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THE MORRIS LOEB SERIES
SAADIA GAON
HIS LIFE AND WORKS
BY
HENRY MALTER, Ph. D.
Professor of Rabbinical Literature at the Dropsie
College for Hebrew and Cognate learning
O
yy
Philadelphia
The Jewish Publication Society of America
1921
Copyright, 1921
BY
The Jewish Publication Society of America
11
^ i
t'i my
.NH^NinK nn n^vjni sno^yn xn^riD^ ^nn mvnn
God does not leave His nation at any period without
a scholar whom He inspires and enlightens, so that he
in turn may so instruct and teach her, that thereby her
condition shall be bettered (Saadia, Sefer ha-Galui).
To
SOLOMON SOUS COHEN. M. D.
in token of
high esteem and sincere friendship
PREFACE
The present book was originally designed to furnish a
biography of Saadia Gaon for the biographical series of the
Jewish Publication Society of America, at whose request the
work was undertaken. At that time, about six years ago,
there were already in existence (as will be seen from
pp. 90 f.) a considerable number of sketches of Saadia's life,
written in various languages (Hebrew, Latin, French, Ger-
man, English, Russian, and Dutch) ; but all of them were
based upon the epoch-making essay of Rapoport, who, writ-
ing nearly a century ago (1828) — long before the Genizah
gave up its treasures — had at his disposal only the scanty
material scattered in the mediaeval sources. For the bio-
graphical part in particular, only the Report of Nathan
lia-Babli, the Epistle of Sherira Gaon, and some additional
remarks by Abraham Ibn Daud were available. All that
could be gathered from these sources about Saadia's life
was that he was born in Egypt in 892, that he was appointed
Gaon of Sura in 928, was deposed by the Exilarch David b.
Zakkai and later reinstated (the deposition and reinstallation
being related with some detail), and that he died in 942.
Rapoport's biography, if it may be so called, consists there-
fore, chiefly of learned notes dealing with Saadia's writings,
BO far as these were accessible to him or known from quota-
tions. Subsequent writers on Saadia followed Rapoport's
example, adding nothing to the Gaon's biography, but enter-
ing more fully upon the description and characterization of
his teachings.
Even after the new material of the Genizah had come to
light, scholars concerned themselves in the main with the
identification of the various fragmenls of Saadia's works
10 PREFACE
and the analysis of their contents. Incidentally attention
was called also to new historical facts contained in some of
the fragments, but no attempt was made to interrelate these
facts and to combine the isolated data into a general picture
of Saadia's life. Even the fragments relating to the Ben
Meir controversy, so important for our knowledge concern-
ing Saadia's movements in the East, have been considered
more in their bearings upon the question of calendar, than in
their relation to Saadia.
For the purpose of writing a biography this material was
rather discouraging. It seemed that any attempt to draw
a complete picture of Saadia's life on the basis of the few
disconnected biographical data which had so far been
utilized would prove fruitless, and that, instead, one should
devote every effort to a full description of the Gaon's works
and a systematic presentation of his doctrines. However,
in order to get a more definite view of the subject it was
necessary to submit the entire material of the old, as well
as of the newly discovered, sources to a careful reexamina-
tion ; to correlate the widely scattered details ; and to try to
interpret them in the light of already established facts.
After repeated study of certain Genizah fragments, hitherto
partly ignored and partly misinterpreted, new points of
view gradually revealed themselves and fresh combinations
appealed for consideration. Finally, after much sifting and
analyzing, grouping and classifying of the collected details,
the subject of our investigation stood out in relief. For here
was Saadia, the man, with his human faults and virtues, his
passions and convictions, his sufferings and rejoicings, vic-
tories and defeats. His entire life opened before us and we
could follow his career almost without interruption. At
times we were also granted a glimpse into his family affairs
and his personal relations with his pupils.
At first the plan suggested itself, to use all this biographical
material as external framework — as the convenient setting
to what is after all the most important aspect of Saadia's
life, namely, the scientific work which he bequeathed to
PREFACE II
posterity. Such disposition of the material would have had
the advantage of enabhng us to follow step by step the intel-
lectual growth and development of Saadia, as he advanced
in years and maturity. Upon closer examination, however,
this arrangement did not appear feasible, since our knowledge
of the various writings of Saadia is not of a nature to warrant
definite conclusions regarding their chronological order.
Moreover, the combined treatment of Saadia's life and
works under such a plan would have required a volume
far exceeding the limits set for the biographical series of
the Jewish Publication Society.
I had therefore decided to treat of Saadia's Hfe inde-
pendently of his works, and to leave the presentation of his
literary activity for a separate volume. The Committee of
the Jewish Publication Society, however, upon receiving
the manuscript of the biography in the form in which it
appears in the present volume, did not deem it advisable to
issue a biography of Saadia without including between the
same covers an adequate appreciation of his writings. More-
over, it was desired to preserve the footnotes, which are not
exactly suited for a purely popular sketch. To solve the
difficulty it was considered best to have the two parts pub-
lished together as the first volume in the scientific series of
the Morris Loeb Foundation.
This method had some drawbacks. By dividing the mate-
rial into two distinct parts repetitions have in several in-
stances become inevitable. Thus a work like the 'Agron,
in itself of comparatively little importance, but of special
significance for our understanding of Saadia's earlier edu-
cation, had to be discussed in more than one connection,
each time from a different viewpoint. Similarly, some of
the other works, as the Commentary * on the Sefer Yezirah,
the Sefer ha-Galui, and the 'Emunot we-Deot, had to be
taken up for discussion in the biography. For no matter
* Throughout this volume commentary is spelt with a capital when,
as in the case before us, it forms part of the title of the Hebrew or
Arabic work referred to.
12 PREFACE
under what aspect the life of a scholar and author is viewed,
it cannot be entirely detached from his works. On the
whole, however, an earnest effort has been made to avoid
such repetitions as much as possible.
In an exhaustive work on Saadia it might further be
expected that the general characterization of his achieve-
ments in the various branches of learning would be illus-
trated by numerous details and quotations from the respec-
tive works. This would seem especially desirable in the
section dealing with Saadia's Bible exegesis, although the
most important features of his work in this line have been
repeatedly discussed by numerous modern authors. How-
ever, the field of Bible exegesis is so immense and Saadia's
contributions to it so manifold, that their elaborate discussion
would have required a special monograph. Here was a
case of d'nnde et impera! The brief summarizing exposition
touches on the main features of Saadia's exegesis, and the
numerous references to old and new sources, as given in the
notes and the Bibliography, will do the rest.
Some inconsistencies will be noticed in the transliteration
of Hebrew and Arabic names, titles of books, etc. It was
not thought necessary in all instances to burden the print
with the devices used in technical works in the endeavor
to represent the exact sounds of the Oriental words. The
exceptions, however, are comparatively few and mostly in
common and frequently recurring words, as Ibn, Tafsir, AH,
Galui, Zikron, Genkah, and the like. Proper names occur-
ring in the Bible, as Anan, Berechiah, Hophni, Nahshon, etc.,
are reproduced without diacritical points, as they are found in
the English versions. Titles of books very frequently re-
ferred to are reproduced in full only when quoted for the
first time. In subsequent passages they are given in some
shortened form, as Beitrdge (Dukes, Eppenstein, JeUinek),
Anfdnge (Bacher), or in abbreviations, as AL (Stein-
schneider), and the like. In some instances the name of the
author was deemed sufficient, as Bornstein, Lazarus, etc., the
PREFACE 13
reader being expected to revert, in case of doubt, to the
appended List of Abbreviated Titles (p. 429), In these
matters, too, various inconsistencies came to my notice while
revising the proofs, but it appeared too cumbersome to restore
absolute uniformity in quotation.
A word must be added about the ' Bibliography.' The
title is somewhat misleading and may needlessly frighten
away the reader ; but it has been adopted in the absence of a
better short title equally convenient for repeated reference.
This section of the work really represents an attempt at a
critical history of the entire Saadia literature. I cherish the
hope that any student who in the course of his reading has
become interested in some of the branches of learning here
presented, will welcome the help he may receive from it.
The general reader, too, while not prepared to go into literary
details, may find it gratifying to learn, by a glance through
these pages, of the extraordinary attention the great Gaon
has commanded throughout the ages, and the amazing
amount of intellectual work that has been done by Jews and
Christians in editing and translating, describing and eluci-
dating his numerous writings.
In conclusion, I desire to express my profound gratitude
to Miss Henrietta Szold, who, despite her manifold com-
munal and literary activities, generously consented to go
over the entire manuscript, to assist in putting it into final
shape for publication. Apart from this general editorial
work, which was no small task, she has made ever so many
valuable suggestions in various directions, by which the
work has greatly profited. I am under special obligation to
my friend, Dr. Solomon Solis Cohen, who, in addition to
many personal kindnesses, has taken the greatest interest
in the present work. In a genuine spirit of friendliness he
has given much of his precious time to a painstaking re-
vision of the proofs, and, with his enviable mastery of
English, removed, as by a touch of magic, many uneven-
nesses in style and diction that had escaped my notice. He
also was kind enough to furnish a translation of one of
14 PREFACE
Saadia's poems (see p. 337). My thaiiks are also due to my
colleague and friend, Prof. Alexander Marx, of the Jewish
Theological Seminary of America, who greatly assisted my
efforts with his rare bibliographic knowledge and placed at
my disposal a large number of books, some very rare, from
his rich private library.
Philadelphia, Henry Malter.
July, ip20.
INTRODUCTION
At the outset of his task the historian or biographer has
to decide how he will envisage the broad problem presented.
Shall he view the idea or the fact as the impelling force in
human history? Are events born of ideas, or are ideas the
necessary outcome of conditions? Do circumstances shape
the individual, or does the individual compel circumstance?
The first view may be designated as the genetic, or real-
istic, conception of history ; the second, as the idealistic con-
ception.
In a measure it is true that neither of the two factors,
to the exclusion of the other, is the sole creative force in
human history. The real point to be determined is as to which
of them should be given the greater prominence in presenting
and interpreting historical phenomena. The prevailing and,
it would seem, correct view, is that the individual whose
influence in shaping events may appear to be paramount at
a certain period of the world's development, enters the arena
as a genuine product of surrounding conditions, subject to
all the laws of evolution by which other mortals are gov-
erned. Only gradually, the exceptional genius frees himself
from the common shackles. He rises above his environ-
ment and takes the guidance of history into his own hands.
The first requirement, therefore, in presenting the life
and work of such a genius, is to ascertain and depict the con-
ditions that furnished the basis for the later developed indi-
viduality. It is the only way of accounting for what seems
in the beginning to be entirely out of harmony with the
general laws of causation.
SaadiaAl-Fayyunii is not to be classed among these highest
geniuses of the world ; but his greatness is so real, and so
individual in its quality, that he cannot be fully explained as
a necessary product of his time and surroundings. Never-
theless, it is needful to investigate the conditions of his
earlier life, his education and his family relations, which
IS
i6 INTRODUCTION
must have contributed importantly toward making him the
founder of a new epoch in Jewish history and literature.
Unfortunately there is not enough material at hand to
allow us to form a trustworthy opinion of the circumstances
of our hero's earlier life. Nor are the historical records of
the Jews in Egypt during the age of Saadia such that we
can with certainty establish the influences at play in the
shaping of that great individuality during the years of
growth and development. The period in question is repre-
sented in Jewish annals by an almost blank page, and there
is but little hope that the page will ever be written upon,
unless the Genizah furnishes new material.
Not even legend,' the graceful substitute for stern his-
tory, has shown itself kind enough to Saadia to crown his
personality with a wreath of poetry and beauty, such as it
fashioned for not a few of the great men of the Jewish people
before and after him. The man w^ho was to inaugurate a
new era in Jewish learning and literature springs out of the
darkness to light the torch of reason in the gloom-encom-
passed camp of his brethren, and. his mission performed,
darkness again engulfs him; for according to the records
Saadia died " in melancholia." No poet is known to have
sung the praises of the departed leader ; no elegist has given
expression to the grief and sorrow that must have overtaken
Babylonian Israel at the untimely death of the greatest Gaon ;
no chronicler has left us even a prosaic account of the events
immediately before and after this turning-point in the
history of the ancient academy of Sura. The only fact
that has been preserved is that a successor was installed,
who failed to keep alive tlie orphaned institution ; for with
the death of Saadia, the Gaon, the Gaonate virtually ceased
to be.'
' See below, chapter viii.
' It is true that about fifty years after the death of Saadia the Sura
academy was reopened under the presidency of R. Samuel b. Hophni,
but the institution never regained the rank it occupied under Saadia.
Its very existence was made possible only through the close family
relations that were established between Samuel b. Hophni and the
Gaon Hai of Pumbedita (see below, note 281). Almost no Responsa
INTRODUCTION 17
But though no definite information can be obtained with
regard to the beg-inning- and the end of Saadia's career, we
are much more fortunate when we approach the main period
of his hfe, a period that covered only about twenty -five years.
During that time he put out one book after the other —
deahng sharp blows to Karaism and the other enemies of
traditional Judaism ; translating, commenting, and eluci-
dating the Bible and the Talmud ; collecting and composing
hymns and prayers ; and writing the first philosophical Com-
mentary on one of the most puzzling mystical works in Jew-
ish hterature. It was while engaged in this fruitful literary
work that he was unexpectedly called to the highest position
in the gift of tenth century Jewry. Soon thereafter we see
him in a bitter struggle wdth the mighty Exilarch, the tem-
poral head of the Babylonian Jews. Deposition and retire-
ment into private life; the appearance of his magnum opus,
the first philosophical presentation of Judaism since Philo ;
reconciliation with his enemies and re-installation in the office
of Gaon, — all these events follow in rapid succession, and
reveal to our eyes a man of astounding force and untiring
energy ; a life short when measured in years, but crowded
with occurrences of tremendous import for the subsequent
history of the Jewish people.
Such is, in brief, the stor)^ of Saadia Gaon, the details of
which occupy the following chapters.
As noted, the first twenty years and more of Saadia's
life, the years most essential in shaping character and indi-
viduality, are wrapped in obscurity. A complete biography
is therefore impossible. However, the manuscript material
brought to light within the last two decades contains vari-
ous details which, when properly correlated, enable us to
fill some of the gaps in our knowledge of Saadia's career
and to give an authentic account of certain important hap-
penings hitherto unknown. For instance, on the basis of
exist of Samuel b. Hophni, who had otherwise written extensively on
various subjects, which also indicates that under his Gaonate the
Jews of the Diaspora did not turn to Sura for legal and religious
advice, but to the more important academy of Pumbedita.
i8 INTRODUCTION
a new and, it would seem, plausible interpretation of some
Genizah documents, we gain valuable information about
Saadia's family relations, the causes that induced him to
leave his native country, his travels, and his connection with
the academy of Sura prior to his election as Gaon.
For full appreciation of Saadia's life and work we should
know the condition of the Egyptian Jews during the ninth
century ; that is to say, the social and intellectual atmosphere
in which the future Gaon grew up. Here again the few
details at our command have not been derived from the
commonly known Jewish and general sources ; it has been
necessary to cull them from recently unearthed, fragmentary
documents. And valuable as they are, they are not direct
information; they only afford a basis for certain inferences.
Therefore, so far as concerns Saadia's surroundings during
his formative period, we must confine ourselves to general re-
marks showing the points of contact between the culture and
learning which we later find represented in Saadia, and the
culture and learning of his immediate predecessors and con-
temporaries. An attempt at a more detailed description of
the various channels through which Saadia received the
many-sided education that made it possible for him to be-
come the highest exponent of Jewish culture in the Orient
would lose itself in vague hypotheses, adventurous rather
than informative.
The facts about Saadia's early training and education,
and to some extent also the cause of his emigration from
Egypt, must thus remain a matter of speculation. Happily,
we are better informed about his life and activity during
the many years of his sojourn in the East, prior to his
installation as Gaon (928). This information likewise
comes to us through the documents that are continually
cropping up from the famous Egyptian Genizah. Nearly
all of these documents relate to what is called the Ben Meir
controversy, — a controversy in which Saadia played the mo.st
important part, and which therefore forms an essential por-
tion of liis biography. But it is only wdien we approach the
last period of Saadia's life, beginning with his election to
INTRODUCTION 19
the Gaonate, that the sources of information flow more
abundantly, and our knowledge of the Gaon becomes more
adequate. It is thus in keeping with the literary material
at hand that the period covering Saadia's experiences in
the Gaonate (the period which hitherto has constituted the
whole of Saadia's biography) is treated here with more
detail than the others.
Welcome, however, as a complete knowledge of the cir-
cumstances of Saadia's earlier life would be, both to the biog-
rapher and the student, the absence of such information is, in
this case, less deplorable than in that of other eminent
persons. Saadia's historical importance, as an official per-
sonage, as the religious head and representative of Baby-
lonian Jewry and, in part, of the Jews in European coun-
tries, is undeniably great. But he appeals to our interest
less through his powerful individuality as a public leader
and uncompromising fighter for his cherished ideas and
principles, than through his scholarly attainments — through
the literary monuments left to posterity in nearly all
branches of Jewish learning and literature. Our con-
cern is therefore primarily with Saadia the scholar and in-
vestigator ; the pioneer and pathfinder in the field of Jewish
science; the linguist, grammarian, lexicographer and exe-
gete ; the Talmudist and the philosopher — in brief, the first
scientific expounder of Biblical and traditional Judaism.
But is this not exactly what we should expect in a work
on the life of a great man in the history of the Jewish
' people? History in its last analysis is mind material-
ized, thought transformed into action. In this sense the
Jews of the Diaspora, taken as a whole, had no history ;
for they had little opportunity to act, they were every-
where acted upon. Their story is therefore not the account
of a people's national and political activity, but that of
human patience and endurance. From another point of
view, too, the history of the Jews diflfers from that of
any other nation. The history of a people revolves, for
the most part, around its great men, who by their powerful
individuality give direction to its destiny ; the Jewish people,
20 INTRODUCTION
having been deprived of all temporal power, had no such
career to offer to those of its sons who, by virtue of extra-
ordinary natural gifts, were qualified for leadership in
the great movements of national life. The gifted person-
alities among the Jews spent themselves, with few excep-
tions, in the effort to acquire learning, sacred and secular.
ICssentially, Jewish history is a record of scholars and their
literary productions, with the emphasis laid on the latter.
It is a history of learning more than of living, of literature
rather than of affairs.
It is thus in keeping with the general character of Jewish
history that the biography of Saadia should primarily be a
record of his literary achievements and of his spiritual in-
fluence. Much space must therefore be devoted to the pres-
entation of his teachings in the various departments of
Jewish learning of which he was the founder. In the field of
religious philosophy and ethics Saadia's theories are to be
detached from all that is incidental or, from our point of
view, unessential, so that his general attitude and his
basic system of religion may come out clearly. A brief
characterization of the Gaon's standing in the estimation of
later ages and of the importance attributed to his works by
Jewish medieval authors, concludes the presentation.
In order to give the student of Saadia all the informa-
tion he may have occasion to look for in the course of his
inquiries, an exhaustive bibliography is necessary, not only
of the writings of the Gaon himself, but also of the vast
literature, reaching down to the present time, in which
Saadia or his waitings form the main subject of discus-
sion. Aside from this practical purpose, the immensity
of this Saadia literature in the various fields of research
will make the reader realize at a glance, perhaps better
than any description, the great significance of the man
whose life and works were the origin and source of so
much scholarly activity in generations past and present, and
may stimulate liim to enter upon the same field and con-
tinue the chain of Saadia students for the furtherance and
promotion of Jewish learning and literature.
CONTENTS
PACES
Preface 9-14
Introduction 14-20
PART I. LIFE OF SAADIA GAON
CHAPTER A. The First Period of Saadia's Life
I. Origin and Family Relations 25-31
II, Saadia's Early Education 32-52
B. The Second Period
III. Saadia's Emigration to the East 53-68
IV. Saadia's Controversy with Ben Meir 69-88
V. Saadia's Appointment to the Gaonate 89-134
PART II. THE WORKS OF SAADIA GAON
VI. Saadia's Works:
1. Philology
a. Grammar and Lexicography 137-141
b. Biblical Exegesis 141-146
2. Liturgy 146-157
3. Halakah 157-167
4. Calendar 168-171
5. Chronology 171-173
6. Philosophy 174-260
7. Polemical Works 260-271
VII. Saadia's Influence on Later Generations 272-295
VIII. Legends About Saadia 296-302
PART III. BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Prefatory Note 305-306
2. Philology 306-329
3. Liturgy 329-341
4. Halakah 34i-35i
5. Calendar and Chronology 351-355
6. Philosophy 355-380
7. Polemics 380-394
8. Works of Uncertain Description 394-403
9. Spurious Works 403-405
10. Works Erroneously Attributed to Saadia. ...405-409
it. The Documents on the Ben Meir CoNTROVERSY.409-419
Postscript 421-428
Addenda 428
List of Abbreviations 429
Indices 431-446
PART I
LIFE OF SAADIA GAON
THE FIRST PERIOD OF SAADIA'S LIFE
(4652-4675 = 892-915)
Chapter I
ORIGIN AND FAMILY RELATIONS
Saadia " was born, in the year 892, in the village of
^The Hebrew form of this name is, like that of similar names
occurring in the Bible {e. g., r]'''\V:i ,nnnt^), ."inyp, or fuller
innyp, not innyp, as Harkavy, D^JIK'N")^ inDT, etc. (hereafter
quoted briefly: Zikron), V, 162, 164, and Bacher, JE., X, 579,
have it (but comp. nnyo). This form of the name is proved by
rhymes found in MSS., where the metre positively requires it; comp.
D. S. Margoliouth, Lines of Defense of the Biblical Revelation, Lon-
don, 1900, p. 41, n. i; Renan, Les ecrivains Juifs Frangais (reprint
from Histoire litteraire de la France, Vol. XXXI), p. 155 (501) ;
Steinschneider, Arabische Literatur, p. 40. The correct transliteration
is therefore Se'adiah which is, indeed, adopted by some recent schol-
ars, as by Margoliouth, /. c; comp. JQR., XIII, 158, no. 6, and Cowley,
Catalogue of the Hebreiv MSS. in the Bodleian Library, II, .y. v. I
have preferred, however, to retain the old traditional form of trans-
literation, for after all the form employed for the sake of the metre
may have been merely theoretical, and is no proof that the name was
generally so pronounced. Grammatically nnVD stands for nnyp"',
being the (shortened) imperfect of the verb TVD, to support, and the
noun n^ =God, meaning " may God support" (the bearer of the name).
Sometimes the word IT' is supplanted by ^N = God, giving the same
meaning (comp. n^JJn=:^NJJn). Thus the Gaon is called ^t^lJ/D
by Moses Ibn Ezra, JQR., X, 224; JE., s. v. Saadia. This
form, however, was used as a proper name mainly among the
Karaites. In Arabic Saadia called himself Sa'id which means
fortunate. A rhetorical description of the Hebrew language,
representing a part of Saadia's earliest known work, the 'AgrOn
(Harkavy, Zikron, V, 52), gives the double acrostic ^IDV \2 "fJ/D,
similarly in his hymn on the 613 precepts (ed. Joel Miiller, in
Oeuvres completes de Saadia, IX, 67 ff. ; comp. ibidem, p. xxi) and
in his 'Azharot (D^IDlp D^JIX^ "•T' •'C'Va V31P. Berlin, 1857,
pp. 52 ff.), as well as in his Polemic against Hiwi, edited by Davidson,
New York, 1915, pp. 34 f. ; comp. Bacher, REJ., XXXV, 291. Occa-
25
26 SAADIA GAON
Dilaz/ in the district of Fayyum, Upper Egypt. He seems to
sionally Saadia is called also ^IVOn, the Egyptian (Dukes, Beitrdge,
II, i6), perhaps also "•JSi^n 13 with allusion to rUVD DJQV (Gen.,
41, 45), the name of his father being likewise Joseph; see Harkavy,
MIVJ., V, 26.
According to Steinschneider, JQR., XI, 327, the Hebrew name by
which Saadia called himself in a later work, the Sefer ha-Galni
(Harkavy, Zikron, V, p. 163, last line; 165, 11. 6, 10), was the original,
of which the Arabic Said was the translation. Bacher (Rivisfa
IsraeUtica, II, 46; comp. JE., X, 579), on the other hand, thinks that
the Hebrew name is an artificial equivalent of the original Arabic
Said, which view seems to me the more probable. This is certainly
the case with Saadia's Hebrew by-name ''Din^En, which was sub-
stituted for the original Al-Fayjaimi, i. e., of Fayyum (comp. Geiger
Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift, V, 314, note), perhaps because of the
phonetic resemblance of the two words, or more probably because the
Gaon himself (as also Muhammedan writers ; comp. Steinschneider,
JQR., XI, 588, no. 580) in his Arabic translation of the Bible renders
the Biblical Dnp (Exod. i, 11) by DV2, though modern research has
proved that the Biblical Pitom is situated in Lower Egypt and there-
fore cannot be identical with the Fayyum, which is in Upper Egypt.
It is a well known fact that Saadia liked to render Hebrew words and
proper names by Arabic equivalents of similar sound, even when he
knew that they had nothing in common but the sound ; see the refer-
ences given by Taubeles, Saadia Gaon, Halle 1888, p. 27, n. 7, espe-
cially W. Engelkemper, De Saadiac Gaonis Vita etc., Miinster, 1897,
p. 7, n. 3. Frankl {Monatsschrift, 1871, p. 355) takes the untenable
view that ""JDin^S is a derivation from nDD, meaning "deceiver,"
and was originally given to Saadia by his adversaries with the purpose
of vilifying him. Were this true it would be highly improbable
that all the Hebrew authors who quote the Gaon reverentially with the
adjective Pitomi should have been unaware of its disparaging mean-
ing. When the Karaite Sahl b. Mazliah (960) in an Epistle published
by Pinsker (JlVJimp "'DIP^, II, 36) refers to Saadia as " the Pitomi
who deceived (patah) the people," he simply plays on the by-name
Pitomi by which Saadia was already known.
For completeness' sake it may be added that the Arabic historian
Al-Mas'iidi, quoted below, note 20, calls Saadia " Sa'id Ibn Ja'kiib,"
which is, perhaps to be changed into Ibn Abi Ja'kiib, in which form
it is the by-name (kiinya) of Joseph ; see for this matter Stein-
schneider, JQR., IX, 622, Arab, JJteratur, p. 46.
* The information that Saadia was born in Dilaz is found first in
a controversial letter of Saadia's opponent known only under the
ORIGIN AND FAMILY RELATIONS 27
have been of humble parentage, his father, Joseph, probably
deriving his livelihood from some trade. If we are to put
credence in certain contemporary sources, Saadia's father
was successively or simultaneously a butcher, a barber, a
leech," and a muezzin.' For some reason not stated in these
sources he was exiled from Egypt and died in Jaflfa.' The
same documents assert that Saadia was not of Hebrew ori-
gin ; that his parents were descendants of Egyptians of the
village of Dilaz who had been converted to Judaism. It
would in no wise be derogatory to Saadia if any of these as-
sertions, or all of them, proved to be true. The employ-
ment of a man, if pursued honestly, detracts nothing from
his personal worth, nor would the fact that his ancestors
happened to be proselytes lessen in any degree our recogni-
name Ben Meir. The letter was written in the winter of 921-22, and
was published first by Harkavy, Zikron, V, 213-220; see particularly
ib., p. 216, line i. Ben Meir repeats the same in a second letter written
in the summer of the same year and published first by Schechter,
JQR., XIV, 56 ff., and in Saadyana, Cambridge, 1903, p. 20 ; see ib.,
line 6. Both letters were republished with numerous corrections and
notes by H. J. Bornstein in the Sefer ha-Jobel in honor of N. Soko-
low, later in a separate volume under the title pN3 nnVD 31 np^HO,
I^KD pi Warsaw, 1904. In the following notes I shall refer to the
pages of this important work in its separate edition only. For the
matter under discussion see ib., pp. 50, 90. Another opponent of
Saadia, Aaron Sarjada, later Gaon of Pumbedita, also refers to
Saadia disparagingly as a " Dilazian gentile " ; see Harkavy, /. c, p.
234, 1. 15. About the place Dilaz see the references given by Harkavy,
/. c, p. 234, n. 9; comp. ib., pp. 145, n. 2, 165, n. ii; Wiistenfeld,
Geschichte der Fatimiden Chalifen, Gottingen, 1881, p. 313. For the
year of Saadia's birth see also Buber, JW ''"W^, laroslau, 1885,
p. 32, n. 420, and his Introduction to NJOinJO, p. T"D. His conten-
tion, followed by Griinhut, i:in, 1899, p. 180, that Saadia was born
in 862 is without basis. [For the date 882, found recently in a
Genizah fragment, see Postscript.']
" See Bornstein, p. 90, n. 5 ; Harkavy, p. 230.
° Schechter, Saadyana, p. 20, n. 3 ; comp. Eppenstein, Beitr'dge sur
Geschichte und Literatur im geondischen Zeitalter (reprint from
MGIVJ., 1908-13), Berlin, 1913, pp. 127 f . ; below, note 188.
' Schechter, ib., n. 4. There is no reason to doubt the veracity of
the sources in this point. Saadia's father may have died in Jaffa on
his way East to join his son, see below, note 119.
28 SAADIA GAON
tion of his character and greatness." But coming, as these
reports do, from men known to have heen the bitterest
enemies of Saadia. with ihe obvious intention of discrediting
and disquahfying- the object of hatred, they must be put on a
level with the invectives and malicious charges against the
Gaon that are found in the same documents." We may leave
such hostile testimony out of our calculation. On the other
hand, from the respectful tone in which a very prominent
and well-informed authority" refers to Saadia's father, we
may conclude that the latter, whatever his occupation may
have been, was a pious and learned Jew.
Moreover, I am inclined to think that the panegyric of
a Gaon and his family discovered some years ago in the
Genizah " has reference to none other than the Gaon Saadia
* The Talmud points with pride to several eminent teachers of
the Mishnah as descendants of non-Jews, and even R. 'Akiba, the
" father of rabbinical Judaism," was, according to an old tradition
(Nissim, nnOD, i86), the descendant of proselytes. R. 'Akiba's
famous pupil, R. jMeir, is said to have been the descendant of Nero
(&. Gittin, 56a) ; comp. Briill, Jahrbiicher, II, 154 fif. ; Harkavy,
Zikron, V, 233, n. 3; see also Harkavy, Saadjah-Miscellen, Jsraelit-
ische Monatsschrift (Beilage zur Judischen Presse), Berlin, 1890,
no. 12.
" Saadia is here accused of profaning the name of God, trans-
gressing in public the laws of the Sabbath, embezzling the funds
collected for the poor, and leading a debauched life ; see Harkavj',
Zikron, V, 2^3. That there was not a shadow of truth in any of
these charges is evident from the fact that the same men who uttered
them, particularly the Exilarch David b. Zakkai, later reappointed
and recognized Saadia as Gaon, as the religious and spiritual head of
all Israel ; comp. Harkavy, /. c, p. 223.
" R. Sherira, the Gaon of the sister-academy in Pumbedita (961-
998) ; see Sherira's Epistle, ed. Neubauer, I, 40, top; Bornstein, p. 90,
n. 5, end.
" Schechter, Saadyana, no. xxxv. The MS. was already out
of my hands, when another portion of this panegyric was pub-
lished by Mr. Jacob Mann {JQR., N. S., vol. IX (1918-1919), pp.
153-160). Mr. Mann dismisses Schechter's tentative identification of
the hero of the poem with Saadia as out of the question, because in
the acrostic of the poem the author styles himself 1J3"I (our teacher)
which, had Saadia been the subject of the eulogy, he would certainly
not have done. Space forbids to enter here upon a detailed discussion
of the new portion of the panegyric. But it may be pointed out that
ORIGIN AND FAMILY RLLATIUNS 29
and his house. There we learn that he had three sons
and two married daughters. There were also a brother and
nephews, the sons of his sisters, who apparently were con-
sidered members of his family." In two passages we are
informed that Saadia's wife, " though advanced in years,
was still fresh and vigorous and bearing fruit," and the
writer expresses his wish that the child to which she was
about to give birth should be a son." Now it is known from
historical sources that Rabbi Dosa, the only son of Saadia
who acquired prominence as a scholar, was born during
no poet would properly refer to himself in the acrostic as " Our
Teacher"! The title IJm refers not to the author but, like the
immediately following titles, to the subject of the poem. With-
out basis is also Mr. Mann's contention that this part of the
panegyric is the continuation of the one published in Schechter's
Saadyana. because there only three sons of the hero are alluded
to (p. 68, 1. 22), while here "already" four are mentioned, a fourth
son having in the meantime been born. One may just as well
reverse the order and say that when the part published in Saadyana
was written one of the four sons had died. With such argumentation
we get nowhere.
" Schechter, Saadyana, p. 64.
" I derive these details from the text in Schechter's Saadyana,
p. 66, 11. 25-6; p. 67, 11. 18-19. My interpretation of the text will do
away with the difficulty raised by Schechter, /. c, p. 65, who opposes
the identification of the Gaon, to whom the panegyric is dedicated,
with Saadia on the ground that no reference is made therein to R.
Dosa, the only son of Saadia known to history. At that time Dosa
was not yet born. If, on the other hand, we assume that the Gaon
referred to is Samuel b. Hophni, we are confronted not only with the
difficulty, also pointed out by Schechter, /. c, that Samuel's son-in-law,
the Gaon Hai, is not mentioned, but also that his learned son, R
Israel, who is supposed to have assisted him in the Gaonate, is like-
wise disregarded ; see for this matter Poznanski, REJ., LXII, 120-
123, and JQR., 1912-3, p. 403, bottom; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 13, note.
The author of the panegyric is most likely the same R. Abraham to
whom Saadia in his letter to his pupib in Egypt (Saadyana, p. 25,
1. 2, overlooked by Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 8) refers as
"our friend," and perhaps identical with n3''ti'''n n^^lD nn*13N
mentioned in Saadyana, no. Ivi, p. 148, 1. 17 ; see Schechter,
Saadyana, pp. vii, 147. It may also be noted that the eulogist refers
to Yannai and F.lcazar [Kalir] as the Gaon's models in the field
of poetry (p. 73, 1. 24) which is done also by Saadia in his H^JX
30 S A AD I A GAON
Saadia's first occupancy of the Gaonate (928-932)," the
period in which the paneg}'ric under discussion must have
been written. If we bear in mind that we are deaHng
with the Orient, where the women age at a very much
faster rate than with us, we shall concede that the author
of the eulog-y might well describe Saadia's wife, who was
then about forty, in the terms quoted. That Saadia was
the father of several children besides the well-known Dosa
is borne out by two fragmentary letters which were like-
wise discovered in the Genizah." These were undoubtedly
written by Saadia, and in both he mentions his " beloved
children." The author of the eulogy, a certain Abraham
Kohen, who appears to have acted as the Gaon's secretary,
speaks with great veneration of his master's progenitors,"
perhaps including the father." The language is so vague
that it cannot be decided with certainty, whether in speaking
of Saadia's " forefathers " Abraham had in mind particular
(Harkavy, Zikron, V, 51) and in his Commentary on the Sefer
Yezirah, ed. Lambert, p. 23 ; see below, p. 44.
Recently A. Marmorstein (JQR., N. S., vol. VI (1915-1916). pp.
158 ff.) has put forth the view that " there are five different Abraham
Hakohen." However, as he has only four, he borows one from
Schechter's Saadyana, p. 64, n. 12. The passage in no way bears
out his contention.
" See Poznanski's article on Do.sa, PKJ nnVD 313 NDIT 3"! (re-
print from n^n, vol. VI) Berdyczew, 1906, p. 9, who, approaching
the subject from another side, also arrives at the conclusion that
Dosa must have been born about 935. This, to my mind, is a little
too late, as in that year Saadia was already an exile, while our eulogy
refers to him as Gaon. That this eulogy, if it refers to Saadia, was
written after his reinstatement in the office (937) 's quite improbable,
as in this case we should expect some explicit reference to the impor-
tant events that took place during the years immediately preceding it.
" Schechter, Saadyana. no. vii ; Bornstein, p. 67: JQR.. IX, 37,
reprinted by Epstein, REJ., XLII, 201, Bornstein, p. 69. The impor-
tance of these letters will be discussed later. Here I wish to state only
that the authorship of Saadia is established bej'^ond doubt in spite of
the objections of Israel Levi (REJ., XLI, 231) ; see Epstein, /. c, 202 ;
Bornstein, 71, and recently also S. Eppenstein, Bcitrdge, p. 91.
" Schechter, Saadyatia, pp. 66, 1. 17 ; 68, 1. 14 ( ?) ; 73, 1- 28.
" Schechter, Saadyana, p. 65, n. 5.
ORIGIN AND FAMILY RELATIONS 31
persons known to him, or used the word figuratively in a
general sense."* In connection with this it should be noted
that Saadia himself claimed to be of the tribe of Judah. He
traced his pedigree directly to Shelah, the third son of
Judah," while the historian Abraham Ibn Daiid (12th cen-
tury) asserts that Saadia was a descendant of Hanina b.
Dosa, a teacher of the Mishnah in the first century."
^^* In the part published by J. Mann, however, the allusion to the
father is quite expHcit ; see Mann, /. c, p. 159, n. 143.
" Harkavy, Zikron, V, 164, n. 10 ; 229, n. S ; comp. Bornstein,
pp. 72 f; below, note 230. We need not attach much importance
to this statement ; it is repeated too often in the history of Jewish
celebrities to be true. Ben Meir (see below, note 150), Sherira (see
below, note 228), Rashi, Maimonides, Isaac Abarbanel, and many
others made similar assertions, or were put in such relationship by
generous Hebrew chroniclers; see Weiss, Vti'TITl IH in (Wilna,
1904), IV, 146; idem, TlO^n D^n, I, 161, particularly Zunz in his
notes on the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela II, 6-9; see also below,
note 659.
"See Poznanski, pNJ nnyo mn ^?D^ m, p. 7, n. 12.
Chapter II
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION
The uncertainty that characterizes the first period of
Saadia's hfe is felt most strongly when we approach
the question of his early education. It is not merely a mat-
ter of the details needed for the completion of Saadia's
biography as an individual. We are concerned with the
beginning of a new epoch in the history of the Jewish
people, the immediate causes and surrounding circum-
stances of which, the Jewish historian is particularly desirous
of knowing. We should like to reach back to the very
roots of the thoroughgoing change in the intellectual de-
velopment and literary activity of the Jews that coincides
with the appearance of Saadia on the scene. We should
like to know in how far Saadia's individual genius is re-
sponsible for the new era he inaugurated, or to w^hat
extent w^e ought to feel indebted to his teacher or teachers,
Jewish or Muhammedan, and to the intellectual atmosphere
which he breathed during his formative period. Unfortu-
nately, there is nothing in the available sources to clear up
these points, and the student must comfort himself with
the reflection that all beginnings are obscure.
The only positive reference to a teacher of Saadia is
found in the work of a contemporary Muhammedan writer,
the historian Al-]\Ias'udi '" (died 957), who names as such a
certain Abi^ Kathir Yahya al-Katib of Tiberias. !Mas'iidi
reports that he had a religious disputation with Abu Kalhir
in Palestine, and that the latter died in 320 of the Hegira
(=932, c. E.V No further particulars are known about
this Abu Kathir, except that the famous Muhainmedan
*'Tn Ill's Kiiab at-Taiihth, edited by J. M. De Goeje in Bihl. Cengr.
Arahicnnnu, vol. VTIT, Levflcn, 180.). j). ^^^, Frenrli translation hy
Carra cle Vaiix, Lc Livre dc lAvcrtisscmcut, Paris, 1896, p. 160.
32
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION ZZ
theologian Ibn Hazni (994-1064) quotes him together with
Saadia and David Al-Mukammis (see p. 67) as one of the
Jewish Mutakallimun (theolog'ians).^^ Modern Jewish
investigators are inclined to identify him with Judah Abii
'AH, or b. 'Alan, ha-Nazir of Tiberias,^ an eminent grammar-
ian, whom the Karaites count as their own/'
" See below, note 2^.
-^ The first to suggest this identification was L. Dukes in his
nTlDOn D1DJ1P, Tubingen, 1846, p. 2. The suggestion was taken
up by Steinschneider in his essay Jiidische Literatur in Ersch and
Gruber's Encyklopadie, II, vol. 27, p. 414, n. 27 (1850; English edition,
" Jewish Literature," London, 1857, p. 324, n. 27, Hebrew translation
by H. Malter, Warsaw. 1897, p. 194, n. 4), also by Geiger in
the Hebrew periodical Omt Nechmad, II (1857), 158 (reprinted
in Geiger's Nachgelassene Schriften, V, 2,^, and recently also by
Poznanski, DnoXO DVnp, Warsaw, 1910, p. 233), and Pinsker,
Likkute (i860), I, 5, 105. The Hebrew sources from which our
knowledge of this grammarian is derived give his name as Judah
b. 'Alan ha-Tabbarani, i. e., of Tiberias (so the Karaite Judah
Hadassi, 12th century, in his 'Eshkol, Alphabet 257, letter Dt ...
y"j i^i2t>>0 ^rinon \'7V \1 minv comp. ftfrfcw. Alphabet 173,
letter D, where he mentions PTPTOH ''JTDt3 as the author of a work
DTj; mXD), and 'Ali b. Judah ha-Nazir (so David Kimhi in ^"1^30,
ed. Lyck, 1862, p. 81 ; comp. Dukes, Beitrage, II, 133 ; Backer, Die
Anfdnge der Hebr. Grammatik , p. 44, n. 4). In the text I have given
the name in accordance with Steinschneider, Arab. Liter, der Juden,
§ 23 ; comp. ib., § 67, where the references to a considerable liter-
ature on the matter are given ; see also JQR., XIII, 315. Here it
should only be mentioned that according to Pinsker, /. c, 5 (accepted
by Bacher in Winter and Wiinsche's Die jiidische Littcratur, II, 141)
this Judali is probably referred to by Abraham Ibn Ezra (D''JTX?0,
beginning), who speaks of a "scholar of Jerusalem, whose name is
unknown and who wrote eight valuable works on grammar in the
Arabic language." He is mentioned also by the Karaite Lewi b.
Jephet, nth century (Pinsker, I.e., II, 64; comp. ib., p. 139, where
a Hebrew elegy of Judah is quoted) and by Judah Ibn Bal'am, an
eminent grammarian of the nth century (Pinsker, /. c., I, 5) ; comp.
also Harkavy, Zikron, V, 115, and in ^iD^^TIt? Hli', Warsaw, 1894,
pp. 279 f . ; Ha-Goren, IV, 75 flf.
" See Harkavy, /. c. and Zikron, V, 115, who disputes this Karaitic
claim and, against Pinsker, concludes that he was a Rabbanite;
comp. also Steinschneider, AL., § 23.
3
34 S A AD I A GAON
The identity of this reported teacher of Saacha is of far-
reaching importance, not only for his pupil's biography,
but also for the general history of medieval Jewish litera-
ture. Ever since the question has been mooted as to when
and by whom scientific methods of investigation were first
introduced into the various fields of Jewish literature, par-
ticularly that of Hebrew philology and exegesis, scholars
have been divided on that point. Jost," Munk," Geiger," and
particularly Pinsker " were of the opinion that the Karaites
inaugurated the period of scientific activity, more especially
as concerns grammatical and lexicographical works. From
them the spirit of investigation spread to the Rabbanites.
Pinsker, indeed, goes so far as to assert that " soon after
the close of the Talmud there appeared a number of
Karaite scholars who wrote on astronomy, philosophy,
rhetoric, poetry, grammar, and lexicography," preparing
thereby the new era of Jewish science, which is commonly
considered Saadia's creation. It was Anan, the founder
of Karaism (750), who originated the watchword, " Search
well in the Bible ! " and thus gave his followers the
impetus to break with the Midrashic, allegorical inter-
pretation of the Scriptures dominant among the Jews of his
time, and to replace it by an exegesis based on grammatical
and i)hilological studies. On the other hand, Rapoport."
Steinschneider,''"' and more recently P>acher '° and Harkavy,"
•' Geschichte dcr Israelitcn, II, 328.
'^Notice sur Abou'l-WaUd Merwan Ibn-Djanah, Paris, 1851, p. 4.
^ Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift fiir jiidische Theolos^ie, V, 274;
comp. also Poznanski in Lcben iind Lebenswerk of Abraham Geiger,
Berlin, 1910, p. 383.
" Likknte, I, 4 ff. ; comp. his introduction to that work, p. iv. and
Schorr's criticism of the same in He-Hahiz, VI, 56 flf. For other
references see Steinschneidcr. Jcivish- I.itcralurc. 326, n. 33; 327, n. 49;
idem, Bibliographischcs Handbuch, Leipzig;, 1S39, P- ^i'. "• 5-
" In his biography of Saadia in the Hebrew periodical Bikkuri
ha-Ittim IX (1828), 20 ff.
^JQR., XIII, 314; XVII, 356; MIVJ., XX, 236; comp. also ih.,
XIX, 260.
*"/>!> Anfdnge d^r hebrdischen Gramiitatik, Leipzig, 1895, pp. 2, 38 f.
" Zikron, V, 36 f. ; comp. MWJ., XX, 149, 236.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 35
basing their views on the testimony of xA.braham Ibn Ezra,
who gives an historical enumeration of the first Hebrew
grammarians, emphatically deny the claim of the Karaites,
and assign priority to Saadia. Harkavy, the consistent op-
ponent of Pinsker, even goes to the extreme of denying
that the Karaites had any part at all in influencing the de-
velopment of Hebrew philology ; a view espoused, however,
by no other scholar.
If, now, the above-mentioned Abu Kathir is identical with
Judah b. 'Alan, supposedly referred to by Abraham Ibn
Ezra as the author of eight works on grammar, and if he
was a Karaite, as is claimed by Judah Hadassi and, follow-
ing him, by Pinsker, we should have here not only the
desired information on the nature and the sources of
Saadia's early education, but also sufficient ground for the
assumption that the Karaites had in fact taken the lead
in bringing about the new era of learning and literature, of
which Saadia was merely the first Rabbanite exponent. But
such is not the case. There is no good reason to doubt the
identification of Abu Kathir with Judah ben "Alan, but it is
altogether improbable that the latter was a Karaite. Many
of the Karaite opponents of Saadia were his contemporaries,
and could not have been ignorant of a circumstance so
favorable to them. Had Saadia's teacher been a Karaite,
and a scholar of such eminence that even a Muhammedan
writer took notice of him, they would not have failed to
advert to a fact that might seem to show both their own
superiority and the ingratitude of their adversary.'^ On the
other hand, there is excellent reason to believe that the
teacher of Saadia was a Rabbanite. Al-Mas'udi makes an
teacher of Saadia was a Rabbanite. Al-Mas'iidi makes an ex-
plicit statement to this effect with reference to Abii Kathir,^'
" This becomes the more certain when we remember that some
Karaites accused Saadia of such ingratitude toward his Karaitic oppo-
nent Salmon b. Jeroham, whom they falsely declared as Saadia's
teacher in order to base their accusation thereon; comp. Weiss,
VtJ'-ini nn in, Wilna, 1904, IV, 124, n. I.
''That Abu Kathir was a Rabbanite may be concluded also from
the fact that Ibn Hazm (see above, p. 33) mentions him as a Jewish
36 SAADIA GAON
while in respect to Judah b. Alan the epithet Tahhardnl
ha-Mcdakdek (" the Tiberian grammarian ") renders it all
but certain that he belonged to the school of the Tiberian
Masorites, who were all adherents of traditional Judaism.
The information given by Al-Mas'ijdi enables us to
establish a relationship of pupil and master between Saadia
and one of the scholars of his time, whoever he may have
been. There is no evidence, however, that the relation ex-
isted during the first period of Saadia's life, while he was
still in Egypt. It may have fallen into the period of his
Palestinian sojourn. Saadia emigrated to Palestine in 915,
at the age of twenty-three."' He was still young enough to
sit at the feet of a master ; and Abu Kathir (who, according
to Al-Masfidi, died in 932) may have been sufficiently his
senior in years to take the part of his senior in learning.
From Arabic sources we know that Al-Mas udi visited Pales-
tine in 926,*" probably the year of the religious disputation."
mentioned before, carried on by him with Abu Kathir at
Tiberias. Here and on that occasion it may have been that
he made the acquaintance of Abii Kathir the master, and
Saadia the disciple. To be sure, in the year 926 Saadia
had settled permanently in Babylonia as a member of the
Mutakallim together with Saadia and Al-Mukammis (see Fried-
lander, JQR., N. S., vol. I (1910-1911), p. 187, n. 6). It is not probable
that this Muhammedan polemist, who was familiar with Jewish mat-
ters (comp. Poznanski, JQR., XVI, 765-771) would have thus mixed
together Karaites and Rabbanites on the ground that they had theorie.;
on the Kalam in common. For Al-Mukammis see below, p. 67.
"' But see Postscript.
"See Brockclmann, Geschichle der arab. Lilcralur, I, 144; Stciii-
schneidcr. JQR., XTT, 298.
'^ One of the disputed questions was whether the divine law was
intended for all times or was given with the view of being abrogated
at some future time when it will be replaced by a new law. This
problem greatly agitated the minds of Jewish and Muhammedan
theologians of the time, and Saadia himself has devoted much space
to its discussion in the third chapter of his 'Amanat; comp. Stein-
schneider. Polemische und apologetische Liicratur, p. 103; Guttmann,
Die Rcligionsphilosophie dcs Saadia, Gottingen, 1882, pp. 148 ff. ;
Goldziher, REJ., XLVII (1903), 41 f.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 37
academy of Sura. This does not preclude, however, his hav-
ing been in Tiberias the same year ; he was in the habit of
traveling.
Assuming all this to have been the case, nothing has been
gained so far as concerns the first period of Saadia's life —
the Egyptian period under consideration. We must again
leave the safe ground of positive history and try to satisfy
ourselves with conjectural indications. We shall have to set
out, as it were, on a voyage of exploration to Egypt and the
neighboring countries, or to countries known to have had
some connection with ninth century Egypt, in order to dis-
cover the learned or otherwise prominent men living there
shortly before and during the time of Saadia. Such men
testify to an intellectual life and to literary activity in circles
which, judging from particulars to be enumerated later,
must have been accessible to Saadia, and must have deter-
mined his course.
In the first place, it must be pointed out that the lan-
guage of the Jews of Egypt and the other Eastern coun-
tries under Muhammedan rule was, without doubt, chiefly
Arabic. In all probability the language of the Koran had
become the vernacular of most of the Jews and the Samari-
tans soon after the Hegrah.'" This being the case, it is
obvious that Saadia could make use of the literature of the
Arabs as well as the works of Judaeo-Arabic authors. That
the Arabs, even previous to the time of Saadia, had developed
a vast literature, covering all fields of human knowledge, is
too well known to require detailed proof. Nor can there be
any doubt that the literary productions of the Arabs living
in the main seats of Arabic culture (Bagdad, Basra, etc.)
were current also in Egypt, which until 972, when it was
"See A. E. Cowley, JQR., VII, 565; ib., XII, 495- The Arabic
speaking Jews always attached a certain degree of sacredness to the
Arabic language, which they considered as " corrupted Hebrew " ; see
for this matter Steinschneider, JQR., XIII, 303-310; idem AL.,
pp. xxiv, xxxiv; Bacher, /£., V, 13. For quotations of the Koran
in the works of Saadia see the references by Steinschneider, JQR.,
XII, 499.
38 SAADIA GAON
conquered by the Fatimide Caliph Al-Mu'izz, was a de-
pendency of the 'Abbaside CaHphate that had its seat in
Bagdad. This poHtical connection was re-enforced by con-
stant migrations between the two countries, owing to the
pilgrimages to Mecca that were frequently undertaken by
the ]\Iuhanimedans in large troops (caravans). Numerous
scholars in various fields of literature and science are known
to have lived in Egypt during the ninth and tenth cen-
turies.*' Still closer relations existed between Eg)-pt and
the neighboring countries in northwestern Africa (Cyre-
naica, Tripoli, Algeria, and Morocco of today), especially
^ For tlie many scholars who lived either their whole life or for
some period in Egjpt before and during the time of Saadia, see
Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, I, 91, 131, 142,
no. 4 (the great historian Al-Tabari), 148, i62c-d, 173 f., nos. 7-8,
176, 178 (the 'Imam Al-Shafi'i, foxinder of a school of Fukaha', i. e.,
expounders of Muhammedan law, whose influence can be seen also
in Saadia's Halakic work; comp. Steinschneider, Hcbriiische Ueber-
setcungen, p. xxiii), 180, nos. 2-3, 198, no. 2 (a Siifi), 221 (the astrono-
mer Al-Fargani ; comp. Malter, Die Abhaiidhing des Abii Hamid Al-
Gazzali, Frankfurt a. M. 1896, pp. viii f.), 226 (the famous historian
Al-Ya'kubi, died 891), 232, no. 5 (a teacher of Isaac Israeli, but see
Steinschneider, JQR., XIII (1901), 97) ; comp. also Steinschneider,
Orientalist ische Litteratur-Zeitung, 1904, col. 431, no. 87A (probably
the same one who is mentioned in Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der
Fatimidcn-Chalifen, p. 38, as living in the Magreb), ib., 1905, col.
213, no. 200 (where the date 1526-7 is to be corrected to 933, as in
Brockelmann, /. c, I, 173; see Steinschneider, ib., 1905, col. 489, 1. i),
col. 264, no. 234. For Judah b. Joseph of Rakka in Eg>'pt (or Meso-
potamia? see Steinschneider, Hebrdische IJbersctzungcn, 378, n. 69;
p. 774; idem, JQR., XI, 328, top, and below, note 135), a physician and
philosopher (pupil of the famous astronomer Thabit b. Kurrah, who
died in 891), with whom Alas'udi reports he had a disputation at
Tiberias in 314 of the Ilegra (=926, c. e.), see Steinschneider,
Arabische Literatur, § 24; comp. JQR., XIII, 298, and above, notes
21, 34. All the scholars mentioned in the passages referred to were
famous in the various fields of literature and science in which they
worked. It goes without saying that these scholars were not the
only ones in Egypt and the Magreb ; that there were many more in
the various parts of both countries, who were not active as authors,
or whose works were lost during the following centuries. It is
therefore but reasonable to assume that there existed a compara-
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 39
after the rise of the Fatimide dynast}- (909), which had
estabUshed its seat in Kainvan,** a city subsequently famous
in the histor)- of the Jews.**
The question is to what extent did Saadia, prompted
either by his own desire for learning, or other motives,
familiarize himself with the works of Muhammedan authors
before his emigration from Eg}pt to Palestine. We shall
have occasion to show the influence of Arabic literature on
Saadia in works of his, written beyond a doubt at a later
period of his life. Here, only the following passage can be
cited to prove that the Arabic influence had begun to show
its traces at the time when he was preparing one of his
earliest known literar}" productions, the Hebrew lexicon and
rhyming dictionary 'Agron. The ver>' name of this book,
written in his twentieth year,* is in imitation of titles used
by Muhammedan authors for similar works." It is not
necessar}-, however, to draw conclusions from such tech-
nical details. Saadia expresses himself unreservedly about
his indebtedness to Arabic authors, who served him as
models in the composition of his work. " It is reported,"
he says, " that one of the worthies among the Ishmae-
lites, realizing to his sorrow that the people do not use
the Arabic language correctly, wrote a short treatise for
them, from which they might learn proper usages. Simi-
tively high standard of ailture and civilization among the Egyptian
Muhammedans of the eighth and ninth centuries, though their
schools of learning, as Brockelmann (I, 131) avers, were entirely
dependent upon those in the 'Irak, the main countrj- of the Caliphs
and the seat of Arabic culture, which at that time had reached the
highest mark in the history- of the people.
" Comp. Wiastenfeld, Geschichfe der Fatimiden-Chalifen, Gottin-
gen, 1881, pp. 29 ff.
^^See Poznanski's JKITP '•J':N, Warsaw, 1909, where a full
account is given of the Jewish scholars who are known to have lived
in Kairwan from the beginning of the ninth to the middle of the
eleventh century, when, owing to adverse political events, the Jewish
communitv- was disorganized and dispersed.
"See HavksLxy, Zikron, V, 46, n. 6; 56, n. 40: comp. also ib., p. 28,
notes 8 and 9 ; Bacher, REL, XXIV, 308.
" Harka\y, ib., 29 f .
40 SAADIA GAON
larly, I have noticed that many of the IsraeHtes do not ob-
serve even tlie common rules for the correct use of our
[Hebrew] language, much less the more difficult rules, so
that when they speak in prose most of it is faulty, and when
they write poetry only a few of the ancient rules are ob-
served, and the majority of them are neglected. . . . This has
induced me to compose a work in two parts containing
most of the [Hebrew] words."" A few lines before
this passage he mentions having met numerous scholars who
spoke of the loss of many scientific works, two of which he
quotes by title. The rules of Hebrew grammar adverted
to in the fragments of this work possessed by us — only a
little more than the Introduction has been preserved — like-
wise reveal the influence of the school of Arabic gram-
marians."
Great as the influence of Arabic culture on Saadia may
have been, his main teachers, even in the period under con-
sideration, are to be looked for among his own brethren, and
the chief sources that inspired him in his youth with love
for knowledge and the ambition to follow a learned career
must be sought in the field of early Jewish literature. To
do justice to him we must take into account whatever is
known, either on the testimony of available sources or by
way of assumption, of his personal contact with learned
contemporaries or his acquaintance with the older writings.
The evidence thus secured will furnish us the background
against which Saadia's figure stands out prominently.
In the first place it must be taken into consideration that
Jewish life and some Jewish literary activity persisted in
Egypt long after the Alexandrian period. In the absence
of adequate historical records " its nature cannot be accu-
*^ Harkavy, ib., 45, lines 3 fF. ; comp. Bacher, Die Aiifdnge der hebr.
Crammatik, p. 60.
" See Bacher, ib., p. 60, n. 3.
" Several interesting Greek docunients, partly from the Fayyiim,
the birthplace of Saadia, and dating from the sixth and seventh
centuries are discussed by Theodore Reinach, Nouveaux documents
relatifs aux juifs d'Egypte, REJ., XXXVII, 218-225 ; see in par-
ticular p. 219, no. 3, and pp. 224 f., Post-scriptum.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 41
rately defined. On the other hand, so far as the mediaeval
period is concerned, we can trace Jewish learning in various
parts of Egypt as far back as two centuries before Saadia.
This is sufficiently borne out by the various collections of
Hebrew papyri found in Egypt, particularly in the district
of Fayyiam, where Saadia was born.''' A rather conserva-
tive estimate places the origin of the Fayyiim papyri in the
first half of the eighth century. Most of the fragments con-
tain remnants of liturgical hymns, one of them bearing,
according to Zunz " and Steinschneider, close resemblance in
style to a hymn by Eleazar Kalir. The existence of syna-
gogue poets in the Fayyiim at so early a period, and no doubt
also much later, down to the time of Saadia, may have
inspired him with the idea of writing the 'Agron, which was
intended to teach the art of versification."
The spread of Talmudic learning in Egypt long before
Saadia is further attested by a document brought to hght
from the Genizah, in which a certain Abu 'AH Hasan of
Bagdad appears as " the Head of the Congregation " of
Fostat (Old Cairo) in the year 750." In another document
one Nahum b. Abraham binds himself not to dispose of his
share in a house, of which two others mentioned by name
were joint owners with him, in such a way as to trans-
fer his portion of the property to a certain Joseph Kohen.
The agreement is drawn wholly on the basis of the
Talmudic law governing the peculiar situation, and the
phraseology used is also Talmudic. Mention is made of
two synagogues situated in Fostat, for whose benefit the same
Nahum was to pay a fine of twenty denarii in case of breach
"Steinschneider, MWJ., VI, 250-254; idem, Bibliotheca Mathe-
matica, Stockholm, 1895, p. 23 ; comp. Harkavy Zikron, V, 31 ; Th.
Reinach, I. c; JE., V, 60, s. v. Egypt. For the origin of the Jew^ish
community in the Fayyiim see in particular Blau, Papyri und Talmud,
Leipzig, 1913, p. 10 and references.
** Quoted by Steinschneider, MWJ., VI, 251.
*' Harkavy, Zikron, V, 37.
**See JQR., XVII, 426 fif. ; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, p. 2, n. 1 ; p. 55, n.
1; p. 61, n. 1; p. 122, note, end; E. J. Worman, JQR., XVIII, iff.;
comp. also Weiss, VD'TlTl "IH "in, Wilna, 1904, IV, 124,
42 SAADIA GAON
of contract. Many other manuscript fragments discovered
in the Genizah, some of which belong to the ninth and tenth
centuries, contain references to the same two synagogues, and
make it otherwise certain that large Jewish settlements
existed in Egypt, particularly in Fostat, as early as the eighth
century, and probably even earlier, in the post-Alexandrian
period/" We may therefore take it for granted that a Saadia,
impelled by a keen desire for learning, early familiarized
himself with w^hatever knowledge existed among the Jews
of his own country.
That the Jews of Egypt before and during the time of
Saadia had been in possession of the literature and learning
emanating from the two academies of the Babylonian Geo-
nim, the main seats of Jewish culture in those times, is like-
wise to be considered a matter of course. Indeed, there was
hardly any other countr}^ except Palestine, that was in such
frequent communication with Babylonia in the period under
consideration. The fact that, over and above a large
number of unclassifiable remnants of a diversified litera-
ture, so many fragments of the Babylonian and the
Palestinian Talmud,"" as well as a very large collection of
Geonic Responsa"" were among the treasures of the Geni-
zah in Cairo, may be taken as proof that the study of the
Talmud in general and of the Geonic literature in particular
*'See Worman, JOR., XVIII, 12, top. 21, 1. 5; 27, bottom; 38;
Bernstein, 3"m flP^IlD, p. 3,7, n. 2: 40, n. 2.
""^O^CTi-'n •'^nt^^ edited by Louis Ginzberg. New York, 1909.
"Forming the second volume of Ginzberg's Gcoiiica, New York,
1909. This fact remains significant even if many of the manuscripts
were written at a period later than that of Saadia, for they may be
copies of much older originals, which were current in Egj'pt long
before. Most of the Responsa published by Ginzberg, so far as the
authorship can be ascertained, come from the Geonim Moses b.
Jacob, Sar Shalom. Natronai b. Hilai, Amram, Zemah b. Paltoi,
Nahshon (all of whom lived between 832-874), and others of the
pre-Saadianic period; comp. Ginzberg, ib., pp. 19, 28, 88, 107, 143,
156, 176, 179, 186, 191, 210, 216, 237, nos. 10-T3, 255, no. 2, 29S, no.
26, 301 ff. ; see also Appendix {She'eltot and the IJalakot Gedolot),
ib., 349 ff.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 43
had had full sway among the Jews of Egypt at an early
period. It goes without saying that the young and wide-
awake Saadia followed the spirit of the time, and was a
busy student of the entire range of Geonic writings. Pos-
sibly his acquaintance with this literature and his ardent
desire to see with his own eyes the great spiritual leaders of
tlie Jews of the Diaspora, were among the causes that subse-
quently induced him to emigrate to the land of the Geonim.
Another and a no less important factor that must be con-
sidered in the search for the sources of Saadia's early edu-
cation is the relation between the Jews of Egypt and those
of Palestine, especially the city of Tiberias. As early as the
beginning of the eighth century Tiberias was the seat of
a distinguished school of Masorites and punctuators of the
Bible." Palestine was also the soil from which sprang the
Midrashim, the oldest collections of homiletical interpreta-
tions of Scripture. These originated between the sixth and
tenth centuries and are as genuinely Jewish in spirit as the
Talmud, next to which they rank in bulk in Jewish literature.
Besides several works of Halakic content, belonging to the
same period,°* the mysterious Sefer Yezirah (" Book of
Creation ") is in all probability also the product of Palestine.
That Saadia, while yet in Egypt, at the door of Palestine,
was thoroughly acquainted with the products of Pales-
tinian authors can in many instances be substantiated
by quotations in his own works. Thus, in his earliest sur-
viving book (the 'Agron), he mentions by name five
" ancient Hebrew poets," whose compositions, he avers,
''The pJD *1SD, published by J. J. L. Barges, Paris, 1866, is
probably also a product of the Tiberian Masorites. Sachs, in his
introduction to the work, considers it still older. At any rate it was
known also to Saadia, as he mentions it in his Commentary on the
Sefer Yezirah (ed. Lambert, 94, top) ; comp. below, note 452.
^ E. g. the Sheeltot (Halakic discussions) of R. Aha of Shabha
(eighth century), the tractate Soferim (see the references in Bardo-
wicz, Die Ahfassungsseit der Baraita der 32 Normen, Berlin, 1913,
p. 37, n. 2), and some of the DIJIDP JTiriDDO; see Bornstein, DP^riD,
p. III.
44 SAADIA GAON
served him in some points as an example." Three of
these poets are the famous Payyetanim Jose b. Jose, Yannai,
and Kleazar Kahr, who, as is now ascertained, Hved in Pales-
tine during the seventh, and at the beginning of the eighth,
century, 'i'he identity of the two others, Joshua and Phine-
has, is still doubtful, but in all probability both were Pales-
tinians belonging to the school of Masorites" whose works
Saadia often used. As to the Sefer Yezirah, we know that
Saadia wrote a philosophic commentary on it." It is true
that this commentary belongs to a later period," and it might
be assumed that he became acquainted with the Sefer
Yezirah during his sojourn in Palestine. Such an assump-
tion, however, does not recommend itself. The book must
have been known in the East and also in Egypt some time
prior to Saadia's birth. It was probably the reputation of
the work that induced him to provide it with a commentary."
At least two other authors, both contemporaries of Saadia,
but living in different countries, also wrote commentaries
on it, Isaac Israeli in Kairwan and Shabbetai Donnolo in
" Harkavy, Zikron, V, 51.
" Comp. Bacher, Anfdnge, 42, 47, 50, n. 2 ; for Phinehas see ib.
31, n. I ; Ilarkavy, Zikron, V, 112; comp. the list of Masorites, HB.,
XIV, 105; Briill, Jahrbiicher, II, 174; for Joshua see Harkavy,
Zikron, V, no.
^° Commentaire sur Sefer Yesira .... publie et iraduit par Mayer
Lambert, Paris, 1901.
"The year 242 Contraciuum = g3i common era, is given by Saadia
himself (ed. Lambert, p. 52; French translation, p. 76) as that in
which the work was written, hence not in Egypt, as is generally
assumed. This matter will be discussed in detail later on, when the
work comes up for special consideration.
" Saadia himself at the end of his Introduction to the Commen-
tary (Arabic text, p. 13, lines 5 £., French transhition, p. 29) gives
as a reason for his writing the commentary " that the book is )wt
of frequent currency and that only few people are able to under-
stand it" (DKJ^N |» n^n^^N h'?) i{<iJi>N i^riD 3Nn3 in d'''? in
n^^y ^P^). This, however, seems to mean only that tlie book,
because of its unintelligibility, was not popular among the people in
general, and does not exclude its being well known and much studied
by scholars, who alone concern us here.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 45
Italy. Aside from these general considerations there is
strong evidence that Saadia knew the Sefer Yecirah at the
time he wrote the 'Agron and was indeed influenced thereby
as to certain grammatical doctrines. This is almost a cer-
tainty as regards Saadia's main grammatical work, the Kitab
al-Lu'gah (" Book on the Language "), which was probably
written in Egypt soon after the 'Agron. This book is
no longer in existence/" but various particulars found in
the works of later authors made it possible for Bacher'" to
give a full description of its original plan and arrangement, as
well as of its contents. In his Commentary on the Sefer
Yeqirah " Saadia himself, in the course of his discussion of its
grammatical features, not only quotes lengthy passages from
his Kitah, but also refers to the latter for a more elaborate
treatment of certain points. If a more convincing fact is
needed to prove that Saadia had the Sefer Yedrah before
him when he wrote the grammar, it is furnished by the
established circumstance that Saadia's grammatical theories
coincide in many particulars °' with those of his contempor-
ary, the famous Masorite Moses b. Aaron b. Asher, con-
cerning whom the Sefer Yezirah's influence has been proved
beyond a doubt.*" It should further be noted in this con-
nection that Saadia was the one who first suggested °' that the
Sefer Yezirah originated in Palestine.
Finally, among the general promoters of intellectual life
at about the time of Saadia, mention must be made of the
Karaites. It is now the consensus of opinion among scholars
that there is no foundation for the claim made by Karaite
" Some fragments were published by Harkavy in Ha-Gorcn, VI
(1807). PP- 30-38.
•" Anfange, pp. 38 60.
•* Ed. Lambert, p. 7S, 1. 3 from bottom, French part, p. 07: comp.
Bacher, Anfange, p. 40, n. 3; 45, n. 6, especially the Bibliography,
below, p. 307, no. 2.
*" Bacher, Anfange, p. 44, n. 4; 47, n, 2; 48, no. 8.
''This was first shown by D. Rosin, MGWJ., XXX (1881), 521;
comp. Bacher, ih., p. 21.
" At the end of his Introduction to the Commentary, p. 13, top,
French, p. 29; comp. Bacher, ib., p. 23, top.
46 SAADIA GAON
authors and by some recent investigators, that the Karaites
were the first to enter the field of scientific reseach, particu-
larly in Hebrew philology, which marks the beginning of a
new epoch."' Nevertheless, it would be futile to deny to the
Karaites before and during the time of Saadia the merit of
having been in some degree instrumental in bringing about
this new era in Jewish literature. They may not have
produced works in general comparable with Saadia's, but
their very existence as a schismatic sect, their negative
attitude toward traditional Judaism, and their active propa-
ganda, in speech and in writing, for the new cause, could
not have failed to incite a counter-activity among the Rab-
banites. Thus, they helped to prepare the intellectual ground
from which Saadia sprang, as the main defender of the
besieged fortress of Rabbinism. There is no need to
search for historical records to corroborate the course of
events as outlined. Saadia's own works, to whatever period
of his life they belong, are the clearest proof. That he
early felt the necessity of combatting the Karaite heresies is
obvious from the fact that in 915,*"' when but in his twenty-
third year, he wrote a polemical work against Anan. the
founder of Karaism. This was followed by other polemical
writings against the teachings of eminent members of the
sect.*' There is no room for doubt that, while yet in Egypt,
he knew besides the writings of Anan also those of Ben-
jamin Nehawendi, whom he mentions twice in a work be-
longing to a later period,*' and Daniel Al-Kumisi,*" though
both had probably lived in Babylonia or Palestine. The
Karaites, who were ver}' active in their eflForts to make con-
verts, early selected Egypt as a favorable place for mission-
*° Sec above, notes 24-32.
I"" See Postscript].
"For a detailed account of Saadia's writings against the Karaites
see below, pp. 263 ff.
"'AnwtMt, ed. Landauer, Leyden, 1880, p. 20T, 11. 2, ii; ' Emunot,
ed. Cracow, p. 134.
" See Scliechtcr, Saadyana. pp. 41 (comp. Poznanski. Schechtcr's
Saadyana, Frankf. a/M., 1904, p. 4, ad locum), 144, no. Iv; comp.
Poznanski, JQR.. XIII. 681 ff.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 47
ary work ; "' and in later years that country, especially Cairo,
became their main seat/"
Thus far, the channels through which Saadia may have
acquired his learning in his earlier years have been traced
in a general way. We can now point out in particular a
few scholars of eminence with whom, it is positively known,
he came in contact in his formative period, and who undoubt-
edly influenced his career. In the first place, mention must be
made of that famous physician and philosopher Isaac b.
Sulaiman Israeli, whom the Christian scholastics style
eximius monarcha medicinael"^ Israeli died about 953, and,
as he is reported to have lived over a hundred years, he
was much older than Saadia. Like Saadia he was a native
of Eg}'pt, where he was a practising oculist for some years.
Subsequently" he was called as physician to the court of
Ziyadat Allah, the third and last of the Aglabite rulers of
the Berber lands, who had established their seat in Kairwan.
Whether Saadia, who was a young man when Israeli assumed
his position in Kairwan, ever met him personally, is hard to
say. It is known that the two men had a lively correspon-
"Comp. Pinsker, Likkute, II, 14, bottom; Steinschneider, JQR.,
XVIII, 100, bottom ; Geiger, Ozar Nechmad, IV, 34-
'° Among the learned Karaites, who probably lived in Egypt and
there disputed with Saadia, is Abii-'l-Surri Ben Zuta, frequently
quoted by Abraham Ibn Ezra; comp. Poznatiski, Karaite Literary
Opponents of Saadiah Gaon, London, 1908, p. 4; Gottheil, in Har-
kavy's Festschrift, German part, pp. 115 ff-
" For all details on Israeli see Steinschneider, Arab. Liter., § 28,
and recently Guttmann, Die philosophischen Lehren des Isaak b.
Salomon Israeli, Miinster, i/W., 191 1.
" The date is not certain. Graetz gives the year 904, which is
considered arbitrary by Steinschneider, JQR., XIII, 96. The author
of the article " Egypt " in the JE., V, 616, declares that Israeli " was
recalled to Egypt from Kairwan, and entered the service of 'Ubaid
Allah," and that he was still there, in royal service, at the death of
Al-Mansiir (952). He is evidently unaware of the fact that neither
'Ubaid Allah, the first, nor Al-Mansur, the third caliph of the Fa-
timide dynasty had ever ruled over Egypt, which was conquered only
by Al-Mu'izz, the fourth Fatimide cahph, in 972. Israeli was thus
never " recalled " to Egypt.
48 SAADIA GAON
dence on scientific subjects for some time previous to Saadia's
departure from Egypt. This is explicitly stated by Dijnagh
Ibn Tamim of Kairwan, a pupil of Israeli, in a commen-
tary on the Sefer Yezirah'^ written by Israeli and recast
by Diinash. whose version alone has been preserved, in two
Hebrew translations from the Arabic. Dunash informs the
reader at the beginning of his commentary that at the time
when this correspondence took place he was twenty years
old, and Israeli used to show him Saadia's letters, to test his
ability to understand and explain their scientific content. He
adds, not without self-complacency, that he was able to detect
the mistakes made by the writer, which pleased the teacher
greatly, because of Dunash's youth at the time. Assuming
that the correspondence referred to was going on for some
time before Saadia's emigration to Palestine in 915, we ccme
to the conclusion that DCinash was born at about the same
time as Saadia, in 892, not in 908, as has been hitherto
asserted."
Dunash does not show much admiration for Saadia. He
speaks of him rather disrespectfully," though at the time
when this commentary was written, in 955-956, Saadia was
dead, and his fame was established, of which facts there is
no hint in the book. This is strange, but it is not the only
dif^culty in connection with this commentary, which in
other respects too, which cannot be discussed here, is one
of the most complicated literary problems." However, the
attitude of Dijnash toward Saadia is of little importance.
" Poorly edited, with irrelevant notes, by M. Grossberg, London,
1902. On the question of the authorship of this commentary see the
references given below, note 76.
"Comp. Poznanski, IKn\"5 ^tJOK, p. 18, top. [Sec Poslscript.]
" I do not know on what ground Steinschncidcr bases his assertion
to the contrary {Hchr. Ubersetzungen, p. 399, and Bibliothcca Mathe-
vmtica, 1895, p. 25, bottom) ; comp. for instance the passages pp. 24,
46, 73. The main passage, p. 17, even contains clear allusions to
Saadia's conceit.
" These problems were treflted exhaustively by Steinschneider,
Hebr. Ubcrs., pp. 394-402; Arab. Liter, dcr Juden, pp. 44, 73.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 49
We are here concerned merely to bring out the points that
as early as the middle of the ninth century, when Israeli
was bom, Egypt was a fertile soil to produce men of the
highest type of learning and that Saadia did not rise as a
solitary palm in a desert, but grew up in an intelleri-'ial
atmosphere created by scholars of various occupations and
interests, though only a few of them are recorded in the
available sources of our history."'
Besides Israeli and Dunash numerous scholars are known
to have lived in Kairwan with whom Saadia had re-
lations, or whose literary productions he knew. There are
references in one of his own works to the " men of Kair-
wan " and the " men of Africa," who " in our time " wrote
a Hebrew work provided with accents and arranged in
verses in the manner of the Biblical writings. This work,
he says, served him as a model for his own.'' It is true that
these references to the scholars of Kairwan occur in a work
written by Saadia long after his emigration from Egypt ; but
considering the facts that the Jewish community of Kairwan
was very prominent during the ninth century, and that even
the Babylonian Geonim had carried on correspondence with
'" Comp. Guttmann, Die philosophischen Lehren dcs Isaak ben
Salomon Israeli, IMiinster i/W., 191 1, p. 2. Of the many ]Muham-
niedan scholars in Egypt before Saadia mention has been made
above, note 37. Here the Jewish scholar Mashallah, should be
pointed out, " one of the earliest and most eminent astrologers "
(770-820), who, as Steinschneider assumes (Arab. Liter., § 18;
Bibliotheca Mathematica, 1894, p. 37), lived in Egypt. He is credited
with thirty works on astronomy and astrology. Among the learned
contemporaries of Saadia mentioned by Mas'iidi (see above, notes
20, 37) is one Sa'id b. 'Ali Ibn ^''D^K'X of Rakka in Egj^pt, perhaps
a Jew; comp. Steinschneider, JQR., XI, 328. In Kairwan there
lived at that time a Jewish scholar by the name Ziyad b. Halfiin,
who participated in the war waged by 'Ubaid Allah ; see Wiistenf eld,
Geschichte der Fatimiden Chalifen, 34, 59; Steinschneider, Arab.
Liter., p. 44, n. 4. For Judah b. Joseph al-Rakkl see above, note 37.
" Harkavy, Zikron, V, 151, 1. 19 ; 163, 8 ; 180, 10, especially pp. 209 f. ;
comp. Schechter, JQR., XVI, 427; Poznanski, Anshe Kaiiraian, p. 2.
so SAADIA GAON
some of its learned members as early as the eighth century,"
it would be absurd to assume that Isaac Israeli was the only
scholar of Kairwan whom Saadia knew while in Fayyum,
and that of all other " men of Africa " he learned only after
he himself had left that continent and was travelling in Asia.'"
No doubt the other early works which he mentions in connec-
tion with those of the Kairwan scholars were also known
to him before he left Egypt.
Especial mention should be accorded to a passage in his
Introduction to the 'Agron, in which he informs us that to
substantiate his views he cites parallels from the works of
the ancient poets, as Jose b. Jose, Yannai, Eleazar Kalir, and
others, whenever this is possible, and then adds, " As to
the productions of more recent poets, I shall quote their
authors by name only when I wish to praise them, but not
when I criticize their words." ^ The passage shows that
Saadia had a literature of considerable extent at his dis-
posal when he wrote his first work. As the main part of the
'Agron is lost, it is of course impossible to identify the
authors or their works. Only the name of one poet, Nahra-
wani, is preserved in a passage quoted from the 'Agron by
a certain Mubashshir,*^ a contemporary of Saadia, who criti-
" Poznanski, Anshe Kairwan, pp. 5 f . ; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I.
32, SI, n. 2.
'" Comp. Harkavy, /Akron, V, 35, n. 2. The words " in our time "
(KTH XJIVy *S) cited above do not necessarily mean tlie last, or the
present year ; they may as well denote a period of twenty-five years.
"Harkavy, Zikron, V, 51.
^ Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 55, n. i, tries to orove against Stein-
schncider that the name is not the translation of the Arabic Mn-
bashshir, but the Hebrew Mcbasscr (IC'IO) which is an epithet of
Elijah, meaning " Proclaimer of Good Tidings." It is strange, how-
ever, that of all the bearers of this name enumerated by Ginzberg,
there is not one who lived outside of the Arabic-speaking countries,
n the name was originally Hebrew, we might as well expect it to be
used by Jews living elsewhere; for further details on this name see
Steinschneider, JQR., XII, 196, and Margoliouth, JQR., XII, 708;
XIII, 156, no. 2; comp. also below, p. 324, under Lamentations.
SAADIA'S EARLY EDUCATION 51
cized the views laid down in that work."^ The identity of
this Nahrawani is not fully assured."
But high as the standard, whether of general civilization
or Jewish learning, would appear to have been in the Orient,
both from what has been said above and from what is gen-
erally known, it does not suffice to explain Saadia's great-
ness and many-sidedness. The great men whom we have
enumerated so far, were men of prominence in the circum-
scribed fields of literature and science to which they devoted
themselves. There were talmudists, philosophers, gram-
marians, and the like, previous to and contemporaneously
with Saadia. But with the exception of Israeli none of them
attained to distinction outside of his particular line of work.
Saadia is the first Jewish scholar whose universal mind
embraced all the branches of Jewish learning known in his
time. He acquired a mastery in each department that throws
into the shade the efforts of all his predecessors and con-
temporaries, and that has won for him the honorable title
^ Harkavy, Zikron, V, 68-73 ; comp. Bacher, Anfange, p. 41.
^ See Harkavy's discussion of the matter, ib., pp. 115 f. ; comp. also
ib. p. 70, n. 4, and Ha-Goren, II 86; Epstein, REJ., XLII (1901),
208. It may be added in this connection that the appearance in
Northern Africa of Eldad ha-Dani, shortly before the close of the
ninth century, which stirred up the Kairwan community and elicited
a responsum from the Gaon of Sura, produced some literature,
which must have become known to Saadia in Egypt (see for Eldad
the references in Steinschneider's Geschichtsliteratur der Juden,
§ 13). I also believe that Saadia knew and made use of the Book
Josipon, which will be proved in detail in my forthcoming edition of
Saadia's 'Amandt in the Hebrew translation of Ibn Tibbon (Emunot
we-Deot, end of chapter 8). This was originally the opinion of
Zunz, but later, following Rapoport (in his biography of Kalir, note
7; see the collection PUD^tJ' riiy"l\ Warsaw, 1904, p. 30), he declared
his former opinion as "wholly groundless"; see Zunz, Gottesdieiist-
liche Vortrdge (1892), p. 159, n. d. For the present I wish to point
out that Josipon is referred to also in the Commentary on the Sefer
Yedrah by Diinash (or Israeli), ed. Grossberg, p. 37; comp. also
Dukes, Beitrdge, p. 99.
D-
SAADIA GAON
accorded to him by an admirer, " the chief spokesman in all
matters of learning " (DlPO ^D3 Dnmon K'Sn)."
"This title of honor was given first to R. Judah b. Ilai, one of the
most celebrated teachers of the Mishnah in the second century;
comp. b. Berakot, 62,h. There the phrase designates R. Judah as
the first speaker in the assembly of scholars, as the one who was
to open the learned discussions. Abraham Ibn Ezra was the first
to apply this Talmudic title to Saadia, but in a diverted sense, mean-
ing to say, that " Saadia first introduced the cultivation of all
branches of Jewish knowledge, which was continued ever since
without noticeable interruption" (Steinschneider, Bibliotheca Mathc-
matica, 1894, p. 102) ; comp. Steinschneider, Arab. Literalur, p. 46,
and Ewald-Dukes, Beitrdge, II, to.
THE SECOND PERIOD
Chapter III
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST
(4675=915)^"
Dividing the life of a human being into periods marked
by events carries with it the danger of arbitrariness. Man's
life in reality is a continuous, though fluctuating, process
of becoming and unfolding, which does not halt at any
mental land-mark. Circumstances may step in one's way and
prevent one from proceeding on a course as planned, but
the life-energy of an individual is not paralyzed thereby.
After many detours it asserts itself in its own way. This
is especially true of men of genius and great mental energy
of whatever kind.
In designating Saadia's emigration to the East as the
beginning of the second period in his career, we do not
mean to convey the idea that this external event was the
cause or the efifect of any radical change in Saadia's pur-
suits and aspirations, thus becoming essentially respon-
sible for what we know of him from history. The chief
aspect of Saadia's life as generally presented is that of a
great scholar, and perhaps, to use a hackneyed modern
phrase, of an " active worker " in the cause of traditional
Judaism. He had begun his labors in both fields before he
left Egypt. His first literary work (the 'Agron) was issued
in 913, and two years later, before departing from his native
country,*"" he wrote another to defend Rabbinism against
the innovations of Anan. His work in the following period,
though greater in scope and extent, was but a continuation of
one or the other form of literary activity. Not even his ajv
pointment to the Gaonate of Sura, important as this incident
["*See Postscript].
53
54 SAADIA GAON
is from the viewpoint of his pubHc career, was in any way
instrumental in the making of Saadia, for by that time (928)
he had passed the formative years. We have to think of
Saadia simply as one who, from his early boyhood to the
end of his days, was animated by two desires : to acquire and
impart knowledge and to oppose the enemies of Talmudic
Judaism. All the positions and relations into which he was
brought during the period we are now to consider must be
viewed merely as episodes in his life-history. They help us
greatly to appreciate the man's character and disposition, but
they do not represent a particular and significant phase in his
intellectual development. It was not by virtue of these that
he became the founder of a new epoch in Jewish history.
It is nevertheless useful, if only as a matter of form.
to treat Saadia's arrival in the Holy Land as a turning-point
in his career. It is at this juncture that Saadia, however
slowly and dimly, emerges, as it were, from Egyptian dark-
ness into the light of documentary history.
It has been generally assumed, hitherto, that Saadia lived
in Egypt until the year 928, when, owing to his exceptional
reputation as a scholar and to the lack of great men in Baby-
lonia, he was called by the temporal head of Babylonian
Jewry from his native country to occupy the seat of the
Gaons of Sura." It was also pointed out, w'ith some pride
and satisfaction, that the Babylonian authorities, for the first
time disregarding a tacit rule or custom to appoint as Gaon
only a native of Babylonia, had resorted to the importation
of a foreign scholar." The opening of the Genizah has
changed the face of this chapter of Jewish history. Two
little scraps of paper preserved among the numberless shreds
of literature in the Cairene mausoleum for dilapidated books
make it certain that Saadia had departed from Egypt not
later than 915, and had sojourned for many years in various
**The source for this view is a passage in the D^Spn "T1D of
Abraham Ibn Daud, who, as it seems, misunderstood his source,
namely the Epistle of Sherira Gaon ; see below, notes 125, 126.
"Graetz, History of the Jews, English translation, III, 193, and
as late as 1902, S. Kraus in Jewcish EncycL, II, 413.
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 55
parts of Palestine, Syria, and Babylonia prior to his instal-
lation in the office of Gaon.
These fragments are parts of two letters written by him
somewhere in Babylonia, during the winter of the year
922 (January-March), and addressed to three of his former
pupils who had remained in Egypt.*\ The master assures
his disciples that his " love and affection for [them] ""
has never waned, for educating the young leaves indelible
traces in the heart [of the teacher],"" the more when it has
been undertaken for the sake of the fear of God and the
glorification of His name. As I have been desolate ever
since I left my wife " and children, so I have grieved over
my separation from you. May it be the will of the Almighty
that I see you'"" again in health and happiness. It is now
six and a half years that no word from you has reached me.
I even wrote to you condoling with you over the death of
the venerable old man,*^ blessed be his memory, but I saw no
answer. Only recently I was told by our friend R. David,
son of R. Abraham, that you had written to him and re-
quested him to secure the opinions of the heads of the
academies regarding the fixation of the months Marheshwan
^* The first letter, part of which is given here in English transla-
tion, was published first by Schechter in the JQR., XIV (1901), 59,
also Saadyana, pp. 24 ff., while the second was published earlier by
Neubauer, JQR., IX, 2>7 arid, with a French translation, also by
Epstein, REJ., XLII, 201 fif. Both were then re-edited with addi-
tional notes by Bornstein, Jlp^no, pp. 67-71 ; see below. Appendix,
p. 412, nos. 4-5.
**The passage might also be translated, "your love and affection
for me," but the corresponding passage at the beginning of the
second letter supports the rendering as given in the text.
^ The Hebrew here is rather obscure and none of the editors has
commented upon it. The wording suggests Is. 28, 16.
'^Literally, "my tent," but the word ^HN*, like JT'n (house), is
used in a figurative sense to designate the mistress of the house ;
comp. Moed Katan, yb ; Bereshit rabbah, section 41, § 4; Shabbat,
118& (the saying of R. Jose).
" The parallel passage in the second letter reads here " to make
me see them {i. e. his family) and you" (Q!)^JD1 Dn"'JD).
"* Probably the grandfather of the pupils.
S6 SAADIA GAON
and Kislew of the year 1233 [Seleucidan era = November
and December, 921, common era] . I presume that you wrote
to him, and not to me, only because, in accordance with
previous reports, you thought that 1 zvas still in Palestine.
He himself [R. David] suggested that you seem to have
thought so. He further requested me to write to you and
to inform you [regarding the state of affairs]." **
The rest of this letter, as well as nearly the whole of the
second letter, written two months later, deals with the ques-
tion of the calendar, which does not concern us for the
present. But it should be mentioned that in both letters we
are informed incidentally that the writer had spent the pre-
ceding summer, or part of it (921), in Aleppo (Syria), and
from the second letter we learn that he returned thence
to Bagdad.
The important facts derived from these documents are
the following. Saadia had been married in Egypt, and left
a wife and children behind when he emigrated to the East.
He was recognized as a scholar and teacher in his native
country, and from his new home kept up a correspondence
with his former pupils. He left Egypt in June or July,
915, and lived for some time in Palestine,*" then in Bagdad
and in Aleppo." From Aleppo he returned to Bagdad, in
all likelihood before the Jewish New Year's festival
(autumn, 921). Incidentally we learn also of a certain
R. David, who, as the epithet " our friend " indicates, was
known to Saadia's pupils in Egypt, and hke Saadia may have
been a former resident of that country, but now lived in
Babylonia. The father of this R. David is possibly identi-
"^ The Hebrew text suggests here the supplement " that it is not
so," meaning to say that he is no longer in Palestine. A comparison
with the corresponding passage in the second letter, however, proves
that he has reference to the matter discussed by him in the following
lines, the dispute with Ben Meir, which is the main burden of the
letter. The words supplied by me should therefore be taken in the
same sense.
°'' See below, pp. 64 f. [and especially Postscript].
°* Comp. Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah
Gaon, p. 14.
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 57
cal with the R. Abraham who acted as the secretary of
Saadia several years later, and who is the author of the
panegyric which was discussed above."
What induced Saadia to leave his birth-place, to sep-
arate from his kith and kin, and to wander about in foreign
lands, cannot be made out from these sources. The sugges-
tion has been made that his thirst for knowledge, which, he
thought, was more readily obtainable in the East, and particu-
larly his desire to come in closer contact with the main repre-
sentatives of Jewish learning in the two Babylonian
academies, drove him from Africa to Asia.°^ Others think
that he started out originally with the pious intention of
settling on the holy soil of Palestine,*" but that untoward
circumstances forced him to proceed further. In either
case his family was to follow at some later period.
Another suggestion may be derived from the history of his
time. He may have left Egypt because of the political
unrest and the perils of war that had troubled the country
since the new dynasty of caliphs, the Fatimide, had pitched
its tent in Kairwan (909), the closest neighbor of Egypt.""
But these assumptions can serve at best only as explana-
tions for Saadia's departure from Egypt and later from
" Pp. 28 ff. This possible identity has been overlooked, so far as I
can make out, by all who have dealt with the matter, also by
Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 8, s. v. Abraham ha-Kohen;
comp. above, note 13.
^Eppenstein, MGWJ., 1910, p. 314 (Beitrdge, p. 90) ; comp. above,
p. 43-
" Bacher, JE., X, 579.
^"" In 914 a large army sent by the first Fatimide caliph, 'Ubaidallah
Al-Mahdi, invaded northern Egypt under the leadership of his son,
Abu-'l-Kasim, who later succeeded to the throne, conquering the city
of Alexandria and other parts of the country. After much fighting,
which must have lasted over a year, the Egyptians succeeded in
driving out the intruders, who are said to have left 7000 dead on the
field. In consequence an epidemic broke out in Egypt and the adjacent
countries, killing thousands of people, among them numerous well-
known scholars. The defeated caliph did not, however, give up the
fight but prepared for another invasion, though the plan was not
carried out until three years later, when Abu-'l-Kasim actually took
58 SAADIA GAON
Palestine to Babylonia. None of them explains why lie
did not return home when his attempts to establish himself
elsewhere had failed, especially as he yearned to rejoin his
family, and, as we shall see later, prayed for this consum-
mation. It would be surprising in the extreme if, for no other
reasons than those cited, a man like Saadia, who was to
become the Gaon of Sura, the religious head of all Israel,
should, for nearly seven years and perhaps longer, have
accepted separation from his wife and children, and lived
the life of an itinerant scholar. Travelling Jewish scholars
are not, indeed, rare phenomena in later mediaeval history.
None of the more prominent instances, however, that might
be thought of in this connection, is in any way similar to that
of Saadia.
It would therefore appear that Saadia did not leave
Egypt voluntarily, either because he was seeking knowledge,
or because he wanted to live in the Holy Land. He was
either banished by the authorities for some real or fancied
ofifense, or he apprehended grave danger to his life, and
decided to go into exile before it was too late. As we shall
have occasion to observe later, Saadia was of a somewhat
pugnacious disposition. He was a man of iron will and un-
bending determination, coupled with a keen sense of justice
and uprightness. A man of this type may have a few friends
and admirers, but certainly many more enemies and adver-
saries. We further know that Saadia began his battle with
the Karaites by writing a book against Anan, the founder
of the sect. It was written while Saadia was still in Egypt,
and it was the first signal of a struggle that was to last all
his life, and that made him the most hated and most feared
possession of the Fayyum. Under such conditions it would appear
very likely that Saadia and many others, of whom we do not know
(comp. above, p. 56, with reference to David b. Abraham), thought
it best to leave the troubled country and seek refuge among their
brethren in the Holy Land; see for the content of this note Wiisten-
feld, Geschichte der Fathn. Chalifen, pp. 50-55, and Aug. Miiller,
Der Islam, pp. 610 fF. [but see Postscript].
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST $9
champion of Rabbinism against Karaism."' Any one ac-
quainted with social and political conditions in Muham-
medan countries, and particularly with the administration of
justice by the Islamitic rulers of those days, knows how little
it took to bring death upon the most prominent men of the
country."^ Slander and calumny were strong weapons in
the hands of revengeful and unscrupulous enemies such
as the Karaites often proved to be, and where these failed,
bribery might prevail. It does not require a great stretch
of the imagination to assume that Saadia was the victim
of such persecution in youth, as he was in later life, because
he stood up unflinchingly for his religious convictions and for
the principles of right and justice. His emigration from
Egypt as well as his prolonged travels in the East were thus
against his will. Like Moses of old, he may have waited
for the message, " Go, return into Egypt, for all the men are
dead that sought thy life." '"' The message was never to
come. He was not to see Egypt again. This supposed
course of events lends especial significance to the repeated "*
expression of his desire to return home. Otherwise it would
have to be taken as a mere phrase, since no other obstacle
is imaginable that would satisfactorily explain why he did
not carry his heart's desire into effect.
I do not advance this theory on account of its plausibility,
or because it helps us out of a difficulty. It is again a frag-
ment from the Genizah "° that suggests the thought and
throws new light upon this very important period in Saadia's
life. The nature of the work, of which the fragment
in question originally formed a part, cannot be defined
^"^ For a detailed account of this matter see the learned study of
Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah Gaon, Lon-
don, 1908. For the book against Anan see below, pp. 262,, 379-
^^ Comp. for instance Brockelmann, Geschichte der arab. Literatur,
I, 232, no. 5, and Steinschneider, JQR., XIII, 97.
^"^ Exodus, 4, 19.
*" So in the two fragmentary letters discussed above (pp. 55 f.) and
in another fragment translated in the following pages.
^"^ Schechter, Saadyana, pp. 133-135.
6o SAADIA CAON
with certainty. What we have consists of two discon-
nected leaves, containing together fifty lines, written in
Biblical style and provided with vowels and accents, a
method observable in other writings of Saadia."* Unfortu-
nately, just where our interest grows keenest, several lines
are mutilated beyond repair. From what remains legible
it appears that it formed part of some sort of a diary, evi-
dently written by Saadia on his journey from Babylonia to
Aleppo,'"' and thus preceding the two letters discussed above,
'°* Schechter, /. c, p. 133, n. 2.
'"The exact time of this journey is not stated, but circumstances
point to the winter of the year 920/21. The fact that it was winter
is mentioned explicitly in the second leaf of the fragment {Saadyana,
p. 135, 1. 2), which contains also the information that the goal of
the journey was the city of Aleppo, giving the route as follows:
Babylon (probably Bagdad, see Bornstein, p. 71, n. 2), Arbela (see
Rapoport, 'Erek Millin, p. 192, j. v. "'^''DIK), Mosul (see Bornstein,
p. 71, n. 3). In the last city he met a "caravan of Arabs" coming
from Aleppo, who described the hardships they had experienced on
the road, adding that " many people died on the way on account of
the heavy snow and the severe cold." This induced him to interrupt
his travel and to remain for some time in Mosul, where he was
asked to set down the genealogy of R. Judah the Patriarch, the
compiler of the Mishnah, which he did (see below, p. 173, no. 3).
Now we have seen above that he subsequently carried out his desire
and actually visited Aleppo in the summer of 921. This makes it
more than probable that he stayed in Mosul only during the pre-
ceding winter, taking up his interrupted journey as soon as the
winter was over. Bornstein (p. 71), and Eppenstein {Bcitr'dge,
p. 90, n. 4) take the altogether untenable view, according to which
the beginning of the fragment under discussion {fol. 2 recto) has
reference to tlie time when Saadia was about to leave Egypt. The
passage reads: .... Dnt^'V \1 ''D NUI nNV Vnn «^ nDK IVJ ''3
(" Thou art young, knowest not how to go out or come in. for thou
art twenty ....") and obviously represents part of the argument
of those who tried to keep him back from the proposed journey. In
the dotted space after the word D''Tti'y (twenty) the aforementioned
authors supply the word t^*^t^''l (three), because at the time of
Saadia's departure from Egypt (915) he was 2^ years old. This
interpretation is entirely out of the question, for Saadia immediately
goes on to say that all the persuasions notwithstanding he left Bag-
dad (see above) for Arbela. This, as we have shown above, must
have taken place during the winter 920/21, when Saadia was already
S A APIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 6i
which were written subsequent to Saadia's stay in Aleppo.
The first leaf, which contains a prayer for protection on
the way, seems to have been written at the outset of the
journey. With a few words added in some places where
the original shows a lacuna, it runs as follows :
" . . . . and now look down from Thy holy tabernacle *"'
and be jealous for Thy Torah; [for excellent is ]"" her
teaching-. Not for the sake of [Thy servant, O God] , but for
the sake of Thy great name by which he is called,"" [guide
me in]"' Thy holy Torah, which Thou hast given to us ; truly.
Thou hast tried my heart and known me, hast searched me
and found that [I am innocent].''" Now Thy servant has
set his face to go into the land of Canaan and the land of
[Babylonia], for he heard that . . . ."
Here, where we expect to hear his reason for having emi-
grated to the land of Canaan, our curiosity is baffled by a
blank of about two lines, and we remain as wise as before.
From the last three words, however, it may be concluded with
some degree of probability that it was something new and
28, or 29 years of age, and the Hebrew text should be supplied
accordingly. That a man of that age should be described as TJ/J
(youth) is not surprising. Saadia imitates throughout the style of
the Bible, where the word is often applied to men of mature age ;
comp. e. g. Genesis, 41, 12, where Joseph, who according to Gen. 41,
I and 41, 46, was at the time referred to by the chief butler 28
years old, is called IJ/J. In the passage before us in particular
Saadia makes use of the verse I Kings, 3, 7. It may be added in
this connection that in the Midrash on Proverbs, i, 4, the rabbis of
the Mishnah dispute the question how long one may be considered a
lyj, R. Meir setting the limit at 25, and R. 'Akiba at 30. [See re-
garding this note Postscript, pp. 422 f.].
^°* Deuteronomy, 26, 15. As the following references will show, the
author uses whole phrases of the Bible throughout.
^'"The passage seems to have read as follows: ""3 "Iimin^ NJPI
njr^n Dni[3J; comp. Proverbs, 8, 6; Ps. 19, 15; 49, 4- The last
word might perhaps be better translated by meditation. There is,
however, the difficulty that in the Bible the suffix in all passages
refers to the individual, while here it is made to refer to the Torah.
"" Comp. Deut., 28, 10. Saadia uses the same phrase also in the
Scfer ha-Galui (Saadyana, 6, 11. 11-12).
*" Comp. Ps., 5, 9 ; 139, 24.
*" Comp. Ps., 139, I, 23.
62 SAADIA GAON
unexpected tliat had happened and made him feel insecure
at home. The following lines seem to support this view :
" And now, O Lord, that Thou hast taken me out of my
cit}-, mayest Thou lead me to my desire, and bring me back
in peace to the house of my father. Turn me not away
empty from before Thee,'" for in the shadow of Thy mercy
I take refuge."* O prosper the way which I go,"" save me
from the hands of the enemy and the ambush,"' and provide
all my needs as those were provided who went forth out of
Egj-pt"' . , . so that my persecutors may be confounded,
and my enemies be put to shame and say not in their heart.
Aha .... Hear, O God, the supplications of Thy servant
and let not his enemies say. Our hand is exalted . . . ." "'
While much of this language may be accounted for by the
desire of the author to imitate the Biblical style, it is highly
improbable that this was the sole motive of the whole com-
position. At any rate we see here not only that the writer
had bitter enemies, but also that he was desirous of return-
ing to his father's house and prayed for the opportunity to do
so. This surely indicates that his stay in Asia was an en-
forced one.
How long Saadia was separated from his family subse-
quent to the writing of the quoted letters to his pupils cannot
^" Comp. 2 Sam., i, 22; Is., 55, 11.
'" Comp. Ps. 57, 2 ; 6r, 5.
"^Gen., 24, 42.
"' This line is part of the prayer prescribed in the Tahnud Berakot,
2gb for one who sets out on a journey (1"nn n^ED).
"' In these words Saadia evidently alludes to his departure from
Egypt, comparing himself to the Israelites in the narration of the
Bible, whose needs were provided for in the desert.
"' The text is here badly mutilated. I would suggest the fol-
lowing reading: [nvjiio^D"' w^'? laLnn -niPin ^3 "jrii-ni
■•JLtrM^ri ^s "'''•l:'p ^k isni^t^ii^pt^n !^n nJ2[in"ijy^3]. For the
phrases here used by Saadia see Jeremiah, 17, 18; 20, 11; Psalms,
35, 4; 34, 6; 71,13; 35, 25; 69, 17; Deuteronomy, 9, 27; Psalms, 119,
31, 116. The word ^pt (1. 7) does not belong to the text, but is
probably a gloss referring to the placing of an accent known under
this name.
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 6;^
be learned from the available sources. I am tempted to
believe that his reunion with his family took place on
Babylonian soil only a few months after the date of the
letters, that is, in the summer of the year 922. In a letter
of the Palestinian Ben Meir, whose bitter quarrel with
Saadia will occupy us in the next chapter, the writer, in an
effort to belittle his opponent, informs his friends, among
other thing's of a very discreditable nature, that Saadia's
father was '' thrust out of Egypt and died in Jaft'a." "° It
is quite possible that Saadia's father undertook the journey
to his son with all the members of the latter's family, but,
being advanced in age, could not endure the hardships of
the long journey, and died on the way. Ben Meir's letter
was written toward the end of the summer 922."^" There was
then about half a year's interval between this date and that
of Saadia's correspondence with his pupils in Eg}^pt (Jan-
uary-March, 922), during which time his family may have
moved to the East. This view commends itself for several
reasons. The year 922 was of decisive importance in
Saadia's career. In the bitter war waged at that time be-
tv/een Ben IVIeir on the one side and the Babylonian Geonim
on the other, regarding the right of fixing the Jewish calen-
dar, it was Saadia's energetic support of the latter that
brought about their ultimate victory. That his participation
could be of such consequence is proof that he had already
gained great influence among the Jews of the Orient. The
Babylonian authorities no doubt had by that time recognized
his resolute character and his great intellectual power, and
they probably prevailed upon him to abandon forever his
plan of returning to Egypt. Thereupon, having decided
to make his permanent abode in Babylonia, it was natural to
have his family follow him thither. It is also more than
probable that he was then oftered a position of honor and
income within the academic circle, which he accepted.
^^ Schechter, Saadycna, p. 20, n. 4 ; Bornstein, p. 90, n. 5 ; above,
note 7.
^■* A few days before the Jewish New Year; see Bornstein, pp. 12 f.
64 SAADIA GAON
In a letter dated Fifth day, ipth of Tammus, 1^33, Seleu-
cidan Era ( =July, 922), of which only the closing lines and
the signature have been preserved among the fragments of
the Genizah, Saadia adds to his name, so far as known for
the first time, the title 'AUnf Yeshnah ( = Master of Salva-
tion).'" The title 'Alluf was usually accorded in the Baby-
lonian colleges to the scholars who were third in rank after
the Gaon. Besides, it was sometimes granted as a special
distinction to foreign scholars, particularly Palestinians.'"
The addition Yeshudh would indicate that the title was given
to Saadia as a distinction, in appreciation of his services in
the controversy with Ben IMeir.*^" I am inclined to believe
that Saadia was actually made one of the 'AUufhn of the
Sura academy, and thus became a regular member of the
institution about six years prior to his installation as
Gaon. The statement of R. Sherira, Gaon of Pumbedita
(968-987), that Saadia " was not one of the scholars of the
college, but from Egypt," ^ does not mean that previous
to his installation he did not belong to the rank and
file of the academic body, but only, as we might say to-day,
that he was not a graduate of the college; while the asser-
"^ Schechter, Saadyana, p. 15, especially Bornsteiii, p. 72, n. 2;
comp. Muller, Introduction to Saadia's DIVO ^''''nn (in Oeuvres
completes, vol. IX, p. xxi) ; below, note 332. I do not know on what
ground Bornstcin, p. 12, asserts that when the Exilarch turned to
Saadia for assistance against Ben Meir Saadia had already been
bearing the title 'Alluf.
'=" Comp. Ginzberg, JE.. s. v. 'Alluf; Epstein, REJ., XLII, 192, n. 4;
Bornstein, p. 48, n. 11; Poznanski, D'-Jlti' D^:''jy, pp. 50, 62. 67;
Eppenstein, Beitra^^e, p. 103. It is therefore not necessary to assume
with Harkavy, Ocuzres completes, vol. IX, p. xli (see also Schechter,
Saadyana, p. 15, n. i) that 'Alluf was the title of Saadia's father,
comp. also Harkavy D'-JIN'^H nmC-Tl, p. :^77-
""Bornstein, p. 72, n. 2, thinks that the title was given to him in
recognition of his successful defense of traditional Judaism against
Karaism. So far as the available historical records go. Saadia's
assumption of the title coincides with the time of the Ben Meir
controversy.
'"^ Epistle of R. Sherira, toward the end (Xeuliauer, MJC, I, 40.
top).
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 65
tion of Abraham b. David (1160), according to which
Saadia was brought directly from Egypt and installed as
Gaon, is based upon a misinterpretation of R. Sherira's
statement, and does not deserve credence.''^ It is altogether
improbable that Saadia was living in Egypt when called to
the Gaonate "° ; far more credible is it that he was made
'Alluf during the Ben Meir controversy, and six years later
rose from this position to that of Head of the Academy.
The foregoing discussion has carried us a little beyond the
point with which we are immediately concerned. It was
necessary to anticipate somewhat, in order to show that dur-
ing the years of his sojourn in the East, Saadia main-
tained the same high standard of learning and literary pro-
ductivity that had made him a conspicuous figure in his
native country. Thus he became early an eminent factor in
the intellectual and religious life of the Jews of the Orient.
There is evidence that some of his works were writ-
ten during this period, though no definite dates can be
given."^' The first few years he probably spent in Palestine,
perhaps in Tiberias, where he made the acquaintance of
*^Comp. Poznanski, RE J., XLVIII (1904), 149, n. 3; Bornstein,
p. 72; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 69, note.
"'This is the view also of A. Epstein in REJ., XLII (1901), 201,
who thinks that Saadia returned to Egypt after the struggle with
Ben Meir was over ; comp. also recently Eppenstein, Beitrdge, pp.
103, 116 f. As said above, there is no sufficient basis for this view.
Eppenstein seems to base his view on the fact that the Kitdb Al-
Tamyis, one of Saadia's polemical works, was written in 926, which,
he says, probably following Poznanski (JQR., X, 244, bottom), was
" at all events done in Egypt." But Poznanski wrote in 1898 before
the letters of the Genizah came to light, and the passage from a
work of Abraham b. Hiyya which he quotes there (p. 245) as proof,
only gives the year (926), not the country of the composition. If
our assumption, that Al-Mas'tidi met Saadia in Tiberias is correct
(see above, p. 36) we should have additional proof that in 926, the
3'ear in which the work mentioned above was written, Saadia was
in the East ; for it was in that year that Mas'udi is known to have
visited Tiberias ; comp. above, note 34.
^' Regarding the chronological order of Saadia's writings see
below, note 293.
5
66 SAADIA GAON
'Abu Kathir, who became his teacher.'"* In Tiberias, Saadia
must have come in close contact with the School of Masor-
ites/"" especially with Ben Asher,"" the last and most dis-
tinguished member of this school, of whose grammatical
views Saadia wrote a refutation."' In all probability it was
there that he made the personal acquaintance of Ben Meir.'"
with whom he was subsequently engaged in a bitter literary
feud. There he may have met also some Aluhammedan
writers as well as learned Karaites, whose writings he
refuted in special works. "^ All these men must have served
as a stimulus to Saadia in his literary pursuits, and thus,
directly or indirectly have furthered his scholarly career.
Special mention should be made of an eminent scholar
whose name is well known in the history of Jewish philos-
ophy, and whose works and personality had a decided
influence on Saadia — the philosopher and controversialist
"■* See above, pp. 36 f.
'"^ Comp. Bacher, Anfdnge, p. 50. Possibly Abu Kathir himself,
as the identihcation with Judah b. 'Alan would indicate, was a
member of the Masoretic school, though to judge from the nature
of the questions that were disputed between him and Al-Mas'iidi
(comp. Goldziher, REf., XLVIT, 41) he appears to have been a
philosopher; see above, note 35.
""Comp. Graetz, Geschichte,V, 4th edition, p. 324 (English version,
III, 207) ; Bacher, JE., X, 582.
"^ Bacher, I. c, doubts, however, that it was done in a separate
work; see below, Bibliography, section VIII, p. 399.
^^ Comp. Bornstein, p. 60, n. 3; see also Poznanski, REJ., XLVIII
(1904), 149, n. 2.
'"Comp. Poznanski, JQR., X (1898), 238 ff. The Arabic historian
Hamza al-'Isfahani (beginning of the tenth century) tells in his
Chronicles (ed. Gottwald, St. Petersburg-Leipsic, 1844-1848), the
fifth chapter of which is devoted to the history of the Jews, and was
translated into German by Steinschneider {MOW J., 1845, p, 271 flf.),
that in 920-921 he met, at Bagdad, a celebrated Jewish scholar, named
Zedekiah, " who communicated to him a short sj-nopsis of the old
Jewish chronology"; see JQR., XI 11, 299. Many other Jewish
scholars may have lived at that time in Bagdad with whom Saadia
probably came in contact.
SAADIA'S EMIGRATION TO THE EAST 67
David Ibn Merwan Al-Mukammis,"' of Rakka, in Meso-
potamia."° Al-Miikammis is the first known Jewish writer
on metaphysics in the Orient. Various philosophic theories
of his that have recently become known through lengthy
extracts from his works, show a striking resemblance to
theories propounded by Saadia."* This may not be absolute
proof of an interdependence of the two authors, as both may
have drawn upon common Arabic sources ; but in addition
to this identity of doctrines, which makes a personal or liter-
ary relationship very probable, there is also the testimony of
Judah b. Barzillai, a noted scholar of the eleventh cen-
tury, and author of an important commentary on the Sefer
Yesirah^^^ Judah incorporated several cb.apters of one of
Mukammis's works into his own, and in introducing him to
his readers he says : " I do not know, whether he [ Mukani-
mis] was one of the Geonim, but I have heard that R.
Saadia, of blessed memory, having been his contemporary,
knew him personally and was instructed by him" {}^^1^ 10^1).
Judah adds that he is " not quite sure about it," which, if the
Hebrew style is interpreted strictly, seems to refer, not only
^^ For details on Mukammis see Steinschneider, JQR., XIII,
450 and Arabische Literatiir, pp. ^,7, 338, bottom ; Poznanski, Zur
jiidisch-arabischen Literatur, pp. 39 f . ; Hirschfeld, JQR., XV, 682,
688; XVI, 411; comp. also above, note ss, the quotation from Ibn
Hazm. A synopsis of Al-Mukammis's philosophy was given by
Schreiner, Der Kaldm in der jiidischen Literatur, Berlin, 1895, pp.
22 fF.; comp. also Grjitz, Geschichte, V (4), 322, note 5; Harkavy,
^KIK'n ninsn nniP^ in the Hebrew translation of Graetz's His-
tory, vol. Ill, pp. 498 f.
"* See Harkavy, as quoted in the preceding note. A place by the
name of Rakka is, according to some, also in Egypt, so that Mu-
kammis, too, might be a native of that country, and an emigrant to
Palestine and Babylonia; see, however, Steinschneider, Arabische
Literatur, p. 37, n. i, and § 25 ; idem, Hcbrdische Uebersetsungen, p.
378, n. 69; for other references see above, note 2>7- I" the short frag-
ment of a work of Mukammis published by Hirschfeld, JQR., XV,
682, Mukammis is called ^TK"l''t^'^i<, i. e. of Shiraz, in Persia.
"' Schreiner, Der Kaldm, pp. 22 ff.
^" Published by Halberstam, Berlin, 1885. The passage referred
to in the text is on p. 77; comp. Goldziher, REJ., XLII (1903), 184,
n. 2, where 178 is a misprint for 78.
68 SAADIA GAON
to the last words, but to the whole statement. Because of
this we may accept the report as true, especially as the con-
temporaneity of the two authors has in the meantime been
established from other sources."' Whether Saadia met
Mukammis while travelins^ throuj^h the cities of Syria and
Babylonia, or at a later period, when he had settled in Sura,
cannot be decided, and it is irrelevant. The former view
seems more probable, and for that reason the relation between
the two has been discussed in this place.
*^ From a work of the Karaite Abu Jusuf Ja'kub al-Kirkisani (loth
century), see Harkavy's additions to the Hebrew edition of Graetz's
History, HI, 499; Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Opponents of
Saadiah Gaon, pp. 8-1 1.
Chapter IV
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR
( 468 1 -82 =921 -922 )
The subject of Saadia's controversy with Ben Meir forms
an entirely new chapter in the history of the Jews in the
Orient ; for it is only half a century since the very name of
Ben Meir appeared on the scene for the first time, while the
literature on the controversy was brought to light only with-
in the last two decades."^* In connection with the present
work the material on this topic, which came from the
Genizah, is of the greatest importance from many points of
view. It w^as through the discovery of this material that
we first learned of the movements and activities of Saadia
prior to his appointment as Gaon. For nearly all the details
about his life and work following his departure from Egypt,
discussed in the preceding chapter, we depend on these
finds as the only source. Aside from the historical facts,
which we incidentally learn from these singular documents
on a remarkable political and religious struggle between the
Palestinian and Babylonian authorities of the tenth century,
we are granted a more complete picture of Saadia's char-
acter and personality than was obtainable before. Though
"*The first notice of the existence of a man by the name of Ben
Meir was brought to light by the noted Karaite scholar Abraham
Firkovich in an article on his discovery of fragments of Saadia's
'Agron and the Sefer ha-Galui, published in the Hebrew periodical
^''^JOn, St. Petersburg, 1868, nos. 26, 27, also separately under the
peculiar title n« OnVOQ .... m^lVH niDl mDiPn^ NUD
a"Din . . . . '?^ initio, Odessa, 1868; see Harkavy, Zikron, V,
12, 136; Bornstein, p. 41. Firkovich quotes the passage from the
Sefer ha-Galui (now in Harkavy, /. c, p. 151, last line) in which the
name Ben Meir occurs, but nothing could be learned from that
passage about his identity and his relations to Saadia, until, a
quarter of a century later, the literature on his controversy with the
latter was unearthed. For the details of that literature see below,
pp. 409-419-
69
70 SAADIA GAON
we cannot possibly accept as true the immoderate charges
made against Saadia by the writers of some of these docu-
ments, they are nevertheless of value, inasmuch as they
present him to us in the light in which he was seen by some
of his contemporaries,"" thus enabling us to make up our
account of him after a careful consideration of the facts on
both sides.
Before the two opposing parties are arrayed in their pro-
longed contest, an explanation of the historical causes
that led to the struggle is unavoidable. Otherwise I should
prefer to escape discussion of a subject that ranks as one
of the obscurest and most complicated in Jewish literature.
Besides, the origin and history of the Jewish calendar does
not readily lend itself to a popular presentation. Our pur-
pose here will be served best by a brief summary of prin-
ciples, avoiding as far as possible the details of compu-
tation.
It is generally accepted that the Jewish festivals were,
in Biblical times, fixed by observation of both the sun
and the moon. Gradually, certain astronomical rules were
also brought into requisition, primarily as a test, corrobor-
ating or refuting the testimony of observation. Such rules
are mentioned for the first time in the Book of Enoch,
in the Book of Jubilees, in the Mishnah, and later in
the two Talmudim. It has been authoritatively proved thai
in spite of a more advanced knowledge of astronomy the
practice of fixing the new moon and the festivals by obser-
vation was in force as late as the latter part of the fifth
century."^ The right to announce the new moon after re-
^■^ Though the aspersions and denunciations of Saadia are con-
tained only in the letters of his chief opponent Ben Meir, it is a
matter of course that the latter was not the only one who enter-
tained such opinions of Saadia, but was the mouthpiece of a large
following, especially in Palestine, where Saadia had lived for several
years.
"* See for the whole matter Bornstein's learned Introduction
to his work, pp. 15 fF., and the important work of F. K. Ginzel, Hand-
huch dcr mathcmatischeti und teclinischcu Chronologic, II, Leipzig,
191 1, pp. 63flf.
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 71
ceiving and testing the witnesses who had observed its ap-
pearance was the prerogative of the Palestinian Patriarchs,
and the repeated attempts of the authorities in Babylonia to
arrogate this right unto themselves were promptly frustrated
by interdicts from Palestine."" With the beginning of the
fourth century, however, Palestine, owing to the terrible
persecutions suffered at the hands of the Romans, grad-
ually ceased to be the spiritual center of Jewry. Babylonia,
where better conditions prevailed under the Persian rule,
took its place, and the religious right to fix the calendar
likewise passed over to the heads of its flourishing academies,
though not without protests from Palestine.*^ In Babylonia
also, the practice of observation was continued until the
time of the last Amoraim, although a practical system
of reckoning had been known to scholars for more than a
century. It was only after the close of the Babylonian
Talmud, in the sixth or perhaps later, in the seventh cen-
tury, that the observation of the moon was entirely given
up, and a complete and final system of calendation intro-
duced. This was adopted by all the Jews of the Diaspora,
and has been accepted as binding down to the present day."*
The real originators of this calendar as well as the cir-
cumstances under which it was enforced are lost in the
general obscurity of the history of the Oriental Jews during
the first two centuries after the completion of the Talmud.
It is certain, however, that the whole system of calendation,
although promulgated in Babylonia, originated in Palestine."'
There are indications that the Palestinian Jews felt sore at
heart that they had to bow to the Babylonian authorities,
whom they must have considered as usurpers of their in-
herited rights, and from time to time they must have tried to
re-establish their lost authority, but in vain.'^
"'Bornstein, pp. 8 ff.
^*''' Bornstein, p. 10; comp. Poznanski, JQR., X, 158.
"* Bornstein, pp. 17-19; Ginzel, II, 70 f.
"" For a full account see Epstein, Ha-Gorcn, V, 120 ff. ; see, how-
ever, Ginzel, II, 78.
Bernstein, p. 10.
146
72 SAADIA GAON
With the beginning- of the tenth century the situation was
again changed. The once flourishing Babylonian academies
of Sura and Pumbedita, especially the former, owing to gen-
eral conditions and to the lack of strong leaders, began to
show a marked decline, so that the Sura academy was on the
point of closing its doors, and the sister-academy in Pumbe-
dita was greatly reduced in strength by a bitter struggle be-
tween its leading scholars and a pugnacious exilarch."' At
this juncture a man of marked ability arose in Palestine, who,
recognizing the propitious moment, sought to take advan-
tage of the situation in order to restore its former preroga-
tives to his country."* This man was [Aaron?] "* Ben Meir,
a Palestinian by birth and the head of a school in his native
land. He claimed to be a descendant of the Patriarchs
of the house of Ilillel, mentioning particularly R. Gamliel
and R. Judah Hanasi as his progenitors."" With genuine
scholarly attainments and considerable facility in writing he
combined strong will and determined character ; all of which
gained for him great influence even outside of Palestine.
"'The reports of Sherira Gaon and of Nathan the Babylonian
regarding the quarrel in Pumbedita differ very essentially in many
points. Various attempts at reconciling the two sources have been
made. This is not the place to discuss the matter. See below,
chapter V, and in particular Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 55.
**'A. Epstein in Ha-Goren, V, 125 ff. (comp. ZfhB., X, 67), pre-
sents the matter as if Ben Meir's motives in starting the conflict were
purely scientific, that he tried to rectify what he considered erroneous
in the established calendar. This view can be accepted only with
great reservation. For whatever the merits of Ben Meir's calcula-
tion may have been, there is no doubt that his personal ambition and
perhaps still more, his desire to reassert the authority of the Holy
Land, played, consciously or unconsciously, a very important part
in his contention. More than once in his letters he emphatically
denies to the Babylonians the right to fix the calendar, which, he
constantly reiterates, is the exclusive prerogative of his country;
comp. below, note 158.
"° The name Aaron in reference to Ben Meir occurs in a fragment
of Saadia's Sefer ha-Mo'adim. The context, however, is rather
unclear; comp. Bornstein, p. 58, n. 2; in, bottom; Poznanski, REJ.,
LXVII (1914), 291, n. I, and below, note 175.
^"Bornstein, p. 58, n. 2; above, note 18,
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 73
In order to bring out Ben Meir's point of view it is neces-
sary to explain some of the elementary rules of the Jewish
calendar :
The Jewish lunar year consists of twelve alternating
months, of 29 or 30 days, respectively. Such a year, count-
ing 354 days, is called normal or regular. For certain
reasons, to be explained presently, the year is sometimes
made to count only 353 days, in which case it is designated
as deficient; or a day is added, making 355, and then it is
called full. To make a year full or deficient, the months of
Heshwan and Kislezv (approximately November and De-
cember) were selected for the necessary addition or sub-
traction. In a regular year Heshzvan always counts 29 and
Kislezv 30 days ( = 59) ; in a full year a day is added to
Heshzvan (=60), and in a deficient year a day is subtracted
from Kislezv ( = 58) . Whether a year is to be declared regu-
lar, full, or deficient depends upon four rules, called " Post-
ponements," (firm) or the "Four Gates,'"" These
must be observed in the appointment of every Jewish New
"' The Four Rules, for which see Ginzel, II, 91 f ., are found
together in a writing called D''"iytJ' iiymx, the Four Gates, because
It treats of the four days of the week (Monday, Tuesday, Thursday,
and Saturday), on which alone Rosh ha-Shanah is allowed to fall,
the days forming thus, as it were, the gates through which we enter
into the respective new year. The original work of which the Four
Gates formed a part, is lost. Nor can it be ascertained when and
where or by whom it was composed. From the Ben Meir con-
troversy we can see that as early as the beginning of the tenth
century its authority was generally recognized. A certain Jose
Al-Nahrawani, probably a contemporary of Saadia, versified that
part of the work which dealt with the Four Rules, and his versifica-
tion also bears the name D"'"iyji' nymx. Steinschneider discovered
the work of Jose in a MS. at the Bodleian library, written in 1203,
and published it in the periodical Kerem Chemed, IX (1856), 41.
A. Epstein re-edited the same with copious notes in the REJ., XLII
(1901), 204-210. At the same time a commentary on Genesis and
Exodus by Menahem b. Solomon (12th century) under the title
niD ^"2^ ^y^^ was published by S. Buber (Berlin, 1901), wherein
a different recension, of Palestinian origin, is found in connection
with the verse Exod., 12, 2 (vol. II, 90-92). This recension was
74 SAADIA GAON
Year's day (first of Tishri, approximately September). We
shall here mention only the two rules necessary for the
understanding of Ben Meir's attempted reform.
The first of these rules is that New Year's day should
never be ap]X)intcd on either a Sunday, or Wednesday, or
Friday. Sunday is considered unfit, because with Rosh lia-
Shanah falling thereon, the seventh day of the I'east of
Tabernacles (HosJia'na Rabbah) , on which the ceremony of
'* beating the willow-twigs " is an important part of the ser-
vice, would fall on the Sabbath, and the observance of the
ceremony could not be permitted. Wednesday and Friday
are likewise inadmissible, because the Day of Atonement
would then, to the great inconvenience of the people, fall on
either Friday or Sunday immcdiatt'ly before or after the
Sabbath. If. therefore, the new moon of the month of Tishri
was observed in the night j)receding one of these three days
(Sunday, Wednesday, Friday), New-Year was proclaimed
on the day following; a custom still in force now that cal-
culation has been substituted for observation, the calendar
having been fixed in agreement with this rule of Talmudic
origin."'
republished and fully discussed by Bornstein, pp. 26. 103-107; comp.
also Epstein, RE J., XLIV, 230-236. and Ha-Goren, V, 131. The
same recension in a more concise form was published by Marx
in his Uiitersiichungen zum Siddur des Gaon R. Amram, Berlin.
1908, pp. 18 f., from a MS. belonging to Sulzberger (originally
Halberstam). In a fragment from the Genizah published by
Schechter, JQR., XIV, 498 (Saadyana, p. 128), which contains an
ancient list of books. Saadia is credited with a book by the name of
D^TVti' ny3"lK. This is not identical with the fragment published
by Schechter (ib., pp. 128-130), which, though likewise discussing
the Four Gates, is of a polemical character and forms part of the
Sefer Zikkaron; see below, p. 415, no. 9; comp. below, pp. 168 f.. nos.
1-2, and Bibliography, IV, p. 352, no. 2. Saadia mentions the
□ "•"lyc ny^lN also in his Arabic Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah
(ed. Lambert, p. 80) ; comp. Bornstein, p. 25, n. 2.
A short but clear exposition of the Four Rules was given also in
Hebrew, by L. Steinitz, Bikkure ha-Ittim, 1822, pp. 236-240, and
recently by Ch. Tschernowitz, ni?o!^nn IIVP, Lausanne, 1919, pp. 283-
288.
"' Rflsh ha-Shanah, 20a; comp. Bornstein. pp. 119-21 ; Ginzcl. TI.67.
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 75
The second rule is that in order to proclaim a New-Year's
Day it is necessary, that the new moon be seen before noon
of this day. If the new moon is not observed until exact
noon, or later, no matter on what day of the week, the New
Year has to be postponed to the following day. If that
happens to be one of the three days declared inadmissible
for Rosh ha-Shanah, the festival is of course postponed for
two days. The supposed reason for this rule is that it takes
fully six hours from the moment the new moon is caught
sight of from some place of vantage until it becomes again
visible. Now if the conjunction (Molad), that is, the meet-
ing of the moon and the sun in the same degree of the zodiac,
takes place at 12 (noon) sharp, or still later, there is no chance
for the moon to become visible until sunset (six o'clock),
when the Jewish astronomical day is considered over. In
strictness, this rule (which is also Talmudic),''" has per-
tinence only to a system depending on observation; but, as
stated before, the rules of calendric calculation were made
to agree with the original rules of practice, though the rea-
sons given may have lost their value.
It will be readily understood from the above that whenever
New Year is postponed, the year is made shorter, being
reduced to 353 days and thus turned into a deficient year.
The month of Tishri, however, is not made to suffer by this
reduction. As slated before, the two days are taken ofif
from the next following months, Heshwdn and Kislezv,
which are made to count only twenty-nine days each. To
use the technical term, they are both made deficient. It may
be added to complete our survey that to bring the solar year
and the lunar year into coincidence in a certain cycle (19
years), an intercalary month is inserted into the Jewish year
at necessary periods, making a leap year of 383 to 385 days.
^'' Rosh ha-Shanah, 2Gb: IIDD r\^M^ I;n^3 n^VH DIIP l!?1J
r\V^\)^'? "110D n^nj N^t^ ynn rw^n dip i^u x^ nann nv^?^'?
nonn. The meaning of this passage, however, is not clear, which
gave rise to differing interpretations; see Epstein, Ha-Goren, V,
129 f.; below, note 164.
76 SAADIA GAON
When observation was replaced by calculation, the calen-
dar did not, indeed, have to be fixed by the authorities from
year to year. Anybody familiar with the rules on which it
was based could determine many years ahead on what day
of the week New Year or any other festival would fall in a
given year. In fact it was most essential to know, in order
to arrange the calendar for any year, on what day Rosh
ha-Shanah would fall two years later.
In the year 4681 of the Jewish era (=921 common era)
it was anticipated that in the year 4684 (September, 923)
the rule of two days' postponement, described above, would
come into operation. Calculation showed that if observation
had been still in practice, the new moon of Tisliri could not
be observed till about thirteen or fourteen minutes after
meridian on the Sabbath. Consequently the accepted rules
required, observation or no observation, that New Year be
postponed to Monday. Now, it must be borne in mind that
there is a dilTerence of four, occasionally of five, or even of
six days (leaving fractions out of consideration) between
two successive years. That is to say, the festivals of a given
year fall from four to six days later in the zveek than those of
the preceding year. This is due to the fact that fifty weeks
of the regular common year and fifty- four weeks of the
regular leap year contain, the first only 350, and the second
378 days, while a complete year of twelve regular months
counting alternately twenty-nine and thirty days, contains 354
days, and thirteen such months make a year of 384 days.
If, therefore, in 923, the year under consideration. New Year
was to fall on Monday, Rosh ha-Shanah of the previous year
(922) must take place four days earUer, i. e., on Thursday.
Again, in 922 New Year had to be approximately six days
later than in 921, because the year 921 happened to be a leap
year. This would bring New Year of 921 on Friday ; but as
Friday had been declared unfit, Thursday had to be substi-
tuted. To sum up : the accepted order of the calendar in
those three years was as follows : In 4682 (921/22) New
Year on Thursday, the year full (385 days),* that is, Hesh-
* Because it was leap year, 355 -f- 30.
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 77
tt'dn and Kislcw containing each thirty days, and Passover
(which is also to be mentioned for reasons that will become
obvious later), falling on a Tuesday.* In 4683 (922/23)
New Year on Thursday, the year regular (354 days), Hesh-
wan and Kislew counting together 59 days (29+30), and
Passover on Sabbath.* * In 4684 (923/24) New Year Mon-
day (Postponement), the year deficient (353 days), Heshzvan
and Kislew counting together fifty-eight days (29 + 29), and
Passover on Tuesday. §
We may now return to Ben Meir, but for a full understand-
ing of his position it is necessary to mention one more
point, namely that in the system of the Jewish calendar the
hour is divided not into 3600 seconds but into 1080 halaktm
(parts).
As a learned man, the head of an academy, Ben Meir was
naturally well informed on the question of the Jewish calen-
dar. The four principal rules of calendation had been known
for centuries/'* and in the main he recognized them as
binding. All that he apparently asked, when he began the
controversy, was a modification of the rule which required
that to proclaim any day as Rosh Hodesh the new moon
must be discovered (or, in times of reckoning, be due
to appear) before noon."' Following either another com-
putation or a definite Palestinian tradition,"' he added 642
" parts " (about thirty-five minutes) to the time limit, so that
if, for instance, the new moon of Tishri was due to appear on
the Sabbath at noon or within the 642 halakmi after noon,
* In Hebrew this order is marked by the letters 2"t^'^; n, the fifth
letter of the alphabet, denoting Thursday, the fifth day of the week;
B^ stands for ilO^ti'. full, and 3, the third letter, for Tuesday
(Passover).
** In Hebrew t'^^n, PI = Thursday, 3 is an abbreviation of n*TlD3,
which means regular, and T, the seventh letter, = Sabbath.
§ Hebrew letters a"nn, 1 = Monday, n stands for n"lpn, meaning
deficient, and 5 for Tuesday.
^ See Bornstein, p. 25, n. 2 ; Epstein, Ha-Goren, V, 132, and above,
note 151.
"° See Bornstein, p. 64, n. 4.
''' See below, p. 80.
78 SAADIA GAOX
no postponement should take place. The Sabbath would thus
be declared Rosh ha-Shanah. while according to the accepted
calendar the festival had to be postponed until Monday
(Sabbath being ineligible on account of the belated appear-
ance of the new moon, and Sunday on account of rule i).
This being precisely what was due to happen in Tishri
of the year 4684 (September 923), Ben Meir, believing the
time favorable for the long-sought overthrow of the Baby-
lonian authority, came out in the summer"' of 4681 (921)
with the declaration that Heshwdn and KislHv of the ensuing
year (4682 = November and December 921) should both be
made deficient. Now the year 4682 could be declared defi-
cient only when the year 4684 was to be declared full ; that
is, if Rosh Jia-Shanah of the last named year was not to be
postponed on account of a belated new moon, but was to
take place on the Sabbath of the new moon's appearance.
In fact it was the anticipated postponement of the New
Year of 4684 whicli Ben Meir attacked. He contended
that inasmuch as in that year the new moon was due only 237
halakim (about fourteen minutes) after midday and thus
much in advance of the allowed 642 parts, it was not to be
considered as late, and hence no postponement could be
admissible.-^'
Such, and apparently so technical if not trivial, was the
actual issue between. Ben Meir and Babylon.
The question forces itself upon us : What was Ben ^Teir's
reason for the addition of 642 parts to the given time limit ?
It is hardly credible that a learned and pious man, as Ben
Meir undoubtedly w^as, should have undertaken to change
essentially one of the most sacred religious institutions of
the Jewish people, one upon which depended the celebration
of the festivals in their proper season, unless there were
"'Epstein. Ha-Gorcn, V, 138, end of note i.
* Ben Meir's order for the three years was accordingly : 682 N"nn,
i. e., New Year Thursday (PI), deficient (n), Passover Sunday (N) ;
683 n"33, New Year Tuesday 0) . regular O), Passover Thursday
(H) ; 684 3":i'T, New Year Saturday (T), full (L"), Passover Tues-
day (J).
SAADIA'S CONTROFERSV WITH BEN MEIR 79
strong- reasons to justify his action."' Moreover, it would
have been the most injudicious step for a leader to take, as
he could foresee that no conscientious Jew would follow
him, unless the religious expediency of his procedure was
proved. As a matter of fact, many Jewish communities in
Palestine and outside "" accepted Ben Meir's view, and soon
after were ready to celebrate, or actually did celebrate, the
Passover of the year 4682 on Sunday instead of Tuesday.
Various views have been advanced in explanation of the
matter ; among them that the accepted calendar being based
on the time in the city of Babylon, where noon is approxi-
mately 56 minutes earlier than in Jerusalem, Ben Meir,
claiming Jerusalem as the right basis, added 642 parts
(35 minutes) partly to offset the difference."" Against
this it has been properly pointed out '*' that the fixing of the
calendar was originally the prerogative of Palestine, and
it is therefore inconceivable that it should have been based
on Babylonian time."^ Nor is there any proof that later
Babylonian authorities assumed to transfer the basis from
Jerusalem to Babylon. Besides, if this was the reason for the
addition, Ben Meir would certainly not have failed to men-
tion it. Finally, the addition of precisely 642 parts (35
minutes instead of 56) would after all be an arbitrary and
futile act.
"* Ben Meir guards himself against the reproach that his desire
to re-establish the authority of the Holy Land was the only reason
for his reforms, by pointing out to his opponents the correctness of
his calculation; comp. Bornstein, p. 51, n. 6, and above, note 148.
^^ As may be seen from a letter of Saadia to three Rabbis in Egypt,
published by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 290-297, the Egyptian com-
munities too, or at least some of them, during the time of the quarrel
celebrated the festivals according to the computation of Ben Meir ;
comp. also Bornstein, p. 12.
^*" Bornstein, pp. 20, 28, 34 ff.
"^Epstein, Ha-Goren, V, iigff.
^^This view is maintained by D. Sidersky in his recent work,
Etude sur Vorigine astronomique de la chronologic juive, Paris,
1911 ; comp. his article in the periodical IJn T*"1ND HDIVn, III (Buda-
pest, 1913), 33, 37, top.
So SAADIA GAON
Another, more acceptable explanation is tliat Ben Meir's
real purpose was to reduce the number of postponements
provided for in the accepted calendar."' These postpone-
ments were, in his opinion, frequently the cause of cele-
brating- the festivals at a time other than that prescribed in
the Torah. Most of them resulted from the rule concerning
the belated new moon, and when this operated in connection
with another rule, it might readily necessitate a postpone-
ment for two days. Finding that a slight extension of the
lime set for the appearance of the moon around mid-day
would greatly reduce the number of such postponements, he
considered it a religious duty to issue a proclamation to this
effect. The claim that the rule opposed by him was based
on the authority of the Talmud did not appeal to Ben Meir,
as the passage in question is rather obscure and allows of
differing interpretations.""^
Plausible as this explanation seems to be, it is still difficult
to see why he should have selected exactly the number of
642 for his addition, and the suggestion has therefore been
made that in this respect Ben Meir relied on a definite
Palestinian tradition.'" Various passages in the controver-
sial letters dealing with the subject seem to support this
view. It is quite possible that others before Ben Meir had
attempted to rectify the calendar by the same addition of
642 parts, but that the literary records, if there were such,
have not been preserved.
At this point the subject of the calendar may be dismissed,
and we may revert to the discussion of the course of events
connected therewith, which led to the defeat of Ben Meir
and ultimately to the rise of Saadia to the Gaonate.
Ben I\Teir's intention to make Heslnvdn and Kislcii.' of the
year 4682 deficient and to have the Passover of the same
year celebrated two days earlier than that fixed by the Baby-
lonian authorities (Sunday instead of Tuesday) became
"" Epstein, Ha-Goren, V, 125 ff.
'" See above, note 153. A new interpretation of the passage is
offered by Sidersky, IJH nxo HDIVn, III. 41; comp. Ginzel, II, 514.
'" Sec above, p. 77 ; Epstein, Ha-Gorcii, V, 133.
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY IVITII BEN MEIR 8i
known in the summer of the year 4681 (921). In what
way he had manifested this intention, cannot be ascertained
from the available material. At that time it seems he had
not yet issued an ofificial proclamation."" The rumor reached
Saadia in Aleppo. He at once addressed several letters to
Ben Meir, demonstrating to him the correctness of the es-
tablished calendar and warning him against the change
advocated. This is reported by Saadia himself in the
two letters which he addressed during the subsequent winter
to his pupils in Egypt."" He further informs us, in the
same letters, that in Bagdad, whither he had gone from
Aleppo, he learned that his repeated warnings had had
no effect on Ben Meir, who had meantime issued his
ofificial proclamation, much to the perturbation of the
Babylonian Geonim. The date of Ben Meir's proclama-
tion "' is not given by Saadia. In all probability it was
issued on Hoshnna RabbaJi (the seventh day of the feast
of Tabernacles) in the year 4682 (autumn, 921), on which
day, as is known from other sources, it was customary
among the Palestinian Jews of that period to assemble
annually on the Mount of Olives (east of Jerusalem) for
prayer and solemn processions around the mount (Hakka-
fot). The occasion was used for the discussion of the
"" Epstein, ibidem, p. 138, end of n. i.
"' Bornstein, pp. 68, 70.
^'^ The sources do not explicitly mention Ben Meir's proclamation.
In his first letter Ben Meir speaks of the proclamation of his son
(Bornstein, p. 51, line 10: IJIIf^n T''13n), which, as we know from
Saadia's Scfer ha-Mo'adim (Bornstein, p. 60), took place about three
months later, in Tebct (comp. Epstein, Ha-Gorcn, V, 138, n. i, as
against Bornstein). In his second letter, however, he speaks of a
"proclamation of his pupils on the Mount of Olives" (riTTIDn
DTl'tTn inn IJ^VO^r); Bornstein, p. 91, bottom; 92, top), which
seems to refer to a previous proclamation on Hosha'na Rahbah; comp.
the text recently published by A. Guillaume, JQR., N. S., vol. V. (1914-
1915)) P- 555, 1- 15- In the second letter of Saadia (Bornstein, p. 70)
we also read twice DT"'"lDn with reference to Ben Meir. It is
possible, however, that the writers had in mind the proclamation of
Ben Meir's son; comp. below, Appendix, no. 9, pp. 415 fl.
6
82 SAADIA GAON
various religious and communal needs of the people, and
decisions as to future actions were adopted.
As soon as the news of this proclamation reached P)abylon
the Bxilarch David ben Zakkai, in conjunction with the
Geonim of both academies and probably also Saadia,"' ad-
dressed an official letter to Ben Meir setting forth in urgent
words the validity of the established calendar and warning
him against the contemplated change."" At the same time
the Geonim sent out circular letters to the various Jewish
communities, advising them to abide by the old order, and
not to heed the innovations proposed.
It was about this period that Saadia wrote to his Egyptian
pupils. The first half of his letter was given above (pp.
55 f.) ; the second reads as follows:
" Know that when I was yet in Aleppo, some pupils came
from Ba'al Gad "'and brought the news that Ben ]\leir intends
to proclaim Heshwan and Kislew deficient. I did not believe
it, but as a precaution I wrote to him in the summer [not to
do so]. The Exilarch, the heads of the academies, all the
'Allufimy'' teachers and scholars,'" likewise agreed to pro-
claim Heshzmn and Kislezv full, and that Passover be cele-
brated on Thursday. In conjunction with their letters I
'""This results from a passage in Ren Meir's letter (Bornstein,
p. 50, 1. 8: ^VN^n^x PiDV 13 i^yo Dn^^x lannom). it is possi-
ble, however, that Ben Meir refers here to letters he received directly
from Saadia, who, as stated, wrote to him from Aleppo.
"" For the chronology of the various letters see below, pp. 410 fT.
"'A town at the foot of the Lebanon Mountains (Joshua, 11, 17;
see Dillmann, ad loctim). It is mentioned also by Judah Al-Harizi,
Tahkemoni, makama 30, beginning, and in the Itinerary of Benjamin
of Tudela, ed. London, 1840, p. 2-j ; comp. also JQR., XVI (1904).
732, n. 3-
"^ For the meaning of tliis title see the references above, note 122.
'"The phrase T^D^D CV I^S^D is taken from I Chronicles, 25, 8.
The word "I^D^n in the usage of Arabic-speaking Jews has not
always the common meaning of pupil, but more often designates a
recognized scholar; comp. Ginzberg, Gconica, I, 32, n. 4; Davidson,
Scphcr Shaashuim, New York, 1914, p. ex.
SAADIA'S COXTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 83
too wrote to most of the great cities,"* in order to fulfill my
duty. Persist ye also in this matter and close up this breach,
and do not rebel against the command of God. None of the
people dare to profane the festivals of God wilfully, to eat
leavened bread on Passover, and eat, drink, and work on
the Day of Atonement. May it be the will [of the Lord]
that there be no stumbling-block and no pitfall in your place
or in any other place in Israel. Pray, answer this letter and
tell me all your affairs and your well-being. May your peace
grow and increase forever ! "
Here we have Saadia's own testimony as to the part he
took in the struggle, and the rank to which he had attained
among the Babylonian authorities at this period. Not only
did they invite his co-operation in signing their ofiicial letters
in order to confer special weight upon their ordinances,
but Saadia issued such letters on his own account to the
largest congregations in and outside of Babylon — a proof of
the great fame and popularity he must have enjoyed in Jewry
in general.
Meanwhile Ben Meir, far from heeding the interdicts of
Babylonia, repeated his attack by sending his son "° to
Jerusalem, to proclaim there, for the second time, the pro-
posed changes of the calendar. To the charges of the
Geonim and of Saadia he replied in a disrespectful and
aggressive tone, denying their authority in matters of the
calendar, which, he claimed, should be left, as in former
times, in the hands of Palestinian scholars. In a lengthy
letter to his adherents in Babylonia, in which he sets forth
^'* Schechter, Saadyana, p. 25 ; Bornstein, p. 69 : DV TinnD ^DJX D3
"' Nothing definite is known about Ben Meir's sons to whom Ben
Meir refers as his "darlings" Cnion), while Saadia calls them
D'l^jy! See below, note 188; Bornstein, p. 67, n. 2. According to
Poznanski, RE'J., LXVI, 67, a son of Ben Meir by the name of Abra-
ham was the founder of the Palestinian Gaonate in the year 945.
He occupied the position several years, and was succeeded by his son
Aaron, who was named after his grandfather; see above, note 149.
84 SAADIA GAON
with much detail the reasons for his reforms, he pours out
his whole wrath on Saadia in particular, denouncing him and
" his arrog-ant followers " in scathing terms. This is also
significant of the role Saadia evidently played in the affair.
In the meantime the feast of Passover was approaching.
The congregations were bewildered by commands and coun-
termands."' Some prepared to celebrate the festival on the
date set by Ben Meir, others stood up for the accepted cal-
endar. A serious rupture was imminent in the ranks of
Jewry, not dissimilar to that brought about previously by the
Karaites. Saadia again addressed a letter to his pupils in
Egypt,'" and probably also to various communities else-
where, imploring them to remain steadfast and to abide
by the regulations of the Geonim. To his credit it must be
remarked that in this letter there is not a single harsh word
against Ben Meir, the originator of all the trouble.
The repeated notes of warning did not bring about the
desired result. Most of the Palestinian and some of the
Babylonian communities actually celebrated that Passover,
and consequently the other festivals, two days earlier than
the official date.'" The schism must have assumed alarming
proportions. Even a non-Jewish historian of the following
century considered it important enough to include it in his
account of historical events."" Twice more, so far as our
"° So Ben Meir apnd Bornstein, p. 92 : myintJ'n nn ^3 DmDTni
nv ^Dn DD-i^K nixn nnrt^ni ^xnc'^ irns ^^j3.
"' The letter was published first by Neubauer, JQR., IX (1897), 37 ;
Harkavy Ha-Go-rcn, II (1900), 98; Epstein (with French translation
and notes), REJ., XLII (1901), 200; Bornstein, p. 69; comp. below,
p. 413, no. 5.
"" Comp. Bornstein, pp. 12, 90, n. i ; Epstein, REJ., XLII, 179, n. i,
on the testimony of the Karaite Sahl b. Mazliah apud Pinskcr,
Likkfite, II, 36.
"'Elijah of Nisibis (nth century) in Baethgcn's Fragmente
syrischer und arabischer Historiker, Leipzig, 1884, pp. 84, 141. Cyrus
Adler in an article "Jewish History in Arabian Historians," JQR.,
II (1890), 106, first called attention to the passage in the work of
Elijah relating to the differences between the Babylonian and Pales-
tinian Jews in the appointment of the festivals in the year 922. At
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 85
records give us information, the Babylonian representatives
of Judaism expostulated with Ben Meir."** This happened in
the ensuing summer. Again letters of warning and exhor-
tation were sent to the " divided house of Israel," but to no
effect. " The two parties indulged in mutual recrimina-
tions and excommunications, and even went so far as to
charge one another with fraud and deception." *" How
long the quarrel lasted, and by what means it was brought
to an end, cannot be learned from the scanty material that
was discovered in the Genizah. From the report of the
Syrian historian and from Karaitic sources we know only
that at the beginning of the year 4683 the quarrel was still in
progress. Rosh ha-Shanah of that year was observed by
the two opposing parties on different days in accordance with
their divergent views.
We know, however, that Ben Meir and his supporters
ultimately met v/ith crushing defeat, and as may be plainly
seen from Ben Meir's epistles, he attributed his downfall
particularly to the activity of Saadia."'" Ben Meir's judg-
ment was doubtless right on this point. Neither the Geonim
who presided over the two academies, nor any of the scholars
among their followers had either the intellectual capacity
that time, however (1890), nothing was known about the controversy
of Saadia and Ben Meir and the real importance of the passage
could not even be guessed at. Several years later, when the various
Genizah fragments were brought to light by Schechter and others,
Poznanski, referring to Adler's article, pointed out the full meaning
of Elijah's report in its bearing on the subject under consideration;
see his article in JQR., X (1898), iS^'-iSi, and comp. Bornstein, pp. 7 f.
""That the Geonim wrote three times to Ben Meir is repeatedly
stated by Saadia in the fragment of the Sefer ha-Moadim, Bornstein,
p. 61, line 17; 63, line 3; comp. Epstein, Ha-Goren, V, 138.
^^ Poznanski, JQR., X, 154, based on the testimony of the Karaite
Sahl b. Maziiah; see the references given above, note 178, and
Bornstein, pp. 7, 61, n. 5.
'^^ Comp. Bornstein, p. 13, n. 3, particularly Ben Meir's letters aptid
Bornstein, pp. 56, 90.
86 SAADIA GAON
or the complete command over the people to parry the de-
termined onslaught of Ben Meir, whose influence reached
far beyond the boundaries of his own country and whose
contention was not without merit. In fact, it was partly
because of the weakened standing of the Gaonate that Ben
Meir could venture to assert his authority above that of
Babylonia. But Saadia's fiery genius, his profound learning,
and above all his superior literary skill proved more than a
match for his opponent and finally brought about Ben Meir's
overthrow.
It is characteristic of the situation, that, as Saadia himself
tells us, the Babylonian authorities, having failed in all their
efforts against the disturber, had thought of calling the
government to their assistance.^" For some reason not
stated they gave up the plan and decided upon issuing a
memorial-volume {Sefer ha-Zikkaron),''* in which all the
misdeeds of Ben ^leir from the beginning of the contro-
versy to its end, his errors in calculation, the proceedings of
the Gaonate against him, and particularly the reasons for
their continued upholding of the accepted calendar, were to be
minutely recorded. The volume was to be spread broad-
cast among all the Jews of the Diaspora, with the
^ This results from a passage in Saadia's Sefer ha-Md'adim.
Bornstein, p. 65: Ti^Dn^ "i^oH nxD nn:s* nnp^ iD'^'ynn n^v
which means that \.\\ty did not make up their mind to invoke the
government, at the same time suggesting tliat the appeal was con-
sidered. This does not contradict the passage in Bornstein, p. 92,
bottom (better given in the JQR., N. S., vol. ^' (1914-1915), P- 555.
top), where Ben Meir reports that he was twice imprisoned and
tortured (comp. Schechter, Saadyana, p. 22, n. i), for there Ben
Meir has reference to some previous entanglement with the Karaites,
who denounced him to the government for some unknown reason
and procured his punishment. Comp. Bornstein, p. 93, n. 2.
^■^ This Sefer Zikkaron is not identical with the Sefer ha-Mo'adivi,
as has been hitherto assumed, but is a separate work, which was
written by Saadia at the request of the Exilarch and the Geonim for
recitation in public. As I have shown elsewhere (see Appendix,
No. 9) the lengthy fragment in Scliecliter's Saadyana, pp. 128-130
(Bornstein, pp. 99-102) is a remnant of this work.
SAADIA'S CONTROVERSY WITH BEN MEIR 87
special injunction, that it be read annually in public on the
twentieth of 'Elfil, before the approach of the high Holy
Days, and thus serve as a warning against possible upheavals
of a similar nature in all future generations. It was again
Saadia who was charged with the composition of this impor-
tant document. He wrote the book in the summer of 4682
(922), while the struggle was at its height. It was read
publicly, as provided, in the month of 'ElTil of the same
year. Its elTect on the communities was very great, ap-
parently putting an end to the agitation, which had lasted
for nearly two years. At all events, nothing more is heard
of Ben Meir during the following years, though his main
intention v»'as to change the date of Rosh ha-Shanah of the
year 4684 (923)."'
How important a part Saadia had in the regulation of the
present calendar can be seen also from the fact that emi-
nent authorities of later centuries ^'^ describe him as the
father and founder of the science of the calendar. Most,
if not all, of his work in this field was done in connection
with the controversy with Ben Meir or his polemics with the
Karaites. Its contemporary importance may be judged from
the fact that it paved the way to Saadia's election to the
Gaonate ; ^" but the lasting moment of Saadia for the Jew-
ish world and his influence on the development of medi-
aeval Jewish literature have a better basis than his discom-
fiture of Ben Meir. Considering the acrimony — almost fe-
rocity— with which the quarrel over the calendar was carried
^^° It must be borne in mind, however, that in all probability there
were more documents relating to the quarrel, which have not yet
come to light. Numerous fragments from the Genizah which are
preserved in various public or private libraries, are still awaiting
examination and publication. We may therefore expect that the
continued search among the treasured documents will bring to light
additional details bearing upon the various phases of the controversy
and its final outcome.
'^So the Tdsafist Jacob Tam (12th century); see for further
details Bornstein, p. 25 ; below, note 625.
^*' See above, pp. 63-65.
88 SAADIA GAON
on by both controversialists,*** especially in the last stages
of the argument, one cannot but designate it as a deplorable
episode.
'** Ben Meir's letters abound in personal denunciations and abuses
of Saadia, which reveal the extreme bitterness of the writer ; comp.
^.^.thepassageBornstein, p. 56: D^Jnnn Vlini "'DVE^N \2 T'l/D
D-ij^e yanx3 "nrn •nax"' y:i3 ,D''j^oni onvon. Not satisfied
with the attacks on the character of his opponent, Ben Meir tried to
defame also Saadia's family, asserting, as he says, " on good
authority " that the latter's father was a Muezzin in the service of the
Muhammedans, defiled himself by eating abominations, until he was
driven out of Egypt and died in Jaffa ("nnnj TJ'N ■'VN^IH ""OVD 13
ns3 ti'^Dsn n3iD vnx n\Tr .... Dn:^o1 Dnn3 nnys "ij^:s^
isn noi nnvD nN*o ^imJi n^^irc pid ^sni mr miny^ on^'o ;
Bornstein, p. 90) ; comp. above, pp. 27, 63. Saadia retaliates by
adorning Ben Meir with the epithets "I^ti'non, "the obscurantist,"
and T'NOOn, "the accursed one," both in satiric allusion to the
name "1"'N;3; comp. Bornstein, pp. 58, n. i; 62, n. i. Ben Meir's sons
he terms "calves" (D""^;)!/) ; see above, note 175.
Chapter V
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE
(4688=928)
In the course of the mquiry into Saadia's career, the
Ben Meir controversy appears to the investigator Hke an
islet emerging suddenly from a vast void, only to be swal-
lowed up again almost as soon as he sets foot upon it. Even
the information about Saadia's early departure from Egypt
has come to us from one of the documents bearing on that
controversy;''' while for the period of the years between
his emigration to the Holy Land and his appearance on the
scene with Ben Meir (921), one searches in vain for
data regarding the life and activity of the future Gaon.
During the two years the quarrel appears to have lasted
he is seen in the foreground of all affairs, but as soon as
the controversy abates, he is lost to sight for another period
of six years (922-28), at the expiration of which he is called
to the Gaonate. The only trace of his existence during that
period is a passage from one of his works, quoted by a later
author,"" in which Saadia refers to the year 926 as the time
of his writing.
We must therefore abandon for the present all speculation
as to events and happenings in the life of Saadia during
the few years preceding his installation in the office of
Gaon. Some of the unexplored and unidentified rem-
nants of manuscripts from the Genizah which are treas-
ured in various public and private libraries, possibly contain
data to fill the gaps; but until such material turns up, we
1S9
See note 88 [and Postscript].
""Abraham b. Hiyya, astronomer and mathematician of the 12th
century, in his Sefer ha-'Ibbur, London, 1851, p. 96; comp. Rapoport's
Biography of Saadia in the Hebrew periodical DTiyPI "'1133, 1828,
p. 26, end of note i ; Poznanski, JQR., X, 245 ; Graetz, Geschichte, V,
Note 20, no. 6; above, note 126.
89
go SAADIA GAON
are entitled to the assumption that nothing of importance
happened during these blank years to ch.ange the general
aspect of his personality. Saadia the scholar spent most of
his time in seclusion, studying and writing. Particularly in
the period before us, when he had been made a regular mem-
ber of the official staff of the Sura academy, he doubtless
devoted his life entirely to the elaboration and completion
of his numerous works. Years of study and research
behind closed doors are not commonly fraught with personal
events of such general interest as to induce contemporary
chroniclers to record them for the benefit of future genera-
tions. As for the petty idiosyncrasies of a Jewish scholar
or the trivial incidents of his daily life, there was no Boswell
at hand to delight in watching and noting them. We may
pass over the interval between the Ben Meir episode and
Saadia's election to the Gaonate with the assurance that it
hides no phase of biographical importance.
The period now to be taken up is the only one in Saadia's
life, the details of which were known to the student of
Jewish literature before the discovery of the Genizah. Such
details may be derived partly from the works of Saadia
liimself, partly from those of contemporaneous authors or
from well-authenticated later sources. Hence this period has
been more or less minutely treated in works on Jewish his-
tory in general or on Saadia in particular. Tt was practically
all that constituted the biography of the Gaon. But even
this part of Saadia's life has been inadequately described. Tn
the few existing monographs"" on the Gaon, one regularly
'" Separate biographies or occasional descriptions of Saadia's life
were written by the following authors (in chronological order) :
Rapoport, viDD Dimpi jiNj HnvD ijm n"n!'in,in D^nyn nna.
IX (1828), 20-37 (com)), ih.. X, 37 f., XI S3 f.). the classic source
of all subsequent writers on Saadia. The biographical sketch,
without the notes, was translated into German by Joseph Zedner
and published in Ludwig Stern's Jiidische Geschichte in Lcbens-
bildern, Stuttgart, 1862. pp. 136-138.
S. Munk, Notice siir R. Saadia Gaon, Paris, 1838.
E. Carmoly, in his Revue Orientalc (Brussels 1841-1846), II, 33-46.
L. Dukes, Beitrage, TI (1844), 5 ff.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 91
finds the few important events of his later Hfe — his election
to the Gaonate, his subsequent quarrel with the Exilarch,
his deposition, and his final rehabilitation — put together in a
few lines ; while the rest of the work is devoted to the pres-
A. Geiger. Wisscnschaftliche Zeitschrift, V (1844), 281-316.
Steinschneider, CB., coll. 2156 ff., and later in Arab. Liter. (Frank-
furt a/M., 1902), pp. 49-69; comp. Kaufmann's Gedenkbuch, pp.
144-168.
Graetz, Ge.<;chichtc dcr Juden, V, fourth edition by S. Eppenstein,
Leipzig, 1909, pp. 282-315; 523-533; Hebrew translation by S. P.
Rabinowitz, III (Warsaw, 1893), pp. 279-308; 465-473 ; English trans-
lation, III (Philadelphia, 1894), pp. 187-202.
M. Joel, in Wertheim's Jahrbnch fiir Israelite n, 1865, pp. 1-17.
S. j. Fiinn ^'Dl nn^in^, in ^OnSH, 187 1, pp. 61-68.
G. Tal, R. Saadjah Gaon, in " Lesingen gehouden in de Vereeniging
voor Joodsche Letterkunde en Geschiedenis," Hague, 1887.
I. H. Weiss, rt^nn"l in nn, IV (1887), 4th edition, Wilna, 1904,
pp. 123-143.
A. Harkavy, R. Saadia Gaon, istorico-literaturnoe chtenie, Vos-
khod, 1887, pp. 82-104 (the same appeared also in Hebrew under the
title D-iDm 31 by H. Mirsky. in the periodical ^KltJ'^ nOJD,
III, Warsavv, 1888, pp. 55-71) ; comp. also Harkavy, in Zapisky ....
Ruskavo Arkheologicheskavo Obshchestwa, V (1891), 179-210; VI,
340.
S. A. Taubeles, Saadia Gaon, Halle a/S., 1888 (a compilation
without value).
D. Kohn (Kahana), pN':! D"l fin^in^ 1DD, Cracow, 1892 (reprint
from nnson ivix. iv, 292-328).
S. Bernfeld, 11N:i V^^'W^i 1J31, Cracow, 1892 (reprint from 1V1K,
nilDDH, IV, 329-346; 698 — , as a biography worthless).
M. Friedlander, Life and Works of Saadia, in JQR., V (1893),
1 77- 199-
G[regory] H[enkel], R. Saadia Gaon, Opit Characteristiki evo
Proizvcdenii, Voskhod, 1893, IV, 12-25; V, 104-119; VIII, 121-138;
IX, 42-61; 1894, I, 118-143; II, 130-146; III, 136-146; VI, 119-132;
VIII, 112-126; XI, 7-32; XII, 131-138. _
W. Engelkemper, Dc Saadiae Gaonis vita etc., Miinster, 1897, a
learned dissertation.
S. Eppenstein, Beitrdge cur Geschichte und Literatur im geondis-
chcn Zeitalter (reprint from MGWJ., ic»8-i9i3), pp. 65-148; 215-218.
A brief account of Saadia's life and works is given by Bacher in the
JE., X, 579-586; and lately by H. Malter in Hastings' Encyclopaedia
of Religion and Ethics, s. v. Se'adiah (vol. XI) ; see also the present
92 SAADIA GAON
entation of his teachings. No attempt is made to interpret
these events in the hght of contemporary histor>'. We shall
therefore not be bound by any of the existing presentations,
but will dispose of the material from tlie old sources *"
in the way that seems best adapted to the plan and purpose
of the present work. In accordance therewith it appears
advisable to prepare the reader for a fuller understanding
of the essential points in the development of the last and the
most significant epoch of Saadia's life, by a brief account of
the two important institutions of mediaeval Babylonian
Jewry — the Exilarchate and the Gaonate — and of their re-
lations to one another.
The origin of the Exilarchate, which, according to the his-
torical sources maintained its place in Babylon for over
eight centuries, is not fully known. An old tradition claims
writer's article Philosophy, ibidem, vol. IX, pp. 873-877) ; comp. also
A. Kaminka in Winter and Wiinsche's Die jiidische Littcratur, II, 28-
31 ; nyD^N^y'u)''o px lyDyxs px lypjyn yti'n"'S onnTj^j .s n" i
New York, 1918, pp. 21-33. Finally, biographical accounts of
Saadia are to be found with more or less detail in the introduc-
tions to the numerous editions of Saadia's writings, mostly repeat-
ing the older authorities, as Rapoport, Munk, Geiger, Graetz, and
Steinschneider. See the detailed Bibliography in the present work,
especially sections I, V. — An article on " The Time of Saadya " by
S. Koch (Hebrew Union College Journal, vol. VI, Cincinnati, 1902,
pp. 168-174) may here be recorded for bibliographers.
"* These are in the main the Report of Nathan ha-Babli, a con-
temporary of Saadia, ed. Neubauer, Mediaval Jewish Chronicles, II,
77-88 ; the Epistle of Sherira Gaon, ed. Neubauer, ib., I, 39 f .
Abraham b. David's account in his n^3pn 1"ID (Neubauer, ib., I, 65 f.),
which conflicts in many essential points with the reports of Nathan
and Sherira, is disregarded as less reliable. Later authors, as
Menahem Meiri (Neubauer, II, 224), Isaac Lattes {ib., p. 233) and
Saadia Ibn Danan, riTIJJ mort, ed. Edelmann, Konigsberg, 1856, p.
28, merely repeat the unfounded statements of Abraham b. David,
though for some points they may have had also other sources. For
Nathan and the historicity of his Report see Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 22-
36; comp. Marx. ZfhB., XIII, 169, and Poznanski, JQR., N. S., vol.
Ill (1912-1913), pp. 400 f. In the following the Report will be
referred to only by the word " Nathan," and the pages are those of
Neubauer's edition. The same edition is used also for the Letter
of Sherira.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 93
no less a personage than King Jehoiachin as the first
Babylonian Exilarch (597 b. c. e.). This tradition is based
on II Kings, 24-25, where it is told that Jehoiachin was
brought captive to Babylon and imprisoned, but later freed
by King Evil-merodach and given a place of honor. " The
craftsmen and the smiths," who were taken into captivity
together with the King (II Kings, 24. 16) are interpreted
homiletically to be the King's retinue of scholars and
prophets/"' A chronicler of the eighth century,"* the first
to mention the captive Judsean King as the founder of the
Elxilarchate, in an effort to establish a continuous chain of
Exilarchs of Davidic descent,"' makes up a list of such dig-
^^ Sifre, section IJ^Xn, § 321, and Seder 'Olatn, ch. 25, which are
the source of the Talmudim and Midrashim ; see the references given
by Ratner in his edition of the Seder 'Olam, ad locum. These sources
do not designate King Jehoiachin as the first Exilarch. He receives
this title only in the works of a later period in which, however, the
authors gave expression to ideas only that were current among the
people long before; see the next note.
'"I refer to the anonymous author of the Xt31T D^IV IID. This
dry chronicle, covering only a few pages (in Neubauer's MJC, II,
68-73), exists in various recensions and editions, also in Latin trans-
lations, and with commentaries. For the literature see Steinschneider,
Geschichtsliteratiir der luden, § 9, and additions on p. 173. The most
important and minute study on the subject is the one by Felix Lazarus,
Die Haupter der Vertriebenen, in Briill's Jahrbilcher, etc., X (the
entire volume), also separately, Frankfurt a/M., 1890. In the follow-
ing I shall refer to this study by quoting only the name of the author ;
comp. also Abr. Krochmal, ^^23 lV:>^r\'P Dnxni Q^ti'llQ, Lemberg,
1881, pp. 1-73 (Steinschneider, H.B., XXI, p. 122). The chronicler
docs not state explicitly that Jehoiachin was Exilarch, though this
is obviously his view, but in a fragmentary version of the same
Chronicle, in Neubauer's MJC, I, 195, it is said of the king: 13''^ini
^Knt^•> ^y ID^^nm ni^n; comp. Lazarus, ib., pp. 19, n. 4; 55, n. i;
158, n. I. Among other ancient authors who follow this tradition may
be mentioned the Gaon Zemah b. Hayyim of Sura (882) in his Letter
concerning Eldad. (See Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrasch, II, 113) ; Sherira,
p. 26; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 5. Ebjatar in Schechter's
Saadyana, p. 87, line 2j ; p. 89, line 27, has reference to the same idea,
but in a derogatory sense, pointing to the wicked ancestors of the
Exilarchs, among them Jehoiachin.
'"Zunz, Gottcsdiensiliche Vortrage (1892), p. 142; Steinschneider,
Geschichtsliteratur der Juden, § 9; comp. Lazarus, pp. 19, 29 f.
94 SAADIA GAON
nitaries reaching clown to the year 520 c. e. The names of
the earlier Exilarchs are all identical with those of the
King's descendants enumerated in I Chron. 3. 17-24, all of
whom according to the author lived and died in Babylon. The
names of the Exilarchs of later generations are taken partly
from the Talmud and partly from unknown sources. The
historicity of this list, so far as the Biblical part is concerned,
is beyond control. The latter part, however, beginning about
the middle of the second century c. e., is authenticated by
Talmudic and other evidence. Other lists of Exilarchs of
still later periods, from 520 to 940, or even 1040, are pre-
served in various sources, more or less trustworthy.'"* Leav-
ing aside those whose names are recorded in the Bible, and
whose Exilarchal dignity may be legendary,"' there are
still at least thirty-three Exilarchs '"■'' accounted for histor-
ically by recent investigation.
The history of the Exilarchate is thus divided into two
distinct periods ; the first when Babylonia was under Persian
rulers (the Arsacids and the Sassanids) and the second when
it came under the Caliphate of the Arabs (651).
The exact circumstances under which the office came mto
existence are unknown. From the moment when the light
of history falls upon the institution, it is evident that the
Exilarch was the governor of Jewish Babylonia, appointed
by the ruler of Persia and vested with full authority over his
Jewish subjects."' As such he was responsible only to the
king. His duties were to maintain order among the people
under his jurisdiction and see to it that the taxes imposed
upon the Jewish communities were collected and delivered
into the imperial treasury. At certain festivities he had to
"'See the various lists in Lazarus's work, pp. 171-173. iSo.
"' Comp. Lazarus, pp. 62 f .
"'Beginning with a certain Nahum (about 140, c. e.), who is
supposed to be identical with one Ahiah, or Nehunyon, mentioned in
the Talmud, and ending with David b. Zakkai (died 940), the
opponent of Saadia. Comp. Lazarus, pp. 65 ff; Bacher, Jeivish
Encyclopedia. V, 288.
""Lazarus, p. Sy, and in more detail, pp. 131 ff.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 95
appear among the other dignitaries of the empire and par-
ticipate in the court functions. In his deahngs with the
Jewish population he was entirely independent, often also
overbearing and oppressive. In accordance with oriental
custom, and being wealthy in his own right, he maintained
his Exilarchal court with considerable pomp and circum-
stance, surrounding himself with a large retinue of servants
and courtiers, who had to observe etiquette and official cere-
monies similar to those practised at the Persian court. It
was the prerogative of the Exilarch to appoint judges for
the Jews from among the prominent scholars of the time,
one of whom was the supreme judge. The latter had to
reside at the Exilarch's court."""
Some of the Exilarchs, who were themselves learned in
the religious law, are reported by the Talmud '"^ to have
acted as presidents of the judicial tribunal. On the whole,
however, the Exilarch was not a representative of religious,
that is to say, spiritual Judaism. His ambitions and aspira-
tions were of a worldly and political nature. Such was the
natural consequence of the fact that the office was hereditary
in one family, which traced its pedigree to the house of
David. Not only the Exilarchs themselves, but also the Jews
in general looked upon their rule as a continuation of the old
Judean kingdom.'"^ Conscious of their dignity and power,
the Exilarchs often placed themselves above the spiritual
leaders of the people. Talmudic literature affords numerous
""Lazarus, pp. 143, n. 2; 148, n. i; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I,
p. II, n. 4.
^ Shabbat, 55a, Mo'ed Katan, i6b, Kiddushin, 44J; comp. Lazarus,
p. 96, n. 5.
^^ The verse, " The scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a
lawgiver from between his feet" (Gen. 49, 10), was accordingly
interpreted as referring to the Exilarchs and Patriarchs of Babylonia
and Palestine; see Synhedrin, 5a; comp. Ginzberg, I. c, p. i. Bacher,
however, properly remarks (/£., V, 289), that the Baraita intends to
cast a reflection on the Exilarchs. Sherira, p. 27, puts upon the
Baraita the interpretation of the Talmud, that Babylon is more
important than Palestine; comp. Tosafot ad locum; Lazarus, p. 142.
96 SAADIA GAON
instances of the ill-treatment of eminent scholars by Ex-
ilarchs, and especially by their unscrupulous officials.^
This attitude gradually created a certain antagonism to
the ruling house among the people, notably among the learned
men, which has found expression in various passages of the
Talmud.*** There is, however, no proof that the Exilarchs
ever made themselves so objectionable as to arouse a
general desire to see the office abolished. On the contrary,
whatever dissatisfaction may have been felt at times, it was
cheerfully suppressed in favor of this real or supposed Da-
vidic dynasty, the only remnant of ancient glory. Thus, at a
later period, under the dominion of the Arabs, when the
privileges of the Exilarchs had been considerably curtailed,
and their former independence in dealing with the Jewish
population so reduced that the government would not recog-
nize them unless they had been chosen by popular vote, the
people remained loyal to the traditional house of David and
regularly elected a member of the royal family."** •Moreover,
a few of the Exilarchs of Talmudic times endeared them-
selves by great learning, noble conduct, and just administra-
tion. Many legendary stories were later woven about their
names, glorifying their memory.
Very little is known of the history of the individual Ex-
ilarchs under the Muhammedan rule, from 660. when a
prince by the name of Bostanai was elected to the office,
down to the time of Saadia. Several incidents that can be
adduced from the scanty sources indicate, however, that
the strained relations between the Exilarchs and the scholars
of the academies,""" which marked the Talmudic epoch, con-
tinued also during the second period of the Exilarchate.
"" Gittiii, 14b, 67b; 'Abodah Zarah, 38^; Shabbat, 580, 121b;
Yerushahni Baba Batra, end of ch. 5 ; comp. also 'Erubin, 26a ;
Bacher, JE., V, 291, bottom ; Lazarus, p. 149.
^ See Synhedrin, 38a ; Shabbat, 54b, bottom ; Lazarus, pp. 73, n. 6 ;
ISO, n. I.
^Lazarus, pp. 131 fT. ; 145.
^^ Sec the instances given below, p. 103.
SAJDIA'S APPOINTAIEXT TO THE G AON ATE 97
When we reach the century of Saadia, the antagonism
between the two forces assumes a definite form, tending
toward mutual annihilation, until circumstances do prac-
tically put an end to the official existence of both.
If the Exilarchate may be looked upon as a shadowy
representative of the Jewish body-politic after the destruc-
tion of the Jewish state, the Gaonate, as a spiritual organiza-
tion, must be regarded as the informing and inspiring life-
principle of that body. In the history of the Jewish people,
perhaps more than in the history of other peoples, one may
observe, without special effort, the existence side by side of
two important factors, the political and the spiritual; but
with the spiritual always in the foreground. Even during
the time of Israel's political independence, the only period
when the two tendencies might have manifested themselves
equally, this aspect, one may unhesitatingly assert, was pre-
dominant.
The men in whose lives and activities the intellectual and
spiritual aspirations of the nation find clear expression, have
received from time to time different collective designations,
in accordance with the accepted usages and customs of the
respective ages. But whether they appear in history as Elders,
Prophets, Men of the Great Synod, Tannaim, Amoraim,
Saboraim, Geonim, or under the designations of intellectual
leadership in later ages — and while their activities naturally
differ in scope and compass with the varying conditions of
the times — their inspiration and their message are intrinsi-
cally the same throughout all the generations. Their endeav-
ors serve the one great purpose of perpetuating the Torah
and making Israel the worthy people of God. In the
unbroken chain of great men who have worked successively
and successfully for the realization of this high purpose,
the Geonim are the links between the generations of the
Talmud and the Middle Ages. Through them, the heritage
of the Orient comes down to its successor, the Occident.
As is often the case with the great movements and insti-
tutions of a remote past, the beginnings of the Gaonate are
but imperfectly known. Nor is even the original meaning of
7
98 S A AD I A GAON
the title Gaon established beyond doubt. We are here not
concerned, however, with details ; a few general points will
suffice.
The Geonim merely continued the educational work,
mutatis mutandis, of their predecessors, the Saboraim, who
in turn succeeded the Amoraim, the creators of the Tal-
mud."^' The two Babylonian academies, over which they
presided, were founded by two distinguished Amoraim, Rab
and Samuel, as early as the first part of the third cen-
tury. Their work differed from that of their forerunners,
inasmuch as they did not feel themselves called upon to add
to the content of the Talmud or to change its form. They
confined themselves to its study, elucidation, and interpre-
tation. Eventually they also issued legal and religious deci-
sions in doubtful cases. Their function, thus, would hardly
in itself have justified the assumption of the new designation
( Gaon = Highness, Excellency). This title, then, w^hatever
the reason for its selection may have been, was not intended,
like the earlier class-names mentioned, to be descriptive of
the scholarly activity and significance of its bearers. It must
have attached itself to their names in their official capacity
as the religious representatives of Babylonian Jewry, recog-
nized as such by the government. Its adoption as a symbol
of office must, therefore, coincide with the governmental
recognition and endorsement of that office.
There are no definite data enabling us to determine when
this recognition by the government took place. On general
grounds, supported by an incidental reference by the Gaon
'"' The differences between the Geonim and Amoraim pointed out
by Ginzbcrs, Gconica, I, 6, maj- readiK- be admitted, yet these differ-
ences are the natural result of changed times and conditions. The
general aspect of the development of Jewish tradition and its repre-
sentatives is not altered thereby. In its basic idea this view coincides
willi the doctrine of the uninterrupted continuity of Jewish tradition,
which is emphasized by all Jewish writers. That the scholars of
every generation are the successors of the prophets is often expressed
also by Saadia; see 'Emunot, ed. Slucki. p. .49. bottom; Harkavy,
Zikron, V, 158, n. 5; Steinschneider, AlfCirahi, 115, n. 49; comp.
Dieterici, Wcltscclc, pp. 139, 175.
SAADIA'S APFOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 99
Sherira, the historian par excellence of the Geonim, it may
be assumed with a high degree of certainty that it happened
under the fourth caHph, 'AH, the son-in-law of Muhammed.
In the year 658 he granted rehgious autonomy to the acad-
em)^ of Sura,"^' freeing it from the jurisdiction of the Exil-
archs, who prior to that time had meddled in its afifairs. It is
true that the same Sherira designates as Geonim all the
scholars that presided over the two academies long before
the rise of the Caliphate, beginning with the year 589. This
does not prove, however, that these scholars were actually
invested with the title in their own time. Nor is there any
evidence to prove that the title Gaon had come into use in
the earlier period. It is known that the continuity of presi-
dents of the two Babylonian academies, Sura and Pum-
bedita, had been interrupted for several decades previous to
the year 589. Owing to persecutions by some of the Per-
sian rulers, both institutions had to close their doors.""" The
period of the Saboraim had thus been brought to an abrupt
end. But with the accession of the humane Chosru II
(589) settled conditions returned, and the academy of
Pumbedita resumed its work at once ; the academy of Sura
following, so far as is known, twenty years later (609).^'"
Sherira obviously considers the period during which the
academies were closed as marking the end of the old line of
presidents, known under the title Saboraim, and the inaugu-
ration of a new line. The later line, beginning with the
year 589 and extending to 658, had no distinguishing title,
except the one that has always been used as a general
designation, Reshe Metihata, Heads of the Academies.
Sherira, therefore, not caring to make a distinction between
the presidents of the academies under Persian rule and those
'""Graetz, V, Note 13; English edition, III, 90 i.; comp. Ginzberg,
'• <"-, P- 53- That the Caliph gave special privileges to the academy of
Sura may be disputed, but the fact remains that the spiritual leaders
of the people chose Sura as the institution representing Babylonian
Jewry as an autonomous religious body.
^'"'Graetz (English), ITI, 4 f . ; comp. Briill, Jahrbilcher, II, 50-53-
^'' Graetz, /. c, pp. 9 f .
icx) SAADIA GAON
under the Caliphate, applied the title Gaon, very general in
his days, to all the past presidents alike. For the same
reason he also designates as Geonim all the presidents of the
Pumbedita academy, although, as has been proved lately,
they probably received that title only under the Caliphate of
Al-Ma'mun (830)."^ He even applies the title, though not
so consistently, to Amoraim who happened to be presi-
dents of the academies — for example to R. Hisda (died 309)
andR. VVshi (died 427)/"
It is therefore unnecessary either to continue the period
of the Saboraim into the seventh century, or to reach back
for the origin of the title Gaon into the time of Persian rule.
The truth is that the Saboraic period ended in the middle of
the sixth century. Then followed a gap of about forty years
of total inactivity. When the work of the two schools was
finally resumed, their rectors had no specific titles differen-
tiating them as a class, until the second half of the seventh
centur}^ when the Muhammedan rulers granted to the spirit-
ual leaders of Judaism full religious authority with definite
rights and compensation. But even then only the heads of
the more renowned academy of Sura assumed the title " Ex-
cellency " (Gaon). Those of the sister academy in Pum-
bedita remained what they had been theretofore, rectors of
their institution, without special titles'" or privileges. In
all official matters they had to submit to the jurisdiction of
the Exilarchs, whilst in religious questions they depended
upon the decisions of Sura. This state of afifairs continued
until the year 830, when, under the new regulations of Al-
Ma'mun, they were put on an equal footing with the Geonim
in Sura, which meant, likewise, their liberation from the in-
"^Graetz, V, Note 12, no. 6; English edition, III, 155, i;-;;
Ginzbcrg, Geonica, I, 54.
"^ Comp. Briill, Jahrbiicher, II, 50, n. '/2.
""Poznanski (JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 402), however,
thinks that the Pumbeditan rectors too may have assumed the title
Gaon, though they were not recognized as Geonim by the authorities
of Sura.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE loi
terference of the Exilarchs in their internal affairs.'"
Morally,"" however, they did not gain the standing and recog-
nition enjoyed by the chiefs of Sura, except perhaps for
occasional short periods, when one or another among them
happened to excel his rival in Sura through extraordinary
learning or other personal qualities.
To this brief summary of the main points in the external
history of the Geonim it remains but to add a few observa-
tions concerning the relations between the spiritual heads
of Jewry and their political counterparts, the Exilarchs. It
was noted before that a more or less outspoken antagon-
ism between the Exilarchs and the leading scholars had
existed as far back as Talmudic times. So long as the
spiritual representatives of Talmudic Judaism were not
organized into a regular religious body, with a well-defined
religious policy, the antagonism of some of the worldly,
often religiously lax. Princes of the Exile could express
itself only sporadically and individually. With the grow-
ing importance of the academies, however, when their
influence over all classes of the Jewish population, especially
the humble pious masses, had become a factor to be reckoned
with, the Princes, always jealously safeguarding their dig-
nity and prestige, could not avoid misgivings that eventually
led to open, inimical action.
The bad feeling between the two forces could only have
been aggravated, when, under the leadership of a stfong
president, as, for example, R. Ashi, the academies suc-
"^ Nevertheless even after this time quarrels between the Exilarchs
and the Pumbedita academy occurred quite often, due, as we shall
see later, to the strained relations that existed between the two
houses. The power of the Exilarchs, however, was gone, and at a
later period we even find that the Geonim deposed unpleasant
Exilarchs.
"' Financially, too, there was a great distinction made between the
two academies, Sura receiving two-thirds of certain revenues, while
Pumbedita received one-third. This unequal distribution of the
income was changed only by the Gaon Kohen Zedek in 926, when it
was decided that both institutions should divide equally ; see below,
pp. 106 f.; Graetz (English), III, 93 f.
102 SAADIA GAON
ceeded in lessening' the authority of the Exilarchate and
abolishintj some of its former rights and prerogatives.""
Of the relation existing between the two sides during the
short Saboraic period nothing is known. in the tur-
bulent times of the sixth century, when persecution fol-
lowed persecution, there was hardly any spirit left in Baby-
lonian Jewry for the adjustment of internal differences.
The academies had finally to suspend their work, and the
Exilarchate existed only nominally, if at all.""' When under
the last Sassanid kings, at the beginning of the seventh
century, more favorable conditions for the Jews set in, and
the academies resumed their activity under the presidency
of the so-called earlier Geonim, the bickerings between them
and the Exilarchs must have assumed a grave character."'
There are no details relating to the inner history of the in-
stitutions under these Geonim. However, one statement of
Sherira, the only contemporary historian of theGeonic period,
regarding the conditions then prevailing, speaks volumes.
Having discussed the succession of the Pumbedita Geonim of
that early period, he declares : *' The succession of the Geonim
at .Sura in those earlier years (up to 689) is not quite clear
to me, owing to the disorders and revolutions caused by the
Exilarchs, who deposed Geonim and installed them again." "'
It should not be thought, however, that the Geonim of
his own academy, at Pumbedita. fared any better, though
he appears to be better informed on their early history. A
g-lance at the report of Sherira proves, to tlie contrary, that
the Pumbedita institution was subject to the same ill-treat-
"' Comp. Lazarus, pp. 104, 111-113.
'"Lazarus, p. 128.
"' Of the conditions prevailing during that period Sherira, p. 33,
has the following to say : " Under the Persian regime and at the
beginning of Muhammedan rule the Exilarchs wielded tyrannical
power and exercised great authority, for they bought the Exilarchate
with large sums of money. There were some among them who
harrassed the scholars and oppressed them greatly ; " comp. Lazarus,
p. 140.
"'Neubauer, MJC, I, 136; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, T, 15.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 103
ment by the Exilarchs, and for a much longer period than
the one at Sura. As before noted, Sura had succeeded in
obtaining perfect religious autonomy as early as the year
658,"" so that henceforth nothing is heard of any Exilarchal
interference with its management, while Pumbedita re-
mained under the jurisdiction of the Exilarchs for nearly
two centuries longer. During that long period depositions
of Geonim, who for one reason or another had incurred the
displeasure of the Princes, and installations of others, who
proved subservient to their purposes, were of frequent
occurrence. In 719, to quote only one instance, the Gaon
Natronai I, a close relative of the Exilarch, wielded his
power so tyranically that the scholars of his insti-
tution fled to Sura, where they remained until after his
death.^'* To show the nature of Exilarchal interference
with the acadeuty it is also interesting to note that in
828, when two Princes laid claim to the Exilarchate, each
of the pretenders appointed his Gaon, so that for a time
Pumbedita was blessed with two Geonim."" Friction of one
kind or another must have occurred even after the rescript
of Al-Ma'mun (830), when Pumbedita too became inde-
pendent, though for a long interval no case is actually
recorded. About the year 920, shortly before the time of
Saadia's appointment at Sura, we hear again of a violent
feud of five years' standing between the Exilarch 'Ukba and
the Gaon Kohen Zedek,""' or according to the account of
Sherira, between the Exilarch David b. Zakkai and the
"" This date does not necessarily conflict with the statement of
Sherira, that there were troubles and disorders prior to 689. For
the words NnsntJI NTlK^IDn jinn n^KI need not be taken so
literally as to cover also the last three decades (658-689). The men
were not always at war, and there were also times of peace. More-
over, it may have taken some time before the Exilarchs got used to
the new order of things, and during that time friction may have
occurred, though no record thereof has come to us.
"* Sherira, 35 ; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 16.
*" Sherira, p. 38, top; comp. Ginzberg, /. c, p. 21 ; Graetz (English),
HI, 155 f.
"' Nathan ha-Babli, p. 79.
104 SAADIA GAON
Gaon Mubaslishir of Pumbedita and his supporters."^ There
are indications that even at Sura things were not always
very quiet, though the Exilarchs may not have dared to use
the same tactics as in Pumbedita. The fact that Sherira
does not record any instance of Exilarchal meddhng with
the atTairs of that academy, does not prove its total ab-
sence. Sherira, as is well known, was particularly inter-
ested in relating the history of his own academy (Pum-
bedita) and shows no intention of describing in detail the
events at Sura. It is hardly probable that the quarrel be-
tw'een the above-mentioned Exilarch David b. Zakkai and
Saadia, which we are now about to discuss, was the first in the
long history of the Sura academy since its emancipation in
the seventh century. Similar conflicts must have arisen at
previous times. They may not have been followed by such
grave consequences as in the case in question, and were
therefore passed by without special notice. Be that as it
may, the history of the Exilarchs and the Geonim shows
sulifiiciently that from the very beginning to the very end
of their dual existence conflicting ideas and interests were
at play, w'hich filled both parties with mutual distrust and
suspicion and often moved them to acts of open warfare.
If we bear these facts in mind, the bitterness with which the
war was finally waged between those whom we may call
"* Sherira, p. 40. Various attempts have been made at explaining
and reconciling the widelj' divergent reports on this dispute by the
two authors, Nathan and Sherira; see the discission of the subject
in Graetz' Geschichte, V, Note 12, no. 7, and more recently Ginzberg,
Geonica, I, 55-66; comp. Marx, ZfhB., XIII (1909), pp. 169 f . ;
Poznanski, JQR., 1913, pp. 401 f. This much disputed problem
does not concern us here. To my mind a reconciliation between the
two contradicting sources is not possible, and credence should be
given to Nathan as against Sherira. Nathan writes like an historian
describing events with much detail. His account is thus supported
by internal evidence. Sherira, on the other hand, chronicles names
and dry facts, for which he is often the only source, thus escaping
our further control. Finally, Nathan is eye-witness of most of the
events he relates, Sherira relies on other chroniclers or tradition.
In the subsequent pages we therefore follow Nathan's account.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 105
the last Exilarch on the one side and the last Gaon of Sura "°
on the other, will appear almost as the natural outcome of an
age-old feud between two families struggling for supremacy.
In this case particularly, however, personal differences
seem to have given the first impetus to the opening of
hostilities.
Before discussing this matter, however, we must consider
the conditions that prevailed in the Sura academy shortly
before the election of Saadia to the Gaonate and the imme-
diate causes that led to that election.
In the life of an institution as in the life of an individual,
there is a period of growth and development, a period of
persistent strength and vigor, and naturally also the period
of gradual falling off and final dissolution. The Geonic insti-
tution at Sura, not to speak of its sister at Pumbedita, which
had a somewhat different career, manifested in a marked
degree during the long stretch of its existence, all these
signs of growth, vigor and decline. At the time with which
we are here concerned, toward the end of the ninth century,
it had long passed the culminating point of its vitality and
was rapidly nearing its end. It had spent its vital energy and
was about to die of exhaustion. It ceased to produce able
men who could take charge of its affairs and keep it alive.
The historian is wont to look for more immediate and definite
causes to account for the decay of institutions, as a
physician seeks for some special disease as the particular
cause of death, although age and general decrepitude
might be sufficient explanation. In the case of the Sura
Gaonate it is not hard to find external causes to account
for its decline. Sherira (p. 39) informs us that the Gaon R.
Malka (about 887) died after an incumbency of only one
month, and that during a period of three months at about
the same time, an unusual mortality prevailed, carrying off
"* About fifty years later, it is true, the Suran academy was reopened
under the headship of Samuel b. Hophni (see below, note 281). His
Gaonate however, is to be regarded as a detached relic of the past
rather than a direct continuation thereof. The attempts to revive
the Exilarchate were still less successful ; see below, note 283.
io6 SAADIA GAON
most of the older scholars. No doubt their death was due to
some epidemic disease. In the years that followed things
went from bad to worse. The Geonim that succeeded one
anotlier for the next three decades, to judge from the little
we know about them, were quite insignificant men. When
the Gaon Shalom b. Mishael died (911), Sherira says " Con-
ditions at Sura became extremely bad, and there were no
scholars left." A certain R. Jacob b. Natronai was appointed
to succeed Shalom, and when he too passed away, after an in-
cumbency of thirteen years, the Exilarch 13avid b. Zakkai, in
order not to leave the chair vacant, saw himself compelled
to " ordain " a certain Yom Tob Kahana, " although he was a
weaver by trade.'" He occupied the chair for four
years (924-928). Upon his death it was first contemplated
to abolish the Gaonate of Sura altogether and to transplant
the resident members to Pumbedita. After some delibera-
tion, it was agreed to retain the Gaonate of Sura, at least
nominally, by the appointment of a titular Gaon, who was to
have his seat in Pumbedita. The choice fell upon an 'Alluf
of the Pumbedita academy named Nathan, an uncle of the
Gaon Sherira. But the Gaon-elect died before he had a
chance to assume his dignity. His death seems to have been
taken as a sign of Providential disapproval of the intention
to abolish the old academy of Sura. The plan was given up,
although no acceptable candidate was at hand to fill the
vacancy .""^
This was in brief the situation at Sura in the year 928.
It represents the nadir of a long downward movement, which
in the last few decades had been hastened considerably by
the newly strengthened position of the Pumbedita academy.
In the measure in which Sura lost in power and prestige,
the Pumbedita institution, by virtue of its more prominent
Geonim. gained in ascendency, attracting a larger number
of disciples. In 926 the able and energetic Gaon Kohen
Zedek even succeeded in diverting a part of the income of
'"Sherira, p. 3g; comp. Graetz (English), III, 192.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 107
the academy of Sura to the treasury of the college of Pum-
bedita, thus putting an end also to the financial supremacy
of Sura."'
These adverse conditions did not discourage the Exilarch
David b. Zakkai from trying to invest some scholar with the
honor of the Sura Gaonate. His first thought was to offer
the position either to Saadia, or to one Zemah b. Shahin, a
man of noble parentage and of some learning. It seems,
however, that neither of the two was entirely satisfactory
to him. Saadia, although for some years an active member
of the academy, was a foreigner by birth. Theretofore the
Geonic dignity had been hereditary in a few families, some
of whom even claimed Davidic descent.'''' To judge from
several instances recorded in the sources, they were all in-
terrelated, being in this respect, too, an exact parallel to the
Exilarchs, with whom they were also often linked by inter-
marriage."' Hence the appointment of Saadia involved the
breaking of all precedents. David b. Zakkai seems to have
entertained a natural reluctance to go to this extreme.""
But the other candidate, probably of Geonic origin, to which
the phrase " noble parentage '' seems to allude, did not pos-
sess the necessary qualities for the presidency of the academy.
^" Neubauer, MJC, II, 78; Graetz, /. c, pp. 183 f. There are some
doubts as to the authorship of the text preceding the report of
Nathan ha-Babli, for which see Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 34 ff. ; comp.
Marx's review of Ginzberg's work in ZfhB., XIII, 169, where this
point is also touched upon.
^' Sherira, p. 33, points out with pride that he was a descendant of
an ancient Exilarchal family, which traced its pedigree to the house
of David; comp. Abraham b. David, il^Dpn "ITD (Neubauer, MJC,
I, 66) ; Ginzberg, /. c, pp. 9 f . ; above, notes 18, 150.
^Sherira, p. 35, tells of the Gaon Natronai I (719), that he was
related to the Exilarchal house ; comp. Ginzberg, I. c, p. 16.
"° As we have seen above (note 18) Saadia claimed noble ancestry,
tracing his origin to the Mishnaic teacher Hanina b. Dosa, or even as
far back as Shelah, the son of Judah. He voiced this claim, however,
at a much later period, when his enemies pointed with scorn to his
supposed lowly origin ; see Harkavy, Zikroii, V, 164, n. 10.
loS SAADIA GAON
The Exilarch therefore decided to offer the position to R.
Nissi Nahrawani, a blind man, who was generally respected
on account of his extreme piety. On a previous occasion he
had played an important part in bringing about a reconcilia-
tion between the same David and his opponent, the Gaon
Kohen Zedek of Pumbedita. Nahrawani, however, declined
the honor on the ground of his blindness. Asked to make
some suggestion as to a jiossible candidate, he refused to
express himself. The Exilarch then solicited his opinion re-
garding Saadia and Zemah b. Shahin. R. Nissi at once ad-
vised the choice of Zemah. He expressed the greatest ad-
miration for Saadia's learning and character, but knowing
Saadia's independent spirit and the dictatorial disposition of
the Exilarch, he anticipated trouble between the two men.
" It is true," R. Nissi explained. " that Saadia is a great man,
of extraordinary learning ; but he is absolutely fearless, and
by reason of his great learning and wisdom, eloquence and
piety, he does not consider anybody in the world." These
words of praise and caution produced the opposite effect
from that intended, for David now said : " I have decided
and will appoint Saadia." To this R. Nissi replied : " Do
as you have determined, I shall be the first one to sit at
his feet and hearken to his words." Thereupon '" Saadia
^Nathan, on whose report the foregoing presentation is based,
has here: n3''C^ "''T'O^n ^JD^I P"IV IHD ''JSn nyc' HDIX 'in:\"lJn
NTiD n3''ti'"' c'N"! nrn!? imrai NnnnoiD. Ncubauer (p. 80)
reads imJTlJn, in the plural, probably because of the following
'iniJ''DV but as the Exilarch is not mentioned separately, it seems pref-
erable to read liUTUn, the singular form thus referring to David,
who introduced Saadia to the assembly. However, this is not of
importance. More important are the words X\VU nmx, which
certainly mean " at once," or " immediately." Unless the words were
overlooked, or Nathan disregarded as untrustworthy on this point,
it is hard to see why all modern biographers of Saadia, prior to the
discovery of the Genizah, should have assumed that lie was living in
Egypt at the time of his appointment as Gaon. We need not contend
now against this erroneous view, which originated with Abraham b.
David. Nathan's report points to a meeting of the Exilarch, the
Gaon Kohen Zedek, and the leading members of both academies
either in the house of the Exilarch, or in tlie academy of Sura,
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 109
was invited to appear before the Gaon Kohen Zedek and
the other dignitaries of the Pumbedita academy, and was
solemnly installed as Gaon of Sura. This event took place
in the month of lyyar, 928, Saadia being then thirty-six years
old/"
Only too soon did the blind man's apprehension prove true.
At first only slight friction occurred, without immediately
serious consequences/^ But two years after Saadia's in-
stallation a fierce struggle broke out between the Gaon and
the Exilarch, which, in the bitterness manifested by both
parties, as well as in its far-reaching consequences for Baby-
lonian Jewry, surpassed all similar quarrels known in the long
history of the Geonim.
The immediate cause of the rupture — a litigation by heirs
to a fortune, which the Exilarch decided so as to bring great
gain to himself — was important enough to explain Saadia's
opposition. Nevertheless, judging from what we know
about the administration of the Exilarchs in general and
that of David b. Zakkai in particular, we may take it for
granted that the incident in question was not the only one of
its kind to come to the notice of Saadia. It must have been
part of an established system of administrative abuses and
perversions of justice, which a man of Saadia's integrity and
love of right could not possibly countenance.
The special case which the Gaon probably regarded as a
capsheaf of iniquity, is characteristic of the conditions pre-
vailing. The decision of the Exilarch in the lawsuit before
his court, would have put one tenth of the disputed amount
into his own coffers. To give legal authority to his decree
the Exilarch had to obtain the signatures of the two Geonim.
for which a Gaon was to be chosen. As soon as the choice fell
upon Saadia, he was called in and formally presented by the
Exilarch to the assembled board and the scholars of the Pumbedita
academy. To the scholars of Sura he needed no introduction, as
he had been a member of that academy for about six years prior
to his appointment.
^Sherira, p. 40, top [but see Postscript'].
*" Comp. Gractz (English), III, 194.
no SAADIA GAON
He sent the documents first to Saadia. The latter, upon
exaniininc^ them, saw through the scheme and found it
impossible to affix his signature. Wishing to avoid un-
pleasantness, he advised the litigants to secure first the
signature of the Gaon Kohen Zedek of Pumbedita. He may
have hoped that his senior would recognize the unfairness of
the decree and would undertake to settle the matter in some
acceptable way. But Kohen Zedek was not so scrupulous
as Saadia. He signed the documents without raising any
objection, possibly without scrutiny. When the matter was
brought back to Saadia, he at first tried to escape the difficulty
by the statement that his signature was superfluous, since
those of the Exilarch and of the other Gaon had been affixed.
The litigants realized that this was only a pretext and re-
peatedly adjured him to tell them the real reason for his
refusal. The truth could be hidden no longer. Saadia had
to point out and to explain the points of illegality in the Exil-
archal decision which made him withhold his assent. The
parties concerned returned to the Exilarch and informed him
of the situation. Aroused by the daring of the Gaon, the
Exilarch sent his son Judah to Saadia with the command :
" Go and tell him in my name that he shall at once endorse
the documents." Judah carried the message, and Saadia
received it with the words : " Tell your father that it is writ-
ten in the Torah (Deuteronomy, i, ly) 'Ye shall not respect
persons in judgment.' " The Prince of the Captivity, infur-
iated by the answer, forgot all etiquette and through his
son reiterated categorically: "Sign and don't be a fool!"
The son, who was to deliver this order, thought it wiser
to suppress it, so as not to widen the breach. Instead he
implored the Gaon to yield, in order to avoid a rupture. But
Saadia was not the man to surrender in a question that in-
volved a religious principle. David b. Zakkai. incensed be-
yond measure, sent his son again and again to Saadia with
abusive messages and threats, which were turned by the
princely messenger into friendly appeals and expostulations.
But all to no avail. Finally Judah, too, wearied of walking
to and fro with his father's fruitless orders. \\'hen his last
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE in
effort at persuasion had failed, in a moment of exasperation,
he raised his hand ag'ainst the Gaon, threatening to strike him
if he did not sign immediately. Hardly had the prince finished
speaking, when he was seized by Saadia's attendants and
thrust from the room. The doors were locked to prevent
his re-entrance. Judah went home defeated, and, " with
tears running from his eyes," reported to his father what had
happened. IMatters were now beyond repair. David b.
Zakkai excommunicated the obstinate scholar and declared
his office vacant. To the Gaonate he appointed a young and
insignificant Rabbi, one Joseph b. Jacob, called also Bar-
Satia.^ Saadia, not in the least discouraged, retaliated in
kind, excommunicating David b. Zakkai and declaring him
to be no longer Exilarch. To the vacant throne he appointed
Josiah Hasan, a brother, or, according to Sherira, a nephew
of David b. Zakkai."^'
At once two opposing factions were formed, the one
siding with the Exilarch, the other with the Gaon. With
Saadia were the richest people of Babylonia, the scholars
of the academies,''^ and all the prominent men in the com-
munity of Bagdad, among them the wealthy and highly re-
spected Natira family.'" David b. Zakkai, on the other hand,
"■* This Joseph seems to have been a member of a Gaonic family,
for he is described as D"'J1NJ |3 Pi<^ ; see Harkavy, Zikron, V,
227, n. 6, 229, n. 9, and p. 233, line 10.
^'' The above presentation is a free reproduction of Nathan's
Report, p. 81.
="'" Nathan, p. 80, line 10 from below, says nU ''»''' PI H^'D^D, in the
plural, which suggests that even some of the scholars of the
Pumbedita academy, whose Gaon sided with the Exilarch, sympa-
thized with Saadia. See. however, below, note 239.
^■" Nothing whatever was known about this family prior to 1903,
v.-hen a highly interesting manuscript from the Genizah, containing
a sort of a family history of the house Natira, was published in
Arabic, by Harkavy, in Berliner's Festschrift, pp. 34-43- The writer,
a contem.porary of Saadia, tells of a plot by a high official of the
Caliph Al-Mu"tadid (892-902) to exterminate the Jews, which was
frustrated by a dream of the Caliph that led to the elevation of
Natira. The latter, immensely wealthy and charitable, remained in
his high position at the court of the Caliphs until his death (916),
112 . SAADIA GAON
was supported by his courtiers, as also by the Gaon Kohen
Zedek, whose eagerness for the downfall of Saadia and the
Sura academy appears to have been prompted by the desire
that his own college might become the sole authority of Baby-
lonian Jewry. He had, indeed, already disgraced his name
and office by signing, or perhaps even assisting in the com-
position of the Exilarchal " Letter of Excommunication ""*
against Saadia. In the baseness of its tone and the vileness
of its accusations this document has its equal only in the
diatribe of Sarjadah mentioned below.'^" Prominent mem-
bers of the Pumbedita academy*" followed their chief's ex-
ample, either because they had to do his bidding, or because
they shared his feeling.
when he was succeeded by his son Sahl, who, like another son,
Isaac, followed the example of his noble father, caring lavishly for
the poor and the needy, Jews and Muhammedans alike. It is these
two brothers to whom Nathan ha-Babli refers as the KT'DJ ^J2
(p. 80, line 6 from below). The father he had mentioned twice
before (pp. 78, line 4 from below; 79, line 11; comp. p. 83, line 8).
Harkavy, /. c, p. 34, remarks that no mention of Natira is made any-
where else in Jewish literature, but a few years later the " Sons of
Natira" appeared again in a fragmentary letter in Ginzberg's
Geonica, II, 87; comp. I. Friedlaender, JQR., XVII, 753, who
suggests that the fragment on the Natira family published by
Harkavy and the Report of Nathan ha-Babli are portions of one and
the same book written by Nathan under the title Ti^lJIl "IX23X,
"The History of Bagdad," which is not improbable; comp. p. 293.
"^ Published first by Geiger, Jiidische Zcitschrift, X, 172 flf., then
by Harkavy, Zikron, V, 231-234. This was not the only missile
David and Kohen Zedek directed against Saadia, as the Karaite
epitomizcr mentions there (p. 231, lines 21-23) other, more extensive,
writings by the same authors.
"^^ Sec below, note 246a.
*™ Of these only one is known with some degree of certainty. In
his "'1^:n "ISO (Harkavy, Zikron, V, 167, line 15) Saadia mentions
among his enemies one Ilananiah, whose name he changes disparag-
ingly into 'Ananiah=rthe lamentable one. As Harkavy, /. c, p. 144,
properly remarks, Saadia has reference to Sherira's father, Hananiali
b. Judah, who later became Gaon of Pumbedita (938-43) ; comp.
above, note 236, and below, p. 126.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 113
The most violent and most influential opponent of Saadia
was one Aaron b. Joseph Ibn Sarjadah "" of Bagdad, a mer-
chant of great wealth and at the same time a scholar and
writer of no small accomplishments, who at a later period suc-
ceeded in usurping the Gaonate of Pumbedita. This man
hardly deserves the respect and consideration usually ac-
corded to him by modern authors. He may have been a
great scholar, as is attested by contemporary sources,^*^ and
he may also have possessed other good qualities — liberality,
devotion to communal interests, and the like. But from all
that is related of him in the same sources, he was also a
man of violent, quarrelsome, and vindictive temper, and
of an absolutely tyrannical bent of mind. There is no doubt
that he had himself aspired to the Gaonate of Sura '*^
prior to the appointment of Saadia, but his candidacy, it
""His first name in Arabic was Halaf (^^D), for which Nathan
regularly substitutes the Biblical Kaleb (273), while Sherira,
Abraham b. David, and others have Aaron. Saadia (Harkavy,
Zikron, V, 167, line 14; REJ., LXVIII, 9, top), playing on the name
Kaleb, calls him ^r*)?- The meaning of the surname is unknown and
even the writing uncertain. Steinschneider, Arabische Literatiur,
§ 34, adopts nnxilTD, which I follow in the transliteration; comp.
Steinschneider, JQR., XI, 126, no. 282 ; Harkavy's note in the Hebrew
translation of Graetz's Geschichte der Juden, vol. HI, p. 291 ; Graetz,
Geschichte, V, 4th edition, p. 293, n. 4.
^*^ See Steinschneider, Arab. Literatur, § 34. In a marginal note of
a MS. of Maimonides's Guide (see below, pp. 133 f.), probably written
by Maimonides himself, Sarjadah is mentioned among the learned
men who wrote against the doctrine of the eternity of matter. A
passage from his Arabic commentary on the Pentateuch, section
HDISn nKTI, is quoted by Joseph b. Judah, probably the pupil of
Maimonides, known as Ibn "Aknin (comp. Poznanski, JQR., XVII,
168 f.), in a fragment of a work on calendar, published by Hirschfeld,
JQR., XVI, 690-694. Other passages from the same commentary
were published (from a MS. work of Tanhum Jerushalmi, 13th
century) by Harkavy, in his D''JC'^ D3 D"'ti>nn, X (Warsaw, 1896,
reprint from the Hebrew edition of Graetz's History, V), 23.
Sarjadali is also the author of a commentary on the tractate Yebamot,
quoted by Ginzberg, Geonica, II, 67.
"^ Comp. Geiger, Jiidische Zeitschrift, X, 172.
8
114 SAADIA GAON
appears, was not even considered.'" He is reported to have
been a good dialectician. On any question submitted to him
he was able to give more than one satisfactory answer.
Nevertheless Saadia's extraordinary learning and brilliancy
put him lamentably into the shade.'" Morbidly vainglorious
and ambitious, he bore a grudge against the generally
admired scholar, which may have been enhanced by the lat-
ter's independent spirit and perhaps open disregard for his
person. Thus, when the quarrel broke out between Saadia
and David b. Zakkai he thought his opportunity had come
to get even with his stronger rival, and he at once joined
hands with the Exilarch.
The two parties arrayed themselves for the combat. Their
first weapons, as we have seen, were mutual excommuni-
cations and depositions, and the appointment of substitutes
to fill the two imaginary vacancies. That pens on both sides
were kept busy writing recriminatory proclamations and
circular letters goes without saying.'" The battle of procla-
mations in the Ben Meir controversy was but an insignificant
skirmish compared with the present struggle. A Karaite
of the time, who, like all of his sect naturally rejoiced in the
trouble of their lifelong opponent, has done history the
service of preserving extracts from a scandalous diatribe by
Aaron Sarjadah,"' a sad example of the demoralized and
demoralizing spirit that invaded the ranks of Saadia's op-
ponents. The document is full of the coarsest invectives,
and some of its accusations, repeated again and again, are
so vile and impudent that one shrinks from reproducing
them."'"
"" As noted before, the Exilarch considered only Nahrawani,
Zemah, and Saadia.
' "' Nathan, p. 80.
'" See above, note 2.38.
"" Published by Geiper, Ji'idische Zeitschr'ift, X, 173-178; Harkavj-,
Zikron, V, 225 ff.
'"""In virulence and obscenity it exceeds anythinq- of the sort I
have ever seen — the manifesto of the Spaniards at tlie time of the
Armada scarcely comes near it" (D. S. Margoliouth, JQR., XII,
506).
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 115
We may take it for granted that in turn Saadia and his
adherents did not spare their antagonists. They probably
issued counterattacks no whit gentler, which subsequent
generations have wisely allowed to fall into oblivion. But
it is safe to assume that nothing similar to the defamatory
libel of Sarjadah ever issued from the pen of Saadia.
We have one example of the manner in which Saadia
defended himself during this quarrel, which fully bears
out our assumption. In the Introduction to one of his
works, called Sefer ha-Galui (The Open Book''") he replies
to some of the charges brought against him by his enemies,
such as David b. Zakkai, Aaron Sarjadah, and others,
whom he mentions by name. Aside from general derogatory
epithets, like " wicked " and " ignorant," and rather childish
plays ^* on the names of his opponents, which he tries to jus-
tify by citing similar literary diversions in the Bible, there is
not one word of objectionable or abusive character. If we
reflect that the work in question was written at a time when
Saadia, having met with crushing defeat at the hands of his
enemies, was compelled to live in retirement and seclu-
sion, while the Exilarch's faction were rejoicing over his
downfall, we can easily draw conclusions as to the difference
in character and moral stamina between the two opposing
parties.^'
Violent and determined as the literary feud appears to
have been, it did not produce the results desired by either
side. Both Saadia and David b. Zakkai remained in their
respective offlces, supported and upheld by prominent and
influential friends. In the course of time the situation be-
came untenable, as the adherents of both sides often resorted
^' This meaning of the title as well as the genuineness of the book
and many other points relating thereto have been made the subject
of long controversies ; see for all details the Bibliography, below,
section VI, pp. 387-394-
'^ See notes 239-240 and the references there given ; MargoHouth,
JQR.,X11,527.
^° For this point see the correct remarks of Harkavy (against
MargoHouth), JQR., XII, 533, 552!
ii6 SAADIA GAON
to acts of violence.''" Appeals were made to the govern-
ment of the Caliph. According to the Exilarch's " Letter
of Excommunication " it was Saadia who first invoked the
assistance of the government, and secured the imprison-
ment of some of his assailants."" If this was the case,
he is not to be blamed, for Aaron Sarjadah, with characteristic
brazenness, tells boastfully of severe blows and beatings
administered to the Gaon by his opponent?."'' However that
may have been, the reigning Caliph Al-Muktadir, a fair-
minded and just ruler, did not show himself amenable to the
wishes of the Exilarch and Sarjadah, who tried to efifect
Saadia's forcible deposition and perhaps banishment. Sar-
jadah ofifered ten thousand ducats"" to the treasury of the
Caliph for a decree favoring the Exilarch. The Caliph
="" Riots, street-fighting, interference of the government, and
imprisonment of the rioters are repeatedly mentioned in Sarjada's
Chronique scandaleuse and in the Exilarchal Letter of Excommuni-
cation; see Harkavy, Zikron, V, 227, Hnes 4-5; 230, lines 14-18; 232,
bottom. The contemporary Arabic historian al-Mas"udi (quoted
above, note 20) likewise reports riots.
"^ Harkavy, /. c, p. 232, bottom. This seemingly contradicts the
Report of Nathan (above, p. m) ; for according to that Report
Saadia was excommunicated immediately after his refusal to sign
the Exilarchal decree, and hence, prior to that excommunication,
could have no time, and probably no cause, for appealing to the
government and securing anybody's imprisonment. However, Nathan
does not mention any formal Letter of Excommunication (D"in 3n3)
issued on the spot by the Exilarch. He merely states that the latter
" excommunicated R. Saadia " (DnnH), which no doubt refers to the
Exilarch's general pronouncement against Saadia prior to the issuance
of the official Letter of Excommunication. During the intervening
time both parties may have resorted to acts of violence. Moreover,
the Karaite who reproduced the Letter of Excommunication, being
inimical to Saadia, may have tampered with the text of the document,
adding matter that would prejudice the reader against the Gaon;
Harkavy, /. c, pp. 222 f.
"'Harkavy, I.e., p. 230, lines 14 ff. Saadia himself tells of "at-
tempted assassinations " by his enemies (Harkavy, /. c, p. I55. line il)
and the same is related by Abraham b. David, Neubauer, I, 65 ; comp,
Malter, JOR., N. S., HI (1912-1913), P- 498, line 5-
^'-' So Gractz (English), III, 196, top; Nathan, p. 80, has TIT ^'?^ 'C.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 117
insisted that both sides be heard. He ordered a formal
trial before the judges of his court under the presidency
of the grand-vizir 'Ali b. 'Isa. For some reason the dispute
was not settled one way or the other,'" and Saadia main-
tained his authority as Gaon for about three years, in spite
of all opposition and the rivalry of the counter-Gaon Joseph
b. Jacob.
In October, 932, the Caliph Al-Muktadir was killed in a
rebellion, and Al-Kahir, an unprincipled and dissolute per-
son, who besides was so poor that he had to borrow clothes
for the ceremony of installation,''''' became his successor.
The Exilarch and Sarjadah saw the time opportune, and
again resorted to bribery. This time they met with success.
Al-Kahir did not care a rap which of the two parties was
right or wrong, only which gave the larger sum of money.
Aside from the contributions of Sarjadah and probably of
other individuals, the large sums which David b. Zakkai,
with the aid of the Caliph's officials, is reported to have
extorted from various communities, were no doubt, to serve
this noxious purpose.^'" The Exilarch and his followers
thus came out victorious. Saadia was definitely deposed,
probably not long after Al-Kahir's succession to the throne.
^ Mas'udi, /. c. (see above, notes 20, 250), only says that the parties
were advised to settle their differences before the court, but does not
state whether a settlement was reached or not. Instead he proceeds
with the statement that Saadia maintained his authority over many of
the Jews, and that they paid allegiance to him. It therefore appears
that the decision of the court, if one was reached, was to the effect
that each party should have the right to adhere to its respective
chief without interference by the other. The passage in Mas'iidi was
misinterpreted by Graetz, Geschichte, V, Note 20, no. 9, and Engel-
kemper, De Saadiae Gaonis Vita, p. 12, n. 3.
^^Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, II, 644; comp. ibidem, pp. 649,
654-
^Nathan, p. 86. He adds that in the face of this injustice none
of the heads of the two academies felt it his duty to object to the
procedure. This censure of the Geonim certainly does not include
Saadia, nor does it refer to Saadia's predecessor, but to Joseph b.
Jacob and Kohen Zedek; comp. Graetz (English), III, 194.
ii8 SAADIA GAON
That his enemies tried to secure his banishment, may be as-
sumed. It is certain that they succeeded only in driving
him from his office in Sura, and that for a time he Hved as a
private scholar in Bagdad."' Josiah-Hasan, the brother of
David b. Zakkai, whom Saadia had appointed counter-
Exilarch, was exiled to Horasan,"^' where he remained until
his death. As late as the fourteenth century, several families
claiming Exilarchic descent trace their pedigree to this
Josiah.""
Al-Kahir's reign lasted about a year and a half (Novem-
ber I, 932- April 23, 934).'°° He was succeeded by the
Caliph Al-Radi (934-940)."*^ During the reign of the for-
mer and partly also under the administration of the latter,
who, although a pious and just ruler, need not have been
especially interested in the afifairs of the Gaonate, Saadia was
compelled to live in retirement. He had fought corruption
within the ranks of his own people, but he could not fight
a vicious Caliph and corrupt vizirs. However, though out-
wardly defeated, he was not broken in spirit. Saadia was
not the man to stand or to fall with an office. He did not
derive his greatness and worth from the Gaonate. On the
contrary, it was the Gaonate that had received a further
grant of life by being vested in a Saadia. Despite all the
tribulations and anguish the prolonged struggle and its out-
come must have caused him, he realized that his career as a
teacher and uplifter of his people was not over, and he re-
solved to carry on with even more vigor and energy the task
"' See Graetz, Geschichte, V, Note 20, no. 10. To the proofs
adduced by Graetz maj' be added that from Nathan's description of
Saadia's reconciliation with the Exilarch it also becomes obvious
that prior to that reconciliation Saadia was living in Bagdad. Nathan
relates that while the Exilarch was waiting in Bishr's house the
latter betook himself to Saadia and brought him over to his house
to meet the Exilarch. This proves that Saadia was within reach.
"" Sherira, p. 40 ; comp. Harkavy in Frankel-Graetz's Monatsschrift,
1882, p. 167.
"' Comp. Lazarus, p. 179, no. xiv.
""Weil, Geschichte der Chalifcn, pp. 644, 650.
^^ Ibidem, pp. 650, 677.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 119
to which he had set himself. It was during these years of
retirement and soHtude, that he wrote his best and most
original work, the " Book of Philosophic Doctrines and Re-
ligious Beliefs," which gave the world the first not alone,
but a complete, philosophic system of the Jewish religion.
Its contents and merits are discussed in a later chapter. But
it may here be said in passing that even had Saadia written
nothing else, this book would have been sufficient to entitle
him to the first place among the great m.inds of mediaeval
Jewry. The freshness and originality with which it is writ-
ten, prove that it was not the work of a recluse brooding in
despair over a shattered career and seeking to drown his grief
in literary occupation, but that of a great and highsouled
thinker who, having gone through a trying experience, and
having realized that from the very beginning it was a lost
cause, dismisses the whole matter from his mind, and with
serene superiority turns his attention to what was the real
aim of his life, the elaboration of a system of Jewish thought.
It is characteristic of Saadia's mental attitude while writing
this work that he nowhere so much as alludes either to his
former Gaonate or to any of its phases, although the long
Introduction, in which he speaks of himself and his motives
in the composition of the work, might have given him the
opportunity to do so."'''
In another work, it is true, in the so-called " Open Book,"
written a little later,"" he takes occasion to describe his expe-
riences in the Gaonate and the trials he had passed through.
But even there, at least so far as can be seen from the ex-
tant portion, he does not speak as one bewailing his lot and
reproaching his enemies, but as a warrior who has fought a
battle for God and religion and has come out victorious.
"^Fiirst in his German translation of the work (Leipzig, 1845),
pp. 19 f., notes, suggests, however, that the words DHO 1^ ^''^ "'Dl
'"131 pna 3"'1K {Emunot, ed. Slucki, p. 6) allude to David b.
Zakkai and other enemies of Saadia, which is not improbable; comp.
below, note 496.
^^ See above, notes 247-249.
120 SAADIA GAON
He states explicitly that his purpose in relating the cir-
cumstances and " how he had prayed unto God for deliv-
erance," was merely that he might serve as an example to
others ; that " if they had to endure similar insults and
injuries at the hands of the wicked, they might remain firm
and pray to God rather than lose heart and surrender." *"
As that part of the work which contained Saadia's detailed
account of the events is lost, it is impossible to say what he
meant by his " deliverance." Even if it was merely a refer-
ence to his steadfastness and faith in God in times of trouble
and distress, it is obvious from the marvelous mental vigor
and activity manifested in the works he wrote during this
period, that his reverses did not dishearten him or weaken
his lifelong efforts to further the cause of Judaism and Jew-
ish thought. Moreover, it is safe to assume that during the
time of Saadia's retirement he was supported morally and,
if need was, also materially,'*" by devoted adherents, thus
making it possible for him to give himself to his studies.
The intrigues of Aaron Sarjadah and the extortion of money
from the commvmities by the Exilarch, whereby Saadia's
removal was effected, must have filled all right-thinking
people with horror and contempt for the victors and with
increased love and reverence for the victim. The numerous
admirers of the deposed Gaon in and outside of Bagdad no
doubt continued to recognize him as their teacher and spirit-
="See Malter, JOR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913). p. 492.
^ There is no sufficient ground for the assumption that Saadia
ever was in need of pecuniary support. We may assume, with more
probability, that he was a man of independent means. It is even
questionable whether he received a salarj-, while occupying the
Gaonate. Nathan ha-Babli only mentions that Joseph b. Jacob was
the recipient of a fixed salary. David b. Zakkai in his Letter of
Excommunication (Harkavy, p. 232), in speaking of the good he
had done for the supposedly ungrateful Gaon, does not allude to
a salary, but if the passage (ibidem, p. 233, lines 16 ff.) is correct,
accuses him of having appropriated to himself the donations of
the communities for the academy. However, the sources do not
allow of any categorical assertion in this matter ; comp. Poznanski,
JQR., N. S., vol. Til (1912-1913), p. 400, top.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 121
ual leader, and to befriend him in every way possible. Free
from the cares and responsibihties of office, Saadia was
assidiously devoting his time to literary work, when an
unexpected incident brought a change in the situation, which
led to his re-installation into office.
It was litigation between two parties that had brought
about Saadia's deposition, and it was again litigation that
opened the door to his rehabilitation as Gaon of Sura. Two
litigants decided to have their dispute arbitrated by notables.
The one chose Saadia, the other nominated the Exilarch.
The latter, who considered it a personal insult that anyone
should dare to recognize as judge a man whom he had
deposed and excommunicated, at once sent for the offender,
probably demanding of him to drop Saadia or prepare for
punishment. The man had enough moral stamina to refuse
the demand, whereupon he was seized and given a severe
beating. Wounded and his clothes torn to shreds, he left the
Exilarch's office crying aloud, and telling whomever he met
on the street what had been done to him. The incident
aroused great indignation in the community, especially as the
man so maltreated was a stranger, or at any rate was not
under the jurisdiction of the Exilarch, and therefore had a
right to choose as his judge whomsoever he wished.
The people's patience had now reached its limit. Every-
body in the community was tired of the long-standing feud,
and public opinion demanded that the matter be settled. The
last act of violence on the part of the Exilarch brought the
Jews of Bagdad to their feet. Their representatives visited
Bishr b. Aaron, one of the most prominent men in the com-
munity and the father-in-law of Sarjadah, the apostle of
hatred and feuds, and told him that the situation had become
unbearable. Finally, they said to him : " Rise to action, for
it is your duty, and we shall assist you in the effort to put an
end to this strife, which is fomented only by your son-in-law
Sarjadah.'""' Bishr, probably himself not quite satisfied
^ Nathan, p. 82. The words N^K Hn^D nrXtJ' DP^non I^DH^
TJnna do not mean that peace depended solely on Aaron Sarjada,
so as to warrant the conclusion that when peace was estabHshed.
it was through the winning over of the latter, but declare that
122 SAADIA GAON
with the policies of his son-in-law, realized the earnestness of
the plea. He agreed to take vipon himself the task of restor-
ing peace. He called upon the influential men of the com-
munity, and arranged with them to meet in his house at an
appointed date. The Exilarch, too, was invited, and came.
Then, in the presence of the whole assembly, Bishr addressed
the Exilarch in the following way : " See what you have
done ! How long will you keep up this quarrel without fear-
ing God's punishment? Fear your God and desist from
strife, for you know how grave are its consequences. It is
time now that you try to improve your conduct toward
Saadia, that you make peace with him, and abandon what-
ever grudge you have against him." Dabid b. Zakkai, instead
of resenting this unexpected admonition, showed himself
exceedingly conciliatory. Without argumentation, at least
as far as can be learned from the words of the narrator, he
at once declared himself ready for peace.
By this act of self-denial, as well as by the generosity
he displayed later on, David b. Zakkai fully redeemed himself.
It would seem that the wrongs he had committed toward
Saadia in the heat of conflict were not wholly due to faults
of character, but sprang rather from the ungoverned im-
pulses of a hot-headed aristocrat with a somewhat exag-
gerated opinion of his inherited dignity and place, who would
not brook interference on the part of one whom he had
himself appointed to office and naturally considered his sub-
ordinate. That he fully appreciated Saadia's high qual-
ities,'" he had manifested in the very beginning by the fact
his son-in-law was the only cause of the trouble, and that it was
therefore Bishr's duty to step in the breach and secure peace. That
Bishr actually " succeeded in overcoming the hostility of his son-in-
law " (Graetz (English), III, 200) is not warranted by the sources;
see below, p. 125.
*" It is interesting to note that in his Letter of Excommunication
(Harkavy, p. 232, top, lines 18 ff.) the Exilarch enumerates the good
qualities of Saadia, as pleasant manner, modest}', meekness, etc., by
which he had won his heart and the hearts of the people, but
declares all these qualities to have been a sham, calculated to
deceive him and others.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 123
that he had made the appoinment in spite of the caution of
the pious Nahrawani. But later, after the quarrel had broken
out, even when passion and anger biased his judgment,
he must often have deplored the turn affairs had taken.
Unlike Kohen Zedek and the cunning Sarjadah, he had the
welfare of the Sura Gaonate at heart, and was desirous of
maintaining it on a high level. What he had achieved
through the long fight, however, was quite contrary to his
purpose, for Sura must have lost appreciably in prestige and
standing during the period of inner strife and dissension.
Moreover, he had come to see that in spite of excommunica-
tion and deposition the best elements as well as the rank and
file of the people remained loyal and friendly to the fallen
Gaon.'''* Kohen Zedek, the Gaon of Pumbedita, who, in
the interest of his own college, had joined the cause of the
Exilarch, had in the meantime passed away (935), and his
successor, a certain Zemah b. Kafnai, was entirely insig-
nificant. Altogether, David had come to the realization that
he had been on the wrong side, which had turned out to be
also the weak side.
In view of all this we need not be suprised at the radical
change in the Exilarch's attitude, and his unqualified re-
sponse to Bishr's appeal for peace. Bishr did not lose any
time. As soon as he had the assurance of the Exilarch,
he left the assembly room and betook himself to Saadia,
whom he invited with all the people in attendance, to follow
him to one of his houses, in the same enclosure, opposite the
building in which the Exilarch and his party were waiting.
Arrived there, Bishr addressed Saadia with a speech similar
to that which he had made to David b. Zakkai, admonishing
him to conclude peace. Saadia, of course, was only too glad
to follow the suggestion, and without condition assured the
mediator of his desire for harmony. Thereupon the leading
personages present in both houses formed themselves in two
divisions, the one conducting the Exilarch. the other Saadia,
and each proceeded toward the other until they met. The
'^ So Nathan, p. 80, and Mas'itdi, /. c. (above, note 250, end).
124 SAADIA GAON
two men, who for the last six years had fong^ht one another
so bitterly, now embraced and kissed, and their reconciliation,
as shown by later events,'"" was sincere and complete.
One of the happiest men in Bagdad was Bishr himself,
who felt that he had accomplished a great thing in bringing
about the longwished-for reconciliation. It happened that
the day on which this reconciliation took place was the Fast
of Esther.^'" Bishr in elation over his success, begged all
present not to leave his house, but to read there the Scroll of
Esther, and after breaking the fast to stay with him the whole
night for general rejoicing. The Exilarch and Saadia, how-
ever, declined the invitation, the former proposing instead
that either Saadia should dine in the evening with him, or
he should dine with Saadia in the latter's house. As each
party was anxious for the honor of having the other as guest,
it was agreed that the matter should be decided by lot. The
lot fell in favor of the Exilarch. Saadia accordingly went
to the house of David b. Zakkai, and stayed with him during
the two days of Purim. The two strong men had much to
discuss and many an incident for which to express mutual
regret, but the two days of happy conviviality wiped out the
old differences and banished unpleasant memories. When on
the third day, they were to part again, they keenly felt the
relief from the burden of enmity that had weighed so
heavily on their souls, and were resolved to atone for their
sins against one another by establishing and maintaining
a bond of genuine friendship and mutual respect.
Saadia was now about to be formally re-installed into his
former office. The Caliph Al-Radi and his vizir "Ali b. Tsa
were not unfavorably inclined toward him, so that no objec-
tion from that side was to be feared. Some embarrassment
seems to have been felt on both sides regarding the future
status of R. Joseph b. Jacob, whom David b. Zakkai had
appointed Gaon in place of Saadia, and whose services had
now become unnecessary. But R. Joseph, it appears, did
^ See below, p. 127.
•" The 27th of February, 936.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 125
not raise any difficulty. He retired to private life with
the provision that his salary continue undiminished.
Saadia again became Head of the Sura academy/'' and the
new order of things seems to have satisfied all parties con-
cerned. The only man of importance who remained sore
and disappointed was Saadia's arch-enemy, Aaron Sarjadah,
the troublesome son-in-law of the peace-maker Bishr. There
is not the least indication in our source that he had in any
way participated in the conciliatory proceedings instituted by
his father-in-law. It cannot be supposed that the narrator,
who appears to have been careful throughout in relating all
details, would carelessly have omitted so important a fact as
the winning over to Saadia's side of an opponent like Sar-
jadah, who, next to the Exilarch, was the most conspicuous
figure in the opposition. Nor can the reconciliation of Sar-
jadah be assumed as a matter of course on the ground that it
was his father-in-law who had brought about peace. On
the contrary, from the words of the several members of the
community who in first appealing to Bishr for mediation, said
that it was only his son-in-law who supported the conflict,'"
it may be deduced that Bishr and Aaron were in disagreement
on the matter, and there is nothing to assure us that the latter
subsequently changed his mind. Sarjadah was not of the same
spirit as the Exilarch. The latter was quite satisfied with his
Gaon. What he wanted was subordination, to which, he
thought, his position entitled him. Sarjadah hated Saadia per-
sonally. As noted already, he had an eye to the Gaonate him-
self, and, besides, was always extremely jealous of the
haughty and independent foreigner in the chair. The out-
^" Abraham b. David, p. 66, top, states explicitly that Saadia was not
reinstalled, but his statement seems to rest on a misunderstanding of
the words of Sherira, which are not quite clear on that point ; comp.
Rapoport, D""! Dn^lD, n. i ; Weiss, Vti^lHI nn IH (1904), IV, 141,
note (see on the other hand Briill, Jahrbilcher, IX, 120). Abraham b.
David is refuted also by the considerable number of Responsa written
by Saadia in his official capacity as Gaon. This matter, however,
cannot be discussed here and will be taken up at a later stage of the
present work ; see below, note 276.
"' See above, note 266.
126 SAADIA GAON
come of the long feud, on which he had spent a fortune, could
only be most galling to him. Being a man of large means
and of imperious nature, he would not accept his defeat with
good grace. Various circumstances make it highly probable
that soon after the reconciliation he left Bagdad and settled
in Pumbedita, the seat of the rival Gaonate.
Years before, Sarjadah had been made the recipient of
great honors in that institution. The Gaon Mubashshir (918-
926) had assigned to him, on his visits during the Kallah
months, a seat in the " great row," a distinction usually
reserved for academic members of the rank next to that
of the 'Alliifimr^ Some of the members of the acad-
emy, who, like the late Gaon Kohen Zedek, had opposed
Saadia, were naturally not satisfied with his coming into
power again. One of them, Ilananiah. the father of the
famous Gaon Sherira, became Gaon of Pumbedita not
long after Saadia's re-installation (938-943). He is known
to have been at enmity with Saadia."* It is therefore quite
natural that after what had happened in Sura, Sarjadah
should have affiliated himself with the rival academy from
which he had received honors, and where he found sympa-
thizers of note. He probably did all in his power to raise the
standard of that academy, supporting it with his means, and
strengthening it against the competition of Sura. At the
same time he was preparing the ground for the execution
of his long cherished plan of becoming Gaon himself ; and
Pumbedita proved a much better field for his operations
than Sura. When the Gaon Hananiah died (943), he was
to be succeeded, according to the rules of the academy, by
a certain Rabbi Amram, but Sarjadah exercised such power
over the authorities, and so intimidated the candidate, that
the latter did not dare voice his aspiration.^" Sarjadah ap-
pointed himself Gaon and ruled with an iron hand until the
time of his death (961).
^"Sherira, p. 41, top. For the meaning of the "great row"
(K31 Kin) see Poznanski, Q-'JIt:' D^^jy, Warsaw, 1909, p. 47;
comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, II, 315, n. 3.
"" See above, note 239.
"' Sherira, at the end of his Letter.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 127
The description of Sarjadah's career has carried us a little
beyond our point. The digression needs no excuse, how-
ever. For the purposes of a biography it is essential to know
of what calibre were the hero's friends and foes. Sarjadah
played too prominent a part in the dispute about the Sura
Gaonate for us to have let him drop out of sight as soon as
his part in the play was over. His subsequent career serves
to bring out more clearly the character of the man against
whom Saadia had to contend. But whatever the truth about
Sarjadah may be, whether he remained for a time in Bag-
dad or went at once to Pumbedita, it is certain that Saadia
was not again disturbed in his Gaonate. His relations with
the Exilarch remained peaceful and amicable to the end.
From the large number of Hebrew and Arabic Responsa
written by Saadia in his capacity as Gaon, to various com-
munities in and outside of Babylon, many of which belong
to this later period,""' it appears that under his presidency
Sura was again looked upon by all Jewry as the center of
learning and authority. No doubt, he wrote and completed
during this period some of his numerous scientific works,
but they cannot be designated with certainty.
The period of renewed co-operation between Saadia and
the Exilarch was rather short. About three to four years
after their reconciliation David b. Zakkai passed away (940)-
He was succeeded by his son Judah, the same, who, ten years
before, had raised his hand against the Gaon. Judah died at
the end of seven months, leaving a son twelve years old.
Saadia on this sad occasion again showed the nobility of
his character. The orphaned boy was taken into his house
and treated as his own son. The Gaon sent the lad to school
and tried to give him a good education, fitting for his future
position of Exilarch.'" Providence, however, had decided
otherwise : Both the Exilarchate and the Sura Gaonate were
"' See above, note 271. The assumption that they were all composed
in the last year of his Gaonate (Graetz (English), III, 201) is un-
founded; comp. Harkavj^ D''J1X;in Dl^lCn, p. 389; Steinschneider,
Arabische Literatur, p. 48.
*" Nathan, p. 82.
128 S A AD I A GAON
soon to go out of existence. Within two years after the
death of David b. Zakkai, Saadia's earthly career was pre-
maturely ended, and the conditions that followed made the
continuation of either institution impossible.
Saadia was but fifty when he died, in September, 942, com-
mon era.""* As he left no son fit to succeed him,''" the ever
available R. Joseph b. Jacob, whom David b. Zakkai had
once appointed cou;iter-Gaon, and who was retired after the
reconcihation of Saadia with the Exilarch, was again called
into office. This time he clearly demonstrated his incom-
petence. Lacking the support of a strong Exilarch, as David
b. Zakkai had been, and having as rival the learned and iron-
handed Aaron Sarjadah, who about that time (943), seized
the Pumbedita Gaonate,"'* he was unable to keep the Sura
institution alive. Pumbedita received most of the rev-
enues from the communities, and attracted large numbers
of pupils, while Sura declined more and more. Realizing
'■"'This date is based on Mas'udi, I.e., p. 113 (Carra de Vaux,
p. 160; see above, note 20), who says that "Saadia's death occurred
after 330 " of the Hegira. Other authors give the date 941/2, which
corresponds to the date 1253 of the Seleucidan era given by Sherira
(comp. Rapoport, D^Di'n ^"1133, 1828, p. 15, n. i; Steinschneider, CB.,
col. 2158) ; for the discrepancy between the dates see Engelkcmper, De
Saadiae Gaonis Vita, p. 14, n. 3 [see in particular the Postscript].
Abraham b. David, p. 66, says that he died " of melancholia '" (iTlOn JO,
mintiTl) which Steinschneider (Arabische Litcratur, p. 47) cleverly
modifies by "in (for an) MelanchoUe," adding that tlie great strug-
gles and trials Saadia had gone through may indeed have hastened
his death. Some Kabbalistic authors volunteer the information that
Saadia was buried at the foot of Mount Sinai (Jehiel Heilprin,
niTnn TID, Warsaw, 1891, p. 143) ; comp. Engelkemper, /. e.,
p. 14, n. 4. The famous traveller Benjamin of Tudela in his Itinerary
(London, 1840), I, 69a, reports that Saadia was buried in Sura.
"° See below, p. 132.
^° That it was Sarjada, who in his desire to do away once and for
all with the Suran Gaonate had gradually undermined tlie position
of the weak Rabbi Joseph and caused him to desert his place, is
significantly hinted at liy Sherira, who with a fling at both men
remarks that R. Joseph's position had lost greatly in dignity, and he
could not hold his own even against R. Aaron (IinDD n""^ Din K^l
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE G AON ATE 129
the doom of his Gaonate, R. Joseph decided to abandon it to
its fate. He emigrated to Basra, where he remained until
his death. The academy was closed, after it had been in exis-
tence with but little interruption for over seven hundred
years. About half a century later it came to temporary life
again, under circumstances that have not been sufficiently
cleared up. It seems that great struggles had again broken
out in Babylonian Jewry, the famous Pumbeditan Gaon
Sherira and his staff having probably opposed the re-estab-
lishment of the Sura Gaonate, as the meagre revenues from
the communities did not suffice to support two institutions,
and perhaps also, for other reasons.^^ The fallen Gaonate
"" The source of the information that Sherira fell into trouble
toward the end of his Gaonate is Abraham b. David, p. 67. He merely
states that malicious persons had arraigned Sherira and his son Hai
before the Caliph who ordered their imprisonment and the confisca-
tion of all their property, so that they were left without a livelihood.
Abraham does not even hint at the cause of this trouble, and modern
historians have suggested various theories. Graetz (English), III,
233 f., assumes that the people were dissatisfied with the rigor of
Sherira's administration. Weiss, rti'TlTl IH 111 (1904), IV, 154,
asserts that objection was made to Sherira's appointment of his son
Hai as successor. Neither of these explanations is satisfactory. To
my mind it was again contention between Sura and Pumbedita that
brought about the intervention of the government. Prominent
citizens of Bagdad probably endeavored to re-establish the Sura
Gaonate, perhaps under the headship of Dosa, the learned son of
Saadia (see p. 132). Sherira and Hai must have opposed the idea
bitterly, as at that time the revenues of the Gaonate had decreased
so much that Pumbedita, though alone in the field, could hardly keep
itself alive. As once before, in the time of Saadia, the contending
parties appealed to the Government, and the result was the Gaon's
imprisonment. Influential friends of Sherira and Hai secured their
liberation, whereupon a compromise was reached, to the effect that
the Suran Gaonate be restored under the presidency of a Pumbeditan
scholar, Samuel b. Hophni, as against Dosa. The two institutions
were then closely linked together by Hai's marrying the daughter of
Samuel, and henceforth both did their work in perfect harmony.
This course of events is strongly suggested also by a Genizah
fragment (JQR., XIV, 308), in which Samuel b. Hophni appeals to a
community or communities for the support of Sura. He assures the
latter that by giving his daughter in marriage to Hai perfect peace
130 SAADIA GAON
was, however, reorganized under the headship of R. Samuel
b. Hophni, a great scholar from the Pumbedita academy and
grandson of the Gaon Kohen Zedek, whilom opponent of
Saadia. Peace was finally established between the two
institutions, Sherira's famous son, the later Gaon Hai,
marrying the daughter of Samuel b. Hophni ; and the two
academies got along financially as well as they could.
had been established between the two academies, and that Sura is
therefore entitled to its share. The words, "llo: Dl^t^ ilCVJ "'D
Un PKJ Dyi . . . . PKJ NnntJ' m no Pm irrn, do not neces-
sarily mean that prior to this the issue was between him and Sherira
personally, as interpreted by Alargoliouth, the editor of the fragment,
for what Samuel wished particularly to emphasize was that the two
academies made peace. But even if MargoHouth's interpretation were
correct it would not vitiate our argument, for Sherira and Hai must
have opposed the revival of Sura on principle, and would therefore
have objected also to a candidacy of Samuel. The arrangements for
peace, the fragment states, were made shortly before Sherira's death
(Qijti^ '2 IDD'OK DTtD ; comp. Marx, in Neumark's Journal of
Jewish Lore, Cincinnati, 1919, p. 400). This tallies exactly with the
account of Abraham b. David, who makes the imprisonment of
Sherira occur towards the end of his life. The words of Abraham
b. David "iDiH i<^i HJ:;' Hi^'D I3D NiHi 1111X^1^ N-inti' m '7\fny\
mjINJD which so far have defied all attempts at interpretation (see
e. g. Graetz, Geschichte V, (4), 368, n. 2; Weiss, l"n (Wilna 1904),
IV, 154, note; Steinschneider, AL., p. 98, n. i; Selig Cassel, in
his famous article " Juden," in the Encycl. of Ersch and Gruber,
II, vol. 31, p. 192, n. 28, and later in his WissenschaftUche Bcrichte
.... der Erfurter Akademic .... I, Erfurt, 1853, p. 161, who
quotes parallels from Oriental history of people being hanged by
one hand) will now receive the right sense. ForDriN IT"!, though
found with some variants in all MSS of the n^3pn "IIDand in later
works {e. g. the pnv "131, Neubauer, MJC, I, 92, n?). we should
read niDf'JDS, meaning that after the imprisonment Sherira, through
the intervention of friends, " regained influence with the goT'crn-
ment and was not removed from the Gaonate." It is true that many
scholars of fame have offered other explanations for the corrupt
phrase (nTlN n"'3 NnntJ' 3"! H^DJI) one proposing DHK HtJ'K ^"'3,
another (Luzzatto, quoted by Graetz. I.e.) IDinN '''T'3. a third one
DOM TiD n^nJI, and so on (see Levy, Neuhcbr. Wiirterb., s. v.
^T^3) ; but all this is in the face of the fact that the same
Abraham b. David uses the phrase 013^03 nfTlJ"! in other pas-
sages of his work to express the same thought as that in the
passage before us. Thus, in his presentation of the quarrel
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 131
Samuel, who was one of the most learned Geonim, followed
entirely in the footsteps of his great predecessor Saadia, pro-
ducing a considerable number of important works, among
them philosophical commentaries on the Bible."*^ He suc-
ceeded in keeping alive the Sura Gaonate for about forty
years, but it never regained the preeminence it had enjoyed
under Saadia. Samuel died in 1034, and the academy was
then closed for ever. Only four years later his son-in-law
Hai, the Gaon of Pumbedita, also passed away, and this
death ended the history of the Geonim.^'^
between Saadia and the Exilarch, when he reaches the point of the
latter's gaining the upper hand with the Caliph (Neubauer, MJC,
1,65, line 4 from below), he says TTlD^Dn n^DJI IH PTHDJ ^''nXI.
In the same sense he uses the phrase ^^OD n^DJI ("and we shall
gain influence with the king") in the case of the brothers Ibn Gau
{ib., p. 70, line 6). In the latter passage also a number of nonsensical
variants are found in the MSS., proving that the copyists did not
know the meaning of the phrase. Later authors merely copied
Abraham b. David with the mistakes. It should be noted that the
verb n^n is used in a similar figurative sense in the Talmud p.
Berakot 4, i, near end: nn Hl^nn^ ID^ 1^ tr"'K' DTX nti'N. It
should be remarked that the phrase occurs in this sense also in
connection with TD (comp. Mann, JOR., N. S., vol. X, p. 123:
■•"IJ T*! "IttVy n^JT'l), which would make it possible to accept the
emendation of Luzzatto. But it is improbable that a sister of Sherira,
of whom we hear nowhere else, should have been the one to exercise
such influence. See also B. Lewin, pX^i NT'lti' m, Jaffa, 1916, p. 29.
Through the rectification of this error the whole sentence becomes
clear. The words HJCi' ilXfO I3D Nim do not intend to state Sherira's
age at the time he died, as interpreted by Weiss, I. c, for this
the author had stated before (p. 66, line 8 from below). Besides,
the ensuing words niJIK^D "IDIH X^l would then be entirely out of
place after the announcement of Sherira's death. Abraham only
means to say that when Sherira regained his influence with the
government and was freed from prison he was nearly an hundred
years old. that is either 97 or 98 years, and after his liberation he was
allowed to resume the Gaonate. Owing to his old age, however, he
abdicated shortly after the occurrence (998) in favor of his son Hai.
^ See Steinschneider, Arabische Literatiir, § 65.
^"It is true" says Graetz (History, III, 253), "that the college
[of Pumbedita] immediately chose a successor [to Hai], who acted
at once as Gaon and as Exilarch, it seems only in order to have tVie
132 SAADIA GAON
In conclusion a few words may be added about Saadia's
family at the time of his death. As we have seen above/'*
Saadia was a father when he left Egypt. In his letters to
his former pupils he twice refers to his children.""' If our
assumption is correct, that the lengthy paneg>'ric on a Gaon
by his secretary has reference to Saadia, he had three or four
sons and two married daughters at the time of his first occu-
pancy of the Gaonate (928-932). The daughters, perhaps
also one of the sons, must thus have been born in Egypt.
A brother is mentioned often in the same panegyric."* He
seems to have belonged to Saadia's household, as did the
sons-in-law with their children. We further learn from the
eulogy that at the time it was written another child was about
to be born to the Gaon."*' This child was Dosa, who later
attained fame. At Saadia's death (942), this Dosa was of
tender age, and naturally could not ])e considered as his
father's immediate successor. The older sons, as also the
brother and the sons-in-law, if they all survived Saadia,
probably lacked the scholarship and other qualities neces-
sary for a Gaon. When Dosa grew up and was recognized
as a great Talmudic authority, he may have laid claim to
the position of his late father. It is therefore probable
that he had some part in the struggles that preceded the
appointment of R. Samuel b. Hophni to the Gaonate of
Sura.=^
But all this must remain a matter of mere conjecture so
long as we have to rely on the sources now available. Some of
two offices buried together in the same grave with his person." In
1040 the successor, named Hiskiah. a descendant of David b. Zakkai,
was slandered at court, imprisoned, tortured and then executed ; see
Graetz, I.e., p. 254; comp. Poznanski, pN3 nnVD mn NDH 31.
Berditschew, 1906 (reprint from Ila-Gcrcn, vol. 6), p. 7.
^ See chapter i.
"^ See above, pp. 55 f.
**" Schechter, Saadyana, p. 67, top, 69, top, 71, line 4 from bottom;
Mann, JQR., N. S., vol. IX (1918-1919"), p. 159, 1. 15; comp. in
particular above, note 11.
^"Ibidem, pp. 66, lines 25-26; 67, line 19; see above, notes 13, 14.
"* See above, note 281.
SAADIA'S APPOINTMENT TO THE GAONATE 133
the many unexplored Genizah fragments may, we hope,
shed new hght on this dark period. Thus much, however,
is certain — this learned son of Saadia was looked upon as
one of the most eminent scholars of the time, not only by
the Jews of Babylonia, but also by those of foreign coun-
tries, especially Northern Africa and Spain. Various com-
munities addressed religious and legal questions to him as
they had done to previous and contemporary Geonim.
Several of his authoritative Responsa are still extant, while
others are referred to in the sources. From a passage in
one of these Responsa ^^^ it appears that he was the head
of a college, whose location cannot be ascertained.^"" Later
authors often refer to him as Gaon. Aside from his Tal-
mudic learning he occupied himself with philosophic studies,
following therein the example of his father. In a marginal
note to an Arabic manuscript of Maimonides' " Guide of
the Perplexed," the writer, in all probability Maimonides
himself, mentions Dosa among other authors who had refuted
^' See Poznanski's essay on Dosa (quoted above, note 283), p. 9,
whence all other details given in the text are taken.
""'' I am inclined to think that Dosa is the author of the fragmentary-
letter in Ginzberg's Geonica, II, 87, in which the sons of Natira and
of Aaron Sarjada are mentioned as the leading members of the
Bagdad community. Sarjadah was already dead, as the writer adds
to the names n3"l!l^ D"'DDi^jn "13T, hence he must have been writing
after 960. As Ginzberg properly remarks, the whole trend of the
letter makes it appear clearly that the writer was a man of con-
siderable influence and high position. That he was a Gaon is
precluded by the fact that he resided in Bagdad. But Dosa may have
continued the work of his father as the head of a college in the City
of Bagdad, which in the course of time gained great authority,
though it was not considered officially a Gaonate. Later authors
were thus justified in referring to Dosa as Gaon; comp. Poznanski,
/. c, pp. 9, 15, 21, bottom, 23 f., and especially the references in the
" Supplement," ibidem, p. 27. Dosa and his supporters, probably the
same sons of Natira and perhaps also the sons of Sarjada, may have
tried later on to transplant the college to Sura and establish it there
as a regular Gaonate, with the result that not Dosa, but Samuel b.
Hophni got the position. Dosa reached an age of about 90 years ; see
Poznanski, /. c, p. 8, and above, notes 13, 14.
134 S A AD I A GAON
the theory of the eternity of matter."* His fame reached also
Hisdai Ibn Shaprut (915-70), the renowned Jewish states-
man at the court of the CaHph 'Abdur-Rahman at Cordova,
with whom he entered into correspondence. At Hisdai's re-
quest Dosa wrote the biography of his father, Saadia,
describing therein also all "the good he fSaadia] had done
for Israel." ""'■' This biography, which no doubt contained
all the material, the want of which has been so keenly felt
in the course of this presentation, is unfortunately lost.
"' Munk, Notice snr Rabbi Saadia Gaon, Paris, 1838, p. 13, and in
Guide des Egarcs, I, 462 ; Poznanski, /. c, p. 25 ; comp. above, note 241.
^'^ Abraham b. David, p. 66; comp. Steinschneider, Arabische
Literatur, § ^2; Poznanski, /. c, pp. 9 f.
PART II
THE WORKS OF SAADIA GAON
Chapter VI
SAADIA'S WORKS
Saadia's literary activity embraced nearly all the branches
of knowledge known and cultivated among the Jews and
Arabs of his day. His works, which have come down either
complete or in a fragmentary form, or are known only from
quotations in the writings of later authors, cover the
following fields of learning with their respective sub-
divisions :
A) Hebrew philology (comprising grammar, lexicog-
raphy, and exegesis) ;
B) Liturgy (including poetics in general) ;
C) Halakah in its manifold ramifications (covering the
various branches of the Jewish religious and civil
law) ;
D) Calendar and chronology (largely controversial) ;
E) Philosophy (especially the philosophy of religion and
embracing the author's systems of ethics and psy-
chology) ;
F) Polemics against the Karaites and other opponents of
traditional Judaism (of diversified content and
written at various periods of the author's life).
There is no possibility of ascertaining the exact chrono-
logical order of the works of Saadia belonging to the various
branches of learning enumerated.^"^ So far as these branches
^ In the various attempts that have been made at a chronological
arrangement of Saadia's works, too much emphasis is laid on the
references found in his writings, from one to another. Such refer-
ences do not prove that the work referred to actually preceded in
time that in which the reference is found. It is known that Saadia
was constantly changing and improving upon his writings (comp.
Harkavy, Zikron, V, 30) and of some, as the 'Agron (see p. 139) the
Sefer Ha-Galui (p. 269), parts of the Kitdb al-Antdnat (p. 194), and
several of his commentaries on Biblical books, he even prepared more
than one edition. He may therefore have inserted in revising his
works of an earlier period, references to others composed at a later
date. Thus, in his Commentary on Proverbs (ed. Derenbourg, Paris,
137
138 SAADIA GAON
themselves are concerned, it may however be assumed with
sufficient reason that they were taken uj) by Saadia for
literary presentation in the order here given, although some
works in the field of liturgy, or Halakah, etc., may have pre-
ceded in time some under the heading of philology. In the
following pages I shall attempt to give a general characteri-
zation of Saadia's writings without entering upon a detailed
account of the contents of each book or fragment. Such an
account would reach far beyond the limits set to the present
work.
PHILOLOGY
a) Grammar and Lexicography
Saadia was the father and founder of Hebrew philological
science.'** He laid down for the first time, so far as is known,
scientific rules for a systematic treatment of the Hebrew
language. These were set forth principally in three books :
i) 'Agron (inJK), a Hebrew dictionary in two parts. In
the first part all the words (nouns, verbs, etc.) were arranged
1894) he refers twice (pp. 94, bottom, 195, top) to that on Isaiah
(ed. Derenbourg, Paris, 1896), while in the latter (p. 126) he refers
to the former ; comp. Derenbourg's Introduction to his edition of the
Commentary on Proverbs, p. vii, n. 2; Hirschfeld, JQR., XVIII,
(1906), 318; Harkavy, Zikron, V, 30, n. 7. Moreover, some of these
references may have been added on the margin by later readers and
then put into the text by copyists ; comp. Harkavy, Ha-Goren, VI,
27. For a detailed discussion of the question of the chronology see
Graetz, Geschichtc (4), V, Note 20, pp. 523 ff. Quite inconsistent in
this respect is S. Eppenstein in his Beitrdge cur Gescliichte uud
Litcratur im gconaischcti Zeitaltcr (reprint from MGWJ., 1908-1913),
Berlin, 1913. The publication of the Genizcih fragments has estab-
lished the fact that Saadia had left Egypt not later than 915, when he
was in his twenty-third year. Eppenstein is well aware of this fact
(p. 90, n. 4). Nevertheless he assigns (pp. 78, 89, 90, 119, 121) to
Egypt, aside from the 'Agrdn and the Kutub al-Lugah, also several
commentaries on the books of the Bible, the Kitab al-Taviyiz (written
in 926), the Commentary on the Book Yedrah (written in 931), and,
naturally, all the books mentioned therein, as the Commentaries on
Genesis and Isaiah (comp. Steinsclineidcr, AL., p. 66, n. 23) and on
the Tractate Niddah (see Bibliography, III, no. 10). It is neither
possible that Saadia wrote so many works before reaching the age
of 23, nor is there any proof that he ever returned to Egypt after his
sojourn in Asia (Eppenstein, pp. 103, 116). [See. however, Post-
script, p. 420.]
'"* See above, pp. 34 f.
SAADIA'S WORKS 139
in alphabetical order according to their initial letters, to
help writers of poetry to make acrostics. In the second
part, the final letters of the words were alphabetically ar-
ranged, to facilitate the making of rhymes. The whole was
thus intended to be a guide in the art of Hebrew versification.
The definitions in this lexicon were Hebrew and there was
a rhetorical Introduction in a pure Bibhcal vocabulary, pro-
vided with vowel points and accents, in which Saadia briefly
summarizes the history of the Hebrew language, deplores its
woful neglect by the Jews of his time, and urges them to
devote themselves again to its study and cultivation. He
then turns to the exposition of certain fundamental rules of
Hebrew grammar.
Saadia wrote this work when he was about twenty. Sev-
eral years later he issued an enlarged edition, in which each
word of the dictionary was followed by its translation into
Arabic. He furthermore inserted portions treating of the
various subjects and forms of poetry. This addition induced
him to change the title of the work and call it " The Book on
Hebrew Poetics " (^JKiny^X nyt^^N DNDD).''' Finally he
added an Arabic Introduction wherein he gives a brief ac-
count of the contents of the work, mentioning incidentally
some of the early Payyetanim, such as Jose b. Jose, Yannai,
Eleazar Kalir, and others. These references make this
Introduction highly valuable.
Unfortunately only the two Introductions and a portion
of the dictionary have been preserved.^^^ Nor are the manu-
scripts of the Introductions in our possession quite complete,
the Arabic being defective at the beginning and the Hebrew
at the end.
2) Kutuh al-Lugah (llJ^^K nnD), " Books on Language,"
a grammatical work in twelve parts, which the author some-
times designated as separate books, at other times collectively
*** See, regarding this matter, Steinschneider, AL., p. 61 ; Bacher,
REJ., XXXIX, 207 ; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 70, n. 5.
^ See the Bibliography, s. v. 'Agron, p. 306.
MO SAADIA GAON
as one book.'" Of this work, the oldest grammar of the He-
brew language known, only a few fragments are extant.'*'
Several passages from it are quoted by Saadia himself and
in the works of later authors."'
3) Tafs'ir al-sah'hia Idfaah al-faridah (py2D^K n^DDfl
rmD^N ri'ibs^), "Explanation of the Seventy Isolated
Words," a list of the so-called hapaxlegomena and other
very rare Hebrew and Aramaic words of the Bible. Saadia
interprets the words by way of analogy, quoting for each
word a passage from post-Biblical literature (^^lishnah,
Babylonian and Palestinian Talmud, Targum, and Midrash)
in which it occurs, thus leaving no doubt as to its meaning.
The list actually contains ninety words. Probably a slip
of the pen occurred in writing the Arabic word for ninety
in the unique MS., which bears the title given above.**" The
^ Thus, in his Commentary on the Sefcr Yczirah, p. 45, line 5,
Saadia refers to the book as ^Dl^t^l CJl^N SflD, meaning those
parts or chapters of the work that dealt with the question of dagesh
and raphe, while on p. 75, last line but one, he refers to it under its
general title Kiitub al-Luga, and quotes a lengthy passage from its
first chapter (see the Bibliography, p. 307). In the Sefer ha-Galui
(see below, p. 271) he again quotes it simply as " the Twelve Parts; "
comp. Maker, JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 494, n. 25. Harkavy
who maintained the erroneous theory that the work is identical with
the 'Agron, collected all the material relating thereto as remnants of
the latter, and treated it as such (Zikron, V, 32-38, 60-132). This
theory has been fully disproved by Bacher (REJ., XXIV, 307 flf.) and
others, and Harkavy himself subsequently modified his views
(Ha-Goren, VI, 30).
^ My statement (JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913'), p. 494, n. 25)
that " nothing " has been preserved of this work is to be corrected
accordingly.
'^ Hebrew authors, as Dinnash b. Labrat, Abraham Ibn Ezra, and
others quote it under the title ^'^pr] pf^ niHi' (^DD) "IDD, or IDD
nnyn pt;-^ mnv OriD); comp. Harkavy, Zikron, V, 32, n. 3;
Steinschneider, AL., p. 60; Bacher, Leben uiid Wcrke des Abulzvalid.
p. 91, r\. 2; A. I. E. als Grammatikcr, p. 18; Anfiinge, p. 39.
^ This would indicate that the title and whatever Arabic there is
in the book was written in Arabic characters (see note 305), as only
in these sab'hia (70) can be read for tis'hia (90), the words being
SAADIA'S WORKS 141
booklet has been frequently published with learned notes.*"
In addition to these works devoted almost entirely to
grammar and lexicography, Saadia wrote occasionally on
the same subjects in some of his other works. Especially in
his Commentary on the Scfer Yezirah ^ are there numerous
passages dealing with Hebrew grammar.*"'
b) Biblical Exegesis
Hebrew philology in its incipiency was not regarded as
an independent discipline, but merely as an auxiliary science
to Bible-exegesis. Saadia's work in the field of grammar
and lexicography is therefore to be considered only as the
scientific apparatus for the main object of his studies, the
interpretation of the Scriptures. Indeed, exegesis was the
chief occupation of Saadia's life. To it he devoted the
greater part of his literary activity. In all probability he
began while he was still in Egypt, to make translations
of Biblical books accompanied with commentaries and con-
tinued this work in the following periods of his vicissi-
tudinous life, changing, correcting, and enlarging the
exegetical portions as his knowledge increased. His transla-
tion of the entire Bible into Arabic, the first ^ to be made
distinguishable only through diacritical points, which may have been
missing; see, however, Geiger, Wiss. Zeitschrift, V, 324; Peritz,
MGWJ., 1899, p. 51 ; see also as regards the real number of the words
Steinschneider, CB., 2196, no. 29.
'"" See the Bibliography, p. 307, no. 3.
*° See below, p. 192.
*" Most of the grammatical passages in the Commentary on the
Scfer Ycclrah, however, are repetitions from the Kutub al-Lugah; see
above, note 297. A grammatical work of Saadia on punctuation,
nnyo y\ TIPJ, is quoted by Rashi on Psalms, 45, 10, but it is not
certain that it was a separate work. It probably formed a part of the
Kutub al-Lugah; comp. Bacher, Anfduge, p. 60, n. 2, and Stein-
schneider, Vorlesungen Hber die Kunde hebrdischer Handschriften,
Leipzig, 1897, p. 15.
'*^ It is true that an Arabic translation of the Bible is said to have
been prepared prior to Saadia by the Qiristian scholar Honein b.
'Ishak (809-873). This translation, however, was not made from
the Hebrew text but either from the Greek or the Syriac; see
I4-' SAADIA GAON
directly from the original (Masoretic) text, ushered in
a new epoch in the history of civilization in general and
of the Jews in particular. As the Septuagint in ancient
times was instrumental in blending Greek and Jewish
thought into what is known as Hellenism, subsequently
giving rise to the Christian religion ; and as Mendelssohn's
German translation of the Bible in recent times intro-
duced the new literary era of modern Jewry ; so Saadia's
Arabic translation and his interpretation of the Scrip-
tures, paved the way for the glorious Spanish-Arabic period
during which the Jews again became the mediators between
the Orient and the Occident, and themselves made original
contributions to all branches of mediaeval science.
Saadia's translation has become the standard Arabic Bible
for all the Arabic-speaking Jews and for the Christian
scholarly world down to the present time. According to
Abraham Ibn Ezra,^"" Saadia wrote the translation in Arabic
characters, contrary to the general practice of Jewish au-
thors, who wrote Arabic in Hebrew characters. His object
was in all probability to make the Bible intelligible to ]\Iuham-
medans as well as to Jews who had not sufficient learning
Steinschneider, JQK., XII, 498, n. 2, where further references are
given. For Saadia's acquaintance with some of Honein's works see
below, note 532. For a supposed translation of the Bible into Arabic
by Abu Kathir, the teacher of Saadia, sec Steinschneider, AL., § 23.
A recent attempt to disprove Saadia's priority as translator (JQR.,
N. S., vol. IV (1913-1914), pp. 537 f.) is based on too puerile argu-
ments to require discussion.
^*" See Abraham Ibn Ezra's Commentary on Genesis, 2, 11. The
question was often disputed, but it is now generally assumed that
Saadia wrote all his Arabic works in Arabic characters, which were
subsequently changed l)y the copyists into Hebrew characters; see
for the literature on the subject Steinschneider, JQR., XII, 613-616;
comp. Kanfmann. Attribiitcnlehrc, p. 89, n. 150; Ewald, Beitriige, p. 5;
Landauer's Introduction to the Kitab al-AnwnCit, pp. xii ff. Among
the many Genizah fragments of Saadia's writings I know only one
in Arabic characters: Schechter, Saadyaua, no. xli.x, p. 132; comp.
the Bibliography, III, p. 347, no. 5.
SAADIA'S WORKS 143
to understand the original.^ This is fully in keeping with
what is generally recognized as the characteristic features of
Saadia's exegesis. His chief thought was to make the
Bible a book accessible to all ; to present the Scriptures in a
rational, intelligible form. Hence he does not always bind
himself to the rules of the Masorah, to grammar, or to com-
mon usage ; but, aiming at the greatest possible clearness and
consistency, often disregards all difficulties arising from
rule and custom. He does not hesitate to insert words and
phrases, or to divide and connect verses and sentences in his
own way, when necessary to convey to the reader the intended
sense.'" To this extent his translation is at the same
time an interpretation, and Saadia, being himself well
aware of the fact, called it tafslr, which means both com-
mentary and translation.^" His work, however, is far from
'"^ See Landauer's Introduction to the Kitab al-Amdndt, p. xii ;
Eppenstein, Beit rage, p. 85, nn. i, 2, where more references are given.
Of interest in this connection is an Arabic passage quoted by Merx,
Die Saadjanische Uebersct::iing des Hohen Liedes, Heidelberg. 1882,
p. 5, n. I. In his Introduction to the translation of the Pentateuch
(ed. Derenbourg, p. 4) Saadia states that he undertook the work at
the request of some [Israelites], who asked him to do so, "in order
that they might understand the meaning of the Torah," which like-
wise goes to show that in the time and country of Saadia Arabic was
better understood than Hebrew by the Jews in general ; comp. JQR.,
X, 256, n. 2.
**" Instances are altogether too numerous to be here adduced. They
were collected by various authors to some of whom reference may
here be made: Dukes, Bcitrdge, II, 85 ff . ; Poznanski, MGWJ., 1902,
p. 370, and lately L. Bardowicz in his interesting work Die Abfas-
sungszeit dcr Baraita der 32 Normen, Berlin, 1913, pp. 102-107. A
striking example of the liberty Saadia took in transposing the verses
in order to get the desired sense is found in his Commentary on
Proverbs (ed. Derenbourg, p. 51), where the verses 10-12 are taken
from the middle of chapter 9 and placed at the end thereof, so as to
get the proper contrast between the honest and dishonest, as described
there, vv. 1-9, 13-18.
^"^ See Munk, Notice sur Saadia, p. 5, n. i ; Steinschneider, CB.,
2182; Bacher, REJ., XXXIX 206, no. 8; idem, JE., X, 583; Poznan-
ski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 21, no. 2; Harkavy, Zikron, V, pp. 138,
n. 2; 180, n. 6; JQR., XIII, 61, no. 77- See also JE., Ill, 166, 189.
144 SAADIA GAON
being a paraphrase. Saadia took liberties only when he
found it necessary to clear away obscurities ; otherwise he
followed the Scriptural text word for word.'"'
Another characteristic of Saadia's translation is the
anxious elimination of all anthropomorphisms."" In this
matter Saadia was not an innovator ; he followed the so-
called " Targum Onkelos," ^" the ancient Aramaic translation
of the Pentateuch ; but he went far beyond his model. This
often led him to quite arbitrary assumptions as to the possible
meaning of certain Hebrew words.
From the Targum he adopted also the method of translat-
ing the numerous proper names occurring in the Bible, par-
ticularly those designating tribes or nations and places.'"
Here, too, he " bettered the example." Abraham Ibn Ezra
X13
^°* Comp. Hartwig Derenbourg's Introduction to the edition of
Job, p. xi.
'" Here again no attempt can be made at gathering the many
hundreds of instances that evidence Saadia's efforts to remove the
anthropomorphic and anthropopathic conceptions of God as they
appear in the Scriptures. I refer the reader to the numerous works
quoted below in the Bibliography, I, pp. 328 f ., to which may be added
Bacher, Die Bibelexegese der jildischen RcligionspJtilosophen des
Mittrlalters vor Maimuni, Strassburg, 1892, pp. 1-44. According to
Guttmann (Die Religionsphilosophie des Abraham Ibn Daud, p. 31)
the "Commentator" blamed by Ibn Daud (Emuiiah Ramah, p. 89)
for not having gone far enough in removing anthropomorphic ideas
from the Scriptures through philosophic interpretations, is none other
than Saadia; comp. below, note 607, end.
^" Saadia's relation to the Targum has Hkewise been fully discussed
in many of the works and articles referred to in the preceding note,
especially by Munk, Geiger, Dukes (Bcitrdge, II, 8r, n. 4), and
Baclier ; comp. the latter's Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitung zu seinem
Pentateiich-Commcntar, Vienna, 1876, p. 23'y Schmiedl, AIGJVJ.,
1902, pp. 84-88, 358-361 ; S. GalHncr, Saadia Al-fajjumVs arabischc
Psalmcni'ibcrsetzung, p. 10, n. 2.
■^" For the literature on this point sec in particular Dukes, Bcitriigc,
II, 48-58; Bacher, Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitung zu seinem Penta-
tcuch-Commentar , pp. 33-36. The translation of proper names has
also been observed in the fragments of Aquila (Reider, Prolegomena
to a Grcck-IIebrezu and Hebrczv-Greck Index to Aquila, 1916, p. 20.)
"'Commentary on Genesis, 2, ii; 4, 19; comp. Dukes and Bacher,
as quoted in the preceding note.
SAADIA'S WORKS t4S
severely criticizes Saadia's procedure in this matter, but sug-
gests as a possible excuse that the translation was intended
also for Muhammedans, who, if they found a large number
of words untranslated, might say that the Bible contains laws
which the Jews themselves "" do not understand.
Among other peculiarities of Saadia's translation may be
mentioned the frequent rendition of Hebrew words by Ara-
bic words of similar sound, even when the latter do not pos-
sess exactly the meaning required by the Hebrew text.'*^
It is characteristic of Saadia's zeal in his work on the
Bible that he prepared a double translation of most, if not all,
of the books. The first, associated with an extensive Com-
mentary (in Arabic shark) was intended for learned readers.
The other, called tafsir, rendered the text in a form intel-
ligible to the general public, as described above.
The significance of Saadia as a Bible exegete, however,
comes into light more through his Bible commentaries than
through his translations. A detailed characterization of
Saadia's exegesis, as it appears in these commentaries, is
not within the scope of the present work. In general it
should be pointed out however, that Saadia's special merit
as an exegete lies in his philosophic handling of the material.
He did not merely translate and comment upon the passages
"* The passage is misunderstood by Merx, /. c. p. 5, who puts the
words Dl^yT" K^ into the mouth of the Muhammedans.
^'' See the numerous instances collected by Munk, Notice, pp. 55-57 5
Geiger, Wiss. Zeitschrift, V, 290 ; Haneberg (as quoted in the Bibli-
ography, I, 319), p. 369; comp. the Introductions to the editions of the
Psalms by the various authors quoted in the Bibliography, I, pp.
318 fif., and Poznanski, MGWJ., 1902, pp. 370 f. ; Merx, Die Saadja-
nische Uebersetzung des Hohen Liedes, p. 13 (comp. J. Loevy, MIVJ.,
X, 34) . The tendency to render Hebrew words by like-sounding words
of the foreign language has been observed also in the Greek trans-
lation of Aquila (Briill, Ben Chananja, VI, 300, no. 8; Reider, /. c.,
p. 26) and in the works of authors later than Saadia ; comp. Bacher,
Abraham Ibn. Esra's Einleitung cu seinem Pentatcuch-Commentar,
p. 36; I. Loevy, Libri Kohelet versio arabica, quam compostiit Ibn
Ghijath, Leyden, 1884, p. 24; Kaufmann in Judah b. Barzillai's tJ"l*lD
m^V^ TDD, p. 236, note ad paginam 66.
10
146 S A AD I A GAON
of the Bible in their order. In a general Introduction to
each book the basic principles in the light of which that
book was to be viewed as a whole, were laid down, its con-
tents briefly summarized, and the inner connection between
its various portions clearly shown."" The Introductions ^" to
the Pentateuch, Job, Proverbs, and the Psalms are classic
examples in this respect. To some books of the Bible he
wrote double commentaries.'" By far the greatest part of
the translations and commentaries is unfortunately lost.
LITURGY
As in all other branches of Jewish learning, so in liturgy
Saadia was the pioneer and pathfinder. This is acknowl-
edged by the many eminent authors who subsequently
worked in this field, among them Maimonides."* Actuated
by the desire to strengthen traditional Judaism against the
onslaughts of its opponents, such as the Karaites and other
schismatics, and realizing the necessity of enlightening the
scattered members of the Synagogue on all essential ques-
tions of their religion, it would have been surprising if
Saadia had not devoted attention to the field of liturgy, on
wdiich the different parties in Judaism had at all times fought
their religious battles. Moreover, liturgy is intimately con-
nected with Halakah. It was, therefore of vital importance
to fix the ritual in conformity with Halakic regulations.""
"' Comp. Eppenstein, Beiirdge, pp. 80 f., and below, Bibliography,
PP- 308, 311, 319 f. Ill connection with Saadia's Commentaries it
is interesting to observe that he was in the habit of designating each
book by a special title.
^" See the Bibliography, under the respective works, pp. 308, 318-21.
"' Comp. Eppenstein, Bcitriigc, p. 81.
''° Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 167.
"• According to Ginzberg, ZfhB., IX, 104-7, Geonica, I, 121, 167,
n. I, Saadia wrote the Siddnr for the congregations of his native
country, Egypt. This may be accepted as a fact on the basis of the
proofs adduced there by Ginzberg, as well as on general grounds
(comp. Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdicnst in seiner geschichtlichen
Entwickliing, Leipzig, 1913, p. 361). It is not proved, however, that
the work was undertaken at the request of these congregations.
SAADIA'S WORKS 147
Saadia, therefore, set about the task of arranging a com-
plete " Order of Prayers " for the whole year, embodying
therein, besides all of the ancient and generally accepted
standard prayers, many liturgical productions of famous
synagogue poets, as well as various pieces of his own com-
position. Some compilations of prayers had existed prior
to the time of Saadia,^""^ notably the ritual of the Sura Gaon
Amram b. Sheshna (856), commonly known as the " Order
of R. Amram," with a history of its own, the influence of
which on the development of Jewish liturgy throughout the
Middle Ages has been by far greater than that of the ritual
composed by Saadia. But aside from its small intrinsic value
as a literary production, the work of Amram, on account of
its unusual popularity, underwent such radical changes at
the hands of later generations, that it is impossible to say
what its original form was, and how much or how little of
its present content can be attributed to the editor whose name
it bears. It is even questionable whether Amram had any
share in compiling the ritual, except for the Halakic rules
and regulations embodied therein, which themselves are not
free from later interpolations."^ Compared with the work
of Saadia the Order of Amram, even in its present aug-
mented form, sinks into insignificance. Saadia may, there-
fore, properly be designated as the first scientific author in
the field of liturgy, though the compilation by his predecessor
may have been of some use to him. Saadia did not merely
collect the existing prayers and arrange them in a particular
order for private and synagogue use, as is commonly done
by editors of prayer-books, but, following his general method
in other branches of literature, he made the whole traditional
'^ As early as in the middle of the 9th century an order of the
"Hundred Benedictions" (DIDTS nXD ITD), the number recom-
mended in the Talmud (Menahot, 43&) for daily recital, was com-
piled by the Suran Gaon Natronai b. Hilai (853), which was recently
published by Ginzberg from a Genizah MS. (Geonica, II, 114-119) ;
comp. for further details Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 119-123; Elbogen,
/. c, pp. 358 f ., 565, no. 4.
^ Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 144 ; Elbogen, pp. 359 f .
148 SAADIA GAON
liturgy the subject of scientific investigation. In an elab-
orate Introduction he showed the significance and neces-
sity of prayer, its foundation in reason C?^^), and in the
books of Holy Writ (niDD), and the historic development
of the dififerent prayers during past generations (^nipo).
He also took into consideration the various practices of com-
munities and individuals in including or omitting certain
prayers, and in each case expressed his opinion as to the
permissibility of such customs, stating the reasons for or
against the reciting of a given prayer. To whatever section
of the book one turns, he finds the masterful hand of the
scientific, logical systematizer and classifier, whose chief
concern is to bring the scattered material under some gen-
eral head or heads, so that the student shall get a clear per-
spective of the whole subject under con.-ideration. Thus,
for instance, in taking up the numerous short benedictions
(berakot) he would first, by way of introduction, divide
them into several classes : such as benedictions that are
occasioned by the obligatory performance of a Biblical or
rabbinical law, benedictions prescribed before the voluntary
partaking of the good things of this world, which afford
either bodily or mental pleasure, and so forth.'^
The ritual itself he divides into two main parts, the one
comprising prayers for every day, the other those for Sab-
bath, New-moon, Feasts and Fast-days. Each of these prin-
cipal divisions is again subdivided into two parts, the one
dealing with the prayers of the individual, the other with
those of the community in the synagogue. In connection
with these prayers he discusses the Halakic points bearing
on them, quoting, or tacitly basing his decisions on, passages
in both the Palestinian and Babylonian Talrnudim.'"'
'^'' For all the details here given see Steinschneider, Ncubauer, and
Bondi, as quoted in the Bibliography, II, pp. 329 f.
^" Saadia himself (quoted by Steinschneider, CB., 2205) states
explicitly that he will not quote all the passages in Mishnah and
Talmud on which he bases his views. This tendency to avoid as far
as possil)lc quotations from rabbinical literature is observable in other
SAADIA'S WORKS 149
As already noted, Saadia incorporated in his Order
numerous liturgical productions of eminent synagogue
poets, for example, the famous 'Abodah (hymn for the
Musaf-prayer of the Day of Atonement) of the Spanish
ritual (DJJID nnx) and another one by the Payyetan Jose b.
Jose {Ti"?^ nmn:! T'^TN), a selection of Hoshanot (hymns
for the feast of Tabernacles), Tehinnut, and Selihdt
(penitential prayers), many of which are not preserved else-
where.'^^ Here again he introduces the various composi-
tions by valuable remarks relative to their place in the syna-
gogue service and their importance there.
Great as was Saadia in the field of liturgy as the first
scientific collector, systematizer, and expounder of the
ancient material, his efforts did not stop here. He had begun,
it seems, in early life to write religious poetry for private as
well as communal use. His first work, the 'Agron, was in-
tended, as we have seen, to facilitate versification. An enthu-
siastic devotee of the Synagogue, and prompted by deep
religious feeling, he endeavored to enhance the divine ser-
vice by numerous liturgical compositions of his own. He
wrote synagogue poetry of nearly all the forms and descrip-
tions in vogue in his time. He himself informs us that he
composed a large number of 'Abodot for the Day of Atone-
ment, but chose to embody only one in his Order because,
he says, it was the shortest.^^" He likewise wrote numerous
Hoshanot, aside from those incorporated into his ritual.
These, however, have not all been preserved.^"
writings of Saadia (see below, note 461 ; Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, p. x ;
Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 166), and the reason in each case is that the
works were intended also for the Karaites, for whom that liter-
ature had no authority.
^^° See the enumeration in the Bibliography, II, pp. 330-335.
^^^ See Bondi, Der Siddur des Rabbi Saadia Gaon, Frankfurt a. M.,
1904, p. 38.
^"Comp. Halberstam, MGWJ., 1895, pp. inf., and below. Bibli-
ography, II, p. 2:^2, no. 5.
ISO SAADIA GAON
Among the species of poetry cultivated by Saadia his
'A::liarot (exhortations)""* deserve speci?,! mention. They
contain 119 four-mcmbered strophes, dealing in ten groups —
according to the Ten Commandments — with the 613 precepts
of the Bible. They were no doubt intended to be recited in
the synagogue.""' On the same subject he composed also a
lengthy didactic poem,""" in six sections of twenty-two double
lines each, corresponding to the letters of the Hebrew alpha-
bet. One section gives the alphabet acrostically in its usual
order, and the next in its inverted order (P""itf'n), the last
section containing, besides, the acrostic: " Sa'id (T'ytJ') ben
Joseph 'Alluf,"""^ which proves that the poem was written
between the years 922-928, when, as we saw in chapter three,
Saadia occupied the position of an 'Allnf in the Sura
academy. We must likewise assume that the 'Ashardt, were
composed during that period, for it has been discovered that
the first line has the same numerical value (469) as \2 TVD
^"i^N PlDV."^" The last section of the 'Ashardt, however, has
only the acrostic " Sa'id ben Joseph," without 'Allnf.
Apart from these pieces, which, owing to their consider-
able proportions, may be regarded as separate works, though
they were embodied in his Siddur, Saadia is known to have
composed a large number of Penitential Prayers (Tchinnot
^^^ Bibliography, II, p. 331, no. 3.
*" See Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, p. xviii, bottom.
'^Bibliography, II, p. 330, no. 2.
^^ See Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, 67, n. 11 ; in Zunz, Litcratnrgcschichte,
p. 94, 1. 4, read scchste for erstc.
^'Rapoport, in n^:ion^ n21Vn, volume VI (1862), 325, see below,
note 2>2>^, and for a similar signature of Saadia in another composition,
below, p. 2)2f'^, no. 4; comp. in particular Rapoport's Biography of
Kalir, note 12, where numerous instances from the latter's Piyyutim
are quoted, in which the author has signed his name by using words
that have the same numerical value. Saadia took Kalir as a model
in some other respects also; see above, p. 139 and below, p. 184. It
should be noted in passing that the recently discovered portion of
Saadia's Polemic against Hiwi, which was written about 927 likewise
bears the acrostics ^ll^S* l^VD and H^D ::'K"I T'^D; see Davidson,
Saadia's Polemic against Hiwi, New York, 1915, p. 34 f.
SAADIA'S WORKS 151
and Sclihot), some of which, in addition to those incorpor-
ated into the Siddur, have come to hght only recently from
the Genizah. From the same source came also an important
Tokehah (Admonition) of eighty-eight lines, containing a
fourfold alphabet in the acrostic."^^
All these productions disclose Saadia's great imaginative
power, and testify to his astounding mastery of the Hebrew
language in writing verse. It is true that for our taste
today, his verses are too artificial for poetic beauty. More-
over, his lines are often so obscure as to defy interpretation.
This is not due to the inefficiency of the author in the use of
the Hebrew language, but to the erroneous conception of
style and rhetoric, prevalent among the Arabs and Jews of
those times. It was thought that the more uncommon and
obscure the words one was able to gather and weave into a
composition, the more remarkable was his literary perform-
ance, and therefore the greater its merit. Authors would
exhaust themselves in the search for the most out-of-the-way
forms and phrases, and these would often be used in viola-
tion of all rules of grammar and syntax, thus making the
verse or the rhymed prose largely unintelligible, or at least
mystifying.^'^ In his poetical productions Saadia followed
this style to excess. He indulged in the most arbitrary
formations of nouns and verbs, outdoing therein even some
of the old Palestinian Payyetanim, by whom he was greatly
influenced.
This general predilection for rare and abstruse words
was accompanied by a fondness for all sorts of artificial
rhymes, acrostics of names and alphabets, catch-words from
Biblical passages, and the like. Such overloading of the verses
produced obscurity. But these performances were admired,
^^See the Bibliography, II, p. 334; 338, no. 8. For the origin of
acrostics in general see Steinschneider, Vorlcsungen iiber die Kunde
hebrdischer Handschriften, p. 3.
"^* Comp. Zunz, Synagcgale Poesie, pp. 117, 119; M. Sachs, in T*31P
D^ilOlP CJINJ n"" ^tJ^VD (ed. Rosenberg), pp. 84 f.; especially the
references in Harkavy, Zikron, V, 45, n. 7; comp. also Bardowicz,
Die Abfassungszeit der Baraita der 32 Normen, p. 62, n. 2.
152 SAADIA GAON
because it was considered that they demonstrated the ex-
traordinary skill and resourcefulness of the author in the
handling of the language. To point out only one instance in
Saadia's productions, we may cite his Introduction (nriTiD)
to the 'Ashdrot!^^ It contains fifteen four-membered
strophes following the order of the alphabet. Each line of
a strophe begins with a letter of the alphabet and rhymes
with the other three lines. In addition, the first line of each
strophe is preceded by a word from Ps. 68. 8 flf. (in consecu-
tive order), which is more or less suggestive of the idea con-
tained in the strophe, while the third line is led in the same
way by the first word of each consecutive verse from Can-
ticles.^'* Besides all this, the author has managed to work
his name into the first line by an arithmetical device.*^' The
last six strophes go far beyond even this, the lines being
divided into hemistichs with the same rhyme and double
acrostics. In the 'AsMrot proper a similarly artificial sys-
tem is adhered to throughovit.
With such complexity of the technic, it is not surprising
that the author could not attain to beauty or even to any
degree of clearness. Xo writer who subjects himself to such
unreasonable restrictions can accomplish anything but a sort
*" For other instances, see Elbogen, Studien, pp. 64, 82 f . ; comp.
Landshuth, mnVH moy, pp. 288 f.
^^° By way of illustration I give here the first strophe:
Dm3j^ p?D i"Nn
The word DTI^K (Ps. 68.8) is the leader of the strophe. The
first line, beginning f'VN, has the numerical value of ^IDV |3 TJ^D
^'\'?^^=46g. The word l^ti' (Canticles, i. i) leads the third line and
can be read together therewith. The strophe is followed by the
eulogy of the first benediction of the daily prayer, to which the fourth
line contains an allusion in the word pD^. For the meaning of the
whole see the commentary ad locum.
*" See above, note 332.
SAADIA'S WORKS I53
of literary hotchpotch. Even the 'AzMrot of Solomon Ibn
Gabirol, the greatest poet of the Synagogue, fall short, for
similar reasons, of the sublimity often attained by this
author.""^ Where Saadia did not resort to such artificial
means, as for instance, in the aforementioned poem on the
613 precepts or in the recently discovered Tokehah and
in the Polemic against Hiwi,"* his verses are on the whole
clear and smooth, though they never rise to the heights of
poetic beauty.
Taken all in all, Saadia's attainments as a synagogue poet
cannot be rated very high. But he has written some prayers
in plain Hebrew prose, which, in grace and purity of style
and in the fervency of religious emotion, rank among the
best the Synagogue has ever produced. Two of these,
called Bakkashot (supplications), have been adopted, wholly
or partly, into various rituals. They may be considered as
classics.^ The one, beginning " Thou art the Lord, Thou
alone," was destined by the author for Sabbaths and Feasts ;
and the other, beginning " To-day, too, I know .... that
the Lord is God," for Fast-days. An Arabic version of
the latter was made by Saadia himself, and a later author,
a certain Zemah b. Joshua, translated the former into the
same language.""' Both translations are found in Saadia's
Ritual along with the Hebrew originals. Maimonides,^^ who
was not too well-disposed towards prayers proceeding from
the schools of the Geonim, recommended these prayers of
Saadia for recital on the Eve of New Year's Day ; and Abra-
ham Ibn Ezra in his famous criticism of Kalir ^ expresses
^ Comp. Landshuth, mi3j;n HI^J/, p. 292.
^ See the Bibliography, II, p. 338, no. 8 ; VI, pp. 384 fif.
*"For all details see the Bibliography, II, pp. 331 flf.
^^ See Steinschneider, JQR., XII, 485 ; AL., § 234; Landshuth, /. c,
p. 287.
"'In a passage from an Arabic MS. Responsum, quoted by Stein-
schneider, CB., 2214; comp. also D"20in DmCi'D TlIP (Leipzig,
1859), I, no. 128; Zunz, Liter aturgeschichte, p. 96, no. 6; Bondi, p. 18.
^^ In his Commentary on Kohelet, 5, i ; comp. Zunz Synagogale
Foesie, p. 117, top; Landshuth, /. c, p. 293,
154 SAADIA GAON
himself with reference to them in the following words:
" The Gaon R. Saadia in his two Bakkashot, the like of which
no author ever composed, guarded himself against these
four blunders [of Kalir]. His prayers are written in the
language of the Bible, with due regard to grammar, without
obscurities and metaphors, and without the use of IMidrash."
Bahya Ibn Pakudah "" likewise quotes approvingly a passage
from the first Bakkashah, although, according to the custom
of the Middle Ages, he does not mention the author by name
but refers to him as " one of the worthies." Owing to its
simplicity in style and to the deep religious fervor that
breathes through its lines, most of the second BakkasMh,
with some later, and even older, additions, has found its way
into the Penitential Prayers (Selihot) for the Eve of New
Year, and in this form is referred to in mediaeval literature as
the " Widdui (Confession) of R. Saadia." There is, how-
ever, another short composition under this title, which is
likewise written in a beautiful Biblical style.^' These and
other pieces assure to Saadia a place of honor among the
best liturgical writers of the Synagogue.
Here, perhaps, is the place to discuss another product of
Saadia's art of versification, though it does not strictly be-
long under the heading of liturgy. It is his " Poem on the
Number of the Letters " (of the alphabet) occurring in the
Bible.'"' It consists of twenty-eight"' quatrains, twenty-
'^ Duties of the Heart, IV, 6, end. Luzzatto first identified the
passage (Litteraturblatt des Orients, XII, 170; comp. Dukes, Nahal
Kedunvim, pp. 2, 26; Landshuth, /. c, p. 293. Yahuda in his edition of
the Arabic original of Bahya's Duties, p. 224, top, does not realize
that Saadia is here quoted ; comp. Malter, JQR., N. S. vol. VII (1916-
1917), p. 384-
"" See the Bibliography, p. 333.
'**For the Hebrew title and other details see the Bibliography,
PP- 339 ff- According to Blau, JQR., VIII, 352, the poem gives only
tlie number of letters occurring in the Prophets and Hagiographa,
to the exclusion of the Pentateuch; see Marx, Journal of Biblical
Literature, XXXVIII (1919), 24, n. 3.
*" In Schechter's Saadyana, no. xxvi, verso, line 3, the letters ^JD are
probably to be corrected to n J-
I
i
SAADIA'S WORKS iS5
seven for the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, including the
five final letters, and one additional quatrain for the letter
tazv, the last in the alphabet. The purpose of the whole is to
show how many times each of the letters is found in the
Scriptures, such counting having been commended in the
Talmud (Kiddushin, 30a). The manner in which Saadia
carries out this Masoretic task is extremely artificial, and
cannot be here described in all its details."'* The first word
''" As no description can give an adequate idea of the technicalities
of this poem, I subjoin, as an illustration, the first stanza of the
Hebrew text with a few explanatory remarks :
nnxD '?r]v>T] ^3<DnMo;^Dm \"v^ '^^pn n"» jo^d rwim n^yitr
DV3B' iPi n^'o'^^r] nnT^ioD^ti'K'i nit^p ^"p^ n^Q^Njonn_ymK
.>fm5n njti' ^n n^t^'3D n^nn omny ^t^'o^ d^^n
The Aleph of ^HN indicates the first letter in the Hebrew alphabet,
to which letter the first quatrain is devoted; the letter O of PDD,
numerically equalling 40, and the letter 3 of "'J^jn equalling 2, indi-
cate the number 42,200, while the initial letters iVV of the second
hemistich equal nmnerically 2>77- We thus obtain 42,377, which is
the number of times the Aleph occurs in the Bible. The word 'PVtP'Pi
in the third hemistich alludes to the verse in Ezra, 2, 46, as quoted in
the " Commentary," which gives in words the number 42,360, while
the word niT^I in the last hemistich recalls the verse in Numbers, 7,
17, which contains the numbers 2 + 5 + 5 + 5 = I7; the two verses
thus make together 42,360+17 = 42,377, which again indicates the
number of times the Aleph is found in the Scriptures; comp. J.
Derenbourg, Manuel dii lecteiir, in Journal Asiatique, 1870, p. 546
(separate edition, p. 238). As regards the custom of counting the
letters in the Bible and as to the correctness of Saadia's computation
see the exhaustive studies of Ludwig Blau, JQR., VHI (1896),
343 flf.; IX, 122-144, 471-490; XVI (1904), 2>S7-2>72; comp. also
Schapira, in the Athenwum, 1878, Feb. 23, no. 2626, p. 253.
In English the above quatrain would read as follows : " The Tent
(i. e. the Temple), the foundation of my structures, whither my
ancestors made pilgrimage, where the congregation offered my sacri-
fices, and whither my children came for the sacrifice of thanks-
giving." The word f^V is the payj-etanic form for Plti'y often used
by Saadia; comp. Derenbourg, /. c, p. 447 (i39), "• 6.
156 SAADIA GAON
of each quatrain begins acrostically with a letter of the
alphabet. The words that follow in the hrst two hemistichs
begin with letters whose numerical value corresponds exactly
to the number of times the letter in question is to be found
in the Bible. The other two hemistichs contain each a word
from a Biblical verse in which the number thus indicated
happens to occur. The language of this mnemonic poem is
very enigmatic and obscure, so that Saadia himself deemed
it necessary to add to each quatrain a sort of " Commentary,"
to furnish a clue to its interpretation. I assent to the ascrip-
tion of this Penish to Saadia for obvious reasons. It does
not explain the stylistic difficulties and the real meaning
of these peculiar verses. It merely states in plain words
the number intended by the text and also quotes in full the
Biblical verses mysteriously alluded to. I do not believe
that anybody except the author himself could have found
the key to this riddle. If any mediaeval author had been so
fortunate as to find the clue, he would certainly have fur-
nished us with an extensive commentary.^'* It is needless to
say that this composition is devoid of all poetic merit. Xor
is it probal)Ie that the author ever intended to classify it as
poetry. His object was to assist the memory by arranging
the numbers of the letters in artificial rhymes. There is,
however, aside from this didactic purpose, a general idea
running through all the verses, and that is the expression
of the hope that the Twelve Tribes of Israel will be freed
from their captivity and return to the sanctuary at Jerusa-
lem.**" It is in keeping with this idea that most of the fifty-
"° The anonymous author of the ]N3^nn mSHO actualh- ascribes
the Commentary to Saadia ; comp. Derenbourg, Manuel du lecteur,
p. 547 (separate edition, p. 239) n. i, who, however, does not suffi-
ciently emphasize it, as the words CTDI TTni clearly say that Saadia
wrote the Perush. It should be noted that, as Derenbourg, /. c,
remarks, the editions as well as the MSS. contain only the second
half of the commentary to each stanza, which gives merely the respec-
tive Biblical verses, while the first half, which indicates in each
case the intended number, is to be found only in the INJTin n"l2nO.
""Derenbourg, p. 548 (240). Some later writers, who saw no
purpose in this poem, invented a curious story as the occasion of its
composition, for which see below, note 661.
SAADIA'S WORKS i57
four Biblical verses which the author has chosen to indicate
the numbers contain either one of the names of the twelve
sons of Jacob, or a name of one of their descendants, or have
otherwise some bearing on the restoration of Israel and of its
ancient cult.'" ^
HALAKAH
The study of the Talmud was at all times and in all
countries the most essential part of Jewish education. The
Talmud was the only subject in the entire range of Jewish
knowledge that, as we should say to-day, was considered
obligatory, although the Jews did not always have a com-
pulsory school system in the modern sense of the word.
It was a religious duty, incumbent upon every Jew, to study
the Torah, and Torali meant above all the Talmud, for even
the Bible was to be studied only through the spectacles of
the traditional law, its commentary. It is thus only in quite
recent times that a Jew, though he be a rabbi, may lay claim
to Jewish scholarship without having in the least familiar-
ized himself with the Talmudic literature. All Jewish au-
thors who attained to prominence in other fields of learning,
such as philology, philosophy, or even medicine and as-
tronomy, were first equipped with a more or less thorough
knowledge of the Talmud. Only then did they indulge their
individual inclinations and choose their respective fields of
literary activity. Saadia, the future Gaon, was no exception
to this rule. The study of the Talmud and, as far as it
existed, of the Halakic literature in general, was one of his
earliest occupations. We are not in a position, however,
to designate any of his numerous Talmudic works as be-
longing to the earlier period of his life, and thus being the
immediate result of his first Talmudic studies. Nor is it pos-
sible to assign dates and periods to any of his various works
on Halakic subjects.*^^ On general grounds it may be as-
sumed that his literary activity in the field of Halakah began
^°^ Comp. Derenbourg, p. 449 (141), n. 13.
^'^ See above, note 293, and below, note 376 ; comp. also the Bibli-
ography, III, p. 345, no. 3.
158 S A AD I A GAON
after he had settled in Babylonia as a member of the acad-
emy and reached its height during his occupancy of the
Gaonate, though some of the Halakic treatises on single
subjects, to be mentioned below, may date from an earlier
time. It was hardly necessary for Saadia to prove his
Talmudic learning by great Halakic works to justify his
appointment on the academic stafif. He was known to the
authorities personally and, besides, his numerous writings
on subjects other than Halakah as, for example, his polemics
against the Karaites, Ben Meir, and others, showed inciden-
tally his thorough familiarity with the literature of the
Talmud.
It is highly regrettable that the number of lost Saadianic
writings is largest in the department of the Halakah. It is
in this department more than in any other that Saadia's
importance in his capacity as Gaon should show itself. Of
all his works in the domain of the Halakah only two "" have
been preserved in toto. Of some others "^ a few small frag-
ments were recently brought to light from the Genizah,
while the rest are known only by their titles, or from quota-
tions in the works of later authors. In addition there are
about fifty complete Responsa written by Saadia to various
communities. While it is thus impossible to appreciate the
full extent of Saadia's Halakic activity, we can see from what
is left, that in this field as in all others Saadia was the most
important author among the Geonim. Unlike his predeces-
sors in the Gaonate, who confined themselves to issuing legal
decisions or to writing explanatory notes on single Talmudic
passages, he viewed the literature of the Talmud in its
entirety. To it he applied the same scientific method of
sifting, analyzing, and classifying which is identified with
his name in every field of literary endeavor. He grouped
"^Namely, the "Interpretation of the 13 Rules" (see below, pp.
159, 342) and the " Book on Inheritance" (below, pp. 163, 344). We
might perhaps count also the so-called Commentaries on BcrHkot
and on the Order of Teharot, for which see below, pp. 161, 342 ff.
'-^Bibliography, III, pp. 345-347, "OS. 2-5.
SAADIA'S WORKS i59
and arranged its contents under general heads, and brought
system into what might have been considered an irremediable
chaos.
Saadia's work in the field of Flalakah may be divided into
three main parts: (i) Methodology; (2) Interpretation;
and (3) Codification.^^^ Among his methodological works
two should be mentioned :
1. Kitah al-Madhal [ild al-Tahnnd] (^iiiro^N 3ST1D
[nitt^n^K ''^n] ), "Introduction to the Talmud," which seems
to have been much in use. It is referred to in several Geni-
zah fragments and in the works of later authors. The book
was extant in the Orient as late as the sixteenth century,
but since then all trace of it has been lost. The short extracts
preserved in the work of a sixteenth century author show
clearly the methodological character of Saadia's Intro-
duction."'
2. nna ;"' tJ'nD " Interpretation of the Thirteen Rules,"
written originally in Arabic and translated into Hebrew by
Nahum ha-Ma'arabi of the thirteenth century. It is a Com-
mentary on the " Baraita of Rabbi Ishmael " which occurs at
the beginning of the Sifra, an Halakic Midrash on Leviticus.
The Baraita, which originated in the school of the Tanna R.
Ishmael (first and second centuries), contains an enumeration
of thirteen hermeneutic rules for the Halakic interpretation
of Scriptures. This initial part is embodied in the daily
prayers of the standard ritual. In its extended form, as it ap-
pears in the Sifra, it contains also ample illustrations, taken
from the Mishnah and old Halakic Midrashim, for the proper
application of each rule. Saadia, realizing the fundamental
importance of these rules for the Halakah, undertook to ex-
plain them in his own methodical way. Unlike the old Baraita,
which only quotes passages as examples for the application
of the rules, Saadia first gives a clear definition of the mean-
ing and significance of each rule, classifies the laws falling
under it, and then proceeds to give copious examples showing
*'' Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 162.
'°* See the Bibliography, III, pp. 341 f .
i6o SAADIA GAON
its operation in given cases. He takes his material not only
from Halakic literature, but also from various portions of
the Scriptures, his avowed purpose being to extend the use
of these rules to questions of morality and good conduct
instead of confining it, as does the Baraita, to strictly Halakic
matters."^'
A few instances may suffice in illustration. The first
rule deals with the " inference a minori ad majus," or
vice versa (nam f'P). One of Saadia's illustrations is a
reference to Exodus, 21, 10, where a husband of two wives
is enjoined to fulfil his duty towards both, although no such
injunction is given regarding a man with but one wife.
Here, Saadia shows, the deduction by inference comes into
play. If a man is in duty bound to satisfy the needs of two
wives, although it may impose a great efi'ort upon him, how
much more is it incumbent upon him to discharge his duty
as a husband if he has only one wife. Another illustration
is derived from the Biblical injunctions to bring back to one's
enemy his ox or ass that went astray and to release the
enemy's ass that had fallen under its burden (Exodus,
23, 4.5) . The inference is that the same law naturally applies
to the ox and ass of a friend. Similarly, from the law that
forbids a man with two wives, the one beloved and the
other hated, to " make the son of the beloved the first born
(by leaving to him a double portion of his possessions) be-
fore the son of the hated who is the firstborn " (Deut., 21,
15-17), we must deduce by inference that if the son of the
'" For all further details see Miiiler's elaborate Introduction and
notes, in Oeuvres completes de Saadia, IX, pp. xxiii-xxxiii. Re-
garding the Baraita of the 13 Rules in general see Hoffmann, in
Berliner's Festschrift, pp. 55-71 ; comp. also ibidem, p. 56, n. 2, with
relation to Saadia. As to the supposed anti-Karaite tendency sec
the references in Poznanski's The Karaite Literary Opponents of
Saadiah, p. 08 (to p. 259). According to Weiss l"Tl (Wilna, 1904),
IV, 139, the nno j""" K'na originally formed part of the •'2*n
TlO^nn, that is, the work mentioned here as no. i. Steinschneider,
AL.. p. 50. thinks that both may have formed one work together with
the N"inD (see under Chronology, no. 2), whicli is not improbable:
comp. Bardowicz (quoted above, note 334), pp. 81-87, 100.
SAADIA'S IVORKS i6i
beloved happens to be the firstborn, the father cannot ac-
knowledge as such the son of the hated, if for some reason
he might desire to do so. Saadia adds one more illustration
of this rule, and concludes by saying that in this way many
more laws and ideas should be derived from the Bible."*
With the same painstaking care the remaining twelve rules
are elucidated by numerous instances from the Scriptures.
Almost complete uncertainty prevails when we turn to
the second group of Saadia'sHalakic writings, the interpreta-
tion of Mishnah and Talmud. Commentaries by Saadia on
the " Six Orders " are mentioned by an author of the twelfth
century.'"' It is not clear whether he means the Mishnah
only or also the Talmud. A so-called Commentary on the
whole tractate of Berakot, which, however, contains only a
few pages of lexicographical notes, was recently found among
the MSS. of the Genizah and published under the title ^V\^
niD"il '7V nnyo y\. Its authenticity is doubted by some ;
others deny it altogether, but admit that it contains rem-
nants of a larger Commentary on the Mishnah by the Gaon,
now lost.'"" Saadia's son Dosa speaks in one of his Re-
sponsa"^ of his father's Talmudic Commentaries (''{i'1"i5),
and references to such Commentaries by Saadia are found
^' Oeuvres, IX, 74; comp. Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 162 f.
^°' I refer to the traveller Pethahiah of Ratishon ; comp. Graetz,
Geschichte, V, 4th ed., p. 531, no. 12; Bacher, Abraham Ibn Esra's
Einleitung 5m seinem P entateuch-C omme ntar , p. 20, n. 2 ; see also
Dukes, Beitrage, II, 69; Steinschneider, CB., 2160, no. i; Ginzberg,
Geonica, I, 164; below, note 642.
"* See the Bibliography, III, pp. 342 flf. It should be noted that the
explanations of the words miDTI and Di;!"l2D"'X, quoted by mediaeval
authors in the name of Saadia (see Oeuvres, IX, p. xxxv, n. 5), are
actually found in this booklet, pp. gh, 17a; comp. also 13&, n. loi, and
the other passages noted by the editor, Wertheimer, p. 6, letter 5.
See, however, J. N. Epstein, Der gaondische Kommentar Zur Ord-
nung Tohoroth, Berlin, 191S, p. 31, n. i.
'"See Schechter, Saadyana, p. 59, 1. 2; Poznanski, 212 KDIT m
psa nnyO (reprint from Ha-Goren, VI), p. 11, n. 26; Eppenstein,
Beitrage, p. 118.
II
i62 SAADIA GAON
also in several Genizah fragments of Geonic origin."' N'one
of the passages makes it clear whether reference is had to
commentaries on entire tractates, or only to explanations
of single portions of the Talmud, such as are found in some
of Saadia's Responsa."" Moreover, the word ''ti''nD may
refer to Saadia's commentaries on Biblical books, in which
explanations of single words occurred."" It is most prob-
able, however, that the expression " commentaries " used
in these sources with reference to Saadia's writings is to be
taken literally. Saadia must at least have written such Com-
mentaries on the tractates Pcsahim, Sotah, Baba Mez'ia, Baba
Batra, and on the whole Order of Tehurot^^ He has, be-
sides, commented upon special chapters of Talmudic tractates
in separate writings. One such Commentary, covering part
of the seventh chapter of the tractate Shabbat, is mentioned
in Genizah MSS. mider the title " Interpretation (of the
IMishnah treating) of the Main Kinds of Work," which are
forbidden on the Sabbath (nnN^'O nn^? n^DDD) .''" However,
nothing definite can be said on the nature of Saadia's Tal-
mud exegesis. With the exception of the short glosses con-
tained in the later compilations on Berakot and on the Order
Teh-drot, as well as a few quotations in other works, not
even a fragment has so far come to light.
^^ Schechter, Saadyana, no. xxxii, 1. 2 ; xxxiii, 1. 2 ; comp. Azulai,
D^^njn Dti', ed. Benjacob, s. v. Saadia.
^ See e. g. Oeuvres, IX, 87, n. 7 ; 103, n. 3; 125, n. 5-
^ This is, indeed, the assumption of Poznanski, JQR., N. S., vol.
Ill (1912-1913), p. 410. See also J. N. Epstein (as quoted in n. 360),
n. 4.
'" Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 164, n. i ; comp. Poznanski, JQR., N. S.,
vol. in, p. 410; J. N. Epstein, /. c, pp. 30 ff., who proves that the
Commentary on the Order of Tcharot, which has been ascribed to
the Gaon Hai, is essentially a work of Saadia, redacted by a later
author.
*" It is mentioned in the book-list published from a Genizah !MS by
Bacher, REJ., XXXIX, p. 200, no. 28; comp. ib. p. 203, and Schechter,
Saadyana, p. 128. Eppenstein, Beitr'dge, p. 119, suggests that it may
have been a commentary on the whole tractate Shabbat, which is not
very probable, as we would expect a more general title.
SAADIA'S WORKS 163
Our knowledge of the third group of Saadia's Halakic
writings, those deahng with the codification of the rab-
binical law, is not much fuller. A considerable number of
treatises on various sections of rabbinic law is attributed to
Saadia by mediaeval authors and in old book-lists recently
discovered in the Genizah. But of all these works only one '"
has been preserved completely. Of some,^"* scant remnants
were brought to light lately, while others are known either
by their original Arabic, or by (original ?) Hebrew titles.
They may be enumerated as follows: i. On Inheritance;
2. On Pledges; 3. On Testimony and Contracts; 4. On
Incest; 5. On Meat disqualified for Food (terefah) ; 6. On
Usury; 7. On Defilement and Purity; 8. On (legal) Gifts;
9. On the Gifts due to the Priests; 10. On the Laws concern-
ing Menstruation.^^
It is hardly probable that these treatises were the partial
execution of a plan to codify the entire law by a succession of
such monographs. There is no obvious reason why, if this
were the intention of the author, he should have picked out
from the bulk of the rabbinic law precisely the subjects enu-
merated. From a passage in one of the treatises "° we
learn that he had intended to write more monographs on
questions of jurisprudence, but not that he had in mind to
codify the entire Talmudic law in such fashion. In
all likelihood most of the treatises were called forth by
interpellations on their respective subjects '" or by contro-
versies between Rabbanites and Karaites.^^' Others the
'■"The Book on Inheritance; see the Bibliography, III, p. 344.
'*' Those mentioned below, nos. 2-6; see the Bibliography of the
respective works, pp. 345 ff.
*^" From quotations in the Tiir of Jacob b. Asher, DPHV DID^n,
§§ 247, 251, it appears that Saadia wrote also a treatise on Charity.
Nothing, however, is otherwise known about it. See also below,
P- 397-
*'"The treatise on Testimony and Contracts; see the Bibliography,
p. 345; comp. Saadyana, p. 66, 11. 10-13; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 120,
n. 7.
""'Thus the treatise on Pledges, see Harkavy, D''J1S:n DiniJi'D,
p. 393, top.
"'' Steinschneider, AL., p. 50, top.
1 64 SAADIA GAON
author may have been stimulated to write by similar mono-
graphs on legal questions in the literature of the Arabs."*
This seems to be particularly the case with the treatises on
Inheritance and on Usury. The former is the one that has
come down to us in its entirety. It may therefore serve
as an example of Saadia's method of treating Halakic prob-
lems. The Introduction to this work, its style as well as
its content — the very fact that there is an Introduction — is a
conspicuous example of Arabic influence. No Jewish
author before Saadia had written an Introduction to his
work. The Mishnah, the Talmud, the ]\Iidrashim, and,
so far as known, other works of the pre-Saadianic time
have nothing whatever in that form.*" Moreover, a remark-
able feature of this Introduction is its absolute lack of
bearing on the Halakic contents of the book itself. After
the fashion of similar prefaces in the works of Muham-
medan writers, it contains enthusiastic praises of the Creator,
describing in a purely philosophic manner, His high
attributes, such as existence, eternity, and unity, empha-
sizing His infinite bounty toward all creatures, and show-
ing the necessity of our belief in Him and our obedience
to His laws. The last idea is practically the only point
that may be construed as an Introduction to the book
itself, which is a classification of the laws of inheritance laid
down in Holy Writ and developed in the Talmud. More than
one hundred questions concerning the rights of relatives to
inherit movable or immovable property are systematically dis-
cussed and clarified on the basis of traditional literature.*"
The influence of Muhammedan jurisprudence is obvious
throughout the work, a fact which leads to the assumption
that it was written after the author had sojourned for some
length of time in Babylonia, and had familiarized himself
*" See the works referred to in the Bibliography, p. 344, no. i.
*'*Not even the m^nj DID^H and others mentioned by Miiller,
Oeuvres, IX, p. viii.
*"* Sometimes Saadia allowed himself to decide even against the
Talmud ; comp. below, notes 462, 518.
SAADIA'S WORKS 165
thoroughly with the contents of kmdred Arabic Hterature
and the methods employed therein.^'*
In addition to these three groups of Saadia's Talmudic
works, mention must be made of the Halakic Responsa
issued by him from time to time in his capacity as Gaon.
To publish legal and religious decisions in response to ques-
tions was the exclusive right of the heads of the Babylonian
academies during the entire Geonic period.'" About fifty
of such Responsa issued by Saadia on various Halakic ques-
tions have been collected. Most of them seem to have been
written originally in Arabic and translated later into He-
brew ; others were written in Aramaic, the official language
of the Geonim.'"^ As an author of Responsa also, Saadia
occupies a unique position among the Geonim. Here, as in
all his writings, one can recognize at once a superior scien-
tific method and the systematizing thought of the philosopher,
who seeks a basis of broad principles for every subject he
treats. Saadia's method is so distinctive that it is possible to
discern his authorship of a Responsum though no other direct
evidence be available. In the Responsa, as elsewhere, he
numbers and classifies the points under consideration, bases
his arguments on verses from Scripture and passages from
Mishnah and Talmiid, and then supports his deductions by
the authority of reason. One instance out of many : Reuben
advanced money to Simeon and Levi, partners, in considera-
tion of a share in the profits of the partnership. Later
Reuben withdrew his contribution. Subsequently the entire
capital of Simeon and Levi was confiscated by the govern-
"' The assumption of Miiller {Oeuvres, IX, Hebrew Introduction,
p. xvii, bottom, French, p. xiii), followed by Ginzberg (Geonica, I,
165, n. 3), that the book on Inheritance was the first production of
Saadia in the field of the Halakah is therefore to be rejected; comp.
Steinschneider, AL., p. 48, no. 3 ; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, pp. 121 f.
Muhammedan influence is very evident also in the small fragment of
the treatise on Testimony and Contracts; see the Bibliography, III,
p. 345, no. 3.
^" Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 8 ff.
'" For all details relating to the Responsa, see the Bibliography,
III, pp. 349 f.
i66 SAADIA GAON
ment. Judah, a creditor of the partners, tries to recover his
debt from Reuben as partner of Simeon and Levi. Reuben
defends on the ground that he was not a partner but a credi-
tor ; which plea was confirmed by Simeon and Levi. A court
of arbitrators imposed an oath on Reuben to the effect that
he was not a partner and that he had no money of the firm
in his possession. Judah submitted. Later he changed his
mind and renewed his claim on the ground that the defen-
dant did not take the oath seriously, because it was informal.
The matter was then brought before Saadia. The Gaon
decided that Judah had no claim against Reuben, because the
partners were Simeon and Levi, whereas the defendant was
merely a creditor, like the plaintiff" himself, and there was
no privity of contract between them. The plaintiff had no
more claim against the defendant on account of the defen-
dant's contribution to the partnership than the defendant
would have against the plaintiff for the plaintiff"'s contri-
bution to the partnership. The arbitrators should, therefore,
have dismissed the case outright. Moreover, the arbitrators
had no right to administer to the defendant an informal oath,
because where the necessity of a formal oath is in doubt, a
compromise on an informal oath is not permitted. Now
Judah's assigning as error the informality of the oath is with-
out any ground. First: Judah was not entitled by law to
any oath at all, but only to a declaration of a general ban
against any one who was in partnership with Simeon and
Levi and refused to acknowledge it. Second : The oath was
not informal, because it was pronounced over a holy book ;
and third, which is most important, the plaintiff had no
right to disqualify the oath of the defendant on the assump-
tion that the latter did not attach sufficient significance to it.
It makes no difference what a person thinks of the validity
of an oath administered to him so long as it is recognized
by the law. " The fire," Saadia adds, " burns alike those
who believe in its burning effect and those who do not
believe in it; the knife cuts into the flesh of him who recog-
nizes its cutting capacity and of him who disputes it." This
interesting comparison he finds indicated in the words of
SAADIA'S WORKS 167
Jeremiah, 22,. 29 : " Is not My word like as fire, saith the
Lord, and Hke a hammer that breaketh the rock in pieces ? " ""
He then proceeds to prove that a deposition like the one in
question, made by a party while holding a sacred object in his
hand,^*" possesses all the sanctity and binding- force of a regu-
lar Biblical oath. Several verses are quoted in support of
this view.
Besides the collection of Responsa there is a large number
of quotations from the Halakic writings of Saadia in the
works of later authors. Altogether, over one hundred and
fifty of such quotations, some of considerable length, have
so far been collected. Two-thirds of them are of Halakic-
liturgical content. They were mostly derived by the mediae-
val authors directly or indirectly from Saadia's Ritual-
Order. The rest, with a few exceptions, were taken from
the Halakic works of Saadia now lost.^^*
To complete the account of Saadia's activity in the field of
Halakah, it should be noted that, not only are his liturgical
writings based in the main on Halakic laws and regulations,
but most of his works in other lines, especially those on the
calendar, as well as his numerous polemic writings against
the Karaites, have as their object the defense of Talmudic
Judaism and naturally discuss Halakic problems. Even in his
main philosophic work, the Kitdb al-'Amandt, and in his
commentaries on the Bible, he often resorts to Talmudic
disquisitions.'"' Thus, wherever we turn, we are constantly
reminded that the author was not merely a writer of philos-
ophy or exegesis, but fundamentally a great Talmudist — a
Gaon.
^^ Oeuvres, IX, p. 97, no. 10.
'*" Comp. Miiller ad locum, p. 98, n. 5.
^" For all details regarding the Quotations see the Bibliography,
III, pp. 350 f.
^^^ See below, note 462. In the Sefer ha-Galui too he devoted a
chapter to the discussion of matters relating to the history of the
Mishnah and the Talmud ; see below, p. 270.
i68 SAADIA GAON
CALENDAR
In nearly all the writings of Saadia a tendency toward
polemics is observable. It cannot be admitted that his only,
or even his chief, purpose was to refute, directly or in-
directly, the views of the Karaites and other dissenters, as
some scholars have recently asserted.^ The most that can
be said is that Saadia was of a positive and aggressive dispo-
sition and often emphasized too vigorously his own views as
against those of others, even in noncontroversial works.
There are, however, among his productions, many writings
ostensibly purporting to solve the problems of one or another
branch of science, but which, as a matter of fact, were under-
taken for the sole purpose of refuting opponents. To this
class belong particularly his disquisitions on the calendar.
These were not the natural result of Saadia's studies in a
specific field of learning, but were called forth by actual
happenings of a politico-religious character, which stirred
the communities of Oriental Jewry.
In an earlier chapter of the present work ^ the origin and
cause of this phase of Saadia's activity have been discussed
at length. I may therefore limit myself here to an enu-
meration of its literary product.^*" Some of these writings,
as will be seen below, were elicited by the authorities of the
Babylonian academies. Some of them have been preserved
only in a few fragments of the Genizah, or are known from
quotations only.
I. Sefer Zikkaron (in full nm^ n^JQl jnST nsD), "A
Record-book and Memorial-Scroll for (future) Genera-
tions," deals with the differences between the " Four Gates,"
— i. e., the four principal rules of the Jewish calendar as ac-
cepted by the Babylonian authorities — and the rules advo-
cated by their opponent, the Palestinian Ben Meir. The book
was written by Saadia during the summer of the year 922
^' See below, notes 547, 548.
°** See above, pp. 69-88.
*" For details regarding all the works enumerated below see the
Bibliography, under Calendar.
SAADIA'S WORKS 169
(common era) at the request, and under the name, of the Ex-
ilarch David b. Zakkai, and was designed to be read in pubHc
on the twentieth of Elul. Copies were sent not only to the
communities in Eastern countries, but also to those in Egypt
and elsewhere.
2. Four Gates (nnyti' nyms), an exposition of the four
principles of the traditional calendar, mentioned as a work
by Saadia in ancient book-lists discovered in the Genizah.
It is quite improbable that the book is identical with the one
mentioned in the preceding paragraph. For although the
extant fragment of the Sefer Zikkaron likewise deals with
the '• Four Gates," the object is not to explain their meaning,
but to refute the calculation of Ben Meir. Moreover, the
discussion of this matter is incidental, and not the main
burden of the book to justify the title nnytJ' nyniN.
3. Sefer ha-Mo'adim (nnyion "12D), on the appointment
of the Jewish festivals in accordance with the accepted cal-
endar, written at the request of the Exilarch, probably soon
after the controversy with Ben Meir (about 922-923 c. e.).
Only a few, partly mutilated, fragments have so far come
to light from the Genizah.
4. Three Letters, two in Hebrew and one in Arabic, ad-
dressed to his pupils in Egypt, soliciting their assistance in
the suppression of Ben Meir's changes. The two Hebrew
letters were written in the winter 922, c. e., while the Arabic
letter is dated " Sixth day, the eleventh of Tebet," without the
year, which obviously is 923. In this letter, covering over
two printed pages, Saadia informs his pupils that he is
sending them two copies of his Sefer Zikkaron, mentioned
above (No. i ) , and he implores them to act, and make others
act, in accordance with its teachings.
5. Seder {or Sod?) ha-Ihhur {^^IVT] [niD] inD), "The
Order (or Mysteries) of the Calendar," referred to by sev-
eral authors of the Middle Ages, as well as by a Muhammed-
an author of the tenth century. Nothing seems to have
been preserved of this work. The Arabic fragment pub-
lished some years ago probably belongs to another work
by Saadia. If this be the case, it will also be open to
170 SAADIA GAON
question whether the book under consideration was written
in Hebrew, as the title, if such it is, would seem^ to indi-
cate, or in Arabic, the language of nearly all of Saadia's
works.^' It is possible, however, that the Hebrew authors
did not refer to any particular work of Saadia's bearing the
title given above. They may have used the expression
genetically to designate Saadia's theories on the calendar,*"*
as laid down in his works on this subject, in his Bible Com-
mentaries, and in his polemic writings against the Karaites,
all of which dealt with this perpetual subject of controversy
between Karaites and Rabbanites.
It has also been suggested that the work is identical with
the one to be mentioned below under the heading of Chronol-
ogy (No. i). This view does not commend itself, because
the Hebrew term 'ibbfir was used more particularly to desig-
nate the calculation of the calendar, concerning which
nothing is found in the chronological work referred to.
In conclusion it should be explicitly stated that Saadia
wrote about the calendar in many of his works in other
^ The citation of a work by a Hebrew title is not sufficient proof
that the work was written in Hebrew. Later authors who wrote
Hebrew often quoted Arabic works by a Hebrew phrase, which
would properly indicate the contents (comp. for instance above, note
299), just as those who wrote in Arabic referred at times to Hebrew
works by an Arabic translation of the title.
^' Among all the writings of Saadia only a few are known to have
been written in Hebrew. These are (aside from liturgical pieces and
two letters) the 'Agron (first recension, see above, pp. 138 f.), the
Sefcr ha-Galui, the Scfcr ha-Moadim, the Refutation of Hayazimhi
(Hiwi), the Poem on the Alphabet (pp. 154 flf.), and probably also
the Dnytr nynnx. To these can now be added the Sefer
Zikkarun (see below, p. 414, no. 9) and perhaps also the Refutation
of Daniel al-Kumisi (see the Bibliography, p. 398, no. 10; comp.
Poznanski, JQR., X, 261, n. 3. As regards the Responsa see the
Bibliography, p. 349; comp. Steinschneider, Die hebrdischen Uber-
setcungen des Mittelalters, p. 909, n. z^. In view of these facts it
is not altogether improbable that the JinnU niD f'J/ t^•'nQ (see
below, p. 343) is not a translation but merely a recast of Saadia's
original work, by a later author, perhaps a pupil of Saadia ; comp.
Eppenstcin, Beilrdge, p. 118, n. 3.
*"* See, regarding this matter, the references given by Stein-
schneider, Bibliothcca Mathcmatica, 1895, p. 103, n. 11.
SAADIA'S WORKS 171
fields, including even liturgy, as, for instance, in his Siddur!'^
In the foregoing list, only those writings are included
which, so far as may be judged from the existing material,
dealt with the subject of calendar to the exclusion of all
else.
CHRONOLOGY
The chronological treatises that have come down to us
from the early centuries of the Middle Ages were not in-
tended by their authors to serve as records of the history of
the Jewish people. Such historical consciousness did not
then exist among Jewish authors. The chronological lists
they drew up were modeled in form after similar produc-
tions by Muhammedan writers, but the purpose was mostly
religious. It was the continuity of Jewish tradition ''° that
they endeavored to establish by means of such data, culled
from the Scriptures and the subsequent traditional litera-
ture. This had become a necessity after the rise of
Karaism (eighth century) and other cults which disputed
the authority of the Mishnah and the Talmud as a foreign
element in Judaism, out of harmony with the genuine tradi-
tions of Israel.^*" Saadia, the most conspicuous champion of
Rabbinism, certainly could not afford to neglect this side
of the issue between him and his Karaite opponents. More
than once he took occasion to emphasize the uninterrupted
continuity of traditional Judaism.'"^ For example, he con-
tends that the system of the calendar, as observed in his
days, was of immemorial antiquity, and that even in Bibli-
cal times months and festivals had been determined by cal-
culation ; a view considered untenable even by the majority of
Rabbinical authors.'"*^
^^ See Steinschneider, CB., 2205.
^^ Comp. Steinschneider, Geschichtsliteratur der Juden, §§ 9, 18
(p. 24).
^^"As late as in the 12th century Abraham Ibn Daud wrote his
n^npn no with the avowed purpose of refuting the Karaites; see
Steinschneider, ibidem, p. 46.
^"£. g. Kitab al-Amanat, pp. 23 (Hebrew, ed. Slucki, p. 12), 127
(66) ; see especially Guttmann, Die Religionsphilosophie des Saadia,
p. 147, n. 3.
'"'Comp. Poznanski, JQR., X, 159, 270 f. ; idem, in Hastings's
Encycl. of Religion and Ethics, s. v. Calendar, p. 119.
172 SAADIA GAON
Aside from casual discussions of the subject occurring
in his different writings, there are two separate works on
chronology attributable to Saadia. They are:
I. Kitab al-Tarih (hnNn^N 3i^n3), "Book of Chro-
nolo.^^y." Saadia is quoted as the author of a work under this
title by Judah lljn Bal'am, an eminent grammarian of the
eleventh century, who reproduces a passage therefrom and
points out an error. The same passage, with the error
referred to by Ibn Bal'am, is found literally in an anony-
mous work on chronology bearing the same title, Kitab
al-Ta'rih. It was therefore suggested wath great propriety,
that the latter is identical with the work quoted by Ibn
Bal'am. In support of this identification it has been pointed
out that the Arabic translations of the geographical names
of the Bible, which occur in large numbers in the anony-
mous Kitab al-Ta'rih, agree with the renditions of the same
names by Saadia in his Arabic version of the Bible. All
doubts as to Saadia's authorship of the anonymous work have
been finally dispelled by the recent discovery of a short frag-
ment of the initial part of the work, which agrees verbally
with the beginning of the anonymous text and contains
besides the definite ascription to Saadia.'"^
The work is divided into seven parts {'aksdm), covering
the history of the world from the Creation down to the
author's time. The Bible and the later traditional literature
serve as the main sources. The accounts reproduced from
the Scriptures are occasionally interpreted in the light of
Midrashic ideas. The last part, which is very short, shows
changes and additions by a later author or copyist, who
"^For all details here touched upon see the Bibliography, under
Chronology, p. 353. With regard to the points of contact between the
Kitab al-Ta'rih and other writings of Saadia (Bacher, REJ., XXXIT,
144) it should be noted that the reason for the longevity of the first
generations (from Adam to Abraham) advanced by Saadia in the
work before us (MJC, II, 90, end of chapter i) is found in greater
detail also in the recently published Introduction of Saadia to his
Commentary on the Psalms (HarksL-vy-Fcstschrifl, Hebrew part,
p. 143, lines 5-15; comp. MWJ., VIII, 16); comp. also H. Spiegel,
Saadia al-Fajjumi's arabische Danielversion, Berlin, igo6, pp. 11 f.,
who adduces some parallels to passages in our work from Saadia's
translation of Daniel.
SAADIA'S WORKS I73
mentions the years 944 (two years after Saadia's death),
1 125, and 1 159. The data of this chapter (on account of
Avhich Saadia's authorship was originally doubted) are
greatly confused, owing to numerous copyist's errors in the
text, especially in the numbers, which several scholars have
tried to rectify .°"*
2. Seder Tannaim we-'Amoraim (D"'NTiOK1 CXJn HID),
" Chronology of the Teachers of the Mishnah and the Tal-
mud." The discovery of fragments of such a work was
announced as early as 1886, but they were not published.
Possibly they are not part of a special work on chronology,
but of some other work, as the " Introduction to the Tal-
mud," or the Sefcr ha-Galui, the second chapter of which
dealt with the redaction of the Alishnah and the Talmud.""
3. Toledot Rahbenu ha-Kadosh (tJ^npn IJm nn^in),
" The Genealogy of R. Judah the Patriarch," the redactor
of the Mishnah, which Saadia was asked to write while
sojourning in Mosul. Only a few lines have been pre-
served.°''
4. ^JlotJ'n ^J3 n^3D, i. e., "The Scroll of the Hasmo-
neans," translated by Saadia from the original Aramaic into
Arabic. As is well known, the Scroll contains a detailed,
partly legendary, account of the Maccabasan victory over
Antiochus and his generals. Saadia, who in his Sejer ha-
Galui refers three times to the Aramaic Scroll, considered it
a work of the Hasmoneans themselves and hence impor-
tant enough to warrant a translation into the vernacular. It
is also most likely that, as Arabic was then more commonly
understood by the Jews than Aramaic, the translation was
intended to counteract the Karaites, who had rejected the
feast of Hanukkah as a Rabbanite invention."^"
*" See Bacher, Steinschneider, and Marx, as referred to in the
Bibliography, pp. 353 f.
'°^See above, note 357, and below, p. 270; Bibliography, p. 354,
no. 2.
^ Comp. above, note 107 ; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 91 ; BibU-
ography, p. 354, no. 3.
'°** See Neubauer, JQR., VI, 575. For further details see the
Bibliography, below, p. 355.
SAADIA GAON
PHILOSOPHY
A Greek thinker enunciated the idea that doubt is the first
step toward knowledge ; ""' it is through scepticism, and the
refusal to accept things as they present themselves, that we
arrive at a better understanding of their causes and a fuller
comprehension of the universe. This doctrine, now the
common property of all philosophers, is characteristic of
the pagan conception of the origin of truth. For the heathen
there is no ready-made truth, no pre-arranged system of
thought to be relied upon in our conduct, or in our interpreta-
tion of nature. The Platonic ideas and a few mathematical
axioms to the contrary notwithstanding, all knowledge is
the product of our own mind, the fruit of our observation
and experience. God himself is not a given entity, not an
a priori truth, but merely an inference, something to be found
by a logical process of demonstration.
In striking contrast thereto is the doctrine of Judaism.
God, to begin with the point mentioned last, is not an object
of reasoning and argumentation ; His existence is a matter
of course, an absolute fact neither to be doubted nor proved.
He, the Creator of the world, is the source of all knowledge,
the fountain of all truth. He revealed himself to His people,
and gave them an eternal law, which was to make them live
in accordance with His will, and He continued to guide them
through His prophets and inspired teachers.
In a system based on such principles there is no room
for doubt or scepticism. If scepticism is the generator
of philosophic truth, Judaism, as a positive religion, could
never become the bearer and promulgator of such truth.
In fact, Judaism is not a system of philosophy, but a moral
theology. It is not a scientific doctrine based on and de-
veloped by speculative thought. Leaving aside the legalistic
elements, it is the immediate expression of religious feeling
and emotion. Nor did Judaism ever produce philosophers
on its own soil. It is only because of recent assertions to the
contrar}% that it becomes necessary to emphasize again the
'"'EffTi oe Tois eviropijaai fiovXafievois irpovpyov to diairopijcTaL /caXdiy ' if
yap varepov evnopia Xiiffis rwv irporepov diropoi fjiivmi' effn. (.A.ristOtle^
Metaphysics, B, ch. i, p. 995(7. 27-29 of Berlin edition).
SAADIA'S WORKS 175
accepted fact, that the comparatively few Jewish authors
who have become known as philosophers were all inspired
by foreign thought. Some of the devotees of the Torah
who had imbibed the foreign spirit were alive to the con-
trast between the Jewish and the heathen conception of God
and the universe, and they held on to both in order to keep
themselves from slipping between the two stools. The whole
of Jewish philosophy was a product of the Galut, and not in-
digenous Oriental Judaism. At the first collision between
Jew and Greek on other than Palestinian soil, Philo the Alex-
andrian made a great efifort to fuse the two opposing cultures
into one. The artificial union was of comparatively short
duration, and its efifect on the subsequent development of
the synagogue was of slight importance, except, perhaps,
insofar as the Christian church may be considered an out-
growth thereof. For several centuries during the post-
Alexandrian period, one looks in vain for a philosopher
among- Jewish scholars until, under the dominion of the
Arabs in the Orient, Hebrew culture for the second time
collided with Greek philosophy in the garb of Muhamme-
dan literature. This encounter soon played sad havoc in
the ranks of Oriental Jewr}/-. The behef in the divine
origin of the Torah was shaken, and the people took up
with all sorts of religious vagaries then rampant in the
Orient. Saadia was the first to enter into the breach. With his
uncommon intellectual power and his vast knowledge of both
Jewish and secular literature, he set up a comprehensive
system of religious philosophy, culminating in the proof of
the superiority of Judaism as compared not only with other
religious systems, but also with the various doctrines of the
philosophers, and of the compatibility of Jewish tenets with
the dictates of reason. Saadia was, indeed, the first Jewish
philosopher fully conscious of the basic difference between
the Jewish and the philosophic conceptions of truth, and he
gave especial emphasis to the fact that Judaism is primarily
and essentially a religion based on historical experience ;
philosophic reflection being required only for the purpose of
furnishing secondary evidence of the genuineness and worth
176 SAADIA GAON
of its manifold teachings.""* And this constitutes his undy-
ing greatness.
As a linguist, a Talmudist, a liturgist, he has been greatly
surpassed by many of those who followed in the paths he
opened. But as a systematizer and scientific expounder of
the entire range of Jewish lore, as the builder of the most
complete system of Jewish religious philosophy, he has been
equalled by Maimonides alone. Even Maimonides, superior
though he is to Saadia in many respects, owed many of the
basic ideas in his philosophic doctrines to the works of the
Gaon,^" though, following the literary methods of the Middle
Ages, he never quotes them as his source.
The appreciation of Saadia as a master of philosophy
should not be based merely on those of his writings that are
specially devoted to the subject, but on the general trend of
his works in all other branches of Jewish literature as well.
Apart from the numerous philosophic ideas and expositions
we meet with in most of his existing writings *'^ — and doubt-
less there were many more in his lost works, especially in his
elaborate commentaries on the Bible ^"* — the philosophic
spirit of the author manifests itself in the method and the
^ This view is clearly stated by Saadia in his Introduction to the
Kitdb al-'Anwndt, pp. 22-26, Emnnot, ed. Slucki, Leipzig, 1864,
pp. 11-13.
^'This has been explicitly stated by Abarbanel, D''nf'N DI^VEO,
IX, ch. I, beginning: INVO"" rnijyui \'\^'^T\ nmD n03t^' ...
iDti'n nnn d^dt x^t^' nvn oy nmon >pnD3. a full account
of Saadia's influence on Maimonides in all fields of his literary
activity, including Halakah, requires a monograph. Respecting
Maimonides's indebtedness to Saadia in the field of philosophy see
Guttmann, in the Israel hcwy-Fcstschrift, Breslau, 191 1, pp. 308-
326 (also in Moses Ben Maimon, II, 202) ; comp. below, notes 416,
446, 578.
*"' E. .?. his Introductions to the "Book on Inheritance" (Oetivrcs,
IX, 1-8), the translation of the Pentateuch (Oeuzrcs, I) the Com-
mentaries on Job, Proverbs {Oexivres, V, VI), and the Psalms
{Yldir'kdLvy-Festschrift, pp. 138-152), as well as numerous philosophic
disquisitions embodied by the Caon in the respective commentaries
themselves; comp. in particular the Commentary on Proverbs, pp.
183-203.
*" See the extracts from Saadia's lost Commentary on the Penta-
teuch in Judah b. Barzillai's Commentary on the Scfer Ycdrah,
ed. Halbcrstam, pp. 89-92, 197.
SA APIA'S IVORKS I77
form of nearly everything he has written. This is what the
student recog^nizes as the pecuhar Saadianic characteristic.
In the following exposition, however, we shall devote our
attention more particularly to those works of the Gaon which
come properly under the head of philosophy.
I. Tafstr Kitah ol-Mabadt ( nxno^N 3Kn3 ^^DBD),
" Commentary on the Book of Creation " ""^ written in
the year 931, soon after the struggle between Saadia
and the Exilarch David b. Zakkai broke out. Saadia is the
first known ^^ commentator of this mysterious work, the
most puzzling literary production in existence. It might at
first seem surprising that a rationalist like Saadia, with his
pronounced aversion to all kinds of occult science, should
have taken the trouble of commenting upon such a mystical
document.'"^ It becomes understandable when we reflect
that in the time of Saadia this work had not yet been divested
*"' Regarding the title see Steinschneider, Hebrdische Ubersetz-
ungen, p. 443, n. 513. The date of composition is derived from a
passage in the Commentary (ed. Lambert, p. 52, bottom ; French
text, p. 76, n. i) ; comp. Harkavy, JQR., XII, 539. The passage is
reproduced also in a Hebrew translation in Judah b. Barzillai's ti'lTS
riT'V^ "130, p. 214, 1. 13 (see the Bibliography, pp. 355 ff.), where the
date T"'o*1=936 must be corrected to D"0"I, as it is in the Arabic
original, not T"0*1, as suggested by Halberstam in his note ad locum,
p. 325 (Steinschneider, /. c, n. 517) ; comp. note 293 and below p. 185.
For all further details see the Bibliography, pp. 355-359.
*"' The book had been commented upon prior to Saadia, as he
quotes in his Commentary (pp. 81 f., see below, note 576) some other
interpreter, against whose interpretation he argues. No older
commentary, however, is known, as that of Isaac Israeli does not
exist in its original form, only some portions of it having been
embodied in the Commentary of his pupil Dunash Ibn Tamim
(London, 1002). It is possible that the interpreter quoted by Saadia
is indeed Israeli, for another passage, quoted on p. 42 (11. 8 ff.), is
found in Dtinash's Commentary (p. 22) in the name of Israeli.
Regarding the complicated question of the authorship of that Com-
mentary see Steinschneider, AL., p. 44, no. 15; comp. above, p. 48.
*" Against the explanation of Guttmann {Saadia, pp. 26, 49) see
the correct remarks of Lambert, p. viii, who, however, goes too far
in asserting that Saadia had acquired all his knowledge of philosophy
in Egypt. Lambert was not yet aware of the more recently ascer-
tained fact that Saadia left Egypt when about 23 years old [see
Postscript].
12
178 SAADIA GAON
of its original character as a philosophic attempt to explain
the process of the world's generation by the will of the
Creator. It still had a claim upon the earnest attention of
the scholar. Moreover, Saadia seems to have had his mis-
givings as to the real value of the book and the acceptability
of its teachings. He expresses himself very cautiously
about the authorship of the work, saying that the general
belief which ascribes it to the patriarch Abraham can
only be sustained insofar as the ideas contained therein are
concerned, while in its literary form it is the product of
scholars who lived in Palestine. To support his view he
points to the Mishnah, which existed in oral tradition for
many centuries before it was put into writing. Even a part
of the Bible (Proverbs 25, i fif), he continues, went through
the same process."' It is characteristic of Saadia's attitude
toward the book that he does not accept what he presents as
its basic theory of creation. He substitutes another theory,
which, he says, is that of the Torah,**^ a rather surprising
attitude in view of the circumstance that the theory of the
Sefcr Yeqirah is supposed to have been taught by the pa-
triarch Abraham. He also realizes that the text had been
much tampered with, and cannot always be taken as a safe
guide. He makes many emendations,"' and '" to prevent fur-
ther alterations and misinterpretations " ""' gives the Hebrew
text in full, with a verbal Arabic translation (tafsir). This
is followed by a lengthy commentary (shark). The Hebrew
text he divides into eight chapters, of which the first four are
subdivided into twenty-four paragraphs (halakot), while
the latter four, which he considers merely as a more detailed
repetition and development of the former,"" are given with-
*" Tafsir, p. 12, French translation, p. 28 (in the following notes
the references to the French translation will be indicated by figures
in parentheses) ; comp. Jellinek, Bcitrdge cur Gcsch. dcr Kabbala,
I, 5. The same view as regards parts of the Bible he expresses in
his Commentary on Proverbs, 25, i ; comp. Steinschneider,
Hebrdische Ubcrsetzungcn, p. 443, n. 515.
** Tafsir, pp. 11 (27), 91 (113), 1. 7; comp. below, p. 182, top.
^'^See Tafsir, pp. 26, 1. 9; 50, 3-9; 80, 14; 102, 8.
*°^ Tafsir, p. 13 (29), end of the Introduction.
*^ Tafsir, p. 89 (112), 11. 17 flF.
SAADJA'S WORKS i79
out further division and without the tafsir. The Commen-
tary on this portion of the book, too, is comparatively brief,
occupying about the tenth part of the whole (exclusive of
the Introduction). In his introductory remarks to this part
of the work, at the end of the fourth chapter (p. 98, bottom)
he states that the Commentary on the following chapters will
be limited to the explanation of rare words and the elucida-
tion of new matter.
Whether or not Saadia succeeded in unravelling the mys-
teries of the Sefer Yedrah — let it be said distinctly that he
did not — is not a matter of much concern. The Commentary,
such as it is, is a valuable specimen of the early attempts to ex-
plain the book. It contains, however, a wealth of material of
special importance for the appreciation of Saadia's achieve-
ments in various fields of knowledge, more particularly in
those of Hebrew grammar and religions philosophy. A
detailed account of Saadia's detached theories on these
subjects, as they occur in this Commentary, is out of the
question here. It would require the reproduction of a con-
siderable portion of the book. Nor is this the place for a
discussion of the doctrines of the Sefer Yezirah itself as
presented by Saadia. A brief summary of the philosophic
problems presented, and of some other hterary and historical
questions dealt with by the author in connection with his
explanations of the text, will suffice to show the general
character and literary significance of his Commentary.
We have seen that it was Saadia's scientific method to
introduce his works, whether they were of an independent
nature or in the form of commentaries, by a general outline
of the subject under consideration, or by an analysis of the
content, scope and purpose of the book to be commented
upon."" The same method is adhered to in the Commen-
tary on the Sefer Yesirah. A lengthy Introduction, occu-
pying twelve pages of the Arabic text, begins with the
brief statement, that the book is generally ascribed to
Abraham the patriarch. After a short praise of God, cus-
410
See in particular the Introductions to Job, Proverbs, and Psalms.
i8o SAADIA GAON
tomary in Arabic "' works, he points out that the most
difficult problem that has troubled the mind of thinkers
among all nations is the origin of the universe. Even the
author of a Biblical book, King Solomon, had to admit that
his reasoning did not avail him to solve this problem
(Kohelet, 7, 24). Nevertheless it is not permissible to
abandon the study of this question, for " philosophy is one
of the noblest creations of God," and Scripture recognizes
in philosophy, so to speak, one of the occupations of the
Creator himself,"' when it says (Job, 12, 22) : " He discov-
ereth deep things out of darkness and bringeth out to light
things obscure."
Having thus prepared the way for a philosophic inves-
tigation, he gives an historical account of the various
Greek theories of the origin of the world, and refutes them
one by one. It is Saadia's habit, observable in all his works,
not to mention the names of authors whose views he op-
poses,""" a custom departed from in but a few rare instances.
He follows here his common practice. The theories he dis-
cusses are, however, readily traceable to their respective
authors. The first, affirming the eternity of the world, is
that of the so-called Dahriyya (Eternalists), which differs
from that of Aristotle insofar as it eliminates the idea of a
prime mover "^^ ; the second, which he subdivides into three
somewhat similar branches, seems to be a combination
"^ The prayer is always followed by the formula TyS XOX, which
introduces the subject proper; in Hebrew works under Arabic in-
fluence usually ^X^ ^2t^'^ "inx, or, as in the Emunot, beginning:
"11 IJnnQtJ^ riD inxi; see the numerous instances collected by
Steinschneider, HB., X, 98, n. 3 ; XII, 57, n. i. The Arabs consider
the formula very important and credit David with its invention ;
see Steinschneider, Vorlesungcn iiber die Kunde hcbraischer Hand-
schriften, p. 35.
*"Comp. Guttmann, Saadia, p. 48, n. 3. Saadia's theory reminds
one of the dictum of K. F. Gauss, the great German mathematician :
6 Geos tiadTjiiari^ii.
*'^" Saadia says this explicitly in his 'Agron, Harkavy, Zikron,
V, 51.
'"'' Comp. Horovitz, Cohen's Festschrift, p. 243, n. i ; below, note
475-
I
SAADIA'S WORKS i8i
of the doctrines of Plato and of the Greek atomists Leucip-
pus (500 b. c. e.) and Democritus (460) ; the fourth, which
postulates water as the prime matter, is the theory of the
oldest known Greek philosopher, Thales of Miletus (640) ;
while the fifth and the sixth theories, the one considering
the element of air and the other that of fire as the prime
matter, are those of Anaximenes (550) and Heraclitus (500)
respectively. To these is added, as the seventh theory, the
teaching of Pythagoras (586-506), that all existence origi-
nates through numbers.
It is obvious that Saadia did not follow chronology in
thus disposing of the Greek thinkers. He seems to have
arranged the theories in the order of his valuation of them,
putting the least probable first, and proceeding by degrees
to the most plausible. This will explain why he interrupted
the order by inserting in the third place a theory which he
evidently attributes to some unnamed Jewish authors, who
maintain that the world was created, but, basing their
inference upon an erroneous interpretation of a Mishnah
(Hagigah, II, i), forbid the study of how and by what
means the creation was efifected. Naturally, such restric-
tion of the right to philosophize did not appeal to Saadia, and
he put the theory where he thought it belonged."'
Having rejected, as to the origin of the universe, the seven
views cited, Saadia turns to the theory of the Scfer Ye-
zirah, which, according to him, differs from that of Pythag-
oras only insofar as, in addition to the ten numerals, it
postulates also the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alpha-
bet as the creative mechanism and the essence of all creation.
Saadia devotes much space here and elsewhere in his Com-
mentary to the elucidation of this fantastic theory, which,
together with that of Pythagoras, he endeavors to harmonize
with the teachings of Judaism. The author of the Sefer
Ye'~irah, he asserts,*" did not mean to say that the numbers
and letters pre-existed as separate entities, out of which the
world was created, but only that they constituted an impor-
"" For further discussion of the subject see below, pp. 202-204.
'''Tafsir, p. 10 (26, top), 11. 15 f.
i82 SAADIA GAON
tant factor in the process of the world's formation as the
underlying principles of order and symmetry in all nature.
But Saadia does not accept all the views of the Sefer
Yeqirah.*^^ According to him there was no gradual process
of formation such as described in that work, but, " as taught
in the Book of Genesis, the four elements, fire, air, water, and
earth, with all their compositions, combinations, and for-
mations, were created by God {ex nihilo) at one stroke, just
as the flesh, bones, veins, skin, and all that forms itself
thereof originate all at once in the embryo ; the pulp, kernel,
peel, stalk, and other components begin simultaneously in
the fruit, and the elements of fire, redness, brilliancy, and
ignition, appear all at the same time in the flame." "'
Here the Introduction ends, but before taking up the text
for interpretation the commentator discusses the question of
Abraham's authorship. In this connection we receive his-
torically important information about the differences between
the Babylonian and Palestinian Jews in naming the letters of
the Hebrew alphabet and in the pronunciation of the resh.*"
It is on the basis of these observations in the text of the
Sefer Yezirah that Saadia assigns it to a Palestinian author.
Among the points of interest discussed in the Commentary
proper the following may briefly be sketched.
*" To minimize the importance of the theory of the Sefer Yezirah,
as one advanced by Abraham, Saadia declares (Tafsir, p. 17 (35),
bottom) that Abraham did not assert it as a positive truth, but
merely suggested it as an idea that appealed to his imagination;
comp. Tafsir, p. 12 (28), 11. 17 ff.
^^^ Tafsir, p. 12 (27). It is interesting to note that Saadia quotes
this passage from his Commentary on Genesis, now lost (comp.
the Bibliography, p. 308). The question of the correctness of these
illustrations from the viewpoint of modern science does not concern
us. Saadia expresses the same view in the 'Avianat, p. 88, 11. 17 ff.
{Em., p. 46). In both places he bases it on Is. 48. 13, as interpreted
in the Talmud (Hagigah, 12a). Here again Maimonides (Dalalat,
II, ch. 30; Munk, Guide, II, p. 234) follows Saadia, without referring
to his source; comp. Guttmann, in Isr. Levvy's Festschrift, p. 322
(Moses ben Maimon, II, 212); above, note 399; below, notes 446,
515, 5410-
*" Comp. Derenbourg, Manuel dti lectenr (Journal Asiatiquc,
1870), p. 459, n. i; 496; Briill, Jahrbitcher, II, 158 ff. ; Bacher,
Anfiinge, pp. 22 f.
SAADIA'S WORKS 183
Chapter i (pp. 13-36) . A lengthy discussion in which the
distinction is drawn between things knowable and therefore
to be studied with zeal, as, for instance, the content and
meaning of the rehgious law, and things unknowable, as the
laws of nature. " For if you ask the wisest among men
why does fire tend upward and water downward, or why
is the element of air in motion and that of the earth stable,
he will not be able to say more than that they were so created
and that this is their nature " "^ — as satisfactory a reply as
the modern scientist makes when he refers a questioner
dogmatically to the laws of " gravitation " or of " chemical
affinity."
The author of the Sefer Yesirah, Saadia continues, who
seems to have gone much farther in presenting his solutions
of nature's mysteries, in reality did not pretend to know what
is unknowable, but merely suggested that the numbers and
letters may have been the instruments of creation, just as we
believe in a creatio ex nihilo, though we have never wit-
nessed anything coming out of nothing.^"
Saadia's efforts to blend Judaism with Greek philosophy
are characteristically illustrated in his interpretation of ten
divine names used in the Sefer Yesirah and even of the Ten
Commandments as indicative of the ten categories of Aris-
totle.*^" Needless to say, he turns many an exegetical somer-
sault in order to accomplish his purpose. A little further on
(p. 22) he attributes in the name of " scholars " a fourfold
existence to all things : in reality, in speech, in writing, and
*^^ Tafsir, p. 15 {22), 11. 15 ff. The same occurs, at still greater
length, in Saadia's Commentary on Proverbs, 30, 3-4; comp. also
Commentary on Job, 28, 28, and Bacher's note to that passage. The
passage is quoted by Eliezer b. Nathan (see the references below,
note 623) and Judah b. Barzillai, ''"DQ p. 155 (comp. also p. 275)
from the Commentary on Proverbs, not from that on the Sefer
Yezirah, as assumed by Kaufmann in his note ad locum, p. 339.
"" Tafsir, p. 17 (35) ; comp. note 415.
^^ Tafsir, pp. 18-22 (36-42). Part of this exposition is quoted by
Berechiah ha-Nakdan, ^IVD, pp. Ii8f. (comp. the Bibliography,
P- 358) ; comp. Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 276-278.
i84 SAADIA GAON
in thought. For this idea I do not know the source/" In
connection with the alHterative passage sefer, sefdr, sippur
(beginning of Sefer Yezlrah), he points to similar alHtera-
tions in Bible (Isaiah, 24, 17), Talmud (Erubin, 656, top:
1DJ;D3 lona 10^33) ; Eleazar Kalir's liturgy (Kcrubot to the
second day of Tabernacles : nD''DJ2 "'D''Dn^ ""DDID^ ''DDID^
tynp), and in the style of Hebrew letters prevalent in his own
time, of which he quotes several examples.'"
Other points in this chapter worth mentioning are :
Saadia's correct explanation of the meaning of the dragon in
astronomy,*"^ and his accurate description of the inequality
in length of days and nights in different parts of the world,
which ultimately results in some countries having continuous
day or night for a period of six months.*^*
Chapter 2 (pp. 36-55). The lengthy discussion of the
consonants and vowels of the Hebrew alphabet and their pro-
nunciation by the Tiberians and Babylonians (pp. 42-46),
which is of great importance for the history of Hebrew
grammar, has been fully treated by competent scholars *" and
may therefore be passed over. Among the points of interest
in this chapter we note Saadia's contention that the earth is
round, inclosed on all sides by the heavens, in opposition to
the author of the Sefer Yezirah, who considers it Hat,
covered only on one side by the heavens " as the roof covers
the house." *'" The endless diversity in the physical properties
of organic and inorganic bodies Saadia explains, like Aris-
totle, as the result of different combinations of the primary
*"The idea is repeated in Tafsir, p. 44 (67), 11. 15 ff.; comp.
Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 230, 1. 9 from below ; 278, 11. 29 fif.
*" Tafsir, p. 23; comp. Lambert's translation, p. 43, n. 7; Dukes,
D^JDIIP ^nj, p. 24; Steinschneider, Kerem Chemed, IX, 40; Har-
kavy, Zikron, V, no; comp. J. N. Epstein (above, note 360), p. 45.
*^ Tafsir, p. 32 (52 f.), quoted also by Judah b. Barzillai, p. 200;
comp. Kaufmann, ad locum, p. 345.
*" Tafsir, p. 2Z (54) ; comp. Lambert's Introduction, p. x.
*" Bacher, Anf'dnge, pp. 38-62.
"'Tafsir, p. 48 (71), 11. 13 ff. ; comp. Lambert, Introduction, p. x.
SAADIA'S WORKS 185
elements which constitute the bodies.'"' In illustration thereof
he points to the new meanings always arising from the per-
mutation of letters in a word, or the transposition of words
within given sentences. Drifting into the field of astrology
(in which Saadia, in spite of his pronounced rationalism,
probably believed to some extent) he illustrates the same idea
by showing the varying influences of the stars on human
actions in accordance with their position in the zodiac.''"* For
the computation of the planetary motions he uses as a starting
point the day on which he was writing, so that we learn
incidentally the date of the work. It was Tuesday, the
twelfth of Sivan, 1242 era contractuum = Ma.y 31, 931, c. e.""
Chapter 3 (pp. 55-69). Numbers and letters occupying
so prominent a position in the " Book of Creation," Saadia
again and again takes occasion to discuss their qualities and
significance from various points of view. The number
" One " is extolled as the most important of all, being the
origin of all numbers with their infinite potentialities and pre-
ceded by none, resembling in this respect the Creator of the
universe."" The difficulties of the text often lead Saadia to
very curious conceits. The letter K' with its three arms ris-
ing from the base, symboHzes to him the upward striving
element of fire ; the » with its two sides dropping down,
represents the water ; and the t? with outspread wings the
^ Tafsir, p. 51 (-/T) f-) ; Lambert, p. x. In a similar way he ex-
plains elsewhere in this work (p. 60, top) the causes of the differ-
entiation between male and female ; comp. Lambert, p. S:2 ; Judah
b. Barzillai, p. 222, top.
^^Tafsir, p. 53 (76 f.) ; Judah b. Barzillai, p. 214.
"^ See above, note 402. It may here be added that nearly all of
the second chapter is reproduced in a Hebrew translation in the
"•"DQ of Judah b. Barzillai (see the Bibliography, pp. 356!.), but the
text is very corrupt.
"^ Tafsir, p. 56 (79), 1. 4 from below; Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 260 f.
On p. 27 (48, top), 11. lift'., Saadia restricts this statement to the
effect that numbers, like time, are infinite only in comparison with
ourselves, but not when compared to God. Another paragraph is
devoted to the glorification of the number One; Tafsir, p. 68 (89 f.) ;
comp. Steinschneider, Bibliotheca Mathematica, 1895, pp. 23 f.
i86 SAADIA GAON
air."' A lengthy discussion on the permutations of letters ^"
shows their endless progression with the increasing number
of letters added to a word, so that the longest word occurring
in the Bible and counting only eleven letters (D"':D"nt;'nNni,
Esther, 9, 3), permits of 39,916,800 combinations! He con-
cludes this discussion with the following interesting remarks :
" In similar proportions increases the gain of him who
searches after knowledge. Each time he learns a point he
derives therefrom another one, just as the profit of the mer-
chant increases each time he adds something to the capital.
Nay, even more; the profit gained by study can always be
added to the capital, while the profit of capital engaged in
business in the beginning is spent so that it disappears,
wherefore Scripture (Prov. 3, 14) says: The merchandise
of it is better than the merchandise of silver, and the gain
thereof than fine gold."
The Commentary on the " Book of Creation " is, so far
as I know, the only extant work of Saadia in which he
touches also upon the ancient idea of the parallelism existing
between the universe as a macrocosm and man as a micro-
cosm ^*^ ; an idea which, as I have shown elsewhere, has its
origin in old Babylonian literature.*^ Following a jMidrash,*^
Saadia interposes between these two worlds an intermediary
world, which is represented by the Holy Tabernacle. He
refers the reader to his "commentary on the construction
of the Tabernacle," in which he draws eighteen parallelisms
among the three w^orlds."*" Here only two are given : to
■"^ Tafsir, p. 59 (82) ; Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 221 f . ; comp. also
Tafsir, p. 91 (113, bottom).
^^ Tafsir, pp. 62-64 (83-85) ; Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 244 ff. Judah
(p. 243, bottom) quotes some other words of the Bible as the longest.
Ibn Ganah, Kitab al-Luma', p. 29 (HOpT, p. 7) uses Saadia, as usual,
without name.
*^ Tafsir, pp, 67 f. (89) ; comp. also p. 91 (113 f.), end of chapter 4.
*^ Comp. Malter, PcrsoniUcaiions of Soul and Body, JQR., N. S.,
vol. II (1911-1912), pp. 453 ff.
'" See Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrasch, III, 175 f.
"" Quoted by Abraham Ibn Ezra, on Exodus, 25, 40 ; see also his
Short Commentary on Exodus, 25, 7 (Geiger, Wisscnschaftliche
SAADIA'S WORKS 187
the two celestial lights (sun and moon) correspond the two
eyes in man and the lamps in the candlestick of the Taber-
nacle ; the firmament which divided the water under it from
the water above it (Genesis, i, 7) is paralleled by the veil
which divided between the holy and most holy place in the
Tabernacle (Exodus, 26, 33) and by the diaphragm,"" which
separates the organs of nutrition from those of respiration in
man.
Chapter 4 (pp. 69-92). Most of this chapter is devoted
to the explanation of the theory of creation supposed to be
propounded by the Sefcr Yemrah."^^ The believers, Saadia
begins, use various terms in trying to describe the process of
creation. They say, God created the world by his " breath,"
"spirit" (nn), "word" (nm), "power," "will," "desire,"
and the like. But all these terms have one and the same mean-
ing. The author of our book uses " breath," which is used
also in Scripture (Job, 26, 13), "by his breath the heavens
are garnished." When the breath, or spirit, is conceived
as having assumed actual form, it is called " word." Thus
Scripture says (Psalms, ^t,, 6), "by the word of God were
the heavens made ; and all the hosts of them by the breath
of His mouth." When the letters of a word are spoken into
the air, they shape themselves into substantial entities.
Through the vibration of the air they then reach the ear of
the listener. The word of God, being infinitely more effec-
tive, at once carried creation with it. He said and it was.
According to Saadia's interpretation of the Sefer Yesirah
the first thing God created was a certain intangible, rarefied,
Zeitschrift, V, 299) ; another author (see Steinschneider, CB., 2207)
quotes 16 instead of 18, see the Bibliography, p. 312. For more par-
ticulars on this subject see A. Epstein, RE J., XXI (1890), 92-97;
XXII, 1-4; Briill, Jahrbiicher, VII, 117; Maker, JQR., N. S., vol. II
(1911-1912), p. 479. n. 99.
■"^Saadia uses here the Greek word (H0^13''n = 5(d0pa7/ixa),
hence also the translator Moses of Lucena; see Steinschneider,
Hebrdische JJbersetzungen, p. 448, and Epstein, /. c, XXI, p. 93, n. 4.
*^*The first two paragraphs of this chapter (69-74) are given also
by Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 177-179, and partly by Moses Tachau, Osar
Nechmad, II, 66 f. (see below, pp. 281 ff., 358).
i88 SAADIA GAON
pneumatic or ethereal substances,"' which differs from the
tangible air that surrounds us by its greater tenuity and
sublimated quality. The next step was the creation of the
atmosplieric air. At this stage the alphabet, or rather the
words of God formed therefrom, became the active instru-
ments of creation, the air serving as the medium for the
transmission of God's will.
As pointed out before (pp. 178, 182), Saadia does not
accept this theory in full. According to him there were
no prior and posterior stages in the process of creation,
but all sprang into potential existence at once, and the
Biblical account of a six days' duration refers only to
the gradual development into reality. But he seems to
have admitted the differentiation between the ethereal sub-
stance and the atmospheric air, which he imputes to the
author of the Sefer Yezirah. He expatiates consider-
ably upon the subject, and in connection therewith en-
deavors to prove also the omnipresence of God and to show-
God's relation to the universe."" The pneumatic substance, or
"* Saadia uses various terms to designate this substance, as pecu-
liar, simple, subtle, second, air.
*'" Lambert, p. vii, contends that Saadia had given up this theory
when writing the Kitab al-'Amanat, or had never recognized it.
" Dans son traite de theologie, Saadya ne parle plus de cette theorie.
La il clicrche a prouver la creation et son corollaire, I'existence de
Dieu, niais il ne tente plus d'exposer les relations de Dieu et du
monde." Probably following Lambert, S. Horovitz, Uber den
EinRuss der griechischen Philosophie auf die Entzuicklung des
Kalam, Breslau, 1909, p. 43, likewise asserts that there is no trace
of that theory in Saadia's main philosophic work. Both Lambert
and Horovitz, however, overlooked or misunderstood the parallel
passages, 'AmCinat, pp. 88, 91 (Emnndt, Leipzig, 1864, pp. 46, 48), es-
pecially p. 108, 11. i-8(E7nfinot, p. 55, 11. 32 ft.; Tafsir, p. 71) which,
though not so explicit as in the Tafsir, are nevertheless based on the
same theory, and can only be understood in the light thereof; comp.
'Amdnat, p. 88, 11. 12 ff., and Tafsir, p. 70, top (Lambert's translation,
p. 91, is here incomplete) ; 'Avidndt, p. 88, 1. 3, and Tafsir, p. 72 (94),
1. II, and especially 'Amdnat, p. 91, 11. 17 ff., and Tafsir. p. 73 (95, bot-
tom), 11. 9 f. (the text, 1. II, gives no sense, for '?]}i> ^'^ N0JS1 is prob-
ably to be read Syj X^JXl). Guttmann (Saadia, pp. 119, 127) cor-
rectly recognized the connection between the two works, but failed to
see that the passage, Emnndt, p. 48, is likewise part of the theory that
SAADIA'S WORKS 189
ether, which he probably adopted from the Stoics/" per-
vades all existence, even the interior of the most solid bodies.
It is through the medium of this sublimated air that God is
omnipresent ; it is, figuratively speaking, " the throne of
God's majesty," "^ the agency of the divine spirit that ani-
mates and sustains all creation. Scripture therefore says
(Psalms, 103, 19), " God hath estabHshed His throne in the
heavens ; and His kingdom ruleth over all." In this sense
Jerusalem,*" the city from which God sent His messages to
the world, is called " the throne of God " (Jeremiah, 3, 17).
The same all-pervading ethereal substance is often designated
in Scriptures by the name Kabod, " glory," as it is said
(Isaiah, 6, 3), " the whole earth is full of His glory." It is
by means of this " finer air " that the word of God was com-
municated to the prophets, and that all the miraculous
phenomena became visible to their eyes. The Jewish
nation later coined the special term Shekinah (nJ''3ti'), which
also designates this imperceptible medium of power, the
subtle air, charged, as it were, with divinity, in contradistinc-
tion to the perceptible atmospheric air, which serves as a
vehicle for its manifestations. Even after the cessation of
prophecy, the divine spirit continued to manifest itself,
though in a lesser degree, to the sages of the nation. During
this period the imperceptible substance, which thus establishes
the relation between God and the pious ones, is called " the
Holy Spirit" {^^\)r\ nn), or "Echo" (^1P nn), that is,
the resonance of God's voice.^**
attributes to the air or ether a high degree of divinity. Hence
Guttmann's efforts (pp. 113 f.) to explain the reason why Saadia
discussed the matter in that place.
*^ Comp. Horovitz, Uber den Einfluss, etc., p. 42 ; Goldziher, REL,
XLII, 184.
**'' Comp. 'Amanat, pp. 99 f., 102, 104, 106 (Emunot, pp. 51, 52,
bottom, 53, 55).
"'Arabic al-Kiids {Tafsir, p. y2>, top), which is the name of Jeru-
salem, misunderstood by Lambert, p. 95, who translates sanctuaire ;
comp. 'Amandi, p. 143 (73).
*"' Tafsir, -p. 73 (95).
Kjo SAADIA GAON
The foregoing glorification of the imperceptible air as the
omnipresent divine spirit might easily lead to grave mis-
understanding. For in spite of Saadia's cautious remark that
the imperceptible air itself v^as created, and that his theory
is only to be taken as a metaphoric presentation of the idea
of God's omnipresence, the doctrine borders dangerously on
pantheism. Saadia is well aware of this danger, and there-
fore endeavors to save the personality of God as a distinct
entity, in no way immersed in the universe. In order to
reach some approximate idea of God's relation to the world,
he says,"' we must, in the first place, compare His presence
in the universe with the presence of life in the animal or
human body. Just as there is life in every particle of the
body, so God is in every atom of the universe. He is there-
fore described in the Bible (Daniel, 12, 7) as the life of the
world (D^iyn Ti).""*' We then proceed a step farther and
conceive God as the life-governing principle, which in the
human body is the intellect. God thus becomes " the intel-
lect of the world." The imperceptible air, of which we spoke,
is the vitality of the entire cosmos, permeating and vivifying
all its parts, just as life permeates the living organism. But
above this vitality stands a spiritual power whicli controls
its actions and gives it direction, as is obviously the case in
the life of the individual. We may draw further compari-
sons and say, that just as the human intellect is not divided
by the division of the body and does not perish with it, so
God, the intellect of the world, is not affected by the divisi-
bility of the latter, and does not cease to exist, though it
should disappear. Moreover, as the intellect, though per-
vading every spark of life, its next substratum, is nevertheless
distinctly above it, so that life is actually guided by intellect.
*"Tafsii; p. 70 (91, bottom), 11. 4 ff.
^''This interpretation of the verse as well as the philosophic idea
nnderlying it, without making use, however, of the air as a medium,
were taken over by Maimonides, Dalalat, I, chaps. 69, 72 (Munk,
Guide, I, 321, 371), who does not mention, however, his source; see
above, notes 399, 416, and below, notes 450, 472a, 473, 494, 515, 541a,
5;8.
SAADIA'S WORKS 191
similarly God — though present in all parts of nature by means
of the imperceptible air, His immediate agency — is neverthe-
less the extra-mundane guiding spirit of all. Finally, as the
intellect is not defiled by the uncleanness and other imper-
fections of the body, so the Creator is untouched by the
soilure and impurities of the world.*"
It may be surprising, but it is nevertheless true, that if
Saadia's presentation and solution of this most important
problem be stripped of its Oriental floridity and ornateness,
the doctrine here propounded will be found to be much the
same as that of the German philosopher Schopenhauer. The
imperceptible air is but an expression for the dynamic energy
active in all organic and inorganic nature, constantly pro-
ducing and reproducing life — in the phraseology of Scho-
penhauer, the "will to live. The difference between Saadia
and Schopenhauer is not in the definition and conception
of the power in question, but only as regards its origin.
According to Saadia the will — and it should here be added
that Saadia uses this term {mashi'ah, 'iradaJi) repeatedly**'*
to designate the imperceptible air — was implanted by God in
nature for a special purpose, and its workings are everlast-
ingly superintended and directed by Him. According to
Schopenhauer the will is a blind, unconscious power, working
to no purpose and gaining consciousness only in the higher
stages of existence, where it becomes mind, as in man. The
reason for this difference is obvious. The pious Gaon of
Sura could not afford to lose his personal God. He fared
better for it. For the Jewish sage could present his philos-
ophy with a smile, while the German thinker was bound to
plunge himself and his followers into a world of philosophic
pessimism.
In keeping with the text of the Sefer Yesirah the philo-
sophic exposition is here again interrupted to give place to a
*"' Tafsir, pp. 70-71 (92 f.) ; comp. Horovitz, /. c, pp. 42 f., who
adduces some parallels from Greek and other authors ; Kaufmann, in
his Notes on the "'"DQ of Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 340 f.
^'■'- Tafsir, p. 69, 11. 16 f . ; 70, 11. 2, 15.
192 SAADIA GAON
leng-thy paragraph (pp. 75-9) on Hebrew grammar and
phonetics, which is of importance for the history of that
science. Saadia refers twice to his main work on Hebrew
grammar (Kntub al-lugah) and gives extracts therefrom,
the more valuable as the book in its entirety is lost.*"
In a following paragraph (pp. 80-84) Saadia shows him-
self to have been familiar with the astronomical literature
of his time. He gives the various measurements of the |
planets and other stars as compared with the size of the
earth. The circumference of the latter is given as being
nearly 20,000 miles."** As the Arabic mile is about 300 meters
longer than the English, the measure is about the same as that
given by modern scientists, namely. 25,000 English miles. *"
Saadia concludes that these measures were established by
ancient scholars wnth the help of instruments and by mathe-
matical computations.'""
The last four chapters of the Sefer Yesirah (pp. 92-105),
are treated summarily, Saadia limiting himself for the most
part to the interpretation of difficult words and phrases.
Some of these interpretations are forced and can hardly
be accepted, although nothing better can be offered. There
occur, however, numerous linguistic remarks of interest,"'
as also some references of importance. Thus Saadia's ref-
erence to a book dealing with the decorative " crowns " of
certain letters in the Torah scrolls (pan "ISD), is the earliest
"*This paragraph was published by Neubauer and later, with a
Hebrew translation, by Harkavy, for which see the Bibliography,
p. 356.
**' Tafsir, p. 84 (107), 1. 12; comp. Lambert, p. x.
*°° It is interesting to note that in Saadia's opinion (Tafsir, p. 83
(to6), end of § 4) "the scholars properly choose tnathematics and
geometr>^ as the first subjects of instruction, because they arc the
origin of all sciences." This view was also adopted by Maimonides
Dalalat, I, 34 (Munk, Guide, I, 321) ; comp. Malter, JQR., N. S., vol.
I (1910-1911), pp. 491, n. 138; 492, n. 143. The same view is
expressed in the Covnncntaj-y on the Sefcr Yezirah attributed to
Diinash Ibn Tamim, London, 1902, p. 16.
■"* So on p. 94 (115) (discussed by Derenbourg, Manuel, p. 130,
n. 6) ; 97 (116), 102 (119).
SAADIA'S WORKS 193
known.*" He speaks also of people who believe in the
efficacy of amulets ( \''V'0\) ) , and suggests the origin of the
belief/^' In the sixth chapter he discusses in detail the
functions of various internal organs of the human body,
showing his acquaintance with Arabic works on the sub-
ject, to which he refers in another passage as " books of
anatomy " (kutub al-tashrih) *^
2. Kitdb al-Amandt iva't-I'tikadat (nKJi<f2N''S* nsriD
nKiKpnyx^Ni, in Hebrew: niynn^ mjioxn nso), "Book
of Philosophic Doctrines and Religious Beliefs," ^ Saadia's
most important philosophic work, written in Bagdad dur-
ing the time of his seclusion, in 933.*"" The printed Arabic
^^ Tafsir, p. 94 ( 1 14) . The book was published with a Latin
Introduction by J. J. L. Barges, Paris, 1866 (in an entirely different
recension also in the ''ID"'"! "IITFIO, pp. 674-685; comp. p. 800), pre-
ceded by a lengthy essay on the origin of the book by Senior Sachs ;
comp. Barges, Introduction, pp. X f.; Schechter, Abot di R. Nathan,
p. xi; Dukes, D^DHP ^PlJ, p. 24; Steinschneider, Hehrdische JJher-
setzungen, p. 443, n. 514; Vorlesungen iiber die Kunde hebrdischer
Handschriften, pp. 4 f. The book is also mentioned in an ancient
list, JQR., XIII, ss, no. 90; Wertheimer, D''tJ^mo t3P^, p. 13. None
of the editors knew that the book was quoted by Saadia; see above,
note 52.
*^ Tafsir, pp. 89 (in), 94 (114)-
*^ Tafsir, p. 91 (114), I. 14; also in 'Amanat, p. 201 (Emunot, pp.
100 f.) ; comp. below, Bibliography, VII, p. 398.
*"' The Hebrew title has been variously translated by recent authors
and mostly mistranslated. The word HJIOX usually means belief,
faith, or creed. Ibn Tibbon, however, imitating the Arabic 'amanat,
used it in the sense of a philosophic doctrine, or system of belief ; see
Saadia's own definition, p. 11, 11. 4 f ., Emunot, p. 6, 1. 7, where, how-
ever, nJ1?3K stands for i'tikad, not 'amdnah, showing that Ibn Tibbon
used the Hebrew term indiscriminately for both. See Steinschneider,
H. B., XI, p. 141, n. 3, end ; XXI, 19 ; Hehrdische Uebersetzungen,
p. 439, n. 482.
*'°* The date of composition is derived from a passage in the work
itself, p. 72, Hebrew, p. 2>7 (here and in the following quotations of
the Hebrew text the edition of Slucki, Leipzig, 1864, is referred to).
For the literature regarding the date see Landauer, p. v, and the
numerous references given by Steinschneider, /. c., p. 439, n. 483.
13
194 SAADIA GAON
text covers 320 pages of the usual octavo size. The book
seems to have originally been written and issued in sep-
arate monographs, later combined by the author into an
organic whole preceded by a general Introduction. Traces
of this development are still found in various parts of the
book.*" In its present form the work consists, apart from
the long Introduction (pp. 1-30), of ten distinct treatises
makalat), each bearing a special title, indicating the subject
treated thereunder. The seventh treatise is still extant in two
different recensions, the one probably forming the original
monograph and the other being a recast thereof to suit the
plan of the bigger work.**^ In the following analysis I
shall refer to the individual treatises by the more general
term of chapters.*"
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
One of the main features of this great work of Saadia
is its fundamental theory, that philosophy and religion not
only do not contradict one another, but from the very start
""Thus several of the chapters are quoted in the work itself
under their respective special titles, altliough this is not carried
through with consistency; see 'Amanat, pp. 55, top, 116. 1. 13
{Emunot, pp. 29, 60): ^ly^N nx^^pnVH nvty, l e. chapter 4;
^w., p. 77, 1. 10 (£m., p^^ : n^KV^N rnn 3Kn = t:'nnn nytj' (so
read for the corrupt yiDn IVti'). '• c- chapter i; Am., pp. 159, 1. 9:
254, bottom {Em., pp. 81, 129): T-mn^S (3X3) n^{<PO = ~IOKO
TiriTl ("lytJ*) I. e. chapter 2 ; comp. Kaufmann, Attrihutenlehre, pp. 87,
146, and p. 504 ad locitm, and below, Bibliography, section VI. p. 384,
no. 4. The third chapter seems to have been known as a separate
book under the title Kitab al-Sharai' (Book of Laws), see the
Bibliography, section VII, pp. 400 f., while the tenth chapter is desig-
nated (Am., p. 286, bottom, Evi., p. 147), as Kitab Ziihd, TilT 3X03 =
mK'''1D TSD, i. e. Book of Abstinence, Ethics, see below, note 530.
In Hebrew too several of the chapters circulated as separate
treatises (see below, p. 247, bottom, 267, and the Bibliography,
pp. 362 f., nos. 1-2; 367, no. 4; 395, 40i).
*" See the Bibliography, p. 360.
*"In the older Hebrew translation, the so-called Paraphrase, the
individual treatises are called n^JO (see Zunz, Gcsammelte
Schriften, III, 232), while Ibn Tibbon uses TOKO.
SAADIA'S WORKS I95
were destined to help and supplement each other in the finding
and propagation of truth. For both reason and religion
sprang from the same divine source; hence neither one, if
properly used or interpreted, can teach anything that is
incompatible with the teachings of the other. By religion
Saadia naturally understands the faith revealed to Moses
on Mount Sinai and later amplified and developed by the
divinely inspired prophets of Israel.
With this theory as a basis Saadia sets out to examine the
various philosophic doctrines which seem to be at variance
with the teachings of the Mosaic religion, and endeavors
to prove that the supposed antagonism between the two is
due either to fallacious reasoning or to a misinterpretation
of religious sources. It is therefore a matter of prime im-
portance to find out the criteria by which we are to recog-
nize the ways of sound reasoning, as well as to establish
certain rules for the proper interpretation of the Biblical
documents.
All our knowledge is commonly derived from three
sources: i. sense-perception; 2. direct cognition or appre-
hension of the mind (intuitive, or immediate knowledge) ;
3. syllogistic reasoning (inferential, or mediate knowl-
edge).*°** In addition to these three general sources of knowl-
edge " we, the followers of monotheism," recognize also a
fourth one, i. e., the Bible. If, as often happens, the word of
Scriptures appears to contradict what we had assumed as true
on the basis of one or the other of the three general sources
of truth, or even of all of them, it becomes our duty first
to submit the assumed truth to a careful examination. For
it may be found that it is based either on an imaginary
experience or on false reasoning. If, upon conscientious
revision, we still feel convinced that the Biblical word is
in conflict with experience or reason, then we are not only
entitled, but in duty bound, to interpret the Scriptural pas-
*"** Regarding this important matter see Horovitz, Die Psychologie,
etc., pp. 48 f., and in Hermann Cohen's Festschrift {Judaica), p. 251.
ig6 ^SAADIA GAON
sac^c in (luestioii allep^orically, so as to bring it into harmony
with the accepted truth.""
The " Book of Doctrines and Rehefs," which is devoted
entirely to this work of harmonization between reason and
reh'gion, thus assumes the character of philosophic her-
meneutics. There is hardly a sing^le thoug:ht in the whole
book that is not viewed in the light of some Scriptural verse,
which either confirms or refutes it. Even for our recog-
nition of the senses and of reason as bearers of truth we
g^et the authorization, as it were, from certain passages of the
Bible.*"" The teachings of the Bible, though named by
Saadia in the fourth place, arc actually recognized by him
as the first and most reliable source of truth. Thus, at the
beginning of every paragraph in which some new point is
to be discussed, he quotes a verse or verses in which, ac-
cording to his opinion, the teaching of the Bible in the matter
is clearly stated. Then the contrary opinions of various
thinkers are taken up and considered from all sides, and
finally it is proved that reason or experience or both come
to the support of the Biblical view. At the end of the para-
graph additional verses are quoted and interpreted in a
way that makes them corroborate the original statement.
It is astounding with what ingenuity hundreds of verses
taken from all parts of Scripture, are made to bear on the
remotest ideas and most subtle philosophic questions.
Nearly thirteen hundred verses, approximately the number
of verses in the Book of Isaiah, are thus interpreted. It is
"'See Am., p. 83, bottom. Em., pp. 44: ^■^D'^^f HO ^D lON ^''331
vti'yD IK iJN-in msDn nt:'^o cnn-'j^n ijnjx ijn^nni Dneon
"In general I say: any description of God or of His actions occur-
rincf in the Scriptures or in the words of others among us, the mono-
theists, which is found to contradict wliat is dcmaTidcd by sound
reasoning, is undoubtedly a figure of speech." The same idea is
expressed with more detail, p. 212 (log) ; (comp. Guttmann, Saadia,
p. 221, n. i), so also Em., p. 133: t^'^t^' H^!^ D^DDO mc ^31
^DDH N"in ^3C'n p^m Ninr n»D ^n N^na::' nn ^3i d^nh xin r'si'^a.
'~ Am., p. 14, 11. 6 ff. ; Em., pp. 7 f •
SAADIA'S WORKS 197
obvious that this work is of great importance also for the
history of philosophic exegesis.
While Saadia is so profuse in the use of the Bible, he
refrains conspicuously from bringing into play the vast
treasures of traditional literature. In the whole book there
are only twenty-nine direct quotations from the Mishnah
and both Talmudim. Nearly all of them occur in the
eschatological chapters, which deal with specifically Jewish
problems.^' The reason for this procedure is in all proba-
bility to be looked for in the fact that the book was intended
to carry conviction not only to the adherents of traditional
Judaism, but even more to those who antagonized it, as the
Karaites and other sectaries, whom the author so forcibly
describes in the Introduction to the work. It should be
noted, however, that many of Saadia's views, particularly
in the eschatological chapters, are based entirely on passages
in Talmud and Midrash, although he neither quotes nor
refers to them.*'^ For completeness' sake it may here be
*" The same attitude toward the Talmud is observable in Saadia's
Bible Commentaries, see Derenbourg, MWJ., VII, 133. They too,
like the 'Amandt, were probably calculated to impress also those
who did not believe in Jewish traditions; comp. notes 305, 470. In
our work Saadia occasionally, as it were, excuses himself for not
making more use of traditional literature, saying that the passages
are so many that it would be impossible for him to discuss them ;
see 'Amandt, chapter VII, in the edition of Bacher, Steinschneider-
Festschrift, p. 109, top; Emunot, p. 114, further 'Am., p. 223, 1. 5;
Em., p. 133. Aside from the 29 direct citations there are some
instances in which Saadia merely states that the Rabbis expressed a
certain view, without quoting a passage; see p. 175 (88), 1. 14; 204
(102), 11. 15 f. (allusion to b. 'Abodah Zdrdh, 2.0b) ; see also the
references above, note 324.
^" The instances are too numerous to quote. For the sake of illus-
tration I refer to Am., p. 181, 11. 2-7, Em., p. 91, 11. 2-5 (Baba Kamma,
94fc) ; Am., p, 214, 11. 7 fif., Em., p. 114, II. 4 ff. {Synhedrin, gib) ; Am.,
p. 278, Em., p. 141 {'Erubin, iga; Shabbat, 153a) ; see also below,
note 485. On the other hand Saadia at times tacitly opposes the
Talmud, see Am., p. 182 (91) the interpretation of Exodus, 20, 12,
Deuter., 22, 7, as against Kiddushin, 39 b; comp. below, notes 482,
518, 603.
198 SAADIA GAON
added that he quotes once the Book of Sirach/" several
times the Targum Onkelos,*** and once refers to three old
liturgical pieces *" that are still recited on the Day of Atone-
ment. Of his own works he mentions his commentaries on
Genesis, Exodus, Job, and on the Sefer Yezirah, and a
" Refutation of Hiwi of Balkh." '°* No names are mentioned
in the book, with the exception of those of Anan, the foun-
der of Karaism (once), and of the Karaite Benjamin
Nahawandi (twice).""
The foregoing characterization of Saadia's method in
the work under consideration brings out the fact that his
original purpose in composing it was not to create a new and
independent system of cosmic philosophy on the basis of
the many Greek and Muhammedan doctrines he consulted,
but to define the position of Judaism in the light of these
doctrines and to demonstrate that it rests on much firmer
ground than all other proposed solutions of the great world-
problems. In pursuing this aim Saadia could not afiford to
bind himself to any of the existing philosophic systems in
its entirety, but had to adopt from each one those elements
which in his opinion were essential to Judaism and compatible
with his understanding thereof. Whether an idea originated
with Plato or Aristotle or in the mind of some Muhammedan
thinker was immaterial, so long as it could stand the test
of reason and experience, and was ipso facto consonant
with the teachings of the Bible. Saadia's method in this
work was thus that of an eclectic. This is not to be taken,
however, in the technical sense of the term. For he did not
"^ Am., p. 301 (153) ; comp. Guttman, Saadia, p. 274, n. 3; below,
p. 252, no. 6, end.
*^ Am., pp. 95, 178, 264 (so, 89, 134) ; comp. above, note 311.
*^ Am., p. 179 (90) ; comp. Guttmann, Saadia, p. 187, n. i, where
further references are given.
*" Commentary on Genesis: Am., pp. 20 (10), 2>7 (20). 84 (44) ;
on Exodus: p. 105 (54) ; on Job: p. 15 (8) ; on Sefer Yezirah:
p. 37 (20); Polemic against Hiwi: p. Z7 (20).
*'\4}ian: p. 190 (96) see below, p. 223; Benjamin: p. 201 (100)
see below, p. 227. On the same page he refers also to " Books (or
Book) of Anatomy," see above, note 454.
SAADIA'S WORKS 199
aim at eclecticism as such, but was concerned only in the
interpretation and systematization of the Jewish religion.
Any idea that lent itself to that purpose and helped to es-
tablish the religious truth was welcome material. However,
the question whether or not Saadia should be designated
as an eclectic is mere quibbling over words, since it is gener-
ally admitted that in his philosophic works he drew upon
a variety of systems, which on the points in question, do not
agree with one another. Saadia's merit in the field of
philosophy is not to be sought in any originality of his
as an inventor and propagator of new philosophic doc-
trines, but in the extraordinary skill with which he was able
to bring a vast amount of foreign thought into subservience
to the great religious Weltanschauung, which he was about
to build up for the benefit of his people. For it is not
always the original content of a thought that lends it
particular value in the realm of human knowledge. As
often, it is the new aspect under which an idea is conceived
and the individual interpretation put upon it, that give
it a special character and make it stimulative of fresh
thought and new complexes of ideas. From this point of
view Saadia is justly recognized as the creator of a new
epoch in the history of the philosophy of religion. It was his
" Book of Doctrines and Behefs " that gave the impetus to
the subsequent development of the whole of Jewish philo-
sophic literature.
CONTEXTS OF THE Kitab al-Amdiiat.*^
A detailed presentation of the full content of this work,
tempting as it is, cannot here be entered upon. Such an
attempt would require a volume equal in size to Saadia's.
Not even the full development of the main problems of the
■^ As the presentation of the content of the 'Ainanat generally
follows the order of the original text, no references to the passages
will be given, except in the case of direct quotations or in a few
instances in which it seems advisable to point out a particular
context. Parallel passages in the works of later Hebrew authors
will also be referred to in exceptional instances only.
200 SAADIA GAON
work, as the unity of God, free-will, immortality, and the
like, can be undertaken in the limits set to the present volume.
A brief summary of the more important topics treated of by
the author must suffice to convey to the reader an idea of the
substance and profundity of this work and its significance for
the history of the mediieval philosophy of the Jews and
partly for that of the whole scholastic world.
In the Introduction, beginning with the usual laudation
of God,*"' the author first states the causes which in his
opinion are responsible for all the error and confusion prev-
alent among the people. They are mainly ignorance and
superficiality. He then describes the sad conditions among
the people at large and especially among those of his own
race who, constantly wavering in their philosophic opinions
and religious beliefs, were unable to determine upon a definite
course. These circumstances led him to the composition of
this work which, he hoped, will prove a guide for the per-
plexed. " My heart grieved for mankind,'' *'" he writes,
" and my soul was moved on account of our owni people
Israel, as I saw in our times many of those who adhere to
their faith entertain impure beliefs and unclear ideas, while
those who deny the faith boast of their unbelief and tri-
umphantly deride the men of truth, albeit tliey are themselves
in error. I saw men sunk, as it were, in a sea of doubt and
overwhelmed by the waves of confusion, and there was no
diver to liring them up from the depths and no swimmer to
come to their rescue. But as God has granted unto me some
knowledge by which I can be useful to them, and endowed
me with some ability which I might employ for their benefit,
I felt that to help them was my duty and guiding them aright
a moral obligation upon me." *'*
**■ See above, note 411.
"" This declaration makes it probable that the book was intended
not only for Jews but also for Muhammedans ; see above, note 461.
"'^'Amanat, pp. 4 f . {Emunot, p. 3); comp. Graetz, History (En-
glish), III, 197 f., and especially Horovitz, in Hermann Cohen's
Festschrift {Judaica), pp. 238 fif.
SAADIA'S WORKS 201
Saadia then takes up the question of why men are made
subject to doubts and mistakes in their search after truth
instead of being given immediate truth. The answer is, that
immediate truth is only in the power of God, and for man
to ask for it is tantamount to asking that he be made the
equal of his Creator. Man being part of nature, his thinking
must run through the whole scale of causes and effects,
which requires time and patience.
The author is now prepared for the discussion of the four
sources of knowledge, as described above. Much space is
devoted to the demonstration of the manner in which the
three natural sources of knowledge should be used in order
to be assured of the correct results. Here, however, the
question arises : If a man is capable of arriving at the truth
by his own reasoning, what purpose was there in teaching
him the same truth by rehgion ? To this Saadia replies that
the majority of men have not sufficient reasoning power to
be relied upon, and even those who do possess it would have
to go a long way before they could reach the truth through
their unaided efforts."'^ In the meantime they would be with-
out trustworthy guidance. Revealed religion was, therefore,
an absolute necessity. It gave to the people, so to say, a ready-
made truth, coming from God Himself, and provided them
with a complete system of rules and regulations by which
to govern their lives. This system has the advantage of
affording a safe-conduct also to the uneducated, to women,
and to those who by reason of youth or incapacity cannot
avail themselves of philosophy. Adherence to religion does
*" In the third chapter of the work Saadia takes up the same ques-
tion in connection with prophecy and gives additional reasons
for the necessity of religion. Everybody, Saadia argues, may
recognize the idea of justice, and it would seem that no special
messenger is needed to recommend it to our reason. However, it is
not a question of the idea as such, but of the proper ways and modes
in which it is to be carried into practice. For these you must have
rules and regulations based on divine authority, so as to command
the respect and the obedience of the people ; comp. Guttmann,
Saadia, 140 f . Judah Halevi adopted this view from Saadia, see
Kusari, I, 79; II, 56; III, 7; see also the following two notes.
202 S A AD I A GAON
not, however, free us from the duty of thinkiuj^ for ourselves.
On the contrary, only when we examine its teachings by the
light of reason, can we grasp their true meaning and fulfill
their demands.''"*
Saadia has a peculiar fondness for numbers. In this book
he often carries it to an extreme. Like a conscientious book-
keeper he puts upon record the number of all the arguments
and counter-arguments for and against a theory, keeps
careful account of the points he has scored against his op-
ponents, lays special emphasis on the number of theories
about certain subjects and of the causes that produce such
and such elTects. Here, too, he winds up the Introduction by
enumerating eight causes that lead to infidelity.*'^
(I) The first chapter, the longest in the book, deals with
creation. After a brief characterization of the great diffi-
culties this problem offers to the philosophic investigator, the
author gives a full presentation of thirteen different theories
concerning it. His own theory, which according to him is
that of the Bible, he puts first — that the world was created by
God ex niliilo. To support the Biblical doctrine he adduces
four philosophic proofs, the principal elements of which are
derived partly from the writings of Aristotle and partly from
those of the ]\Iuhammedan philosophers known in literature
under the collective designation of Mu'tazilites. The remain-
ing twelve theories, which he refutes one after the other, are
given anonymously, but they can all be traced with more or
less certainty to their respective Greek, Arabic, and Persian
authors.
■"'* All this reasoning was tacitly adopted by Maimonides (Daldlat,
I, 34) ; comp. Guttmann, in Moses ben Maimou, II, 208 ff.
*" The same causes are enumerated by Maimonides, /. c., who no
doubt followed Saadia; see Guttmann, /. c., p. 210, n. 2; above, notes
416, 446. — Guttmann, Saadia, p. 53, n. i, has pointed out numerous pas-
sages of the work in which the same playing with numbers occurs.
This mystic love for numbers seems to have made Saadia go to the
trouble of figuring out that no less than 19,169 forms can be derived
from every Hebrew verb 1 Comp. Geiger, Jiidische Zeitschrift,
IV, 202; Bacher, Atiflinge, p. 54; below, pp. 218, 312. and note 531.
SAADIA'S WORKS 203
In the arrangement of these theories Saadia reversed the
order he had adopted for the enumeration of the nine theories
of the world's creation in his Commentary on the Sefer
Yezirah. There, as we have seen, he begins with the theory
that he considers the most objectionable of the nine, namely,
the doctrine of the Eternalists (Daliriyya) , who, asserting
that the world is eternal, deny creation altogether. He then
proceeds according to the respective degrees of unaccep-
tability from the least to the most probable, rejecting all
theories until he reaches the last, which is his own.
In the Kitdb al-Amdndt, on the contrary, he states first
his own view, which he bases on the Bible, and then ar-
ranges the following twelve theories on the principle of
the least objectionable first, followed in turn by the others in
the order of their probability."' The result is that the
theory (a combination of atomism and Platonism) which
in the Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah was rated as
being next to the most unreasonable, appears here as next to
the most reasonable. In both books it is put in the second
place! The explanation lies in the fact that aside from the
Biblical theory {creatio ex m'A/'/o), which, as is to be expected,
occupies first place in the one arrangement and last in the
other, only two of the other eight theories discussed in the
Sefer Yezirah are taken up also in the Kitdb al-Anidndt.
For the six theories in the former work, ten entirely
different ones are given in the latter. According to the
standard set up by the author for the valuation of the various
theories, it is proper that one which in comparison to the
others treated in the same book should be considered as com-
ing near the worst, is recognized as being close to the best
of those treated in the other book. The same standard
*^*This is not a mere conjecture, but is indicated clearly enough
by Saadia himself, who at the beginning of each refuted theory
repeats the stereotyped phrase, "and the adherents of this theory
are still more ignorant than those of the preceding theory" {e. g.
Am., p. 49, 1. 4: p^lN^K ID SnJN ""S^IXm). This remark is
missing only at the beginning of the eighth theory, probably by
oversight.
204 ■. SAADIA GAON
required that the theory of the EternaHsts, the first in the
Commentary, be put tenth in the present work.
The principles upon which Saadia built up his stand-
ard for the valuation of the theories cannot be set forth
here. It would involve a detailed presentation of all his
arguments against the theories themselves, which space for-
bids."' But it has been necessary to present the facts, since
they have been heretofore overlooked. It should also be
pointed out in particular that the doctrine of the author of the
Sefer Yezirah, for the elucidation of which Saadia had com-
posed his Commentary on that work, is entirely disregarded
in his present enumeration of the theories on creation. This
is not to be interpreted, however, with a recent writer, as a
proof that Saadia " did not take that doctrine seriously
enough to include it among the theories historically authen-
ticated." "° Though he did not identify himself with the
doctrine of the Sefer YeciraJi, he certainly considered it
more acceptable than any of those here rejected. Its omis-
sion is due to the fact that in this work he deals wnth the
one theory which in his opinion was positively true and with
those which were positively wrong. The theory of the
Sefer Yemrah, on the other hand, was recognized as tol-
erable, by way of a special exegesis which brought it essen-
tially into harmony with the true Biblical theory. Thus,
it was covered in the exposition of the Biblical theory,
making further discussion of it superfluous. Moreover, the
Commentary is referred to by Saadia in another passage in
this first chapter of the Kitab al-Amdnat*'''
(II) The discussions contained in the first chapter led to
the conclusion that the world was created. Hence there must
*" On the whole see Guttmann, Saadia, pp. 33-75, which is so far
the clearest presentation of the subject. Various points in
Guttmann's presentation were severely criticized by D. Neumark,
Geschichte der judischen Philosophic des Mittelaliers, Berlin, 1907,
pp. 460-469. As to his identification of the tenth theory with that
of Aristotle (p. 468), see Horovitz as quoted above, note 4121/.
"" Guttmann, Saadia, p. 26.
*'" See above, note 466.
SAADIA'S WORKS 205
be a Creator. The next task was to define the essence and
nature of the Creator, thus logically demonstrated. This is
the object of the second chapter, which bears the heading
" Chapter of Unity." At the outset Saadia tries to meet the
objection of those who deny the existence of God because He
is not perceptible by the senses, the most reliable source of
our knowledge. It is true, he says, that human knowledge
originates in mere sense impressions, but we all know that it
never stops there. From the most ordinary sense experiences
which we have in common with the animals we proceed by
degrees to higher and more abstract thoughts, and the
farther we advance in our upward course, the more subtle
become our ideas and concepts. This onward movement of
our mind does not mean that we are losing ground in our
search after truth. On the contrary, with every step for-
ward the original truth derived from experience becomes
more general and comprehensive, embracing a multitude of
realities. In spite of incidental deviations from the straight
course in our intellectual pilgrimage to the source of ulti-
mate truth, we are constantly approaching nearer to the de-
sired goal. There is, however, a natural limit to such intel-
lectual progress. Man being finite, his thinking capacity must
be limited. A point is reached at which the ideas become so
subtle and abstract that they are beyond man's grasp. The
God-idea is of the utmost subtlety, and hence past human
comprehension. But, as we have seen, the finer and subtler
an idea is, the more truth and reality it is bound to contain.
The transcending subtlety of the God-idea is therefore in it-
self an irrefutable proof of its verity. God is the necessary
postulate of our reason, the ultimate truth, the simi total
of all reality. To demand that He be perceptible by the
senses is a retrogression from the higher stages of compre-
hension to the lower stages of animal sense-perception.
Indeed, a perceivable, corporeal God is a contradiction in
itself. What we are looking for is an extra-mundane cause
of all existence, which necessarily transcends the category
of bodies.
2o6 SAADIA GAON
After these preliminary remarks, Saadia refutes some
other erroneous ideas about God that had come to his knowl-
edge, and then turns to the discussion of the main subject, the
unity and uniqueness of God, involving the very important
question of the Divine attributes/" The author adduces
numerous verses from the Scriptures which describe God
as One, excluding all plurality or diversity from His
nature ; as Unique, excluding the existence of any other
God besides Him ; and as living, omnipotent, and omniscient.
The Scriptural testimony to the oneness of God is substan-
tiated by three positive proofs based upon reason. These
are followed by a controversy against the doctrine of dual-
ism. The arguments against this doctrine serve indirectly as
further proofs for the doctrine of unity. In the ensuing
paragraph the other three essential attributes of God are
taken up for detailed discussion. Special emphasis is laid on
the demonstration that life, omnipotence, and omniscience
do not constitute a plurality in God's essence. They merely
designate this essence in accordance with the aspect under
which it is viewed. The idea of a Creator necessarily implies
life, power, and knowledge. In explicating these attributes
we add nothing to His essence. They are enumerated
separately by reason of a shortcoming of language, which
possesses no single term to convey all of them at once.
At this point Saadia enters upon a lengthy controversy
against the Christian doctrine of the Trinity, showing that
it originated from a misinterpretation of the same three
essential attributes of God. In connection therewith he
discusses and refutes the various theories regarding the
person of Jesus, evidencing his thorough acquaintance with
Christian polemics on this point.
Having estabhshed the idea of God's absolute unity,
Saadia devotes several pages to another important matter
■*'* For a detailed discussion of this subject see Kaufmann, Ge-
schichte der Attributcnlehre in dcr jiidischcn Religionsphilosophie dcs
Mittelaltcrs, Gotha, 1877, pp. 1-77; Neumark, Geschichte, II, Berlin,
1910, an exhaustive study, to which the entire volume is devoted;
comp. Guttmann, Saadia, pp. 90 ff.
SAADIA'S WORKS 207
with direct bearing on the problem under consideration.
Numerous passages in the Bible speak of God in terms
clearly implying corporeity. Strictly taken, they contradict
the idea of a spiritual unity. They depict God as equipped
with human organs — as hands, eyes, ears — and possessed of
the qualities, affections, and emotions characteristic of human
beings. Saadia classifies these anthropomorphic terms under
the ten Aristotelian categories, and shows that, as none of
these categories is applicable to God, so none of the terms
falling under them can be literally applied to Him. By
numerous quotations from the Bible he proves that in the
ordinary use of the Hebrew language all such terms have,
besides their literal meaning, a figurative sense. Whenever
they are used of God, therefore, they must be taken in the
latter significance; that is, as figures of speech.
In a concluding paragraph Saadia describes, in a highly
poetical manner and with deep religious emotion, the state
of happiness and peace of mind that falls to the lot of him
who has attained to a true conception of God, and is per-
meated by the firm belief in His love and benevolence
toward mankind. There is a rhythm in the evenly-balanced
sentences of this paragraph, and a religious fervor that
cannot fail to impress even the modern reader, despite his
widely divergent mode of thought.
(HI) The investigation, so far. has brought to light the
facts that the world was created and that its Creator is
indivisible, unique, incorporeal. The question which now
forces itself upon our mind is the purpose of the Creator in
forming His world. To the solution of this question
vSaadia accordingly devotes the third chapter of his work,
bearing the title " Command and Prohibition." Unhesitat-
ingly he declares at the very beginning of the discussion that
creation was an act of grace on the part of the Creator, who
desired to make His creatures happy. To assure their happi-
ness He gave them a code of laws, injunctions and prohibi-
tions, by obedience to which they would realize His purpose,
that is, to be happy. Here we are confronted with the diffi-
culty, that God could have granted happiness without impos-
2o8 SAADIA GAON
ing the burden of the law upon mankind. To this objection
Saadia rephes that nothing whatsoever will give man perfect
happiness unless he feels that he has a right to what he pos-
sesses, that somehow or other he has personally merited it.
Wherever this consciousness is lacking, he will not enjoy
happiness completely. To enable us to be perfectly happy
with the material and spiritual blessings God intended for
us, He enjoined upon us numerous laws and ordinances, the
observance of which requires great sacrifice and much self-
restraint on our part, thus giving us a chance to acquire,
through our own efiforts, the ultimate state of perfect happi-
ness in store for us.
These introductory remarks on the purpose of the divine
law lead the author to a general characterization of the latter
and its educational value for humanity. He divides the Bib-
lical laws into two main classes, those dictated by human
reason ('akliyyat= nv^Dtr), and those which have their
origin in divine revelation (sam'iyyat= DWOtJ') — a distinc-
tion adopted by Saadia from Muhammedan literature and
later accepted by Jewish mediaeval philosophers/'* Saadia
endeavors to prove that even the laws based on revelation,
though we cannot always recognize their raison d'etre, are
by no means irrational, and have, besides, a moral discip-
linary value, inasmuch as they train us in submission to a
higher will.
In connection with the idea of revelation Saadia discusses
the subject of prophecy, its credibility, and its necessity for
the people: divides the essential content of Scriptures into
three branches, the narrative, the legal, and the prophetic ;
and tries to prove their historical trustworthiness from the
^"Maimonides (Eight Cliapters, ch. 6), however, strongly opposed
this classification of the law, which is to be found also in Saadia's
Introduction to the Commentary on Proverbs ; comp. Steinschneider,
CB., 2165; see for the literature on the subject the references given
by Joseph I. Gorfinklc, in his scholarly study The Eight Chapters of
Maimonides on Ethics, New York, 1912, p. yy, n. 3; comp. also
Steinschneider, IIB., X, '173; Goldziher, Kitah ynaCini al-mfs, Berlin,
1907, pp. 22 ff.; Guttmann, Saadia. p. 135, n. 2; Festschrift of Isr.
Lewy, p. 315, n. 6 (Moses ben yfainion, II, 206, n. 3).
SAADIA'S WORKS 209
viewpoint of reason. The object of the length)^ discussion
was in all probability the refutation of the doctrine of a
Hindu sect, who denied the need of prophecy, and whom
Saadia mentions further on in the same chapter under the
name of Barahima (Brahmans) — by the way, the only sect
mentioned by name in his work.
The defense of the Bible as a reliable historical record sug-
gested another important problem for immediate treatment,
the question whether the Biblical dispensation was given for
all time, or was to be abrogated at some subsequent period
and replaced by another dispensation. The matter was much
in dispute among Jews, Christians, and Muhammedans
alike.**" The adherents of Christianity and Islam maintained,
on the basis of numerous passages in the Bible as well as
general reasons, that the original law was, from the very
first, intended only for a limited time, and was to be replaced
by their respective systems of religion. Saadia refutes their
arguments. He shows that they have misinterpreted the
Biblical passages adduced by them. One of these refuted
arguments may here be briefly reproduced. There is no
cogent reason, the opponents say, why we should be bound
to believe in Moses because of the miracles he performed
more than in other prophets (Jesus and Muhammed,
respectively) w^ho performed similar miracles. Saadia de-
clares that when he first heard this argument, he was greatly
surprised, for our belief in the prophecy of Moses is not due
merely to his performance of miracles. It is based on the
intrinsic ethical value of the message he carried."'' For
that matter we believe in any prophet who brings us a simi-
larly acceptable message. The miracles are but a secon-
dary matter. If a miracle-worker, claiming prophetic in-
spiration, asks us to accept what our reason considers posi-
**" For the literature see Steinschneider, Polemische und apolo-
getische Literatur, pp. 322 f .
**^ This view is actually taken up again by the most recent Jewish
scholars on the subject; see for instance Max Wiener, Ztir Geschichte
dcs Offenbarungshegriffs, in the Hermann Cohen-Festschrift {Juda-
ica), pp. 12, 16, 18.
14
210 SAADIA GAON
tively wrong (such as the Christian dogmas of the Trinity,
Incarnation, etc.), we refuse to heed his miracles. No
miracle can evidence the truth of that which is inherently
untrue. Saadia illustrates the point by the example of two
different sorts of claims laid before a court by a litigant.
If one should sue a man for the sum of thousands of
denarii, the court will hear the witnesses summoned to testify
to the rightness of his claim, but if his contention be that
the defendant owes him the Tigris, the court will at once
dismiss the case as nonsensical, without the hearing of any
testimony.
In the last portion of this chapter Saadia defends the
authority of the Bible against the attacks made upon it by
the Jewish heretic Hiwi of Balkh, who, however, is not
mentioned by name in this connection. Of the many objec-
tions of Hiwi to the Bible, said to have numbered two hun-
dred, Saadia selects twelve for refutation.**' In all proba-
*" One of the twelve points refuted by Saadia (tlie fourth, Am.,
p. 141 ; Em., p. y2) deserves special notice here. The opponent is
quoted as objecting to the Biblical institution of sacrifices on the
ground that sacrifices are the cause of great cruelty to animals.
Saadia replies : " God has decreed death upon all living beings. In
the case of man death comes naturally at the expiration of the
time-limit God sets to his existence. But in the case of animals any
moment when they are taken to be killed is the time-limit set to
their existence. With them the killing takes the place of natural
death. Should it be true that killing causes more suflfering to the
animal than a natural death, then God certainly knows it. Justice
would require that He reward the animal after death in proportion
to the additional suffering inflicted upon it. W? accept this view —
provided the additional suffering is made plausible — because reason
demands it, not because it is prescribed by the revealed law." This
strange theory of a reward to animals in the hereafter, adopted by
Saadia from the Mu'tazilitcs, is not in keeping with rabbinical teach-
ings (comp. n^3 r)3DD, ed. Coronel, ch. 2, p. 4: HOTIw'^ nona
3"n"iy^ pSn n"" pxi moiy, and /v'o/ic/^?/ rafcfca, 3, i8: HOiinn no
'131 D^y::nn 13 3"niy!^ p^n n^ pNi n:nnn n^nj; comp.
Jellinek, l"on2, I, 151, bottom) and is another instance of
Saadia's disagreement with some Talmudic traditions (see above,
note 462, and especially below, note 518). The theory was
accepted also by some other Geonim (comp. DTii^Jn nmtiTl,
SAADIA'S WORKS 2ii
bility the whole paragraph is reproduced by Saadia from his
polemical work against this heretic (quoted above, p. 198)
under the title " Refutation of Hiwi of Balkh," which will
be considered under Polemics.
(IV) Human happiness — so Saadia had sought to prove —
was the ultimate purpose of God in creating the world, and
the law was shown to have been handed down as a means to
that happiness.'^ This doctrine can be accepted only on the
supposition that man is perfectly free in his actions, so that
whatever he does, good or evil, may be set to the account of
his own deliberate choice. Otherwise, i. e., if man's actions
are predetermined by his physical nature, or — what is meant
by our author — by the higher will of God, they would count
for nothing, and he should receive neither reward nor punish-
ment for his obedience or disobedience of the divine law.
We thus encounter the perplexing problem of free will,
that has troubled the philosophers of all nations in bygone
ages, and fills the pages of many a philosophic work of our
own day. To its solution Saadia devotes the main part of his
fourth chapter, which bears the title " Obedience and Diso-
bedience."
As is to be expected, his theory, for which numerous verses
of the Bible are quoted, is that men are free agents and there-
fore fully responsible for their actions. But before entering
ed. Harkavy, p. 190, no. 375; see also ib., p. 373), who were,
without naming, opposed by Maimonides, Moreh, III, 17; comp. also
his Commentary on the Mishnah, Baha Kamma, 4, 3, and Ibn Saddik,
it5P D^iy, ed Horovitz, pp. 60, 72. In particular the Karaites, who
generally followed the theology of the Mu'tazilites, favored this
view; see Munk, Guide, III, 128, n. 4, whose assertion "dans les
ecrits de Saadia, nous n'en trouvons aucune trace " is due to over-
sight of the passage in Saadia's 'Amditat quoted above ; comp.
Kaufmann, Attribiitenlehre, p. 503; Steinschneider, Polemische und
apologetische Literatur, pp. 337, 356, top ; Hehrdische Ueberstezungen,
p. 438. n. 481 ; Gutmann in Isr. Lewy's Festschrift, pp. 313 ff. {Mos.
b. Maim., II, 204) ; MaUer, JQR., N. S., vol. IX (1918-1919), p. 239.
For details regarding the other objections of Hiwi see Guttmann,
MGWJ., 1879, pp. 260-270, 289-300; Graetz, Geschichte (4), V, 533-
535 (end of Note 20; JE., VI, 429 f., X, 582, no. 6; comp. also below,
Bibliography, section VI, pp. 384 ff.
^ Comp. Maimonides, Guide, III, 27.
212 SAADIA GAON
upon the subject proper, he raises the question as to what con-
stitutes the most important part and the real object of crea-
tion. An examination of nature reveals that the most essential
part of any organic body is placed in its center. The kernel,
which is indispensable for the generation of the plant, is in
the middle of the fruit ; the yelk, in which the chick develops
to life, is the center of the egg; the heart, as the seat of vi-
tality, is likewise in the center of the body. If, then, we
find that the earth, too, is in the center of the universe, sur-
rounded bv the celestial spheres, we may safely conclude
by analogy that it *** is the most important part of all creation.
Now, if we turn to the inhabitants of the earth, we shall
certainly recognize human beings as the superiors of
all. Hence it is man that is the ultimate aim of the whole
cosmic plan. This view is fully in keeping with the fact that
God created man last, " just as the architect, who erects a
palace, furnishes it, puts everything in order, and then in-
vites the ow^ner to its occupation." **'
***Landauer, who usually follows the Oxford recension of the
Arabic text, here ('Amanat, p. 146, 1. 11) made an exception, choos-
ing instead the reading of the St. Petersburg recension, followed also
by Ibn Tibbon (p. 75: nN3 Kin HKn^n jnrsn), according to
which Saadia intended to say that " the purpose of creation is nn
earth" (Arabic: THN^'N ■>£ "Tl). This reading, however, is wrong,
as is evident from the following text, and the Arabic preposition ^2,
though attested also by Ibn Tibbon, is probably a corrupt repetition
of the immediately preceding \T.
^^ Am., p. 146, 1. 16 (Em. p. 75), based on a passage in b. Synhcdrin,
2^a. The view here proposed by Saadia, that man is the final purpose
of creation, hence superior to all celestial hosts, the angels and stars,
which are created for man's service only, found many opponents in
the ranks of mediaeval Jewish authors. The subject is too large to
be treated in a note. A few references will lead to the literature in
question. Among the distinguished authors who disagreed with the
Gaon in this matter are Hananel of Kairwan (1050) (see Rapoport,
Bikkurc ha-'Itthn, XII, 24, end of note 15) ; Abraham Ibn F.zra
{Comvientary on Genesis, 1, 2; Short Commentary on Exodus.
23, 20), who is extremely severe against the Gaon on this point
(comp. Reggio and Luzzatto, Kerem Chewed, IV, 104-108, 136 f. ;
Mortara, Ocar Nechmad, II, 209; M. Friedlaendcr, Essays on the
Writings of Abraham Ibn Ezra, p. 115, n. i) ; Maimonidcs {Guide,
SAADIA'S JVORKS 213
Here we must ask ourselves : Wherein consists man's par-
ticular importance, that he should be thus distinguished and
recognized as the crown of all creation ? In nothing else, we
reply, than in his being endowed with reason, with that
divine soul which, in the words of the Psalmist, makes him
but " a little less than God himself." At this point Saadia
waxes enthusiastic in depicting the excellence of human
reason and the great things man is able to accomplish
through his reason. " With his reason man embraces the
past and the future ; by it he subdues the animals, that they
till the ground and carry in its produce ; by it he is able to
draw the water out of the depth of the earth to its surface,
nay, by it he even invents hydraulic implements that pump
the water automatically ; by it he builds lofty palaces, makes
magnificent garments, and prepares dainty dishes; by it
III, 13; Munk, pp. 95 f.), and his numerous followers down to the
end of the fifteenth century, e. g. Jedaiah Bedersi {n'?)V nJ"'nn
chapter 12; comp. Schorr, Kerem Chemed, VIII, 204), and his
commentator Moses Ibn Habib (about 1500), who in his commentary
on the latter work (Ferrara, 1552), 6ia, speaks with little respect of
the Gaon and expresses his great satisfaction with Ibn Ezra's
thorough refutation of his theory (""O DVI NIH HTO n3i:iO IDV)
nnvD ^Tji ntyn it:>N3 n^Dx^on id njjj nnr pi^n ^3 nc^inty
nrx"! Nnn::^ n^n) 'in inxon n^nnn mynni mJiD^n nson
inn nno -inni msn xin D^xnnjn ^3n n"i3»n ^3 nmn^ ht ^y
n^Ki nt^nsn nvnx rnvNi ^d ^^sm nmnn timsa y"nK-in
Ibn Habib, it may be noted in passing, shows very little
appreciation of the whole book Emunot; see his remark at the end
of the commentary, 122& : ID nJiaX3 inino IDD I^^X V^JH N^
^jo 7\n\^ p^QDJD iJJ^xi nnyo ijnn^ niJifoxn nao n^ir D^JiiN:in
m*iDn 3"in 12 '?'7'2^ DD^ ^'i>^. while Maimonides's G^nde, as a
philosophic work, is, no doubt, superior to Saadia's Emunot, Habib's
statement nevertheless contains a gross exaggeration; comp. also
below, note 607. Saadia's view is in keeping with that prevailing in
traditional literature (see e. g. b. Berakot, 32b; HulUn, gib, bottom),
hence it was upheld by the more orthodox mediaeval Jewish authors,
among them Bahya b. Asher (comp. Bernstein, MWJ., XVIII, 172,
n. 32). For further material see GeigerVl^nn, II, 20; Luzzatto, ^DID
pnV\ V, 33; D. Kohn (Kahana), V^nt^in nn?>"in, pp. 51, 86;
Halberstam, in his notes on """DD of Judah b. Barzillai, p. 307;
Schmiedl, Studien, pp. 83-85; comp. also below, note 508.
214 SAADIA GAON
he leads armies, equips military camps, and manages the
affairs of state, so that men become civilized and orderly;
by it he learns the nature of the celestial spheres, the course
of the planets, the size of their bodies, their distances from
one another, as well as other astronomical matters.''
" In view of all this it is only natural that man should have
been commissioned with carrying out God's law, be rewarded
for its keeping and punished for its transgression, for he is
the axis of the world and its foundation {kutb al-'alami
wa-kaida-tuhu, Ibn Tibbon : inJiOl D^iyn 3t3p)."
" This belief of ours in man's superiority is not merely
an imagination, or the result of our desire to exaggerate our
importance, nor is it out of boastfulness or arrogance that
we make such claims, but it is positively true and perfectly
legitimate. Why, then, should God have equipped man with
that supreme powder of reason that makes him the master
of all creation ? For no other purpose than to make him the
beneficiary of the law (through which, as explained in the
preceding chapter, he is to attain to happiness), as it is said
in Scripture (Job, 28, 28) : And He said unto man. Behold,
that thou mayest fear the Lord, was wisdom bestowed
upon thee, and understanding, that thou mavest depart from
evil." "'
Following these introductory remarks Saadia tries to
meet eight ^^ objections that might be raised against his
views. One might ask, for instance, how is it possible, con-
sidering his physical smallness and insignificance, to assume
that man is the purpose of creation? The answer is, that
" though his body be small, his soul is larger than heaven
and earth, for through it he reaches even what is above them
and the cause of them, the Creator Himself." The short
duration of man's life on earth is contrasted with liis eternal
^ ' Amanat , p. 147 (76). All this is ridiculed by Abraham Ibn Ezra,
in the passages referred to in the preceding note. For Saadia's inter-
pretation of the verse here quoted comp. above, note 418.
""'Saadia says sci'cn {Am., p. 150, 1. 14; Em., p. 77), but actually
counts ei'^ht. Similar mistakes in counting happen to him several
times in this book ; comp. notes 526, 528.
SAADIA'S WORKS 215
life hereafter, the latter being a compensation for the for-
mer. The frailty of the human body, its composition of the
four humors and consequent impurity, are declared to be
the necessary result of man's being part of this earthly
world of the four elements. To demand that man be other-
wise, that is, simple and eternal, is tantamount to asking
that he be made a star or an angel, or that, for example, the
earth should be fire, which contradicts all logic. Man, such
as he is and should be, is the finest organism possible on
earth. As to his being subject to diseases and accident,
the author finds that they are for man's good, since they
make him pray to God for relief and teach him to fear
punishment. It is also true that man's life is often imperiled
by his passions. These, too, are necessary for his own
preservation. Without desire for food, sexual intercourse,
and the like, he could not exist. His task is to control these
passions and to use them in a proper, permissible way. That
a human being should at times be put to death for the com-
mission of crimes is likewise fully justified. Reason de-
mands that a degenerate individual, who endangers the life
of others, be destroyed for the safety of the rest of mankind,
just as it is sometimes necessary to cut off a diseased limb
in order to save the rest of the body.
Having thus demonstrated God's justice and benevolence
toward man, the author feels prepared for the discussion
of the main subject, the freedom of the will. It was one
of God's benevolent acts toward men, he declares, that He
granted them freedom of will, by which they can determine
for themselves the course they are to follow, thus working
out their own salvation. That we actually possess free will
the author proves by Scriptural verses and lengthy philo-
sophic arguments, which cannot here be reproduced. The
main difficulty in the way of this assumption is its apparent
incompatibility with the idea of God's omniscience. If
God knows in advance hov/ man is going to act in a certain
instance, as the idea of prescience requires, man is evi-
dently bound to act in accordance therewith, else God's
prescience would be nullified. We are thus compelled to
2i6 SAADIA GAON
sacrifice either God's foreknowledge or man's independence
of decision — a dilemma which baftled the minds of all the
philosophers of the Middle Ages. Saadia tries to do away
with the difficulty by declaring that God's knowledge of
what will occur does not necessitate its actual coming into
existence. Alan is therefore free to do as he pleases. More-
over, God's knowledge always extends to man's ultimate
decision, whatever this may be, so that there can be no con-
tradiction between the two. This is about as satisfactory
a disposition of the question as the hitching of two horses to a
wagon, each one pulling in a dift'erent direction, and thus
neither one bringing the load forward. Later philoso-
phers,**' indeed, refused to accept this solution, but Saadia
himself does not seem to have suspected the inadequacy of
his arguments.
The idea of God's prescience causes a number of other
difficulties. They are taken up by Saadia, one by one, and
if we accept the author's premises, they are successfully ex-
plained. A closing paragraph is devoted to the interpreta-
tion of numerous Biblical passages which appear to empha-
size the fact of God's interference with man's will, depriv-
ing him of the power of self-determination. Saadia classi-
fies the respective passages, to which, he says, many more
can be added from the Bible, under eight general headings,
and tries to show that in each case the difficulty arises only
through a misunderstanding of the true meaning.
(V) Man is a free agent, the law was given to him for
his benefit, and it is for him to follow it. This is the net
result of the investigation so far. But what if we are over-
come by doubts and misgivings as to the value and useful-
ness of the law for us? What if a given law contains
nothing that appeals to our reason and recommends it for
acceptance? What if, as experience often shows, those
who conscientiously obey the law live in poverty and dis-
tress, while those who disregard it are prosperous and
happy? These and similar questions the author proposes to
""See Guttmann, Saadia, p. 170, n. i.
SAADIA'S WORKS 217
treat in the fifth chapter, called " Merits and Demerits."
As usual he opens the discussion by quoting verses from the
Bible, which, in his opinion, enlighten us on the subject.
" Repeated acts of obedience to the law are designated in
the Bible as merits, while acts of disobedience are called
demerits, and both, we are told, are put to man's credit or
discredit. We are further informed that the deeds of a man
leave an impress on his soul, either ennobling or debasing
it, and although this escapes the knowledge of men it is
patent to God.'"'" These sentences, based on Scriptural
verses, are the key to the solution of all the questions raised.
In a lengthy paragraph the author proceeds to show the
correctness of the Biblical ideas from the point of view of
reason. We should not always be ready to deny the impor-
tance of a thing merely because we are ignorant of its use-
fulness. There are hundreds of things even in the material
world the value of which is not known to the majority of
us, but only to a few experts. It is only the numismatist who
can distinguish between valuable and worthless coins, the
physician who understands how to diagnosticate the nature
of a disease, and the jeweller who can tell the difference
between the various kinds of precious stones. The same
applies to every art and science. Inaccessible to the multi-
tude, they are known to the few initiated in the secrets.
If this be the case with things material, how much truer
must it be when we deal with things spiritual. The soul
is admittedly the most spiritual entity under human obser-
vation. What wonder that we have no knowledge as to the
effect certain practices and customs of ours may have on it.
We cannot tell the influence on our soul or character that
is exercised by the observance of ceremonies, the dietary
laws, and the like. We must assume that God, the Creator
of our soul, knows the benefits that accrue to it from law-
ful acts and the harm that it suffers if we go counter to
His ordinances. It is therefore best for us to carry out God's
commands to the letter. The reward is certain to follow.
^^'Afttanat, p. 165 (84), beginning of the chapter.
2i8 SAADIA GAON
The general ideas of merit and demerit having thus been
made clear, the author divides all men into ten classes, ac-
cording to the degree in which these two aspects of human
life manifest themselves in their religious conduct. The
division seems to be, in part, rather arbitrary and due to the
author's fondness for numbers, though he founds it on
Talmudic passages. The first two classes are pious and im-
pious men. In order to be recognized as pious, it is not neces-
sary that man should have only merits to his account. It is
sufficient that his meritorious deeds or good qualities should
preponderate over his bad ones. Such a man is designated
in Scripture as pious, as we call a man healthy if he is in a
generally good physical condition, though his health may not
be absolutely perfect. The same holds good also with
regard to the impious person. He may possess a number of
commendable qualities, but he is to be judged according to
the evil traits dominant in his character. The status of men
in the world to come depends upon the major number of their
actions. For the minority, good or bad, men are rewarded or
punished in this world.^"'
W^ith these statements, derived from the Talmud. Saadia
prepares for the answer to the important question, formu-
lated above, why the righteous are so often subject to suffer-
ing and affliction, while the wicked enjoy well-being and
happiness — a question repeated again and again in the
Bible *^ and the puzzle of the theologians of all creeds.
Men being judged according to the nature of the majority
of their deeds, Saadia says, the pious are destined to eternal
bliss in the hereafter, while the impious are doomed to last-
ing infelicity. Each of the two classes, however, has to be
rew^arded or punished also for those deeds, good or evil,
which are in the minority, and as this is to take place in this
world, it results therefrom that the righteous suffer and the
wicked prosper. It may happen, however, that the righteous
or the wicked change their respective courses, or by a cer-
tain action invalidate their past records. In this case their
**'"This is tlie teacliiiig of R. 'Akiba. Bereshit rabba, ch. 33, i.
*"* Thus Jeremiah, 12, i; conip. b. Berakot, 7a.
SAADIA'S WORKS 219
status in this world has to be reversed. As most of the
actions of our fellow-men and their inner motives are beyond
our control, we can never account for their standing in life,
and are therefore often inclined to doubt the justice of the
distribution of worldly blessings. It also happens that the
righteous are afflicted merely because God knows that they
will stand the test and remain faithful and submissive, as was
exemplified by Job. This is of great educational value for
others. The firmness and steadfastness of the righteous
man serve them as a model in similar situations ; while he
who has thus been tried is compensated in the future world
for his undeserved sufferings. The sufferings of innocent
children, too, can only be explained by assuming that they
are to be rewarded therefor in the world to come."'"''
For the prosperity of the wicked there are additional
reasons, of which Saadia suggests six; among them, that
transgressors are sometimes spared because they are to be
used as instruments for the punishment of others, or because
they are sure to repent and reform at some future time, as
in the instances of king Manasseh and others.
Saadia now turns to the other eight classes of men, which
he briefly characterizes in accordance with Talmudic pas-
sages. To these he adds a special class, consisting of men
whose good and evil deeds balance each other. In connection
with the tenth class, that of penitents, he gives a definition of
true repentance, points out seven instances in which prayer
for forgiveness is not accepted,^*" three kinds of sins which
"^^ This question of the suffering of children has been touched
upon also by Plato {Republic, X, 615). Saadia reverts to it twice
in the following; see below, notes 511a, 5250.
*"The source of this enumeration is probably a Baraita in the
tractate nx TIT in the recension of the nD"""! "lITrin, p. 725, where,
however, not seven, but ten, mostly different instances are enumer-
ated. Saadia must have had a different recension of the Baraita. He
in turn was the source of Judah he-Hasid, D''T'Dn 1QD, § 612 (ed.
Berlin, § 36) and of Eleazar of Worms (np"l, § 28, repeated in
§ 216 ; comp. also § 29) , who added two points to the seven of Saadia ;
comp. Friedmann, NDIt "irTi^N "ITD^ D-inSDJ, Vienna, 1904, p. 9, who
overlooked Saadia as the source of Judah and Eleazar. Both Judah
and Eleazar follow the text of the Paraphrase as against that of
220 SAADIA GAON
cannot be forgiven akhough the sinner has repented (seduc-
ing others to iniquity, calumniating, and robbing without
readiness to restore the goods),"" four sins for which punish-
ment is meted out in this world (false oath, murder, adultery,
and bearing false witness), and finally three virtues, which
are recompensed in this life. These are : honoring father and
mother, compassion with animals, and perfect honesty in
one's dealings. All these statements are supported by verses
from the Bible."'
A paragraph is devoted to the description of the relative
value of the moral or immoral conduct of an individual
under given circumstances. For instance, the virtue of
temperance is to be more appreciated in a young person
than in the old, while licentiousness is more contemptible
when found among the latter; giving aid to an enemy is
one of the higher virtues, and injuring a friend reveals
special viciousness ; modesty on the part of a great man is
particularly praiseworthy, while the pride of the plebeian is
particularly detestable ; cheating the poor, or the learned or
other public benefactors is objectionable to a high degree ;
robbing a multitude of people is an aggravated crime (exact-
ing a thousand denarii from a thousand men is worse than
exacting the same sum from half the number) , while on the
other hand charitableness and uprightness on the part of the
poor are of special credit to them. Here again each state-
ment is proved by a Biblical verse.
The last portion of this chapter speaks of sins in thought
and sins committed out of ignorance, thoughtlessness, or
under the stress of circumstances. Evil thoughts are not
Ibn Tibbon; comp. Bibliography, p. 362, no. i. The passage
was made use of also by the moralist Judah Halaz of Tlemgen,
Algeria (1490), in his "IDIOH IDD (Mantua, 1560), fol. 30a, without
mentioning the source; see note 493; Bibliography, p. 368, top.
"^ Comp. Baba Kamma, 94^; the passage was made use of by
Abraham b. Hiyya, ti'DJn IViH, Leipzig, i960, pp. 28, 2>^.
*" Saadia adds here a description of five classes of penitents, one
higher than the other. This is again given anonymously by Judah
Halaz (see note 491) fol. igb, who adds a sixth class.
SAADIA'S WORKS 221
punishable, except those denying^ the existence of God ; for
beHef and unbehef depend entirely upon one's thoughts.***
Among evil thoughts Saadia counts the misinterpretation of
Scriptures that leads to false conceptions of God, and the
like.*"" A judge who misconstrues the law and punishes the
people to serve his own purposes "' " is destroying his own
life." Ignorance of the law is no excuse for unlawful actions,
nor is drunkenness. The sufferings of those who are afflicted
with illness, or of Israelites who are oppressed by their
enemies, do not justify them in uttering complaints against
God; they ought to endure and hope for God's mercy.
All this is borne out by verses from Scripture and
partly also by passages from the Talmud. Saadia concludes
with the remark that it would lead him too far to gather
all the material pertaining to the subject, but that he has
selected the most obvious points, which, he hopes, will prove
beneficial in stirring up the people to their religious duties.
(VI) The entire system of Saadia's philosophy, as pre-
sented in the preceding chapters, has the immortality of the
soul as its necessary postulate. The misery and wretchedness
prevailing in the world, the brevity and uncertainty of our
lives, the injustice and iniquity so overwhelmingly present in
all human affairs — all this is out of harmony with the pro-
posed view that man is the culminating point of creation and
points unmistakably to the existence of another world, where
all evil is turned into good, and all wrong made right. The
inhabitants of that world are the departed immortal souls.
It thus becomes a matter of prime importance to probe into
the nature of the human soul and define its essence. Inci-
dentally the phenomenon of death is to be discussed, and a
few suggestions made regarding the mysteries of the future
*" Comp. Maimonldes, Eight Chapters, TI ; D"ny nn^H, II, 3. 6 ;
Malter, JQR., N. S., vol. I (1910-1911), p. 485, n. 90, where additional
references will be found.
*"' This is probably an allusion to the biblical critic Hiwi al-Balhi,
see below, pp. 267 f .
"" Here no doubt the Exilarch David b. Zakkai is alluded to ; comp.
above, note 262.
:i22 SAADIA GAOX
life. The sixth chapter is accordingly entitled " On the
Essence of the Soul, on Death, and What follows it."""
At the outset Saadia briefly announces his theory : God
creates the soul, which takes its seat in the heart at the
moment the body is completed. He sets a time-limit to the
combined existence of body and soul, at the expiration of
which they have to part, and when the number of souls God
has seen fit to create is completed, body and soul will be
resurrected to renewed and combined life. This is testified to
by Scripture, proved by the prophets, and accepted by all
Israel. It remains now to prove the truth of the Biblical
doctrine by way of speculation. The first thing to be investi-
gated is the essence of the soul. Saadia remarks that the
subject is much disputed and that he refrains from quoting
all the theories, but will select seven, the last of which is
his own. What is adduced by Saadia as the first theory is
a combination of five different Greek doctrines on the soul.
Saadia takes them as one because, as he says, they have all
the one view in common, that the soul is not a substantial
entity, but merely an accident of the body, having no
separate existence. It is natural that Saadia should
oppose this theory with all its ramifications, as it denies the
existence of a soul altogether. The second and the third
theories, the one asserting that the soul consists of air and
the other that it is fire, are both opposed by Saadia on the
ground, that they deprive the soul of its spirituality, air and
fire being two elementary substances. The fourth theory is
more complicated. It assumes that the soul consists of two
parts, the one rational and imperishable, with the heart as
its seat, and the other irrational, present in the entire body
and perishing with it (vitality). This theory is likewise
rejected, because it destroys the unity of the soul. The fifth
theory holds that the soul consists of two kinds of air, the
one dwelling permanently in the body, the other coming
*" For details on the contents of this chapter see the monograph of
Horovitz, Die Psycholflgie Saadias. Breslau, 1898; comp. also
Neumark Gcschichte dcr jiidischcii Philosophic, I, 536-551 ; Giittmann,
Saadia, pp. 194 ft".
SAADIA'S WORKS 223
from without through breathing', mixing with the former
and sustaining it. This theory denies both the spirituaHty
and the unity of the soul, and is therefore to be rejected.
The sixth theory identifies the soul with the blood. While,
as usual, no authority is mentioned for any of the preceding
theories, an exception is made by our author in favor of the
sixth. He ascribes it to Anan, the founder of Karaism,
who, Saadia says, was misled by a too literal interpretation
of a scriptural verse, "the blood is the soul" (Deuteron-
omy, 12, 23)."" Saadia is wrong, however, in stating that
Anan is the only advocate of this theory. It was common
among various ancient peoples and is mentioned by Aris-
totle''" and also in the Midrash.'"" All the Greek theories
mentioned by Saadia anonymously have been variously as-
signed to their respective authors ; and the subject has been
fully treated elsewhere.''^
Having refuted the foregoing doctrines on the essence of
the soul, Saadia turns to the presentation of his own view.
By way of introduction he observes that the investigation
of this subject is extremely difficult, and compares in this
regard with the question of creatio ex nihilo and of the
nature of the Creator, which accounts for the fact that so
many conflicting theories have been advanced on the subject.
■"* Landauer (p. 191) and some of the Hebrew editions give here
the wrong verse, Leviticus, 17, lib. They were misled by Saadia's
referring a little further to Leviticus, 17, iia as "preceding" the
verse quoted before. But the word in question (DTIP) does not
mean preceding immediately. Speaking of a verse in Deuteronomy
he refers to a verse in Leviticus as preceding it.
■"" Aristotle, De Anima, I, i ; comp. Horovitz, Psychologic Saadias,
p. 21, n. 2fi; Dukes, Philosophischcs aus dcm sehnten Jahrhun-
dert, p. 58 ; Harkavy, Jahrbuch fi'ir jiidische Geschichte und Literatur,
1899, p. 119. The theory is mentioned also by Seneca, Questiones
Naturales, VH, 24; comp. Adolfo Bonilla, Hist, de la Hlosoiia Es-
panola, Madrid, 1908, I, 130.
'''^ B ere shit rabbah, c. 14, § 9; comp. Theodor ad locum, p. 133;
Ginzberg, Die Sage bet den Kirchenvdtern, p. 22.
■^See Maker, in the Hebrew monthly H^^H, XXVI (1912), pp.
128-137.
224 SAADIA GAON
This remark serves him as a basis for the interpretation of the
verse (Eccles. 3, 21), "Who knoweth the spirit of men,
whether it goeth upward, and the spirit of the beast, w^hether
it goeth downward to the earth " ? which seems to doubt
the immortality of the soul. The problem being so diffi-
cult, the verse referred to means only to express admiration
for him who succeeds in solving it. Saadia is very anxious
to remove the difficulty, and offers two more explanations
of the verse.""'
Saadia's theory, based on Bible verses and on speculative
arguments, is that the soul like every other being, is a crea-
tion of God. Its creation takes place at the moment the body,
its seat, is complete and about to come into the world."' This
statement is intended to express Saadia's opposition to the
belief in the pre-existence of the soul, which makes it co-
eternal with God. \\'hile the soul has thus a beginning in
time past, it is nevertheless immortal, that is, it has no end
in time to come. This point, however, is not discussed here,
""^ This verse, which apparently doubts the immortality of the soul,
greatly disturbed the Jewish interpreters; see Luzzatto, IVIKH n''2
(ed. Lemberg), 1,35; Epstein, njmJD jCmn n^D'"!. Vienna, 1891,
p. 46 (see below, note 618) ; Zohar, on Genesis, 4, i. One of Saadia's
interpretations of this verse was adopted by Abr. Ibn Ezra and by
Rashi ad locum, who supports it by the same verse from Joel, 2, 14,
which is here quoted by Saadia. Joseph Ibn Saddik, jOP U^W, ed.
Horovitz, p. 35, 11. 30 ff., likewise makes literal use of Saadia's inter-
pretation. The Karaite Salmon b. Jeroham (see Tsr. Giinzig, Der
Commeiitar dcs Kar'ders Jephet ben Alt Halezn zu den Proverbicn,
Cracow, 1898, p. 34, n. 15) may also have used Saadia (comp. JQR.,
XIII, 340). Comp. also Goldziher, Kitab ma'ani al-nafs, Berlin,
1907, pp. 46 f.
'"" See on this point Guttmann, Saadia, p. 199, n. 2 (where read
ynn for yann, as in Berechiah's ^"IVOH, p. 148, bottom), followed
by Horovitz, Psychologie, p. 24, n. 40, and Neumark, I, 544. The same
view was taught also by some of the Church Fathers. Thus, Isidore
of Seville (d. 636) : Animam non esse partem divinae substantiae
vcl naturae; nee esse earn priusquain corpori miscealur, constat;
sed tunc earn crcari quaiido ct corpus crcatur, cui adntisceri vidctur
(Scntentiarttni, liber I, c. XII) ; comp. Bonilla, Hist, dc la filos.
Espahola, I, 243. Comp. also Goldziher, /. c, German part, pp. 17 f.
SAADIA'S WORKS 225
but in the ninth chapter of the work.'"' The substance of the
soul is as fine and brilh'ant as that of the celestial spheres, nay,
it must be even finer than the latter, for, unlike the spheres, it
is endowed with reason. As the substance of the spheres
is illuminated by the stars, so is the substance of the soul
made bright and luminous by the light of wisdom. By wis-
dom, Saadia understands that which is acquired through the
study of the divine law and through a moral and religious
life in harmony therewith. This is fully in keeping with his
view regarding the influence of human actions on the con-
dition of the soul, as propounded in the preceding chapter.
Good deeds ennoble the soul and add brightness and splendor
to its substance ; immorality, on the contrary, degrades and
darkens it. The power of reasoning is an essential attribute
of the soul and in this regard it is independent of the body.
For the manifestation of this power the soul is necessarily
bound up with the body, as its physical instrument, without
which it cannot act. In its combination with the body the
soul appears under three difTerent aspects, viz. as a cognitive,
a spirited, and an appetitive power.""" These three powers are
"" 'Amanat, 273 (138 f.). Speaking of the soul, Saadia draws
there the line between existence without beginning, which is inadmis-
sible, as it exckides creation, and existence without end, which is
admissible, because, once the soul is created, it can be coeternal with
its Creator. This view is based ultimately on a scholastic distinction
between perpetuity and eternity, which is clearly expressed by Isidore
of Seville (/. c.) in the following words: Sicut angeli, ita et aniniae;
habent enitn initium, Unem vero nullum. Nam, quaedam in rebus
temporalia sunt, quaedam perpetua, quaedam vero sempiterna. Tem-
poralia sunt quibus inest ortus et obitus; perpetua quibus ortus, non
terminus; sempiterna, quibus ncc ortus, nee terminus. There is,
in my opinion, no reason for doubting, with Horovitz {Psychologic,
p. 23, n. 38; comp. p. 65, n. 128), Saadia's positive denial of the pre-
existence of the soul, the assertion of Abraham Tbn Ezra (Com-
mentary on Is. 48, i6) to the contrary notwithstanding.
^ This is the well-known Platonic division of the soul, which was
accepted by several Jewish philosophers. I have prepared a special
essay on the subject and refrain from discussing it here; comp.
Guttmann, p. 201 ; Horovitz, pp. 30 f . ; Malter, JQR., N. S., vol. I
(1910-1911), p. 460. Saadia discusses the three faculties of the soul
also at the beginning of the tenth chapter.
15
226 SAADIA GAON
not to be taken as three separate souls, but as diflferent
manifestations of one and the same psychic entity. The seat
of the soul, the author states again, is in the heart, the central
organ of the nervous system and thus the power-house of all
sensation and motion. It is true that some large arteries
ramify from the brain, but these have no psychic, only
physical functions.'^ It is because of the heart's being the
physical organ of the soul that Scripture always uses heart
and soul {\:'-:2'\ 2'?) as synonyms.
It might be objected, the author continues, that if the soul is
such a sublime being, even finer than the celestial spheres, why
should God have sent it down into an ignoble physical frame ?
This objection, Saadia says, implies that God, the Creator,
acted unfairly toward one of His own creations, which is
absurd, as it contradicts the very concept of God, the just
and benevolent. Moreover, the question in itself has no
sense, for soul means nothing else than a spiritual being
acting in and through a body. An active soul without a body
is as imaginable as a fire burning without combustible ma-
terial. Body and soul are two correlatives, absolutely de-
pending upon one another. In combination they constitute
man. In a previous chapter, this combination, representing
man, was set forth as God's purpose in creating the world ,
the ultimate purpose in creating man being that he should
attain to happiness through his own merits. This is only
possible when, in the constant struggle between the two
partners, between the noble aspirations of the soul and the low
desires of the body, man follows the counsel of his better
half, the soul; that is, obeys the Law.""" To demand that the
"^This is in contradiction to what he says in his Commentar}- on
the Sefer Yecirah, p. 27 (French, 47), 11. 4-5, where he places the
cognitive faculty in the brain (Plato). It is possible, however,
that in the Commentary he does not give his own view, but that of
the author of the Scfer Yczirah, as he understands him. The question
here discussed is treated also in the Commentary, pp. a f. (55) ;
comp. Kauf mann, Die Sinnc, p. 63 ; Horovitz, Psychologic, p. 30.
n. 50.
*^ Comp. Malter, " Personifications of Soul and Body," in JQR..
N. S., vol. II (1911-1912), p. 473.
SAADIA'S WORKS 227
soul should have been left alone, therefore, reveals a failure
to understand God's purpose, and is tantamount to declaring
all creation as meaningless. One might just as well ask that
the soul should be a star in heaven or an angel. It might be
one or the other, but then it would not be a soul.""*
The investigation into the substance of the soul is here
closed, and the author turns to the discussion of the other
two points announced in the description of the chapter,
namely, " death and what follows." Body and soul together,
he declares, are only one agent, as indicated in the Bible
(Genesis, 2, 7), hence reward and punishment can only be
meted out to both together as a unit. This statement was
necessary, he says, because many people have confused ideas
in this matter, some asserting that the soul alone is the sub-
ject of reward or punishment, while others affirm the same
of the body alone. The Karaite Benjamin Xahawandi,
basing the assertion on certain verses (Ezekiel, 32, 27, and
Psalms, 35, 10), singled out the bones as the part of the
body that is punished or rewarded. All this confusion is
due to ignorance of the proper usage of Hebrew. The
Bible often ascribes sins and virtues either to the soul {e. g.
Leviticus, 4. 2) or to the flesh, "basar" {e. g. Psalms,
145,21). These verses are taken literally, and various
theories built upon them. What is overlooked is that in each
instance the words are to be understood in the sense of
person, including both soul and body. The same applies
to the theory of Benjamin. Saadia quotes numerous verses
from the Bible corroborating his view, and winds up with the
citation of the famous Talmudic parable (b. Sanhedrin, 91a)
of two men. one blind and the other lame, who, when called
to account for the despoliation of the king's garden which
they were ap)pointed to watch, denied the deed on the ground
of their physical disabilities. The king placed the lame man
on the shoulders of his blind companion and demonstrated
how they had committed the crime. So body and soul dis-
"""This argumentation is in keeping with Saadia's view, that man
is superior to the angels, regarding which see above, note 485.
228 SAADIA GAON
own responsibility for their deeds in this world, as neither
of them can act without the other. God then reunites them
and metes out punishment to both together.""
Death is merely a dissolution of the partnership of soul
and body. At the very entrance upon life every human being
is equipped by God with a certain amount of physical power,
which suffices for a corresponding period of earthly exis-
tence. Sometimes God sees fit to shorten or lengthen this
natural term of a given individual ; then He adds to or takes
away from the original measure of vitality. Various in-
stances are quoted from the Bible.
Saadia describes also some circumstances attending death.
Here, however, he does not speak as a philosopher, but as
a believer in certain common views and traditions prevalent
among the Jews and, in a modified form, among the Mu-
hammedans. At the moment a person is to die — so the
Talmud {h. 'Abodah Zarah, 2oh) says — the Angel of Death,
all of yellowish fire and covered with eye-like spots of bluish
fire, appears with a drawn sword aimed at the sick person.
Beholding this sight, the victim is greatly shocked. At this
moment the soul departs from the body. Saadia adduces
several Bible verses to sustain the Talmudic tradition. The
passage in the Talmud does not contain all the particulars
given by Saadia."^" The fire and its different colors were
added from some other source. Nor does the spontaneous ■
departure of the soul accord with the Talmud. There it is
a bitter drop falling from the sword into the open mouth of
the terrified person that brings about death. That the soul
is not seen when departing from the body is explained by
the fact of its extreme fineness and transparency, as, for the
same reason, we cannot see the substance of the heavenly
spheres. " If one should take ten lamps of fine, transparent
"• See Maker, JQR., N. S., vol. II (1911-1912), pp. 454 f.
"™* Moses Tachau, tlie severest critic of Saadia among the mediae-
val Rabbis (see below, notes 597-616), does not fail to make use of
this point against Saadia (see Ozar Ncchmad, II, 93). For parallels
from Greek and Christian mythology see Wiinsche, Lewy's Fest-
schrift, p. 97 ; Bender, JQR., VI, 333 ff., 669 ff. ; comp. below, notes
518, 603.
SAADIA'S WORKS 229
glass, put one into the other, and place a light in the middle,
no one at a distance would think that the light is inside of ten
lamps. Due to the transparency of the glass, his vision passes
straight through it and strikes the light therein." "" This il-
lustration is to explain why the celestial lights alone are vis-
ible to the human eye, while the spheres in which they are set,
and which, in ancient astronomy, were supposed to be ten in
number, cannot be discerned. Indirectly it serves also as an
explanation for the invisibility of the soul, which is of trans-
parent material like the spheres.
Upon its departure from the body, the soul of the righteous
soars up to heaven, while the soul of the wicked roams about
restlessly. For this view the author quotes the authority
of the Talmud {b. Shabbat, 152&) and supports it by verses
from the Bible. During the process of the body's decompo-
sition the departed souls are greatly disturbed on account of
what happens to their former abode, just as one is over-
whelmed by grief when he sees the house in which he lived
for a long time laid in ruins. This suffering is greater in
the homeless souls of the wicked. The separation between
the souls and their former bodies lasts until the end of
days, when, as was stated at the beginning, the number of
souls, which God in His inscrutable wisdom has decided
to create, is complete and the time for resurrection has
arrived. All souls are then reunited with their bodies for-
ever.
The ideas here touched upon belong to the large subject
of Jewish eschatology. The author is not prepared to dis-
cuss such matters at this point, and refers the reader to the
ninth chapter, which is devoted entirely to questions of
eschatology. The closing portion of the present chapter is
taken up with the refutation of the very ancient belief in
the migration of the soul after death, which has found
adherents in many sections of Jewry, especially the Kab-
balists.'" According to this theory the souls of the dead
''^°'Amdndt, 205 (102), bottom.
'"The doctrine of the transmigration of the soul, which in Greek
antiquity was represented by Empedocles and Pythagoras, found
230 SAADIA GAON
migrate into other bodies, with which they btart upon another
earthly career. This may be repeated several times. Some
aver that human souls often migrate into animal bodies and
vice versa. The adherents of the theory adduce various
arguments, among them that children often undergo great
sufifering, which can be explained only by assuming that they
are expiating sins which their souls committed previously,
while residing in other bodies.""" The Jewish followers of the
doctrine try to prove it by numerous verses from Scripture.
Saadia is strongly opposed to this idea in all its phases.
He refutes the arguments adduced by the advocates of
metempsychosis and shows that all the verses quoted in sup-
port of the belief have been misunderstood and misinter-
preted. He concludes with the remark that he would have
considered it beneath his dignity to polemicize against such
crude and superstitious notions, were it not that he feared
the evil influence they may have on the credulous.
(VU) Saadia distinguishes three periods in the life of
the soul after its departure from the body. The first period
is that of separation, during which, as was shown in the
preceding chapter, the souls of the righteous abide in heaven
" under the throne of God," while those of the wicked
wander about, homeless. This period lasts until all souls to
be created have passed through their earthly career. When
this time arrives, creation is naturally discontinued. This
docs not mean that the world comes to an end, for then the
second, more auspicious, period sets in, that of resurrec-
tion, when most of the departed souls will be reunited with
their former bodies and begin life anew. As we shall see
many adherents among the various peoples of the Orient. Anan,
the founder of Karaism, who borrowed tlie theorj^ from the Muham-
medans and spread it among the Jews, is said to have written a
special work thereon ; see Harka\'i', JE-, I, 555, and in the place
quoted above, note 499; The Karaite Kirkisani {Semitic Studies in
Memory of Kohut, pp. 449 f.) combats tlie belief in transmigration
with weapons borrowed from Saadia; comp. also ibidem, p. 438, the
references given by Poznanski.
"'" See above, note 490a, and below, note 525a.
SAADIA'S WORKS 231
later, Saadia identifies this period with the Messianic time.
At the expiration of the second period the present material
world will dissolve, and a new spiritual world will be created,
into which all souls, including those of the wicked, will be
transferred, the place in which they will remain forever —
those of the righteous enjoying eternal bliss and those of the
wicked doomed to everlasting suffering. This is the world
called 'Olam ha-ha', " the world to come," in which final
judgment is held, and reward and punishment are meted out.
As the status of the soul during the first period has been
treated of in the foregoing chapter, Saadia proceeds to con-
sider the second period, to which he devotes the seventh
chapter of his book, with the special title, " On the Resur-
rection of the Dead in this World." The addition " in this
world "^ " is significant, as it expresses the principal conten-
tion of Saadia, who, in opposition to others, maintained that
resurrection will take place in this world of ours as a nat-
ural phenomenon. He informs us at the beginning of
the chapter that this is the view of the majority of the Jewish
people, who take the predictions of our prophets in their
plain, literal sense. Some, however, are of the opinion that
the numerous verses in the Prophets promising resurrection
simultaneously with the arrival of the Messiah, are to be
taken figuratively, and that resurrection is to be one of the
events of the " world to come," where the present order of
things will be overthrown.
The demonstration of the correctness of his view, as
against that of the minority mentioned, was to Saadia a
matter of great importance, for it involved God's justice
toward the people of Israel. According to Saadia the world
to come is not intended for Israel alone. The pious of all
nations will have a share in it, a view expressed in the
Talmud.™ What is Israel going to receive as a reward for
°" In the presentation of this chapter I have combined the contents
of both the Oxford and the St. Petersburg recensions ; for all the
details regarding these two texts see the Bibliography, below, p. 360.
^^^Tosefta (ed. Zuckermandel), Synhedrvn, 13, 2; see Zunz, Zur
Geschichte, pp. 371 ff. ; Guttmann, p. 216.
232 SAADIA GAON
all tile indescribable sufferings and unparalled martyr-
dom experienced at the hands of its oppressors during the
long period of its dispersion? Is it conceivable that a just
and merciful God should select a particular people to be the
guardian and disseminator of His Law and then abandon it to
the cruelty and persecution of other nations, without any
prospect of a reward for its unllinching loyalty? To be
sure, our prophets assure us that Israel's redemption will
come, that God will send His messenger, the Messiah, to
vindicate the name of His people and restore it to its
pristine glory. But what of all the innumerable martyrs
who suffered torture and death for their faith and for
the sanctification of God's name? What of all the pious
men and women in Israel, who in ages gone by lived a life
of misery and affliction because of their faithful adherence
to the God-given religion? Have they lived and suffered in
vain, and are they never to witness the vindication of their
cause and the restoration of Israel ? To say that the admin-
istration of justice is reserved entirely for the unknown
world to come, as was partly assumed in the case of indi-
viduals, would be a very unsatisfactory solution of this
jjroblem. Our minds are not set at rest thereby, and they
humbly demand that justice be done in this world.
It is by such reflections that we are strengthened in the
belief that the Biblical promises of the revival of the dead
are not mere metaphors, but are meant literally ; that simul-
taneously with the advent of Israel's redeemer, the promised
Messiah, the dead of the faithful and penitent of the nation,
to the exclusion of those who led a wicked life and died unre-
pentant, will revive to see with their bodily eyes the redemp-
tion of their people and its rehabilitation on " the Mount
of God."
Saadia, as a rationalist, naturally cannot stop here. The
questions that crowd upon his mind and try to overthrow
his belief are many. Is bodily resurrection a possibility? Is
it at all conceivable that human bodies, after having been
decomposed and dissolved into atoms for thousands of years,
should unite again and reassume their original form?
SAADIA'S WORKS 233
Saadia admits that for those who believe in the eternity of
the material world and the immutability of the laws of nature,
resurrection is an impossibility. For us, however, the be-
lievers in monotheism, who recognize in God the Almighty
Power that created all nature and keeps it under His control,
the belief in resurrection does not involve more difficulties,
nay involves even less, than the belief in a creatio ex nihilo, in
which we all agree. Nature, as we know, does not destroy
anything; it merely resolves the constituents of a given
body into its original elements, which are indestructible.
Now if we are all ready to believe that God has created
even the elements out of nothing, why should we deny
the possibility of His rebuilding bodies out of their original
and undestroyed elements? We do not claim that the dis-
persed atoms will spontaneously join together and by a
natural process, come to life again,'" for we have never
witnessed such a phenomenon in the realm of nature. What
we say is that resurrection is one of the miracles which God,
through His prophets, has promised to perform for His
people at the time of their redemption. There is no obvious
reason why we should deny the possibility of this miracle
more than of all other miracles reported in the Bible, none
of which appears more natural and more acceptable. The
Bible even relates definite instances of the revival of the
dead through the prophets Elijah (I Kings, 17, 22) and
Elisha (H Kings, 4, 35), which belongs to the same category
of miracles as resurrection.
Having thus disposed of the question from the point of
view of reason, the author turns to the examination of the
numerous Scriptural verses that have some bearing on the
subject. A large number of these verses, as the whole
famous vision of Ezekiel, chapter 37, the prophecies of
Isaiah (26, 19), Daniel (12, 1-3), and others, positively ex-
press the promise of a bodily resurrection in this world.
""This is found only in Landauer's text, p. 213, II. 12-13; comp.
the parallel passage in the other recension, Steinschneider-Fe^f^c/tn'/^,
p. 100 {Emunot, p. 107), 11. 5-10.
234 SAADIA GAON
The opponents of this belief maintain that all these verses
must be taken in a metaphorical sense, and they adduce vari-
ous instances of similar verses which are commonly taken as
metaphors. Saadia, although in many other relations he
himself resorts to metaphorical interpretations, denies the
admissibility of the method in the present case. In this con-
nection he establishes a famous exegetical canon which has
proved of great importance in the development of Bible
study, through its acceptance by eminent commentators of
subsequent ages."' According to this canon we are en-
titled, or even in duty bound, to interpret the Scriptural
word in a figurative sense under four conditions only : first,
when the literal meaning contradicts a truth based on sense-
perception ; second, when it is absolutely incompatible with
the dictates of reason ; third, when it is in positive conflict
with another passage of the Bible ; and, fourth, when it denies
a well-established ancient tradition. For each of these cases
he adduces examples from the Bible. In the case of the
verses bearing on resurrection none of these rules applies,
and we are therefore constrained to take them in their literal
sense. If we were at liberty to construe Scriptural passages
indiscriminately as metaphors, there would eventually be
nothing left to construe in a plain natural sense. \\'t could
easily take all the narratives of the Bible and all its laws and
"' The question of the permissibility of allegorical interpretations
{ta'zml, in the language of Ibn Tibbon N13D) was hotly disputed
among the various schools of the Muhammedan theologians, espe-
cially the 'Ash'aritcs and Mu'tazilitcs; see Goldziher, in Die KuUur
der Gegemvart, I, 5 (1913), p. 305, and in the periodical Der Islam,
III (1912), pp. 226-230. From the Muhammedans the problem was
taken over first by the Karaites, Anan (Harkavy, Jahrhuch filr
jildische Geschkhte nnd Literatiir, Berlin, icSgg, p. 113) and some of
his followers. A discussion of the subject as viewed bj^ the medi3e\'al
Jewish philosophers requires a monograph. As to Saadia, whom
Maimonides follows, see Bacher, Die Bibelcxegese der ji'idischen
Religionsphilosophen, etc., pp. 8 ff. ; Guttmann, Saadia. pp. 21, 221,
n. I, and (with reference to Maimonides) in Isr. Lewy's Festschrift,
pp. 319 f. (Moses ben Maimoii, II, 210 f.) ; above, note 446; comp.
^'NDI^K 3Kn3, edited by J. Brill, Paris, 1871. p. 57.
SAADIA'S WORKS 235
precepts as mere figures of speech. For instance, the law,
" ye shall kindle no fire on the Sabbath day " might be inter-
preted to mean ye shall not go to war on the Sabbath day,
for in Numbers, 21, 28 war is designated as fire. The law
that forbids taking from a nest the " mother-bird with the
young" (Deuteronomy, 22,6) might mean that in conquer-
ing an enemy we should not kill the women with their chil-
dren, for the same phrase is used in the latter sense (Hosea,
10, 14) .'" Saadia cites numerous other passages for further
illustration, showing the absurdity of such interpretations.
The opponents of the idea of bodily resurrection point,
however, to several verses in Scripture that seem to bear out
their view, e. g. (Psalms, 78, 39) : "And he remembered
that they were but flesh, a wind that passeth away and cometh
not again " ; or (ib., 103, 15-16) : " As for man, his days are
as grass, as a flower of the field, so he flourishes, for the
wind passeth over it, and it is gone, and the place thereof shall
know it no more "' ; further (Job, 7, 9-10) : " As the cloud
is consum.ed and vanisheth away, so he that goes down to the
grave shall come up no more ; he shall return no more to his
house, neither shall his place know him any more " ; and
{ib., 14, 12) : " Man lieth down and riseth not, till the
heavens be no more they shall not awake, nor be roused out
of their sleep." In answer thereto Saadia contends that these
and similar verses have no reference to the question of resur-
rection ; they merely emphasize the weakness and transitori-
ness of human life, the inability of man to fight death or to
rise after death."' It should be remarked that Saadia here
disagrees with the Talmud (Baba Batra, i6a), where the
verse from Job, 7, 9 is quoted as a proof that Job denied
resurrection."'
"' The same arguments, applied to verses of the Koran, are used
by the Muhammedan theologian Fahr al-Din Razi (13th century),
see Goldziher, in Der Islam, III, 228 f.
"' The same interpretation he gives in his Commentary on Job
in the verses here cited.
°" For other instances of Saadia's deviation from the Talmud and
the Midrash see above, notes 462, 482, 509a and below, note 603 ;
236 SAADIA GAON
In addition to the proofs from the Bible, Saadia then
quotes several passages from the Talmud corroborative of
his view. The latter, he remarks, are too many for all to be
quoted. The closing portion of the chapter is devoted to
the answer of ten questions that either were asked or might
be asked, in connection with the idea of resurrection. Some
of these are: Who will be excluded from resurrection?
Answer : Only the heretics and atheists among the Israelites
who do not repent before death. Will the revived dead die
again ? Answer : They will not die, but live through the
whole second — that is, the Messianic — period, until the begin-
ning of the third period, when they will be transferred to
the eternal world to come. Will the earth hold so many
people? In answer to this question Saadia enters upon a
detailed computation, which results in the assurance that a
hundred and fiftieth part of the surface of the earth would
be sufficient to supply the needs of all. It should be re-
marked in passing that Saadia's computation is based on his
belief that the time of the Messianic redemption was not
very distant."*' The other questions refer mostly to the
mode of life which will obtain among the people during those
blessed times. (See below, pp. 2446?.
In one of the two different recensions "' of this chapter
the author concludes with the expression of the hope that
the belief in resurrection as here explained may prove a
source of comfort to his oppressed people and strengthen
their faith in God. Finally he utters the prayer that in
Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, p. xxxvi, n. 11; Davidson, Saadia's Polemic
against Hiwi Al-Balkhi, New York, 1915, p. 42, n. 96; p. 48, n. 126;
p. 54. n. 157; p. 58, n. 177; comp. also J. N. Epstein, Der gaomische
Konimentar cur Ordnung Tohorotli, Berlin, 1915, pp. 38, 41, bottom.
The Komtnentar in question is essentially a work of Saadia; see
below, p. 342, no. i.
°** There is much speculation as to the year of redemption
according to Saadia's Computations; see the references given below,
notes 521, 522.
"*The so-called St. Petersburg recension (edited by Bacher in
the Steinschneider-/'Vi/.9(r/(ri"//), wliich was followed by Ibn Tibbon.
SAADIA'S WORKS 2^,7
reward thereof he, too, may be found worthy of beholding
that glorious time.
(VIII) In the foregoing chapter Saadia endeavored to
prove that the resurrection will be a special feature of the
Messianic redemption of Israel. In so far, resurrection pre-
supposes the coming of the Messiah. As a matter of reason-
ing, the belief in the final redemption of Israel is based on
the supposition that it would be wholly incompatible with
God's justice to abandon His people to its fate forever, after
having chosen it as the bearer and promulgator of His
truth, for which it was to endure the greatest sufferings.
The same argument, as we have seen, served the author
also as a proof for resurrection. This is quite natural,
as resurrection is, in his view, an incident of the Mes-
sianic time. On the whole the matter might have rested here ;
but owing to the magnitude of the Messianic idea and its
national importance for the Jewish people, the author devotes
a special chapter to it, entitled " On the (final) Redemption,"
in which he proposes to discuss the subject in its manifold
phases.
In an opening paragraph, the author, as is his wont, refers
to the explicit statements of the prophets, containing definite
promises of Israel's deliverance ; mentions briefly the argu-
ment of reason given before ; and depicts, in a highly poetic
style, the power of Almighty God, as it manifests itself in
nature and in the history of mankind — all of which tends to
show that for Him the liberation of a people can involve no
difficulty. The nations around us, who see our misfortune,
mock and deride us and consider our hope as foolish ; but this
is because they have never gone through our experience and
have never believed as strongly as we do. " A person that
has never seen seed sown, when for the first time he sees the
husbandman throwing grain into the fissures of the soil
to sprout there, is apt to consider the sower a fool, and will
realize his own ignorance only in the time of harvesting,
when he sees that a measure cast forth produces twenty or
thirty measures. Scripture says : * They that sow in tears
shall reap in joy.' (Psalms 126, 5.) Furthermore a person
238 SAADIA GAON
that has never witnessed the bringing up of a child, when he
observes a father undergoing all sorts of hardships in order
to give his son a good education, may ridicule him, saying,
What is the use of all this? Ikit after the child has grown
up, has become a scholar or a philosopher, a governor or a
general, then the taunter realizes that it was he that made
himself ridiculous." "" The great sufferings of Israel have
likewise only a preparatory character and an educational
purpose. Out of her present decline will spring new life and
fresh vigor, to the amazement of those w^ho had held her
in contempt; for, says Scripture: "The Lord thy God is a
merciful God, He wdll not fail thee nor destroy thee."
(Deuter.,4, 31.)
Proceeding from the prophecies of Daniel, chapters 10-12,
Saadia makes an attempt to fix the time for the coming of
the expected Messiah. His computation is too complicated
to be reproduced. Various theories have been advanced by
recent scholars '"^ as to the year of redemption resuhing from
these computations, but none of them is satisfactory. The
matter has been treated elsewhere "' in full. Saadia adopts
the opinion of the Talmud (/». Ta'anit, I, i;h. Synhedrin.
97&), that the appointed time for the redemption of Israel
wmII be adhered to only in case the Israelites do not prove
themselves worthy of a speedier deliverance from the
exile. If they repent of their sins and better their con-
duct, they will not have to wait for the extreme time-limit.
If, however, the appointed time is reached, and the con-
duct of the Jewish people does not warrant their deliver-
ance, God will bring upon them the persecutions of base
kings, who will expel them from their countries, and by
all sorts of oppressive laws will drive them to despair,
so that many of them will leave their faith. Those who.
after this purifying process, remain steadfast and loyal
'"Amanat, p. 232 (Em., p. 119) ; comp. Munk, Notice, etc., p. 27;
Michel A. Weill. L'Umvers Israelite, 1870, pp. 271 ff.
°* See Poznanski, MGIVJ., XLIV (1900), 400 ff.
'° See Malter. " Saadia's Messianic Computation," in Neumark's
Journal of Jeztnsh Lore and Philosophy. Cincinnati, 1919, PP- 45-59-
SAADIA'S WORKS 239
to their religion will then be redeemed. Using traditions
supposed to have originated in the earlier Geonic period,
Saadia mentions a king by the name of Armilus,"' who is to
bring terrible suffering upon the house of Israel. This
king is in all probability identical with Romulus, the founder
of Rome, which stands for the Church. According to
the Talmud (Sukkah, 52a, b) a scion of the tribe of
Joseph will appear as the Messianic precursor of the real
Messiah of the house of David and conquer Jerusalem for
the Jewish people ; but king Armilus will wrest it from him.
kill him and many of his followers, and usher in the period
of the great persecutions. Finally the real Messiah will ar-
rive and wreak vengeance on the persecutor. Saadia finds
all the details of these great struggles and of the ultimate
victory of Israel predicted in numerous verses quoted from
the prophets, on the basis of which he draws a glorious
picture of Israel's ultimate salvation.
Having thus established his view that the Messianic pre-
dictions of the prophets refer without exception to a future
time in which they are sure to be fulfilled, the author, in a
lengthy, controversial paragraph, feels constrained to turn
against those who maintain a totally different opinion.
There are some so-called Jews,^** he says sarcastically, who
'^ See Ginzberg-, JE., s. v. Armilus, also in ^Nltf'"' I^IK, II, 201.
^^ Various views have been advanced as to the persons here alluded
to. In particular, see for the literature Kaufmann, Attributenlehre,
p. 84; Guttmann, Saadia, p. 214, n. i; Poznanski, MGWJ., 1895,
pp. 441 ff., and later in Semitic Studies in Memory of Kohut,
Berlin. 1897. p. 438 (comp. also his Karaite Literary Opponents of
Saadiah, p. 98, and ZfhB., Ill, 176) ; see also David Joel, Der
Abcrglauhe, etc., Breslau, 1883, 11, 3; Horovitz, Psychologie, p.
69. Saadia uses the same phrase in his argument against the be-
lievers in the transmigration of the soul, Am., p. 207, bottom, Em.,
p. 103 (see above, note 511) and in the Sefer ha-Galui (see Malter,
JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 497, I. 9). To my mind neither
here nor there was any particular sect meant by Saadia. Adherents
of such theories were found among the Rabbanites as well as among
the Karaites and other sectaries (see below, note 577). This, how-
ever, is not the place to prove it; I have dealt with the question in
detail in my forthcoming edition of the Emunot.
240 S A AD I A GAON
claim that most of the Messianic promises of the Bible were
actually fulfilled during the time of the Second Temple,
while the others, which were not fulfilled, were definitely
withdrawn, because they were originally made on the con-
dition that the religious conduct of the Israelites would
prove them deserving of the benefits intended for them,
which was not the case. Saadia strongly opposes this theory,
and proves that it is based on false premises and on a mis-
understanding of the Biblical passages. He points in par-
ticular to fifteen characteristic features of the Messianic
time as described in the Bible, and shows that none applies
to the condition of the Jews during the period of the Second
Temple and the times following it. For instance, we are told
that in the Messianic time all humanity will believe in one
God (Zechariah, 14, 9), that all nations will be free, none of
them being forced to serve the interests of the other (Isaiah,
62,8), that all wars between the nations will be abolished,
and perfect peace will reign all over the world {ih., 2, 4),
and so forth. But what we actually see to this day is the
very opposite of such conditions.
These arguments, Saadia continues, hold good also against
the adherents of Christianity, for they too claim that the
Messianic promises have been fulfilled in the past, with the
only difference that according to them the Messianic time
did not begin with the period of the Second Temple, but 135
years before its destruction — that is, with the birth of Jesus.
There are several other objections to be raised against the
Christian theory in particular. Saadia therefore devotes the
closing portion of the eighth chapter to the refutation of the
]\Tessianic doctrine of the Christian religion, showing espe-
cially the mistakes made by the followers of the Church
in interpreting certain passages of the Bible as referring to
Jesus of Nazareth.
(IX) The ninth chapter, " On Reward and Punishment
in the A\'orld to Come," concludes Saadia's eschatological
studies. In accordance with the method adopted by
him, he opens the chapter with the statement that the Bible
tells us of the existence of a future world in which all diflfcr-
SAADIA'S WORKS 241
eiices will be adjusted (Malachi, 3, 17-18). The proofs
thereof from reason, Scripture and tradition, he says,
have been adduced in previous chapters. There are, how-
ever, additional proofs requiring special attention in this
place. From the point of view of reason, to start with, it
appears impossible that " the amount of happiness God
intends for humanity should consist exclusively in the pleas-
ures and enjoyments attainable in this world, for every
material good is counterbalanced by an evil that lurks
behind it, all happiness is neutralized by hardship, all pleas-
ure by pain, and all enjoyment by grief ; nay, the evil usually
outweighs the good. As this is obvious, it is absurd that a
wise God should have appointed these delusive worldly
pleasures as the final goal of our strivings. Another abode
must be in store for us, in which perfect life and unalloyed
happiness will be ours. Moreover, among the people I have
met I have never found any that were fully satisfied and
content with this world, even if they had attained the great-
est power and the highest degree of dignity." °" This in-
evitable dissatisfaction, Saadia asserts, is an inner voice
which tells us that this world with all its restlessness and
vicissitudes is not the final stage of our life, that there must
be something that surpasses it in grandeur and sublimity.
Hence the constant longing of our souls for a good unknown,
the instinctive yearning for a world undefinable. He adduces,
in further elaboration of the argument, the conflict that arises
between conscience and inclination in the presence of tempta-
tion— as to commit adultery or theft, or to take vengeance
on an enemy, and the like. On such occasions it would be
quite natural for us to yield to temptation and indulge in
pleasure. But God has implanted in us a certain instinct
which invariably makes us realize what is morally wrong and
sinful and bids us refrain from the evil. We often follow
that better instinct and practice renunciation, though it causes
great pain and suffering. Is it proper to assume that God
^^'Antdnat, p. 255, bottom, Em., p. 130.
16
242 SAADIA GAON
created men with consciences, the immediate causes of such
suffering', without providing- also some reward for the suffer-
ing? God has Hkewise equipped us with a sense of duty and
the faculty of realizing that, for example, justice, honesty,
and uprightness are good and commendahle. In most cases,
however, if we abide by our moral duty and carry out the
demands of justice, we expose ourselves to the enmity of
men ; we must suffer persecution and even death. It appears
impossible that God, who created in us love for justice,
should let us perish for it without rewarding us therefor.
Other instances are mentioned in addition, which make it
clear that happiness and misfortune are not properly dis-
tributed in this world, and some sort of adjustment is our
due. In some cases we are not in a position to administer
justice even if we so desired. If a person commits one mur-
der and another one commits ten, we can do no more than
execute them both. How are the nine additional murders
punished?
These arguments, obviously based on general reasoning,
are followed by thirteen proofs taken from Scriptures. The
first six are merely inferences from what happened to greater
or lesser personages, as related in the Bible. Thus (i),
Isaac was ready to be burned on the altar, because God had
so ordered ; Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah allowed them-
selves to be thrown into the fire, rather than worship an
idol ; and Daniel was thrown into the lions' den, because he
prayed to God; (2) Moses endured the greatest hardships
while ministering to the needs of his people, yet he was
denied the privilege of entering the Holy Land and enjoying
the fruit of his labors; (3) Elijah procured food for others
(i Kings, 17), while he himself had to starve {ib., c. 19),
and Elisha revived the dead, but died himself ; (4) the
Sodomites were utterly destroyed because of their sins,
while other peoples, just and wicked alike,, prosper; (5) the
Israelites were exiled because of idolatry, other nations
worship idols and remain undisturbed ; (6) innocent chil-
dren perished in the flood of Noah, and likewise in the battle
against the Midianites it was ordained that children be
SAADIA'S WORKS 243
killed (Numbers, 31, 17)."°' All this makes God appear as a
decidedly arbitrary and unjust ruler of the world, unless
we assume that a proper reward is meted out after death.
The remaining- seven proofs are based on numerous Bible
verses, which, according to the author's interpretation, con-
tain unmistakable allusions to the future world. All these
verses are arranged according to their contents under seven
general headings — e. g., verses describing life and death, or
containing promises and threats, or referring to records
kept in heaven of the deeds of men, and so forth. Each
group is construed as a proof that the belief in the world
to come has found expression in the Bible. There is the
great difficulty that in the most important passages of the
Bible in which the Israelites are admonished to obedience
or warned against sin, as, for instance, in the famous Ex-
hortations (Tokahot), Leviticus, 33 and Deuteronomy, 28,
only promises of material happiness are held out, or mis-
fortunes of a physical nature announced. The reason there-
for, Saadia explains, is twofold. We find, in the first place,
that the Torah never expatiates upon things that are self-
evident. The belief in reward and punishment after death
is, as we have seen, demanded by reason. If men sin, it is
mostly not because they deny the existence of a future
world, or because they do not care for its rewards, or are not
afraid of punishment therein, but merely because of weak-
ness of character. In order to restrain them from sin, it
will not suffice to remind them of the hereafter. That is
something of which they are fully conscious. It is only the
promise of prosperity or the threat of severe punishment
in this world that will prove effective. Secondly, it was the
purpose of the Bible, as a book intended for the education
of the people, to give ample directions in matters that con-
cern the immediate present or the near future. The Biblical
passages referred to have relation to the time when the
Israelites were about to conquer the Holy Land. It was
necessary to describe in full detail the happy conditions
'^" See above, notes 490^ 511°.
244 SAADIA GAON
which would obtain in the promised land if they were faith-
ful to the laws and ordinances of God, and on the other hand,
to warn them of the sure failure awaiting them, if they disre-
garded these. There was thus no need at that time to refer
in any way to what was going to happen in the world to come.
Such things are briefly alluded to in various passages of the
Bible, as shown before.
As to the proofs from traditional literature, Saadia con-
tinues, the passages are too many to quote all of them. Only
five passages from the Talmud and two from the Targum
on the Pentateuch are adduced. The passages occurring
in the Targum on the Prophets are likewise too numerous
for quotation. The existence of a future world is thus es-
tablished from every point of view.
Over two-thirds of the entire chapter are now devoted to
the discussion of ten (actually eleven) "" eschatological
questions, nearly all of which had been briefly considered by
the author at the end of the seventh chapter. Here each
point is taken up in a different arrangement and treated at
great length. Owing to the latter fact Saadia's presentation
cannot be reproduced here. The questions at issue are :
the nature of reward and punishment in the hereafter
(counted as two) ; are the categories time and space applic-
able to the future world? (also counted as two) ; are reward
and punishment eternal, or only for a certain period, accord-
ing to the gravity of the case? (two) ; (7) if reward and
"'The Hebrew text (p. 134) is here quite corrupt, and the order of
the questions much confused by uninformed commentators, especially
Dines in the edition used here by us (see the Bibliography, p. 371.
no. 5), who, however, puts the responsibihty on the "printers and
copyists, who did not understand the text " as well as he. Saadia,
with his particular habit of playing with numbers, announces the
discussion of ten questions, but de facto enumerates tliiricai, of which
he actually discusses eleven, and yet by an uncommon twist of logic
insists at the end of the paragraph (Am., p. 279, 1. 13, Em., p. 142,
1. 21) that he had dealt with " ten only." The reason for this insist-
ence on ten is that the questions here treated are to be equal in
number, as they are also in content, to those treated in the last
portion of the seventh chapter (above, p. 236) ; comp. notes 487, 528.
SAADIA'S WORKS 245
punishment are eternal (Saadia's actual assumption), how
about the reward and punishment for a single act? (8) If,
as is again assumed by the author, the rewards and punish-
ments, even for single meritorious acts or single reprehen-
sible acts are to last eternally, the difference then being one
of degree only, what about the great variety in classes that
would result therefrom? Are all the righteous and all the
wicked ranked in accordance with the number of merits or
demerits they have to their account? (9) Which class of the
wicked has to expect the severest punishment ? ( 10) Will the
righteous and the wicked be able to behold one another in
the hereafter? In addition'" to these ten points the author
discusses the question whether the righteous will continue
to be under obligation to worship God and to obey certain
laws. Answering in the affirmative, he refers the reader to
the seventh '"* chapter, where he stated that for such worship
and obedience they will be additionally rewarded, and that
the righteous of the world to come will never sin. As to
the wicked, being in a state of suffering and affliction, they,
Saadia says, will not be put under any obligation.
With a few exceptions the answers to the foregoing
eschatological questions are all based on very numerous
passages from Scripture, to which a Talmudic passage is
occasionally added for corroboration. At the end Saadia
admits that to attempt a detailed description of the real
nature of reward and punishment would be presumptuous.
The world to come must needs be totally different from
ours, so that we have no proper standard of appreciation.
Nor is it desirable that we should know exactly the reward
and punishment of a certain deed or misdeed. This would
*" See the preceding note.
^^'Amdndt, p. 228, 1. 9, Stt'mschntidcv-Fcstschrift, p. iii, Em.,
p. 116 (eighth question"). Both the Arabic (p. 279, 1. 10) and the
Hebrew text (p. 142, 1. 18) refer to the " end of the eighth chapter,"
which is a mistake, perhaps of Saadia himself. In the eighth chapter
{Am., p. 246, 1. 8; Em., p. 125, 1. 9 from below) the matter is
mentioned incidentally only, and it is not at the end of the chapter;
comp. above, note 487.
246 SAADIA GAON
interfere with freedom of action. We may hope, however,
that in the Messianic time, intermediary between this world
and the world to come, we shall be enlightened also about
the latter.
So far as he felt justified by the indications contained in
certain Scriptural verses, the author had previously at-
tempted to describe the nature of the future world. Accord-
ing to these verses, as interpreted by Saadia, God, at the
proper time, will create a sublime essence which will fill the
world with magnificent light and splendor. On the souls of
the righteous this light will have the most beneficent efifect. It
will imbue them with the knowledge of things divine, bringing
them nearer to the presence of God and the heavenly hosts,
and making them participate in a life of continuous joy and
happiness. On the wicked it will have the opposite effect,
dazzling and burning them eternally."^'"' These two effects
are symbolically designated in traditional literature as Gan
Eden (paradise) and Ge-Hinnom (Gehenna, hell), because
the former was known from the story of Adam and Eve as
a place of pleasantness, and the latter is mentioned as a
place of abomination (near Jerusalem; Jeremiah, y, 32, 19,
13). There will be neither time (that is, division into days
and nights) nor space (that is, heaven and earth) nor atmos-
pheric air in the world to come, as the people, though con-
sisting of body as well as of soul, will not have to subsist
on material food and will not need to breathe. God will keep
them alive by that fine light-shedding essence which he is to
create. We find the same exemplied in the life of ]\Ioses, who
was with God for forty days and nights without food,
sustained solely by the divine light (Exodus, 34. 28-29).
Saadia's answers to most of the other eschatological ques-
tions have been indicated above. The eighth question is
answered in the affirmative, but only seven different degrees
among the righteous and correspondingly seven among the
Bjsa jijJjj entire exposition, for which Saadia gives no source, is
based on the passage (Nedarim,86) : n"3Pn N^N 3"niy^ DJn^: pN
comp. Theodor, Bereschit Rabba, Berlin, 1912, p. 46, n. 5.
SAADIA'S WORKS 247
wicked, are described by the author, as he finds them sug-
gested in Bible verses. By way of answering the ninth ques-
tion, he points to the atheists and polytheists and the per-
petrators of grave reHgious sins unrepentant at death. The
righteous and the wicked will see one another (tenth ques-
tion) from a distance; the former, among themselves, how-
ever, will meet only when they happen to be of equal or not
greatly different rank, while among the latter, occupied as
they will be with expiation for their sins, no association, the
author conjectures, will be possible.
Saadia's philosophic system is here brought to a close.
As a summary of his eschatological views a few of the
leading thoughts may be restated. Soul and body are a unit.
The soul is created at the moment the body is completed and
takes its seat in the heart. Death separates the two. They
remain in separation until the Messianic time. At that time
the bodies will be resurrected and will reunite with their souls.
Resurrection is restricted to the pious ones in Israel as a
special reward for their sufferings ; the wicked of Israel, as
well as the dead of other nations will not rise from the graves.
Their souls and bodies will remain separated until the Mes-
sianic period, lasting many generations, is over. At the
close of the Messianic period the present world will be
destroyed and a nev/ eternal world created. This will be
the world of final judgment. In it the wicked of Israel, who
did not see the Messianic time, as well as the dead of all
nations will come to life again, though under a different, as
yet not fully intelligible system. The righteous of Israel,
who lived through the Messianic period will be transferred
bodily to that world. The righteous of all other nations will
also have their share in the reward of the eternal world to
come.
(X) The last chapter of the 'Amdnat, "About That which
is the Best for Man to do in this World," is not a continuation
of the thoughts developed in the chapters preceding it ; nor
does it in any other way fit into the general plan of the work
before us. It has been suggested that the work was written
originally in separate essays under special titles, with a view
248 SAADIA GAON
of later combining and arranging them so as to form a syste-
matic whole.""" The present essay, dealing with ethics, is
related in content to chapters 4 and 5 which deal with the
principal ethical problems as part of the system of the Jew-
ish religion. The great latitude indulged in by the author
in treating the subject of this essay made its inclusion in the
body of the book appear inexpedient. It was therefore
appended here with the avowed intention of giving to the
reader some practical advice as to the course he should
choose in order to be able to live in conformity with the
religious doctrines laid down in the work.""
As is the author's wont, he opens the chapter with a few
general remarks leading to the subject under consideration,
in which he first points out that plurality and variety are
the very nature of all created beings, just as absolute unity
is an essential attribute of the Creator. All the units we see
in nature are only apparently such. Upon closer examina-
tion we realize that what appears to our eyes as a unit is
merely an aggregate of a multitude of smaller composites,
constituting a body, an organism. So it is in the whole of
^ See above, note 456.
''" Landauer's contention (Introduction, p. xx), that this chapter
was not considered at all in the original plan of Saadia, and did not
belong to the book, is disputed by Schreiner {REJ., XXII, 70) on
the basis of a passage which is quoted by Moses Ibn Ezra (Kitab al-
Muhadarah) as occurring in chapter nine of the 'Amdnat, but is
found in the present chapter ten. Schreiner therefore suggests that
it was the seventh chapter (on resurrection) that was originally
excluded from the plan of the book. This is not at all conclusive,
as in the time of Moses Ibn Ezra (12th century) there may have
existed copies of the 'Amanat in which the seventh chapter (in the
so-called second recension) formed a separate part, or was not in-
cluded at all; comp. Bacher in the Sttmschntidtr-Festschrift, (Ger-
man part), pp. 219-226. We must also reckon with the possibility of a
mistake in the text of Ibn Ezra. Be that as it may, it is safe to assume
that both the seventh and the tenth chapters belonged to the original
plan of the author, as is evidenced also by the table of contents at
the end of the Introduction, and by a passage in chapter V of the
work (p. 179, top, /:;»., p. 89) ; comp. Guttniann, p. 258, n. I.
SAADIA'S WORKS 249
organic and inorganic nature and even in the superlunary
world, for the heavenly bodies, too, are composed of various
parts.
Precisely the same is true as regards our moral and intel-
lectual world. Our entire thinking apparatus and our
physical instinct are not units tending and working in one
direction only. Each is a combination of multifarious
thoughts, or tendencies, or inclinations, making up our diver-
sified psychic world. As a tree would not be a tree by
reason of its leaves alone, man would not be what he is, if
he consisted only of one or the other of his components,
and as the heavens do not shed their light through one star
only, so a single instinct would not afford us the full variety
of human life. Even in the sphere of human activities we
must, for all purposes, make use of a combination of things.
In building, manufacturing, and preparation of food for
our sustenance, we must select our material from various
quarters, in order to assure success.
By overlooking this truth most people go morally wrong.
Contrary to the lessons of nature they bind themselves to
one theory of life or follow a particular inclination to the
neglect or exclusion of all others, with the result that they
defeat their own purpose and go to wrack and ruin even
physically. From among the many methods of living ad-
hered to by the majority of people, the author selects thirteen
for careful consideration, in order to exemplify to the reader
the moral and material dangers that lurk behind each one,
if pursued exclusively. A cursory perusal of these thirteen
doctrines of life as presented by the author, makes it at once
doubtful whether they had all come to his knowledge from
personal observation. Some of them, as we shall see, are of
such a nature that while they may at all times find here and
there an individual advocate, they would hardly ever or any-
where become the common view of a larger, organized sec-
tion of a people, and thus deserve to be raised to the dignity
of a doctrine, as is here proposed by the author. Doubtless,
Saadia has here again fallen under the spell of his peculiar
250 SAADIA GAON
fondness for numbers.'^ A brief reproduction of these doc-
trines under their respective headings will suffice to make this
clear.
( 1 ) The doctrine of the hermits, who teach that the best
course for a man to pursue is to turn his back on the world,
isolate himself in the mountains, and weep and mourn over
the misery of human life. They repudiate marriage and all
pleasures of life, and subsist on whatever they happen to find
near them, until they are relieved by death of their wretched
existence.
(2) The doctrine of sots and gluttons, who hold that good
eating and drinking is the highest purpose in life. With the
greatest enthusiasm they picture the wonderful feeling after
a rich meal and the cheerful efifect produced by wine. All
human enterprise, they say, has as its sole purpose the
gratification of the stomach, all friendships and social en-
joyments are based on conviviality. Saadia is equally ex-
travagant in depicting the opposite effects of this epicurism.
(3) The doctrine of the voluptuaries, who aver that the
gratification of sexual desire is the highest aim one should
strive after. " Sexual intercourse," they assert, " is the con-
summation of human happiness, it cheers the soul, drives
away all worry and melancholy, and, what is more, it main-
tains all existence." Saadia opposes this doctrine most em-
phatically, showing the sad results of excessive sexuality.
(4) The doctrine of lovers.^^ Love is the most exalted
feeling a human being is capable of. To experience love
'^ See above, notes 473, 526, Guttmann, p. 263, n. 2. For some of the
theories various parallels were adduced by Guttmann from Greek
and other sources.
"' For this doctrine see in particular Guttmann, 269-273, who quotes
the parallels from Plato. So far as I know, it has never been noticed
that what is here reported by Saadia is found in the Apophthegms
of the famous translator of Greek works, Honein b. 'Ishak (died S73),
which were translated from Arabic into Hebrew by Judah al-Harizi
(comp. Steinschneider, Hebraische Uebersctzungen, pp. 348 fF.). The
Hebrew translation was edited by A. Loewenthal, under the title
D'21D1^^En nOID, Frankfurt a/M., 1896. Thus, on p. 2S, no. 43, the
theory that love is due to the influence of the stars is presented with
SAADIA'S WORKS 251
should therefore be one's highest pursuit in life. " Love
ennobles the mind, purifies the character, and transports the
soul with joy." The followers of this view further theorize
that " love is an extremely delicate substance produced by
nature and infused into the human heart, originally through
an incidental coup d'ocil and, once there, it assumes the
aspect of a feeling of hope and desire. Through this feeling
the substance becomes firmly rooted in the heart, then other
elements (sexual passion) are added to the original sub-
stance, which make it endure. They even declare that love
is due to the influences of the stars : If two people were bom
in the ascendant of two stars facing each other in full or in
part and both standing under the influence of one zodiacal
sign, the two persons will attract one another on sight.
They go still further and assert that love is a divine institu-
tion. The souls, so runs their theory, were created in the
form of globes, each globe consisting of two souls. Then
the globes were divided into two equal halves and each half
placed in some human being. When a person possessing the
one half of a certain globe happens to meet the person who
possess the other half of that globe, the two feel irresistibly
drawn toward one another by love. Finally they venture
to ascribe to love a religious significance, contending that
God afifected men with this powerful passion in order to
make them suffer humiliations and thus learn to be humble
and to submit to His will."
Saadia argues against this panegyric of love with excep-
tional vehemence, and even excuses himself for discussing
full detail in the name of Plato, while on p. 38, no. 64, the theory of
the "globes" is given in the name of Ptolemy (DVO^O!!, which is
a mistake for lltD^QN, see Steinschneider, /. c, p. 353, n. 687) ; comp.
also p. 36, no. 9, another theory in the name of Galen. Honein is
probably the source of Saadia. This is strongly supported by the fact
that the description of the origin of love (a substance sunk into the
heart) and of its bad effects (melancholia and coma), especially
the latter, are found in the Apopthegms of Honein (p. 35, no. 10)
almost verbally, under the heading tDKIplCN [^]"1D"ID, "moral
sentences of Hippocrates." Honein was the source also of Johanan
Alemano, PKTin TVt:', ed. Halberstadt, 1862, fol. 2ga.
252 SAADIA GAON
SO base a conception of life. The reason for his particular
objection to the love-doctrine is that, as becomes apparent
from some of his arguments, its eulogizers, as he knew them
from Greek sources through the medium of Arabic, did not
confine their praise to love between different sexes, but
included the abomination of sodomy Z**
(5) The doctrine of materialists, who advocate the accu-
mulation of wealth. " They insist that the only proper course
for man to take is the pursuit of money. They base their er-
roneous "* view on the fact that all the pleasures and neces-
sities of life can be obtained only with money, that all business
transactions, government affairs, social relations, matrimony,
and so forth center around it." In opposition thereto,
Saadia describes the great evils resulting from the hunt after
money : The nervous strain and restlessness, the deterioration
of the moral character through the oppression of the weaker,
the utter disregard of truth and honesty,*^' and the like. Nor
should the dangers attending the possession of wealth
be overlooked. Wealth arouses the envy of the poor and
invites maltreatment and extortion by the mighty. Finally,
its possession is never assured ; often it happens that a degen-
erate son throws to the wind the ill-gotten fortune of his
father.
(6) The doctrine of those who see the greatest iiuman
happiness in the possession of children. " Children are the
joy and the delight of their parents, the only object of one's
sincere love and affection, a treasure and comfort in old
^ See Guttmann, p. 269. This is also evident from Saadia's argu-
ment, that " if love had the origin they claim for it, we should never
find that Zaid would love 'Amr without 'Amr's reciprocating his
love " {'Am. p. 269, 1. 3 ; in Em., p. 150, the names Reuben and Simeon
are substituted, as usual, for Zaid and 'Amr).
'" For DD^^i'm, in the Hebrew text (p. 151) readD^t^K'ni (hif'il of
n^B'), to delude, mislead, not lyom, as proposed by Guttmann,
P- 273, n. 3.
'"The Hebrew text (p. 152, 1. 6) has here DnylOH mnvn, which
means " breaking of promises." Guttmann read the latter word as
plural of tJ/IO, festival, and translated accordingly (t/bertretutig
der religiosen .... Gebote).
SAADIA'S WORKS 2$?,
age, the only ones who remember us in love when we are
dead." Saadia shows the other side of the medal. He points
to the great difficulties in supplying children's needs and in
giving them proper education, without which, he says, they
are no blessing; recalls the dangers of disease and death,
and of the disgrace that depraved sons or wayward daughters
may bring upon their parents ; and concludes with the cita-
tion of a passage from the Book of Sirach,"* which relates
to the latter point.
(7) The doctrine of those who maintain that one's sole
occupation in life should be making the earth habitable (niti'''
n^iyn), especially the cultivation of the soil, because all life
depends upon the produce of mother earth. Besides, occu-
pation with building and agriculture invigorates mind and
body, induces thrift and procures prosperity. Saadia admits
in general the importance of agriculture, but ridicules the idea
that occupation therewith should be considered the sole
source of human happiness.
(8) The doctrine of longevity. " The adherents of this
doctrine claim that man's greatest care in this world should
be the prolongation of his life, for through it he can accom-
plish all he desires in religious as well as in worldly matters.
In order to attain long life, they advise, one should indulge
in the pleasures of life with great moderation, always en-
deavor to keep up good spirits, and under all circumstances
avoid dangerous situations." Saadia, in the first place, de-
nies that longevity can be assured by following out the advice
given. " We find that many people who live according
to this prescription, die a premature death, while others
who disregard it, reach a high age. Often people of strong
physique die suddenly, while others of a delicate constitu-
tion live long." Moreover, it is not true that hfe, as such,
is the highest good. He points to the innumerable and un-
avoidable troubles of life in its various stages, particularly
to the infirmities of old age, and contends that this life
should only be regarded as a preparation for life in the world
eternal.
'^ See above, note 463.
254 SAADIA GAON
(9) The doctrine of those who consider the acquisition
of power and dominion as the foremost object in Hfe.
" They say that the ambition for the possession of greatness
is a natural instinct, that the human mind resents humiliation
and submission to others, that the consciousness of power
cheers "' the soul, raises the spirits, encourages enterprise,
and widens the sphere of activity, and that without power
and authority there would be no civilization." Saadia very
pointedly remarks that these advocates of power knowingly
suppress the real truth in the matter. Order and civilization
are not eftected by power and authority as such, but by the
wisdom and foresight with which these are exercised. Au-
thority based on power alone is a misfortune to the world
and in the end also to the one who possesses it. A powerful
Init unwise individual will interfere with all human activities,
and will arrogate to himself final authority on art and science,
politics and religion. Should he succeed in usurping the
government, he will turn everybody into an enemy, so that he
will have to take even his meals under guard, " live as under
the edge of a sword, as if his entire existence hung upon a
hair."
(10) The doctrine of ven^^eance. "Its adherents praise
the practice of vengeance as the most desirable occupation
in life, because it frees the soul from worry, relieves mental
strain, disposes of the necessity of constant scheming and
plotting against the adversary, fills the avenger with satis-
faction, and serves as a warning to other enemies." It is
only natural that Saadia should strongly object to so unholy
a view. For religious reasons and on general grounds, he
denies that taking revenge ever gives lasting satisfaction.
We may at times experience such feeling when our enemy
falls through his own wrongdoings, but not when we have
caused him to fall.
'" Thus the Arabic text (p. 305, 1. 12 : Nnnon) ; Ibn Tibbon (p. 154,
line 6 from below) has DPtnO, strengthens. He must therefore have
read KDlt'n.or Nmnti'D. Tlie text of the second Arabic recension,
followed by Ibn iibbon, is iierc missing.
SAADIA'S WORKS 255
(11) The doctrine of scholars. "Some scholars beh'eve
that man's only occupation in this world should be study and
research, for through it he will arrive at the knowledge of
everything on earth, as the elements of nature and their com-
positions, and of much "^ that is in heaven, as the stars and the
spheres. Besides, knowledge has its special charms, gladden-
ing the soul and, like medicine, curing it of ignorance.
Knowledge is the spiritual food of the soul and an ornament''"
to man, as jewels are to kings, and he who does not strive
after it nor appreciate it, is not to be accounted fully a human
being." Our author recognizes the elements of truth con-
tained in this view, but opposes its exclusiveness and one-
sidedness. Exclusive devotion to learning brings poverty and
destitution, and thus makes the scholar dependent upon the
good will of others. A poor scholar is despised, his opinion
is neither sought nor relied upon, his learning, consequently,
worthless. Should he try to maintain his independence
and subsist on dry bread and the like, he will find that his
learning deteriorates, for poor hving is harmful to the mind.
Moreover, the world cannot exist by the study of the sciences
alone, without any practical occupation. The devotees of
the scholarly view defeat their own purpose. Nor is it
proper to advocate the study of the sciences "" to the ex-
clusion of the study of law and religion, for the knowledge
^^'The Hebrew text has in all editions X"Tl3n, for which must be
read nmn.
"° Here again all Hebrew editions have either 1J"'K"l, or IJ^VI,
which makes no sense. Read: "1J\T'1, which in the sense of ornament
is used only in Arabic. Saadia quotes here Proverbs, i. 9. In his
Commentary on Proverbs ad locion (p. 16, top) he indeed says:
INDJK^K in NOn Ny^D3 pn^SI n^J/^X, "learning and piety com-
bined are the ornament of man."
""This is the meaning of Ibn Tibbon's rTT^VTl DOSn, i- e.,
" science of nature," or natural science, not as Guttmann, p. 280
(comp. p. 281, n. i), translates: speculative Wissenschaft. Saadia
speaks here of physics, not of metaphysics ; for details see Malter,
'■ Medi?eval Hebrew Terms for Nature,"' in the Hermann Cohen-
Fcstschrift (Judaica), pp. 253 ff.
256 SAADIA GAON
of the sciences '"^^ is intended only as a means towards a better
understanding of religious duties.
(12) The doctrine of penance. "There are many who
proclaim that the best thing for a man to do is to devote him-
self solely to the worship of God. He should fast during the
day and spend the nights in prayer and praise of God.
He should relinquish all worldly occupations and leave it to
God to provide him with all the necessaries of life. The
worship of God afifords us the greatest pleasure, thrills
us with joy and rapture, and, besides, assures us of the
reward of the world to come." Saadia here has the Chris-
tian monks in mind, and refutes their theory of life on the
ground that a life of penance counteracts the purpose of
God in creating the world. Mankind needs but to indulge
in such practices for a single generation, and there would
be no other generation to take its place, as we should all die
of inanity, childless, and thus penance itself would exist no
more. The laws and ordinances of any religion have a
meaning only in connection with human activities. H we
renounce life altogether for the sake of doing penance, we
have no chance whatever to obey or disobey any of the
religious precepts. What, then, is the object of doing
penance? Its advocates might say that they would encour-
age others to attend to the practical needs of the world,
while they would cling to their method of living ; but then it
is the others who are the real servants of God in carrying
out His will, not they who persist in doing nothing. As to
their reliance on God, that He will supply them with a liveli-
hood, they might better rely on Him to provide them with
the desired reward in the world to come without their in-
cessant prayers for it.
(13) The doctrine of idleness, "Some teach that rest
and inactivity is the best conduct in life, for it gives com-
posure and serenity to the soul, furthers digestion, pro-
motes the growth of the body, and strengthens the senses.
"*The editions have D^IVn (nnns*). According to the Arabic text
we should expect Di^T (DSnX), the latter word referring back to
SAADIA'S WORKS 257
In all his toil and labor man looks forward with eagerness
to the pleasure of rest which is to follow." " I find," says
Saadia, " that these people are the most ignorant of all, and
misunderstand their own words. The very idea of rest
presupposes work and activity. Rest that is not preceded
by work is a mere word. In reality such rest means sluggish-
ness and indolence, and these lead to poverty and physical
misery." Saadia enumerates ten special diseases caused by
laziness, which might be interesting for the history of medi-
cine, among them hernia, tumors, podagra, nephritis, and
elephantiasis. Even those, he adds, whose needs are pro-
vided by others should not sit idle, but should work for the
sake of work.
As said before, not all the theories here described were
actually in vogue among the people of Saadia's acquaintance.
In his desire to carry his point against all bias and narrow-
mindedness in the conception of life, he selected for criticism
a number of ideas found in the works of individual Greek
and -Muhammedan authors, who expressed themselves in
favor of the one or the other, either incidentally or in ex-
pounding their systems of life. He labored the point that
whether a particular course in life be vicious or virtuous,
dogmatic and onesided adherence to it is bound to lead to
failure; for in all -walks of Hfe it is prejudiced onesidedness
that works moral and material injury. Saadia advises that
man live in accordance with the requirements of his natural
inclinations and propensities, but keep them under strict
control. One must beware of exaggerations and excesses,
carrying out all functions of life at the proper time and in
the proper place, refraining therefrom when reason or
religion so demands."'* Among the thirteen tendencies dis-
'"' The underlying idea of Saadia's disquisition is the famous
Aristotelian doctrine of the Golden Mean. Saadia is thus the first
mediaeval Jewish thinker who utilized this doctrine for Jew-
ish Ethics. He was followed by a host of others, particularly
Maimonides, w^ho has treated the subject in all its aspects. For fur-
ther details see Malter, She^n Tob Palquera, JQR., N. S., vol. I (1910-
1911), pp. 160, n. IS; 484, n. 88; Gorfinkle, the Eight Chapters of
17
258 S A AD I A GAON
cussed, he designates those to despotism, vengeance, and in-
dolence as absohitely immoral, and therefore entirely to be
avoided. He compares his method with that of the physician
who prescribes medicine composed of various ingredients in
unequal parts according to the needs of the case, but ex-
cludes therefrom whatever he thinks to be positively
injurious to the patient.
We might expect the foregoing remarks to be the end of
the disquisition on the subject. The matter would seem to
have been viewed from all sides, leaving nothing essential
to be added. The author reahzes this, but, he says, he deems
it fit at the close of the chapter " to add gratuitously " a
special paragraph in which he purposes to show that in the
realm of nature, also, it is mixture and composition that
produces the highest and most pleasing effects. This, he con-
tinues, will serve as an illustration of what was said above
regarding our moral world and the necessity of employing
jointly all our natural instincts and intellectual endowments
in order to make life complete. He selects for this illustration
the impressions made by the objects of nature on the senses of
sight, hearing, and smell, leaving out the sense of taste,
because too obvious, and that of touch, because, according
to some ancient theory of physiology, it responds with
pleasure only to a single quality, that of softness.'" As to
the sense of sight, we know that any elementary, unmixed
color, as white, red, yellow, or black, is hard on the eyes, if
they are persistently fixed upon it for some time. Besides,
these colors do not produce any cheering effect on the soul.
Only when they are mixed with others, the composition may
Maimonides, New York, 1912, pp. 54 ff. ; Guttmann, in Isr. Lewy's
Festschrift, pp. j,27, f. (Moses ben Maimon, II. 213) ; comp. above,
note 399. As to the popularity of the doctrine among Muhammedan
writers see Goldzihcr, Miihainmedanische Studicti, II, 398.
"'A contrary view regarding the sense of touch is held by Abra-
ham Ibn DaiJd ; comp. Guttmann, Die Religionsphilosophie des
Abraham Ibn Daud, p. 82. For details see Kaufmann, Die Sinne,
Leipzig, 1884, pp. 172 ff.
SAADIA'S WORKS 259
in various ways be soothing to the eye and stimulate the
different faculties of the soul to action."^'
Saadia proceeds to describe the different effects certain
combinations of colors have on the soul, the one producing
vigor and strength, the other sadness and melancholy, and
the like. The same holds true with regard to the sense of
hearing. A single sound or tone has only one effect, and
this one often unpleasant. Only the concord of different
notes is capable of producing harmony and sweetness. Here
again Saadia enters upon a detailed description of the eight
fundamental musical tones and their intervals, or semitones,
and defines the effect of certain musical compositions on
soul and character. Finally, the sense of smell is taken up,
and treated in a similar way, and he shows that in odors, too,
the best results are achieved by combinations.""
If, as we have seen — so Saadia concludes — even in the
physical world it is only through a proper distribution and
co-ordination of forces that we arrive at the highest pos-
sible good, how much more is it desirable that we should
follow the same method in our moral and religious conduct,
for it is only through achievement of inner harmony and
equilibrium that we can attain to a perfectly sound and
godly life.
"^* " Red combined with yellow," Saadia says, " stimulates the
choleric humor and its properties ; the soul then manifests energy
and vigor. Yellow mixed with black makes the phlegmatic humor
predominate, producing in the soul a state of dejection. A combina-
tion of black, red, yellow, and white sets into action the sanguine
humor ; the soul then manifests a will to power and dominion.
P'inally, a combination of green and yellow stirs up the black humor
(melancholia), producing in the soul timidity and sadness. In
like manner the increase or diminution of each of the ingredients
in the mixture of colors brings about a corresponding change in
psychic qualities."
^^^ The text of this entire paragraph, particularly the portion dealing
with music, offers great difficulties, which I have endeavored to
explain in my forthcoming edition of the Emxlnot; comp. Guttmann,
pp. 285-289; Ackermann, in Winter and Wiinche's Die jiidische
Litteratur, III, 500; below, Bibliography, p. 369.
26o SAADIA GAON
In accordance with his usual method Saadia quotes
numerous verses from the Bible, particularly from the Rook
of Ecclesiastes, and interprets them to make them bear out
his ethical theories. Several of these verses serve him as
a basis for the commendation of certain good habits and
qualities which one should try to acquire, among them the
effort to leave a good name to posterity, mindfulness of
human frailty, zeal for the honor of God, patience and en-
durance, association w'ith scholars and pious men, and con-
sciousness of one's failings and shortcomings.
Saadia now closes his work with the following lines :
" Nothing in this book will be of benefit, save to him who has
purified ''^ his heart and is intent on his moral elevation, as it is
said (Job, ii, 13 fif) : If thou set thy heart aright and stretch
out thy hands toward Him, surely then shalt thou lift up thy
face without spot." A few other verses are quoted to the
same efifect.
POLEMICAL WORKS
Polemics is a natural result of intellectual life and activity.
Wherever there is a great display of mental energy and
devotion to some cause on the part of an individual or a
multitude of men imbued by the same spirit, it is bound to
arouse the opposition and antagonism of others wdiose in-
terests and opinions go in a dififerent direction. This is, as
everybody knows, the origin of all sects and schisms known
to history. In the history of the Jewish people schismatic
tendencies and actual defections from the general cause w^ero
not of infrequent occurrence. But at no time has there been
so much dissension among the Jews and so much proneness
to the formation of new sects as was the case in Oriental
Jewry during the last two centuries before Saadia. The air
was filled with religious unrest. Rationalists and mystics,
demagogues and dreamers of all sorts succeeded one another
and found adherents among the people, each one con-
"'The Hebrew text is here corrupt, hence Guttmann's incorrect
translation, "die Herzen v.n reinigen." For DrH niDTf" DK ^D
read n^H fVlDT dY DN ""S, as in Arabic: DI^P^N I'X^DK VD.
SAADIA'S WORKS 261
tributing his share to the general confusion. None of the
numerous sects, it is true, that arose in eastern Jewry during
the period in question, survived for any length of time;
but the repeated uprisings of these schismatics against
the authority of traditional Judaism brought about a state
of religious and intellectual commotion that continued
its destructive effects long after the original causes had dis-
appeared. Saadia himself, in his preface to the Kitdb al-
'Amdnat, gives a forceful description of these conditions,
part of which was quoted above."^
More than all other sects it was the sect of the Karaites,
founded by the energetic Anan b. David, in 760, that threat-
ened to overthrow the authority of official rabbinic Juda-
ism. To what extent the Geonim, the representatives of that
Judaism, tried to counteract the spread and influence of the
new sect, cannot be ascertained from the existing sources.
In all probability they did nothing in this direction ; either
because they were too busy with the interpretation of the
traditional law and the adjustment of the constant quarrels
between them and the Exilarchs, as well as between the two
rival academies which they represented, or — what is more
likely — none of them possessed enough general education
and literary skill to take up the fight against the very active
and energetic propagators of the new doctrine. It required
a man with the comprehensive learning, the sharp, tireless
pen, and, above all, the fighting disposition of Saadia, to
set himself against the manifold heresies that had invaded the
minds of the Jewish people, and especially against the alarm-
ing spread of Karaism, which threatened the very existence
of traditional Judaism. Indeed, Saadia was the first and
the last great scholar in eastern Jewry who, single-handed,
waged a fierce literary war on all Jewish sectarians, particu-
larly on the Karaites. As early as his Egyptian period, when
he was only in his twenty-third year, he struck at the very root
of Karaism, in a book against Anan, the founder of the sect.
'*° Conditions like those described by Saadia prevailed at that time
also among the Muhammedans. An interesting parallel will be found
in August Miiller, Der Islam. I, 5gi.
262 SAADIA GAON
It is easily possible that it was this book which aroused the
great enmity and persecution on the part of the Egyptian
Karaites that made it necessary for him to leave his native
country."' Saadia persisted in fighting Karaism with literary
weapons ; and throughout his checkered life he continued to
combat its apostles with unrelenting vigor, so that he be-
came the most dreaded and most hated opponent of the sect
down to our own times. We need not go so far as to
assume w'ith one recent investigator that everything Saadia
has written in the numerous branches of Jewish literature
had as its sole purpose the refutation of Karaite doctrines."'
There are several works by Saadia in which anti-Karaite
tendencies can be discovered only by a considerable stretch
of the imagination."* It must be admitted, however, that
polemic against heresies in general and Karaism in par-
ticular, direct and indirect, is a very conspicuous feature in
most of Saadia's writings. His commentaries on the Bible,
the Kitdb al-'Amdndt"^ and many other works contain
numerous controversial passages directed against Jewish
schismatics, especially the Karaites, although he does not
always mention them by name. Our present discussion
naturally excludes incidental controversies occurring in the
works treated under the different branches to which they
"*See above, p. 58 [and especially the Postscript].
"' Hirschfeld, JQR., XVII, 714 f ., and recently in the Cohen Fest-
schrift, pp. 265 f., and with still more emphasis in his latest article,
JQR., N. S., vol. VIII (1917-191S), p. 166. He is followed by
Davidson, Saadias Polemic against Hiwi Al-Balkhi, p. 36.
"* Thus one will hardly discover any trace of opposition to Karaism
in Saadia's Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah, nor is there reason
to believe that his grammatical works {'Agron, etc.) and poetical
compositions (as the nrmXH '7V "l^tT) were intended against the
Karaites. For the DIVO J"nn see Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, p. xix;
for the nilD j""* CMID see above, note 357; below, Bibliography,
III, p. 342.
"' Comp. Poznanski, JQR., X, 257 f. As to the passages about the
" so-called " Jews referred to by Poznanski, /. c, see above, note 524.
For anti-Karaite passages in the various writings of Saadia see
Poznanski, ibidem, and additions thereto in his Karaite Literary
Opponents of Saadiah, pp. 97-99.
SAADIA'S WORKS 263
belong, and limits itself to the works devoted exclusively to
polemics. It should be here observed that none of Saadia's
polemical writings has been preserved. Of some a few frag-
ments have been brought to light lately from the Genizah.
Others are known only by quotations in Saadia's own works
or in those of other authors, Karaite as well as Rabbanite.
Though all the controversial writings turned about points of
the Law, later ages, when the Karaite movement had lost its
original significance, did not attach enough importance to
these works to preserve them for posterity. They were
allowed to fall into oblivion.'"" The following are the works
thus far ascertained :
1. Kitdb al-Radd 'ald'Andn {\2V '^V m^K nXDD)," Refu-
tation of Anan." ""^ Saadia's first polemical work, writ-
ten in 915°°'" in Egypt. Nothing definite can be said as to
the extent and content of this book. A Karaite author,
in quoting two passages from Saadia's lost commentaries
on Genesis and Leviticus, refers to his " Refutation of
Anan." From this it appears that he took Anan to task
on questions of the calendar, which, according to the inno-
vations of Anan, was to be fixed by observation instead
of the rabbinic method of calculation. Besides questions
of law and Biblical interpretation the book seems to have
contained personal attacks against the founder of the sect,
accusing him of low motives and selfish interests. It was
in existence at the end of the twelfth century, but since
then no reference to it has become known.
2. Kitdb al-Tamyiz (T^^nn^N n^nD), "Book of Distinc-
tion." Probably Saadia's most important and most volumin-
ous polemical work, written in 926-7, by which time, as I
have demonstrated (pp. 63 f.), the author had been officially
connected with the Suran academy. Unlike Saadia's other
polemical writings, this work was not directed against any
°°'' It is also very probable that all the polemical works of Saadia
were systematically destroyed by the Karaites, against whom they
were directed; comp. Pinsker, Likkiite, I, 112; Hirschfeld, JQR.,
N. S., vol. VIII (1917-1918), p. 177-
^^ For the literature see the Bibliography, p. 380.
[°"*See Postscript].
264 SAADIA GAON
particular author, but against the Karaites in general. Sev-
eral extensive fragments have come to light from the Geni-
zah. Besides, a Karaite author of the tenth century has pre-
served considerable portions of the book in his Bible com-
mentary. He reproduced them verbally in order to give the
reader a clear notion of the work. Saadia himself quotes it
together with his " Refutation of Anan " in the passage from
his commentary on Genesis referred to above (p. 263), which
was preserved by the same Karaite author. He quotes it
also in his " Refutation of Ibn Sakawaihi," to be discussed
below. Moreover, several Rabbanite authors, as for instance,
Moses and Abraham Ibn Ezra, refer to it under the hebraized
title m^nn nSD or inn'on "idd, and give some indications of
its contents. These fragments and quotations show that
nearly all points of divergence between Rabbanites and
Karaites were discussed in the work. The question of the
calendar must have formed the greatest portion of the con-
troversial matter.'" Other questions are about the lighting
of lights on Sabbath, the date of the Feast of Weeks, and
the validity of the Oral Law. One of the fragments,*"
which forms the concluding chapter of the book, mentions
a " Judah al-Iskandarani," who, as has been assumed by
recent scholars on sufficient grounds, is none other than Philo
of Alexandria."' The closing lines of the work are: " I ad-
jure by God those who study this book that they do it with
a pure heart and strive after the truth, whether it be far or
near, that they devote themselves to the Scripture and the
Mishnah and to correct reasoning. Then they will arrive
at [the truth] laid down in this book, and will thus re-
°" This is apparent from the lengthy fragment in Scliechter's
Saadyana, no. ix ; see also Poznanski, JQR., X, 252 ; Karaite Literary
Opponents, p. 96.
''"The one edited by Hirschfeld, JQR., X\T, 102-105; see the
Bibliography, p. 381, letter b.
'" See Poznanski, REJ., L, 10-31 ; Karaite Literary Opponents,
p. 95; comp. JQR., XVII, 65; B. Revel, The Karaite Halakah, Phila-
delphia, 1913, pp. 86 f.
SAADIA'S WORKS 265
move from their hearts all doubts and errors — with the help
of the Merciful.'"''
3. Kitdh al-Radd 'aid Ibn Sdkawaihi (pK ^^y ini'N 3Kn3
nnpKD), "Refutation of Ibn Sakawaihi " (or Sakiiya)
written after the " Tamyiz." Various hypotheses have been
advanced as to the identity of this Karaite, but none of them
is sufficiently assured. So far as can be gathered from the
scant sources, Ibn Sakawaihi, provoked by Saadia's anti-
Karaite writings, wrote a book under the title " Kitab al-
Fadaih " (Book of Shameful Things), in which he at-
tacked the most essential parts of the rabbinic law. The title
" Shameful Things " is meant as a derogative designation of
the rabbinic law. Saadia's work was a rejoinder to that
of the Karaite. Several extensive fragments, covering
about twelve pages in close print, have of late been discov-
ered.^'" From these we learn not only the scope and content
of Saadia's Refutation, but get sufficient information also
about the nature of the work of Ibn Sakawaihi. The latter
was divided into ten sections, each dealing with a special
subject of rabbinic law in an antagonistic spirit, accusing the
Rabbis of attributing to God bodily qualities, of misinter-
preting the Bible, and of falsifying the calendar. Saadia
takes up all the points of his opponent, to whom he often
refers as " that ignoramus," or " that tyro," and refutes
them one by one. The title " Shameful Things," he says,
is appropriate to Ibn Sakawaihi's work, for it reveals the
author's own shame and impudence (n''Tii). It may be
mentioned that in one of the fragments ^" the author makes
allusion to the year when the Messiah may be expected.
The computation is on lines different from those given in
the eighth chapter of his Kitdb al-'Amdndt.
"" The ending is almost in the same words as that of the 'Amdnat,
above, p. 260. Hirschfeld's translation of these lines {JQR., XVI,
99) is altogether incorrect.
°'*° See the Bibliography, pp. 382 ff.
^'"^ JQR., XVI, loi ; comp. Maker, in Neumark's Journal of
Jewish Lore and Philosophy, Cincinnati, 1919, pp. 45-59.
266 SAADIA GAON
4. Kitah al-Radd 'aid al-Mutahdmii (^^V m^N 3«nD
^ONnno^N), "Refutation of an Overbearing Antagonist,"
wliose name the author does not mention. It is not impos-
sible that this is another rejoinder to the same Karaite, Ibn
Sakawaihi."^ Of this polemical writing only one fragment
has been discovered, and that, recently. It deals with the ques-
tion of the proper appointment of the Festival of Passover.
According to the rabbinic rules of the calendar, Passover
could never fall on Monday, Wednesday, or Friday."" The
Karaites opposed this rule, and Saadia shows that their op-
position is based on a wrong interpretation of the Scriptural
verses relating to the question. Another point of contro-
versy in this fragment is the day on which the showbread
w^as set on the table in the Tabernacle. The Karaite au-
thor argued against the plain meaning of the verse (Leviticus,
24.8), that it was on Friday, and this opinion Saadia refutes.
From the points of controversy it is obvious that Saadia's
antagonist was a Karaite and not a rabbinical dissenter.
That w^e have here again a part of the preceding work
(No. 3) and not a separate treatise is quite improbable,
because several sources refer to a separate work under the
title "Refutation of the Overbearing Antagonist,""* and
the fragment in question, too, addresses itself to such
(^DNnno^K Kin). As to the time vv-hen this contro-
versy was written, nothing definite can be said. An au-
thor of the earlier part of the twelfth century "'^ quotes a
passage from a controversial work by Saadia against a
heretic, probably a Karaite, in which reference is made by
Saadia to the " Book of Unity," and the same passage oc-
curs in the second chapter of Saadia's Kitdb al-'Aindndt,
which bears this title. The controversial work in question
might, accordingly, have to be assigned to a time subsequent
"'Comp. Hirschfeld, JQR.. XVIIT, 113 f.; F-Ppenstein. Beitrdge.
p. 109, n. 4.
"■'JQR.,X,27i.
"" See the Bibliography, p. 384.
■^Jiulah b. Barzillai, "'"DQ. pp. 20 ff., see the Biblioyraphy, p. 383,
leUer d.
SAADIA'S WORKS 267
to the composition of the Kitdb al-'Amdndt (933). It is
doubtful, however, whether the passage quoted by the
twelfth century author was taken from the work under con-
sideration, or, what is more probable, from the Refutation
directed against Ibn Sakawaihi. Moreover, as previously
stated,'*^ various chapters, if not all, of the Kitdh al-'Amdndt
were issued by Saadia as separate essays, prior to the appear-
ance of the book as a whole. The controversial work, which-
ever of the two it might be, might therefore have reference
to the single treatise and, like the latter, precede the
Kitdb al-Anidndt. Finally, it should be borne in mind that
aside from the polemics here enumerated Saadia wrote works
of the same kind against other heretics and Karaites, the titles
of which have not been preserved. He also engaged in fre-
quent oral disputations with various opponents of Rabbinism,
and subsequently embodied their arguments as well as his
counter-arguments into his numerous works, especially into
those on the calendar and into some of his commentaries on
the Bible, which are likewise lost."*' A quotation in the works
of later authors, such as the one referred to above, may there-
fore have been taken from one or the other of these lost
works of Saadia. No definite inference as to its particular
source should be made, unless supported by other evidence.
5, Kitdh al-Radd 'aid Hayazvaihi (vidgo Hiwi) al-Balhi
Ci^n^'N n^rn ""^y n^X ^NDD), "Refutation of Hiwi al-
Balhi," i. e. of Balkh, Persia. Written in Hebrew rhymed
prose and referred to by Saadia himself in his Kitdh aU
'Amdndt and in his later work, the Scfer ha-Gdlui. Hiwi
was not a Karaite nor a follow^er of any particular sect, but a
Jewish radical, who denied not only the validity of the Tal-
mud, but also that of the Bible, either in its entirety or in part.
Guided by certain heretical works of Muhammedan and Per-
sian authors, severe critics of the Koran, he applied their criti-
^^ See above, note 456.
^ Thus Abraham Ibn Ezra's quotations of Saadia's refutation of
the Karaite Ben Zuta (on Exodus 21, 24, Leviticus, 23, 15) in all
probability refer to a verbal dispute between the Gaon and the
Karaite ; see below, Bibliography, section VII, p. 398, nos. 9, 10.
268 SAADIA GAON
cism to the Bible, trying to prove that its statements often
contradict one another, and that many of its teachings are
against reason. He is reported to have written a book in
which he raised two hundred objections to the Scriptures.
Of these none has been preserved directly, but their nature
and purpose are known from the recently published frag-
ment of Saadia's " Refutations," which were partly em-
bodied also into his Kitdb al- Amanat , and from quotations
of later authors, especially Abraham Ibn Ezra. From these
we see that Hiwi believed in the eternity of the world, and
denied free will and the possibility of miracles. He also
attacked the Biblical passages that required the Israelites
to build a tabernacle and to offer sacrifices, and he doubted
the veracity of various Scriptural narratives, thus endeavor-
ing to destroy the very foundation of the Jewish religion.
He is said to have prepared an abridged Bible, from which
he eliminated all objectionable portions, and to have intro-
duced it as a text-book into Jewish schools. Owing to the
religious unrest that prevailed among; the eastern Jews of that
time, as depicted also by Saadia, his ideas found many fol-
lowers and his text-book seems to have had a wide cir-
culation.'"
We can imagine with what fervor and determination
Saadia took up the fight against these dangerous heresies.
Aside from the special work in refutation of them, a con-
siderable portion of which has only been recovered recently ,°**
he carried on actual war against the writings of Hiwi and, as
we are told by the twelfth century chronicler Abraham Ibn
Daud, he succeeded in having the expurgated Bible banished
from the schools. In his Scfer ha-Galui (p. 177) Saadia
points to his Refutation of Hiwi as a specially meritorious
deed of his.
"* For all the details here mentioned see the references in the
Bibliography, pp. 384 ff.
"•^ This very interesting portion, covering about one sixth of the
whole work, was found and puljlislied by Dr. Israel Davidson. A
full account of it is given in the Biblioiiiiit'hy, p. 386.
SAADIA'S WORKS 269
6. Sefcr ha-Galid (^^^JH nCD), "The Open Book," a title
borrowed from Jeremiah, 32. 14. Saadia wrote this work
during the years of his seclusion, after having been removed
from the Gaonate by the Exilarch David b. Zakkai (931-
934) . It was composed in Hebrew in a highly rhetorical style,
divided into verses, vocalized and accentuated after the man-
ner of the Bible. The author's main intention was to justify
his position in the struggle with the Exilarch and to defend
himself against the attacks of his numerous adversaries. Inci-
dentally it was to serve as a model of elegant Hebrew style.
His enemies were not convinced by his expositions, and his
imitation of the Bible, which they considered an act of arro-
gance and irreverence, only gave them additional ground
for renewed opposition. Saadia then issued a second work
(935-6), this time in Arabic, to which the original Hebrew
text, perhaps in a revised and enlarged edition, may have
been added. In this work, which he describes as Al-Kitdb
al-Tdrid (TlND^K n^DD^K) , " The Book that Refutes," he
translated and commented upon the difficult Hebrew text,
defended various points of grammar and style, which had
been made the object of criticism by his opponents, and
inserted some other material of a literary and controversial
nature. The whole was preceded by a lengthy Arabic
Introduction, in which the author summarized the contents of
the book and related the causes that had led him to its com-
position.^"' Several extensive fragments ^' of both the
Hebrew and Arabic texts, one of which covers nearly the
whole Arabic Introduction, have been recovered, altogether
about forty printed pages. In the Introduction ^^ we
receive most valuable information regarding the history and
•^ The proofs for all these statements, which in many points are at
variance with the generally accepted view, will be found in the dis-
cussion given in connection with the Bibliography on this book.
"" See the description in the Bibliography, pp. 387-394.
^ The portion of the Introduction which is sketched in what fol-
lows was published by Malter in the JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913),
pp. 487-499, where further details concerning the text and contents
are given.
270 SAADIA GAON
content of the work. In a few preliminary remarks, the
beginning of which is missing, the author defends himself
against the accusation of having assumed the role of a
prophet by giving his book the appearance of a Biblical text.
He avows that the division into verses and the addition of
vowel-points and accents are merely means of facilitating the
reading and understanding of a Hebrew book. He points
to several post-Biblical authors before him, among them
Sirach and the five sons of Mattathiah, the Hasmonean, who
did the same without being censured. He then gives an
outline of the whole work, from which we learn that it is
divided into seven sections. The first contains a description
of the value of learning and of the proper methods for its
attainment, and the second deals with historical questions,
e. g., the duration of prophecy in Israel and the time of the
redaction of the Mishnah and the Talmud. The reason for
this historical investigation, he says, is that those who are
called or call themselves Rabbis in his time, are quite ignor-
ant in these matters. In the third section he describes the
misfortune bound to befall a people that is ruled by a despot
(as David b. Zakkai), and in the fourth he endeavors to
prove from the history of Israel that God provides every
generation with a sage or teacher who counteracts injustice
and leads the people in the right path. With the self-con-
fidence characteristic of Saadia, he points to his own Provi-
dential position as a leader in Israel and defender of the
Law. The fifth chapter contains an exposition of the prin-
ciples of the Torah and some computation as to the time of
the Messianic Redemption. The sixth gives an account of
the author's sufferings at the hands of his unjust enemies.
The final section presents the ideas expressed in the Bible re-
garding the wicked who oppress the innocent and how they
are punished. The purpose of this presentation, he says.
is that the wicked of his own days may discover themselves
in the picture and be induced to give up their evil conduct.
Aside from the seven special subjects enumerated, the book
as a whole, he continues, has three general purposes, the
gist of which is that it is to serve the people as a model for
SAADIA'S WORKS 271
their Hebrew compositions ; °'° for through the spread of
Arabic and Aramaic"" they have of late forgotten the
proper usages of the Hebrew language. In this connection
he refers to his earliest known work, the 'Agron, and to the
" Book on Language," both composed for a similar pur-
pose.
Aside from this general outline, the Introduction, as well
as the fragments of the work itself, contains numerous
remarks of exegetical and historical interest. If we may
judge from the material at hand, the loss of this work is
from many a point of view highly regrettable."'
"" See the article quoted in the preceding note, pp. 492 f., nn. 20, 22;
p. 494, n. 26.
'" The text has n''t3nj, i. e., Nabatean, by which Aramaic is here
meant; comp. Bacher, JQR., XII, 705; Margoliouth, JQR, XIII, 157,
n. I.
See above, p. 40.
'See above, pp. 119 f.; Steinschneider, AL., p. 62, lines 9 f., from
below.
671
9!2
Chapter VII
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS
After all that has been said in the preceding chapters about
the life and activity of Saadia Gaon, there is no need to em-
phasize the importance of both his life and his work, not
only for the Jewry of his time but also for that of all later
generations. It is almost gratuitous to speak of the influence
of one whom we know to have been the actual originator of
a given development. Saadia did not merely influence the
Judaism of the Middle Ages, but, to a very large extent
at least, he created it. It is true that Saadia was neither
the first nor the only Jewish scholar of the Geonic period
who produced literary work either on strictly Jewish or
on general lines. In the field of the Halakah he was pre-
ceded by several eminent authors, such as 'Aha of Shab-
beha (750), the Geonim Yehudai (760), Amram (856-
874),'" Nahshon (874-882), who wrote on the calendar,"'
and Zemah b. Paltoi (872-890), who composed a lexicon to
the Talmud.'"' Besides these and the earlier Masorites and
synagogue poets, like Kalir and others, whose productions
were of basic importance for the later development of
the respective branches, there were also grammarians,
"'Aha is the author of the " Sheeltot " (Quacstioncs), a consider-
able work containing Halakic disquisitions interspersed with Hag-
gadic elements. The book appeared twice with commentaries. To
Yehudai Gaon is attributed the " Halakdt Gedolot," while Amram
is credited with the compilation of the first Order of Prayers; sec
above, p. 147, and the BibUo?.raphy, p. 335; for details regarding
these works see Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 75 ff.
"*The treatise is known as the 'Iggnl (Cycle) of R. Nahshon
and was often printed; comp. Steinschneider, Bibliotheca Mathe-
matica, 1894. p. loi, no. 14; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 154-T58.
"" The work existed as late as the sixteenth century, but since then
all trace of it has been lost; comp. Ginzberg, /. c, pp. 159 f.
272
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 273
exegetes, and philosophers prior to and contemporaneous
with Saadia ™ whose works had some influence upon medi-
aeval Jewish literature.'" However, while many of Saadia's
predecessors and contemporaries may have had a share in
moulding the ideas of their time or of subsequent genera-
tions, the general development of our literature along all
lines of knowledge and research actually began with Saadia.
It was his comprehensive literary activity that welded numer-
ous and diverse subjects of study and research into a rounded
system of religion ; that opened new perspectives to the
thinking minds of the generations after him, and gave them
a fresh and forceful impetus to continue to deepen the work
he had begun.
It is further true that many great men of the first few
centuries after Saadia, as the grammarian Jonah Ibn Ganah,
the exegete Abraham Ibn Ezra, the Talmudist and philoso-
pher Maimonides, and numerous others, hkewise exercised
"' This is obvious from very numerous passages of Saadia's
writings, especially from passages in his Commentary on the Sefer
Yesirah and in the Kitab al-'Amdnat, in which he refers to or argues
against predecessors ; comp. e. g. Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah,
ed. Lambert, p. 81, last line; p. 82, 1. 13, where another commentator
of the same work (PIDDO^X Vy3, see Steinschneider, Bibliotheca
Mathematica, 1895, p. 24) is mentioned; Kitab al-'Amanat, p. 207,
last line {Em., p. 103) ; 247, 1. 3 {Em., p. 126, 1. 4; comp. ZfhB., Ill, p.
176, n. 22, where the passages are unnecessarily referred to Karaites) ;
Introduction to his Commentary on Psalms (edited by Eppenstein in
the Harkavy Festschrift), p. 149, bottom; comp. Rapoport, Bikkure
ha-'Ittim, IX, p. 27, n. 6; J. Cohn, MWJ., VIII, p. 73, n. i; for
Saadia's contemporaries see above, pp. 45, 66 f .
'" Thus, the view that all the prophetic promises had reference to
the time of the Second Temple, when they were fulfilled, a view
against which Saadia, in one of the passages referred to above
{Kitdb al-'Amdnat, pp. 247 f.; Emnndf, pp. 126 flf.; see above
pp. 239 f.) argues with so much vehemence, is maintained also by
Moses Ibn Gikatillah of the eleventh century (comp. Poznanski,
Moses Ibn Chiquitilla, Leipzig, 1895, p. 27), who was strongly opposed
by Nahmanides (H^IXan nSD, London, 1909, pp. 16 ff.) and others.
The matter is referred to also in an Arabic fragment of a Karaite
polemic against Saadia published by Hirschfeld, JQR., N. S., vol.
YIII (1917-1918) ; see ib., p. 174.
18
J74 SAADIA GAON
tremendous induence in their respective fields of work. But
they all built on the foundations laid by the Gaon ; their
works are full of direct and indirect quotations from his
writings ; and in some instances they could not have been
conceived without Saadia's epoch-making utterances.
It would be an interesting task, and of real value for the
history of the development of Jewish thought, to follow up
the traces of Saadia's ideas in the works of mediaeval au-
thors and to show in detail how much they were, directly
or indirectly, consciously or unconsciously, indebted to the
works of the great Gaon.
It should be borne in mind that in measuring Saadia's
influence it is not merely the direct citations found in the
works of various authors that are to be taken as a criterion.
Mediaeval writers were not much concerned about stating the
exact origin of the views they expressed. Any idea in the
works of contemporaries or predecessors that appealed to
them they appropriated readily, and gave it further publicity
in their own works without the least consciousness of
plagiarism.™ If, on the other hand, a certain view did not
meet with the approval of an author, he would argue against
it or simply deny its validity, without mentioning the one
responsible for it. The question was of the value of an
idea ; its author was immaterial. The result, especially in
Jewish philosophy, was that theories were repeated by
various authors as if new and original, and subsequent
writers, when they happened to cite the source, would credit
""Even the Gaon Ilai, so near the time of Saadia, used much of
the eighth chapter of the 'Amdndt ahnost verbally (see below, note
614) without mentioning his source ; and the same practice is observ-
able also in the works of others. Authors of great scientific accuracy,
such as Ibn Ganah (see MGIVJ., 1902, p. 367. top) and Maimonides,
are no exceptions. For the latter see Guttmann, in Isr. Lewy's Fest-
schrift, pp. 308-326 {Moses b. Malmon, II, 216) ; idem. Die RcU^ions-
philosophie dcs Abraham Ibn Daud, Gottingen, 1879. p. 9. and above,
notes 399, 416, 446; see also above, p. 154, regarding Bahya Ibn
Bakudah. For some cases of conscious plagiarism .see the references
in Steinschneider's Hebraische Uebersetzungcn, p. 16, n. no; Bibli-
otheca Mathcmatica, 1895, p. 103, n. 14.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 275
the one from whom they quoted, without troubhng them-
selves much about the accuracy of the attribution.""''
The Hterary practice here described naturally found many
exceptions. Particularly in the field of the Halakah. in
accordance with a Talmudic dictum,"" there existed a great
anxiety to ascertain in each case the authority for a given
statement. Unlike questions of philosophy, exegesis, etc.,
it was not a matter of general reasoning, in most instances
of no immediate consequence for the religious life of the
people. The problems of the Halakah concern matters of
law and the decision is based essentially on authority and
tradition. Here, naming of the sources is of special im-
portance. The personal element in Halakic works, except-
ing, of course, their method and form which were often
tacitly borrowed, becomes conspicuous, revealing the extent
of an author's dependence upon his predecessors. In all
other branches of Jewish literature anonymity and mixing of
sources are pervasive factors. To determine the influence
exerted directly or indirectly by the works of a given author
upon those of later ages, it would be necessary to go over
the entire field, comparing the related writings both in form
and content, with a view of establishing the parallels. The
immensity of such a task in the case of Saadia is obvious. If,
in addition, we consider the mixture of languages in the lit-
erature of the Jewish Middle Ages, the fact that translations
from one language into another contribute in no little measure
678a Yi^^js^ to quote a few instances only, Abraham Bedersi (13th c),
in his JT'IlSn DDin, Amsterdam, 1865, p. 149, quotes in the name of
Saadia what is found verbally in the translation by Harizi of Maimo-
nides"s Guide, I, 15. while on the other hand Joseph Ibn Yahya
(1494- 1 539), Tin min, Bologna. 1538, ch. 8, cites Maimonides for
what is originally Saadia's. Similarly, Saadia's discussion of the
permutation of letters (see above, p. 186, with reference to Esther,
9. 3) is quoted twice in the name of Eleazar of Worms (12th c.) by
Judah Moscato in his miH^ ^"Ip, a commentary on the Kusari (Wilna
1905) ; see ib., p. 25 ad Kusari, I, i, and p. 121, ad IV, 25.
"'D^iy^ n^lNJ Snn noiN Dti'n nm ~l»1>?n ^3, "Whosoever
reports an idea in the name of its originator brings redemption to
the world" {h. Meg., 15a).
2-!(i SAADIA GAO.V
to ihe obliteration of identity and, finally, that the texts of
most of Saadia's works are lost, we shall realize the dififi-
culty, if not the hopelessness, of any present-day attempt
at systematically tracing the Saadianic elements in the Jud?eo-
Arabic and Hebrew mediaeval literature.
Be that as it may, no such investigation, useful as it might
be for our knowledge of Jewish literary' history, can be
undertaken here. It would require a special volume, of con-
siderable proportions. For our purpose it will suffice to
quote a few passages from the works of some of the most
famous mediaeval authors in the different fields of Jew-
ish learning. These will demonstrate the high respect and
almost unlimited recognition accorded to Saadia by the great
minds of subsequent ages, and thus serve as an indication —
but not a measure — of his undying influence. To begin
with, Sherira Gaon (about 900-998), who may have known
Saadia personally, in deciding a certain Talmudic question
against a decision attributed to Saadia, declares it to be
spurious, " because," he says, " Saadia was so great a scholar
that no important law could have escaped him." '*" About
the same time the philologist ivlenahem b. SariTik, finding
himself at variance with Saadia on certain grammatical
points surrenders his own position in the following words :
" As to R. Saadia, who has arranged these nouns under
the letter He, I do not know what prompted him to do so,
and what was his opinion thereon. But the accuracy of his
interpretations and the comprehensiveness of his linguis-
tic work testify to liis understanding; it is therefore a
matter of propriety and loyalty not to criticise the way
he arranged his material." ^* Half a century later one
of the most eminent scholars of the time, the Talmudist
and mathematician Isaac b. Baruk Ibn al-Baliya (1035-
1094), excuses himself for contradicting Saadia on
'**'' Responsa PIV ''IV^, i8<7, no. 11; comp. Steinschneider, AL., p.
64, n. 6.
'■"* OnJO min^, ed. F"ilipof.ski, London, 1854, p. 69; comp. Luzzatto,
nVINH n''3, I (Lemberg, 1881), 37.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 277
a question of the calendar, as follows : " No one should
reproach me, saying ' How dare you contradict a man great
and distinguished far beyond your own greatness and dis-
tinction?' For, I answer, it is true that he [Saadia] was
greater in every science than I am, but Moses our teacher
was also a Gaon, and the greatest man in all Israel, and yet
this did not prevent Eleazar the priest from doing what
Moses had failed to do (Numbers, 31. 21). How much
more should one be permitted to say that a view of Saadia
does not appeal to him? " °*^
The renowned grammarian Jonah Ibn Ganah, rebuking the
Talmudists of his time for their neglect of Hebrew philo-
logical studies, points to Saadia as an example of a broad-
minded Talmudist, in the words : " Not as such are known to
us the great Talmudic masters of former times, for
R. Saadia, of blessed memory, displayed great efforts in this
direction attaining the highest end he was capable of. He
strove toward the aim which with his comprehensiveness
he had set himself in explaining the language, laying bare its
roots and clearing up its branches in many of his compo-
sitions, both in those written especially for the purpose, as
the work entitled ' Book of the Language,' and those which
were not written especially for this purpose." ^^ Judah Ibn
Bal'am, a great grammarian and exegete of the eleventh
century, would not decide a question on which Saadia and
Hai Gaon disagreed, saying that it is too difficult to decide
between two such great authorities, whom he calls " everlast-
ing (or the world's) foundations" (Proverbs, 10. 25). To
justify this attitude he points to another author, who, for the
'''^Quoted by Abraham b. Hiyya in his 113^11 "ISD, edited by
Filipofski. London, 1851, p. 59; comp. Stemschneider, Bibliotheca
Mathcmatica, 1895, p. 100.
°^ Introduction to his Kitab al-Luma (edited by Joseph Derenbourg
under the title Le livre des parterres Ueuris, Paris, 1886), p. 3,
11. 18-23 ; Hebrew translation of Judah Ibn Tibbon under the title
nDP"in "IDD (edited by Goldberg and Kirchheim, Frankfurt a/M.,
1856), p. V. For the "Book of the Language" mentioned in this
passage, see above, p, 139.
27S SAADIA GAON
same reason, would not pass an opinion in a matter on which
Aristotle and Galen differed.'** The poet Moses Ibn Ezra
(about 1070-1140) likewise mentions Saadia and Hai to-
gether as " the two princes in the knowleds^e of the Law
(Halakah) and the mightiest among the theologians.'""
The famous moralist Bahya Ibn BakiJdah closes the Intro-
duction to his "Duties of the Heart" with the following
words : *' Understand of the Torah of thy God that to which
I called thy attention. In order to accomplish this, avail
thyself of the works of Rabbi Saadia, may God make shine
his countenance and sanctify his spirit; for they illumine
the intellect and sharpen the mind, they guide aright the
negligent and slir up the indolent." '^° Abraham Ibn Ezra,
though he often criticized Saadia's views,"*' styles him " the
chief spokesman everywhere," ^ and " the pillar of the
Torah,""" and usually quotes him as "the Gaon," without
adding his name. Abraham Ibn Ezra's pupil, the lexi-
cographer Solomon Ibn Parhon, takes occasion to character-
ize Saadia as " the chief preceptor and pioneer exegete, who
interpreted Scripture in the proper way and placed it on a
°*' See Steinschneider in Geiger's Ji'idische Zeitschrift, II, 308;
idem, Polemische und apologetische Literatiir, p. 273, n. Ji, and AL.,
p. 64, n. 6; comp. Dukes, Beitriigc, II, pp. 186, 196. It should be
stated, however, that the same Ibn Ijal'am in opposing Saadia's trans-
lation of Is. I, 8 (REJ., XVII, 183) refers to him as "one who has
no knowledge about the roots of the Hebrew language."
^ Steinschneider, AL., p. 64, n. 6.
°* Arabic text edited by Yahuda, Leyden, 1912, p. 33 ; comp. Munk,
Notice sur R. Saadia Gaon, p. 6, n. i ; see also above, p. 154.
■*' For a general characterization of Abraham Ibn Ezra's relation
to Saadia see Bacher, Abraham Ibn Ezra's Einlcitung cu scineut
Pentateitch-Commentar, Vienna, 1876, pp. 29ff ; see also below, note
607.
"^ See above, pp. 52, 154.
"^'This title (mifin moi?) he makes Saadia sliare with Onkelos,
thus placing both on the same level; comp. Bacher, ibidem, p. 31, nn.
2, 3. The designation of Saadia as " the Gaon " without further
specification is very common also in the works of other authors, but
sometimes applies also to the Gaon Hai ; comp. Steinschneider,
Polemische und apologetische Literatiir, p. 249, n. 13.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 279
firm basis, so that all exegetes profited by his wisdom. He
knew the holy language thoroughly, as also the language of
the Arabs and other languages." '""
Maimonides, who disagreed with Saadia on many a point,
nevertheless says that " were it not for Saadia, the Torah
would almost have disappeared from the midst of Israel;
for it was he who made manifest what was obscure
therein, made strong what had been weakened, and made it
known far and wide by word of mouth and in writing." '"
Maimonides's celebrated pupil, Joseph Ibn 'Aknin, in men-
tioning his predecessors who had served him as models in the
composition of his Commentary on Canticles, gives the first
place to Saadia, " whose light we have used in order to illu-
mine our way, and in whose path we have walked." ^^ The
Provengal Shem Tob Palquera (1225-1290), a man of great
literary insight, says " R. Saadia, of blessed memory, com-
mented upon the Torah and the books of the Prophets ; his
expositions are laudable, they contain true ideas of a scien-
tific nature, but also views of the earlier Mutakallimtm, which
''^"inyri mnno, s. v. mS. Ibn Parhon's statement regarding
Saadia's knowledge of " other languages " is borne out by the
mints ITD ^y tJ^IIS (see below, p. 342, no. i) which shows Saadia's
acquaintance with Greek and Persian and his intimate knowledge
of various Oriental dialects; comp. J. N. Epstein, Der gaondische
Kommentar sur Ordnung Tohoroth, Berlin, 1915, pp. 32, 51-74-
''M»'n m:X (in D"nmn nnit^n ri^?, part II, Leipzig, 1859),
p. 5, col. b; comp. Rapoport, Bikkfirc ha- Ittim, XI, 83 f. For Abra-
ham Ibn Daud see below, note 607.
°°^As the Commentary is in MS. only, I adduce here the pas-
sage from a copy made by Steinschneider, which is in my pos-
session: NHJo 3NnD^« Nin^ i^onpo^x n^Dsn NJ^«n "ipi
D^yo^x pNj^x i^njo^byi xnom ripno^N* nnn o'^yo i^Dcn
Kj^t^o ninjD ^^yi NJ^^nos mm n^s y'r px: nnyo "um
comp. Steinschneider, AL., p. 64, n. 6; 231, no. 6 (line 4 from below
read 105 for 100). Similar praise is bestowed upon Saadia by
Tudah Hasid (i^th c.) quoted by Marx JQR., N. S., II. 263. The
famous mystic Abraham Abulafia (13th c.) likewise prides himself
on the knowledge he derived from his study of Saadia's Sefer
ha-Emfnwt (Jellinek, Pi^lpn nfODH ""UJ, Hebrew part, p. 18; comp.
below, note 622).
28o SAADIA GAON
were refuted by later MutakalHmun." '''^" Towards the end
of the thirteenth century we hear the opinion of an author of
high repute, the philosopher and poet Jedaiah ha-Penini of
Beziers, who in his Letter of Defence of the study of philos-
ophy, addressed to Solomon b. Adret. points to Saadia with
the following; words : " The most distinguished advocate of
secular learning among all the Geonim and other ancient
sages under Arabic rule, whose fame has reached us. is the
great Gaon R. Saadia al-Fayyijmi, who has enlightened the
eyes of the generations by his precious works ; we possess
his scientific Commentary on the Sefer Yeqirali and his
Emunot, in which he elucidates various doctrines and pro-
duces many arguments and interpretations of verses from
the Torah and the Prophets, which he brings as near to the
understanding as possible." '"^
Somewhat reserved is the praise of another Provenqal,
the Talmudist Menahem Meiri of Perpignan (died 1306).
After having discussed the Geonim prior to Saadia, he says,
". . . . until the time came for R. Saadia, who was brought
from Egypt to Babylonia, who composed numberless books
on the oral and written Law, on grammar, and on some secu-
lar sciences, most of which are trustworthy. In his Sefer
ha-Etnunot, however, he wrote certain things which are not
acceptable, and a pious man should not follow them." °"
Meiri, unfortunately, did not point out the objectionable pas-
sages he had in mind. Finally, we should mention one more
author who expressed his admiration for the Gaon. It is
■"■* \i;\>1):) (ed. Hague), 24a. For Palquera see Maker, J OR., N. S.,
vol. I (1910-1911), pp. 151-185, 451-501. For Palquera's desig-nation
of the Mutakallimun as "Ipnon ^JDDn see Steinschneider, JcTx'ish
Literature, pp. 296, 310 ; comp. Delitzsch, D^TI VV, pp. 311, f.
''"m^i'jnnn 3n3, "Letter of Defence," printed in Solomon b.
Adret's Rcspojisa, I (Bologna, 1539), no. 418; also separately, under
the title Dl^ifJnn JTIJK, with notes by Samson Bloch, Lemberg, iSoy;
comp. Renan, Les ecrivains juifs fratigais du XlVe Steele (volume
XXXI of the Histoire litteraire de la France), Paris, 1893, pp. 277-
382.
""m^nsn n^n, or Conmientary on Pirkc Abot, edited by Stern.
Vienna, 1854. Introduction, p. i6t; comp. Dukes, D'^np ^PIJ, p. 25.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 281
the Italian Jewish bard Moses b. Isaac of Rieti (died 1457),
the so-called " Dante Ebreo," who in his Hebrew imitation of
the " Divina Comedia " assigns to Saadia a place of honor
in the fancied paradise. As a merit of Saadia he points out
" his books and polemics against dissenters, which brought
light into darkness." °°''
A search through mediaeval Jewish literature would no
doubt reveal a large number of similar appreciations of
Saadia Gaon and his writings on the part of later authors.
There is no need, however, of multiplying such testimony;
the few examples quoted show sufficiently the high place ac-
corded to Saadia by the greatest thinkers of subsequent
centuries.'"*
Among the numerous rabbinical authors of the Middle
Ages only one is known, who saw in Saadia an innovator and
promulgator of heterodox ideas and therefore spoke of him
disparagingly. This one is the learned zealot Moses b.
Hisdai Ipn, i. e. of Tachau, Bohemia, or, as recently as-
serted,""" of Tackau, near Erfurt, Germany (about 1170-
1230). Moses Tachau, who was a recognized Talmudic
authority and also a liturgist of some standing,'"^ wrote a
book under the name of Q''?ori DDD, of which only a part has
been preserved.'^" The work is directed both against the
=»=tOyn ^1\>'0, ed. Goldenthal, Vienna, 1851, p. 95a; comp. Dukes,
ibidem, p. 4.
°*" See also Saadia Ibn Danan (about 1470), in the collection mon
riTIJJ, edited by Edelmann, Konigsberg, 1856, p. 28 (mostly taken from
Abraham Ibn Baud's n^2pn "ITD; comp. Steinschneider, Geschichts-
literatur der Juden, § 81).
"' Tycocinsky, in MGWJ., 1910, pp. 70 ff. The author raises some
doubts as to the identity of Moses b. Hisdai and Moses Ipn. We
deal here with the D'^DD 2n3, whoever its author. Comp. J. N.
Epstein, REJ. LXI, 60 fif.
^'* Zunz, Literaturgcschichte der synagogalen Poesie, pp. 315-317;
Landshuth mnyn ni»y, p. 223. The IE., s. V. " Moses Taku," has
a crossi reference to " Taku Moses," but there is no such article.
''^ Published by R. Kirchheim in the periodical noHJ 1V1K, II
(t86o), 54-99, comp. Steinschneider, HB., Ill, 62; Hebrdische Ueber-
setzungen, pp. 442.
282 SAADIA GAON
philosophers and the mystics,**' who interpret Haggadic
passages of the Tahiiud relating to God, angels, resurrection,
and the like as figures of speech or symbols. The author
accepts even the most extravagant anthropomorphisms in
their literal sense. He pours out his wrath on Saadia, whom
he declares responsible for all the mischief done by the Jew-
ish philosophers in falsifying the words of the Torah and
the Rabbis. " I deplore," he says " the damage done by the
Si'fer ha-Emunot. It brought us the secular sciences and
increased the evils, weaning away the multitude from sin-
cere piety ; casting doubts on everything, so that the people
do not know wdiere they stand ; strengthening the hands of
the scientists, who have a grudge against the teachings of
our Rabbis, which arc perfect, and setting in the place of
the latter the empty talk of the former."*"' Referring to
philosophic authors as a class, he says mockingly : " They
all feed on the wisdom of the Sefer ha-Emunot,"'^ leaving
out things and adding others and writing books and dis-
courses on many topics and on the reasons of prophecy.
Indeed, prior to Saadia nobody dared give new interpreta-
tions, which deviate from the plain sense of the Scriptures
and from the trustworthy and well-established words of
our Rabbis.""* It is the physicians and astronomers *" that
despise our learning and those that adhere to it." In another
"" See below, note 615.
*" Ozar Ncchmad, II, 64, top ; see also below, note 604.
^""Ibidem, p. 68, top; comp. p. 65, 1. 11.
•"'Further on (p. 75. 1. 11) he accuses Saadia, on rather trivial
grounds, of having tyrannized over the people and forced on them
" a new Torah, unheard of since the days of Adam." Tachau feels
particularly provoked by the Gaon's opposition to the Talmud, in
proof of which he points out numerous passages in Saadia's Com-
mentary on the Scfcr Yezirah and his Emunot; see pp. 74. where
n')J10J< (1. 1.3) is a mistake for """DD, and 93 f.; above, notes 462,
5090, 518.
"** By " physicians and astronomers " he derogatorily designates all
those who follow scientific methods in their studies, though they had
nothing to do with these disciplines. Thus, in the passage referred to
above (note 601) the Hebrew expression for "scientists" is ^IDIH
D'Oti' (Isaiah, 47. 13), wliich is commonly translated by astrologers.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 283
connection ^ he quotes a " Commentary on Chronicles," *"'
according" to which Saadia was imprisoned for thirteen
years. In the prison, Moses assumes, he must have come in
contact with non- Jewish scholars with whom he had relig-
ious disputes, so that certain ideas became fixed in his
mind and were maintained by him later on. " There he got
also into the habit of grandiloquence, trying to force the
multitude into his ways of thinking by high metaphors and
" fourfold " repetitions of one and the same thought — yes, he
might have written in five tracts (pDIDJIP) what he wrote
in fifteen." *"' To refute Saadia's theories the author quotes
""' Ozar Nechmad, II, 69, 11. 8 ff.
*°'' The Commentary here referred to was published by Kirchheim,
Frankfurt a/M., 1874, and the passage quoted by Tachau is on p. 36.
For further details on the Commentary, which is ascribed to a pupil
of Saadia, see the Bibliography, p. 327. Regarding the story of
Saadia's imprisonment for thirteen years, quoted l)y Tachau from
that Commentary, see the references in L. Bardowicz, Die Abfas-
sungsseit dcr Baraifa der 32 Normen, Berlin, 1913, p. 80, n. 29; comp.
Steinschneider, H. B., Ill, 62.
'"" It may be noted that charges of diffuseness and verbosity were
brought against Saadia also by authors who were no antagonists of
his. Thus Abraham Ibn Ezra, in his fondness for puns, plays on the
words D'^iytJ' and "WV^, saying that the Sefer ha-Eviundt contains
chapters of limitless length : niJinX3 IDD lan nnyo IJni pX^HI
Vim^ niyti' pxe^ Ony^ n tJ'M (Xnv^ mD\ chapter i, end) ; comp.
also his censure of Saadia's longwinded methods in Bible exe-
gesis at the beginning of his Introduction to his Commentary on
Genesis. Still harsher is his c,riticism of the Gaon in his Short Com-
mentary on Exodus (23. 20) ; see Reggio and Luzzatto in Kerem
Chcmed, IV, 104 ff., 136 f. The famous Hebrew satirist Immanuel
of Rome (1270-1330), poking fun at a very tall man, says, "Mr.
Soandso is as tall as Saadia's works are long." (ni"l2no, V, ed.
Lemberg, 1870, p. 42), which hardly refers to the " large number " of
the Gaon's works, as suggested by Steinschneider, HB., XIII, p. 62,
n. 7; comp. Dukes, Beitrdge, II, 78. Berechiah ha-Nakdan, the epito-
mizer of Saadia's Eviunot (see the Bibliography, p. 361), in his
fllVO (edited by Gollancz, London, 1902), p. 141, 1. 6, likewise al-
ludes to Saadia's diffuseness (P^J3 ni3''1>^) ; see, however, Bacher
{Abraham Ibn Ezra's Einleitung su seinem Pentateuch-Commentar,
Vienna, 1876, p. 19), who, with Dukes, repudiates these charges as
unfounded.
2R4 SAADIA GAON
numerous passages from his Commentary on tlie Scfer
Yecirah^ especially from the Ilmundt, each time adding
some slighting comment. Tachau's method of criticism is
best illustrated by the passage in which he attacks Saadia
for having declared the statement of the Talmud, that besides
this world God created eighteen thousand other worlds, to
be the opinion of an individual teacher, which was not
generally accepted.""" " What an ignoramus," he exclaims,
" Of the words of an 'Amora revealed by holy inspiration
and derived from tradition we are to say that they were not
agreed to by all Israel? But wlio has agreed to his worth-
less talk?""" In this strain he argues against many other
points, and on one occasion even expresses his doubt as to
the authenticity of the Scfer ha-'Emnndt,"" because the copy
which he happened to use did not bear Saadia's name. It is
interesting to note that Judah b. Barzillai, who quotes the
As to the exceptions taken to the Emunot in particular, they are
due, I believe, in most part to the fact that the critics (Berechiah,
Moses Tachau, probably also Abraham Ibn Ezra, in whose time the
Arabic original was already very rare) read the work in the so-called
Hebrew Paraphrase, which indeed has no parallel as regards turgidity
and windy phraseology. The stricture of Meiri (above, note 594)
is based on purely religious grounds. On the other hand Abraham
Ibn Daud (1161), while recognizing the great merits of the work in
general, declares that upon investigation he found it to be inade-
quate for his purposes : p'SDD imjNvo N^ imjnpn ncxD dj^n
IJ^ in^ti' n^Df* (nm HJIOK, p. 2) ; comp. above, note 310. Ibn Daud,
however, borrowed many essential points of his own system from
the work of Saadia; comp. for details Guttmann, Die Religioiisphi-
losophie des Abraham Ibn Daud, Gottingen, 1879, P- 12. A much
later author, Moses Ibn Habib (about 1500), likewise attributed little
value to the Emunot; see above, note 485. For the attitude of
Diinash Ibn Tamim to Saadia see above, note 75. For Ibn Bal'am
see note 584.
** See the Bibliography, p. 358.
*°° The passage here referred to by Tachau is in Saadia's Com-
mentary on the Sefer Yezirah, p. 5, bottom (Lambert, pp. 19 f.).
"" Ozar Nechmad, II, 70, top ; comp. also above, note 509a.
•'^ Osar Nechmad, II, 79; comp. p. 96, 1. 6; Steinschneider, Hebrii-
ische Ueberset.zungcn, p. 442.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 285
same passage about the eighteen thousand worlds,*'^ finds
nothing wrong therein except that Saadia, relying on his
memory, happened to misquote part of the Tahnudic pas-
sage, a stricture without bearing on the question at issue.
It should finally be remarked that while our author directs
his arrows mainly against Saadia, " the first to speculate
about the creations of God," ""^ he is no less opposed to all
whom he considers followers and admirers of the Gaon.
Even Hai Gaon '^* and men like the pious mystic Judah
Hasid,*"' he finds, were under the influence of the Sefer ha-
'Enmnot; but he naturally shows more animosity against
Maimonides and especially against Abraham Ibn Ezra, who
" was always accompanied by demons." '"'' All this goes to
show that even in the strictly orthodox circles of twelfth
century Jewry, Saadia was known as the founder and origin-
ator of that critical, scientific epoch in Jewish literature
which so disturbed the mentality of men like Moses Tachau.
Of special significance for a correct appreciation of the
authority and importance attached by his contemporaries and
successors to Saadia's works, is the fact that some of them
'''m"'V> nCD {^•'nD, ed. Halberstam, Berlin, 1885, p. 174.
'" Ozay Nechmad, II, 77.
'^* Ibidem, p. 92 ; Tachau has in mind a Responsum of Hai which
was published by Eliezer Ashkenazi in D^JpT DVtD, Frankfurt a/M.
1854, pp. 59 ff. The whole Responsum, with the exception of the
"Questions" discussed below {Bibliography, pp. 365 f.), is indeed,
as suggested by Tachau, taken without acknowledgment from
Saadia's Emunot; see above, note 578; Bacher, in Steinschneider's
Festschrift, p. 225.
^'^ Ibidem, pp. 73, 95, and passim; comp. the Bibliography, p. 362,
no. I.
®" Ibidem, p. 97 ; Ibn Ezra, Tachau reports, denied the existence of
demons, but the latter proved to him that they do exist; for once
Ibn Ezra was riding through a forest in England, when a pack of
black dogs, which in reality were demons, suddenly appeared before
him and their fierce eyes frightened him so that he died soon after ;
comp. Steinschneider, HB., Ill, 62; idem., Abraham Ibn Esra (in
Supplement zur historisch-literarischen Abtheilung der Zeitschrift
fiir Mathcmatik und Physik, 1880), pp. 81 f.
286 SAADIA GAON
became known in European countries, even among the
Franco-German Jews, at a very early period. Numerous
scholars of the eleventh century in France. Germany,
and other non-Arabic countries, quote Saadia directly or
indirectly, or show familiarity with his views. Among them
may be instanced Rashi,"" perhaps also his precursor INIoses
Darshan of Narbonne,"' Nathan b. Jehiel of Rome, author
of the 'Aruk^" and Tobiah b. Eliezer of Castoria in Bulgaria,
author of the Alidrash " Lekah T5b." °=° During the twelfth
century Saadia's influence becomes general in all branches of
Jewish literature, even in the works of authors who show a
decided tendency toward asceticism and mysticism, as Judah
Hasid *"' and his disciple Eleazar of \\'orms.'" The leading
"' For quotations of Saadia in the commentaries of Rashi see
Reifmanns note, in D^JIOIP D^JINJ n> ^L'-yo V^P, edited by
Rosenberg, Berlin, 1856, p. 53; comp. Rapoport, DTlVn niD^. 1828,
p. 35, bottom; p. 36, n. 43; Dukes, Beitrdgc, II, p. 98, n- 9; Geiger,
KmJt^nO, p. 7 (of Hebrew part) ; Harkavy, Ha-Goren, I, 89.
""See Epstein. HJUnJO ]\i>'\-\n Hti'O 'l, Vienna, 1891 (comp.
Neubauer, JQR., IV, 157), P- 46, where the interpretation of Eccl.,
3. 21, appears to be based on that of Saadia, Kitc'ib al-'Amanat, pp. 192,
194 (Emuiwt, Leipzig, 1864, pp. 96, 98, top) ; comp. above, note 502.
"° 'Aruk, s. vv.non and PUV; comp. Oeuvres completes de Saadia,
IX, 167, nos. no, m. From a remark in the latter passage (^"11
a"D'lD dZi) it would seem that Rabbenu Gershom, too, (died in
Mayence, 1040) was acquainted with some of the writings of Saadia.
""* See Buber's Introduction to his edition of this Midrash (Wilna,
1884), pp. II, 22, no. 29; comp. J. Nacht, Tobia ben Eliese/s Cotn-
mcntar cu Threni, Berlin, 1895, pp. 6f. ; 30, n. 123.
■^ See the Biblioiiraphy, p. 362. no. i ; comp. also note 615.
°"Comp. Steinschneider, HT^., Ill, 62; idem-, Abraham Ibii Esra
(as quoted above, note 616), p. 82, n. 84; Dukes, D'"2np ^HJ, p. 24,
note; Geiger, Parschandatha, p. 50; al)ove, note 491. Mystics of
later ages were particularly attracted by Saadia's Commentary on
the Scfer Ycqirah. Eleazar's Commentary on that book is based on
that of Saadia; comp. Jellinck, H^Spn n»D3n "'TiJ. German part,
p. 21 ; above, note 491. Even Kabbalists like Abraham Abulalia
(13th c.) availed themselves of Saadia's philosophic teachings. Thu:
the latter's doctrine as to the sources of human understanding (see
above, p. 195,) is tacitly adopted by Abulafia : comp. Jellinek. ib.,
p. 29; above, note 592. By virtue of a false attribution to Saadia
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 287
Halakists of the time, like Eliezer b. Nathan of Mayence,*^
Jacob Tarn of Ramerupt, grandson of Rashi, and some of the
Tosafists,'"' refer to him as to one of the most authoritative
Geonic sources. A thirteenth century author/'" in the name
of the aforementioned R. Jacob Tam, quotes the sentence,
" R. Saadia, on the words of whose mouth we hve and who
handed the secret of the calendar down to us."
Through what channels the various Jewish authors of
European countries outside of Spain became acquainted with
the writings of Saadia, or with his teachings, cannot always
be ascertained. Some of these authors, like Rashi, his
contemporary Joseph Kara, Joseph Bekor Shor (12th cen-
tury) and others, certainly knew no Arabic, and all the quo-
tations of Saadia found in their writings, as they often state
explicitly, are based on hearsay, or are taken from the
Hebrew works of authors who understood the Arabic lan-
guage and drew upon the original sources."'"' Others, like
of another, mystic, commentary on the Scfer Yesirah (see the
Bibliography, VIII, p. 404) some of the later admirers of the Kab-
balah even acclaimed the Gaon as their own, crediting him with a
device for the creation of a homunculiis by means of certain manipu-
lations with the alphabet. So Judah Moscato in his commentary to
the Ku::an (min'' ^IP), IV, § 25 (ed. Wilna, 1905, p. 94, bottom)
and Joseph Solomon Delmedigo, no^n^ ^"IVO, Basle, 1629, fols.
gb, 20 a. The passage quoted by them as proof is found in the spuri-
ous Commentary on the Scfer Yczirah (II, § 4) marching under
Saadia's name ; comp. below, note, 660.
*^|"3Nn, no. 119; comp. Halberstam, in his edition of Judah b.
Barzillai's Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah, Berlin, 1885, p. 309,
1. 13; JE., V, 118; S. Hurwitz, Introduction to nD^ inno, p. 46;
see above, note 418.
"^ See e. g. Miiller, Ocuvrcs IX, 157, no. 72, also the Tosafists
mentioned below, notes 636, 639. For Aaron b. Meshullam of Lunel
(1200) see the Bibliography, p. 368.
'^'^Zedekiah b. Abraham 'Anaw, in his ritualistic work tSp^H '•^ntJ',
ed. Buber, Wilna, 1886, no. 28; comp. Rapoport DTlJ/n niDn, IX, 29,
n. 23; Bornstein, 3"D1 JlP^n^, p. 25, n. i.
*^ Geiger, Parschandatha (Hebrew), pp. 6-16. For Joseph Bekor
Shor see ibidem, p. 50; Poznanski, Kommentar su Eseehiel — von
Eliezer aus Beaiigency, Warsaw, 1914, Introduction, p. Ixvi, n. i ;
p. 227, note on pp. Ixiv ; p. 228, note on p. Ixxxviii.
288 SAADIA GAON
Moses Darshan,*'" Nathan b. Jcchiel,'^ and perhaps also
Tobiah b. Ehezer,"" knew the languas^e of the Arabs and
may have used or quoted Saadia directly. But whatever
the case may have been as regards individual authors, we can-
not explain the general deference paid to his authority except
by assuming — and this is what I wish to bring out here — that
some of Saadia's works were translated into Hebrew, either
in part or in whole, long before the period of the Tibbonides,
though most of those translations are lost. Thus Judah
b. Barzillai, at the close of the eleventh century, made use
in his Commentary on the Sefcr Yccirah of two or three
different Hebrew translations of Saadia's Arabic Com-
mentary on the same book."" These translations differ from
that of one Moses b. Joseph of Lucena, whose date is uncer-
tain, but probably prior to 1148."^ The famous fabulist Bere-
chiah ha-Nakdan,^' whose date has likewise not been defi-
•"See Rapoport's Biography of Nathan b. Jcchicl (y"r!33. X),
note 47; Epstein, Moses ha- Darschan, Vienna, 1891, p. 8.
"^ Rapoport, Biography, note 14.
*^Comp. nitD np^ t^mo, on Exodus, ed. Buber, p. 188, n. 4;
Buber's Introduction, p. 36, line 3 ; Rapoport, Biography of Hai Gaon
(y"n3D, X), note 16, refers to a passage in Tobiah's Midrasb. which
is taken from an Arabic Responsum of Hai.
*"' See the Bibliography, p. 357.
•^^ Steinschneider, Hcbrdische Uebcrsetcungcn, p. 444; his doubts as
to the priorty of the translator Moses to the year 1 148, when the
Jewish community was expelled from the city, are not sufficiently
founded. The style and strange terminology of the translation
(MS. copy of the late Halberstam, now in the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America in New York) may rather be looked upon as
a proof that the author lived prior to the period of translators
inaugurated by the Tibbonides, in 1167.
"' t^VD (ed. Gollancz, London, 1902), p. 118, 1. 5 from below to
p. 119, 1. 21, which, with some deviations, corresponds to Saadia's
text, ed. Lambert, p. 18, 1. 16 to p. 20, 1. 3. So far as I know this
passage escaped the notice of scholars. For the question of the time
and country of Berechiah and his knowledge of Arabic, which are
still disputed, tlie origin of the Hebrew translation of this passage
is of great importance, and its identification would eventuallj' solve
the problems. A comparison of Berechiah with Moses of Lucena
shows convincingly that the authors are independent of each other;
see the Bibliography, p. 358.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 289
nitely established, some placing him in the twelfth, others
in the thirteenth century,'"' and the Talmudist Moses Ta-
chau (around 1200),"''' quote lengthy passages from Hebrew
translations of that Commentary of Saadia's, each one of
which differs from those mentioned before.
As in the case of the Commentary here discussed, so also in
that of Saadia's great philosophic work, the Kitdb al-
'Amanat, we possess more than one Hebrew translation.
Aside from the one prepared in 1186 by Judah Ibn Tibbon of
Lunel, generally known under the title 'Emunot we-Deot,
there is also an anonymous Hebrew version written in a very
peculiar style, wdiich resembles closely that of the liturgical
compositions of Eleazar Kalir and others. Much thought
has been spent in the attempt to find out something definite
about the author, the time and the country of this as yet un-
printed version, or rather paraphrase, of Saadia's work.^' A
colophon in one of the MSS. shows the date 1095, but it is
doubtful whether this is the date of the translator or of the
copyist. At any rate we have here the work of an author,
who lived in the eleventh century, if not earlier. In spite of
the obscurity of its payyetanic phraseology, or perhaps be-
cause of it, precisely this version of the Arabic original and
not that of Ibn Tibbon, became widely known among the Jews
of France, Germany, and other European countries. This
is evident from the fact that the aforementioned Berechiah
ha-Nakdan issued the whole work in an abridged form,
and otherwise*'" made extensive use of its contents; that
Moses Tachau, the Spaniard Jacob b. Reuben, the mystic
Judah he-Hasid of Ratisbon, and the Tosafist Samson b.
Abraham of Sens, all authors of the twelfth century, quote
^ See Gollancz, The Ethical Treatise of Berachya, Introduction ;
Jacobs, JE., II, 54.
^^* See the Bibliography, p. 358, and above, pp. 281 ff.
"° For further details see the Bibliography, p. 360.
^° Berechiah's work in the publication of Gollancz consists of two
treatises, the one of which is the epitome of Saadia's Emunot, and
the other, under the name of ^*1V0, is a compilation from the works
of various authors, among them Saadia.
19
290 SAADIA GAON
lengthy passages therefrom,*"" and that throughout the
Middle Ages entire chapters"' of the work were current in
Germany, France, and Italy as separate books.
That the Commentary on the Sefer Yezlrah and the Kitah
al-'Amdnat, both belonging under the category of religious
philosophy, were not the only ones of Saadia's works that
reached the Franco-German Jews of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries in Hebrew translation, hardly requires proof.
Saadia's Halakic and liturgical writings, for instance, were
known very early to Talmudic authors in Christian countries,
as is evident from the numerous quotations collected from
their works several years ago.°^ It may be admitted that
some of these authors understood Arabic, and were thus in
a position to use the originals, while others may have derived
their knowledge of the contents from Jewish-Arabic scholars
with whom they came in contact."" It is hazardous, how-
ever, to be satisfied with so narrow a basis for the com-
paratively wide diffusion of Saadia's Halakic views among
scholars who were not acquainted with Arabic. Much more
probable is it that some of Saadia's treatises on Talmudic
literature as well as his Halakic disquisitions on questions of
liturgy, which he had embodied in his Ritual-Order (Sid-
dur), were current in Hebrew translations. Their non-
existence at the present time proves nothing against this
assumption. Nearly all of the Arabic originals are also
lost, whereas quite a number of Saadia's Arabic Responsa
exist only in Hebrew versions, of whose makers but one is
"^'^See for these authors the Bibliography, pp. 368, 362, no. i, 365,
respectively. According to Steinschneider (HB., XVIII, 66) the
Introduction of the Tosafist Samuel of Falaise to his niV^DH "ISD
(Vatican MS. no. 429) is that of Saadia to the Emundt, but he docs
not state which translation was used.
*"^ See the Bibliography, pp. 362 ff.
"■'"Miiller, Ociivres, IX, 145-173; Israclsohn, REJ., XXII, 295.
*" Comp. for instance Samson b. Abraham of Sens in DXriD
5'^ND1^t< (ed. Brill, Paris, 1871), p. 136. The Dnnnn^D THN to whom
Samson refers is probably the same Abraham b. Nathan (see next
note) mentioned there, p. 107, as the carrier of Samson's letter;
comp. Bibliography, p. 365.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 291
known by name."" All this merely corroborates what is
partly known through other evidence, that in the centuries
following close upon that of Saadia there was a lively ex-
change of ideas between the Jews living under Muham-
medan rule and those living in Christian countries, and
that the latter were anxiously endeavoring to acquaint
themselves with the literary products of the former. For
this purpose they sought scholars with a sufficient knowledge
of Arabic to be able to interpret to them orally the contents
of works written in that language or to prepare for them
written translations. We may therefore take it for granted
that Saadia's grammatical and exegetical works, or at least
some of his numerous Biblical commentaries, soon became
known among European Jews. This was brought about not
only by Hebrew translations of whole works, or, what is
more probable, of special parts and chapters in which certain
scholars happened to be particularly interested, but also by
occasional long excerpts embodied in the works of Hebrew
authors, such as we find in Judah b. Barzillai's Commentary
on the Sefer Yezirah and in the Hebrew works of some
Karaite authors.*"
That the works of Saadia in all branches of learning were
eagerly studied by the Oriental, North African, and Spanish
Jews soon after their appearance and in subsequent cen-
turies, need not be proved in detail.**^ The Geonim Hai and
Samuel b. Hophni, especially the latter, modelled their entire
literary activity after that of Saadia ; the scholars of North-
ern Africa, such as Jacob b. Nissim and his son Nissim,
Hananel b. Hushiel, Dunash Ibn Tamim, and Isaac Alfasi,
**" Abraham b. Nathan of Lunel (1204) who translated one Re-
sponsum ; comp. Steinschneider, Hebrdische Uehersetsungen, pp. 909,
935, n. 217; Cassel, in Zunz's Jubelschrift, pp. 125, 131.
'" See the Bibliography, pp. 320, 346, no. 4, 356 ff.
**^The traveller Petahiah of Ratisbon (1180) relates that in
passing through Babylonia he found the Jews studying the Bible and
the six orders of the Mishnah with the commentaries of Saadia ;
comp. Graetz, Geschichte, V (4th ed.), 531; above, note 359, where
further references are given.
292 SAADIA GAON
undoubtedly were familiar with the writings of the Gaon,
and made use of them, each one in his chosen field, whether
we find direct quotations in their works or not.*** As to
Jewish-Spanish authors no names need be mentioned.
There is hardly an author of an original work w'ho did not
draw upon the rich treasures in the writings of Saadia.
Many advanced far beyond his theories in various fields
of research, and, as frequently happened, even criticised
them very severely ; but despite opposition and criticism
he was always recognized as the first expounder of Jewish
thought, the master whose keys had opened the gates of
scientific research.
It goes without saying that Saadia had also a large num-
ber of personal pupils, who spread his teachings by word of
mouth and in writing. We have seen that even as a very
young man, while still in Egypt, he had gathered around him
a circle of friends and disciples, who recognized him as
their authority, and remained faithful to him many years
after his departure from his native country.*^ Later, when
he w^as made the head of the Suran Academy, he became
ipso facto the spiritual guide and teacher of all the scholars
of the institution. Unfortunately, only a very few of
Saadia's immediate disciples have become known by name.
Among them is the famous grammarian and poet Dunash
b. Labrat, who is designated by the pupils of his opponent,
Menahem b. Saruk, as " the least important of the pupils
of Saadia,"*"' no doubt an exaggeration born of the desire
to belittle an antagonist. Other pupils of prominence men-
tioned by name are Jacob b. Samuel, whose family name
is thought to have been Ibn Ephraim, under which name
he is quoted by Abraham Ibn Ezra, and who is assumed
^^ For the relation of Nissim and Hanancl to Saadia sec Rapoport's
Biographies in y"nDn, XII, 27, n. 21; 28. n. 29; 81, n. 40, end; for
Nissim in particular see Goldziher, REJ., XLII, 179, 184 ff.;
Schreiner, Dcr Kalam, p. 12; comp. Graetz, History (English), III,
249. For Dunash Ibn Tamim see above, p. 48.
"^ See above, pp. 55 f . ; below, p. 413. nos. 4-5; p. 418, no. 11.
"'See Bacher, /£., V, 11.
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 293
also to be identical with Jacob b. Ephraim, referred to by
the Karaite Jephet b. 'Ali (loth century) as the author
of a commentary on the Palestinian Talmud;*"" Sahl b,
Natira, a member of the prominent Natira family, which
played so important a role in the reconciliation of Saadia
and the Exilarch David b. Zakkai ; *" Abraham al-Sairati,""
author of a work of uncertain content referred to in a recent
Genizah fragment ; a certain R. Menahem who addressed
some scientific questions to the Gaon. At the end of his
letter of inquiry he eulogizes Saadia in a poem showing the
acrostics nnyo and DnJD and also applies to him the words
addressed by Huram to Solomon : " Because the Lord loveth
His people, He hath made thee king over them" (H Chr.
2, 10).""'^
Finally, we should mention in this connection the tremen-
dous influence of Saadia on the Karaites and their literature.
Their entire activity in the fields of philology, exegesis, and
Jewish law received its impetus from the works of the Gaon
and his followers. A very considerable portion, perhaps
the larger part of the existing Karaite literature, down to
our present time, while antagonizing Rabbinism in general,
actually aims at the refutation of the theories of Saadia,
who, in the opinion of the Karaites, was not alone their most
determined adversary but also the strongest exponent of
Rabbinic Judaism. For nearly a thousand years after the
disappearance of the Gaon from the arena, the Karaite
authors unrelentingly attacked their dead opponent and
'** This very plausible identification was suggested by Poznanski
in the Kaufmann Gedenkbitch, pp. 169 ff., where all the details are
clearly set forth ; comp. also Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Op-
ponents of Saadiah Gaon, London, 1908, p. 27.
**' See Harkavy's article on the Natira family in Berliner's Fest-
schrift, pp. 34-43 ; comp. above, note 237.
"' See the Bibliography, p. 402, nos. 15, 16. The Commentary on
Chronicles edited by Kirchheim (above note 606; Bibliography,
p. 2^7) is very probably the work of a pupil of Saadia, whose name,
however, cannot be ascertained ; comp. also Vogelstein-Rieger, Gesch.
der Juden in Rom, I, 184.
'"" See Harkavy, Ha-Goren, I, 91.
294 SAADIA GAON
denounced his views. Notwithstanding this bitter enmity to
Saadia they often appropriated his ideas or claimed that
these had originated with some of their ancient teachers,
with whom Saadia had studied or from whom he had
plagiarized. This is not the place for a detailed discussion
of this matter.*"" I wish merely to point out the fact that
while Saadia has contributed, as no other Rabbanite in the
history of Jewry, to the disintegration of the Karaite sect as
such, he is, on the other hand, chiefly responsible for the
development of what is known as Karaite literature.
In the foregoing sketch of Saadia's influence on later ages
I have merely outlined the ground upon which a future,
more detailed work may be undertaken. I have tried to
show only the channels through which Saadia's scientific
labors reached, within a comparatively short time, the entire
Jewry of the Diaspora. Of what benefit they have been
to the Jewish people and of what interest Saadia's life
and literary bequests should be to us to-day, the reader, who
has patiently gone through this volume, may decide for him-
self. Perhaps some of the traits in the Gaon's character
may seem unadmirable and much of his reasoning may be
found obsolete and unproductive. But a great man is entitled
to minor faults of character ; they make him the more human
and the more interesting. If, furthermore, certain of his
ideas and contentions impress us as being somev/hat behind
our age — this is what we should expect, since their author
preceded us by a thousand years. They are, besides, greatly
outweighed by a wealth of genuine observation and sound
learning, which will retain its value throughout all ages.
Taken all in all, Saadia must be considered a remarkable
phenomenon in the history of the Jewish nation, a milestone
on the long road of Israel's development as a " people of the
Book." We may, indeed, with himself, recognize in him
"' For the literature on the subject see Harkav\''s article "Karaites "
in the JE. and particularly Poznansky, The Anti-Karaite Writings of
Saadiah Gaon, JQR.. X, 238-276; idem. The Karaite Literary Oppo-
nents of Saadiah Gaon, London, 1908 (reprint from JQR. XVIII-
XX).
SAADIA'S INFLUENCE ON LATER GENERATIONS 295
the man sent by Providence, whom — if with some not un-
pardonable egoism, yet in all sincerity — he describes in the
following words : " God does not leave His nation at any
period without a scholar whom He inspires and enlightens,
so that this one in turn may so instruct and teach her, that
thereby her condition shall be bettered." ""'
'"""■l^jn *1DD, ed. Harkavy, Zikron, V, 155, top ; comp. Malter, JQR.,
N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 492.
Chaptkr \'T1T
LEGENDS ABOUT SAADIA
The Orient is par excellence the country of legends.
Persons and events that in other parts of the world might
have remained unnoticed because of their insignificance,
have there been made the center of fanciful tales and tra-
ditions. It is therefore surprising that concerning the Geo-
nim, whether of Sura or of Pumbedita, extremely little has
come down to us that can properly be described as legend.
I have undertaken no special enquiry as to Saadia, but I
have no reason to think that he is an exception in this respect,
or that there is much of a legendary character to be found
about him in the works of mediaeval authors. The few
legends about the Gaon that have come to my notice may
here be briefly recorded. The oldest anecdote, it seems,
is the one reported by Judah Hasid of Ratisbon (i2th cen-
tury), which runs as follows:""
" A wealthy man set out on a journey to a foreign land,
taking with him a slave and large sums of money. His wife
he left at home in the state of pregnancy. It happened that
the man died on the way and his slave, claiming to be his
son, took possession of all his money and other property.
In the meantime the widowed wife gave birth to a son.
When the latter grew up he found out the whereabouts of
the dishonest slave and betook himself thither to see whether
he could not get back his inheritance. The slave had man-
aged to marry into a very prominent family of the towMi,
so that the cheated son was afraid to lodge his complaint
publicly, lest the people do him harm. It so happened
«>Dn"'Dn "IDD, ed. Berlin, § 2^1. The object of Judah Hasid in
relating this story was not exactly to glorify Saadia, but to emphasize
the duty of a son to mourn for his father on the day of the anni-
versary of the latter's death.
296
LEGENDS ABOUT SAADIA 297
that R. Saadia lived in that place, and the unhappy son
stopped in his house. He was offered something to eat,
but, like Eliezer of the Bible, he would not touch anything
until he had revealed the secret of his mission. Saadia
advised him to bring the matter before the king (or caliph),
which he ditl. The king at once sent for Saadia to decide
the case. Saadia ordered that each one of the two litigants
should have some of his blood drawn into a vessel, where-
upon he laid a bone from the body of the dead father
into the blood taken from the slave, but the bone did not
absorb any of the blood. He then placed the bone into the
blood of the other man, and, lo, the bone eagerly absorbed
the blood, because they both were one body. Saadia now
decided that all the money in the possession of the former
slave should revert to the real heir, who had come as a
stranger to the town." ""
Of somewhat later origin is the story found in a manu-
script work of a fourteenth century author."'" Considering
the fact that the events told therein are obviously supposed
to have taken place in a Christian country, we may even sus-
pect that the Saadia who is the hero of the story, is not the
Gaon, but his German namesake, Saadia b. Nahamani, of
the twelfth century."" However, the author repeatedly men-
tions " Saadia the Gaon," and we must take his word for it.
Here is the story :
*" For the origin and popularity of this blood-test story see Stein-
schneider, HB., XIII, 133 f., who quotes numerous parallels from
Jewish and general literature ; comp. G. A. Kohut, Blood-Test as
Proof of Kinship in Jewish Folklore (in Journal of American
Oriental Society, XXIV, 133 ff) ; Davidson, U^V^^V^ *1QD, New
York, 1914, p. Ixii; Berliner, Pletath Soferim, Breslau, 1872, p. 50,
n. 52.
'"See Berliner, D''1D1D ntD^D, Mayence, 1872, p. 30, no. 8; comp.
ibidem, German part, p. 31, where it is suggested that the author
is Nethanel Caspi, a Provengal scholar, who wrote a commentary
on Judah ha-Levi's Kusari.
^" See JE., X, 578, 586.
29S SAADIA GAON
"I heard that the priests (D'-n^:) of the city of f'^^Elf'
HN^no ( ?)°" had placed the penahy of death upon any Jew
venturing into the city. One day R. Saadia Gaon, of blessed
memory, chanced into the forbidden city and was at once
seized by the priests for execution. They could not agree,
however, as to who should administer the first blow to the
(laon, each one of them claiming the privilege for himself. At
last an old priest appeared on the scene, and, noticing the
dissension among his colleagues, advised them to defer the
matter until the arrival of the Bishop (p^Jn), who would
punish the captive for his ofifence. Saadia was put into
prison, where he was given only bread and water, pending
the coming of the Bishop. When the latter came and was
told of the imprisoned Jew, he went to see him personally.
Upon beholding the prisoner he was awe-struck, for the
Gaon was of tall stature and fine appearance. The Bishop
now assumed a friendlier attitude, asking the prisoner who
he was. The latter answered, ' I am a Jew, and I beg you,
Sir, not to shed innocent blood. If you wish to try my case,
do it in a spirit of justice, and if I am found guilty, do with
me as you please, for it is written (Deuteronomy, i, i6) :
Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge right-
eously.' Thereupon the Bishop asked Saadia whether he
would be willing to engage in a disputation with the priests
and reply to their questions. The Gaon answered in the
affirmative, whereupon all the priests assembled in a certain
place, with the Bishop presiding over the assembly. The
Gaon was brought from the prison and thus addressed :
* Say, Jew, why did your ancestors kill Jesus, who was quite
innocent ? Was it not simply because he was God ? ' "
The author or reporter of the tale gives the reply of
Saadia, the burden of which is that Jesus was not God, as
God cannot be killed. He is evidently of the opinion that
the argument was strong enough to convince the priests,
•" Berliner, /. c, p. 33, does not make any suggestion as to the
identity of this city. Perhaps it is Laval in the Department of May-
enne, which was the seat of the Order of Cordeliers (Franciscans).
LEGENDS ABOUT SAADIA 299
for he informs us at the end that the Gaon was " at once
dismissed in peace."
In a curious note °°' by some anonymous writer Saadia is
credited with the discovery of a recipe for the making of
a certain kind of cakes, by the eating of which one is assured
of never forgetting his learning. The prescription, written in
Aramaic, is as follows :
Recipe: "To prevent forgetfulness ; tested and reliable;
was used by R, Saadia b. Joseph, of blessed memory, who
found it in the cave of R. Eleazar Kalir, and it is used also
by all the scholars of Israel and their disciples with much
success — here it is : On the first day of the month of Sivan
take flour of wheat, knead it while you are standing, make it
into a cake, bake it, write on it, ' He hath made His wonder-
ful works to be remembered, the Lord is gracious and merci-
ful ' (Psalms, III. 4) ; then take an egg, boil it well, peel it,
and write on it (here follow five mysterious words,
which are to be written on the o-gg). Eat that cake every
day with the egg until the end of thirty days, and you will
grasp every thing that you read [literally : see] without ever
forgetting it again."
It is needless to say that Saadia had nothing to do with this
"kitchen-wisdom." Nor was the story itself originally in-
vented in honor of Saadia. The belief in the efficacy of
cakes with certain mystical inscriptions as a means of
strengthening the memory and for similar purposes was
prevalent among the superstitious elements of various
'" Published from Codex de Rossi, 2,^7, by Ch. M. Horowitz, in
ni3^nn nnj n^n, i, Frankfurt a/M., 1881, p. 58: pnn nnsti'^
n^nat^'K mm Vt fior nn nnyo an p^oy mn m lo^nm
Dnn^o^m ^xitj^^ ^!03n ^d ppoyno m i^?p nry^N 'm ^<nnyoa
K'^i ^tam Nn»p no irot xm^ t^'nn .x^n in n^n^^voi
*iDT nn nriDi nrr' mcxi pD-np nrT- nnyi q'-kp nxn^ nn*'
N"'nn ^i3N .niTDT pix nonn ddd^s d'^qdk n^y 3n3i nn^
nn DNT no ^d fi"'^ni nv "? n^t^'a ly xy^n ny kdv ^d Nomp
300 SAADIA GAON
peoples."' In Jewish history, the custom of eating cakes
inscribed with Bibhcal verses in order to gain wisdom is
known from times prior to Saadia ; for tlie great liturgist
Eleazar Kahr, in whose cave Saadia is here reported to have
discovered the prescription, derives his name according to
some scholars,** from such a cake ("l^P, Greek KoAAi'/3a = a
small cake), which he was given to eat when he began to
go to school, that he might become wise. Hence the con-
nection established in the foregoing story between Saadia and
Kalir."'
The preceding piece is well matched by a " Prescription "
(ppn) for frightening away highwaymen which is attributed
to Saadia in two Kabbalistic manuscript works. The direc-
tion is : Take a rod of almond, make a hole in it, write in a
spirit of contrition, while fasting, ten (eleven?) mystical
words on a piece of parchment made of the skin of a deer
that was killed ritually, insert the parchment in the hole and
swing the rod before the faces of the highwaymen, saying
" stop ! " They will stop at once and, terrified, will be unable
to do you evil. Then smite the ground three times with the
rod, whereupon they will go their way. As a further pre-
*"' See Goldziher's admirable study Mufyammedanischer Aberglaube
iiber Gcddchtnisskraft und Vergesslichkeit, in Berliner's Festschrift,
pp. 150 f.
"'Nathan b. Jehiel, 'Aruk, s. v. I^P, 3; comp. JE., VII, 418.
"* Goldziher, /. c. The story of Saadia's imprisonment for thirteen
3'ears as well as the report of Kabbalistic authors that he was buried
at the foot of Mount Sinai are both of a legendary nature; see
above, notes 278, 606. Abraham Ibn Baud's assertion, that Saadia
was a descendant of the Tanna Hanina b. Dosa (see above, p. 31),
though it may not be accepted as truth, cannot be classed among
legends, since Saadia himself traced his pedigree still further back, to
the Biblical Shelah, the third son of Judah; comp. above note 18. As
to mystical Works attributed to Saadia by later ages see the Bibli-
ograpliy. section VIII, pp. 403 ff. ; comp. also Poznanski, i<Dn 3"i
]Mi: nnVD ma (reprint from Ha-Goren, vol. VI), p. 26.
LEGENDS ABOUT SAADIA 301
caution one should recite certain verses (Jcr. 10, 10; Gen.
49, 18) and Psalm 121 before starting on his journey T*
Finally there should be mentioned an anecdote reported
by the famous bibliographer Hayyim Joseph David Azulai
(died 1807), who found it in a manuscript which contained
Saadia's " Poem on the Number of Letters." The anecdote
runs as follows : " In a joking way the Gaon R. Saadia asked
a tailor who came to his house, * How many stitches did you
make to-day ' ? to which the tailor retorted, ' May your
Highness please tell me how many letters there are in the
Torah.' The Gaon was very painfully impressed by this
reply, for until this time it had never happened to him that
anybody should ask him a question to which he knew no
answer. For several days he worried about the matter,
being unable to establish the exact number [of the letters] .
He then used a mysterious name [of God] by which he
«»=« DnptJ' '7'^ IN Ti^ ^PD np .^"T nnyo n"nn ppn D>t:D^^
«">nins N"r:m d"idd TMomx nifSB'n (!) mtj^y i^s ninDi
nin nti'yi mvm m^ym mnton nnf- n^s \>^i\>^i nti^s Dine'
ir\^r\^ DnN is d^dd^ ^^<^nl^' nym i^inn nriDn D^JDm ^pd3
i^nnn iioy^ Dm i^nam noy moNi Ln:!JD ^po3 nsn tn ijon
n^-n^ n^^ DHi nxn q"3 n^n pi yn n^^x nm^ i^3v n^i
>p^s ^"^ Dtj'n -11DN n^yn in Nvnti' nyn is .Di^ti^n n^n nnxi
D^j 1^3^ x^i nxn t:>ynn idvpo D^iy i^»i D^^n d^-^^n ^sntj^^
>n^ip inyitri^ 'n nnnn ^« ^ry Nt:^^ nn^ ni^yon n^K'i loyt
.^"p> p"^^ ^"^p ^"^p p"^^ >"'
The text, as here given, is taken from the " Fountain of Wisdom "
(n?03nn i''ya) of Moses Botarel (MS. of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of New York, fol. 73), who is probably himself the author
of the ppn (see below, p. 404, no. i). The same, with a few slight
variants, is found in another MS. of the Seminary. In place of the
last five abbreviations this MS. reads: ^"^ nn3D njpms^ IDn'?'!
ysnii< y'Kjy ^"xniN ^'niod nt^n nvos piionv The word
ISn^l directs the reading of the words "'""' "'n^lP "inyiti'''^ in re-
verse order. I am indebted to Prof. Marx for having called my
attention to the two MSS.
303 SAADIA CAON
conjured up an angel who to his great rejoicing revealed to
him the number asked for." '""
This story is obviously fabricated to explain the reason
for the Gaon's composition of a poem on a subject which
seemed to be very trivial.""*
The few anecdotes here reproduced do not contain any
historical element, nor do they add any particular feature to
the picture of Saadia's personality as conceived on the basis
of historical research. Their underlying idea, however, is
fully in accord with the general results brought out by our
investigation, that the Gaon was a wise and great man in
Israel, whose wisdom was admired by Jew and Gentile
and whose literary activity was a blessing to his nation.
•*• Azulai, D'lf'njn DC ed. Benjacob, s. v. nnyo. The same author,
a great believer in the teachings of the Kabalah, here informs us on
the authority of the famous Kabalist Hayyim Vital (died 1620,
Damascus), that Saadia was endowed with the soul which belonged
formerly to Hushai the Arkite (II Samuel, 15. 32) and subsequently
to the Tanna Phinehas b. Jair (second century). In view of Saadia's
bitter condemnation of the belief in the transmigration of souls (see
above, note Sii), the honor here intended for Saadia by the Kabalists
is a great insult to his memory. For another story according to which
Saadia taught the secret of producing life by means of the alphabet
see above, note 622.
**' See above, note 350.
PART III
BIBLIOGRAPHY
AN ACCOUNT, HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL,
OF MANUSCRIPT TEXTS, COMPLETE AND
FRAGMENTARY, EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS,
AND CITATIONS OF SAADIA'S WRITINGS;
TOGETHER WITH A REVIEW OF THE ENTIRE
MODERN LITERATURE BEARING ON SAADIA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PREFATORY NOTE
The intention in this Bibliography is not to register all the
discussions on Saadia's life, or on one or another phase
thereof, which occur in general works on Jewish history, or
in historical studies of particular aspects of Judaism. For
instance, a monograph on the attitude of Judaism toward
superstition may contain a chapter relating especially to
Saadia. Such works will be recorded as far as they have
come to my notice, but completeness cannot be aimed at. The
same restriction applies also to the innumerable notes and
miscellaneous articles on Saadia scattered through the vast
periodical literature of different countries and languages dur-
ing a period of nearly a whole century. A^lost of these articles
have been recorded in Moise Schwab's Repertoire. More-
over, nearly everything that is of any significance for the
present work has been referred to in the footnotes. My
chief concern here is to give, in orderly arrangement, a com-
plete and systematic bibliography of all the writings of
the Gaon himself, whether these writings have been pre-
served or not. All the publications of Saadianic texts, either
entire books or fragments, whether in the original language
used by Saadia or in translation, will be minutely described.
Naturally, all that has been written by later scholars,
ancient and modern, in connection with one or the other
of these writings, will have to be noted in the appropriate
places. The whole may thus be expected to form a fairly
complete history of the Saadia literature and to give the
student the necessary information on any point he may be
interested in, respecting the life and literary activity of the
Gaon.
A bibliography of the numerous MSS. of Saadia's writ-
ings extant in various libraries is not included. New dis-
305
20
3o6 SAADIA GAON
coveries of fragments in the Genizah collections are con-
stantly being made, so that investigation of this field can-
not yet be considered as concluded. Occasionally, however,
references to the Catalogues of MSS. in various European
libraries will be given.
I. PHILOLOGY
I. 'Agron (jnjN), a Hebrew rhyming dictionary. Two
fragments, one Arabic and the other Hebrew, both forming
parts of Saadia's Introductions to the work, were discovered
in the Genizah in 1864 by the Karaite Abraham Firkovich.
The fragments Avere published completely for the first time
by Harkavy, ZfaW., H, 73-94, 175 (also separately, 188 1 ;
comp. Steinschneider, H. B., XXI, 96; see also the Bibli-
ography of Harkavy 's writings by D. Maggid and S. Poz-
nafiski, in Harkavy's Festschrift (also separately), nos. 81,
123, 238, 242, 246), and then in his Zikron, etc., V (1891),
pp. 40-57, with copious notes and an Introduction in which
everything pertaining, and many things not pertaining, to the
history of the work and its fragments were collected ; see
Bacher's review of this publication in REJ., XXIV, 307 ff.
(comp. also Bacher and Porges, REJ., XXV, 143-151).
Independently of Harkavy, David Kohn (Kahana) published
the Hebrew fragment from a copy of H. J. Gurland with
lengthy notes and disquisitions under the peculiar title
j"Di nnSin'7-\3D, Cracow, 1891 (reprint from the nnaon li'iK.
IV). At the end of the book a Hebrew translation of the
Arabic fragment is given without the text (see REJ., XXVI,
140) ; comp. below, under ^ibjn 120, p. 394. An article on
the 'Agron by Senior Sachs is found also in the Hebrew
monthly "ipinn, I (1891), 5-9, 36-40; comp. also ibidem,
pp. 62-64 (Harkavy).
Aside from the two fragments of the Introductions here
discussed some additional portions of the 'Agron itself were
found and partly edited by Harkavy, Ha-Goren, VI, 26-30.
For further details see Steinschneider, AL., p. 61, no. 22;
see also Berliner, Pletath Soferim, Breslau 1872, pp. 29 f. ;
above pp. 39 f .
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 307
2. Kutub al-Lugah (nJ^^K 3nD), "Books on the (He-
brew) Language." Fragments of this work were found
by Harkavy in the Hbrary of St. Petersburg, but only a few
pages were pubHshed by him, together with a Hebrew trans-
lation, in Ha-Goren, VI (1906), 30-38. It will be remem-
bered that portions of the work were incorporated by Saadia
in his Commentary on the Sefer Yesirah (Paris, 1891),
pp. 45 f., 75-79. One of these (pp. 76, 1. 2 — 78, 1. 19) was
published by Neubauer in the Journal Asiatique, 1862, pp.
261 f., and then republished, with a Hebrew translation, by
Harkayy {Zikron, V, 61-65), who thought the passage to be
part of the 'Agrdn (see above, note 297). For various quo-
tations in the works of later authors see Harkavy, /. c, pp.
68 ff. A presentation of its content, so far as was possible on
the basis of Saadia's Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah and
of citations found in works of later authors, was given by
Bacher in Die Anfdnge der hebrdischen Grammatik, Leip-
zig, 1895, PP- 38-60 ; comp. also Bacher, REJ., XXIV, 307 fif.,
and especially Steinschneider, AL., p. 60.
3. Tafsir al-sab'ina lafsah {'r\\:>t:i'7 pynD^K T'DDn), "Ex-
planation of the Seventy Hapaxlegomena." This booklet
was published four times within one year, first by Dukes in
the Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, V (1844),
1 15-136, with numerous notes ; then for a second time by the
same writer with the omission of most of the notes and with
some corrections, in Ewald and Dukes, Beitrdge zur Ge-
schichte der dltesfcn Auslegung, Stuttgart, 1844, II, pp. iio-
115. These editions were followed by that of Benjacob in
n^p^ny onm, part I, Leipzig, 1844, under the title: inns
psj nnyo m^ nmn m^o D^yt^'n. In this edition the
Arabic words which were used by Saadia in explanation
of the Hebrew are translated into Hebrew, probably by Jel-
linek, though the editor does not say this clearly. The
explanatory notes are also in Hebrew. Simultaneously it
was published also with notes in Geiger's Wissenschaftliche
Zeitschrift, V, 317-324. Finally a new edition was prepared
by the indefatigable Buber (in Steinschneider's AL., p. 339,
1. 5. from below, erroneously: Bacher) in 1856 for the
3oS SAADIA GAON
periodical "ton DID, but the latter having discontinued its
appearance, the work did not see the lig^ht until over thirty
years later in the periodical nnDDH nviK, I (1887), 33-52,
under the title 121 i:;'D. Buber's edition is based, so far as
the text is concerned, on that of Ben Jacob, the Arabic
phrases being given in the same Hebrew translation, but the
learned editor added very copious notes and parallels from
rabbinic literature. A Genizah fragment containing the
larger portion of the book is described in Neubauer and
Cowley's Catalogue, II, no. 2862. 27c, with the title nnty
iX'np^N nXTiCO lO rioD^ pyno^N, the Bible being here desig-
nated as Koran ; comp. Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 85, n. i ;
Poznanski, ZfhB., X, 148; Bacher, MGWJ., 1901, p. 565.
4. Bible Translations and Commentaries:
A. PENTATEUCH
According to Saadia's own statement at the end of his
Introduction to the Pentateuch, he had originally prepared
a translation of the Pentateuch, together with a very exten-
sive commentary, in which, to judge from the description
given by the author and from the fragments that have come
to light recently, he did not confine himself to the exegesis of
the Biblical text, but embodied excursuses on Hebrew gram-
mar and syntax, lengthy philosophic disquisitions on the
entire Pentateuchal law in its two aspects as revealed and
rational (see above, p. 208), and numerous polemics against
the Karaites and other sectaries. This was the work to which
earlier mediccval authors referred. Except for a few frag-
ments of the commentary the book is lost, and what we
possess to-day is a second translation without the commen-
tary, which, as the author tells us, he prepared at the request
of certain persons, who desired to have a plain, intelligible
version of the He])rew text without the insertion of all the
elements mentioned before.
This translation was first printed from a MS. written in
Hebrew characters, in the Pcntatenchus Hehraeo-Chaldaeo-
Persieo-Arabiens, Constantinople, 1546. A century later
(1645) it was published (from a Paris MS.) in the Paris
polyglot with a Latin translation by Gabriel Sionita, and
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 309
then reprinted in the London polyglot (1657). Variants
from another MS. (see Neubauer, Catalogue, I, nos, 28, 29)
and from the Constantinople edition were given by Edward
Pococke in the sixth volume of the London polyglot. For the
Paris edition the Hebrew characters of the editio princeps
were transliterated into Arabic, the cause of innumerable mis-
takes in the text. The Arabic text of the London polyglot was
reprinted in the Arabic Bible edited by J. D. Carlyle, New-
castle-upon-Tyne, 181 1 ; see Paul Kahle, Die ambischen Bibel-
uhersetsungen, Leipzig, 1904, p. IV. During the years 1894-
1901 there appeared in Jerusalem an edition of the Pentateuch
under the title ixn (crown), in Hebrew min *in3, which, in
the Orient, is the usual designation for all Bibles printed to-
gether with Targum and Masorah (see Bacher, JQR., XIV,
584, n. I ; TiDD pN, I, 12, overlooked by Bardowicz, Die Ab-
fassungszeit der Baraita dor ^2 Normen, Berlin, 1913, p. 39,
n. 4, who misunderstands the meaning of Mri TDD, quoted by
Norzi, for which see above, notes 52, 452). In this edition
Saadia's Arabic translation, taken from MSS. in the pos-
session of Yemenite Jews, was printed in addition to the
Targum between the lines of the Hebrew text (in Hebrew
characters). A modern critical edition with explanatory
Hebrew notes was prepared for the occasion of Saadia's
millennium by Joseph Derenbourg and published as the first
volume of the projected edition of Saadia's complete works
{CEiivres completes de R. Saadia, Paris, 1893). Numer-
ous corrections to Derenbourg's edition on the basis of a
careful comparison with the texts of the Constantinople and
London Polyglots were recently published by Josef Mieses,
MGWJ., 1919, pp. 269-290. Derenbourg's edition contains
also Saadia's Arabic Introduction previously mentioned,
with a Hebrew translation by Derenbourg, who gives also
some specimens in French of Saadia's renderings of Pen-
tateuchal passages, especially in the poetic portions. The
Introduction was translated into German by W. Bacher,
in Winter und Wiinsche, Die jiidische Litteratur, II (1897),
248 ff., and later by W. Engelkemper, Theologischc Ouar-
talschrift, 1901, pp. 529 ff. ; comp. Poznanski, Zur jildisch-
arabiscJien Literatur, Berlin, 1904, p. 43. Extracts from
310 SAADIA GAON
Saadia's translation of the book of Genesis taken " from an
edition {sic) of an authentic {sic) MS." in the Grand-Ducal
Library at Karlsruhe, Germany, were published in German
with some comments by J. Schwarzstein, under the title Tar-
gtim Arwi. Die arabiscbe Interpretation des Pentaleuchs
von R. Saadia Hagaon, Frankfurt a. M., 1886 (82 pages).
A lithograph of eight pages of the Arabic text is given at the
end of the book, but the author does not say a word about
the origin and nature of the MS., except what I have trans-
lated above from the title-page; see also MGIVJ., 1901. pp.
185 f. (Fried's review of an Arabic translation of the Pen-
tateuch).
Saadia's Arabic translation of Deuteronomy, 32-34, was
reprinted from the Walton Polyglot (together with the other
ancient versions of these two chapters) by L. Bodenheimer
in two small volumes containing a comparative study on the
different translations under the title 1J''tKn, Das Lied Mosis.
Eine wisscnschaftliche Vcrghichung dcr anf diesen Penta-
tench-Abschnitt in der VValton'schen Polyglotte enthaltenen
U ebertragungen, Crefeld, 1856, and nDT3n DNll, Der Segen
Mosis, etc., Crefeld i860.
All the editions of Saadia's translations of the Penta-
teuch with the exception of Schwarzstein's extracts (?) and
Bodenheimer's reprints were based on MSS. written in
Hebrew characters. In the library of Florence (codex
Palatinus Orient. 112, xxi) there is, however, a MS.,
dating from the year 1245 (643 of the Hegirah), written in
Arabic letters. From this MS. the first four chapters of
Genesis (and Ex. 4, 20-26) were edited by Paul Kahle in his
Die arabischen BibeUibersetsungen, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 13-26,
but according to Bacher {Rivista Israclitica, II, 45-49 ; comp.
Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1905, no. 8, and JP.., s. v.
Saadia, end of the article) the MS. does not contain the origi-
nal work of Saadia, but a revision thereof, approaching more
closely to the Hebrew text of the Bible ; comp. Poznanski,
ZfhB., IX, 13 f. Another, and still older, MS. of the trans-
lation of Genesis and Exodus (dated 637 of the Hegirah =
1239, c. e.), written likewise in Arabic characters, is extant
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 311
in the library of Leyden. The text, which was pubUshed by
Lagarde in Materialieii zur Geschichte tind Kritik des Penta-
ieiichs, Leipzig, 1867, I, 1-108, differs considerably from the
other recensions; comp. Poznanski, ZfhB., IX, 12; see also
Kahle, /. c, pp. viii, xii, 24. A third MS. in Arabic char-
acters (of the 14th century), a specimen of which (Exodus,
35, 29 to 36, 13) is given by E. Tisserant, Specimina codicum
Orientalium, p. 53, is found in the Vatican. For the MSS.
of Saadia's other Bible works extant in various libraries see
the references in Steinschneider's AL., p. 56; see also Neu-
bauer and Cowley, Catalogue, etc., I, 969, II, 495.
Of Saadia's Commentary on the Pentateuch the following
fragments and extracts occurring in the works of later
authors, partly in translation, are known :
a) A lengthy extract from Saadia's Introduction to the
Commentary on the Pentateuch is preserved in a Hebrew
translation in the n~i"'V^ 1QD tJ'nD of Judah b. Barzillai
(1135), edited by Halberstam, Berhn 1885, pp. 89-92. For
a reference to the Introduction in another work see Stein-
schneider, HB., VIII, 71.
b) A fragment of the Introduction, published by Hirsch-
feld, JQR., XVIII (1906), 317-325. Hirschfeld assumes
that the fragment formed part of Saadia's Commentary on
Jeremiah, and this view is accepted also by Eppenstein,
Beitrdge, p. 80, n. i. There is not the least evidence for this
assumption, except that a few verses from Jeremiah are
quoted at the beginning. Saadia refers here to his discus-
sion in preceding pages of the various qualities or dispo-
sitions of the soul, and then takes up the discussion of joy
and sadness as " an appropriate theme for the Introduction
to the book which he is about to explain " (Hirschf eld's
translation of this passage seems to me incorrect). Now in
the second recension of the seventh chapter of his Kitdb al-
'Amdndt (ed. Bacher, Steinschneider's Festschrift, p. 105,
line 18; Emunot, ed. Slucki, p. iii, bottom) Saadia says
explicitly that he had discussed the sixteen qualities or dis-
positions of the soul in his Commentary on Genesis. The
fragment, it is true, refers to eighteen, but, in the first place.
312 SAADIA CAON
not much reliance can be placed upon the reading of this
badly mutilated text, and for n""" we may read 'i"\ A similar
mistake is found in two other parallel passages. In llic Scfer
Yezirah, ed. Lambert, p. 68, line 3, Saadia refers to an
" Explanation of the Construction of the Tabernacle "
(p::'0 nt^'yo mt^'), no doubt in his Commentary on Exodus,
25 ft"., where, he says, he showed eighteen (n""") parallelisms
between the upper world, the Tabernacle, and the human
body (comp. above, p. 186), but in the corresponding passage
quoted by Steinschneider {CB., 2207, bottom) from the work
of another author, who cites directly from the Commentary
on Exodus, we read in three places sixteen ( l""" ) which, how-
ever, is incorrect as Abraham Ibn Ezra on Exodus, 25. 40,
also quotes eighteen. Secondly, the number eighteen in
our fragment may include the two additional dispositions of
joy and sadness which he had previously mentioned (in the
missing part) in connection with the other sixteen, and
which he wanted to discuss here with more detail for the
reason given before. We should not wonder at this pro-
cedure, as Saadia's habit of playing with numbers is well-
known (see above, notes 473, 531).
That the number sixteen in the Kitab al-Amdnat is cor-
rect can be proved also by the recently discovered fragment
of Saadia's commentary on Exodus, 21 (see below, under
letter i), in which the author speaks of the five senses " and
the other sixteen faculties of man " ("Ti^*? liip^N V^"^ 1"'ND1
IN*DJN>X ^Q) ; see JQ.R., N. S., vol. VI (1915-1916), pp. 367
(line 13) , 377. It is therefore surprising that in the " Ethical
Treatise of Rerachya." in the passage corresponding to that
of the Amdnat (ed. Gollancz, p. 75), the number is seven'
teen, and the faculties are specified accordingly.
c) Genesis, i, 2. Judah b. Barzillai, Commentary on the
Sefer Yeqirah, p. 197, lines 4-30, quotes a passage from
Saadia's Commentary on Genesis, as it seems, ch. i, 2.
Another short quotation, probably from the same chapter, is
found ih., p. 193, lines 11-17. The same passage occurs with
some variations in Saadia's Commentary on the Scfcr
Yccirah, p. 9, lines 14-19.
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 313
d) Genesis, 3, 20, by Harkavy, til\>'Pi, I (1907), 160 f. (only
a portion of the discovered fragment).
e) Genesis, 18, i, a lengthy extract in Judah b. Barzillai's
Commentary, p. 131, 1. 9 from the bottom. Here the author
does not state explicitly that he is citing from the Com-
mentary on Genesis, but it is obvious from the content. It
is not certain how far the extract extends, but in all probabil-
ity up to p. 135, 1. 18, where another extract from a work
of Saadia is introduced with the words nnyo "Um ^'OJ nn^l
" this, too, did R. Saadia write." The Midrashic style of the
first extract at times makes Saadia's authorship doubtful,
but it is known that Judah seldom quotes literally. He
mostly paraphrases and often inserts phrases and entire
sentences of his own (see below, pp. 356 f.). The same ap-
plies to the second extract just mentioned (overlooked by
Halberstam in his index, p. xiii), which perhaps goes as far
as p. 137, 1. 6 from bottom. The work from which this is
taken cannot be positively identified, but in all likelihood it
is from the Commentary on the Pentateuch, if not from the
Introduction thereto. The translation of D'^N^Dn by T'NJiK,
Mishnaic D^DiS spears, or prunes {ih., p. 136, 1. 8, where the
words nns T"y^l Om are certainly Judah's addition, nns =
primus) agrees with that of Saadia to Psalms, 84, 7, ed. Gal-
liner, Berlin 1903, pp. xx, 44, n. 12.
Among the quotations from the commentary on Genesis
(28, 12) we should probably reckon also the passage cited
by Abraham Bedersi (13th century) in his JT'Jnn Dnin
Amsterdam, 1865, p. 149.
f) Exodus, 7, 16, Harkavy, pJin, II (1900), 85 f.
g) Exodus, 12, 2, Hirschfeld, J OR., XVI (1904), 298.
h) Exodus, parts of chapters 15, 28, 30, published by
G. Margoliouth, JQR., X (1898), 385-403, from a MS. in
the British Museum containing an Arabic commentary on
II Samuel by Isaac b. Samuel ha-Sefardi, whose date is not
certain, Margoliouth placing him in the early part of the
I2th century, while Steinschneider, AL., 247, is inclined to
place him as late as 1380.
314 SAADIA GAON
i) Exodus, 21, 1-6, a fragment of four leaves (eight
pages, 23-24 lines each) recently discovered and published
by Hirschfeld with introduction and English translation,
JQR.,N.S.,yo\.Vl ( 191 5-1916), pp. 359-372,374-382. This
fragment is in all probability part of the D^D2C'Dn n'^Kl n^D2n,
mentioned in a book list found in the Genizah, for which see
below. Bibliography, VTI, ]). 396, No. 2; comp. also above,
p. 311, under letter b.
j) Two fragments from Exodus, sections naiin and
K:^'n "'D, published with a Hebrew translation by Harkavy,
Semitic Studies in Memory of Dr. Alexander Kohiit, Ber-
lin, 1897, pp. 244 f. The passages published by Harkavy are
found also in the Bible commentary Dyj not? (Exodus,
I9» 9) by Jacob d'lllescas (14th century), and in the so-
called Tosdfdt D"':pT "inn (same verse). In the latter work
they are quoted from the unpublished pn "nSD of Aaron b.
Jose ha-Kohen (13th century), for whom see Poznanski,
^vji^no niy^^N 'n^ nry nni ^Kprn^ ^v t^'nD, Warsaw 1913,
pp. xcviii fif.
k) A long fragment, Exodus, chapters 25-40 (see Deren-
bourg, MWJ., Vn (1880), 133), of which only 30, 11-16,
was published in German by Bacher, in Winter and
Wiinsche, Die jiidische Litteratur, II, 251-254.
1) A fragment of about four printed pages, Exodus, 35, 3,
and part of 36, published by Hirschfeld with an English
translation, JQR., XVHI (1906), 606-613. For another
passage from Exodus, 35, 3, see Ocuvres, IX, 170, no. 135.
m) Leviticus, 11, 11-28, with an English translation by
Hirschfeld, JQR., XIX (1907), 140-^61. This is the
largest fragment that has so far been published, covering
12 printed pages.
n) Fragment containing introduction to Leviticus, 16,
and interpretation of verses 11-15, published v.ith an
English translation by Hirschfeld, JQR., N. S., vol. VI
(1915-1916), pp. 372-374, 382 f. The fragment consists of
two leaves, but only three pages (with 23 lines to each), the
first page having been left blank for the title, which is miss-
ing. Between leaves one and two the pages containing the
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 315
interpretation of verses i-ii are missing. This fragment is
in all probability part of the anonymous rilD ''"inx T'DDD,
which seems to be identical with the Diny^N T'DSD; see
below, Bibliography, III, p. 346; VII, p. 396, no. 3.
o) Fragment, Leviticus, section W'^^lp, referred to by Har-
kavy, p:in, I (1899), 90 ; I do not know whether he has subse-
quently published it or not. A passage from the same section
is quoted by Steinschneider, CB., 2166 f. (comp. Poznanski
JQR., X, 244, n. i) from a work of Moses Ibn Ezra; comp.
also Bacher, Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitung zu seinem Pen-
tafench-Co'fiimentar, p. 20, n. 2 ; Neubauer and Cowley,
Catalogue, II, No. 2862, 28 ; Poznanski, ZfhB., X, 148 ; REJ .,
XIV, 119. According to a very probable suggestion of
Steinschneider {CB., 2205), the my^PD ''oytJ, for which see
below under Liturgy, p. 335, no. i, also formed a part of the
commentary on Leviticus, 23, 24.
p) Leviticus, 25, 36-46 (two pages) recently published
with introductory remarks and translation by H. Hirschfeld,
JQR., N. S., vol. VII (1916-1917), pp. 45-46; 54-55.
q) Deuteronomy, i, 41, and 2, 9-12 (two leaves by the
same hand; after the first leaf there is a gap), published by
Hirschfeld, ib., pp. 50-54 ; 56-60 ; comp. the editor's general
remarks, ib., pp. 46-48, pointing out the similarity between
the contents of this fragment and some passages of Saadia's
'Emunot [but see Postscript]. For the nn''ti' "i^J?, probably
also a fragment of the Commentary, see below. Bibliography,
P- 403-
Saadia quotes his commentary on the Pentateuch very
frequently, e. g. in his Commentary on the Sefer Yezirah,
p. 12, 1. 3 (comp. above, note 416) ; p. 44, 1. 9 (comp,
Schwarzstein, Die arabische Interpretation des Pentatenchs
von R. Saadia, p. i) ; p. 68, 1. 3 (see above, p. 312, top) ;
Kitab al-Amanat, p. 20, 1. 4 from bottom ; 37, 1. 5 ; 84,
1. 4; 106, 1, 6, and in the second recension of chapter VII
(Steinschneider's Festschrift, p, 105, 1. 18; see above, p. 311,
letter &) ; in the treatise on "Forbidden Marriages " ("i''DDn
nrny^x), Hirschfeld, JQR., XVII (1905), 716, 1. 4 of the
Arabic text (see for details regarding this treatise below,
p. 346, no. 4) ; Commentary on Proverbs, ed. Derenbourg,
3i6 SAADIA CAON
pp. 52, 56, 119, 182 (see Derenbourg', Introduction) ; in the
Siddur, see Steinschneider, CB., 2205, where the passage
is given in full.
For quotations of the Commentary in works of later
authors, see Steinschneider, IID., XX, 39, AL., p. 66, nn. 27,
28; Hirschfeld, JQR., XVIII (1906), 600 iT. (Jephet) ; Poz-
nanski, The Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah, London,
1908, passim; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, pp. 83, 216, last §. See
also the two quotations from the "i"'33 W)^ (Long Commen-
tary) in G. ]\Iargoliouth's Catalogue, III, 586, no. 1160.
It is very probable that the Commentary on the Pentateuch
had the special title Kitdb al-Adidr (INnTN^N ^NDD), " Book
of Splendor," just as Saadia's commentaries on other
books of the Bible (Isaiah, Proverbs, Job) had each a
separate title. It is hard to believe that this title, mentioned
by some authors and in Genizah fragments, designates
Saadia's 'Adiarot, as these would hardly be called Kitdb
(book). A passage quoted by Steinschneider, CB., 2207 (to
which I have referred above, p. 312) reads: 1J3"1 'Kpl
HDnn '''? inp"'1 mt^ >D -iSHTS^S nsriD ""D Vt nnyo. Stein-
schneider, ib., 2208, changes (nn:;^) 'I'E into (mt') ""Si, so as
to separate the Kitdb al-'Achdr from the Commentary. This
change seems to me unwarranted, and the whole refers to
one and the same work, the Commentary ; see for the entire
matter Steinschneider, AL., p. 66, n. 27; Bacher, RE J.,
XXXIX, ]). 206, no. 9; Poznanski, Scliechter's Saadyana,
p. 22; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 81.
B. rROPHETS
Nothing has been preserved of Saadia's works on The
Earlier Prophets. As early as 1886 Harkavy announced
the discovery of portions of Saadia's commentaries on the
Earlier Prophets (see REJ., XIV, 119), but, so far as I
know, they have not been published. Several references to
these commentaries are found in Abraham Ibn Ezra's riDt:'
"in"* and David Kimhi's Cummentaries, for which see Stein-
schneider, CB., 2190. For an anonymous Arabic translation
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 317
see Steinschneider, AL., p. 286, no. 91 ; Neubauer, Catalogue,
I, no. 180.
Of Saadia's works on the Later Prophets the following
have been preserved or are known to have existed :
Isaiah, translation and commentary, called Kitdh al-Istis-
a//j (nx^vnOKi^N* nxn^) "Book of (Moral) Improvement."
The translation was first edited from a Bodleian MS. by
H. E. G. Paulus : Rabbi Saadiae Phiumensis versio Jcsaiae
arabica etc., two volumes, Jena, 1790-91. The editor trans-
literated the Hebrew characters of the MS. into Arabic and,
not knowing the language sufficiently, made numberless mis-
takes, which render the edition worthless ; comp. Gesenius,
Jcsaia, I, 88 fif. ; Munk Notice siir Saadia, pp. 29 f . ; Deren-
bourg, Ocuvres, III, Introduction. A Commentatio in
Saadianam versionem Jesaiae arabicam by D. Chr. Breithaupt
appeared in Rostock, 1819. Solomon Munk published chapter
17 with a French translation and notes in his Notice siir
Saadia, pp. 29-62. A critical edition of the whole, with the
use of a Paris MS., was published with French notes by
J. Derenbourg, ZfaW., IX (1889) and X (also separately),
and then again by the same writer and his son Hartwig with
Hebrew notes and a complete French translation as the third
volume of the Oeiivrcs completes de Saadia, Paris, 1896.
Of the Commentary on Isaiah considerable portions have
been preserved. Most of them, eighteen in number and rang-
ing from chapters 14 to 63, were published with a Hebrew
translation by Derenbourg in the volume just mentioned
(pp. 105-147). Two additional fragments, parts of chap-
ters 20 and 40, were published in Harkavy's Festschrift,
non-Hebrew part, pp. 91-94 (by S. Fraenkel), and Kauf-
mann's Gedenkbuch, pp. 138-143 (by M. Lambert). A much
mutilated fragment of the Introduction to the Commentary
is found in Schechter's Sandy ana, p. 55, which is the source
for the title Kitdb al-Istisldh mentioned before. In an
ancient book-list from the Genizah, Saadyana, p. 79, a T'DCD
rfytJ''' is registered, which probably refers to this Commen-
tary ; see Bacher, REJ., XXXIX, p. 206, no. 8 ; Poznanski,
Schechter's Saadyana, p. 21, no. 3 yjQR., N. S., XI, 425].
3i8 SAADIA GAON
For an anonymous Arabic translation of Isaiah with short
glosses see Neubauer, Catalogue, I, no. i8i (comp. ibid.,
no. i8o), and below, under Minor Prophets.
Jeremiah and Ezekicl. Quotations from Saadia's works
on these prophets occur in several works of later authors,
for which see Steinschneider, CB., 2192. The fragment
published by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVIII, 317 fif., as part of the
Commentary on Jeremiah is more likely part of Saadia's
Introduction to his Commentary on the Pentateuch, see
above, under Pentateuch, letter h.
The Minor Prophets. The translation and Commentary
to the Minor Prophets were in use as late as the 14th cen-
tury (see Bacher, Ein hehrdisch-persisches Worterhiich aus
dem vierzehnten Jahrhundert, Budapest, 1900, p. 45), but
since then no trace of them has been found. References and
quotations in the works of earlier mediaeval authors are not
infrequent. They were noted by Steinschneider, CB., 2192,
AL., p. 67, n. 29, and Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p.
21, n. I. [A recent fragment mentions IC'y nn lO (?) ^^XDD;
see Postscript, below, p. 427] .
It should not be left unmentioned that there exists an anony-
mous Arabic translation (accompanied by short explanatory
glosses) of all the Later Prophets (MS., Neubauer, Cata-
logue, I, no. 181, dated 1196), which, it is generally assumed,
is based on that of Saadia, who is cited in it. Hosca and
Joel were edited by R. Schroter, in Merx's Archiv, I (1867),
28 ff. Joel and Amos by Deszo Klein. Budapest, 1897;
Zcphaniah, Haggai, and Zechariah by A. Heisz, Berlin, 1902 ;
comp. Steinschneider, AL.,, p. 286, no. 92 ; Poznanski, ZfhB.,
VII, 50.
C. HAGIOGRAPHA
Psalms: Psalms 1-5 and ii (in full) and extracts from
nearly all other Psalms (except the following eighteen:
43. 70, 97, 106, 108, III, 117, 121, 124, 125. 128, 134,
136, 145-149) were first published with partial German
translation and comment by Heinrich Ewald, in Ewald and
Dukes, Beitrcise :;ur Geschichtc dcr iiltestcn Auslegung und
Spracherklciruiig dcs alt en Testaments, Stuttgart, 1844, I
9-74, with additions on pp. 154-160 (in Arabic characters).
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 319
The edition of the translation and Commentary of groups of
consecutive Psalms was begun by S. H. Margulies,5"aac?ia.4/-
fajumVs arahische Psalmenilhersetzung, Breslau, 1884, con-
taining the first twenty Psalms (Arabic characters) with a
German translation and notes. Margulies' work was con-
tinued by S. Lehmann (Ps. 21-41), Berlin, 1901 (see ZfhB.,
VI, 50) ; Th. Hofmann, Die korachitischen Psalmen (in
Programm des Gymnasiums su Ehingen) , Stuttgart, 1891
(Pss. 42-49, 84, 85, 87, 88) ; S. Baron (Ps. 50-72), Berlin,
1900 (comp. ZfhB., V, 40; MGWJ., 1901, pp. 183 f.) ; S.
Galliner (Ps. 73-89), Berlin, 1903 (comp. Bacher, Theo-
logische Literatcraturzeitung, 1904, pp. ^yy-yg; Eppenstein,
ZfhB., VIII, 98) ; J. Z. Lauterbach (Ps. 107-124), Berlin,
1903 (Bacher, Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1904, no. i ;
comp. MGWJ., 1905, p. 503) ; B. Schreier (Ps. 125-150),
Berlin, 1904 — all these editions (except that of Hofmann),
bearing the same title as the publication of Margulies, but
giving the text in Hebrew characters.
Single disconnected Psalms were first published by
Schnurrer in Eichhorn's Allgemeine Bibliothek, HI (1790),
425 flf. (Psalms 16, 40, no). The difficult Psalm 68 was
published (in Arabic characters) by Dan. Haneberg, Ubcr
die in einer Milnchener Handschrift aufbehaltene arahische
Psalmeni'tbersetzung des Saadia Gaon (in Ahhandlungen
der philosophisch-philologischen Classe der konigUch Bayer-
ischeii Akademie der JVissenschaften, HI, 354-410), Mun-
chen, 1840 (comp. Liter aturblatt des Orients, II, 349 fif.);
for Psalms 84, etc., which are also to be included here ; see
above, under Hofmann.
Saadia wrote a lengthy Arabic Introduction to his work
on the Psalms, in which the scope, purpose, and form of the
Psalter were discussed. This Introduction is followed by
a commentary on the first four Psalms, which is considerably
longer than the commentary on the same chapters which
accompanies the translation. Upon this commentary fol-
lows another shorter Introduction, representing perhaps an
earlier recension. Both Introduction and the commentary
on Ps. 1-4 were published in a German translation, with
320 SAADIA GAON
notes by J. Cohn, MWJ., VIII (1881), 1-19. 61-91 (comp.
Steinschneider, HB., XIV, 118, XXI, 53), while the Arabic
text was published by S. Eppenstein in Harkavy's Fest-
schrift, pp. 135-160.
Saadia calls his work on the Psalms Kitah al-Tasbih
(n"'3Dn^N SKDD), "Book of Praise." This is not meant as a
special title, as asserted by Eppenstein, Beitriis^e, p. 81, but
is merely the translation of the Hebrew D''^nn "12D, or
Proverbs, translation and commentary with the special
title Kitdb Talab al-Hikmah (n?33n^N 3^D n^ns), " Book of
the Search for Wisdom," first identified by Steinschneider
in a Bodleian MS. {HB., X (1870), 172, JQR., XIII (1901).
446, n. i). The work is preceded by an extended and very
valuable Introduction, in which a general characterization
of the Proverbs is given.
Extracts with a German introduction a'ld notes were given
by Jonas Bondi, Das Spruchbuch nach Saadja, Halle, 1888
(from chapter 1-9) ; by J. Derenburg, in Geiger's jiidische
Zeitschrift, VI (1868), 309-315, and by R. Schroter, in
Merx's Archiv., I, 156, 160, II, 36 ^. The entire work, with
a French and an abridged Hebrew translation, was edited
by J. Derenbourg and M. Lambert as the sixth volume of
Saadia's complete works {Oeuvres, etc., Paris, 1894) ; comp.
Bacher, Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitiino; zii seinem Pcnta-
tetich-Commentar, pp. 25 ff. ; Poznanski, Zitr jiidisch-ara-
bischen Literatur, p. 45, top ; Steinschneider, AL., pp. 57 f.
A full description of Saadia's method in his work on Prov-
erbs and a detailed analysis of the content was given by
Bernard Heller, RE J., XXXVII, 72-85. 226-251.
Judah b. Barzillai. HT'V"' "IDD trnQ, pp. 93, 155, quotes two
passages from Saadia's Commentary on Proverbs, 8. 26-29,
and 30, 4. The latter passage is also found in Saadia's
Commentary on the Sefer Yczirah, ed. Lambert, pp. 15 f.
The same passage is quoted by Eliezer b. N^athan of ]\Iay-
ence (12th century) in his Decisions (l"3X"i), no. 119;
comp. Halberstam's Notes on the aforementioned Commen-
tary of Judah b. Barzillai, p. 309, 1. 13. Many passages arc
BIBLIOGRAPHY I—PHiLOLOGY 321
quoted by Joseph Ibn Nahmias in his Commentary on Prov-
erbs, edited by M. L. Bamberger, Berhn, 191 1 ; comp. ib. p.
XV. Variants to the Arabic text from a fragment in the
Munich hbrary were pubhshed by Johannes Goettsberger,
in Biblische Zeitschrift, II, 53-55.
Job, with Introduction, translation, and Commentary,
called by Saadia Kitdb al-Ta'dU (:?nyn^N 3NnD), " Book of
Theodicy." Extracts from a compilation in which Saadia's
translation and Commentary, as well as those of two other
authors are reproduced promiscuously (comp. Bacher, in
Harkavy's Festschrift, pp. 221 ff. ; JQR., XX ( 1908) , 31-49) ,
were published by Ewald, Beitrdge, etc., I, 75-115. See also
Geiger, KmJt^lC, 7-16. J. Cohn published the whole book
with the omission only of some parts of the Introduction and
Commentary : Das Biich Hiob ilbersetzt und erkldrt voni
Gaon Saadia, Altona, 1889. ^ critical edition with a Hebrew
translation, introduction, and notes by Bacher and a French
introduction and translation by J. and H. Derenbourg ap-
peared as volume V of the Oeuvres completes, Paris, 1899;
comp. Steinschneider, AL., p. 58. The first two chapters of
Bacher's edition of Job were reproduced by Paul Kahle, Die
arabischen Bibeli'ibersetsungen, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 27-29.
Saadia mentions his commentary on Job in the Kitdb al-
'Amdndt, p. 15, and in several other of his works; comp.
Bacher's Introduction, p. x ; see also Poznahski, Schechter's
Saadyana, p. 22, no. 1 1 .
THE FIVE SCROLLS
a) Canticles. There is no doubt that Saadia made a trans-
lation of the Rook of Canticles, and wrote a Commentary
on it, though direct quotations from it are very scarce and
not fully authenticated. Abraham Ibn Ezra cites in his
'in'' r\^^ (a defense of Saadia against Dunash b. Librat),
nos. 60, 67, Saadia's interpretations of two words in Can-
ticles ; but citations in this book, which is not quite reliable
in other respects as well (see Steinschneider, CB., 2201, opus
30) , do not always prove the existence of a work by Saadia
on the Biblical book in question. They may refer to a pas-
sage occurring incidentally in one or the other of the lost
21
322 SAADIA GAON
writin.s^s of the Gaon. In liis Commentary on Canticles, i. 2,
Ibn Ezra refers more explicitly to the Commentary of Saadia
on the same book, l)Ut here, too, another recension of Ibn
Ezra's work omits the name of Saadia and reads " one of the
Geonim " (D'JINJn nnx). More reliable testimony, how-
ever, is found in the Introduction to an unpublished Arabic
Commentary on Canticles by Joseph Ibn 'Aknin, the famous
pupil of Maimonides, from which it is apparent that he had
the Commentary of Saadia before him, taking it in some
respect, as he says (see above, note 592), as a model for his
own ; comp. Steinschneider, in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclo-
pffdie, II, vol. 31, p. 54, n. 75; CB., 2188. Moreover, there
are anonymous Arabic translations and commentaries on
Canticles in several MSS. and editions, which, in form and
content, bear so much similarity to the exegetical works of
the Gaon that they have been ascribed to him even by care-
ful investigators of recent times (comp. Steinschneider.
Encyclopccdic, 1. c; Rapoport, V"r\'2'2, IX, 37, n. 50). From
one of these AISS. a translation and part of a commentary
were published by A. Merx, Die Saadjant'schc Uhcrsctzung
des Hohen Liedes in's ArabiscJie, Heidelberg, 1882, with a
very learned Introduction, in which the authorship of Saadia
is asserted. While later critics have, on various grounds,
disproved Saadia's authorship of the translation and Com-
mentary edited by Merx (comp. Jacob Loevy, MIVJ., X,
33-41, and Bacher, ZfaW., Ill, 202-211; Poznanski, JQR.,
Ill, 343), as well as of another Commentary still in ]\ISS.
(see Sal f eld, MIVJ., V, 125-131), it is generally admitted
that these productions are in fact reworkings and amplifica-
tions by others of Saadia's original work ; comp. Bacher,
Leben und Wcrke dcs Abnhvalid Mcrivan Ibn Ganah, Leip-
zig, 1885, P- 93. "■ 21.
The same seems to be true in the case of a Hebrew transla-
tion of an Arabic Commentary and of the so-called Twclrc
Homilies (D>t;'m 3"^) on Canticles ascribed to Saadia.
Rapoport, y"n33, IX, 37, n. 50, considered the Perush genu-
ine, Dukes, Beitrdge, II, 104-109 (comp. Luzzatto, HB., V,
146), on the other hand denies Saadia's authorship; sec in
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 323
particular Steinschneider, CB., 2187-89, opp. 18-20; Salfeld,
HB., IX, 137 ff., nos. 47, 71; Bacher, ZfhB., ix, 50 ff. ;
Poznanski, MGVVJ., 1907, pp. 718 ff. To my mind Saadia's
original authorship has not yet been disproved, but the matter
requires special treatment. The discussion of nine (actually
eight) " musical tones " in the introd. to the Commentary has
a parallel in 'Amandt, p. 317 (see above, p. 259). Homilies
(nxti'NIl) are often mentioned among works of Saadia. See
Saadyana, p. 128; REJ., XXXIX, 200, 203; below, p. 405
[and Postscript, below, p. 427].
There is still to be mentioned a work entitled: Three
Scrolls .... Canticles, Ruth, and Ecclesiastes .... tvith
Tar gum Jonathan'. . . ., Rashi, and the Arabic translation
of Saadia . . . ., Jerusalem, 191 1 ('T'tJ' .... ni^:» tJ^^tJ*
^3"iy n^Dcn ^"lin .... inJi^ m^in n^^n n^npi nn on^ti'n
PK3 nnVD 'I '7^). The translation, based on a Yemenite
MS., is identical with that edited in Arabic characters by
]\'Ierx, mentioned in a preceding paragraph. Regarding the
MSS. of the anonymous translations and commentaries dis-
cussed above, see Steinschneider, AL., 58, 287, nos. looa,
100&,
b) Ruth. No quotation is known, Abraham Ibn Ezra, T\t^^
TD'', no. 120, mentioning only the view of Saadia's critic,
Dunash. This silence does not prove anything, however, for
we know positively that Saadia translated and interpreted
others of the Five Scrolls and yet, as we shall see below,
quotations from these works are extremely rare, or entirely
lacking. Besides, here again we possess two anonymous
translations (with portions of commentaries), one of which
was subsequently recognized as that of the Karaite [ephet b.
'All (see N. Schorstein, Dcr Kommcntar des Karders Jephet
b. AH sum Biichc Ruth, Berlin, IQ03, Introduction ; comp.
Poznanski, ZfhB., VII, 134), while the other is considered
to be either a modification of that of Saadia or the genuine
work of the Gaon. Both translations were critically edited
by M. Peritz, Zwei alte arabische Ubersetsungen des Buches
RUth, Berlin, 1900 (reprint from MGWJ., 1899, pp. 49 ff . ;
comp. S. Frankel, Deutsche Litteraturseitung, 1901, no. 20).
I have not the least doubt that one of these translations,
324 SAADIA GAOX
namely tliat edited from a codex of the British Museum
(defective at the beginning until c. 2, 13), represents the
original work of Saadia, though I cannot here oflfer proofs
for the statement. Even the Arabic Appendix to that trans-
lation, discussing the genealogy of David (Peritz, pp. 56-59),
as, likewise, the xA.rabic portion communicated by Poznanski
(ZfhB., IV, 168) from another MS., containing one of the
translations with a mixed Hebrew and Arabic commentary
on Ruth of a ]\Iidrashic character, impresses me as genuinely
Saadianic, though the latter commentary as a whole must be
the work of a later author ; comp. the extract given by Poz-
nanski, /. c, with Aviatmt, p. 147, lines 5 fF., where the same
idea is expressed. It should be added that the translation
edited by Peritz from the incomplete MS. of the British
Museum is identical with the one published later (Jerusalem,
191 1 ) from another MS. in the Three Scrolls mentioned
above under Canticles. In this latter edition the text is com-
plete. A literal Arabic translation of Ruth is found also in
the book DniD3 nnJO by Klia Benamosegh, Leghorn, 1856,
but. the translation differs entirely from those edited by
Peritz and is certainly not the work of Saadia ; see Stein-
schneider, /^L., p. 288. no. loic.
c) Lamentations. That Saadia wrote a commentary on
Lamentations is established beyond a doubt. It is referred
to by R. Mubashshir, a contemporary critic of Saadia (see
Derenbourg, REJ., XX, 137; comp. S. Fuchs, Studicn i'ther
. . . . Ibn Bal'am, Berlin. 1893, p. xxxii, n. 17; Poznan-
ski. JQR., XIII, 340, n. I, and above, note 82) and by David
Kimhi. s. v. ^ics (see Steinschneider. CB., 2189, op. 20. line 8
from below). It is also mentioned in an ancient book-list.
Schechter, Saadyana, p. 79 (comp. Poznanski, Schechtcr's
Saadyana, p. 20. no. 4) \JOR., N. S.. XI. 425] . So far. how-
ever, no MS. containing either Saadia's translation or cnni-
mentary has come to light.
d) Ecclesiastes. The only author who mentions Saadia's
commentar}'- on this book is the grammarian Ibn Ganah ;
comp. Bacher, Lehen und Wcrkc des Abulwalld Menvan
Thn Ganah, Leipzig, 1885. P- 9-- "• Lv ^^o ^IS. is known ;
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY 325
comp. Steinschneider, AL., pp. 59, 137, n. 3. The Hebrew
Commentary published by D. Frankel as the translation of
Saadia's original Arabic (px:! nnyo IJm tJ'nS Dy n^HP,
Hiisiatyn, 1903), has been shown by Bacher {ZfhB., IX,
50 ff.) to be the work of another author; comp. Poznanski,
MGIVJ., 1907, pp. 718 ff., wbo proves it to be based entirely
on a commentary of the Karaite Salmon b. Jeroham.
e) Esther. The translation is printed in the Prayer-book
according to the Ritual (mPSD mo) of tbe Jews at San'a,
Yemen, Vienna, 1896. For a full description see Poznan-
ski, MGWJ., 1902, pp. 364-372. The Commentary on this
book is mentioned by Saadia himself in his Commentary on
Daniel (Bodleian MS., see Neubauer's Catalogue, 2486), as
well as by his Karaite opponent Salmon b. Jeroham, quoted
by Dukes, Bcitrdge, II, p. 100, n. i, and Joseph Kimhi (see
Poznanski, ibidem, p. 364) . It is probably also cited by Ibn
Nahmias (above, p. 321) ; for the objection of Poznanski,
/. c., p. 365, that the passage quoted by the latter differs from
Saadia's interpretation of the same passage in his Amdndt,
p. 112, has little weight, since it is well known that Saadia's
interpretations of Biblical verses in the latter work often
differ from those found in his commentaries on the Bible. In
the book-lists mentioned before under Lamentations [JQR.,
N. S., XI, 425] a ""^ra^^ -idD^^ r\'?i^ -i-'DDn is likewise men-
tioned, but it is doubtful whether tafsir refers to the transla-
tion or to the Commentary or to both, as the word is often
used indiscriminately; comp. Poznanski, Schechter's Saady-
ana, p. 21, no. 14; Steinschneider, AL., p. 59. For a frag-
ment of the Commentary in a Genizah MS. see Hirschfeld,
JQR.,XMll (1904), 66.
Daniel. The translation was edited by H. Spiegel, Saadia
al-Fajjumi's arabisclie Danielversion, Berlin, 1906. The
Commentary is extant in MSS. only. For a detailed dis-
cussion of the latter see Poznanski, Ha-Goren, II ( 1900) , 92-
103, and MGWJ., XLIV (1900), 400-416, 508-529, where
several passages of the Commentary are given and the litera-
ture on the subject is treated; comp. also Malter, in Neu-
mark's Journal of Jewish Lore and Philosophy, Cincinnati,
1 919, pp. 45-59. In this Commentary, Saadia quotes twice
326 SAADIA GAON
his Kitab al-Afnandt (Poznanski, Ha-Goren, II, loi, and
MGWJ., XLIV, 511) ; consequently the work on Daniel was
composed or revised after \)2^^ ; see also above, under Esther.
The Hebrew Commentary printed in the m>n: ms<"iPO under
the name of Saadia has been proved long ago (Rapoport, Bik-
kure ha-'Ittim, IX (1828), 34 f.) to belong to a later author ;
see Steinschneider, Die hebrdischen Uebersetsungen des Mit-
telalters, p. 445, § 260 ; comp. also Poznanski's article in Ha-
Goren, I. c; below, p. 404. A. F. Galle, Daniel avec com-
nientaires de R. Saadia . . . . et variantes de versions arabe
et syriaque, Paris, 1900, is pseudo-Saadia.
Ezra and Nehemiah (usually counted by the ancients as
one book). Three mediaeval writers quote passages from a
commentary on these books in the name of " R. Saadia " ;
see the references in Steinschneider's CB., 2195, s. v. Esra.
These passages, however, have since been found in a Hebrew
commentary on Ezra and Xehemiah which in most MSS.
is anonymous, while one (Munich) ascribes it to Benjamin b.
Judah, an Italian exegete of the first half of the fourteenth
century, and another one (Milan) to Saadia Gaon. The
commentary was published by H. J. Mathews, Commentary
on Ezra and Nehemiah by Rabbi Saadiah, Oxford. 1882.
The editor in his learned introduction proves with sufficient
reason that the author is not Saadia Gaon, but, if his name
was Saadia at all, he was probably the writer who is known
as pseudo-Saadia, author of the Commentary on Daniel (see
above, under Daniel). The three quotations from a com-
mentary on Ezra and Nehemiah by R. Saadia are accordingly
to be considered as referring to the pseudo-Saadia edited by
Mathews, and there is no direct proof that Saadia Gaon ever
wrote a commentary on these books. On general grounds,
however, it is considered certain that he translated and
commented upon them, as well as upon the rest of the
Bible. Abraham Ibn Ezra, Sefat Yeter, no. 138. quotes
Nehemiah, 5, 4 (Steinschneider, CB., 2202, line 34, erron-
eously: IV, 22) without the name of Saadia, but see above,
under Canticles regarding quotations in this book ; comp.
also Joel jMiiller, Ociwres, IX, p. 160, no. 79; Eppenstein,
Beitrdge, p. 79, n. 4, who on p. 216 contradicts his own view
BIBLIOGRAPHY I— PHILOLOGY ^27
as to the quotation in UP^n "'^nK'. For completeness' sake it
may be added that the Commentary edited by Mathews was
pubHshed a second time (the editor says on the title-page:
cum ersten Male), Berlin, 1895 (reprint from 1"' '?]! Y2?, VII ;
see also MWJ., XVI, 207 ff.) 5 by Heinrich Berger, who
ascribes it to Benjamin b. Judah, though his authorship was
fully disproved by Mathews, pp. ii ff. ; comp. Halberstam, Y1?,
1> '7V VII, 42; Poznahski, Ha-Goren, II, 98; Steinschneider,
AL., p. 59, bottom.
From a curious misunderstanding of a passage in Saadia's
'Emunot (ed. Slucki, p. 129; Arabic original, p. 253) both
Griinhut (in the «lDKfD edited by L. Rabinowitz, St. Peters-
burg, 1902, I, 137) and Poznahski {Ha-Goren, II, loi) de-
rived the proof that Saadia had quoted his own Commentary
on Ezra and Nehemiah. As a matter of fact in the passage
under consideration Saadia does not refer to his Commentary
on these books, but to his explanation of the particular verse
in question (Ezra, 4, 24), which he had given in another
place of the 'Emunot itself (p. 122; Arabic, p. 238).
Chronicles. No definite reference to a work of Saadia's
on this book is known. The only evidence that such ever
existed is afforded by an anonymous Hebrew Commen-
tary edited by R. Kirchheim (nnx^ Dnro D^a^n nm ^y tJ'na
pxjn nnyo n'^o^no, Frankfurt a/M., 1874), which is sup-
posed to have been written in the tenth century by a pupil of
Saadia and to be in part Saadia's work ; see Kirchheim's
Introduction, p. vi ; L. Donath, MWJ., I, nos. 21-24; S. Lan-
dau, Ansichten des Talmuds, etc., Halle, 1888, pp. 65 ff.
Saadia is mentioned by name several times (pp. 19, 27, 36,
bis) ; comp. Briill, Jahrhiicher, II, 191 ff. ; Egers, HB., XIV,
124 f.; Steinschneider, HB., XIV, 130; XVI, 90. For a
supposed quotation of the Commentary of Saadia in a Geonic
Responsum see Ginzberg, Geonica, II, 16 ; Poznahski, JQR.,
N. S., vol. II (1912-1913), p. 424. For details pertaining to
this Commentary and its relations to Saadia see the recent
work of L. Bardowicz, Die Abfassungszcit der Baraita dcr
J2 Normcn, Berlin, 1913; comp. ibidem, p. 43, n. 3; above,
note 606; Aptowitzer, in A. Schwarz's Festschrift, Berlin,
1917, pp. 121 ff.
328 SAADIA GAON
For a general characterization of Saadia's Bible exegesis
see in particular the following authors (cited in chronological
order): Gesenius, Jcsaia, Leipzig, 1821, I, 88-96; Munk,
Notice sur R. Saadia Gaon (1838), pp. 44-58; comp. also
Additions in his Commentaire sur le livre de Habakkouk,
1843, PP- 104 ff. (comp. Literaturblatt dcs Orients, II,
349 ff.); Ewald und Dukes, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der
iiltesfen Auslegnng .... des Alien Testaments (1844), I,
5-1 15; II, 5-100; Geiger, Wissenschaftliche Zeiischrift, V
( 1844), -281-316 (comp. also his Jildische Zeitschrift, IV, 201
ff. ; Nachgelassene Schriften, IV, 116 f.) ; L. Bodenheimer.
Das Paraphrastische der arahischen ilhersetzung des Saadia,
in Frankel's Monatsschrift, IV (1854), 23-33; Graetz, Ge-
schichte (4), V, 285 f.; Weiss, l^m (ed. Wilna, 1904),
pp. 127 f.; idem in fi"'DNn, 1885, pp. 275-293; M. Wolff,
Zur Characteristik der Bihelexegese Saadia Alfajumi's,
ZfaW., 1884, 1885; Bacher, Die Anfdnge der hebrdischen
Grammatik (1895), chiefly with reference to grammar;
■idem, in Winter und Wiinsche, Die jiidischc Litteratur, II
(1897), 138 f., 243 ff.; JE., X, 579-586; comp. also his
Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitimg su seinem Pentateuch-Com-
mentar, Wien, 1876, pp. 23-37; 61-63; W. Engelkemper, De
Saadiae Gaonis vita, etc., IMiinster, 1897; B. Heller, La ver-
sion arabe et le commentaire des Provcrbes du Gaon Saadia,
REJ., XXXVII (1898), 72-85 ; 226-251 ; A. Schmiedl, Rand-
bemerkungen zn Saadia's Pentateuchiibersetsung, MGWJ.,
1901, pp. 124 ff. (comp. ibidem, pp. 565 f., the notes or
Bacher and J. Cohn), 1902, pp. 84-88; 358-361; Stein-
schneider, AL. (1902), p. 55; Eppenstein, Beitrdge (1913),
pp. 85-89.
Aside from these works and essays, the introductions and
notes to the editions of Saadia's Biblical works or frag-
ments thereof, whether genuine or merely attributed to him,
contain, likewise, general characterizations of his exegetical
methods, especially the Introductions of Haneberg
(Psalms), Merx (Canticles), Cohn (Psalms, Job). Bondi
(Proverbs), and Hartwig Derenbourg (to Bacher's edition
of Job) ; comp. also Morris Jastrow, Jr., Jewish Grammar-
ians of the Middle Ages, Hebraica, III (1886-1887), PP-
171-174.
BIBLIOGRAPHY II— LITURGY 329
For Saadia's Bible exegesis in his philosophic works see
the Bibliography under PJiilosophy. For miscellaneous sub-
jects bearing on Saadia's Bible translation see S. Fraenkel,
Miscellen sii Saadias Bibeliihersetrjung, MGIVJ., 1899, p.
471 ; J. Schwarzstein, Zoologie der Bihel nach der arabi-
schen Interpretation des Rabbi Saadia Hagaon, in the Actes
of the eleventh Congress of Orientalists, Paris, 1897, Section
musulmane, pp. 159-170.
II. LITURGY
Saadia's liturgical productions are all embodied in his
Ritual (THD) as yet unpublished. This Ritual was very fre-
quently quoted in the works of mediaeval authors from the
1 2th century onward (see the references in Zunz, Ritus,
p. 19; comp. Kohut, Die Hoschanot des Gaon R. Saadia,
Breslau, 1893. reprint from MOW J. of the same year, p. i,
n. i), but no trace of it was known until the year 1851, when
Steinschneider discovered it in a MS. of the Bodleian. The
MS. though defective at the beginning and at the end, as well
as in several parts in the middle, covers nevertheless 247
pages. With the exception of the incorporated prayers,
hymns, etc., which are in the original Hebrew, the whole
work is written in Arabic (in Hebrew characters). A
minute description of the entire contents and numerous
excerpts of the text were given by the discoverer in his
Bodleian Catalogue, coll. 2203-2216, and later, with various
additions, by Neubauer, in Ben Chananja, vol. VI (1863),
552 f., Vn, 199, 234. Several scholars have since dealt with
the Ritual of Saadia in part or as a whole, more recently
J. Bondi, Der Siddur des Rabbi Saadia Gaon (reprint from
Rechenschafts-BericJit der jiidisch-literarischen Gesell-
schaft), Frankfurt a/M., 1904 (comp. ZfhB., IX, 104-107).
who promised a critical edition of the entire work together
with the numerous Genizah fragments of it that have of
late come to light, partly supplying the missing portions of
the Siddur (comp. Neubauer-Cowley, Catalogue, II, no.
2701 ) . As the beginning is lacking, the title is not positively
ascertained, but from a passage occurring in the work it is
330 SAADIA GAON
assumed with great probability that its name was Kitdb
mwami' al-Salaivdt wal-Tasdbih (nK^^V^X yoKi: 3Kn3
o • • •
rrinKDn^SI), "A Book Comprising all the Prayers and
Hymns" (comp. Steinschneider, CB., 2204, and Netibauer,
Ben Chananja, VI, 552, who, however, writes gCuni' , the
singular of gawdmi). It is also possible that Saadia him-
self designated it by the technical Hebrew name Siddnr, or
Seder, which was employed very early for prayer rituals
(comp. Steinschneider, CB., 2203). The title niS'f'S 3"iii1;
in the ancient book-lists {REJ ., XXXIX, 200, no. 30;
Saadyana, p. 128 ; JQR., XIII, 330, no. gi ; comp. also Graetz,
Geschichte (4), V, 533, n. 2) refers either to the whole
Introduction or to a chapter thereof [see below, p. 427].
A. Of Saadia's own liturgical compositions enbodied in
the Siddur and described above (pp. 147, 149 IT.) the follow-
ing have so far been published :
1. 'Aboddh (miny), or, as Saadia calls it, Pasfik (PIDC),
a hymn for the Musaf Prayer of Yom Kippur, arranged
alphabetically in 22 strophes of 8 lines each. It appeared in
D^JIlonp D^JINJ n"- ^L*'yo r^P, edited by J. Rosenberg, Ber-
lin, 1856, part II, pp. 10-17, ^^'ith explanatory Hebrew notes
by the editor; comp. Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des
judischen Gottesdienstes, Berlin, 1907, pp. 64, 82 ff.
2. niVO J"nn, a Didactic Poem on the 613 Precepts,
published with notes by Rosenberg, ibid., pp. 30-38. The
portion printed on pp. 26-29 is erroneously taken by the
editor as an introduction to this poem ; it does not belong
there, as it is Saadia's Preface (rUTTiD) to the 'Ashdrot
discussed below. The superscription J""'"in pJO is an in-
vention of the editor, as in the MS. the poem has no title ; see
Steinschneider, CB., 2206 ; AL., p. 68, n. 48. The same poem
was more correctly edited with introduction and notes by
Joel Aliiller in Oetivres completes, IX, pp. xviii-xxii, 57-69.
Recently the poem has been made the subject of an Halakic
Work of enormous proportions by J. F. Perl (X^iys) of
Warsaw, a private scholar of means. The work, three parts
in four volumes, covering no less than 2060 pages in folio,
appeared under the title y'D")"' mvon ^DD, Warsaw, 1914-
1917.
BIBLIOGRAPHY II— LITURGY 331
3. 'Asharot (mintN), Exhortations, an extensive poem
treating of the 613 precepts and their derivation from the
Decalogue, edited by Rosenberg, ibid., pp. 39-54. The intro-
ductory poem belonging to the 'AzhCirot is found there, pp.
26-29 (see above, under no. 2, and the editor's note, p. ii).
The 'Asharot are quoted by Rashi to Exodus, 24, 12. A
general essay by Michael Sachs on the 'Azlidrot and other
poems is published in the same volume, pp. 84-100; comp.
Erody, JE., II, 3696, 370a, bottom.
4. The two Bakkashot (mt^'pn), Supplications (see the de-
scription above, pp. 153 f.). Both found their way through
unknown channels into the so-called " Romanian," that is, the
Greco-Turkish Ritual (X''J?D'n niTno), which was first printed
in Constantinople (1910; Berliner, Ans meiner Bibliothek,
p. 3), and thence perhaps into several other Rituals (see CB.,
2211-2215, and especially L. Landshuth, minyn mov,
Berlin, 1862, p. 293), and into the work nni ''niEn by
Jehiel Melli, Mantua, 1623. In all the ritual editions and
MSS. three liturgical pieces of later origin have been added
to Saadia's DWP2, which were then erroneously attributed
to the Gaon by some bibliographers. One, beginning "ID^nn
n^nn n^ pS, is a hymn in rhymed prose by Solomon b.
Elijah Sharbit ha-Zahab (14th century) and was prefixed
to the second iltJ'PD, beginning nnsn TiGK^ "''', while the two
other pieces, which are anonymous, are found in the middle
and at the end of the first riK'pn, beginning '''' N^n nnx
inn^. A critical edition of the Bakkashot, based on the
printed Rituals and on MSS. thereof, was published by Luz-
zatto in the Literaturblatt des Orients, 1851, pp. 387 fif. ;
comp. also Luzzatto, l»n D"i3, IV, 36-39. By that time, how-
ever, Steinschneider had discovered the MS. of the "inD
itself, and from a copy made by him the first ntJ'Pl
was printed in the aforementioned T*3"iP of Rosenberg (pp.
74-77), while the second was reprinted there (pp. 78-83)
from the edition of Luzzatto in the Literaturblatt*). In
* For the sake of bibliographic accuracy it should be stated here
that except for this one Bakkashah, printed without indicating its
source, all the liturgical compositions of Saadia, as also those of
some others which he had embodied in his Siddur (the miDV
332 SAADIA GAON
passing it should be mentioned that in the rituals and hence
in the edition of Luzzatto and in the TilP, the second Bak-
kashdh is throughout in the plural, voicing the prayers of
the whole community of Israel. This is not its original form,
as it appears in the Siddilr. Saadia intended it for the indi-
vidual. The rituals adapted it for the pul>lic worship and
therefore changed all the singulars into plurals. vSimilar
changes were made by the congregations in a ^m referred to
by Harkavy. p:in, II, 87 f. Saadia's Arabic translation of
this BakkasMh is also in the singular ; comp. Schechter,
Saadyana, no. xxv, verso; Derenbourg, Manuel du Lec-
teur (in the Journal Asiatique, 1870), p. 544, n. 5.
Finally the two Bakkdshot were edited satisfactorily on the
basis of a careful collation of the j\IS. with the edition of
Luzzatto by L. Frumkin in his voluminous work, the "ITD
D^B'n moy 21, Jerusalem. 1912, part I, pp. T"D — n"D. II, pp.
n"jp — J<"DP; comp. also Schechter, Saadyana, nos. xix.
XX, xxv.
It is highly interesting to note that Saadia's second Bak-
kdshah (nriED TiSt:' •''') has been made use of by the author of
a Hebrew version of the Book of Tobit published by M.
Gaster under the title Two Unknozvn Hebrew Versions of
Tobit, London, 1897. The Hebrew text, which is considered
by the editor as the original version of Tobit, contains several
passages taken almost literally from Saadia's BakkdsJulh;
comp. ib., p. vii. and Y2)?, TI. 78 f. A comparison of the two
texts makes it clear beyond a doubt that not Saadia, but the
author of the version was the borrower.
It should also be noticed that most of the second Bak-
kdshaliha.s crept into the Italian, German, and Polish Festi-
or PIDD of Jose b. Jose and another 'Aboddh, beginning nilK
nJJO) found in the Y'2^p of Rosenberg were published from a copy
furnished to the editor by Steinschneider together with an introduc-
tory description of the Bodleian MS. For reasons that cannot be
discussed here the editor suppressed the introduction, as well as any
indication of the source of his publication. Subsequently a special
pamphlet was published by Steinschneider (Der Siddur des Saadia
Caon, Berlin, 1856), giving the history of the matter. Comp. also
J. N. Epstein, Der gaondische Kommeutar cur Ordnung Tohoroth,
Berlin, 1915, p. 132.
BIBLIOGRAPHY II— LITURGY 5.y^
val-rituals (Dnitno), where it has been quite variously
treated, showing numerous changes, transpositions, and
additions ; the latter being in part older than Saadia. In
the Polish rituals extensive portions of this Bakkdshdh
were incorporated into the Penitential Prayers (Selihot) for
the Eve of New-Year, beginning Ti"' . . . . nnnnx nnn ilDt
pvn; this part of the poem, by reason of its content, is fre-
quently designated as Widdui (Confession). Portions of
Saadia's text are here interspersed among other pieces of
different origin. The early incorporation of Saadia's com-
position into these liturgies in all probability led various
mediaeval authors to refer to a "" Widdui of Saadia " ; see for
details on this matter Dukes, n^onp ^HJ, p. 26; Stein-
schneider, CB., 2215 ; Landshuth, mnyn moy, pp. 294-297,
with numerous references, and Zunz, Literaturgeschichte der
synagogalen Poesie, p. 96, no. 6; comp. also Ha-Goren, II.
86; ZfhB., X, 148, top. There exists, however, another,
short, composition, beginning HQ^J ''n^N, quoted by Dukes
(Zur Kenntniss der neuhehrdischen religiosen Poesie, p. 152)
from a MS. of 1308, which is described as: nnyo nm Ml^l,
but Luzzatto {Literaturhlatt , 1851, p. 487) and Stein-
schneider {CB., 221$) deny the Gaon's authorship, assigning
it to a later Saadia, and I am unable to reconcile their opinion
with the fact that the same piece is now printed in the
D^t^'H D-i»y ni mo of Frumkin (II, p. n"JP), who states ex-
plicitly that he copied it from the MS. of Saadia's Siddiir. It
is true that the MS. contains also a few later additions, such
as 'Adon 'Olam (comp. Frumkin. I. p. i<"3), but this fact
alone does not disprove Saadia's authorship in the case of
other parts of the Siddiir, unless there is some other internal
or external evidence against it.
5. Hosha'not (n1Jy{^>'l^) , Hymns for the Feast of Taber-
nacles, especially the seventh day. Of these 21 were published
by Kohut, Die Hosha'not des Gaon R. Saadia, Breslau, 1893,
who gives also explanatory notes and numerous references to
the literature on the subject. Kohvit's publication is based on
Yemenite MSS., but the same Hosha'not are found also in the
Siddiir and in the Aleppo Mahzor, Venice, 1526 ; see Kohut,
p. 5 ; Neubauer, Catalogue, I, no. 1096, and in Semitic Studies
334 SAADIA GAON
in Memory of Dr. Alexander Kohut, pp. 388 f. ; Berliner,
Aus meiner Bibliothck, Frankfurt a/M., 1898, p. 7. For
additions and emendations to Kohut's edition, see Halber-
stam, MGWJ., 1895, pp. inf.; comp. S. Sachs. nnSDH nviN,
IV, 109; Frumkin, /. c, II, 384; Bondi, Der Siddur dcs R.
Saadia, p. 37.
6. Selihot (mn^^D) and Tehimwt (niJnn), Penitential and
Devotional Prayers, a large number of which are found in the
MS. of the Siddur, as also in other MSS. (CB., 221 1), some
recently found in the Genizah (Bondi, p. 40) . Steinschneider,
CB., 2210 f., quotes from the Siddur the beginnings of 50
Selihot, 23 of which were destined by Saadia for the Day of
Atonement ; and 27 for other fast days. They have been
characterized by Zunz in his various works ; see the refer-
ences in Landshuth's mnyn moy, pp. 297-299. Part of a
Sel'ihah was metrically translated into German by Zunz.
Synagogale Poesie, p. 164. The Tehinnot (the beginnings of
some of which are likewise quoted in CB., 221 1), partly Ara-
maic, fill the last ten pages of the IMS. of the Siddur, which is
here defective. Nine additional pages of Tehinnot were later
found in the Genizah (Bondi, p. 40), and there are probably
many more of such productions among the Genizah frag-
ments. It is not safe to assume that all the Hoshanot, Selihot
and Tehinnot in theSiddur wxre composed by Saadia himself.
Some of them he probably took from older sources and incor-
porated in his work, just as he did with the misy of
Jose b. Jose and the so-called French n::Jn nn^ (comp.
Luzzatto in Rosenberg's Y2\?, pp. 107-110). In the case of
the Hoshanot he states explicitly that there existed a very
large number of them (CB., 2209; Kohut. p. 2). The solu-
tion of this question does not belong here. Many of these
Piyyufiiu have found their way anonymously into nearly
all the festival and fast day rituals in MS. and in print. A
detailed enumeration and classification of the individual
pieces transcends the scope of this Bibliography and should
be undertaken by others (see Landshuth, p. 298).
The numerous quotations from the Siddur in the works of
medi?eval authors, often without explicit mention of the
source, were collected among citations of other works of
BIBLIOGRAPHY II— LITURGY 335
Saadia (a quotation in the 13 ^D, Zunz, Zur Geschichte, p.
549, seems to have been overlooked) by Miiller, Oenvres,
IX, 145-173; comp. ib., pp. xxxviii-xl. The details relating
to these quotations cannot be taken up here ; comp. Stein-
schneider, AL., p. 67, n. 28.
Very numerous extracts from the MS. of the Siddur are
given by Frumkin in his Dioy 31 "ITD referred to above (pp.
332 f.). Most of these extracts represent Saadia's text of the
traditional prayers, such as Grace after meals, the Kiddfish,
Kaddish, Kedushah, Shemonch- esreh, Passover Haggadah,
and many others, showing numerous variants in the phrase-
ology, which are of great importance for the history of Jewish
liturgy. There are, however, among the extracts piyyutim
of Saadia's own composition. Frumkin's index is rather
confused. The following is a list of the passages in consecu-
tive order, omitting a few minor references: I, 154, 184,
194 f., t3"^p, 238, 242, n"DP, n"op, 298, D"JP, 334, 360, 368,
382; II, 'n, 3"3, T'J, T"D, 132. n"Df., 'P, n"pf., t2"P, ^"P, 3"^P,
286-288, 328, i"DP, 352, 356, 384, T'vp, n"vp. i"vp, 414.
B. Within the last decades there have come to light
several liturgical compositions which are not in the extant
Siddur, but have been otherwise identified as Saadia's. These
may be enumerated in the order of publication :
1. Ta'ame Tekiot (niVpn ""oytD), ten Reasons for the
Blowing of the Shofar on New- Year's Day, embodied in
numerous festival rituals in the name of Saadia, translated
into German by Dukes, Zur Kenniniss der neuhehrdischen
religiosen Poesie (Frankf. a/M., 1842), pp. 53 f. It was also
put in German verse by S. L. Heilberg in his D"'J?2iyj ^yt3J,
Breslau, 1847, PP- ^'v f. According to Steinschneider, CB.,
2205, it originally formed part of Saadia's Commentary on
Leviticus, 23, 24 (see above, under Bible, letter 0). The
piece is printed also in Miiller's D''t:iP^, Oeuvres, IX,
165 f., no. 106; comp. Rapoport, y"n33, IX, 28, n. 21.
2. Reshut (niCl) to 'Aslmrot, an introduction containing
a division into 24 or 25 classes (comp. JQR., N. S., vol. IV
(1913-1914), p. 539, n. 59) of the 613 precepts, which are
treated in the 'Asharot. It was written originally in Hebrew,
but only the Arabic translation of the first 20 classes is extant,
336 SAADIA GAON
being' embodied in a fragment of an anonymous Arabic work.
It was published by Neubauer, JQE., W (1894). 705-7;
comp. Schechter, Saadyana, no. xv ; JOR., 1913-1914, pp.
539 flF. Eppenstein, Beitrdgc, p. 122, is unaware of Neu-
bauer's publication.
3. Hakkafot (mspnj, a number of hymns for recitation
during" the processional circuits around the al]nentar on
the seventh day of the Feast of Tabernacles (Hosha'na
Rabbah). They were edited by Neubauer in Semitic
Studies in Memory of A. Kohut, Berlin, 1897, PP- 39^ ^'••
but Halberstam in a marginal note in his copy of the afore-
mentioned work (now in the Library of the Jewish Theo-
logical Seminary of America, from which it was
communicated to me by Professor Marx) called attention to
the fact that of the seven Hakkafot edited by Neubauer only
the first can claim the Gaon's authorship, the remaining six
having been added by a later author, who shows familiarity
with the Ten Seiirdt, a Kabalistic idea of subsequent cen-
turies. These Hakkafot, Halberstam shows, are identical
with the Hosha'ndt in the Sefardic ritual.
4. Liturgy on the Ten Commandments for the Feast of
Weeks (mimn "It^'j; ^ m^*y^ nno) in several sections, fol-
lowing the order of 3"i< and P"TkJ*n alternately. This com-
position, too, w'as edited by Neubauer in Semitic Studies
(see the preceding number) , pp. 392-395. On the basis of the
date 851 occurring in the text (p. 394, top) the editor as-
sumes in a note ad locum that the liturgy was composed in
the year 920, that is, 851 years after the destruction of the
Second Temple, but Halberstam in the manuscript note on
the margin of his copy (see the preceding no. 3) proved that
the date does not refer to the destruction- of the Temple ; see
for tlie interpretation of the passage Racher. REJ .. XXX\',
290-291, who gives it as a private communication of Hal-
berstam. The latter. l^>acher further reports, made the in-
genious suggestion that the words TVl CSn "133 at the begin-
ning of the composition (p. 392, 1. 20) contain an allusion to
Saadia as the author ; for their numerical value (352) is the
same as that of ^Dr \2 T'VD; see above, note 332.
5. inn^ POTD, " fTymn for a Bridegroom. " in four stanzas,
each containing three lines with a double rhyme and ending
BIBLIOGRAPHY II— LITURGY 337
with the refrain noJJ'"' {sc. n^32 inn). It was published from
a MS. collection of old piyyntim by S. A. Wertheimer in
D^SJ'n"' ""TJa. Ill (Jerusalem, 1902), 16 b ; comp. ib., Introduc-
tion, pp. 7 f. For the refrain see Saphir, *i"'DD pN, I, 81 &;
nt:^ nnnD, pp. 599, 602.*
|nnS "pjoTB
ni:fjr kSi av;r kS^ =iiy hdhd nDi ta^Son hSd d:
.{rh^i pni not^*
y\£3 Sdd Syjm |*ik:3 n^nn hd-id
I'nxn Sd n:f33 ij^itm ^pKn ns''DB/D mS:dj:d
yiKn 3np2 3nS unii ]n»n |nn;3 hSd dj
nj3 Sdoi Ti* Sdo nj myn nnni nS'j
nrDtyn ^212 nnn o^ipi *n:in:3 mtj^ij: jyj;^
^nn;? nS nc^nnniD n:nS;'r\ n*m^h»D hSd dj
.noB'*
D^jynpn rh^rw n^tynSoa ;nnn
•D^a'np niD3 pyj bxro DiiynijD Din^ n?3 ni
Vv^EDDING SONG
From God's treasury of light may thy light shine forth and be thou
guarded from all ill,
Like him whom God created aforetime, who gave names to all
creatures.
Be the bride blessed with a son like him that smote the rock; nor
suffer pain, nor grieve for barrenness.
Rejoice, O bridegroom, in thy bride!
* Among the numerous poetic productions of Saadia this poem
is the only one known of a rather secular nature. The English trans-
lation was prepared by Dr. Solomon Solis Cohen of Philadelphia:
^Read I'lV, allusion to Adam; see Ps. 139, 5, Gen. 2, 20.
^Allusion to Moses, Numbers, 20, 11; Ps. 78, 20.
^Allusion to Noah, Gen. 9, 19.
* Abraham, Gen. 12, 5 ; see Bereshit rabbah, c. 39, 14.
" Sarah, Gen. 18, 12.
•Ps. 89, 8.
22
338 SAADIA GAON
Mayest thou be a blessing in the land, mayest thou be spared mis-
fortune,
Like him that escaped the flood, and witli his offspring peopled all
the earth.
May the bride delight in her husband ; may they grow to a multitude
in the land.
Rejoice, O bridegroom, in thy bride!
Mirth and happiness encompass thee, joys thronging from every
side.
As with him that made souls in Haran, and brought them under the
wings of the Shekinah.
May thy bride be thrilled with thy caresses ; and in age be her youth
renewed.
Rejoice, O bridegroom, in thy bride!
The bridegroom in his gay attire, the bride bedecked with rich wed-
ding gifts —
Is he not handsomest of men? Is not she fairest among women?
O beauteous twain made one !
May they be blessed with a special blessing by Him that is revered
in the council of the holy ones.
Rejoice, O bridegroom, in thy bride!
6. A few fragmentary Piyyutim in Schechter's Sa-adyana,
nos. xvii, xxii, xxiii. The Selihah for the Fast of Gedaliah
(no. xviii), beginning nxn ^trni ^K'DJ n^3S*, is printed in
numerous rituals and is found also in the MS. of Saadia's
Siddur, so also Saadyana, no. xxi, for which see Stein-
schneider, CB., 2210; Neubauer and Cowley, Catalngue,
II, nos. 2720, 18; 2847, II- In the t^'"m^ '2i>V' ^^HK nirnr^,
the ritual for the New-Year Festival according to the Sefar-
dim, with a learned commentary by the editor, Jacob Izha-
kovitch, Jerusalem, 1908, the latter erroneously remarks
(p. n"JP) that the author of the aforementioned Selihah is
not known (nsno Vn^J «'').
7. 'Abodah, beginning DTp^ H^ n^n?«, in foura"S, incom-
])lctc, ending with the first line of the letter V, published by
Elbogen, Stiidien ::ur Geschichte des jiidischcn Gottes-
dienstes, Berlin, 1907. pp. 122-125; comp. Elbogen's char-
acterization of the 'Abodah, ib., p. 83.
8. Tokehah (nnnin, Arabic n^mo). an extensive poem
arranged according to the letters of the alphabet with four
lines to each letter. It was published with introduction
BIBLIOGRAPHY I I—LITURGY 339
and explanatory notes by H. Brody, JQR., N. S., vol. Ill
(1912-T913), pp. 83-99, who had previously published part of
it in Berliner's Festschrift^ pp. 9-1 1; comp. Bacher's notes
and corrections to Brody's edition, JQR., N. S., Vol. IV
(1913-14), pp. 119 f. [For a couplet on Purim see JQR.,
N. S., XI, 465, n. 32.]
For a general characterization of Saadia as a liturgist see
Zunz, Literaturgeschichte, pp. 93-98, and lately Elbogen,
Der jiidische Gottesdienst, Leipzig, 1913, pp. 321-324.
There is one more composition to be accounted for here.
This is Saadia's " Poem on the Number of Letters " (see
above, pp. 154 fiF.), which, not being liturgical, must be con-
sidered separately. The Poem appears under different titles.
The MSS. in Neubauer's Catalogue, I, nos. 79, 869, have
niTilxn '?V niTnn, the fragment in Saadyana, p. 52, has only
D"*l^ IDT'S, while some editions have 'T't^' instead of nitnn.
In Derenbourg's Manuel dii lecteur the title is merely
nvniNn PJD, while in Benjacob's Thesaurus it is recorded
as nnyo nm nrniK (see Harkavy, 2\>''r\, I, 46). From
Saadyana, no. xvi (1. i recto and 1. 3 verso) it would appear
that the original title was, as in Derenbourg's Manuel, pJO
ni^nii^n and that n^ti* or ^y nnnn is a later modification.
The poem has been repeatedly published in connection with
other works; the first time in Elijah Levita's mODn n"iD»,
Venice, 1538, also with a Latin translation by the elder Bux-
torf in his work on the Masorah, Tiberias, Basle, 1620, p.
183 (second edition, Basle, 1665, p. 171 ; comp. Stein-
schneider, ZfhB., II, 94), and by Fiirst in his Concordance,
p. 1379. For other editions see Steinschneider, Biblio-
graphisches Handbuch, Leipzig, 1859, p. 121, where no less
than twelve editions are enumerated. To these are still to be
added: (i) In Chr. D. Ginsburg's edition of Levita's moo
mDDn, London, 1867, pp. 269-278 ; (2) in his The Massorah,
vol. I, London, 1880, letter N, § 224 (from a MS. in the
British Museum, Or. 1379; comp. Blau, JQR., VIII, 348,
n. i), and (3) in J. Derenbourg's Manuel du lecteur, Journal
Asiatique, 1870, pp. 447-457 (separate edition, pp. 139-149) ;
comp. the general discussion ib., pp. 542-549 (234-241).
340 SAADIA GAON
In Samuel Ashkenazi's collection noDn mf'a'iJ, Basle, 1629-
163 1, which contains our poem (fol. 196) , the latter is for the
first time ascribed to one Saadia b. Joseph, surnamed Bekor
Shor, and the father of this Saadia is supposed to be identical
with the famous French Bible exegete Joseph Bekor Shor of
the I2th century. Zunz {Zur Gcscliiclite, p. 75), Lucjatto
{Literaturblatt des Orients, XII, 132), Steinschneider, {Bih-
lioc^raphisches Handhuch, p. 121, and CB., 2225), and others,
following the testimony of Ashkenazi, denied the Gaon's
authorship of this poem and ascribed it likewise to this
Saadia Bekor Shor, whose name does not occur elsewhere in
Jewish literature (comp. Azulai, D''^njn Dti', ed. Ben-
jacob, I, 150). Derenbourg, Manuel, pp. 542 (234) -ff.,
has shown on general grounds the untenability of this view
and attributes the poem to the Gaon ; comp. also ib., p. 449
(141), n. 13. He is followed by Bacher. JE., II, 649, who
properly proposes to strike the name of Saadia Bekor Shor
from the list of Jewish authors altogether. This view is now
fully borne out and the Gaon's authorship positively estab-
lished by the Genizah fragment in Schechter's Saadyana
no. xxvi (comp. Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 10,
n. 2), which contains part of the poem and explicitly men-
tions the Gaon twice as its author ; comp. Neubauer, Cata-
logue, T, p. 969 ; Lambert, in Harkavy's Festschrift, p. 390,
n. 4.*).
* The mistake, I believe, has the following origin. The name of
the Gaon is current in Hebrew literature merely as nnVD 1J3*1, very
often I1t<J nnyo '"l, and .sometimes ''DirT'Sn PinyD '"1, but very
rarely ^IDV ]2 nnVD '"1. The editor who probably found the title
" Saadia b. Joseph " may have failed to identify the name with that
of the Gaon and. as among the few Josephs of the earlier Middle
Ages who dealt with Hebrew grammar and Bible exegesis (as Joseph
Kimhi), Bekor Shor was one of the most prominent, he volunteered
this unfounded addition to the name of Joseph. This lack of criti-
cism should not surprise us in a sixteenth century author. Elijah
Levita, otherwise an excellent scholar, who, as mentioned before,
edited our poem, gives as a reason for attributing it to Saadia Gaon
the fact tliat " difFicult and strange words, like those occurring therein.
Iiave been used by Saadia in his Scfer Enutnot." It shows that
BIBLIOGRAPHY lU—HALAKAH 341
S. Eppenstein (Beitrage, p. 123, n. i), not knowing of the
existence of the poem and the Uterature thereon, informs
the reader that in the Genizah fragment in Schechter's
Saadyana we have "' one of the hitherto unknown Hturgical
poems of Saadia "( !). On the same page he attributes to
Saadia an Arabic commentary on the daily Shemdneh-Esreh
(" eine Erklarung der Tefilla ") , and counts this commentary
among " the otherwise unknown poetical writings " of the
Gaon. He was led to this curious mistake by the fragment
in Saadyana, no. xxv, which bears the heading "T'DSn
y'T nnVD '1'? TiDti' ■'""', followed by three lines of the
Arabic text. This text, however, is Saadia's Arabic trans-
lation of his own second Bakkashah (see above, p. 153).
which is introduced by the verse nnsn TiDti' ''""' (Ps., 51,
17), as is the Shemdneh-Esreh. Hence Eppenstein's error.
A comparison of this fragment with that in Saadyana, no.
XX, might have helped him out of the difficulty.
III. HALAKAH
A. METHODOLOGY
I. Kitdb al-Madhal {'ila ol-Talmud] (^inol^X nxnD
[TiDl'D^K '•^N]), "Book of Introduction [to the Talmud]."
The earliest references to this work are found in an ancient
book-list, coming from the Genizah, which was published by
Bacher, REL, XXXIX (1899), 200, no. 28, and in a frag-
ment of a similar list in Schechter's Saadyana, no. xlvii
(p. 128). Five passages from the Arabic original of
Levita thought Saadia, who wrote in Arabic, to be the author of the
Hebrew translation (i. e. the anonymous Paraphrase; comp. Zunz, in
Geiger's Jiidische Zeitschrift, X, 6) ; comp. Dukes, Beitrage, II, 102 ;
Steinschneider, CB., 2225 ; Derenbourg, Manuel, p. 548 (240) ; Gins-
burg, /. c. p. 269.
It is, finally, worth noticing that the addition of Bekor Shor to
Joseph (based on Deuter., 2,2), i?) was made in several other instan-
ces, either by the bearers of the name Joseph themselves, or by
others (see Poznanski, ITV^^i^ 'l^ l^'V nni ^SPTH^ ^V CMID
"•VJa^SO, p. Iviii, top), so that in our case it is not even necessary
to assume that the real Joseph Bekor Shor was meant; comp. Rapo-
port y"nDD, XI, 84, who, as I foimd later, proposes the same solution.
342 SAADIA GAON
Saadia in a Hebrew translation are cited by the famous
sixteenth century Talmudist Bezalel Ashkenazi, Rabbi in
Egypt and later (1558) in Jerusalem. The middle section
of Bezalel's work, called no^nn ^^!?3, in which the citations
occur, was recently published by Marx from a unique MS.
of The Jewish Theological Seminary, in the Festschrift of
David Hoffmann, Berlin, 1914, Hebrew part, pp. 179-217 ; see
ib., pp. 196 f. (nos. 228, 229), 204 (no. 319), 210 (nos. 369,
2,72). The passages were partly reproduced from Bezalel's
work by Solomon Algazi (17th century) and by Azulai and
thence by Miillcr, Oeiwres, ix, 168, nos. 119, 121; comp.
Marx, ib., German part, p. 375, n. 4; Steinschneider, AL.,
p. 50, no. ID ; Harkavy CJIK^n nniL'Ti, p. 399, note to p. 392 ;
Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 163. The fragment published in JQR.,
XHI, 55, no. 92 (see also ib., p. 330) is perhaps from our
work. It should be noted that the Arabic title does not ex-
pressly state that the work is an introduction to the Tahniid,
though it doubtless was. Bezalel emphasizes the fact that
Saadia called the work lio^nn '•sm. For a possible identifi-
cation of this work with the y^NlL'-^x 2N*nD see below. Bibli-
ography, section VH, p. 400, no. 13.
2. nno 3 ""I tJM"i5, " Commentary on the 13 Hermeneutic
Rules." Derenbourg reported that he had seen the Arabic
original among the MSS. of the late Baron Giinzburg ; see
Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, p. xxiii. The Hebrew translation
was first published by Schechter, mo'Ti n'3, IV (1885),
235-244, and then by Miiller, Oeuvres, IX, 73-83 ; comp. ib.,
pp. xxiii,-xxxiii, xlii ; Steinschneider, AL., p. 50, no. ii,
whose doubts as to Saadia's authorship can no longer be
justified; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 162 f. As to the anti-
Karaite tendency of the work suspected by Schechter in his
Introduction to the edition, see Poznanski, JQR., X, 258 f.,
REJ., XLYII, 136; above, note 548.
B. COMMENTARIES
I. nnnn nDDo ^y nx:! nnyo 3-1 L"nD, "Commentary
on the Tractate Berakot," published from a Genizah MS. in
the Arabic original with a Hebrew translation, Introduction,
BIBLIOGRAPHY lU—HALAKAH 343
and notes by S. A. Wertheimer, Jerusalem, 1908 (see REJ .,
LVIII, 150; above, note 360). Its authenticity is maintained
by Ginzberg, Gconica, I, 164, and Aptowitzer, MGWJ ., LII
(1908), 302, but doubted, respectively denied, by Eppen-
stein, Beitrdge, p. 118, n. 3 {MGWJ., 191 1, p. 65, n. 4),
and Poznanski, JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 410,
and more recently again by J. N. Epstein, Dcr gaondische
Kommentar zur Ordnung Tohoroth, Berlin, 191 5, pp- 29 ff.
There is no conclusive evidence for either side ; but so much
appears certain that in its present form the Commentary is
not the work of Saadia. On the other hand, the short passage
given in the MS. explicitly in the name of Saadia and placed
by the editor at the beginning of the Commentary (see his
Introduction, p. 11 ; Epstein, /. c, p. 31) is admitted as genu-
ine even by those who otherwise deny Saadia's authorship.
Several other passages in the Commentary make it also very
probable that the compiler made use of a commentary by
Saadia on the same tractate (see above, note 360). The
niDin tbSQ^K (Vocabulary of Berakot), mentioned in the
ancient list, JQR., XIII, 54, no. 45 (comp. also T'DDfi,
ma^n^N Di^D^N, ib., no. 6y, and Bacher, REJ., XXXIX, 203),
may well refer to the work in question, for though it does
not bear Saadia's name, there are in the same list other books
which are positively known as Saadia's (see nos. 32, 59, 69,
yy), and yet his name is not added (comp. this Bibliography,
below, section VII, p. 396, no. 3). There is, indeed, no more
reason to ascribe it, with Poznanski {JQR., XIII, 326, no
45, and Schechter's Saadyana, p. 21, no. 7), to Sherira or Hai
than to Saadia. For it is now certain that like Hai, Saadia too
wrote commentaries on the Mishnah, which he may have
extended also to some tractates of the Talmud. Thus, it
has recently been established that the so-called '?V tJ^lTD,
nnnta "ITD quoted by many mediaeval authors as a work of
Hai and published under his name by J. Rosenberg in the
D^JIonp D''3ix: n"" itJ^yjD V':^'\\>, Berlin, 1856, I, 1-55, is
essentially a work of Saadia redacted by a later author
(J. N. Epstein, I. c, pp. 29-36; comp. above, note 387). Like
the B'ns on Berakot so also the one on Teharot is but a col-
344 SAADIA CAON
lection of short glosses and lexical notes (see the detailed
characterization of Epstein) and as in the case of the
nm3 OND^N so in that of the ^J6^'0^X iDND^i^, mentioned in
the Genizah list (Saadyana, p. 79; Poznanski, Schechter's
Saadyana, p. 21, no. 7) it is a work of Saadia that is referred
to ; comp. also nJC'D iviDl D^y-iT bN2^x, REJ., XXXIX, p.
200, no. 33, for which again Bacher, ib., p. 203, unnecessarily
suggests Sherira or Hai as authors. See also above, notes
359, 590; Epstein, /. c, pp. 152 f. To the class of Mishnah-
commentaries by Saadia belongs also the niDK^D ninx "i''DDn
for which see above, note 366.
C. CODIFICATION
I. Kitdb al-Maimrit (nnsin^s 3KnD), "Book on the
Laws of Inheritance," first discovered by Steinschneider in
a Bodleian MS. (CB., 2160; Bibliotheca Mathematica, 1894.
p. 102 ; idem, Vorlesimgen iiber die Kitnde hebraisclier Hand-
schriften, Leipzig, 1897, p. 34). In 1891 S. Fuchs first
copied the MS., gave a survey of its contents, and translated
a portion thereof into Hebrew ("ipinn, I, 9-12, 41 f.). Joel
Miiller then edited the whole in Oeuvres completes de
Saadia, IX (Paris, 1897), 1-53. The Arabic text is accom-
panied by a Hebrew translation (prepared by S. Horovitz
under the title Dlti'TTTl ~i£D). introduction, and notes with
additions by Harkavy ; comp. Goldziher, " Observations,"
REJ., XXXVIII, 270; Steinschneider, Die hebriiischen
Uebersctzungen des Mittelalters, p. xxiii ; idem, Ar-
abische Mathematiker, in Peiser's Oricntalistische Littera-
turzeitimg, Berlin, 1904, no. 6, pp. 206 f., where the general
character of the work in its relation to similar works of
Muhammedan authors is minutely discussed ; comp. also
Steinschneider, AL., p. 48, and Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 165 f.
The work is mentioned in several Genizah lists : REJ.,
XXXII, 127; JQR., XIII, 54, no. 42; comp. Neubauer and
Cowley, Catalogue, II, 2827, 3.
* The works preserved entirely or in fragments come first, the
others, known only from quotations, follow in alphabetical order.
BIBLIOGRAPHY III—HALAKAH 345
2. Ahkam al-Wadi'a (fiyni^N DNDHK), "Laws on
Pledges." Two considerable Arabic fragments were pub-
lished by Schechter, Saadyana, nos. xi-xii, where the
above title occurs twice. The book is also mentioned, under
a somewhat different title (which seems to refer to an
abridged edition of the original, hence riym^K l^nio), in
an old Responsum (Harkavy, D"'Jlx;in nnili^n, no. 454;
comp. ib., p. 393, top, reprinted in Oeuvres, IX, 146, no. 8),
[and JQR., N. S., XI, 425] ; comp. Steinschneider, AL., p.
49, no. 5, where for 362 read 393 ; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 166 ;
Poznanski, Schechter' s Saadyana, p. 4 ; JQR., N. S., vol. Ill
(1912-1913), p. 410. Mediaeval authors (see Dukes ^rtJ,
D"'Dnp, p. 25) quote the book also under the Hebrew title
pipsn "IDD, see Steinschneider, /. c. The fragment recently
edited by I. Friedlander under this title as the treatise of
Saadia (Isr. Lewy's Festschrift, pp. 60-72) belongs to a
work of a later author; see Friedlander, MGWJ., 1911,
p. 501 ; Poznanski, JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 410.
3. Kitab al-Shahddah wal-Watdik (rinxnti^'-N 3KnD
P''Nni^K"i ), " Book on Testimony and Contracts," quoted by
Hebrew authors (see below) under the citle DIIDt:' "I2D. A
small Arabic Fragment containing the introductory lines of
this treatise was published with an English translation by
Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 294, 299. The definition of truth
given in this fragment is found, partly in the same words,
in the Kitdh al-Amdndt, p. 16, 11. 4 f. Saadia says here ex-
plicitly that this treatise is the first in a series of his writings
on civil law, and that he chose the subject of testimony
first, because the people had special need of its elucidation.
Two passages from this treatise are reproduced in Arabic
by Saadia's opponent R. Mubashshir {'^^'2'0) , quoted by
Harkavy. Oeuvres, IX, p. xxxvii, no. 2 (comp. also his
n^^^'< 03 nitJ'tn, I, no. 9). The treatise is mentioned in the
Genizah lists, JQR., XIII, 55, no. 78 ; p. 329, no. 78 ; Saady-
ana, p. 128 (where read nsiNHtJ'^K 'D for nxnJn ti'^^D) ;
REJ., XXXII, 200, no. 38 (comp. Bacher, ad locum, p. 203) ;
[JQR., N. S., XI, 425], perhaps also in no. 2760, 13, of Neu-
bauer and Cowley's Catalogue, II ; comp. Poznanski, ZfhB..
346 SAADIA GAON
X, 141. For quotations of the treatise in the works of
Hebrew authors see Rapoport, V"r\D2, xi, 83; Ociivres, IX,
145, nos. I, 4; p. 150, no. 22; Steinschneider, AL., p. 49,
no. 6 (where for " Lese n. 40" read Lese, nos. i, 4, 22);
Harkavy, D''J'iX:n nn'iCJTi, p. 362, bottom ; Judah b. Barzillai,
nniDti'n 'D, ed. Halberstam, Berhn, 1898, p. 55, n. 3.
4. Tafs'ir al-'Anlyot (nriy^N "I'DSn), "Interpretation of
the Laws of Incest," of which a lengthy Arabic fragment
(four leaves) was edited with an English translation and
introductory remarks by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVII, 713-720.
Another portion of the same work seems to be embodied in
an Arabic fragment edited by Schechter, Saadyana, no. xvi,
p. 44, 11. 17 fif. ; comp. Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Op-
ponents of Saadiah, p. 7, n. 3, and p. 99; ideyn, Zur jiidisch-
arabischen Lifcratur, p. 42. A lengthy quotation in Hebrew
was published from a IMS. work of the Karaite Jeshu'ah b.
Judah (nth century) by Steinschneider, in DTTT' 130,
edited by Joseph Kohen-Zedek, Lemberg, 1856, III. 176,
partly also in CB., 2163, reprinted by Miiller, Oeuvres, IX,
171 f., no. 136. The work of Jeshu'ah under the title "IDD
mnyn has since been edited by J. Markon, St. Petersburg,
1908, where the passage occurs on pp. 151 -152; comp. Poz-
nanski, Karaite Literary Opponents, p. 53. The arabic title
of Saadia's work is not preserved. The title given above is
based on the citation of Jeshu'ah, who has nr'iyn innD. In
the body of the Arabic fragment Saadia repeatedly uses the
arabicized Hebrew term nvTV^'N and applies to it the verb
*1DD (See Hirschfeld, /. c, p. 717, 11. 15, 29-32). Azulai,
D''^'n3n Dti', ed. Benjacob I, 150 f., mentions a book on
nN^3 ■'"IIDS, which may refer to the work before us. I must
admit, however, that although, following the bibliographers
here referred to. I have placed this treatise among those
dealing with the codification of the law, I am not at all con-
vinced that it actually belongs here, or that a work of Saadia
under that title was composed separately. Neither the Arabic
fragments nor the Hebrew quotations and references fur-
nish sufficient evidence for such assumption. I am rather
inclined to think that we have here an extract from Saadia's
BIBLIOGRAPHY III—HALAKAH 347
commentary on Leviticus, 18, which, like some other sections
of his lengthy Pentateuch commentary, may have circu-
lated separately and may thus be identical with the TDSsn
niD ■'"inN, in Schechter's Saadyana, no. xxxvii (p. 79,
1. 7) ; see below, section VII, p. 396, no. 3 ; comp. Stein-
schneider, AL., p. 49, no. 8. That the passage in Oeuvres,
IX, p. 35, n. I (comp. Miiller, end of the Introduction, p.
xvii) refers to the work, is not certain.
5. Kitab al- Terefoi (manD^K 3NnD), "Book on For-
bidden Food." A treatise with this title is mentioned twice
in a Genizah fragment, Schechter, Saadyana, no. xxvii, while
no. xlix represents a small portion of the treatise (in Arabic
characters, which is a very rare occurrence). Another
fragment in two dififerent recensions, one covering four
and the other two leaves, is found in the Imperial Library
of St. Petersburg (see below, p. 349, no. 10). A short
extract from each of the two recensions was given by Har-
kavy, Oeuvres, IX, p. xxxvii (see Ha-Goren, I, 91). Both
MSS. bear the title nD"'nti' nn^l, under which title a frag-
ment is found also in the Bodleian Library (N'eubauer and
Cowley, Catalogue, no. 2854A, 7 ; comp. also Saadyana, no.
xxxvii, p. 79, 1. 10). The title riX^JO^K 3NnD (Griinhut,
MGWJ., L. (1906), 88, quotes n^x:o?X?) referred to by
Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 18, perhaps misspelt
for li^jO (maniyya = death), expresses the same idea as
mDnt:^S nsna or no^ntr. It is hard to decide which was the
original title ; probably the former, which was replaced in
some texts by the more usual terms ril2"iD and nDTi^, since
all the laws designated by these terms were probably included
in the work. For further references see Steinschneider, AL.,
p. 49, no. 9. Eppenstein, Beitrdge, pp. 121, 217, failing to
perceive the identity of the two works, speaks of two dif-
ferent treatises, on riDTttJ' and mDIO.
6. Kawl n'l-Ribd (KSn^S ^D ^1P), "Treatise on Usury."
This is the heading of a fragment from the Genizah pub-
lished by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVHI, 119 f. No reference to
it elsewhere is known to me.
348 SAADIA GAON
7. nnntDI nxoo -|2D, " On Defilement and Purity," quoted
by several mediaeval authors, see Rapoport, D^nvn "•"nDD,
IX, 28, n. 19; Steinschneider, CB., 2162, no. 8, AL., p. 49,
no. 7; Muller, Oenvres, IX, 159, no. 74. The treatise is
mentioned also in the Genizah lists, REJ ., XXXIX, 200,
no. 13 (comp. ib., p. 205, no. 2), and Saadyana, no.
xxxvii, in the latter place under the title mnt31 nKDD "ivnio
*' Compendium on Defilement and Purity " ; comp. Poz-
nanski, Ziir jiidisch-arabischen Literatur, p. 41 f. Accord-
ing to Rapoport, /. c, p. 22, and Steinschneider, /. c, this
treatise and the one mentioned below, no. 10, formed one
work, a view which seems to be supported by the extant
quotations. Lately I found the book quoted by Aleir ha-
Kohen (13th cent.) in nrJlo^o mn^n, section nN'3 niDX
§7, letter X; comp. Azulai, D^^HJn U^, ed. Benjacob, s. v.
Saadia, who mentions a book on nnriD.
8. niJnan nao, i. e. a book on laws regulating the legal
acquisition of objects received by gift. The work is quoted
by N^ahmanides in his Novella on the tractate Kiddnshin, see
Benjacob, Thesaurus, p. 389, no. 2624 ; Harkavy, Ha-Goren,
II, 89. At the beginning of his " Book on Inheritance "
{Oeuvres, IX, 9; comp. ib., p. xv) Saadia states that "the
transfer of objects from one person to another takes place
in one of three ways, either by inheritance, by purchase,
or by gift. Each of these three has its own laws and
provisions, of which we will here explain first those con-
cerning inheritance, which are the subject of the present
treatise.'' It is obvious from this passage that he intended
to treat also of the other two. We have, however, no quo-
tation from a work by Saadia on Laws of Purchase. That
on Gifts was in existence as late as the I3lh century: comp.
Steinschneider. AL., p. 48, no. 4; Rappoport, y"nD3, XI, 83.
9. nJlHD mJDO, " On the Priestly Gifts." A work under
this title is attributed to Saadia in a fragment in Schechter's
Saadyana, no. xxvii. It is also mentioned, but without
the name of Saadia, in the list, REJ., XXXIX, 200, no. 30,
and Saadyana, no. xlvii, p. 128 ; comp. Poznanski, Schechter's
Saadyana, p. 18, no. 2.
BIBLIOGRAPHY lII—HALAKAH 349
lo. mJ nn^n, " Laws on Menstruation," quoted by
Saadia in his Commentary on the Sefer Yczirah, ed. Lam-
bert, p. 43, 1. 12 (mJ m^D -ION ^D NJmt^' nod) and by
several mediaeval authors; see Oenvres, IX, 157, n. 5;
MCWJ., XVII, 276. Codex Antonini, 155, contains the
end of mJ niD^n, followed by r^^^n^ nn^n (above, no. S) ;
see Harkavy, mpn, I, 63 f. Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 119, n.
I, asserts that the work is mentioned in the lists referred to
above (no. 9), no doubt through confusing it with some
other work. His assertion that it was written in Egypt is
likewise groundless, see above, note 293. According
to Rapoport and Steinschneider, it was not a separate work,
but formed part of no. 7 (see above) ; comp. Wertheimer,
nnnn ^y nnyo m y^ns, pp. 6 f., no. 5.
D. RESPONSA, mmt^^n.
Saadia's Responsa have been collected from various
sources and reprinted with numerous literary notes by Joel
Miiller, in Oeuvres, IX, 87-142. Altogether there are fifty
Responsa in this collection, but the differentiation of the
editor between the Responsa and other pieces which are
arranged in the same volume under the heading of Quota-
tions (see below) is not always accurate. Thus no. 50 is not
a Responsum, but Saadia's reply to a Karaite, probably Ibn
Sakawaihi, against whom he wrote a polemic, whence the
passage in question may have been taken (comp. Poznanski,
JQR., X, 253; below, p. 383, letter /). On the other hand.
no. no of the quotations bears the heading nmtJTi and be-
longs to the Responsa. Moreover, not all the Responsa bear
the name of Saadia, and in several instances the authorship is
not certain, see e. g. nos. 22, 23, 38, 46. One Responsum
(27) is in Arabic, in another (42) the question is in Arabic,
while the Gaon deliberately answers in Hebrew. At the head
of ten Responsa (2, 4, 5, 9, 12, 13, 15-17, 21) we find the
remark " translated from the Arabic " ; the translations being
anonymous. The original language of the rest of the
Responsa is not always certain, see Miiller's Introduction,
pp. xxxiv ff. Two Responsa (4, 16) were translated into
350 SAADIA GAON
German in a condensed form by Zacharias Frankel. in
Entwurf eiuer Geschichte der Litcratur der nachtalmud-
ischen Rcsponscn, Breslaii. 1865, pp. 81-83; comp. Stein-
schneider, AL., p. 48 (the passage is badly printed: line 12
for " N. 8, 14. 27" read A^ 27, 42; line 13 after " (Lese) "
read darunter 8, 14 arahisch; line 16 for " erstere " read
letztere; line 17 read " GA. 49, 50 (50 aus Abr. b. Chijja
iiber Kalender)." For additional Responsa of Saadia see
Harkavy, Ha-Goren, II, 89. The ^'t^DO in the list, RE J.,
XXXIX, p. 206, no. 6, may also belong here [but see Post-
script, p. 427]. A Kaminka in Winter and Wunsche's Die
jiidisclie Litteratur, II, 39 f.. published a German translation
of Responsum no. 16, without stating that it had previously
been translated by Frankel.
E. QUOTATIONS, D^DIP^.
It was no small task to collect, from the vast mediaeval
literature, all the passages quoted from Saadia's writings by
various authors. This work was undertaken by Miiller. who
gathered 136 passages (Oeitvres, IX, 145-173), to which a
considerable number were added by Harkavy in the same
volume, pp. xxxvii-xliv. Over two-thirds of these quo-
tations are taken from Saadia's Siddiir, the rest from works
mostly lost. I cannot take up each of the quotations for
separate discussion, but a few points may be briefly touched
upon. Nos. 8, 14, 134 (the last is from the Commentar\' on
Proverbs, 18, 17), 135, are Arabic. For no. 13 see Harkavy,
ih., p. xliv ; Cowley, Cataloi^ue, II, no. 2745. 23; for no. 46
comp. Kitdb al-Amamt, p. 183 {Em., Cracow, p. 123), over-
looked by Poznanski, JQR., X, 252; for no. 106 see this
Bibliography, IT. p. 335, i : for no. 135 comp. Poznanski,
Moses Ibn Chiquitilla, Leipzig, 1895, P- ^97^ addition to p.
62; Steinschneider, AL., § 168; Eppenstein, Beifrage, p. 216,
addition to p. 83.
It goes without saying that the collection of Miillcr and
Harkavy contains but a fraction of what is still to be
gathered from MSS. and printed works, a task which, as
Dr. Freimann of Holleschau, Moravia, has lold me, he
began some years ago and has probably brought to com-
BIBLIOGRAPHY IV— CALENDAR AND CHRONOLOGY 351
pletion. I should here note only that Schechter's Saadyana
contains (aside from the numerous fragments of the Gaon's
own works, which have been discussed) numerous Quota-
tions by others from unidentified works of Saadia, see nos.
xiv, xxiv, xxxi-xxxiv, h. Judah b. Barzillai, Commentary
on Sefer Yezirah, p. 166, quotes a passage from Saadia on a
liturgical question. In his nntDtJTl n3D, edited by Halber-
stam, Berlin, 1898, he quotes Saadia several times; see the
editor's Index. Saadia's interpretation of Exodus, 6, 3, is
quoted by Solomon Ibn Gabirol, see Berliner's DnsiD ntO^D,
Mayence 1872, p. 28; comp. ib., German part, pp. 28, 30.
Various passages, some of which are recorded also by Miiller,
are quoted in the nD^I nuno, ed. Hurwitz, Berlin, 1896-7 ; see
the editor's Introduction, pp. 45-47, and Berliner's additions
at the end of the volume (non nuno^ HD^C^n), p. 815 (sep-
arate edition, p. 15) ; comp. also below, under Calendar, no. 2.
Gedaliah Ibn Yahya, n^3pn n^K'^tJ', ed. Amsterdam, p. 72,
top, quotes Saadia's explanation of the value of certain coins
mentioned in the Talmud; comp. Oeuvres, TX, 146, no. 7;
Zunz, Ziir Geschichte, 542, 548-549; Steinschneider, MIVJ.,
Ill, 47, 151 (Mosconi) ; Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 167, n. i. For
the numerous quotations by Moses Tachau see above, pp.
281-285. Saadia is quoted also by an Arabic commentator of
the Passover Haggadah ; see W. H. Greenburg, The Hag-
gadah According to the Rite of Yemen, Leipzig, 1896, p. 32.
The quoted passage is found, however, in KOinJn, section
nips, § 9. For quotations by Jacob b. Asher see above,
note 369 ; see also above, p. 348, end of no. 7.
For a general characterization of Saadia as a Talmudist
see Weiss, rtJ'im in nn, Wilna, 1904, vol. 4, pp. 137-143;
Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 162-167. Halevy's D^Jti'Kin nnn,
III, 275 ff. does not serve our purpose.
IV. CALENDAR AND CHRONOLOGY
A. CALENDAR
Excepting incidental discussions of the calendar which
occur in all the anti-Karaitic writings of Saadia, his works
in this field, so far as they are known, were all occasioned
352 SAADIA GAON
by his controversy with Ben Meir. Great confusion exists
with regard to the identification and chronology of the
various documents relating to this controversy. I have
therefore treated the subject separately under the title
" Documents on the Ben Meir Controversy " which will be
found below, pp. 409 flf., as an appendix to chapter IV (see
JOR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 500). As most of the
bibliographical details about Saadia's writings on the calen-
dar are given there, I shall deal here only with the few ad-
ditional works, while for the others reference is made to
" Documents."
1. n*iDT "IQD, see Documents, no. 9.
2. Dnyti' nynix, " Four Gates." In the Genizah lists
published by Bacher, RE}., XXXIX, 200, no. 28 (see also
no. 41, where a work under the same title appears anony-
mously) and Schechter, Saadyana, no. xlvii, Saadia is ex-
plicitly mentioned as the author of a work under this title,
as also in a work on the calendar by a later author ; comp.
Bornstein, nnVD 31 np^HD, p. 25. n. 2 ; Poznanski, REJ., XL,
87 f. For further details regarding the " Four Gates " see
above, p. 73, note 151.
Here should be added the D''3rD"'D, /. c, mnemotechnical
" Signs " summarizing the rules for the four Postponements
(nrm) as laid down in the " Four Gates." They were pub-
lished by Berliner in his Supplement to the "'"lOM llTfTO (see
above, p. 351), pp. 815-816.
3. Dnyion 120, see Documents, no. 10. As to the real
title of the work see Maker, JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-
I9I3).PP- 490- n- 9-
4. Three Letters, see Documents, nos. 4, 5, 11 ; comp. also
no. I.
5. inyn (niD) "ilD, "Order (or, Mysteries) of the Cal-
endar," counted among the works of Saadia by the Muham-
medan author Muhammcd Ihn Ishak al-Nadim (987) in his
FiJirisf al-'Uliim. ed. Fliigel-Rodiger, I. 320, who calls it
Kitab al-'Jbhur and, as 'Ibbur is a Hebrew word, adds the
explanation zvahniva al-Tarih. " and this means Ta'rih,"
i. c. calendar, or chronology. This explanation has led some
recent authors to identifv the A\ork with the Kitab al-Ta'rih
BIBI.IOGRAFIIY 1\'— CALENDAR AND CHRONOLOGY 35.3
which is quoted by Judah Ibn Baram (see below under
Chronology). Hebrew authors refer to a IID or TiDyn "ITD
of Saadia ; see on the whole subject, Rapoport, V"T\'21, ix, 29,
n. 23; Steinschneider, CB., 2170 f., and AL., p. 63, no. 26;
Poznanski, J OR., X, 260 f. An Arabic Genizah fragment of
three leaves dealing with the calendar (Schechter, Saadyana,
no. ix) was thought to be part of the work, but more prob-
ably it belongs to the Kitdb al-Tamyls; see this Bibliography,
p. 380, letter a. In the List edited by Bacher, RE J., XXXIX,
200, no. 20, a book Tiay^K is mentioned, which, as Bacher,
ibidem, p. 205, no. 3, thinks, refers to this work {i. e. the
inyn TID) [comp. also below, p. 427].
B. CHRONOLOGY
I. Kitdb al-Ta'rih (in^^n^N* nNJlD), "Book of Chronol-
ogy," pubhshed in Neubauer's MJC, ii, 89-110. In the In-
troduction to the volume, p. xi, Neubauer calls attention to
the fact that a passage quoted by the grammarian and
exegete Judah Ibn Bal'am (nth century) in the name of
Saadia is found literally in the work before us, and that the
Arabic translation of geographical names in the Bible agrees
mostly with Saadia's translation. Bacher in a thorough
review of the work (REJ., XXXII, 140-144) pointed out
many more Saadianic elements and suggested Saadia's
authorship, which was taken into consideration, but not
positively affirmed, by Steinschneider, AL., § 146. Subse-
quently the matter was again taken up by Bacher, REJ.,
XLIX, 298 f ., w^ho tried to show that the Kitdb al-Ta'nh had
originally formed part (the second chapter) of the Arabic
version of the Sefer ha-Galiii, but was later detached from
the original work and circulated as a separate volume under
the new title. In this form alone, Bacher thinks, it was
known to Judah Ibn Bal'am. This view, however, is quite
improbable, for, to judge from the existing fragments of
both the Hebrew and Arabic Sefer ha-Gahii (see this Bih-
liography below, p. 391, 393, letter c), the latter was written in
a rhetorical style little in harmony with a dry Biblical chro-
nology' like the Kitdb al-Ta'rih. Nor is it probable that an
extensive work Hke this would have formed a chapter of the
23
354 SAADIA CAON
Sefcr ha-Galui. Moreover, the latter was essentially a
polemic against the Exilarch and other adversaries of the
author; and although, as he states in the Introduction (see
JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (I9i2-I9i3),p. 491), the second chapter
of the work contained the discussion of the duration of proph-
ecy in Israel and of the redaction of the Mishnah and the Tal-
mud, that discussion, judging from the existing fragment (see
below, p. 391, letter a), is of an entirely different nature. Be
this as it may, Saadia's authorship of the latter work is now
established beyond dispute, for a small Genizah fragment
from the Kitab al-Ta'rih, published by Marx, REJ ., 1909, p.
299, Avhich contains the beginning of the composition, men-
tions Saadia explicitly as the author. Moreover, a second
fragment of a work on the calendar (written in 1028), pub-
lished by Marx, ibidem, p. 300, likewise quotes the Kitdb
al-Tazmlh (plural of Ta'rih) as a work of Saadia; comp.
Steinschneider, AL., p. 344, addition to § 146 (where for S.
Frankel read W. Bacher and for " xl, 182 " read xlix, 298)
and especially his G eschichtsliteratur der Judcn, Frankfurt
a. M., 1905, p. 19, and § 2gb ; see also Bacher, MOW J., 191 1,
pp. 253 f . The List in Schechter's Saadyana, no. xxxvii,
mentions also ain^*j"i^*^ 2NnD, though without the name of
the author.
2. n^xnirsNI n^XJn -no, " Chronological Order of the Tan-
naim and Amoraim," the discovery of which was announced
by Harkavy in his D''JtJ'"' Da D'^tJnn, no i, published in
the periodical nsv^, i (1886), 1-12 (see REJ., XIV, 119 f).
To my knowledge it has never appeared, and some doubt may
be entertained as to its identity ; see Steinschneider. AL.,
\-). 50. no. 10 (where in line 10. 119 should be read for
no," so also in Steinschneider's G eschichtsliteratur der
Juden, p. 19. I. 14).
3. t^npn iJnn nn^in, "Genealogy of Rabbi Judah the
Holy," redactor of the Mishnah. In a fragment pub-
lished by Schechter, Saadyana, no. 1. p. 135. Saadia reports
that while in Mosul he was asked in a letter ("I2D nl^aos)
to set forth R. Judah's genealogy and to explain the relation-
ship between Rab and Hiyya (see b. Pesahim. 4a), which he
did. as it seems, in a letter ([n^Jjr^n 1?D^ 2^'<)) ; comp.
Bornstein, 3"D1 nP^no, p. '/2.
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 355
4- '•JliOK^n ''J3 n^JO, "The Scroll of the Hasmoneans."
Much has been written about the time, country, and original
language of this Scroll (see in the main Harkavy, Zikron,
V, 205 ff. ; Gaster, Transactions of the Ninth International
Congress of Orientalists, London, 1893, II» 3"32 ; Neubauer,
JQR., VI, 570 ff. ; Ginzberg, JE., I, 637 ; Levi, REJ., XLV,
171 ff.) . It may now be considered certain that it is the work
of an author living either in Babylonia (Ginzberg) or in
Syria (Levi) during the seventh or eighth century, and that
its original language was Aramaic. Very early it was trans-
lated into Arabic, Hebrew, and, later, Persian ; while the
Hebrew version served as original for translations into
Latin, German, and Spanish. Gaster (/. c.) again translated
the Aramaic into English. We are here concerned only with
the Arabic version. It exists in numerous, mostly Yemenite,
MSS. None of them bears the name of Saadia as the author.
Hirschfeld who published this version, therefore, gives it as
an anonymous piece (Arabic Chrestomathy, London, 1892,
pp. 1-6). Later A. S. Wertheimer published the same version
with many different, often mistaken, readings from a Yemen
MS. (D''Ji'"n» DP^, Jerusalem, 1903), which, he asserts, is
700 years old. He was the first to suggest (p. 10) Saadia as
the author [and his view is now borne out by a Genizah frag-
ment recently published by J. Mann, JQR., N. S., XI,
425, which represents a catalogue of Saadia's writings com-
piled shortly after his death, and in which the ''22 T)'?if2
''JirDtJ'n is mentioned as one of the Gaon's works. From the
words . . . n^ "in VI following upon the title of the Scroll it
appears that he wrote also an introduction to his translation,
of which, however, nothing has so far been recovered]. As
already noted (above, p. 173), Saadia referred to the Scroll
several times in his Scfer ha-Galui (Harka\7', Zikron, V,
150, 162, 180) ; comp. also Malter, JQR., N. S., Ill, 489,
n. 6; Steinschneider, AL., p. 277; MGWJ., XLVII, 365 ff.
V. PHILOSOPHY
I. Tafsir Kitdb al-Mabddi (nxno^K nsn3 n^DSn)," Com-
mentary on the Book of Creation," of which only one com-
plete MS. is preserved in the Bodleian Library. Short ex-
tracts therefrom were published by Steinschneider, C5., 2220 :
3S6 SAJDIA GAON
by Ncubauer, uitli a French translation, Journal Asiatique,
i86r, ii, p. 247 ; 1862, ii, pp. 261-267 (separate edition : Notice
sur la Icxicographie hehriiiqiie, Paris, 1863, pp. 7, 215-219).
reprinted and translated into Hebrew by Harkavy, Zikron,
V, 61-65 (comp. above, p. 307, no. 2) ; by Derenbourg, like-
wise with French translation, Journal Asiatique, 1870, pp.
496, 515 f- (separate edition: Manuel du lecteur, Paris
1870, pp. 188, 207) ; comp. Kaufmann's Notes on "'"D2 of
Judah b. Barzillai, p. 347, ad paginam 229. A complete
edition of the Arabic text with a French translation, intro-
duction, and notes was prepared by M. Lambert, Commcn-
iaire sur le Sefer Yesira par le Gaon Saadya, Paris, 1891
(comp. Steinschneider, Deutsche IMerattirzeitung, 1892, p.
148 ; A. Epstein, MGWJ., 1893, pp. 1 19 f ), Arabic characters
being substituted by the editor for the Hebrew characters
of the MS. The text together with the Hebrew paragraphs
of the Scfer Yczirah itself, covers 105 pages. Since the
appearance of this edition several fragments of the Arabic
text, covering about 26 pages of the printed book (viz.
i-Ti, 10-12. 26-38, 100-102), were found in the Genisah;
see Neubauer and Cowley, Catalogue, H, nos. 2669, 23 ; 2787,
21 ; 2850, 7 ; 2860, 6. There may be more fragments which I
have not seen. The portions published by Steinschneider,
Neubauer, Harkavy, and Derenbourg are found in Lam-
bert's edition, pp. 13 (11. 4-7); 24 (11. 1-5); 42 (1. 7) -43
(1. 12) ; 76 (1. 2)-78 (bottom) ; 79. 11. 5-13.
The work was translated into Hebrew by one Moses b.
Joseph of Lucena, whose date is not certain, presumably the
twelfth century. This translation is extant only in M.SS.
.A. short extract was given by Dukes, Conp friJ, p. 3 (ed.
Lambert, p. 21, 1. 14 to 22, 1. 15 ; comp. M. Sachs in Rosen-
berg's V31P, n, 85, n. 2) ; comp. also ih., pp. 23-25. Several
pages were reproduced by Kaufmann in his Notes to Halber-
stam's edition of Judah b. Barzillai's m^V' *1ED L"nD (Berlin.
1885), p. 338 (Lambert, p. 19, bottom — 20, 17); 339, ad
paginam 155 (Lambert, p. 15. 1. 15—16, 5) ; 340-342 (Lam-
bert, 69, 7 — 74, 3). Several shorter passages were reproduced
by Jellinek. Bcifrdge, T. 73. note ; Epstein, REJ., xxi, p. 93.
n. 4, and Kaufmann, Sinne, p. 134, n. 20 ; p. 153, n. 16. For a
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY
357
detailed characterization of this Hebrew translation, see
Steinschneider, Die hebrdischen Uehersetzungen, pp. 443-
445-
Prior to this translation there must have existed two, per-
haps even three, other Hebrew translations, partial or com-
plete. The aforementioned Judah b. Barziliai (1135) repro-
duces, at the end of his Commentary, pp. 268-278, a consider-
able portion of an earlier Hebrew translation by an unknown
author, which contains the whole Introduction and most of
the first paragraph of the first chapter of Saadia's work
(Lambert, pp. 1-23, 1. 7). To this translation he refers also
on p. 184, complaining of its poor, unintelligible Hebrew
style. He had, however, as appears from p. 255 (1. 19), two
other versions — unless we assume that one of them is identical
with that which he had designated as poor. Be that as it may,
that translation which Judah considers the most correct, is
cited extensively in various parts of his Commentary, the
quotations covering nearly thirty pages of the book. Thus
the Hebrew translation of about half of Saadia's Com-
mentary is to be found in the Commentary of Judah. A care-
ful comparison of the two texts, the Arabic and the Hebrew,
would bring out many an interesting point, especially for the
study of the mediaeval Hebrew. To facilitate such a com-
parison I subjoin in parallel columns a table of the cor-
responding texts in the two Commentaries :
Page 5, li
" 31.
" 38,
" 42,
" 46,
48,
51,
55>
59,
61,
69,
Saadia
le 4 — page 6, line 3
16— " 32, '• 9
14— " 41, " 7
7- " 46, " 9
13— " 47, " 17
Jii^dah b. Barziliai
page 174, line 4-20
" 209, " 5-13
" 162, " 9-163,17
" 229, " 30-231,23
" 237, " 4-16-1-344-
36-40 4- page 238, I (the rest being inserted by Judah)
3- "
2- "
I— "
3- "
4- "
8— "
50,
" Q
54,
''15
58.
" 5
60.
" 7
63,
"14
74,
" 3
254, " 26-255,19
213, " 16-215, 3
260. " 12-261, 22
221, " 24-222, 13
244, " 14-245, 15
177, " 11-179,12
358 SAADIA GAON
Kaufmann in hisiVo^^^ on theCommentary (pp. 238, 347 f.,
ad paghiam 229, 7-8 from below) assumes that Judah is him-
self the translator of some of these passages. He overlooked
Judah's clear statement (p. 237) that he did not possess
the Arabic original. It is also doubtful whether any of his
Hebrew translations was complete, see p. 245, 1. 16. How-
ever, aside from the passages he quoted, he made extensive
use of other portions of Saadia's Commentary, even where
he does not mention it; comp. e. g. his interpretation of the
Divine Names (pp. 126 f.) with that of Saadia, pp. 19 f. ;
further, the lengthy exposition, p. 240. with the Com-
mentary of Saadia, pp. 59-62 ; see also Judah, p. 209,
bottom, and Saadia, p. 80, with reference to the nnyt' n"^1 ;
Kaufmann, pp. 339, 345, ad paginam 209.
Aside from the translation of Moses of Lucena and those
used by Judah b. Barzillai, there was another Hebrew
translation from which Moses Tachau, or Tackau (1230, see
for details above, pp. 281 fif.), quotes a lengthy passage in his
D^on nn3, pubHshed by Kirchheim in lOHJ "IVIS, HI (i860),
66. The corresponding Arabic text in ed. Lambert is p. 70,
5-71, last line but one. The same passage in an entirely
different version is found in Judah's commentary, pp. 177 f.
Another short passage from the same translation of Saadia's
Commentary (ed. Lambert, p. 47, 11 ff.) is quoted by Tachau,
ibidem, p. 67, 10, which is found also in Judah's Commen-
tary, p. 237, 4 from below; comp. Steinschneider, Die
hehrdischen Uehersetsungen, p. 444, n. 523.
Finally, there is still another translation to be men-
tioned, the existence of which has hitherto escaped notice.
Berechiah ha-Nakdan (^nvo, ed. GoUancz, London, 1902)
reproduces pp. 118, 5 (from below) — 119, 23. the Hebrew
translation of a passage from Saadia's Commentary (Lam-
bert, p. 18, 17-20, 4), which does not agree either with that of
Moses of Lucena (according to the copy made for Halber-
stam, which I have compared in the library of the Jewish
Theological Seminary of America in New York), or with
that reproduced by Judah b. Barzillai, pp. 275 f. As
Berechiah is not supposed to have known Arabic, it would
follow that he drew upon some translation which is no
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 359
longer extant (see above, note 632). For further details
on Berechiah and his connection with the works of Saadia
see above, p. 288, and below, pp. 361 f. Another author of the
1 2th century, the mystic Eleazar of Worms, who also wrote
a Commentary on ih^Sefer Yezirah (published in Przemysl,
1883), drew upon the Commentary of Saadia only indirectly,
making use of the Hebrew extracts of Judah b. Barzillai ;
comp. Epstein, MGIVJ., 1893, pp. 117 f.; Halberstam,
MGWJ., 1893, p. 247, and the references there given.
The foregoing account shows sufificiently that Saadia's
Commentary en the Sefer Yesirah was very widely used by
earlier mediaeval authors. In later centuries, as well as in
recent times, however, little attention has been given to it.
2. Kitdb al-'Amdndt wa-l-Ftikadat (DNJNfDJ^^X DXDD
DKlNPnyx^XI), "Book of Philosophic Doctrines and Re-
ligious Beliefs."
A. ARABIC TEXT
The Arabic work under the title here given has been pre-
served in two MSS. only, one of which is in the Bodleian
Library at Oxford and the other in the Imperial Library of
St. Petersburg. The latter is not quite complete ; several
pages are missing here and there, while many others have
been damaged by fire. Aside from these two MSS. there is
a Genizah fragment in the Bodleian Library (see Neubauer
and Cowley, Catalogue, II, no. 2753), of which I possess a
copy. The fragment covers nearly the whole sixth chapter
of the work, lacking only 14 lines at the begining and 4 lines
at the end (p. 189, 1. 4-21 1, 1. i, of the printed edition, which
will be discussed below) and part of the seventh in the
edition of Bacher in Steinschneider's Festschrift (see be-
low), p. 105, 11. 24-108, 1. 10. Another Genizah fragment
in the collection of the Cambridge University Library (pp.
116, 15-119, 8 of the printed edition) was published with an
English translation by Hirschfeld {JQR., XVII, 721-725),
who mistook it for part of another work, but subsequently
corrected his mistake (see JQR., XVIII, 146) . All the MSS.
extant are written in Hebrew characters.
As early as 1717 John Gagnier edited a specimen of the
Bodleian MS., then the only one known, side by side with the
36o SAADIA GAOX
corresponding section of the Hebrew translation of Judah
Ibn Tibbon (see below) and his own Latin translation. This
specimen is so rare that according to Steinschneider, CB.,
2172, not even the Bodleian Library possesses a copy. From
the same MS. the beginning of chapter VIII (pp. 229-233, 4
from below of the printed edition) was published with a
French translation by Salomon Munk. Xotlce sur R. Saadia
Caon, Paris, 1858, pp. 20-29.
The entire work, transliterated into Arabic characters, was
critically edited on the basis of the Bodleian MS. by
S. Landauer (Leyden, 1880). The editor also made careful
use of the St. Petersburg MS., giving in footnotes all its im-
portant variants and sometimes, though not in an adequate
measure, incorporating them into the text instead of the
readings offered by the Bodleian MS. A minute review of
this edition was published bv Goldziher in ZDMG.. XXX\'
(1880,773-783.
Pages 125, 4 from below — 128, 2 of Landauer's edition
were reprinted (in Hebrew characters) by Hirschfeld in
his Arabic Chrestomathy, London, 1892, pp. 35 f.
As was stated above, p. 194. Saadia wrote the seventh
chapter of his work, dealing wdth the question of resurrec-
tion, in two entirely different recensions. One of these re-
censions, probably the older one, is found only in the Bodleian
MS. w^hile the other is represented in the St. Petersburg
MS. Landauer's edition contains only the first, usually desig-
nated as the Oxford Recension ; the recension of the St.
Petersburg MS. was edited in 1886 by Bacher. in the Stein-
schneider Festschrift, Hebrew part, pp. 98-112. Two pas-
sages of considerable length, at the beginning and toward the
end of the chapter, which are missing in the MS., were repro-
duced by Bacher on the basis of Ibn Tibbon's Hebrew trans-
lation. Saadia's authorship of this so-called St. Petersburg
Recension, which was denied by Landauer in his Introduction
to the Kitdb al-Amandt , pp. x-xi, is proved beyond doubt by
Bacher, ibidem, German part, pp. 219-226. Recently another
fragment of this different recension of the seventh chapter
has been found among the MSS. of the Genizah, for which
see Neubauer and Cowler, Catalogue, II, no. 2642, iia.
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 361
B. TRANSLATIONS
a) Hebrew
I. THE ANONYMOUS PARAPHRASE
The first attempt at rendering the Kitdb al- AmCmat into
Hebrew was made by an anonymous author as to whose
identity, time, and country much has been written. I am
here not concerned with the details of this investigation, and
shall merely state the facts. The work, entitled "I3D pins
niJlONH, exists in several MSS. in various European libraries.
One of the MSS. (Vatican, no. 269) has at the end the date
1095, which is probably that of the translator, not of the
copyist (see above, p. 289). The contention of Dukes,
Beitrage, II, 16, that the date is to be corrected to 1195, is
entirely unwarranted. The translation, or, as it is usually
and correctly designated, the " Paraphrase,'' is certainly older
than the translation of Judah Ibn Tibbon (1186), and its
author, I believe, was one of the Palestinian (Porges, ZfliB.,
VII, 38: Babylonian) Payyetanim who flourished in the
I ith century. The work is written in the most peculiar style,
having no parallel in the entire Hebrew philosophic literature
of the Middle Ages. The author is indefatigable in coining
new and strange words and phrases to express philosophic
ideas in the liturgical language of Eleazar Kalir ! For text-
ual criticism this work is of little use, as it never keeps to the
original, but merely paraphrases its content. From a general
linguistic point of view, however, it is of great interest. For
a detailed characterization of this Paraphrase see Stein-
schneider, HB., XIII, 82 ; Die hebrdischen Uebersetsungen,
pp. 440-443. For extracts from the MSS. that have occa-
sionally been published by various scholars see the references
ibidem, p. 440, n. 498, to which should be added several
passages in Guttmann's Die Religionsphilosophie des Saadia,
pp. 264, 266, 268, 270, 273, 276-279, 281. 283.
About three-quarters of a century after the appearance of
the Paraphrase, Berechiah ha-Nakdan, the well-known
author of Hebrew fables, set himself to the task of epitomis-
ing it, making additions to it from the works of other
authors (Abraham Ibn Ezra, Abraham Ibn Daud, Solomon
362 SAADIA GAON
Ibn Gabirol, Bahya Ibn Rakuda, Abraham b. Hiyya). His
work has no special title. The same author compiled another
work in fifteen chapters under the title TlVtsn "ISD. Of
this work chapter I is taken partly from the Paraphrase
and partly from a translation of Saadia's Commentary on
the Sefer Yezirah (see above, p. 358), while the last six
chapters (X-XV), with the exception of a few insertions
from other sources (as in chapter XI), are again taken
entirely from the Parai)hrase. Both compilations were pub-
lished with an English introduction and translation by H.
Gollancz under the title TJie Ethical Treatises of Berachya,
London, iyo2. This is not the place to discuss the merits or
demerits of Gollancz's edition. I must say, however, that
it in no way deserves the praise bestowed upon it by N.
Forges, in ZfhB., VII, 36-44. Much more reasonable is the
review of Guttmann, MGIVJ., XLVI, 536-547; comp. also
Israel Levi, RE J., XLVI, 285-288, and Steinschneider, IQR.,
XVII, 581, top.
Much uncertainty prevails regarding the original text used
by the anonymous paraphrast. It was noted above that the
recension of the seventh chapter in the Oxford MS. differs
entirely from that in the St. Petersburg MS. The Para-
phrase follows partly the one and partly the other recension
(see Landauer, Introduction to the Kitdb al-'Amdnat, p. xi)
and the epitomizer Berechiah naturally adheres to the same
order. The question is now whether the anonymous para-
phrast had both recensions before him and tried to combine
them into one, or whether he had an Arabic text in which
the two recensions had already beeen fused by some un-
known editor. The question may here be left undecided. It
is of more importance to note that the anonymous Para-
phrase was the source not only of Berechiah, but of several
other authors, who embodied parts thereof in their own
works, or published them as separate books. These may be
arranged as follows, according to the order of the chapters
of the Kitah al-'Amanat in which the excerpted materials
occur:
I. nnyo iJnn ^t' nmt:'nn IDD. Under this heading a por-
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 363
tion of Chapter V is reproduced by Judah he-Hasid (died
1217) in his Dn"'Dn 1SD, Bologna, 1538, § 612-613; Berlin,
1891, § 36 (the texts in the two editions show many varia-
tions). The fifth chapter of Saadia's work must have circu-
lated as a separate treatise under the above title before the
time of Judah, who made extracts from it. A comparison of
the text of the Dn"'Dn *12D with the corresponding passages
in Berechiah's work (pp. 33, 38) shows convincingly that the
translation is that of the Paraphrase and, so far as this
extract is concerned, there is no ground for the assumption
of H. Michael, D"'^nn TiX, p. 300 (see Steinschneider, AL.,
p. 66, n. 18) that there existed a third translation of Saadia's
work. Judah does not reproduce the text in its original
order. Thus the greater part of one paragraph (ed. Berlin,
p. 38, top, to V^^ ^"^ D31, third line from below) corresponds
to Kitdb al-'Amdnat, pp. 180, 2-1 81, 5 from below (in Ibn
Tibbon's translation, ed. Slucki, pp. 90, 21-91, 15; Bere-
chiah, pp. 38 f.), while the end of the same paragraph
corresponds to pp. 171, 14-172, 2 (Ibn Tibbon, pp. 86, 2 from
below — 87, 6; Berechiah, p. 33). Possibly Judah is not
responsible for these changes, but gave the text as he found
it in the separate nnitJTin ^QD, which may have been a free
recast of the fifth chapter, based on the Paraphrase. Eleazar
of Worms used the same source, perhaps also Juda Halaz ;
see note 491. The title nnitJTin nSDO DnDKO, quoted by
Steinschneider {CB., 2178) and others, is based on a mis-
understanding of Rapoport's words in DTiyn niDD, IX, 30,
bottom.
2. ni"iDm n^nnn IQD, a condensed edition of chapter VII
of Saadia's work as contained in the Paraphrase, but with
considerable changes, transpositions, and amplifications by
an anonymous author, published for the first time at Mantua,
1556, then with an addition from a work of Moses de Trani
(see below), Wilna, 1799 (in Liferaturblatt des Orients,
1847, P- '^77^ mistakenly identified with the work given below
as no. 4), reprinted Sudzilkow, 1834; Warsaw, 1841. The
exact title is iTTinn "IQD, but nnsm was added, because the
publication was intended to cover also no. 4 (below, p. 367)
364 SAADIA GAON
which, however, was pubHshed separately two months later ;
see Steinschneider, CB., 2179.
3. i1K:i nnVD 1J2"i^ m^Xti' nla1t^'n, an anonymous com-
pilation in the style of the Paraphrase, containing the Ten
Questions regarding resurrection which form the last portion
of chapter VII of the Kitab al-'Anvanat, printed first at the
end of ^fc<10t^' t^'llJD, Constantinople, 1522 (see Ruber's In-
troduction to his edition of this work, Cracow, 1893, p. 36).
The same recension of the Ten Questions, taken from a
Parma MS., showing numerous, though not essential van-
ants, was edited under the title m^Nti' rr\UV by Chaim M.
Horowitz, m3^nn nnJ n^l, I, Frankfurt a. M., 1881, pp.
59-62. It will be remembered that the seventh chapter
of the Paraphrase, and hence also of the compendium of
Berechiah, is a combination of both Arabic recensions (see
above, p. 362). Now we find that the number and order
of the Questions in the Paraphrase is exactly the same as in
the St. Petersburg MS., which agrees throughout with the
recension presented in the translation of Ibn Tibbon, while
the content and wording of the individual Questions and
answers agree fully with the recension of the St. Peter.sburg
MS. The same is true of the separate editions of the Ten
Questions, except that the text is here very much abridged,
rendering the comparison somewhat difficult. The only
compilation in which the order as well as the number of the
Questions is entirely different from that of both Arabic recen-
sions is the rrrinri "hSD (above, no. 2), whose author, though
drawing upon the Paraphrase, perhaps through intermediary
sources, has disposed of the material in an altogether
arbitrary manner. The style and diction of all these com-
pilations, however, is entirely similar and their common
source is the Paraphrase; comp. e. i!;. nTinn "IDD, Question 7,
and ni^NL" mti'y, ed. Horowitz, Question 3 ; see also Gutt-
mann. Die Religioiisphilosophie des Saadia, p. 227, n. 5 (for
" siebente " read there (fourth line from below) sechste.
Bacher's assertion (Steinschneider's Festschrift, p. 223, n. i )
that the Ten Questions, ed. Plorowitz. agree with the recen-
sion of the St. Petersburg MS . is therefore correct only in so
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 365
far as the order is concerned ; in style and content the com-
piler follows the Paraphrase or some of its later epitomizers,
but not the translation of Ibn Tibbon. It should be noted that
in ed. Horowitz and in ^NlOti' ti'mD the text begins with the
words n^o^n ^J^^XK' nnyo nox, as if the Questions were
addressed to him by his pupils, which is of course an inven-
tion of the compiler.
The Paraphrase was also the source of the French
Tosafist Samson b. Abraham of Sens (12th century), who
quotes two of the Questions (6, 7) in one of his epistles to
Meir b. Todros ha-Levi Abulafia (f'"'ND1^N 3Kn3, edited by
Jehiel Brill; Paris, 1871, pp. 136 f.). Apart from a few in-
significant variants the text agrees literally with that of
Berechiah, p. 60. The editor. Brill, evidently did not know of
the existence of the Paraphrase, and is therefore surprised at
the differences between his text and that of Ibn Tibbon.
Samson calls the Questions nnyo iJnn nnitJTi, and says that
he asked one of the scholars (Dnsn) to copy (PTiyn^, see
Zunz, Gesammelte Schriften, III, 65 f.) them for him. The
text of Question 6 (Landauer, pp. 223, 5-19, and 224, 11-18)
is corrupt both here and in the work of Berechiah. Gollancz
in his edition of the latter, p. 119, translates blindly without
noticing the difficulty; conip. the corresponding passage in
n^nnn "ISD, Question 5, which offers here a more correct
text. For I^DN"" (Brill, p. 137, 4) read "i^nr, as in Berechiah,
p. 60; comp. also Stein.schneider, CB., 2224, bottom.
An altogether different recension of the Ten Questions is
that published from a Leipzig MS. by Jellinek in his Bet ha-
Midrasch, VI, 148 f.. under the title niy^^ts* >3n ni^'N^i'. The
text here is much shorter than in any of the compilations
previously mentioned. Its anonymous author does not fol-
low, so far as the wording of the text is concerned, any of
the Hebrew versions known, but merely gives the gist of the
Questions and the answers in his own language. The order
of the Questions is the same as in all other sources, except
the rrrinn IQD. The " R. Eliezer," to whom the work is
here falsely attributed, represents, according to Delitzsch
and Jellinek (see the latter's introductory remarks, p. xxxv,
366 SAADIA GAON
and Steinschneider, AL., pp. 53 f.) either EHezer b. Hyr-
canos or b. Jacob, both teachers of the Mishnah of the first
centur}\ For the various MSS. in which the diiTerent recen-
sions of the Ten Questions are found (sometimes anony-
mously and sometimes attributed to one of various mediaeval
authors) see Steinschneider, CB., 2178, no. 6, and AL., p. 53.
To dispose of all the material in connection with this sub-
ject I add here an account of some other complete or partial
editions of the Ten Questions, though the texts of these
editions are in no wise based upon that of the Paraphrase.
Thus, in a lengthy Responsum of the Gaon Hai (in the He-
brew periodical, pnv> >33n, V, 75, published more completely
in the collection D^JPT Dyt3 by Eliezer Ashkenazi, Frankfurt
a/M., 1854, pp. 59a-6ia, who, however, omitted the entire
passage with which we are here concerned), the contents of
which is based entirely on chs. VII and VIII of the 'Amonaf,
the author gives, in the name of Saadia, the contents of
Questions 6, 7, 5 (this is his order) ; comp. Eacher. Stein-
schneider's Festschrift, p. 225, n. i ; above, notes 578, 614.
It should be noted that the passage corresponding to Ques-
tion 7 contains elements which are not found in either of
the two Arabic recensions, and agrees almost verbally with
the recension in ^Nioti* t^-no and in the edition of Horowitz.
It thus appears that Hai's Responsum or a derivate of it was
used by the Editor of the recension in question.
Moses de Trani (1505- 1585) incorporated the Ten Ques-
tions into his ethico-ritualistic work n''n!^K n^2 (Venice, 1576 ;
Warsaw, 1872), part III, ch. 59. His text is that of Ibn
Tibbon. To each Question he adds a sort of commentary,
which in some instances is of very considerable proportions.
The extensive commentary on Question 3 was printed also
in the later editions of the iT'nnn IDD. This led an unin-
formed writer in the JR., XII. 219, to make Moses the author
of the latter work, which he characterizes as a " commentary
and notes on ch. 7 and 8 of Saadia Gaon's Emunot we-
Deot."
The edition of the Ten Questions by ]\T. L. Bisliches at
the end of his edition of Shem Tob Palquera's t^'EJ^ ncD.
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 367
Lemberg, 1835, is unveracions. The text is copied from Ben-
Seeb's edition of Ibn Tibbon's translation of the 'Amanat,
but Bisliches introduces the Questions as " addressed to
the Gaon by his pupils " (an imitation of the edition in
t'XIOtJ' ^^112 ; see above, p. 364) and pretends to have
drawn upon a MS. To Question 3 he adds a commentary
under the name nVT *lpn which is that of Ben-Seeb, whose
name he suppresses. The " note " (n"njn) at the very end
is also copied from the edition in ^SIDtJ' ti'mD, end, which
is found also with some variations toward the end of the
n^nnn IDD, but is not in any of the Arabic recensions.
4. jpnism nnsn nSD, containing about two thirds of ch.
VIII of the 'Amdndt (Landauer, pp. 229-245, line 8 ; Ibn Tib-
bon, ed. Slucki, pp. 1 18-125, Hne 18) in the translation (Para-
phrase) of the anonymous author (Berechiah, pp. 62-69, line
II, with variations). It appeared first in Mantua, 1556 (as
a continuation of the nTinn nSD, which appeared but two
months earlier) and has since been frequently reprinted. It
is reproduced with a German translation in the work 7\^'7^
n'^^m^ of the apostate Joh. Salomon of Posen (Danzig,
1675), who subsequently wrote a special book in refutation
of Saadia's views regarding the expected redemption of
Israel (" Zerteilte Finsterniss, oder Widerlegung des Buches
Fajjumi's von der Erlosung und befreiung Israels," Dan-
zig, 1681) . The nnan nso was edited also by Jacob Emden,
who wrote a short introduction to it (Altona, 1769). For
other editions see Steinschneider, CB., 2180; Benjacob,
Thesaurus, p. 456, no. 20.
It would lead us too far to treat here in detail of the many
authors who, down to the 14th century, assiduously studied
the Kitdh al-Amdmt in the Hebrew text of the Paraphrase
instead of the more accurate and scientific translation of
Judah Ibn Tibbon, and embodied lengthy excerpts therefrom
in their works in various fields of learning. The names of
these authors and their works, which for the most part
exist in MSS. only, have been pointed out by Zunz in Geiger's
Judische Zeitschrift, X, 4-10 (Gesammelte Schriften, III,
231 ff.) and many more could now be added (comp. Stein-
368 SAADIA GAON
Schneider, MIVJ., Ill, 151 : Judah Mosconi ; above, note 493 :
Jndah Halaz). Such an enumeration is not within the scope
of the present Bibliography. I shall mention only a few
authors from whose works lengthy passages, taken from the
Paraphrase, have been occasionally published. Thus several
pages of the Paraphrase were published by Isidore Loeb,
REJ., XVIII, 46-52. from the work 'n mon^D, a polemic
against Christianity by Jacob b. Reuben (1170). Some of
the citations are embodied in chapter XII of the mcn^o,
which was published in part by Natan Amram, Amsterdam,
1842, reprinted at Stettin, i860; comp. Steinschneider, CB.,
2032; HB., Ill, 44. Jacob b. Reuben's work contains many
more extensive quotations of Saadia's Kitdh al-'Anidttdt in
the text of the Paraphrase (see Loeb, ib., p. 48), which a
future editor of the latter will have to consider. The publi-
cation of the whole work on the basis of three MSS. was
begun by the late Dr. Adolf Posnanski, but was interrupted
by the untimely death of the author, so that only the first
three chapters (80 pages) were printed (Warsaw, 1912),
but not yet published.
In the controversy between Aaron b. Meshullam and the
aforementioned IMeir ha-Levi Abulafia (see above, p. 365)
regarding certain views of Maimonides. especially those on
resurrection, both men, very well-known Talmudists of the
twelfth and the thirteenth centuries, refer often to Saadia's
opinion upon the question at issue. Their source was again
the paraphrase, from which one passage is quoted directly
(^^KOn^'N 3NnD, p. 57 ; comp. ib., pp. 14, 36) .
Numerous passages from Saadia's work under considera-
tion were quoted from the Paraphrase also by Moses Tachau
(1230) in his fragmentary D-'On 3n2, published by Kirch-
heim in the n^HJ nviK. TIT. 58-99; comp. above, pp. 2S1 fF.,
and Zunz, in Geiger's Jiidische Zeitschrift, X. 4-10. To the
parallels from the TUTTi "i^tJ' given there bv Zun/ several
more could be added ; comp. Emunot, ed. Slucki. p. 43. with
the end of that poem for the Fifth Day : D"'!^lf'D Itryn cyir^n^
ninyi T\r\u c^tj'i dbnTibbon: mviin) mij nc'ij'i nvoD yatrM
nnov
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 369
Hirschfeld, in his Descriptive Catalogue of Hebrew MSS.
of the Montefiore Library, no. 483, 9, records " Contents of
Saadyah's niJIOxn "ISD, copied from a MS. written 1540 by
a certain Isaac," without indicating whether they were taken
from the Paraphrase or from the translation of Ibn Tibbon.
They are probably taken from the latter.
In more recent times a few extracts from the Paraphrase
have been published by different scholars ; see the references
above, p. 361. The beginning of chapter VI appeared in the
periodical I^V, I, 79. An extract from chapter X (Landauer,
p. 117; 'Emiinot, ed. Slucki, Leipzig, 1864, p. 160; Berechiah,
pp. 98 f.), dealing with music, was published by Stein-
Schneider together with two other pieces on the same subject,
under the title KP^DIf^n no^no d^DIp^ (nnQDH llflK, I, pp.
xxixff.). The same passage was given there by Stein-
schneider in another version taken from an unpublished com-
mentary on the Kuzari of Judah Halevi, called npV n^n, by
Jacob b. Hayyim Ferussol {i4r'22) ; see Steinschneider, He-
hrdische Ucbersetzungen, p. 404; Renan, Ecrivains, p. 409
Jacob b. Hayyim gives as his source the work n^JOn n^3D of
Abraham b. Hiyya (about 1130), which is likewise extant in
MSS. only (see Guttmann.MGffV.,XLVI 446-468 ; XLVII,
545-569) , but Steinschneider {HB., XIII, 36) called attention
to the fact that the whole passage is only a verbal translation,
probably by Abraham b. Hiyya himself, of the Arabic text in
Saadia's Kitah al-Amandt. Aside from some variations in
terminology this translation agrees fully with that of Ibn
Tibbon. We thus possess three different recensions of
Saadia's theory of music, which has not yet been properly
explained; comp. Steinschneider, JOR., XVII, 559 f.. 561,
no. 16, and above, note 543. According to Steinschneider,
HB., XIII, 36, the passage is found in the MSS. of two
other commentaries on the Kuzari, namely those of Menahem
b. Judah and Nethanel Caspi (both, like Jacob b. Hayyim,
pupils of Frat Maimon and writing in the year 1422), who
also quote it from Abraham b. Hiyya ; comp. Steinschneider.
Alfarabi, St. Petersburg, 1869, p. 79, n. 16.
24
370 SAADIA GAON
II. THE TRANSLATION OF JUDAH IBN TIBBON
Though, as we have seen, the Paraphrase was more exten-
sively used by medieval authors than has been hitherto ad-
mitted (Steinschneider, Hebrliische Uebersetzungen, p. 441,
n. 502), yet it was Judah Ibn Tibbon's translation through
which Saadia was studied by all non-Arabic speaking Jewry
from the IMiddle Ages to our time. Judah translated the
work in Lunel, Southern France, in the year 1186, under the
title mnni niJI^iSn -120. So far no critical edition of this
standard work has been made. The following is a brief
enumeration and description of the various editions :
1. Constantinople, 1562, in 4'", in the so-called Rashi
script. In a colophon the dates of the composition (933)
and of the translation (1186) are given.
2. Amsterdam, 1647, 4'°> a poor reprint of the Con-
stantinople edition, to which an index of the subject matter
was added, covering 6 pages. For a characterization of
this edition see Guttmann, Die Religionsphilosophie des
Saadia, p. 27, n. i.
3. Berlin, 1789, 4*°, with a double commentary nvi npn
and HJl^N -\^^^ by Judah Loeb Ben-Seeb. The text of
this edition, which is a reprint of the preceding ones, is
full of arbitran% uncritical changes and of typographical
errors. A new feature of this edition is the division of the
text into comparatively short paragraphs to facilitate quota-
tion. The division, too, is often quite arbitrary and unscien-
tific, but in the absence of a better one, writers on Saadia
often quote according to the paragraphs of this edition. The
commentaries contain many a valuable and learned remark.
4. Leipzig, 1859, 8", by Fischl Hirsch, who made use
also of the editio prince ps, Guttmann's contention to the
contrary notwithstanding (/. c.) ; see e. g. p. 118, where the
reading D''22'1J?D is found only in the first edition, while
the other editions have incorrectly D^riEj'D. The heading of
ch. VII (p. 132) likewise rests on the Constantinople edition,
as it was omitted in those of Amsterdam and Berlin. On
p. 23 there is an explanatory note in German by TclHnek
(the only one, not " several," as Steinschneider, FIcbraische
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 371
Uehersetsiingen, p. 439, has it). This edition has the merit
of giving the references to the BibHcal books for the numer-
ous verses quoted in the work. Unfortunately, however, the
references are often incorrect.
5. Leipzig, 1864, small 8"°, by D. Slucki with an introduc-
tion containing a sketch of Saadia's life and works (compiled
from Rapoport, Fiirst, Graetz, and others) and explanatory
notes on the text, mostly taken from Ben-Seeb and Fiirst.
They have no scientific value. The editor's notes extend only
to p, 87 (beginning of ch. V) and are then continued by
I. Dines ; see the latter's remark on the last page of the book.
6. Cracow, 1880, 8""°, a reprint of No. 5 with the omission
of the Introduction and the suppression of the names of the
two annotators. In this edition numberless misprints are
added to those of the earlier editions.
7. Josefow, 1885, 8""°, by Israel ha-Levi with a commen-
tary, nJIOXn ^"'DtJ'. This is the only edition that appeared
after the publication of the Arabic original, but the editor, a
Russian Rabbi of the old school and neither in touch nor in
sympathy with modern research, is not at all aware of the
existence of an Arabic original. Nor does he take
cognizance of anything that was written on the subject by
Jewish scholars for the last hundred years, though he knows
of the existence of such writings, as is obvious from his
polemics against Slucki (see his Introduction, p. 7). His
appreciation of Saadia rests wholly on what he gathers from
mediaeval sources, to which he refers in the Introduction.
As he here informs us, he made use of four previous editions,
of which he mentions explicitly the editio prince ps and that
of Slucki (the other two are probably those of Amsterdam
and Berlin) . His text, which he, too, divided into short para-
graphs is on the whole more correct than that of the other
editions. In several passages, however, which contain
Saadia's polemic against Christianity (pp. 92, 183 f.), it was
mutilated by the Russian censor. His references to Bible
and Talmud are likewise correct ; his commentary, written
in a lucid style, shows remarkable insight and keen pene-
tration into the real meaning of the difficult text, and his sug-
2>T2 SAADIA GAON
gestions as to eventual emendations are often supported
by the original. It goes without saying that due to the cor-
ruptions in the text and to other reasons he at times falls
into misinterpretations, but on the whole he understood
Saadia better than all previous commentators (Fiirst not
excluded). Considering the nature of the author's re-
sources, as well as the public for which he wrote, his com-
mentary must be recognized as a highly creditable produc-
tion. The work is preceded by a dictionary of philosophic
terms in mediaeval Hebrew literature (published also sep-
arately under the title ^NntJ'^ '^^^3. Josefow, 1886). Most of
the terms are fairly well explained, while the explanation of
a few others (as n^'p^l n^^SD, nnmn, p^n) shows the
author's naivete.
A critical edition based on all the existing AISS. and on a
careful comparison of the Arabic recensions, including the
Genizah fragments, has been prepared by the present writer
and will be published soon after the present work.
Ever since the Arabic original was made accessible,
first through copies from the MSS. and later through Lan-
dauer's edition, various scholars have repeatedly furnished
notes and emendations to Ibn Tibbon's text, which are scat-
tered in several periodicals and other publications. They are
of considerable value and should therefore not be omitted
from this Bibliography :
L. Loewe, in the Hebrew weekly l^^Ton, 1867, p. 37.
M. Wolff, ZDMG., XXXH (1878), 694-707, continued
in MWJ., Vn f 1880), 73-100. Vni, 60 (to the whole work
with the exception of chapter VH).
D. Kaufmann.ZDMCXXXVIT T 1883), 230-149 (to the
Introduction only, for which he compared also MSS. of the
Paraphrase ; comp. also his article in Rahmer's Judisches
Literaturhlatt, 1878, p. 65).
S. H. Margulies, MWJ., XV (1888), 123-133; 160-169;
XVII (1890), 280-288; Kaufmann's Gedcnkhuch, Breslau
1900, pp. 210-220 (covering altogether the Introduction and
the first six chapters). It is rather strange that in his intro-
ductory remarks to the article in Kaufmann's Gedcnkhuch
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 2,7i
the author states that the latter is a continuation of two pre-
vious articles which he had published in MWJ., XV, but
omits the reference to his third article in MWJ., XVII,
from which about a third of the notes are here repeated.
W. Bacher, Kaufmann's Gedenkbuch, pp. 188-207 (to the
whole book), followed by a specimen of his intended edition
of the whole text (taken from ch. i, ed. Slucki, pp. 21 f.).
I. Goldziher, REJ., LX (1910), 32 f.
Aside from these separate articles on the subject numer-
ous emendations of Ibn Tibbon's text were occasionally sug-
gested by Bloch, Guttmann, Bacher, and Horovitz, in the
works to be mentioned below.
For completeness' sake I mention here the work Dnin "TTinD
by the well-known Russian-Hebrew writer Isaac Baer
Levinsohn, which was written in 1845, but published for the
first time by his nephew B. Nathansohn, Warsaw, 1903
(see the latter's biography of Levinsohn under the title
nunsm nso, Warsaw, 1899, p. 156, n. 2). The work con-
sists of seven literary pieces, the sixth of which (pp. 54"77)
is an abridged and, as the author thought, emended edition
of Ibn Tibbon's text of Saadia's Introduction, with a pro-
fuse commentary in which the author tries to justify his
arbitrary changes. As he had no other sources than the
corrupt Berlin edition, his emendations are mere guesswork
and of no critical value. So far as I know no reference
is found anywhere to this curious attempt of the so-called
" Russian Mendelssohn."
b) Latin
1. Joh. Gagnier, Specimen novae editionis libri niJlOKn
niynm etc. Oxford, 1717, for which see Fiirst, Bibliotheca
Judaica, I, 268; Steinschneider, Christliche Hehraisten, in
ZfhB., Ill, 13 ; comp. above, p. 360.
2. Theodor Dassov, Diatribe qua Judaeos de resnrrec-
tione mortuorum sententia erasse explicatur etc., Witten-
berg, 1675, containing the translation of most of the seventh
chapter; see Furst, I. c, I. 197, 268. As regards the author
see Steinschneider, /. c., II, 124.
374 SAADIA GAON
c) German
1. J. Salomon, translation of ch. VIII, see above, p. 367,
no. 4.
2. Julius Fiirst, Emunot we-Deot, oder Glaiihenslehre und
Philosophie von Saadja Fajjumi, Leipzig, 1845. This trans-
lation or rather paraphrase of the whole work of Ibn Tibbon
with the exception of chapter X (ethics) has been justly
designated as entirely inadequate, or as Steinschneider {He-
hrdische Uehersetzimgen, p. 439) puts it, " not worth the
trouble that scholars have taken in trying to correct some of
its mistakes." Fiirst is not to be blamed too much for these
mistakes, for nobody could have correctly translated Ibn Tib-
bon's text without the aid of the Arabic original. It would
have been better, however, not to have published a work of
which a considerable part had to be based on vague con-
jectures.
3. Philipp Bloch, Vom Glaiibcn und Wissen, Miinchen,
1879, containing the translation of the Introduction and of
the first chapter (reprint from Rahmer's Jiidisches Liter-
aturhlatt). Bloch made use also of a MS. of the anonymous
Paraphrase, and his translation, so far as it goes, is incom-
parably superior to that of Fiirst. But as the original was at
that time inaccessible in print, he likewise often misunder-
stood the text. While it was in the course of publication
M. Wolfif's notes and emendations of the Hebrew text,
based on a comparison of a MS. of the Arabic original (see
above, p. 372), appeared, following which Bloch appended
additions to his work, wherein most of the mistakes were
corrected; comp. also Bloch's article, MGJVJ., 1870, pp. 401-
414,449-456.
4. A. Kaminka, Die Litteratur der geon'dischen Zeit, in
Winter and Wiinsche's Die jiidische Litteratur, II (1897),
31-39, translated part of the Introduction (Landauer,
pp. 1-5, 1. 12; Hebrew text ed. Cracow, 1880, pp. 1-4. 1. 7)
and nearly half of the sixth chapter (Landauer, pp. 188-
198, 1. 6; Hebrew text, pp. 127-132, 1. 18).
5. Wilhelm Engelkemper, Die religionsphilosophische
Lehre Saadja Gaons iiber die Heilige Schrift, Miinster, 1903,
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY 375
containing the translation of chapter III with a general
Introduction and copious notes. The author, who had pre-
viously published a learned biography of Saadia in Latin
(see above, note 191), translates from the Arabic original
with the aid of the Hebrew text of Ibn Tibbon, and on
the whole acquits himself creditably ; but not being suffi-
ciently familiar with the ideas and sources of mediaeval
Jewish theology, which is the essential content of this chap-
ter, he often misunderstands and misinterprets both texts.
The Introduction, too, contains a number of misstatements,
as for instance that IsraeH's treatise (see Steinschneider's
Festschrift, pp. 131 ff.; JQR., XV, 689 ff.) exists only in
Latin (p. 2, n. 2), that ch. V of the Emunot appeared in the
Dn"'Dn "IQD (p. 6, n. 2), while in fact only about one page
is there reproduced (see above, p. 362, no, i) ; comp. the
reviews of Guttmann, Theologische Literaturzeitimg, 1904,
no. 2 ; Seybold, Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, VII, 255.
Chapter VIII was partly translated into French by Michel
A. Weill, L'Univers Israelite, 1870, pp. 271 ff. For transla-
tions of other part into French (Munk) and English
(Hirschfeld) see above, pp. 359 f.
In this connection it should also be recorded that in 1840
Steinschneider, in collaboration with Julius Barrasch, pre-
pared a translation of and a commentary on the Emunot, but,
as he explicitly states in his CB., 2175, postponed publica-
tion until a more reliable Hebrew text should be available.
This translation and commentary are now in my possession ;
the author, who, I am. proud to say, was my beloved teacher
and friend, having placed them at my disposal. The une-
qualled position of Steinschneider in the field of Jewish litera-
ture warrants a short description of his unpublished work.
The MS., covering 578 pages in quarto, contains the trans-
lation of the whole text with the exception of ch. X. The
Introduction (of Saadia) and the first four chapters (pp.
1-256) are translated by Julius Barrasch, a distinguished
physician and writer who died at Bucharest in 1863. It is
interesting to note that the first twenty pages are written in
Judseo-German, the rest in German script. The margin
376 SAADIA GAON
shows numerous corrections by Steinschneider. Barrasch
began the translation in Prague, " Friday, 24th of January,
1840" and finished it "Sunday the 17th of July" in the
same year. The remaining five chapters are translated by
Steinschneider. In the course of time he made various
changes in the MS. so that the deciphering is sometimes diffi-
cult. On the margin are numerous notes, partly in Judseo-
German script by Barrasch, but mostly from the hand of
Steinschneider. At the end of the volume is a complete index
of the Biblical and Talmudic passages of the Emitnut, but
unfortunately the pagination refers to the edition of Ben-
Seeb which to-day is worthless. I hope to prepare the whole
work for publication.
The " Commentary " to which Steinschneider referred
is a separate little volume of 70 pages. It does not really
explain Ibn Tibbon's text, but is more in the fonn of a
glossary, elucidating the peculiar words and phrases of the
translator by references to analogous passages in the works
of the same writer and in other philosophic treatises. The
terminological material collected in this little volume by thou-
sands of references is almost inexhaustible. Part of it was
utilized by Delitzsch in his edition of the CTI VV by the
Karaite Aaron b. Elijah (Leipzig, 1841 ; comp. Delitzsch's In-
troduction to the edition, p. 14), and later by Steinschneider
himself in his numerous writings, but much of it can only be
used in connection with a critical edition of Ibn Tibbon's text.
In conclusion mention should be made of two MSS. com-
mentaries on the 'Enninot by mediaeval authors (cod. De
Rossi, nos. 769, 1283), for which see Steinschneider, CB.,
2175, no. 4.
C. BIBLIOGRAPHY *
A. Geiger, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift, V (1844'), 291-
314-
S. Munk, Melanges de philosophie juive et arabe, Paris,
1859, pp. 477 ff-
* General works, monographs, essays, etc., in which characteriza-
tions of Saadia's philosophy, or of some particular branch thereof
are to be found (in chronological order).
BIBLIOGRAPHY V— PHILOSOPHY ^77
H. Graetz, Geschiclite der Juden, V, fourth edition by
S. Eppenstein, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 296-312; Hebrew transla-
tion by S. P. Rabbinowicz with notes by Harkavy, vol. Ill,
Warsaw, 1893, pp. 292-306. In the English translation
(Philadelphia, 1894), vol. Ill, pp. 197 f., this most important
part of Saadia's scientific work was unwisely omitted.
A. Schmiedl, Saadia Alfajumi und die negativen Vorziige
seiner Religionsphilosophie, Vienna, 1870.
M. Eisler, Vorlesungen ilber die jiidischen Philosophen des
Mittelalters, Vienna, 1876, pp. 1-43 (with an appendix, con-
taining Hebrew extracts from the Emunot), a very valuable
summary of Saadia's philosophy, though in some parts
antiquated.
D. Kaufmann, Geschichte der Attributenlehre, Gotha,
1877, pp. 1-77 (wdth an appendix entitled Der schriftstel-
lerische Charakter des " Emimoth," pp. 78-90), a very im-
portant study ; comp. Briill, Jahrbiicher, IV, 134-156; see also
Kaufmann, Die Sinne, Leipzig, 1884, index, s. v. Saadia.
M. Joel, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Philosophie, II, Bres-
lau, 1878, Anhang, pp. 34-44 (reprint from Wertheimer's
Jahrhuch fiir Jsraeliten, 5626, Vienna, 1866).
Jacob Guttmann, Die Religionsphilosophie des Saadia,
Gottingen, 1882, the best work on Saadia's philosophy.
Following the order of the Hebrew text the author gives an
excellent translation of the most essential parts of the work
elucidating each of the translated portions by general dis-
cussions and by quoting numerous parallel passages from
Greek and Arabic writers, thus presenting the content of the
whole as a fairly complete system. The work is preceded
by a well-written general Introduction (p. 1-32) ; comp.
Steinschneider, Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1883, p. yy ; see
also Guttmann, Die Beziehungen der maimonidischen Reli-
gions-philosophie zii der des Saadia, in Israel Lewy's Fest-
schrift, Breslau, 191 1, pp. 308-326, also in Moses h. Maimon,
II (Leipzig, 1914), 201-216.
M. Wolfif, Ein Wort ilber Religion und Philosophie nach
Auffassung Saadja al-FajjiimVs, ZDMG., XLIV (1890),
154-164.
3/8 SAADIA GAON
W. Bacher, Die Bibelexegese der ji'idischen Religions-
philosophen des Mittelaltcrs vor Ma'uniini, Strassburg, 1892,
pp. 1-44, dealing exhaustively with Saadia's philosophic
Bible exegesis, particularly in the Kitab al-'AmunCit.
M. Schreiner, Der Kalam in der ji'idischen Literatur
(printed in the Dreizehnter Bericht Uber die Lehranstalt
fiir die Wissenschaft des Judcnthums in Berlin), Berlin,
1895, pp. 5-22. The author quotes extensively from the
works of Muhammedan writers, showing in particular
Saadia's relation to the philosophy of the Mutakallimun.
G. H[enkel], Religiozno-Filosofskoe Sochinenie Saadii
Gaona, Voskhod, 1895, II, 3-20; III, 51-62; IV, 3-20; VI,
3-31. See also above, note 191.
S. Bernfeld, DTI^N DVn, Warsaw, 1897, pp. 1 13-139; see
also above, note 191.
Ph. Bloch, Die jiidische Religions philosophie (reprint
from Winter and Wiinsche, Die jiidische Litteratur, II
(1897), 704-715)-
J. P. Muller, De Godsleer der Middleeuwsche Joden,
Groningen, 1898, pp. 59-89.
S. Horovitz, Die Psychologie bei den jildischen Religious-
philosophen des Mittelalters von Saadia bis Mainmni (in
the " Jahres-Bericht " of the Jewish Theological Seminaiy of
Breslau), Breslau, 1898, part I, pp. 1-75, a learned work
with copious notes, in which numerous Greek sources are
adduced. His emendations of the Arabic and Hebrew texts,
however, are often far-fetched.. See also Horovitz, Uber die
Bekanntschaft Saadia's mit der griechischcn Skepsis, in Her-
mann Cohen's Festschrift, Berlin, 1912, pp. 235-252.
D. Neumark, Geschichte der jiidischen Philosophie des
Mittelalters (I, Berlin, 1907, pp. 429-469 ; 536-551) , a volum-
inous work showing great erudition, keen reasoning, and
admirable industry. Owing to the author's extremely dog-
matic conception of the history and development of Jewish
philosophy, however, his conclusions will hardly find general
acceptance.
David Rau. Die Ethik R. Saadjas in MGIVJ., 191 1, pp.
385-399. 513-530,713-728; 1912, pp. 65-79, 181-198, the most
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 379
exhaustive sUidy on this particular subject. The end of
this work has not yet appeared. The author died before he
had a chance to print his book; it was to be pubhshed by
Brann, the editor of the MGWJ, who in the meantime has
also passed away.
Isaac Husik, A History of Mediceval Jewish Philosophy,
New York, 1916, pp. 23-47 (comp. Maker, JQR., N. S., vol.
VIII (1917-1918), pp. 233-244).
H. Maker, Seadiah, in Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Re-
ligion and Ethics, XI (1920), 279-282.
In addition to the monographs on Saadia's philosophy
here enumerated and the more comprehensive works which
deal with the latter in its entirety or with some im-
portant branch thereof, there are numerous dissertations in
which certain phases of Saadia's philosophy are more or
less minutely discussed. Of these the following may be
mentioned.
A. Schmiedl, Studien iiber jiidische Religionsphilosophie,
Vienna, 1869, in which various theories of Saadia are un-
systematically discussed. The work has no index ; see,
however, pp. 42, 59, 78, 88, 94, 100 ff., 134-138, 160, 165 f.,
172-175, 185, 198, 223-225, 252 f. ; comp. Geiger, Jiidische
Zeitschrift, VIII, 171-177, and for a contrary view as to the
merits of Schmiedl's work, see Steinschneider, HB., XI,
139-141.
D. Rosin, Die Ethik des Maimonides, Breslau, 1876, p. 10.
L. Stein, Die Willensfreiheit und ihr Verhdltniss zur gott-
lichen Priiscienz und Prnvidenz bei den jiidischen Philoso-
phen des Mittelalters, Berlin, 1882, p. 1-14.
David Joel, Der Aberglaube und die Siellung des Juden-
thums su demselben, II, Breslau, 1883, pp. 2-10 (discussing
Saadia's attitude toward superstition).
L. Knoller, Das Problem der Willensfreiheit in der alteren
jiidischen Religionsphilosophie des Mittelalters, Leipzig,
1884, pp. 17-29.
N. Sandler, Das Problem der Prophetic in der jiidischen
Religionsphilosophie von Saadia bis Maimiini, Breslau, 1891,
pp. 14-22.
38o SAADIA GAON
B. Templer, Die Unsterblichkeitslehrc bei den jiidischen
Philosophcn des Mittelaltcrs, Leipzig, 1895. pp. 21-34.
J. Kramer, Das Problem des VVtmders im Zusammenhang
init dem der Providenz bei den jiidischen Religions philo-
sophen des Mittelalters vun Saadia bis Maimuni, Strassburg,
1903, pp. 7-27. Kramer treats the subject very satisfac-
torily.
For various references to older works see Steinschneider,
CB., 2172 ff. : idem, Hebriiische Uebersetzungen, pp. 439 ff. ;
AL., pp. 51 f.
VI. POLEMICS
1. Kitdb al-Radd'ald'Anan {\^V ''?V n"i^»< 3Xn3)," Refu-
tation of Anan." For details relating to this work, of
which nothing- but a few quotations has been preserved, see
Poznanski's exhaustive study, The Anti-Karaite Writings of
Saadiah Gaon, JQR., X, 240 ff. ; comp. also Poznanski, The
Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah Gaon (reprint from
JQR., XVIII-XX, hereafter quoted by the initials KLO),
London, 1908, p. 72, no. 32, and p. 94, Addenda to p. 242.
The work is also mentioned in an ancient book-list (12th
century) , JQR., XIII, 54, no. 69 ; comp. Steinschneider, AL.,
PP- 51. 339; Poznanski, /Qi?., XIII, 329, no. 6g; RE J., XLV,
192, no. 2; Hirschfeld, JQR., XIX, 136 flf; see also RE J.,
XXXIX, 208, lines 4 f., willi reference to no. 19.
2. Kitdb al-Tamyi:: (f^'on^K 3NnD, m Hebrew sources
msnn -iSD, or innon "iQD), "Book of Distinction,'" i. e. of
critical analysis. Of this work against the Karaites, which
is supposed to have been very voluminous (see Poznanski,
/v'LO., p. 95, n. i), several fragments of considerable length
and extensive extracts in the MS. work of the Karaite
Jephet b. 'Ali (altogether about fifteen pages in print) have
thus far become known. Not all of the fragments, however,
have been positively identified as having formed part of the
Kitab al-Tamyiz.
a) A fragment of a work by a certain Nathan b. Isaac
al-Sikili (of Sicili) which seems to have been a compilation
from older sources in defence of Jewish tradition in general
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 381
and the calendar in particular. Nearly the whole fragment, is
according to the statement of the compiler, a verbal repro-
duction of the first chapter of Saadia's Kitab al-Tamyiz.
It was published by Schechter, Saadyana, no. ix, pp. 30-34 ;
comp. Poznanski KLO., p. 96; idem, Zur judisch-arahischen
Literatur, p. 42 ; Eppenstein, Beitr'dge, pp. 76, 113, n. 2, and
above, under Calendar, p. 169, no. 5.
b) The concluding portion of the work, three printed
pages, pubhshed by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 102-105. For a
full description of the content see Hirschfeld's introductory
remarks {ibidem, pp. 98 f.) and especially Poznanski, KLO.,
pp. 94-96.
c) Numerous passages reproduced verbally by Jephet b.
'Ali in his Commentaries on the Bible. These were collected
by Poznanski and published in JQR., X, 246-251.
d) A fragment of nearly three pages containing a defence
of the calendar and its authority, published with an English
translation and annotations by Poznanski, JQR., X, 261-274.
Poznanski's arguments in favor of Saadia's authorship of
this anonymous fragment seem to me fully convincing. The
question is only to which work of Saadia it belonged, but as
the "lUy^X nxriD, suggested by Poznanski (p. 274) is, for
reasons given above (p. 169, no. 5; see also p. 352, no. 5),
out of the question, the only work that can come seriously
into consideration is the Kitdb al-Taiiiyis, which is also sug-
g"ested by Poznanski. For another fragment, thought by
Harkavy to have been part of the Kitdb al-Tamyts, see below,
no. 3c.
e) A passage quoted in Hebrew by Abraham b. Hiyya
in his "il^yn IDD, London. 1851, p. 96, in which the date
of the composition Tb"VsnhT= 926-7 is given; comp. Poz-
nanski, JQR., X, 245. The passage is reproduced also among
the D"'tD'iP^, given by Miiller, Oeuvres completes, IX, 149, no.
15; Rapoport. p^» "inj?, pp. 85, 87. For references to the
Tamyls in the works of some other mediaeval authors see
Poznanski, /. c.; comp. Steinschneider, AL., p. 50, no. 12 ; Ep-
penstein, Beitrdge, pp. 76 f.
382 SAADIA GAON
In view of the comprehensive character of the Kitab al-
Tavnyis I am of the opinion that the passage (two pages in
print) quoted by a Karaite in his Arabic polemic against
Saadia (Hirschfeld, JQR., N. S., vol. VIII (1917-1918), pp.
183 ff.) is likewise part of this work. That it was taken from
a work against the admissibility of kiyas (speculation) in
matters of tradition (Hirschfeld, ih., p. 167) is without basis,
as there is no evidence that such a work by Saadia ever ex-
isted (see this Bibliography, VII, p. 400, no. 13). Saadia's
views on Mishnah and Talmud (p. 170) agree with those
found in some other works of his. Unfortunately, the editor's
translation of the passage is incorrect and unintelligible. In
place of what is given there 11. 22-30 read as follows : " they
betook themselves to the consideration of the principles (of
the oral law) and fixed them, calling the whole Mishnah, but
the details they left unfixed in the hope that these would be
preserved by the fixing of the aforementioned principles. So
it was. The details thus left unfixed were preserved until we
went into the second exile and were scattered even more than
in the first. Then the scholars feared (read in Arabic:
fahafa) that — as had happened previously (read: kadiman),
before it (the Mishnah) was fixed — they might be forgotten ;
they therefore betook themselves also to the consideration of
the details and fixed these. This they called Talmud."
3. Kitab al-Radd 'aid Ibn SdkawaUii (pN '''?)} Ti^N 2NnD
nnpKD), "Refutation of Ibn Sakawaihi." Of this work
some extensive fragments, covering eleven pages in print,
have latterly been recovered.
a) A fragment discovered by Harkavy, part of which he
edited in the Russian periodical IVoskhod, January, 1900,
p. 83. The same portion was re-edited with a French trans-
lation by Poznanski, REJ., XL, 88-90. The entire fragment
was published with an English translation and notes by Har-
kavy, JQR., XIII (1901), 662-667, and for a second time
with a Hebrew translation by the same in the Hebrew peri-
odical Dipn, I (1907), 124-128. A much-damaged portion
of the same fragment was published from another Genizah
MS. by Hirschfeld, JQR., X\T. 112, no. x. The whole
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 383
fragment belongs, according- to Hirschfeld {ibidem, p. 100,
bottom), to the earlier part of the work; comp. Poznanski,
KLO., p. 6, n. 6.
b) Six leaves belonging to the middle part of the book,
pubhshed by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 105-112, who gives also
a summary of the contents (pp. 99-102).
.c) A fragment edited by Harkavy with an English trans-
lation and notes as part of the Kitdh al-Tamyis (JQR., XIII,
655-660), which is assigned, however, by Hirschfeld with
much more probability to the latter part of the work under
discussion ; see Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 100 f ; comp. Poz-
nanski, KLO. J p. 7, n. 4. This fragment, like the one men-
tioned above (no. t,^), was pubhshed by Harkavy for a
second time with a Hebrew translation in DHpn, I (1907),
64-68.
d) A lengthy passage quoted in Hebrew translation by
Judahb. Barzillai of Barcelona (i 135), in his ri'T'V 1QD tJ'ns
published by Plalberstam, Berlin, 1885, p. 20, line 19 to p. 22,
line 2 (comp. the notes of Halberstam and Kaufmann on
pp. 282, 334). The passage had been previously published
by Luzzatto in DTP r!lD''^n, pp. 69 ff.; comp. also Luzzatto,
*l^ixn rT'n, I (Lemberg, 1847), 12. That the passage was
taken from the work against Ibn Sakawaihi, however, is only
a probable conjecture, but not positively established (see
above, p. 267, top ; comp. Poznanski, JQR., VIII, 690 ; KLO.,
p. 6, n. 7 ; 9, n. 2, and p. 97, top.
e) Another shorter passage in Hebrew quoted by the
same author, p. 34, lines 3-16. Here too the origin is not
quite certain ; see Poznanski, U. cc.
f) A passage quoted in Hebrew by Abraham b. Hiyya
(1136) in his luyn *1QD, p. 94, which, as Poznanski properly
suggests {JQR., X, 253), is taken from our work. In
Oeuvre completes de Saadia, IX, 141, no. 50, this passage is
placed among Saadia's Responsa, where it hardly belongs ;
comp. Steinschneider, AL., p. 48; above, p. 349. For other
quotations in the works of Rabbanite and Karaite authors see
Poznanski, JQR., X, 252-254; comp. Steinschneider, AL.,
p. 51, no. 15, where, however, the reference to a fragment,
3R4 SAADIA GAON
edited by Lambert, REJ ., XL, 84, is a mistake, as that frag-
ment is part of Saadia's "'"i^^n 12D; see Lambert, /. c, p. 260.
Bacher (REJ., XXXIX, 205 f., nos. 4 and 5) finds the book
mentioned in an ancient book-Hst of the Geniaah.
4. Kitab al-Radd 'aid al-Mutahdmil '^y nl^x 3«n3
(?Drn) !^ot«nno?N), "Refutation of the Overbearing Ag-
gressor," perhaps again Ibn Sakawaihi. Only two leaves
have so far been found and published by Hirschfeld with an
English translation and notes, JQR., XVIII, 113-119. For
quotations by Hebrew authors (under the title !^y naiti'n
lyiDn) see Poznanski, JQR., X, 254 f. ; Steinschneider, AL.,
p. 51, no. 14. The quotations of Judah b. Barzillai, to which
both Steinschneider and Poznanski refer, were later assigned
by Poznanski to Saadia's work against Ibn Sakawaihi ; see
the references above, no. 3, letters d and c. Regarding the
Tin\T "12D (j. e. the second chapter of Saadia's Kitdb al-
'Amdndt), mentioned there by Steinschneider, see especially
Poznanski, JQR., VIII, 691 . The polemical work under con-
sideration is mentioned also in two old book-lists from the
Genizah (12th century), printed in Schechter's Saadyana,
no. xxxvii (p. 79, line 16; comp. Poznanski, Schechter's
Saadyana, p. 23, no. 24), and in JQR., XIII. 54, no. 59;
p. 327, no. 59. The enigmatic word DVn, which occurs as
part of the title in one of the sources (Nissim b. Jacob), is
perhaps the mutilated name of the Karaite against whom
the work was written. That it was Ibn Sakawaihi is only a
conjecture. In the aforementioned lists, the word is omitted ,
comp. Hirschfeld, JQR., XVIII, 113, n. i ; see also Eppen-
stein. Beitrdi^c, p. 109, n. 4. For refutations of tbe Karaites
Ben Zuta and Daniel b. Moses al-Kumisi. supposed to have
been written by Saadia, see below, Bibliography, section
VII, p. 398, nos. 9, 10.
5. Kitdh al-Radd 'aid JJayazvaihi al-Ballfi ('^V in^'N D«nD
^3^3^S np.in), "Refutation of Hayawaihi (vulgo Hiwi)*
* The proper pronunciation of the name is, as sujrgested hy Poz-
nanski, ''5^3n Tn, p. 6, n. 3, Hayawaihi (or Haiwaihi), which
agrees with the spelling HM^n in the St. Petersburg MS. of the Kitab
al-.4imhuit (Landaucr, p. 2>7^ ^''^ i" Kirkisani's Kitab al- Anwar
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 385
of Balkh " (Persia). Under this title the work is referred
to by Saadia himself in his Kitdb al-'Amdndt, p. 37, I. 6
(Emilndt, ed. Slucki, p. 20). Saadia mentions the work
also in the M^jn nSD, ed. Harkavy, Zikron, V, 177, and in
his Polemic against Ibn Sakawaihi (not in the T''''Dn^X 3Kn3,
as Davidson (see below), pp. 14, 82, following Graetz. has
it), in the passage reproduced from it by Judah b. Barzillai,
m^V nSD y^ns, p. 21 (see above, p. 383, letter d). In this
passage one stanza of Saadia's original text is preserved,
which makes it evident that the work was written in Hebrew
and in rhymed prose. A^arious mediaeval authors, both
among the Karaites and the Rabbanites, refer to Hiwi as a
heretic, some of the latter pointing out the fact that Saadia
refuted his heresies; thus, the anonymous author of the
Kitdb nia'dni al-nafs (12th century) ed. Goldziher, Berlin,
1907, p. 16, 11. 20-24 ; Abraham Ibn Daud, n^3pn mo, ed.
Neubauer, p. 66; Simon Duran (15th c.),rinN p», Leghorn,
1785, fol. 3ifl; Saadia Ibn Danan (15th c), nTlJ:i rn»n, ed,
Edelmann, Konigsberg, 1856, pp. 160, 28^, and others. In
more recent times (since the appearance in the y"n33, 1829,
of the Biography of Saadia by Rapoport, who first took up
the matter) the question of Hiwi's personality and writings,
as well as of the nature of Saadia's polemic against him,
has been the subject of minute study and investigation.
Among other things it was pointed out in particular that
numerous passages in Saadia's main philosophic work, the
Kitdb al-Amdndt, in which he argues against an unnamed
opponent, were directed against Hiwi ; see Graetz, Geschichtc
(4), V, Note 20, pp. 533 f. (Hebrew edition, III, 473 f.) ;
especially the extensive article of Guttmann, MGWJ., 1879,
(Harkavy, Zikron, V, p. 147, n. 2). This pronunciation is supported
also by three MSS. of Ibn Tibbon's translation (Parma and the
Vatican) of which I possess copies and in which the name is vocal-
ized '•Vn (omitting the H). The usual pronunciation Hiwi or
Hiwwi (Bacher; see Steinschneider, AL., p. 65, n. 12) is based
on a wrong analogy to the Biblical name of a Cananite tribe
(Gen., 10, 17). The proper analogy is the Persian name Tatnai
(Ezra, 5, 3).
25
386 SAADIA GAON
pp. 260-270, 289-300. An exhaustive study of the subject
was published by Poznanski under the title ""D^nn "'"iTi, Ber-
dyczew, 1908 (reprint from pJH, \'II, 1 12-137), in which
all the material then available was collected and presented in
a clear and systematic way.
Of the text of Saadia's polemic against Hiwi nothing was
known until recently except the stanza of four rhymes pre-
served by Judah b. Barzillai. It was therefore of great
interest to the scholarly world that a considerable portion
of this work was lately discovered by Israel Davidson among
the Genizah fragments in the Cambridge University Library,
containing 73 stanzas of four rhymes each, about one-sixth
of the whole work, which, as Davidson, p. 34, shows, con-
sisted of about 460 stanzas. Davidson edited the fragment
with an English translation and explanatory notes under the
title Saadia's Polemic against Hiwi Al-Balkhi, New York,
1915 (vol. V of Texts and Studies of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America). In a lucid introduction the editor
briefly reviews the literature of the subject, gives a minute
analysis and appreciation of the contents of the recovered
text, and brings out the points that are of either literary or
historical interest. Towards the end of the volume he repro-
duces all the passages relating to Hiwi in the works of Saadia
(numbering altogether 15) , as well as all the passages occur-
ring in the Arabic and Hebrew works of other mediaeval au-
thors, so that we have here the entire material bearing on
Saadia's polemic against Hiwi (comp. Gaster, Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1915. pp. 575-577; Poznanski, ZfhB.
XIX, 2-8). Davidson's edition was made use of by Poz-
nanski, who has reedited the whole with Hebrew notes under
the title, ^3^nn ^vn m^KC ^y 3"Dn n131^^•n. Warsaw, 1916
(see ZfhB. XX, 52f.).
Of Hiwi's writings nothing has thus far become known.
In 1901 a remarkable Genizah fragment of twelve pages in
Hebrew verse was published in the JQR., XIII. 345-374, by
Schechter who thinks that it emanated from the school of
Hiwi. The fragment contains very vigorous attacks on the
Bible and was later made the subject of minute study by
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 387
Backer UQR., XIII, 741-745), Poznanski {ih., 746-748),
Porges {ib., XIV, 129-133), Seligsohn {REJ., XLVI, 99-
122), who also translated it into French, and David Kohn
{X^^Vt, V, 5-42), who re-edited it with vowel-points and addi-
tional notes (comp. Poznanski, ZfhB., X, 68). Opinion on
the identity of the author and the specific object of his work
is still divided ; comp. Poznanski, "'D^^PI ""Vn, p. 27-30; Stein-
schneider, AL., p. 65, n. 12, where for " XTL, 329 " (line 31)
read: XIV, 129.
In an ancient book-list coming from the Genizah a ''in 3Kn3
^3^3 is mentioned (JQR., XIII, 54, no. 71), which in all
probability refers to Hiwi's work containing the 200 objec-
tions to the Bible, or to some other work of his. Poznanski,
JQR., XIII, 329, no. 71, thinks that Saadia's polemic against
Hiwi is here meant, which is quite improbable, as in this
case the word Radd-=. Refutation, which is the main part of
the title, could hardly have been omitted by the cataloguer.
6. Sefer ha-Galiii ('l^:!;! "12D). Arabic al-Kitdb al-Tdrid
(TiKO^K 3Sn3^S), usually translated " Book of the Exiled
One " (see below). The first intimation of the existence of
parts of this Avork, which had been known only from two
quotations in the works of Abraham b. Hiyya ("invn *1DD
ed. Filipofski, p. x) and Abraham Ibn Daud (T\'?2pn mo,
ed. Neubauer, I, 66), came, as in the case of the pl^N (see
above, p. 306), from the Karaite Abraham Firkovich, who
discovered the MS. in 1864 in Egypt, and in an article in the
weekly V'^t^n, 1868, nos. 26, 27 (also separately under the
title mnn nionpn^ Ninn etc., Odessa, 1868) gave some in-
formation as to its contents (comp. Geiger, Jildischc Zeit-
schrift, X, 262 ; XI, 155) . Three years later, part of the text
appeared in Hebrew translation in the monthly periodical
^onDH, 1871-1872, pp. 63-68. In 1891 the fragments which
were brought by Firkovich and acquired by the St. Peters-
burg Imperial Library, were critically edited by Harkavy,
who added a literal Hebrew translation, copious notes, and
an exhaustive Introduction, in which all the historical and
philological data relating to the work, as well as some im-
portant additional material, which he discovered subse-
388 SAADIA GAON
qucntly, were minutely discussed. Harkavy's nionoj^raph on
the Scfer ha-Galui forms the second part of his Zikrnn, vol.
V, Berlin, 1891, pp. 133-235 ; see the reviews of this work by
Bacher, Expository Times, XI (1899-1900), 454-458; REJ.,
XXIV, 307-318, XXV, 143 f.; Porges, ih., XXV, 144-151,
and Neubauer, JQR., IV, 490-494. The publication of Har-
kavy has aroused considerable controversy among scholars.
At first the meaning and correctness of both the Hebrew and
the Arabic title were doubted. It was pointed out that the
Hebrew galid does not mean " exiled," but " open," " mani-
fest ; " while the Arabic tdrid can only mean " one who exiles,
banishes others," but not one who is himself exiled. Neu-
bauer {JQR., IV, 492) proposed to retain the meaning
" open " for the Hebrew and to read in Arabic correspond-
ingly 'lilNti. Others proposed the reading gillni, " manifes-
tation," and this reading is still maintained by Eppenstein
in his recent Beitrdge, p. 129 ('' Das Buck der oifencn Wider-
legung ") ; see, however, Harkavy, /. c, pp. 142, 180, n. 7,
especially JQR., XII, 550, w^here he defends the meaning
" exiled," and suggests the change of the Arabic n"iN*t: into
the passive form "inu, or Tip, admitting the possibility that
the Hebrew title contains an allusion to Jeremiah, 32, 14, in
the sense of an " Open Book." The question regarding the
title becomes still more complicated by the fact that R. Mu-
bashshir, a contemporary of Saadia, refers to the work by the
title I<:itdb al-J'tibdr (nNnnVK^N 2NnD; Harkavy /. c, 182),
which means " Book of Taking Example," i. e. an admonition
to the reader to derive moral lessons from the author's expe-
riences as described in his work. This difficulty can be dis-
posed of, however, by assuming that Mubashshir did not
quote the real title of the book, but referred to it in a general
descriptive way. His paraphrase does, indeed, cover the
contents of the book. The reason given by Harkavy (/. c, p.
182, n. 2) for this form of R. Mubashshir's quotation is far
fetched and the interpretation of Neubauer (JQR., IV, 492)
inadequate ; comp. Steinschneider, AJ^., p. 68, n. 45. Har-
kavy's view (p. T46, followed by Eppenstein in his notes to
Graetz, Geschichte, V, 531, n. i) that the title f'Kn'St?^^ 3Kn3
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 389
quoted by the Muhammedan author Ibn al-Nadim (who wrote
in 987) as a work by Saadia divided into ten chapters, refers
to the work under consideration, is altogether improbable,
since the latter, contrary to the assertion of Harkavy
and Eppenstein, contains only seven chapters (see Bacher,
JQR., XII, 704; JE., X, 585; Steinschneider, AL., p. 68,
n. 45). ^sriOK is merely a mistake for nXJNON.
It must be admitted that none of the explanations is satis-
factory. Aside from the linguistic difficulties, it would be
strange if Saadia, contrary to his wont, should have desig-
nated an important writing by a title which contains merely a
personal allusion (/, e., to his exile), but does not indicate in
the least the contents of the work. Moreover, if we consider
the whole verse in which the title occurs, it becomes obvious
that the meaning exiled for galui, which is gained only by
making the latter an artificial substitute for goleh, is unten-
able. The verse reads: Iiom niK"i D103n ^I^Jn nSD nm
n'ilN Dn mn!»' nox TDID. The words DIDD (Deuter., 32,
34) and pon (Isaiah, 23, 16) which mean hidden, treasured,
are clearly intended as a contrast to galui = open, visible, the
author wishing to say " this is the ' Open Book ' (Jeremiah,
32, 14), which contains hidden moral lessons and stored up
ethics; words of rhetoric are its treasure" (ni^^n, Ez., 28,
17, is rendered in the immediately following Arabic verse by
"l^5rlnyN, as quoted by Mubashshir (see above, p. 388), so that
mx"i receives the meaning of learning, that is, beholding the
truth; nviN is also suggestive of Tnt^'iNn. Deuter., ib.). We
know from Saadia's general Introduction to the work that
these were, indeed, its main characteristics ; see Malter, JQR.,
N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), pp. 489-495. The meaning ex-
iled suggested itself only by the incidental fact that the work
was written during Saadia's retirement, and then the Arabic
tdrid was likewise given this unwarranted meaning. How-
ever, nxt^^N nnriD^N, with the double article, which in the
meaning " Book of the Exiled " is grammatically impossible,
is not at all a translation of "'"i^^in "IDD, but, as suggested
by Bacher (Expository Times,Xl, 454-458, and REJ.,XXIV,
313; comp. Forges, ib., XXV, 150), means merely "The
390 SAADIA GAON
Book that Refutes " and is used by Saadia as a descriptive
title to designate the aim and purpose of the work. It ex-
presses the same thought as " Kitab al-Radd," which is the
usual title of Saadia's polemical writings. It is true, all
other words in this Arabic line are a verbal translation of
the corresponding Hebrew; but the words ''l^an "iDD, being
bodily taken over as a technical title from Jeremiah, did
not require any special translation, and the author replaced
them by two words which, for the Arabic reader, better indi-
cate the character and content of the work.
Of far greater importance than the question of the title
seemed for a time the literary controversy that arose about
the origin and genuineness of the fragment. Some time after
the appearance of Harkavy's work, Professor D. S. ]\Iargo-
liouth came out with an ingenious article {JQR., XII ( 1900) ,
502-532), in which he endeavored to prove with much detail
and acumen that the fragment is no fragment at all, but a fab-
rication by some Karaite, composed after the year 962, and in-
tended to serve as a lampoon directed against Saadia, satir-
ically imitating and parodying the latter's philological method
and style, and inserting some of Saadia's opinions (see ib.,
p. 532). The article called forth rejoinders by Harkavy {ib.,
pp. 532-554) and Bacher {ib., pp. 703-705), which wer>*
followed by a reply by Margoliouth and another " Rejoin-
der " by Harkavy (ib., pp. 705-707 ; the same controversy
was carried on between Margoliouth and Bacher in the
Expository Times, XI (1900), 46, 92, 192, 287, 521, 563).
Once more Margoliouth tried to defend his theory (JQR.,
XIII, 155-158), but it found no acceptance among scholars.
To-day, after the genuineness of the Scfer ha-Galui has
been positively established by additional MS. material,
readers of Professor Margoliouth's articles may still admire
the ingenuity and art with which he succeeded in making an
entirely groundless theory appear tenable, but they will
otherwise dismiss the whole matter as a curious literary
episode in the history of our work.
As already noted, the Sefer ha-Galui was written in He-
brew and about three years later an Arabic translation and
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 391
commentary, with an introduction, were added thereto by
the author, who describes this work as " The Book that
Refutes." There is no sufficient proof that the Arabic text
was accompanied by a second enlarged edition of the original
Hebrew text, as has been repeatedly asserted ; though this
may well have been so, as was the case with other writings
of Saadia. At any rate the Arabic was not merely a
repetition of the Hebrew content by way of transla-
tion, as hitherto assumed, but a new work, which, aside
from the literal translation and the interpretation of the
difficult rhetorical text of the Sefer ha-Galui, contained
much additional material of a controversial character (see
below, p. 392, under b, c). Both texts must have circulated
separately as well, for among the fragments we possess there
are some that contain the Hebrew or the Arabic only, while
others have both side by side. This is also obvious from
two ancient book-lists, that come from the Genizah, the one
of which records the " Sefer ha-Galui " (Schechter, Saady-
ana, p. 79), the other the " Taf sir Sefer ha-Galui" {JQR.,
Xni, 55, no. yy ; comp. Lambert, RE J., XL, 260). The
latter refers to the Arabic text, Saadia using the word tafsir
ahke for translation and commentary ; comp. Harkavy, p.
146, n. 6, and above, note 308. For the suggested identifi-
cation of the Sefer ha-Galid with a Kitdb al-Kashf see below,
section VII, p. 402, no. 15.
To afford a better survey of the existing material I shall
here arrange the Hebrew and Arabic fragments in two sep-
arate sections following in each group the order of pub-
lication.
A. HEBREW
a) Four pages (18 lines each) the first two of which
represent the initial portion of the work, while the other
two probably belong to the third chapter. The two frag-
ments were edited together by Schechter (JQR., XIV, 37 ff.,
reprinted in his Saadyana, pp. 4-7), who by way of intro-
duction gives also a clear anal}sis of their contents. The
first four lines of the first fragment (Saadyana, p. 4) had
392 SAADIA GAON
been previously published by Schecliter from another Geni-
zah MS. with some variations (JQR., XII, 460).
b) A fragment consisting of two pages (19 lines each).
The text is divided into verses and provided with vowel-
points and accents like the books of the Bible. It was
recently published with a French translation and notes by
B. Chapira, REJ., LXYHI ( 1914) , 3-8- In his introductory
remarks Chapira still repeats the erroneous view of
Harkavy that the Sefer lia-Galui consisted of ten chapters
three of which, he conjectures, were subsequently omitted
by the Gaon. This theory was refuted by Bacher long ago
{REJ., XXIV, 314) ; see above, pp. 270 f ., and Maker, JQR.,
N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 492, nn. 20, 26.
B. ARABIC
a) A fragment covering sixteen pages (22-23 lin^s eacli),
edited by Harkavy with an elaborate introduction, Hebrew
translation, and copious notes {Zikron, V, 1 50-181 ) . It con-
tains nearly the whole Introduction of Saadia (lacking only
a few lines of the beginning) and the first three Hebrew
verses of the work itself. The first verse is followed by the
Arabic translation, which is missing in the same portion
published by Schechter from another Genizah fragment (see
above, under Hehrezv, letter a) .
Another fragment of the same Introduction (four pages
of iS lines each) was published by Malter (from a MS. be-
longing to Dr. Cyrus Adler in the Library of the Dropsie
College in Philadelphia) with an English translation and
notes in the JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), pp. 487-499-
The text agrees on the whole with that published by Harkavy
(pp. 151, 1. 16-158, 1. i), but offers numerous, partly impor-
tant, variants and also supplements some gaps in the text of
Harkavy. For still another fragment of the Introduction,
agreeing with Harkavy, p. 169, 1. 15; p. 173. 1. 1.2, see B.
Chapira, REJ., LXVIII, 2.
b) Two leaves (four pages, 16-17 lines each), represent-
ing two different parts of the Arabic version, but edited as one
by Harkavy (pp. 187-193), who calls attention, however, to
BIBLIOGRAPHY VI— POLEMICS 393
the gap between the two leaves. Like the preceding" frag-
ment, this is translated by the editor into Hebrew and ac-
companied by explanatory notes. Both fragments contain
a denunciation of David ben Zakkai and a reply to the criti-
cism of the Sefer ha-Galui in its first edition ; see above,
pp. 390 f .
c) Two leaves (four pages, 13 lines each) , likewise belong-
ing to two different parts of the work, edited with a French
translation by M. Lambert, REJ., XL, 84-86, 260. It is
important to note that the first leaf of this fragment corre-
sponds to the Hebrew text in Schechter's Saadyana, p. 6, leaf
2 verso, lines 10 ft". ; for here we see clearly the relation of
the two texts to one another, namely, that the Arabic work
contained besides the translation also a commentary on the
Hebrew. The author quotes one or two catchwords from
the Hebrew text to indicate the verse or paragraph of the
Sefer ha-Galui, which he is about to explain, and then com-
ments upon the passage freely. It is furthermore to be noted
that the larger part of the second leaf is identical with
fragment b published by Harkavy (187, lines 1-12), so that
the latter is a continuation of the text edited by Lambert.
In this continuation we see the author interrupting his inter-
pretation of the Hebrew text and suddenly beginning to
defend its style and grammar against the objections made by
his opponents. This, of course, could not have formed part
of the original Sefer ha-Galui. It is thus clear beyond a
doubt that the Arabic al-Kitab al-Tarid, was not merely a
translation of the Sefer ha-Galui, but an independent and
more comprehensive polemical work, the purpose of which
was to translate the original Hebrew text, to explain the
obscure passages occurring therein, and more particularly
to refute the attacks made upon it by its detractors.
d) Two fragments, four pages each (18-20 lines to the
page), were recently discovered in Cairo by Bernard Cha-
pira, who published them with a French translation in the
REJ., LXVIII (1914), 9-14. In these two fragments each
Hebrew verse is followed by a literal Arabic translation, thus
evidently belonging to the Arabic edition of the work. Both
394 SAADIA GAOK
seem to have formed part of the sixth chapter, but the text,
especially of the second fragment, is so badly mutilated that
nothing- definite can be said about the contents. We receive
here the interesting information that the two opposing par-
ties were designated by " right " (Saadia and his followers)
and "left" (the Exilarch. Sarjadah. etc.) ; see Chapira, ib..
pp. 2, 7, n. 3; ii, 11. 2-4; B. Lewin, PN: i<nntr 31, Jaffa.
1916, p. 2. To these fragments of the Sefer ha-Galui itself
may be added :
e) A fragment (43 lines) of a work of R. Mubashshir, in
which the author criticizes certain portions of Saadia's Kitab
al-Vtibar (see above, p. 388), quoting the text of the latter,
as it seems, literally (published by Harkavy, Zikron, V, 183-
185). From the contents it appears that he quotes from
al-Kifdb al-Tdrid and not from the Scfer ha-Galui, for Saadia
defends certain Hebrew expressions he used in the latter,
to which Mubashshir objects. Moreover, it is not probable
that Mubashshir would have quoted the Hebrew original
in Arabic translation. The title, however, under which
he quotes the work, may refer to both texts as a whole.
For two other quotations from the work under consideration
see Harkavy, pp. 196 ff.
For completeness' sake it should be noted that the text
published by Harkavy was translated into Hebrew by Sam-
uel Firkovich, a grandson of Abraham Firkovich, who sent
the MS. of his translation to H. J. Gurland of Odessa. The
latter placed it at the disposal of David Kohn (Kahana),
who published it in the nnSDH nv^N, IV (1892), 318 ff., also
separately under the awkward title J"D"i ninf-ID^ IDD, Cra-
cow, 1892, pp. 27 fT. He suppressed the name of the trans-
lator; see his note at the beginning of the translation ; Har-
kavy, p. 149, n. 2, and above, p. 306 under 'Agron.
VII. WORKS OF UNCERTAIN DESCRIPTION
Under this heading I propose to bring together a number
of writings which, with only one or two exceptions (see
nos. 2 and 3), are explicitly quoted in trustworthy sources as
the products of the Gaon, so that there is no reason to doubt
BIBLIOGRAPHY VII— UNCERTAIN DESCRIPTION 395
their genuineness. The difficulty is that the titles under
which they are quoted, or, as the case may be, the general
terms in which they are referred to, leave it open to doubt
whether the reference is to separate works of Saadia, which,
like other of his writings, were subsequently lost, or to some
parts or chapters of more comprehensive books which
have been dealt with above under the various headings
of Saadia's literary activity. We know from other instances
that Saadia himself, after issuing short monographs on given
subjects, later combined them into one volume with a differ-
ent, more general title, and that on the other hand he some-
times made excerpts from his larger works and, issued them
as monographs (see above, pp. 194, 267). There is also
sufficient evidence that later readers, who found some of
Saadia's works too extensive and were interested only in
particular sections, likewise made various excerpts for them-
selves and that these circulated as separate writings (see
below, no. 2). It is therefore unsafe to conclude from the
occurrence of such titles or references that there existed the
same number of separate and original works of Saadia. In
many instances they probably designate parts of works which
are otherwise known by some general title. Nor is the mate-
rial at hand sufficient to enable us to ascertain in each case
whether we have before us a reference to an otherwise un-
known work or merely a new title. As a matter of fact,
some of the writings which were enumerated above as sep-
arate works may well belong here. I shall indicate them by
a mere repetition of the titles and cross-references.
PHILOLOGY AND EXEGESIS
I. nnyo ni TiPJ, a grammatical work on Punctuation is
quoted by Rashi, Commentary on Psalms, 45, 10, but accord-
ing to Berliner (see Steinschneider, Vorlcsungen ilher die
Kunde hehrdischer Handschriften, Leipzig, 1897, P- ^S) ^^^
passage is a later interpolation. Bacher {Die Anfdnge der
hchrciischen Grammaiik, Leipzig, 1895, p. 60, n. 2), on the
other hand, thinks that it formed the sixth chapter of the
396 SAADIA GAON
Kutiib al-Lugah, which chapter was called by Saadia 3Xn3
••an^^xi tJ'jn^K ; comp. Steinschneider, AL., p. 62, no. 23; see
also above, note 303.
2. D^DSC'on n^XI "TiDEn, Interpretation of the Section
Mislipatim (Exodus, 21-24), mentioned in a book-list from
the Genizah, Schechter, Saadyana, p. 79 (no. xxxvii). The
name of the author is not given there, but in all probability
it is the treatise mentioned by Isaac Gaon, a preacher
of the 13th century (see Steinschneider, AL., § 168) quoted
by Steinschneider, C.S., 2185, who remarks that various parts
of Saadia's commentaries on the Bible must have existed
as separate treatises with special introductions. Isaac Gaon
indeed quotes D''DDCDn n^J^l T'D^n =nv, that is, Introduc-
tion to the Commentary on Mishpatim; comp. Bacher,
Abraham Ibn Esra's Einleitung zu seinem Pentateuch-
Conimcntar, p. 20, n. 2 [comp. below, p. 427].
3. niD nnx -i"'D2n, Interpretation of the Section Ahare
Mot (Leviticus, 16-18), mentioned in the list referred to
under no. 2. Here again no author is named, but in the same
list several other books are mentioned without the name of
Saadia, though his authorship of these books is definitely
estalilished. Thus we find the Sefer ha-Galui, the Kitab al-
Ta'rlh (see above, pp. 353 f.), and at least five other works
of Saadia mentioned anonymously. The compiler of the
list probably gave the name of Saadia whenever it was found
in the MSS. he catalogued ; where he did not add the name
it may have been missing also in his MSS. For another
ex]ilanation see below, p. 407. There is also a strong
probability that this Tafsir is identical with the DVIV 1DD
which was discussed above, p. 346, no. 4. It should be added
that nos. 2 and 3 are mentioned together in the same line
[see also below, Postscript, p. 427].
UALAKAH
4. DD^n nync. Treatise on the Oath of Inducement,
referred to by Isaac b. Reuben of Barcelona (nth century)
at the end of the third chapter of his mynr' nyL" (see
Steinschneider, CB., 2161). The anonymous Arabic Genizah
BIBLIOGRAPHY VII— UNCERTAIN DESCRIPTION 397
fragment (Neubauer and Cowley, Catalogue, II, no. 2643,
opus 23) which deals with the same subject is perhaps part
of the treatise in question, as suggested by Cowley, /. c.
5. mJ niD^n see above, Bibliography, pp. 348 f ., nos. 7, 10.
6. Tafsir al-Ardyot, see above, p. 346; 396, no. 3. For
a treatise on charity (npnv ni3^n) see note 369. For n"'D2n
niDS^O nns see note 366. A p^BD DU^n by Saadia is
said to have recently been discovered and published by
S. A. Wertheimer, Jerusalem.
CHRONOLOGY
7. Seder Tannaim we-Amoraim, see above, notes 357, 395,
and Bibliography, p. 354, no. 2. For the " Four Gates "
(onyti^ nynnx) see above, p. 169, no. 2.
PHILOSOPHY
8. Hadd al-'Insdn (IKDJK^N in), "Definition of Man."
I insert this work here (though it does not strictly belong to
the class of writings here enumerated) as the authorship of
Saadia is not fully established. A MS. in the Royal Library
of Berlin (see Steinschneider, Verzeichnis der hebrdischen
Handschriften der koniglichen Bibliothek su Berlin, 1, p. 48,
no. y2,*) contains an anonymous Hebrew translation of the
first chapter of the work in question, which is explicitly
attributed to Saadia, the opening lines reading: xmn mtyn
D'osnn nsDD naon nr nn^n y"J nnyo mi .... y"J nr^
nny^J' 'nn iniK ip-rn ; see the rest of the quotation in Stein-
schneider's HB., X, 25. Kaufmann {Die Sinne, p. 94, n. 23)
nevertheless ascribes the work to Abraham b. Hiyya, because
he is quoted by Jedaiah ha-Penini (about 1300) as the
author of a work named DTXn 113, which, Kaufmann thinks,
is merely the translation of the Arabic title of our work.
This identification cannot be maintained, for Abraham b.
Hiyya wrote all his works in Hebrew, not in Arabic, while
the MS., as quoted before, plainly shows that the original was
Arabic ; comp. Steinschneider, /^&ra/iam Ibn Esra (in Supple-
ment siir historisch-literarischicn Abtheilung der Zeitschrift
398 SAADIA GAON
fur Mathcmatik imd Physik, vol. XXV, pp. 59-128), p. 119.
From the contents of the extracts made by Steinschneider.
HB. X, 25, and Kaiifmann, /. c, pp. 95, 124, n. 6, dealin.cf with
anatomy, nothing definite can be concluded. Various pas-
sages, showing Saadia's familiarity with the works on
medicine and anatomy of his day, are found also in Saadia's
genuine works, e. g. in his Commentary on the Sefcr
Yezirah, pp. 97 f., 103 (see above, note 454) ; Kitah al-
'Amanat, pp. 196 (' Emunot, ed. Cracow, p. 131), 201 (134)-
316 (205 f.) ; comp. above, pp. 182, 187 (n. 437), 193. The
topics noted in the outline of the contents of the other four
chapters — on the nature of the soul, mind, etc., on the four ele-
ments, on the parallelism between the microcosm and macro-
cosm, and on the definition or limits (in^n = Arabic hudud,
plural of Imdd) of life and death and what follows there-
after— are all subjects treated by Saadia in his extant philo-
sophic writings ; see above, pp. 187, 222 fif. I expect to arrive
at a definite conclusion by a future examination of the
Berlin MS. For the present we have no sufficient ground
to deny Saadia's authorship of this work against the explicit
testimony of the anonymous Hebrew translator. Stein-
schneider mentions the book in the index to his Arabische
Literatur (Register IV, p. 11, s. v. in) as a work of Saadia,
but there is no trace of it in the paragraph dealing with the
works of the Gaon ; see also Harkavy, Zikron, V, 162, n. 3.
POLEMICS
9. A Refutation of the Karaite Abu-1-Surri b. Zuta or
Zita, twice referred to by Abraham Ibn Ezra in his Com-
mentary on the Pentateuch (Exodus, 21, 24, and Leviticus,
23, 15. in the recension published by ^l. Friedlaender, Essays,
etc., Hebrew part, p. 70). It cannot be inferred, however,
from cither of the passages that Saadia refuted the Karaite
in a special treatise. The latter, who is supposed to have
lived in E.gypt, may have had oral controversies with Saadia
in that country, which were subsequently recorded by the
Gaon in his commentaries on the Bible, whence they were
then taken by Ibn Ezra ; see for the whole matter Poznanski.
BIBLIOGRAPHY VII— UNCERTAIN DESCRIPTION 399
JOR., X, 255, no. 5 ; idem, KLO., p. 4, and the references
given there, n. 2 ; comp. Bacher, JE., X, 582, col. i, no. 5.
10. Refutation of the Karaite Daniel b. Moses al-Kumisi
or Kumsi ("'DtDIP^N) of the ninth century, a small Hebrew
fragment of Avhich was published by Schechter, Saadyana,
no. xiii. It is not quite certain that the fragment is part of a
separate polemic of Saadia against the Karaite, though the
text seems to favor this assumption ; comp. Poznaiiski, JQR.,
VIII, 681-684 ; idem, J. E., IV, 432 f . ; Schechter s Saadyana,
p. 10, s. V. Daniel b. Moses ; Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 75 ;
above, note 387.
11. A Refutation of the Masorite Aaron b. Moses b,
Asher, whom Saadia knew personally. Dunash b. Librat
quotes a sentence (ninixn n^n ?i^n) in which Saadia po-
lemicizes against Ben Asher (see Baer and Strack, ^P'\'^^>'^
D''nyt3n, xi, n. n). Here again it is not certain that the
sentence was taken from a special polemic of Saadia ; it may
have occurred in one of his grammatical or exegetical
works; comp. Steinschneider, CB., 2200, no. 13; Bacher,
Anfdnge, p. 48; JE., X, 582, no. 11 ; Eppenstein, Beitrdge,
p. 71, n. I. Luzzatto's interpretation of the sentence (JT^n
nvixn, I (1847), 11^) is far-fetched. It may perhaps not be
a direct quotation of Saadia's words at all, but merely the in-
formation given by Diinash, that according to Saadia the
letters ^l^n are the radicals (niDIKn) of the noun nVQ^n
(Canticles, 4, 4), a view which Dunash opposes. The second
^^n is perhaps an erroneous dittography, or the first ^l^D is a
corruption of the catchword nvc^n, which stood there
originally.
12. Makalah fi sirdg al-Saht (nnD^N JNTD ^S H^i^po),
" Treatise on the Light of Sabbath." The question whether
or not it is permitted to have light in the house on the eve of
Sabbath was an important point of controversy between
Karaites and Rabbanites. A work of Saadia under the above
title is mentioned twice in an ancient book-list published from
the Genizah by Elkan N. Adler and I. Broyde, JQR., XIII,
55, nos. 78, 87. Abraham Ibn Ezra, Commentary on Exodus,
400 SAADIA GAON
35. 3. says: DT^'inn ^y nniL"n 122: "isd inn nnyo 2-1 \M^in)
n3K' "IJ ^y irjionp !?y, which probably refers to the work
under consideration. Poznanski, JQR., XIII, 329, no. 78,
however, thinks that the Makdlah (meaning also paragraph,
chapter) was not a separate book, but formed part of the
Kitdb al-Tamyiz; set above. Bibliography, VI, p. 380;
Schechter, Saadyana, p. 44, 11. 10-15 [below, p. 427].
13. Kitdb al-kiydm 'aid al-shardi' al-samiyya (nKDD
nH'^Df-K ysiK^^S ""^y DN^P^'N), "Book in Support of the
Ceremonial (literally: revealed) Laws." Under this title
a work of Saadia is quoted in a Bodleian MS. which contains
also Saadia's Commentary on the Scfer Yedrah; see Munk,
Notice stir R. Saadia, p. 14, n. 2. According to Stein-
schneider, CB., 2166, the same work is referred to by Moses
Ibn Ezra under the title Kitdb tahsil al-shardi: al-samiyya
(n"'yoD^S y-i^^n^i'^K ^•'Vnn nsn^), "Book on the Manifesta-
tion of the Ceremonial Laws," while the Muhammedan
author Al-Nadim quotes it briefly as y^SIC'^K 3Nn2 [see
Postscript]. Numerous theories, some rather strange, all of
them recorded by Steinschneider, /. c, have been advanced as
to the identity of this work. Among these theories is worth
mentioning that of Dukes, Beitrdge, p. 12 (noted by Steir.-
schneider, CB., 2163, no. 10), identifying it with the " Intro-
duction to the Talmud," a view that greatly commends itself ;
see above, pp. 159, 342. Later a sugj^estion of Haneberg
was taken up by Bacher (Abraham Ibn Esra's Eni-
leitung su seinem Pentateuch-Commentar, p. 20, n. 2) to the
effect that the work is identical with the Kitdb al-Amdmt,
a view considered " plausible " also by Poznanski, REJ., XL,
87, who had previously (JQR., X, 259) adopted the opinion
of Munk, that it was some sort of a compendium of laws
comp. Wunderbar, Litcraturblatt des Orients, 1847, PV- 487-
490. Recently again it was proposed by Hirschfeld (JQR-,
XVni. 600. n. 3, repeated by him in the Cohen-Festschrift,
p. 265, and lately again in the JQR., N. S., vol. VIII (19^7-
1918), p. 167) to read the title: Dtop'^l^ 5nB3K 2xnD
ri'iyoD^X y^S"iL"^S ^q, " Book on the Rejection of Analogy in
(the interpretation of) the Ceremonial Laws." These
BIBLIOGRAPHY VII—UNCERTAIN DESCRIPTION 401
changes in the title, as was pointed out by Poznanski {KLO.,
p. 97). have no justification whatever. Moreover, the read-
ing DN''p'7t< (for DN"'P^K= analogy, which had already been
suggested by Steinschneider, HB. IV (1861), 46, n. 2) is
supported by the title of the work given below, no. 14;
comp. Eppenstein, Beitrage, p. no, n. i, Avhere DS^P^S is a
mistake for DS^P^K.
On the basis of the existing material no definite conclusion
can be arrived at, but I am inclined to think, with Hirschfeld,
Cohen's Festschrift {Judaica, Berhn, 1912, pp. 265 f.), that
the Kitab al-Kiyam, or Tahsil, was originally a polemical
treatise in defense of those religious laws that are not dic-
tated by human reason, but are based on the doctrine of
divine revelation (see above, p. 208). Subsequently Saadia
made this treatise a part of his larger work, the Kitah al-
'Ammidt, in which it forms the third chapter. We know
that most of the chapters of this work, if not all of them,
w^ere originally circulated as separate writings, partly also
under dififerent titles (see above, note 456). It should
be added that the title TahsU under which it is quoted by
Moses Ibn Ezra is found in the fist, JQR., XIII, 54, no. 59
(see Poznanski, JQR., XIII, 327, no. 59), so that Eppen-
stein's doubt {Beitrage, p. no, n. i) is not justified. For
further references see Steinschneider, AL., p. 50, no. 13 ;
comp. Cowley, Catalogue, no. 2828,2.
14. Kitah kasr al-radd 'aid al-kiydm ("i^y n"i^X 1DD nsriD
DK"'p!'N), " Rejoinder against the Refutation of the Kiydm,"
i. e., of the work under that title discussed in the preceding
paragraph. This Rejoinder is recorded as a work of Saadia
in the ancient book-list published by Bacher, REJ., XXXIX,
200, no. 29; comp. Bacher's interpretation, ibidem., p. 206,
no. 5, who suggests that it may have been directed against the
Karaite Ibn Sakawaihi, the author of the Kitah al-Faddih, in
which attacks on Saadia's Kitah al-Kiyam (above, no. 13)
may well have occurred (see above, p. 265). If Bacher's
suggestion is correct, we may assume that this Rejoinder,
too, was not a separate work, but that part of Saadia's
polemic against Ibn Sakawaihi (see this Bibliography, VI,
26
40-' SAADIA GAON
pp. 3S2 f.) which dealt particularly with the latter's attacks on
the Kitdh al-Kiydm. Less probability attaches to the sugges-
tion of Poznanski (RE J., XL, 87), that we have to read here
again DS\'5= analogy, for DX"'P. The word kiyas suggests
itself merely because of its frequency in the controversial
literature of the Karaites and the Rabbanites. This fact
should not mislead us to put it in place of nK''P everywhere.
15. Kitab al-Kashf (^IC'D^X nN*n3), " Book of Disclosure."
A work of this name is mentioned together with two other
polemical writings of Saadia (the ^DKnnor-i^ '^V li^N* 3t<n3 ;
see above, pp. 266 f ., and the one discussed in the preceding
paragraph, no. 14) in the hst JOR., XIII, 54, no. 59 (see
ibidem, p. 327, no. 59) . It is in all probability the same as
quoted in a Genizah MS. recorded by Cowley, Catalogue, II,
no. 2668, 25. Cowley suggests its identity with the Sefer
ha-Gahn with a query. Indeed, the identification is quite
improbable. A Kitcib al-Kashf is mentioned also in Schech-
ter's Saadyana, no. xxxvii, p. 79, but it is not obvious from
that passage whether it is to be attributed to Saadia or to his
pupil, a certain Abraham al-Sairafi, see above, p. 293 ; comp.
Poznanski, Zur judisch-arabischen Literatur, p. 15; Schech-
tet^s Saadyana, pp. 8, 20, n. i. The work was at all events
of polemical content.
16. Kitab al-'Iskdt (nXDDN^K nxriD). " The Book that Si-
lences" (sc. the opponent), mentioned as a work of Saadia
in the Genizah IMS. (Cowley, Catalogue, II, no. 2668, 25;
comp. Poznanski, Schechter's Saadyana, p. 20, n. i ) referred
to above, no. 15. As the title of the treatise indicates, it was
likewise of a polemical nature.
I place these last two works (15 and 16) in this section of
the Bibliography, because nothing further is known about
them. It is possible that they were separate part? of the
larger works previously described.
MISCELLANEOUS
17. |1N'3 nnyo ^nso (Epistle of Saadia Gaon), ad-
dressed to some unnamed community. The Epistle, covering
about three pages, is found in a manuscript volume which
BIBLIOGRAPHY VIII—SPURIOUS WORKS 403
was recently discovered by Dr. Nahum Slouschz on his
travels in Morocco, in the house of a Jew by the name of
Judah Perez. The volume which I had occasion to examine
contains several mediaeval writings, one of which bears the
date 1438, but, if I remember rightly, is not written by the
same hand that wrote the Epistle. The latter consists of a
number of short moral exhortations, each one beginning
with the words " Children of Israel! " (^xnt^^'' ■'J3) and end-
ing with some appropriate Biblical verse. A summary of
the content with the facsimile of one page was given by
B. Revel in the Jezvish Forum (New York, 1918), pp. 74-77,
the writer promising to publish the text in full elsewhere.
18. niT'ti' "i^V (Ten Songs), a short fragment deahng
with songs by Biblical personages, as the Song of Moses,
etc., published by Harkavy in I sraelitische Monatsschrift
(Beilage siir " Jiidischen Pressc"), Berlin, 1890. no. 12.
It was no doubt part of Saadia's Pentateuch Commentary,
but perhaps existed also separately under the above title.
For details see A. Epstein in the periodical my?5Q"i niToa,
I (1904), 85-89; Harkavy, Oeiivres, IX, p. Ixiv; Neubauer-
Cowley, Catalogue, no. 2745, 23 ; Steinschneider, AL., p. 66,
n. 24.
VIII. SPURIOUS WORKS
It is often as important to know what an author did not
write, as it is to know what he wrote. Many mediaeval
thinkers and dreamers, particularly the latter, had the pe-
culiar habit of ascribing their own literary productions to
some great name of ages gone by (pseudepigraphy). They
were not inspired by evil motives ; it was merely part
of their system for the propaganda of thought. By hitching
their book to the name of some famous personage they
expected to secure adherents to the ideas expressed therein.
Especially numerous were the pseudepigraphic writings in
the field of the occult sciences and of all sorts of mysticism
which did not appeal to reason and hence needed the sanction
of a recognized authority. It is therefore quite natural
that a man of Saadia's reputation should be credited with
some such cryptic works, in order to assure their acceptance.
They arc here given in alphabetical order :
404 SAADIA GAON
1. D''2"iD1^"'Dn pN, " The Philosophers' Stone " quoted by
Moses Botarel of Spain (about 1400) at the beginning of his
Commentary on the Scfer Yezirah. Moses is known to have
been very Hberal in the invention of authors and books ; see
Rapoport, Toledut R. Saadia, n. 47 ; Steinschneider, CB.,
1780-1784, 2218: comp. Dukes, Beitrdge, p. 103; Jellinek,
Bcitrage aur Geschichte der KabbaJa, I, 60.
2. m^nu (n "120), " Book of Lots," the superstitious con-
coction of an anonymous author of which there are several
MSS. and printed editions; see Dukes, Beitrdge, p. 103;
Steinschneider, CB., 2218; idem, Zur pseudepigraphischen
Literatur .... dcs Mittelalters, Berlin, 1862, p. 80. n. 2;
idem, Hebrdische U ebersetziingen, p. 868, no. i ; p. 869,
no. 5 ; Neubauer and Cowley, Catalogue, II, no. 2780, 2.
3. f'N''JT tJ^IID, Commentary on Daniel, printed in the Rab-
binic Bible as a work of Saadia Gaon. Rapoport, Toledot
R. Saadia, n. 39, has proved beyond a doul)t that the Gaon is
not the author thereof. Various arguments have since been
advanced by L. Griinhut (in L. Rabinowitz's pn, St. Peters-
burg, 1899, pp. 178-188) to disprove Rapoport's view. They
were refuted by Poznanski, Ha-Goren, II (1900), loi fT. ;
see, however, Griinhut's reply in L. Rabinowitz's flDN'S, I
(St. Petersburg, 1902), pp. 137-154. As to the real or sup-
posed author, whose name may also have been Saadia, see
Steinschneider, CB., 2195, and especially Poznanski, Ha-
Goren, II, 92 ff. ; Porges, MGJVJ., XXXIV, 63 flF.
4. m^V> "IDD mi^, " Commentary on the Book of Crea-
tion," printed in several editions of the Sefcr Yezirah, first
at Mantua in 1562. In discussing it, Munk (Notice sur
Saadia, p. 15) remarks that "it is the greatest insult one
could oflfer to Saadia to attribute to him a work which is
unworthy not only of a superior mind, but of any human
being capable of thinking." * For the literature of the sub-
ject see Steinschneider, Die hebrdischen Uebersetzungcn des
Mittelalters, § 260 ; see also Steinschneider, Psendo-Saadic's
* Cest la plus grande injure qu'on ait pu faire a Saadia, que de lui
aUrihucr un ecrit aussi pen digne. je nc dirai pas d'un esprit
superieur, mais dc tout hommc capable dc penscr.
BIBLIOGRAPHY IX— ERRONEOUS ATTRIBUTION 40S
Commentar sum Buche Yezira, in MWJ., 1892, pp. 79'85-
It may be added that even a recent obscurantist has made
the attempt to honor Saadia with a makeshift under the
title of nn^nj; n^:o (Future-Teller), or nioi^n inDD (Inter-
pretation of Dreams), Lemberg, i860 ( ?) ; see Stein-
schneider, HB., VI, 134. For MSS. containing spurious and
dubious writings, nearly all of which have been treated above,
see the list of Steinschneider, CB., 2222-2224. For Twelve
Homilies (D''t^'l"n 1"'') on Canticles by Saadia said to have
been translated from Arabic into Hebrew by Judah Saraval
(died 1617), see Steinschneider, AL., p. 59, top; Poznan-
ski, Zur jiidisch-arabischen Literatnr, p. 45 ; above, p. 322.
IX. WORKS ERRONEOUSLY ATTRIBUTED TO SAADIA
BY RECENT AUTHORS
It is not my intention to note here all the mistakes made
by various authors in attributing anonymous writings to
the Gaon. Thus, when a Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics
(nnoniSD K'ns) is ascribed to Saadia by Isaac Satanow,
because he confused it with the rino y'"" t^'IID discussed
above, p. 159 (see Steinschneider, HB., XXI, 134; idem.,
Hebrdische Uebersetzungen, p. 215, n. 778), or when even
scholars like Dukes (Beitrdge, II, 38 ; comp. Steinschneider,
CB., 2198) and Harkavy (see Steinschneider, HB., XXI,
96) credit him with a grammatical work under the title
pnpTn nDS^>D because they misunderstood a passage in the
'Emunot *, the matter needs no further discussion. The
proof offered by Kaufmann {Notes at the end of Judah b.
Barzillai's m''i"' "IDD t^ns, p. 335. bottom) for the existence
of a commentary on Chronicles by Saadia is likewise based
on an erroneous interpretation of a passage in the Com-
mentary on Chronicles attributed to one of Saadia's pupils ;
see above, p. 327, under Chronicles ; Bardowicz, Die Abfas-
* Ed. Slucki, p. 126, ed. Cracow, p. 165. Saadia argues there
against those who claim that the Messianic promises of the prophets
referred to the time of the Second Temple (see above, pp. 239 f.) and
says that when he " subjected their theory to a minute examination "
(pnpin nsi^^nn n'riNnni), he found it all wrong.
4o6 SAADIA GAON
sungszeit der Baraila der 32 Normen, p. 86, n. 2; Poznan-
ski, JQR., X, 248, n. i.
For a number of other Bible commentaries as well as
translations that were erroneously attributed to Saadia by
various scholars and editors, see the Bibliography, above,
under Minor Prophets and Five Scrolls {Canticles, Ecclesi-
astes). For an anonymous commentary on the Pentateuch
noted by Deinard, see Steinschneider, AL., p. 56. Special
mention, however, must be made here of the following
works, partly because of their resemblance to some of
Saadia's recognized writings and partly because their au-
thenticity is here and there still maintained.
I. nK0^3!^X itJ'y^x n^D=:n. a rhetorical paraphrase of the
Ten Commandments, which exists in various recensions in
several MSS. and editions enumerated by Steinschneider,
AL., p. 285, no. 87. To these are to be added the fragment
no. 2861, 12a in Neubauer and Cowley's Catalogue, and
another one in the collection of the British Museum. In
both fragments the work is ascribed to one Eleazar b.
Eleazar, who is otherwise unknown, while another MS. in
the library of Paris ascribes it to the Karaite Kirkisani.
a younger contemporary of Saadia ; see Poznanski, ZfhB.,
X, 148; Ztir jildisch-arab. Liter., p. 48. The work has been
published under the name of Saadia also with a Hebrew and
German translation by W. Eisenstadter (Vienna, 1868), who
was deservedly criticized by Derenburg, in Geiger's Jiidisclic
Zeitschrift, VI, 314, and Steinschneider, HB.. XIX, 50;
comp. Frankel's Monatsschrift, 1868, p. 462. Zunz, who gave
a description of the contents (Litcrafurgcschichte, p. 96),
expressed doubts as to the authorship of Saadia; Stein-
schneider designated it as dubious in his Bodleian Catalogue,
2216, and later Saadia's author.ship was positively denied by
Derenburg, /. c. and Hirschfeld, in Semitic Studies in
Memory of Dr. A. Kokut, p. 248, n. 2. Somehow or other,
later authors claimed it again for Saadia ; thus Joel Miiller.
Oeuvres, IX, p. xix (corrected by Harkavy, ib., p. xli) and,
as late as 191 3, Elbogen. Der Jiidische Gottesdienst, p. 321.
The booklet was translated also into French with a few ex-
BIBLIOGRAPHY IX— ERRONEOUS ATTRIBUTION 407
planatory notes by Isaac Morali (^^yia) under the title
Dissertation homilctique sur le decalogue recitee dans les
synagogues d'Algcrie le premier jour de Pentecote a^uvre de
R. Saadia Gaon, Algiers, 1913. The author used a manu-
script; a comparison of the French translation with the
Arabic text of Eisenstadter shows absolute identity of the
contents though the text of Morali offered a few variants
(see p. 12, n. i). Morali takes no notice, and probably is
unaware, of either Eisenstadter's or any of the other publica-
tions of the composition.
To the editions enumerated by Steinschneider, AL., pp.
63, 285, and JQR., XII, 484 (so read in AL., p. 63) should
be added the recensions printed in the liturgical collections
D>J?n3 ^VZ-W^ (Leghorn, 1877, pp. y^h-^sb) and Dnnn
(Vienna, 1889) ; furthermore the three recensions reviewed
by Bacher, ZfhB., VII, 114. nos. 12-14, and the mtJ'y mJX
miaTn, Jerusalem, 1901 (a reprint of the edition noted by
Bacher, /. c., no. 14) ; see ZfhB., VI, 104. Finally, it should
be noted that while none of these recensions is attributable to
Saadia, they are probably the further development and
elaboration of a similar work on the Decalogue by Saadia
himself, as suggested by Zunz, Literaturgcschichte , p. 96; for
there does exist a Hebrew liturgical composition on the
Decalogue, of which Saadia is unquestionably the author
(see the Bibliography, II, p. 336, no. 3) and which proves that
the Gaon cultivated this form of liturgical poetry. More-
over, in the ancient book-list published from a Genizah MS.
(Schechter, Saadyana, p. 79) a mimn mtJ'y "fosn is men-
tioned, which, in all probability, is the work of Saadia, as
are most of the anonymous works mentioned in that list.
The compiler of the list seems to give the name of Saadia
only in connection with the latter's complete commentaries
on Biblical books (Isaiah, Lamentations, Job, and Esther)
and to register all other works without the name of the Gaon.
The commentary on the Minor Prophets mentioned there
(1. 6) was fragmentary, as stated by the compiler (pnytDP),
so that he may not have been sure about the author, and the
same may have been the case with the "lNnTK^t< 3^nD (1. 15),
4o8 SAADIA GAON
if, as I assume, it refers to the commentary on the Penta-
teuch; see above, p. 316, and p. 396, no. 3 ; Poznanski, Schech-
ter's Saadyana, pp. 20-23.
One rnay judge of the popularity of this composition on
the Ten Commandments among the Jews of the Orient from
the fact that it is still being frequently published in various
forms wherever Arabic speaking Jews settle in larger num-
bers. Thus a ^my iic'^^ nnmn nnti'V Diain was recently
published by a Society of Jewish Immigrants from the Orient
in New York(D^nx mTy mnn) as the work of " the ancient
Gaon Saadia (xn^yD \'\'C>1?T] n«^n) .... who has trans-
lated the whole Torah into Arabic" (New York, 1915; in
Hebrew characters). It is written in rhymed prose in the
latest Arabic vernacular, as it is spoken by the Jews in some
parts of the Orient, and is one of the first publications of
that kind in this country. For a more detailed description
of a similar publication in New York see Maker, JQR., N. S.,
vol. VII, pp. 609 f . For some further details on Arabic
liturgies on the Ten Commandments see Steinschneider's
Arabische Predigten in Kayserling's Bihliothek ji'idischer
Kanselrcdner, II (1872), i f.
2. llpn, a rhymed composition in two parts, the one dealing
with legal monetary questions (niJlOJD ""Jn nytJ*) and the
other with laws regarding oaths (niyia:;^' ny::'). In the
Responsa of Meir b. Baruk and in the dc Rossi MS. of the
Parma Library (codex 563, fols. 41-48) the composition is
erroneously ascribed to Saadia and hence also by Dukes,
D'onp ^nj, p. 2, and Beitrdge, II, 12, as also by Benjacob,
Thesaurus, p. 668, no. 869; see Steinschneider, CB., 2161,
no. 7, where Saadia's authorship is denied. Halberstam,
who published the composition (Jeschurun, VI, 150 ff.),
proved that its author was the Gaon Hai ; see Buber .
Introduction to f'NIOK' t^'"n)^, Cracow, 1893, p. 17, note. The
work was also published, under the name of Hai Gaon, in
the collection nTTinn r\'':i, edited by S. Philipp. part II, Lem-
berg, 1899, pp 16-31.
3. iK3>nn ninno, a Hebrew treatise on the accentuation
and pronunciation of Hebrew, a MS. of which was dis-
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 409
covered in Yemen by the traveller Jacob Saphir of Jerusa-
lem and published by Joseph Derenbourg under the title
Manuel du lecteur, in the Journal Asiatique, 1870 (also
separately; see above, p. 339). According to Saphir ( pK
"TiDD, I, i2h, SS^) the j\IS. contained also an Arabic text
(published by Neubauer, Petite grammaire hebraique prove-
nant de Yemen, Leipzig, 1891 ; comp. Bacher, REJ., XXIII,
238 ff.), and the whole represents a work of Saadia on
Hebrew Grammar ; see Geiger, Jiidische Zeitschrift, IV, 202,
note. Derenbourg, /. c, p. 311 (separate edition, p. 3) dis-
misses the idea as untenable, since the author of the treatise
embodied therein the " Poem on the number of letters " in
the Bible (see above, pp. 154, 339), which he himself attri-
butes to Saadia. Moreover, certain grammatical rules em-
ployed by the author were absolutely unknown in the time
of Saadia, and are found first in the work of Judah Hayyiig.
For further details on this matter see the references given
by Steinschneider, AL., p. 278, no. 36; p. 290, no. no.
APPENDIX
Reprinted with changes and additional new material from JOR.,
N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), pp. 500-509.
THE DOCUMENTS ON THE BEN MEIR CONTROVERSY
(See above, pp. 69-88; 351 flf.)
Altogether there exist at present twelve documents re-
lating to the controversy of Babylonian authorities, par-
ticularly Saadia, on the one side and Ben Meir on the other.
All these documents are more or less fragmentary. Some
were patched together from separate leaves, partly doublets,
found in different libraries, whither they had been brought
from the Genizah, then published and republished sporad-
ically by various scholars in several periodicals and separate
editions, often with French or English translations and an-
notations, all within the last twenty years.
There is much uncertainty as to the chronological order
or even the identity of these documents. This is due to their
mutilated condition, as the beginnings and the ends, where
the dates and the names of the authors are to be expected,
410 SAADIA GAON
have suffered most or are missing altogether. Thus much,
however, seems certain: all but one (no. 12, perhaps also
no. 10) originated during the years 921-922 of the common
era. I shall try to give a brief description of each document
and to arrange them in their approximate chronological
order, using in particular the texts published in H. J. Born-
stein's I'N'O pi pKJ r\^-iVU an np^no (reprint from the ~I2D
^3rn in honor of N. Sokolow), Warsaw, 1904, pp. 45-102.
I. A letter of the Babylonian authorities, including Saadia,
addressed to Ben Meir at the beginning of the quarrel, sub-
sequent to Saadia's return from Aleppo to Bagdad shortly
before the high Holy Days of the year 4682 ( =921). If it is
true that Ben Meir issued his first proclamation on the Mount
of Olives on Hosha'na Rabbah of that year, as is claimed
by Epstein, pJii, \', 137, we might assume that this procla-
mation was the cause of the letter under consideration, and
that it was written as soon as the news of Ben Meir's pro-
cedure reached Babylon. However, Epstein's assumption is
subject to doubt, as such a proclamation by Ben Meir is not
clearly stated in the sources, and the various passages that
come into consideration may also be referred to the proc-
lamation by one of Ben ^leir's sons, which took place about
three months later. Moreover, to judge from the highly
respectful and friendly tone in which the writers of this
letter address themselves to their opponent, especially when
compared with the style of their subsequent letters to him.
it is hard to believe that Ben Meir had already taken his first
decisive step by officially proclaiming his reforms. I am
therefore of the opinion that if there was such a proclama-
tion on Hosha'na Rabbah, as appears from the phrase nnDH
DTiMn "in (Bornstein, p. 91, bottom. 92, top), this letter was
written prior to that event, after the first meeting between
Saadia and the authorities upon his return to Bagdad. This
finds some support in a passage of Saadia's second letter
to his pupils in Egypt, where he says (Bornstein, p. 70) :
fiJo'^tyK ly ^np ^D T13D ••n^-'ni man Tn-iM >:x ^nsc'i
inon cTn5h ^3 "nlaTTunoFn. The wording indicates that
some time elapsed l)etween his arrival in Bagdad and the
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 411
reaching there of the news of Ben Mcir's proclamation. The
word DTnsn, which occurs twice in that letter, as well as
^nn^n (Bornstein, p. 62, 1. 30; comp. p. 93, 1. 15) is in favor
of Epstein's view, though it is not impossible that the writers
had in mind the proclamation of Ben Meir's son. At any
rate the letter in question was written before the month of
Tebet 4682, when the proclamation of the son took place, and
is therefore the first and not, as Epstein (ib., p. 140) thinks,
the third letter of the Babylonian Geonim to Ben Meir ; comp.
S. Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 100, n. 3.
Of this letter, which is lacking at the beginning and the
end, two defective leaves were first published by Schechter
in the JQR., XIV, 52, and in Saadyana, pp. 16-19, later re-
printed by Bornstein, pp. 72>-77- Quite recently another
fragment of the same letter, consisting of one leaf, which
agrees exactly with the first leaf published by Schechter and
Bornstein, was discovered among the Genizah fragments
of the Bodleian Library and edited by A. Guillaume in the
JQR., N. S., vol. V (1914-1915), pp. 546-547- In this frag-
ment the portions missing in the publication of Schechter
(about a third of the leaf on both sides) are restored to us, so
that a better understanding of the contents is now possible.
Why Mr. Guillaume has reprinted also the second leaf, which
was edited by Schechter and Bornstein and to which he had
nothing to add, is not clear to me.
2. The conclusion of a letter by the Babylonians addressed
to Ben Meir, dated Tebet, 1233, of the Seleucidaean era
( =4682 Jewish era). The fragment counts but 10 lines, and
contains only blessings and good wishes for the Palestinians.
Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 100, suggests that it might be the end
of the preceding number. Whatever the case may be, this
fragment, too, on account of its conciliatory tone, must be
assigned to the time preceding the proclamation by the son
of Ben Meir within the same month. It was first printed by
Harkavy, Zikron, V, 213, then with variants by M. Fried-
laender, JQR., V, 197, by Epstein, REJ., XLII (1901), 179,
and by Bornstein, p. 45; comp. Epstein, pan, V, 137, n. i.
According to him it is the conclusion of the first letter of the
412 SAADIA GAON
Geonim, which he considers lost, but, as we have seen above
(no. i), without ground.
3. The reply of T.en Meir to the first letter of the Geonim,
written after the proclamation of his son, to which he refers
(Bornstein, p. 51, 1. 10), thus either in the latter part of Tebet
or in Shebat 4682. It was published first by Harkavy,
Zikrun, V, 213-220 from a Bodleian Genizah fragment
counting six leaves (copied for him by Neubauer), of which
the sixth offers only one legible line, and two additional
leaves which he found among the Genizah fragments in the
library of St. Petersburg and which continue the text of the
Bodleian fragment. Two years later ^I. Friedlaender re-
edited the Bodleian MS. with various omissions and correc-
tions in the J OR., V (1893), 197 E. Subsequently two more
pages, partly corresponding with the text of Harkavy and
partly completing it (between leaf 2 and 4), were brought to
Cambridge by Schechter. One of these was published by
Israel Levi, REJ. XL (1900), 262, the other by Schechter,
JQR., XIV (1901), 42, and in Saadyana (1903), p. 15. Very
recently another leaf containing part of the text published
both by Levi and Schechter, was found by Elkan N. Adler
among the Genizah fragments in his possession and pub-
lished by him with a hrench translation in the REJ., LXVII
(1914), 50. His text oiTers several better readings; comp.
Poznanski in the same volume of the REJ., p. 290. In 1901
A. Epstein re-edited all the texts (with the exception of the
portion published by Schechter) with an elaborate Introduc-
tion and copious notes in the REJ., XLII, 180-187. He also
added a French translation of nearly the whole text (//'., pp.
187-191 ) . Finally, Bornstein, using all the material collected
by his predecessors, published the various fragments of the
letter in his work on the controversy (1904), PP- 45-56, with
partly difiterent readings and interpretations. As there was
still a gap in the text of the letter, Bornstein, an authority
on the subject of the calendar, ventured to restore the miss-
ing portion (between leaf 5 and leaf 7) by conjectures ; see
his introductory remarks, p. 45. His conjectural text was
recently borne out in all essentials by Elkan N. Adler's dis-
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 413
covery among the Genizah fragments in his collection
of the missing sixth leaf, which he puhlished in the REJ.,
LXVII (1914), 51. All these finds notwithstanding, the
letter, which consisted originally of twelve leaves (Poznan-
ski, REJ., LXVII, 290), is still incomplete, a fact overlooked
hy Eppenstein, Beitrdge, p. 97, who, contrary to Bornstein's
explicit statement (p. 45), and although at that time the
leaf now published by Adler was also unknown, asserts that
the letter "is preserved in its entirety"; comp. Poznanski,
/. c, whose distribution of the individual leaves among the
various collections, however, is not clear.
4. The letter of Saadia to his pupils in Egypt, which was
translated and fully discussed above, pp. 55, 82 f. There is
no reference in this letter to a proclamation of either Ben
Meir or his son. I have shown, however, on other grounds
(see above, p. 55) that it was written either in Tebet or in
Shebat of the year 4682 (beginning of 922, common era),
thus coinciding in time with the letter of Ben Meir dis-
cussed in the preceding number. The exact date cannot be
determined, and the letter might perhaps as well be placed
before that of Ben Aleir. It was first published by Schechter
from a MS. belonging to Mayer Sulzberger, JQR., XIV
(1901), 59 (Saadyana, pp. 24-26), and subsequently by
Bornstein, pp. 67-69.
5. Saadia's second letter, written two months after his
first' letter to the same pupils, as he states explicitly. It was
pubhshed by XTeubauer, JQR., IX (1897), 37 > Harkavy,
n:n, II (1900), 98; with French translation and notes by
Epstein, REJ., XLII (1901), 200-203, and finally by Born-
stein, pp. 69-71.
6. Ben Meir's second letter in refutation of the view of
the Babylonian authorities. From the contents of this letter
it is evident that things were running against him and that he
had suffered some defeats, though he was not yet ready to
give in. Contrary to his expectations even some of his
former friends celebrated Passover of that year (4682) in
accordance with the accepted calendar (comp. the passage
J, 4 SAADIA GAON
in the edition of Bornstein, p. 92, 1. 9: iD>J3 Dn^L"y DNI
pirn nt^•n3 icyn ^k njJ^ra). Probably this was the case
with an overwhelming- majority of the congregations. It
is therefore safe to assume that the letter was written not
long after Passover.
Two defective leaves (four pages) from the middle of
the letter were published by Schechter, JOR., XIV {1901),
56. Saadyan-a, pp. 20-22 ; Bornstein. pp. 90-93. The same
portion of the letter was recently found on two other leaves
of the Genizah, which restore to us the parts missing in the
edition of Schechter and Bornstein (about the third of the
content). The fragment was published by A. Guillaume in
the JQR.. N. S., vol. V (1914-1915), pp. 552-555-
7. A fragment disputing the right of the Babylonians to
fix the calendar, published by Schechter. JQR., XIV (1902),
249, Saadyana, p. 131 ; Bornstein, p. 94. Bornstein suggests
that this fragment formed a part of Ben IMeir's second letter
discussed before (no. 6) . This is also the opinion of Epstein,
pjn. V (1906), 139.
8. A letter against Ben Meir by some unnamed scholar,
who, as Bornstein (p. 78; comp. Epstein, ]T;n, V, 141. n. 2)
pointed out, was not a Babylonian. The author, addressing
himself to Ben Meir, uses a phrase that occurs in Ben Meir's
second letter (the passage quoted above in no. 6), turning
the same against him and his followers, thus making it
certain that he wrote during the same sunmier. probably
soon after the appearance of Ben Meir's epistle. It con-
sists of three leaves, which were found and published at
different times, the third leaf by Israel Eevi. REJ., XLI
(tooo). 229-232, re-edited by Epstein, REJ.. XLII (1901),
T97-200; the second by Schechter, JOR., XIV (1901).
62-63 (reprinted in Soadyana, pp. 26-28) ; and the first by
the same author in Saadyana ( 1903) , p. t9- The three parts,
all badly mutilated and lacking about half of the original
contents, were then arranged in their consecutive order and
re-edited with explanatory notes by Bornstein (1904). pp.
78-89. Lastly, here again another complete leaf corre-
sponding to the first leaf edited in Saadyana, p. 19 was
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 4i5
recently found among the Genizah fragments of the Bod-
leian Library and published by A. Guillaume in the JQK.,
N. S., vol. V (1914-1915). pp. 550-551. This is a welcome
find, as the leaf contains more than double the contents of
the mutilated leaf previously published.
9. A fragment dealing with the dififerences between the
" Four Gates " of the accepted calendar and those intro-
duced by Ben Meir. There is not the least doubt that
Saadia is the author of this fragment, as various phrases
and even a whole portion of it agree almost literally with
passages occurring in the remnants of the DnVDH "IDD ; comp.
the phrase in Bornstein, p. 64, 1. 18 and p. 102, 1. 3, as also
the passages following there on pp. 65 and 102, respectively.
The question is only as to the chronological place of this
fragment within the controversial literature. Bornstein,
p. 99, suggests that it may have been part of the nnyon 1DD
or an appendix thereto. Epstein, however, in pin, V, 140,
though recognizing the authorship of Saadia, is of the
opinion that it represents a letter of the Babylonian authori-
ties to the Jewish communities. If that be the case we should
have to assume that Saadia was charged even with the com-
position of the official letters of the Geonim, which is not
very probable. Besides, the words (p. 102) : IBOn ns 3inD^
ntn -i^Ko p ntj'yn nymn^ ^xntj'^ ^d lini p-iDt^ ^nrn^ nin
PIID lyi n^nnn, do not seem to refer to a letter, but, like the
parallel passage (p. 65), to some memorial volume that was
intended for the Jewry in general. To such a n^JDI piSt IDD
nm^ Saadia refers also in an Arabic letter published by
Hirschfeld. J OR., XVI (1904), 296, fol 2 verso, 11. 4-5, and
it is therefore probable that we have here a fragment of that
memorial volume. This is suggested also by Eppenstein,
Beitrage, p. 102, n. 3, but he overlooks the authorship of
Saadia. There is only this difficulty, that in the letter referred
to Saadia speaks of the book as having been written by
the Exilarch, while, as pointed out before, the fragment
indicates Saadia as the author. We may assume, however,
in this instance, that Saadia wrote the book by request of
the Exilarch and in his name, so as to give it more weight
4i6 SAADIA GAON
and authority, and, therefore, in referring to it had to desig-
nate it as the work of the Exilarch. After all, it was not a
question who was the writer of a document, but what pur-
pose it was intended to serve. The description Saadia gives
there of the in3T 1DD, as dealing with the Four Gates con-
trived by Ben ]\feir, tallies very well with the contents of
our fragment. I am therefore of the opinion, that the
inDT nSD mentioned by Saadia in one of the fragments of the
Dnyon ■iDD(Bornstein, p. 65) is not another name for the "iDD
Dnyon itself, as has been hitherto accepted (Epstein, X^'i'^
V, 140, Eppenstein, Beltrage, p. loi), but is the name of
another book, of which our fragment formed a part. !More-
over, it was not the Dnvon 120, which was to be read in
public on the twentieth of Elul, as generally assumed, but the
pn3T nsD mentioned therein. There is no basis for the as-
sumption that the Scfer Zikkaron is identical with the Scfcr
ha-Moadim, or that the latter was intended for public reci-
tation. Judging from the style of the extant fragments of
the Scfer ha-Moadim it would, indeed, seem very strange,
that such a book should have been destined to be read in
public, as it could hardly serve the purpose. The passages
on which this view is based were simply misunderstood, be-
cause of the erroneous identification of the two books. It
should be noticed that in the fragment of the Scfer ha-
Moadim (Bornstein, p. 65) Saadia reports that it was de-
cided to write a Sefcr Zikkaron for future generations
(•ijnns irnnn'' in^r -120 mnaj), which agrees with 120
nnn'' n^'J^SI insr in the letter published by Hirschfeld.
while in the fragment of the Sefer Zikkaron (Bornstein,
p. 102) he says that it was decided to write this book as a
memorial for all Israel (11131^ ^nvn'? n^n "i2Dn nx niriD^
''Nit:"' ^D Tins"). This distinction between the two
l)Ooks relieves us also of the difiiculty that Saadia should
have repeated his report in nearly the same words in one and
the same book. The Scfer Zikkaron was wTitten, first, at
the request of the Exilarch, when all other efforts against
Ben Meir had failed, and was finished before Elul, 4682;
while the Scfcr ha-Moadim, which mentions the former,
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 417
may have been written at any subsequent time, but probably
soon afterwards. As Saadia informs us in his ^"i^Jn "IDD
(see Harkavy, Zikroti, V, 151, 1. 22 ; comp. JQR., N. S., vol.
Ill (1912-1913), p. 496, 1. 6) he wrote the Sefer ha-Moadim
also by request of the Exilarch.
The fragment of the Sefer Zikkaron was published by
Schechter, JQR., XIV (1902), 498-500 {Saadyana, pp. 128-
130), and by Bornstein, pp. 99-102.
It is rather surprising that Mr. Elkan N. Adler from whose
unique Genizah MS. this fragment was first published by
Schechter should have overlooked my discussion of the
matter {JQR., N. S., vol. Ill (1912-1913), p. 505-507) as
well as the repeated editions of the fragment, and should
have re-edited it in the REJ., LXVII (1914), 44 ff.. as a
" new document " representing part of the Sefer ha-
Moadim! The new thing is the clear French translation
which he contributed ; comp. Poznanski in the same volume
of the REJ., p. 290.
10. Three fragments of Saadia's onvon 1DD, written
probably when the struggle, so far as we know it, was over,
4682-4683 ; see above, no. 9. One of the fragments (counted
by Bornstein, p. 58, as no. II) was published with a French
translation by Elkan N. Adler and I. Broyde, REJ., XLI
(1900), 224-229, later retranslated and re-edited with ad-
ditional notes by A. Epstein, REJ., XLII, 191-197. Subse-
quently the fragment was completed by two leaves discov-
ered by Schechter, which partly overlap one another as well
as the text previously published. The two additional leaves
were pubHshed by Schechter, JQR., XIV, 49-52 (reprinted
in Saadyana, pp. 10-13).
Fragment no. I was published by Schechter, JQR., XIV,
47-48 (Saadyana, pp. 8-9), and fragment no. Ill by Schech-
ter, ib., p. 52 (Saadyana, pp. 13-14). The whole was later
re-edited by Bornstein, pp. 58-67. For another fragment of
the Sefer ka-Md'adim, in which, however, the controversy
is not explicitly mentioned, see Harkavy, Zikron, V, 220;
comp. Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI, 291, n. i. A more recently
27
4iR SAADIA GAON
discovered fragment is described in Cowley's Catalogue, II,
no. 2660, 27.
11. An Arabic letter of Saadia to three Rabbis in Egypt
in answer to their inquiries regarding the calculations of
Ben Meir, which they had accepted by mistake, celebrating
the festivals accordingly. Saadia enlightened them on the
situation and admonished them to read for themselves and
to others the Letter of Reproof and Warning (nnDin 3KnD
mniNl) of the Head of the Academy, copies of which he
sent, together with copies of the Sefer Zikkaron of the Exil-
arch (see above, no. 9). This interesting letter is dated
" Friday, the nth of Tebet." The year is not given, but no
doubt it is 4683. The letter w^as published with an English
translation by Hirschfeld, JQR., XVI (1904), 290-297;
comp. D. Yellin's Notes thereon, ih. pp. 772-y'j^.
12. A list of the differences between the respective calcu-
lations of Saadia and Ben Meir regarding the appointment
of the festivals during the years 4682-4684. According to
Epstein (pin, V, 141) the author of this list lived in Egypt
after the death of Saadia. for he adds the eulogy HDID^ UIIDT
to Saadia's name. He also speaks of Saadia as " the Gaon "
and " the Head of the Academy," which, as we know, he be-
came only several years after the quarrel. The list was pub-
lished first by Schechter, JQR., XIV, 59 (Saadyana, pp.
22-23), later re-edited with a French translation by Epstein,
REJ., XLIV (1902), 235 f., and finally by Bornstein, p. 95.
In addition to the twelve documents here discussed there
may be mentioned a fragment which was recently puhlished
by A. Guillaume (JQR., N. S.. vol. V (1914-1915), p. 556),
and which seems likewise to bear on the Ben Meir contro-
versy. The allusions are so veiled, however, that nothing
definite can be said about the contents. My assumption (see
Guillaume, /. c., p. 545) that the fragment is part of Saadia's
first letter to Ben Meir which he wTote in Aleppo (see above,
pp. 82 f .) is not borne out by the passage (p. 557, 1. 6) : XOtJ'^
c'snn D3 m^'^ nrn n^o^nn niti'n. in which Ben Meir. if he is
meant by " the Head." figures as the third person.
BIBLIOGRAPHY— DOCUMENTS 419
An epigram bearing the name of Ben Meir and supposed
by Elkan N. Adler, who pubHshed it in the REJ., LXVII, 52,
to be intended against Saadia, is in all probability, as shown
by Poznanski {REJ., LXVII, 291), to be ascribed to another
Ben Meir, of a later period.
Of general articles on the controversy I wish to point out in
particular that of Poznanski, Ben Meir and the Origin of the
Jewish Calendar, JQR., X, 152-160, as well as the elaborate
essays of Epstein {REJ., XLII, 173-210, XLIV, 230-236,
n^n, V. 1 18-142 ; comp. Poznanski, ZfhB., X, 6y) and Born-
stein, referred to repeatedly above.
The account here given of the chronological order and
identity of the documents on the Ben Meir controversy
differs essentially in several points from that of the various
authors mentioned, but a careful examination of the sources
will, I believe, justify this presentation.
POSTSCRIPT
While tlie present work was going through the press some
new Genizah material, bearing on Saadia, has been brought
to light by Dr. J. Mann, who has courteously sent me the
galley proofs of his article, which is to appear in the April
issue, 1921, of the JQR. It was too late to take full account
of that material in all the passages upon which it has a direct,
and often an important, bearing, without resorting to some
radical and extensive changes in our construction of Saadia's
biography. I have therefore thought it advisable to treat
the matter separately in the present Postscript.
The point that concerns us most is a new date for Saadia's
birth which is to be inferred from one of the recovered
fragments. The fragment in question contains the initial
portion of a Fihrist (list) of Saadia's writings compiled by
two of his sons (She'erit and Dosa) eleven years after their
father's death, at the request of some person or persons whose
names are obliterated. The list was preceded by a few bio-
graphical data of which the following is all that remains
(the letters in brackets are supplied conjecturally) : mnQ
n^DHD [nnj^t^'f^ln ^Jt^' "t"^ \r\^ D[r] . . » d^jl^ n^^^^
riJB' «"''» [nin]D— " Sixty years less forty .... days of
which he (Saadia) was fourteen years less four days in the
academy of Sura. He died in the second night {i. e., in the
night from Sunday to Monday) at the end of the middle
watch (about two o'clock) on the 26th of lyyar of the year
1253 (of the Seleucid^ean era = May 18, 942). It is now
nearly eleven years since his departure."
Judging from the exactness with which the date of Saadia's
death is here given, it seems quite certain that the missing
part at the beginning of this biographical sketch contained a
421
422 SAADIA GAON
similarly exact information about the date of Saadia's birth
and that the words " sixty years less forty .... days " re-
fer to some preceding verb indicating the total length of the
Gaon's life. Taking then the i8th of May, 942 as the day of
Saadia's death, we obtain the result that he was born between
the 30th of March and the 8th of April, 882 (the exact day
cannot be ascertained, as the units after " forty " are
missing) .
The date 892, heretofore generally maintained, was based
exclusively on the testimony of Abraham Ibn Daiid, who
stated explicitly (see Neubauer, MJC, I, 66) that Saadia
died in 942 at the age of about fifty years (D"'K'Dn ]22,
or, as other MSS. have it, 'J PD; see below). Ibn Daiid's
statement is repeated in the works of all the following
mediaeval chroniclers without exception. When, with the
appearance of Schechter's Saadyana (1903), the old mistaken
idea of Saadia's direct importation from Egypt in 928 to
assume the Gaonate of Sura, was corrected by a letter from
the Genizah from which we learned that as early as 921
Saadia had been sojourning in the East for at least six and
a half years (see above, p. 55), it was concluded that the
year 915 was that of his emigration from Egypt. For, taking
Ibn Daiid's date as a basis, Saadia was then 23 years old,
and it appeared quite improbable that even prior to this age
he should have left in Egypt, as is obvious from the letter in
question, not only a wife and several children, but also a
number of pupils, whom he now considered mature and in-
fluential enough to ask them for their support in his struggle
against Ben Aleir. These conclusions tallied also with the
general assumption that the " Refutation of Anan," written,
as is well attested (see the references above, p. 380), at the
age of 23, was composed by Saadia in his native country ;
which may also account for his having emigrated soon after
(see pp. 58 f.), that is, in accordance with the chronology of
Ibn Daud, in 915 !
Still more significant corroboration of these conclusions
was seen in a fragmentary diary, which was undoubtedly
written by Saadia and in which the latter was found travel-
POSTSCRIPT 423
ing in Babylonia and Syria at the age of " twenty . . . ."
years (here again the units are obliterated). Circumstantial
evidence made it appear very probable that these journeys
took place in 920-921, shortly before the outbreak of the
Ben Meir controversy (see above, note 107), and this again
was possible only on the basis of the old date, 892, given by
Tbn Daud, as according to the date 882 of the recent Genizah
fragment Saadia must then have been 38-39 years old. It
should be added that the word W''^^V (twenty) in the diary
is vocalized and accentuated, removing all doubt as to its
correctness (see above, p. 60).
If, then, the new date of 882 for Saadia's birth-year be
accepted as correct, most of the calculations concerning the
time of Saadia's departure from Egypt and his subsequent
travels in the East, as presented in the biographical portion
of this book, would have to be given up or essentially modi-
fied. We are thus placed before the alternative of rejecting
either the reading " fifty " (Ibn Daud) or that of " sixty "
(recent Genizah fragment) as faulty. Ibn Daiid's text is
borne out by all the MSS. and editions of his work as well
as by those of the works of numerous later chroniclers, who
drew upon him. Hence a mistake in his text, if such it is,
would in all probability have to be traced back to the author
himself, who may have been misinformed. In the case of
the fragment, on the other hand, the mistake could only have
originated with some copyist (who had before him 'J» (nins)
which he read as 'DO, this reading being then given in full,
DitJ'ti'O, by another copyist), as it is inconceivable that
Saadia's own sons, the authors of the list, should have been
mistaken about the age of their father at the time of his
death.
Now, on general grounds, it might readily be admitted that
the mistake is Ibn Daud's, who, as proved elsewhere, was not
always well informed (see above, note 86).* But then we
would ultimately be compelled to assume that even the
earlier source or sources relied upon by Ibn Daud were like-
* Dr. Mann's suggestion that 'J in Ibn Daud's text is a copyist's
mistake for 'D does not recommend itself for the reason stated above
that the reading is found in all extant manuscripts.
424 SAADIA GAON
wise all incorrect or their authors misinformed with regard
to exactly one full decade of Saadia's life. Such an assump-
tion, merely because a conflicting date is found in an other-
wise badly mutilated Genizah fragment, seems to me
extremely hazardous. Genizah fragments are, after all, not
Masoretic texts, and, on the other band, Saadia appeared
to the ancient writers, like Ibn Daud and his predecessors,
important enough to make them treat his life with some care
and attention. Aloreover, the expression n"'ti'on p3 {about
lift}) used by Ibn Daiid, viewed in the light of the informa-
tion we receive from the recent fragment, namely, that Saadia
lived " sixty years minus forty .... days," suggests the
idea that the vagueness of Ibn Daiid was not due to his un-
certainty as to the exact number of years, but that he too
was aware of the fact that the decades, which he took to have
been five, were lacking some days, the number of which he
either did not know or did not care to state.* If this be the
case, it would seem rather strange that while being correctly
informed with regard to a small fraction of a year, he should
have been misinformed as regards a whole decade of the
total of Saadia's life.
Finally, it should also be taken into consideration that,
while, as will be seen below, all the details contained in the
fragment can be borne out by other sources, nothing what-
ever can be found to support the new date of the year 882 as
that of Saadia's birth,** except perhaps the general reflec-
* Sherira, the chief historian of the Gaonate, who as Gaon and con-
temporary of Saadia, certainly was familiar with the details relating
to the latter, likewise gives only the fourteen years of Saadia's occu-
pancy of the Gaonate, but omits the missing days mentioned in the
fragment.
** A passage in the VIIT TlK (I, 197, col. i, no. 698) of Moses b.
Isaac of Vienna (1250) : pxa ^"'H '1 i2t."n L'ns PK:i nnVD 211.
referring either to Ilai b. Nahshon of Sura (died 8g6) or Hai b.
David of Pumbedita (died 898), cannot be construed to prove a per-
sonal contact between the latter and Saadia, as in that case we should
have to assume that Saadia studied at the academy of Sura or Pum-
bedita prior to 896 or 898 ; for which assumption, even granting that
he was born in 882, there is as little reason as for its alternative,
that either of the two Hais ever was in Egypt.
POSTSCRIPT 425
tion that, having accompHshed so much Hterary work he
must have Hved more than fifty years, which is hardly safe
ground to build upon.
In view of the foregoing considerations it seems inadvis-
able to undertake a reconstruction of Saadia's biography on
the basis of the new date. It may be suggested, however,
that leaving Ibn Daud aside, a harmonization of this date
with the older Genizah material might, on the whole, be
possible by placing Saadia's emigration from Egypt in the
years 905-911, that is, when according to the new date,
Saadia was 23-29 years old. He may at first have spent some
time in Palestine, where he met Abu Kathir and other Pales-
tinian scholars (see pp. 36, 65 f.), and then proceeded to the
seats of the Gaonate, subsequently continuing his travels
through Babylonian and Syrian cities. The diary (above,
pp. 59-62), written during this period, would, contrary to
our previous conclusions (see note 107), stand in no relation
whatever to the letters of Saadia to his pupils in Egypt,
written in 922 (see pp. 55 f.). that is, eleven or more years
later. During the intervening years he must have hved
again for some time in the Holy Land, for in one of the
letters referred to, written somewhere in Babylonia, in which
he complains to his pupils in Egypt of not having heard
from them for six and a half years, he writes " you have
probably thought that I am still in Palestine " (see p. 56).
While it would thus be possible to bring the various
Genizah documents into harmony with the new date derived
from the recent fragment, we have no explanation for the
strange fact that Saadia should have lived for a period of
seventeen years (905-922) in separation from his family —
unless we assume that subsequent to his travels in Babylonia
and Syria, as described in the diary, he returned to his native
country; whence, for some unknown reason, he again emi-
grated to Palestine in the year 915. All this is quite prob-
lematical. Only new finds in the unexplored Genizah col-
lections may eventually clear up this part of Saadia's biog-
raphy. For the present, therefore. I deem it more de-
sirable to leave the presentation of Saadia's life unchanged.
I
426 SAADIA GAON
making allowance, however, for a possible need of readjust-
ment in the future. In the meantime I have inserted a refer-
ence to this Postscript wherever the results based on the older
material came in conflict with the data of the latest Genizah
fragment.
The new material, including the fragment in question, con-
tains also a number of details which partly modify and partly
supplement or corroborate various statements made in the
course of our investigation. They may here briefly be set
forth as follows :
1. Saadia's election to the Gaonate took place on the
22 of Iyyar=i5 of May, 928.
2. Saadia did not write a commentary on the whole Penta-
teuch, but only on Genesis from the beginning to the section
s^vi (28, to), and on all of Exodus and Leviticus. Samuel
b. Hophni continued the work by commenting upon Genesis
from KVi"i to the end, all of Numbers, and Deuteronomy
from the beginning to the section D'^DDIt^ (16, 18) ;* while
the rest of Deuteronomy was done by Saadia's famous
adversary Aaron Sarjadah (see above, note 241). It is
interesting to note that of all the fragments of the Penta-
teuch commentary enumerated in our Bibliography (pp. 311-
315) only the one under letter q may now have to be assigned
to Samuel b. Hophni.
3. Dosa actually became Gaon of Sura (see above, note
281), but not until 1013. when he was over eighty years old.
He died in 1017, four years after his succession to the Gaon-
ate, at the age of about 87-89 years. This fully substanti-
ates our suggestions above, notes 13-14, 290.
4. Samuel b. Hophni did not die in 1034. as. following
Abraham Ibn Daiid, has heretofore been maintained, but in
1013, when he was succeeded by Dosa. He was thus not the
last Gaon of Sura, as hitherto generally assumed. Samuel's
own son, Israel (see above, p. 29, note 13). succeeded Dosa
in 1017. He died in 1033, which may have been the cause of
Abraham Ibn Daud's mistake in giving the year 1034 as that
* The part of Samuel's Commentary on Genesis published by I.
Israelsohn, St. Petersburg, 1886 (see Steinschneider. JL., p. no, no.
I?), belongs to this work.
POSTSCRIPT 427
of the death of Samuel b. Hophni, through confusion of the
father with the son. Israel was succeeded in the Sura Gaon-
ate by one Azariah, perhaps Israel's son, who died
shortly after, and was succeeded by Isaac, the last Gaon of
Sura. Israel survived Hai by some years. The Sura Gaon-
ate accordingly lasted, contrary to previous assumptions,
longer than that of Pumbedita. The new material, it may be
added in passing, fully bears out my conclusion that owing to
Dosa's claims to the Sura Gaonate, there must have been
much strife and contention between Sura and Pumbedita
prior to the appointment of Samuel b. Hophni (see above,
note 281).
5. Dosa had an older brother by the name of Sheerit
(comp. above, pp. 29, 56) . So far as I know this name does
not occur elsewhere in Jewish literature. The title 'alliif
(see above, p. 64) is added to his name in the list of his
father's writings which he together with Dosa composed in
953. He must have been dead when Dosa became Gaon.
As to the works enumerated in the list, they will all be found
in the present book under their proper headings. Some titles
occurring only in the list remain obscure and require further
investigation. Thus it is not clear what is meant by 10 ^""XDD
nnin^X loi "iti^y nn (comp. above, p. 318) or by nKn3
. . . ^Ntinx (?)yoJ^N (comp. above, p. 400, below). The
T*sn^X nKnT^<, i. e., anthology, is probably the Arabic title of
the Poem on the 613 Precepts (see p. 330, no. 2). For this
Poem on the 613 Precepts (see p. 330, no. 2). For this
titlesee Steinschneider, ^L., p. 151. The Dlst^V^'N 2lil nXDD
is not a new work, as thought by Dr. Mann, but the title of
the introduction to the Siddur, which circulated also as a
separate work ; comp. Neubauer. Ben Chananja. VI, 552 ;
Bacher, REJ., XXXIX, 206, no. 7 ; above p. 330. The
"iny^N HnspK, the 'i^^Q'?'? Hin^x yoi nsris, and yo^ nsriD
yxiB'^N are probably identical with the works mentioned
above, pp. 352, no. 5 ; 399 f., nos. 12, 13. The Commentary on
the Sefer Yezirah is here called m'V"' DID^n "i''DDn. For
the nxtJ'N-nsee p. 323; for D^toSlJ'nn n^XI and DIO nnN
see p. 396, nos. 2, 3. These sections of the commentary were
in circulation as separate books and hence the special titles.
428 SAADIA GAON
It is therefore unnecessary to assume with Dr. Mann that
they were the titles of the entire second halves of Exodus
and Leviticus, respectively. Indeed, it is quite improbable,
as in that case there was no reason to mention them as
separate l)ooks immediately after having mentioned the com-
mentaries to Exodus and Leviticus in their entirety.
Philadelphia, January, 1921.
ADDENDA
Note 175 : Comp. also Poznanski in A. Schwarz's Fest-
schrift, Berlin, 191 7, p. 473.
Note 191 : To the biographical sketches on Saadia should
be added that of A. Schwarz, Judisches Liferatiirblatt, XXII
(1893), pp. 17 fT.
Note 240: The name Sarjadah is probably not of Arabic
origin, but is to be derived from the Syriac ^nD, to draw
straight lines on paper or parchment, hence ximDj a wooden
or metal ruler. The name may therefore have to be pro-
nounced Surgada ; comp. Krauss in Schwarz's Festschrift,
P- 575-
Note 645 : For Dunash b. Labrat's relation to Saadia see
Forges in Kaufmann's Gedenkhuch, pp. 245-259.
Pages 320, below (Eliezer b. Nathan), and 323 (Hom-
ilies) : See Michael, Jahrhuch dcr Ji'tdiscJi-Literarischen
Gesellschaft, VI ( 1906) , 32.
Pages 345, no. 3, and 348, nos. 7-8: See Michael, ibidem,
P- 31-
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. Initials
AIE. = Abraham Ibn Ezra.
AL. = Steinschneider, Arahischc Literatur, Frankfurt a. AI., 1902.
CB. = Steinschneider, Catalogus librorum hebraeorum in Biblio-
theca Bodleiana.
HB. =: Steinschneider, Hebraeische Bibliographie, Berlin, 1858-
1882.
JE. =: Jeivish Encyclopedia.
JQR. = Jezvish Quarterly Review, London, 1889-1908.
]QR.'i^.S.=^ Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, Philadelphia,
1910-1921.
KLO. = Poznanski, The Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah
Gaon (see p. 380).
MGWJ. = Monatsschrift filr Geschichte tind Wisscnschaft des Jiiden-
tiims, Breslau, 1851-1921.
MJC. = Neubauer, Medieval Jewish Chronicles, Oxford, 1887-1895.
MW].=^ Magasin filr die Wissenschaft des Judenthunis, Berlin,
1874- 1893.
REJ.= i?<?t'M(? des Etudes Juives, Paris, 1880-1921.
ZfaW. = £>jV Zeitschrift filr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft,
Giessen, 1881-1921.
ZihB.^= Zeitschrift fur hebrdische Bibliographie, Frankfurt a. M.,
1896-1921.
j;"n3n=:D^nyn non (see note 190).
Vm^V^i'ini Tin in (see note 32).
B. Abbreviated Titles
Bachcr, Anfdngc, see note 22.
Bornstein, see note 4.
Dukes, Beitrdge, see p. 328.
Eppenstein, Beitrdge, see note 6.
Harkavy, Zikron, see note 3, beginning.
Jellinek, Beitrdge, see note 405.
Lazarus, see note 194.
Nathan, see note 192.
Pinsker, Likkutc, see note 3, near end.
Sherira, see note 192.
4-g
INDEX OF AUTHORS
[Numbers in heavy type refer to the pages of the text, all other numbers
refer to the notes.]
Aaron b, Elijah, 376.
Aaron b. Jose ha-Kohen, 314.
Aaron b. Joseph Ibn Sarjadah
(see Sarjadah).
Aaron Ben Meir (grandson of
Ben Meir), 175 (see also n.
188).
Aaron b. Meshullam of Lunel,
624, 368.
Aaron b. Moses b. Asher (see
Ben Asher).
Abarbanel (see Isaac Abar-
banel).
'Abdur-Rahman, 134.
Abraham (the patriarch), 303,
178, 179, 182. 41S, 337.
Abraham (son of Ben Meir),
175-
Abraham Abulafia, 592, 622.
Abraham Bedersi, S78^ 313.
Abraham Ibn Daud (or b.
David), 9, 31. 86, 65, 192,
228, 231, 240, 252, 271, 278,
281, 292, 310, 390, 542, 268,
591, 596, 607, 659, 361, 385,
387, 422, 426.
Abraham Ibn Ezra, 22, 35, 70, 85,
299, 305, 142, 144, 153, 436,
^5, 486, 502, 504, 264. 563,
268, 273, 587, 278, 607, 285,
616, 292, 312, 316, 321-
323, 326, 361, 398, 399-
Abraham b. Hiyya, 126, 190, 492,
582, 350, 362, 369, 381,
383, 387. 397-
Abraham [ha-Kohen], 57, 97.
Abraham ha-Kohen, 30, 13.
Abraham b. Nathan of Lunel,
639, 640.
Abraham al-Sairafi, 293, 402.
Abravanel (see Isaac Abar-
banel).
Abu 'All Hasan, 41.
Abu-'l-Kasim, 100.
Abu Kathir Yahya al-Katib, 32,
35, 33, 36, 66, 129, 304, 425.
Abu Jusuf Ja'kub al-Kirkisani,
138, Sii, 385, 406.
Abu-'l-Surri Ben Zuta, 70, 563,
385, 398.
Ackermann, A., 543.
Adam, 337.
Adler, Cyrus, 179, 392.
Adler, Elkan N., 399, 4x2, 417,
419.
'Aha of Shabbeha, 53, 272, 573.
Ahiah, 198.
'A.kiba( teacher of the Mishnah),
8, 107, 489*.
Alemano (see Johanan Ale-
mano).
Al-Fergani, 37.
Al-Kahir, 117, 118.
Al-Mahdi (see 'Ubaid Allah).
Al-Ma'mun, 100, 103.
Al-Mansur, 72.
Al-Mas'Oidi (see Mas'udi).
Al-Mu'izz, 38, 72.
Al-Muktadir, ii6, 117.
Al-Mu'tadid, 237.
Al-Nadim (see Muhammed Al-
Nadim).
Al-Radi, 118, 124.
431
432
SAADIA GAON
Al-ShalVi, 37.
Al-Tabbari, yj-
Al-Ya'akubi, 2>7-
'Ali (Calipli), 99.
'AH b. 'Tsa, 117, 124.
'Ali b. Judah ha-Nazir (see Ju-
dah Abu 'Ali).
Amoraim, 71, 97, 207.
Amram (of Pumbedita), 126.
Amram Gaon, 51, 147, 272, 573.
Amram, Natan, 368.
Anan b. David (founder of
Karaism), 34, 46, 53, 58,
loi, 198, 467, 223, Sii, 515,
261, 263, 264, 380.
'Ananiah, 239.
Anatomy, Books of, 467.
Anaximenes, 181.
Antiochus Epiphanes, 173.
Aptowitzer, Victor, 327, 343.
Aquila, 315.
Aristotle, 397, 180, 183, 184,
198, 202, 223, 499, 278,
405.
Armilus, 230.
Arsacids, 94.
'Ash'arites, 515.
Ashi (Amora), 100, loi.
Azariah, 242.
Azariah Gaon, 427.
Azulai, H. J. D.. 362, 301, 660,
340, 342, 34^, 348.
Bacher, W., 3. 22, 34, 36, 40, 42,
43, 55, 45. 61, 62, 63, 64,
83. 99, 129, 130, 131, 191,
198, 202, 203, 295, 297, 299,
303, 308, 310-313. 315, 359,
366, 392, 394, 417, 418, 425,
46T, 473. 515, 519, 530, 570,
587. 589. 607, 614, 645, 306-
311, 314-325, 328, 336,
339-341, 343, 352-354,
359, 360, 364, 366, 373.
378, 384, 385, 387-390,
392, 395, 396, 399-401,
407, 40Q, 427.
Bacr, S., 399.
Baethgen, Friedricli, 179.
Bahya b. Asher, 485.
Bahya Ibn Pakudah, 154, 344,
578, 278, 362.
Bamberger, AI. L., 321.
Bar-Satia (see Joseph b. Jacob).
Barahima (Brahmans), 209.
Bardowicz, L., 53, 307, 334, 357,
606, 309, 327, 405.
Barges, J. J. L., 52, 452.
Baron, S., 319.
Barrasch, Julius, 375, 376.
Ben Asher, 66, 399.
Ben Meir, 10, 4, 18, 94, 63, 64,
121, 123, 126, 65, 66, 69,
139, 140, 72, 148, 151, 73,
74, 77, 78, 79, ^58, 159, 80,
81, 168, 82, 169, 83, 175, 84,
176, 85, 179, 180, 182, 86,
183, 87, 188, 89, 90, 114.
158, 168, 169, 352, 409-
419, 422, 423.
Ben Meir, sons of, 83, 108, 175.
188, 410, 411.
Ben-Seeb, Judah Lob, 367, 370,
371, 376.
Ben Zuta (see Abu-"1-Surri).
Benamosegh, Elia, 324.
Bender, A. P., 509*.
Benjacob, Isaac, 362, 307, 308,
339, 346, 348, 367, 408.
Benjamin b. Judah, 326, 327.
Benjamin Nahawandi, 198, 467,
227.
Benjamin of Tudcla, 171. 278.
Berechiah ha-Nakdan, 420, 503,
607, 288, 632, 289, 636, 312.
358, 359, 361-367, 369.
Rerger, H., 327.
Berliner, A., 652, 653, 6S5, 3o6,
331, 334, 351, 352, 395-
P.ernfeld, S., 191, 378.
Bernstein, Bela, 485.
Bezalel Ashkenazi, 342.
INDEX OF AUTHORS
433
Bishr b. Aaron, 257, 121-125,
266.
Bisiiches, M. L., 366.
Blaii, L., 45, 346, 348, 339.
Bloch, Philipp, 373, 374. 378.
Bloch, Samson, 593.
Bodenheimer, L., 310.
Bondi, J., 222,, 326, 342, 320, 328,
329. 334.
Eonilla, Adolfo, 499, 503-
Bernstein, H. J., 4, 5, 10, 15. 18,
49, S3, 87, 107, 119, 120, 121,
122, 123, 125, 132, 139, 141-
144, 146, 145^152, 154, 155,
158-160, 167-169, 174-184,
186, 188, 625, 352, 354, 410-
419.
Bostanai, 96.
Boswell, 90.
Brann, M., 379.
Breithaupt, D. Chr., 317.
Brill, J., 515, 365-
Brockelmann, Carl, 34, 37, 102.
Brody, H., 331, 339-
Broyde, I., 399, 4I7-
Briill, N., 8, 55, 212, 271, 315, 4i7,
436, 327, 377.
Buber, S., 4, I5i, 620, 629, 307,
308, 363, 408.
Buxtorf, J., 339.
Carlyle, J. D., 309.
Carmoli, E., 191.
Carra de Vaux, 20, 278.
Cassell, David, 640.
Cassel, Selig, 281.
Chapira, Bernard, 392-394.
Chosru II, 99.
Christian dogmas, 210, 231.
Christianity, 206, 209, 2io, 367,
371.
Cohen, Solomon Solis, 337.
Cohn, J., 576, 320, 321, 328.
Coronel, N., 483.
Cowley, A. E., 3, 36, 308, 311,
329, 338, 344, 345, 347,
28
350, 356, 359, 360, 397,
401-404, 406, 417.
Dahriyya, 180, 203.
Daniel, prophet, 233, 242.
Daniel Al-Kumisi, 46, 387, 385,
399-
Dassow, Theodor, 373.
David, King, 411, 324.
David, house of, 95, 96, 228,
330.
David b. Abraham, 55, 56, 100.
David Kimhi, 22, 316, 324.
David Ibn Merwan al-Mukam-
mis, ss, 33, 67, 134, 135, 68.
David b. Zakkai, 9, 9, 82, 198,
103, 104, 106-111, 231,
238, 114, 115, 117, 118,
262,265, 122-124, 127, 128,
283, 169, 177, 496, 269, 270,
293, 393.
Davidson, J., 3, i73, 332, 518, 547,
565, 652, 385-387.
De Goeje, J. M., 20.
Deinard, E., 406.
Delitzsch, Franz, 592*, 365, 376.
Delmedigo (see Joseph Solomon
Delmedigo).
Democritus, 181.
Derenbourg, Hartwig, 309, 317,
321, 323.
Derenbourg, Joseph (previous
German spelling Derenburg
and Dernburg), 293, 348-351,
417, 451, 461, 583, 309, 314,
316, 317, 320, 321, 324,
332, 339, 340, 341, 356,
406, 409.
Derenburg (see Derenbourg Jo-
seph).
Dieterici, F., 207.
Dillmann, August, 171.
Dines, J., 526, 371.
Donath, L., 327.
Dosa (son of Saadia), 13, 29,
30, 14, 28t, 132, 289, 290,
134, 161, 421, 426, 427.
434
SAADIA GAOX
Dukes. L., 22, 84, 85, 191, 2,^7,
311-313, 344, 359, 422, 452,
499. 584, 594, 595, 607, 622,
307. 318, 325. 328, 333,
335. 341, 345, 356, 361,
400, 405, 408.
Dunash b. Labrat (Librat), 299,
292, 321, 323, 399. 428.
Dunash Ibn Tamiin, 48, 49, 84,
403, 450, 607, 291, 543-
Ebjatar, 194.
Edelmann, H., 596. 385-
Egers, Jacob, 327.
Eisenstiidter, W., 406, 407.
Eisler, M., 377.
Elbogen, Ismar, 320, 321, 335,
330, 338, 339. 406.
Eldad ha-Dani. 84, I94-
Eleazar the priest, 277.
Eleazar b. Eleazar, 406.
Eleazar Kalir, 13, 41. 44, 50,
139. 332, 153. 154, 272,
289, 299, 300, 361.
Eleazar of Worms, 491, 578*,
286, 622, 359, 363-
Eliezer (Bible), 297.
Eliezer Ashkenazi, 614, 366.
Eliezer b. Hyrcanos, 366.
Eliezer b. Jacob, 366.
Eliezer b. Nathan, 418, 287, 320,
428.
Elijah (prophet), 82, 233, 242.
Elijah Levita, 339, 340, 341,
Elijah of Nisibis, 179.
Elisha, prophet. 233, 242.
Emden, Jacob, 367.
Empcdocles, 511.
Engelkcmper. W.. 3, 191, 254,
278, 309, 328, 374.
Eppenstein, S., 6, 15, 98, 107, 122,
126, 191, 293, 295, 306, 316.
318, 361, 366, 370, 376, 387,
.^96, 558, 576. 308, 311. 316,
319. 320, 326, 328, 336.
341. 343, 347, 319, 350,
377. 381, 385, 389. 399,
401, 411, 413. 415, 416-
Epstein, A., 15, 84, 87, 122, 126,
145, 148, 151, 153, 154, 157.
161, 163, 165, 166, 168, 177,
178, 180, 436, 437, 502, 618,
627. 356, 357, 359, 403,
410, 419.
Epstein, J. N., 360, 364, 365, 422,
518. 590, 597, 332, 343, 344.
Eternalists. 180, 203, 204.
Evil-merodach, 93.
Ewald, H., 85, 305, 307, 318,
321, 328.
Ezekiel, prophet. 233.
Fahr ai-Din Razi, 516.
FiHpofski. 4, 581, 582, 387.
Eirkovich. Abraham, 139. 306,
387, 394.
Eirkovich. Samuel. 394.
Frankel, D., 325.
Eraenkel, S.. 317, 323. 329.
354-
Franciscans, Order of. 655.
Frankel. Z., 350.
Frankl, P. P., 3-
Frat Maimon, 369.
Freimann, J., 350.
Fried, M., 310.
Friedljinder, Israel, 33. 237, 345.
l^riedlander, M., 191, 485, 398,
412.
Friedmann. M.. 491.
Frumkin. I... 332, 334, 335.
Fuchs. S.. 324, 344.
I'iinn, S. J.. IQI.
Furst, Julius, 262. 339- 37i.
372. 374-
Fukaha", },~.
Gagnier. John, 360, 373.
Galen, 532, 278.
Galle, A. P., 326.
Galliner, S., 311. 319-
Gaster, M., 332, 355, 386.
Gauss, K. F.. 412.
Gedaliah, fast of, 338.
INDEX OF AUTHORS
435
Gedaliah Ibn Yahya, 351.
Geiger, A., 22, 34, 69, 191, 238,
242, 246, 300, 311. 315, 436,
472, 485, 617, 622, 626, 307.
321, 328, 376, 379. 387.
409.
Geonim, 97, 98, 207, 99-102,
214, 103, 104, 106, 109,
256, 131, 133, 153, 158,
165, 483, 261, 272, 280,
411, 412, 415.
Gershom, Rabbenu, 619.
Gesenius, W., 328.
Ginsburg, Chr. D., 339, 341.
Ginsburg, I., 191.
Ginzberg, L., 13, 48, 50, 51, 79,
82, 122, 125, 147, 173, 192, 194,
200, 202, 207, 208, 211, 219-
222, 224, 227-229, 237, 241,
273, 290, 319-322, 324, 355,
358, 359, 365, 376, 377, 500,
523, 573-575, 327, 342-345,
351, 355-
Ginzel. F. K., 141, 144, I45, 151,
152, 164.
Goettsberger, Johannes, 321.
Goldberg, B., 583.
Goldziher, Ignatz, 35, 129, 137.
441. 479, 502, 503, 515, 516,
541% 643, 657, 659, 344, 360,
373, 385.
Gollancz, H., 632, 633, 636, 362,
365.
Gorfinkle, Joseph I., 479, 541'.
Gottheil. R., 70.
Graetz, H., 72, 87, 130, 134, 190,
191, 208-211, 215, 222, 224,
226, 233, 240, 241, 253, 254,
256, 257, 266, 281, 283, 293,
359, 471, 483, 642, 643, 328,
330, 371, 377, 385.
Greenberg, W. H., 351.
Grossberg, M., 73, 84.
Grunhut, L., 4, 327, 347, 404.
Giinzburg, David de, 342.
Giinzig, I., 502.
Guillaume, A., 168, 411, 414,
415, 418.
Gurland. H. J., 306, 394.
Guttmann, Jacob, 35, 71, 77, 310,
391, 399, 404, 412, 416, 440,
459, 463, 465, 472, 472% 473,
475, 476, 478, 479, 483, 488,
497, 503, 505, 513, 515, 524,
530-535, 540, 541% 542, 544,
578, 607, 362, 364, 369, 370,
373, 375, 377, 385.
Hadassi (see Judah Hadassi).
Hai Gaon, 2, 13, 281, 130, 283,
131, 365, 578, 277, 589, 378,
285, 614, 629, 291, 343,
344, 366, 408, 427.
IJalaf, 240.
Hai b. David, 424,
Hai b. Nahshon, 424.
Halberstam, S. J., I37, 151, 327,
401, 402. 485, 623, 631, 313,
327, 334, 336, 351, 359,
383, 408.
Halevy, I., 351.
Kamza al-'Isfahani, 133.
Hananel b. Hushiel of Kairwan,
485, 291, 643-
Hananiah (Bible), 242.
Hananiah b. Judah, 239, 126.
Haneberg, D., 315, 319, 328,
400.
ITanina b. Dosa, 31, 230, 659.
Harkavy, A., 3, 4, 8, 9, 18, 22, 23,
34, 35, 39, 40, 41, 45, 47,
54. 55, 59, 78, 80, 81, 83, 84,
122, 134, 135, 138, 139, 177,
191, 207, 230, 234, 237-241,
246, 249-252, 258, 265, 267,
293, 297, 299, 308, 334, 371,
402, 412% 448, 483, 499, 511,
515, 617, 647, 648% 649, 650,
306, 307, 313-317, 332,
339, 342, 344-350, 354,
356, 377, 381-383, 385,
388-394, 398, 403, 405,
. 406, 4H-413, 417.
t
436
SAADIA GAON
Jlasmoiieaiis. 173, 355.
Hayawaihi (Hiwi), 3. 332, 153,
387, 198, 466, 210, 211,
483. 495, 267, 268, 384-
386.
Hayyim Vital, 660.
Heilberg, S. L.. 335.
Heisz, A., 318.
Heller, B., 320, 328.
Henkel, Gregory, 191, 378.
Heraclitus, 181.
Hirsch Fischl, 370.
Hirschfcld, H., 134, US, 159, 241,
293, 547, 550, 553, 555, 558,
577, 311, 313-316, 318,
335. 345-347, 355, 360,
369, 375, 380-385, 400,
401, 406, 415-418.
Hisda (Amora), 100.
Hisdai Ibn Shaprut, 134.
Hiskiah, Exilarch, 283.
Hiwi (see Hayawaihi).
Hiyya, Amora, 354.
Hoffmann, David, 357, 342.
Hofmann, Theodor, 319.
Honein b. 'Ishak, 304, 532.
Horovitz, S., 412'', 440, 441, 447,
458', 471, 483, 497, 499, 502-
506, 524, 344, 373, 378.
Horowitz, Ch. AL, 656, 364, 366.
Huram (King), 293.
Hurwitz, S., 623, 351.
PTushai the Arkite, 660.
Husik, Isaac, 379.
Ibn 'Aknin (see Joseph b. Judah
Ibn Aknin).
Ibn Bal'am (see Judah Ibn
Bal'am).
Ibn Ephraim, 292.
Ibn Gabirol (see Solomon Ibn
Gabirol).
Ibn Ganah (see Jona Ibn Ga-
nah).
Ihn Ciaii, brotliers, 281.
Ibn (iikatillah (see Moses Ibn
Gikatillah).
Ibn Hazm, 33, 2>i, I34-
Ibn Nahmias (see Joseph Ibn
Nahmias).
Ibn Parhon (see Solomon Ibn
Parhon).
Ibn Saddik (see Joseph Ibn Sad-
dik).
Tbn Sakawaihi (see Sakawaihi).
Ilm Tibbon (see Judah Ibn Tib-
bon).
Immanuel b. Solomon of Rome,
607.
Isaac, patriarch, 242.
Isaac (scribe), 369.
Isaac Abarbanel. 18, 399.
Isaac Alfasi, 291.
Isaac Gaon, 396.
Isaac b. Baruk Ibn al-Baliya,
276.
Isaac b. Israel (?) Gaon, 427.
Isaac Israeli, ^y, 44, 47, 72, 49,
50, 51, 84, 403, 374.
Isaac b. Natira, 237.
Isaac b. Reuben of Barcelona,
396.
Isaac b. Samuel ha-Sefardi, 313.
Isaiah, prophet, 233.
Isidore of Seville, 503, 504.
Lshmael (teacher of the Mish-
nah), 159.
Israel (son of Samuel b. Hoph-
ni), 13, 426, 427.
Israel ha-Levi, 371.
Israelsohn, I., 638, 426.
Izhakovitch. Jacob, 338.
Jacob b. Ashcr, 369, 351.
Jacob b. Ephraim, 293.
Jacob b. Hayyim Ferussol, 369.
Jacob d'lllescas, 314.
Jacob b. Natronai Gaon, 106.
Jacob b. Nissim, 291.
Jacob b. Reuben, 289, 368.
INDEX or AUTHORS
437
Jacob b. Samuel, 292.
Jacob Tarn, 186, 287.
Jacobs, Joseph, 633.
Jastrow, M., Jr., 328,
Jedaiah Bedersi (or ha-Penini),
48s, 280, 397.
Jehiel Heilprin, 278.
Jehiel Melli, 331.
Jehoiachin (King), 93, 193, 194.
Jellinek, Adolf, 194, 405, 435,
482, 592, 622, 356, 365, 370,
404.
Jephet b. 'AH, 293, 323, 380,
38X.
Jeshu'ah b. Judah, 346.
Jesus, 206, 209, 298.
Job, 219.
Joel, David, 524, 379.
Joel, M., 191, 377.
Johanan Alemano, 532.
Jonah Ibn Ganah, 432, 273, 578,
277, 324.
Jose b. Jose, 44, 50, 139. I49.
332.
Jose Al-Nahrawani, 151.
Joseph (father of Saadia), 27,
3, 122.
Joseph b. Judah Ibn 'Aknin, 241,
279, 321.
Joseph b. Jacob Bar-Satia, iii,
234, H7, 256, 26s, 124, 128,
280, 129.
Joseph Bekor-Shor, 626, 287,
341.
Joseph Solomon Delmedigo, 622.
Joseph Kara, 287.
Joseph Kimhi, 325, 340.
Joseph Kohen, 41.
Joseph Ibn Nahmias, 321, 325.
Joseph Ibn Saddik (or Siddik),
483, 502.
Joseph Ibn Yahya, 578^
Joshua (Masorite), 44, 55.
Josiah Hassan, iii, 118.
Josipon (Book of), 84.
Jost, M., 34.
Judah, the Patriarch, 107, 173,
354.
Judah Abu 'Alan ha-Tabbarani
(see Judah Abu 'Ali).
Judah Abu 'Ali (or b. 'Alan)
ha-Nazir, 33, 22, 35, 36, 129.
Judah Ibn Bal'am, 22, 172, 277,
584, 353, 607.
Judah b. Barzillai, 67, 401, 402,
418, 420, 421, 423, 427-432.
438, 447, 485, 561, 284, 288,
291, 311-313, 320, 346,
351, 356-359, 383-386,
405.
Judah, son of David b. Zakkai,
no, 127.
Judah Hadassi, 22, 35.
Judah Halaz, 491, 493, 363, 368,
Judah Halevi, 472, 369.
Judah al-Harizi, 171, 578°.
Judah he-Hasid, 491, 592, 285,
286, 289, 296, 651, 363.
Judah Hayyiig, 409.
Judah b. Ilai, 85.
Judah al-Iskandarani, 264.
Judah Moscato, 578", 622.
Judah Mosconi, 368.
Judah Perez, 403.
Judah (b. Joseph) of Rakka,
37, 77-
Judah Saraval, 404.
Judah Ibn Tibbon, 84, 455, 484,
491, 537, 540, 583, 289, 360,
361, 363-376, 385.
Kabbalists, 229, 622, 660.
Kahana (see Kohn, D.).
Kahle, Paul, 309, 310, 321.
Kaleb, 240.
Kalir (see Eleazar Kalir).
Kaminka, A., 191, 350, 374.
Karaites, 3, 34, 35, 32-34, 45,
46, 70, 58, 59, 123, 66, 138,
114, 251, 137, 146, 158,
357, X63, 167-171, 173,
4-38
SAADIA GAON
197, 198, 223, 261-267,
293. 294, 380-384, 398-
402.
Kaufmann, David, 305, 315, 418,
422, 447, 456, 478, 483, 506,
524, 542, 356, 358, 372, 377,
383, 398, 405.
Kimhi (see David and Joseph
Kimhi).
Kirchheim, R., 583, 599, 606, 648,
327. 358, 368.
Kirkisani (see Abii Jvisuf Ja'kub
al-Kirkisani).
Klein, Deszo, 318.
Knoller, L., 379.
Koch, S., 191.
Kohen Zedek Gaon, 215, 103,
106, 108, 231, 109, 110,
112, 238, 256, 123, 126,
130.
Kohen-Zedek, Joseph, 346.
Kohn, b., 191, 485. 306, 387,
394-
Kohut, Alexander. 329, 333,
334-
Kohut, G. A., 652.
Kramer, J., 380.
Krochmal, Abraham, 194.
Krauss, S., 87, 428.
Lagarde, Paul de, 311.
Lambert, M., 52, S^, 57- 61, 151.
404, 422, 424, 426, 427, 440,
443, 449, 609, 632, 317, 320,
340, 349. 356-358, 384,
391. 393-
Landau, S., 327.
Landauer, S., 67, 305, 306, 455',
484, 498, 514. 530, 360, 362,
365, 367, 369. 372, 374.
384.
Landshuth, L., 335, 338, 341, 343,
344, 599, 33^, 333, 334-
Lauterbach, J. Z., 319.
Lazarus Felix, 194-205, 216-218,
259.
Lchmann, S., 319.
Leucippus, i8i.
Levi, Israel, 15, 355, 362, 412,
414.
Levinsohn, Isaac Baer, 373.
Levy, Jacob, 281.
Lewi b. Jephet, 22.
Lewin, B., 281, 394.
Loeb, Isidore, 368.
Loevy, Jacob, 315, 322,
Loewe, L., 372.
Loewenthal, A., 532.
Luzzatto, S. D., 281, 344, 485,
502, 581, 607, 322, 331-334,
340, 383, 399-
Maimonides, 18, 241, 133, 146,
153. 176, 399. 416, 446. 450.
472", 473, 479, 483, 484, 485.
494, 515, 541'. 273, 578, 578'.
279, 285, 321, 368.
Malka Gaon, 105.
Alalter, H., 22, 37, 191, 252, 264.
297, 298, 344, 434. 436, 450.
483, 494, 501, 505, 507, 509.
522, 524, 540. 541*, 557, 568,
592V 650. 325, 352, 355,
379, 389, 392, 408.
Manasseh (King), 219.
Mann, J., 11, 17'. 281, 286, 355,
421, 423, 427, 428.
Margoliouth, D. S., 3, 82, 246V
248, 249, 570. 390.
Margoliouth, G., 281. 313, 316.
Margulies. S. H.. 319, 372.
Markon, J., 346.
Marmorstein, A., 13.
Marx, A., 151, 192, 227, 281, 346,
394, 592, 659V 336, 342,
354.
Mashallah, yy.
Masorites, 52. 43. 4 4, 55, 66,
272.
Mas'iidi. 3, 32, 35, 36, 2>7, 77,
126, 129, 250, 254, 268, 278.
Mathews H. J., 326, 327.
INDEX OF AUTHORS
439
Mattathiah the Hasmonean, 270.
Mebasser, 82.
Meir (teacher of the Mishnah),
8, 107.
Meir (b. Todros ha-Levi) Abu-
lafia, 365, 368.
Meir ha-Kohen, 348.
Meir (b. Baruk) of Rothenburg,
408.
Men of Africa, 49, 50.
Men of Kairwan, 49.
Menahem, pupil of Saadia, 293-
Menahem b. Judah, 369.
Menahem Meiri, 192, 280, 607.
Menahem b. Sariik, 376, 292.
Menahem b. Solomon, 151.
Mendelssohn, Moses, 142.
Merx, Adalbert, 306, 314, 3i5,
322, 323, 328.
Messiah, 233, 230, 265,
Michael, H., 363, 428.
Midrash, 164, 186, I97> 223.
Mieses, Josef, 309.
Mirsky, H., igi.
Mishael, 242.
Mishnah, 161, 164, 165, 178,
181, 197, 270, 382.
Morali, Isaac, 407.
Mortara, Marco, 485.
Moses, 59, 195, 209, 242, 246,
277, 337-
Moses Botarel, 669', 404.
Moses Darshan of Narbonne,
286, 288.
Moses Ibn Ezra, 3, S30, 264, 278,
400, 401.
Moses Ibn Gikatillah, 577-
Moses Ibn Habib, 485, 607.
Moses b. Hisdai (see Moses
Tachau).
Moses b. Isaac, 424.
Moses b. Jacob, 51-
Moses b. Joseph of Lucena, 437.
288, 631, 632, 356, 358.
Moses b. Maimon (see Maimon-
ides).
Moses b. Nahman (see Nahman-
ides).
Moses Rieti, 281.
Moses Tachau, 438, 509% 281-
285, 597. 603, 606, 607, 609.
614, 616, 289, 351. 358,
368.
Moses de Trani, z(*iy 366.
Mubashshir, 50, 82, 324, 345,
388, 394.
Mubashshir Gaon, 104, 126.
Mueller, August, 100, 545-
Mueller, Joel, 3, 121, 324. 329.
331. 357, 374, 376, 380, 5t8,
548, 624, 538, 326, 330, 335,
342, 344» 347-351, 406.
Muhammed, 99, 209.
Muhammed Ibn Ishak al-Nadim,
352, 389, 400.
Muhammedans, 142, 145, 470,
209, 511, 515, 545-
Mukammis (see David al-Mu-
kammis).
Muller, J. P., 378.
Munk, S., 34, IQI. 291, 3o8, 311.
315, 416, 446, 450, 483. 485.
520, 586, 317, 328, 360,
375, 376, 400, 404-
Musical tones, 259, 323, 369-
Mutakallimun, 33, ZZ, 279, 280,
592% 378.
Mu'tazilites, 202, 483, S^S-
Nacht, Jacob, 620.
Nahmanides, 577, 348.
Nahrawani, 50, 51.
Nashon Gaon, 51. 272, 574-
Nahum (Exilarch), 198.
Nahum b. Abraham, 41.
Nahum ha-Ma'arabi, 159.
Nathan ('AUvif), 106.
Nathan ha-Babli, 9, i47, 192,
223, 224, 227, 231. 235-237,
240, 244, 251, 253, 256, 257,
265, 266, 268.
Nathan b. Isaac al-Sikili, 380.
44"
SAADIA CAON
Nathan b. Jehiel of Rome. 286,
288, 658.
Nathansohn, B., 373.
Natlianel Caspi, 653, 369.
Natira, iii, 237, 293, 647.
Natira, sons of, 237, 290.
Natronai I, 103, 229.
Natronai b. Hilai, 51, 321.
Nehunyon, 198.
Neubauer, A., 10, 88, 124, 177,
192, 194, 219, 227, 228, 231,
252, 281, 323, 396% 448, 618,
307-309, 3H, 317. 3i8,
325, 329, 330, 333, 3i(>,
338, 339, 340, 344. 345.
347, 353, 356, 359, 360,
385, 387, 388, 397, 404,
406, 409, 412, 413, 422,
427.
Neumark, D., 281, 478, 497, 503,
522, 325, 378.
Nissi Nahrawani, 108, 243, 123.
Nissim b. Jacob, 8, 291, 643, 384.
Noah, 242, 337.
Onkelos, 144, 198.
Paulus, H. J. G., 317.
Payyetanim, 139, 151, 361.
Peritz, M., 300, 323, 324.
Perl, Jeroham Fischel, 330.
Pethahiah of Ratisbon, 359, 642.
PhiHpp, S., 408.
• Philo, 175, 264.
Phinehas (Alasorite), 44, 55.
Phinehas b. Jair, 660.
Pinsker, S., 3, 22, 23, 34, 35.
69. 178, 550.
Plato, 181, 198, 490", 506, 532.
Pococke, Edward, 309.
Porges, N., 306, 361, 362, 387-
389, 428.
Posnanski, Adolf, 368.
Poznanski, S., 13, 14, 19, 22, 26,
39, 68, 70, 74, 78, 79, 96, 97,
loi, 122, 125, 126, 132, 133,
134, 138, 143, 149, 175, 179.
181, 190, 192, 213, 224, 241,
26s, 273, 283, 289, 290-292,
307, 308, 315, 357, 361, 364.
387, 392, 511, 521, 549, 552,
554, 626, 646, 649, 659, 306,
308-311, 315-318, 320-
327, 340-350, 352, 353,
380-386, 399-406, 408,
413, 417, 419, 428.
Pythagoras, 181, 511.
Ral), Amora, 98, 354.
Rabinowitz, L., 327, 404.
Rabinowitz, S. P., 191, 377.
Rapoport, S. J. L., 9, 34, 84,
107, 190, 191, 271, 278, 22,^,
485, 576, 591, 617, 625, 627-
629, 643, 322, 326, 335,
341, 346, 348, 353, i(i2>
371, 381, 385, 404.
Rashi, 18, 303, 502, 286, 287,
331, 395.
Ratner, B., 193.
Rau, David, 378.
Reggio, I. S., 485, 607.
Reider, Joseph, 312, 315.
Reifmann, Jacob, 617.
Reinach, Theodore, 44, 45.
Renan, Ernest, 3, 593. 369-
Revel, B., 554. 403.
Rieger, P., 648.
Romulus, 230.
Rosenberg, J., 617, 331, 332.
334, 343.
Rosin, D., 63, 379.
Rossi, G. B. de, 376, 408.
Saadia, brothers of, 132.
Saadia, daughters of, 132.
Saadia, sons of, 132.
Saadia Bekor-Shor, 340.
Saadia Ibn Danan, 192, 596, 385.
Saadia b. Nahamani, 297.
Saboraim, 97, 98, 99,
Sachs, Michael, 334, 331.
Sachs, Senior, 52, 452. 306, 334-
Sahl b. Mazliah, 3, 178, 181.
Sahl b. Natira, 237, 293.
Sa'id b. 'AH Ibn K'O^L"K, 77-
INDEX OF AUTHORS
441
Sakawaihi, 264, 267, 349, 382-
384, 401.
Sakuya (see Sakawaihi).
Salfeld, S., 322, 323.
Salmon b. Jeroham, 32, 502, 325.
Salomon, Johann, 367, 374.
Samaritans, 37.
Samson b. Abraham of Sens,
289, 639, 365.
Samuel (Amora), 98.
Samuel Ashkenazi, 340.
Samuel of Falaise, 636.
Samuel b. Hophni, 2, 13, 225,
281, 130, 131, 132, 290,
29X, 426, 427.
Sandler, N., 379.
Saphir (or Sappir?), Jacob, 337.
409.
Sar Shalom Gaon, 51.
Sarah, 337.
Sarjadah, sons of, 290.
Sarjadah, Aaron, 4, 112-117,
240, 241, 250, 120, 121, 266,
123, 125-128, 280, 290,
394, 426, 428.
Sassanids, 94, 102.
Satanow, Isaac, 405.
Schapira, M. "VV., 348.
Schechter, S., 4, 5. 7, n, 12, 13,
15, 16, 17, 68, 78, 88, 105,
119, 121, 122, 151, 174. 179.
183, 184, 194, 286, 30s, 347,
361, 362, 366, 452, 317. 324,
332, 336, 340-342, 345-
348, 351-354, 381, 384,
386, 39l» 392, 396, 399.
400, 402, 407, 410-414.
418, 422.
Schmiedl, Adolf, 311, 485, 328,
377, 379-
Schnurrer, Chr. R, 319.
Schopenhauer, 191.
Schorr, J. H. (Osias). 27, 485.
Schorstein, N., 323.
Schreier, B., 319.
Schreiner, M., 134, 136, 530, 643,
378.
Schroter, R., 318, 320.
Schwab, Moise, 305.
Schwarz, A., 428.
Schwarzstein, J., 3x0, 315. 329-
Seligsohn, M., 387.
Seneca, 499.
Seybold, C. F., 375.
Shabbetai Donnolo, 44.
Shalom b. Mishael Gaon, 106.
Sheerit, 421, 427.
Shelah, 31, 230, 659.
Shem Tob Palquera, 279, 592',
366.
Sherira Gaon, 9, 10, 18, 64, 65,
147, 192, 194, 202, 99, 102-
106, 220-222, 224, 226, 228,
229, 232, HI, 239, 240, 258,
271, 273, 275, 126, 278, 280,
129, 281, 130, 276, 343.
344. 424.
Sidersky, D., 162, 164.
Simon Duran, 385.
Sionita, Gabriel, 308.
Sirach, 270.
Sirach, Book of, 198.
Slouschz, N., 403.
Slucki, D, 4S5», 371.
Society of Jewish Immigrants,
408.
Sokolow, N., 4, 410.
Solomon (King), 180, 293.
Solomon b. Adret, 280, 593.
Solomon Algazi, 342.
Solomon b. Elijah Sharbit ha-
Zahab, 331.
Solomon Ibn Gabirol, 153, 35^.
361, bottom.
Solomon Norzi, 309.
Solomon Ibn Parhon, 278, 590-
Spiegel, H., 393, 325.
Stein, L., 379.
Steinitz, L., 151.
Steinschneider, M., 3, 22, 23, 34,
27, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 45, 46,
442
SAADIA GAON
69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 82, 84,
85, 102, 133, 134, I3S, 151, 191.
194, 195, 207, 240, 241, 278.
281, 282, 292, 293, 295, 299, 300,
303-305. 308, 323, 324, 333,
341, 342, 357, 359. 2,72, 376,
387-390, 394, 402, 403, 405,
411, 422, 430, 436, 437, 452,
455, 455% 461, 479, 480, 483,
514. 532. 572, 574. 576, 578,
580, 582, 584, 585, 589, 592,
592*. 596, 599, 606, 607, 611,
616, 622, 631, 636, 640, 652,
306, 307, 312, 313, 315-
318, 320-335, 338-342,
344-351, 353-370, 373-
377, 379-381, 383-389,
395-401, 403-408, 426,
427.
Stern, G., 594.
Stern, Ludwig, 191.
Stoics, 189.
Strack, H., 399.
Sulzberger, M., 151, 4i3-
Tabbarani ha-Medakdek, 36.
Tabernacle, 186, 187.
Tal, G., 191.
Talmud, 148, 157, I59, 161,
162, 164, 165, 184, 197,
461, 235, 518, 382.
Tarn (see Jacob Tarn).
Tanhum Jerushalmi, 241.
Tannaim, 97.
Tatnai, 385.
Taubeles, S. A., 3, 191.
Templer, B., 380.
Thabit b. Kurrah, 2,7-
Thales of Miletus, 181.
Theodor, J., 500, 528\
Tibbonides, 288, 631.
Tisserant, E., 311.
Tobiah b. Eliezer. 286, 288,
629.
Tobit, Book of, 333.
Tosafists, 287, 624, 636, 289.
Tschernowitz, Ch., 151.
Tycocinsky, H., 597.
'Ubaid Allah, 72. 77. 100.
Ukba, 103.
\'ogeI stein, H., 648.
Weil, Gustav, 255, 260.
Weill, Michel A., 520, 375.
Weiss, I. H., 18, 32, 48, 191, 271.
281, 357. 328, 351.
Wertheimer, S. A., 360, 452,
337, 343, 349, 355, 397-
Wiener, Max, 481.
Wolff, M., 328, 372, 374, 377.
Worman, E. J., 48, 49.
Wiinsche, August, 509'.
Wiistenfeld, F, 4, 37. 38, 77, 100.
Wunderbar, Reuben J., 400.
Yahuda, A. S., 344. 5«6-
Yannai, 13, 44, 50, I39-
Yeliudai Gaon, 272, 573.
Yellin, D., 418.
Yom-Tob Kahana Gaon, 106.
Zedekiah, 133.
Zedekiah b. Abraham 'Anaw,
625.
Zedner, Josef, 191.
Zemah b. Hayyim, 194.
Zemah b. Joshua, 153.
Zemah b. Kafnai, 123.
Zemah b. Paltoi, 51, 272.
Zemah b. Shahin, 107, 108, 243.
Ziyad b. Halfiui, 77.
Ziyadat Allah, 47.
Zuckermandel, M. S., 513.
Zunz, L., 18, 41, 84, 195, 331.
334. 342, 343. 458, 513. 598,
329, m, 335, 339, 340,
341, 351, 365, 367, 368,
407.
INDEX OF TITLES
OF SAADIA's ARABIC WRITINGS MENTIONED IN THE BOOK
(Mostly in Transliterated Form)
VKn^x ns^nTN, 427-
riym^K oxdhn, 163, 345.
nmn idnd^k, 343, 344.
nJti'o iv)r2) D^y-iT tbXD^x, 344.
nJtJ'o^N tiNQ^K, 344.
nny^K rioxpx, 427.
n^s^y^K mn nsn, 456.
^ny^s nxn, 456.
n^nin^N nxn, 456.
nNtrxm, 433, 427.
INDJK^N nn, 397-
riiyoD^N y^Kitr, 400.
li^nTN^K nsns, 316, 407-
-Kpnys^Ki DKJNox^N 3KnD
nxn, 25, 67, 119, 293, 167,
391, 398, 411. 416, 440, 442,
443, 193-262, 265-268,
576-578, 592, 618, 289, 290,
315, 321, 323-326, 345,
350, 359-376, 378, 385.
389, 398, 400, 401.
^Nhas^N axnD, 388.
nsDDK^K nxriD, 402.
nx^vriDK^K 3xnD, 317.
ns^nnyx^x 3NnD,, 388, 394.
nu, 330.
. . . ^xtDnx yo3^K ns'nD, 427.
iniD!?^ ri^n^K yo3 nt^riD, 427.
y^xiE'^N yoi nxnD, 427.
ni^^^i? 3^:1 nxnD, 330, 427.
inr 3NnD, 456.
iiKD^x nxna^N'. 269, 387,
389, 394.
fioDn^K n^D n«n3, 320.
niDio^K nNDD, 163, 347.
DN^p^N ^^y n^N noD asn^.
401.
SIB'S^K 3XnD, 391, 402.
159, 341. 400.
nnxiD^K nxn^, 353, 163, 164,
376, 400, 348.
Hn^jd^x 3Kn3, 347.
nny^N nt^n^, 352, 381.
y^K^t^'^K ^^y dn^p^k nsnD
n''yoD!?N, 400.
153, 387, 198, 446, 211,
267 f., 384-387.
f'oxnriD^x ^^y n^x nxriD,
266, 384, 402.
n"'1PXD px ^"PV Tl^X 2Xr)D,
265, 349, 382.
py ^^y m^x 3xn2. 46, 53,
58, 263, 380, 422.
p^xrn^xi HixntJ'^xaxnD, X63,
370, 376, 345-
^jxnzy^x nytj'^x nxna, 139.
yxnti'^x nxnn, 342, 400.
inxn^x nxnD, 172, 393, 353,
396.
mnrxi nnsin nxn^, 418.
-ttD^x y"'xn:^^x ^'»vnn nxns
iriy, 400.
T^^DD^X 3XnD, 293, 263, 380-
383, 385, 400.
n'l^Dn^x nxn:D, 320.
^nyn^x nxn^, 321.
^Di^xi c'j-i^x nriD, 297, 396.
Hj^^x (3xn3) nns, 45, 293,
139, 297, 303, 192, 271
277, 583, 307, 395.
443
444
SAADIA GAON
mnt:i nK'20 -ivnso. 348.
f^KDO, 350.
iry nn 10 ^•'s^do. 427-
nnc^s :n"id ••s 'ri^KPo. 399.
Tnin^x H'TNpa, 456.
ri'hi^, 338.
396.
Xm^X ^D ^IP, 163, 164, 347-
(Hmn^N) mc', 145.
(nnin^?) "i"'2D ni^, 145. 316.
IDL"D nL"yo mt;', 312-
lx"iP^K, 308.
:xn, 309.
ni3xf"2 ni2N n'oan. 162, 366.
344, 397-
DID nnx TDDn. 315. 347.
396, 427.
iio^n^x ibxD^s n^DDD, 343,
344.
m^v ^\^'2'?r\ tddd. 427.
HEBREW
nxn n^ni ^{i'SJ n^'^x. 338.
D^DIDI^^DH px. 404.
injK, 3, 39.41.43, 45.50, 53,
293,138,297, 149. 387, 412',
548, 271, 306, 307. 387-
nnmn mti-y m;N. 407-
nnyo m nrnix. 339.
niinTK, 150, 152, 316, 331,
335.
ncc'j "'n^N. 333.
DiPD n^ □"n^N, 338.
nx^3 niDN. 346.
DnyiJ' nymx, 151, 169, 387.
352, 397, 415, 416.
mK'P3. 153. 154. 331. 332.
TiD^nn "'Dii. 342.
ni:yt:'"in. 149. 333, 334-
m: nn^n. 293. 163, 349. 397-
r^pi-i niD^n. 369, 397.
nn^n'j' nn'^n. 347. 349.
p^sn nisi^n. 397-
D't3D'^cn n^xi TDDn. 314.
396, 427.
153. 341-
niytr'' T'Dsn. 317-
nxs'of'N nxriD -i^dqd. 44, 58,
64. \sh 293, 297, 141, 303.
177-193. 198, 446. 203,
204, 506, 548, 576, 280, 603,
284, 609, 288, 290, 307,
315. 349, 355-359. 362,
398, 400, 427-
327.
M^:n -iE3D "T'DDn. 391.
140, 307.
nmy^x i^Dsn, 163, 315, 346,
396.
nx-o^D^K nc'y^'K i^Dcn. 406-
408.
nnmn myy n^Dsn, 407.
(Hmn^s) i^Dcn, 143, 145.
TITLES
niDpn, 149. 336.
nnyo 211 mv 154, 332, 333-
nrnixn ^y nirnn. 339.
niy^Pn ^oyo, 315, 335.
min "iDD. 309.
D"'t:ipX 167, 334, 350 f.
nmtynn "idd's DncN'o. 363.
nn^ny i^:d, 405.
^jiDi^'n "22 n'?iD. 173. 355.
isrnn mano. 349. 408.
;it<3 nnyo ^riD'o. 402.
pnpin nDt<^o. 405.
nvnixn pj'o. 339-
HjinD mJD'o. 163. 348.
nnyo 3"i i^P^ 303. 395-
pN*j nnyo 21 nnD. 147-150,
167, 171, 290, 316, 329-
335, 3i8, 350, 427.
"ii^yn (i*,D) "lie, 169, 352.
INDEX OF TITLES
445
336.
D^KiioKi D^KJn -no, 357, 173,
354. 397.
nirr'^D, 149, i5i» 154. 334-
niyim niJi^oxn idd* 202, 292,
280, 283, 461, 462, 603,
607, 284, 285, 636, 289,
315. 327, 340, 366, 369-
377. 385.
n^^iijn HDD, 404-
••"i^an "nsD, 239, us, 119, 293,
297, 3&2, 387, 173, 524, 268-
271, 650. 306, 353, 354,
355, 384. 385, 387-394,
396, 402, 417.
m^nn idd, 264, 380.
nm^ n^joi insr idd, 151. 86,
184. 168, 169, 352, 415-
418.
n-int3i nxroii nsD, 163, 348.
nin^n iqd, 266, 384.
mtj'n^n 120, 344.
innon nsD, 264, 380.
nnyion nsD, 183. 184, 169,
387, 352, 415-417-
nunon isd, 163, 348.
ipnicni nnsn "isd, 367.
mny 1DD, 396.
niJi'nD nsD, 456.
nnt36^ nsD, 345.
nnsni n'-nnn nso, 363-367.
nnyo iJm ^t^' nni^nn "idd,
362.
miny, 149, 330, 331, 334,
338.
nn^tj' nB'y, 315. 403.
ni^Htj' nnK'y, 364.
inn^ poTD, 336-338.
nnyo i:m^ dvs, 339-
P1DD, 330, 332.
(nrn^sn n^K^ ^y) ti^no, 156.
Kinn K33 nsDo ^y t^ns, 162.
xy^vro N32 DDDo ^y t'nD, 162.
nsDo ^y pk:) nnyo m cna
nmn, 352. 161, 162,343.
nnK^ Dnro ^"m ^y ti^ns
nnyo n^n^n?o, 283, 648,
327.
^K'*:)! t^'nD. 404.
nnno mo ^y ti^na. 162, 365.
387, 590, 343-
ntJiD riDDD ^y y^ns, 162.
m^v^ ncD ::'nD, 622. 404.
nn?Dn idd ci'ns, 405.
n^noD riDDo ^y tj^ns, 162.
nno mtj^y c'^tj' ti^ns, 352,
159, 357, 548. 342, 405.
niJi?ot<n TDD inns, 361.
m?Di^n inns, 405.
mnyn (idd) inns, 346.
3"i^ nmn ni^o n^v^n inns
px^ nnyD, 307.
nnyn p::'^ mnv (idd), 299-
trnpn pa^^ nin^ (isd), 299-
px: nnyo um t^•nD ny n^np,
325.
mK^i, 335.
niy^^s ^31 ni^stj', 365,
no^n nync', 396.
nrn1^<^ i>v ^'i^, 154-157, 548,
300, 339, 409.
n^^:o c'^tj', 323, 324.
nw)ii itj'y n^2^, 322, 405.
ti'innn iy:i', 456.
nin^n nyti', 456.
ynon iv^, 456.
pnvn nyc, 456.
nnDin, 151, 153. 338.
K'npn ^}2l nn^in, 173, 354.
nijnn, 149, 150, 334*
ppn, 408.
n^oD''^^ ppn, 300.
]w'?^ nnmn mt^'y D^nn,
••nny, 408.
niVD j"nn, 150, 548, 330.
Only when the Hebrew alone is quoted.
446
SAADIA GAON
lyiun '?v nai^^'n. 384.
n13^t^'n. 165-167, 3^7, 290,
349-
*ij ^y . . . D'P^inn ^y nnv^n
nntj'. 399-
nnyo "um nniK'n, 364.
nnyo um^ ni^NC niivj'n
|1i<3, 364.
Bible (translation and commen-
taries in general) 141-146,
162, 176, 308-311 ; Penta-
teuch (translation of) 306,
146, 400, 402, 316 ; Genesis
(commentary on), 293, 416,
198, 446. 312. 313, 426;
Exodus 198,446, 313,314,
351, 426, 428; Leviticus
314. 315, 335, 426, 428;
Deuteronomy 315 (but see p.
426); Earlier Prophets 316;
Isaiah 293, 317; Jeremiah
and Ezekiel 318; Minor
Prophets 318; Psalms 146,
400, 576, 318-320; Proverbs
293. 307. 146, 400, 418. 315,
320; Job 146, 400, 418,
198, 446, 321 ; Five Scrolls
321-325; Daniel 325; Ezra
and Nehemiah 326; Chron-
icles 327.
Couplet on Purim, 339.
Diary, fragment of. 60 ff.. 422,
425.
Letters, fragments of. 54 ff.,
64, 81, 168. 82, 84, 177.
169, 352; 410-413, 418,
422, 425,
Mishnah. commentaries on, 642.
Recipe, 299.
Refutation of Ben Asher, 399.
Refutation of Daniel Al Kumisi,
387. 384, 399.
Refutation of Ben Zuta, 384,
398.
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