they what they may) to have had, or to have, to do 
with its arrangements. 

The suggestion here thrown out really takes us down to 
the very root of all profitable study of natural phenomena. 
The very first question certainly is How are we to approach 
the study of these phenomena ? What standards have we 
to refer them to ? What weights and measures have we to 
gauge them with ? To answer this fundamental question 
we turn the search-light of our intellect in on ourselves, and 
examine how we stand related to the phenomena of which 
we have the best because the most immediate experience 
namely, our own works as free agents. How do we account 
for these phenomena of our own production to ourselves or 
to our fellowmen ? why we did that act, or went to that 
place, or bought or sold that thing ? At once we discover 
ourselves referring them to internal, intellectual conceptions 
more or less clear and deliberate. And the more closely we 
watch the process of explanation the more we realize that a 
work of ours is always and only explicable when clearly 
referable to a prototypal thought ; that such perfections and 
defects of the work as are not merely mechanical are trace- 
able to the thought; and that confusion in the work or its 
interpretation comes of confusion in the thought. The 
steps that lead to the phenomena we produce ourselves our 
works as free agents we thus find to be substantially these : 
(1) a conception, clear or confused, of an end to be gained 
a design ; (2) a conception, also more or less clear or con- 
fused, of means to be applied to gain that end a plan} 
(3) the actual carrying out, with more or less success, of the 
different parts of the plan, thus realizing, more or less per- 
fectly, the original design. This last step is still traceable 
to a mental origin in reason and will. 

In all the steps of this process we of course recognise 
that we are handicapped by the limitation of our powers, 
mental and physical. We have also to admit that, owing to 
our limitations, the steps are not always so clearly distin- 
guishable as here set forth. Indeed occasionally the first 
two steps seem to be reversed, the conception of means 


coming first and suggesting possible ends. Still these defects 
do not in the least shake our belief in the truth of the general 
conclusion at which we have arrived namely, that our 
works are external projections, more or less perfect, of 
previous intellectual conceptions ; that they existed as 
thoughts before they existed as facts ; that they are ideals 
more or less perfectly realized. The first result, then, of 
self-observation is to trace back all self-produced phenomena 
t.o the initial influence or impulsion of some of those intel- 
lectual powers or forces named by Sir John Herschel. In 
so far as we are conscious of being originators of formative 
force, leading to the production of phenomena, we are to the 
like extent conscious of the purely mental origin of that 
force. In other words, all phenomena of our own produc- 
tion our works as free agents are traceable to previous 
formative thought. This is unquestionably the testimony of 
our consciousness. It is information directly gained, or, as 
we may say, at first hand. 

We now proceed to extend the range of our knowledge 
by inference ; and the first extension we give it will hardly, 
we think, be questioned. It rests on our reasonable convic- 
tion of the unity of human nature that mankind is all of a 
piece. Therefore the works of our fellowmen are related 
to them as ours to us, that is, they are expressions of 
previously existing intellectual conceptions. This consider- 
ably increases the number of phenomena clearly interpretable 
by a rule founded on our own consciousness. The category 
now embraces all the works of man as a free agent. Looked 
at through the medium of our consciousness, every such 
work of man stands forth against the background of an 
interpreting thought. Any particular work of man is a 
puzzle to us only when we cannot clearly refer it to its 
intellectual background. 

Let us assure ourselves by experiment, so to speak, that 
all this is no mere abstract dreaming, but a true account 
of what we are instinctively doing every day of our lives. 
Let us suppose ourselves viewing one of those triumphs 
of modern engineering a great steel railway bridge. 


What association of ideas would be most likely to occur to 
us the bridge and the foundry, or the bridge and the 
engineer ? Certainly the latter. Even if the first did occur 
to us, we could not rest in it ; for this association of ideas 
would be really our instinctive reference of the work to its 
origin, and no conceivable wealth of machinery would here 
fulfil the idea of that relation. Inevitably we should go 
back to the mind of the engineer, when the great work 
would resolve itself into a great thought. Then and not till 
then should we feel that we had satisfactorily accounted to 
ourselves for the existence of this particular phenomenon. 
This is a solitary instance of an ever-recurring act, always 
substantially the same. We pass a neat cottage on the 
roadside. Instantly we refer its neatness, not to the white- 
wash and creepers, but to an aesthetic ideal in the mind of 
the occupant. Even a heap of broken stones, if we notice 
it at all, is instinctively referred to an ideal, good, bad, or 
indifferent, in the mind of the humble operator, or, further 
back, in that of Macadam. 

Hence we may safely conclude that we have here got 
hold of something like a law of our intellectual nature, in 
virtue of which we trace things to thoughts, and feel fully 
satisfied only when we can so trace them. Without the 
background of thought the works of our fellowmen become 
unintelligible to us. Nay, even our own works, if perchance 
we forget the thoughts that inspired them, become equally 
unintelligible. We have all had experience of this curious 
verification of our principle. How often have we had to 
stop before one of our own works quite puzzled to account 
for its occurrence or existence. Why did I do this ? Why 
did I place this here ? We know well we did the work in 
question ; but that does not explain it to us. That was a 
stage in its production, not its origin. We are as certain of 
a mental origin farther back as we are of the actual exist- 
ence of the work there confronting us. There was an 
originating thought, whatever has become of it. And until 
that thought is traced and found in the memory, the work 
remains unintelligible an effect without a cause. 


And here let us hark back for a moment to check our 
work by comparison with our text. The question proposed 
was, whether natural phenomena become more interpretable 
by referring them to mind. Towards the solution of this 
question we have made this much progress. We have found 
that the phenomena most within reach of our experience 
are more or less interpretable according as they are more or 
less clearly referable to mind. This reference to mental 
prototypes thus establishes itself as a rule of interpretation 
for these phenomena. Further, we have found it to be our 
only rule in these cases the one principle by which we 
could satisfactorily account for the existence of the pheno- 
mena in question. When it failed us, we were for the time 
intellectually lost. The work of our fellowman, and even 
our own, became a puzzle when the thought that underlay 
it could not be traced. This last, or negative result of our 
inquiry, is by far the most important for the object in view. 
It was a good thing to find out that for certain phenomena 
we had an instinctive method of interpretation which we 
found to be quite satisfying to us as rational beings. It was 
a still better thing to find out that we had no other method 
that gave us any satisfaction. For this latter discovery has 
prepared us to give full, intelligent acceptance to Sir John 
Herschel's final extension of our principle, at least in its 
negative form, to all the phenomena of nature 'Constituted 
as the human mind is, if nature be not interpretable through 
these conceptions [of relation with mind], it is not interpret- 
able at all.' Here we have at last reached a great general 
rule for the interpretation of nature a rule which, on the 
warrant alike of intellectual necessity and of strictly 
scientific analogy, claims the whole field a rule woven into 
the very texture of our minds, and so interwoven with our 
intuition of cause itself that to strangle one is to paralyze 
the other. Let us thoroughly convince ourselves of all this 
(1) that we have, de facto, in this rule a reliable guide to the 
satisfactory solution of the great puzzle of the universe 
the origin of things ; and (2) that all attempts to solve the 
problem on other principles invariably lead to intellectual 


When we look at our triple universe of matter, life, and 
mind, we cannot help regarding it as a work a product ol 
the operation of some power, force, energy, or whatever 
other word will properly express the ultimate Efficient 
Cause. 1 It bears the stamp of workmanship on every part, 
great and small. So patent is this that few, even of the 
most reckless of the ' advanced philosophers,' venture to 
question it. They too, like ourselves, instinctively refer the 
universe and its parts to causes, thereby admitting that they 
have to view them as effects as works of some agent or 
power. But having thus far followed the lead of their intel- 
lectual instincts, when they come to take the next step 
that of tracing the work to its source, they deliberately 
abandon what is for them as for us ' the method of nature '- 
a method that is as much a part of our intellectual outfit as 
the intuition of cause itself. In doing this they necessarily 
also turn their backs on that boasted ' scientific method ' by 
which they profess always to interpret the ' ultra-experien- 
tial ' in nature by analogy of the observed and known. The 
works of man they can only account for satisfactorily by 
tracing them, like ourselves, to an intellectual origin ; but 
the far more elaborate works with which the three -fold 
universe overflows they are content to refer to the action of 
unintelligent forces. To be consistent they should also 
content themselves with referring the bridge to the foundry, 
maintaining that the varied and powerful machinery there 
was the ultimate and sufficient cause of its existence, and 
that its pedigree went no further back. They say in fact : 
' We cannot account for the existence of this bridge without 
going back to the mind of the engineer, from which came 
the plan that was worked out by the mechanical and 
chemical appliances of the foundry. But this other work 
the solar system, or this one the growing plant, or this 

1 According to some recent authorities it would seem that a correct use of 
the terms force and energy is almost as rare an accomplishment as that of shall 
and intf. As regards the more common term, force, we take shelter behind 
Faraday : ' "What I mean by the word force is the cause of a physical action 
the source or sources of all possible changes amongst the particles or materials 
of the uui verse.' Experimental Researches, p. 460. 


one the sentient animal, or even this one man himself, 
with his wonderful originating power all these we trace, 
not to an intellectual origin, but to the interaction of the 
ordinary forces of mindless matter. We cannot indeed 
imagine unintelligent forces planning the bridge, but we can 
fancy them forming the engineer ! ' 

Let it not be said that this is but a travesty of the 
' advanced philosophy.' Those who have had the patience 
to follow us throughout, know that we are not overstating 
the case. They will easily recall many pronouncements of 
the ' philosophers ' that would entirely bear us out. ' The 
existing world lay potentially in the cosmic vapour.' There, 
according to Professor Huxley, is the remotest thinkable 
origin of all the exquisite and intricate works of nature we 
see around us. But is such an origin really thinkable as 
ultimate ? Can we stop there ? Do we not here realize the 
full truth of what Sir John Herschel says that, constituted 
as our minds are, we must interpret nature by reference to 
mind, or not at all? There is no use in offering us matter 
and force in any quantity. "We can no more stop at these 
than we can at the ore and the foundry in tracing the bridge. 
No doubt the bridge ' lay potentially ' in the ore, and was 
' evolved ' out of it by the powerful machinery of the foundry. 
But is all this thinkable by us as an ultimate origin ? The 
potential existence of the bridge in the ore might have 
continued till doom's day, and never become actual existence, 
but for the thought in a man's head. That is the only 
ultimate origin that satisfies us. So with 'the existing 
world.' Granting that it ' lay potentially in the cosmic 
vapour,' and granting to the said ' cosmic vapour ' all the 
properties that can reasonably be claimed for mere matter 
forces, motion, high temperature, whatever you like the 
formation of the existing world out of it all is still unthinkable 
without some representation of the engineer, some intelligent 
power to plan, to initiate, to guide. 

Here Professor Huxley tries to baffle us by one of those 
metaphysical suppositions that seem for a moment to confuse 
the reasoning powers ' Our present universe,' he pleasantly 
suggests, ' may be but the last stage of an eternal series of 


metamorphoses.' Now this may sound very imposing, but it 
is really no better than cuttle-fish philosophy a meaningless 
phrase designed to darken a clear issue. As the wily professor 
very well knew, an 'eternal series' of things is to the average 
man as slippery as a circulating decimal. You may go on for 
ever trying to see to the end, and it keeps always just out of 
sight. It is like Jack's cable that kept on steadily coming 
up out of the water until he was ready to swear that ' the 
devil must have cut the other end off ! ' It does not demand 
much reasoning to show that this eternal series of changes 
in matter is no more than a philosophical scarecrow a 
frightful figure in the path, which it is hoped you will not 
go near enough to examine. When you do examine it you 
find it to be only a mystifying way of saying that an effect 
does not need a cause. For each change each new stage 
in the series is an effect arising from, or in some way caused 
by, the preceding one. Admittedly no particular stage can 
be conceived to arise except from a preceding one ; that is 
to say, no stage can be conceived as an absolute beginning, 
an ultimate cause of all that follows. In other words, the 
supposed 'series of metamorphoses' can have no ultimate 
cause. Whence ' our present universe ' stands forth as the 
biggest and grandest instance within our ken of an effect 
without a cause ! So this high-sounding ' eternal series of 
metamorphoses ' is at bottom a negation of our intuition 
of causality, and impliedly of the capacity of human con- 
sciousness to bear reliable witness to anything. Even so 
thorough-going an evolutionist as Weismann rejects the 
notion of eternal matter as an adequate substitute for a 
First Cause. ' The assumption of eternal matter with its 
eternal laws by no means satisfies our intellectual need for 
causality.' 1 

Has Professor Huxley anything further to say to the 
question? Yes; he has just one thing more: 'The scientific 
investigator is wholly incompetent to say anything at all 
about the first origin of the material universe.' (What ! 
not even ' hocus-pocus ' ?) This will, perhaps, seem at first 

i Studies in the Theories of Descent, 1882, p. 716. 


sight the one sane statement the Professor has made on the 
subject ; yet not even with this can we agree. We hear a 
great deal at times from all the ' advanced philosophers ' 
about ' the scientific method ' by which they are enabled to 
' cross the boundary of experimental evidence,' and ' discern ' 
wonderful things that lie outside the region of experience. 
These are ' derived by a process of abstraction from 
experience. ... In this way, out of experience, arise 
conceptions which are wholly ultra-experiential.' I Agam 
' Having determined the elements of their curve in a world 
of observation and experiment, they [i.e., the scientific 
philosophers] prolong that curve ' 2 into regions of thought 

Furnished with this ' open sesame,' how can Professor 
Huxley declare himself 'wholly incompetent to say anything 
at all about the first origin of the material universe ' ? Is 
not this a case where we can ' determine the elements of 
our curve ' of causality * in a world of observation and 
experiment,' namely, the world of phenomena of our own 
originating? In that world of our immediate experience 
the elements of the curve are found to be all purely mental. 
Must not its prolongation, therefore, through and beyond 
'the primitive nebulosity,' lead us to an analogous originating 
cause there ? If we are to credit ' the scientific method ' 
with the powers claimed for it, this must inevitably be the 
result of its application here. But perhaps that is just the 
reason it is not applied ! 

This agnostic pose is rather a favourite one with our 
' advanced philosophers.' It gives the impression of moder- 
ation and caution, and contrasts favourably with ' the 
intolerant dogmatism of theology.' Mr. S. Laing in his 
Modern Science and Modern Thought, having traced energy 
back to the cosmic atoms, continues : 

If we ask how came the atoms into existence endowed with 
this marvellous energy, we have reached the furthest bounds of 
human knowledge, and can only reply in the words of the poet 

1 Tyndall, Belfast Address. 

2 Id., Scientific Use of the Imagination. 


'Behind the veil, behind the veil.' We can only form meta- 
physical suppositions, or I might rather call them the vaguest 
guesses, 1 

This may be taken as a typical statement. We have it 
reproduced in many impressive forms by Tyndall, standing 
with bowed head before the Mystery of Matter ; by Spencer, 
in the sanctuary of his own special deity, ' the Unknown 
and Unknowable;' by Huxley, also worshipping in silence 
' at the altar of the Unknown and Unknowable ;' 2 and by 
many lesser lights eager to parade their emancipation from 
the trammels of worn-out creeds, and their adoption of ' the 
scientific idea of a First Cause, inscrutable and past finding 
out.' 3 A.S this is 'a more sublime as well as a more rational 
belief than the old orthodox conception,' it is worth examining 
a little. Passing by the ' sublime,' let us look at it from the 
' rational ' side. 

Whatever we know, or seem to know, of atoms and energy, 
are but deductions from phenomena ; for atoms and energy 
themselves are just as much ' behind the veil ' as their First 
Cause. Now the phenomena which teach us all that we 
know of atoms and energy do they not speak with equal 
plainness of a third thing, mind ? This, at any rate, was the 
view of Sir John Herschel no weak-kneed metaphysical 
guesser, but as robust a scientific thinker as the century has 
produced. ' It is reasonable,' he says, 'to regard the force of 
gravitation as the direct or indirect result of a consciousness 
or a will existing somewhere.' 4 Certainly this is no more 
than ' reasonable.' If the planetary motions prove the 
existence of a linking force, surely they prove just as plainly 
the prevalence of a far-reaching order and plan, implying 
' a consciousness or a will existing somewhere.' Our 
' philosophers ' are not always so blind to the evidence of 
design, nor so slow to draw the proper conclusion. When 

5 Page 70. This book is an able, and therefore a dangerous, popular statement 
of the agnostic philosophy. In ten years it has had a sale of over twenty 

2 Lay Sermons, p. 14. 

3 Modern Science and Modern Tlwuyht, p. 222. 
* Outlines of Astronomy, 5th ed., p. 291. 


the matter is one that seems to favour their own theories 
they are only too ready to conclude. Their proof of the 
remote antiquity of man is a case in point. Fragments of 
flint chipped in a peculiar way have been found in ancient 
drift deposits. These flints, the ' philosophers ' tell us, show 
evident marks of design of having been ' intentionally 
chipped into their present forms.' 1 They scout the idea 
that such forms could result from any conceivable action of 
the forces of nature, or could be the handiwork of any kind 
of ape however ' anthropoid.' The signs of. purpose are too 
evident ; and purpose is unanswerable proof of a reasoning 
intelligence- Therefore beyond all doubt, they conclude, 
man existed at the drift period. We are not now considering 
the validity of this proof, but only the method of it. Let it 
be borne in mind that not a scrap of human bones has been 
found with these flints, nor in any certainly coeval deposits 
elsewhere. Consequently the proof is purely inferential 
a conclusion from the evidence of design to the necessary 
existence of an intelligent being. Behold the chameleon 
consistency of the ' philosophers ' ! A few doubtfully-marked 
fragments of stone are sufficient evidence of plan and pur- 
pose to prove intelligent authorship ; but the elaborate and 
exquisite works of nature are quite incompetent to establish 
a similar conclusion. The men of the drift are clearly seen 
in their very questionable works, but the Author of Nature 
is ' behind the veil.' 

Taking the three factors of the universe matter, force, 
and mind we find the same state of things. The 
' philosophers ' see as much as they want to, and no more. 
These three mysterious entities lie equally ' behind the veil,' 
are equally 'metaphysical conceptions.' Natural phenomena 
bear witness to the existence of all three in exactly the 
same way, viz., by special characteristics from which we 
necessarily infer the existence of each. From the reality of 
these phenomena we infer a real basis, matter ; from their 
actual occurrence we infer an agent or power at woik, force ; 
from their orderly character we infer a controlling and 

1 Sir John Lubbock, Scientific Lectures, p. 149. 


guiding influence, mind. Why are two of these inferences 
valid, although they point to things ' behind the veil,' while 
the third is to be regarded as invalid because it too points to 
something ' behind the veil ' ? If we are able to read the 
existence of two of the things in their effects, why not that 
of the third as well ? The evidence is as plain in one case 
as another. Nay, we can bring forward proof that the 
evidence for the third is actually plainer than for either of the 
other two that mind is more clearly revealed in nature 
than either matter or force. 1 To this the forms of ordinary 
speech the crystallized thought of the people bear un- 
deniable testimony. When the ' scientific philosophers ' 
attempt to describe natural phenomena, they find that they 
must use the language of design if they wish to be understood. 
We have only to look into any of their books to see this ; 
Darwin's Origin, for instance, is full of it. What does this 
show? It shows how natural phenomena present them- 
selves to the eyes of mankind in general. Whatever the 
philosophers may do, the people describe things as they see 
them. When, therefore, we find that the notion of design 
in natural phenomena has so moulded the usages of the 
common speech that all must recognise it if they would be 
intelligible, the fact is clear proof that design is the most 
generally evident characteristic of these phenomena. 

Our ' philosophers ' may answer superiorly that in a 
matter of this kind the people are incompetent witnesses : 
in fact, like the law, 'the people is a h-ass.' No doubt 
from the scientific standpoint the people is a very poor 
concern. It knows little or nothing of sciences or '-ologies.' 
It stands agape at the most elementary scientific demonstra- 
tion. It has no proper reverence for that great mechanical 
providence, the law of inverse squares. But there is here 
no question of scientific attainments. The question simply 
is What special characteristic of natural phenomena most 
strikes the popular mind ? And the answer recorded in 

1 This would seem to be the impression made on Tennyson himself, from 
whose In Memoriam the phrase ' Behind the veil ' is quoted. ' Matter,' he said, 
'is a greater mystery than mind' a thing less plainly revealed in nature. 
See Life, by his^son, vol. ii., p. 424. 


the forms of every civilized speech is design, intelligence. 
Science has nothing to do with this unanimous testimony 
but to accept it as a fact, and to ponder its significance. A 
common intuition, as Balmes says, is ' a land-mark of 
philosophy'; 1 and this seems to be one. 'That philo- 
sophy,' continues Balmes, ' must be erroneous which is 
opposed to a necessity, and contradicts an evident fact.' 
This exactly describes the position of the agnostic philosophy. 
It is opposed to a necessity of human thought, and contra- 
dicts a fact so evident that it has stamped itself on the 
speech of every civilized people. 

In fine, we will call two individual witnesses whose claims 
to speak for Nature no one will venture to dispute. One 
shall speak for the Universe of Life, the other for the 
Universe of Matter and Force, and both will testify to the 
all -pervading evidence of Mind. 

Whatever we may think of Darwin as a philosopher, no 
one questions his eminence as a naturalist. He cannot be 
suspected of any desire to favour the doctrine of mind in 
nature, seeing that the whole tendency of his system is to 
eliminate mind altogether from natural phenomena. There- 
fore when we find him in his later years, after all his unique 
experience, forced to bear unwilling witness to the over- 
powering evidence of an intelligent First Cause which living 
nature supplies, we can hardly overrate the importance of 
his testimony: In a private memoir written in 1876, we 
find this remarkable statement : 

Another source of conviction in the existence of God, con- 
nected with the reason, and not with the feelings, impresses me 
as having much more weight. This follows from the extreme 
difficulty, or rather impossibility, of conceiving this immense 
and wonderful universe, including man with his capacity for 
looking far backwards and far into futurity, as the result of 
blind chance or necessity. When thus reflecting I feel compelled 
to look to a First Cause having intelligent mind in some degree 
analogous to that of man. 2 

1 Fundamental Philosophy, vol. i., p. 267. 

2 Life and Letters, vol. i., p. 312. Nevertheless he concludes inconsequent! y 
' The mystery of the beginning of all things is insoluble by us : and I for 
one must be content to remain an agnostic.' 


In the year of his death (1882), discussing this question 
with the Duke of Argyll, he admitted that the conviction of 
design in nature often still came over him ' with over- 
whelming force.' 1 

What have our agnostic philosophers to say to these 
repeated admissions, dragged, so to speak, from the reluctant 
lips of the very father of the philosophic faithful, ' the 
Abraham of scientific men ' ? 2 At Belfast Tyndall proudly 
paraded Darwin as rejecting ' teleology ' and ' the notion of 
a supernatural Artificer.' What hollow mockery it all seems 
in the light of the pitiful revelation here made ? For it is 
pitiful to see this really great naturalist, in the interests of a 
mistaken idea, blindly struggling to free himself from a 
necessity of thought, to stifle the voice of consciousness 
within and nature without, to persist in saying ' no ' while 
the universe thundered ' yes.' 

Our second witness is the Seer of modern science, the 
man whose scientific inspirations are still a fruitful source of 
scientific discovery, Faraday. Who will question his insight 
into the mysterious universe of matter and force ? And the 
revelation it made to him is conveyed, not inappropriately, 
in the language of another and higher revelation. ' I believe 
that the invisible things of Him from the creation of the 
world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that 
are, even His eternal power and Godhead.' 3 

One more witness we take leave to call that peculiar 
American genius philosopher, lecturer, essayist, poet the 
Carlyle of the New World, Emerson. Tyndall apparently 
would appropriate him ; but we dispute his claim. We do 
not say he agrees with us in all, or even in much ; but we 
do say that he has more in common with us than with 
materialism. We might quote many passages in support of 
our contention, but we restrict ourselves to two one from 
each of his essays on Nature. 

Through all its kingdoms, to the suburbs and outskirts of 
things, [Nature] is faithful to the cause whence it had its origin. 

1 Ibid., p. 316, note. 

2 Tyndall, Science and Man. 

3 Experimental Researches, p. 465 


It always speaks of Spirit. It suggests the absolute. It is a 
perpetual effect. It is a great shadow pointing always to the 
sun behind us. 

And to the like effect these two golden sentences 
'Nature is the incarnation of a thought. . . . The world 
is mind precipitated.' 

But there is little to be gained by arguing this question 
with the ' advanced philosophers.' As far as they are con- 
cerned, the ease is closed. Their intellectual position might 
be represented by the figure of Justice without the scales, 
or Sam Weller when he ' didn't see ' his father in the 
gallery, though he 'rayther thought ' he was there. Pat into 
words, regardless of ' bulls,' it might be expressed thus : 
' There is no evidence of God in nature ; and if there is, we 
won't see it.' 

Let us briefly resume the argument before leaving it. 
Three classes of phenomena, viz., our own works, our neigh - 
bour's, and the universe, present three cases of causation. 
All three are alike inexplicable without reference to mind. 
All three alike become quite comprehensible by reference to 
mind. Of the mental origin of the first we have the most 
absolute certainty we can have of anything. Of the mental 
origin of the second we have a certainty almost as absolute, 
resting on our certainty of our neighbour's likeness to our- 
selves, and on his constant testimony regarding the origin of 
his own works. Therefore in the third case, from the analogy 
of these two, and prescinding altogether from any testimony 
there may be in the shape of a revelation, it becomes a 
necessity of thought with us to assume a mental origin an 
intelligent First Cause. We cannot stop at the agnostic 
terminus. We cannot say ' I admit the first because I 
have the testimony of my own consciousness ; I admit the 
second because I have the testimony of my neighbour, rest- 
ing on that of his consciousness ; but I do not admit the 
third, because, not believing in a revelation, I have no 
testimony.' This is to deny the validity of every sort of 
evidence but human testimony an absurdity which would 
at once make a clean sweep of three-fourths of the conclusions 
VOL. in. o 


of physical science ! As Professor Asa Gray says : ' In 
Nature we have no testimony ; but the argument is over- 
whelming.' l If that silent but overwhelming argument is 
to be set aside, the sooner we disabuse ourselves of the notion 
that we are reasonable beings the better. In fact the only 
real justification of agnosticism is Darwin's ' horrid doubt 
whether the convictions of man's mind, which has been 
developed from the mind of the lower animals, are of any 
value or at all trustworthy. Would anyone trust the convic- 
tions of a monkey's mind ? ' 2 On this view of the nature of 
the mental faculties, and on this alone, does agnosticism 
become logical. If we are highly developed apes, and no 
more, not only our conclusion about a First Cause, but all 
our conclusions become untrustworthy. But in that case it 
would not matter much one way or the other. 

The agnostic philosophers are fond of pointing to the 
inconceivableness of creation as proof that it is impossible 
and cannot have taken place. Is creation inconceivable, 
and therefore impossible ? 

Let us begin by clearing up the term of comparison, 
inconceivable. A thing may be inconceivable (1) relatively 
to us by reason of some deficiency in ourselves, as colour is 
inconceivable to a person always blind ; or (2) absolutely in 
se by involving a necessary contradiction which renders it 
unthinkable, as that two and two make five, or that a 
triangle may be round. 8 

Evidently the only sort of inconceivableness that involves 
impossibility is the second. Is creation inconceivable in 
that sense ? 

In creation we distinguish two things the act and the 
mode; and it may be conceivable or inconceivable as regards 
the one and not as regards the other. By the act of creation 

1 Danciniana, p. 74. 

2 From a letter written in 1881, the year before his death. Life and Letters, 
vol. i., p. 316. 

3 Tiiure is a third and looser sense in which a thing is often said to be 
inconceivable : when it is so fantastic, so opposed to the nature of things as 
known to us, that we refuse to believe it possible ; e.y., the existence of such 
being's as the fabled Centaurs. 


is meant ' the transition of a substance from not-being to 
being by virtue of the productive action of another sub- 
stance.' 1 Is this transition inconceivable ? Taking for 
granted the existence of the First Cause already sufficiently 
demonstrated we have in this transition ' only the idea of 
causality in its highest degree, that is, as applied to the pro- 
duction of a substance* But since we have the idea of cause, 
the idea of creation is not a new and inconceivable idea, but 
the perfection of an idea which is common to all mankind.' 
So far then from the act of creation being inconceivable in 
the sense of self-contradictory and therefore impossible, we 
see that it is, on the contrary, the most perfect expression, 
the most complete realization in fact of a common 
fundamental intuition. 

Is the mode of creation inconceivable? In the first 
place let us say that we are not much concerned to prove 
whether it is or no. Having once established the possibility 
of creation in se, and its entire conformity with right 
reason, the mere question of how represents a point of very 
secondary importance. Whether the mode of creation be 
conceivable or not cannot in the least affect either the 
possibility or the fact of creation. How many things do we 
recognise as indisputable facts without knowing the how of 
their existence. Can anyone tell us how we see things ? 
We can trace the light -picture as far as the back of the eye, 
but then it becomes something else, which we call sensation, 
while in the brain it becomes still another thing, which 
we call vision. How all this happens, who can say ! That 
it does happen we can all say. To the astronomer the force 
of gravitation is a fact, but the man who will demonstrate 
how it is exercised will at once take his place beside Newton, 
if not above him. Let it be clearly borne in mind, then, 
that the rest of this discussion has no bearing whatever on 
the possibility or the fact of creation. They are established. 

1 Balmes, Fundamental Philosophy, vol. ii., p. 453. 

2 Balmes distinguishes between the power of a ^finite cause, which is 
limited to the production of modifications of substances already existing, and 
that of the Infinite Cause, which extends to the production of substances them- 
selves. The mode of production, however, we judge to be alike ia both cases, 
viz., by icilling. 


The question now is merely whether we can conceive hoiv 
it took place. Whether we can or no, the fact remains a 
fact. Our investigation henceforward possesses that merely 
scientific interest which attaches to the study of every great 
and wonderful phenomenon. In this attitude of reverent 
scientific curiosity we repeat our question Is the mode of 
creation inconceivable ? 

The only way in which we can form any idea at all of 
the mode of creation is by observing the manner in which 
we exercise the faculty of causation ourselves. We find 
that it is by an act of will. We will the things which, as 
free agents, we do. As this is the only mode of original 
causation with which we are acquainted, we must conclude 
that it was the mode of creation that the Creator produced 
all things from nothing by an act of w ill. 

How far is such a production conceivable by us ? Just 
as far as the production of our own acts is conceivable by 
us. We can conceive a thing beginning to be in response 
to an act of the Creator's will, just as we can conceive a 
thing beginning to be in response to an act of our own will ; 
but how such effects in either case follow from such a cause 
is incomprehensible to us. We know no more, and no less, 
how an act of the Creator's will produces a thing out of 
nothing than how an act of our own will moves a limb. 
The one is as inexplicable as the other. 

To this then is the inconceivableness of creation reduced, 
viz., to the manner in which the production of a thing 
follows from the willing of it. But, as we have insisted at 
such tiresome length, this inconceivableness of mode does 
not touch the possibility or fact of production. It would 
not matter in the least if it were shown to-morrow that our 
theory as to the Creator's mode of operation was all wrong 
that His way of working is quite different from ours, or from 
any conception we can form of it by analogy of our own. 
In the absence of any other clue, the said analogy supplies a 
tolerably satisfying basis of inference in a matter of compara- 
tively speculative interest. In assuming that the Creator 
works as we do by willing, we are simply making the most 
of our limited intellectual resources. 


As to the nature of this inconceivableness attaching to 
the mode of creation, it is clearly of that relative kind 
which arises from a deficiency in ourselves owing to the 
limitations of our state limitations which make so many 
things within us as well as without us mysteries to us. 
Yet are they none the less facts to us. Who doubts his 
capacity to will, and by willing to do ? Yet who knows 
how the doing springs from the willing ? This relative 
inconceivableness of mode affords no more ground for 
denying the possibility of creation, than for denying the 
possibility of the acts we are ourselves doing every moment. 
For the relation of these acts to our will is as incompre- 
hensible as the relation of created things to the will of the 

The following lively statement of the point by Balmes 
is well worth adding : 

God wills, and the universe springs up out of nothing : how 
can this be understood ? To him who asks this I say Man 
wills, and his arm rises ; he wills, and his whole body is in 
motion : how can this be understood ? Here is a small, weak, 
and incomplete, but true image of the Creator an intelligent 
being who wills, and a fact which appears. Where is the 
connection ? If you cannot explain it to us in so far as concerns 
finite beings, how can you ask us to explain it with respect to the 
Infinite Being? The incomprehensibility of the connection of 
the motion of the body with the force of the will does not 
authorize us to deny the connection. Therefore, the incompre- 
hensibility of the connection of a being which appears for the 
first time with the force of the infinite will cannot authorize us 
to deny the creation. 1 

When Agnosticism rejects creation as inconceivable, 
presumably it has a more conceivable substitute to offer 
us instead. Herbert Spencer, at any rate, is bound to provide 
such a substitute, for he maintains that, 'while the process of 
special creation cannot be rationally conceived, the negation 
of it is perfectly conceivable.' 2 

We might set off against this the equally dogmatic 

1 Fundamental Philosophy, vol. ii., p. 483. 

2 Nineteenth Century, November, 1895. 


declaration of Professor Huxley, that the hypothesis of 
creation is ' perfectly conceivable, and therefore no one can 
deny that it may have happened ' that it is an alternative 'not 
scientifically unthinkable.' J However, let us take ' the Apostle 
of the Understanding' on his own ground, and see how he 
himself ' rationally conceives ' this 'negation.' His 'perfectly 
conceivable ' substitute for the creation of matter is a 
' persisting force ' which ' transcends human knowledge 
and conception,' and is ' an unknown and unknowable 
power ! ' There is no denying that ' negation ' is here at 
a discount ; the ' perfect conceivableness ' is hardly so 
apparent. The reader will recall with new interest the 
same ' Apostle's ' eminently ' rational conception ' of the 
origin of life heretofore quoted; it is very concise, but 
supplies endless food for thought. Life arose ' through 
successive complications ' ! 

In conclusion we will reward the reader's patience with 
a tit-bit of ' advanced philosophy ' something our American 
cousins would call '"reel" good' an up-to-date agnostic 
Genesis. We extract it from a wildly gushing life of 
Darwin, contributed to the ' English Worthies ' series by 
Mr. Grant Allen, a gentleman who, since the extinction of 
greater lights, has been making himself very prominent as 
an evolutionist of the most ' advanced ' type. This tour 
d 1 imagination pourtrays the ideal realization (if we may use 
such a combination of words) of ' the illuminating doctrine 
of Evolution ' as representing ' a cosmical process, one and 
continuous, from nebula to man, from star to soul, from 
atom to society.' 2 Comment seems needless; and we 
content ourselves with directing the reader's attention by 
means of italics to a few specially pure gems of thought or 

The evolutionist looks out upon the Cosmos as a continuous 
process unfolding itself in regular order in obedience to definite 
natural laws. He sees in it all, not a warring chaos restrained 
by the constant interference from without of a wise and beneficent 

1 Nineteenth Century, February, 1886, pp. 202, 203. 2 Page 191. 


external power, but a vast aggregate of original elements [?] 
perpetually working out their own fresh redistribution in accord- 
ance with their own inherent energies. ... 

In the very beginning [?] the matter which now composes the 
material universe seems to have existed in a very diffuse and 
nebulous condition. The gravitative force, however, with which 
every atom of the whole vast mass was primarily endowed, 
caused it gradually to aggregate around certain fixed and definite 
centres [?] 

Biology next steps in with its splendid explanation of organic 
life, as due initially to the secondary action of radiated solar 
energy on the outer crust of such a cooling and evolving 
planet (!]... How the first organism came to exist, biology 
has not yet been able fully to explain to us ; but aided by 
chemical science it has been able to show us in part how some 
of the simple organic bodies may have been originally built up^ 
and it does not despair of showing us in the end how the earliest 
organism may actually have been produced from the prime 
elements of oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon. 

Psychology in the hands of Herbert Spencer and his followers, 
not wholly unaided by Darwin himself, . . . has traced the 
origin and development of mind, ivithout a single break, from its 
first faint and half-unconscious manifestation in the polyp or the 
jelly-fish, to its final grand and varied outcome in the soul of the 
poet, or the intellect of the philosopher. 

Sociology . . . taking from biology the evolving savage . . . 
has shown how he has grown up to science, to philosophy, to 
morals, and to religion. 

And there you are ! 




"Y first visit to Altadavin was in the month of August, 
1883, during a mission in Aghaloo, the next parish 
to Errigal-Truagh, in which Altadavin is situated. The 
Kev. Daniel O'Connor, then P.P. of Errigal-Truagh, now 
Canon and P.P. of Newtownbutler, was my kind cicerone. 
In May and June, 1884, we gave a mission in Errigal- 
Truagh, where my work lay in the outlying district of 
Portclare, in which the Glen is situated, which I then twice 

My object in writing the present article, is to draw, 
attention to this remarkable spot, which, much to my 
surprise, has, I find, received scarcely any mention either in 
ancient or modern authors, and except to those living in its 
neighbourhood, and to some few interested in archaeology, 
appears to be generally unknown even in Ireland. I shall 
first, then, give simply my own description of Altadavin, 
from the impressions left on my memory after a lapse of 
fourteen years, interspersed with a few topographical 
notices ; and shall then say what of interest I have gleaned 
from ancient authors and archaeological sources that sheds 
any light on its history and surroundings. And this I 
shall do especially to show, that the claim which the 
local tradition has ever made to the connection of 
Altadavin with St. Patrick rests on most probable and 
solid grounds. 

Errigal-Truagh is a very extensive parish, of the diocese 
of Clogher, chiefly situated within the county of Monaghan, 
but having some fifteen or sixteen townlands, called the 
Portclare district, belonging to county Tyrone, of which 
Altadavin, in the barony of Clogher, is one. There are 
three churches in the parish : the principal one, that of 
St. Mary, Ballyoshin; that of the Sacred Heart, Carrickroe ; 
and that of St. Patrick at Clara, within two miles of 


This is a small valley or glen, 1 some four miles south- 
east of Clogher, extending nearly a mile from north to south. 
The hills that bound it on either side are from a hundred to 
a hundred and fifty feet high , lined with steep rocks and 
jutting crags. The sides and the glen itself are thickly 
wooded with fir trees, stunted oaks, larch, ash, birch, hazel, 
holly, and underwood. A small clear stream runs murmur- 
ing through the glen. This stream is nameless, both in the 
map, and in local nomenclature. Issuing from Lough 
More (i.e., the Great Lake), half a mile south of the head of 
the glen, it flows through Lough Beg (the Little Lake), 
which lies quite near the entrance of the valley. Both 
these lakes are small ; the latter much the smaller one, and 
not bigger than a good-sized fish-pond. They are named 
in Irish great and little, only by way of comparison. 

I may mention, en passant, that Lough Beg has a tiny 
islet on its waters. It is a floating island planted with a 
few shrubs of the sallow genus. To those living within view 
of the island, along the hill-side of Cullabeg, which is very 
near Lough Beg, and of Cullamore, 2 near to Lough More, 
it serves the purpose of a barometer, as they readily con- 
jecture by its movements, when rain or storm is at hand. 
The little stream, after running through the glen, passes by 
the eastern side of Lough Fimore (i.e., Great Wood), another 
small lake half a mile north of the glen, and sends a tiny 
tributary to its waters; thence it pursues its course 
to join the river Blackwater, whose ancient name was 
Avomnore (Abhain-Mor), at Favour Eoyal. 

Apropos of this demesne, I regret to learn from Canon 
O'Connor, that 

Mr. Moutray, its proprietor, and 'lord of the soil,' some 
seven or eight years ago, denuded the Glen of its fine umbra- 
geous adornment of trees, and even the holly and hazel had 
to yield before the woodman's axe. He [the Canon] was 
pleased, however, on revisiting the Glen, last summer, to find 
a dense undergrowth of natural trees again growing up. But it 

1 Marked in the Ordnance Map, Long. 7 g 4'30." Lat. 5 24' 

2 In the map it is called Culla Mugg, and is 848 feet high. 


must be many years before they reach the stately proportions 
of the former forest trees which lent such a secluded and 
picturesque aspect to the spot. 

To return to my own description of Altadavin, as it was 
on my visit in 1883. The varied scenery of the lonely glen ; 
its purling stream, its dense green shade, its rocks and 
craggy steeps charmed me as though I had entered upon 
some new fairy- land with its romantic beauty, which is at 
once soft and calm, weird and grand, sometimes even wild 
and savage ; and the enchantment grew the more with 
every onward step. On passing nearly half way through the 
glen, a tongue of rocky ground, spread thick with trees and 
underwood, rises to the height of some forty or fifty feet, 
intersecting the valley for about three or four hundred paces, 
and forming on either side a deep ravine. That to the 
right has a path which runs down the whole valley ; whilst 
that on the left, through which the stream flows, terminates 
by opening out into a meadow-like green sward, enclosed on 
the east by the precipitous ridge which here ends, and on 
the north and west by hilly slopes, on which rise tall firs 
and other trees ; whilst the little stream to the left winds 
round these slopes, to continue its course through the rest 
of the valley. 

This little green meadow, so to call it, is perhaps a 
hundred yards long by forty wide, smooth and soft as some 
velvet lawn ; and being entirely secluded, in the midst of its 
wild and romantic surroundings, from all view of outside 
scenery, with the sky of the heavens above for its canopy, it 
forms a spot of singular loveliness and charm. On the right, 
close under the side of the rocky steep, is a well or fountain 
of pure water, of crystal clearness and most refreshing 
coldness, springing from the cliff. It is a spot where the 
imagination, unaided, may readily draw vivid pictures of 
scenes, which, one is told, here had place long ages ago. For 
the tradition in the neighbourhood of Altadavin is, that here 
in this little meadow St. Patrick preached to the people, 
instructed his neophytes, and at this very well blessed by 
himself, and ever since called by his name he baptized 
them in its waters. 


From beside the well we ascended the cliff by a very 
steep, narrow path, midst a growth of underwood and 
tangled froughans. 1 About twenty feet above the meadow 
there opened on our right, with a view of the valley below, a 
small, fairly-level space of ground, paved, as it were, with 
large layers of detached rock. Here stood by itself, resting 
on layers of rock below the surface, a great block, between 
four and five feet high, nearly square perhaps, as I have 
been told, thirty or forty tons weight. In its centre is 
a round natural hollow, forming a basin some fourteen 
inches in diameter at the top, and a few inches less in depth, 
which was then at least half full of clear water. 

Following the directions of my cicerone, I baled out the 
water. At the bottom of the basin were a large number of 
pins which visitors, it may be of many generations, had 
deposited there from some traditional custom, or perhaps in 
lieu of votive offerings. 2 Placing these on the margin of the 
basin, I wiped it quite dry, and examined it carefully to see 
if there was in it any aperture or perforation by which the 
water might ascend, but could discover none. It appeared 
to me to be smooth, hard, and solid. After replacing 
the pins, 1 watched for a few minutes until I saw the 
water reappearing. I was told that it would take some 
twenty minutes for it to reach the level at which it was 
before, and that the basin was never known to be 
without water, whatever might be the heat and dryness 
of the season. 

We then continued our ascent to the summit of the 

1 I.e., bilberry stalks. 

2 There are other traditional ways of thus exteriorizing the interior sentiment, 
by making "use of some outward sensible token; v.g., there is the practice eo 
common at holy wells of leaving behind small pieces of rag attached to the bushes 
or shrubs close by. This custom prevails not only in many parts of Ireland, but 
survives also to the present day amongst the Protestants of Celtic Cornwall. Or, 
to give another example : On occasion of a Redemptionist mission at Fanad in 
Co. Donegal, the late Primate M'Gettigan, then Bishop of Raphoe, conducted 
the Fathers to St. Columkille's cell and holy well on the western shore of Lough 
S willy, where he was careful to instruct each one of us to observe religiously the 
immemorial practice of every visitor casting a large stone over his shoulder ; thus 
to add another to the huge pile of accumulated mementos that had been heaped up 
behind us by the numerous past generations of devout visitors to the Saint's 
rude hermitage. 


ridge, some twenty or thirty feet above the rock-basin, where, 
on turning a corner to the left, comes close in view a massive 
structure of natural rock, wearing rudely the shape of a fixed 
altar, with rock rising behind to serve as its reredos. Both 
together form one huge monolith. The altar is nearly four 
feet in height, not less than six feet in length, and more than 
two feet in width. In the middle of the altar-table a portion 
is marked out by a deep carving, doubtless for the sacred 
vessels at the celebration of Mass. And here alone, it would 
seem, has the hand of man been exercised on the 
monuments of Altadavin, which, for the rest, are all of 
purely natural formation ; and no chisel was ever laid on 

Fronting the altar on the gospel-side is another huge 
structure of rock, so formed by nature out of a single 
massive block as to have the appearance of a gigantic high- 
backed chair. It measures from the basement to its head 
not less than eight feet ; the square high back rising some 
six feet above the seat. In this chair, tradition reports, 
St. Patrick sat, and at this altar celebrated the Sacred 
Mysteries ; and from time immemorial both altar and chair 
have been called by his name. 

We then retraced our steps down to the rock-basin. The 
water was still rising, and had nearly reached the level at 
which we had first found it. I watched till it had done so 
and had ceased to flow. My first thought, to which I at 
once gave utterance, was a strong desire that the British 
Association, when they next held their meeting in Ireland, 
should make a pilgrimage to Altadavin, and endeavour to 
explain, if they could, by what natural causes this marvellous 
phenomenon is effected. It may, no doubt, be capable of 
such explanation ; but to my unscientific and superficial view 
it appeared to be nothing short of miraculous. For the 
block, in which is the basin, rises entirely isolated ; beneath 
it are layers of other large detached rocks, so that the idea 
of its being fed by a spring from below appears to be out of 
the question ; whilst that of the basin being supplied from 
the droppings of overhanging boughs is obviously untenable; 
moreover, the basin, though of a porous and absorbent 


sandstone, 1 always contains a certain quantity of water, 
even in the driest seasons. 

I can here only state my own experience as to the 
measure ol water, and the time it took to rise in the basin, 
which were the same on the three visits- I made to the 
rock and Father Callan, the present P.P., tells me that 
he has a like experience as to the time. But I have since 
been informed that these points are not, perhaps, to be relied 
upon as always uniform ; and, of course, after heavy rains 
the basin may be found full and overflowing. 

I do not remember being told whether, according to any 
local tradition, this rock-basin held any place in the religious 
ceremonial of St. Patrick, or what that might be. I learn 
from Canon O'Connor that experts who have visited Alta- 
davin are of opinion that the rocky ridge which intersects 
the valley is a moraine, consisting of immense boulders of 
sandstone, and that the hollows and basins found in many 
of them were formed naturally, perhaps during the glacial 
period, by the friction of harder substances upon them 
in some mighty convulsion or upheaval of nature. Many 
of these huge blocks are, on the other hand, quite smooth ; 
according as they were torn up from their situs in the 

Amongst the more notable visitants at the Glen in recent 
times have been Archbishop M'Hale, in 1870, in company 
with Bishop M'Nally of Clogher, who then resided in that 
town ; Bishop Loughlin, of Brooklyn ; Monsignor Farley, 
now Assistant-Bishop of New York, on the occasion of the 
Dedication of St. M'Cartin's Cathedral at Monaghan ; and 
the Most Eev. Dr. Healy, Bishop of Clonfert, in company 
with Dr. Lennon> of Maynooth, and Canon O'Connor, the 
18th of August, 1897. The Most Eev. John Hughes, 
Archbishop of New York, was brought up in the neighbour- 
hood of the Glen. I have sought in vain for some reference 
in ancient authors to Altadavin ; whilst in writers of more 

1 Canon O'Hanlon. in his notice of Altadavin, says that the rock there is 
' pronounced by experts to be of a very silicious sandstone of the Yoredale 
series.' (17 March, vol. iii., p. 670.) 


modern date I have met no mention of its name except in 
O'Hanlon's Lives, and in Lewis's Dictionary. 1 

The connection claimed for Altadavin with St. Patrick 
rests solely on the tradition that lives in the neighbourhood, 
which is supported by many reasons of the highest proba- 
bility, and these it is now my object to set forth. It is, in 
the first place, quite certain, from the Tripartite and other 
Lives, that the Saint spent some time, on more than one 
occasion, at Clogher, which is only four miles distant from 
the Glen of Altadavin ; and that he made several apostolic 
journeys in its neighbourhood. On his way to found the 
churches of Donagh, Tehollan, Tullycerbet, Aughnamullen, 
and Donaghmoyne, as described in the Tripartite, his course 
lay in the direction of the glen. Between Altadavin and 
Donagh he blessed a well, since called St. Patrick's Well, 
situated in a remote locality, in the townland of Derryveagh, 
where a tongue of that townland extends between Derry- 
nerget and Dernalusset, near Carrickroe, before referred to 
as one of the three districts of Errigal-Truagh, where our 
fathers said Mass, and preached on the Sundays of their 
mission in that parish. 

On the lands of Lislana [says Canon O'Hanlon], not far from 
Clogher, 2 in the direction of Augbentain, may be seen another 
St. Patrick's chair and holy well. They are situated in a most 
exquisitely beautiful wooded glen. The ' chair ' is simply a 
hollow recess in the natural rock, and the well is a tiny spring 
close to it. 3 

Again, we learn from the Lives that St. Patrick frequently 
in his apostolate came into direct antagonism with the 
whole system of Druidism ; since its prevalent influence was 
one of the chief hindrances to the conversion of many to 
Christianity* Hence he opposed the Druids wherever he 
found them, overturning their idols and pillar-stones, and 
burning their books. Thus we read in the Book of Lecan, 
that St. Patrick at one time burnt one hundred and eighty 

1 O'Hanlon, vol. iii., p. 670. Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, 1837, 
vol. i., p. 609 ; "Errigal-Trough." 

2 That is three miles west, 
s Vol. iii., p. 678. 


druidical books. And it was on account of the Saint's 
determined opposition to their superstitions that the Druids 
made many attempts on his life. Now, it is generally 
thought, and on very probable grounds, that Altadavin was 
specially set apart by the Druids for the exercise of their 
religious worship. The wild rocky glen is just the sort of 
place they would naturally select : 

For [writes Bishop Healy] the Druids worshipped not in 
temples made with hands, but in ' groves,' and on ' high places ' 
under the shade of the spreading oaks. . . . Their dwellings 
were surrounded with oak groves whose dark foliage threw a 
sombre and solemn shade over the rude altars of unhewn stone 
on which they offered theii sacrifices. 1 

Here they could in secret solitude perform their weird 
and mystic rites at the overshadowed well, and immolate 
their victims at the altar on the high place. The legendary 
folk-lore which still lingers among the people from ancient 
time, and has been embodied in the tales of William 
Carleton, who was born and brought up in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the glen, point to it as a spot of awe and 
marvel. Moreover, its proximity to Clogher would render 
the connection of the Druids with Altadavin all the more 
probable. For Clogher was the chief city of an ancient 
territory, known as Ergal (Anglice, Oriel), the people of 
which were distinguished as Orghialla ; and at Clogher was 
the principal royal residence. I will here again avail myself 
of a quotation from the Bishop of Clonfert : 

One of the principal functions of the Druids was to act as 
haruspices, that is, to foretell the future, to unveil the hidden, 
to pronounce incantations, and ascertain by omens lucky and 
unlucky days. Hence we always find some of them living with 
the king in his royal rath ; they are not only his priests, but still 
more his guides and counsellors on all occasions of danger and 
emergency. It is probable that one or more of them abode in 
the raths of all the great nobles who claimed to be righs, or 
kinglets in their own territories. They were sworn enemies of 
Christianity, and frequently attempted to take St. Patrick's life 
by violence or poison. In the remote districts of the country 

1 Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars, p. 3. 


some of them remained for several centuries after the island 
ge'nerally became Christian ; and to this day we can find traces 
of ancient Druidism in the superstitions of the people. 1 

Again, at Clogher, was one of the principal colleges of 
the Bards 2 who, with the Druids and Brehons, were the 
three great orders and privileged classes of pagan Ireland. 
The Bards were allied with the Druids in many of their 
superstitions ; from all such St. Patrick sought to purify 
the Order, for, so far from being hostile to it, he encouraged 
it much. In the college, at Clogher, the Bards studied in 
order to qualify themselves for taking the degree of Ollamb, 
that is, chief poet, or doctor in poetry. But as this degree 
could not be obtained without the performance of certain 
rites which involved offerings to idol gods, St. Patrick 
abolished these profane rites, and thus made the profession 
pure and lawful for those who should become Christians. 
This college, however, seems to have gradually declined 
before the monastery founded by St. MacCairthinn, the first 
Bishop of Clogher, by the direction of St. Patrick. 3 On 
this, Walker, in his Historical Memoirs, 1786, observes : 
* All the eminent schools delectably situated, which were 
established by the Christian clergy in the fifth century, 
were erected on the ruins of these colleges.' * 

Clogher had been from ancient times a special seat of 
pagan worship. There was there a celebrated oracular 
pillar-stone, dedicated to a god called Kermand Kel stack, 
covered over with plates of gold. According to legend, a 
hero of antiquity, Connor MacNessa, in the first century of 
the Christian era, consulted the oracle at Clogher, which 
predicted that, though a younger son, he should obtain the 
sovereignty of Ulster. The prophecy proved true. He 
became king of Ulster; and the ruins of his palace of 
Emania, now called Navan Fort, are still seen two miles 
west of the city of Armagh. 5 Cathal Maguire, a leading 

1 Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars, pp. 4, 5. 

a Irish Druids and Old Ireland's Religions, p. 37. Bonwick, 1894. He 
mentions other colleges of the Ollambs at Armagh, Lismore, and Tamer. 

3 Brennan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, c. ii., p. 31. 

*Bonwick, p. 37. 

5 See Pagan Ireland, by Wood- Martin, M.R.I.A., 1895, and Joyce's Short 
History of Ireland, p. 36. 


ecclesiastic of Clogher, who died in 1498, records that the 
stone was preserved up to his times (doubtless without the 
gold) inside the porch of the cathedral. From this stone, 
Cloch-oir, ' stone of gold,' according to Colgan and others, 
Clogher derived its name. But others hold this etymology 
doubtful ; since it is always written Clochar ; i.e., ' a stony 
place,' and not Clochoir; besides, there are other places in 
Ireland called Clochar. 1 

I have mentioned the above details, which otherwise 
might appear irrelevant, with the view of showing that 
St. Patrick, during his residence at Clogher, and his evange- 
lization of that city and its neighbourhood, would certainly 
have directed all his efforts to extirpating the prevalent 
pagan and druidical rites, and to diverting their profane 
objects to Christian uses ; for, as Petrie says : ' It was not 
uncommon for St. Patrick to dedicate pagan monuments to 
the worship of the true God.' 2 And, in one of the Lives of 
St. Patrick it is related that he preached at a fountain (well) 
which the Druids worshipped as a god. 3 

The following passage from the Tripartite relates some- 
thing analogous to the phenomenon of the rock-basin : 
' Patrick went into Grecraide of Loch Technet. He founded 
a church there, to wit in Drumne ; and by it he dug a well, 
and it hath no stream [flowing] into it or out of it ; but it 
is full for ever ; and this is its name, Bith-ldn (' Ever- 
full').' 4 It thus appears in Tirechan's Collectanea: 'Et 
perexit ad tramitem Gregirgi, et fundavit aecclessiam in 
Drummse, et fontem fodi [vit juxta earn : non habet flu] men 
in se et de se, sed plenus semper.' 5 What is here called 
Grecraide of Loch Technet, and Trames Gregirgi (or 
Gregaridhi) which means the lower boundary of the 
district of Gregary, now Lough Gara, once known as Loch 
Technet is co-extensive with the barony of Coolavin, 
Co. Sligo. 

1 Todd's St. Patrick, pp. 129, 407. 
*3omcick t p. 138. 

3 Ibid., p. 240. 

4 Tripartite, Partii,, Rolls' Series, 1887* P. i , i ,, 100. 

5 Ibid., Partii., p. 319. 

VOL. lit. $ 


Altadavin, locally pronounced as if written Altadhowen, 
has been interpreted by some to mean ' the glen of the 
gods, or of the demons,' but its truer meaning, generally 
accepted by the learned, is the glen of the descendants 
of Damene, Alt-ui-damene, Damhin or Davin being a 
patronymic of the ancient king or dynast of the territory 
of Oriel, 1 who resided at Clogher. Hence Clogher in the 
time of St. Patrick, and later on, is called in the Annals, 
Clogher-mac-damene ; i.e., Clogher of the sons of Damene. 2 

But before any mention of the royal line of Damene, we 
have historical record of Clogher and its kings. The follow- 
ing is from the Four Masters ' 

The age of Christ, 111. The first year of the reign of 
Feidhlimidh Keachtmar, 3 son of Truathal Teachtmar, as king 
over Ireland. Baine, daughter of Seal [king of Finland], was 
the mother of this Feidhlimidh. It was from her Cnoc- Baine in 
Oighialla [Oriel] was called, for it was there she was interred. 
It was by her also Kath-mor of Magh-Leamhna [Moy Leney] in 
Ulster was erected. 4 

Queen Baine, in her day, must have been a sovereign of 
more than ordinary mark, for she still lives in popular 
legend and story, though her memory has been invested in 
the course of ages with much that is fabulous and grotesque. 5 
Two great monuments that record her reign endure to 
the present day, viz., the fort of Eathmore, which she built 
for her royal residence, and Cnocbaine, the place of her 

Canon O'Connor has conclusively identified Cnoc-Baine 
with the Hill of Knockmany a modernized form of the same 
name very near to Clogher, where is what Mr. Wakeman, 
the distinguished artist and antiquarian, entitled ' the 

1 O'Flaherty's Cgygia, translated by Hely, Bookiii., ch 75. 

2 Mac in Irit-h means son, and Ui (or O) grandson or descendant. 

:l He is commonly known as King Felimy. For records of his reign, see 
O 'Flaherty and Kvating. 

* Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland, by the Four Matters, from the earliest 
period to 1616, vol. i., p. 103. Edited by John O'Donovan, LL.D., M.R.I.A. 

5 Thus the witch Oouagh, in Carletou's Ltycnd of Enockmavy, is said to 
bo no other thuu the historical Queen Bainu. 


megalithic sepulchral chamber of Knockmany.' 1 Here 
Queen Baine was interred, and a remarkable cromlech of 
the second century stands over her grave. The name of 
Queen Baine is also still preserved in that of the hills and 
townland of Mullaghbeney, situated in close proximity to 
Knockmany, and in Knockabeny, near Carrickroe. Canon 
O'Connor likewise identifies Rathmore (the Great Rath), 
erected by Queen Baine, with the large earthen fort situate 
within the palace grounds of Clogher, which was the chief 
stronghold and place of residence in after ages of the princes 
of Oriel. 

Moy Leney, or Leinain, which was also anciently called 
Clossach, is described by Colgan as ' a level district of 
Tyrone in the diocese of Clogher.' It extended for some 
distance west of Clogher to beyond Ballygawley, which 
places, as also Errigal-Keeroge 2 and Augher to the norih, 
were included in its area. The river Blackwater flows 
through the territory. Near Augher was the ford, Ath-ergal, 
across the river, where passed the interesting conversation 
between St. MacCartin and St. Patrick, to be given presently 
from the Tripartite. A stream formerly called the Laune, 
or Launy, which has its rise to the south among the hills 
beyond Ferdross, flows by Clogher to the Blackwater, through 
Moy Leny, whence it derives its name, which it preserved 
long after that district had become merged in the more 
extensive territory called Oriel, which, besides a part of 
Tyrone, embraced the counties of Louth, Monaghan, Armagh, 
and Fermanagh. 

As Lemain was the scene of several interesting incidents 
narrated in the Tripartite of St. Patrick's missionary work 
whilst he was in the immediate neighbourhood of Clogher 

1 See his learned article under that heading in the Journal of the Royal 
Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, 1876. 

2 Errigal (Aireagal, pronounced Arrigle), according to Joyce, primarily 
means a habitation, and is often applied to an oratory, hermitage, or small 
church. He connects it with the Latin oraculum. Thus Errigal-Truagh would 
mean the church in 'the barony of Trough (anciently called Truich Ched 
Chladaigh). Others say it means a bright fishing weir. Other? , again, say 
that Errigal, Ergal, Oirghialla, are various forms of the same name, Anglicc, 
Oriel ; and that these two parishes of Errigal retain to the present day the 
etymon of the old territory. 


and Altadavin, I shall here recall them, and shall do so in 
the original words of St. Evin, his biographer : l 

Once as St. Patrick was coming from Clochar from the 
north, his champion, to wit, Bishop MacCairthinn, lifted him 
over a difficult place. 2 This is what he said after lifting Patrick : 
' Oh ! oh !' ' My God's doom !' saith Patrick, ' it was not usual 
for thee to utter that word.' ' I am now an old man, and I am 
infirm,' saith Bishop MacCairthinn, ' and thou hast left my 
comrades in churches, and I am still on the road.' ' I will 
leave thee, then, in a church,' saith Patrick, 'that shall not be 
very near, lest there be familiarity [?], and shall not be very far, 
so that mutual visiting between us be continued.' And Patrick 
then left Bishop MacCairthinn in Clogher, and with him fhe 
placed] the [silver reliquary called] Domnach Airgit, 8 which 
had been sent to Patrick from heaven when he was at sea coming 
towards Ireland. 

Thereafter Patrick went into Lemain : Findabair 4 is the 
name of the hill on which Patrick preached. For three days and 
three nights he was preaching, and it seemed to them not longer 
than one hour. Then Bridgit fell asleep at the preaching, and 
Patrick let her not be wakened. And Patrick asked her after- 
wards what she had seen. Dixit ilia ; ' I saw white assemblies, 5 
and light-coloured oxen, and white corn-fields, speckled oxen 
behind them, and black oxen after these. Afterwards I saw 
sheep and swine and dogs and wolves quarrelling with each 
other. Thereafter I saw two stones, one of the twain a small 
stone, and the other a large. A shower dropt on them both. The 
little stone increased at the shower, and silvery sparks would 
break forth from it. The large stone, however, wasted away.' 
' Those,' saith Patrick, ' are the two sons of Echaid, son of 
Crimthann.' Coirbre Damargait 6 believed, and Patrick blessed 

1 According to the learned^the Vita Keptima or Tripartite (i.e., Life in three 
parts) excells all the other six original Lives which compose the Acta S. Patricii 
in Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, in length, antiquity, and authenticity. St, Evin, 
who wrote it, was living in 504, and had probably seen and conversed with 
St. Patrick, who died in 493. 

2 This was Ath-ergal. See above. St. Patrick was generally accompanied 
in his missionary journeys by his family or household, twenty-four in number, 
all in holy orders. Their names and functions are given in the Tripartite. Of 
these Bishop MacCairthinn was his champion, or rather strong man, to bear 
him over the floods, and perhaps defend him against nide assaults in an age of 
lawless violence. See Ireland's Ancient Schools, &c., ch. iii., p. 65. 

:} This was a copy of the Gospels, some fragments of which still remain, 
preserved in the shrine called Domnach-Airgid, now in the Museum of the 
Royal Irish Academy. 

* Or Finn Abhuir, now called Findermere, near Clogher. 

5 Canditatorum synodum, Tr. Th., p. 150. 

r> The younger son, from whom a long line of Oriel princes and many 
Saints were descended whilst Bressal, the elder ton, died childless. 


him and blessed his seed. Bressal, however, refused [to become a 
Christian] , and Patrick cursed him. Patrick, besides, expounded 
the vision of Brigit in an excellent manner. 1 

Patrick raised Echaid, son of Crimthann, from death. Echaid 
had a daughter, to wit, Cinnu. Her father desired to wed her to 
a man of good lineage, namely, to the son of Cormac, son of 
Cairbre son of Niall. As she was walking, she met holy 
Patrick with his companions. 2 Patrick preached to her to unite 
herself to the Spiritual Spouse, and she believed and followed 
Patrick, and Patrick baptized her afterwards. Now, while her 
father was a-seeking her, to give her to her husband, she and 
Patrick went to converse with him. Patrick asked her father 
to allow her to be united to the Eternal Spouse. So Echu 
allowed that; if heaven were given to him for her, and he 
himself were not compelled to be baptized. Patrick pro- 
mised those two things, although it was difficult for him 
[to do sol. Then the king allowed his daughter Cinnu to be 
united to Christ, and Patrick caused her to be a female disciple 
of his, and delivered her to a certain virgin to be taught, namely 
[to] Cechtumbar 3 of Druimm Dubain, in which place both 
virgins have their rest. Now, after many years, the aforesaid 
Echu reached the end of his life ; and when his friends were 
standing around him, he spake : ' Bury me not,' he saith, ' until 
Patrick shall have come.' And when Echu had finished these 
words he sent forth his spirit. Patrick, however, was then at 
Saball Patraic, in Ulster, and Echu's death was made manifest to 
him : and he decided on journeying to Clochar Mace n Doimni. 
There he found Echu [who had been] lifeless for twenty-four 
hours. When Patrick entered the house in which the body was 
lying, he put forth the folk who were biding around the corpse. 4 
He bent [his] knees to the Lord, and shed tears, and prayed, and 
afterwards said with a clear voice : ' king Echu, in the name 
of Almighty God, arise !' And straightway the king arose at the 
voice of God's servant. So when he sat down steadily, he 
spake, and the weeping and wailing of the people were turned 
into joy. And then holy Patrick instructed the king in the method 
of the faith, and baptized him. And Patrick ordered him, before 
the people, to set forth the punishments of the ungodly, and the 
blessedness of the saints, and that he should preach to the 

1 Visionera, quse erat, et prsesentis t futuri status Ecclesiae Hibernise 
imago, coram adstantibus exposuit S. Patricias. Tr. Th., p. 150. 'A pre- 
diction,' says Dr. Healy, ' that has been wonderfully verified by the event.' 
Ireland's Ancient Schools, &c., p. 111. 

2 See supra, p. 228, note 2. 

3 Cetamaria, Colgan, Tr. Th. t p. 150. She is also called Ethembria, 
Cethuberis, Cectamania. 

* Compare Matt. ix. 25 ; Mark v. 40 ; Luke viii. 54 ; Acts ix. 40. 


commonalty that all things which are made known to them of 
the pains of hell and of the joys of the blessed who have obeyed, 
were true. As had been ordered to him, Echu preached of both 
things. And Patrick gave him his choice, to wit, fifteen years in 
the sovranty of his country, if he would live quietly and justly, 
or going (forthwith) to heaven, if this seemed better to him. 
But the king at once said : ' Though the kingship of the whole 
globe should be given to me, and though I should live many 
years, I should count it as nothing in comparison to the blessed- 
ness that hath been shown to me. Wherefore I choose more 
and more that I may be saved from the sorrows of the present 
world, and that I may return to the everlasting joys which have 
been shown to me.' Patrick saith to him, ' Go in peace,- and 
depart unto God.' Echu gave thanks to God in the presence of 
his household, and he commended his soul to the Lord and to 
Patrick, and sent forth his spirit to heaven.' 

This quotation is the more interesting, as containing the 
only mention made of St. Brigid in the Lives of St. Patrick. 
The Saint had just then founded the church of Clogher for 
St. MacCairthinn, who, it is stated in Tirechan's Collections 
in the Boo A' of Armagh, was the uncle of the holy Brigid 
1 Brigtae ' the abbreviated form of the name. This fact 
would explain her presence at Clogher on this interesting 
occasion. 2 

The beautiful story of ' St. Patrick and King Eochaidh ' 
has been clothed in graceful verse, adorned with poetic 
description, by Aubrey De Vere, in his Legends of St. Patrick. 

Druim-Dubhain (pronounced, I have been told, Drum- 
da vin and Drumhain) was a church, says Colgan, close 
beside Clogher. 

To the east of Eathmore [writes Canon O'Connor] in the 
hollow ground fronting the Palace, are to be seen two adjoining 
springs of limpid water, tastefully surrounded by a brick-work 
enclosure. They still are called to this day ' The Sisters,' and 
were so called on account of a convent which stood on the 
sloping ridge towards the south of these springs, which ridge of 
hill is yet called the 'Nun's Hill.' This hill would seem to 
correspond with the ancient name, Druim-dribhain, on which 
stood a celebrated convent. 

It had been originally founded by St. Patrick himself, 

1 Tripartite Life of St. Patrick. Part iii., Rolls' Series. 1887, pp. 175-181. 

2 Ireland's Awient Schools, &c., p. 111. 


and over it he had placed St. Cechtumbar, the first of all 
the Irish virgins who received the veil from the Saint. To 
her care he entrusted Cinnu, the daughter of King Echu, 
who entered the convent, and in time became superioress. 
She was still living in 482. Both she and her saintly novice- 
mistress were interred in the church of Druim-dubhain, 
together with many other holy virgins, and seven bishops. 

I would fain linger over many other Saints, disciples of 
St. Patrick, gathered from around Clogher and Altadavin ; 
such as St. MacCarthinn, Clogher's first bishop ; 
St. Fanchea, V. (Jan. 1), known also as St. Faine ; her 
three sisters, Saints; and her brother, Enda, whom she 
drew from his life as a soldier, to the immediate service 
of Christ, to become the celebrated abbot of Aran, and a 
great Saint; St. Dympna, 1 too, V.M., surnamed Scene, or 
the fugitive, who had to fly, in company with the old priest, 
St. Gerebern, who had baptized her, and a married couple 
as servants, from her native Clogher to Belgium, that she 
might avoid the face of her unnatural father. He pursued 
her to her retreat at Gheel, where, after causing the holy 
priest to be slain by his officers, and on their refusal to 
murder his daughter, then himself beheaded her with his own 
sword. From that time, throughout Belgium and Holland, 
she has been venerated and invoked as the titular Saint of 
those afflicted with insanity. Hence Gheel for some twelve 
centuries has been a sanatorium for persons subject to 
nervous and mental disorders, where they are treated with 
great success, and innumerable cases of cure and relief are 
recorded to have been obtained by visiting her shrine. In 
certain parts of Ulster St. Dympna is still held in high 
veneration, and one parish in Monaghan, ten miles from 
Clogher, viz., Tedavnet, takes its name from the virgin 
Martyr. 2 

I could make mention of many more, but must forbear ; 

1 Called also Damnoda arid Domnat, May loth. 

2 See the brief notices of early Irish saints in Joyce's admirable Short 
History of Ireland, pp. 172-179. The name Te-davnet is thus derived: Te, 
i.e., Teach, a house ; and Damnoda, orDavnet, i.e., Dympna. Hence, the house, 
or religious foundation of Dympna. 


and will conclude with the touching words of St. Patrick 
himself in his Confession, his last work, written as he was 
drawing to his end, and reviewing the wondrous things for 
Ireland that God had wrought through him : ' The sons of 
the Scoti and the daughters of the chieftains appear now as 
monks and virgins of Christ, especially one blessed Scottish 
lady of noble birth, and of great beauty, who was adult, 
and whom I baptized.' This lady is believed to be 
St. Cechtumbar, who was the first to receive the veil 
from St. Patrick's own hands, and whom he appointed to 
preside over what hence was probably the earliest of his 
religious foundations in Ireland, namely, the Convent of 
Pruim-dubhain at Clogher. 




IT was at one time surmised that Dr. Troy might be 
Coadjutor of Armagh. But a communication was 
received by Archbishop Butler, from the Cardinal Prefect of 
Propaganda, Salviati, dated November 17, 1781, intimating 
that there was no intention of deviating from an old- 
established rule drawn up for the General Congregation, by 
Cardinal Prefect Corsini, to the effect, that it would not be 
expedient to appoint a member of a religious order to the 
primacy. The see of Dublin having become vacant, 
October 29, 1786, by the death of Archbishop Carpenter, a 
strong opposition was organized against the appointment of 
Dr. Troy as his successor. 1 

Dr. Butler, writing, December 2, of that year, to 

1 The appointment of Dr. Troy to Dublin was carried with difficulty, 
though strongly protected. No objection was taken to his character. He 
had studied at Rome, and was respected there, but the fact of his being a 
Dominican Friar was by many considered as a valid objection, Casflimir/h 
Correspondence, vol. iii., p. 457. 


Dr. Plunket of Meath, refers to the appointment of a 
proper person to the see of Dublin : 

The Archbishop of the capital of Ireland, being, as it were, 
the representative of us all in the eyes of Parliament, Govern- 
ment, and the whole nation; nay, to Rome itself, his appointment 
is interesting to our national Church, to our hierarchy, and to the 
general good of religion. I am told by several that Dr. Troy is 
most likely to be the elect. All I can say is, I should be afraid, 
since the late storm against the Regulars, and from the Act of 
Parliament, and from what was confidently told me by one high in 
the Administration, in the affair of a coadjutor to the Primate, that 
the voting at the present critical time for a Regular might hurt 
the cause of religion on a future day. 

On the very next day after the penning of this letter, 
December 2, Dr. Troy's translation to Dublin was sanctioned 
by Pope Pius VI., having been recommended by Propaganda, 
on the 27th of November, same year. Dr. Troy took 
possession of the Metropolitan See, February 15, 1787, to 
the greatest satisfaction of all classes in the Archdiocese, as 
D'Alton assures us. 1 , 

In 1787, there was another fierce outbreak of Bightboy- 
ism. Fitzgibbon, the Attorney-General, brought in a bill 
for preventing tumultuous assemblages. Amongst other 
insulting clauses, this proposed measure included one 
directing the magistrates to demolish the Eoman Catholic 
chapels in which any combinations should have been formed 
or an unlawful oath administered. Archbishop Butler 
had shown, in his Justification of the Tenets of the 
Eoman Catholic Religion, that many of the Rightboys had 
evinced as much enmity towards the Catholic bishops and 
priests, who denounced them, as they had towards Protestant 
ministers; and had taken forcible possession of those chapels 
in which their acts were most reprobated. He mentions 
fifty Catholic chapels which the rioters nailed up and 
blockaded. An accusation was also urged against the 
Rightboys by Mr. Fitzgibbon ; that it was their custom 
to drag those supposed not to be friendly to them from their 
beds at night, and to bury them alive in a grave lined with 

1 Archbishops of Dublin, p, 483. 


thorns, or to place them naked on horseback, and tied to a 
saddle covered with thorns : and, in addition, to have their 
ears sawed off. Mr. Grattan, whilst anxious to check the 
lawlessness, called the attention of the House to the 
condition of the peasantry of the south, who were ground 
to the earth, having to pay 6 and 1 an acre for land, with 
a wage of only 5d. or 6d. a day ; and, in addition, a lO.s. or 
12s. tithe for potatoes. In Connaught potatoes paid no 
tithe ; and the hearth tax in the North, only a very moderate 
one. Mr. Grattan denounced the penal clause pf the bill 
in his most vigorous style : 

He had heard of transgressors being dragged from the sanc- 
tuary, but never of the sanctuary being demolished. This would 
go far to hold out the laws as a sanction to sacrilege. . If the 
Roman Catholics were of a different religion from Protestants, 
yet they had one common God, and one common Saviour with 
the hon. gentleman ; and surely the God of the Protestant temple 
was the God of the Catholic temple. What, then, did the clause 
enact ? That the magistrate should pull down the temple of his 
God ; and should it be rebuilt, and as often as it was rebuilt for 
three years, he should again prostrate it, and so proceed, in repe- 
tition of his abominations, and thus stab the criminal through 
the sides of his God : a new idea, indeed ! But this was not all ; 
the magistrate was to sell by auction the altar of the Divinity to 
pay for the sacrilege that had been committed in His house. 

A petition against this abominable clause was presented 
to the Irish Parliament, signed by Dr. Troy and the 
Archbishops, on the part of the clergy ; and by the Earl of 
Kenmare, on behalf of the Catholic gentry and laity : 

Your humble petitioners have been most earnest, whether 
in the midst of foreign alarms, or intestine commotions, to prove 
the sincerity of those sacred and unreserved assurances which 
they gave of allegiance to their Sovereign King George the Third, 
and zeal and goodwill to their country and fellow-subjects. 

Popular commotions are not peculiar to any period of time, 
any nation or religious denomination of the people, but happen 
in every age and every country, and so far from being the 
offspring of the Roman Catholic tenets, are in open violation of 

In the suppression of the disturbances which happened of late, 
in the south of Ireland, the Catholic nobility and gentry, their 


prelates, and inferior clergy, have been most active, and will 
continue the same strenuous exertions on every future occasion. 

During the late paroxysms of popular phrenzy, everything 
most sacred in your petitioners' eyes has been abused and 
profaned, chapels have been nailed up and blockaded, their pastors, 
threatened and insulted in the most opprobrious manner, and in 
many places driven from their parishes. 

In a Bill brought into the honourable House, they have read 
with equal concern and astonishment, a clause empowering the 
civil magistrate to pull down, level, and prostrate any Eoman 
Catholic chapel in which, or in the vicinity of which, any 
unlawful oath is tendered, upon the testimony of one witness. 

They consider such a clause disgraceful to their religion as 
Christians ; injurious to their honour, character, and loyalty as 
subjects (as naturally impressing the mind of their Sovereign 
with the notion that his Catholic subjects are combining, in the 
most awful and sacred of all places, against his crown and 
dignity), and eventually destructive of the indulgence which of 
late a mild and humane legislature has granted them, after a long 
trial of their fidelity, while it laboured under the severest oppres- 
sions ; as such a clause, besides holding forth a suspicion of their 
allegiance, has a natural tendency to afford a pretext for repealing 
the favours already granted to the whole body of their communion, 
in case any deluded individual, either actuated by licentiousness, 
or stimulated by their enemies, should oppose the magistrate in 
the prostration of chapels which were left standing in times of 

Your petitioners have also seen with great apprehension and 
concern, in another clause of the said Bill, to prevent outrageous 
obstructions of divine service, that any protection of the Eoman 
Catholic chapels is carefully avoided, while the Dissenting 
meeting-houses are specifically provided for, in an equal degree 
with the churches of the Established religion a distinction which 
your petitioners can consider in no other light than as meaning 
to lay their houses of worship open to all the violations of any 
lawless rabble, and thereby bring additional disrespect upon the 
only influence in their power, which they have so anxiously 
exercised to preserve peace and order. 

Amidst the profligacy of morals, of late so prevalent amongst 
the lower orders, who have shaken off that restraint under which 
they had been heretofore kept by their pastors, and from other 
collateral causes, it is to be feared, that the utmost advantage 
would be taken of such an apparent liberty ; and it is too evident 
that not only one witness, but several will be easily found, who 
would swear before a magistrate that such oaths as are prohibited 
had been tendered in the specified places, although no such oaths 
had been so administered. 


As was usually the case in the Irish Parliament, more 
candour and liberality were to be found with the English 
statesmen than with Irish Government officials ; and so 
Mr. Orde, the Secretary, remarked that : 

He never could have concurred in the clause for pulling down 
the chapels, and he was happy that it was abandoned by his 
friend. He lamented that anything should have appeared in 
print purporting that those insurrections had arisen from a popish 
conspiracy. He declared that he not only did not believe it true, 
but in several places he knew it not to be true. He affirmed that 
the insurgents had in some places deprived the Koman Catholic 
clergy of one-half their income. 

April, 1789, on the occasion of the recovery of George III. 
from his fit of insanity, a solemn High Mass was celebrated 
in the old chapel of Francis-street, by Dr. Troy. A new 
Te Deum, specially composed by the celebrated Giordani, 
was then sung for the first time. Plowden informs us 

So illustrious an assemblage had never met in a Catholic place 
of worship, in Ireland, since the Eeformation. Besides the 
principal part of their own nobility and gentry, there were 
present the Duke of Leinster, the Earls and Countesses of 
Belvedere, Arran, and Portarlington, Countesses of Carhampton 
and Ely, Lords Tyrone, Valentia, and Delain, M. De La louche 
Mr. Grattan, Major Doyle, and several other persons of the first 
distinction. 1 

When the country was disturbed by the Protestant 
Peep-of-Day Boys, and the Catholic Defenders, Dr. Troy 
zealously co-operated with the other Catholic prelates to 
suppress their disturbances, and was instrumental in 
establishing comparative harmony in the archdiocese of 
Dublin. As an acknowledgment of these important services, 
the Marquis of Buckingham transmitted the following letter 
to Dr. Troy : 

SIR, The infirm state of my health having laid me under the 
necessity of requesting his Majesty's permission to resign the 
government of Ireland, I feel that I cannot close the public duties 
of my administration without expressing to you the strong 
sense I entertain of the zeal and loyalty which you have mani- 

1 Hist. Review, vol ii., pp. 273, 274. 


fested upon every occasion towards his Majesty's person and 

My sense of the very praiseworthy conduct of the Catholics 
of Ireland (as a body), will be best collected from the testimonials 
which I have borne to their good conduct in my official and 
public communications with them. But I wish to avail myself 
of this opportunity of repeating that testimony to you individually 
as placed at the head of the Catholic Church, in Dublin, and of 
assuring you of the satisfaction I shall feel in representing to 
his Majesty your meritorious conduct in endeavouring to impress 
upon the mind of your people every principle that can tend to 
endear to them the blessings of our Constitution, and the person 
of our excellent Sovereign. 

I have the honour to be, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

STOWE, October 25, 1789, 
Eight Eev. Dr. TBOY, 

Titular Archbishop of the 
Eoman Catholic Church of Dublin. 

In Cogan's Meath, 1 a letter appears, dated July 24, 1789, 
addressed by Dr. Butler of Cashel, to Dr. Plunket of Meath, 
which cast a curious side-light on the ecclesiastical history 
of the time : 

You have heard before this that the Eev. Dr. Lanigan has 
been appointed, on the 25th of last June, Bishop of Ossory, 
notwithstanding the strong postulation sent to Eome in favour of 
the Eev. Father O'Connor (a Dominican), and subscribed to by 
three metropolitans, Armagh, Dublin, and Tuam, and I may say, 
by the four, as my name, I find by what my agent writes to me, 
was also affixed to it, not only without my consent, but with my 
express and strongest opposition to it. Several other bishops, I 
am told, had joined in the demand ; nay, the Queen of Portugal 
and Mr. Fitzherbert, the late Secretary, were gained over to 
second the cause. Such a push in favour of a friar, had it suc- 
ceeded, would have severely wounded not only our hierarchy, 
the authority and influence of our secular clergy, but would 
have also furnished our enemies when anything would be 
proposed in our favour in Parliament, with powerful arguments 
to oppose it. Thanks to God ! His Providence has most season- 
ably prevented the evil, and I am the more happy at it as I am 
confident it was on account of what I wrote last May to Cardinal 
Antonelli, and to my agent, of the fatal consequences that might 

1 Vol. iii., p. 131. 


ensue to religion from Eome's naming those in preference to the 
vacant sees of this kingdom, who are the most obnoxious to 
Government. Your lordship remembers how near we were to 
seeing the nomination of the E. C. bishops of Ireland pass into 
the hands of the King, and can't but feel with me the imprudence 
of takihg a step which could recall an event we had at the time 
I allude to, such difficulty to ward off. Dr. Troy's and the friar's 
interest, Mr. Bodkin, my agent writes to me, begins to decline 
very fast. 

In 1791, divisions made their appearance amongst the 
Irish Catholics. Two parties were formed in their General 
Committee, the aristocratic and the democratic. The 
former regarded with suspicion and dislike the relations 
between some of the agents of the democratic party and the 
French revolutionists ; and, moreover, they did not approve 
of their sturdy and outspoken method of seeking redress 
from the Irish Parliament. Sixty-four members of the 
aristocratic party seceded from the Committee. As a result 
of a temporary compromise, Bichard Burke, only son of tbe 
celebrated Edmund Burke, was invited over from England, 
and appointed Parliamentary Agent to the Irish Catholics. 
The" object of this appointment was that Mr. Burke would be 
guided by the advice of his illustrious father ; and that what- 
ever was supported by the great opponent of the French 
Revolution could not be supposed to rest on French 

The result was a very moderate measure of relief, intro- 
duced by Sir H. Langrishe, and seconded by Mr. Secretary 
Hobart. The bill, when passed (1) admitted Catholics to the 
practice and profession of law ; (2) it took away the necessity 
for a licence from the Protestant bishops to open a Catholic 
school, as enjoined by the Act of 1782 ; (3) it repealed the 
Statute which prohibited and made illegal marriages between 
Catholics and Protestants ; (4) it removed those obstructions 
to arts and manufactures that limited the number of 

The Catholics were not at all satisfied with the miserable 
measure of relief granted by this Act. By direction of their 
committee, Mr. Simon Butler, brother of Lord Mountgarret, 
published a pamphlet, entitled a Digest of the Popery Laws, 


bringing into one view the whole body of penalties and 
disabilities to which Catholics still remained subject : 

Excluded from every trust, power, or emolument of the State, 
civil or military ; excluded from all the benefits of the Consti- 
tution in all its parts ; excluded from all corporate rights and 
immunities ; expelled from grand juries, restrained in petty juries ; 
excluded from every direction, from every trust, from every 
incorporated society, from every establishment, occasional or 
fixed, instituted for public defence, public police, public morals, or 
public convenience ; from the Bench, from the bank, from the 
exchange, from the university, from the College of Physicians ; 
from what are they not excluded ? 

A vindication of the conduct and principles of the Koman 
Catholics of Ireland from the charges made against them 
by certain grand juries and other interested bodies was also 
published by order of the committee : 

As to tumult and sedition, they challenge those who make 
the assertion to show the instance. .Where have been the riots, 
or tumults, or seditions which can in the most remote degree be 
traced to the proceedings or publications of this committee ? 
They know too well how fatal to their hopes of emancipation any- 
thing like disturbance must be. Independent of the danger to 
those hopes, it is more peculiarly their interest to preserve peace and 
good order than that of any body of men in the community. They 
have a large stake in the country, much of it vested in that kind of 
property which is most peculiarly exposed to danger from popular 
tumult. The General Committee would suffer more by one week's 
disturbance than all the members of the two Houses of Parliament. 

Plowden, the official historian of the Irish hierarchy of 
that period, states 1 that : 

The Roman Catholics being sensible of the calumnies 
attempted to be affixed to them by their enemies, and wishing to 
screen themselves against the mischievous imprudence of some 
individuals, whose close connections with the political societies of 
the North, most of them condemned, agreed upon the expedient 
of giving the most solemn publicity to their real sentiments, by 
circulating through the nation the following admonition, com- 
posed and signed by Doctors Troy, O'Reilly, Bray, Bellew, and 
Cruise, five bishops then in Dublin : 

' DUBLIN, January 25, 1793. 

' DEAR CHRISTIANS, It has been our constant practice, as it 
is our indispensable duty, to exhort you to manifest, on all 

1 Hist. Review, vol. ii., p. 398. 


occasions, that unshaken loyalty to his Majesty, and obedience 
to the laws, which the principles of our holy religion inspire and 
command. This loyalty and obedience have ever peculiarly 
distinguished the Eoman Catholics of Ireland. We do not 
conceive a doubt of their being actuated at present by the same 
sentiments ; but think it necessary to observe that a most lively 
gratitude to our beloved Sovereign should render their loyalty 
and love of order, if possible, more conspicuous. Our gracious 
King, the common father of all his people, has, with peculiar 
energy, recommended his faithful Roman Catholic subjects of this 
kingdom to the wisdom and liberality of our enlightened Parliament 
How can we, dear Christians, express our heartfelt acknowledg- 
ments for this signal and unprecedented instance of royal 
benevolence and condescension? Words are insufficient; but 
your continued and peaceable conduct will more effectually 
proclaim them, and in a manner, if not more satisfactory to 
his Majesty and his Parliament. Avoid then, we conjure you, 
dearest brethren, every appearance of riot; attend to your indus- 
trious pursuits for the support and comfort of your families; 
fly from idle assemblies ; abstain from the intemperate use of 
spiritous and intoxicating liquors ; practise the duties of our 
holy religion. This conduct, so pleasing to heaven, will also 
prove the most powerful recommendation of your present claims 
to our amiable Sovereign, to both Houses of Parliament, to the 
magistrates, and to all well-meaning fellow-subjects of every 
description. None but the evil-minded can rejoice in your being 
concerned in any disturbance. 

' We cannot but declare our utmost and conscientious detes- 
tation and abhorrence of the enormities lately committed by 
seditious and misguided wretches of every denomination, in some 
counties of this kingdom ; they are enemies to God and man, the 
outcasts of society, and a disgrace to Christianity. We consider 
the Roman Catholics amongst them unworthy the appellation, 
whether acting from themselves, or seduced to outrage by arts of 
designing enemies to us, and to national prosperity intimately 
connected with our emancipation. 

' Offer your prayers, dearest brethren, to the Father of Mercy, 
that He may inspire these deluded people with sentiments 
becoming Christians and good subjects ; supplicate the Almighty 
Ruler and Disposer of empires, to direct his Majesty's councils, 
and forward his benevolent intentions to unite all his Irish 
subjects in bonds of common interest, and common endeavours 
for the preservation of peace and good order, and for every 
purpose tending to increase and secure national prosperity.' 

A Declaration had been already published, signed by 
Dr. Troy and his clergy, and afterwards by the Catholic 
clergy and laity of Ireland, disavowing, as Catholic teaching, 


any such maxims, as that princes excommunicated by any 
authority could be lawfully deposed or murdered ; that the 
Pope could absolve subjects from their oath of allegiance ; 
that any heretic could be lawfully injured or murdered ; or 
that faith ought not to be kept with heretics. 

The Catholic Convention (Back-lane Parliament), having 
assembled in Tailor's Hall, Back-lane, Dublin, a petition 
to the King, containing a representation of the Catholic 
grievances, was signed by Dr. Troy and Dr. Moylan on 
behalf of themselves and the other Roman Catholic prelates 
and clergy of Ireland, and by several delegates for the 
different districts, which they respectively represented. On 
the 2nd January, 17^3, the delegates attended the levee at 
St. James's, were introduced to his Majesty by Mr. Dundas, 
Secretary for the Home Department, and had the honour of 
presenting their petition to the King, who was pleased most 
graciously to receive it. 

The result was a message from the King at the opening 
of Parliament, recommending that ' the situation of his 
Catholic subjects should engage their serious attention.' 

February 4, 1793, Mr. Secretary Hobart presented to the 
House a petition signed by John Thomas Troy, Roman 
Catholic Archbishop of Dublin; Archbishops O'Keilly, Bray; 
Dr. Bellew of Killala ; and some representatives of the 
Catholic laity, setting forth 

That the petitioners are subject to a variety of severe and 
oppressive laws, the further continuance of which they humbly 
conceived their dutiful demeanour and unremitting loyalty for 
more than one hundred years, must evince to be equally impolitic 
and unnecessary. 

The petition was read, and ordered to lie on the 
table. Mr. Hobart then introduced his new Emancipation 

1. It restored to Catholics the right of voting at elections 
for Protestant Members of Parliament, and to vote for 
magistrates in cities and towns. 

2. They were allowed to serve on grand juries and to 
become justices of the peace. 

3. The 29th of George II. was repealed so far as allowing 



a challenge against any Catholic on a petty jury, in causes 
where a Protestant and a Catholic were parties. 

4. Catholics could enter Trinity College, Dublin, and 
obtain degrees. 

5. They might open colleges to be affiliated to Trinity 
College, provided they were not exclusively for the education 
of Catholics, and the masters, fellows, &c., not exclusively 

6. Catholics were rendered capable of being elected 
professors of medicine upon the foundation of Sir Patrick 

7. Catholics seized of a freehold of one hundred pounds 
a-year, or possessed of a personal estate of one thousand 
pounds ; and Catholics, on taking the Oath of Allegiance, 
seized of a freehold of ten pounds a-year, or possessed of a 
personal estate of three hundred, were allowed to keep and 
use arms and ammunition. 

8. Many civil and military offices were open to Catholics 
on taking the oath a very insulting one. 

9. Finally, it proposed that no Catholic shall be liable or 
subject to any penalty for not attending Divine Service on 
the Sabbath Day in his or her parish church. 

The motion for the introduction of the Bill was seconded 
by Sir Hercules Langrishe. 

On the 9th April the Bill was passed into law, principally 
on account of the recommendation of the King and the 
support of the Government. 

It has been well observed that during these negotiations 
the Catholics were led by men of capacity. They availed 
themselves of every circumstance, and every ally the 
Opposition, the Court, the French success without binding 
themselves so far to any as to exclude the assistance of the 
other. The French success, by terrifying their enemies, 
served the Catholic cause very much, but the Catholics had 
too much sense to express their approbation of French 
principles. Their prudent conduct made the king their 
patron, and his lieutenant's secretary moved their Bill. The 
Opposition struggled to get for them everything ; but if not 
everything, as much as they could, and not to break with 


Government because they could not get all at once. The 
Catholics very prudently, therefore, did not in terms ask for 
everything, whilst they left everything open for themselves 
to ask, and Parliament to give. 1 



I INTEND to treat this subject mainly in the way of reply 
to the Eev. Fr. Fuzier, who, in a paper presented to the 
last Congress, professed to refute my teaching in regard to 
certain judgments which I held should be called at once 
synthetic and a priori. The paper to which I allude is found 
in the third section of the general report of that last 
Congress, and its pretended refutation of my teaching 
commences there at page 25 under the italicized heading: 
' Refutation des jugements synthetiques a priori du Eev. 

At the beginning of his remarks Fr. Fuzier took care to 
remind his hearers that a detailed explanation of the doctrine 
he proposed to refute was published in the first volume of the 
general report of the Congress of 1888. Let me add that the 
explanation there given occupies ten pages of forty- five lines 
to the page, that is to say, extends to four hundred and fifty 
lines of the volume. Now, of these four hundred and fifty 
lines, the Eev. Father presents, as it were, a precis extending 
to sixteen lines, in the form of three non-consecutive extracts. 
The first of these gives examples of the kind of judgments I 
considered ought to be called at once a priori and synthetic, 
naturally understanding these terms according to the sense 
in which I distinctly stated I wished to understand them, 
and in which alone, I explained at some length, I considered 
that in this question they should be understood. 

1 Plowden, Hut. Review, vol. ii., p. 432. 

2 A Paper read in French by the Author at the late Scientific Congress of 
Catholics held at Fribourg. 


The examples Fr. Fuzier quoted are not all those I 
presented in the course of my paper as illustrating the 
general truth of my teaching. But they are sufficient to 
give a true account of it, and more than sufficient to effect 
its refutation, if that teaching can be refuted. Fr. Fuzier 
rightly notices that they form a ' series. ' He even remarks 
that I had given certain rather curious series of such judg- 
ments ' des series assez curieuses.' I hold there is only 
one series of the kind, and that quite other than curious, as 
it offers only judgments which are the first natural dictates 
of common sense; given through each thinking mind's 
immediate experience, and, for that reason synthetic ; given 
by the pure act of thought, reason's own act, and for that 
alone to be called a priori. 

Taking them as they are found in the first extract my 
critic has chosen, in the descending order of the perfections 
they express, these judgments are : (1) ' There exists an 
intelligent being,' or, ' a being actually living is intelligent ; ' 
then, what that supposes; (2) 'There is a being that lives,' 
in other words, ' something actually acting is living ; ' then 
(3) ' Something existing acts,' or, ' there is an agent ; ' and 
finally, what all that presupposes (4) ' Something exists.' 

Here, in reality, we have but four judgments with certain 
changes of terms, and still further changes of the kind may 
be introduced without adding to the truths these judgments 
express. For instance, the proposition, ' there is an agent,' 
is really no other than the statement that there is a cause ; 
taking the word ' cause ' in its primary sense as signifying 
a subject apt to cause or which may cause, whether as a 
matter of fact it has caused or is actually causing or not. 
In this way several other propositions of which there is 
frequent question in philosophy, may be referred to one or 
other of these four. 

Taking them as I did immediately after Fr. Fuzier's first 
extract, in the ascending order of their perfections, they 
are: (1) a being (something) exists, (2) something existing 
acts, (3) something acting lives, (4) something living thinks. 

There [I said] you have judgments just as true, and, as true 
judgments, just as synthetic in form as the contingent ones I drew 


from the fact of our existence ; nevertheless just as necessary in 
their order, and as evidently so in their way, as any analytics 
you like. I say, in tJieir order, which is the real, as that of 
analytics is the ideal ; and in ilieir way, that is, seen to be 
essential through reason's synthesis of subject and attribute, 
just as the analytics are seen to be through thought's analysis of 
the subject. 

So much for the judgments to be considered, and my 
teaching in regard to them. Now for my critic's promised 


I first note that he does not deny those judgments to be a 
priori. His contention is that they are not synthetic. Of 
all the reasons I brought forward in favour of my position 
in regard to them he takes notice only of those given in a 
passage where, accentuating the synthesis they present, I 
remarked, 'first, they are evidently synthetic, since the 
idea of agent, for instance, does not give that of life nor any 
reason for attributing life to it ; which should also be said 
of the notion of life in regard to that of thought. And 
this is precisely why we have no right to say every thing 
that is acting is living or every living being thinks ' though, 
I would here add, we have a right to say ' every thinking 
being lives,' and ' every living being acts ' ; the latter two 
judgments being as clearly analytic as the two previous 
ones are synthetic. 1 On this point I shall have something 
more explicit to say. For the present let it suffice to note 
that admitting, at least not denying, my judgments to be 
a priori, Fr. Fuzier only undertakes to refute the assertion 
that they are synthetic. 

Apparently in view of his intended refutation, and as if 
making quite a new observation, at any rate, as it were 
laying down his refuting principle, he remarks : ' These 

1 Thus even it may be said, because the ideal judgment 'a thinking being 
lives ' is analytic or explicative, having a predicate that represents but part of 
the subject, the converse, viz., ' a living being thinks ' being a real judgment 
is synthetic or ampliative, having a predicate that superadds to the subject : for, 
in reason's order, thought adds perfection to life, as life does to act, and 
act to actuality, and actuality itself to reality or existence to real essence in 
contingent being. 


judgments belong to the real and existing order.' Exactly, 
that is what I observed, as has been noticed, immediately 
after his first extract. More, it is a remark I frequently 
reverted to in the course of my paper. I even insisted on it 
at the beginning when determining the exact sense of the 
problem I desired to propose to the Congress : 

Are there [I said] judgments so formed that in the simple 
consideration of the subject we see no reason for attributing to it 
the predicate (and which should consequently be called synthetic), 
yet which have the character of judgments such that their truth 
presented to the spirit as actual is by it immediately recognised 
as essential (thus to be termed a priori) as uncaused truths, 
independent of any hypothesis, evidently primordial in the real 
order and, as such, in that order absolutely necessary ? 

Why did I insist so much on this point ? Because it 
touched the very root of the question I proposed to discuss. 
I had asserted, and it was known that in several articles on 
this and cognate subjects, published in France and elsewhere, 
I had maintained, that in the ideal order all a priori judg- 
ments are analytical, and are so for the simple reason that, 
in this order, all judgments are analytical. If, consequently, 
I considered any a priori ones not analytical, clsarly in my 
opinion they should be of the other order, all of the real. 
There, then, I held and hold among judgments of the real 
order of knowledge there, and there only lies the root of 
the question as to whether or not there are those which 
should be called at once ' Synthetical ' and a priori. 

It could not accordingly be here a question of abstract 
judgments such as ' a straight line is the shortest way from 
one point to another,' or any such Kantian formulas. No 
more could it be a question of general principles or axioms 
such as ' all that commences or changes does so by the act 
of another,' or ' every phenomenon is effected,' or ' every 
effect requires an effector or cause,' or any such axiomatic 
utterances so often discussed in our Congress under the 
general title of ' Principle of Causality.' With their 
universal subjects and admittedly abstract character, these 
judgments being all of the ideal order, ought, I have held, 
all be called analytic. In definitive then, my questior was 


this granted that there are not any of the universal, 
abstract, or ideal kind, are there synthetic a priori judgments 
among those of the real order ? 

I maintained there are, that there is a series of them, a 
series which elsewhere I called that of ' the vertebrae of real 
science, the backbone of philosophy, the objective basis of all 
our knowledge.' ' Hence,' I said in concluding the second 
section of my paper, ' these judgments are in the real order 
the dialectic principles on which rests Ihought's self-evidence 
for its supreme truth, for the existence of the Essential, of 
the Real-Ideal, whereunto as to its term every spirit aspires.' 
It is therefore evident that in giving examples of judgments 
of that sort, my fundamental supposition, the very founda- 
tion of my position, ought to have been that they are as 
Father Fuzier observed those I gave are all of the real 


Up to this, it will be seen, my critic and I are in perfect 
agreement. There is not on his side a shadow of 'refutation.' 
Here it ought begin to show. Here a beginning at least of the 
promised refutation ought to appear, and that by the appli- 
cation of his supposed principle of refutation to the four 
judgments in question. Well, before going farther, I remark 
that, without word of comment, he passes by the first two, 
which in my eyes are rather more noteworthy than the 
others as being more manifestly a priori. Perhaps he left 
them aside for being the first, and as such, the least strikingly 
synthetic. Be that as it may, aside he has left them. He 
makes no mention of them in the course of his supposed 
' refutation.' He apparently only thinks of trying to refute 
the two last. But, how does he do so ? I here quote his own 
words, for here, if anywhere, ought to show the point of his 
argument : 

These judgments [he premises] are of the real and existing 
order, and, therefore, the concept of the subject is not the generic 
concept of agent or living, but the specific concept of such and 
such a category of agents and living beings (d' agents etde vivants), 
that is to say, of the agents and living beings (des agents et des 
vivants) of which it was question in the attribute. 


Having thus laid down and explained his refuting 
principle, he proceeds : 

Consequently, in these judgments ' some agents live,' ' some 
living beings think ' (cfes agents vivcnt, des vivants pensent) the 
subject and the attribute are identical, their comprehension is 
the same, enveloped in one, developed in the other ; and if, by 
analysis, you develop the comprehension of the two subjects, 
you have the following tautologies : 

Certain agents, these that live, are living ; 

Certain living beings, those that think, are thinking. 

These j udgments are therefore analytic : you find in the subject 
such as it is taken in the proposition, the reason to attribute to it 
the predicate. 

These judgments ! What judgments ? Not mine : my 
judgments are ' an agent lives, a living being thinks ' (un 
agent vit, un vivant pense). Thus they appear in each of 
the three passages my critic has chosen. Neither there nor 
anywhere else in my paper is it question of ' certain agents,' 
or ' some agents,' ' certain living beings,' or ' some living 
beings ' (ou des agents ou des vivants). 

Let me not be told that there is here indeed a difference 
from the point of view of grammar, or at most of logic, but not 
of philosophy, at least not in regard to the present question. 
There is here the greatest possible difference of the kind, and 
especially from the latter point of view. It is just as if I had 
said : ' Undeniably a being actually living is infinitely 
powerful,' and then someone should say to me : ' It is not 
undeniable that some beings actually living are infinitely 
powerful. I deny your statement. I undertake to refute it 
by a very simple argument.' What could I reply but 
' Please don't trouble yourself with drawing up an argument 
on the subject, simple or complex. Simply note that the 
proposition you mean to refute, any way you take it, is not 


Of course, there is here no question of good or bad faith, 
of any kind of intended injustice on the part of Father Fuzier. 
The good Father had already given my judgments quite 
correctly, and that twice in my own words; a fact which 


renders this transformation on his part so passing strange 
all the more that, immediately after, in view of a fresh 
remark, he cites a third passage from my paper, in which 
they are again given as ' an agent lives, a living being 
thinks.' The passage is : 

It is enough for us to become aware of the fact that an agent 
lives, or a living being thinks, to know that not only has there been 
always an agent living, and always a living being thinking, but 
what says much more, that the fact of life in general as well as 
that of thought is uncaused. It is enough, I say, for reason to 
cognize the truth thus presented to it as actual in order to 
recognise it as essential and as such a priori. 

' There,' my critic kindly remarks, ' is a very high 
conception, but it too is furnished by analysis and not by 
synthesis.' He apparently there confounds the question as to 
the existence of a priori ' conceptions,' which I reject, with 
that as to the existence of apriori 'judgments,' which, in the 
sense explained, I maintain, and of which alone it is here 
question. Throughout, indeed, he appears to me somewhat to 
confound conception and judgment, the direct act of forming 
concepts with the reflex act of comparing them, and there- 
upon deciding how, in reason's way, one is to be affirmed of 
the other, or denied. Even when speaking of ' judgments 
relating to the real and existing order,' he seems to me 
not to think of real as distinct fromjdeal or verbal attribu- 
tion. What in English is called the ' existential import of 
propositions ' does not, apparently, occur to him at all. 
This possibly is how these subjects of real judgments got 
transformed, in his mind, into logical ' categories ' calling for 
some rational analysis. Be the explanation what it may, the 
transformation of terms I have noticed once effected, his 
subsequent criticism proceeds on the assumption that he is 
dealing with judgments having equivalently plural nouns for 
subjects des agents et des vivants, telle ou telle categorie 
d' agents et de vivants. 

Now, these and all such judgments are radically different 
from mine, particularly so in regard to the present question, 
for the simple reason that they are obviously not a priori 


'as objective judgments or by reason of the truth expressed.' 1 
Each of Fr. Fuzier's propositions may be taken as represent- 
ing an undeniable truth one, moreover, that for us now 
may be called a ' first truth ' (une verite premiere) , like 
motion or sensation, but not a primordial truth (pas une 
verite primordiale), not an essential, not a necessary first 
truth ; hence not a priori in the sense at present commonly 
received, and which I distinctly explained I meant to adopt 
in the present discussion. 2 True, for my propositions, as 
for those which were put in their place, ' the comprehension 
of the subject is the same,' but the extension of the subject 
is different ; and that here makes all the difference in the 
world. It makes the difference between judgments show- 
ing truths given to each rational agent by the natural act of 
reason, so naturally recognised as primordial, as a priori 
truths, and judgments of which this can in no sense be said. 
For instance, take the last one of mine Father Fuzier 
quoted ' A living being thinks ; ' that is manifestly given 
to each thinking soul by the very act ol thought ; while the 
one substituted for it ' some living beings think ' is as 
manifestly not so given. Again, supposing thought's neces- 
sity, which must be supposed if the proposition be a priori, 
it is necessary that there should be one thinking, absolutely 
speaking, there need be no more ; ' some beings think ' is 
a contingent, therefore an a posteriori truth, since clearly 
one suffices for thought, as one does for life, for act or for 
actuality. Precisely on that account, real reason's essential 
first truths, such as mine, all radically differ from the 
contingent first truths of sense, such as motion, suffering 
or simple feeling, and all such data whereof modern scientists 

1 ' En tant que jugements objectifs ou a raison de la verit6 exprimee, 
doivent etre dits a priori : ' words taken from my first paper, explaining the 
precise point of the question to be discussed. 

2 See my original paper. Compare Dr. Ward, 'Philosophical Axioms,' 
Dublin Review, 1869. By Axioms,' he says, ' We mean, necessary first truths.' 
That he then takes as a sufficiently practical definition for ' a priori judgments.' 
So I have taken it. I would, however, observe that by ' Axioms ' are commonly 
understood necessary and universal first truths. Now my question was in 
effect : Are there not truths as thoroughly first, and as truly necessary as any 
yet which are not universal, not being of the ideal or abstract order, and 
precisely for that reason, not analytic ? 


would make the only real principles of science. These are, 
indeed, for us here now abiding truths, like those of my 
critic's propositions, but, as also like them, importing 
plurality of beings, are not essential, not primordial, not 
a priori. Thus, ontologically as well as logically, philo- 
sophically, in the full sense of the word, his formulas are 
different from mine, and are so in regard to the present 
question, to the extent of having nothing whatever to do 
with it. 


Here, then, briefly, is my answer to Fr. Fuzier's Befu- 
tation des jugements synthetiques a priori duRev. O'Mahony. 
Speaking only of the four he quoted, I say that, in the way 
of criticism, he did not touch the two first, and touched the 
two last only to put two others essentially different in their 
place. Not alone, therefore, has he not effected his promised 
' Refutation,' he has not yet tried to effect it. Now, let him 
try. To any one of the series let him make an objection 
serving to show it is not synthetic, or, being so, is not 
a priori. I shall reply to his objection with pleasure, all 
the more for feeling sure that any objection of the kind, 
however answered, cannot fail, if not in my sense to solve, 
at least to make clearer and clearer what I hold to be the 
problem that really lies at the root of this question. 

Touching his criticism of the judgments which he put 
in place of mine, namely, that, as appertaining to the real 
and existing order, they are tautologies, and, therefore, 
analytic, let him look to it. But, I ask, can the same be 
said of mine? Can it be said that in each of them the 
predicate only repeats the subject ' as it is taken in the 
proposition,' and that this subject means but the person 
thus actually judging ? So that these admittedly first facts 
of philosophy : ' Something exists ' (aliquid existit), ' some- 
thing existing acts/ and the like, rightly worded out, come 
to mere tautological platitudes, such as : ' Something exist- 
ing (myself here now) exists ; ' Something acting (myself at 
present) acts,' and so on ! Is that a true criticism of the 
natural judgments of man's reason as to the significance, the 


necessity and the import, of existence, action, life, and 
thought ? Certainly not. Being self-affirmatives of reflec- 
tion, real principles of reason, the subject in each of them 
is indefinite as the attribute is essential and the attribution 
unconditioned. The affirmation accordingly thereby under- 
stood to be made is that of the necessity of existence, 
or actuality, action, life, and thought in general. 

Assuredly what consciousness primarily testifies to each 
one is that he is here now thinking, with all that for him the 
fact imports. No man thereupon dreams of judging that 
thought's truth, any more than that of life, or act, or 
actuality, depends on its being true of him as subject. 
Each one thinking knows that in a few hours he shall have 
ceased to think. Meanwhile, sitting on reason's throne, in 
the universal court of reflection, in the light of the law 
and in virtue of the powers of reason's ,act, now his, he 
self-affirms that there is always someone thinking, that, 
unlike motion or sensation) of absolute necessity there must 
be thought, as there must be truth, and in act there must 
be being. 

True, in the formulas which express these principles, 
the copula is non-modal, simply ' is ; ' for exists, acts, lives, 
thinks, logically mean is existing, acting, living, thinking. 
But it should always be remembered that as copula of 
reason's self -judgments in reflection's order, synthetic or 
analytic, real or ideal, the verb-substantive is taken, not 
in the active only, but in pure act's voice, therefore in 
parfection's unconditional mood and eternity's absolutely 
present tense. In the course of my first paper I explained 
how such self-affirmation is logically made. I showed how 
the truths these judgments represent, naturally cognised by 
experience as actual, are, at the same time, as naturally 
recognised by reason as essential, so seen to be ' absolutely 
primordial verities : ' hence are self-affirmed, not in virtue 
of any Kantian or Kaiserine ' imperative dictate ' ab extra, 
perforce blindly binding, but in harmony with the law of 
reason's own inmost light and life. 

For the fundamental position of my thesis it would be 
quite enough to maintain that any judgment of the series, 


were it only the first, has both the characteristics thus 
claimed for it. Still I maintain they all have them. 
They are all synthetic, as given by the immediate act of 
experience ; they are a priori, for the act that gives them is 
reason's own. 1 


1 Part of the foregoing 1 had to be omitted in the reading, so as to keep 
within, the prescribed twenty minutes. When the main point of the conclusion 
had been read, the President asked if Father Fuzier was present. As he was 
rot, discussion commenced on the subject in the usual way. Upon this, I note, 
no one took up Father Fuzier's contention, that the judgments in question are 
not synthetic ; the discussion was wholly confined to the sort of a priori 
character I claimed for them, referring to it in a thoroughly appreciative 
though rather brief, report of the proceedings of the Philosophical Section of 
the Congress (Ileviie Neo-Scolasfique, Nov. 1897), Father de Munnynck (of 
Louvain) writes : ' Mgr. Ki*s drew attention to the properties which Kant 
assigns to his synthetic a priori propositions. He begged Dr. O'Mahony to 
observe that not one of his examples is a universal proposition, and that, 
consequently, they should not be called synthetic a priori in the sense of Kant.' 
I beg to add I replied, in effect, that I did not say they should, and in my 
original paper had specially emphasized the fact that they should not, as not 
being universal. The remark of the eminent Professor of the Univsrsity of 
Buda-Pesth was thus in reality tantamount to observing that my thesis was 
what it professed to be, and, being that, was quite other than Kant's, its 
assertions and the examples given in proof thereof being wholly other than 
his. What my thesis in this way formally asserted was, that there are a priori 
judgments, in the sense ^commonly received since Kant's time, propositions 
giving 'absolutely primordial verities ' or 'necessary first truths' (Dr. Ward), 
yet which, unlike those of Kant, are not universal, not being, like his, of the 
ideal or abstract order of attribution, but real judgments, statements of 
immediate experience, and, therefore, truly synthetic ; while all Kant's 
examples, and all similar abstract, universal principles, I held to be analytic in 
one or other of the three ways in which I had previously shown a judgment 
might be said to be so. Father de Alunnynck concludes his notice with the 
remark that the point at issue is ' by no means a question of words, but one 
which involves very grave psychological and ontological problems.' All the 
more reason ought there be for laying bare the root of it, and trying, at least, to 
show where its last fibres enter the ground of self-evident truth. 

[ 254 ] 

IRotes anfc (Queries 




EEV. DEAR SIR, 1. Can a priest on the English mission 
permit Protestant witnesses to a marriage in his church on his 
own responsibility? They are valid witnesses I know are they 
licit ? 

2. Can he (a priest on the English mission) give the nuptial 
blessing privately of course to a Catholic couple who were 
married in the Begistrar's office, or in a Protestant Church? 

Yours, &c., 


1. A priest should not, on his own responsibility, admit 
non-Catholics to assist as witnesses at a marriage. An 
answer to this effect was given by the Holy Office, 
19th August, 1891: 

Se sia lecito assumere gli eterodossi a testirnoni nel matrirnonio 
dei Catholici. 

And the reply was : 

Non esse adhibendos ; posse tamen ab Ordinario tolerari ex 
gravi causa, dummodo non adsit scandalum. 

According to this reply, therefore, non-Catholics should 
not per se be admitted as formal witnesses of a marriage. 
They may, however, for a grave cause be admitted where 
no scandal will be given. The bishop not the officiating 
priest is the judge of the sufficiency of the reason for their 
admission. If there be anywhere a recognised custom of 
admitting non-Catholic witnesses, we may assume that the 
bishop regards their admission in that place justified by the 
circumstances, and we require no express authorisation to 
follow the usual practice. 


2. In England for it is to that country only our 
correspondent refers even Catholics may, of course, marry 
validly before a registrar or a Protestant clergyman. We 
assume that they are not peregrini contracting in fraudem 
legis. But such a marriage is gravely sinful ; and if the 
parties contract before a heretical minister (as such), and 
with a heretical rite, they incur excommunication, specially 
reserved to the Holy See in the Bull Apostolicae Sedis. 1 

Manifestly a priest's first duty, in regard to such persons, 
is to bring them to repent of their sin, make reparation for 
the scandal given, and seek absolution from censure, if a 
censure has been incurred. In some dioceses special legisla- 
tion defines the manner in which public reparation of the 
scandal given is to be made. Having succeeded in getting 
the parties to repent of and repair the evil done, our 
correspondent asks whether he should give them the nuptial 

By the nuptial blessing, we may understand either the 
simple blessing of . the Ritual or the solemn blessing of the 
Missal. Many theologians hold (and rightly, we think) that 
per se there is, in ordinary cases, an obligation sub veniali, 
to seek the solemn blessing. 2 All must admit that there isper 
se a obligation to give the solemn blessing to those who ask 
it. Others think it is not strictly obligatory to receive the 
solemn nuptial blessing, though the Church strongly exhorts 
the faithful to receive it/ But, outside a case of necessity, 
Catholics contracting marriage are bound, under pain of 
mortal sin, to receive the blessing of the Ritual, and that 
even where the law of Trent has not been promulgated. 4 
Nor does this obligation ceasB when a marriage has been, 
lawfully (in case of necessity) or unlawfully, though validly, 
contracted without the presence and blessing of a priest. 

Clarum est [says Gasparri] inito valide mafcrimonio praecep- 
tum grave manere sponsos petendi hanc Eitualis benedictionem 

1 Conf. Collect. Prop. Fid,, n. 2,202; Bucceroni, Comment. DC Comfit. Apos. 
Sedis, p. 7, n. 9. 

a Sanchez, St. Alphonsus, Becker, De Spans, et Mat., p. 358 ; Gasparri, De 
Mat., n. 1,021 ; Rosset, De Sac. Mat., v., n. 2,868. 

LehmkoM, ii., n. 693; Feije, n. 554. 

*Conf. Lehmkuhl, ii., n. 693. 


. . . Haec vera sunt non modo de matrimonio defectu parochi 
coram testibus contracto, sed in genere de matrimoniis validis 

Catholics, then, who have contracted validly, in the 
office of a registrar or in a Protestant church, are still bound 
to present themselves to receive, and the priest should 
impart if the parties have satisfied the requirements above 
mentioned the simple blessing of the Kitual. The matri- 
monial consent is not to be renewed, for the marriage is 
already, we assume, certainly valid. The priest does not recite 
the words of the Bitual : Ego vos conjungo, &c. ; but every- 
thing else is done as the Kitual prescribes in the ordinary 
marriage rite. So much for the blessing of the Kitual. 

May the solemn blessing of the Missal be also given to 
such persons at a nuptial Mass ? Even some of those who 
maintain that there is an obligation to receive the solemn 
blessing, in the first instance, concede that there is not an 
obligation to supply it afterwards, when it has been omitted 
at a marriage validly contracted. It is, however, in ordinary 
cases, certainly lawful to supply this blessing ; nor is there 
anything to prevent the parties in the question proposed 
from getting it. Local legislation should, of course, be kept 
in view ; and, moreover, ic may easily, in certain circum- 
stances, give offence and scandal if such persons were to 
get the solemn blessing, in a place where the blessing is not 
usually given to more faithful and deserving members of the 

We do not quite understand why these blessings, if given 
at all, should be given privately.' The public reception of 
the blessing of the Ritual would be one of the best, not to 
say the most necessary, means of repairing the scandal. 
The solemn blessing cannot, unless by special dispensation, 
be separated from the nuptial Mass, and, therefore, the 
question of imparting it privately does not seem to arise. 


1 Gasparri, DcJfal.,ii., n. 1,009. 




EEV. DEAR SIR, Would you kindly answer the following : 

1. Is there any decree ordering that, when several scapulars 
are worn on one pair of strings, each scapular should be joined to 
the strings ? 

2. Does the decree demand that there should be immediate 
contact between each of the scapulars and the strings ; or is it 
enough, if the strings actually touch only one of the scapulars, 
provided that the other scapulars are joined mediately to the 
strings, by being sown to them, through the scapular to which 
they are immediately attached ? 

3. Supposing that the decrees mentioned in 1 and 2, exists, 
is a scapular invalid if it be not made in accordance with 


No decree, such as that to which our correspondent refers 
in his first question, exists, as far as we have been able to dis- 
cover. On the contrary, there exists a decree which, implicitly 
at least, declares that all the scapulars need not be attached 
to the same cord or strings. 1 All that is essential is that the 
scapulars should consist of a square or oblong piece cf woollen 
material of the requisite colour ; that they should be joined 
together at the edge to which the strings are attached ; and 
that one set of the scapulars thus united should hang on the 
breast, the other on the back of the wearer. The colour of 
the strings is immaterial, unless in the case of the red 
scapular. For the red scapular has received the approbation 
of the Holy See, and has been indulgenced only on condition 
that it be made according to the pattern shown to Sister 
Apolline Audriveau by our Lord Himself. And in this 
pattern the red scapulars were united by strings of red 
woollen material resembling that of which the scapulars 
themselves were composed. Hence, when a number of 

1 Deer. Auth., 408, 1. 

VOL. in. a 


scapulars, including the red scapular, are attached to the 
same strings, these strings should be red in colour and of 
woollen material. It is not certain that, in the case just 
mentioned, the red strings should be immediately attached 
to the red scapular. Probably if the several scapulars were 
suspended as a whole to the red strings, the condition 
regarding the red scapulars would be sufficiently fulfilled 
even though the red strings were not in direct and immediate 
contact with the cloth of the scapulars. But, for precaution's 
sake, we would advise that the red strings should be attached 
directly to the red scapulars, and that the other scapulars 
be attached by a few stitches along the edge to the red 

Our correspondent's second and third questions are based 
on the hypothesis that the decrees referred to in his first 
question in reality exists. As no such decree does exist it is 
unnecessary to reply to these questions. 


BEV. DEAR SIR, Will you kindly answer the following 
queries in next issue of I. E. EECORD and oblige. 


1. May banners of the B.V.M. or of the saints be carried in 
procession of the Blessed Sacrament ? 

2. May prayers in the ' vernacular,' other than those pre- 
scribed for October devotions, be recited by the minister while 
the Blessed Sacrament is exposed for Benediction ? 

3. May the choir sing hymns in the ' vernacular ' while the 
Blessed Sacrament is exposed. 

1. Nothing could be more appropriate, nothing more 
in accordance with the spirit of the Liturgy, or the custom 
of the Church, than to carry in processions of the Blessed 
Sacrament, banners bearing pictures of our Blessed Lady, or 
representations of the mysteries of her life, or of the power 
of her intercession, or of the depth of her love for the souls 
redeemed by the Blood of her Divine Son. The same is 
proportionately true of banners bearing pictures real or 


allegorical of the saints. Such banners, like the vestments 
of the clergy, the canopy, the candles and lanterns, add to 
the solemnity, as well as to the impressiveness of the proces- 
sion, and contribute to the external majesty and pomp, 
which should, as far as possible, surround our Sacramental 
Lord when borne in public procession. 

It should hardly be necessary to prove the admissibility 
of these banners in processions of the Blessed Sacrament. 
The custom of bearing them in procession is, we think, 
almost, if not altogether, universal. To convince sceptics, 
however, we may just mention that the various bodies who 
take part in processions of the Blessed Sacrament, whether 
they be school children or members of confraternities, are 
to have their own peculiar banner borne at their head. 
Speaking of the order of the procession of the Blessed 
Sacrament on Corpus Christi, Wapelhorst says : 

(b) Pueri et puellae scholam catechismumve frequentantes 
praelato eorum vexillo. 

(GJ Confraternitates laicorum cum siiis insignibus. 

2. This question, too, is to be answered in the affirmative. 
Prayers approved of for public worship may be publicly 
recited in the vernacular while the Blessed Sacrament is 
exposed. The only condition, in order that prayers in the 
vernacular may be recited in presence of the Blessed 
Sacrament exposed, is, that they should have the approval 
of the Ordinary of the diocese. Surely our correspondent 
would not impugn the lawfulness of reciting, in presence 
of the Blessed Sacrament exposed, the prayers in honour 
of the Sacred Heart, which are usually recited during 
the time the Blessed Sacrament is exposed for Benediction 
on the first Fridays, or first Sundays of the month ? 
Neither, we hope, would he impugn the custom of reciting 
during the exposition of the Blessed Sacrament the Divine 
Praises, to the recitation of which, in these circumstances, 
the Congregation of Indulgences has recently attached an 
additional indulgence. 

3. The answer to the third question is the same as that 
given to the second. Vernacular hymns, approved of by 


the Ordinary of the diocese, may be sung during the time 
the Blessed Sacrament is exposed previous to or after 
Benediction. This point has been explicitly denned by 
the Congregation of Kites in several decrees, two of which 
we here quote from The Ceremonies of Ecclesiastical 
Functions : 1 

Quaes. An liceat adhibere publicain quarundam precum 
recitationem vulgar! sermone conscriptarum coram SSmo. 
Sacramento exposito ? 

Resp. Affirmative dummodo agatur de precibus approbatis. 

Qtiaes. Utrum liceat generaliter ut chorus musicorum (id est 
eantores) coram SSmo Sacramento solemniter exposito, decantet 
hymnos in lingua vernacula ? 

Resp. Posse, dummodo non agitur de hymnis Te Deum et aliis 
quibuscunque liturgicis precibus, quae nonnisi latina lingua 
decantari debent. 




EEV. DEAR SIR, May I trouble you for an early reply to 
the following questions ? 


1. When the Blessed Sacrament is solemnly exposed in the 
monstrance, may the monstrance be elevated on a movable 
throne placed on the altar? 

2. When and why did the old chasuble, known as the 
Gothic chasuble, fall into disuse ? 

3. Why is the present large and unshapely mitre used instead 
of the small and beautiful one of pre-Keformation days ? 

1. When the Blessed Sacrament is solemnly exposed in 
the monstrance, the monstrance should, generally speaking, 
be placed on a throne of some kind, more or less elevated 
above the table of the altar. This is prescribed for the 

Page 156, 


solemn exposition of the forty hours, in the Instructio 
Clementina, and by nearly all writers for any solemn exposi- 
tion whatsoever. But nowhere, so far as we are aware, is 
it decided that the throne should be a permanent structure, 
such as those that we frequently find erected over the 
tabernacle on the high altar in modern churches. Indeed 
historically speaking, the movable throne was introduced 
long prior to the permanent one ; and, moreover, it is of the 
movable throne that most writers, including Clement XI. 
in his famous Instruction, speak. The fixed throne form- 
ing part of the structure of the altar is comparatively 
modern, and was, doubtless, introduced as much for its 
ornamental effect as for its convenience. Our correspondent 
need not, therefore, have any doubt about the lawfulness of 
a custom which dates back to the time when solemn 
exposition of the Blessed Sacrament was first introduced, 
and which is still widely prevalent. 

2. Writers are not agreed as to the time at which the 
ancient Gothic chasuble dwindled from its ample portions 
into its present handier if less picturesque form. Some say 
the change was made as early as the tenth century, 
while others maintain that the change took place in the 
sixteenth century. Probably we may reconcile these 
extreme opinions by saying, that the change began at 
the earlier date, but was not completed until the later- 
This much seems to be certain, the change had taken place 
by the sixteenth century, and so great was the change it 
seems also to be certain, that it must have been brought 
about very slowly and gradually. 

The reason for the change is manifest. The Gothic 
chasuble covered the whole body, including the arms, in its 
ample folds. Hence, when the celebrant had to use his 
hands, as at the incensation, consecration, &c., the chasuble 
had to be rolled up to his shoulder, and held there by the 
sacred ministers. A relic of this custom is still to be seen 
in our modern Solemn Mass, when, during the incensation, 
the sacred ministers hold up, or make a pretence of holding 
up, the celebrant's chasuble at the shoulder, and in both 
Solemn and Low Mass when, at the consecration, the 


ministers raise the celebrant's chasuble. The inconvenience 
felt in saying private Masses with the Gothic chasuble soon 
brought about a modification, and gradually reduced the 
chasuble to its present form. The following, translated 
from Cardinal Bona, bears out the views we have just 
expressed : 

The Latins, to avoid the inconvenience arising from the width 
and fulness [of the Gothic chasuble], covering, as it did, the 
whole body and arms, began by degrees to cut away the sides, 
until it was reduced to the form which we use at the present day. 

3. De gustibus non est disputandum is a venerable adage, 
and out of respect for it we will refrain from discussing the 
relative aesthetic qualities of the older and newsr forms of 
the episcopal mitre, and will content ourselves with answer- 
ing our correspondent's question. The question implies that 
the small mitre endured until the time of the so-called 
Reformation, or thereabouts. This is not so. The middle 
of the thirteenth century might be put down as the date at 
which the change from the old to the new form began. At 
the beginning of that century the old form still prevailed, 
as we learn from contemporary paintings of bishops of the 
period ; while from a similar source we know that at the 
beginning of the fourteenth century the mitre had assumed 
proportions as great, if not greater, than the mitres now in 
use ; and from the fourteenth century to the eighteenth the 
mitres increased in height, until they had become really 
' unshapely.' But in the present century a change in the 
opposite direction has taken place, and the mitres worn by 
bishops, in these countries, at least, resemble in height and 
appearance, the mitres of the late thirteenth century. 


MASS, &c. 

A correspondent wishes to know whether it is lawful to use 
other than wax candles at Mass, at Benediction of the Most 
Holy Sacrament, when giving Communion outside of Mass, and, 
generally, when the Blessed Srcrament is exposed. He is aware 
that some priests contend that only wax candles should be used 


on these occasions, while others maintain that it is not obligatory 
to use wax candles at all ; and others again assert that when 
several candles must be used some should be of wax, but, also, 
that some may be of another material. 

The candles used at Mass should all be wax. This is a 
strict obligation, unless, on the score of poverty, a dis- 
pensation has been procured. Of course we speak only of 
the candles prescribed by the rubrics; that is, the two candles 
which should be lighted during the Mass celebrated by a 
simple priest, and the four with which the altar should be 
adorned during a prelate's Mass. In addition to these 
candles, which are purely ceremonial, there may be others 
of a.n inferior material for the purpose of giving light. 

During any exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, whether 
it be the exposition which immediately precedes Benediction, 
the exposition for the Forty Hours' Adoration, or any other 
exposition whatsoever, at least ten wax candles should be 
lighted. One author would allow Benediction with as few 
as six wax candles ; but we are inclined to believe that he 
had in mind private, rather than solemn exposition and 
Benediction of the Most Holy Sacrament. The Instructio 
Clementina commands that twenty wax candles should be 
kept continuously burning during the Quarant 'Ore; and 
although this instruction does not impose any obligation 
outside of Borne, and is concerned solely about the exposition 
of the Forty Hours, its provisions present a model which 
should be followed as far as circumstances permit in every 
solemn exposition of the Most Holy Sacrament. Of course, 
in addition to the prescribed number of wax candles, any 
number of candles of a cheap material may be lighted round 
about the altar on which the Blessed Sacrament is exposed. 

When giving Communion outside of Mass two wax 
candles should be lighted on the altar. The obligation of 
using wax candles in this case is the same as the obligation 
of using them at Mass. 

D. O'LoAN. 

[ 264 ] 



KEY. DEAR SIR, It is not without disappointment, a feeling 
which I share with very many others, that I contemplate 
Dr. MacCarthy's latest and (as we are to infer) last communication. 
It is a production that calls for even a ' compiler's ' pity. For 
in what relation do we, the great Dr. MacCarthy and the 
humble author of The Ancient Irish Church as a Witness to 
Catholic Doctrine, now stand ? Mark but the present position of 
our controversy. It is this. In the January I. E. EECOBD I 
placed before my polite antagonist a series of solid facts and 
arguments. With these unless he preferred to beat a succession 
of retreats, more than any Xenophon could fittingly record, 
from quite a number of his chosen entrenchments it was 
absolutely indispensable for him to seriously and systematically 
grapple. That this was his only alternative, I take sober and 
independent judgments to witness. We are now in possession of 
his reply. And what are its contents? In any one way does he 
traverse, or even try to traverse, the case which I presented? 
No. Does he deal with one solitary division of it '? No. With 
one particle of a part of it? No. But, to cover his graceful retire- 
ment, he devotes a letter of five printed pages to the introduction 
and discussion of new matter, and is as silent as a Harpocrates 
on all that ought to have first engaged his earnest consideration ; 
with now not a word to say about the Bobbio Missal, or about the 
facts which annihilate his contention that that venerable document 
is inadmissible as evidence of early Irish doctrine; not a word to 
say for his misspelling of ' Bobbio,' in face of Italian literature 
which condemns him; not a word about the pretended (but never 
proved) irrelevance of St. Cummian's Penitential to the special 
subjects of my book, by whichsoever of the St. Cummians, all 
Irishmen, that Penitential was written; not a word to show that 
heresy had made no inroad into Ireland in the age in which that 
Penitential was drawn up ; not a word about the appearance here, 
for instance, of Pelagianism towards the year 640, as noticed 
in the pontifical letter to which, for the second time, I invited 
his attention; not a word about the St. Gall Ordo of Penance, 


treated by him as another piece of irrelevance on my part, his 
original assertion that this Ordo is ' purely Anglo-Saxon ' being 
subsequently modified (and nullified) by the admission that the 
writing in the MS. is Irish ; not a word about the incestuous 
unions (in regard to which I was charged with libel) l formerly 
somewhat prevalent in Ireland, as facts uncontroverted make 
apparent ; not a word about Bishop O'Coffey or his alleged 
parentage of Archbishop O'Murray ; not a word about the laugh- 
able meaning erstwhile appended by my critic to sine vestitu in 
the ancient Arrea or Commutations ; not a word about nomina, or 
the rubric in the Memento of the Dead in the Bobbio Missal, 
once Mabillon, the erudite editor of that Missal, is brought into 
court against him ; not a word about the tremendous question of 
by versus to, both expressions yielding the very self-same sense in 
the passage in the Canon referred to, 2 although, against the use 
of to, I was heretofore solemnly threatened with Menard, who has 
not been produced yet, for the sufficiently satisfactory reason that 
he left nothing whatever behind him upon English translations 
of the Mass, and so wrote nothing that could clothe the one 
English preposition with any degree of preference over the other. 3 
There even exists no proof that this famous French Benedictine 
had the least knowledge of the English language. 4 Nor, let me 
here say, are all the English Prayer Books that have ever been 
published unanimous for by, as Dr. MacCarthy will find out for 
himself if he will only extend his researches over a large enough 
number. In fine, my critic no longer combats my statement, my 
inoffensive statement, that the computation of Easter is an 
astronomical question, now that Lingard and Lanigan, to whose 
authority that of many others might easily be added, are arrayed 
against him. Thus, former strongholds are abandoned all along 

1 Dr. MacCarthy, who brands me as a libeller, maligned the monastic scribes 
in his December letter, by ridiculing the idea that they were at all regardful of 
what tenets might characterise the theological scripts which they undertook to 
copy ; and this month we have him talking of the ' perhaps malicious ingenuity 
inveterate in the Brehon legists.' What next, I wonder ! 

2 Adrien Baillet says of a critic : ' C'est un Chicaneur . . . lorsqu'il fait 
un proces sur ime particule inutile, ou ?ur un article qui ne change rien au sens ' 
[italics mine]. See his Juaeniens det Savant, i., p. 54 : Paris, 1722. 

3 Menard's note is simply the following: '43. Quorum meritis. Ita in 
versione Codini ; in liturgia quae sancto Petro tribuitur : avrivuv rf/ 7rpeo-/3ei'a, 
id est, quorum intercessione.' See his Not a et Observations in 8. Gregorii Magni 
Libntm Sacra ieiitorion, Migne, Patrol ogia Lattna, Ixxviii., col. 276 : Paris, 1862. 

4 In Menard's time (15S5-16H) but few of the continental literati thought 
English worthy of notice. 


the line of operations by Dr. MacCarthy ; and so, to enlist an old 
expression, he evacuates Flanders. He allows that I have 
1 adopted an effectual method of bringing the present discussion 
to a close ;' and, doubtless, not a few will be disposed to agree 
with him, if having put forward so much, so very much, that he 
is unable to answer, can count for anything towards such 
an issue. Saith an Arabian adage, 'He who defends his nose 
sometimes cuts it off ; ' 1 and with the wisdom of the aphorism 
my courteous opponent seems disinclined to quarrel. Of course it 
is not for me to urge any man to his destruction. 

Here, before entering upon Dr. MacCarthy's new matter, I 
desire to add something to my last letter on two points : (1) on 
nomina in the Memento of the Dead in the Bobbio Missal ; (2) on 
the O'Coffey and O'Murray question. 

First, with regard to the Memento. It has already been pointed 
out that Mabillon evidently did not consider nomina a rubric in the 
Memento of the Dead in the Bobbio Missal. I have now to say 
that the use and custom of that Missal are totally against its being 
so treated. Ancient Missals, it is hardly necessary to premise, are 
not, without due inquiry, to be read through modern Missals, with 
which they do not quite correspond, but by their own individual 
light. Now, in the Bobbio Missal, wherever names were to be 
introduced, the uniform rubric is the abbreviated pronoun ' ill.' 
(the MS. has it 'II' 2 ) or 'ill. & ill.,' as circumstances require. 
Of this rubrical direction I have counted in its pages no fewer 
than sixty-six examples, unrelieved by a single occurrence of 
nomina, or A T ., or NN., or N. et N. ; 3 and this, on the point 
raised against me, should, I conceive, be decisive in my favour. 
The following is a specimen instance from the Missa Roinensis 
Cottidiana : ' In primis quae tibi offerimus pro ecclesia tua 
sancta catholica . . . una cum devotissimo famolo tuo ill. Papa 
nostro, sedis apostolicae & Antestite nostro/ &c. 4 

From this we revert to the case of Bishop O'Coffey and 
Archbishop O'Murray. In the Annals of Ulster the former is 
briefly mentioned as the latter' s athair or ' father.' Dr. MacCarthy 

iFreytag, Arabum Proverbia, i., p. 526 : Bonn, 1838. 

2 Mabillon, Museum Itnlicum, i., pt. ii. ( p. 346, note : Paris, 1724. 

3 Mabillon, Mmettui Italicum, i., pt. ii., pp. 279, 322, 324, 344, 346, 347, 
348, 350, 351, 352, 356, 359, 360. 361. 362, 364, 378, 384, 385, 386, 388, 389, 
390, 391 : Paris, 1724. Some of these pages contain two, three, four, or five 
instances of 'ill.' as a rubric. 

4 Mabillon, Mmeum Italicum, i., pt. ii., p. 279 : Paris, 1724. 


contends that Bishop O'Coffey, had he been only Archbishop 
O'Murray's ' fosterer or tutor,' would have been referred to as his 
aite, not athair. It was not at all unusual, however, for an aite 
a ' fosterer or tutor ' to receive the title of athair, or ' father.' 
For example, in the Irish Life of St. Senan in the Book of 
Lismore, that holy man is represented as addressing his aite as 
' O father Notal," A atJiair, a Notail: again, ' O chosen father,' 
A atJmir thogaidhi ; and Notal replies to him as ' My dear son,' 
A meic inmain. 1 Hence the mere presence of athair in the 
Annals of Ulster, in connection with Bishop O'Coffey, is insufficient 
to prove that Bishop O'Coffey was Archbishop O'Murray's parent : 
while the difference in their surnames presents a difficulty which 
Dr. MacCarthy will in vain struggle to get over. 

We pass on now to the new criticisms. In his third paragraph 
Dr. MacCarthy says : ' To show the intelligent use made of the 
" works quoted," the following is accepted as correct : " the 
Brehon Laws assume the existence of a married as well as an 
unmarried clergy. They make reference to two classes of bishops : 
" the virgin bishop " and the " bishop of one wife." The " virgin 
bishop," if he lapsed into sin, did not, they say, recover his 
grade or pristine perfection, according to some ; but the " bishop 
of one wife " did, provided he performed his penance within 
three days.' Misled by the foregoing, many readers of the 
I.E. RECORD must have concluded that /'accept as correct' 
the existence of ' a married aa well as an unmarried clergy ' in 
early Christian Ireland, and that in doing so I claim to be 
supported by the authority of the Brehon Laws. They will 
be somewhat astonished when I inform them that what is 
set forth as my view is not mine at all, but is a Protestant 
argument which I devote some space to refuting! How then 
have I been so misrepresented? By the omission of the five 
words which I now place in italics. ' Another common objection 
is this : the Brehon Laws assume the existence of a married as 
well as an unmarried clergy.' And so forth. In a manner which 
will, no doubt, gain him many additional admirers, Dr. MacCarthy 
chooses to commence his quotation of me at the colon ; and this, 
with his own introductory remark, puts a false construction on 
my language. The word ' objection,' it is true, occurs twenty 
lines further on in his letter ; but, so far is it from helping any 

1 Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, p. 61 (lines 2038-2042) : Oxford, 


one to a right understanding of the matter, that I appeal to 
candour to determine whether he has not conveyed, to those who 
have not my little book to refer to, the impression that I profess 
an opinion which assuredly I do not. One who can fearlessly 
mutilate an author in the fashion indicated should be particularly 
chary of any talk about ' breaches of good faith.' 1 

As to the wording of the aforesaid objection, now that it is 
clearly established as such, I may say that I had the Vicar of 
Ballyclough, the Eev. Thomas Olden, M.A., in my mind when I 
stated it. An extract from his Church of Ireland is appended 
for comparison. 2 

Dr. MacCarthy makes much ado about nothing when he writes 
that the references to the ' virgin bishop ' and the ' bishop of one 
wife' (an expression which is cleared up in my book) are to be found 
in the ancient commentary on the Brehon Laws, not in the Laws 
themselves. The Brehon Laws and the Brehon commentaries, 
however, are preserved in the same MSS., and these MSS. may 
be called the Brehon Laws for all practical purposes. The very 
editors of the official edition are not superior to such a general 
designation of their contents. 3 Nor is the phenomenally accurate 
Dr. MacCarthy, who, like Hudibras of yore, can 

1 distinguish and divide 
A hair 'twixt south and south-west side,' 

above describing a MS. which contains (1) excerpts from 
St. John's Gospel ; (2) a Missal ; (3) an Ordo of Baptism ; 
(4) an Ordo of Visitation of the Sick, including Extreme Unction 
and Communion ; (5) an Irish tract on the Mass ; (6) three Irish 
spells by the name of the Stowe Missal.* Truth to say, 

1 Only one charge of this sort was made against me. After I showed its 
injustice Dr. MacCarthy did not revive it. 

2 ' Still more important is it that the Brehon Laws assume the existence of 
both married and unmarried clergy. Amongst the provisions relating to 
ecclesiastics we find that if a bishop should fall into sin, a different penalty is 
prescribed in i he case of the married and the celibate. If the offender is a 
bishop of one wife, he may recover his grade or position by performing penance 
within three days, but if he is a celibate he cannot recover it at all. 1 See Olden, 
The Church of Ireland, pp. 121-122 : London, 1892. 

3 They say : ' According to these Laws he could not leturn to his dignity 
of bishop, but he might attain to a "higher grade," that is, that of aibhillteoir, 
i.e. thaumaturg or miracle-worker, either as a hermit or a pilgrim. Now this 
provision is in the commentary. See Senchns Mor, i., pp. 57, 58, 59 : Dublin, 

4 The opening sentence of his paper On the Sfotce Missal, is: 'The MS. 
known as the Stowe Missal was enclosed in a costly shrine,' &c. See 
Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxvii., p. 135 : Dublin, 1877-86. 


it is the chief contents that give the style to the whole in these 
composite MSS. But, in this respect, Dr. MacCarthy should 
allow others as much liberty as himself. 

Dr. MacCarthy is at some pains to suggest that my knowledge 
of the Brehon Law collection is ' second or third hand. ' For this 
supposition there is no foundation in reality. 1 The particular 
volume of the Senchus Mor to which I gave a reference the 
Eev. Mr. Olden's reference is a wrong one has been in my 
possession for twenty years. 

We are not done yet, it seems, with errors of the press. 
Dr. MacCarthy points to some more. I admit them. The clause 
not rendered in a translation from the Leabhar Breac 'and 
which was crucified by the unbelieving Jews, out of spite and 
envy ' appears in my manuscript as supplied to the compositor. 
Evidently, in setting the type, his eye skipped from the ' which ' 
at the end of one line to the ' which ' at the end of the next 
one ; hence the omission. Hardly anyone, however, except 
Dr. MacCarthy, would say that this omission leaves ' the English 
reader to infer that the native writer did not believe in the 

Dr. MacCarthy should not be too severe upon printers' errors. 
There is a very fair crop of such in his own various publications. 
There are some in all the letters that he has written against me. 
In his last we have ' a Synodis Hibernensis,' and ' rescension.' 
As ' rescension/ however, occurs twice, perhaps it is the critic, not 
the compositor, that is to blame for this specimen of bad spelling. 
'P. 161,' too, a reference to my book, should be 'p. 164.' 

But to continue. In quoting a letter of St. Columbanus, it 
seems that I exhibit ' a recension ' (I correct Dr. MacCarthy's 
orthography of the word) 'and a translation, each equally notable.' 
Well, the Latin, whatever may be said against it, was taken by 
me from Migne's edition of the writings of St. Columbanus ; 
and it is precisely the same in that of Gallandus. As to the 
translation of adversariis potius manus dantis quam resistentis, 
if Dr. MacCarthy has any fault to find with ' yielding help to, 
instead of withstanding the enemy,' I would refer him to the 
learned Catholic archaeologist, the Eev. Daniel Eock, D.D., 

1 Charging those whom he attacks with trusting to second-hand information 
seems a favourite proceeding with Dr. MacCarthy. He supposes even the 
veteran Dr. Whitley Stokes not to have ' acquaintance at first-hand with national 
history.' See the I, E. RECORD, 3rd Series, xii., p. 158 ; Dublin, 1891. 


author of the immortal works The Church of our Fathers and 
Hierurgia, who renders the passage in this identical fashion. 1 

Next, I am remarked for having sitam for sita, and abierat for 
obierat, in a quotation from the Book of Armagh. The correct 
Latin is, of course, sita and obierat. But, after all, in the actual 
Book of Armagh, both words are exactly as I give them. Of the 
two printed editions referred to by me, one (that from which I 
made the extract) follows the readings of the MS. for the text, 
and gives the necessary emendations in footnotes : the other 
does the reverse. I suppose if I had written sitam [sita], 
abierat \obierat~], Aristarchus himself could have said nothing 
against me. 

' Celebrate, festive Juda, the joys of Christ ' a translation 
of the opening line of St. Cummian Fota's hymn should certainly 
be : ' Celebrate, O Juda, the festive (or ' festal ') joys of Christ ;' 
and it stands so, I find on inspection, in my manuscript. The 
transposition of the word ' festive ' is the work of the compositor. 
Hence, all that is said about ' the new Gradus ad Parnassum ' is 
uncalled for, as far as I am concerned. I am prepared to admit 
that Dr. MacCarthy is very great in Latin prosody. It is a pity 
that he is not equally great in English syntax. I gave a single 
specimen of his free and easy defiance of the rules of grammar in 
my last letter. A hundred such atrocities I have been going 
through his writings lately in present stock. . Terms moderate : 
country orders carefully executed : parcels of the broken head 
of Lindley Murray forwarded with despatch. 

With regard now to the petitions in the Stoive Missal, eleven, 
as with me, are reduced to eight by Dr. MacCarthy 's scheme 
of punctuation. But where does he get that punctuation? 
He will not, I opine, tender us the assurance that he can trace it 
all to the original MS., the punctuation of which is rather peculiar. 
And is the sense materially, or at all, affected by his doughty 
alterations ? 

Dr. MacCarthy is visibly not among the admirers of Dr. Warren, 
a liturgiologist of the first order. It was very honourable, however, 
of that gentleman, who, perhaps, like Person, thinks errors ' the 
common lot of authorship,' 2 to apologise for the mistakes of his 

1 Rock, Did the Early Church in Ireland acknowledge the Pope's Supremacy ? 
answered in a Letter to Lord John Manners, p. 50 : London, 1844. 

2 Porsoa, Letters to Mr. Archdeacon Travis, Preface, p. xxxiv. : London, 


transcript. Whatever I have seen, I have not seen any of 
Dr. MacCarthy's apologies. The ' Textus Receptus,' as, in an 
access of modesty, he calls his own edition of the Stoive Missal, 
is not immaculate, any more than Dr. Warren's. No doubt, 
in his scorn of the Oxford editor, Dr. MacCarthy, as it were, 
falls down in adoration before himself, as to an unerring 
transcriber. It is an amusing fact, nevertheless, that (to say 
nothing of ancient MSS.) he cannot transcribe from himself or 
others with entire correctness : he must either add or leave out, 
or otherwise change. In the little that he now professes to take 
from his own edition of the Stoive Missal he varies from himself 
in punctuation in four instances : in his December letter, he alters 
the punctuation in the two lines which he copies from Mabillon, 
and substitutes a small letter for a capital : in the same letter 
he leaves out three words (i.e. ' Far from it ') in the course of an 
extract, on the first page, from his own essay On the Stoive Missal, 
and again substitutes a small letter for a capital : in his August 
effusion, he interpolates two words, not mine (I place them in 
italics), in a quotation from The Ancient Irish Church, stating that 
the Quartodecimans ' kept Easter on the 14th day of March, 1 no 
matter what day of the week it fell upon ;' and so I might go on, 
launching forth among his publications, till there was more space 
run away with than you would care to waste on such a subject. 

In conclusion, if I am to part from Dr. MacCarthy at this 
point, I am sorry for it. He attacked my book which, like every 
other book, has its demerits intending to do it harm. He has 
done it nothing but service ; a service for which I again thank 
him. His assaults have had a stimulating effect upon the sales ; 
and, otherwise, I have made more by the controversy than he 
has. As the Spanish proverb says : ' The ox that horned me 
tossed me into a good place ' El buey que me acorneo en baen 
lucjar me echd. Yours, &c., 


[This controversy must now cease. ED. I. E. BECOBD.] 

As previously noted, ' March ' is here a typographical error for 'moon. 

[ 272 ] 







Affari vos, quod perlibenter atque amantissime facimus, vix 
Nobis licet, quin sua sponte occurrat animo vetus et constans 
Apostolicae Sedis cum Canadensibus vicissitudo benevolentiae 
consuetudoque officiorum. Ipsis rerum vestrarum primordiis 
comitata Ecclesiae catholicae caritas est : maternoque semel 
acceptos sinu, amplexari vos, fovere, beneficiis afficere numquam 
postea desiit. Certe, immortalis vir Franciscus de Laval Mont- 
morency, primus Quebecensium episcopus, quas res pro avorum 
memoria pro salute publica felicissime sanctissimeque gessit, 
auctoritate gratiaque subnixus romanorum Pontificum gessit. 
Neque alio ex fonte auspicia atque orsus agendarum rerum 
cepere consequentes episcopi, quorum tanta extitit magnitude 
meritorum. Similique ratione, si spatium respicitur vetustiorum 
temporum. non istuc commeare nisi nutu missuque Sedis Apos- 
tolicae consuevere virorum apostolicorum generosi manipuli, 
utique christianae sapientiae lumine elegantiorem cultum atque 
artium honestissimarum semina allaturi. Quibus seminibus 
multo eorum ipsorum labore sensim maturescentibus, Canaden- 
sium natio in contentionem urbanitatis et gloriae cum excultis 
gentibus sera, non impar venit. Istae sunt res Nobis omnes 
admodum ad recordationem iucundae : eo vel magis, quod earum 
permanere fructus cernimus non mediocres. Ille profecto per. 


magnus, amor in catholica multitudine sfcudiumque vehement 
divinae religionis, quam scilicet maiores vestri primum et maxime 
ex Gallia, turn ex ETibernia, mox quoque aliunde, auspicato 
advecti, et ipsi sancte coluerunt et posteris inviolate servandam 
tradiderunt. Quamquam, si optimam hanc hereditatam tuetur 
posteritas memor, facile intelligimus quantam huius laudis partem 
sibi iure vindicet vigilantia atque opera vesira, venerabiles 
Fratres, quantam etiam vestri sedulitas Cleri omnes quippe 
concordibus animis, pro incolumitate atque incremento catholici 
nominis assidue contenditis, idque, ut vera fateamur non invitis 
neque repugnantibus Britannici imperil legibus. Itaque com- 
munium recte factorum vestrorum cogitatione adducti, cum Nos 
romanae honorem purpurae Archiepiscopo Quebecensiurn aliquot 
ante annis contulimus, non solum ornare viri virtutes, sed 
omnium istic catholicoruni pietatem honorifico afficere testimonio 
voluimus. Ceterum de institutione laborare ineuntus aetatis, in 
qua et christianae et civilis reipublicae spes maximae nituntur, 
Apostolica Sedes numquam intermisit, coniuncto vobiscum et 
cum decessoribus vestris studio. Hinc constituta passim ado- 
lescentibus vestris ad virtutem, ad litteras erudiendis complura 
eademque in primis florentia, auspice et custode Ecclesia, domi- 
cilia. Quo in genere eminet profecto magnum Lyceum Quebecense, 
quod ornatum atque auctum omni iure legitimo ad legum ponti- 
ficiarum consuetudinem, satis testatur, nihil esse quod expetat, 
studeatque Apostoliqua Sedes vehementius, quam educere civium 
sobolem expolitam litteris, virtute commendabilem. Quamobrem 
summa cura, ut facile per vos ipsi iudicabitis, animum ad eos 
casus adiecimus, quos catholicae Manitobensium adolescentu- 
lorum institution! novissima tempora attulere. Volumus enim et 
velle debemus omni, qua possumus, ope et contentione eniti atque 
efficere ut fides ac religio ne quid detriment! capiant apud tot 
hominum millia, quorum Nobis maxime est commissa salus, in 
ea praesertim civitate quae christianae rudimenta doctrinae non 
minus quarn politioris initia humanitatis ab Ecclesia catholica 
accepit. Cumque ea de re plurimi sententiam expectarent a 
Nobis, ac nosse cuperent qua sibi via, qua agendi ratione utendum, 
placuit -'nihil ante statuere, quam Delegatus Noster Apostolicus 
in rem .praesentem venisset : qui, quo res statu essent exquirere 
diligenter et ad Nos subinde referre iussus, naviter ac fideliter 
effectum dedit quod mandaveramus. 

Caussa profecto vertitur permagni momenti ac ponderis. De 

VOL. Ill, S 


eo intelligi volumus, quod septem ante annis legumlatores Pro- 
vinciae Manitobensis consessu suo de disciplina puerili decrevere : 
qui scilicet, quod leges Canadensis foederis sanxerant, pueros 
professione catholica in ludis discendi publicis institui educarique 
ad conscientiam animi sui ius esse, id ius contraria lege sustulere. 
Qua lege non exiguum importatum detrimentum. Ubi enim 
catholica religio aut ignoratione negligitur, aut dedita opera 
iinpugnatur : ubi doctrina eius contemnitur, principiaque unde 
gignitur, repudiantur ; illuc accedere, eruditicnis caussa, adoles- 
centulos nostros fas esse non potest. Id sicubi factitari sinit 
Ecclesia, non nisi aegre ac necessitate sinit, multisque adhibitis 
cautionibus, quas tamen constat ad pericula declinanda nimium 
saepe non valere. Similiter ea deterrima omninoque fugienda 
disciplina. quae, quod quisque malit fide credere, id sine ullo 
discrimine orane probet et aequo iure habeat, velut si de Deo 
rebusque divinis rectene sentias an secus, vera an falsa secteris, 
nihil intersit. Probe nostis, venerabiles Fratres, oranem disci- 
plinam, puerilem, quae sit eiusmodi, Ecclesiae esse iudicio 
damnatam, quia ad labefactandam integritatem fidei tenerosque 
puerorum aniraos a veritate flectendos nihil fieri perniciosius 

Aliud est praeterea, de quo facile vel ii assentiantur, qui 
cetera nobiscum dissident : nimirum non mera institutione litte- 
raria, non solivaga ieiunaque cognitione virtutis posse fieri, ut 
alumni catholici tales e schola aliquando prodeant, quales patria 
desiderat atque expectat. Tradenda eis graviora quaedam et 
maiora sunt, quo possint et christiani boni et cives frugi probique 
evadere : videlicet informentur ad ipsa ilia principia necesse est, 
quae in eorum conscientia mentis alte insederint, et quibus 
parere et quae sequi debeant, quia ex fide ac religione sponte 
efflorescunt. Nulla est enim disciplina morum digna quidem hoc 
nomine atque efficax, religione posthabita. Nam omnium offici- 
orum forma et vis ab iis officiis maxime ducitur, quae hominem 
iungunt iubenti, vetanti, bona malaque sancienti Deo. Itaque 
velle animos bonis imbuere moribus simulque esse sinere religionis 
expertes tarn est absonum, quam vocare ad percipiendam virtutem, 
virtutis fundamento sublato. Atque catholico homini una atque 
unica vera est religio catholica : proptereaque nee morum is 
potest, nee religionis doctrinam ullam accipere vel agnoscere, 
nisi ex intima sapientia catholica petitam ac depromptam. Ergo 
iustitia ratioque postulat, ut non mode cognitionem litterarum 


alumnis schola suppeditet, verum etiam earn, quam diximus, 
scientiam morum cum praeceptionibus de religione nostra apte 
coniunctam, sine qua nedum non fructuosa, sed perniciosa plane 
omnis futura est institutio. Ex quo ilia necessario consequuntur : 
magistris opus esse catholicis libros ad perlegendum, ad ediscen- 
dum non alios, quam quos episcopi probarint, assumendos : 
liberam esse potestatem oportere constituendi regendique omnem 
disciplinam, ut cum professione catholici nominis, cumque officiis 
quae inde proficiscuntur, tota ratio docendi discendique apprime 
congruat atque consentiat. Videre autern de suis quemque liberis, 
apud quos instituantur, quos habeant vivendi praeceptores, mag- 
nopere pertinet ad patriam potestatem. Quocirca cum catholici 
volunt, quod et velle et contenders officium est, ut ad liberorum 
suorum religionem institutio doctoris accommodetur, iure faciunt. 
Nee sane iniquius agi cuin iis queat, quam si alteratrum malle 
compellantur, aut rudes et indoctos quos procrearint, adolescere, 
aut in aperto reruni maximaruni discrimine versari. 

Ista quidem et iudicandi principia et agendi, quae in veritate 
iustitiaque nituntur, nee privatorum tantummodo, sed rerum 
quoque publicarum continent salutem, nefas est in dubium 
revocare, aut quoquo modo deserere. Igitur cum puerorum 
catholicorum institutionem debitam insueta lex in Manitobensi 
Provincia perculisset, vestri muneris fuit, venerabiles Fratres, 
illatam iniuriam ac perniciem libera voce refutare : quo quidem 
officio sic perfuncti singuli estis, ut communis omnium vigilantia 
ac digna episcopis voluntas eluxerit. Et quam vis hac de re satis 
unusquisque vestrum sit conscientiae testimonio commendatus, 
assensum tamen atque approbationem Nostram scitote accedere : 
sanctissima enim ea sunt quae conservare ac tueri studuistis, 

Ceterum incommoda legis Manitobensis, de qua loquimur, 
per se ipsa monebant, opportunam sublevationem rnali opus esse 
concordia quaerere. Catholicorum digna caussa erat, pro qua 
omnes omnium partium aequi bonique cives consiliorum societate 
summaque conspiratione voluntatum contenderent. Quod, non 
sine magna iactura, contra factum. Dolendum illud etiam magis, 
catholicos ipsos Canadenses sententias concorditer, ut oportebat, 
minime in re tuenda iunxisse, quae omnium interest plurimum: 
cuius prae magnitudine et pondere silere studia politicarum 
rationum, quae tanto minoris sunt, necesse erat. 

Non sumus necii, emendari aliquid ex ea lege coeptum. Qui 


foederatis, civitatibus quique Provinciae cum potestate praesunt, 
nonnulla iam decrevere minuendorum gratia incommodorum, de 
quibus expostulare et conquer! catholic! ex Manitoba merito 
insistunt. Non est cur dubitemus, susteptum id aequitatis amore 
fuisse consilioque laudabili. Dissirnulari tamen id quod res est, 
non potest : quam legem ad sarcienda damna condidere, ea 
manca est, non idonea, non apta. Multo maiora sunt, quae 
catbolici petunt, quaeque eos iure petere, nemo neget. Praeterea 
in ipsis illis temperamentis, quae excogitata sunt, hoc etiam inest 
vitii quod, mutatis locorum adiunctis. carere effectu facile possunt. 
Tota ut res in breve cogatur, iuribus catholicorum educationique 
puerili nondum est in Manitoba consultum satis : res autem 
postulat, quod est iustitiae consentaneum, ut omni ex parte con- 
sulatur, nimirum in tuto positis debitoque praesidio septis iis 
omnibus, quae supra attigimus, incommutabilibus augustissimis- 
que principiis. Hue spectandum, hoc studiose et considerate 
quaerendum. Cui quidem rei nihil obesse potest discordia peius : 
coniunctio animorum est et quidam quasi concentus actionum 
pernecessarius. Sed tamen cum perveniendi eo, quo propositum 
est et esse debet, non certa quaedam ac definita via sit, sed 
multiplex, ut fere fit in hoc genere rerum, consequitur varias 
esse posse de agendi ratione honestas easdemque conducibiles 
sententias. Quamobrem universi et singuli meminerint modestiae, 
lenitatis, caritatis mutuae : videant ne quid in verecundia pec- 
cetur, quam alter alteri debet : quid ternpus exigat, quid optimum 
factu videatur, fraterna unanimitate, non sine consilio vestro, 
constituant, emciant. 

IT, Ad ipsos ex Manitoba catholicos nominatim quod attinet, 
futuros aliquando totius voti compotes, Deo adiuvante, confidimus. 
Quae spes primum sane in ipsa bonitate caussae conquiescrit : 
deinde in virorum, qui res publicas administrant, aequitate ac 
prudentia, turn denique in Canadensium, quotquot recta sequ- 
untur, honesta voluntate nititur. Interea tamen, quam diu 
rationes suas vindicare nequeant universas, salvas aliqua ex parte 
habere ne recusent. Si quid igitur lege, vel usu, vel hominum 
facilitate quadam tribuatur, quo tolerabiliora damna, ac remotiora 
pericula fiant, omnino expedit atque utile est concessis uti, 
fructumque ex iis atque utilitatem quam fieri potest maximam 
capere. Ubi vero alia nulla mederi ratione incommodis liceat, 
hortamur atque obsecramus, ut aucta liberalitate munificentiatque 
pergant occurrere. Non de salute ipsorum sua, nee de prosperi- 


tate civitatum merer! melius queant, quam si in scholarum 
puerilium tuitionem contulerint, quantum sua cuique sinat 

Est et aliud valde dignum, in quo communie, vestra elaboret 
industria. Scilicet vobis auctoribes, iisque adiuvantibus, qui 
scholis praesunt, instituere accurate ac sapienter studiorum 
rationem oportet, potissimumque eniti ut, qui ad docendum 
accedunt, affatim et naturae et artis praesidiis instructe accedant. 
Scholas enim catholicorum rectum est cum florentissimis quibus- 
que de cultura ingeniorum, de litterarum laude, posse contendere. 
Si eruditio, si decus humanitatis quaeritur, honestum sane ac 
nobile iudicandum Provinciarum Canadensium propositum, 
augere ac provehere pro viribus expetentium disciplinam insti- 
tutionis publicam , quo politius quotidie ac perfectius quiddam 
contingat. Atqui nullum est genus scientiae, nulla elegantia 
doctrinae, quae non optime possit cum doctrina atque institutione 
catholica consistere. 

Hisce omnibus illustrandis ac tuendis rebus quae hactenus 
dictae sunt, possunt non parum ii ex catholicis prodesse, quorum 
opera in scriptione praesertim quotidiana versatur. Sint igitur 
memores officii sui. Quae vera sunt, quae recta, quae christiano 
nomini reique publicae utilia, pro iis religiose animoque magno 
propugnent : ita tamen ut decorum servent, personis parcant, 
modum nulla in re transiliant. Vereantur ac sancte observent 
episcoporum auctoritatem, omnemque potestatem legitimam : 
quanto autem est temporum difficultas maior, quantoque dis- 
sensionum praesentius periculum, tanto insistant studiosius 
suadere sentiendi agendique concordiam, sine qua vix aut ne vix 
quidem spes est futurum ut id, quod est in optatis omnium 
nostrum, impetretur. 

Auspicem coelestium munerum benevolentiaeque Nostrae 
paternae testem accipite Apostolicam benedictionem, quam 
vobis, venerabiles Fratres, Clero populoque vestro peramanter 
in Domino impertimus. 

Datum Eomae apud S. Petrum die vm Decembris, An. 
MDCCCXCCII Pontificatus Nostri vicesimo. 





Die 1 Februarii 1892. 

1. II favore accordato alle monache di ricorrere ad uno 
straordinario 'quoties ut propriae conscientiae consulant ad id 
adigantur ' e cosi illimitato e incondizionato che esse se ne pos- 
sano servire costantemente senza ricorrere mai al confessore 
ordinario e senza poter essere sindacate neppure dal Vescovo 
su questo punto, e da esso in qualche rnodo impedite se fossero 
guidate da ragioni biasimevoli e insulse ? 

2. I confessori aggiunti ban no alcuni doveri di coscienza di 
rifiutarsi ad ascoltare le confessioni delle suore, quando ricono- 
scono che non esiste un plausibile rnotivo che le astringa di 
ricorrere ad essi ? 

3. Se parecchie suore (e peggio ancora se la maggior parte 
di esse) ricorressero costantemente a qualcuno dei corifessori 
aggiunti, il Vescovo deve tacere, o intervenire con qualche prov- 
vedimento per tutelare la massima sancita nella bolla ' Pastoralis ' : 
' Generaliter statutum esse dignoscitur, ut pro singulis monia- 
lium monasteriis unus dumtaxat confessarius deputetur ' ? 

4. E posto che debba intervenire, qual provvedimento potra 
legalmente adottare ? 

Ad I. Negative. 

Ad II. Affirmative. 

Ad III. Negative ad primam partem. affirmative ad secundam. 

Ad IV. Moneat Ordinarius moniales et sorores, de quibtis 
agitur, dispositionem Articuli IV Decreti ' Quemadmodum ' x 
exceptionem tantum legi communi constituere, pro casibus dum- 
taxat verae et absolutae necessitatis, quoties ad id adigantur, 
firmo remanente quod a S. Concilio Tridentino et a Constitutione 
s. m. Benedicti XIV mcipien. ' Pastoralis Curae ' praescriptum 

1 Decretum hoc relatum fuit voL xxiii. , 505. 

[ '279 ] 


MY LIFE IN Two HEMISPHERES. By Sir Charles Gavan 
Duffy. Two vols. 32s, London ; T. Fisher Unwin. 

THESE two splendid volumes relate the principal events in 
the life of one of the most remarkable Irishmen of the nineteenth 
century. They are full of interest from many points of view. 
Here, however, we are naturally concerned most with those parts 
of them which deal with the relations of Church to society in our 
own country and in our own times ; for Sir Charles, from his 
earliest days, was closely connected with ecclesiastics, and took 
all through his life the deepest interest in the action and govern- 
ment of the Church, and in its influence on the course of public 
affairs. It is, therefore, not alone to the Church historian of the 
future, but also to those members of the clergy who desire, at the 
present day, to influence the world around them, and to be guided 
in their action by the experience of the past, that these volumes 
will be found most useful. 

"We do not say that the author is to be regarded either as a 
prophet or as a guide ; but his views on things ecclesiastical are 
always worthy of attention. They are the views of a very 
friendly critic, and of one who, though a Liberal and champion 
of Liberalism, evidently values the Catholic faith as the most 
precious gift that any man can possess, and who would be as 
ready, if the occasion called for it, to sacrifice every earthly 
interest, as his Northern forefathers were, in order to preserve it 
intact for himself and others. In his second volume he tells us 
that he looked up to Montalembert ' as the ideal of what a 
Catholic gentleman should be, genuinely pious and a strict 
disciplinarian, but entirely free from religious bigotry or intole- 
rance, the rooted enemy of despotism, and the friend of personal 
and political liberty everywhere.' 

This is clearly not the place to review the history of Liberalism 
and Conservatism in Church government, or to discuss the merits 
of the fierce contests that raged in France and elsewhere 
between the champions of the two great schools. It is sufficient 


to note that Duffy is always on the left, but never on the extreme 

We must refer our readers to the volumes themselves for 
confirmation of this appreciation of ours ; but, in the limited space 
at our disposal, we wish to emphasize the importance of the 
autobiography from the point of view of ecclesiastical history. No 
one can accurately gauge the strength of the forces that were at 
work in Ireland from 1848 to 1879, who does not read this work. 
The two ecclesiastics who were most closely associated with 
Sir Charles, though in very diverse ways, were Dr. Murray of 
Maynooth, and Canon Doyle of Wexford. There is frequent 
mention of them in the two volumes. 

There are very many other interesting references to matters 
and persons ecclesiastical to Cardinal Cullen, Dr. Newman, 
Father Burke, O.P. ; Dr. Moriarty, Dr. O'Hanlon, Canon Doyle, 
Father O'Shea, &c. We may not always accept the prin- 
ciples of the writer; we may not agree with him in all his 
appreciations of persons and of things; but we must always 
recognise in him a Liberal of the very best and highest type, a 
genuinely religious Catholic, and a man of extraordinary versa- 
tility. Perhaps the element that attracts us most in these volumes 
is the sympathy of the author with art, literature, and science, 
and the evidence of his intercourse with many of the greatest 
men of his time in all these departments. This is a feature 
which he possessed in common with his model, Montalembert, 
and, indeed, with nearly all the men of the mid-century period 
who were noted for their high political ideals. 

J. F. H. 

THE EUCHAKISTIC CHEIST. By Eev. A. Tesniere. Trans- 
lated by Mrs. A. R. Bennett-Gladstone. New York : 
Benziger Brothers. 

IN 1856 a religious society of priests, called the Congregation 
of the Most Holy Sacrament, 1 was founded in Paris by Pere 
Eymard. Six years later it obtained the canonical approval of 
Pius IX., and in 1895, besides the mother house in Paris, there 
were foundations established in Marseilles, Eome, Brussels, and 
Montreal. This Congregation, as its name implies, is devoted 
exclusively to the worship and apostolate of the Blessed Sacra - 

1 See I. E. RECOBD, June, 1895. 


ment. In their churches there is perpetual exposition ; and by 
sermons, writings, and the organization of Eucharistic associa- 
tions and congresses, the fathers of the Congregation seek to 
awaken and propagate devotion to Jesus, hidden under the 
sacramental veil. 

To one of those associations, viz., the Confraternity of Priest- 
adorers, attention has already been directed in the pages of the 

1. E. EECOBD. 1 We may state here that this aggregation, as it is 
called, was canonically erected at Eome, on the 16th January, 
1887, with the approval of the Pope and the commendation of a 
large number of archbishops and bishops from different parts of 
the world. It consists of priests who undertake ' to make every 
week one continuous hour of adoration before the Most Holy 
Sacrament, either exposed or shut up in the tabernacle.' 2 It is 
scarcely necessary to specify the objects of the Association. 
Briefly they are 1. To draw the priest nearer to the Eucharist. 

2. To form ardent apostles of the love of Jesus for man. 3. To 
secure the triumph of the Church by united prayer before the 
tabernacle. 4. To make reparation for the coldness and ingrati- 
tude of indifferent Catholics. It is not surprising that an idea 
at once so beautiful in itself, and so practical from the point of 
view of personal sanctification and missionary success, should 
have ' struck a responsive chord.' At present there are over fifty 
thousand priests enrolled in the Association. Of these, three 
thousand are in the United States, and nearly three hundred in 
Ireland, where, it should be added, the devotion has only been a 
few years established. 

' In the interest of this Confraternity [writes Dr. M'Mahon, in 
his learned preface to the book before us] many works have been 
published in French. The present, The Eucharistic Christ, is 
the first that has been put into English dress, in the hope that 
its reflections and pious thoughts may find favour among the 
American members of the Confraternity. ' 

We trust they may also find favour among ourselves, and that 
the circulation of this book will help to propagate a devotion 
which is peculiarly suited to the needs of our age. Advertise. 

1 See I. E. RECORD, July, 1894. 

2 This is the principal condition of membership. The Rev. A. Simon, 
Wilton College, Cork, the Director-General for the United Kingdom, will 
send full conditions of membership on application, with stamped envelope 


ment, show, making a noise, are now more than ever in fashion. 
To see one's name in leaden type as having done, or spoken, or 
written something suitable, is the ambition of not a few, possibly 
of not a few whose serene wisdom should have taught them 

' The ocean deep is mute, while shallows roar. ' 

In contrast with the brawling ways of man, how fearfully 
quiet and unobtrusive is the presence of God in His own world- 
So also remarks the writer of the preface : 

' May we not also say [he writes] that the Spirit of the Blessed 
Sacrament, which Father Faber so beautifully shows to be the 
Spirit of the Holy Infancy, namely, simplicity and hidden life, 
is directly opposed to the spirit of the age, ever desirous of 
proclaiming and extolling its various beneficent deeds.' 

In one hour of continuous adoration before the Most Holy 
Sacrament a thoughtful man cannot fail to learn this much, and, 
if it be not his own fault, he will derive from this exercise such 
refreshment as the world, with all its food-stuffs, and drink-stuffs, 
and mind-stuffs, cannot give. We have great pleasure, then, 
in introducing The Eucharistic Christ to the readers of the 

The first chapter is introductory, and explains at length the 
' Object and End of the Adoration ' : 

' The adoration has a threefold object, and ought to be con- 
sidered in a threefold relation. It is, first, our Lord Jesus 
Christ that it ought to honour beneath the Eucharistic veils ; 
next it is the love of the adorer, which it ought to sanctify; 
and, lastly, it is our neighbour, which it ought to assist and to 
help, and especially the Church.' 

The second chapter is occupied with the ' Method of Adoration.' 
Taking as a basis the following sentence from St. Thomas, which 
is a condensed treatise on religion : ' Homo maxime obligatur Deo 
propter Majestatem egus, propter beneficia jam accepta, propter 
offensam, et propter beneficia sperata.' F. Eymard designed 
the ' Method of the Four Ends of Sacrifice.' The third chapter 
contains a programme of ' Acts of the Faculties and of the Virtues 
in each of the Four Ends ; ' so that the adorer is furnished with 
a scientific and practical method of adoration, which makes it not 
only possible but easy to occupy the whole hour with appropriate 
thoughts and affections. But the author has done very much 


more. In the succeeding chapters this method is applied to the 
following subjects, viz. : ' The Institution of the Eucharist,' 'The 
Fact,' 'The Masterpiece of God,' 'The Priest,' 'The Sacrifice,' 
' The Eucharist a Memorial of the Passion,' The Most Holy 
Body of Jesus,' ' The Precious Blood,' ' The Heart of Jesus in the 
Eucharist,' 'The Five Wounds,' 'The Eucharistic State,' 'The 
Diffusion of the Eucharist,' ' The Perpetuity of the Eucharist,' 
1 The Universality of the Eucharist.' 

From this brief outline of its contents it will be seen that the 
book is admirably adapted to the purpose for which it was 
written. The first chapter will go far to induce the reader to 
become a member of the association ; the second tells the novice 
how he is to carry out the principal condition of membership ; 
while the bulk of the volume may be called, Hours before the 
Most Holy Sacrament. 

So much for the merits of this work. Has it any faults? 
The style is tolerable ; it might be better ; but it is good enough 
for any reader, and particularly for anyone who intends to use the 
book as an aid to devotion. In such a work we look more to 
substance than to form. From this point of view the only positive 
fault we noticed is a certain amount of theological vagueness in 
the discussion of that most profound mystery, viz., the modus 
existendi of Christ in the Eucharist. We read, for instance, in 
page 50 : 

' And in this point of consecrated bread, imperceptible, inde- 
visible, . . . Christ continues to be living . . . with His face and 
its sweet expression, with His Heart whose palpitations our love 
or our coldness hastens or abates.' 

And again on page 95 : 

' The eyes of Jesus behold us through the holy species ; His 
ears hearken to our prayers.' 

But on page 149 we are told the Eucharistic annihilation is 
' inaction . . . there is neither sensibility nor movement, nor a 
glance of the eyes.' 

We do not deny that those apparently contradictory state- 
ments may be true in different senses. We think, however, that 
an author should avoid the semblance of contradiction, and take 
care that his expressions leave no confused or false impressions 
on the minds of his readers. A footnote of reference to Franzelin, 
which evidently he had at hand, would at least have indicated 


to the inquisitive reader a means of discriminating between the 
author's rhetoric and his theology. We shall discuss the two 
expressions that seem most contradictory, viz. , ' The eyes of Jesus 
behold us through the holy species/ and, there is neither sensi- 
bility . . . nor a glance of the eyes.' 

That Jesus sees us in some real way there can, of course, be no 
doubt. But has Jesus, as He is the Eucharist formaliter, the use of 
His eyes so that He looks at us through the Sacramental Species? 
It would seem that according to the common teaching of 
theologians, the mode of Christ's existence in the Eucharist 
excludes a connatural use of His eternal senses. ' Ex modo 
existendi inextenso in thesi declarato sequitur. . . . Christum 
Dominum, formaliter ut in hoc modo existendi sacramental i 
se constituit non posse naturali virtute suae humanitates 
evercere actus transeuntes in alia corpora, nee posse, spectata 
solum naturali virtute animam Christi agere in proprium corpus 
sive ad motum sive ad exercitium sensuum externorum.' 
(Franzelim de SS. Eucheristia Thesis XI.) The italics are 
Franzelin's, and are meant to convey that vision and hearing 
are not connatural to the sacramental mode of Christ's existence 
in the Eucharist. This learned theologian then proceeds to discuss 
the question whether or not by a special miracle the Word com- 
municates such exercise of the senses to His sacred humanity 
(even as it is formaliter in the Eucharist) as befits the end of 
the sacrament, for instance, seeing and hearing. Here is his 
answer : 

' Hanc supernaturalem communicationem actuum visionis 
et auditionis per sensus ipsos Sacratissimi Corporis in statu 
Sacramentali quamvis communior sententia theologorum non 
admittat, ut fatetur Card. Cienfuegos amplissimus ejus assertor 
ac defensor, affirmant tamen S. Bonaventura, Tsambertus et 
alii non pauci saltern ut probabilem ; simpliciter ut veram 
Lessius, Cornelius a Lapide, Gamacheus, Martinonus, Tannerus ; 
prae caeteris vero . . . Card. Cienfuegos . . . Mihi certe 
haec sententia non propter diserta testimonia Scripturae et 
Patrum, quae proferuntur parum efficacia, sed propter ejus 
connectionem cum dignitate Sacratissimae humanitatis et cum 
scopo et fine Sacramenti . . . videtur probabilissima et pia; 
dummodo tamen non ita defendatur, ac si ea non admissa Christus 
in sacramento non vivens sed instar mortui conceipi deberet.' 
(Thesis XI.) 

What then is to be thought of the expression : ' The eyes 


of Jesus behold us through the holy species.'? 1. It is 
certainly true in this sense that Jesus has the same per- 
ceptions in the Eucharist that He has in heaven, arid there- 
fore, that nothing is hidden from Him who is present under 
the Sacramental veil. 2. According to a probable opinion the 
eyes of Jesus, as they are in the Eucharist, are, by a special 
miracle, endowed with power of actual vision. The expression, 
' there is no glance of the eye,' is true in this sense, that the eyes 
of Jesus as they are in the Eucharist, are by the nature of the 
Eucharistic state destitute of actual vision, although, according 
to the probable opinion just mentioned, there is ' a glance of the 
eye ' by a special miracle. It is beside my purpose to discuss the 
probability of this special miracle, as I have had in view only to 
reconcile our author's apparent contradictions. Sound theology, 
however, should be the basis of all devotion, and it is hard to say 
which is the greater misfortune ; that theologians don't do more 
writing of spiritual books, or that spritual writers too often try to 
improve on theology. 

T. P. G. 

Thos. J. Carr, Archbishop of Melbourne. Melbourne : 
Massina & Co. 

Some of the Fruits of Fifty Tears is a happy alternative title 
of this quarto volume of ninety pages, which is more officially 
styled the Annals of the Catholic Church in Victoria. Those 
fruits are not merely recorded, but are rendered visible to the eye 
through the medium of finely executed illustrations of all the 
varied ecclesiastical buildings of Victoria. The Most Rev. 
Author's design in compiling this work was, it appears, twofold : 

(1) to commemorate the consecration of St. Patrick's Cathedral, 
Melbourne, which took place on the 31st October, 1897 ; and 

(2) ' to preserve to distant generations a knowledge of the early 
history of missions, churches, schools, and religious houses, which 
if not now carefully compiled would, in great part, be lost for 
ever.' Judged by the illustrations alone which adorn the book, it 
must at once be confessed, that the material progress of the 
Catholic Church in Victoria is simply marvellous. Fifty years 
ago, Dr. Goold was appointed first Bishop of Melbourne, with 


jurisdiction over the whole of Victoria. At that date there were 
only some six thousand Catholics in the whole Colony which was 
alike destitute of churches and schools. To-day this Colony forms 
an ecclesiastical province containing four bishoprics, namely, the 
archiepiscopal see of Melbourne, and the dioceses of Ballarat, 
Sandhurst, and Sale, each of which is equipped with churches, 
presbyteries, monasteries, and schools. Standing apart by reason 
of its style, position, and dimensions, is St. Patrick's Cathedral, 
Melbourne. It was commenced in 1858, and its consecration last 
October, in the presence of the Cardinal Archbishop of Sydney, 
the Governor of the Colony, the Australasian bishops, and an 
immense concourse of all creeds and classes, synchonized with 
the Golden Jubilee of the diocese of Melbourne. Tt occupies an 
enviable position on the Eastern Hill. Some idea of its splendour 
may be obtained from the following details : 

4 Length along nave and sanctuary, 340 feet ; length along 
transepts, 185 feet. Width across nave and aisles, 82 feet ; width 
across transepts and aisles, 82 feet. The height of nave and 
transepts is 95 feet ; of the central tower, 260 feet, and of each 
of the front flanking towers, 203 feet. The dignity of the 
building externally is enhanced by the flying buttresses and the 
carved pinnacles. The whole building is lit with electric light. 
The carrying of the aisles along the sides of the transepts is 
another important feature, providing as it does, along with the 
chapels and arcaded sanctuary, imposing vistas and an air of 
dignity and mystery. The style is a late form of early English 
Gothic or decorated. The total area of the Cathedral is 
35,000 square feet. The expenditure so far has amounted to 

We have transcribed those items from the detailed description 
contained in the work which want of space compels us to omit. 
It is a pity the publishers did not contrive to give us some views 
of the interior of this noble minster, but we feel it is ungracious 
to make even so slight an adverse comment on a volume, the 
artistic workmanship of which is, on the whole, sumptuous and 

Need we add, that the matter, which is both well ordered and 
detailed, is most interesting as affording an insight into the 
growth of the Church in the fairest province of Australia. 

T. P. G. 



Baptistae Pighi, S. Theol. Doct. Ad Frutinam vocatus 
a G. M. Van Kossum C.SS.R, S. Off. Cons. Editio 

THE first edition of this work appeared in August. In less 
than a month a new edition was called for. This is not sm*prising 
when we consider the importance of the matter. The occasion of 
the work was the Commentarius of Professor Pighi, which treated 
especially of Occasionarii and Eccidivi. He dedicated his 
work to St. Alphonsus, and professed to follow his teaching. 
Father Van Kossum, therefore, as he tells us, expected to find 
' Salutarem S. Doctoris in re tanti rnomenti doctrinam fideliter 
expositam et expugnatam ' (p. 7). But he says : ' Quo magis 
in legendo progrediebar, eo magis auctorem deflectere animadver- 
tebam a prudentissima S. Alphonsi doctrina ' (p. 7). While, 
therefore, declaring that the author was free to propose his own 
opinions, he thinks it unfair to give them to his readers as those 
of St. Alphonsus. 'Hanc,' says Father Van Eossum, 'mon- 
strabo doctrinam cl. Professoris Pighi a saluberrimis S. Alphonsi 
praeceptis omnino alienam ; simulque propriis S. Doctoris verbis 
quid ipse de occasionariis et recidivis doceat exponam ' (p. 9). 
This work, as a clear exposition in a few pages of the teaching of 
St. Alphonsus, is of permanent utility, apart from the occasion 
which called it forth. It gives, moreover, the teaching of our 
best guides in those important matters. 

We learn from words addressed to Benevolo Lector (p. 5), 
that Professor Pighi published an Appendix in Italian, in which 
he answers the Ad Trutinam as to the more important points. 
This new edition deals with these, each in its proper place. 

As to the form and order, the author gives the first chapter to 
' Quo loco cl. Pighi S. Doctoris Alphonsi authoritatem, atque 
doctrinam habeat.' Here, and indeed everywhere, he seems to us 
to cite Professor Pighi fully and fairly. ' Probe animadvertatur, ' 
says St. Alphonsus, ' poenitentium salutem maxima ex parte 
dependere a bona agendi ratione confessariorum in danda aut 
differenda absolutione occasionariis et recidivis.' Here we 
have indicated the matter of the second and third chapters : 
De Occasionariis et De Recidivis. The matter is too important 
to attempt an analysis ; but we cannot help thinking that the 
languor in faith, and feebleness in dispositions with which 


Professor Pighi seems to credit his countrymen, must be confined to 
the great centres of population ; and even in these, can we believe 
that they are general? At. home we have rarely to deplore such 
a state of things, and we are thankful that our people are well 
able to bear the remedies that are either necessary or useful for 
the cure of evil habits. We quite agree with Father Van Eossum 
that it would be fatal to make a rule of that which should be an 
exception. We willingly subscribe to the concluding words of 
No. 80, p. 150 : 

' Deinde ex eo quod plures hodiedum inveniuntur, quibus 
absolutio differenda non sit, non ideo cum omnibus poenitentibus 
eadem ratione est agendum. Quod fides languet apud multos 
non ideo languet apud omnes; quod languet in magnis civi- 
tatibus, non ideo languet in omnibus urbibus ; quod languet 
iri'urbe non ideo ruri languet ; quod ' languet in quibusdam 
regionibus, non ideo languet ubique terrarum. Propterea magna 
prudentia, discretione et circumspectione opus est, ne exceptiones 
in regulam mutentur, ne ea, quae in extremis, sunt tentanda, in 
ordinario verum statu adhibeantur, ne cum omnibus ubique indis- 
criminatim agatur, acsi ubique et apud omnes fides languet. 
Nihil enim efficatius fidem everteret et morum corruptelam 
praecipitaret innumerarumque produceret animarum ruinam.' 

We have been informed by the author of this work that owing 
to the difficulty of procuring it ;outside Italy, it will be sent to 
any priest in England, Ireland, or Australia, and may be paid for 
by means of a shilling postal order addressed V. R. S. Alfonso, 

via Merulana, Eoma. 

T M 

. . J . -! 

J ,i i . . .1. 1 


A.D. 590 

WITH truth has it often been said that the 
history and the scenery of our country share 
a similar neglect, and that both are permitted 
to remain unnoticed and uncared for, unless 
when the sneer of a Thackeray, or the calumny of a Froude, 
draws attention to the one or the other. It cannot be 
denied that there are in our land beauties of mountain, 
lake, and valley, which, were they found in Switzerland or 
in Italy, instead of in Ireland, would be famed throughout 
the world. ' The cold chain of silence ' which thus hangs 
over our scenery, exerts an equally baneful influence over 
the most interesting episodes of our history, such as to the 
writer of ancient Greece or Home would have furnished fit 
subjects for the display of eloquent narrative, or glowing 
declamation. It is true that at times our annals are 
defective, and that the critical writer hesitates to accept as 
facts what at best may only prove to be probable conjectures; 
still, had Livy, and Sallust, and Plutarch carried out that 
rule, where now would be the thrilling eloquence and 
touching biographies of pagan times ? But, without 
wandering into the region of conjecture, we have more 
than enough of interesting material to engage the pen of the 



essayist in the authentic and well-substantiated facts of our 
national history. Of these not the least inviting theme, 
and, as it seems to us, not the least important, is the 
Convention of Drom-Ceat, held, according to the best 
authorities, in the year 590. 1 

On the eastern shore of the Foyle, by the scanty stream 
of the deep-channelled Koe, near the modern town of 
Limavady, in the present county of Londonderry, is the 
site of this famous convention. It is a spot which the pen 
of Macaulay would have gloried to depict. Scenes of sylvan 
beauty spread everywhere around. Wood and water, 
mountain and glade, smiling villas and lordly demesnes 
fill up a picture of no ordinary magnificence. And, as might 
be expected, it is as interesting in its historical, as it is in 
its natural aspect. The entire locality is teeming with 
reminiscences of the past, which even the Ulster Plantation 
was not able to destroy. Saints have hallowed this soil 
by their labours ; some, like Canice, have shed a lustre upon 
it by their birth; others, like Neachtain of Dungiven, 
Muireadach O'Heney of Banagher, and Cadan of Magilligan 
(nephew of St. Patrick), have either founded churches in the 
vicinity, or sought a final resting-place by the slopes of the 
adjacent mountains. Princes and warriors have fought for 
the suzerainty of the rich champagne country around. In 
his castle by the Eoe did O'Cahan dispense hospitality in 
a truly Irish fashion, till that honoured name was stained 
by the treason of Donald Ballagh, who became the foul 
instrument of treachery in the unscrupulous hands of 
Chichester and Montgomery the latter of whom, with a 
zeal not altogether apostolic, grasped the mitre and the 
revenues of the united sees of Derry, Clogher, and Eaphoe. 
But neither natural beauty, nor historical recollections, 
no matter how interesting, have contributed to render 
the spot so memorable as did the remarkable assembly 
convoked by .ZEdh MacAinmire, the powerful king of Ireland, 

1 Different dates have been assigned for this Convention, but we have 
adopted the year 590 liecause it seems supported by the best authorities. 
Dr. Reeves, in Colton's J'in'talion. gives this date, but in his Adamnin he seems 
to incline to the year f>"4 as the proper date. 


and which was honoured by the presence of Columba, 
the great father of western monasticism, and apostle 
of the northern isles of Scotland. It may seem strange 
that the site of so remarkable an event should now be a 
matter of conjecture ; but such is the case not only regard- 
ing this spot, but also regarding other equally memorable 
places in the north of Ireland. 

Dr. Keeves, and after him Dr. O'Donovan, fixed upon the 
Mullagh, or Daisy Hill, in Eoe Park, beside Limavady, as 
the site of the Convention ; but we trust to give reasons 
sufficiently satisfactory for differing from authorities usually 
so reliable. It is worthy of remark that the Four Masters 
make no mention whatever of this Convention, though it 
is referred to by Adamnan, and all the ancient annalists, 
with whose writings they must have been familiar ; but 
O'Donovan in a footnote to the Annals, under the year 575, 
speaks of the assembly, and names the Mullagh as the place 
where it was held. In Colton's Visitation, under the word 
' Drumachose,' n., p. 132, Dr. Beeves thus writes : 

Independently of its connection with St. Cainech, this parish 
is distinguished as having been the scene of the celebrated 
convention called Mordail-Droma-Ceat, which was held in the 
year 590, for the purpose of deciding the Dalriadic controversy, 
at which St. Columbcille was present. Adamnan styles it ' Begum 
in Dorso-cette Condictum.' 

O'Donnell has preserved for us this clue to its position [we 
quote from Colgan's Latin version of O'Donnell as given by 
Dr. Keeves]. 'Columba, after sailing across the aforementioned 
river [that is Lough Foyle], at the part where it is broadest, 
turned the prow of his vessel to the river Eoe, which flows into 
the aforesaid river, and the vessel of the holy man glided, with 
the divine assistance, up this stream, though from the scantiness 
of its waters it is otherwise unnavigable. But the place in which 
the boat was then anchored, thenceforth from that circumstance 
called Cabhan-an-Churaidh, i.e. "the hill of the boat," is very 
near Drumceat. After making a moderate delay at that place, 
the holy man, with his venerable retinue, set out to that charm- 
ing, gently-sloping hill, commonly called Drumceat. 

' Columba memoratum euripum [i.e. Loch Feabhail] qua longe 
patet, emensus, navigii cursus dirigi fecit per Eoam amnem, in 
predictum euripum decurrentem ; quern fluvium, quamquam 
aquarum inopia alias innavigabilem, navis sancti viri divina 
virtute percurrit. Locus autem in quo navicula subinde stetit, 


deinceps ab eventu Cabhan an Churaidh, id est, collis cymbae 
appelatus, Druimchettae pervicinus est. Caeterum modica eo loci 
mora contracta, Vir Sanctus cum sua veneranda comitiva contendit 
ad per amaenum ilium collem, leniter acclivem, vulgo Druimchett 
vocatum.' 1 

Though at present [continues Dr. Eeeves] there are no local 
traditions to help in the identification of the spot, it was well 
known in Colgan's time, who writes : ' To-day and for ever 
venerable, especially on account of the many pilgrimages, and 
the public procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which on the 
festival of All Saints is there annually made with an immense 
concourse from all the neighbouring districts in memory of the 
aforesaid synod there celebrated. ' ' Hodie et semper venerabilis, 
maxime ob multas peregrinationes et publicam Theophoriam, 
quae in festo omnium sanctorum in praedictae synodi memoriam 
ibidem celebratae in eo quottannis fit, cum summo omnium vici- 
narum partium accursu ' (Act. SS. p. 204, n. 13). The hill called 
' the Ready,' which commences about two miles out of Newtown- 
limavady, might be supposed, from the apparent similarity of the 
name, to be the spot, but there can be little doubt that the artificial 
mound in Eoe Park, called ; The Mullagh,' and sometimes the 
Daisy Hill,' is the real Drumceatt. It is situate in a meadow, at 
a little distance from the house, on the N.W. ; it rises to the 
height of about twenty feet, and measures about one hundred and 
ninety by one hundred and seventy feet. The prospect from 
it is exceedingly extensive and varied, commanding a view 
of Magilligan, with its Benyevenagh, Aghanloo, Drumachose, 
Tamlaght-Finlagan, and part of Innishowen. There is no local 
tradition about the spot, except that it is reckoned ' gentle,' and 
that it is unlucky to cut the sod. The truth is, the effects of the 
Plantation have utterly effaced all the old associations of the 
place. 2 

We have thought it but just to Dr. Reeves to give 
his note in extenso, inserting at the same time the 
translation of the two Latin quotations for the benefit of 
non-classical readers of the I. E. RECORD, that our reasons 
for differing from him may be the more immediately and 
clearly understood. We believe the site of the Convention 
to have been a small hill on the opposite side of the Roe 
from the Mullagh ; and we believe, moreover, that the 
Ready derives its name from, and is only a modernized form 

1 iii. 4, Tr. Th. p., 431. 

2 Colton's Visitation, edited by Dr. Eeeves, Note under the parish of 


of the latter part of the word Drum-Ceatta. The initial C in 
Irish words being pronounced hard like the letter K would 
give us the word as if written Keatta, precisely similar in 
sound, and not very different in spelling from the modern 
Keady. The river Roe at this particular part may be said 
to run east and west, and the bank on either side may be 
correctly enough termed northern and southern. This will 
assist the reader to some extent in understanding the relative 
position of the hills for which claim is made for being the 
Drumceat of history. On the southern bank of the river 
is the Mullagh ; about a quarter of a mile farther up the 
stream than where it passes the Mullagh, the river is 
engaged among rocks ; so it may be assumed, for certain, that 
the hill of the Convention, on whatever side of the river 
it lies, cannot be farther up than the Mullagh; i.e., we are 
to look for it somewhere near the Roe, and between the 
Mullagh and the mouth of the Roe. There are numerous 
hills on both sides of the river, and to select out one of them 
appears to be, to some extent, a question of probabilities. 
The hill required, probably is a remarkable one ; so is the 
Mullagh. This seems to be the sole reason and sum total 
of its claims. Dr. Reeves, in a letter to the present writer, 
in 1876, stated that: 'when he first saw the Mullagh, he fixed 
on it as the site of the Convention,' without apparently any 
reason beyond conjecture, and Dr. O'Donovan adopted his 
view without further inquiry. This is the sole reason for the 
Mullagh being selected in preference to any of the other 
adjoining hills. The name Mullagh, however, is much 
against it : 1. Because a Mullagh cannot be a Drium. 
2. As Drumceat was a well-known place, the Irish-speaking 
people would never have changed its name into the common- 
place appellation Mullagh. No doubt the Irish traditions 
and language have now died out in the district, but they 
had not died out when this name was given to it. 

A little farther down the river, on the same southern 
bank, is a ridge called Drumbally-Donaghey. Donaghey, if 
it be not a family name, might retain traces of Donagh 
(i.e. Dominica), and, therefore of the religious functions that 
used to be celebrated there. Near to Drumbally-Donaghey is 


a pool in the river called ' the boat-hole,' which might be 
supposed to correspond with Cabhan-an-Churaidh, but it 
is a place where a boat usually was, and even now is 
occasionally kept ; so no argument can be drawn from this 
in favour of Drumbally-Donaghey. Nor does there seem to 
be any reason for selecting any other of the ridges on the 
same side of the river. 

On the north side of the stream, and just opposite the 
Mullagh, is a hill whose form attracts attention whether you 
view it when descending the river, that is, coming from 
Dungiven to Limavady, or ascending by the same road 
which runs along the southern bank of the river. The 
name of the hill is Enagh. Enagh is the Irish name still 
for a fair. In earlier times it meant a gathering for political 
purposes, and in later times an assembly for religious 
purposes. 1 The name, therefore, suggests that this was the 
hill so well known in Colgan's time, which, he says, is 

To-day and for ever venerable, especially on account of the many 
pilgrimages, and the public religious ceremonies [Theophoriamj, 
which, on the festival of All Saints, in memory of the aforesaid synod 
there celebrated, is there annually made, with an immense con- 
course from all the neighbouring districts. 

Drumceat (i.e., the drum or ridge of the pleasant swell- 
ing ground), being a commonplace appellation, would easily 
give way in the lapse of time to the name Enagh. If you 
stand on Enagh, you have the most beautiful view in the 
valley of the Roe. Looking northwards you have Lough 
Foyle sweeping from Innishowen Head round the lovely 
shores of Greencastle, Moville, and Iskaheen, and bounded 
from this point of view by the range of hills which culminate 
in the ruined-crowned summit of Greman, once known as 
' Aileach of the Kings.' 

Still looking north, but on this side of the Foyle, you see 
to your right the lowlands of Myroe, and Magilligan rising 
by swelling ridges like mimic Sierras, till they mount into 
the grand romantic ranges of Beneyevenagh, and the Keady. 
In fact, you find you are standing on a somewhat insulated 

1 See Joyce's Irish Names of Places. 


ridge, which rears itself up one hundred and sixty feet high , 
in a valley stretching north and south, its narrowest part 
being that in which you stand, whilst before you it spreads 
out into the lowlands of Lough Foyle shores, and on the 
south it widens out in the direction of Dungiven, only 
turning more to the west. If you examine the rising swells 
just near you, you will see the ruins of Drumachose, 
St. Canice's Church, crowning one of them ; whilst turning 
and looking up the south opening of the valley, you could, 
were it not for the intervening groves, see the ruins of 
Tamlaght Finlagan, St. Finloch's Church. The Eoe, how- 
ever, runs between the two, but there is a very shallow ford 
just in the line between them. It is probable that a hill 
would be selected, convenient for the clergy of both churches, 
and also on the side nearest to the more important church 
the 'Magna Ecclesia de Ko;' and, we might also add, on the 
side nearest the county Antrim, for the convenience of those 
coming thence to the Convention. On what we have desig- 
nated the north bank of the river the side opposite to the 
Mullagh there is an insulated rock like a huge mile -stone 
or finger-post marking out Enagh, and called the 'Boat 
Rock.' It is the first you meet on either side when passing 
up the river from the Foyle. There is no other, indeed, 
for nearly half a mile further up, where the gorges of the 
river commence abruptly. 

This particular spot is such as would just invite a boat's 
crew to land. The juxtaposition of this rock to Enagh 
(and from this point the hill looks most picturesque), and 
its being on the same side of the river with it, weigh much 
with us in deciding in favour of Enagh, not only as against 
the Mullagh, but against any other of the hills that rise along 
the river. The proximity of Enagh to the Ready (not the 
hill, but the townland of that name) seems to us also 
an argument in favour of our theory. It is probable that 
what we know did occur in many other cases occurred also 
in this, viz., that the name Ready, which is now confined 
to one townland, once extended over the whole district, and 
that the district got that name, perhaps, from this very hill. 
When a large townland was divided into two or three smaller 


ones, the smaller got what we may term surnames. By 
degrees the later, or distinctive name, alone was preserved, 
while the original name clung to one of the divisions, and 
to that one because the original possessor may have retained 
it for himself. Colgan's description suggests to the mind 
that the hill was not juxta, but some little distance from the 
Roe. It was ' pervicinus,' i.e. quite near. The venerable 
man, he tells us, made a slight delay at the place where he 
landed, and then ' went to the assembly.' All the other 
hills are either too near or too remote to answer this 
description. The Mullagh is almost on the brink of the 
river. The appearance of Enagh is such as, from most 
points of view, would suggest to a Latin writer the deri- 
vation for Drumceat of Dorsum Cete, i.e. the back of 
a whale. No other hill around would suggest the same. 
Enagh agrees in every respect with the description of 
Drumceat. It is a ' collis, 1 for it is insulated ; and it is at 
the same time a ' drum ' or ridge. A ' drum ' is a back- 
bone; a spur that a mountain sends out, but more prolonged, 
and more easy of slope on its flanks than what we ordinarily 
mean when we speak of the spur of a mountain, and 
projecting also from a lower elevation of the mountain. It 
is not easy to find a place which one person could with pro- 
priety call a drum, and another with equal propriety term 
a collis ; but it seems to us that both designations are 
applicable to Enagh, and to no other of the hills around. 
It is ' peramsenus ' whether considered in its own aspect, 
or in the delightful prospect it affords. It is 'leniter 
acclivis,' which none of the other hills are, and certainly 
not the Mullagh. These are the principal arguments that 
lead us to adopt Enagh in preference to the Mullagh, and 
though there may be but a balance of probabilities in favour 
of our theory, still the Mullagh seems to us entirely out of 
competition for claiming the ancient title of Drumceat. 
The most that can be said of it is, that it is a remarkable 
hill near the Eoe, and when we have said this, we have 
repeated all that can be said about it. 

An interesting tradition in favour of Enagh signifying 
a fair, and of a fair having been held there till the 


time of Donald Ballagh O'Cahan at least, may be worth 
preserving in this place. The tradition was received from 
Mr. John O'Connor, a native of the locality, who died fifteen 
years ago at a very advanced age, and who was regarded as 
a depository of all the authentic traditions of the district. 

On one occasion O'Cahan, then lord cf the territory, mounted 
on a superb horse, and accompanied by his daughters all on horse- 
back, visited the fair which was being held at Enagh. As he 
entered the place a beggarman solicited him for an alms. 
O'Cahan answered him only with a lash of his riding-whip. The 
beggarman drew himself up to his full height, and, gazing fixedly at 
the cruel and haughty chieftain, pronounced, in tones that struck 
terror into the listening crowd : 

' Gar cnoc gan aonac, 
Gar Ciannac gan eac.' 

Which literally translated means : 

Soon the hill without fair, 
Soon Cahan without horse. 

Whether the words were uttered as a prophecy or a 
curse, their quick and unexpected fulfilment impressed them 
indelibly on the minds of the hearers, and made them be 
handed down from generation to generation. Enagh then 
means a fair, in this instance, just as it meant a place of 
religious assembly in Colgan's time. 

To sum up the arguments in favour of Enagh, we say, 
that after the Mullagh (1) Enagh is at least the most re- 
markable hill ; (2) from its situation the hill likely to be 
chosen for the assembly ; (3) answering perfectly to the 
description of Drumceat ; (4) retaining (by its neighbour- 
hood) traces of the name; (5) by its name indicating a 
place of religious concourse; (6) on the same side of the 
river, with and near to a remarkable rock standing up out 
of the bank, and called the 'Boat Rock,' with no reason that 
we can now see for prefixing the term ' boat ' to it ; (7) and 
lastly, affording space on its summit for the royal pavilions 
and tents, which O'Donnell tells us were scattered over the 
hill in the manner of military camps. On the top of the 
Mullagh there is no space for the like; Enagh, at least, 
is required for this. So much then for the site of this 


famous Convention, a convention which left its mark not 
only on that, but also on subsequent ages, and which did 
so much for the consolidation and improvement of our 
ancient code of laws. We shall now see what were the 
principal objects of this great national assembly. 


In his Lectures on the Manners and Customs of the 
Ancient Irish, 1 Eugene O'Curry sets forth in brief terms 
the principal objects for which this great parliament was 
held at Drumceat : 

The meeting at Drom Ceata [says he] was the last great 
occasion on which the laws and general system of education were 
revised. It took place in the year 590, in the reign of that Aedh 
the son of Ainmire, whose resistance to the impudent demands of 
the profession of poets, I had occasion to refer to in the last 
Lecture. Very soon after the refusal of the king to submit to the 
threats of satire on the part of the poets, and the consequences 
then supposed to follow from poetical incantations, he happened 
to be involved in two important political disputes. One of these 
was touching the case of Scanlan Mor, king of Ossory, who had 
unjustly been made a prisoner by the monarch some time before, 
and kept in long and cruel confinement ; the other concerning the 
right to the tributes and military service of the Dalriadian 
Gsedhelic colony of Scotland, to which king Aedh laid a claim 
that was resisted by Aedan Mac Gabhrain, the king of that 
country. For the more ample discussion of these weighty matters 
Aedh convened a meeting of the states of the nation at 
Drom-Ceata [a spot now called Daisy Hill, near Newtown- 
limivady, in the modern county of Derry] ; which meeting took 
place, according to O'Donovan's Annals of the Four Masters, 
in the year 574. 

This great meeting was attended by all the provincial kings, 
and by all the chiefs and nobles of the island ; and Aedh invited 
over from lona the great patron of his race, St. Colum Cille, to 
have the benefit of his wise counsels in the discussion, not only 
concerning the special objects for which the meeting was first 
intended, but many others of social and political importance. 
And so it happened that at this meeting the affairs of the poets 
and the profession of teaching were also discussed. 

It was solemnly resolved at this meeting that the general 

1 Vol. ii., Lect. iv, 


system of education should be revised, and placed upon a more 
solid and orderly foundation ; and to this end the following scheme 
[according to Keating] was proposed and adopted. 

Then follows the scheme referred to. 

That St. Columb was not invited by King Aedh to this 
meeting is quite certain, and O'Curry corrects his mistake 
on this point in a subsequent lecture. ' St. Columcille 
having heard of this meeting and its objects,' says he, ' and 
being a great patron of literature, came over from his island 
home at I, or lona, whither he had retired from the world 
to appease the king and the people, and quite unexpectedly 
appeared at the meeting. The poets at this time, with 
Dalian Forgall as their chief, were collected in all their 
numbers in the vicinity of the hill of meeting, anxiously 
awaiting their fate ; but their anxiety was soon relieved, as 
their able advocate had so much influence with the monarch 
and his people to procure a satisfactory termination to the 
misunderstanding between them and the priests.'* It was 
on this occasion that Dalian Forgall, chief of the Bards, 
composed the famous poem in praise of the saint, entitled 
'Amhra Chollium Chille,' or ' The Praises of Columb of the 
Church,' This poem is still in existence, and is constantly 
referred to by O'Curry in his lectures as one of the most 
beautiful specimens of ancient Irish poetry. 

St. Columba's arrival at the meeting seems to have 
been an unpleasant surprise to King Aedh and his household. 
The king well knew the powerful influence of the saint, and 
naturally feared his opposition ; but as he was his own near 
relative, and had come in the interests of peace, he could 
not do otherwise than treat the holy Abbot with at least 
outward reverence. Not so, however, his spouse. Filled with 
jealousy at the veneration manifested toward St. Columb 
and his followers, she secretly ordered her son Connall 
to insult and maltreat them, an order which he only too faith- 
fully executed. In the old Irish Life of St. Columba, 
translated by Mr. W. M. Hennessey, and printed as an 

1 Vol, iii., Lect. xxxi. 


appendix to the second volume of Skene's Celtic Scotland, 
the story is thus narrated : 

They afterwards saw Colum Cille going towards the conven- 
tion, and the assembly that was nearest to him was the assembly 
of Conall, son of Aedh, son of Ainmire ; and he was a worthy 
son of Aedh. As Conall saw them, therefore, he incited the 
rabble of the assembly against them, so that threescore men 
of them were captured and wounded. Colum Cille inquired, 
' Who is he by whom this band has been launched against us ?' 
And it was told to him that it was by Conall. And Colum Cille 
cursed Conall, until thrice nine bells were rung against him, when 
some man said, ' Conall gets bells fclogal,' and it is from this that 
he is called 'Conall Clogach." And the cleric deprived him of 
kingship, and of his reason and intellect in the space of time that 
he would be prostrating his body. 

Colum Cille went afterwards to the assembly of Dornhnall, 
son of Aedh, son of Ainmire, and Domhnall immediately rose up 
before him and bade him welcome, and kissed his cheek, and 
put him in his own place. And the cleric left him many blessings, 
viz., that he should be fifty years in the sovereignty of Eria, and 
be battle-victorious during that time, and that every word he 
would say would be fulfilled by him ; that he would be one year 
and a half in the illness of which he would die, and would receive 
the body of Christ every Sunday during that time. 

Of course the story would not be complete without a little 
more cursing on the part of the saint, for his ancient 
biographers are always crediting him with most extra- 
ordinary maledictory powers. The queen, it seems, was 
indignant at seeing her son Conall driven mad and deprived 
of the right to the throne, and Domhnall, who was only 
her stepson, appointed in his place. In her wrath she 
nicknamed the saint, calling him ' a crane ' on account of 
his tall stature and emaciated form. Colum Cille retorted : 

' Thou hast leave to be a crane,' 

Said the cleric furiously. 

' As just punishment to thy handmaid, 

She'll be a crane along with thee.' 

Aedh's wife and her waiting-maid, 

Were turned into herons. 

They live still, and make complaints, 

The two old herons of Druim-Ceata. 

Notwithstanding the immortality promised these lady- 
herons, their place, alas! knows them no more. The waters 


of the Eoe no longer re-echo their sad lamentations; the 
loneliness of Dromceat is no longer disturbed by their 
pensive wailings. We think they must have died. 

It is not easy to explain this practice of the old Irish bio- 
graphers of the saint, representing him as uttering maledic- 
tions so frequently, except we understand them as using the 
figure oxymoron to a very large extent. The very name he 
bears was given him by his young companions from the 
dove-like gentleness of his disposition, and indicated the very 
opposite of what his mistaken biographers attributed to 

One of the objects for which this assembly was convened [says 
Dr. Reeves] was to determine the jurisdiction of the Albanian 
Dalriada. The question at issue is variously stated. O'Donnellus 
would have it that Aiden laid claim to the sovereignty of the Irish 
Dalriada, and required that it should be exempt from the rule of 
the Irish monarch. Keating and O'Flaherty, on the other hand, 
state that the dispute arose from the demand of Aidus, the Irish 
king, to receive tribute from the Albanian prince as from the 
governor of a colony. They agree, however, as to the decision, 
which was that the Irish Dalriada should continue under the 
dominion of the king of Ireland, and that the sister kingdom should 
be independent, subject to the understanding that either power 
should be prepared, when called upon, to assist the other in 
virtue of their national affinity. 1 

It appears pretty clear that the Irish colon}' which had 
gone to Scotland from that part of Antrim called Dalriada 
(which corresponds, we believe, with the modern district of 
the Eoute), were still subject for many years to the Irish 
monarchy, just as the American colonies were subject after- 
wards to the British crown ; but, when grown strong enough 
to throw off the yoke, they determined to assert their inde- 
pendence. They refused to be any longer tributary; and 
Aedh, the Irish king, feeling the loss to his treasury, as well 
as to his prestige, arising from this policy of independence, 
resolved to fix upon them irrevocably the law of subjection. 
This was the first object he had in view in summoning the 
national parliament of Drumceat. We may here remark in 
passing that Aedh selected this place for the meeting because 

^Antiquities of Down and Connor, Appendix, pp. 321-322. 


it was within his patrimonial territory, where he was 
surrounded by friends and faithful clansmen, and where he 
was more secure than he would be at the palace of Tara. 
Some give him credit for wishing to accommodate his Scotch 
friends by selecting a locality convenient for them ; but there 
seems to be no foundation for this surmise. 

The Dalriadian question first, and the total suppression 
of the bards next, were the points to be laid before the 
assembly at its opening. 

The bards had become at this time simply intolerable. 
Their exactions were impoverishing the people, and their 
insolence had gone so far as to demand from the king 
the Royal Brooch, which was the most highly-prized and 
sacred heirloom of the royal family. We may form some 
idea of their numbers when we learn that in Meath 
and Ulster alone they exceeded at this time one thousand 
two hundred. Twice during his reign before this had 
Aedh banished them from the precincts of the palace, 
and they were obliged to take refuge in Ulidia, a little 
principality corresponding to the present county Down. 
Now, however, he was determined to utterly exterminate 
them. To give some idea of the mode in which the bards 
lived upon the people and oppressed them, and the reason 
why Aedh was maddened into adopting means to suppress 
the order, we will transcribe from O'Curry a brief sketch 
of the circumstances: 

At this time [says he] the Fileadh, or poets, it would appear, 
became more troublesome and importunate than ever. A singular 
custom is recorded to have prevailed among their profession from" 
a very early period. They were in the habit of travelling through 
the country, as I have already mentioned, in groups or companies, 
composed of teachers and pupils, under a single teacher or master. 
In these progresses, when they came to a house, the first man of 
them that entered began to chant the first verse of a poem, the 
last man of the party responded to him, and so the whole poem 
was sung, each taking a part in that order. Now each company 
of poets had a silver pot, which was called Coire Sainnte, literally 
the Pot of Avarice, every pot having nine chains of bronze attached 
to it by golden hooks, and it was suspended from the points of 
the spears of nine of the company, which were thrust through 
the links at the other ends of the chains. The reason according 


to the account of this custom preserved in the Leabhar Mor Duna 
Doighre, called the Leabhar Breac [E.I. A.] that the pot was 
called the 'Pot of Avarice,' was, because that it was into it that 
whatever of gold or silver they received was put ; and whilst the 
poem was being chanted, the best nine musicians in the company 
played music around the pot. This custom was, no doubt, very 
picturesque, but the actors in it were capable of showing them- 
selves in two different characters, according to the result of their 
application. If their Pot of Avarice received the approbation of 
the man of the house in gold or silver, a laudatory poem was 
written for him ; but if he did not, he was satirized in the most 
virulent terms that a copious and highly-expressive language 
could supply. 

Now, so confident always were the poets in the influence which 
their satirical powers had over the actions of the people of all 
classes, that, in the year of our Lord 590, a company of them 
waited on the monarch Aedh [or Hugh] son of Ainmire t and 
threatened to satirize him if he did not give them the Both Croi 
itself the Koyal Brooch which from the remotest times 
descended from monarch to monarch of Erinn, and which is 
recorded to have been worn as the chief distinctive emblem of the 
legitimate sovereign. Aehd [Hugh], however, had not only the 
moral courage to refuse so audacious a demand, but in his indig- 
nation he even ordered the banishment of the whole profession 
out of the country ; and, in compliance with this order, they 
collected in great numbers into Ulidia once more where they 
again received a temporary asylum. 1 

The question, then, of the bards formed the second great 
subject which the Convention had to discuss ; and the third 
important motion to be brought before the assembly was the 
unjust imprisonment of Scanlan Mor, son of the king of 
Ossory. These were not, of course, the only points to be 
settled. The whole laws of the kingdom were to be revised 
and reduced to form, and regulations were to be made to 
provide for the education of the people, and to secure for 
the professors in the different learned branches a suitable 
maintenance. Considering the century in which these 
measures were adopted, and their influence on after genera- 
tions, it will not seem wonderful that our country acquired 
at an early date the proud title of 'Insula Sanctorum et 
Doctorum.' Hence King Alfred, about a century after this 

1 Manners and Customs, &c., vol. ii., lect. iii. 


parliament, in a poem composed during his banishment in 
Ireland, thus wrote : 

I found in each great church, 

Whether internal on shore or island, 

Learning, wisdom, devotion to God, 
Holy welcome and protection. 

To St. Columb's defence of the hards at Drumceat may be 
justly give the credit of that learning which in after years 
made Ireland the lamp of Europe, and her sons the great 
evangelists of science and literature in the various lands of 
the Continent. On Columb's arrival at the council, king 
Aedh proposed to leave to his decision the vexed question of 
the Dalriadic tribute, but the saint modestly declined the 
honour, thereby reserving to himself the greater liberty 
of speech afterwards in opposing what he considered an 
unjust imposition. Colman, the saintly bishop of Dromore, 
was then called on to expatiate on the question at issue, and 
to defend the policy of the Irish monarch. He had been 
specially chosen by the clergy as their spokesman, and an 
abler at the time did not exist in the Irish Church. But the 
lustre of his eloquence paled before the more brilliant powers 
of lona's abbot. The fate of a rising colony, and the very 
existence of the bardic order hung in the balance, and the 
side to which the scale would now incline depended on the 
great apostle of Scotland. He was no ordinary man in any 
sense of the word. ' Angelic in appearance, elegant in 
address, holy in work, with talents of the highest order, and 
consummate wisdom,' 1 he was well calculated to sway the 
councils of princes and prelates, many of whom were of his 
own kith and kin. 

Both nature and education [says T. D. Magee] had well fitted 
Columbkill to the great task of adding another realm to the 
empire of Christendom. His princely birth gave him power over 
his own proud kindred ; his golden eloquence and glowing verse 
the fragments of which still move and delight the Gaelic 
scholar gave 'him fame and weight in the Christian schools 
which had suddenly sprung up in every glen and island. As 
prince, he stood on equal terms with princes ; as poet, he was 

1 Adamnau, 2nd Preface. 


affiliated to that all-powerful bardic order, before whose awfut 
anger kings trembled, and warriors succumbed in superstitious 
dread. A spotless soul, a disciplined body, an industry that never 
wearied, a courage that never blanched, a sweetness and courtesy 
that won all hearts, a tenderness for others that contrasted 
strongly with his rigour towards himself these were the secrets 
of success of this eminent missionary these were the miracles by 
which he accomplished the conversion of so many barbarous 
tribes and pagan princes. 1 

Such was the man on whom now devolved the noble 
duty of defending the cause of liberty and learning. Every 
eye in that vast assembly was turned upon him as he rose, 
and every breath was hushed, till the gentle murmur of 
the Koe, as it hastened to the Foyle, was the only sound 
that broke the death-like silence. The monarch and his 
courtiers alike were awed; princes and prelates became 
willing listeners ; nobles and clansmen were swayed by his 
eloquence; and the unarmed Abbot from the lonely and 
desolate isle in the northern seas became the bloodless 
conqueror of the Irish monarch and his mailed followers. 
Skilfully blending together the two great questions under 
discussion, he dwelt with all the passionate eloquence of his 
fiery nature on liberty God's priceless gift to man and 
learning, which teaches us to use that gift aright. Admitting 
that the bards had at times forgotten the rules of moderation, 
and forgotten too the fealty and homage due to the sovereign , 
these were faults, he argued, which salutary laws could 
easily correct, and which had only arisen from the deficiency 
of former legislation. In words to the following effect he 
continued : 

Is an entire order to be suppressed for the faults of a few of its 
members? and must our annals remain henceforth unwritten, 
our valiant men sink to earth unsung, because no tuneful bard 
exists to pen the one, or raise the mournful dirge at the grave 
of the other ? Vice may then reign triumphant, for no wandering 
minstrel will dare to lash it ; virtue may wither and die, for no 
learned Ollamh will survive to defend it. All that is sacred in 
the past, all that is cherished in the present, all of good that we 
hope for in the future, must perish in the common ruin of 
genealogists, historians, poets, astronomers, and physicians which 


1 His'ory of Ireland, by T. D. Magee. 


is sought to be accomplished to-day. If you would throw back 
your country to the darkness, not only of pre-Christian, but of 
pre-Druidic times, then suppress the energies of the rising colony 
in Argyle, and drive for ever from your shores the learned bards 
who have given you the inheritance of literature, and raised your 
name for erudition in foreign lands. But, if you would cherish 
liberty and learning, if you would secure for yourselves trust- 
worthy allies and faithful historians, then break to-day the 
shackles that have too long bound your kinsmen in Scotland, 
and give to your bards a code of laws that will at once preserve 
and restrain them. 

The eloquence and reasoning of Columba prevailed. 
The colonists were freed from the odious taxation, and a 
code of laws was enacted for the proper maintenance of 
learned teachers, and of approved schools, and at the same 
time for the due restriction of the number and privileges 
of the bards : 

It was solemnly resolved at this meeting [says 'Curry J that 
the general system of education should be revised, and placed 
upon a more solemn and orderly foundation; and to this end 
the following scheme [according to Keating] was proposed and 
adopted. A special ollamh, or doctor in literature was assigned 
to the monarch, as well as to each of the provincial kings, chiefs, 
and lords of territories ; and to each ollamh were assigned free 
lands, from his chief, and a grant of inviolability to his person, 
and sanctuary to his lands, from the monarch and the men of 
Erinn at large. They ordered also free common-lands for the 
purpose of free education in the manner of a university (such as 
Masraighe in Breifne, or Breifney-Eath-Ceamaidh in Meath, &c. ) 
in which education was gratuitously given to such of the men of 
Erinn as desired to become learned in history, or in such of the 
sciences as were then cultivated in the land. The chief Ollamh of 
Erinn at this time was Eochaidh, the Poet Eoyal, who wrote the 
celebrated elegy on the death of St. Columcille, and who is better 
known under the name of Dalian Forgaill ; and to him the 
inauguration and direction of the new colleges were assigned. 
Eochaidh appointed presidents to the different provinces. To 
Meath he appointed Aedh [or Hugh], the poet ; to Munster he 
appointed Urmael, the arch-poet and scholar ; to Connacht he 
appointed Seanchan Mac Cuairfertaigh ; to Ulster he appointed 
Ferfirb Mac Muiredhaigh ; and so on. 

It will have been observed that the endowed educational 
establishments placed under these masters were, in fact, National 
Literary Colleges, quite distinct from the great literary and 
ecclesiastical schools and colleges which, about this time, forming 
themselves round individual celebrity, began to cover the land, 


and whose hospitable halls were often [as we know] crowded 
with the sons of princes and nobles, and with tutors and pupils 
from all parts of Europe, coming over to seek knowledge in a 
country then believed to be the most advanced in the civilization 
of the age. ... It appears, also, from the Brehon Laws, that the 
pupils were often the foster-children of the tutor. The sons of 
gentlemen were taught not only literature, but horsemanship, 
chess, swimming, and the use of arms, chiefly casting the spear. 
Their daughters were taught sewing, cutting or fashioning, and 
ornamentation, or embroidery. The sons of the tenant-class were 
not taught horsemanship, nor did they wear the same clothes as 
the classes above them. 

All this has, in the law, distinct reference to public schools, 
where the sons of the lower classes waited on the sons of the 
upper classes, and received certain benefits [in food, clothes, and 
instruction] from them in return. In fact the ' sizarships ' in 
our modern colleges appear to be a modified continuation of the 
ancient system. 1 

It would be tedious, and, to most readers, uninteresting 
now to enter into all the details of the laws enacted on the 
score of education at this assembly. Suffice it to say that 
they were such as gave an impetus to learning for ages in our 
island, and made the names of Bangor, Moville (Co. Down), 
Clonard, and Clonmacnoise more familiar in Europe than 
are Oxford, Cambridge, and Paris to-day. But a few of the 
traditions and legends connected with St. Columba's coming 
to the Convention, and his stay at it, may prove more enter- 
taining than a history of the laws enacted on the occasion. 

We trust we wont be accounted sceptical if we decline 
making an act of faith in all the venerable traditions of that 
time, or if we venture to explain some of the reputed miracles 
on natural principles. The very fact of so many traditions 
existing about St. Columba absurd and incredible though a 
number of them be goes to prove that he was no ordinary 
man, but one whose influence was felt, and whose life far 
transcended that of his contemporaries ; for with truth has 
Longfellow said : 

The heights by great men reached and kept, 

Were not attained by sudden flight ; 
But they, while their companions slept, 

Were toiling upward in the night. 

1 Manners and Customs, &c. vol. ii, Lect. iv 



In A.D. 1532 Manus O'Donnell, chief of Tyrconnell, 
compiled a Life of St. Coluinb in the castle of Port-na-tri- 
namad, i.e., the 'Port of the Three Enemies,' now called 
Lifford, and into this Life he compressed every tale and legend 
accessible at the period. Colgan, who translated a great 
part of this work of O'Donnell's from Irish into Latin, gravely 
reproduced it with the accuracy of a faithful translator in his 
Trias Thaumaturga, leaving, of course, to the Tyrconnell 
chieftain whatever honour accrued from the collection and 
compilation of the Columbian legends. Among these mar- 
vellous tales is a description of the saint's voyage from 
Scotland to Drumceat, the substance of which we beg to give 
in English. After stating that Columba set out with a 
retinue of many bishops, forty priests, thirty deacons, fifty 
clerics of lower grades, and Aedan, king of the Albanian 
Scots, with many chieftains, to attend the Parliament at 
Drumceat, he proceeds to tell us of a great tempest, excited 
by a ferocious sea-monster, which threatened to submerge 
the vessels and their crews. Those on board, in terror and 
alarm, begged of the holy man to deliver them from this 
monster, but the saint gave them to understand that God 
had reserved that honour, not for him, but for St. Senachus, 
who dwelt by the distant shores of Lough Erne. Just at 
the same moment Senachus, who was engaged in his forge 
(for he was a smith) in heating and hammering out iron, 
beholding by Divine permission the pressing danger of the 
servants of God, rushing forth from his worKshop, flung the 
fiery missile aloft into the air. With a precision and velocity 
truly wonderful was it borne through the air from the woody 
shores of Doire Broscaidh to the ocean, where it fell direct 
into the gaping jaws of the furious monster, and, as might 
be expected, immediately killed it. In order that all might 
know that to St. Senachus was it due that he (St. Columb) 
and all in the vessel owed their escape, he prayed that 
to whatever shore of Ireland they might reach, there also 
might the carcase of the monster whale be driven. His 
prayer was granted, for when their barque touched the 


shores of Lough Foyle, there they found the wild beast, 
rolled by the waters of the sea, beiore them. Opening its 
jaws, they took out the mass of iron, which St. Columba 
sent back to its lawful owner, St. Senachus, and out of it 
the clever blacksmith manufactured .three bells, which he 
bestowed upon three several churches. Whether or not 
they were employed to peal the requiem of the slaughtered 
whale, and to perpetuate the memory of this successful 
mode of harpooning, the legend fails to state; but, to say the 
least, it is a wonderful story. 

As miraculous events marked the early part of the saint's 
voyage, so, according to O'Donnell, did they continue to bless 
his entrance into the classic waters of the Foyle. Judging 
from pagan as well as from Christian traditions, this river 
seems to have been at all times endowed with wonderful 
understanding and feelings of commiseration for the dis- 
tressed ; for, as of old it rolled in pity a monumental stone 
over Feval, the son of Lodan, and even assumed the name of 
the hapless youth, so now it rose in reverence to the holy 
Abbot, and, gently swelling the scanty stream of the tortuous 
Eoe, bore the sacred band in safety to the very spot where 
the assembly was -convened. We think, however, that it is 
most probable the aid of a miracle was not required in this 
instance to enable St. Columb to sail up the Koe. To the 
most superficial observer it is evident that Myroe and the 
lowlands of Magilligan were at no very remote period part of 
Lough Foyle, and that the waters of the Lough came within 
an exceedingly short distance of Limavady. In a field about 
a quarter of a mile from that town portions of an anchor and 
some other remains of a boat were dug up not many years 
ago, and the field in which they were found is not much above 
the high-water level. The sub-soil is sand, such as is usually 
found along shores, and everything about the locality indi- 
cates that the whole district has by degrees been rescued from 
the waters. The very name Myroe points in the same 
direction. This word does not as a modern derivation of it 
states signify the territory or district of the Eoe, for the 
word was not originally Magh-Ko, but Murrough or Murragh, 
as may be seen in the appendix to Sampson's tiurvey, where 


mention is made of Bally-Murragh. According to Dr. Joyce, 
Murragh means a low-lying district, covered at times by 
the sea- water a sea marsh, and this would aptly enough 
describe this locality at a period probably much later than 
that of the Convention of Drumceat. Now if the Foyle 
flowed up to Limavady, or near it, the waters of the Roe 
would at high tide be considerably swollen, and consequently 
would not be so unnavigable as at present. From its 
distant source in Glenshane mountain the Roe is fed by 
many tributaries in its course, notably by the 'Burn of the 
round Bush,' which rises in Sheskin-na-Mhadaigh, or 
'The Dog's Quagmire,' and by the stream from Lig-na- 
Peasta, or the 'Pool of the Serpent;' sweeping majestically 
past the old church of Dungiven, and the historic tomb 
of Cooey-na-Gall, it forms no inconsiderable volume of 
water before reaching the locality of Drumceat. If we 
suppose this volume checked in its course, and driven back 
by the incoming tide at Leim-a-Mhadaigh (Limavady), 
' The Dog's Leap,' it will at once be quite intelligible how 
the light curraghs of St. Columb and his followers could 
with ease sail up the Roe, till they anchored at the memorable 
rock, henceforth known as Cabhan-na-Churaidh. 

Another circumstance related in an ancient poem ascribed 
to St. Molaise, is that St. Columb came blindfolded to 
the assembly, and remained so till its close. The reason 
assigned for this is that on his banishment, or his voluntary 
exile, whichever it was, he had been commanded by bis 
confessor never again to look upon the land of his birth, and 
that now, when duty compelled him to come, he carried out 
to the letter the injunction laid upon him, and came to the 
great assembly at Drumceat with a sear-cloth covering his 
eyes. This story, though often repeated, seems highly 
improbable. If we believe the account of St. Columb's 
leaving Ireland to have been the result of an injunction of 
St. Molaise, and not the voluntary act of a man burning with 
zeal to spread the Gospel, we must regard his return to his 
native land as a violation of the spirit, if not of the letter, of 
his extraordinary penance. Such an ascetic as Columba was 
not likely to be guilty of such a violation. Besides, if he 


remained in Ireland the entire time of the convention, as we 
are told he did, and that it lasted for thirteen months, it 
would be preposterous to suppose that, he remained blind- 
folded for all that time. Moreover, we know that during his 
sojourn in lona he visited, three times at least, his Irish 
monasteries, and there is no mention of this blindfolding 
then. This seems to be one of those idle tales which a 
mistaken zeal for his glory has foolishly interwoven with his 
history. It has, however, furnished a subject for the poet's 
pen, which has been turned to good account. In an ancient 
Gaelic poem attributed (but incorrectly) to St. Columb him- 
self, and paraphrased most beautifully by Mr. T. D. Sullivan, 
the saint, whose longing eyes ever turned westward, fearing 
the violation of his penance if he settled in any island from 
which Erin could be seen, thus urges his companions to seek 
a distant settlement : 

. To oars again, we may not stay, 
For, ah ! on ocean's rim I see, 
When sunbeams pierce the cloudy day, 
From these rude cliffs of Oronsay, 
The isle so dear to me. 

I may not look upon that shore 

However low and dim it lies ; 
Dear brothers, ply the sail and oar, 
My word is passed I see no more 

That glory of my eyes. 

Away o'er calm and angry tides, 
Where'er our fragile craft is blown. 

Whatever wind or current guides, 

Away, away, till ocean hides 
The hills of fair Tyrone. 

Through Derry's oak-groves angels white 

In countless thousands come and go ; 
And gleams, as if of God's delight, 
Fall calm and clear to mortal sight 
IJpon beloved Raphoe. 

But fear from Deny, far from Kells, 
And fair Raphoe my steps must be ; 

The psalm from Durrow's quiet dells, 

The tones of Arran's holy bells 
Will sound no more for me. 


When the questions of the Dalriadic tribute, and of the 
existence of the bardic order had been satisfactorily settled, 
St. Columb then undertook to plead the cause of Scanlan Mor, 
the captive son of the king of Ossory. But here his eloquence 
was fruitless, for Aedh obstinately refused to liberate him. 
As usual, O'Donnell simplifies the whole matter by the 
introduction of a convenient miracle, which soon unbolts 
the doors of Scanlan's prison, which, by the way, was 
adjacent to St. Columb's monastery, the Dubh Eegles of 
Perry. He tells us that when Aedh refused the request of 
the saint, Columba replied, that the Lord would liberate the 
prisoner for him. After this he set out for his monastery 
at Derry, which was some miles distant from Drumceat ; 
and the following night he betook himself to prayer for the 
liberation of the captive. Whilst thus engaged, a fearful 
tempest, accompanied by peals of thunder, and flashes of 
lightning, raged among the camps of the assembly at 
Drumceat, and a luminous cloud sent forth brilliant beams 
of light, which penetrated the gloom of the prison in which 
Scanlan was confined; and then was heard a voice command- 
ing the prisoner to go forth from his cell. Scanlan followed 
an angel who acted as his guide, and having in a moment 
of time, and without any apparent movement, transferred 
him from the prison to the monastery at Derry, left him 
there and immediately disappeared from sight. Probably 
the good Prince of Tyrconnell, at the time he wrote this, been reading over the history of St. Peter's liberation 
from prison by angelic ministry, and by mistake trans- 
ferred the substance of the story into the life of his patron. 
Adamnan's account of the matter is simpler, and we will 
transcribe it : l 

At the same time, and in the same place [i.e. Drumceat], the 
saint wishing to visit Scanlan, son of Colman, went to him where 
he was kept in prison by king Aedh, and when he had blessed 
him, he comforted him, saying: 'Son, be not sorrowful, but 
rather rejoice and be comforted, for king Aedh, who has you a 
prisoner, will go out of this world before you, and after some 
time of exile you shall reign in your own nation thirty years. 

1 Adamnan, Book i., ch. ii. 


And again you shall be driven from your kingdom, and shall be 
in exile for some days ; after which, called home again by your 
people, you shall reign for three short terms,' all of which was fully 
accomplished according to the prophecy of the saint : for after 
reigning for thirty years, he was expelled, and was in exile for 
some space of time, but being invited home again by the people, 
he reigned not three years, as he expected, but three months, 
after which he immediately died. 

He remained captive at Derry until the death of Aedh, 
who was killed by Bran Dubh in the battle of Dunbolg 
near Baltinglass in the county Wicklow, in 594, or accord- 
ing to others, in 598. 

One other circumstance in connection with St. Columb's 
coming to Drumceat we may be permitted to notice before 
closing, and that is the fact of so many bishops following in 
his retinue and yielding him obedience. As belonging to 
the superior or highest grade of the priesthood, the bishops 
would naturally be expected to have the precedence ; but 
here that order is reversed, and no less than twenty bishops 
follow in the wake of the illustrious abbot with a docility 
and submission worthy of novices. This circumstance was 
noted and satisfactorily explained by the Venerable Bede, 
and still later by Geoffrey Keating, in his History of Ireland, 
and by Dr. Coyle, Bishop of Eaphoe, in his Collectanea Sacra, 
or Pious Miscellany. In the appendix to his Antiquities of 
Down and Connor, Dr. Eeeves gives the substance of these 
remarks, and though the question is not of much importance 
in our present essay, a portion of Dr. Beeves' explanation may 
not be unacceptable to the readers of the I. E. RECORD : 

In the year 590 was convened a council at Drumceat, on the 
river Eoe, one great object of which was to arbitrate between the 
respective claims of Aidus, king of Ireland, and Aidan, king of 
the British Scots, to the kingdom of Dalriada, in Ireland. And 
hither Columbkille also came from his monastery at Hy, attended 
by a company which is thus described by his contemporary, 
Dalian Forgall : 

' Twoscore priests was their number, 
Twenty bishops of excellence and worth, 
For singing psalms, a practice without blame, 
Fifty deacons and thirty students.' 

These lines, though written with great poetical licence, are 
of undoubted antiquity, and not only illustrate the ancient 
frequency of bishops, but confirm what Bede said of the 


subjection of the neighbouring provinces to the Abbot of Hy. 
This subjection is satisfactorily accounted for, to use the words 
of Bishop Lloyd, by the consideration that : ' Whereas in almost 
all other places there were bishops before there were monasteries, 
and then it was not lawful to build any monastery without the 
leave of the bishop, here at Hy, on the contrary, there was no 
Christian before Columba came thither. And when he was come, 
and had converted both king and people, they gave him the 
island in possession for the building of a monastery ; and withal, 
for the maintenance of it, they gave him the royalty of the 
neighbouring isles ; six of which are mentioned by Buchanan as 
belonging to the monastery. And, therefore, though Columba 
found it necessary to have a bishop, and was pleased to give him 
a seat in his island, and, perhaps, to put the other isles under his 
jurisdiction, yet it is not strange that he thought fit to keep the 
royalty still to himself and his successors. It is no more strange 
that it should be so there than that it is so now in many places ; 
and at Oxford particularly, where a bishop now lives, and is as 
well known to be a prelate of the English Church as any other ; 
the government in the University exclusively of him ; and not 
only the Chancellor and his deputy have precedence of the bishop, 
but every private scholar is exempt from his cognizance and 
jurisdiction. ' The power of order and jurisdiction, it is to be borne 
in mind, are quite distinct. 'A person may be consecrated bishop, 
to all intents and purposes as to the power of order without pos- 
sessing any jurisdiction. Vice versa, a person of the clerical order 
may, although not actually a bishop, be invested with episcopal 
jurisdiction. Thus, if he be elected to a see, and regularly con- 
firmed, he becomes, prior to his consecration, possessed of the juris- 
diction appertaining to said see, and if it be metropolitan, the 
suffragan bishops subject to him as if he had been actually 

The latter part of this extract Dr. Reeves gives on the 
authority of the learned Dr. Lanigan. 

We have dwelt thus in detail on the circumstances, tra- 
ditions, and legends connected with the ancient parliament 
held on the banks of the Roe, not .so much for their own 
sake, as for that of the great assembly with which they are 
linked. Our English neighbours, it is true, are wont to scoff 
at our boasting of the ancient civilization of our country, and 
to turn into ridicule those great men of our land, who are 
still fresh in the minds of the people, and 

"Whose distant footsteps echo 
Through the corridors of time ; 

but, their sneers notwithstanding, we love to dwell on the 


days of old, and like eagles to gaze upon the sun of glory 
which then illumined our island. We feel it an honour to 
belong to the race which led the van in evangelizing 
and educating the proudest nations of modern Europe ; who 
founded schools and universities where the sacred fire of 
knowledge was guarded with more than vestal care during 
the stormiest periods of Vandal and Gothic barbarism ; who, 
when the lamp of learning was extinguished from the Seine 
to the Tiber, opened the monastic halls of holy Ireland to the 
thousands of students that flocked to her shores. Surely the 
land and the age that produced such men as Columbanus, 
Virgilius, Fridolin, and a host of others equally celebrated, 
are not to be regarded as barbarous. And where in the 
history of any country is there a name more dearly or more 
deservedly cherished than that of the ' Dove of the Church,' 
our own saint Columbkille? No name brings before the 
Irish mind more glorious reminiscences than his ; and 
whether as a stripling in the paternal halls of Kilmacrenan, 
as a youth by the banks of Strangford Lough, in the school 
of St. Finnian, or as the great apostle in the lonely and 
penitential cell of lona, he is ever to us a model of spotless 
purity, of burning fervour, of distinguished wisdom and 
prudence, and of a patriotism that, next to his love of God, 
consumes his very soul. Thirteen centuries have passed 
away since he breathed his last amid his sorrowing monks 
in Hy, and yet is he familiarly spoken of by the Irish people 
in every region, as if he had lived and moved amongst them 
from their childhood. The holy wells, popularly believed to 
have been blessed by him; the stones where he knelt in 
prayer, and left the sacred impress of his knees; the blessings 
or the maledictions uttered by him what are they all but 
mementos fond, though it may be fanciful that a grate- 
ful race has cherished and nursed for generations regarding 
this wonderful man. The tall commanding form, the keen 
and flashing eye, the angelic loveliness of the countenance, the 
rich melodious voice, the copious and impressive eloquence 
which subdued even kings and courts, and swayed the 
destinies of nations yet unborn ; the statesmanlike and 
highly-cultivated mind these have all been familiar to us 


from childhood, and are pictures on which fancy has loved to 
dwell from our earliest years. Nowhere, however, does the 
innate nobleness of his character shine to greater advantage 
than at the Convention of Drnmceat,where, in the presence of 
hostile kings and mutually jealous clans, he pleaded the cause 
of justice, of learning, and of mercy. The princes and the 
rulers of the land were there ; the prelates, and priests, and 
poets had their respective positions in that assembly; various 
feelings and various interests were at work ; but the master- 
hand of the Abbot of Ion a blended into one harmonious 
whole the conflicting interests of the assembled thousands, 
and like another Moses, swayed a people scarcely less 
stubborn, and scarcely less fickle, than the tribes of Israel. 
If war between the Dalriadian colony and the parent country 
were averted, to Columba is the honour due ; if the cause of 
learning in the persons of the poets were preserved from 
destruction, to the apostle of Scotland must the credit be 
given ; and if the fetters of the captive, Scanlan Mor of 
Ossory, were not broken, it was not that the fervid eloquence 
of Columbkille was wanting, but that the heart of Hugh 
was steeled against the inroads of the slightest feelings of 
mercy for his prisoner. 

What good for future generations the wise counsels 
of the saint effected at the Convention we cannot now 
sufficiently appreciate ; but we know that it was the 
salutary regulations there enacted that made the schools 
of Ireland for so many centuries afterwards the light and 
glory of Christendom. To Columba was this mainly due, 
and to him must every son of Ireland, in ages yet to come, 
reverently bow, as the great father and protector of litera- 
ture. Though the schools which sprang into existence 
about that time are now no more ; though Bangor, 
Clonmacnoise, Clonard, Moville, Kells, and Derry, are 
stripped of their ancient glories; though the bards who 
governed the colleges have, like their schools, long since 
passed away ; still the name of him, who pleaded so well 
the cause of master and pupil, is written, and for ever 
shall be indelibly written, on the hearts of the Irish people. 
While the Koe steals down from its distant fountain in 


Glenshane, and mingles its waters with the turbid Foyle; 
while the winter storms beat vainly against the rocky 
battlements of Magilligan, and howl in fury round the 
summit of the Keady ; while returning spring scatters its 
thousand beauties over the broad lands of O'Cahan, and 
restores the buds and blossoms to the widowed forests, so 
long shall the name of Columbkille be handed down with 
benedictions from generation to generation, and the blessings 
that his golden eloquence won for the people at the Parlia- 
ment of Drumceat, be for ever lauded by the patriot, the 
philanthropist, and the scholar. 



'Domine, dilexi, decorem domus tuae.' 

IN the present state of art, and especially ecclesiastical 
art, in this country, we are living in a most remark- 
able period. It may safely be asserted that more churches, 
chapels, parochial and conventual buildings have been 
erected in Ireland during the last fifty years than during any 
corresponding period since the close of the twelfth century. 
On every side we see large edifices, costing great sums of 
money, rising in cities and towns, and even in small country 
villages. It seems now that the moment has come to 
review our progress in ecclesiological art as expressed in 
these buildings of every degree. I use the word ' ecclesio- 
logical ' advisedly, for the knowledge and the practical 
application of ecclesiology seems to me to be not only 
rarely shown, but to be absolutely wanting in the greater 
number of these church buildings, especially in their 
interiors, and what ought to be their essential fittings and 


furniture. The study of ecclesiology, in its applied forms, 
is utterly neglected ; whereas that of archaeology, as a 
popular science, is ardently pursued, whether it relates to 
historical or mediaeval buildings, or to the rude structures 
and labours of pre-historic periods. Every quarter of 
the year produces its own crop of archaeological treatises 
on all sorts and conditions of objects of antiquity, possessing 
either a historic or artistic value at least in the eyes of 
those who write about them. But as far as ecclesiology, 
pure and simple, is concerned, we seldom, if ever, read 
any article of interest or instruction, which might serve 
to guide us in the difficult task of re-edifying and restoring 
all those adjuncts to the services of the Catholic Church, 
which were swept away so ruthlessly during the last three 

No student of our ancient ecclesiastical history can 
enter one of the numerous ruined churches in this land 
without noticing remains of these adjuncts, such as sedilia, 
aumbries, corbels, or holes for the reception and support 
of parcloses or screens, and rood beams, along with 
(in many cases) spacious porches, chancel-crypts, and the 
almost total absence of ' vestries ' from the greater number 
of such antique churches and oratories. In this day of 
building and restoration, I think it highly advisable that 
we should endeavour to get back again those portions 
of the sacred edifices of the Church of which we have 
been so long deprived, without in the least degree impairing 
the usefulness of the buildings as regards the social 
needs of modern life and practice. It will not suffice, 
however, to stop short at the mere fact of restoring the 
buildings; we must try by studying what has been done 
around us in other lands, to recover and take up again the 
golden traditions of good taste which were abandoned in 
the sixteenth century, from two causes : namely, the 
destructive influence of the ' New Learning,' as it was then 
called (somewhat like the ' New Criticism ' of our days), and 
the giving up of Christian models for the Neo-Classical 
forms, which were then being so ardently pursued by the 
talented architects, artists, and designers of the Benaissance. 


In looking at the dire effects ot the powerful wave of 
classicalism which swept over the minds and thoughts 
of European nations, from Italy to the furthest confines 
of the north, and even to the newly-discovered lands of 
America, we now see how many things that were both 
beautiful and true, in harmony with nature, and the genius 
ot the different peoples that produced them, were despised, 
neglected, and laid aside for the revived so-called pagan 
ideals of Greece and Home. I am fully aware that the art 
of the middle ages, in its struggle to obtain supremacy over 
brute matter as in its solving of the complex problems 
involved in the solution of ' vaulting,' and the ' thrust ' of 
vast masses of masonry ran riot in the luxuriance of the 
flamboyant forms of its latter architectural period. Bat 
it had this merit, at least, that it was a glorious contest of 
human intellect against matter, in struggling to attain to 
the perfection of such marvellous creations as we still see 
left in an unfinished state, in such magnificent edifices as 
the cathedrals of Rouen, Chartres, Bourges, Amiens, and 
even our own beautiful specimen of late work in the choir 
of Holy- Cross Abbey, county Tipperary. 1 Now, in spite of 
the terrible stoppages which occurred in all literary or 
artistic works in the country after the close of the fourteenth 
century, and even previous to that time, I consider that 
Irish ecclesiastical art was slowly but gradually advancing 
in the way of progress, on sure and certain lines. I have 
perceived many traces of this progress, even in the smallest 
and least known of the numberless churches and oratories 
which cover the face of our country. Take, for instance, 
one familiar example, amongst many, which occurs to me 
at this moment, in the now ruined and ivy-grown church of 
Kilmolash, in the county Waterford, on the banks of the 

1 In this choir, which was evidently planned by masons thoroughly 
acquainted with the southern European style (having worked in Portugal at 
the Abbey of Batalha, under Bishop William Hackett, of Kilkenny, circa 
A.D. 1465), there is a ' sedilia ' which so dense the ignorance respecting such 
matters has been the subject of violent discussions between Irish archaeologists 
in past years, some asserting that it was a tomb, others that it was not ; all 
seemingly unaware of its being simply the seat for the use of the ministers at 
the altar. 


Finisk river. In this small but interesting edifice I can 
trace the progress of architectural knowledge and taste from 
the close of the sixth up to the beginning of the sixteenth 
century. Herein I have found decided signs of the 
' iconostasis ' cr chancel-screen which separated the sanc- 
tuary from the nave, as in the Greek Church even to the 
present day ; the aumbries, or deep square receptacles in 
the walls near where the altars were placed, and in the 
western fa9ade, there is a late pointed doorway, of which 
the mouldings are of a distinctly flamboyant type, showing 
how the later builders were imbued with the taste then 
prevailing in the rest of Europe. I could multiply such 
instances. 1 My reason for now citing this one, is to 
demonstrate how the Irish ecclesiologists and architects 
of that day were progressing towards a style which, if it 
had not been rudely interrupted by civil and religious 
warfare, would have led to a development of architecture 
in Ireland, destined to produce works that would have 
been, doubtless, a glory to their country. 

For, I believe firmly, as the Irish were distinguished not 
only as illuminators of manuscripts, and workers in metal, 
but also as builders as witness Cormac's chapel at 
Cashel, Kilmalkedar, Aghadoe, and Tuam long previous to 
the Norman invasion, so by their Celtic quickness of intellect 
and their intuitive faculty, especially in the domain of art, 
they would have attained a high degree of perfection in 
constructive and decorative work of every description. 
Many persons object to this theory, that all such artistic 
forms as are shown in the buildings that I have mentioned, 
have been importations from Byzantine and other foreign 
sources. Still, admitting that our Irish types had been, in 
a great measure, derived from such extraneous sources, I 
assert that the Celtic mind had modified, in a most remark- 
able degree, the leading characteristics of such imported 
models, so as to make them ' racy of the soil,' and full of 

1 There is a charming specimen of late work, most probably design*, d and 
erected by Bishop Hackett, in the shape of a small pointed arched doorway, 
carved in limestone, with profiles admirably adapted to the material, now 
standing in the outer wall of Kilkenny cathedral. 


that quaint beauty which displays itself, to the admiration 
of civilized Europe, in the graceful curves of its manuscripts 
and of its goldsmiths' works. 

In submitting these preliminary remarks to the readers 
of the I. E. EECOED, I am desirous of reviving in Ireland, 
and especially amongst the clergy and educated laity, the 
spirit of research into the past artistic story of our old 
churches, leaving aside for the moment their purely historic 
and archaeological aspects ; and seeing whether we, in this 
day of revival, cannot take hold again of the golden cord of 
artistic tradition and of Catholic ritual in its fulness, which 
may lead us through the chaotic labyrinth of the mis- 
named in so many cases ecclesiastical art of the present 
day in our land. 

Instead of the depressing silence which now broods 
over all such studies in this country, I wish to see intelligent 
criticism evoked and used fearlessly and pitilessly as regards 
all the buildings, furniture, and other objects employed in 
the services of the Church. Public interest must be 
awakened to the absolute necessity of restoring the art 
forms which were thrown aside at an unfortunate period, 
and which drifted away from men's memories, during 
the dark days of wars, rebellions, and penal laws which 
so long prevailed in this unhappy island. We see our 
neighbours, in England as well as in Belgium, fully 
awake to the consciousness that the ' talking about,' 
and the ' writing on ' ecclesiology, as a sort of pseudo- 
science, does not avail much in a practical way in these 
practical days ; but that the results of the investigations 
and the knowledge acquired during this last half century, 
must be brought to bear on artistic productions, for the use 
of the Church in our times. 

We are too near the twentieth century to be any 
longer producing merely ' correct ' copies of ' correct ' 
churches and cathedrals, a la Pugin type. Without 
pursuing the ' Will-o'-the-Wisp ' idea of a bran-new 
architectural style, our English and Belgian ecclesiological 
friends are beginning to discover by degrees that a real 
architectural style is being developed out of the elements of 
VOL. in. x 


preceding centuries, which show that it is a worthy product 
of these latter days, and is admirably adapted to the needs 
of the present time, as we see in the works of learned 
ecclesiologists, such as the late John Sedding, Pearson, 
Bodely, Caroe, Delacenserie, Bethune, and many more of the 
band of gallant workers who with hand and brain, pencil and 
pen, hammer and chisel, are delivering us from the thraldom 
of the cold, cast-iron forms, and inept traditions which still 
prevail throughout Ireland, in all their ' out-of-date,' and 
painfully ' correct ' reproductions of the thirteenth century 
Cistercian churches, and Hiberno-Lombardic chapels, mostly 
all derived from French sources, without the slightest attempt 
to show that the buildings belong to the present day, and 
are not merely clever archgeological puzzles, to be both 
wondered and smiled at by succeeding generations of 
educated Irish people. 

I shall endeavour, if I receive the hospitality of the pages 
of the I. E. RECORD, to show what a pressing need there is for 
a diffusion of ecclesiological knowledge among the clergy and 
laity of Ireland, and especially for the practical teaching of 
such knowledge in colleges and seminaries, as has been 
organized for more than thirty years past by the well-known 
Professor Reusens, in the Catholic University of Louvain, 
of which course a most admirable resume has lately been 





fT! HE storms that swept over the Irish Church in the 
J_ course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries should, 
humanly speaking, have destroyed every vestige of the ancient 
faith in the land. Bishops were proscribed and banished, 
priests were hunted, altars overthrown, and on their ruins 
another cultus had been raised which, in any other country, 
might have become in popular esteem the national religion. 
There seemed no hope left for the faith of our fathers. The 
prelates were gone ; the ministry of the priests who stayed 
with their stricken flocks was accomplished only at the cost 
of a heroism which could never be the normal condition of 
any Church ; and for the future there appeared but little 
chance that with the years better things might come. Irish 
politics at this juncture had become hopelessly Anglicized, 
and the fortunes of the country no longer rested on ' native 
swords and native ranks,' but found their only support in the 
precarious honour of a royal house which certainly does not 
live in history for its fealty to principle or friends. So that 
the actual state of the Church in Ireland, bad as it was, yet 
might have issued in a condition of things still worse, if some 
plan had not been found to fill up the decimated ranks of the 
clergy by others who were able to hand on unquenched to 
another generation the flickering lamp of the national faith. 
In point of fact, this work was done, and well done ; and 
nothing in our annals more splendidly attests the superb 
tenacity of the national conscience to the Catholic faith 
than the army of youths who for over a hundred years had 
sought in foreign lands the training and the learning needed 
in every age for those who should bear the burden of the 
Christian priesthood. They left home at a tender age, ran 
all the risks of travel by sea and land, at that time infested 
by the enemies of their mission abroad ; and all this that 
they might be buried, in the flower of their age, in an 


obscure corner of some foreign city, and so grow worthy of 
their future work, whose highest crown would be martyr- 
dom, and which, in any event, was sure to be accompanied 
in its course by every species of privation and suffering. I 
think this picture has no counterpart in history, and enough 
has scarcely been done to put it in its right relief before the 
students of our national annals. Travelling was not then 
the luxury it has since become ; the mystery of time and 
distance had not then been solved as it has been for us ; and 
the weary vigils of our scholars abroad, in the eighteenth 
century, had little of the solace which very easily comes to 
modern exiles. They were cut off absolutely from their 
people, and every day might easily have imagined that ruin 
had, at length, reached their homes through the incidence 
of the incessant wars and persecutions of the time. This 
alone must have been a terrible accompaniment to the years 
of study and prayer which should elapse before they too 
might take part in the struggle, and taste all the bitter 
fortunes of war. One cannot imagine any human motive 
for this voluntary torture. It could not be love of letters, 
for these might be had at home at a certain price ; nor mere 
love of country, for this would hardly place them in a 
position so little likely to further state interests ; so that we 
are compelled to hold that perfect loyalty to God and His 
Church alone explains the generous sacrifice of home, and 
youth, and pleasure made by so many Irishmen in the past, 
in order that they might prepare their hearts and minds for 
the duty of ministering, in dark and evil days, to the 
spiritual needs of their suffering -country. 

It renders the history of the Irish exiles in Brittany still 
more interesting, and fully typical of the times, that a 
seminary for their use was established at Nantes, whose 
constitutions and various fortunes can be fully followed 
from its earliest moments to its final close. It will be the 
scope of this chapter to deal with this foundation, and, 
happily, I have under my hands the documents necessary to 
sustain the narrative. 

I had not been in Nantes but one day when I heard of the 
Rue des Irlandais, and of the buildings that still evidence 


the presence of our countrymen in the city. This fact first 
suggested to me the idea of compiling these notes, and 
awakened my interest in gathering the details of the Irish 
colony here. The site of the seminary is still occupied by 
a noble pile of buildings, some of which were in actual 
possession of the exiles, while others have been since added, 
and now serve for municipal uses. What remains of the 
older buildings is marked by a very beautiful, if severe, style 
of architecture, and the halls and refectory witness to the 
elaborate scale of the foundation. The new section is a 
superb structure, crowned by a square tower, which goes by 
the name of ' La Tour des Irlandais,' and admirably serves 
to perpetuate the memory of those whose residence there gave 
a peculiar mark to the neighbourhood. It is of interest to 
know that the Irish museum, now kept in another part of 
the city, will eventually rest within these buildings, and 
so permanently unite all the evidence which proves the 
presence of Irish footsteps in the historic strata of Nantes. 

The first form of this foundation was rather that of an 
hospice than of a seminary. The necessity for such an 
institution arose from the peculiar circumstances which 
arose towards the close of the seventeenth century, when 
Nantes was crowded by numbers of Irish ecclesiastics, 
without employment and without means. In the course of 
time some were enabled to undertake ministerial functions, 
and became more or less incorporated with the diocesan 
clergy ; others, however, were not so happily circumstanced, 
and became a source of anxiety to the authorities. It is 
said that some of them laid aside the ecclesiastical dress, 
and sought their livelihood in purely secular pursuits. I 
have no means to determine what proportion of the exiled 
priests fell so far below the level of their state of life, but I 
believe it cannot have been very large. The greater number 
either assisted the local clergy or else opened schools, and 
so solved the most urgent problem of life. It is said that 
these schools were not notably successful. They had often 
to open their doors to students who had been rejected from 
other academies, and this element did not raise the tone 
either of study or discipline. At length the disorder became 


so extreme that the University 1 intervened, and revoked the 
licence for teaching, so that the exiles were once more with- 
out occupation, and the diocese face to face with the problem 
of making provision for their needs. At this crisis the 
authorities determined that the best and only means of 
meeting the difficulties of the situation was the establish- 
ment of a hospice, where the Irish priests might enjoy the 
security of community life, and where responsible superiors 
could exact discipline, and enforce a rule whose sanction 
would be immediate and personal. 

This community was founded by the Rev. Dr. Ambrose 
Madden, of the diocese of Clonfert, and the Eev. Dr. Edward 
Flannery, of Waterford. 2 Its first quarters were in the Rue 
de la Paume, now the Rue du Chapeau-Rouge, 3 and here the 
society remained for about five years. The date of the 
foundation was about 1689, when the Irish element was 
very strong in the city owing to the arrival of the Jacobites, 
who sought in great numbers asj'lum in France after the 
defeat of their cause. Their stay in this place extended 
over five years, and as far as I can gather was not marked 
by any incident of note. At the close of this period an 
opportunity of better quarters was given them by the vaca- 
tion of the Manoir de la Touche by the religious congregation 
who had been some time in residence there, and to this 
noble residence the exiles passed in 1694. This good fortune 
came to them through the generosity of the Bishop of 
Nantes, Monseigneur Gilles de Beauveau, who showed 
himself peculiarly favourable to our countrymen. Their 
new bouse was a place of distinguished souvenirs, and had 
been occupied by the dukes of Brittany. 4 Later on it 
served as the episcopal palace 5 for a lengthened period. Its 
position is one of the best in the city, as it is high up the 
slope from the river on which the city is mainly built, and 
it touches the very heart of the most populous quarters. A 

1 Instruct ion publique. Par L. Maitre, p. 167. 

2 Sir James Ware, Antiquities, vol. ii., p. 255. 

* Guimar, Annales, p. 476 . 

* Jean v y etait mort, le mercredi 29 aout, 1442, Ogee. Diet, de Bretngne. 
* Archives du Chapitre. 


fine garden is attached to the property, and this rendered it 
still more suitable for the purposes of a seminary. There is 
no question that if the city was searched, even now, a more 
desirable site could hardly be found ; and so the exiles had 
one more solid reason to bless the generosity of their 
princely benefactors. 

The contract between the Irish priests and the bishop 
was signed on May 5, 1695 ; but the consent of the Chapter 
was not given until January 23, 1697. The document in 
which the canons consented to the transfer is worth giving 
here, as it shows quite a sharp business spirit, and clearly 
describes the condition of the property : 

Messieurs Barrin, chantre, et Daniel, tous deux chanoines, 
deputes pour voir les batiments de la maison du bois de la Touche, 
et les espaces de terre que Mons. 1'Eveque de Nantes a affeages a 
la communante des prestres hibernois, etablie en cette ville, 
ont fait rapport que par 1'information qu'ils ont fait, sur les lieux, 
ils ont connu que lesdites choses affeages ne valloient de revenu 
annuel que la somme de cent cinquante livres portee par 1'acte 
d'affeagement, que lesdits prestres hibernois se sont oblig6 de 
payer, par an, de rente feodale. Outre que les batiments sont 
sujets a de grosses reparations qui en doivent notablement dimi- 
nuer le prix, desquelles ladite communante les doit entretenir ; 
mesme y pourra faire des augmentations ; qu'ainsi ledit affeage- 
ment est profitable audit Seigneur Evesque et a ses successeurs. 

Apres quoy, le chapitre deliberant a consenti pour son interest 
que ledit afleagement subsiste en la forme et teneur de 1'acte 
rapporte par Pesneau et Alexandre, Notaires Koyaux, le 5 e Mars, 

Mercredy, 23 Janvier, 1697. 1 

The work of reparation was at once begun, and such 
disposition of the manoir was made as rendered it suitable 
to its new occupants. Sir James Ware 2 tells us that the 
chapel was restored, and gives as a particular fact, that a 
statue of St. Gabriel, to whom it was dedicated, was placed 
over the high altar. He further states, that the archangel 
was represented with his wings outspread over the figure of 
a youth ; and in this we may see the symbol of the objects 
of the foundation. 

1 Archives du Chapitre de Nantes. 
-Antiquities, vol. ii. ( p. 255. 


Such was the material structure that should give asylum 
to the outcast priests. One should have said that those for 
whom it was established would have taken the shortest 
route to its hospitable doors, and eagerly entered into the 
possession of a calm and regular life. Will it be believed 
that it turned out quite otherwise? The house was open 
and ready, but the guests were in no haste to come. Some, 
whose love of study and observance made a life of routine 
and work a source of delight, eagerly accepted the proffered 
hospitality ; but they were comparatively few. The greater 
number, who were probably among those who had felt ' the 
weight of too much liberty,' were in no haste to narrow 
themselves to this ' scanty plot of ground,' and, resisting all 
ordinances and inducements, somehow managed to continue 
a life which must have been, at times, a heavy burden to 
carry. Owing to these causes the hospice had at first but 
little success, and a quarter of a century had passed before 
the community could be said to be seriously established. 
This was at last effected through the vigorous action of the 
bishop, who put an end to what seems to have been a period 
of license and disorder by the issue, in 1725, of the following 
ordinance : 

Christopher-Louis Turpin Crisse de Sausay par le misericorde 
le Dieu . . . :\ tous les Doyens, Eecteurs, Cures ou Vicaires de 
notre diocese, Salut et Benediction. 

II nous a ete represented que plusieurs pretres et ecclesiastiques 
Irlandois, ne demeurent pas dans la communaute qui a ete etablie 
pour les former aux fonctions de leur ministere ; et se privent 
ainsi des avantages que nos Predecesseurs ont eu dessein de leur 
procurer par un si sage erection ; et que, par une suite comme 
necessaire, ils se trouvent exposes a tous les dangers qui sont 
inseparables de la dissipation et de 1'oisivete. 

C'est pour y remedier efficacement que nous avons resolu de 
les rassembler en communante, et que nous allons incessamment 
donner nos ordres pour 1'arrangement de la maison qui leur est 
destines et leur procurer une honnete subsistance. Nous esperons 
que la p iet des Eideles qui vous aident si liberalement dans les 
autres osuvres de charite, nous secondera dans celle-ci, d'autant 
plus volontiers qu'il ne s'agit pas seulement de pourvoir aux 
besoins des ministres de Jesus-Christ, mais encore a ceux de 
1'eglise ; puisque ces Pretres instruits par nos soins des devoirs 
de leur etat et affermis dans les pratiques, les maximes et les 


principes de notre sainte religion, seront en etat, lorsqu'ils sont 
rapelles dans leur Patrie d'y confirmer dans la foi ceux de leurs 
Freres qui ont ete assez heureux pour la conserver dans sa 
purete ; et de faire rentrer dans le sein de 1'eglise Eomaine ceux 
que ,le schisme et l'H6resie en ont retranche.t 
A ces causes Nous ordonnons. 

1. A tous les Pretres et Ecclesiastiques Seculiers Irlandois 
qui sont, on qui seront dans la suite, dans notre diocese de ne 
faire leur demeure ailleurs que dans la maison que leur est des- 
tinee et s'y retirer au plus tard au premier Janvier prochain. 

2. Leur defendons, sous peine de suspense encourue par le 
seul f ait, de dire la Messe dans notre diocese ni d'exercer aucunes 
fonctions de leurs ordres, ledit jour passe, sans une permission 
par ecrit de nous, ou de nos Grands-Vicaires. 

3. Declarons que nous n'accorderons ladite permission qu'a 
ceux qui demeureront dans ladite communaute et qui nous rapor- 
teront un certificat de capacite et de bonne conduite du Prefet 
que nous avons etabli pour le Gouverner ; lequel nous chargeons 
de faire observer le re'glement que nous avons dresse pour le bon 
ordre de cette maison, sans qu'il lui soit permis d'y rien changer 
que de notre consentement. 

4. Voulons que les permissions que Nous leur accorderons 
pour dire la Messe dans la chapelle dite de Bon-Secours ou autres 
eglises ou chapelles de notre Diocese, ne puisse valoir que pour 
six mois ; lequel temps expire leur defendons sous les memes 
peines de suspense ipso facto de s'en servir, qu'ils n'en ayent 
obtenude Nous la renovation, en Nous representant une nouvelle 
attestation du Prefet. 

5. Leur defendons de quitter ladite communaute pour servir 
dans les paroisses ou chapelles domestiques sans une permission 
par ecrit dudit Prefet, qui ne s'accordera que rarement et pour un 
mois tout au plus. 

From the three following sections of this severe regula- 
tion we learn that other foreign ecclesiastics lived in Nantes 
at this period, for whom special ordinances had also to be 
made. As their affairs do not come within our scope, we 
pass on to the paragraphs that affect the affairs of our 
people : 

9. Kevoquons toutes les permissions de dire la Messe qui 
auroient ete ci-devant accordees ausdits Pretres Irlandois, ou 
autres etrangers et leur defendons sous les memes peines de s'en 
servir, ledit terme premier Janvier expire. 

1 From this passage it is evident that the foundation was essentially a 
seminary where provision was made for the training of Irish missionaries for 
home work. 


10. A 1'egard des Pretres etrangers, meme les Irlandois qui 
viendront a 1'avenir dans notre Diocese, nous accordons huit jours 
u ceux qui ne retireront pas 1'honoraire de leur Messe, pendant 
lequel temps ils pourront dire la Messe dans notre Diocese ; et le 
sudit terme expire, leur defendons, sous la meme peine de la 
cele'brer, sans notre permission ou celle de nos Grands- 

11. Nous n'entendons neanmoins comprendre dans notre 
presente ordonnance, les Pretres Etrangers, meme les Irlandois 
qui auroient quelque titre ecclesiastique dans notre Diocese, ou 
quelque emploi, approuve de nous ou qui demeureroient dans 
Notre Grand et petit Seminaire. 

Enjoignons i\ Notre Promoteur de tenir la main a 1'execution 
de notre presente Ordonnance que nous voulons etre lue et 
publie'e aux Prones des Paroisses et affichee daus les Sacristies, 
et partout ou besoin sera, afin que personne n'en ignore. 

Donne a Nantes, dans notre Palais Episcopal, ce 29 Novembre 


Par Em. de Mgr. : 

M. BBULE, pretre, Ch. Sec. 1 

We are assured that this ordinance was carried out in all 
its [details by the authorities of the diocese. First of all, 
the building was set in order, and rendered suitable for the 
reception of a large number of occupants. The resources 
needed for this work were, no doubt, in some degree, supplied 
by the generosity of the faithful, to whom the bishop had 
made such a strong appeal ; but in some measure, at least, 
the expenses were also defrayed by funds in the possession 
of the exiles themselves, as we find testified in a contempo- 
rary document. 2 In 1727-1728 new buildings were added, 
and the whole seemed a large and commodious establish- 
ment. We are told that the seminary contained a common- 
room, lecture-rooms for the classes in theology and philo- 
sophy, a refectory, with ten tables ; four apartments for 
the professors, and seventy-two cells for the students. 

1 Statitts et ord. de Mgr. Tttrpin, I74o. p. 14o. 

2 Decf. liens du Cler/je, n. 7, Nantes. 


From this it will be seen that, at length, the Irish 
seminary in Nantes was well under way and satisfactorily 
equipped, at least materially, for its beneficent and patriotic 

The years immediately following were not marked by 
any incident of note ; indeed, they have left, so far as I can 
gather, absolutely no trace of themselves upon the records 
of the time. This, however, should not occasion surprise ; 
as the very nature of the foundation, in its initial stages, 
should lead us to expect a very quiet and hum-drum 
character in all its affairs. It was simply a rendezvous for 
the poor exiled priests, whose principal concern must have 
been to find the means to sustain themselves in their new 
home. It would be unreasonable to look for intellectual 
output from such a society of worn-out veterans, whose 
enthusiasm for study and literary pursuits can hardly have 
survived the stress of the careers they had hitherto been 
forced to follow. The fact is that no work of any kind 
remains to give a clue to their character or talents ; there is 
no list even of those who came into residence after the 
bishop's mandate ; and for twenty years absolute silence 
broods over the history of the place. 

Towards the year 1745 the Annuaire of the diocese 
begins to give evidence of the presence of Irish priests in 
Nantes. In the list of university doctors there occurs, in 
that year, the unmistakable Irish patronymic, Donnellan, 
which appears again in 1748. In 1751 he is mentioned 
among the officials of the diocese as Promoter and Doctor 
in the Faculty of Theology, and with him the singular 
name of Hargadane (?), who is credited with being Vicar- 
General of Tuam, in Ireland. In this year also I find the 
name Mac-hugo, who is given as belonging to the Irish 
foundation. In 1752 these three names again occur. In 1755 
the superior of the Irish foundation is given as M. O'Byrne, 
Doctor of the University, and with him the above-named 
Hargadane and Mac-hugo. This community remained 
unchanged for four years, when the name Salver is added, 
with the quality of Professor of the Faculty of the 
seminary. These officials continued in office during 1760, 


1761-1764, but in 1765 Salver was withdrawn. In 1760 
the names are given in this order : 

Sup. M. DANIEL 0' BYRNE, University Doctor. 
M. DOYHEMIARD (?), Treasurer of the Cathedral, Protonotary 

Univ. Docteurs : MAC-HUGO. 

This year marks an epoch in the annals of the house, 
and deserves special mention, for within it was conceded 
the charter by which the foundation became a seminary, 
and was entitled by law to receive students for the Irish 
mission. The royal letters by which this favour were con- 
ceded were granted at the prayer of Father Daniel Byrne, 
who had been superior from 1755. It would appear from 
this interesting document that a strong community was for 
some time in residence at the Manoir de la Touche, and 
that the immediate reason for demanding the legal status of 
a seminary was the distance of the house from the diocesan 
seminary, where evidently studies had hitherto been pursued, 
and the consequent necessity of having a teaching faculty in 
residence. It would further seem that the corporate capacity 
of the institution had not had complete legal acceptance, 
and needed a royal charter to have the legal right to accept 
legacies and donations. All these favours were granted by 
the King, in letters dated 1765, and given at Fontainbleau 
in the fifty-first year of his reign. It would serve no useful 
purpose to cite them at their full length ; but some extracts 
may be of interest, as they illustrate the position of the 
seminary, and also give us an idea of how such things were 
done in the France of that day. 

The opening sentence puts us au courant with the state 
of the seminary at that time : 

Louis, par le grace de Dieu, roy de France et de Navarre, a 
tous presens et a venir, salut : notre trer cher et bien-aime le 
pere Daniel Byrne prestre superieur du Seminaire irlandais de la 
ville de Nantes nous a fait representer que le feu roy, Louis XIV. 
notre tres-honore seiyneur et bis aieul aurait autorise 1'etablisse- 
ment des prestres irlandais dans plusieurs villes de notre royaume 
et leur avait donne des maisons et differents bien fonds pour 


pouvoir s'y soutenir ; que plusieurs prestres de la meme maison 
persecutes dans leur parrie a cause de la religion Catholique se 
seraient refugies a Nantes en 1'annee 1695 et eauraient ete recus 
par les, evesques de cette ville dans une maison nommee bois de la 
Touche et dependente de 1'eveche de Nantes, que ladite maison 
ou ces prestres ont vecu dabord en communaute a ete erigee 
eusuite en seminaire ou ils sont actuellement pres de soixante ; que 
leurs principales fonctions consistent dans la desserte de plusieurs 
paroisses ou ils exercent avec beaucoup de zele les fonctions du 
St. Ministere ; qu'ils sont encore employes en qualite d'aumoniers 
dans les hospitaux, sur nos vaisseaux, sur ceux de la compagnie 
des Indes, et sur les navires marchands ; mais comme leur etab- 
lissement n'a pas ete par nous encore autorise et par cette raison 
il n'a pu jusqu'ji present estre pourvu a sa dotation, 1'exposant 
nous a fait tres humblement fait supplier de vouloir bien approuver 
et confirmer par lettres patentes ledit seminaire, ensemble de lui 
permettre de recevoir et d'acquerir par dons, legs et donatives, etc. 

From this it would appear that the authorization 
hitherto given was purely local, and came altogether from 
the bishops of Nantes. It would also seem to follow, from 
the words cited, that the students and priests came to 
France, not with the intention of returning home after their 
ordination, but with the purpose of permanently settling 
down in the ministry abroad. This is a point worth noting, 
especially in reference to the further disposition now made 
by the King, and more clearly still stated by the local 
authorities. The letter goes .on to say : 

(Nous) Permettons en outre au dit sieur evesque de Nantes de 
faire del reglement qu'il jugera convenable tant pour le spirituel 
que pour le temporel dudit seminaire ou la philosophic de meme 
que la theologie pourra estre enseignee par des professeurs de la 
nation irlandaise, accordons a cet effet aux etudiants la faculte de 
prendre leurs degres dans 1'universite de Nantes en subissant les 
examens et soutenant les theses ordinaires, sans toutefois que 
nos presentes lettres puissent prejudicier ou porter atteinte aux 
droits des evesques de Nantes et a ceux de Tuniversite de la dite 

From these passages we may gather that the national 
character of the foundation became more emphasized, as it 
is laid down as a condition that the professors be of Irish 
birth, in view evidently of the real scope of the College, 
which was to prepare priests for the work of the sanctuary 


in Ireland. By this document, too, we learn that the juris- 
diction of the Bishops of Nantes was supreme in the 
community, and consequently to them we must trace the 
selection of the superiors and the appointment of the staff. 
In this the seminary differed from all such establishments 
now in existence, whose affairs, I believe, are invariably 
directed by the hierarchy at home. 

Before the privileges conceded by the King could be 
actually enjoyed, the letters patent had to be submitted to 
the local authorities ; the permission of the University had 
to be obtained for the institution of the new teaching 
faculty ; and ultimately the Breton Parliament had to 
sanction the whole proceeding. From the action of the 
University authorities we can see how extensive their powers 
were. They would seem to have not alone the right to rule 
their institute proper, but to have had territorial jurisdiction 
with respect to all educational work. They took the question 
of the Irish seminary into consideration at a meeting held 
in Nantes, on May 20, 1766, and laid down with great preci- 
sion the conditions which should qualify the powers granted 
by the royal authority. First of all, they lay down that no 
derogation of the rights of their corporation can be per- 
mitted, for to them, they hold, ' the care and supervision of 
studies have been confided by the laws of Church and 
State.' 1 Then they proceed to determine exactly the 
character and nationality of those who should be members 
of the new school, and accord the right of affiliation only 
to students of Irish birth who wish to prepare for the Irish 
mission, and who are bound to return home on the comple- 
tion of their studies. 2 For such they permit that 

The school which is to be established in the community of 
Irish priests, situated in the parish of St. Nicholas, in the city of 

*Sans qu'il soil neanmoins porte aucune atteinte aux droits de ladite 
universite a qui le soin et 1'inspection des etudes sont speciallement confiees 
par les loin de I'eglise et de 1'etat. (Registres des deliberations de F university dc 

2 L 1 universite voulant, d'un costs, procurer aux prestres Irlandais la 
facultd de s'instruire et de s'acquerir les connoisances qui puissent les mettre 
en etat de travailles dans la suite au progres de la religion catholique dans leur 
patrie en laquelle ils sont tenus de retourncr aussi tost apres leurs etudes 
(Registres des deliberations de Funiversite de Mantes, 20 Mai, 1766.) 


Nantes, should become a school of the University, with the view 
of granting to the students of philosophy and theology the right 
of taking the degrees of the University. 1 

These concessions were, however, qualified by the 
following conditions, which go to show how rigid was the 
supervision of schools at this period, and how jealous the 
corporations of the learned were of giving others any part 
in their prerogatives. The extract is, I fear, somewhat 
long, but it will interest all who are concerned with the 
history of educational methods. 

In the University registers already quoted I find the 
following regulations : 

A I'effet que les etudians de ladite ecole tant de philosophic 
que de theologie puissent prendre des grades dans ladite universite 
aux conditions suivantes : 


Ladite ecole tant de philosophic que de theologie ne sera que 
pour les seuls ecclesiastiques venus d'Irlande et des isles Britani- 
ques en France pour y faire leurs etudes et demeurant dans ladite 
communaute sans qu' aucuns externes de quelque pays, nom ou 
qualite qu'ils soient, meme Irlandais, puissent prendre des lemons 
dans ladite ecole. 


Leurs deux professeurs de philosophie et' de theologie de la 
dite ecole se feront recevoir maitres es arts, en subissant les 
examens ordinaires avant de commencer leurs lecons, et ils presen- 
teront leurs lettres de maitres es arts et leurs mandements de 
professeurs a la faculte des arts que le doyen fera assembler a 
cet effet, indiquant aux dits professeurs le jour et 1'heure de 
ladite assemblee. 


Les professeurs de theologie qui ne peuvent pas etre plus de 
deux a la fois seront au moins Bacheliers en theologie avant de 
commencer le cours de leurs leQons ; ils seront tenus en outre de 
prendre le bonnet de docteur en theologie dans ladite universite 
au moins dans 1'espace de trois annees, en sontenant les theses et 
autres actes que les bacheliers ordinaires sont obligees de soutenir 
sans que leurs qualites de professeurs puissent les en exempter ; 
et ils presenteront a la faculte de theologie la mandement qu'ils 
auront eu de leur superieur pour professor suivant 1'usage des 
autres professeurs de theologie. 

1 Eegistres des deliberations de ^universite de Nantes, 



Les dits professeurs de philosophie et de theologie commence- 
ront leurs cours de Ie9ons a 1'ouverture des ecoles de 1'universite 
et ils ne finiront pas avant la cloture des cours academiques de 
ladite universite ; les dits professeurs donneront aux sindics des 
facultes de philosophie et de theologie a 1'ouverture des ecoles les 
noms de leurs ecoliers, 


Les dits professeurs de theologie et de philosophie auront soin 
de faire soutenir, chaque annee au moins, a quelq'un de leurs 
ecoliers des actes et theses publiques en leur maison et commu- 
naute ; et ils seront tenus de faire examiner et indiquer leurs 
theses encore bien qu'elles ne soient pas destinees a 1'impres- 
sion, scavoir, les theses de philosophie par le sindic de la faculte 
des arts et leurs theses de theologie par le sindic de la faculte 
de theologie, suivant 1'usage et 1'arrest de la cour du vingt-deux 
aoust mil sept cent cinquante neuf ; et les professeurs avant de 
soutenir se presenteront devant le Eecteur de 1'universite pour 
qu'il leur prescrive le jour et heure convenable des theses, 
afin que le dit sieur Becteur y assiste si bon lui semble conforme- 
ment audit arrest ; les dits actes et theses s'ils sont imprimes 
le seront par Fimprimeur de 1'universite. 


A chaque prima mensis d'aoust les dits professeurs se presen- 
teront a la faculte de theologie suivant 1'usage des autres profes- 
seurs pour lui indiquer les traittes qu'ils se proposeront de donner 
a leurs ecoliers dans le cour de 1'annee suivante, et la faculte 
veillera a ce qu'ils enseignent a leurs dits ecoliers les traittes et 
matieres les plus utilles et les plus convenables ; et pour qui^est 
de la philosophie les professeurs enseigneront a leurs ecoliers les 
differentes parties de la philosophie suivant 1'usage dans le cours 
des deux annees. 


Les dits professeurs de theologie enseigneront a leurs ecoliers 
les quatre propositions du clerge de France de mil six cent quatre 
vingt deux et les leur feront soutenir dans les theses suivant que les 
matieres les demanderont, et ceux de leurs e'coliers qui voudront 
prendre des grades en la faculte de theologie seront de soutenir 
obliges leurs actes pour les dits grades dans la salle ordinaire de la 
faculte. 1 

1 This article shows what a high price our students paid for the privileges 
accorded to them. We may easily imagine that the sturdy Irish faith of many 
of them revolted against the doctrine they found themselves forced to defend. 
This article is of further interest to those who study the history and develop- 
ment of theology in the Irish Church, and gives a clue to some peculiar 
opinions held by some Irish Churchmen far into the course of the present 



Les ecoliers qui apres leurs cours de philosophie voudront se 
faire receiver maitres es arts se presenteront a la faculte des arts 
pour estre examines comme le|sont les etudiants de la philo- 
sophie, apres quoi ils assisteront a 1'inauguration solennelle de la 
Magdeleine pour y recevoir le bonnet de maitre es art suivant 


En quelque nombre que soient les docteurs Irlandais Anglais 
ou Ecossais en la faculte de theologie, il ny aura jamais que les 
deux professeurs en theologie et exerceant actuellement et recus 
docteurs, comme il est dit cy dessus, a avoir voix et suffrage dans 
les assemblies et actes tant de la facults que de I'universit6 sans 
qu'ils puissent estre supplies ; et quand aux assemblies de 1'uni- 
versite qui seront de ceremonies publiques, les autres docteurs 
pourrent y assister sans pouvoir deliberer ayant ete resus gratis. 


Les gradues et docteurs Irlandais se conformeront au surplus 
a tous les reglemens de 1'universite et des facultes cy devant faits 
a leur regard en ce qui ne se trouvera point du contraire aux 
presentes conditions notament au sujet du decanat et rectorat. 

II a encore ete arreste et enonce par Monsieur le Eecteur 
qu'une copie de la presente sera delivree au Sieur O'Byrne et 
une autre envoyee a Monsieur le Procureur General du parle- 
ment et que les lettres patentes, arrest de la cour et requeste 
dont il s'agist seront enregistrees sur le livre des deliberations 
pour y avoir recours au besoin. 


BONNAMY, Pr. General. 

Such were the constitutions of this university college of 
the eighteenth century, and no one can doubt the ability 
and precision with which they were framed. They were at 
once accepted by the Parliament, which added scarcely a 
word to them, except to emphasize still more that the 
foundation was for Irish students, and no others, and that 
its sole raison d'etre was the preparation of priests for the 
mission in Ireland, whither they were bound to return on 
the completion of their college course. They repeat the 
order of the University with respect to the local colour of 
the theology to be taught in the new seminary, and they 
ordain that nothing be taught ' de contraire aux libertes de 

VOL. III. * 


1'eglise Gallicane, surtout a la declaration de 1682.' l They 
further confirmed a clause in the royal letters by which 
the Irish Seminary was entitled to receive donations and 
bequests, and they agreed also to the suppression of the 
priory of St. Crispin, in the diocese of Nantes, which was 
held by the president as a personal appanage, but which 
henceforward was to belong to the Seminary in its corpo- 
rate capacity. All these facts and privileges were registered in 
the Bureau of the Breton Parliament, on 14th August, 1766. 2 
Having given at such length the conditions of studies 
and tenure of the Seminary, we may now resume the annals 
of the house. In 1767 the personnel remained unchanged, 
except that a new member joined the faculty as professor. 
His name is given as Dr. Picamilli, which certainly does 
not savour of Ireland. There was then no change until 
1769, when Dr. O'Donoghue came into residence. This 
community continues until 1777, when the Annuaire gives 
the list of priests as follows : 

Superior, M. DANIEL O'BYKNB. 
Univ. Docteurs : MAcHuoo en Irlande. 


O'FALON Professeur de faculte aux Irlandais. 
O'FuNN Professeur de Philosophic aux Irian- 

In 1778 we find Father O'Falon absent, and in 1779 
Father O'Connor comes into view. In 1780 the position of 
president is marked vacat, and here Father Daniel O'Byrne 
falls out of the annals of the place ; for on December 18, 
1778, I find the following record : 

V. et D. O'Byrne, pretre superieur du Seminaire des Irlandais 
de Nantes oii il est mort. 

I am sorry I cannot give any particulars of the birth or 
lineage of this distinguished man. The details concerning 
his personal character can only be deduced from the public 

1 Archives Curieuses de la Vilk de Nantes. Par F. J. Verger, tome iii., 
p. 242. 

2 Jieyistres dc la Chambre des Comptes de Bretagne. 


acts associated with his name. That he was a man of 
ability is evidenced by his academic distinction, and his tact 
and energy are clearly shown by his success in the difficult 
work of obtaining tha royal charter for his college. I should 
be glad to fix the diocese that gave the Irish exiles in 
Brittany such a distinguished leader ; but the absolute 
dearth of evidence hinders me giving any opinion which 
would avail more than the merest conjecture in settling the 
question. Perhaps some documents may be found in Ireland 
that can throw some light upon his early days; but I am safe in 
saying there are none such in Nantes. I cannot even 
determine the place of his burial, and must be content to 
breathe a prayer that he may rest well in his nameless 
foreign grave. 

The members of the community for 1780 are given in 
this form in the Annuaire : 

(Super, (vacat) 

Univ. Docteurs : O'LOGHLIN en Irlande. 


O'FuNN Professeur de la faculte aux Irlandais. 
O'CONNOR Vicaire de la Marne. 
JEAN WALSH en Irlande. 

This is the first mention of the name Walsh in connec- 
tion with the Seminary, but it afterwards occurs every year 
until the revolution. In 1781 the list reads : 

Superior, Monsieur WALSH. 
Univ. Docteur : O'LOGHLIN en Irlande. 


O'FLINN professeur de la faculte aux Irlandais. 
JEAN WALSH en Irlande. 

J. B. WALSH l Docteur de la Faculte de Paris 
agrege i\ cette de Nantes, Superieur de 
Seminaire des Irlandais. 

1 This very distinguished man was not a native of Ireland, but came of 
Irish ancestry. His family reached Nantes with James II., and were noted 
for their fealty to the royal cause. They became nobles of France, and settled 
at the Chateau of Serrant, in Anjou. They, perhaps, were the best known of 


In 1782 the same names occur, with the addition of 
these others : 

O'KEARDON en Irlande. 
GRANGER Irlandais. 

In 1783 a very interesting list is given, which throws 
some light upon the antecedents of the members of the 
community. They reached this year the largest number 
yet recorded, and are given in this way : 

Superior, M. WALSH. 

Univ. Docteurs : O'LOGHLIN Archediacre de Killaloe en Irlande. 
SHENAN Vicaire de Kilfenora 

O'DoNOGHUE Eecteur de Birr ,, 

O'FLYNN Professor de la faculte aux Irlandais. 
O'CoNOR Aumonier du Eegiment du Maire. 
JEAN WALSH Vicaire de Couna (?) en Irlande. 
WALSH docteur comme en 1681. 
L'ouis WALSH Vicaire de Eoss en Irlande. 
STAPLETON Procureur du Seminaire. 
GRANGER Professeur dudit Seminaire. 
O'EioRDAN en Irlande. 

From this it follows that many members of the house 
were not in residence, but retained their rights in it even 
after they had returned home, and entered upon the work 
of their dioceses. From the important charges confided to 
them by their ordinaries we may conclude that the discipline 
and schools of Nantes were successful in moulding worthily 
the characters and talents of the men confided to their care. 
The year following 1 the list remains unchanged, except that 
Father Coyle is added, with his residence given as at 
Home. In 1787 the new president is given as Monsieur 

the Irish exiles, and have won great distinction from the brilliant writers they 
have given to France during the past two centuries. When about to undertake 
my researches in the archives and libraries of the city, I had some doubt as to 
whether I should receive all the help I needed, but was assured by a member 
of the Comeil General of the department that my name would be an 'open 
sesame ' to all the archaeological treasures of the city. 

1 At this period the Superioress of the Hotel Dieu of the city is given in 
the Annuaire as Madame "Walsh, who must have been of Irish birth or 


O'Byrne, and with him the following doctors of the 
University : 

O'LoGHLiN ut supra. 



O'FLYN a Aigrefeuille. 

O'CoNNoE ut supra. 


Louis WALSH ,, 

J. B. WALSH docteur de la faculte de Paris 

aggrege a cette de Nantes, a chateau de 


O'KiOKDAN en Irlande. 


The new president was an alumnus of the college which 
he was now to rule. He was born, in 1757, of respectable 
parents, in the parish of Clonfeacle, county Tyrone, and at 
the close of his classical studies came as a student to Nantes. 
At the close of his course he stood the usual tests of the 
University, and, having made all the acts according to the 
charter, was declared doctor of divinity, en Sorhonne. He 
was afterwards chaplain to the Due d'Angouleme, and on 
the occasion of his appointment was presented with a rich 
set of vestments, which are still, I believe, in the possession 
of some of his kinsmen in the diocese of Armagh. His 
term of office in Nantes coincided with stirring times, as we 
shall see in the sequel. 

In 1788 the community remained practically the same, 
the last in the list for this year being another Dr. O'Byrne, 
of the Faculty of Paris, who is given as Professor of 
Theology and Hector of the Irish Seminary. From the 
records I cannot judge exactly whether this is not the same 
as the Superior of Nantes, who this year is entitled grand 
vicaire d' Armagh. In 1789, Dr. Walter Walsh is added to 
the names given in the preceding year ; but he is a non- 
resident member of the community. The house remained 
practically unchanged during the two succeeding years, and 
in 1792, for the last time, the community of Irish priests is 


given in the Annuaire of the province. It consists of the 
following : 

O'BYKNE (Patrice-Jacques) superieur, docteur en Sorbonne, 
Grand Vicaire d' Armagh. 

COYLE, pretre, docteur en theologie, 




WALSH (Gautier) (Jean-Baptiste). 

Le Seminaire contient de 70 a 80 seminaristes. 

During the year 1792 the fatal tide of the great revolu- 
tion was flowing at its highest through France, and was fast 
submerging in its waters every vestige of religious prin- 
ciples. The whole fabric of religion was being sapped to 
its very foundations, and there seemed no one left to make 
any worthy resistance to the influences that were openly 
destroying the true life of France. It is a fact of which we 
may well feel proud that our countrymen in the Seminary 
of Nantes did not remain inactive at this supreme crisis. 
Among the faithless they were faithful found, and through 
their brave resistance to the principles of those evil days 
they brought upon themselves the anger of the authorities, 
who in Nantes, as elsewhere, had already caught the deadly 
contagion. On July 2, 1792, their action was brought before 
the Municipal Council, and the following order was issued 
in their regard : 

Le Conseil ou'i ces renseignements, considerant que les pretres 
Irlandais, d'apres les sentiments qu'ils ont manifestos sur notre 
glorieuse revolution ne peuvent que concourir par des manoeuvres 
secretes, conjointement avec les pretres non-assermentes a executer 
et entretenir les troubles et le fanatisme; considerant que le local 
dont ils jouissent est un demembrernent du domain national, 
auquel il doit etre reuni ; considerant qu'infractaires des condi- 
tions auxquelles ils ont promis d'etre fideles et de se soumettre 
aux lois civiles et religieuses de 1'etat ils ont eux memes rompu le 
traite qui leurs garantissent un asile paisible et les bienfaits d'un 
peuple libre et genereux ; considerant enfin qu'il serait aussi 
injuste qu'impolitique que la loi qui a frappe les pretres qui 
refusent de reconnaitre cette souverainete du peuple n'atteignit 
pas ceux-ci par ce qu'ils sont etrangers, eux qui veulent mecon- 
naitre cette scuverainete qui les protege, le procuretir de la 
commune entendu dans ses conclusions le conseil general est 


d'avis que le directoire du department peut et doit exercer a leur 
egard les memes moyens de repression et se resaissir au profit de 
la nation des biens dont elle leur avait conditionellement accorde 
la jouissance. 1 

However false the conclusions of the Council may have 
been, there can be no doubt that their premisses were 
absolutely true. Further evidence of the spirit prevailing 
in the Seminary was brought before the authorities in 
August 23 of the same year, 2 when it was testified, in public 
session, that the Masses celebrated by the Irish priests at 
the Chapel of Bon Secours brought together large crowds, 
which became the occasion of disorder and tumult, such as 
the authorities were bound to prevent ; and in consequence 
the Irish priests were forbidden to celebrate Mass in the 
Chapel of Bon Secours, 3 or in any other except that attached 
to their residence. 

This measure did not suffice to repress the ardour of the 
exiles, and a further order was made, on September 10, 
1792, which took from them what remained of their liberty. 
In the municipal register for that date I find the follow- 
ing : 

Sur la plainte portee par plusieurs citoyens centre quelques 
pretres Irlandais, pour injures et propos tres grossiers par eux 
tenus contre la garde national, le Conseil charge de Procureur de 
la Commune de leur notifier 1'ordre qui leur defend jde sortir de 
leur maison et de vaguer dans les rues de cette ville sous peine et 
d'etre detenus au chateau, meme d'etre exportes de la France. 4 

Life had evidently become insupportable under such a 
regime as this ; the reign of terror had at length been 
realized in all its horrors ; and it was only a question of a 
little time until the last threat should be verified. How the 
interval was spent in the Seminary, which was now become 
their prison, I have no document to sustain any surmise ; 

1 Archives Curicuses de la Vilde den Nantes. Par F. J. Verger, tome iii., 
p. 242. 

2 fbulem, p. 280. 

3 This chapel was near the cathedral, and close by the river ; its ruins are 
yet to be seen. The altar in use during the last century is now in a 
church at Basse-Goulaine, near Saint- Sebastien. My attention was called by 
Monsieur Bonamy de la Ville to this interesting relic of our exiled countrymen. 

* Verger, tome v., p. 289. 


but that strange things must have happened between 
September, 1792, and April 5, 1793, we may deduce from 
the following paragraph : 

Les pretres Irlandais detenus aux Carmelites obtiennent la 
permission de s'embarquer sur un navire de leur nation, la 
' Peggi,' allant a Cork. 1 

So ended the story of the Irish Seminary at Nantes. 
The further fortunes of the returned exiles lie outside the 
limits of this paper, and I cannot follow them in their 
subsequent careers. Of the distinguished man who was the 
last superior I may, however, be allowed to say a word. On 
his return to Ireland he ruled successively two parishes in 
his diocese, and then became President of Maynooth, hold- 
ing this high office for three years, when he resigned. I 
believe his portrait is still in the National College. He 
afterwards became Dean and Vicar-General of the prima- 
tial see, and died as parish priest of Armagh. 

I have given at such great length the history of the 
Nantes' Seminary because it is the strongest link in the 
chain that binds Ireland to Brittany. I regret the material 
under my hands does not enable me to give the narrative 
any of those personal touches that give life and colour to 
such a story. I have been able only to give a bare outline 
of facts which, though of great moment to the purpose I 
have in view, yet cannot but be, from the nature of the case, 
very dry reading. The absence of all .literary remains 
on the part of the occupants is remarkable in relation to a 
college of such eminence ; but not a line, so far as I can 
find, survives to show what manner of men those were 
who, in their day, attained to such academic distinction. 
We must suppose that the stress of their daily duties 
absorbed all their intellectual energies, and left no time for 
the more enduring work which outlives its author, and 
grows more precious with the passing of the years. 

Perhaps, too, my personal sympathy enters more largely 

1 Premier register des deliberations du Comite Central. Verger, tome v., p 433. 

a I rather suspect this Italian name may well have had another and more 
familiar form ; in fact, I believe under this disguise we have the name whose 
praises Father Prout sang so well. 


into this than the other chapters, and in this way I have 
been led to seek out its details with all possible fulness. 
With all the exiles I have a fellow-feeling, but with these 
especially, since within a stone-throw of their home I am 
engaged in work precisely similar to that to which they 
devoted their lives. 



IN August, 1897, this review put into print a few un- 
published letters of Cardinal Newman, Father Peter 
Kenny, S.J., Dr. Kieran of Dundalk, and Dr. Whitehead 
of Maynooth. The example thus set was meant to be 
contagious. It may, indeed, in cases that have not come 
under our notice, have induced some to look over their 
bundles of old letters ; and in two instances it has added 
to our own store of such documents. 

Sir Henry Bellingham, Bart., of Castlebellingham, in 
County Louth, broke through all the prejudices of his race 
and class, and entered the Catholic Church about thirty 
years ago. He married Lady Constance Noel, daughter 
of another convert, the Earl of Gainsborough, better 
known, perhaps, by the title which he held at the time 
of his conversion, Viscount Campden. Ten years ago 
Mr. Bellingham as he then was, in the lifetime of his 
father Sir Allan Bellingham seems to have mentioned to 
Cardinal Manning a letter addressed by the latter to 
Lord Gainsborough, which had come into Mr. Bellingham's 


January 2Qth, 1888. 

MY DEAR MR. BELLINGHAM, Your mention of the letter which 
I did not know to exist, is very interesting to me, and makes me 
wish to see it. If you will kindly let me have it, it shall be 
returned to you. Or come here, and let me see it. 
Always very truly yours, 

<?& HENRY B., Card. Archbishop, 


The following is the letter asked for, written thirty- 
seven years before, when Archdeacon Manning had just 
given up his Anglican living : 


January ]4</t, 1851. 

MY DEAR FRIEND, Your letter has just reached me. Eumours 
have already made premature statements of the step you now 
announce. God grant it may have been His will and guidance. 
I c^n never forget the bond which is (I will not say was) between 
us, and I trust it may never be dissolved. 

Since we parted I have been through deep sorrow. My 
conviction had long been formed that I could not continue to 
hold on, under oath and subscription ; but obedience to others 
made me wait. When this anti-Eoman uproar broke forth, I 
resolved at once. I could lift no hand in so bad a quarrel, 
either to defend a Royal Supremacy which has proved itself to 
be indefensible, or against a supremacy which the Church for 
six hundred years obeyed. I therefore at once went to the 
Bishop of Chichester, and requested him to receive my resigna- 
tion. He was most kind in desiring me to take time; but I, 
after a few days, wrote my final resignation. 

What my human affections have suffered in leaving my only 
home and flock, where for eighteen years my whole life as a man 
has been spent, no words can say ; but God gave me grace to 
lay it all at the foot of the Cross, where I am ready, if it be His 
will, to lay down whatever yet remains to me. Let me have 
your prayers for light and strength. 

May God ever keep you. 

With my kindest remembrances to Lady Campden, 
Believe me, my dear friend, 

Yours very affectionately, 

H. E. M. 


Sir Henry Bellingham, to whose kindness we owe 
the privilege of printing the preceding letter, published, 
about twenty years ago, a valuable work on the ' Social 
Aspects of Catholicism and Protestantism.' Lady Constance 
Bellingham presented a copy to Dr. Newman. Here is his 
letter of thanks : 


June 8th, 1878. 

DEAR LADY CONSTANCE, Thank you for your kind and 
welcome letter and for the gift which it heralded. I am very 
glad to have a volume on a subject so interesting and at this 


time so needing a careful discussion. I have read enough already 
to understand with great satisfaction that Mr. Bellingham, 
abstaining from the generalities and assumptions so frequent just 
now, argues out his points on the basis of an accumulation of 
facts and of unbiassed and even hostile testimony. I am often 
asked by Catholics for a book on the subject he has taken, and 
it is so pleasant to have reason for anticipating that he has supplied 
so serious a want. 

I am, my dear Lady Constance, 

Sincerely yours, 


Nearly ten years later Cardinal Newman wrote the 
following letter to Sir Henry Bellingham : 


Feb. 1th, 1887. 

MY DEAR SIR, I thank you very sincerely for your kindness 
in sending for my perusal the interesting correspondence between 
the Bishop of Winchester and Canon Wilberforce. I have taken 
the date of the newspaper in which it occurs, and will bring it 
before those who are able, and may be willing, to take the subject 
up. But it is a subject which requires very delicate and exact 
treatment, and a complete knowledge of the facts of the case. 

Speaking under correction, I should say that the High 
Church, even the ' High and Dry,' have always held, as by a 
tradition, that the identity of the Anglican Church was not 
broken at the Reformation. The peculiarity of Ritualists is not 
this principle, but the introduction of Roman doctrines into their 
worship, such as the Mass. The Ritualists and High Church 
agree together in holding the ante and post identity of the 
Anglican Church, resting, as they can, on the unlucky fact of its 
having continued all along in possession. This has been its one 
note, to the exclusion of the four notes of the Creed. What 
Ritualism, as well as Tractarianism, has risen up to oppose and 
rival is not High Churchism, but the Evangelical schools. 

My fingers will not write, and a friend has been kind enough 
to take my pen for me. 

Very truly yours, 


Another document which the August ' Batch of Letters ' 
was the means of placing in our hands is a long letter 
which the Very Kev. James Maher, P.P., of Carlow Graigue, 


uncle to Cardinal Cullen, sent from Rome to his brother-in- 
law, Mr. Edmund Cullen, more than fifty years ago. The 
physicians had ordered for him a long period of rest after a 
serious illness. He spent the year 1845 in the Eternal 
City, returning to Carlow in June, 1846. We may mention 
that he was born in 1793, and died in 1874. 

This letter was not discovered in time to be included 
in the large volume which Cardinal Moran published of his 
grand-uncle's correspondence. We owe it to the kindness of 
Mrs. Maher, of Moyvoughly, who received it from Mother 
Paul, of the Convent of Mercy, Westport, the only survivor 
out of the large family of the gentleman to whom this letter 
was addressed. Father Maher's two sisters were married 
to two brothers Mary to Hugh Cullen, father of the first 
Irish cardinal of our day, and Margaret to Edmund Cullen, 
the recipient of the following letter : 


11th February, 1845. 

MY DEAR SIR, Your friends at Eome, though they have not 
troubled you with many letters, have never been forgetful of you. 
Every day we remember you at the altar in our supplications. It is 
one of the great consolations of our holy religion, that friends, no 
matter how far separated, are, as it were, brought together daily, 
and united by charity, helping and aiding each other by their 
prayers and good works. 

Father Tom has left us a few days since, bringing with him the 
affectionate regards of all his Eoman acquaintances. He was a 
great favourite in the Irish College ; his time in Italy has been 
turned to the best account ; he has laid up a good store of 
ecclesiastical knowledge, which he will find of infinite advantage 
in the discharge of his sacred duties. He has, we have every 
reason to believe, imbibed the true spirit of his vocation: 
zealous for spiritual things the honour and glory of God and 
perfectly indifferent as to the things of this life. May heaven 
grant him grace to persevere to the end ! 

Dr. Cullen, in consequence of his delicate health (and he is far 
from being strong) is thinking of going to Ireland after Easter, and 
I remain for a time to look after the affairs of the establishment. 
He will travel home in company with Dr. Haly. The bishop's 
visit to Eome has improved his health ; he is greatly pleased with 
everything here in the Christian capital, especially with the 
talent, piety, knowledge, and ecclesiastical spirit of the Irish 
College ; he has sent a candle by Father Tom to his mother, 


blessed by the Pope, and carried by the bishop in the procession 
at St. Peter's, on the Feast of the Purification. It is, perhaps, 
the prettiest piece of waxwork you have ever seen. It has not, I 
hope, been injured by the journey ; it will be a fine emblem of our 
faith, burning brightly, as, entering the dark portals of death, we 
close our eyes for the last time upon the transitory glories of this 
world, to open them, as we humbly hope, to the beatific vision of 
God in the next. 

How many unexpected events have occurred since last I had 
the pleasure of writing to you. Four priests of the diocese (three 
of them rather young) have been called to the other world. On 
hearing of Father Doran's death (a priest whom I greatly 
esteemed), the thought forced itself on me, times innumerable, 
that we, whether old or young, have in good truth very little 
business in this life, beyond making a good preparation to leave 
it. Who could have thought a few months ago, that the grave 
would so soon have closed over him ? How much of life and vigour 
and health he enjoyed when I, one year since, left him, delicate 
and infirm myself; and yet here am I now in health (how 
inscrutable are the ways of heaven !) discoursing of his death. If 
death be on his march, and sure to triumph whenever he arrives, 
we are not, however, blessed be God, without cheering prospects 
at the other side of the grave, ' God so loved the world [his 
Apostle tells us], as to give His only begotton Son, that whoso- 
ever believeth in Him may not (perish,' but may have life 
everlasting. Here we have firm footing ; here we have the 
ground of hope. Earthly life is only the infancy of man, a 
mere commencement of existence. When we pass it, eternal 
life begins. To see Jesus Christ, our divine Saviour, in His 
glory even for one moment, would afford more happiness than 
has ever been enjoyed by mortal in this life. The thought of our 
sinfulness damps our hopes. No doubt all have sinned, but 
if we have repented, it is equally certain that God has 
forgiven us. Sin is beyond comparison the greatest evil that can 
befall man. All other evils the loss of property, even the 
overthrow of kingdoms leave not a trace behind in a few 
generations; whilst sin, if not effaced by penance, involves the 
offender in punishment which never ends. It is, therefore, clearly 
the greatest of all evils, and to be proportionately detested ; but we 
have a sacrifice for sin, an atonement for our iniquity : the 
Saviour has offered Himself to suffer in our stead, and His 
sufferings have been accepted in liquidation of our debt. Oh, how 
heinous must sin be which requires such an atonement, and 
how supereminently holy must God be to whom such a victim for 
the violation of His law has been offered ! 

If, then, we be fast approaching the boundary line which 
separates time and eternity, detesting as we ought, and as I hope 
we all do, all past transgressions, and relying with full but humble 


hope on the mercies of Him who laid down His life to save us, 
what evil can befall us? Our hope is in Him who has triumphed 
for us over death and hell. We have faith . Oh yes, we believe ; 
we are not tossed by every wind of doctrine, for, aided by the 
grace of Jesus Christ, we believe whatever God has revealed, and 
what the Church, the organ of communication with us, proposes 
to our belief. We receive all truth with a full and unhesitat- 
ing faith; we see, at present, under the sacramental symbols, by 
the light of faith, the victim of our salvation, our security, our 
hope ; but when the mystic veil necessary to our present con- 
dition shall be removed, we shall see Him, face to face, as He is 
in Himself. Then heaven begins. 

Let us wait with patience for awhile, every hour preparing ; 
1 for He that is to come, will come, and will not delay.' 

In viewing with an eye of faith the mysteries of religion, 
nothing strikes us so forcibly as the excessive love of Jesus 
Christ for man ' The Son of God loved me [says St. Paul], and 
delivered Himself for me.' Paul was a sinner, a persecutor of 
the Church, at that time ; and yet Christ so loved him as to 
make Himself responsible for Paul's sin, and thereby saved him. 
Now what He has done for the Apostles He has done for us all. 
He has suffered in His own person the chastisement which, 
were it not for His love for us, would have fallen upon our own 
guilty heads. No wonder then that St. Paul should have 
exclaimed : ' Who can comprehend what is in the breadth and 
length, and height, and depth of the charity of God which 
surpasseth all knowledge !' Nay, St. Paul goes farther. Inflamed 
with the love of the Saviour, and filled with a holy indignation 
against our sensibility, he cries out : ' If any man love not our 
Lord Jesus Christ, let him be anathema,' that is, accursed. 

Who, taking time to reflect upon the subject, can remain 
insensible to the divine love, and not seek to repay it by a return 
of love ? God is entitled to the affections of the heart, and will be 
satisfied with nothing less. As the night is approaching in which 
no man can work, we ought certainly to use every moment at 
our disposal to increase in faith, in hope, in charity; these 
virtues will not come of themselves, we must acquire them by 
aid from above, by fervent prayer, by meditation on the passion 
of our Saviour, by frequenting the sacraments : we must exert 
ourselves, not only every morning, but really every hour in the 
day we ought to turn our thoughts to God, to thank Him for 
past favours, to implore the graces which are still wanting to us, 
to disengage our hearts perfectly from all earthly concerns, to 
prepare us for Himself. The closing scene of life is too 
important to the Christian to waste any portion of it in those 
affairs which shall so soon end. By our efforts, we can, even 
amidst the infirmity of old age, lay up for ourselves treasures 
in heaven. Faith, and hope, and charity are the legitimate title- 


deeds to the inheritance of the children of God, the passport 
to the kingdom of heaven ; with these in our hands and 
through the grace of God, we may be furnished with them 
have we not, as we advance to the house of eternity, bright 
prospects before us ? 

Instead of a letter, I have, I find, been writing a sermon. To 
hear something of Italy might amuse for a moment; but we 
know enough if we only know how to love the Lord Jesus Christ, 
who first loved us, who has created and redeemed us for Himself. 
It is better, then, to write about the affairs of eternity. 

A letter from Edmund reached the Irish College a few days 
since, bringing us the most welcome news of your improvement 
in health. What favour has not heaven bestowed upon you ? 
The prayers of those holy virgins who have grown up under your 
roof, whom you watched from infancy, educated, and amply 
provided for ; their prayers in your behalf have been heard in 
heaven. I often look back to the three happy years in which I 
myself had the happiness to be one of your family. The eleven 
children were then all at Crawn, both the parents and the parish 
priest. What a crowded house we had, and, as latter events 
have proved, what a seminary of virtue ? How many religious 
vocations cherished and brought to maturity in our family? Six 
out of eleven have already resigned the hopes of the world, conse- 
crated themselves by vow to God. One has visited Eome, the 
centre of Catholic unity, to drink at the fountain-head of that 
water springing up into life everlasting. Another has crossed the 
Atlantic. May heaven protect our dear sister Josephine to wait 
on the Lord in the person of the poor. The rest have left father 
and mother, house and lands, nay, have counted with 
Saint Paul, ' all things to be loss for the excellent knowledge of 
Jesus Christ,' and Crawn has paid her thousands to enable them 
to effect their holy designs. These deeds, my ever dear sir, will 
tell on the great accounting day. With the royal prophet you 
ought often to exclaim, ' Not to us, Lord, not to us ; but to 
Thy name be glory given.' 

I have filled my paper, and yet have said very little of all I had 
to say ; but I must be satisfied. Prepare for the other life under 
the protection of the ever Blessed Virgin ; the preparation will be 
the better made, and the more easily, through her aid. She 
makes such matters very easy, smooths down all our difficulties, 
removes unnecessary fears, and consoles and sweetens our last 
days. Don't forget her ; she has been left to us by her Divine 
Son as our most affectionate and loving mother. On His cross, 
addressing Saint John, He said, ' Behold thy mother,' alluding to 
the Virgin. 

Give my love to my sister. How can she be sufficiently 
grateful to heaven for th? rich graces of religious vocations which 
have been so abundantly bestowed on her children ? The 


prophecy of old, descriptive of the multitude and magnitude of 
the graces and mercies to be enjoyed under the Gospel dispen- 
sation, has been verified : ' And it shall come to pass in the last, 
days,' saiththe Lord, ' I will pour out of My Spirit upon all flesh,' 
All have partaken of it, some more abundantly than others, by 
corresponding faithfully with the first graces received. 

Eemember me to Hugh and Pauline ; they will, I doubt not, 
be as good as those who have gone before them. Affectionate 
regards to James and Alicia and the little ones, especially Clare. 
Best respects to Edmund and Mary and the young brace, and to 
sister Juliana : but I intend in a short time to write to the 
convent to discharge all my obligations there. Dr. Cullen and 
P. Moran 1 desire to be most affectionately remembered to you 
all. The latter has grown very tall, enjoys good health, and is a 
very promising young ecclesiastic. The bishop has the greatest 
regard for him. We have just heard to-day of the death of 
Sister Vincent Benny, of the Mercy Convent. The recollection 
of all her virtues will long survive ; she was a most amiable 
and perfect soul, all innocence, all purity, devoted with her 
whole heart to the service of her Creator ; she has had a 
happy exchange. May our last end be like unto hers ! 

Well, I must finish. Farewell ! May heaven protect you 
and yours, and may we never forget the one thing necessary. 

Affectionately yours, 


It would be interesting to ascertain the number of 
priests and nuns that have come from those united 
families of Cullens, Mahers, and Morans. Some delightful 
books have treated of the biography, not of individuals, but 
of many generations of the same family the Herschels, 
the Trenches, the Mendelssohns. An interesting book of 
another kind might be devoted to the history of a family 
such as we are referring to. The lady to whom we owe 
Father Maher's epistolary sermon has kindly supplied the 
following list of the relatives of Cardinal Cullen who became 
priests or nuns : 

Paul Cullen, who was destined to play so important a 
part in the ecclesiastical history of Ireland, was the son of 
Hugh Cullen and Mary Maher. His father's brother, 
Michael, and his mother's brother, James, were parish 
priests in the diocese of Kildare. Two sisters of his mother 

1 His Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of Sydney. 


entered the Presentation Convents at Carlow and Kildare, 
in which latter Convent his sister also became a nun. ' His 
nephew, Patrick Francis Moran, is now Cardinal Archbishop 
of Sydney ; and the Most Eev. Michael Verdon, Bishop of 
Dunedin, is another nephew. 

The late William Cullen stood in the same relationship 
to our first Irish Cardinal, as do also the Eev. James Maher, 
late Vice-Eector of the Irish College, Home ; the Eev. 
Edmund Cullen, C.M., and the Eev. Paul Cullen, C.M. 

Amongst the Cardinal's nieces are Mrs. Cullen, of the 
French Sisters of Charity at Darlington ; Mrs. Keatley, of 
ths Convent of Mercy, Drogheda ; and Mrs. Cullen, Irish 
Sister of Charity, Superior of St. Vincent's Hospital, 
St. Stephen's-green, Dublin. Of the Cardinal's grand- 
nieces, two bearing his name are amongst the French 
Sisters of Charity in North William-street, Dublin, and 
Dunmanway, co. Cork ; while two of the Cummins family 
are Sisters of Mercy at Callan, and a third at Westport. 
The Eev. Michael Cullen, S.J., Beaumont College, Windsor, 
is a grand-nephew of Cardinal Cullen. The letter we have ' 
printed speaks of ' Father Tom,' a cousin of the Cardinal's, 
namely, Father Thomas Cullen, P.P., of the diocese of 
Kildare. Cousins of the name of Cullen are, or were, Sisters 
of Mercy at Westport and Pittsburgh, and two together 
in the Convent of Mercy, Carlow, while a fifth was a 
Presentation Nun in Mountmellick. 

Other cousins of the name of Maher entered the 
Dominican Convent, Wicklow, and the Convents of Mercy, 
Athy, Callan, and Carlow ; while two of the Kenna family 
joined the Presentation Convent, Kildare. In the next 
degree of kinship stand the Eev. Edmund Cullen, C.C., of 
Kingstown ; the Eev. Hugh Cullen, C.C., Naas ; Eev. Walter 
Hurley, C.C., Delgany ; Eev. Gerald Cummins of the Kil- 
dare diocese ; three Dominican Nuns of Wicklow, and a 
Sister of Mercy at Westport. Our catalogue furnishes other 
names, amongst which are those of Mother de Eicci Maher, 
of the Dominican Convent, Cabra ; Mother Columba Maher 
of the same Convent ; Eev. John Kearney and Eev. Edmund 
Kearney of the Kildare diocese ; Eev. Thomas Maher, S. J. ; 

VOL, m. z 


Rev. Martin Maher, S. J., &c. But we need not trace further 
the branches of this remarkable Levitical family. 

Amongst the not very numerous letters which Dr. Russell, 
President of Maynooth College, 1857-1880, preserved out of 
his vast correspondence was the following from Mr. John 
Rogers Herbert, R.A. This distinguished painter would, 
doubtless, have had more vogue if he had continued, as at 
first, to draw his inspiration from pagan or worldly themes. 
But, when drawn into the Catholic Church about his 
thirtieth year, in 1840, partly through the influence of the 
enthusiastic convert, Augustus Welby Pugin, he seems to 
have deemed it a duty to devote his talents to the illustration 
of religious subjects, not so popular among the English 
public of the nineteenth century as in the country and the 
century of Fra Angelico. But Mr. Herbert's reputation 
stood sufficiently high to secure him the commission to 
decorate with frescoes the Peers' robing room in the Houses 
of Parliament at Westminster. To these he alludes in this 
letter. He chose the subjects from the Old Testament the 
Fall of Man, the Building of the Temple, &c. The greatest 
of his works is said to be ' Moses bringing the Tables of the 
Law.' The son, whose soul he commended to Dr. Russell's 
prayers, was already dead seven years. Though Arthur 
Herbert was only twenty-two years old when he died, in 
1856, he had exhibited paintings two years with success in 
the Royal Academy. Before Mr. J. R. Herbert died, in his 
eightieth year (1890), he had also lost, in 1882, a son of still 
greater promise, Cyril Wiseman Herbert : 



Sept. 15th, 1863. 

VERY EEV. DEAR SIR, I have not forgotten the very kind 
expressions which fell from your lips when I spoke of the loss of 
my dear son Arthur John that you would say a mass for his 
soul if I reminded you of the anniversary of his death. Friday, 
the 18th November, is the day. 

I am sure you will be pleased to hear that the members of the 
Government have been greatly impressed with my doings at 
Westminster, and that the enemies in the House of Commons 
have become warm friends, and that they have it I am a sort of 


Master in Israel. I am glad if Catholic Art rises, and commends 
religious thoughts to the spectator. I shall not become vain at its 
success. It has not been done with ease, and if I am entrusted 
with any talent it is for good, and not of my own making. 
Forgive my having spoken of my own doings, but I know you are 
interested in them, and I have ventured to give you the tidings of 
the impression of my work. How glad I shall be to see you here 
or at Westminster whenever you come to London. 

My friend Mr. Kenelm Digby invites me to Ireland. I am 
uncertain of my plans. If I can get west, I shall, I hope, get your 
blessing at Maynooth ; and meanwhile I beg it now. 

My daughters join me in hearty wishes for your health and 
every good thing to you. 

Believe me, Very Bev. Dear Sir, 

Your faithful humble servant, 


The writer of this letter shares with the friend whom he 
mentions the distinction of being the only Englishmen who 
were elected honorary members of the Irish Ecclesiological 
Society, which had been organized a little earlier, under the 
presidency of Dr. Kussell, of Maynooth. All these names 
occur again in a letter of the poet Denis Florence 
MacCarthy, which followed me to St. Beuno's, a month 
after the date of the preceding letter : 


28th October, 1863. 

DEAR MR. EUSSELL, I am glad to find that new duties, new 
associations, and new scenery have not quite put out of your 
head all recollection of the little (or big) circle at Summerfield. 
It would give me great pleasure indeed to visit North Wales 
while you are there; not, indeed, in search of the picturesque, 
because to those who have eyes the beautiful is everywhere, but 
for the romantic variety of the picturesque which North Wales so 
abundantly provides. I do not, however, see. much probability of 
my being able to do so. Besides, your mention of Dr. Johnson 
sets my back up even against the Vale of Clwyd. I would be 
inclined to say (if you were not there) as that sturdy old hater 
said of the Giant's Causeway, that it was worth seeing, but not 
worth going to see. But I withdraw the disparaging quotation, 
and will go sometime or other, you may rely upon it, if I can. 

I fear for my poor ' Underglimpses ' in the hands of a 
Coleridge. Attuned as his ear must be almost hereditarily to 


the melody of ' Genevieve ' and ' Kubla Khan,' my impromptu 
pipings must seem very small indeed. 

Since I last saw you, I had the pleasure of making the 
acquaintance in an accidental way of one of your late reverend 
associates at Limerick, Sir Christopher Bellew. Dr. Madden and 
I were going over Killiney one day to pay a visit to Kenelrn 
Digby. In a shower of rain we both sheltered under a hawthorn 
tree, and were joined by a distinguished-looking priest, who had, 
as I unpatriotically thought, an Oxford or Cambridge look about 
him. In a few minutes after, we met at Mr. Digby's, who was 
good enough to introduce us to him, and I found to my amaze- 
ment that he was as well up in the Marquis de Villars' controversy 
and the Chevalier de Chatelain's Rayons et Reflets as I was 
myself. Your uncle, Dr. Eussell, also, was good enough to call 
here one day with Mr. Kenelm. Digby, whose acquaintance I was 
very glad to make, and who impressed us all here very favourably. 
Your uncle kindly asked me to Maynooth to meet the Attorney- 
General, but unfortunately I could not go. See what an auto- 
biography you have brought upon you by your friendly note. 

Believe me, dear Mr. Eussell, 

Sincerely yours, 


The two out-of-the-way books which afforded Father 
Bellew an opportunity of gratifying Mr. MacCarthy, at their 
first meeting, by showing his familiarity with them, were, 
of course, connected with the poet himself. Rayons et 
Reflets gave French metrical translations of some of his 
sweetest lyrics, and the Memoires de Villars was a curious 
old book, published by the Philobiblon Society, in 1862, 6n 
which MacCarthy had read a very erudite paper before the 
Koyal Irish Academy. This drew from Lady ' Speranza ' 
Wilde a remonstrance in blank verse, beginning : 

Descend not, poet, from the heights. 

A certain college professor, better known afterwards as a 
preacher and as dean of a great diocese, had a little of that 
amiable vanity which has distinguished some very good and 
very able men. One day, walking with a colleague up 
and down in front of the college (not Maynooth), he and 
bis companion passed a donkey that was browsing placidly 
on the lawn, 'That poor animal,' said he, 'little knows 


how much theology is passing by.' That hawthorn-tree 
upon Killiney Hill, under which Denis Florence MacCarthy 
and Richard Robert Madden sought refuge from a summer 
shower, on their way to the author of Mores Catholici and 
The Broadstone of Honour, was just as little aware how 
highly it was honoured in sheltering, at the same moment, 
the sweetest of our poets, the venerable historian of the 
United Irishmen, and the only Irish baronet who ever gave 
up the world to become a priest. 


358 ] 

IRotes anb Queries 



KEY. DEAR SIR, Would you kindly give your opinion on the 
force and value of the following sentence, to be found in the Acts 
and Decrees of the Maynooth Synod, par, 86, cap. xvi., De 
Poenitentia : ' Casus reservatus in dioecesi confessarii non subtra- 
hitur reservation! ea de causa quod non reservatur in dioecesi 
poenitentis.' My difficulty is whether a confessor in Ireland can 
absolve a penitent coming from another diocese in Ireland from 
a sin, which is reserved in the diocese of the confessor, but not in 
that of the penitent. According to many, if not most, modern 
theologians, it is solidly probable that a confessor can absolve a 
penitent when the sin is reserved in the diocese of confessor, but 
not in the diocese of penitent. They ground their opinion on 
the commonly-received belief that the penitent's bishop supplies 
jurisdiction when the subject confessed in another diocese, and as 
he has not reserved the sin in the case made, the confessor can 
freely absolve. 

I should have no hesitation in following this opinion in 
practice were it not for the sentence in the Maynooth Decrees 
already referred to. Does this sentence prevent a confessor in 
Ireland from following the opinion just given ? If it does, then 
it must have the force of a legislative enactment to this extent, 
that the bishops collectively and individually refuse jurisdiction 
on behalf of their subject in such circumstances. I don't think 
this sentence can have such meaning or force, but if it hasn't, it 
seems to be merely the expression of a theological opinion on the 
part of their Lordships ; and so it may be departed from in 
practice by any confessor who thinks the opposite more probable 
or solidly probable. You will much oblige by enlightening 
myself and others on this matter. I remain, &c. 


Our correspondent contemplates the case, for example, in 
which a penitent from another diocese confesses to him a 


certain sin reserved in loco confessionis, but not in dioecesi 
poenitentis. Can lie absolve such a penitent ? It is assumed, 
of course, that the penitent is not in danger of death, that 
there is no special necessity for receiving absolution, and 
nothing to prevent the penitent from having recourse to his 
superior. We assume, moreover, that the confessor has not 
got special faculties for absolving from the reserved sins of 
his diocese. 

The question may be considered from the point of view 
of the general law of the Church, or with special reference 
to the law that obtains in this country. Viewing the matter 
from the standpoint of the general law, theologians are 
divided on this question. They differ as to the source from 
which the diocesan clergy (as distinct from regulars) derive 
the jurisdiction to absolve peregrini, and hence arises a 
diversity of opinion on the question raised by our corre- 
spondent. Some derive the jurisdiction over peregrini from 
the bishop of the place where the confession is heard, and 
hence infer (rightly or wrongly) that a peregrinus is subject 
to the reservations of the place in which he confesses. 
Others derive the jurisdiction from the bishop of the 
penitent, and hence infer that a peregrinus can be absolved 
from all sins not reserved in his own diocese. Others, 
again, think that jurisdiction to absolve peregrini is a 
legal jurisdiction coming from the Pope, inasmuch as he 
approves the general custom according to which confessors 
treat peregrini (fraude seclusa) just as they treat other 
penitents. We need not stop to specify further modifications 
of these opinions. The two latter opinions are now very 
generally admitted to be both probable. We look upon the 
opinion last mentioned as the more probable of the two. 
But our correspondent can undoubtedly claim good authority 
for the opinion which derives the jurisdiction over peregrini 
from the bishop of the penitent's domicile, and lays down 
that a confessor can absolve a, peregrinus from a sin reserved 
in loco confesssioni tontum. 
Lehmkuhl says : 

Practice statui potest ut peregrinuin absolvere liceat nisi 
aut (1) peccatum reservatum sit utrobique, i.e., in loco confessionis 


et in loco domicilii poenitentis aut (2) ' in fraudem legis ... in 
alienam dioecesim se transtulerit.' 1 

And Haine : 

Si casus est reservatus tantum in loco confessionis [confessarius 
absolvere potest] . Et haec sententia est practice tuta ; turn quia 
stante solida probabilitate hujus sententias, reservatio jam evadit 
dubia [ideoque nulla], turn quia licitum est ex communi DD. 
absolvere cum jurisdictione probabili probabilitate juris. 

We have no right, therefore, to quarrel with our cor- 
respondent's practical conclusion when he says that, viewing 
the matter from the standpoint of the general law, he would 
have no hesitation in following the practical rule laid down 
by Lehmkuhl. 

We think, however, that the general law and here we 
differ from our correspondent is modified in this country by 
the words above quoted from the Synod of Maynooth. We 
cannot admit that these words express a mere theological 
opinion, the authority of which may, as our correspondent 
suggests, be discounted by the weight of authority 
against it. 

In form, indeed, the words quoted are not mandatory, 
but affirmative. And it is for this reason, perhaps, that our 
correspondent understands them to contain a mere expres- 
sion of theological teaching. On the other hand, however, 
it may be contended that we should not, in any case, expect 
the words to take an imperative form ; for the obligation, if 
there were one, was to fall on the legislators themselves 
binding them to withdraw jurisdiction. But, moreover 
and this is what weighs with us we should not assume 
unnecessarily that the bishops undertook, in these words, 
what they had no power whatever to accomplish. They 
had no authority to decide, or to attempt to decide 
definitively, a question hotly disputed among the first theolo- 
gians of the time. Yet the interpretation suggested to us 
makes the bishops adopt, and seem to teach, one of the rival 
opinions, without as much as condescending to notice any 

1 ii n. 403. 


other. They are made to decide by implication, and teach 
us the origin of jurisdiction over peregrini, -wit}! the same 
apparent confidence and authority with which they tell 
us, a page or two before, that the Easter-time begins in 
this country on Ash Wednesday, and ends on Ascension 
Thursday, or on the octave-day of the Feast of SS. Peter 
and Paul. We could admit such an interpretation only 
under compulsion. 

But there is no necessity for having recourse to it. 
Whatever the bishops thought speculatively of the merits 
of the controversy above referred to, they came to the 
conclusion, we may suppose, that the ends of reservation, 
the good of penitents, and the convenience of confessors 
as well, would be best served by a common arrangement 
that, in this country, a confessor should not, for the confes- 
sions of peregrini, have jurisdiction over a case reserved in 
loco confessionis, though not reserved in dioecesi poenitentis. 
That the bishops could have made such an agreement cannot 
be disputed. That they actually did make this arrangement 
will be admitted by all who refuse to accept the only alter- 
native of placing the bishops of the synod in a false and 
untenable position. 

Our interpretation does no violence to the words of the 
Synod ; and so far, perhaps, it can claim no advantage over the 
alternative interpretation. But, our interpretation avoids 
the necessity of supposing that the bishops of the Synod 
took up an untenable view of their authority. For this reason 
we commend it to our correspondent. We may further remark 
that confessors find it sometimes difficult enough to master 
the reserved cases of their own diocese ; in our cor- 
respondent's view, they would need, for the efficient 
discharge of their duties, to know the reserved cases of the 
dioceses as well. The bishops at the Maynooth Synod 
ruled that confessors must (unless in case of fraud) treat 
peregrini just as they treat their own penitents, and so in 
most cases practically relieved confessors from the trouble of 
knowing the reservations of other dioceses than their own. 
We doubt if the interests of confessors or penitents would, 
as a rule, be served by reverting to the state of things 


practically existing under the general law. Penitents 
would more frequently escape the reservations of their own 
pastors, and confessors would have more need to be familiar 
with the reservations of neighbouring dioceses. 

The special inter-diocesan arrangement for this country 
holds, of course, only so long, and so far, as the bishops of 
the country continue to abide by the regulation of the 
Maynooth Synod. There is nothing, for instance, to prevent 
two bishops from reverting to the common law, or making 
an express agreement in virtue of which the confessors of 
their dioceses would have the power which our correspondent 
is desirous to exercise. Manifestly, too, the arrangement 
does not in any way suggest our correspondent's jurisdiction 
over a peregrinits who does not belong to an Irish diocese. 




EEV. DEAK SIR, I shall feel very much obliged, if you will 
kindly answer the following question : 

Can a priest say the Mass of the Holy Ghost to obtain some 
temporal favour; v.g. t to prevent the loss of cattle, to relieve or 
cure a person suffering from a severe malady, &c., on a semi- 
double, simple, or ferial, not within an octave, or other time 
which excludes Votive Masses ? 

The reason of my asking the question, is, that some priests 
affirm that the Mass of the Holy Ghost cannot licitly be cele- 
brated, even on these days, except for some grave spiritual 

Until I heard this opinion advanced, I thought that as a 
priest was free to say a requiem ; Mass on these days for a 
deceased person, so he was equally free to say the Mass of the 
Holy Ghost on the same days for the temporal benefit of a 
person, in the usual way in which Mass is offered up to obtain 
any temporal favour. 

If a priest cannot lawfully say the Mass of the Holy Ghost 


except for a grave spiritual necessity, perhaps it may be con- 
sidered that such a necessity is generally present with the 
temporal one for which the priest is asked to celebrate the 

Yours sincerely, 


Our correspondent need have no scruple about saying 
the Votive Mass of the Holy Ghost on any day on which 
the rubrics permit the celebration of a Requiem or other 
Votive Mass. The object for which this Mass is offered 
need not necessarily be a spiritual one, either grave or other- 
wise ; it may quite lawfully be offered for the purpose of 
obtaining temporal blessings. Our correspondent's advisers 
seem to possess hazy notions of one or two correct prin- 
ciples. It is true that the Mass of the Holy Ghost is one 
of the three that may be said as a Solemn Mass of thanks- 
giving ; it is also true that a Solemn Votive Mass cannot be 
celebrated unless for a grave cause. But it is nowhere 
stated that a Solemn Votive Mass, whether of the Holy 
Ghost, of the Holy Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin, &c., 
cannot be celebrated for any other object than ' a grave 
spiritual necessity.' On the contrary, a grave temporal 
necessity affords quite the same justification for the cele- 
bration of a Solemn Votive Mass as does a similar necessity 
in the spiritual order. 

We may seem to be wandering from the question which 
we have undertaken to answer ; but our object is not merely 
to show our correspondent that he was not wrong in follow- 
ing the practice to which his friends objected, but also that 
the opinion put forward by his friends could not, in any 
conceivable circumstances, be right. A private Votive Mass 
of the Holy Ghost may be offered for any becoming object 
on any day permitting a Votive Mass, and a Solemn Votive 
Mass of the Holy Ghost may be offered for temporal as 
well as for spiritual objects. We give the following extract 
from De Herdt in support of the latter statement, because 
we are quite certain that it was some confused notion regard- 
ing Solemn Votive Masses that led our correspondent's 


friends to tender him the erroneous advice to which he 
refers. We may remark that a grave public cause is 
required to justify a bishop in permitting a Solemn Votive 
Mass : 

Quae est causa gravis et publica quae requiritur ad cantandum 
votivam solemn em ? 

Resp. Talis est spirituals vel] temporalis necessitas, quae 
communitatem vel saltern majorem ejus partem afficit v.g. pro 
obtinenda pace, serenitate aeris, etc. pro acquirendo gravi et 
publico beneficio, vel avertendo malo, pro recuperanda sanitate 
Pontificis, Episcopi Eegis, etc. ; si gratiae pro magno accepto 
beneficio sint agenda, 1 etc. 

D. O'LoAN. 

1 Toni vi., n. 27. 

[ 365 ] 





Feria IV, die 29 Ian. 1896. 

In Congregatione General! S.E. et U. I. habita coram Emis 
et Emis DD. Cardinalibus contra haereticam pravitatem Gene- 
ralibus Inquisitoribus propositum fuit sequens dubium : 

In facultatibus quinquennalibus S. C. de Propaganda Fide sub 
formula III. n. 13 conceditur facultas ' Dispensandi super defectu 
aetatis unius anni, ob operariorum penuriam, ut promoveri possint 
ad sacerdotium si alias idonei fuerint.' Quaeritur utrum haec 
facultas extendatur etiam ad Eegulares. 

Et omnibus diligenti examine perpensis, praehabitoque 
DD. Consultorum voto, iidem Emi ac Emi DD. Cardinales 
respondendum mandarunt : ' Affirmative, facto verbo cum SSmo.' 

Feria vero V. die 30 eiusdem mensis et anni in solita Audientia 
r. p. d. Assessor! impertita, facta de suprascriptis accurata 
relatione SSmo D. N. Leoni PP. XIII, Sanctitas Sua resolutionem 
Eminentissimorum Patrum approbavit et contirmavit. 

I. CAN. MANCINI, S. E, et U. I. Not. 



Feria IV., die 16 luim, 1894. 

In Congregatione General! S. E. et U. I. habita coram Emis 
et Rmis DD. Cardinalibus, contra haereticam pravitatem Gene- 
ralibus Inquisitoribus, propositum fuit sequens dubium : 

In Constitutione s. m. Pii Papae IX. quae incipit ' Apostolicae 
Sedis,' excommunicatione Eom. Pontifici simpliciter reservata 


innodantur : ' Communicantes cum excommunicate nominatim a 
a Papa in crimine criminoso, ei scilicet impendendo auxilium vel 
favorem.' Quaeritur utrum his verbis comprehendantur etiam 
excommunicati a Komanis Congregationibus, saltern quando 
earum decretis accedit approbatio Sumrai Pontificis. 

Et omnibus diligenti examine perpensis, praehabitoque DD. 
Consultorum voto, iidem Enii ac Bmi DD. Cardinales respon- 
dendum mandarunt : ' Negative.' 

Feria vero VI., die 18 eiusdem mensis et anni, in solita 
Audientia r. p. d. Adsessoris S. O. impertita, facta de suprascriptis 
accurata relatione SSmo D. N. Leoni PP. XIII., Sanctitas Sua 
resolutionem Eminentissimorum Patrum adprobavit et con- 

I. CAN. MANCINI, S. B. et U. I. Not. 



Postulate Sacrae Bituum Congregationi exhibito : Utrum in 
processionibus cum SSmo Sacramento confraternitatum sodales 
semper nudo omnino capite procedere debeant? Sacra eadem 
Congregatio, referente Secretario, auditoque voto Commissionis 
Liturgicae respondendum censuit : Affirmative, ad tramites 
BitualisBomani,CaeremonialisEpiscoporum et Decretorum Aesina 
23 Januarii 1700 ad 2 ; Mutinen. 22 Septembris 1837 ad 2 ; et 
Toletatm, 21 August! 1872, ad II. Atque ita rescripsit, die 22 Julii 

L. *S 

D. PANICI, S.R.C. Secret. 



Ab H. S. Inquis. sequentis dubii solutio ex postulata, est 
nimirum : 

Utrum! admitti possint vexilla, sive vexillum dictum nationale, 


in Ecclesiis, occasione functionum religiosarum, et in adsociatione 
cadaverum ad coemeterium cum funebri pompa et interventu 
cleri ? 

Responsum fuit die 3 Oct. 1887 : 

' Quatenus agatur de vexillis, quae praeseferunt emblem ata 
manifesto impia vel perversa, si ea extollantur in pompa funebri, 
clerus inde recedat ; si in Ecclesiam per vim inducantur, tune 
si missa nondum inchoata fuerit, clerus recedat, si inchoata, 
post earn absolutam auctoritas ecclesiastica solemnem protes- 
tationem emittat de violata templi et sacrarum functionum 
sanctitate. Quatenus agatur de vexillis ita dictis nationalibus, 
nullum emblema de se vetitum praeferentibus, in funebri pompa 
tolerari posse, dummodo feretrum sequantur, in Ecclesia vero 
non esse toleranda.' 

Quid vero agendum, si vexilla dicta nationalia violenter in 
Ecclesiis introducantur ? 

Idem S. Officium, sub die 24 Nov. 1897 respondit : ' detur 
Decretum S. Poenitentiariae in Apuana sub die 4 Aprilis 1887.' 

Decretum autem sic sonat : 

' Quatenus agatur de vexillis, quae praeseferunt emblemata 
manifeste impia vel perversa, si ea extollantur in pompa funebri, 
clerus inde recedat ; si in ecclesiam per vim inducantur, tune si 
missa nondum inchoata fuerit, clerus recedat ; si inchoata post 
earn absolutam auctoritas ecclesiastica solemnem protestationem 
emittat de violata templi et sacrarum functionem sanctitate. 
Quatenus agatur de vexillis ita dictis nationalibus, nullum 
emblema de se vetitum praeseferentibus, in funebri pompa 
tolerari posse dummodo feretrum sequantur ; in ecclesia vero 
non esse toleranda, nisi secus turbae aut pericula timeantur.' 



Beatissimo Padre. 1 

N. N. prostrate ai piedi della S. V., umilmente espone che 
egli, due anni or sono, fu ammesso all' ordinazione del Diaconato. 

1 N. N. ad pedes S. V. provolutus humiliter exponit quod duobus abhinc 
annis, ad recipiendum Diaconatus Ordinem fuit admissus. Nunc autem circa 
hanc ordinationem dubiis premitur. Optime enim meminit quod Epus, dum 
manus imponeret, ipsum physice nou tetigit; de hoc aliquamdiu turbatus 


Oggi pero ha del clubbii su quella ordinazione. Egli ricorda 
bene che il Vescovo nello imporgli le mani, non lo tocco fisica- 
mente : ne visse inquieto per qualche tempo ; ma pensando che 
il tatto fisico non e essenziale, si lascio poco dopo promuovere al 
sacerdozio. Se non che, avendo non guari appreso che la imposi- 
zione delle mani senza contatto corporale rendeva dubbia 1' ordi- 
nazione, agitato da novello timore, chiede se la sua ordinazione a 
diacono debba essere reiterata sotto condizione. Che ecc. 
Far. IV, 26 lanuarii 1898. 

In Congregatione Generali S. R. et U. Inquisitionis habita ab 
E.mis ac R.mis D.D. Cardinalibus Generalibus Inquisitoribus, 
proposito suprascripto dubio, praehabitoque RR. DD. Consul- 
torum voto, iidem EE,mi ac RR.mi responded man- 
darunt : 

Detur Decretum Fer. IV 2 lanuarii 1875 ; scilicet iteretur sub 
conditione Ordinatio Diaconatus, quae iteratio fieri potest a quo- 
cumque catholico Episcopo secreto, quocumque anni tempore 
etiam in sacello private, facto verbo cum 

Feria vero VI, die 28 eiusdem mensis et anni, in solita 
Audientio R. P. D. Adsessori S. 0. impertita, facta de his omni- 
bus relatione SS. D. N. Leoni PP. XIII, idem SS. Deminus 
resolutionem EE. ac RR. Patrum confirmavit ac facilitates omnes 
necessarias et opportunas impertiri dignatus est. 

I. Can. MANCINI, S. M. et U. I. Not. 


Beatissimo Padre. 1 

N. N. prostrate ai piedi della S. V., umilmente espone che 
egli fu ordinato sacerdote con questa intenzione : Dubitando se 

exstitit ; sed putans tactum physicum non esse essentialem, ad sacerdotium, se 
promoveri indulsit. lamvero quam nuper audierit, ex impositione manuum 
sine contactu corporal! peracta, dubiam evadere ordinationem, iterum timore 
pressus, postulat utrum sua ordinatio ad Diaconatum, debeat sub conditione 

1 N. N. ad pedes S. V. provolutus humiliter exponit se sacrum recepisse 
presbyteratus ordinem cum sequent! intentione : quum enim dubitaret utrum 
ad presbyteratum idoneus esset necne, ex una parte volebat excludere inten- 
tionem reeipiendi characterem, ex altera vero illam ponere volebat Tandem 
ita sibimet dixit : pono illam intentionem, quam in decursu ordinationis pro 
certa statuam. Ita dubitans, primam et secundam manuum impositionem 
recepit; et tune solum, intentionem reeipiendi sacerdotium efformavit, quum 
ad manuum consecrationem perventum est. Nunc autem, conscientia presnus, 
postulat utrum valida sit ordinatio sic recepta. 


era idoneo o pur no al presbiterato, da una parte voleva togliere 
la intenzione di esser prete, dall'altra voleva metterla. Final- 
mente disse cosi : metto quella intenzione che determinero certa- 
mente in qualche punto dell'ordinazione. Dubbioso semprc, 
ricevette la prima e la seconda imposizione delle mani ; e solo 
quando si fu alia consacrazione delle mani risolse di esser prete 
Or, inquieto di coscienza, chiede se sia valida 1'ordinazione cosi 

Per. IV, 26 lanuarii 1898. 

In Congregatione Generali S. E. et U. Inquisitionis habita ab 
EE.mis et KE.mis DD. Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus Generalibus, 
proposito suprascripto dubio, praehabitoque voto ER. DD. Con- 
sultorum, responderi mandarunt : 


Feria vero VI, die 28 eiusdem mensis et anni, in soliti 
Audientia E. P. D. Adsessori impertita, facta de his omnibus 
relatione SS. D. N. Leoni PP. XIII, idem SS. D.nus resolutionem 
EE.morum PP. adprobavit. 

I. Can. MANCINI, S. R. et U. I. Not. 



E. D. Augustinus Dauby, Sacerdos et Moderator pii Institubi 
a Sancto Nicolao nuncupati, in Civitate Parisiensi, de consensu 
sui Emi Ordinarii, sequentium Dubiorum solutionem a Sacra 
Eituum Congregatione humillime expetivit, nimirum : 

I. Quoad genuflexiones faciendas a ministro Missae privatae, 
quae iusta de causa et praevia licentia celebretur in Altari 
expositionis SSmi Sacramenti, quaeritur : 

1. Minister, qui transfert missale a cornu Epistolae ad cornu 
Evangelii et genuflectit in piano ante medium Altaris, debetne 
etiam genuflectere in accessu ad cornu Altaris et recessu ? 

2. Quando idem minister ad oflertorium et purificationem 
ascendit ad Altare et descendit, ubinam genuflectere debet ? 

II. Rubricae Missalis ad titulum ' Eitus servandus in celebra- 
tione Missae V., n. 6, praescribunt ; " Si in altar i fuerit taber- 
naculum SSmi Sacramenti, accepto thuribulo, antequam incipiat 
VOL. in, 2 A 


incensationem, genuflectit, quod item facit quotiescuinque transit 
ante medium altaris ; " ' quaeritur : Utrum etiam in Missa privata 
debeat Sacerdos genuflectere : 

1. quando defectu ministri, ipse transfert Missale a cornu 
Epistolae ad cornu Evangelii, et vicissim ; 

2. quando in Maiori Hebdomada transit a cornu Epistolae ad 
cornu Evangelii ad legendam Passionem ? 

III. Bituale Eomanum in tit. * Ordo ministrandi Sacram 
Communionem,' haec habet : ' Sacerdos reversus ad allare dicere 
poterit : sacrum convivium, etc., v. Domine exaudi, etc. Et 
clamor, etc., Dominus vobiscum, etc. ;' quaeritur: 

1. Utrum istae precea convenienter dicantur, iunctis manibus 
antequam cooperiatur pyxis et digiti abluantur ? 

2. Utrum Sacerdos duas genuflexiones facere debeat, unam 
statim ac deposuit pyxidem super Altari et antequam earn 
cooperiat ; alteram priusquam, reposita in tabernaculo pyxide, 
ipsius tabernaculi ostiolum claudat ? 

IV. luxta Caeremoniale Episcoporum, ad benedictionem 
impertiendam cum SSmo Sacramento ipse celebrans accipit 
ostensorium super Altari positum ; sed receptum est, ut Diaconus 
accipiat ostensorium et porrigat celebranti, qui post benedictionem 
Diacono tradit super Altari collocandum, quaeritur: Utrum liceat 
in bac duplici ostensorii traditione ritum servare, qui praescribitur 
pro feria V in Coena Domini et in festo SS. Corporis Christi ante 
et post processionem SSmi Sacramenti ? 

V. Licetne aliquid canere lingua vernacula. 

1. In Missa solemni dum sacra Communio distribuitur per 
notabile tempus ? 

2. In solemni processione SSmi Sacramenti, alternatim cum 
hymnis liturgicis ? 

VI. luxta Caeremoniale Episcoporum in solemni Officio ad 
nonam Lectionem et in Laudibus Hebdomadarius et Assistentes 
pluviali sunt induti, quaeritur : 

1 . Utrum idem fieri possit a principio Matutini ? 

2. Utrum lectori septimae Lectionis Evangelii homiliae duo 
acolytrn' cum cereis accensis assistere possint, durante lectione 
Evangelii ? 

Et Sacra Congregatio, ad relationem subscripti Secretarii, 
exquisito voto Commissionis Liturgicae, omnibusque accurate 
perpensis, rescribendum censuit : 

Ad I. quoad primam quaestionem ; Unicam genuflexionem 


esse faciendam in piano ante medium Altaris ; quoad alteram 
quaestionem : Tarn ante ascensionem ad Altare, quam post de- 
scensionem de eodem in piano genuflexionem esse faciendam. 

Ad II. Negative ad utrumque. 

Ad III. Quoad primam partem : Negative et preces dicendae 
sunt infra ablutionem et extersionem digitorum. Quoad alteram 
partem : Affirmative iuxta Decretum in Romano, d. d. 23 Decem- 
bris 1862, et praxim Basilicarum Urbis. 

Ad IV. Aut servatur ritus a Caeremoniali Episcoporum lib. 
II., cap. 32, 27 praescriptus, aut, iuxta praxim Romanam, 
Diaconus ostensorium celebranti tradere vel ab eodein recipere 
potest, utroque stante. 

Ad V. Negative ad utrumque. 

Ad VI. Si non adsit legitima consuetude, Negative et servetur 
Caeremoniale Episcoporum lib. II., cap. VI., 16. 

Atque ita rescripsit. Die 14 lanuarii 1898. 

C. CAKD. MAZZELLA, Ep. Praenestinus S. R. C., Praef. 

D. PANICI, Secret. 
L. *S. 


Bmus Dnus Cuthbertus Hedley, Ordinis S. Benedict!, 
Episcopus Neoporten. Sacrae Eituum Congregationi ea quae 
sequuntur humillime exposuit, nimirum : 

I. In Anglia nee dari Paroecias strictim dictas, nee Beneficia, 
quibus adnexum sit onus Divini Officii recitandi ; verurn Ecclesiis 
singulis addictos esse unum vel plures Sacerdotes, qui ibidem 
residences, munia quasi parochialia in Territorio sive (ut aiunt) 
in Districtu Missionario ipsius Ecclesiae ratione muneris exer- 

II. Rectores Ecclesiarum alios esse ad nutum Episcopi 
amovibiles, alios vero nonnisi praevio Processu Canonico vel 
Resignatione sponte oblata et accepta : universes autem Vicarios, 
sive Sacerdotes Assistentes esse ad nutum Ordinarii amovibiles. 

III. Ecclesias per Angliam perpaucas esse consecratas, ceteras 
benedictas sub invocatione Sancti Titularis : nonnunquam vero 
Fideles (deficiente Aede Sacra) congregari ad Missam audiendam 
Sacramentaque suscipienda in Schola vel alia Aula congrua pro 
publico Oratorio ab Ordinario designata. 


Quare idem Emus Episcopus Orator, apprime cupiens cuncta 
quae cultum divinum respiciunt in sua Dioecesi ad tramites 
Decretorum Sacrae Eituum Congregationis disponere, enixe 
postulavit, nempe : 

I. An apud Anglos in Ecclesiis Cleri Saecularis Calendarium 
Dioecesanum a laudata Sacra Eituum Congregations approbafoyn 
et singulis annis iussu Ordinarii editum, additis festis SS. Titula- 
rium, Dedicationis, atque aliis (si quae fuerint) a Sancta Sede 
concessis, censeatur Calendarium uniuscuiusque Ecclesiae, cui 
proinde quivus Celebrans in Sacro faciendo atque Sacerdotes 
Ecclesiae, etiam in Officio Divino recitando se conformare 
debeant ? 

II. An liceat Eegularibus, si quando ipsis precario committe- 
retur una cum cura animarum administratio alicuius Ecclesiae 
Saecularium, Sacras Functiones iuxta ordinem Calendarii propriae 
Eeligiosae Congregationis peragere, relicto Calendario Dioecesano, 
cui populus iam assuetus fuerit ? 

III. An Eegularis, Ecclesiae Saeculari aliquando ad tempus 
sive ad beneplacitum Episcopi (Superiore Eeligioso assentiente) 
praepositus, atque privatim recitans Horas Canonicas, adhibito 
iuxta decreta a S. Eituum Congregatione Calendario proprii 
Ordinis, teneatur nihilominus ad Officium Sancti Titularis Eccle- 
siae Saecularis praedictae et quidem sub ritu duplicis primae 
classis cum Octava? 

IV. Item, an, commissa absque tempore praefinito, administra- 
tione Ecclesiae Eegularis Sacerdoti saeculari, huic liceat. amoto 
Calendario Eegularium, quo hactenus usus fuerit Clerus illius 
Ecclesiae, ordinare Missas et Officia publica iuxta Calendarium 
Dioecesanum ? 

V. Quid decernendum de Calendario illorum Districtuum 
(sive sint de iure Cleri Saecularis sive de iure Cieri Eegularis) 
ubi, Ecclesia nondum aedificata, populus ad Sacra adunetur in 
aedificiis, nonnisi transitorie ad cultum destinatis ? 

VI. Cum saepenumero eveniat (vi privilegii a Sancta Sede 
concessi) Canonicos Ecclesiae Cathedralis praepositos esse, cum 
cura animarum et onere residentiae, Ecclesiis dissitis nee a 
Cathedrali dependentibus, utrum a Canonico Eectore huiusmodi 
Officium divinum sit persolvendum iuxta Calendarium Cathe- 
dralis, vel potius iuxta Galendarium Ecclesiae, cui hac ratione et 
stabili modo sive etiam vita perdurante ipse fuerit adscriptus ? 

VII. Ad Sacerdotes A ssistentes sive Vicarii teneantur in reci- 


tatione privata divini Officii se conformare Calendario Ecclesiae, 
cui sunt addict! ? 

VIII. Ad liberum sit Canonico Rectori, quamdiu hoc munere 
fungitur, statuere pro arbitrio Calendarium Cathedralis pro 
Calendario Ecclesiae et Districtus Missionarii, sive quasi Paroe- 
ciae, cui, ut supra praeest, ne scilicet Missa ab Officio discrepet ? 

IX. Utrum Officium Vesperarum Dominicis festisque diebus 
publice decantari solitum, ordinandum sit iuxta Calendarium 
Ecclesiae, in qua persolvitur : an potius concordandum cum 
Officio privatim recitaudo a Rectore Ecclesiae, partes, ut pluri- 
mum, hebdoniadarii agente? 

Et Sacra eadem Congregatio, ad relationem subscript! Secre- 
tarii, exquisite voto Commissionis Liturgicae, omnibusque mature 
perpensis, rescribendum censuit : 

Adi. Affirmative. 

Ad II. Negative. 

Ad III. Negative. 

Ad IV. Affirmative. 

Ad V. Calendarium Dioecesanum adhibendum est. 

Ad VI. Negative ad primam partem, Affirmative ad secun- 

Ad VII. Affirmative. 

Ad VIII. Negative. 

Ad IX. Affirmative ad primam partem, Negative ad secundam. 

Atque ita rescripsit. Die 4 Februarii 1898. 

C. CARD. MAZZELLA, Ep. Praenestinus S.JR.C. Praef. 

D. PANICI, Secret. 
L. * S. 



R. P. Petrus Blerot e Congregatione SSmi Redemptoris et 
director generalis Archiconfraternitatis a Sancta Familia nuncu- 
patae, quae Leodii in Belgio anno 1844 canonice erecta, titulo 
Arcbiconfraternitatis anno 1847 ab Apostolica Sede decorata fuit, 
a Sacra Rituum Congregatione, de expresso consensu plurium 
Rmorum Antistitum, sequentis dubii solutionem humUlime effla- 


gitavit ; nimirum : Utrum, attentis decretis a Sacra Rituum 
Congregations editis relate ad recitationem Litaniarum, conti- 
nuari possit consuetudo, qua sodales praedictae Archiconfraterni- 
tatis in congressibus, ad quos in Ecclesiis et Oratoriis publicis, 
etiam ianuis clausis, ipsi soli admittuntur, et extra functiones 
liturgicas, non privatim sed communiter recitant quasdam 
Litanias, gesta et exempla Sanctae Familiae, a qua nomen 
habent. referentes et a plerisque Rmis Ordinariis approbatis ? 

Et Sacra eadem Congregatio, ad relationem subscripti Secre- 
tarii, exquisito voto Commissionis Liturgicae ; omnibusque accu- 
rate perpensis, proposito dubio respondendum censuit : Serventnr 
decreta, non obstante conmetudine. 

Atque ita rescripsit, et servari mandavit. 

Die 11 Februarii 1898, 

C. CARD. MAZZELLA. Ep. Praenestinus S.R.C. Praef. 

L. i*S. 



Praeter tres Litanias pro usu publico in universali Ecclesia 
approbatas, h, e., Litanias Sanctorum, Litanias B.M.V., et 
Litanias SSmi Nominis lesu, peculiares quaedam Litaniae 
habentur ex. gr. de Sacratissimo lesu Corde, Purissimo Corde 
B.M.V., aliaeque ab uno vel altero Rmo Ordinario pro usu tantum 
privato approbatae, quae idcirco neque in Breviario neque in 
Rituali Romano continentur. 

Quaeritur 1. num eiusmodi peculiares Litaniae ita strictim 
prohibeantur, ut Monialibus sive religiosis Institutis non liceat 
illas privatim canere vel recitare ad instar precum oralium ? 

2. Et quatenus negative, num iisdem religiosis Familiis illas 
liceat canere vel recitare communiter in Choro, aut respective 
Oratorio ? 

3. Item quaeritur num peculiares, eiusmodi Litanias liceat 
Fidelibus in publica Ecclesia sive privatim sive communiter 
cantare, vel recitare ad modum quarumcumque precum? 

Et Sacra Rituum Congregatio, ad relationem infrascript 
Secretarii, omnibus in casu perpensis, ita rescribendum censuit, 
videlicet : 

Ad I. Negative, h. e., ita strictim non sunt prohibitae, ut 
singulis privatim eas non liceat cantare, vel recitare. 


Ad II. Affirmative, h. e., ita strictim prohibentur ut commu- 
niter in Choro publico, vel publico Oratorio illas Litanias cantare 
vel recitare minime liceat. 

Ad III. Ad I. partem, h. e., privatim, Affirmative : ad ii. 
partem, h. e., communiter, Negative. 

Atque ita rescripsit, et servari mandavit. 

Die 11 Februarii 1898. 

C. CARD. MAZZELLA, Ep. Praenestinus SM.C. Braef. 

D. PANICI, Secret. 
L. * S. 



II Sac. Evaristo Mosconi, Parroco di S. Maria delle Grazie 
presso Montepulciano, propose alia S. Penitenzieria i seguenti 
dubbi : 

1. Nei di in cui e permesso il condimento di strutto e lardo, 
chi usa il lardo medesimo per condire minestra, polenta, frittata 
ecc., puo liberamente mangiare quei pezzetti di lardo che restano, 
dopo essere stati soffritti per estrarne lo strutto ? 

2. Nei di di stretto magro, ne' quali sono vietate le uova, si 
puo bagnare leggermente coll'uovo sbattuto le erbe, v. g. i 
carciofi ? 

3. Nei giorni di stretto magro & lecito 1'uso dell'olio in cui 
siasi fritta la carne, o almeno e oio lecito nei giorni di semplice 
astinenza ? 

Sacra Poenitentiaria ad proposita dubia respondet ut sequitur : 
Ad l um Affirmative dummodo pergant esse pars condimenti. 
Ad 2" m Condimentum ex ovis quando haec prohibentur, non 

Ad 3 um Qui ita agunt non ess inquietandos. 

Datum Bomae in S. Poenitentiaria die 17 novembris 1897. 

B. POMPILI, S. P. Corrector. 

A. C. MARTINI, S. P. Praef. 

Tersio lalina. 

1 1. In diebus in quibus pennittitur condimentum ex adipe et larido, ille 
qui adhibet laridum pro condimento offae, pubnenti ex farina eesami, ovorum ' 
intritae, potestne licite edere ilia fragmenta quae supersunt ex larido, postquam 
fricta f uerint ad extrahendum adipem ? 

2. In diebus strictioris abstinentiae, in quibus ova vetantur, licetne parum- 
per perf undere cum ovis permixtis, herbas, ut v. g. cinaras ? 

3. In diebus strictioris abstinentiae estne licitus usus olei, in quo perfricta 
uerit caro ; vel salteii} licitusne erit in diebus simplicis abstineqtiae p 



Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII, cujus jussu efc 
auctoritate Sacra Eituum Congregatio Decreta c suis regestis 
selecta, revisa et typis commissa in lucem profert, in Audientia, 
subsignata die, ab infrascripto Cardinale sacrae eidem Congre- 
gation! Praefecto habita, collectionem horum decretorair, quae in 
praesenti volumine ceterisque mox edendis continentur, apostolica 
sua auctoritate approbavit, atque authenticam declaravit ; simul- 
que statuit Decreta hucusque evulgata in iis, quae a Decretis in 
hac collectione insertis dissonant, veluti abrogata esse censenda, 
exceptis tantum quae pro particularibus Ecclesiis indultis seu 
privilegii rationem habeant. Insuper idem Sanctissimus Dominus 
noster de praedictis praesens Decretum in forma authentica 
expedire, atque huic editioni cusae typis Sacrae Congregation is 
de Propaganda Fide, praefigi mandavit contrariis non obstantibus 
quibuscunque, etiam speciali mentione dignis. 

Die 16 Februarii anno 1898. 

C. CARD. MAZZELLA, Ep. Praenestinus, 

SM.C., Praefectus. 

DIOMEDES PANICI, S.R.C., Secretarius. 


Quum juxta decretum Sacrorum Rituum Congregationis datum 
9 Decembris 1895 omnes sacerdotes sive saeculares sive regulares 
Missas in aliena Ecclesia vel alieno Oratorio publico celebrantes 
omnino se conformare debeant dictae Ecclesiae vel Oratorio, ab 
eadem Sacra Congregatione expostulatum fuit : ' Utrum sacerdotes 
alienae Dioecesis obligentur etiam ad dicendam Orationem prae- 
scriptam ab Episcopo loci, ubi celebrant, an potius sint liberi ab 
hac oratione imperata ?' 

Et sacra ipsa Congregatio, ad relationem subscript! Secretarii, 
exquisito etiam voto Commissionis Liturgicae, reque mature 
parponsa, proposito dubio respondendum censuit : Affirmative ad 
p'rimam partem ; Negative ad secundam Atque ita rescripsit. 

Die 5 Martii 1898. 

C. CARD. MAZZELLA, Praefectus. 
L. * S. 

D. PANICI, Secretarius. 

[ 377 ] 


GOSPEL. Edited and in part, Written by Kev. F. X. 
McGowan, O.S.A. 2 Vols. New York and Cincinnati : 
Pustet & Co. 

IN the preface to the first of these volumes the author, 
gives expression to the hope that the sermons will prove 
' interesting, useful, and instructive.' After careful perusal of 
of several of the discourses, selected here and there at random, 
we have come to the conclusion that this hope has been fully 
realized. For, even if there be nothing in the subject matter 
which has not been touched upon already in works of a similar 
kind and the author makes no pretentions to novelty on this 
score still the method of treatment is sometimes original and 
often attractive, the ideas are clothed in clear and well-chosen 
language, and the themes treated of are among the most practical 
in the domain of moral and religious truth. So that the collection 
seems to have before it a great future of usefulness for the 
missionary priest. 

For a long time it has been our conviction that the sermon- 
book is, more or less, an evil. If we had no such ready aids to 
preaching, we should be compelled to go for our information to 
the sources of Theological and Scriptural knowledge, to plan the 
framework out of designs of our own invention, and to fill in with 
matter collected after the expenditure of much careful labour. 
All this would have the happiest results. Our intellectual culture 
would be still more perfected ; our acquaintance with the sacred 
sciences more amply extended, and our memories stored to better 
advantage with facts which would be useful for future occasions. 
But while there are numbers of hard-worked missionary priests 
who profess not to have enough respite from duty to undertake 
so elaborate a method of preparing their discourses, the use 
of the set sermon book as a model is, at the least, a necessary 
evil. And to those who aim at putting together in a brief 
space of time, with order and lucidity, some thoughts to serve 


as an instruction on the Gospel of the day, or on any of the 
great Christian truths, we heartily recommend the two volumes 
under notice. 

The book is brought out by the well-known firm of Pustet, 
New York, and wants nothing in the way of good binding and 

P. M. 

PBAELECTIONES DOGMATICAE, quas in Collegio Ditton-Hall, 
habebat Christianus Pesch, S. J. Tom. V., De Gratia, 
de lege positivia divina. Tom. VI., De Sacramentis in 
Genere, de Baptismo, de Confirmatione, de Eucharistia. 
Tom. VII., De Sacramento Poenitentiae, de Extrema 
Unctione de Matrimonio. Freiburg : Herder. 

THE favourable impression created by the earlier portions of 
Father Pesch's work on Dogmatic Theology is maintained, if not 
further enhanced, by the merit of the three volumes now before 
us. They continue to exhibit what was so observable in their 
earlier brothers erudition, depth of thought, lucid arrangement, 
and strength of treatment. Like all parts of the book, they are 
written well up to date, and the latest discussions appertaining to 
their subject matter will be found embodied in their pages. 

Beyond these statements of general excellence it is unneces- 
sary to particularize the treatment of special questions. In the 
treatise De Gratia, the whole Pelagian controversy will supply a 
good example of the author's learning, his acquaintance with 
original sources, and his profound grasp of theological principles. 
On the everlasting controversies as to the nature of Grace, 
sufficient and efficacious, and the harmonizing of the latter with 
Free-will, he is a Molinist of the Molinist, and it would be hard to 
find a stronger presentation than his of the Jesuit system. 

One of the best features of the book is, and has been through- 
out, its copious extracts from Patristic writings a feature most 
commendable ; for it not only familiarizes students with the 
language of the fathers, but awakens in their opening minds a 
desire for the personal examination of ancient records. For 
instance, the well-known friendly discussion between St. Jerome 
and St. Augustine as to when the Old Law ceased to be lawful 
and became |* mortifera,' is here transferred bodily from their 
writings, and occupies three pages of Father Pesch's book. 


We were not surprised to find him in the treatise De Sacra- 
mentis in Gen ere, an uncompromising opponent of the Physical 
Causality of the Sacraments; but having sided with Lugo here as 
against Suarez, he restores the balance of power, rather unex- 
pectedly too, in the tract De Eucharistia*; for on the question as 
to how far ' destructio victimse,' is required for a sacrifice, and 
how this idea is verified in the sacrifice of the Mass, he boldly 
rejects the very widely received, and since Franzelin's time, very 
popular opinion of De Lugo, adopting in preference the opinion 
of Suarez we must admit too with considerable weight of 

On Father Pesch's volume on Penance, Indulgences, Orders, 
Matrimony, we could write many well-deserved encomiums, but 
we have said enough to show our appreciation of the book in all 
its parts. Of course we do not endorse all the author's con- 
clusions. For instance, in the Matrimonial treatise he propounds 
the opinion that the ' Casus Apostoli ' applies to the case when 
the converted party is a convert to a heretical sect. This opinion, 
we are aware has been advanced by other theologians, but we 
have never seen ' a reasonable reason ' for it. Father Pesch, we 
suspect, would readily admit that the arguments mentioned by 
him are not, to say the least, conclusive. On the other hand, the 
opinion seems to run counter to the clear words of Scripture 
when there is question throughout of the ' fidelis ' who in the 
text is surely not a baptized heretic, but a member of the true 
Church the 'frater' and ' soror.' Besides, in addition to the 
express and formal statement of Innocent III., one cannot help 
asking, is it likely that this privilege, whether we regard it as 
coming immediately or mediately from Christ, was ever intended 
per se or per accidens as a favour to heresy ? 

Charles Coppens, S.J. New York, Cincinnati, and 
Chicago : Benziger Brothers. 

THIS handy volume of 222 pages, brought out in Benziger's 
usual high-class style, contains the lectures addressed by the 
author to the medical students of the John A. Creighton Medical 
College, Omaha, Nebraska. Fr. Coppens is not a lawyer, but a 
Jesuit priest of considerable versatility, being author, as he tells 
us himself, of text-books on Metaphysics, Ethics, Oratory, and 


Rhetoric. These lectures do not profess to give a full and elaborate 
exposition of the various enactments of the United States 
legislature concerning medical men. They contain rather the 
principles that ought to underly medical jurisprudence. These 
principles are the ordinary conclusions of moral theologians and 
moral philosophers applied to the special cases that may be 
expected to trouble [and perplex medical practitioners. The 
lectures, however, contain many of the special medical enactments 
of the United States legislature, and more than once set forth the 
judicial decisions of the British courts as denning the common 
law of the United States. 

In his preface Fr. Coppens gives us the reason for the publi- 
cation of these lectures : ' The leading medical writers and 
practitioners are sound at present on the moral principles that 
ought to direct the conduct of physicians. It is high time that 
their principles be more generally inculcated on the younger 
members, and especially on the students of their noble profession. 
To promote this object is the purpose aimed at by the author.' 

That the book is calculated to promote that object, nobody 
can reasonably deny. For the orthodox teaching of theologians 
in those difficult cases that may disturb the consciences of some 
physicians is inculcated clearly and forcibly. Though eloquence 
is seldom aimed at, the interest in the subject is well sustained 
throughout, and, in a word, the lectures are very readable. A 
glance at the titles of the chapters will satisfy us that no serious 
difficulty is evaded ; all the most difficult which are also frequently 
the most unclean questions are grappled with. The author is to 
be congratulated on having lectured so forcibly and convincingly 
on such subjects as craniotomy, abortion, and venereal excesses, 
without saying or suggesting anything that could disturb the 
most sensitive conscience. Often, indeed, plain speaking is 
necessary, but there is never the slightest suspicion of pandering 
to pruriency. 

The book is, in the first instance, intended for medical 
students, and they must find it a great boon to have at hand so 
trustworthy and convenient a guide through their difficulties. But 
its sphere of usefulness is by no means restricted to the students. 
The lectures possess exceptional interest, and ought to be of 
considerable use, not only to medical men generally, but to all 
who are interested in the scrupulous application of moral 
principles to medical practice. 



III. voc. AEQU. Auctore P. Griesbacher, Op. 26. Score 
and Parts. Ratisbon : CopDenrath. 

THIS Mass of Griesbacher's for three equal voices is scarcely 
as classical in style as most of his earlier efforts. The composer 
has moderated his polyphonic part-writing in favour of a more 
simultaneous progression of the voices. A slight touch of senti- 
mentality is sometimes imparted through the use of such 
' modern ' accomplishments as the ' chord of the ninth,' or chord 
formations produced by parallel motion of the three parts, as at 
the beginning of the second Kyrle, or the minor subdominant in 
major cadences. The rather frequent use of sequences, too, in 
our opinion somewhat detracts from the ideal beauty of the 
composition. Most of these things, however, will probably 
recommend the Mass all the more to those choirs for whom 
it is written. They will find, moreover, besides a sweetness of 
harmonies, that melodic interest in all the parts which betrays 
the hand of a master to whom contrapuntal thinking is quite 
natural. The organ accompaniment requires a fairly good player, 
to whom it affords plenty of scope. 

H. B. 

ECCLESIASTICAL YEAR. From the French of the 
Abbe Durand. With 96 Illustrations of articles used 
at Church ceremonies, and their proper names. New 
York, Cincinnati, Chicago : Benziger Brothers, 1896. 
THIS little book gives, on 283 24mo pages, a good deal of 
excellent information on the ceremonies and prayers of the Mass 
and Vespers, explaining the sense of the prayers, and the sym- 
bolical meaning of the actions performed, as well as the things 
used in the Liturgy, such as the altar, sacred vestments and 
vessels, &c. A short, but fairly exhaustive explanation of the 
ecclesiastical year is added, and well brought out and judiciously 
selected illustrations serve to give the reader a clear idea of the 
things spoken of. The book is intended primarily to introduce 
the faithful to the spirit of the Liturgy, to give them an interest 
in the grand and impressive ceremonies of the Church, and to 
enable them to follow these ceremonies with intelligence and 
devotion. For this purpose the book is admirably adapted, and 
we should like to see it in the hands of every Catholic. 


CANTUS SACRI. Eight Easy Benediction Pieces, with the 
Psalm Laudate Dominum in the VI. and VIII. Tones 
for two Parts (Soprano and Alto), with organ accom- 
paniment. By J. Singenberger. Score and Parts. 
Batisbon : Pustet & Co. 

SINGENBERGER, the President of the American Society of 
St. Cecilia, knowing the conditions of a large number of church 
choirs, has made a special study of the art of writing easy music 
without becoming either trivial or monotonous. Hence we can 
give his compositions the best recommendations. The above 
Benediction pieces will probably be particularly welcome to 
choirs wanting in high Soprano voices, and to nuns who have 
frequently to sing before breakfast, as the Soprano part does 
not, as a rule, ascend above F 2 . Only in two pieces F 2 $ is 
required ; but as these pieces are in D and A respectively, a 
transposition downwards can easily be effected. 

H. B. 

S. J. Second Edition. New York, Cincinnati, Chicago : 
Benziger Brothers. 

WE are glad that this reply to the Data of Modern, that 
is evolutionary, Ethics of Mr. Herbert Spencer, has reached a 
second edition. The second edition does not differ in anything 
substantial from the first, which was already reviewed in the 
I. E. EECORD. Suffice it to say, that it has the same excellences 
to commend it as the first edition, and that in the exposition of 
the system the author examines much may still be desired. 


Auctore Clarissimo P. Benjamin Elbel, O.S.F. Novis 
CurisEdidit P.F.Irenaeus Bierbaum, O.S.F. , Provinciae 
Saxoniae S. Crucis Lector Jubilatus. Editio secunda 
(iii.-iv. Mille). Cum Approbatione Superiorum. Volumen 
Tertium. Continens Partes Tres. Paderbornae. Ex 
Typographia Bonifaciana (J. W. Schroeder). 

ELBEL'S Moral Theology is justly famous on account of its 
exhaustiveness, clearness of style, reliableness, and practical 
usefulness for priests on the mission. Fr. Bierbaum 's re-edition 


of the work, revised and completed so as to meet all modern 
requirements, met with so much approbation that a second 
edition became necessary, of which the third and last volume is 
the one under review. To facilitate the sale of the excellent 
work, the publisher has reduced the price, notwithstanding the 
fact that this second edition is enlarged as compared with the 

Soprano and Alto (Tenor and Bass ad lib.), with organ 
accompaniment. By J. Singenberger. Score and Parts. 
Hatisbon : Pustet & Co. 

THIS Mass is described by the author as ' very easy,' and 
ought to be within the power of the weakest choirs. It is very 
simple, of course ; but with proper declamation of the words it 
ought to produce a pleasing and dignified effect. Tenor and 
Bass parts may be added ad libitum, an arrangement which may 
recommend the Mass to choirs that only occasionally have the 
assistance of male voices. 

MISSA IN HONOEEM PuEissiMi CoEDis B.V.M. For four 
mixed voices, with organ accompaniment. By J. Singen- 
berger. Score and Parts. Ratisbon : Pustet & Co. 

IN this Mass the composer has allowed himself a wider scope, 
and produced a work of a festive splendour. Occasionally he 
makes use of the licence of subdividing parts, so as to attain 
fuller harmonies. On the whole, however, the work is by no 
means difficult, and can be recommended to choirs of moderate 
attainments. It is modern in style, easy to comprehend, and 
will probably give pleasure and edification to both singers and 

H. B. 

TWELVE EUCHAEISTIG CHANTS. For two or three female 
voices, with organ accompaniment. Edited by Alban 
Lipp. Score and Parts. Augsburg and Wien: A. B ohm 
and Sons. 

THIS is a collection of chants by various composers. Naturally 
they differ both in artistic excellence and in liturgical suitability. 


But there is no number that must be pronounced as unworthy of 
the house of God, though we should be slow to recommend 
No. 5, an Salutaris by Lohle. One of the most interesting 
numbers is a Panye lingua, by Bruno Stein in which the Alto 
part is formed on the Gregorian melody of that hymn, and, 
according to a note of the author, is to be made prominent in 
performance. The full contents of the collection is : Two two- 
part and two three-part Pange lingua, by Bill, Bruno Stein, Lipp, 
and Eeidl ; a two-part Salutaris, by Lohle ; a two-part 
Adoramus, and a two-part Vexilla Regis, by Griesbacher ; a 
two-part Sacrum Convivium, by Bruno Stein ; a two-part Jesu 
dulcis memoria, by Bill ; a two-part Adoro te, by Thaller ; a two- 
part Ad&ramus, by Beidl, and a three-part Esca Viator urn, by 
Frz. Miiller. 

H. B. 



God bless the grey mountains of dark Donegal ! 
God bless royal Aileach, the pride of them all ; 
For she sits evermore like a queen on her throne, 
And smiles on the valleys of green Innishowen.J 

C. G'. DUFFY. 


ON the eastern shore of the Swilly, on the summit 
of a hill 802 feet above the level of the sea, lie 
the remains of a cyclopean fortress, with whose 
history was closely interwoven the story of our 
country in the forgotten years of the hazy past. Few of the 
pleasure-seekers who visit it in the glowing summer or the 
mellow autumn, and who gaze enraptured on the glorious 
scenery it presents to their view, think for a moment that 
the soil they tread on is both royal and sacred, the former 
court of kings, and the arena of Patrick's combat with 
paganism. Yet so it is ; for here on Greenan Hill was the 
Northern Tara, known to us in history as ' Aileach of the 
Kings ; ' and here did Ireland's great apostle, when visiting 
' Tyrowen of the Islands,' as Innishowen was then called, 
confront and conquer the learning of the Druids, and win 
to the faith the monarch himself. 

One requires, indeed, to be told that this was once the 



seat of royalty, for no indication of its former greatness 
now remains, save the debris of the fallen palace that crowns 
the mountain. Kerne and gallowglass are now supplanted 
by browsing sheep and lazy kine, and the matin hymn of 
the sky-lark awakes the echoes instead of the soldier's 
trumpet ; but still there is a halo of bygone glory about the 
place which even its present desolation cannot utterly 
destroy. Its history stretches back to remote ages, but the 
misty atmosphere of uncertainty hangs about its origin ; so 
that we can trace it but dimly, just as one traces from afar 
the outlines of a city revealed only by the faint reflection of 
its lamps in the midnight air. Nor can we, in this sketch, 
pretend to more than a collection of some of the reliable 
historical authorities regarding it ; but these, inasmuch as 
they are not accessible to all, may possess some interest for 
readers of the I.E. KECOBD. 

So thoroughly had our local history been buried in 
obscurity, that the origin of the name and the very site of 
the palace of Aileach had long been matter of dispute ; but, 
thanks to the researches of Petrie, O'Donovan, O'Curry, and 
a host of others, these vexed questions are now satisfactorily 
settled. The general outlines and, as far as. possible, the 
details of this sketch have been mainly drawn from the 
authority of these antiquarians ; and though all, perhaps, 
may not be disposed to adopt their particular views, at least 
all will respect the learning and the zeal which these men 
displayed in the cause of their country's history and anti- 
quities. The importance of their writings on the subject of 
this essay must be our apology for drawing so largely upon 

O'Curry, in his Lectures on the Manners and Customs of 
the Ancient Irish, commenting on the historical poems of 
Flann Mainistrech, or, as he is more popularly called, 
Flann of the Monastery, speaks thus : 

The seventh is a poem of thirty-five stanzas, or one hundred 
and forty lines, on the origin and history of the ancient palace of 
Aileach [near Deny, in the present county of Donegal). The 
origin of this celebrated palace, according to this account of it 
[containing a specimen of poetic etymology which I only quote 


for what it is worth], was shortly this : When the great Daghda 
was chief king of the Tuatha de Danaun in Erinn, holding his 
court at Tara, he on one occasion entertained at his court 
Corgenn, a powerful Connacht chief, and his wife. During their 
stay at Teamair, Corgenn's wife was suspected of being more 
familiar with the monarch's young son, .ZEdh [or Hugh], than was 
pleasing to her husband, who in a fit of sudden anger slew the 
young prince in the very presence of his father. Corgenn's life 
would have paid for the murder on the spot, but that the old 
monarch's sense of justice was too strong to kill a man for 
avenging a crime so heinous as he believed his son to have been 
guilty of ; but, although he would not consent to have his guest 
put directly to death, he passed on him such a sentence as, 
whether he intended it so or not, ended in the same manner. 
The singular sentence which the king passed upon the unfor- 
tunate Corgenn was [according to the story] to take the dead 
body of the prince on his back, and never to lay it down until he 
had found a stone to fit him exactly in length and breadth, 
and sufficient to form a tombstone for him, and then to 
bury him in the nearest hill. Corgenn was obliged to submit, 
and accordingly set out with his burden. After a long search 
he found at last the stone he sought for, but found it only 
so far off as by the shore of Lake Feabhail [now called Loch 
Poyle, at Derry]. Here, then, depositing the body on the nearest 
eminence to him, he went down, raised the stone, and carried it 
up the hill, where he dug a grave and buried the prince, and with 
many an ach [or groan] placed the stone over him ; but, wearied 
by his labour, he had hardly done so before he dropped dead by 
its side. And it was from these achs, or groans, of Corgenn that 
[compounding the word ach with ail, an ancient Gaedhelic name 
for a stone] the old monarch, when informed of what had 
happened, formed the name of Aileach. for his son's grave that 
is, stone and groan a name that the place has ever since 
retained. It was the custom in ancient times in Erinn, when a 
great personage had died, to institute assemblies and games of 
commemoration at his grave; and this was done at his son's 
grave at Aileach by the monarch Daghda. 

The poem, however, contains two further explanations of the 
name of Aileach. In some time after the death of Corgenn, it is 
said Neid, son of Indai [a semi-mythological personage who may 
be called the Mercury of the Tuatha de Danaun], brother to the 
monarch the Daghda, built a palace and- fortress here, after which 
it was called Aileach-Neid. Neid was himself afterwards killed 
by the Pomorians or Pirates, and the place having gone to ruin, 
its history is not recorded from that time down to the reign of 
the monarch of Erinn, Fiacha Sraibtine, who was slain at the 
battle of Dubh-Chomar, A.D. 322. In this Fiacha's reign, how- 
ever, it is stated that Frigrinn, a young Scottish chief, eloped 


with Ailech, that is, ' the splendid,' daughter of Fubtaire, the 
King of Scotland, brought her over to Erinn, and put himself 
under the Irish king's protection. And it is said that King 
Fiacha gave the youthful lovers the ancient fortress of Aileach 
for their residence and security, and that here Frigrinn built the 
magnificent house which is described in the poem, whence the 
place got the name otAileach-Frigrinn, as well as the older name 
of Aileach-Neid. 

Flan n' s curious poem begins : 

Should anyone attempt to relate 

The history of host -crowded Aileach, 

After Eachaidh the illustrious. 

It would be wresting the sword out of Hector's hand. 

I must observe here, however, that the ancient name of 
Aileach was certainly Ail-each-Neid, and the investigations of 
antiquaries [including the cautious Dr. Petrie] have led to the 
same conclusion to which we should come by following the 
ancient manuscript authorities that the stone ruins at Atieach, 
as well as several other similar stone erections in several parts of 
Erinn, must be referred to the Tuatha de Danaan, if not to the 
Firbolgs, certainly to a race superior to the Milesians. A simpler 
etymology may easily be suggested for the name, for when we 
remember that the Milesians always used wooden buildings in 
preference to the stone used by their predecessors, we can easily 
understand why they should emphasize such an erection under 
the name of Aileach. The word aileach itself may, in fact, signify 
simply ' a stone building,' since ail is a stone, and ach the 
common adjective termination ; so that ail-each would literally 
signify ' stony,' i.e., of, or belonging to, or made of, stone. 

The eighth poem of Flann's is one of thirty-four stanzas, or 
one hundred and thirty-six lines, also on Aileach, and apparently 
a continuation of its history from his former poem. It gives the 
names and the lengths of the reigns of every king of the race of 
EogJian, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages, who reigned in it as 
king of the northern O'Neills, from Eoghan himself down to the 
Domhnall O'Neill mentioned above, who died in the year 978. 
This poem begins : - 

Four generations after Frigrinn, 

By valiant battle, 
The noble Aileach was taken by the warriors 

Of the hosts of Eoghan. 

The Eoghan mentioned here, whose clann took possession of 
Aileach under compact with his other brothers, was Eoghan the 
son of Niall of 'the Nine Hostages,' who gave name to the 
territory, which ever after bore his name, as Tyr Eoghan [or 
Tyrone a name, however, now applied to a more limited district]. 
This Eoghan was visited, at his palace of Aileach, by St. Patrick, 


when he embraced the Christian faith, and received baptism at 
the hands of the great apostle. 1 

In the third volume and nineteenth lecture, O'Curry 
again returns to the subject of Aileach, and treats of its 
antiquity and the style of its architecture : 

The next great building [says he], in point of antiquity and 
historical reminiscence, is the great Bath, or rather Cathair, of 
Aileach [in the county of Donegal], so well described by 
Dr. Petrie in the Ordnance Memoir of the parish of Templemore. 
This great Cathair is said to have been originally built by 
The Daghda, the celebrated king of the Tuatha de Danann, who 
planned and fought the battle of the second or northern Magh 
Tuireadh against the Fomorians. The fort was erected around 
the grave of his son, ^edh [or Hugh], who had been killed 
through jealousy by Corgenn, a Connacht chieftain. 

The history of the death of Aedh, and the building of 
Aileach [or ' The Stone Building'], is. given at length in a poem 
preserved in the Book of Lecan, which poem has been printed, 
with an English translation [but with two lines left out at 
verse xxxviii.], by Dr. Petrie, in the above memoir. The follow- 
ing extract from this curious and important poem, beginning at 
verse 32, will suffice for my present purpose : 

Then were brought the two good men, 

In art expert, 

Garbhan and Imcheall, to Eochaid (Daghda), 

The fair-haired Vindictive ; 

And he ordered them a rath to build 

Around the gentle youth : 

That it should be a rath of splendid sections 

The finest in Erinn. 

Neid, son of Indai, said to them, 

(He) of the severe mind, 

That the best hosts in the world could not erect 

A building like Aileach. 

Garbhan, the active, proceeded to dress 

And to cut (the stones). 

Imcheall proceeded to set them 

All around the house. 

The building of Aileach's fastness came to an end, 

Though it was a laborious process ; 

The top of the house of the groaning hostages, 

One stone closed. 

In a subsequent verse of this poem [verse 54] the author says 
that Aileach is the senior, or father, of the buildings of Erinn : 

It is the senior of the buildings of Erinn 

Aileach-Frigrind ; 
Greater praise than it deserves 

For it I indite not. 

It appears clearly from this very ancient poem that not only 
1 O'Curry, Lectures, vol. ii., Lect. 7. 


was the outer rath, or protective circle of Aileach, built of stone 
by the regular masons, Imcheall and Garbban, but that the 
palace and other houses within the enclosure were built also of 
stcne [nay, even of chiselled and cut stone]. All these buildings, 
probably, were circular, as the House or Prison of the Hostages, 
certainly must have been, when, as the poem says, it was ' closed 
at the top with one stone.' This, however, is a matter concerning 
which I shall have something to say in a future lecture. 

The time to which the first building of Aileach may be 
referred, according to the chronology of the Annals of the Four 
Masters, would be about seventeen hundred years before the 
Christian era ; but another and much later erection, within the 
same Rath of Aileach, is also spoken of in ancient history, and 
as having conferred a name upon this celebrated palace. 

It is stated further in this poem that Aileach, in after 
ages, obtained the name of Aileach-Frigrind, as it is, in fact, 
called in the stanza quoted above. According to another poem 
[written by Flann of Monasterboice], preserved in the Book of 
Leinster, this Frigrind was a famous builder, or architect, as he 
would be called in our day. Having travelled in Scotland, he 
was well received at the court of Ubtaire, the king of that 
country, where, having gained the affections of the king's 
daughter, the beautiful Ailech, she eloped with him, and he 
returned to his own country with her. Fearing pursuit, however, 
he claimed the protection of the then monarch of Erinn, Fiacha- 
Sraibhthine [the same who was slain in the battle of Dubh-Chomar, 
in Meath, A.D. 322 J ; and the monarch accorded it at once, and 
gave them the ancient fort of Aileach for their dwelling-place, for 
greater security. Here Frigrind built a splendid house of wood 
for his wife. The material of this house, we are told, was red 
yew, carved, and emblazoned with gold and bronze, and so thick 
set with shining gems, ' that day and night were equally bright 
within it.' I may observe that Aileach is one of the few spots in 
Ireland marked in its proper place by the geographer, Ptolemy of 
Alexandria, who nourished in the second century, or nearly two 
hundred years before the time of Frigrind. By Ptolemy it is 
distinguished as a royal residence. 


That this place was the principal or chief residence of 
the Tuatha de Danann princes, and was known then by the 
distinctive appellation of Aileach-Neid, at the time that ItJi, 
the uncle of Milesius, visited this country, we learn from 
Keating. In his account of Ith's voyage to and landing in 


this island, Keating informs us that the prince landed on a 
certain part of the northern coast, and, after sacrificing to 
Neptune, inquired the name of the country, and of the king 
who governed it. He was told that the country was called 
Inis-Alga, and was governed at that time by three princes 
(who were grandsons of the Daghda), and that they were 
then residing at their palace of Aileach-Neid. He was, 
moreover, informed that they were at that time quarrelling 
amongst themselves about a quantity of jewels that had 
been left them, and that their dispute, if not soon amicably 
settled, was likely to end in blood. Ith set out immediately 
for Aileach, was kindly received by the princes, and, after 
hearing the causes of their disagreement, proposed such 
an arrangement as gave satisfaction to all. On leaving he 
urged them to union and fraternal love, pointed out the 
great advantages of their country, and how little reason 
there was for disputes among them ; in a word, spoke as a 
man who had closely observed the fertility of their soil and 
the natural wealth of their country. After his departure 
the princes meditated on his words, and, suspecting that 
he had some evil design on their kingdom, they gathered 
together a chosen band of followers, and pursued the 
strangers. Overtaking them soon, a battle was fought, in 
which Ith was slain, and his companions routed ; and the 
plain was called from that time Magh-Ith ; that is, the 
Plain of Ith. It has long been a subject of dispute where 
the exact spot lies in which this battle was fought; but 
O'Donovan, in a note given in his edition of the Book of 
Eights, states that ' it is an extensive plain in the barony of 
" Kaphoe," Donegal. The church of " Donaghmore," near 
the little town of Castlefinn, is mentioned, in the Tripartite 
Life of St. Patrick, 1 as in this plain.' He then quotes the 
words of Colgan in support of this statement. However, 
the settlement of this point is not to our present purpose ; 
it is enough for us to learn that, at the remote period 
referred to, the palace of the De Dauann was known as 

iLib. ii., c. 114. 


Like most of the kingly residences of remote times, 
Aileach suffered many an attack, was frequently plundered 
and reduced to ruin, but was again restored by its royal 
masters. Thus in A.D. 674, we read in the Annalists : ' The 
destruction of Aileach-Frigrinn by Finnshneachta, son of 
Dunchadh.' Again, at A.D. 900, we are told that ' Aileach- 
Frigrinn was plundered by the foreigners;' and we are 
informed that thirty-seven years later 'Aileach was plundered 
by the foreigners against Muircheartach, son of Niall, and 
they took him prisoner, and carried him off to their ships, 
but God redeemed him from them.' 

Aileach ceased to be the residence of the kings of Ulster of the 
Ui-Neill line after the death of Muircheartach, the son of Niall 
Glundubh, who was killed in a battle with the Danes at Ath- 
Firdiadh (now Ardee), in the year 941. 1 

However, though it may not have been the permanent 
residence of the Ulster kings from this period, it must still 
have been their occasional abode till the time of its final 
destruction, which the Four Masters thus record under the 
year 1101 : 

A great army was led by Muircheartach Ua-Brian, King of 
Munster, with the men of Munster, Leinster, Osraighe, Meath, 
and Connaught, across Eas-Euaidh, into Inis-Eoghan, and 
burned many churches and many forts about Fathan-Mura, and 
about Ardstraha, and he demolished Grianan-Oiligh, in revenge 
for Ceanncoradh, which had been razed and demolished by 
Donihnall-Ua-Lochlain some time before, and Muircheartach 
commanded his army to carry with them from Oileach to 
Luimneach a stone [of the demolished building] for every sack 
of provisions which they had. In commemoration of which was 
said : 

I never heard of the billeting of grit stones, 

Though I heard of the billeting of companies, 

Until the stones of Oileach were billeted 

On the horses of the Kings of the West. 

To understand the meaning of this novel mode of taking 
revenge, we must turn to the Annals ofThomond to learn its 
cause. We read there that : 

In 1064 MacLoughlin, Prince of Aileach, invaded the princi- 
pality of Mortoghmore O'Brien, King of Munster ; among other 

1 O'Curry, Lect. xx. 


predatory acts he plundered and demolished the Palace of 
Kincora. Mortagh, after re-edifying it, marched into Ulster and 
burned down the royal Palace of Aileach, and made each man of 
his army bring away a stone of it into Thomond. How peace- 
fully he waited for three years, during which time he had his 
ancestral palace in course of construction before he thought of 
bringing away the stones of Aileach from the North. This was 
an act of vengeance with a vengeance, which put to the blush the 
wildest exploit of his fiercest enemy. 

The date 1064 in this extract is at variance with that 
given by the Annalists of Donegal. The correct date is 

In his Lays and Legends of TJiomond, Michael Hogan, 
the ' Bard of Thomond,' thus refers to this event in his lines 
on ' The Destruction of Kincora ' : 

But the King to the blue North his wrathful face turned, 
And Aileach the Pompous to ashes he burned ! 
And his clansmen returned, each bringing a stone, 
Of the proud palace walls by his vengeance o'erthrown. 

This [says Petrie] is the last notice of Aileach, as a royal resi- 
dence, to be found in the Irish annals, and it appears never again 
to have been re-edified. The kings of the Kinel-Owen, or 
Northern Hy-Niall, still indeed retained for some time the name 
of Aileach as their title, as the kings of Southern Hy-Niall did 
that of the deserted Temur, or Tara ; but they transferred their 
residence to Inish-Enaigh, iu the parish of Urney, in Tyrone, 
where they probably continued to reside till after the arrival of 
the English. It may also be remarked that this destruction of 
Aileach, like that of Emania, was regarded as an epoch in Irish 
history. 1 

Aileach, however, was known by the distinctive title of 
Grianan-Aileach, and the former part of the name is that by 
which it is at present known under the form of Greenan, 
though until a comparatively recent period it was still desig- 
nated Greenan-Ely. The fact of another ruined castle, 
named Elagh, situated about two miles distant, being in 
existence, sufficiently explains why the name of Aileach 
connected with Greenan fell into disuse. Mistakes were 
likely to occur from having two places so near each other 
bearing the same name ; and therefore Aileach, or, as the 

1 Ordnance Memoir of the Parish of Templemore. 


people called it, Ely, was dropped, and the distinctive 
appellation of Grianan, or Greenan, was retained. 

But the very name of Grianan, or Greenan, has been 
made an argument against the theory of the royal palace of 
Aileach having ever been built upon this hill. It is urged 
that the present ruin is the remains of a ' Temple of the 
Sun,' and that the name itself is proof of this. In the 
Ordnance Memoir already referred to, Dr. Petrie takes up this 
argument, and shows its want of foundation ; still, we find 
it repeated in a comparatively recent work, and Petrie' s 
proofs contemned as worthless assumptions. Mr. Anthony 
Marmion, in the Introduction to the fourth edition of his 
History of the Maritime Ports of Ireland, thus writes : 

But not only these caves, but also what is called the Military 
Eath, as well as the Dane's Fort and Eound Tower, were all 
originally connected with sun-worship. The name of the rath at 
Lough Swilly, already described, would indicate this, notwith- 
standing Mr. Pe trie's chapter on Antiquities in the Ordnance 
Memoir to the contrary, who interprets Grianan as synonymous 
with duna, fortress or palace, and calls Grianan-Aileach a royal 
palace ; but its more correct translation is Grianan, the sun, and 
Aileach, a stone building Grianan-Aileach would, therefore, be. 
the Stone Temple of the Sun. 

Nearly thirty years before this edition of Mr. Marmion's 
work appeared, the same argument was advanced in an 
elegant and forcible manner in an article on ' Burt Castle,' 
published in the second volume of the Dublin Penny 
Journal : 

This we know [writes the author of that article] on the 
concurring testimony of Keating, Vallencey, and O'Connor, that 
the Phoenicians and Celts brought into this country the sun- 
worship of their own. This was undoubtedly one of their 
temples, and the very etymology of its name strongly corroborates 
the opinion, for the Celtic name of the sun is Gryan, and Ane is a 
temple ; similar names have been given to other places dedicated 
to the same divinity. Strabo, confirmed by Pausanias, mentions 
a Grynium at Eolis, and described it as a temple and grove 
of Apollo (or the sun). Eupherion of Chalais, writing on the 
origin of Oracles, describes a circular Grynium sacred to Apollo. 
So Virgil, in his sixth Bucolic : 

' His tibi Grynai nemoris dicatur origo 
Ne quis sit Iticus, quo Be plus jactet Apollo.' 


In these two quotations is foand the substance of all the 
arguments advanced in favour of the sun-temple theory. 
Petrie refutes them at such length, that it would be impos- 
sible to introduce here his reasoning in extenso. We shall, 
therefore, content ourselves with the principal portions, and 
refer the reader to the Ordnance Memoir for the remainder: 

It has, indeed, been supposed by some ingenious writers 
[says he] that this curious remains of antiquity was erected as a 
temple of the sun a conjecture resting on the etymology of its 
name Grianan, which, as they state, does literally mean ' the 
place of the sun,' or, 'appertaining to the sun.' But etymology 
is at best but an uncertain foundation for historical hypothesis ; 
and the habit so generally indulged in by Irish antiquaries of 
drawing positive conclusions from etymological conjectures, has 
done more to retard than advance the knowledge of the history 
and antiquities of the country. 

That Crrian, or the sun, was an object of worship among the 
Pagan Irish is not to be denied ; but that the word Grianan 
was ever applied to denote a temple of the sun, or a temple of any 
kind, no authority has been as yet adduced, or found, while there 
are abundant evidences that it was constantly used, in a figurative 
sense, to signify a distinguished residence, or a royal palace. It is 
thus explained by O'Eeilly : ' Grianan, a summer-house, a walk, 
arched or covered over on a hill for a commodious prospect [a 
balcony], a royal seat.' O'Brien, an earlier and better authority, 
also explains it as a ' royal seat ;' and gives as an illustration the 
name of the very place in question ; ' Grianan-Oilig, the regal 
house of O'Neill in Ulster.' . O'Flaherty and MacFirbis, without 
explaining the word, use it to express a royal habitation. 

After quoting the authority of Keating, and his learned 
translators, John Lynch, Colgan, Cormac Mac Cullenan, 
apd giving examples from each, of the word being used in 
the sense he explains it in, he shows that it was also 
synonymous with Dun, a fortress, and proves this from 
extracts taken from a MS. in Trinity College, and from a 
tale in the Book of Glendalough. He then proceeds : 

In like manner, examples almost equally numerous might be 
quoted, from similar documents, of the application of this term to 
the palace, or royal fortress, of the northern Irish kings. Of 
this fact two instances may here suffice, as others will be found 
in the succeeding pages. Both these occur in the poem of 
Cormacan Eigeas, the bard of Murtagh of the Leather Coats, 


written in the year 939, and which has been given in full in the 
general history of the county, prefixed to this work, viz. : 

O Murtagh, son of noble Niall, 
Thou hast taken the hostages of Inis-Fail ; 
Thou broughtest them all 10 Aileach, 
Into the Splendid Grianan of horses. 

Conor, son of Tiege the bull-like, 
Puissant arch-king of Connaught, 
Came with us without a bright fetter, 
Into the green Grianan of Aileach. 

But, even though it were allowed that the word Grianan was 
sometimes applied to the temple of the sun, the Irish authorities 
still abundantly prove that this the Grianan of Aileach was 
not a monument of that description. In all the Irish histories 
the palace of the Northern Irish kings is designated by the name 
Aileach simply, or Grianan- A High, Aileach-Neid, or Aileach- 
Fririn; and its situation is stated to have been on a hill in 
the vicinity of Derry. 

So far Petrie on the meaning of the word, and its 
application to the ruin on Greenan Hill. 

Professor W. K. Sullivan, in his introductory volume 
to O'Curry's Lectures, already quoted, writes as follows 
on the word Grianan : 

In duns and large raths there was also a special chamber 
placed in a sunny aspect, and called from this circumstance a 
Grianan. This chamber appears to have been erected on the 
wall of the dun, or in some elevated 'position, so as to command 
a view of the surrounding country, and escape the shadow of the 
encircling mound. 

In this we find nothing to favour the sun-temple theory. 
If the opinion relative to Greenan having been a temple of 
the sun, were not of modern origin, it is strange that John 
Toland would have passed it over in his History of the 
Druids. Toland was himself a native of Inishowen, born, 
as Harris states, in Iskaheen, and educated in his earlier 
years at Kedcastle, in the parish of Moville. His work on 
the Druids was expressly written to give an account of their 
mode of worship, and of the remains of their temples or 
monuments. In his second letter on the subject he makes 
mention of the Cam, or Druidical remain, on the top of 
Fahan Hill, and of another opposite on the top of Inch Hill, 


both distant only a few miles from Grianan-Aileach, and 
within sight of it, but says not a word of Greenan Hill. 
This is the more remarkable inasmuch as in this same letter 
he explains the word Grian, and of Greannach, an Irish 
adjective which he translates as ' long-haired,' and which, 
he says, ' is a natural epithet of the sun in all nations.' 

From the foregoing our readers will be able to form a 
pretty accurate notion of the meaning of the term Grianan, 
and in what sense it is to be taken in the present instance. 
"We shall now return to Ailech, and treat as briefly as 
possible of its former importance in Ireland, and of the part 
taken by some of its leading kings in the events of the 
several periods in which they respectively lived. 


Making all due allowance for the amount of fable mixed 
up with the accounts of its origin and early history, still 
from every reliable document on ancient Irish history we 
learn that it was a place of the greatest importance long 
before the Christian era. Its very situation, which now 
seems to us so ill chosen and so unsuited to a royal fortress, 
is just such as we might expect to be selected by the eastern 
people who are said to have been its founders. It was 
modelled after what they had seen in the east ; surrounded 
with three several walls, or fortifications, at stated distances 
from each other ; inaccessible to any sudden attack from an 
enemy, and commanding a most extensive view of the 
waters of the Foyle and of the Swilly. No hostile fleet 
could enter either lough, without being at once perceived ; 
and by land it would be difficult for any force to approach 
without being observed from afar, and means being adopted 
to repel them. It was what Thomas Davis designated " a 
rath on a far-seeing hill," which commanded the view of 
the country far and wide, and which could scarcely be 
surprised by an enemy. Petrie, in his Antiquities of Tara 
Hill, remarks the great similarity in the sites of Tara, 
Emania, and Aileach, with the exception that Aileach was 
on a much more elevated situation than either of the 
others. However, Aileach was not without a parallel as to 


the loftiness of its position even in the north of Ireland, for 
on a hill about four miles west of Coleraine (now called the 
Giant's Sconce) are the remains of a cyclopean fortress, 
identified by Dr. O'Donovan as the famous ' Munitio 
Cetherini ' mentioned by Adamnan. This fortress derived 
its name from Cethern, son of Fintau, one of the heroes 
of the Red Branch, who flourished in Ulster about the 
beginning of the Christian era. This hill is 797 feet above 
the sea-level. 1 Another similar pile exists on the top of a 
hill in the parish of Cloncha (Malin), but its history is 
buried in obscurity. The ruin is known simply by the title 
of ' The Castle,' and the hill is called Knock-Eath, or the 
Hill of the Eath or Fort. Mr. Petrie points out the 
similarity as to situation, encircling ramparts, &c., between 
Ecbatana in Media, described by Herodotus, and Aileach ; 
and shows that there is nothing strange in the selection of 
such an elevated situation for the royal palace and fortress. 

The importance of Aileach, or rather of its kings, can 
best be estimated by the power which they wielded, and by 
the tributes that were paid them. These are set down very 
clearly and definitely in the Book of Eights; and though we 
may be inclined to smile at times at the primitive mode of 
paying taxes observed by our ancestors, we must admit that 
it answered their purpose just as well, if not even better, 
than our income-tax and poor-rates do at present. At 
certain periods the King of Aileach was also King of Ireland; 
but when this was not the case, he was to receive a stated 
revenue from the Irish chief king, in consequence of his 
high position as head of the northern Hy Niall : 

The King of Aileach himself, then, when he was not King 
of Eire, is entitled to sit by the side of the King of Eire at 
banquet and at fair, and to go before the King of Eire at treaties, 
and assemblies, and councils, and supplications. And he is 
entitled to receive from the King of Eire fifty swords, and fifty 
shields, and fifty bondmen, and fifty dresses, and fifty steeds ; 
these for the King of Aileach. 

And when the King of Cashel was for the time being 

1 See Reeve's Adamnan, p. 94, n. 1. 


supreme King of Ireland, he was to pay a certain tribute to 
the King of Aileach, as follows : 

Fifty drinking horns and fifty swords, 

Fifty steeds with the usual trappings 

To the man of prosperity of the Doires of goodly fruit, 

To the prince of Aileach who protects all. 

The special revenues due to the King, as king of Aileach 
are set down separately by themselves, and are very consi- 
derable, indeed. The catalogue of them begins thus : 

The right of the King of Aileach ; listen ye to it. 

Among the oak forests immeasurable 

He is entitled to income, no trifling tribute, 

From the tribes [and] from the Forthuatha. 

A hundred sheep, a hundred cloaks, a hundred cows, 

And a hundred hogs are given to him 

From Culeantraidhe of the war 

To the King of Aileach laboriously. 

Three hundred hogs, &c., &c. 

Then follow all the districts subject to Aileach, and the 
amount of tributes, or rights, that they paid ; but certain 
districts were exempted from the taxation, because, as 
'Donovan explains in a note, they were of the same race 
as the King of Aileach himself. These districts were 
Tullahogue (the Hill of the Youths), in the barony of 
Dungannon ; Crabh (Crew or Creeve), a district on the west 
side of the lower Bann; Magh lotha (the plain of Ith), 
believed to be an extensive plain in the barony of Eaphoe ; 
Inis-Eoghain, and Tyr-Connell. The limits of this last- 
named district corresponded almost exactly with the 
boundaries of the present county of Donegal, with the 
exception of Inishowen, which belonged to Tyr-Eoghain, 
or the territory of Eoghain. This district was far more 
extensive than the present county of Tyrone. 

Of course, we are not to suppose that the kings of Aileach 
had not their duties as well as their rights to attend to. These 
are just as carefully marked down for them as are their 
privileges, and are equally curious and interesting ; but the 
amount of tribute, or rights, as they termed it, paid to them 
evinces clearly the great power and high position they held 
among the kings of Ireland. 


The succession of kings in Aileach, from the time of 
its restoration by Frigrinn, is difficult to trace ; but from 
the notice by the annalists of Eoghan (whom St. Patrick 
converted and baptized), it seems certain that the place 
was regarded then as an ancient seat of royalty. In the 
Tripartite Life of St. Patrick the account of King Eoghan's 
conversion is given, where, after stating that the King went 
out to meet and welcome Patrick as soon as he heard he 
was in his territories, the writer goes on to tell that 

The man of God accompanied Prince Eoghan to his palace, 
which he then held in the most ancient and celebrated seat of 
the kings, called Aileach, and which the holy bishop consecrated 
by his blessing, promising that from the seed of Eoghan many 
kings and princes of Ireland should spring ; and as a pledge of 
which he left there a certain stone, blessed by him, upon which 
the promised kings and princes should be ordained. l 

Dr. Petrie considers it most probable that this stone still 
exists, and possibly is that called St. Columb's Stone, in the 
garden of Belmont, about a mile from the city of Derry. 

Eoghan's principality, known by the title of Tyr-Eoghau, 
embraced the present county of Tyrone, the county of London- 
derry, parts of Armagh, and the peninsula of Inishown. Eoghan 
was one of the sons of Niall of the Nine Hostages, and his 
death is recorded by the Four Masters under the year 464 : 

Eoghain, son of Niall of the Nine Hostages [from whom are 
descended the Cinel-Eoghain], died of grief for Conall-Gulban, 
son of Niall of the Nine Hostages, and was buried at Uisce- 
Chain, in Inis-Eoghain, concerning which was said : 

Eoghan, son of Niall died 

Of tears good his nature 

In consequence of the death of Conall, of hard feats, 

So that his grave is at Uisce-Chain. 

The place where he was buried in Iskaheen is now 
unknown, but it was probably in or near the old graveyard 
at the chapel in that parish. 

Passing over the intervening kings from the time of 
Eoghan, we come to one who, a century later, acted a pro- 
minent part in Irish affairs, and left in an unmistakable 
manner his ' footprints on the sands of time.' This was 
(or Hugh), the son of Ainmire, King of Ireland. 

1 Triad. Tfianm., p. 145. 


Ainmire was first cousin of the famous St. Colurnba, so that 
Mdh and Columba stood in relation to each other of first 
and second cousins. In his twenty-fifth year St. Columbkille 
was obliged to leave the Monastery of Glasnevin, beside 
Dublin, in consequence of a plague that had broken out in 
that locality, and to return to the north. He came to 
Derry, which was then an island on which was a royal fort ; 
and ^Edh, who was then very young, and who at the time 
was residing there, offered him the southern portion of the 
island as a site for a monastery. Some say that .ZEdh was 
then too young to be in power, and that it was his father 
Ainmire who bestowed the gift on his saintly cousin. How- 
ever, be it given by whom it might, St. Columba accepted 
the gift, and founded there his first great monastery, A.D. 545. 
In after years Columba's heart ever turned with an inde- 
scribable love to this his first foundation, and from the place 
of his exile would he strain his gaze to catch even a glimpse 
of the distant hills that environed his beloved oak grove of 
Doire-Calgach. There is an ancient Irish poem attributed 
to the saint, in which he expressed his great and undying 
love for the green island in the Foyle. Dr. Douglas Hyde 
has lately given us a charming metrical paraphrase of this 
poem, and were it not for fear of occupying too much space, 
we would gladly transcribe this paraphrase in its entirety. 
We will just venture to give a few stanzas : 

And oh ! were the tributes of Alba, mine, 
From shore unto centre, from centre to sea, 

The site of one house, to be marked by a line, 
In the midst of fair Derry, were dearer to me. 

That spot is the dearest on Erin's ground, 

For the treasures that peace and that purity lend ; 
For the hosts of bright angels that circle it round, 

Protecting its borders from end to end. 
That spot is the dearest on Erin's ground, 

For its peace and its beauty I gave it my love ; 
Each leaf of the oaks around Derry is found 

To be crowded with angels from heaven above. 

My Derry, my Derry, my little oak grove, 

My dwelling, my home, and my own little cell ; 

May God the Eternal, in heaven above, 

Send woe to thy foes and defend thce well. 
VOL. in. 2 c 


Shortly after his accession to the throne of Ireland, 
gave permission to his son Comasach to make a friendly 
circuit round the various courts of the kingdom, where, 
however, he conducted himself in a most insolent manner. 
Bran Dubh, King of Leinster, determined to put an end to 
this haughty youth's career, and had him assassinated. The 
melancholy tidings were borne in due time to JEdh, who 
was then residing at his palace of Aileach, and he collected 
together his forces, and marched into Leinster to avenge the 
death of his son. But the expedition proved a fatal one to 
him, for he was slain in the battle of Dunbolg (near Baltin- 
glass), A.D. 594. This ,3dh it was who had summoned the 
great Convention at Drumceat, where such salutary laws 
and regulations were enacted. 

Leinster seems to have been an unfortunate terri- 
tory to the northern kings, for, in the year 718, Fergal 
Mac Maoileduin, monarch of Ireland, setting out from 
Aileach to collect the Boromean tribute in that province, 
was slain at the battle of Almhain (now the Hill of Allen, in 
the county of Kildare), with six thousand of his mercenaries, 
and a great number of the northern chiefs and warriors. 

None of the kings of Aileach were more fortunate in 
having their names and exploits handed down to posterity 
than Muircheartach, or Mortogh of the Leather Cloaks, son 
of Niall Glundubh, or Niall of the Black Knee, who was a 
most distinguished king, but was killed in a battle against 
the Danes, near Dublin, A.D. 919, after a reign of three 
years. Muircheartach was son-in-law of the supreme 
monarch, and was, moreover, Koydamna, or heir presump- 
tive to the throne of Ireland. He was a bold and successful 
warrior, and made many hostile incursions into Leinster, 
Connaught, and Ulidia; sailed on one occasion to the 
Hebrides, plundered them, and subdued their inhabitants ; 
contended frequently against the Danes, who once took him 
prisoner, and twice destroyed his palace at Aileach ; opposed 
his father-in-law in battle more than once, but in the end 
coalesced with him against the common enemy, the Norse- 
men. In 941 he planned and executed his famous circuit of 
Ireland, which has transmitted his name to posterity. He 


was fortunate enough to have in his retinue a distinguished 
poet, named Cormacan Eigeas, who, in the year following 
the expedition, committed to verse a history of the whole. 
This poem has been translated into English and annotated 
by Dr. O'Donovan, and published by the Irish Arch geological 
Society. Muircheartach was, as we have said, heir apparent 
to the throne of Tara ; but he well knew that his claims 
would be disputed. He determined, therefore, to anticipate 
any opposition, and to reduce to subjection all those who 
were likely to oppose him. With this object in view, he 
selected a thousand chosen warriors, dressed them in 
leathern cloaks from which circumstance he was ever 
after known as ' Murtogh of the Leather Cloaks ' and in 
the depth of winter, when he knew his foes would be unpre- 
pared, he marched to Dublin, whence he took Sitric, the 
Danish King, with him as a hostage. He then proceeded 
against Lorcan, King of Leinster, whom he also carried 
with him; marched from thence into Munster, and took 
Cellaghan, king of that district ; advanced next into 
Connaught, where Conchobar, son of Teige, came to meet 
him ; and then returned to Aileach, carrying with him his 
royal hostages. In the spirit of a true chevalier, he was 
unwilling to bring so large and unexpected a party to his 
beautiful queen ' Dubhdaire of the black hair ' without 
due notice ; and he, therefore, despatched a courier before 
him, to apprise her of his coming : 

From the green Lochan na n'each 
A page was despatched to Aileach, 
To tell Dubhdaire of the black hair 
To send women to cut rushes. 

' Eise up, Dubhdaire ' [spake the page] ; 
Here is company coming to thy house ; 
Attend to each man of them 
As a monarch should be attended.' 

' Tell to me ' [she answered], ' what company comes hither, 
To the lordly Aileach-Figreann ; 
Tell me, fair page, 
That I may attend them.' 

' The Kings of Erin in fetters ' [he replies], 
With Muircheartach, son of warlike Niall, 
Ten hundred heroes of distinguished valour, 
Of the race of the fierce fair Eoghan.' 


For five months Murtagh detained his hostages at 
Aileach, but at the end of that time he sent them to his 
father-in-law, Donnchadh, King of Ireland. Donnchadh, 
however, not to be outdone in generosity, sent them back 
again, and it is probable they remained at Aileach till the 
death of Murtogh, which occurred in 943. The Four 
Masters thus record his death : 

Muircheartach of the Leather Cloaks, son of Xiall Glundubh, 
lord of Aileach, the Hector of the west of Europe in his time, 
was slain at Ath-Fhirdiadh by Blacaire, son of Godfrey lord of 
the foreigners, on the 26th of March. 

The modern name of the place where he was slain is 
Ardee, in the County Louth. 

The Venerable Charles O'Connor, of Balanagare, in his 
Dissertations on the History of Ireland, contrasting the 
characters of Cellaghan, King of Munster, and Murtagh 
King of Aileach concludes thus : 

Murkertagh made improvements in the art of war. His 
character lies entombed in the history of a people, hardly inquired 
after in our own time. He had as] great a genius for war as any 
man that this island has, perhaps, ever produced. The endow- 
ments of his heart were still greater. He, for some time, valued 
himself and his party too much ; but loving his countiy more, he 
relented, and reconciled himself to his sovereign and his brother- 
in law [recte, father-in-law]. Thenceforward he never relapsed 
into faction. Of all enemies, he was the most generous ; of all 
commanders, the most affable. He never descended from his 
dignity; but reconciled familiarity to rank, which, in the ordinary 
course of things, must be kept separate from it. Elevated, bene- 
volent, and captivating, he was, unhappily, taken off at a time 
when his character put him in possession of a power which 
probably would have relieved his country from bondage. 

In 956, Domhnall O'Neill, son of Muircheartagh, came 
to the throne, and we find his death recorded under date 
A.D. 978. It was this monarch who was visited at Aileach 
by the famous poet MacCoise, whose palace in Meath had 
been plundered by O'Neill's people. O'Curry, in the 6th 
of his Lectures, already quoted so often, gives a full and 
interesting account of this visit, and of the curious poem 
MacCoise recited on the occasion to the monarch. It will 


repay a perusal, and, were it not for its length, we would 
introduce it here. Suffice it to say, that the poem had its 
desired effect, and procured for its injured author a full 
compensation for all the losses he had sustained. 

But though Aileach boasts many distinguished kings 
and princes, it is questionable if any of them have stronger 
claims to a prominent place in our history than the last 
resident king, who reigned and held his court there. 
Domhnall Ua Lochlainn, or Donnel O'Lochlin, was a 
warrior of whom any nation might be proud ; and had he 
lived in a country less torn asunder by petty jealousies 
and factions, would probably have ranked in the first class 
of renowned heroes. As it is, he occupies no inconsiderable 
place in our annals ; and the palace of Aileach, first inha- 
bited by the memorable Daghda, found, at the time of its 
final destruction, a worthy occupant in the person of 
Ardghar's royal son. His entire reign, both as King of 
Aileach, and afterwards as King of Ireland, exemplified 
strongly the words that ' man's life upon earth is a warfare ;' 
for he seems to have been cradled in the camp, and schooled 
in the battle-field, and to have turned to the best account 
the military genius with which nature had endowed him. 
His kingly air, his strength of mind, his unbounded gene- 
rosity marked him out for his high position ; and, though 
success is not always the proof of valour, still, when victory 
crowned all, or nearly all, the battles of eight and thirty 
years of warfare, it is impossible to withhold from 
Domhnall Ua Lochlainn the fame of a noble and daring 

Under date A.D. 1088, the Four Masters tell us that 
Domhnall proceeded into Connaught, obtained hostages of 
all that province, whose king likewise joined him in his 
expedition, marched into Munster ; burned Limerick, plun- 
dered the province of Munster; destroyed Kincora, the 
ancient palace of the Munster kings, and carried off eight - 
score heroes as hostages and pledges. Two years later a 
great meeting took place between Domhnall, the King of 
Cashel, the Lord of Meath, and the King of Connaught, and 
all agreed to deliver hostages to the King of Aileach as a 


token of their submission to him. In the year 1093 
Domhnall blinded .ZEdh Ua-Canannain, Lord of Cinel- 
Connaill ; and in the following year he slew the King of 
Ulidia in the battle of Bealach-Guirt-an-inbhair ; that is, 
as O'Donovan explains it, 'The Koad or Pass of the Field 
of the Yew.' ' This Pass was at Gortimire, in the parish 
of Killelagh, barony of Loughinsholin, in the county of 
Londonderry.' The same year he marched to Dublin, 
joined by the chiefs of the Kinel-Conaill, Cinel-Eoghan, 
and others, proceeded to Oughterard, in Kildare, and after 
burning that town routed the Munstermen in battle. 

In 1100 his old enemy, Murtagh O'Brien, brought a 
great fleet of the ' foreigners ' to Derry, but the indomitable 
King of Aileach completely destroyed them ; and in the 
same year he took prisoner the King of Ulidia, and many of 
his chiefs together with him. The King of Munster was the 
one persistent enemy who disturbed the rest and peace of 
Domhnall during his whole long term of sovereignty. He 
it was, who, in one of his predatory incursions into the 
North, destroyed the regal fortress on Greenan, and caused 
each of his soldiers, as we have already seen, to carry back 
to Limerick a stone of the demolished palace. It is true 
this destruction of Aileach by Murtagh O'Brien in A.D. 1101 
was but an act of retaliation for the destruction of the 
palace of Kincora by Domhnall in 1088, but the carrying 
off of the stones from the ruined mansion was a refinement 
of savagery ill becoming a kingly mind. 

The remaining portion of Domhnall' s reign was princi- 
pally made up of incursions into Meath, Connaught, &c., 
until in A.D: 1121 we find recorded the death of this 
wonderful man in that quaint style of eulogy so peculiar 
to the Donegal annalists : 

Domhnall, son of Ardghar MacLochlainn, King of Ireland, the 
most distinguished of the Irish for personal form, family, sense, 
prowess, prosperity, and happiness, for bestowing of jewels and 
food upon the mighty and the needy, died at Doire-Choluim- 
Chille, after having been twenty-seven years in sovereignty over 
Ireland, and eleven years in the kingdom of Ailech, in the seventy- 
third year of his age, on the night of "Wednesday, the fourth of 
the Ides of February, being the feast of Mochuarog. 


The title did not die with him, for, thirty "years later, we 
find recorded by the same authorities that ' the hostages of 
Leinster were sent to his house, to the son of Niall, grandson 
of Lochlainn ; i.e., King of Aileach and Teamhair.' On 
till the close of the twelfth century the title of King of 
Aileach is met with in our annals ; but after that time it 
disappears from our history, and is lost for ever. 


The royal abode of so many kings and warriors thence- 
forth became the prey of ' time's destroying fingers.' The 
sound of revelry and the clang of armour alike were stilled 
within its walls. Captive kings no longer sat at the 
monarch's board, and ' the house of the groaning hostages ' 
held no more its fettered inmates; but, when the reality was 
gone, imagination would still people it with warlike hosts, 
ready to come to their country's deliverance when the time 
arrived, and the signal was given them. In a cave underneath 
the mountain, say the legends, lies entranced in magic 
slumber a troop of horse belonging to Hugh O'Neill. They 
have not, like the fallen soldiers of Sennacherib, ' the dew on 
their brow, and the rust on their mail,' but are equipped in 
perfect armour, well mounted on fiery chargers, whose reins 
they hold with one hand, while the other rests upon the hilt 
of a shining blade. The spell that binds them can only be 
broken by their destined leader, and everyone else is power- 
less to disenchant them. On one occasion a man wandered 
accidentally into this cave, and was terrified at the sight of 
the armed soldiers. One of them raised his head, and asked 
' was the time come ; ' but when no answer was given him, 
he fell back again into his magic slumber. Duffy, in his 
spirited ballad, entitled Inishowen, refers to this legend : 

When they tell us a tale of a spell-stricken band, 

All entranced, with their bridles and broadswords in hand, 

Who await but the word to give Erin her own, 

They can read you that riddle in proud Innishowen. 

Another very beautiful but melancholy legend is fre- 
quently told in connection with Aileach ; but as Keating 


relates it as having occurred at Emania, in the time of 
Connor MacNessa, King of Ulster, we will merely given an 
outline of it here. 

A certain noble, who was of a warlike disposition, 
wishing to perfect himself in the exercise of arms, went 
for that purpose to Scotland, to receive instructions from 
Sgathach, a lady of masculine bravery and experience. Here 
Congculionn, or Cuhullin, fell in love with a Scotch lady, 
named Aoife, and had his affection returned. He was 
obliged suddenly, and sooner than he expected, to return 
to his native land; but ere leaving he gave directions to Aoife 
how to train up their child, if a son. She was to have him 
instructed in the military art by the best teachers, and at a 
certain age he was to be sent to Ireland to seek out his 
father. A chain of gold which he gave her was to be put 
about the youth's neck when setting out for the shores of 
Erinn, and by this was his father to know him and 
acknowledge him as his son. 

Three obligations, however, she was to impose on him 
with all a mother's authority when setting out on his 
journey, and to insist strictly on their observance. The 
first was, that he should never give place to any person 
living, but rather die than be obliged to turn back. The 
second was, never to refuse a challenge from the boldest 
champion alive, but to fight with him even though he was 
bure to fall in the encounter. And the third was, never to 
disclose his name to anyone asking it. In due time a son 
was born, and named Conlaoch. His mother got him trained 
by the same Amazon who had instructed his father, and he 
became the greatest proficient in the military art in Scotland. 
At the appointed time he came to search for his father, 
Congcullion, and directed his steps to the king's palace, 
where a great meeting was at that time being held to de- 
liberate on matters relating to the province of Ulster. On 
coming to court the young Conlaoch refused to disclose his 
name even to the king's messengers; and Cuhullin, who 
formed one of the assembly of nobles then met together, 
asked the king's permission to see this haughty youth, and to 
force him to obedience. To Cuhullin's inquiry as to his 


name and the object of his coming, Conlaoch refused an 
answer, till the father, incensed by the obstinacy of the 
young warrior, struck him with his spear. Roused to fury, 
Conlaoch sprang at Cuhullin, and, ' as meet two troubled 
seas, with the rolling of all their waves, when they feel 
the wings of contending winds, in the rock-sided firth of 
Lurnon,' so met the warriors in deadly combat. Never was 
deadlier struggle witnessed; but the fire of youth was in 
Conlaoch's veins, and the hitherto unconquered Cuhullin had 
to yield to the prowess of his adversary. Worsted in the 
conflict, he was forced to take advantage of a ford in the 
stream to save his life. Maddened by his defeat he called 
upon one of his officers to bring him the spear, called in Irish 
the Gai Builg, with which he was sure to destroy his adver- 
sary. Grasping it in his hand, he threw it with all his force, 
and surely enough pierced the body of the unfortunate youth, 
who fell dead upon the spot. Pity for his fate and unmerited 
death now seized upon the heart of Congcullion, and bend- 
ing over his fair young victim, from whose cheek and brow 
the bloom of boyhood had scarcely worn away, he descried 
the chain which years before he had entrusted to the hands 
of the enamoured Aoife. His grief can be better imagined 
than described, for he was now heartbroken. They buried 
the ill-fated Conlaoch in the green valley below, and raised 
above him a hero's tomb. The summer passed, the autumn 
died away, and surly November breathed over the landscape, 
stripping the quivering branches of their foliage, and sending 
the withered leaves through their weird, fantastic dances. 
On an evening at this season a female form was seen at 
Conlaoch's grave, and the morrow found her still kneeling 
there. It was Aoife, the loving mother, who, fearing for the 
fate of her son, had followed him to Erin ; and, learning the 
sad story of his melancholy end, had come to die at her 
loved one's tomb. The green sward opened its bosom for 
her too, and she sleeps with the child of her love in this 
northern valley, far from the home of her youth and the 
graves of her kindred. 

The prospect from the summit of Greenan is grand in 
the extreme. ' It commands,' says Petrie, ' one of the most 


extensive and beautifully varied panoramic prospects to be 
found in Ireland.' Westward lies Tyrconnell, with its 
glorious mountains and verdant valleys ; away towards the 
north stretch the realms of O'Doherty, historic Inishowen ; 
eastwards rise up the basaltic headlands of Magilligan and 
the dark hills of Derry ; whilst the blue mountain ranges of 
Tyrone close in the beauteous picture towards the south. 
It is a region of romantic story, the scene of a thousand 
battles, the natal soil of many a saint, the asylum of the 
poet and historian, and the field where the expiring patriot- 
ism of Ireland fought its last death-fight against the 
encroachments of English power. 

And around this old ruin, which crowns the summit of 
Greenan, how many glorious as well as sad reminiscences 
cluster ! What revolutions has it not witnessed ! what 
wonderful changes has it not beheld ! How many generations 
have come and gone, have played their part upon the stage of 
life, and then retired behind the curtain of death, since first 
the Daghda's murdered son was laid to rest upon the summit of 
this mountain ! Nearly a thousand years before Sardanapalus 
perished amid the smoking ruins of Niniveh did Corgeann 
sink here beneath his cruel burden ; and the towers of Rome 
did not fling their shadows over the yellow Tiber till ten 
centuries after the first De Danann palace had been erected 
at Aileach. Almost coeval with Grecian Thebes, ancient 
as Thyatira, it was centuries old before Antioch was founded 
by Seleucus Nicator, and before Solomon had raised his 
magnificent temple in the sacred city of Sion. It preceded 
and survived the rise and fall of many kingdoms and empires ; 
it has seen the strange vicissitudes of fortune in the old 
world and the new ; and whilst the proudest cities of bygone 
ages have melted away like the snowflake, it still rests on 
the brow of the mountain, looking out, as of old, on the 
Swilly and the Foyle, and guarding, like a faithful sentinel, 
the lands of O'Doherty, from the peaks of the Scalp to the 
distant shores of Malin. 

It has seen countless changes in the religious and 
political systems of the world. The strange doctrines of 
Buddha, the more elevated system of the sun and fire 


worshippers, the absurd theories of Grecian and Roman 
philosophers, have passed, in turn, before it, and the mystic 
rites of the Druids have been celebrated around its very 
walls. The voice of Ireland's great apostle has echoed 
here, and in this spot the warlike son of Niall the Great 
reverently bowed to Patrick's teaching. 

Even in the immediate locality around, what astonishing 
political revolutions, what changes of dynasty, what cruel 
butcheries, have not been witnessed ! What temples of reli- 
gion has Aileach not seen rise in its very vicinity, then fall, 
in the lapse of years, beneath the worse than Vandal power 
of the enemies of society ! There, beyond the modern 
ramparts that connect Inch with Inishowen, once arose the 
cloisters of St. Mura, or Muranus, a famous monastery 
founded by St. Columbkille, and governed, in the beginning 
of the seventh century, by the illustrious man whose name 
it ever afterwards bore. St. Mura wrote the life of the 
founder of the monastery (St. Columb), and from this 
life the Martyrology of Donegal makes several extracts. 
Here, too, died, in A.D. 884, a most distinguished 
scholar and writer, Maelmura, or servant of Mura, abbot 
of Fahan. In recording the event the Four Masters thus 
write : 

Msealmura, the learned and truly intelligent poet, the erudite 
historian of the Scotic language, died. It is of him this testimony 
was given : 

There trod not the charming earth, there never flourished at affluent 

The great and fertile Ireland never produced a man like the mild, fine 

There sipped not death -without sorrow, there mixed not a nobler face with 

the dead, 
The habitable earth was not closed over a historian more illustrious. 

Well was that place named Fathen, or Fahan (which 
means shelter or enclosure), for the north winds may rave, 
and the tempests roar, but Fahan heeds not their violence. 
Nestling at the foot of the semicircular hills that shield it 
from the north, it for ever woos the sunshine, and smiles in 
perpetual verdure when all around is wintry gloom and 
desolation. But the monastic glories of Fahan are gone, 


and only a crumbling ruin of the beauteous church now 
remains to indicate the site of its once famous schools and 
sacred cloisters. 

Across the lake, on the opposite shore of the Swilly, 
stood the abbey of Kil-o'-Donnell, a Franciscan foundation 
established by the great Tyrconnel chieftains. It belonged 
to the Tertiaries, or third Order of St. Francis, and, like its 
great parent house in Donegal, was both founded and 
endowed by the O'Donnells. Farther down along the 
shore was the Carmelite Convent of Rathmullen, opposite to 
which ' dauntless Red Hugh ' was entrapped in his fifteenth 
year by the wily stratagem of Sir John Perrott, and carried 
away captive to Dublin Castle, in whose dungeons he 
languished for four years. He was captured in 1587, and 
exactly twenty years afterwards another vessel sailed from 
that same Fanad shore, bearing away for ever, from their 
native land, the noblest and most skilful generals that 
Ireland ever produced. These were the ' Earls,' as they 
were usually styled, and the numerous retinue that accom- 
panied them. Than Hugh O'Neill, who for so many 
years out-manoauvred all the generals of Elizabeth ; and 
Rory O'Donnell, a man in every way worthy of the princely 
name he bore, our annals can produce no grander characters. 
Never did Aileach look down upon a more melancholy 
scene : 

For it is certain [say the Four Masters] that the sea never 
carried, and that the winds never wafted from the Irish shores, 
individuals more illustrious or noble in genealogy, or more 
renowned for deeds of valour, prowess, and high achievements. 

Sad though was their fate, it is consoling to know that 
in this our day justice has at length been done to their 
memory, and that the glowing and truthful pen of one of 
our best writers (the late Father Meehan) has pourtrayed 
their sufferings and their wrongs in his Fate and Fortunes 
of Neill and O'Donnell. 

Southwards from Fanad lies Gartan, the birthplace of 
the most remarkable man in Irish history, St. Columbkille. 
Remarkable was he in every sense, for, like St. Bernard in a 


later age, his word swayed the councils of kings, and gave a 
direction to the current both of politics and religion. From 
Greenan can we count the sites of the many religious houses 
he established, stretching from Derry, his first great founda- 
tion, to the distant Tory, amid the waves of the Atlantic. 
And when the mists ascend, and leave undimmed the blue 
expanse across the waters, the last scene of his missionary 
labours the isles and highlands of Scotland rise before us 
like distant cerulean cloudland, flecked with living streaks 
of golden sunshine. 

Immediately below, on this side of the Swilly, and 
adjoining the base of Greenan, stretch the rich plains of 
Burt, one vast garden of luxuriance and beauty, and the 
border fortresses of O'Doherty like wounded gladiators, 
now tottering to their fall lend an indescribable charm to 
the picture. These are the castles of Burt, Inch, and 
Elagh, which, with that of Buncrana, were used alternately 
by the lord of Inishowen as pleasure or convenience sug- 
gested. Tradition states that these castles were built in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century by Neacthan O'Donnell 
for his father-in-law, O'Doherty. Their last owner was the 
chivalrous but ill-fated Sir Cahir, who was killed near 
Kilmacrenan, A.D. 1608. With him passed away the power 
and the glory of the old sept, and his lordly possessions were 
seized upon by Sir Arthur Chichester, one of the most cold- 
blooded and heartless reptiles that ever crawled from the 
mire of English corruption. Sir Cahir's name and history 
fill a gloomy page in the history of our country. What he 
might in time have become is now vain to conjecture, for, 
with a burning feeling of personal injury rankling in his 
soul, and with the standard of battle once raised, he pro- 
bably would have proved a deadly and troublesome enemy 
to the English power in the North, had his fate not been 
sealed so early on the Eock of Doon. 

To barely enumerate the historical spots visible from 
Greenan, and to recount the incidents connected with them, 
would be to compress into an essay the material of a portly 
volume. There is not a foot of ground on either side the 
classic Swilly or lovely Foyle that does not bear testimony 


equally to the prowess and the piety of the ancient race ; and 
the crumbling arches of the ruined cloisters, like voices from 
the dead, remind us that learning and religion flourished 
here at a time when the tide of barbarism had swept away 
everything sacred from the rest of Europe. 

Greenan, too, is a mute memorial of the cruel legislation 
of the penal days ; for here, in the last century, were the 
persecuted Catholics wont to assemble, and to offer to God 
that homage which their faith dictated. This was not, as 
Colonel Blacker in his sun-temple theory has stated, by any 
means ' a certain proof of the traditional sanctity of the 
spot/ but was rather a proof of the fear and trembling with 
which the persecuted race regarded the priest-hunters of the 
time, and which induced them to select a situation from 
whence their enemies could be seen from a distance, and 
imprisonment or death be consequently avoided. That such 
precaution was not unnecessary we must admit, when we 
bear in mind how these traffickers in human blood were 
ever following in the wake of their victims, and how 

With eye of lynx, and ear of stag, 
And footfall like the snow, 

they were ever alive to the least movement of the banned and 
outlawed race, and were only too ready and willing to betray 
them to the soldiery. We can well remember to hear our 
venerated grandsires tell, in the days of our childhood, how 
they attended Mass on Greenan Hill, when Dean O'Donnell 
(afterwards Bishop of Derry) was the celebrant ; how they 
arose long hours before day, and accompanied their parents 
through the dreary hills to the sacred try sting-place ; and 
how in that temple of nature, whose floor was the damp 
heather, and whose canopy was the azure sky, they learned 
practically the truth and sweetness of the doctrine that 
' blessed are they that suffer persecution for justice' sake.' 
But though, happily, those days are gone for ever, yet the 
impress they made was too dsep to be easily obliterated, and 
the emancipated children of shackled parents can scarcely 
yet realize their freedom. 

We cannot close this little sketch without referring to 


an effort made a few years since to restore what remains 
of Aileach to its pristine form. The palace itself, as we 
already saw, was destroyed by O'Brien in 1101, but what 
Dr. Petrie calls the \cashel ' was apparently not interfered 
with. In the lapse of years it gradually fell, and having 
been constructed originally of uncemented stones, it pre- 
sented at the time of the Ordnance Survey the appearance 
of a cairn. As, however, the walls still remained standing 
to the height of five or six feet, Petrie and his collaborateurs 
were able tD take measurements, and to sketch out with 
wonderful accuracy the plan of the building. The surround- 
ing wall was circular, enclosing a space 77 feet 6 inches 
in diameter, and the breadth of the wall at its base varied 
from 15 feet to 11 feet 6 inches. There was one doorway 
on the eastern side, there were stairs inside in the walls, 
which led to galleries, and brought one to the top gallery or 
platform. Petrie conjectured the height of the external 
wall had been twice or even four times the height of the 
portion of the wall then standing, i.e., that it might have 
been 12 or even 24 feet high. It was evidently intended 
for a watch-tower, and as a place of defence from which 
assailing enemies could be advantageously repelled. It 
would serve, moreover, as a store-house for the military 
weapons used at the period. 

Dr. Bernard, a medical gentleman residing in the city of 
Derry, undertook the work of restoration some years ago, 
and having enlisted the sympathies of the farmers of the 
locality, he secured valuable assistance from them in carrying 
out the work. He followed the plans sketched out in the 
Ordnance Memoir, and after earnest and persevering labours 
he completed his self-imposed task. To him it was a labour 
of love, for he is a most devoted antiquarian, and his labour 
has been the means of reviving the interest in the place, and 
of attracting numbers of tourists in the summer months. 
He well deserves the gratitude of all who take an interest 
in the bygone glories and in the ruins of their native 

Silence and desolation now brood over this ancient seat 
of royalty ; the music of the harp and the sigh of the 


captive alike are stilled within its walls ; decay, with foot- 
steps as noiseless as the summer mist, has pressed upon it ; 
and the green grass grows in its kingly courts, and the 
tempests of the North howl over its fallen battlements. 
Yet, though all its grandeur and greatness are no more ; 
though its kings and warriors have long since mouldered 
into dust ; it has still a charm for us in its past, and we 
love to hear as Ossian expresses it ' a tale of the times 
of old the deeds of days of other years.' When the future 
antiquarian shall investigate the history of our neglected 
ruins ; when the golden dawn of a genuine patriotism shall 
light our countrymen in the study of bygone ages, then 
shall we find that not the least interesting memorial of 
Ireland's forgotten glories is the mouldering palace of 
the Daghda the time-honoured halls of ' Aileach of the 



VEEY little is now known, or has been ever published 
in any connected form, concerning the distinguished 
career and the arduous life and labours of Dr. Oliver Kelly, 
Archbishop of Tuam. In the Lives of the Archbishops of 
Tuam, written by the late Sir Oliver J. Burke, for which 
the learned author received the order of the Papal knight 
hood, but very scant notice is taken of the personal character 
of this prelate, and a short account only given of his public 
action. This poverty of material seemed unavoidable, as 
Dr. Kelly lived in a period of stress and storm in Ireland, 
when there was little time or thought to record the passing 
events of his day ; and, coneequently, there remain but 
scattered and incomplete memorials of that eminent eccle- 
siastic. That Dr. Kelly was a distinguished and a remarkable 
man is evident from several facts. It is recorded of him 
that when intelligence of his death reached Rome, whither 
he was bound at the time, the Pope (Gregory XVI.) ' wept 
as for the loss of an old and valued friend; ' and we fiud 
that when the assembled bishops of Ireland met, in 1834, 
to make a pronouncement upon the Veto, Dr. Kelly, Arch- 
bishop of Tuam, was chosen as their presiding chairman ; 
and his name, as such, appears appended to the patriotic 
resolutions they issued, showing the high position of promi- 
nence he must have attained in the Irish Church. 

With the aid of some material lately discovered in old 
newspapers and from other sources, as well as local tradi- 
tion, I am enabled to put on paper some few connected fac r s 
respecting the deceased prelate which, seeing the light after 
being so many years immured in these old, dusty records, 
may be of interest not alone to the wide -scattered sons of 
the see of Tuam, which he so worthily filled, but also to 
the ecclesiastics generally of our Church. 

Oliver Kelly was born at Crumore, or Curraghmore, in 
the county of Galway, in the year 1777, of pious and 

VOL. III. 2 D 


respectable parents, members of the old Catholic families of 
Connaught, who clung to the faith with the well-known 
tenacity of the Celt. A writer in the Catholic Magazine 
of 1834, says : 

At the age of fourteen he was obliged to seek in a foreign 
country that education which, by the barbarous penal laws, it 
was deemed a crime to receive in his native land that land so 
famed in days of yore for communicating religion, arts, avid 
civilization, not only to persecuting England, but to various other 
nations more grateful for the blessings they thus received. 

Under the learned priest, who was subsequently Primate 
of Ireland (Most Kev. Dr. Curtis), at Salamanca, Oliver Kelly 
received that sound education he used so admirably for 
the promotion of religion. About 1802 he returned to 
Ireland ordained a priest, and being then twenty-five years 
of age, was appointed by Dr. Dillon, Archbishop of Taam, 
as Administrator of the parish of Tuam. At that time, 
when the sound of a bell for worship could not be heard in 
that Catholic town, and when, instead of the proud com- 
manding prominence it now occupies, verily situated on a 
mountain top, as it were, their church, of unpretending size 
and style, was hidden away in an obscure quarter known as 
Chapel-lane. The bishop and priests lived together in a 
small, thatched house on the Tullinadally-road. It was 
destined for Oliver Kelly to build, not only the present 
Cathedral, but the bishop's house and the presbytery, and it 
was left for the present eminently public-spirited and careful 
prelate to secure, out of his own resources, all these places 
for the use of the church, free from the restrictions of 
tenancy, and the responsibilities of rent. Working assi- 
duously in Tuam for some years, Father Kelly was appointed 
parish priest of Westport. There he commenced that 
wonderful career of church building, for which he was so 
distinguished. While in Westport he built the present 
Catholic chapel upon the Mall, a very pretty edifice in the 
Grecian style of architecture, and having inscribed outside 
the words of Holy Writ : ' This is an awful place.' Upon 
the death of Dr, Dillon, in 1809, Fr. Kelly was appointed 
Vicar Capitular of the Archdiocese by his brother priests. 


These were troublous times for the Church, and the Pope, a 
prisoner of the French Emperor, was unable to discharge 
his high functions. Consequently, Tuam remained without 
a bishop, and there was an interregnum for five years in the 
see of Jarlath, It was only on the 4th of October, 1814, 
that Pope Pius VII. was able to issue his rescript, and that 
Dr. Kelly received his appointment. On the 12th of March, 
1815, he was consecrated in the old Church at Chapel lane. 
In 1829 he received the Pallium from the Holy See. In 
Sir Oliver Burke's brief account of Dr. Kelly, 1814 is given 
as the date of his appointment, but the above are the exact 
dates. In the Catholic Magazine for June, 1834, we read of 
Dr. Kelly :- 

His unalterable attachment to the purity of the Catholic 
faith, and his desire to preserve it in Ireland against the wily 
machinations of State tricks, were unequivocally manifested in 
his opposition to the rescript of Quarrantotti, in 1814, to the Vote 
under every shape, and to the pensioning project of 1825. He 
not only headed his own immediate bishops and clergy in 
denouncing those measures but on account of his peculiar firm- 
ness was chosen President of the assembled bishops of Ireland, 
in Synod, in 1815, when in the spirit of that great national 
apostle they declared that the giving of any direct or indirect 
influence to the Government of this country by veto, nomination 
boards, or pension, over the Catholic clergy, would be as destruc- 
tive to the peace of the country as it would be subversive of the 
Catholic religion in Ireland. 

Upon his appointment to Tuam, Dr. Kelly appointed 
Dean Burke his successor in Westport, and he was its last 
parish priest, as upon that good priest's death it was attached 
to Tuam by Dr. MacHale as a mensal parish, and it so 
continues. Dean Burke was an intimate friend of the 
bishop, and was regarded by priests and people as his 
probable successor, for the translation of Dr. MacHale from 
Killala by Rome was at the time somewhat of a surprise in 
Tuam. In 1822 famine stalked the land, and the labours at 
that time of Dr. Kelly were so untiring, so anxious and 
arduous, that they undermined his health, and he was never 
the same afterwards. Even so did the rigours of black '47 
make such an impression on the late Bishop of Clonfert, 


then parish priest of Cummer, that he never could shake 
off its effects upon his spirits and strength. A Belief 
Committee was formed in Tuaru consisting of the two 
Archbishops, Dr. Kelly and Dr. Trench (the last Protestant 
Archbishop of Tuam). It may be incidentally mentioned 
that it was the abolition of the Archbishopric of Tuaru, after 
Dr. Trench's death, by the Derby Ministry, that first made 
Dr. Newman consider the Erastian character of the Pro- 
testant establishment, and which made him doubt its divine 
origin. A contemporary writer says of Dr. Kelly during 
this trying time : 

This illustrious bishop was to be seen on the wilds of 
Connemara, or upon the remote mountains of the West, relieving 
the starving portion of his flock, and, like his Divine .Master, 
administering to the wants of the poor and afflicted. 

In 1825 Dr. Kelly, with Dr. Curtis, Dr. Murray, Dr. Doyle, 
and Dr. Magauran, were summoned to give evidence be- 
fore a Committee elected by Parliament to examine into 
and report upon the tenets, morals, and discipline of the 
Roman Catholic Church, and upon the state of Ireland in 
general. The evidence of these prelates had a powerful 
effect in opening the minds of the English people ; but that 
of Dr. Kelly, ' if possible,' says the same writer, ' exceeded 
the evidence of the others in opposing the then contemplated 
pensioning and vetoistical arrangements. ' 

In 1827 Dr. Kelly commenced the erection of the magni- 
ficent Cathedral of Tuam, ' the ornament and glory of town 
and diocese.' As was then said of it, 'for beauty of 
architecture, unity of parts, and chasteness of design, it is 
superior to any modern temple in the empire.' It may 
have some compeers to-day in Ireland, but it must be 
remembered it was the first of its size and style that was 
attempted after the dark night of persecution had to give 
way to the opening dawn of religious liberty. At this 
period Dr. Kelly threw himself with all his characteristic 
energy into the struggle for Catholic Emancipation, and 
from the first was one of the staunchest friends and ablest 
advisers of O'Connell. In a letter dated from Merrion- 


square, the 30th December, 1827, Daniel O'Connell thus 
addressed Dr. Kelly : 

The public papers will already have informed your Lordship 
of the resolution to hold a meeting for petitions in every parish 
in Ireland on Monday, 31st January. I would not presume to 
call your Lordship's particular attention to this measure, or 
respectfully solicit your countenance and support hi your diocese, 
if I was not deeply convinced of its extreme importance and 
utility. The combination of national action all Catholic Ireland 
acting as one inan must necessarily have a powerful effect on 
the minds of the ministry and the entire British nation. A 
people who can thus be brought to act together and on one 
impulse are too powerful to be long opposed. 

We know the results of that splendid combination, even 
if we are not, by reason of our own apathy and want of 
co-operation, yet reaping the full fruits of O'Connell's 

Towards the end of 1833 Dr. Kelly's health declined. 
He visited the Continent, under medical advice, in the hope 
of recovery in that more genial clime, and away from the 
cares of his diocese. He spent some months in the South 
of Europe ; and returning to Eome from Naples, he was 
taken ill at Albano, near the Holy City, and, at the early 
age of fifty-seven, there breathed his last on the 18th of 
April, 1834. The account of his death is thus given in the 
Catholic Magazine of August 2, 1834 : 

After struggling with various attacks he left Eome for Albano 
on the 13th of April, 1834, and early on the morning of the 18th 
he calmly resigned his spirit into the hands of his Creator, after 
receiving the consolations of religion from the pastor of that 
district. On that day a splendid funeral service was performed 
in the Cathedral of Albano, and the Pope having heard of his 
death [letters from Eome acquaint us] shed many tears and 
ordered every respect to be paid to his remains, and that they 
should be conveyed to Eome, where his Holiness, attended by 
the Cardinals, the Superiors and the Students of the Irish, 
English, and Eoman Colleges, formed the awful [sic] procession 
to the Church of the Propaganda. After the funeral service pre- 
scribed by Eoman ritual had been performed, his body was 
placed in the vaults attached to the Church. On the 22nd of 
April another Office and High Mass were celebrated, attended by 
nearly the same persons. The church, magnificently hung with 


black, and illumined by the numerous wax candles which usually 
adorn the churches on the Continent on such solemn occasions. The 
Eight Eev. Dr. Baines, Vicar Apostolic, officiated as High Priest. 
Dr. Kelly was the intimate friend and favourite of Leo XII., 
Pius VIII., and Gregory XVI., the present Pontiff, who, during 
his stay in Rome, paid him marked attention, and lamented in 
his death the demise of one of the first prelates of the Irish 
Church. What a gratifying account for his friends what an 
example for his successor to follow ! 

Such is the writer's account of Dr. Kelly, and such was 
Tuam's bishop, whose merits and fame are so little known 
even in the place adorned by his virtues, and where an 
enduring monument to his memory, the magnificent 
Cathedral of Tuam, stands to attest his zeal and love for 
religion. To Dr. Kelly Tuam's archdiocese is indebted, also 
for the foundation of the classic College of St. Jarlath (so 
called by Dr. Kelly in commemoration of the patron saint 
of the archdiocese), that school of learning as famous in 
its day as was its predecessor at Cloonfush (Cluamfois) in 
the years before the English invasion which, three miles 
from Tuam's town was founded by St. Jarlath that place 
which has been for over sixty years the training ground for 
all the priests, not alone of Tuam's large diocese, but of so 
many scattered over the United States and the Colonies. 
In the Catholic Magazine of June, 1834, we read : 

The Tuam Cathedral, now nearly completed, has received, per 
the late Most Rev. Dr. Kelly, donations from Lady Elizabeth 
Russell of 15, and 5 from James Daly of Great Charles-street. 
St. Jarlath's College is receiving that degree of public support 
it so justly merits. The Rev. Mr. Brown, Principal, and the 
Professors, show extraordinary care and attention to its inte- 
rests. Mr. Stack, the gifted Professor of Elocution, is employed 
in giving a series of lectures to the students there. 

Dr. Kelly's successor in the see was Dr. MacHale, who 
completed and consecrated the Cathedral, and dying full of 
years and honour was succeeded by the present illustrious 
prelate, Dr. MacEvilly, who has laid out upon necessary 
repairs of Dr. Kelly's church over 10,000, making it 
exteriorly and interiorly one of the finest places of Catholic 
worship in the country. 


[ 423 ] 



IT is not generally known that at least one hundred 
thousand people of Irish birth or descent bear, in their 
every-day surnames, a record of the zeal for piety and 
learning which distinguished early Christian Ireland. 
According to the last census, there are in Ireland alone 
eight thousand three hundred persons called (in Irish, of 
course) ' descendant of the servant of the Church.' Then 
there are thousands of ' descendants of the servants of God,' 
of Christ, of Mary, of John, of Brigid, of Finian, of 
Brendan, of Aidan. I am confident that many will read 
these phrases without at all recognising in them their own 
family names. So far as I know, the subject is wholly 
untouched ; but now that the Irish people are at last begin- 
ning to learn their own language, they will find that their 
surnames, and many other things which, so far, must have 
appeared meaningless, have really a striking and often 
beautiful signification. 

In the present paper, I propose to discuss some surnames 
formed from the names of twenty-six patrons, chiefly Irish 
saints. The surnames, in their English garb, amount to 
about seventy. I have thought it necessary to say, first of 
all, something about Irish names in general. 

Most Irish surnames, although grievously disfigured in 
passing into their present English forms, are easily recog- 
nisable as such. It is to be hoped that, by this time, 
everyone who bears an Irish name knows, at least, that Mac 
and 0, the two familiar signs of Gaelic descent, are just 
ordinary nouns, meaning son and grandson, but now in our 
surnames standing for descendant. So that every Irish 
name beginning with Mac or means 'descendant of 
some ancestor whose name, in the genitive case, forms the 
remainder of the surname. All Irish surnames are derived 


from the names of ancestors, and, accordingly, all should 
have either Mac or 0. I speak of names originally Irish, 
for there are some names of foreign origin, though now, and 
most deservedly, classed as Irish, such as Burke, Hyde, 
Walsh, which have neither Mac nor 0, but either retain the 
de (in the case of the Norman names), oftened softened to a, 
as de Biirca or a Biirca, de h-Ide, or assume an adjectival 
form, as Tomds Breathnach, Thomas Walsh. 1 

In Irish, all names of men have either Mac or 0, and 
names of women have Ni, daughter. Custom has extended 
the use, in English, of Mac and to women's names. 
Mac should be written at full length, not M c . We do not 
write Johns 11 . Many Irish surnames have lost Mac or ; 
for this there are various reasons, all discreditable. 

The English forms of most of our Irish surnames origi- 
nated during the last two centuries, many in this century. 
We must not forget that in 1800, Ireland was to but a slight 
extent an English-speaking country. Education had been 
prohibited even in the English tongue. We find the first 
forms of our surnames, as a rule, in those precious legal 
documents which declare that Dermot Mac So-and-So or 
O'So-and-So, being a ' meere Irishman,' is hereby declared 
to have forfeited the lands, &c. The English forms are but 
rough and ready phonetic equivalents of the Gaelic names ; 
and as everyone could devise a phonetic system of his 
own, there were and are often, several forms for the same 
family name. 

To the student of the meanings of Irish surnames the 
English forms of these names are not only of little or no 
use, but sometimes are positively misleading. Thus, in 
names that are now spelled Twomey, Twohill, Gilfeather, 
^la.cAvenue, we see what strange results come from an 
attempted equation of parts of these names with certain 
English words. To study Irish surnames to any effect, we 
must leave the English forms out of sight for the moment, 

1 From such names, possibly, originated the practice of saying an BrunacJi, 
an Jiurcach, corresponding to the modern English titles of The Magillicuddy, 
The O'Neill forms unknown in classical Irish, although they are found in. 
modern Scotch Gaelic. Possibly, however, the us-age is of French origin. 


and analyze as far as we can the original Gaelic names. 
Some of these names, coming to us in their present form 
from prehistoric times, may defy our analysis ; but others 
and these fortunately happen to be large classes can be 
easily resolved into their constituent elements. In the 
present paper I propose to discuss two classes of surnames. 
These are the names which begin, or which should begin, in 
O^VIul- and MacGil- (Gaelic O'Maoil- and MacGiolla-), but 
which are found beginning in Mai-, Mel-, Mil-, Mol-, Mul-, 
and MacEl-, Macll-, Gil-. Kil-, MacL-, C1-, L-, and other 
forms. ! 

We take the Mul- names first. Any surnames beginning 
in O'Mul-, let us say O'Mulblank, means 'descendant of 
Mulblank.' Mulblank is an ancestor from whom the family 
derives its surname, and as surnames did not come into use 
generally before the tenth or eleventh century, the ancestral 
Mulblank must be looked for before that date. In most 
names of this class, as we shall see, the ancestor belongs to 
the age of the great Christian schools of Ireland ; but some 
Mul- names originated in prehistoric times. 

What, then, was the meaning of the name borne by the 
original Mulblank ? In other words, what is the meaning 
of the Mul- prefix ? In modern Irish the Mul is written 
maoi, and this maol represents different older Irish words 
in different names, (a) In most of our present names the 
Mul stands for 'servant of,' or 'votary of.' And most of these 
names are of Christian origin, and of very great interest. 
Thus, many centuries ago, a person devoted to St. John, for 
example, would assume the name Maol-Eoin, ' servant of John' 
Hence arose the modern surname O'Maoil-Eoin, descendant 
of the servant of John O'Malone, Malone. (b) In other 
surnames the Mul stands for an old Gaelic word meaning 
1 hero, magnate.' (c) In others, Mul probably represents a 
word for ' head.' 

The Gil- names have had a similar origin. Many 

1 There are a few surnames in O'Gil. The Scotch surname, Ogilvy 
(Ogilvie), which is sometimes quoted as the only name in Scotland, is probably 
not Gaelic at all. The accent of the name is on the first syllable, and the name 
is probably a Lowland, not a Highland, one. 


centuries ago there lived persons who answered the name, 
Gilblank. In some of these names, Gil, Irish giolla, older 
form gilla, meant ' servant,' as G-iolla-brigJide, pron. gilla- 
breeda, servant of St. Brigid. And now we have the sur- 
name, Mac-Giolla-Bhrighde, descendant of the servant of 
St. Brigid in English Gilbride, Kilbride. In others of the 
Gil- names the Gil- prefix must be translated by ' person, 
fellow,' as Mac-Giolla-bhdin, descendant of the white 
(haired) person, now Macllvaine. 

The Mul- names originated much earlier than those in 
Gil. In fact, we find no record of Gil- names until after the 
Danish invasion ; and some maintain that the word gilla is 
of Danish origin. On the other hand, we find Mul- names of 
prj-Christian, and even of prehistoric origin. As far as can 
be ascertained, the original form of the prefix was a word 
maglos, connected in meaning with the Latin magnus, and 
meaning ' magnate/ ' hero,' or something similar. There 
is a Gaulish inscription, of course of the prehistoric period, 
mentioning a certain magalomarus, or ' great hero.' When 
Irish came to be written in the Roman alphabet, the word 
had become mad, and we have record of great numbers of 
ma el names of the pre-Christian period. Thus we have 
Mael-Midhe, hero of Meath ; Mael-Caisil, hero of Cashel, 
Then we find the prefix assuming the secondary meaning of 
' one devoted to a servant of,' as Mael-Bresail, servant of 
Bresal ; Mael-cluiche, addicted to play, gambling ; and Mael- 
bracha, devoted to malt ! We see, therefore, that the ma-el 
prefix had the meaning of ' servant ' even in pre-Christian 
times, and we may assume that it is the same word, origi- 
nally maglos. which we find in names like Malone, and all 
names meaning servant of a saint. 1 

No doubt, people already accustomed to such names as 
' servant of Bresal ' found it very appropriate, when they 
fell under strong religious influences, to assume such names 
as ' servant of Patrick,' ' servant of (St.) Michael,' ' servant 

1 Some writers, however, think that the prefix, in the surnames formed 
from the name of a saint, is the adjective mael, bald, applied by the Irish to the 
first Christian missionaries on account of their remarkable tonsure We find 
in a mediaeval poem the phrase Melcisedec mael. M., the priest ; and St. Patrick 
himself is often called ' adze-head.' 


of Mary.' Accordingly, we find that such names were used 
very soon after the conversion of Ireland to the Christian 
faith. In an old life of St. Cellach of Killala, himself one of 
the early Irish saints, we find mention of persons called 
4 servant of St. Ibar ' (one of the most ancient Christian 
missionaries in Ireland), and * servant of Senach ' (another 
early Irish saint). The bulk of these saint-names, however, 
do not occur so early ; they are found chiefly in the annals 
of the seventh to the tenth century, the earliest entry in the 
Four Masters being that of ' servant of Brigid,' at the year 
645. As we have seen, the Gil-names do not occur so early, 
the first such record made by the Four Masters being that 
of a ' servant of Kevin,' at the year 981. 

Reserving the other names in Mai and Gil, we shall find 
it convenient to discuss, in the first place, the large, and, 
from the Catholic standpoint, most interesting class of 
surnames which contain the name of a patron saint. 


It was in the golden age of the early Irish schools, when 
Ireland was a lodestar that attracted students, scholars, and 
pilgrims from Britain, France, and Germany from Borne 
itself, and even from the distant East that the names 
which we shall now examine had their origin. Around the 
great schools grew up towns filled with native and foreign 
students, in some cases amounting to thousands. Then 
even the surrounding peasantry, with that admiration for 
learning which is characteristic of even the humblest class 
in Ireland, gloried in th3 fame for learning and sanctity 
of the great doctors and teachers of the colleges. What 
wonder if, in the lecture-rooms of Clonard, and through the 
neighbouring country, should be found many who bore the 
name of 'servant of Finian;' if Derry, Kells, Durrow, lona, 
and many other shrines should shelter ' servants of Columba;' 
or if the innumerable places connected with the names of 
Patrick and Brigid should be visited by pilgrims who would 
take, and bear ever afterward, the names of those national 
patrons ? Probably the first to adopt this practice were the 
clerics attached to the church or college founded by the 


saint. 1 The adoption of such names would have been facili- 
tated by the custom of changing the names of religious on 
their entrance of the service of the altar. The national 
apostle, we know, was in early life called Succat, a name 
which, could we but explain it, would solve for us the vexed 
question of St. Patrick's birthplace. St. Columba, too, 
changed his ancestral name of Criomhthann, ' fox,' for 
Colum, ' dove.' There are many later examples. Many of 
the clerics, in all probability, already bore such names as 
Maelbresail, servant of Bresal, &c., and would find it very 
easy and very appropriate to substitute a patron saint for 
the Bresal or other prehistoric ancestor. The practice, if it 
began with religious, soon extended to all classes, and to 
both sexes. If we find the names of women recorded but 
seldom, we must remember that the early annals deal, as a 
rule, with transactions in which men are generally the actors. 

In the tenth century there must have been a large 
number of persons bearing Mul- names ; and a little later, 
when surnames began to be formed, there were evidently 
plenty of ' descendants of servants of Patrick ' and of other 
patrons. Heuce, though many such surnames became 
obsolete, and have not reached our days, we have still, in 
English garb, about one hundred and fifty such surnames. 

Let us now see them in detail. From Dia, God, came 
the name Gilla-de, ' servant of God,' often recorded in 
mediaeval annals, and giving us in later times the surname 
Mac-Giolla-de, ' descendant of the servant of God,' in 
English dress Gildea, Gilday, Kilday (United States). 
O'Dea, O'Day (U.S.), is an old Gaelic name of pre- 
Christian origin, but the rage for anglicization has led some 
persons of the name to change it for Goodwin Dia-God- 

Coimhde, Lord, gave the personal name Giolla-coimhde, 
( servant of the Lord,' and thus arose the surname 
MacG. coimhde, ' descendant of the servant of the Lord.' 
O'Donovan gives the English form as MacGilcarry, which I 
have not met in use ; but we have Macllharry, hence an 

1 On the theory that the Mul- prefix stands for ,nao1, a tonsured cleric, this 
would, of course, be the case always. 


unwarranted form Macllhenry (U. S.). It is possible that 
Macllhargy and Macllhagga are the same name, although 
the former would seem to come from St. Forga, as noted 
below. ' Descendant of the servant of Christ ' has survived 
in the two forms ; the Mul- form is Mylechrist, now used 
only in the Isle of Man, and the Gil- form is Gilchrist, 
Gilchreest, Kilchrist. In all these names the initial K 
represents the final consonant of the Mac- prefix. The 
name losa, Jesus, gave Maol-Iosa and Giolla-Iosa, both of 
frequent occurrence in the old annals. We read of one 
1 servant of Jesus,' who was Archbishop of Armagh, or, as 
the annalist puts it, ' successor of Patrick ; ' another was 
Maelisa O'Daly, poet-in-chief of Scotland and Ireland, who 
died in 1185. Walter Scott, who has so much of the 
mediceval spirit, has quoted the name in the Lady of the 
Lake : 

' Hail, Malise, hail ! his henchman came. 
Give our safe-conduct to the Graeme.' 

From the Gil- form comes ' descendant of Jesus' in 
the various forms MacAleese, Maclise, McLeish, Gilleece, 


The name of Mary was particularly honoured by 1 
early Christian Irish, and we find record of numbers of 
people, of all ranks of life, who bore the name of ' servant 
of Mary.' In the Four Masters we note, among others, 
' a daughter of Nial,'- an ' abbot of Ardbraccan,' a ' tanist 
of Leix,' a ' priest of Clonard,' ' a ' successor of Patrick,' 
or Bishop of Armagh, who bore this name, in either of 
its forms Maelmhuire or Gillamhuire. The scribe of the 
Lebhar Brec, one of the greatest Irish manuscripts that has 
come down to us, was a servant of Mary,' whose father 
was Conn, ' friend of the poor.' One of the most striking 
characteristics of our native Christian literature, from its 
earliest period down to the present day, is its constant and 
tender reference to the name of Mary. In Scotland, where 
the Christian faith was carried by Irish missionaries, we 
find that even in the districts now for three centuries 
non-Catholic, the cry of suffering in the old tongue is still 


a Mhoire, Mhoire I Mary, Mary ! l Both in Scotland and 
Ireland Maolmhuire is in common use as a baptismal name, 
and in Ireland it has given the surname O'Maoilmhuire, 
' descendant of the servant of Mary, in English Mullery, 
Mulry.' As a baptismal name, the English translation was 
first Meyler, and later Miles, a name which really has no 
more connection with the Gaelic form than has Ned with 
Nebuchadnezzar. From the Gil- form came the surnames 
MacElmurry, Kilmurray, Kilmary, Gilmary, Gilmore all 
intended equivalents for Mac-Giolla-Mhuire. 

To the lively faith of the Gael, the angels were very real, 
We have a striking poem of early date (if not, as tradition 
would have it, the composition of Columbcille himself) 
describing the angelic patrons of Arran. To St. Michael, in 
particular, there was a peculiar devotion, and to the present 
day his name is of frequent recurrence in those household 
hymns of great antiquity, which, in the Gaelic-speaking 
districts, have never been superseded by the forms of prayer 
we are accustomed to in modern times. On the Sceilg mhor, 
the great lonely Skelligs rock that rises precipitously out of 
the Atlantic to the west of the Kerry coast, is buried, accord- 
ing to the old legends, the warrior Ir, one of the great 
ancestors of the Irish. These, too, for many centuries, have 
been a favourite shrine of St. Michael, and on the adjoining 
mainland the surname Mulvihil (Mulville, Mulverhill, U.S.), 
or descendant of s. of Michael O'Maoilmhichil is most 
abundant. MacGilmichael, with the same meaning, was 
formerly an Ulster name, which is possibly now represented 
by MacElmeel, although that name may be from the 
adjective maol, as noted further down. 

' Servant of the saints ' is now obsolete as a first name, 
but has left us the surname Mac-Giolla-na-naomh, d.s. 
descendant of the servant of the saints, in English spelling 
MacElnea, MacAneave. Eoin Bruinne, or ' John of the 
Bosom,' is a usual, and, as all will admit, a most appropriate 
name in Gaelic for St. John. As we might expect, we find 

1 In Irish-Gaelic a Mhttire, Mhuire (a wirra wirra). So also, a Mhuire is 
truagh (a wirra iss throoa), Mary, pity. 


that s. (servant) of John was a popular name : one of this 
title, Maeleoin, or Malone, was Bishop of Trim in 929. 
The surname O'Malone, ' d.s. of St. John,' is well known, 
and the Gilla-Eoin form survives in Maglone, MacAloone, 
MacLoone, Gilloon. In Scotland the word Eoin is pro- 
nounced Eain ; Highland scholars now spell it Iain ; the 
more English form, Ian, is familiar to readers of nowaday 
literature. The Highland ' d.s. of John ' is, accordingly, 
Mac-Giolla-Eain or, as they misspell it, Mac-Illeathan 
and is anglicized MacLane, McLean. 1 Maelpedair, Maelpoil, 
two names we find in the old books, have left us only 
Mullpeters (U. S.); from the other forms we have Gilfedder, 
Gilfidder, Gilfeather, and Gilfoyle, Kilfoyle d.s. of SS. Peter 
and Paul respectively. 

The teacher of St. Patrick, St. Martin of Tours, has 
always been honoured in Ireland, and Martin as a baptismal 
name, is very common at the present day. The feast of 
St. Martin is still observed with curious ceremonies in some 
places. Maelraartin, s. of Martin, is recorded as having 
been used by various individuals in Clonard, Clonmacnoise, 
Kells, and Connor. It is now obsolete, but Gilmartin, 
Kilmartin are to the fore d.s. of St. Martin. Churches, 
cells, and holy places without number recall St. Patrick, 
our great national apostle. Templepatrick, Donaghpatrick, 
Kilpatrick, Toberpatrick mark, in many places, the lines of 
his progress through Ireland. The annals of the middle 
ages are filled with the names of princes, priests, abbots, 
and bishops who bore the title of Maelpatraic, s. of Patrick, 
now obsolete, and Giolla-patraic, which has left us the sur- 
names Kilpatrick, Gilpatrick, MacElfatrick, MacElfederick. 
These two last names occur only in north-east Ulster. The 
MacGillapatricks, most notable, were the princes of Ossory, 
and their descendants, as well as many other families of the 
name, have translated themselves to Fitzpatrick, although 

1 On account of some similarity of sound between Lttati, the word for 
Monday, and the last syllable of 'd.s. of John,' this name is in parts of 
Donegal translated Munday ! To my own knowledge, a young man named 
MacKeane (MacTain) was advised, by one who should have known better, to 
transform himself to Piggott MacKeane=r;MiM=pigotte ! He refused, and 
kept to the grand old Gaelic name, nor did he regret it a few years later. 


the prefix Fitz is wholly out of place here. The name of 
our saint is offered by some modern lights of philosophy to 
explain the legend of the banishment of the snakes from 
Ireland, and the subject deserves a passing reference. 
Scientific men are nothing if not iconoclasts, and, according 
to the latest theory, St. Patrick had nothing to do with 
banishing snakes. Snakes had disappeared from Ireland at 
least by the time of the Danish invasion, and the Danes, 
noticing the absence of the reptiles, and hearing much of 
the name of St. Patrick, interpreted this name as an Irish 
attempt at padrekr, from the Scandinavian paddarekr, toad- 
expeller. And so, according to this theory, the legend 
arose at first among the Danish-speaking invaders, and 
afterwards was adopted by the Irish. 1 

St. Brigid, ' the Mary oi the Gael,' had many mediaeval 
clients named Maelbrighte and Gillabrighte. The famous 
scholar of Mayence, who is known in Latin as Marianus 
Scotus, was, in Gaelic, a ' servant of Brigid.' We have now 
Mulbride, MacGillbride, MacBride, Kilbride, and horresco 
referens Mucklebreed; all meaning d.s. of St. Brigid. 2 

There are, of course, many places named Kilbride, or 
church of Brigid, and Tubberbride, or holy well of Brigid. 
A ' Bride's Well' existed in London until Keformation times. 
Whether the Irish or the Swedish saint was the patron, I do 
not know ; probably the Irish saint, as the Swedish name is 
properly Birgitta, Anyhow, when the Eeformatiou came 
there was no further use for the holy well, but somehow 
jails were in great demand, and so even the buildings sur- 
rounding ' St. Bride's Well ' were ' converted,' and hence- 
forth rendered service as a prison, and the name ' bridewell ' 
became synonymous with 'prison.' To such base uses do 
even words descend ! 3 

1 See Folk-lore, December, 1894. 

- Readers may, perhaps, question the actual use of some of our less common 
surnames, but I give only names I have heard myself or taken from the 
daily papers (especially reports of local meetings), or others whose use is 
guarantred by the Secretary of the General Registry Office in Dublin, 
Mr. Mathieson, to whose reports and personal letters I am much indebted 

3 Although Birgitta and Brigid are now different names, the former may 
possibly have been of Irish origin. At the time of the Danish invasion some 


4 In the east and the west.' as the old phrase ran, or in 
Scotland and in Ireland, St. Columcille is venerated as the 
one in whom all the highest ideals of the Gaelic mind are 
found united. Tradition has it that his name in childhood 
was Criomthann, ' fox,' and that his late name, Colum, 
' dove,' was assumed on his entrance into religious life. Oat 
of Ireland he is better known by the Latin Columba, ' dove.' 
The name ' servant of Colum ' has descended in the form 
Maolcoluim, Malcolm, used only by Scotch families, although 
a more suitable Irish and Catholic name it would be hard to 
find. From it come the rather rare surnames Mulholin, 
Maholm, and from the Gil- form comes MacElholm, descen- 
dant of Colum. At a baptismal name, Colum is still used 
in the Gaelic-speaking districts of both Ireland and Scotland 
(in the latter country in the form Calum), giving the sur- 
names MacColum (Scotch MacCallum), Colum, descendant 
of a person named Colum. The rage for anglicization has 
led to the fearsome form ' Pidgeon,' used as a surname by 
some benighted individuals. 

In his student days Columba had been a pupil of both 
the Finians, of Clonard, and Moville. Of him of Clonard 
says the Donegal Martyrology : ' Finian of Clonard, in 
wisdom a sage; tutor of the saints of Erin in his time. 
... In life and ethics he resembled Paul the Apostle.' 
The same ancient record likens Finian of Moville to James 
the Apostle. There are several saints now named in English 
Finian, in Latin Finianis. The older form Finan, used by 
Bede, was much nearer to the original Gaelic Finnan, 1 a 
very common name in ancient Ireland. 

' Servant of Finian ' has left us the surname Mac- 
giolla-Fhionndin ; in English, MacAleenan, MacAlinnion, 

Scandinavian names were adopted in Ireland, such as Auliff, Ivar, Otter, 
Sitrice, which have given us modern MacAuliffe, Maclvor, MacKeever, Ivers, 
MacCotter, Cotter, MacKittrick ; and some Irish names, such us Oscar, "Niall, 
Fergus, were adopted by the Scandinavians, who use them to the present 

1 It is a diminutive of the adjective Jinn, now fionn, fair-haired ; but a 
recent and not unplausible theory takes the word, in these saint-names, to 
mean fair, pure, holy. The names of Finnan of Clonard, Fiunan, also 
Barr-fhinn, of Moville, and Finn Barre of Cork, are all Latinized Finnianus 
(also Vennianus and Vennio, Venioneiu) . There is also a modern form Finghin, 
translated by ' Florence,' although there is no apparent connection 

VOL. III. 2 E 


MacLennon, McClennan, Lennon, Glennon, Gleenan, 
Giifinnen, Finnan, and the translated form Leonard; that 
is to say, some d.s. of Finian have assumed the foreign 
name Leonard, because it had a certain resemblance, 
in the first .syllable, to Lennon. I once spent a very 
pleasant couple of weeks at the house of one Padraig 
Mac-Giolla-Fhionnain in Southern Connemara. In English 
he was known as Paddy Leonard ; and this particular 
servant of Finian would have made the fortune of a 
dozen folk-lore societies, as his memory was a regular 
treasure-house of Gaelic tradition. 

Some of the Irish Gilfillans, I am inclined to think, are 
rather Gilfinnens, and take their name from Finian, and 
not from St. Fillan, who is more identified with Scotland, 
and is alluded to in Scott's well-known lines : 

Harp of the North ! that inoldering long hast hung 
On the witch-elm that shades St. Fillan's spring. 

His name is preserved also by Glenfillan, one of the 
most beautiful spots in the Highlands, where, at the head 
of Lough Shiel, lies the little island of St. Fillan, with its 
ancient bells of the saint, a short distance from Glenaladale, 
the home of the MacDonalds, from where come Archbishop 
Angus MacDonald and Bishop Hugh MacDonald, both good 
Gaelic scholars and lovers of the old tongue. ' Servant of 
Fillan,' is represented now by the names Gilfillan, Gilliland, 
MacClellan, MacLeland, Leland. As a baptismal name 
Finian is still used in Kerry, but in Cork the 'translated' 
form Florence has taken its place in English. Derrynane, 
the home of O'Connell, is the ' wood of Finian.' Doire 
Fhionnain this is not Finian of Clonard or Moville, but 
Finian of Inisfallen. 

One of the ancestors of Finian of Clonard was the famous 
pagan warrior Celtchar, who was destined to have among his 
descendants not only such a pillar of the Christian Church 
as Finian, but also a most bitter enemy of the new faith in 
Eonan, who had two girls tied to stakes on the beach, 
to be drowned by the incoming tide, for refusing to abjure 
Christianity. Konan had a son to whom he gave the name 


of Maelcelchair, or servant, admirer of the great pagan 
ancestor already mentioned. Such, however, is the irony 
of fate, that this same Maelcelchair became the apostle 
of south-west Kerry, where his beautiful stone oratory, 
Kilmalhedar, still stands in perfect preservation, one of the 
chief glories of Irish archaeologists. 

Bishop Ere, of Slane, in Meath, was one of the early 
nomadic missionaries who travelled from place to place 
preaching the Gospel. From his name comes the surname 
Mullarkey, d.s. of St. Ere. 

Dunshaughlin takes its name from St. Seachnall in 
Latin, Secundinus whom tradition represents as nephew 
of St. Patrick. For many centuries, ' servant of Seachlann ' 
(the metathesized form of Seachnall) was a popular bap- 
tismal name, and is represented in English history books 
by Melaghan, and often by the foreign name Malachy, with 
which it has no further connection than some phonetic 
resemblance of the first syllables. One of the name was 
the Malachy that 

wore the collar of gold 
Which he won from the proud invader. 

This is the Malachy who is buried in an island in the 
beautiful Lough Ennell, now, I regret to say, more usually 
called Belvedere, in Westmeath. The name is still in 
popular use as a given name in the forms Loughlin (more 
informally ' Lack,' ' Loughie ') and Malachy (' Mai'), the 
latter form being usual in the south-west, where the 
other Biblical forms, Jeremiah and Timothy, are also 
mistakenly used. The surname O'Melaghan, d.s. of 
St. Secundinus, has become merged in that of MacLoughlin ; 
and this probably accounts for the abundance of folk of this 
name in Ireland 17,500, according to the census of 1891. 
The forms Loughlin, Lafliii, Claflin (U.S.), are also met 

A great body of Gaelic literature centres around the 
two St. Kierans, of Saighir, now called Serkieran, and of 
Clomnacnoise, by the Shannon. From him of Clonmacnoise, 
probably come the names 0'Maoilchiarain,MacGiollachiarain t 
Mulhern, Mulheerin, Macllherron, d.s, of St. Kieran, 


Kilalla takes its name from St. Alladh hence the Latin 
form of the name of the diocese, Alladensis. From him the 
surnames Mulally, Lally, d.s. of St. Alladh. Another 
bishop of the same see was St. Cellach, from whom the 
place name Kilkelly, or church of Cellach, and also the 
surname Kilkelly, MacGiolla-Ceallaigh, d.s. of St. Cellach. 
This St. Cellach had a very chequered career. Born of a 
royal house, he was destined for the service of the altar, and 
became a student at Clonmacnoise. The student was called, 
by the death of his father in battle, to be the reigning prince, 
and afterwards was, in turn, a fugitive, again a cleric, Bishop 
of Kilalla, a hermit on an island of Lough Con, and finally 
victim to the jealousy of his enemies. Something of a poet, 
too, was this western hermit. Awaiting his death the 
morning of his murder, and seeing, as he thought, all 
those dark omens to which Gaelic tradition attached deep 
meaning, he sang a lay, of part of which this is a 
translation : 

Hail to the morning fair, that, as a flame, falls upon the 
earth ! Hail to Him, too, who sends it the many-virtued 
morning, ever new ! O morning fair, so full of pride sister of 
the brilliant sun hail to thee, beauteous morning, that lightest 
my little book for me ! Thou seest the just in every dwelling, 
thou shinest on every tribe and race, hail ! thou white- 
necked, beautiful one, here with us now golden-fair and 
wonderful ! 

My little book, with chequered page [Scripture] tells me my 
life has not been aright. Maelcroin [one of the assassins], 'tis 
he whom I do well to fear ; he comes to smite me at the last. 
O scaldcrow, and O scaldcrow ! gray-ccated, sharp-beaked, 
wretched bird ; thy desire is apparent to me ; no friend art 
thou to Cellach. O raven ! thou that makest croaking, if hungry 
thou be, bird, depart not from this rath until thou hast a feast 
of my flesh. Fiercely the kite of Chuan-Eo's yew-tree will take 
part in the scramble ; bis horn-hued talons he will bear away 
tilled ; he will not part from me in kindness. To the blow that 
kills me the fox in the darkened wood will answer at speed; in wild 
and trackless places he, too, shall devour a portion of my flesh and 
blood. The wolf in the rath on the eastern side of the hill will 
come to rank as chieftain of the meaner pack. On Wednesday 
night last I saw a dream, I saw a dream : the wild dogs dragged 
me east and west through the russet ferns. I saw a dream : 
into a green glen men took me . Four were they that brought 


me thither, but (so meseemed) ne'er brought me back again. I 
saw a dream : to a house my fellow-students led me ; for me they 
poured out a draught ; a draught they quaffed off for me. tiny 
wren ! most scant of tail, dolefully thou hast piped a prophetic 
lay ; surely thou, too, art come to betray me, and to curtail my 
gift of life. 

Maelcroin, and Maelcroin ! pelf it is that thou hast taken 
to betray me ; for this world's sake hast thou accepted it, accepted 
it for sake of hell. All precious things whatsoever I had, on 
Maelcroin I would have bestowed them, that he should not do 
me this treason. But Mary's great Son above thus addresses 
speech to me : ' Thou must have earth, thou shalt have heaven. 
Welcome awaits thee, Cellach ! " * 

As Kilkelly comes from Cellach, so Kilkenny, both the 
names of the city best known outside Ireland as the resi- 
dence of the famous legendary cats, and the surname of the 
same form, comes from the name of St. Canice. Kilkenny, 
accordingly, means d.s. of St. Canice. There were at least 
four early missionaries of the name, one of whom is 
venerated at St. Andrew's in Scotland. The Gaelic form of 
the name Canice is Coinneach, and gives the surnames 
Kenny in Ireland and MacKenzie in Scotland. 

Mulholland, Maholland are d.s. of St. Callan, from whom 
comes also Tyrholland, or the House of Callan, in the diocese 
of Clogher. 

Senanus is known to general readers better than the 
majority of our early saints, on account of Moore's poem of 
the Holy Isle, as the saint had 

Sworn that sainted sod 

Should ne'er by woman's foot be trod. 

Kiltannanlea, or Church of Grey Senan, still preserves his 
name, and also the surname Gilsenan, Giltenan, d.s. of 
Senan. Not improbably, however, some of the older name, 
MacUinnsionain, have been absorbed by the more familiar 
name, Gilsenan. Some of the names have 'translated' 
themselves to ' Shannon.' 

Gilvarry, a western surname, comes from St. Berach. 
abbot, of Cluaincoirpthe, in Connaught. Mulrennin, in 

1 See Silva Gadelica, i. 56 ; ii. 59. This is the best book procurable to give 
a general idea of the character of Irish literature. 


Gaelic 0' Maoilbhrenainn, means d.s. of St. Brendan, the 
navigator whose name marks the map of Ireland and Scot- 
land from Mount Brandon to St. Kilda, and whose Voyages 
are a curious medley of Pagan tradition blended with actual 
experience of explorations of the Atlantic, 

This brings us to a second class of saint-names in Mul 
and Gil, which deserve to be treated separately. 



ON the left, or northern, bank of the Eiver Boyne, not 
more than thirty perches from the old Church of 
St. Patrick's, Trim, stands the stately tower known as the 
Yellow Steeple. Competent authorities regard it as one 
of the finest specimens of Anglo-Norman architecture in 
Ireland. It is built on a portion of the ground granted 
to Patrick and Loman by Feidilmid ' together with his 
son Fortchern till the day of judgment.' From whatever 
side the traveller approaches Trim, the first object that 
catches his eye is the tall commanding form of this ancient 
ruin. Sir William Wilde, on the occasion of his visit to 
Trim, in 1849, looking at it from a point of vantage, on the 
Dublin-road, near Newtown, admiring its grim sentinel-like 
appearance, and contrasting it with the other remarkable 
remnants of antiquity extending for the space of above a 
mile, styles it, in his own poetical language, ' the guardian 
genius of the surrounding ruins.' 

Anyone looking at the building, even now, can see it was 
evidently a square tower of Gothic architecture, and, like 
most towers of that period, used as a place of refuge and 
defence in time of danger. Ireland, at the time, and indeed 
ever since the Norman invasion, was in a very unsettled state. 
Feeling ran so very high amongst the Anglo-Irish and the 
native Celts that the slightest breath of provocation was 
sufficient to set ablaze the smouldering embers of dis- 


content. As an evidence of the strained relations that 
subsisted, I may mention a little incident that took place 
in the court-house at Trim. The son of Barnewall, a local 
lord, and the then treasurer of Meath, beat a Caimen (a 
stroke of his finger) upon the nose of Mac-Mec-Eeorais 
(Bermingham's son), which deed he was not worthy of, and he 
entering on the Earl of Ormonde's safeguard, Mac-Feoaris 
felt so indignant at the slight put upon him, that he 
stole out of the town that night, went straight to O'Conor 
Offaly, and entered into an alliance with him. The result 
was a confederacy of war, made by the Berminghams and 
Calvagh O'Conor against the English. With their united 
forces they came into Meath, and preyed and burned a great 
part of the royal county ; so it is hard to know, the old 
chronicles add, if ever was such abuse better revenged than 
the said Caimen; and thence came the notable word 'Cogadh 
au Caimen.' 1 Such was the state of feeling that prevailed 
when Richard Duke of York was sent into Ireland as Lord 
Lieutenant, and, by letters patent, invested with almost 
royal authority. The King, Henry VI., was of weak mind, 
so weak that the real power of governing may be said to 
have fallen practically into the hands of his wife, Queen 
Margaret of Anjou, aided by her favourite minister, the 
Earl of Somerset. On more than one occasion, when the 
unfortunate king was wholly out of his mind, the Duke 
of York was appointed Protector. 

It may be well, also, to bear in mind that the Duke was 
Henry's nearest relative, and even when the King's son 
Edward was born, he had still a strong, if not the strongest, 
claim to the crown, as his mother belonged to the elder 
branch of the Mortimers descended from the Duke of 
Clarence. It was the assertion of his claim that afterwards 
gave rise to the disastrous and prolonged struggle for 
supremacy between two rival houses, known as the War ot 
the Eoses. Margaret, the Queen, a far-seeing and ambitious 
woman, took in the situation, and was anxious to have the 
Duke, whom she feared as a formidable rival, put out of the 

1 Arch, Mac., v, i.,p. 202, 


way. Hence, he was sent to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, 
in the hope that he would either perish in the attempt to 
rule the rebellious Irish, or at least that he would, by his 
drastic measures of repression, lose his reputation. But the 
queen and her wily advisers were wrong in their calcula- 
tions. Contrary to their expectations, by his mild and 
gentle behaviour he won the haughty feudal lords and the 
native Irish, and secured their obedience without being 
obliged to use force ; and, in fact, so endeared himself to 
them, that, with the exception of the family of Ormonde, 
they were afterwards loyal to himself and his connections, even 
in their greatest misfortunes. In 1449, the first year of his 
lieutenancy, he held his court in his hereditary castle at Trim, 
and not only repaired the castle, but built in a style of great 
magnificence the tower known since as the Yellow Steeple, 
the subject of our present sketch. The portion that is still 
standing, the eastern wall, 125 feet high, with its fine geo- 
metrical window and delicate tracery, parts of the side walls, 
with the various port-holes, into which the joists were 
inserted, indicating the several landings, are sufficient to 
give us an idea of the colossal size and splendour of the 
building in its original shape. From a rude engraving that 
is given in the Gentleman's Magazine, 1786, it would seem 
that three sides of the tower were then standing. The 
following letter, that appeared in the same magazine, may 
not be without interest at the present time : 

MB. URBAN, I herewith send you an inelegant yet tolerably 
just representation of an old tower called the Yellow Steeple, at 
Trim, in Ireland. Above one-fourth of it is now ruined, having 
been blown up by Cromwell. The principal curiosity in the 
present state is the part marked almost at the top of the building, 
which overhangs several feet, and has done so long before any 
person now living remembers this edifice. Dangerous as the 
attempt may be, the boys often mount unto the top of this tower 
by ladders to the place where the stairs begin, and which is about 
the place marked. The tower is now undermined just at one of 
the angles, and probably will soon fall. But as the inhabitants 
of the town, as well as those of the ad